12776	----	DAVE DARRIN AT VERA CRUZ Fighting with the U.S. Navy in Mexico by H. IRVING HANCOCK CONTENTS CHAPTERS I. Ready for Fight or Frolic II. At the Mercy of a Bully III. The Junior Worm Turns IV. The Ward-Room Hears Real News V. Watching and Waiting--Behind the Guns VI. First to Invade Mexico VII. Dave Darrin to the Rescue VIII. Disobedience of Orders IX. Cantor Finds His Chance X. Dave is Stung to the Quick XI. A Brother Officer's Whisper XII. The Man of the Evil Eye XIII. "After the Rascal!" XIV. A "Find" of a Bad Kind XV. Ready for Vera Cruz XVI. In the Thick of the Snipping XVII. Mexicans Become Suddenly Meek XVIII. In the House of Surprises XIX. A Traitor in the Service XX. The Skirmish at the Diligencia XXI. A Rescue and a "Facer" XXII. Playing Birdman in War XXIII. The Dash for the Traitor XXIV. Conclusion CHAPTER I READY FOR FIGHT OR FROLIC "Do you care to go out this evening, Danny boy?" asked Dave Darrin, stepping into his chum's room. "I'm too excited and too tired," confessed Ensign Dalzell. "The first thing I want is a hot bath, the second, pajamas, and the third, a long sleep." "Too bad," sighed Dave. "I wanted an hour's stroll along Broadway." "Don't let my indolence keep you in," urged Dalzell. "If you're going out, then I can have the first hot bath, and be as long about it as I please. Then I'll get into pajamas and ready for bed. By that time you'll be in and we can say `good night' to each other." "I feel a bit mean about quitting you," Dave murmured. "And I feel a whole lot meaner not to go out with you," Dan promptly assured his chum. "So let's compromise; you go out and I'll stay in." "That sounds like a very odd compromise," laughed Darrin. "On the whole, Dan, I believe I won't go out." "If that's the way you feel," argued Dalzell, "then I'm going to change my mind and go out with you. I won't be the means of keeping you from your stroll." "But you really don't want to go out," Dave objected. "Candidly, I don't care much about going out; I want that bath and I'm tired. Yet in the good old cause of friendship---" "Friendship doesn't enter in, here," Dave interposed. "Danny boy, you stay here in the hotel and have your bath, I'll go out and pay my very slight respects to Broadway. Doubtless, by the time you're in pajamas, I'll be back, and with all my longing for wandering satisfied." "Then, if you really don't mind---" "Not at all, old chap! So long! Back in a little while." Through the bathroom that connected their two rooms at the Allsordia Hotel, Dave Darrin stepped into his own apartment. Having donned coat and top-coat, Darrin picked up his new derby hat and stepped to his room door. In another half minute he was going down on the elevator. Then he stepped into the street. Dave Darrin was young, healthy, happy, reasonably good-looking. His top-coat and gray suit were well tailored. Yet, save for his erect, military carriage, there was nothing to distinguish him from the thousands of average well-dressed young men who thronged Broadway after dark on this evening in late March. For perhaps fifteen blocks he strolled uptown. All that he saw on that gaily lighted main thoroughfare of New York was interesting. It was the same old evening crowd, on pleasure bent. Then, crossing over to the east side of Broadway, Dave sauntered slowly back. Laughing girls eyed the young naval officer as he passed. Drivers of taxicabs looked the young man over speculatively, as though wondering whether he might be inveigled into going on a, to them, profitable round of New York's night sights. Human harpies, in the form of "confidence men"---swindlers on the lookout for prey---glanced but once at the young naval ensign, then looked away. Dave Darrin's erect carriage, his clear steady eyes, his broad shoulders and evident physical mastery of himself made these swindlers hesitate at the thought of tackling him. Through the occasionally opened doors of the restaurants came the sounds of music and laughter, but Dave felt no desire to enter. He was several blocks on his homeward way, and was passing the corner of a side street quieter than the others, when he heard a woman's stifled cry of alarm. Halting, bringing his heels together with a click, and throwing his shoulders back, Darrin stopped on the corner and looked down the street. Five or six doors away, close to a building, stood a young woman of not more than twenty-two. Though she was strikingly pretty, Dave did not note that fact in the first glance. He saw, however, that she was well dressed in the latest spring garments, and that her pose was one of retreat from the man who stood before her. That the man had the external appearance of the gentleman was the \ first fact Darrin observed. Then he heard the young woman's indignant utterance: "You coward!" "That is a taunt not often thrown at me," the young man laughed, carelessly. "Only a coward would attempt to win a woman's love by threats," replied the girl, more calmly, though bitterness rang in her tone. "As for you, I wish to assure you that I am quite through with you!" "Oh, no, you're not!" rejoined the annoyer, with the air of one who knows himself to be victor. "In fact, you will do very much as I wish, or your brother---" "You coward!" spoke the girl, scornfully again. "If your brother suffers, your pride will be in the dust," insisted the annoyer, "and, remember, I, alone, can save your brother from disgrace." "I am not even going to ask you to do it," retorted the young woman. "And now our interview is over. I am going to leave you, and I shall not see you again. I-----" "Going to leave me, are you?" leered her tormentor. He stepped forward, holding out his hand, as though to seize the young woman's wrist, but she alertly eluded him. "If you try again to touch me, or if you attempt to follow me," warned the young woman, "I shall appeal for assistance." So absorbed were the disputants in their quarrel that neither had noticed Darrin, standing on the corner. The tormentor's face flushed, then went white, "Make your appeal," he dared, "and see what happens!" Again he attempted to take the girl by the wrist. "Can I be of service, madam?" inquired Darrin, as he strode toward them. Like a flash, the annoyer wheeled upon Darrin, his eyes flashing dangerously. "Young man," he warned, threateningly, "the best thing you can possibly do will be to make yourself scarce as quickly as possible. As for this young woman-----" The tormentor moved a step nearer to the young woman, whose face had turned very pale. Dave slipped quietly between them. "As this young woman does not wish to talk with you," Darrin suggested, "you may address all your remarks to me." While the two young men stood eyeing each other Darrin noted that the young woman's annoyer was somewhat taller than himself, broader of shoulder and deeper of chest. He had the same confidence of athletic poise that Dave himself displayed. In a resort to force, it looked as though the stranger would have the better of it. Yet this stranger seemed suddenly deprived of much of his assurance. Plainly, there was some good reason why he did not wish to fight on this side street so close to Broadway. "Madam," inquired Darrin, half turning, "may I have the pleasure of escorting you to your friends?" "If you will call a taxi-----" she began, eagerly. At that moment a fareless taxicab turned the corner of Broadway and came slowly down the street. "Hold on, chauffeur!" cried Darrin, in a voice of command. Then, as the cab stopped at the curb, Dave turned his back upon the tormentor for a moment, while he assisted the young woman into the taxicab. "Do you feel satisfied to go without escort," asked Darrin, "or may I offer my services in seeing you safely to your home?" "I shall be all right now," replied the young woman, the troubled look in her lustrous brown eyes vanishing as she favored her unknown defender with a smile. "If the driver will stop, two blocks from here, I will direct him where to take me." "Step aside, boy!" ordered the unknown man, as he tried to brush Dave away and enter the cab. It was no time for gentle measures. Ensign Darrin's right fist landed heavily on the face of the stranger, sending him prone to the sidewalk. At a wave of Dave's hand the chauffeur started away. Scenting trouble, the chauffeur drove as fast as he could down the side street, making the round of the block, then heading into Broadway and going uptown, for the young woman had called out her destination. As for the stranger whom Dave had knocked down, the fellow was on his feet like a flash. Ignoring Darrin, he tried to dash down the side street after the taxicab. "Step back!" ordered Dave, catching hold of the fellow, and swinging him around. "You're not going to follow." "I must have the number of that taxicab," cried the stranger, desperately. "Too late," smiled Dave, as he saw the taxicab turn the next corner. "You won't learn the number. I happened to see it, though," he added incautiously. "Give it to me, then," commanded the other. "I'll overlook what you've done if you truthfully give me the number of that taxicab. Find that girl I must, and as early as possible. Though I know her well, and her family, too, I do not know where to look for them in New York." Dave, without a word, turned as though to walk toward Broadway. "Give me that taxi's number," insisted the stranger. "I won't," Dave returned, flatly. "Give me that number, or-----" "Or what?" drawled Darrin halting and glancing contemptuously at the furious face before him. "Or I'll pound the number out of you!" came the ugly challenge. "Go ahead," Dave invited, coolly. "I don't mind a fight in the least, though perhaps you would, for I see a policeman coming up the street. He would be bound to arrest both of us. Perhaps you have better reasons than I have for not courting the activities of the police." It was plain that a fearful, even though brief struggle, took place in the stranger's mind before he made reply to Dave's taunt. "I'll find you again, and the next time you shall not get off so easily," muttered the other. "Depend upon it, I shall see you again!" With that the stranger walked toward Broadway. Smiling, Dave strolled more slowly after him. By the time the naval ensign reached the corner of that great artery of human life, the stranger had lost himself in the crowds of people that thronged Broadway. "If I see him again within twenty-four hours, I think I shall know him," laughed Darrin. "My first blow put a red welt on his cheek for purposes of identification." Then Darrin finished his walk, turning in at the Allsordia. Dan Dalzell had also finished his bath, and lounging comfortably in his pajamas, was reading a late edition of the evening newspaper. "Have any fun?" asked Ensign Dalzell, glancing up. "Just a little bit of a frolic," smiled Darrin, and told his chum what had happened. "I'm glad you punched the scoundrel," flared Danny Grin. "I couldn't do anything else," Dave answered soberly, "and if it weren't for the shame of treating a woman in such high-handed fashion as that fellow did, I'd look upon the whole affair as a pleasant diversion." "So he's going to look for you and find you, then settle up this night's business with you, is he?" demanded Dalzell, with one of the grins that had made him famous. "Humph! If he finds you after ten o`clock to-morrow morning, it will be aboard one of our biggest battleships and among fifteen hundred fighting men." "I'm afraid I shall never see him again," sighed Dave. "It's too bad, too, for I'm not satisfied with the one blow that I had the pleasure of giving him. I'd like to meet the fellow in a place where I could express and fully back up my opinion of him." "I wonder if you'll ever meet him again?" mused Dalzell, aloud. "It's not worth wondering about," Dave returned. "I must get into my bath now. I'll be out soon." Fifteen minutes later Darrin looked into the room, saying good night to his chum. Then he retired to his own sleeping room; five minutes later he was sound asleep. No strangers to our readers are Dave Darrin and Dan Dalzell "Darry" and "Danny Grin," as they were known to many of their friends. As members of that famous schoolboy group known as Dick & Co. they were first encountered in the pages of the _"Grammar School Boys Series."_ All our readers are familiar with the careers in sport and adventure that were achieved by those splendid Gridley boys, Dick Prescott, Dave Darrin, Greg Holmes, Dan Dalzell, Tom Reade and Harry Hazelton. The same boys, a little older and twice as daring, were again found in the pages of the _"High School Boys Series,"_ and then immediately afterward in the _"High School Boys' Vacation Series."_ It was in the _"Dick Prescott Christmas Series"_ that we found all six of our fine, manly young friends in the full flower of high school boyhood. A few months after that the six were separated. The further fortunes of Dick Prescott and Greg Holmes are then found in the _"West Point Series,"_ while the careers of Darrin and Dalzell are set forth in the _"Annapolis Series,"_ just as the adventures of Reade and Hazelton are set forth in the _"Young Engineers Series."_ At Annapolis, Darrin and Dalzell went through stirring times, indeed, as young midshipmen. Now, we again come upon them when they have become commissioned officers in the Navy. They are now seen at the outset of their careers as ensigns, ordered to duty aboard the dreadnought "_Long Island_" in the latter part of March, 1914. Certainly the times were favorable for them to see much of active naval service, though as yet they could hardly more than guess the fact. General Huerta, who had usurped the presidency of Mexico following the death---as suspected, by assassination---of the former president Madero---had not been recognized as president by the United States. Some of Madero's friends and former followers, styling themselves the "Constitutionalists" had taken to the field in rebellion against the proclaimed authority of the dictator, Huerta. The two factions had long fought fiercely, and between the two warring parties that had rapidly reduced life in Mexico, to a state of anarchy, scores of Americans had been executed through spite, as it was alleged, and American women and children had also suffered at the hands of both factions. Lives and property of citizens of European governments had been sacrificed, and now these European governments looked askance at the Washington government, which was expected to safeguard the rights of foreigners in Mexico. To the disappointment and even the resentment of a large part of the people of the United States, the Washington government had moved slowly, expressing its hope that right would triumph in Mexico without outside armed interference. This policy of the national administration had become known as watchful waiting. Many approved of it; other Americans demanded a policy of active intervention in Mexico to end the uncertainty and the misery caused by the helpless of many nations, who were ground between the opposing factions of revolution in Mexico. With this brief explanation we will once more turn to the fortunes of Ensigns Dave and Dan. At 6.45 the next morning the telephone bell began to tinkle in Dave's room. It continued to ring until Darrin rose, took down the receiver, and expressed, to the clerk, on duty below, his thanks for having been called. "Turn out, Danny Grin!" Darry shouted from the bathroom. "Come, now, sir! Show a foot! Show a foot, sir!" Drowsily, Dalzell thrust one bare foot out from under the sheet. "Are you awake in sea-going order, sir?" Dave asked, jovially. "Aye, aye, sir." "Then remain awake, Mr. Dalzell, until I have been through the motions of a cold bath." With that Darrin shut the door. From the bathroom came the sounds of a shower, followed by much splashing. "Turn out the port watch, Mr. Dalzell," came, presently, through the closed bathroom door. "The bathroom watch is yours. Hose down, sir." With that Dave stepped into his own room to dress. It was not long before the two young naval officers left their rooms, each carrying a suit case. To the top of each case was strapped a sword, emblem of officer's rank, and encased in chamois-skin. Going below, the pair breakfasted, glancing, in the meantime, over morning newspapers. Just before nine-thirty that same morning, our young naval officers, bent on joining their ship, stepped along briskly through the Brooklyn Navy Yard. It was really an inspiring place. Sailors, marines and officers, too, were in evidence. In the machine shops and about the docks thousands of men were performing what once would have passed for the work of giants. Huge pieces of steel were being shaped; heavy drays carried these pieces of steel; monster cranes hoisted them aboard ships lying at the docks or standing shored up in the dry docks. There was noise in the air; the spirit of work and accomplishment pervaded the place, for word had come from Washington that many ships might soon be needed in Mexican waters. Eight dreadnoughts lay at their berths. Even as the boys crossed the great yard a cruiser was being warped in, after an eighteen-thousand mile voyage. Alongside floating stages in the basins lay submarines and torpedo boat destroyers. A naval collier was being coaled. A Navy launch was in sight and coming closer, bearing a draft of marines bound for duty on one of the battleships. Every sight spoke proudly of the naval might of a great nation, yet that might was not at all in proportion with the naval needs of such a vast country. "It does an American good, just to be in a place like this, doesn't it?" asked Danny Grin. "It does, indeed," Dave answered. Then, his bewilderment increasing, he turned to a marine who stood at a distance of some sixty feet from where he had halted. "My man!" Dave called. Instantly the marine wheeled about. Noting the suit cases, with the swords strapped to them, the marine recognized these young men in civilian attire as naval officers. Promptly his hand sought his cap visor in clean-cut salute, which both young ensigns as promptly returned. "Be good enough to direct me to the `_Long Island_,'" Darrin requested. "Yes, sir," and the marine, stepping closer, led the way past three large buildings. "There she is, over there, sir," said the marine, a minute later, pointing. "Shall I carry your suit cases, sir, to the deck?" "It won't be necessary, thank you," Darrin replied. "Very good, sir," and again the marine saluted. Returning the salute, the two young officers hurried forward. As they strode along, their eyes feasting on the strong, proud lines of the dreadnought on which they were to serve, their staunch young hearts swelled with pride. And there, over the battleship's stern, floated the Flag, which they had taken most solemn oath to defend with their lives and with their honor, whether at home, or on the other side of the world. In both breasts stirred the same emotions of love of country. Just then neither felt like speaking. They hastened on in silence. Up the gang-plank they strode. At a word from the officer on deck, two young sailors, serving as messengers, darted down the plank, saluting, then relieving the young officers of their suit cases. Up the gang-plank, and aboard, walked the young ensigns. First the eyes of Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell sought the Flag. Bringing their heels together, standing erect, they faced the Stars and Stripes, flying at the stern, bringing their hands up smartly in salute. The officer of the deck returned to the youngsters the salute on behalf of the Flag. Then Darrin and Dalzell approached the officer of the deck. "I am Ensign Darrin, and I report having come aboard, sir," said Dave. Dan reported his own arrival in similar terms. "My name is Trent," replied the officer of the deck, as he extended his right hand to each, in turn. "I hope you will like all of us; I know we shall like you." Then to the messengers Lieutenant Trent gave the order to carry the suit cases to the rooms assigned to the two new ensigns. Dave and Dan followed the messengers through a corridor that led past the ward-room. The messengers halted before the curtained doorways of adjoining rooms, bags in left hands, their right hands up in salute. "This is your room, sir," announced the messenger, in the precise tones of the service, while Dan's messenger indicated the other room. "Some kind fate must have given us adjoining rooms," laughed Dave, when he realized that the two doors stood side by side. As Darrin passed into his new quarters his first glance rested lovingly on the breech of a huge gun that pierced the armored side of the dreadnought. "That's great!" thought the young ensign, jubilantly. "I shall have an emblem and a constant reminder of my duty to the United States!" His second glance took in the polished top of a desk, over which hung an electric light. There is no door to an officer's room; instead, a curtain hangs in place, screening the room from outside view. At one side, in the cabin, was another curtain, this screening the alcove in which lay the berth. But Darrin did not stop to study his new quarters just then. There was a duty first to be performed. Opening his suit case, he took out the trousers and blouse of the blue undress uniform. Into this he changed as rapidly as he could, after which he brushed his hair before the little mirror, then put on his cap. Next he fastened on his sword belt, after which he hung his sword at his side. An anxious head-to-foot glance followed, and Ensign Darrin found himself spick and span. Now he stepped to Dan's door, calling in: "May I come in, old fellow?" "I'll be in a strange state of mind if you don't," Danny Grin answered. Ensign Dalzell was putting the finishing touches to his own rapid toilet. "I'm going to help myself to your card case," announced Dave, who already held a card of his own. Adding Dan's to that, Ensign Darrin stepped to the doorway, glancing quickly about him. "Sentry!" Dave called. "Sir!" answered a marine, stepping forward and giving the customary salute. "Pass the word for a messenger, sentry!" "Aye, aye, sir." In a twinkling the messenger arrived, saluting. "Take these cards to the captain, with the respectful compliments of Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell, and state that they await his permission to report to him." "Aye, aye, sir." In less than a minute the messenger returned, stating that the captain would receive them at once. Captain Gales, a heavily-built, stately-looking man of fifty, rose from his desk in his office as the two young ensigns stepped through the door. The young men saluted their commander, then stood rigidly at attention. "Mr. Darrin?" asked the captain, extending his hand, which Dave promptly clasped. Then Dan was greeted. "Glad to have you with us," was all the captain said. Then, to the marine orderly who stood just within the door: "Show these gentlemen to the executive officer." "He didn't ask after our folks, nor even if we liked the looks of the ship," Dalzell complained, in a whisper, as they followed the orderly. "Be silent, Danny Grin!" urged Darrin, rebukingly. "This is no time for jesting." Commander Bainbridge, the executive officer, received the young officers in his quarters. He proved to be more communicative, talking pleasantly with them for fully a minute and a half after the young men had introduced themselves, and had turned over to him the official papers connecting them with this dreadnought's personnel. "Let me see, Mr. Dalzell," said Lieutenant Commander Bainbridge, referring to a record book on his desk, "you will be in Lieutenant Trent's division. Find Mr. Trent on the quarter deck and report to him. Mr. Darrin, you are assigned to Lieutenant Cantor's division. I will have an orderly show you to Mr. Cantor." Dan departed first, walking very erect and feeling unusually elated, for Dalzell had thoroughly liked the appearance of Trent in their brief meeting, and believed that he would be wholly contented in serving under that superior. While Dave's quarters were on the port side of the ship, Cantor's proved to be on the right side. The messenger halted before a curtained doorway, rapping. "Who's there?" called a voice inside. "Messenger, sir, showing Ensign Darrin to Lieutenant Cantor, sir." "Then you may go, messenger. Darrin, wait just an instant won't you, until I finish my toilet." "Very good, sir." A moment later the hail came from within. "Right inside, Darrin!" Dave entered, to find a somewhat older officer standing with extended hand. But Ensign Darrin could not believe his eyes when he found himself faced by the man who had annoyed the young woman on the night before---and that annoyer standing there erect and handsome in the uniform of a Navy lieutenant! CHAPTER II AT THE MERCY OF A BULLY Their hands met, but in light clasp, without pretense of warmth. Then Darrin fell back, bringing his right hand mechanically to a salute as he mumbled: "I am Ensign Darrin, sir, and have been ordered, by the executive officer, to report to you for duty in your division." "Very good, Mr. Darrin," rejoined the lieutenant. "My division goes on watch at eight bells noon. You will report to me on the quarter deck at that time." "Very good, sir." With a quick step Lieutenant Cantor reached the curtain, holding it slightly aside and peering out into the passage-way. His face was red, but there was one portion that was redder still. "I see," Dave reflected, "that Cantor still wears the welt that I printed on his cheek last night. But it staggers me," he thought, gravely, "to find such a fellow holding an officer's commission in the Navy." Satisfied that there were no eavesdroppers near, Lieutenant Cantor stepped back, facing the young ensign, whom he looked over with an expression of mingled hate and distress. "I believe we have met before," said Cantor, with a quick, hissing indrawing of his breath. "To my very great regret, we have, sir," Darrin answered, coldly. "Last night!" "Yes, sir." "And you behaved abominably, Darrin!" "Indeed, sir?" "You interfered," Lieutenant Cantor continued, "with one of the most important affairs of my life." "Yes, sir? With one of the most shameful, I should imagine, sir." Ensign Darrin's tone was officially respectful, but his glance cold. He felt no respect for Cantor, and could see no reason why he should pretend respect. "I had a strong belief that I should see you again," Cantor continued, his gleaming eyes turned on the new ensign. "You knew me to be of the Navy, sir?" "I did not, Darrin, nor did you know me to be of the Navy. Otherwise, it is not likely that you would have behaved as you did." "If I had known you to be the fleet admiral, Mr. Cantor, my conduct could not have been different, under the circumstances." "Darrin, you are a fool!" hissed the division officer. "I am much obliged to you, sir, for your good opinion," Dave answered, in an even voice. For an instant the lieutenant frowned deeply. Then his face cleared. His glance became almost friendly as he continued: "Darrin, I think it probable that you will have a chance to repair your bad work of last night." "Sir?" "Last night you told me that you had noted the number of the taxicab in which the young woman escaped me." "I did, sir." "Perhaps you still remember that number. Indeed, I am sure that you must." "I do remember the number, sir." "What was it?" asked Cantor, eagerly. "That number, sir, so far as I am concerned," Ensign Darrin answered, tranquilly, "is a woman's secret." "It is a secret which I have a right to know," Lieutenant Cantor went on pressingly. "The number, sir, I would not dream of giving you without the permission of the young woman herself," Darrin answered, slowly. "As I do not even know her name, it is unlikely that I shall be able to secure that permission." "Darrin, it is my right to receive an answer to my question," insisted Cantor, his eyes glittering coldly. "You will have to find out from some one other than myself, then," was Dave's calm answer. "Darrin, you force me to tell you more than I really ought to tell. I am going to marry that young woman!" "Is the young woman aware of your intentions, sir?" Dave demanded, quietly. "Yes! Darrin, I tell you, I am going to marry that young woman, and it is most imperative that I should see her as early as possible. Give me the number of that taxicab, and I can find the driver and learn where he took her. Now, what are you smiling at, Darrin?" "It struck me, sir, that you should already know the address of a young woman whom you are engaged to marry." Lieutenant Cantor repressed an exclamation of impatience and bit his lips. "Of course I know her home address," he deigned to reply, "but she is not a New Yorker. Her home is at a considerable distance, and I do not know where to find her in New York. Give me that taxicab number and I shall be able to secure shore leave. By this evening I shall have found her." "You do not expect me to wish you luck in a matter like this, sir?" Ensign Darrin inquired. "I expect you to give me the number of that taxicab, and at once," replied Cantor. He did not raise his voice, but there was compelling fury in his tone. "I have already declined to do that, sir," Dave insisted. "Darrin, do you realize that I am your superior?" demanded the lieutenant. "I am aware, sir, that you are my superior officer," Darrin answered, with strong emphasis on the word "officer." "And you refuse to please me in a trifling matter?" "Pardon me, sir, but from the little that I saw and heard, I cannot believe that your discovery of her address would be regarded by the young woman as a trifling matter." "Do you persist in refusing to tell me that taxicab number?" hissed Lieutenant Cantor. "Sir, as a gentleman, I must," Dave rejoined. For a full half minute Lieutenant Cantor stared at his subordinate in speechless anger. Then, when he could command his voice somewhat, he resumed: "Oh, very good, you---you young---puppy!" Another brief interval of silence, and the lieutenant continued, in a crisp, official tone: "Mr. Darrin, go to the division bulletin board and get an accurate copy of the roster of the division. Also make a copy of our station bills. You will then report to me on the quarter deck just before eight bells, noon." "Aye, aye, sir! Any further orders?" "None!" Cantor stood there, an appealing look in his eyes, but Dave, saluting, turned on his heel and went out. "So that is the fellow who is to teach me the duties and the ideals of the service," Dave Darrin reflected, disgustedly, as he stepped briskly around to port. "A magnificent prospect ahead of me, if I must depend upon the instructions and the official favor of a bully and a scoundrel like Cantor! And he can make it hot for me, too, if he has a mind to do so! Don't I know how easy that ought to be for him? I shall have, indeed, a lot of pleasure in my service on this ship, with Cantor for my division officer!" Mindful of orders, Darrin's first act was to copy the division roster and the station bills. These he took to his room, placing them in a drawer of the desk, for future study. For the present, he wanted to get out into the open air. Though Ensign Dalzell had been directed to report on the quarter deck, he was not now there. Dave walked about by himself until Lieutenant Trent came over and spoke to him. "Dalzell is busy, I suppose, sir?" Dave inquired. "Forward and below, directing the stowage of stores," replied Trent. "Have you been detailed to a division yet, Mr. Darrin?" "Yes, sir; to Lieutenant Cantor's division." "Ah, so?" inquired Trent. He did not say more, from which Dave wondered if Trent did not like Cantor. If such were the case, then Darrin's opinion of Lieutenant Trent would run all the higher. "Cantor is a very efficient officer," Trent said, after a pause, not long enough to be construed unfavorably. Dave did not answer this, for he could think of nothing to say. "Some of our newest youngsters haven't wholly liked him," Trout went on, with a smile. "I fancy that perhaps he works them a bit too grillingly." "After four years at the Naval Academy," smiled Ensign Darrin, "it puzzles me to understand how any officer can resent grilling." "You'll find life very different on one of these big ships," Lieutenant Trout continued. "You will soon begin to realize that we are in a cramped atmosphere. With fifteen hundred officers and men abroad there is barely elbow room at any time, and sometimes not that." "This ship looks big enough to carry a small city full of people," Darrin smiled. "See here!" Trent stepped to the starboard rail, looking forward. "Just look ahead, and see the magnificent distance to the bow," continued the officer of the deck. "We call a ship 'she,' Darrin, and let me assure you, 'she' is some girl! Look at the magnificent length and breadth. Yet, when we are at sea, you will soon begin to realize how cramped the life is." After chatting a little longer with Lieutenant Trent, Ensign Darrin started forward along the decks, taking in all he could see of this huge, floating castle. Presently he returned to the quarter-deck, but Lieutenant Trent was busy with a lieutenant of the marine guard. Dave stepped inside. Almost immediately he heard a step at his side. Glancing around, Dave looked into the face of Lieutenant Cantor. "A while ago I noticed you talking with Trent," Dave's division officer remarked, in a low voice. "Yes, sir." "Did you discuss me?" "Yes, sir." "What did you say, Darrin?" "I mentioned that you were my division officer." "Did Trent say anything?" "Mr. Trent said that you were a very efficient officer." "Did you tell him anything---about---er---about last night?" "Nothing," Dave answered. "Positive about that?" insinuated Cantor. "Sir," Dave answered, "I am an officer and, I trust---a gentleman." "Then you told Trent nothing about last night?" "I have already told you, sir, that I didn't." "Nor to anyone else on this ship?" pressed the lieutenant. "I told Dalzell, last night, that I had met with a stranger who was-----" "That will do!" snapped Cantor. "Very good, sir." "Have you told Dalzell about me since coming aboard?" "I have not." "And you won't?" pressed Cantor. "On that point, sir, I decline to pledge myself," Darrin responded, with unusual stiffness. "Darrin, do you want to make an enemy?" "Mr. Cantor, I never, at any time, wish to make an enemy. I am not trying to make one of you." "I will regard that as a promise from you," returned Cantor, then moved quickly away. "It would have been better," murmured Darrin, softly, turning and regarding the moving figure, "if you had heard me out. However, Mr. Cantor, though you are not now here to hear me say it, I did not promise silence. Yet it is difficult to conceive what would make me open my mouth on the subject of last night's happening. I have never been a tale-bearer, and, much as I may despise that fellow, and the affront that he offers the Navy, in remaining in the service, I fancy his secret is safe from all---except Dalzell. Danny and I haven't yet begun to have secrets from each other." Presently Dan Dalzell, wearing his sword and pulling on his white gloves as he came, appeared, walking aft. There was time only for a smiling nod, for Dave suddenly remembered, with a start that it was time for him to report for change of watch. Hastening down the passage-way Dave hung his sword on, then hastily rummaged the suit case for a pair of white gloves that he had previously tucked in there. Hastening, he reached the deck just as the watch was being changed. With quick step Ensign Darrin took his momentary post. Then, when the old watch had gone off duty, Lieutenant Cantor turned to his subordinate with a frown. "Ensign Darrin, you made a bad beginning, sir," declared the new watch officer, crisply. "In the future, I trust you will be more mindful of the responsibility of an officer in setting his men an example in punctuality. If this occurs again, sir, I shall feel it my duty to turn in report of your negligence!" Several men of the watch and two of the marine guard hoard this rebuke administered. Dave Darrin's face flushed, then paled from the humiliation of the rebuke. Yet he had been guilty of an actual breach of discipline, minor though it was, and could not dispute Cantor's right to reprove him. "I very much regret my negligence, sir," Dave answered, saluting, but he bit his lip in the same instant for he realized how thoroughly his superior officer enjoyed the privilege of administering the rebuke. From inside Dan Dalzell heard the words. At once, on the stroke of eight bells, the mess signal was hung to the breeze. While that flag flew no one was admitted to the battleship unless he belonged on board. Then appeared a little Filipino mess servant, who asked Dave and Dan to follow him to their assigned seats. "Am I permitted to go to mess, sir?" Dave asked of Lieutenant Cantor. "Yes," was the short answer. While the signal flew the sergeant of the marine guard was in charge at the quarter-deck gang plank. There was no need of a commissioned officer there. To their delight Darrin and Dalzell found themselves assigned to seats at the table together. Lieutenant Trent stepped down, introducing the new arrivals to the officers beside whom, and opposite whom they sat. "I was sorry to hear you get that calling down," Dalzell whispered to his chum, as soon as that was possible under the cover of the conversation of others. "Why did Lieutenant Cantor seem to enjoy his privilege so much?" After a covert glance, to make sure that he was not in danger of being overheard, Darrin replied, in an undertone: "Lieutenant Cantor was the man of whom I told you last night." "Not the-----" "Yes," Dave nodded. "But it seems incredible that an officer of our Navy could be guilty of any such conduct," Dalzell gasped, his eyes large with amazement. "Are you sure?" "Didn't you notice the welt on Mr. Cantor's cheek?" Dave asked, dryly. Danny Grin nodded, then fell silent over his plate. After the meal Lieutenant Trent saw to it that both the new ensigns were introduced to such officers as they had not met already. "We can't possibly remember all their names---scores of 'em!" gasped Dan, as the two young officers stood outside the mess. "We'll learn every name and face before very long," Darrin answered. "But I mustn't stand talking," Dave went on, as he again hung his sword at his side. "I'm on duty, and can't stand another call-down." "Are you going to tell what Cantor did last night?" Dan queried. "No; and don't you tell, either!" "Small fear of my babbling _your_ business, David, little Giant!" assured Dalzell. "You are strong enough to go in and slay your own Goliath." Drawing on his white gloves, Dave Darrin stepped alertly to the quarter deck, to find himself facing the frown of Lieutenant Cantor. CHAPTER III THE JUNIOR WORM TURNS "Wonder what my man has in store for me?" flashed through Dave's mind, as he saluted his division commander. But Cantor, after returning the salute, merely turned away to pace the deck. Presently, however, the lieutenant stepped over to Darrin, when the pair had the quarterdeck to themselves. "Are you going to tell me?" murmured the lieutenant, his burning gaze on the frank young face before him. "Tell you what, sir?" Dave asked. "That taxicab number?" "No, sir!" "Think!" "When I have decided that a given course of conduct is the only course possible to a gentleman," Ensign Darrin replied, "I have no further occasion to give thought to that subject." "Darrin, you might make me your friend!" urged his superior officer. "That would be delightful, sir." "Darrin, don't try to be ironical with me!" Dave remained silent. "If you don't care for me for your friend, Darrin," Cantor warned him, "it is possible, on the other hand, to make an enemy of me. As an enemy you would not find me wanting either in resource or opportunity." "Have you any orders for me, sir?" asked Darrin, coolly. That was as near as he could come, courteously, to informing Cantor that he wished from him none but official communications. "Pardon me, sir," said Cantor, and stepped away to salute Commander Bainbridge, who had just appeared on the quarter-deck. There was a low-toned conversation between the two officers. Then, as the pair exchanged salutes, and Bainbridge went on to the captain's quarters, Lieutenant Cantor came back to his selected victim. "Darrin, you will go below and finish the watch, loading stores in the number four hold. I will pass the word for the petty officer who will have charge under you, and he will show you to the hold. If you wish you may put on dungarees, for it is rough work down there." "My baggage has not come aboard, sir," Dave replied. "This is the only uniform I have." In his perturbed state of mind, it did not occur to the young ensign that he could draw dungarees---the brown overall suit that is worn by officers and crew alike when doing rough work about the ship, from the stores, nor did Cantor appear to notice his reply. The messenger came, and brought Riley, the coxswain of one of the gigs. "Coxswain, Ensign Darrin will take charge of the shipping of the stores in number four hold," Cantor announced. "Show him the way to the hold and receive his instructions." Dave was speedily engaged between decks, in charge of tire work of some twenty men of the crew. At the hatch above, a boatswain's mate had charge of the lowering of the stores. "It would be a pity to spoil your uniform, sir," declared Coxswain Riley. "If you'll allow me, sir, I'll spare you all of the dirtiest work." "To shirk my duty would be a bad beginning of my service on this ship," smiled Darrin. "Thank you, Coxswain, but I'll take my share of the rough work." The hold was close and stifling. Although a cool breeze was blowing on deck, there was little air in number two hold. In ten minutes Darrin found himself bathed in perspiration. Dust from barrels and packing cases hung heavy in that confined space. The grime settled on his perspiring face and stuck there. "Look out, sir, or you'll get covered with pitch from some of these barrels," Riley warned Dave, respectfully. "One uniform spoiled is nothing," Dave answered with a smile. "Do not be concerned about me." Officer and men were suffering alike in that close atmosphere. By the time the watch was ended Dave Darrin was truly a pitchy, soiled, perspiration-soaked sight. Danny Grin, who reported to relieve his chum, looked rough and ready enough in a suit of dungarees that he had drawn. "I should have had brains enough to remember that I, too, could have drawn dungarees," Dave grunted, as he and his chum exchanged salutes. Then the relieved young officer hastened above to report the completion of his duty to his division commander, who would be furious if kept waiting. Dave glanced toward Cantor's quarters, then realized that the lieutenant must still be on the quarter deck. In his haste to be punctual, Darrin forgot his sword and white gloves, which he had left in his own cabin on the way to duty between decks. Without these appurtenances of duty on the quarter-deck, Darrin made haste aft, found his division commander, saluted and reported his relief. "Mr. Darrin," boomed Cantor, in a tone of high displeasure, "don't you know that an officer reporting to the quarter-deck when in any but dungaree clothes, should wear his gloves and sword. Go and get them, sir---and don't keep me waiting beyond my watch time when I have shore leave!" Again red-faced and humiliated, Ensign Darrin saluted, wheeled, made haste to his quarters, then returned wearing sword and gloves. This time he saluted and made his report in proper form. "Mr. Darrin," said his division officer, scathingly, "this is the second time to-day that I have had to teach you the things you should have learned in your first week at Annapolis. You are making a bad beginning, sir." Dave saluted, but this time did not answer in words. "You may go, Mr. Darrin, and hereafter I trust to find in you a more attentive and clear-headed officer." Lieutenant Cantor did not hold his tone low. It is the privilege of an officer to rebuke an enlisted man publicly, and as severely as the offense warrants, and it is the further privilege of an officer to make his rebuke to a subordinate commissioned officer as sharp and stinging as he chooses. Saluting, without a word, Darrin wheeled and walked to his quarters. "Cantor will certainly have abundant opportunity to make things warm for me," reflected Darrin, as he sat down before the desk in his cabin. "I wonder what I am to do, in order to keep my self-respect and keep my hands off the fellow. It would probably end my career in the Navy if I struck him on this ship." For some minutes Darrin sat in a rather dejected frame of mind, reviewing his first acquaintance with this official cur, and the things that had happened on shipboard since. "I suppose I could ask for a different detail," Dave mused, forlornly. "Undoubtedly, though, I wouldn't get the detail, unless I gave what were considered sufficiently good reasons, and I can't tell tales on my division commander, cur though I know him to be." In the passage outside, sounded passing footsteps and a laugh. Dave felt his face flush, for he recognized the voice of Lieutenant Cantor. "Danny Grin is a good chum," reflected Darrin, "but in this affair he can't advise me any better than I can advise myself. I wish I could talk freely with some older officer, who knows shipboard life better. But if I were to go to any older officer with such a tale as I have, it would-----" "In, Mr. Darrin?" sounded a cheery voice, and Commander Bainbridge, the executive officer, stood in the doorway, bringing young Darrin to his feet in prompt salute. "I was passing, Darrin, and so I called," announced the executive officer. "Otherwise, I would have summoned you to my office. Lieutenant Cantor has secured shore leave until eleven o'clock to-night. As we are busy aboard, Mr. Cantor's division is due for watch duty at eight bells this evening. As Mr. Cantor has shore leave you will report as officer of the deck until relieved by Lieutenant Cantor on his return to the ship. At any time between now and four bells report at my office and sign for these instructions." "Aye, aye, sir." Returning the ensign's salute, the executive officer next regarded Darrin's untidy appearance with some displeasure. "Mr. Darrin," Commander Bainbridge continued, "I note that you must have been on hard duty. No officer, after being relieved, is entitled to retain an untidy appearance longer than is necessary. You should have bathed, sir, and attired yourself becomingly. Neatness is the first requisite in the service." "I shall be glad to do that sir," Dave answered, respectfully, "as soon as my baggage comes aboard. At present this is the only uniform I have." "That alters the case, Mr. Darrin," replied the executive officer, kindly. "In case, however, your baggage does not arrive between now and dinner-time, you will not be warranted in going to the ward-room, unless you can borrow a uniform that fits you as well as one of your own." "I shall be very careful on that point, sir," Dave answered, respectfully, with another salute, returning which Commander Bainbridge departed. Ten minutes later Darrin's baggage was delivered. In their proper places the young ensign hung his various uniforms, placed his shoes according to regulation, and stowed his linen and underclothing in the wardrobe drawers. After this a most welcome bath followed. Dave then dressed with care in a fresh blue uniform, stepped to the executive officer's office and signed for his evening orders. There was time for fifteen minutes in the open air, after which Dave returned to his quarters to dress for dinner. This done, he stepped outside, knowing that the summons to the wardroom would soon come. At first Dave was the only officer at that point. Commander Bainbridge soon joined him. A desperate thought entering his mind, Dave addressed the commander as soon as his salute had been returned. "Sir, may I ask you a question connected with my own personal affairs?" he asked. "Certainly," replied the executive officer. "I was wondering, sir, if it would be wise for me to seek counsel from an older officer if at any time I found myself threatened with trouble, or, at least, with unpleasantness." "It would be a very wise course on your part, Darrin," replied Commander Bainbridge, though he regarded the ensign's face with keen scrutiny. "An older officer should always esteem it a pleasure, as well as a duty, to advise a younger officer. I take an interest in all the officers of this ship. If there is anything in which I can advise you, you may command me." "Thank you, sir. But, if you will permit me to frame an instance, if the advice that I asked of you might tend to prejudice you against one of your subordinate officers, would it be wiser for me to seek counsel of some officer not higher in rank than the officer whom I have just supposed?" "That is to say, Mr. Darrin, that the advice you might otherwise wish to ask of me might be taken in the light of a complaint against an officer who is one of my subordinates, and against whom you would not wish to carry tales? In that case, you would, by all means, show good judgment consulting a younger officer. But remember, Darrin, that not all men are equally wise. Be very careful whom you select at any time as adviser. And remember that, for any advice that you may properly ask of me, you may come to me without hesitation." "Thank you, sir. I trust you realize how deeply grateful I am to you," Dave protested earnestly. As other officers came up, Commander Bainbridge cut the discussion short by turning to greet the arrivals. Dinner in the ward-room was the formal meal of the day. The table, covered with snowy damask, glittered with crystal and silver. Silent, soft-moving little Filipinos, in their white mess suits, glided about, serving noiselessly. At the head of the table sat Commander Bainbridge, the executive officer, for the captain of a battleship dines in solitary state in his own apartments. On either side of the executive officer sat the other officers, in two long rows, according to their rank. On either side of the Commander were seated the officers with rank of lieutenant commander. Next to them were the lieutenants, senior grade. After them came the lieutenants, junior grade. At the foot of the table was a group of ensigns, the lowest in rank of commissioned officers of the Navy. Course followed course, and good humor prevailed at the officers' table. Now and then a good joke or a witty sally called forth hearty laughter. Here and there officers, dismissing laughter for the time being, talked of graver matters. Danny Grin soon found time to murmur the question: "How did you get along with your tyrant this afternoon?" "No better," Dave answered, moodily. "Did he rake you over the coals again?" "Yes." Then Darrin detailed the circumstances. "I am afraid he has it in for you, all right," muttered Danny Grin, scowling. "He'll report me as often as he can, I don't doubt," Dave replied. "If he can bring me up before a general court-martial, all the better." "I'm sorry you're not in Trent's division," Dan sighed. "He's a gentleman---a regular, sea-going officer." "Sea-going" is the highest praise that can be given in Navy circles. "If I were in Trent's division, probably you'd have fallen under Cantor," Darrin suggested. "That would have been all right," nodded Dalzell, cheerily. "Cantor has no direct cause to hate me, as he has in your case. Besides, I'd do a good many things to a mean superior that you wouldn't. If I had to stand watch with Cantor, and he tried any queer treatment of me, I'd find a way to make his life miserable. I believe I've shown some skill in that line in the past." "You surely have," Darrin nodded. "But I don't like to spring traps for my superior officers to fall into." "Not even in self-defence?" challenged Dalzell. "Not even to save myself," Darrin declared. At eight bells, in Lieutenant Cantor's absence, Darrin took the watch trick alone as officer of the deck until six bells, or eleven o'clock that night. There was not much to do. Now and then a shore leave man, sailor or marine, reported coming on board. Darrin made a note of the man's return and entered the time. Twice, a messenger brought some small order from the executive officer. Yet it was a dull watch, with the ship docked and nothing of importance happening. "Cantor will soon be back," thought Dave, at last, slipping out his watch and glancing at it under the light that came from the cabin. His timepiece showed the time to be five minutes to eleven. But a quarter of an hour passed, and no Lieutenant Cantor appeared. More time slipped by without the lieutenant's return. "That doesn't sound much like the punctuality that is required of a naval officer," Dave told himself, in some disquiet. Then finally a step was heard on the gangplank. Lieutenant Cantor came briskly up over the side, halting on the deck and saluting toward the stern, where the colors flew until sundown. "Mr. Darrin, I've come on board," reported the lieutenant, turning in time to catch Dave's salute. He stepped closer, to add: "You will enter a note that I came on board at 10.58." "The time is eleven-forty, sir," Dave reminded his superior, at the same time displaying his watch. "Note that I came on board at 10.58," insisted Cantor, frowning. "Sentry!" called Dave, briskly. "Aye, aye, sir!" "Note the time on the chronometer inside," Darrin ordered. "Aye, aye, sir." Then, returning the marine sentry answered: "It's eleven-forty, sir." Dave made the entry of the lieutenant's return. "You infernal trouble-maker," hissed Cantor, as the sentry paced on. "You dragged that sentry into it, just so you would have supporting testimony of the time I came aboard! I'll pay you back for that! Look out for trouble, Mr. Darrin!" CHAPTER IV THE WARD-ROOM HEARS REAL NEWS Hurrying to the now empty office of the executive officer, Cantor made correct entry of his return to ship on the record, then hurried to his own quarters, and with almost the speed of magic, slipped into his undress uniform, belted on his sword, and appeared smartly on the quarter-deck. For two minutes he paid no heed to Darrin, save to return the salute with which the young ensign greeted his superior's return to command of the deck. Presently, however, Lieutenant Cantor stepped over to say in an undertone: "Darrin, you have made the wrong start, and I see that you are bound to keep it up." "I am trying to do my duty, sir," Darrin returned. "I could not consent to make a false official return." "Officers often have to do that for each other," Cantor went on, in the same low tone, "and they do it willingly as between comrades." It was on the tip of Darrin tongue to retort that he didn't believe any true officer, being a man of honor, could stoop to making a false official report. Yet he instantly thought better of it, and forced back the sarcastic retort that rose to his lips. "You're not going to succeed in the Navy, sir," Cantor continued, then, seeing the young ensign's face still impassive, he added, with a malicious leer: "Since you are determined to make an enemy of me, Darrin, I shall do my best to see to it that you have short shrift in the service." "Of that I haven't a doubt," Dave returned, but he caught himself in time and said it under his breath. Then came the changing of the watch. Trent and Dalzell appeared and went on duty. Formally, Dave wished his division commander good night, Cantor answering only with a grunt. Returning to his stateroom, Dave threw off belt and sword, hung up his cap, then sat down in his desk chair, leaning back and steadily regarding the breech of the great gun. "I wonder if any other young officer in the service is at the mercy of such a brute," Darrin asked himself, wretchedly. "I love good discipline, but there's one thing wrong with the service, and that is, the ease with which a dishonorable officer can render the life of his subordinate miserable. It ought not to be possible, and yet I don't see any way of preventing it. I wish I could talk with a gentleman like Lieutenant Trent, but he would only regard me as a tale-bearer, and after that he would have no use for me. One thing I can see clearly. Cantor is likely to have me broken and kicked out of the service if I am forced to remain in his division week after week." Then, realizing that his time was slipping away, Darrin hastily undressed and got into his berth. It was a long time, though, before sleep came to him. In the morning Lieutenant Cantor was obliged to listen meekly to a long discourse by the executive officer on the virtue of punctuality in a naval officer. The offender told of a car block in New York that had made it impossible for him to return on time. "Lieutenant Cantor," returned the executive officer, dryly, "a careful officer will allow himself sufficient margin of time to make it morally certain that he can be back to his duty on time. Now, sir-----" But at this moment an apprentice messenger, standing in the doorway, his right hand drawn up in salute, attracted the gaze of Commander Bainbridge: "The captain" compliments, sir; will the executive officer report to him at once." "That is all---for the present---Lieutenant Cantor," said Commander Bainbridge, rising from his chair and hastening out. "And all this, on account of a puppy of a junior who will not use sense and reason at the request of a superior officer!" ground Cantor between his teeth. "I shall pay Darrin for this, and for that greater insult, too." Some minutes before the call to breakfast was due, Darrin and Dalzell appeared from their quarters and walked aft to where a group of the "_Long Island's_" officers stood. Three or four of them had newspapers in their hands. "It's time the government did something!" exclaimed one lieutenant commander, testily. "We're going to do something, soon," asserted another officer, with a snap of his jaws. "When?" demanded a third officer, while several men laughed derisively. "We'll have to," continued the second speaker. "Every day the Mexican situation becomes worse. The usurper, Huerta, is becoming more of a menace all the time. He has no regard for the rights of any one, but himself. And he is unable to do more, in the field, than to accept defeat after defeat at the hands of the rebels under that former bandit chief, 'Pancho' Villa. Both the so-called Federals and the rebels, in Mexico, are doing their best to make Mexico a hotbed of incurable anarchy. Scores of American citizens have been murdered ruthlessly, and American women have been roughly treated. British subjects have been shot without the shadow of an excuse, and other foreigners have been maltreated. This country claims to uphold the Monroe Doctrine, which prevents European nations from interfering with force in affairs on this continent. If that is the case, then the United States must put an end to the numberless outrages against Americans and Europeans that take place every week in Mexico. That once orderly republic, Mexico, is now nothing better than a school for instruction in wholesale murder and in the ruthless riding over of the rights of all aliens residing or traveling in that country. These aliens have every right to protection." "Quite true," remarked another officer. "But what has that to do with the United States? What has there been in our conduct during the past three or four years to indicate that we would take any strong-handed action to make life and property safe in Mexico?" "We shall soon interfere," predicted the former speaker, confidently. "Affairs in Mexico are now nearing a crisis. The United States will no longer be called a civilized and honorable nation if Army and Navy men are not sent to Mexico to uphold our government and the rights of American citizens living there." "Do you think, Holton, that will happen before you and I have been put on the retired list as white-haired rear admirals?" asked another officer, half-jeeringly. "You will find," insisted Lieutenant Holton, "that we shall soon be listening to the thunder of our American naval guns at Vera Cruz, Tampico, or some other port on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico." "Hurrah!" came from the throats of a dozen officers, but the cheer was not a very confident one. Too long had the United States been patient in the face of one insult or injury after another. General Huerta, in Mexico City, and Carranza and Villa, in the west and north of that country, had headed factions, neither of which seemed to care about Mexico's good name in the world at large. Maltreated Americans demanded punishment of the Mexican offenders, but the United States had been engaged in patiently waiting and watching, only once in a while sending a feeble protest either to the Federal or the Constitutionalist leaders in that murder-ridden country of Mexico. Mess-call sounded to breakfast. The officers filed into their places at table; then, on observing that the executive officer was not in his place at the head of the table, they remained standing by their chairs. A minute afterward Commander Bainbridge entered with brisk stride, going to his place and giving the seating signal as he said: "Pardon my tardiness, gentlemen; the captain detained me on a most urgent matter." After that the buzz of conversation broke loose. Breakfast orders were taken by the white-coated, noiseless Filipino servants. When all had been served, the executive officer glanced up, then rose. "The attendants will withdraw," he ordered. "Orderly!" "Aye, aye, sir!" responded the marine orderly on post just inside the door. "As soon as the attendants have gone outside, orderly, you will chose the door from the outside, and remain there to keep any one from entering the room." "Aye, aye, sir!" responded the orderly, who then followed the last attendant outside, closing the door after him. "Gentlemen," continued the executive officer, remaining standing, "Captain Gales sent for me this morning, to make a most important communication. With his approval I am going to tell you something of what he said. In a word, then, this ship is ordered to be fitted for a cruise to Mexico in the shortest time possible. Within three or four days we must be on our way to Mexican waters. "We are to go with bunkers filled with coal. We are to carry abundant clothing supplies for tropical service. We are to carry all the large and small arms ammunition that we can stow away. We are to take on food supplies to our fullest commissary capacity. In a word, we are to go prepared for any emergency. "Now, gentlemen, on account of our departure at the earliest moment, every officer will be needed on board all the time. Unless for some extraordinary reason, shore leave will not be granted to any officer. The watch-word will be 'hustle.' Thank you, gentlemen, for your attention." In an instant there was clamor in the wardroom. Twenty officers spoke at once, then subsided. Finally only the voice of Lieutenant Commander Denton was heard as he inquired: "Sir, are we entitled to ask any questions?" "I will answer any questions that I may properly," smiled the executive officer. "We are going to Mexico, sir, in fighting trim, are we not?" "I think what I have already said will indicate that," came Commander Bainbridge's reply. "Has anything happened in Mexico," continued Denton, "which makes it imperative for us to fight there?" "Nothing, so far as I know," answered the executive officer, "other than the usual daily outrages that are disgracing the fair name of Mexico." "Then nothing of unusual importance has happened, which would make us sure that we are heading for Mexico on a definite fighting errand?" "I have no knowledge that we are actually going to fight in Mexico," replied Commander Bainbridge. "It has occurred to me that this ship, and others of the line, are being ordered to Mexico as a hint to Federals and rebels alike that the United States possesses force enough to bring all Mexicans to their senses." Having made this last reply, Commander Bainbridge touched a button. The ward-room door was thrown open, and the mess-servants once more entered. But now a new note crept into the talk. The fact that the "_Long Island_" was to carry to Mexican waters full supplies of all kinds, including small and large ammunition, was enough to satisfy these officers of the Navy that the government at Washington had an important move on hand, and that move was expected to bring about armed conflict between the two countries. "Now, am I a dreamer?" demanded Lieutenant Holton of those about him. The two most excited officers present were also the newest on hoard the "_Long Island_." At the thought of active service against an enemy, Dave Darrin and Dan Dalzell fairly tingled. "This is the greatest news we could possibly get," beamed Danny Grin, turning to his chum. "It seems too great to be true," replied Ensign Darrin. "Danny, the Mexicans have been boasting that we don't _dare_ tackle them and stir up that Mexican hornet's nest. If we get a chance, the American Navy will show them---and the world---something well worth remembering!" Both Darrin and Dalzell had already been notified that they were detailed to "day duty" for that day. This meant that they would have no watch duty to stand, but would be employed through the day, while watch duty fell to the lot of others. While Dalzell was to go below, with Trent, aiding in the storage of shells in the magazine, Darrin was ordered to report to Lieutenant Cantor to supervise the oiling of mechanisms of the guns of Cantor's division, and, later, to perform other important duties. "Your face is flushed," sneered Cantor, when he found an opportunity to speak aside with Dave. "You are dreaming of active service in war, perhaps." "Yes, sir," said Dave, simply. "Look out that war service doesn't bring you disgrace, instead of honor or glory," warned Cantor, darkly. "What do you mean, sir?" "You have made me your enemy, and I am a good hater," retorted Lieutenant Cantor. "You will be under my orders, and I may find a chance-----" Lieutenant Cantor finished only with an expressive shrug of his shoulders. Though Dave Darrin felt a tremor of uneasiness, his eyes flashed back honest indignation and contempt for so unworthy a superior officer. CHAPTER V WATCHING AND WAITING---BEHIND BIG GUNS April, in the tropics! Four miles off the coast of Mexico, east of the historic port of Vera Cruz, the United States dreadnought, "_Long Island_," moved along at slow cruising speed. The few days out from New York had brought marked changes in climate. While people in New York found the weather still cold, here in Mexican waters, officers and men alike were in the white uniforms of the tropics---all save those whose work below compelled them to wear dungarees. On the bridge forward, two officers paced at a time. During the night hours there were always three there. Aft, on the quarter-deck, marines were going through the rifle gymnastic drill. In some of the divisions officers and men were busy at the big gun drills. Others were cleaning a ship that always seemed spotless. The few that were off duty gathered wherever they could find room, for a battleship at sea, with her full complement of officers and men on board, is a crowded affair. No other ship of the American fleet was in sight, but two operators, constantly on duty in the wireless room, kept the "_Long Island_" in constant touch with a score of vessels of the United States Navy. "Have you any idea what we're doing here?" asked Danny Grin, as he and Dave met on the superstructure. "No idea whatever," Ensign Darrin admitted. "I have noticed, though, that the officers on the bridge keep a constant lookout ashore. See; two of them, even now, have their binoculars trained on the shore." "I don't see anything over there," replied Dalzell, "except a house or a small village here and there. I looked through the binoculars a little while ago, and to me it appeared a country that was about nine-tenths swamp." "In the event of sending landing parties ashore," Dave hinted, "we might have to fight in one of those swamps. When it comes to fighting in the tangles and mazes of a swamp, I fancy the Mexicans have had a whole lot more experience than we have had." "Why should we have to send landing parties so far from Vera Cruz?" Dan demanded, opening his eyes. "We're only forty or fifty miles east of Vera Cruz," Darrin went on. "Danny boy, Vera Cruz is supposed to have a garrison, at present, of only about eight hundred of General Huerta's Mexican Federals. But suppose it was rumored that the Americans intended to land at Vera Cruz. Isn't it likely that the garrison would be greatly increased?" "Let 'em increase their old garrison," smiled Dalzell, contemptuously. "The first landing parties from our fleet would drive out any kind of a Mexican garrison that Huerta could put in that town." "Exactly," nodded Dave, "and then the Mexicans would naturally fall back." "We can chase 'em," asserted Ensign Dalzell. "Certainly, but a large force of Mexicans might fall back along the coast, through the swampy country we are now facing." "In that case," argued Dan, "we wouldn't have to follow the brown rascals on foot. We could use the ship to follow 'em, and land and fight where we found 'em." "To be sure," Ensign Darrin agreed. "But the Mexicans, knowing their own swamps, would have considerable advantage. They might have part of their force retreat, drawing us further and further into a swamp, and then have another force get between us and our ships." "Let 'em try it," retorted Dan Dalzell, grimly, "If there is anything new that the Greasers want to know about American methods of fighting, our fleet is full of officers who are willing to be patient instructors. But take my word for it, Dave, if the Mexicans ever try to draw us into one of those swamps, they'll learn so much about real Yankee fighting that it will be fatal to all the Mexicans who take the instruction from us!" "That's all very good," Darrin nodded, thoughtfully. "Still, we shall make a greater success of operations in the swamps if we study them as much as possible at present." "I hope the study will soon be followed by a recitation," grinned Dalzell. "I feel that I'm going stale with so much study. Now, if we could only hear a few shots, and then fall in with an advancing firing line!" "You bloodthirsty wretch!" rebuked Ensign Darrin, but he smiled in sympathy. "This waiting and watching grows wearisome," groaned Danny Grin. "But we're watching behind big guns," returned Dave Darrin, grimly. "Surely, when our ships are down here in such force, and others are being rushed through preparation before coming into these waters, there must be something more in the air than the ordinary kind of watching and waiting. Cheer up, Dan! Before long you'll hear some of our big guns speak, and you'll hear the rattle of small arms, too." "Understand, please," begged Dalzell, "I'm not bloodthirsty, and I abhor the very thought of war, but, since we're doing all the watching and waiting, I wish these Mexicans would hurry up and start something!" Trent climbed to the superstructure. Then, catching sight of his juniors, he came toward them. "What are you doing?" he asked. "Watching," sighed Dave. "And waiting," added Danny Grin. "Then perhaps you youngsters will be interested in the news of what's going on under this superstructure," suggested Lieutenant Trent. "What's happening below?" demanded Dalzell. "More watching---and waiting?" "Why, I have an idea that we won't have to wait much longer," replied Trent, smiling at the eager faces before him. "I've just learned that, for the last twenty minutes, Captain Gales has been standing in the wireless room, and that Commander Bainbridge is with him. They are, so I hear, having a hot and heavy wireless talk with Admiral Fletcher." "A little _talk_, as a relief from so much watching and waiting, eh?" asked Darrin, dryly. "Why, I believe that the talk is going to lead to something real," replied Lieutenant Trent, trying hard to keep the flash of excitement from showing in his own eyes. The fact is, something has happened." "Don't 'string' us like that!" urged Danny Grin. "Why, Trent, the American Navy, and the Army, too, has been waiting for three years or more for something to happen. But so far it has all happened on the Mexican side. Don't tell us, at this late day, that the United States is going to start anything to happening on the other side." "There's something up," Trent insisted. "I don't know what it is; I haven't an idea of the nature of the happening, but of this I feel rather sure,---that now, at last, the Mexicans have done something that will turn Yankee guns and Yankee men loose." "I wonder if you're any good as a prophet, Trent?" pondered Dan, studying his division officer's face keenly. "We'll wait and see," laughed the lieutenant. "If there really is anything in the wind, I think we'll have a suspicion of what it is by mess-hour to-night. A little more watching and waiting won't hurt us." "Hear that commotion on the quarter-deck?" demanded Dave, suddenly. "I hear a lot of talking there. Come on. We'll see if _waiting_ is about to be turned into _doing_." Trent walked slowly aft. Still chatting with him, Dave and Dan kept by his side. Then they stood looking down upon the quarter-deck. Presently two messengers came running out, looking eagerly about them. One messenger, catching sight of the three officers on the superstructure, came bounding up the steps, halting and saluting. "Compliments of the executive officer," announced the messenger; "Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell are directed to report to his office immediately." "Perhaps you'll hear the news at once," murmured Trent, as his juniors left him. When the two ensigns reported to him, Commander Bainbridge was pacing the passageway outside his office. "The captain is awaiting us in his office," said the executive. "We will go there at once." The instant he entered the captain's quarters, Darrin had sudden misgivings of some impending misfortune, for Lieutenant Cantor, very erect, and looking both stern and important, was talking in low tones with Captain Gales. "Now, what has the scoundrel found to fasten upon me?" Ensign Dave Darrin wondered, with a start. "And how has he managed to drag Dan into it?" CHAPTER VI FIRST TO INVADE MEXICO "Gentlemen," began Captain Gales, seriously, though there was a pleasant smile on his face, "I imagine I have extremely pleasant news for two of you. Commander Bainbridge and Lieutenant Trent have already some idea of the news, but I will go over it again for the benefit of all here." "I may go on breathing again," Dave thought grimly. "Then this communication can hardly be in reference to any complaint that Cantor may have lodged against me." "Messrs. Cantor, Darrin and Dalzell will tonight," resumed the captain, "lead the first expeditions by United States forces that have been made in a great many years." Had war been declared? Both Dave and Dan fairly jumped with eagerness. "A letter, coming by some mysterious, round-about route," continued Captain Gales, "has reached the American consul at Vera Cruz. An American party, consisting of Mr. and Mrs. John Carmody and two small sons, and of Mrs. Sarah Deeming and two daughters nineteen and sixteen years of age, came down by muleback from the plateau some three weeks ago. Carmody is a planter up in that part of the country, and the Deemings were his guests. Different bands of bandit raiders have visited the Carmody plantation from time to time within the last two years, stealing stock and supplies, and levying money blackmail, until Carmody found himself practically ruined, unless the present crops should turn out well. "Three weeks ago Carmody learned that it was high time for isolated Americans to reach the protection of some large town. Attended by two peons (native laborers), and travelling on mule back, the party started through the mountains for Vera Cruz. Four hours out from the plantation the party was halted by a score of men led by a brigand named Cosetta, who is reported to be the right hand man of the notorious Zapata himself. "Cosetta, it appears, believed that he could force Carmody to pay a large indemnity, in money, for the release of himself and family and their woman friends. First of all, the Americans were taken to a house near a deserted sugar mill, somewhere on the coast opposite us. This sugar mill stands on a lagoon, and that is as much of a description as Carmody could furnish in his hastily penned letter. But we know that there are, along this part of the coast, three such deserted sugar mills, each standing on a lagoon. "Plainly, the Carmodys must be in the house near one of these three mills, but which one it is we cannot even guess. Admiral Fletcher sent me the news two hours ago, by wireless. Ever since then we have been in earnest communication upon the subject, and now I have my orders in the matter." "It would be possible, of course, for us to visit each one of these lagoons in turn. However, if we visited the wrong mill first, these bandits undoubtedly have some means of signaling to comrades. Our landing party might be observed, and the news of the attempt at rescue would be signaled by fires or otherwise, and the discovery of our designs would undoubtedly result in the Carmody party being butchered at once. "Acting under the orders of Cosetta, or, I might say, under his threats, Mr. Carmody has sent appeals in every direction he could think of for the funds to pay the hundred thousand dollar ransom demanded for the party. These requests have been carried on through agents of Cosetta, but none of the appeals have borne fruit. Wearied, Cosetta has announced that on a certain morning, if the ransom has not arrived, Carmody and all the members of his party, even including the children, shall be shot and buried in hidden graves. There is little doubt that Cosetta will carry out his threat, and to-morrow morning is the time set for this wholesale murder." Fire flashed in the eyes of the Navy officers who heard this announcement. "As you may be certain," continued Captain Gales, "Admiral Fletcher has wired me that this proposed atrocity must be prevented, and the American captives rescued at all hazards. Now, attend me while I show you the detail chart for this part of the coast." Captain Gales turned to his desk, where the map was spread. "Here, as you will see," he continued, "is a sugar mill belonging to the Alvarez plantations. Ten miles to the eastward of the Alvarez mill is the Perdita mill; ten miles to the westward of the Alvarez mill is the Acunda mill. To-night there will be no moon. At nine o'clock we shall lie to off the Alvarez mill, and three sixty-foot launches will be lowered to the water. Lieutenant Cantor will command one of these launches, Ensign Darrin another and Ensign Dalzell the third. Each launch will carry one automatic gun, and a landing party of a corporal, six marines, a petty officer and twelve seamen. Each party will be armed, but, gentlemen, I must caution you as to the extreme seriousness of any conflict on shore, or of firing, even though your fire is not directed at human beings. These are days when our relations with Mexico are of an extremely delicate nature. If we send an armed party on shore, and its members fight, it will be difficult, indeed, for our government to make the claim that an act of war was not committed on the soil of a nation that is, at present, at peace with us. The consequences of a fight are likely to be grave indeed. Therefore, the officer in command of each landing party is especially warned that the rescue of the American prisoners must be accomplished by strategy, not by fighting." Captain Gales looked keenly at each of the three young officers concerned, to make sure that they understood the full gravity of the situation. "Strategy, remember---not fighting," Captain Gales repeated. "Now, the '_Long Island_' will not go within four miles of the coast. Yet, despite the darkness to-night, it is likely that a craft as large as this ship would be noted from the shore, and her errand suspected. That might result in the execution of the American captives before aid could reach them. So, when we reach a point opposite the Alvarez mill, Lieutenant Cantor's launch will be put over the side first, while the ship continues under slow headway." Lieutenant Cantor will lie to, while the other two launches are being lowered. Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell will then steam back and report to Lieutenant Cantor. Under slow speed it will take the launches, commanded by the two ensigns, each about an hour and ten minutes to reach their respective lagoon destinations. It will take the lieutenant just under thirty minutes to reach the Alvarez lagoon. Ensign Dalzell will go to the Perdita lagoon, and Ensign Darrin to the Acunda lagoon. Forty minutes after Dalzell and Darrin have steamed away, Lieutenant Cantor will run in to the Alvarez mill. Our launches are not likely to be observed from shore, where the '_Long Island_,' if she remained in these waters, would be sure to be seen and recognized. "Therefore, after dropping the steamers, we shall go ahead at cruising speed and not return opposite the Alvarez mill until called by a rocket, which Lieutenant Cantor will send up as soon as the rescue has been accomplished---or has failed. But, gentlemen"---here Captain Gales' voice sank low, yet vibrated with intense earnestness---"all of you will realize the extreme importance of your mission, and the awful consequences of failure. Therefore, I feel certain that none of you will break the Navy's long list of traditions for zealous, careful, successful performance of duty. Lieutenant Cantor will be in command of the expedition, as a whole." For some minutes the officers remained in the captain's quarters, discussing further the important work of the coming night. As no instructions for secrecy had been asked or expected, Commander Bainbridge soon told the news to a few of the "_Long Island's_" ranking officers, who, in turn passed it on. "Of all the luck that some officers have!" groaned Lieutenant Trent, as he passed Dave Darrin. "How did you work it, Darrin, to secure one of the details for to-night that any subordinate officer on this ship would have been delighted to see come his way?" "I don't know," Dave laughingly admitted. "Darrin, are you hard up?" asked Lieutenant Holton, five minutes later. "I have a few dollars left," Dave smiled. "If you can get me shifted to your detail for to-night I'll reward you with a month of my pay," promised the lieutenant. "Thank you," Dave smiled, gravely. "Even if the change could be easily arranged, I'm afraid I wouldn't give up my chance for six months' pay." "No chance for me, then," sighed Holton. "I can't remember that I ever had six months' of my pay together at one time." "Darrin," exclaimed Lieutenant Commander Denton, still a little later, "I never realized that you had so much impudence! The idea of a mere ensign leading such an expedition ashore to-night! I wanted that myself." "I am not at all sure that my performance will be one of glory," smiled Darrin. "It won't, if Cantor can manage to queer you in any way," murmured Denton to himself, as he moved on. In the ward-room that evening the "impertinence" of two new ensigns in capturing such prized details was commented upon with a great deal of chaffing. Even Lieutenant Cantor was declared to be much too young to be entrusted with such important work. At eight o'clock the fortunate lieutenant and ensigns were once more sent for, to go over the map and instructions with Captain Gales. At nine o'clock, just before the "_Long Island_" was abreast of the Alvarez mill, the first launch was cleared away and lowered, falling behind and lying to. Then Darrin, with his own crew, went down over the side to the launch towing alongside. It was Coxswain Riley who stood by to catch the young commanding officer's arm. "Hullo, Coxswain," was Dave's greeting. "Are you to handle the launch to-night?" "No, sir," Riley answered, saluting. "I am the petty officer in charge of the seamen. Coxswain Schmidt handles the launch, sir." As soon as his party had hurried aboard, Darrin gave the order to cast off. Under slow speed astern the launch joined Lieutenant Cantor's craft. "I'm glad that I'm to have you on shore tonight with me, Coxswain," said Dave, heartily. "Thank you, sir," answered the coxswain, saluting and actually blushing with pleasure. Soon after Dan's launch ranged up with the other two, and the "_Long Island_" was vanishing in the distance ahead, not a light showing, for it is the privilege of the commander of a war vessel to sail without lights, when the interests of the services may be furthered thereby. Nor did any of the launches display lights. As each of the boats was to run at slow speed, it was hoped that each landing party would reach shore without detection. Lieutenant Cantor went over the instructions once more, talking in low tones across the water. "And above all, remember that there is to be no fighting," Cantor added, impressively, looking straight into Darrin's eyes. "Punk orders, when each man is provided with a hundred rounds of rifle ammunition, and when each automatic gun is supplied with two thousand rounds!" grumbled Coxswain Riley, under his breath. "Gentlemen, you will now get under way," ordered Lieutenant Cantor. "You will remember each sentence of your instructions!" Silently, two of the launches stole away into the night, bound east and west, while the third launch awaited the time to start shoreward. On Darrin's launch there was little talking, and that in whispers. Dave had made a most careful study of the map, and felt certain that he could give the course straight into the lagoon on which the Acunda mill stood. "Coxswain Schmidt," said Ensign Darrin, in a low voice, when still some four miles away from the proposed place of landing, "when you are close enough to shore to signal the engineer, you will do so by hand signal, not by use of the bell. Seaman Berne will watch for your signals, and convey them to the engineer." "Very good, sir," replied both coxswain and seaman. "Probably it won't be my luck to find the American captives at the Acunda plantation," murmured Darrin. None the less, when he at last sighted the lagoon, his heart began to beat excitedly. Under reduced speed, now, the launch stole into the lagoon. Less than a quarter of a mile from shore the sugar mill, deserted since the rebellion first took acute form, stood out dimly against the dark sky. To within a hundred and fifty yards of the mill the launch ran, then swung in at a nearly ruined old wharf. Ensign Dave Darrin was first to step ashore, signing to his men to follow him with all stealth. "Corporal," Darrin whispered, "unless summoned later, you will stand by the launch with your men, to prevent it being rushed in case the bandits are abroad to-night. Coxswain Riley, you will form your men loosely and follow me, keeping about a hundred yards to the rear, making no sound as you advance." Officer and men were all in dark uniforms, which in the blackness of the night would not be seen at any distance, whereas the white tropical uniforms would have immediately betrayed the raiders. About seven hundred feet beyond the sugar mill Darrin had already located the house. Like the old mill, the residence was in darkness. Not a light shone, nor was there a sound to be heard. "This eerie stretch of ground makes one think of a graveyard," thought Darrin, with a comical little shiver, as his left hand gripped his sword scabbard tightly to prevent it clanking against his left heel. He turned to look behind him. Riley and twelve armed seamen were following him like so many unsubstantial spectres. Past the mill, and down the road to the house strode Darrin, but his moving feet made hardly a sound. A little before the house ran a line of flowering tropical hedge. Darrin gained this, and was about to pass in through an opening in the hedge when a figure suddenly appeared in the darkness right ahead of him. A rifle was leveled at the young ensign's breast, and in a steady voice came the hail that set the young ensign's heart to beating fast: "_Quien vive_" It was the Spanish challenge---"Who goes there?" CHAPTER VII DAVE DARRIN TO THE RESCUE Dave's sword hung at his side. His revolver was in its scabbard over his left hip, but just out of view of the sentry. As to his being in uniform, he realized that the night was so dark that there was little danger of his nationality being discovered. All these thoughts flashed through his mind in a twinkling, as they should with a good officer. Darrin's course of action was as swiftly decided. "Amigo," he replied, tranquilly. "Amigo de los prisoneros!" (Friends of the prisoners). By the time the second explanation had left his lips Dave had bounded forward, struck aside the rifle, and had gripped the sentry by the throat, bearing him to the ground. A blow from one of the young ensign's fists, and the fellow lay still. Espying trouble from the rear, Coxswain Riley started his men on a swift run toward the spot. In a few moments the sentry, doubtless badly scared, had been gagged, and bound hand and foot with the handy hitches of jack tars. "Leave him there," Darrin directed in an undertone. "Coxswain, post eight men around the house, and take command of them. I will take the other four men with me." Swiftly Darrin led his little squad around to the rear of the house, since the front was closed and dark. A doorway stood open, showing a room lighted by two candles that stood on a table. Around the table were seven men, eating and drinking. Plainly they had not heard the brief scuffle at the front. With a nod to his four men Darrin led the way inside. Instantly the seven men were on their feet, staring wildly at the intruders. One man started for a stack of rifles that stood in a corner, but Ensign Darrin hurled him back. "Don't let any man reach for a gun, or draw any sort of weapon," Darrin ordered, quickly. Then to the Mexicans, in Spanish, Dave shouted: "Stand where you are, and no harm will be done to you. We have not come here to molest you, but you hold Americans prisoners here, and we mean to take them away with us." "No, no," answered one of the Mexicans, smilingly, "you are mistaken. We have no prisoners here." Dave's heart sank within him for one brief moment. Had he made a mistake in invading this house, only to find that his mission was to be fruitless? Then he suspected Mexican treachery. "Pardon me," he urged in Spanish, "if I satisfy myself that you are telling the truth. Stand where you are, all of you, and no harm shall come to you. But don't make the mistake of moving or of reaching for weapons." Darrin strode swiftly past the group and stepped into a hallway, in which were stairs leading above. "Are there any Americans here," he shouted, "who want help? If so, there are American sailors here ready to give aid." From above there came a single exclamation of joy, followed by a scurrying of feet. From above sounded a voice demanding in Spanish: "Shall I let the prisoners go?" "You will have to," answered the same voice that had answered Dave. "We are attacked by _los marineros Americanos_." (American sailors). For the men in the other room now knew that there were more than these four seamen at hand. As soon as he heard voices inside Riley had cleverly caused his men to walk about the house with heavy tread, and the Mexicans believed themselves to be outnumbered. "Is it true that there are American sailors below?" called a man's husky voice. "A detachment from the United States Navy, sir," Dave replied, gleefully. "Are you Mr. Carmody?" "Yes, yes!" "Then bring down your party. We have force enough to resist any attempt to hold you, and if any harm is offered you, we shall avenge it. Shall I come upstairs for you, Mr. Carmody?" "If you don't mind," answered the voice of the man above. "There are two guards up here who seem undecided whether to shoot us or to let us pass." Instantly Ensign Darrin ran to the stairs, mounting them. Yet he was careful to take no chance of being surprised in the dark, for he well understood the treachery of the natives with whom he had to deal. However, Darrin reached the landing unattacked. Down the hallway he saw an open door, through which a dim light shone. Before the door were two Mexicans, each armed with a rifle. "You will permit the American party to pass," Dave commanded, bluntly, in the best Spanish that he had learned at Annapolis. One of the sentries again called out loudly, demanding instructions from below. "You will have to let the prisoners pass," came from downstairs. At that both sentries moved away from the door. "Will you be good enough to come out?" Darrin called, keeping his eye on the two guards, who stood glowering sullenly at him. He had not drawn his revolver, and did not wish to do so. The door was cautiously opened and a man's head appeared. One look at Dave and the door was flung wide by a tall, serious-eyed man whose hair was gray at the temples. "Come," he called to those behind him. "I see the uniform of our own Navy. I never paid much attention to it before, but at thus moment it's the most welcome sight in the world." Head erect, shoulders thrown back, an expression of deep gratitude in his eyes, John Carmody stepped out into the hallway. Behind him was a middle-aged woman, followed by two pretty girls. Then came another woman, younger than the first, who led two boys, one of four years, the other of six. "I was sent here," Dave announced, cap in hand, "to find and rescue John Carmody, his wife and two sons, and a Mrs. Deeming and her two daughters." "We are they," Mr. Carmody declared. "Do you know of any other prisoners, Americans or otherwise, who are held here by the bandits, sir?" Ensign Darrin inquired. "I do not know of any other captives here," replied Mr. Carmody, promptly. "In fact, I do not believe there are any others." "Mr. Carmody, if you will lead your party down the stairs and through the hallway to the room at the end of the passage, I will bring up the rear of this little American procession." Mr. Carmody obeyed without hesitation. One after another the trembling women followed, Mrs. Carmody leading her two young sons. Out in the hallway Mr. Carmody caught sight of the sailors, who stood revealed in the light of the room, as with watchful eyes they held the seven Mexicans at bay. "Mr. Carmody," called Dave, just before he entered that room, "I will ask you to lead your party out of doors. You will find other American sailors there, sir." Entering the room, Dave stood, cap still in hand, until the last of the American women had passed into the open. Then, replacing his cap, the young naval officer turned to the Mexican who had spoken to the others and who now stood sullenly eyeing the sailors. "I have carried out my orders," Dave declared, in Spanish. "I regret that I have no authority to punish you as you deserve. Instead, therefore, I will wish you good night." Signing to his sailors to pass out before him, Dave was the last to leave the room. All four of the young sailors, however, stood just outside, where their rifles might sweep the room, at need, until their officer had passed out. "Hicks," called Dave, to one of the party of sailors who had surrounded the house, "lead these people to the water. The rest of us will bring up the rear." Seeing the women and children of his party under safe guidance, Mr. Carmody turned back to speak to their rescuer. "Sir," asked the older man, "did you know that, on account of the failure to raise the ransom money, we were all, even the babies, to be put to death at sunrise?" "Yes, sir," Dave nodded. "Then perhaps you are able to understand the gratitude to which I shall endeavor to give some expression as soon as we are in a place of safety." "It is not my wish to hear expressions of gratitude, Mr. Carmody," Dave Darrin answered. "As to safety, however, I fancy we are safe enough already." Mr. Carmody shook his head energetically. "We have twenty men to the nine we saw in that house," Dave smiled. "Surely they will not endeavor to attack us." "Cosetta, the bandit, was he to whom you spoke in the house," replied John Carmody. "He has but a few men in the house, but there are twenty or thirty more sleeping in the stables behind the house. Altogether, unless he has sent some away, he must have more than sixty men hereabouts." "Then we must go on the double quick to our boat," returned Darrin. "Hicks," he called down the straggling line, which was now just outside the grounds and headed toward the mill, "keep the whole party moving as rapidly as possible." Yet Darrin was not afraid for himself, for he halted while the party hastened forward, scanning the darkness to his rear. Seeing the ensign standing there alone, Riley and half a dozen sailors came running back. "I'm afraid you're headed the wrong way, Riley," smiled Dave. "I hear there is a large force behind us, and we must embark as rapidly as possible." "It won't take us long to tumble into the launch, sir," the coxswain replied, doggedly, "but we won't leave our officer behind. We couldn't think of doing it." "Not even under orders?" Darrin inquired. "We'd hate to disobey orders, sir," Riley mumbled, looking rather abashed, "but-----" "Hark!" called Dave, holding up a hand. Back of the flowering hedge he heard the swift patter of bare feet. Out of the darkness came a flash of a pistol shot. It was answered instantly by a ragged but crashing volley. Long tongues of flame spat out into the night. The air was full of whistling bullets. Pseu! pss-seu! pss-seu! Sang the steel-jacketed bullets about the ears of the Americans. Then the sailor nearest Ensign Dave Darrin fell to the ground with a stifled gasp. CHAPTER VIII DISOBEDIENCE OF ORDERS Outnumbered, the Americans did not falter. Save for Hicks, the guide, and the wounded man, the sailors threw themselves automatically to one knee, bringing their rifles to "ready." For a moment Ensign Darrin felt sick at heart. He was under orders not to fire, to employ no armed force in a way that might be construed as an act of war in the country of another nation. Yet here were his men being fired upon, one already wounded, and American women and children in danger of losing their lives. Perhaps it was against orders, as given, but the real military commander is sometimes justified in disregarding orders. At the first sound of shots all of the sailors, except Hicks, came running back, crouching close to earth. As soon as they reached the thin little line the men knelt and waited breathlessly. Dave's resolution was instantly taken. Though he might hang for his disobedience of orders, he would not tamely submit to seeing his men shot down ruthlessly. Still less would he permit American women and children to be endangered. Orders, or no orders--- "Ready, men!" he shouted, above the sharp reports of the Cosetta rifle fire. "Aim low at the hedge! Fire at will!" Cr-r-r-rack! rang out the American Navy rifles. Filled with the fighting enthusiasm of the moment, Darrin drew his automatic revolver, firing ten shots swiftly at different points along the hedge. From behind that screen came cries of pain, for the Mexican is an excitable individual, who does not take his wounds with the calmness evinced by an American. Another American sailor had dropped. John Carmody, who had remained with the defending party, snatched up one of the rifles. Standing, he rushed in a magazine full of bullets, then bent to help himself to more from the belt of the rifle's former carrier. Fitting his revolver with a fresh load of cartridges, Dave held his fire for any emergency that might arise. A marine dashed up, nearly out of breath. "Sir," panted the marine, "Corporal Ross wants to know if you want to order the Colt gun and the marines up here." "No," Dave decided instantly. "Help one of our wounded men back to the launch and tell Corporal Ross to remain where he is. Is the Colt loaded and ashore?" "Yes, sir; ready for instant action." "Did Hicks get the women and children to the launch?" "No sir; he has hidden them behind the lower end of the sugar mill. The air is too full of bullets to expose the women to them." "Good for Hicks! Tell him I said so. He is to remain where he is until either the Mexicans' fire ceases or he receives different orders from me." "Very good, sir." Stooping, the marine picked up the worse injured of the two wounded sailors and swiftly bore him away in his arms. "Cease firing!" shouted Darrin, running along his valiant little line of sailors. "Load your magazines and let the rifles cool until the Mexicans start up again." For, with the exception of a shot here and there from behind the hedge, the destructive fire had ceased. "We must have hit a few of them," chuckled Darrin to John Carmody, who stood beside him. "I hope you killed them all," replied the planter. "They're brutes, when they have their own way." "Riley!" "Aye, aye, sir." "Pass the word to the men and we'll slip back. I don't like the silence behind the hedge. I suspect that the men have been withdrawn and that we are to be flanked below the sugar mill. Tell the men to fall back by rushes, not returning any fire unless ordered." "Aye, aye, sir." A moment later ten jackies were retreating. They gained the sugar mill, and passed it. "Hicks," called Ensign Darrin, "get your party aboard. Run for it!" "Aye, aye, sir." "And help this wounded man back to the launch." The sailor, who had been carrying the second wounded man, turned him over to Hicks, who carried his burden manfully. Dave continued to retreat more slowly with his fighting force, taking frequent observations rearward. From the hedge a few, sniping shots came now and then, but, as no one was hit, Darrin did not allow the fire to be returned. Suddenly, three hundred yards away, a volley crashed out on the right. "Flanked!" muttered Darrin, grimly, as Riley threw his men into line to meet the new attack. "I expected it. Aim two feet above the ground, men, and fire at will until you have emptied your magazines twice." Down by the launch, and not thirty feet from the wharf, stood Corporal Ross with his marines and the Colt machine gun. The marines were wild to join in the firing, but would not do so until ordered. Darrin was loath to let them draw the enemy's fire until the women had been made as safe as possible on the launch. As the American firing ceased, Dave called the order: "Load magazines, but reserve fire. Rush three hundred feet closer to the wharf and then halt and form again." This move was carried out, but a third sailor dropped wounded. As a lull came in the firing, Ensign Darrin blew a signal on his whistle. In response, two marines came sprinting to the spot. "Take this wounded man to the launch," Darrin ordered. "Corporal Ross hopes, sir, you'll soon give him leave to turn the machine gun loose," one of the marines suggested respectfully. "I'll give the order as soon as the time comes," Darrin promised. "Tell Corporal Ross that one flash from my pocket lamp will mean 'open fire,' and that two flashes will mean 'cease firing.' "Very good, sir." The wounded man was borne away. Again Dave attempted a rush, then reformed his men, this time not more than two hundred and fifty feet from the stern of the launch. "Riley!" "Aye, aye, sir!" "You will take command here. I must see to the safety of our passengers." "Aye, aye, sir." "Fire when you think best, but do not let the men waste ammunition. We have but a hundred rounds apiece." "I know it, sir." Then Dave dashed down to the wharf, just before which stood Corporal Ross looking the picture of disappointment. He had hoped for permission to open fire. Ensign Darrin and John Carmody ran to the launch together. Aided by Coxswain Schmidt, Hicks had done his work well, placing the women and children flat along the bottom of the craft, where they were little likely to be found by flying bullets. Again the fire had slackened. Dave stood with the marines, peering into the blackness beyond. "Can't you call in your party and make a quick dash down the lagoon?" inquired John Carmody, approaching, a rifle still gripped by one hand and a cartridge-belt thrown over one shoulder. "We can't travel fast in the lagoon, sir," Dave answered, "and Cosetta's men can run as fast along the shore, keeping up a fire that would be more deadly when we're crowded together aboard the launch. I want to silence the scoundrel's fire, if possible, before we try the dash out into the Gulf." "You appear to have discouraged the men who flanked you," said Mr. Carmody, looking towards the shore. "Yes, sir; but, judging by the rifle flashes there were not more than twenty men in that flanking party. We still have to hear from another body, and I believe they are hiding in the mill, ready to snipe us from there. Besides, probably a smaller party has been sent from the flankers to lie in wait and get us as we go through the lagoon. It's a bad trap, Mr. Carmody, and we must move slowly, if we wish to get away with our lives." While they stood watching, Riley's handful of men came running to the spot. At the same moment shots rang out from the roof of the sugar mill. "There we are!" Darrin exclaimed. "And men on a roof are the hardest to hit." In a jiffy a yell rose from the flankers, who now rose and came charging forward across some four hundred feet of intervening space. "Give 'em the Colt, Corporal!" Ensign Darrin roared. There was a yell of rage from the Mexicans as the machine gun barked forth. With the muzzle describing an arc of several degrees, many of the flankers were hit. The others threw themselves flat on the ground to escape its destructive fire. From the mill another score of charging Mexicans had started, yelling in Spanish: "Death to the Gringos." Leaping forward, Darrin felt a sudden sting of pain in his right foot. A bullet, sent in low, had ripped the sole of his shoe, inflicting a painful wound. "Cease firing, Corporal!" Dave ordered, hobbling to the machine gun. "Swing her nose around. Now, give it to 'em." As the machine gun barked forth again the raiders from the mill found good excuse for halting. There are times when a machine gun is worth a battalion of infantry. Yet one bullet is enough to kill a man. A marine fell at Dave's feet. The young ensign bent over him; one look was enough to prove that this defender of his countrymen was dead. As the fire from the machine gun ceased, a wild cheer rose on the air. Now, from four different points groups of Mexicans rose and charged, firing as they ran. One desperate dash, and they would overwhelm the crippled little Navy party. Defeat for Dave Darrin's command meant the massacre of all the survivors of his rescue party, and of the American men and women in their care! Ensign Dave Darrin realized this with a sickening heart. CHAPTER IX CANTOR FINDS HIS CHANCE Prompt action alone could save the women and children who lay cowering in the launch. "Corporal, kneel with your men, and let them have it as fast as you can!" ordered Dave. "Riley, get your men into the boat, and take the Colt with you. Post it as fast as you can on the starboard quarter!" Dave himself stood behind the kneeling marines, a fair target for every hostile bullet. John Carmody, too, felt in honor bound to risk himself beside the young Navy ensign. "All sea-going, sir!" called Coxswain Riley. "Schmidt, make ready to cast off," sang back Darrin. Now the different groups of Mexicans, who had been halted for a minute under the brisk fire, saw their prey slipping away from them. With yells of fury, Cosetta's men rose and attempted the final charge. "Marines aboard!" yelled Darrin. Almost in the same instant, loaded revolver in hand, Dave sprang to the gunwale and landed on the after deck. Without waiting for the order from his chief, Schmidt cast off, with the aid of the single sailor under his own command. The engineer went ahead at slow speed for a few seconds while Riley steered the launch clear of the wharf and headed for deeper, safer water. "Half speed ahead!" shouted Darrin, as Schmidt sprang to the wheel, while Riley, snatching up his rifle, joined the fighting men. Uttering howls of rage as they saw their prey escaping them, the Mexicans rushed out onto the wharf in a mad attempt to board before it was too late. Three men would have succeeded in boarding the launch, had they not been shot down as they leaped for the after deck. "Give it to them with the Colt, Corporal!" Dave called. "Every other man fire with his rifle!" Before he had finished speaking, the reloaded Colt belched forth its rain of death. It was the machine gun, with its muzzle swiftly turning in an arc of a circle that did the most execution among the outlaws, but the riflemen did their share. Until his rifle barrel was too hot to hold in his hands, John Carmody shot rapidly, yet coolly putting into his work all the pent-up indignation that he had felt for days against Cosetta and his men. "Stop the gun!" ordered Dave Darrin, resting a hand on the shoulder of the marine corporal. "Don't waste its fire." The launch was now free of the shore, and moving down the lagoon at half speed. On the wharf fully a score of Mexicans either lay dead or dying. Dave's spoken order to the engineer caused the launch to increase its speed. "Line up at the starboard rail," Dave called to the men grouped about him. "We're going to catch it from the shore." The launch was a few hundred yards down the lagoon when Darrin, alertly watching, made out several figures on the eastern shore. Patiently he waited until the first flash from a rifle was seen, which was followed instantly by the report and the "pss-seu!" of a bullet. "Let 'em have the rest of what's in the Colt," the young ensign directed, calmly. "Men, don't fire too rapidly, but keep up your work. We want to be remembered by Cosetta, if he has the good luck to be still alive." It was neither a heavy nor an accurate fire that came now from the enraged Mexicans. Helped out by the Colt, the fire from the moving craft was sharp enough to discourage the rapidly diminishing ardor of the miscreants on shore. Just as the launch rounded the point of land at the mouth of the lagoon, and stood out into open water at full speed, a stray bullet killed Seaman Hicks. "Yes, sir, he's dead, poor fellow!" exclaimed Riley, looking up as Ensign Dave stepped hastily forward for a look at his man. "Hicks was a fine sailor too." "For a party that wasn't expected to fight," returned Darrin wearily, "we've had a pretty big casualty list---two killed, and three wounded." "You're wounded yourself, sir," exclaimed Riley. "Oh, my boot was cut," Darrin assented, indifferently. "Look at your wrist, sir," urged the young Coxswain. Dave glanced down at his left wrist, to find it covered with blood. "It must look worse than it is," Darrin commented, listlessly. "I didn't even feel it." "It will need attention, sir, just the same," Riley urged. "Let me fix it up, sir, with a first aid bandage." There was a water cask aboard. As the launch was now out of close range, and the Mexicans had apparently given up firing, Riley brought a cup of water, poured it over the wrist, and wiped away the blood. "A scratch, as I thought," smiled Dave. "Not even enough to get excused from watch duty." "You'll have it dressed, sir, won't you, as soon as you get aboard the '_Long Island_' again?" urged Riley, applying the sterilized bandage with swift skill. "If the scoundrels used any of the brass-jacketed bullets of which they're so fond, a scratch like that might lead to blood poisoning, sir." In a few minutes more the launch was out of rifle range. Dave ordered the course changed to east by north-east, in order to reach the rendezvous of the three launches. "Steamer ahead, sir!" sang out the bow lookout, a few minutes later. "Whereaway?" called Darrin, moving forward. "Three points off starboard bow, sir," replied the sailorman. "It looks like our own launch, sir." By this time Darrin was well forward. He peered closely at the approaching craft, for she might be a Mexican Federal gunboat that had fallen into the hands of rebels or outlaws. "It's our own launch," pronounced Darrin, a minute later. He reached for the whistle pull and blew three blasts of welcome, which were promptly answered. The two craft now neared each other. "Launch ahoy, there!" called a voice from the bow of the other craft. "Aye, aye, sir!" Darrin answered. "Is that you, Ensign Darrin?" "Aye, aye, sir." "Lay to. I am coming alongside." As the launch under Dave's command lost headway, then lay idly on the light ground swell, the other launch circled about her, then came up under the port quarter. "Did you find the American party, Ensign Darrin?" demanded Lieutenant Cantor. "Yes, sir; I have the entire party aboard and uninjured." "Was there any trouble?" asked Cantor. "Yes, sir. We were fired upon, and forced to defend ourselves." "You fired upon the natives?" exclaimed Lieutenant Cantor, in an \ astonished tone. "I had to, sir." "In the face of orders not to fight?" pressed Dave's enemy. "Sir, if I had not fought, I would have lost my entire command," Darrin answered, with an indignation that he could not completely veil. "Ensign Darrin," came the sharp rebuke, "You have disobeyed the orders of Captain Gales, which were repeated by me just before we parted company. Did your fire hit any of the Mexicans?" "I think we must have done so, sir," Dave returned dryly. "Several of them lay down, at all events." "Any losses in your own command?" pressed Cantor. "Two men killed and four wounded." "The consequences of disobedience of orders, sir!" cried Lieutenant Cantor, angrily. "Ensign Darrin, I am certain that you should not have been entrusted with the command of a launch." "That sounds like a reflection on the Captain's judgment, sir!" Dave rejoined, rather warmly. "No unnecessary remarks," thundered Cantor. "I shall not place you in arrest, but on our return to the ship I shall report at once your flagrant disobedience of orders." Darrin did not answer, but the hot blood now surged to his head, suffusing his cheeks. He was deeply humiliated. "Young man, if you call that good sense," rumbled the deep voice of John Carmody, "then I don't agree with you. You condemn Darrin-----" "Who is speaking?" roared Lieutenant Cantor. "My name is John Carmody," returned the planter, coolly. "Then be good enough to remain silent," commanded Cantor. "Since I'm on a government boat," retorted the planter, "I suppose I may as well do as I'm ordered. But at some other time I shall air my opinion of you, young man, as freely as I please." Lieutenant Cantor bit his lips, then gave the order to proceed to the appointed rendezvous. As Cantor's launch neared Dalzell's steamer, the lieutenant ordered a rocket sent up. From away over on the horizon an answering rocket was seen. Forty minutes later the "_Long Island_" lay to close by. Cantor's launch was the first to go in alongside. "Were you successful?" hailed the voice of the executive officer from the bridge. "Ensign Darrin was, sir," Cantor replied, through the megaphone. "Are all the missing Americans safe?" "Yes, sir," Cantor continued. "And all our own men?" "Two killed, sir, and four wounded, through what I believe to be disobedience of orders." Instructions came for Lieutenant Cantor's launch to lay alongside. Soon after the men were on deck and the launch hoisted into place. Then, under orders, Darrin ran alongside. First of all his wounded men were passed on hoard, being there received by hospital stewards from the sick bay. Then, amid impressive silence, the two dead men were taken on board. "Ensign Darrin," directed the officer of the deck, from the bridge, "you are directed to report to Captain Gales, at once." Saluting, and holding himself very erect, Dave Darrin stepped proudly aboard. His face was white and angry as he neared the captain's quarters, but the young ensign strove to command himself, and tried to keep his sorely tried temper within bounds. "You will pass inside, sir, at once," directed the marine orderly, as the young officer halted near the door. Acknowledging the marine's salute, Dave Darrin passed him and entered the office. Lieutenant Cantor, erect and stern, faced Captain Gales, who looked the sterner of the two. "Ensign Darrin," began the battleship's commanding officer, rising, "most serious charges have been preferred against you, sir!" CHAPTER X DAVE IS STUNG TO THE QUICK Ensign Darrin bowed, then awaited further communication from his commanding officer. "It was particularly set forth in the orders," resumed Captain Gales, "that any form of conflict was to be avoided by the expedition of which you commanded a part, was it not?" "It was, sir," Darrin admitted. "And yet, by the report which Lieutenant Cantor has turned in, you opened fire on Cosetta and his band and have returned to ship with two men killed and four men wounded. Is that report correct?" "It is, sir," admitted the young ensign, "with one exception." "State the exception, Ensign Darrin," ordered the captain, coldly. "The exception, sir, is that Cosetta's fellows opened fire on us first." Dave Darrin stood looking straight into Captain Gales's eyes. "Ensign Darrin, did you do anything to provoke that fire?" asked the commanding officer. "Yes, sir," Dave admitted. "Ah!" breathed Captain Gales, while Cantor gave an almost inaudible ejaculation of triumph. "What was it, sir, that you did to provoke Cosetta into ordering his fellows to fire?" questioned Captain Gales. "Why, sir, I found and rescued the Americans after whom you sent me," Dave explained. "They were Cosetta's prisoners. There was not a shot fired on either side until after I had placed the released prisoners under the protection of my own men, and had started away with them. Then the Mexican bandits opened fire on us." "Couldn't you have escaped without returning the fire?" "We might have been able to do so, sir." "Then why didn't you?" pressed the captain. "Because, sir, I felt sure that we would lose most of our men if we tamely submitted, and ran, pursued by superior numbers, to our launch. Moreover, I was much afraid that some of the Americans we were trying to rescue would be hit." "In your judgment, Ensign Darrin, there was no other course open save to return the fire?" "That was my exact judgment of the situation, sir," replied the young ensign earnestly. "And still is your best judgment?" "Yes, Captain." "Hm!" commented Captain Gales. "And yet you have returned to ship with your casualties amounting to thirty per cent of your command, and one-third of your casualties are fatalities." "Those are the facts, sir," interposed Lieutenant Cantor. "Therefore, in the face of fighting against orders, and sustaining such losses to his own immediate command, I felt it my duty, sir, to prefer charges against Ensign Darrin." "This is a most unfortunate affair, sir," commented Captain Gales. Dave Darrin felt the hot blood mounting to his face. He tried to control his wrath, but could not refrain from asking a question. "Sir, do you wish me to hand my sword to you?" he said gravely, with a quick movement of his right hand toward his sword hilt. "Not yet, at any rate," answered Captain Gales, calmly. "I wish to hear your story." "Very good, sir," Dave returned, then plunged at once into a narrative that was stripped to the bare facts. He told everything from the landing of his men to the final escape from the lagoon under Mexican fire. "Of course, sir, Coxswain Riley and Corporal Ross will be able to bear me out as to the facts of which they have knowledge. And I would suggest, sir," Darrin added, "that Mr. Carmody, who knows more of Cosetta than any of us, will be able to give you an excellent opinion of whether I was obliged to throw my command into the fight." "How much of your ammunition did you bring back?" asked Captain Gales, his face betraying nothing of his inward opinion. "All the Colt ammunition was used, sir." "And the rifle ammunition?" "I do not believe, sir, that any man brought back more than three or four of his cartridges. Some of the men, undoubtedly, have no ammunition left." "It is evident, sir," hinted Lieutenant Cantor, "that Ensign Darrin did his best to bring on an engagement. And his thirty per cent casualty list-----" "Thank you, Lieutenant," broke in Captain Gales. "The number of casualties, while unfortunate, is to be justified only by a decision as to whether it was expedient and right to engage the brigand, Cosetta." Lieutenant Cantor's only comment was an eloquent shrug of his shoulders. "Ensign Darrin," continued Captain Gales, "if your story is true in every detail, then it would appear to me that your action, while I regret the necessity for it, could hardly be avoided. In that case, your conduct does not appear to render you liable to censure. Until further notice you will continue in your duties. Lieutenant Cantor will, as early as possible, turn in a written report of the work of the expedition, and you, Ensign Darrin, will make a written report on your own part in the affair. You will make your report through Lieutenant Cantor, who will hand it to me with his own report. Lieutenant Cantor, in his report, will make such comment on Ensign Darrin's statements as he sees fit. You may go to your quarters, Darrin, and begin your report." "Very good, sir," Darrin returned. Saluting, he left the office. Out in the passage-way Dave encountered Dan, who had been waiting for him. "What's in the wind?" asked Danny Grin, eyeing Dave anxiously. "Cantor," Dave returned, grimly. "Is he trying to make trouble for you because you behaved like a brave man?" Dan asked, angrily. "That is his plan." "The contemptible hound!" ejaculated Dan Dalzell. "Do you think he is going to succeed in putting it over on you?" "That's more than I can predict," Darrin answered his chum. "Cantor is a bright man, and in rascality I believe him to be especially efficient." "I'd like to call the fellow out!" muttered Dan. "Don't think of it," Dave Darrin urged, hastily, for he knew only too well the quality of Danny Grin's temper when it was fully aroused. "A challenge would suit Cantor to the skies, for it would enable him to have my best friend kicked out of the Navy." "I won't think of it, then," promised Ensign Dalzell, "unless that fellow tries my temper to the breaking point." Dave went hastily to his own quarters, where he laid aside his sword and revolver, bathed and dressed himself. Then he sent a messenger in search of a typewriting machine. When that came Darrin seated himself before it. Rapidly, he put down all the essential circumstances of the night's work. Scanning the sheets closely, Dave made two or three minor changes in his report, then signed it. Through a messenger, Darrin inquired if Lieutenant Cantor could receive him. A reply came back that Dave might report to him at once. "This is my report, sir," Dave announced, Dave was about to turn on his heel and leave the room, when Lieutenant Cantor stopped him with: "Wait a few moments, if you please, Darrin. I wish to run hastily through your report." Declining the offer of a chair, Darrin remained standing stiffly. As he went through the report, Cantor frowned several times. At last he laid the signed sheets down on his desk. "Darrin," asked the division commander, "do you realize that you are out of place in the Navy?" "I do not, sir," Dave answered, coldly. "Well, you are," pursued Lieutenant Cantor. "With your talents you should engage in writing the most improbable kinds of romances." "That report is true in every respect, sir," Dave frowned. "It appears to me to be a most improbable report---as highly improbable as any official report that I have ever seen." "The report is true in every detail," repeated Dave, his face flushing. Lieutenant Cantor rose from his desk, facing his angry subordinate. "You lie!" he declared, coldly. "You cur!" Dave Darrin hissed back, his wrath now at white heat. Instantly he launched a blow full at Cantor's face. The lieutenant warded it off. Within three or four seconds several blows were aimed on both sides, without landing, for both were excellent boxers. Then Dave drove in under Cantor's guard with his left hand, while with his right fist he struck the lieutenant a blow full on the face that sent him reeling backward. Clutching wildly, Cantor seized a chair, carrying it over with himself as he landed on the floor. In an instant Lieutenant Cantor was on his feet, brandishing the chair aloft. "Ensign Darrin," he cried, "you have made the error of striking a superior officer when on duty!" CHAPTER XI A BROTHER OFFICER'S WHISPER "I know it," Dave returned, huskily. "You have committed a serious breach of discipline," blazed the lieutenant. "I have struck down a fellow who demeaned himself by insulting his subordinate," Darrin returned, his voice now clear and steady. "Lieutenant Cantor, do you consider yourself fit to command others?" "Never mind what I think about myself," sneered the lieutenant. "Go to your quarters!" "In arrest?" demanded Dave Darrin, mockingly. "No; but go to your quarters and remain there for the present. You are likely to be summoned very soon." Saluting, Ensign Dave turned ironically on his heel, going back to his quarters. In an instant Danny Grin came bounding in. "There's something up, isn't there?" Ensign Dalzell asked, anxiously. "A moment ago there was something down," retorted Dave, grimly. "It was Cantor, if any one asks you about it." "You knocked him down?" asked Dan, eagerly. "I did." "Then you must have had an excellent reason." "I did have a very fair reason," Darrin went on, "the fellow passed the lie." "Called you a _liar_?" "That was the purport of his insult," Dave nodded. "I'm glad you knocked him down," Dalzell went on, fervently. "Yet I see danger ahead." "What danger?" Dave asked, dryly. "Cantor will report your knock-down feat to Captain Gales." "Let him. When he hears of the provocation Captain Gales will exonerate me. Cantor will have to admit that he deliberately insulted me." "If Cantor does admit it," muttered Danny Grin, doubtfully. "I haven't any faith in Cantor's honor." "Why, he'll have to do it," Dave contended, proudly. "Cantor is an officer in the United States Navy. Can you picture an officer as telling a deliberate falsehood?" "It wouldn't be extremely difficult to picture Cantor as doing anything unmanly," Dan replied, slowly. "Oh, but he couldn't tell a falsehood," Darrin protested. "That would be impossible---against all the traditions of the service." "My infant," Dan retorted, "I am afraid that, some day, you will have a rude awakening." While these events were happening Captain Gales was closely questioning John Carmody. Coxswain Riley and Corporal Ross of the marines had already been before him. As Darrin left his division officer's quarters Cantor turned to wipe his stinging cheek, which he next examined closely in a glass. Then he turned back to his desk, smiling darkly. Rapidly he wrote his comment on Darrin's report, signed his own report, and then leaned back, thinking hard. "I'll do it!" he muttered, the sinister smile appearing again. Picking up his pen, He began to write a separate report, charging Ensign David Darrin with viciously knocking him down while on duty. This report Cantor folded carefully, tucking it away in an inner pocket of his undress blouse. Then, gathering up the other reports in one hand, he pushed aside the curtain and stepped outside. "Hullo, Trent," he offered, in greeting, as that officer suddenly appeared. "Cantor, I want to talk with you for a moment," urged Lieutenant Trent. "Just now, I am on my way to the commanding officer with official reports," Cantor objected. "But what I have to say is urgent," Trent insisted. "Can't you spare me just a moment?" "If you'll be extremely brief," Cantor agreed, reluctantly. "You may think I am interfering," Trent went on, "but I wish to say that I heard that fracas in your quarters, between yourself and Darrin. I happened to be passing at the moment." Cantor gave an uneasy start. He felt a moment's fright, but hastily recovered, for he was a quick thinker. "It was outrageous, wasn't it, Trent?" he demanded. "I should say that it was," replied his brother officer, though he spoke mildly. "I don't know what to make of young Darrin," Cantor continued. "First he insulted me, and then struck me." "Knocked you down, didn't he?" asked Trent. "Yes," nodded Cantor. "What are you trying to do to that youngster?" asked Trent, coolly. "What am I trying to do to him?" Cantor repeated, in seeming astonishment. "Nothing, of course, unless I'm driven to it. But Darrin insulted me, and then followed it up with a blow." Trent fixed his brother officer with a rather contemptuous glance as he answered, stiffly. "Cantor, there are two marines aft. Go and tell your version to the marines." "Are you going to call me a liar, too?" demanded Cantor, his eyes blazing, as he turned a threatening face to Trent. "Keep cool," urged Lieutenant Trent, "and you'll get out of this affair more easily than you would otherwise." "But you spoke," argued Cantor, "as though you doubted my word. If you were outside my door at the time, then you know that I asked Darrin, 'Am I a liar?' Then he struck me at once." "Are you going to prefer charges against Darrin for knocking you down?" demanded Lieutenant Treat. "I am most certainly," nodded Cantor, taping his breast pocket wherein hay the report. "Then I am obliged to tell you, Cantor," Lieutenant Trent went on, "that at the courtmartial I shall be obliged to appear as one of Darrin's witnesses. Further, I shall be obliged to testify that you said to him, 'you lie.' Then Darrin knocked you down, as any other self-respecting man must have done." "But I didn't tell him he lied," protested Cantor, with much seeming warmth. "On the contrary, I asked him if he meant to imply that I lied." "That may be your version, Cantor," Lieutenant Trent rejoined, "but I have just told you what my testimony will have to be." "What's your interest in this Darrin fellow?" Cantor demanded, half-sneeringly. "Why, in the first place," Trent answered, calmly, "I like Darrin. And I regard him as an excellent, earnest, faithful, competent young officer." "But why should you try to shield him, and throw me down, if this matter comes before a court-martial?" "Because I am an officer," replied Trent, stiffly, drawing himself up, "and also, I trust, a gentleman. It is both my sworn duty and my inclination to see truth prevail at all times in the service." "But think it over, Trent," urged Lieutenant Cantor. "Now, aren't you ready to admit that you heard me ask, 'Am I a liar'?" "I can admit nothing of the sort," Trent returned. Then, laying a hand on the arm of the other lieutenant, Trent continued: "Cantor, all the signs point to the belief that we shall be at war with Mexico at any time now. We can't afford to have the ward-room mess torn by any court-martial charges against any officer, unless he richly deserves the prosecution. Darrin doesn't; that I know. I have no right to balk any officer who demands a courtmartial of any one on board, but it is right and proper that I should he prepared to take oath as to what I know of the merits of the matter. I must assume, and I hope rightly, that you really have an erroneous recollection of what passed before the blow was struck. Cantor, you have the reputation of being a hard master with young officers, but I know nothing affecting your good repute as an officer and a gentleman. I am ready to believe that you, yourself, have a wrong recollection of what you said, but I am very certain as to the exact form of the words that I heard passed. Good night!" Barely returning the salutation, Cantor passed on to Captain Gales's office, to which he was promptly admitted. The hour was late, but the commander of the "_Long Island_" was anxious to get at the whole truth of the evening's affair ashore, and so was still at his desk. "Oh, I am glad to see you, Lieutenant Cantor," was the captain's greeting, as that officer appeared, after having sent in his compliments. "You have both reports?" "Here they are, sir," replied the younger officer, laying them on the desk. "Be seated, Lieutenant. I will go through these papers at once." For some minutes there was silence in the room, save for the rustling of paper as Captain Gales turned a page. At last he glanced up from the reading. "I note, Lieutenant Cantor, that you are still of the opinion that the fight could have been avoided." "That is my unalterable opinion, sir," replied the lieutenant. "You are aware, of course, Mr. Cantor, that your report will form a part of the record that will go to the Navy Department, through the usual official channels?" "I am well aware of that, sir." "Have you any other papers to submit in connection with Ensign Darrin?" For the barest instant Lieutenant Cantor hesitated. Then he rose, as he replied: "No other papers, sir." "That is all, Lieutenant," nodded the captain, and returned his subordinate officer's salute. CHAPTER XII THE MAN OF THE EVIL EYE "The captain's compliments, sir, and will Ensign Darrin report to him immediately?" Darrin had dressed for breakfast the morning after, but there were yet some minutes to spare before the call would come to the ward-room mess. "My compliments to the captain, and I will report immediately," Ensign Dave replied. Turning, he put on his sword and drew on his white gloves. Then, with a glance over himself, he left his quarters, walking briskly toward the commanding officer's quarters. Captain Gales, at his desk, received the young ensign's salute. On the desk lay the papers in the matter of the night before. "Ensign, I have gone over the papers in last night's affair," began the "Old Man," as a naval vessel's commander is called, when not present. "Yes, sir?" The captain's face was inexpressive; it was impossible to tell what was going on in his mind. "I have given careful attention to your report, and also to that of Lieutenant Cantor. I have talked with Mr. Carmody, and have asked Coxswain Riley and Corporal Ross some questions. And so I have come to the decision-----" Here the captain paused for an instant. How Dave Darrin's heart thumped under his ribs. The next few words would convey either censure, criticism or exoneration! "-----that Lieutenant Cantor's charges are not well sustained," continued, Captain Gales. Dave Darrin could not repress the gleam of joy that flashed into his eyes. The memory of the men killed under his command and the present sufferings of the wounded had preyed upon him through a long, wakeful night. But here was a veteran in the service, prepared, after hearing all possible testimony, to declare that he, Darrin, was not blamable! "I had hoped," resumed Captain Gales, "that the affair on shore could he conducted without firing a single shot, However, Ensign Darrin, the fact has been established to my satisfaction that you did your work well; that you did not allow your men to fire a shot until you had been attacked in force. Nor did you fire upon Mexican troups or reputable natives, but upon a body of bandits---outlaws---who are enemies of all mankind. Not to have returned the fire, under such circumstances, would have been censurable conduct. That several times through the night you held your party's fire, and at no time fired oftener than appeared to be absolutely necessary, is established by the eye-witnesses with whom I have talked. Nor were the losses to your command higher than might have been looked for in a fight against superior numbers, such as you encountered. I have endorsed these views of mine upon Lieutenant Cantor's report and also upon your own. I can find no fault with your course of action." "I cannot tell you, sir, how highly I appreciate your decision." "Of course you do, Darrin!" cried Captain Gales, holding out his hand. "No young officer in the service enjoys being censured when he has used the very best judgment with which Heaven has endowed him. No man of earnest effort, likes to have his motives questioned. And I am happy to say, Ensign Darrin, that I regard you as the same faithful, hardworking officer that I considered you when you had not been more than three days aboard the '_Long Island_.' I congratulate you, Ensign, upon your skilful handling of a bad situation last night. Now, I am not going to keep you here longer, for mess call is due in two minutes, and you will want your breakfast." With a heart full of joy and gratitude Dave hastened back to his quarters, where he laid aside his sword and gloves. Just outside the ward-room door he encountered John Carmody, who appeared to have been waiting there purposely. "Now, Mr. Darrin," cried the planter, holding out his hand, "I want to try to give you some idea of my gratitude for the magnificent work you did last night for my dear ones and our friends. I don't know how to begin, but-----" "Please don't try to begin," laughed Dave. "An officer of the American Navy should never be thanked for the performance of his duty. I can't tell you how delighted I am that my efforts were successful, and that the scoundrels, who had tried to violate Mexico's sacred duty of hospitality, were roundly punished. Tell me, sir, how are the ladies this morning?" "All of them are in excellent spirits, Mr. Darrin. I suppose you have not seen them yet. They are in full possession of the captain's quarters, and are at breakfast now." The breakfast call sounded, and in twos and threes the officers of the "_Long Island_," passed into the ward-room. John Carmody was provided with a seat beside the chaplain. "Darrin, you lucky dog!" called Lieutenant-Commander Denton, as soon as the officers were seated. "Am I really fortunate?" Dave smiled back. "Yes; for you were privileged to order the firing of the first shots in the Mexican war that is now close at hand. You are, or will be, historical, Darrin!" Dave's face clouded as he replied, gravely: "And I am also aware, sir, that I had the misfortune to lose the first men killed." "That was regrettable," replied another officer, "but we of the Navy expect to go down some day. The two men who were killed died for the honor and credit of the service, and of the Flag, which we serve. It is the lot of all of us, Darrin. If war comes many a soldier and sailor will find an honored grave, and perhaps not a few here will lose their mess numbers. It's just the way of the service, Darrin!" "Cantor, you were out of luck last night," observed Lieutenant Holton, who sat next to him. "In what way?" asked Cantor, but he flushed deeply. "You had only a boat ride, and missed the fight," replied Holton. "Oh!" replied Cantor, and felt relieved, for he had thought that Holton referred to something else. "Where are we heading now?" asked Dave. "Didn't you notice the course?" inquired Dalzell. "About westerly, isn't it?" "Yes; we are bound for Vera Cruz," Danny Grin answered. "We shall be there in two hours. Mr. Carmody and his party have no notion of going back to their plantation at present. Instead, they'll take a steamer to New York." Breakfast was nearly over when an orderly appeared, bringing an envelope, which he handed to Commander Bainbridge. "Pardon me," said the executive officer to the officers on either side of him. Then he examined the paper contained in the envelope. "Gentlemen," called Commander Bainbridge, "I have some information that I will announce to you, briefly, as soon as the meal is over." Every eye was turned on the executive officer. After a few moments he continued: "Yesterday, at Tampico, an officer and boatcrew of men went ashore in a launch from the 'dolplin.' The boat flew the United States Flag, and the officer and men landed to attend to the purchase of supplies. An officer of General Huerta's Federal Army arrested our officer and his men. They were released a little later, but Admiral Mayo demanded a formal apology and a salute of twenty-one guns to our insulted Flag. Some sort of apology has been made to Admiral Mayo, but it was not satisfactory, and the gun salute was refused. Admiral Mayo has sent the Mexican Federal commander at Tampico something very much like an ultimatum. Unless a satisfactory apology is made, and the gun salute is fired, the Washington government threatens to break off all diplomatic relations with Mexico and to make reprisals. That is the full extent of the news, so far as it has reached us by wireless." "_War_!" exploded Lieutenant-Commander Eaton. "We mustn't jump too rapidly at conclusions," Commander Bainbridge warned his hearers. "But it _does_ mean war, doesn't it?" asked Lieutenant Holton. "That chap, Huerta, will be stiff-necked about yielding a gun salute after it has been refused, and Mexican pride will back him up in it. The Mexicans hate us as only jealous people can hate. The Mexicans won't give in. On the other hand, our country has always been very stiff over any insult to the Flag. So what hope is there that war can be averted? Reprisals between nations are always taken by the employment of force, and surely any force that we employ against Mexico can end in nothing less than war." As the officers left the table nothing was talked of among them except the news from Tampico. The rumor spread rapidly forward. Cheering was heard from the forecastle. "The jackies have the word," chuckled Dan Dalzell. "They're sure to be delighted over any prospect of a fight." "If we have a real fight," sighed Darrin, his mind on the night before, "a lot of our happy jackies will be sent home in boxes to their friends." "A small lot the jackies care about that," retorted Danny Grin. "Show me, if you can, anywhere in the world, a body of men who care less about facing death than the enlisted men in the United States Navy!" "Of course we should have interfered in Mexico long ago," Dave went on. "Serious as the Flag incident is, there have been outrages ten-fold worse than that. I shall never be able to down the feeling that we have been, as a people, careless of our honor in not long ago stepping in to put a stop to the outrages against Americans that have been of almost daily occurrence in Mexico." "If fighting does begin," asked Dalzell, suddenly, "where do we of the Navy come in? Shelling a few forts, possibly, and serving in the humdrum life of blockade duty." "If we land in Mexico," Dave retorted, "there will be one stern duty that will fall to the lot of the Navy. The Army won't be ready in time for the first landing on Mexican soil. That will be the duty of the Navy. If we send a force of men ashore at Tampico, or possibly Vera Cruz, it will have to be a force of thousands of our men, for the Mexicans will resist stubbornly, and there'll be a lot of hard fighting for the Navy before Washington has the Army in shape to land. Never fear, Danny boy! We are likely to see enough active service!" Dave soon went to the bridge to stand a trick of watch duty with Lieutenant Cantor. For an hour no word was exchanged between the two officers. Cantor curtly transmitted orders through petty officers on the deck below. Dave kept to his own, the starboard side of the bridge, his alert eyes on his duty. There was no chance to exchange even a word on the all-absorbing topic of the incident at Tampico. Vera Cruz, lying on a sandy stretch of land that was surrounded by marshes, was soon sighted, and the "_Long Island_" stood in toward the harbor in which the Stars and Stripes fluttered from several other American warships lying at anchor. A messenger from the executive officer appeared on the bridge with the information that, after the ship came to anchor, Ensign Dalzell would be sent in one of the launches to convey the Carmody party ashore. There was no chance for the rescued ones to come forward to say good-bye to Darrin on the bridge, for they went over the port side into the waiting launch. Dalzell, however, manoeuvred the launch so that she passed along the ship's side. A call, and exclamations in feminine voices attracted Dave's notice. "Mr. Darrin, Mr. Darrin!" called four women at once, as they waved their handkerchiefs to him. Dave, cap in hand, returned their salute. "Thank you again, Mr. Darrin." "We won't say good-bye," called Mrs. Carmody, "for we shall hope to meet you and your splendid boat-crew again." At that the jackies on the forecastle set up a tremendous cheering. Not until Dave had gone off duty did another launch put out from the "_Long Island_." That craft bore to one of the docks two metal caskets. Brief services had been held over the remains of the sailor and the marine killed the night before, and now the bodies were to be sent home to the relatives. After luncheon a messenger summoned Ensign Darrin to Commander Bainbridge's office. "Ensign Darrin," said the executive officer, "here are some communications to be taken ashore to the office of the American consul. You will use number three launch, and take a seaman orderly with you." "Aye, aye, sir." Darrin went over the side, followed by Seaman Rogers, who had been in the landing party the night before, Both were soon ashore. Rogers, who knew where the consul's office was, acted as guide. Crowds on the street eyed the American sailors with no very pleasant looks. "Those Greasers are sullen, sir," said Seaman Rogers. "I expected to find them so," Ensign Darrin answered. They had not gone far when a man astride a winded, foam-flocked horse rode up the street. "Do you know that man, sir?" asked Seaman Rogers, in an excited whisper. "The bandit, Cosetta!" Dave muttered. "The same, sir." But Darrin turned and walked on again, for he saw that the recognition had been mutual. Espying the young ensign, Cosetta reined in sharply before a group of Mexicans, whose glances he directed at Dave Darrin. "There he goes, the turkey-cock, strutting young officer," cried Cosetta harshly in his own tongue. "Eye the young Gringo upstart well. You must know him again, for he is to be a marked man in the streets of Vera Cruz!" It was a prediction full of ghastly possibilities for Ensign Dave Darrin! CHAPTER XIII "AFTER THE RASCAL!" Seaman Rogers led the way briskly to the American consulate. "The consul is engaged, sir, with the Jefe Politico," explained a clerk at a desk in an outer office. "Will you wait, or have you papers that can be left with me?" "Thank you; I shall he obliged to wait," Dave decided, "since I was instructed to hand the papers to the consul himself." He took a chair at a vacant desk, picking up a late issue of a New Orleans daily paper and scanning the front page. Seaman Rogers strolled to the entrance, watching the passing crowds of Mexicans. "Is there any very late news from Tampico?" Darrin inquired, presently. "Nothing later than the news received this morning," the clerk replied. "The bare details of the dispute there over the insult to the Flag?" Darrin inquired. "That is all, sir," the clerk replied. So Dave turned again to the newspaper. Several things were happening in the home country that interested him. "It was half an hour before the _Jefe Politico_, a Mexican official, corresponding somewhat to a mayor in an American city, passed through on his way out. "You will be able to see the consul, now," suggested the clerk, so Dave rose at once, passing into the inner office, where he was pleasantly greeted. Dave laid a sealed packet of papers on the desk before the consul. "If you have time to wait, pardon me while I glance at the enclosures," said the consul. Ensign Darrin took a seat near a window, while the official went rapidly through the papers submitted to him. Some were merely communications to go forward to the United States in the consular mailbag. Still other papers required careful consideration. "If you will excuse me," said the consul, rising, "I will go into another room to dictate a letter that I wish to send to your captain." Dave passed through another half hour of waiting. "It will be some time before the papers are ready," reported the consul, on his return. "In the meantime, Mr. Darrin, I am quite at your service." "I wonder if you have received any further news about the Tampico incident," Dave smiled, questioningly. "Nothing further, I fancy, than was sent by wireless to all the American warships in these waters." "Is that incident going to lead to war?" Darrin asked. "It is hard to say," replied the consul, musingly. "But the people at home are very much worked up over it." "They are?" asked Dave, eagerly. "Indeed, yes! In general, the American press predicts that now nothing is so likely as United States intervention in this distracted country. Some of our American editors even declare boldly that the time has come to bring about the permanent occupation and annexation of Mexico." "I hope our country won't go that far," Dave exclaimed, with a gesture of disgust. "I should hate to think of having to welcome the Mexicans as fellow citizens of the great republic." "I don't believe that we need worry about it," smiled the consul. "It is only the jingo papers that are talking in that vein." "How does Congress feel about the situation?" Dave asked. "Why, I am glad to say that Congress appears to be in line for as strong action as the government may wish to take." "It really looks like war, then." "It looks as though our troops might land on the Mexican coast by way of reprisal," replied the consul. "That would bring stubborn resistance from the Mexicans, and then, as a result, intervention would surely follow. There may be men with minds bright enough to see the difference between armed intervention and war." "I'm stupid then," Ensign Dave smiled. "I can't see any difference in the actual results. So you believe, sir, that the people of the United States are practically a unit for taking a strong hand in Mexican affairs?" "The people of the United States have wanted just that action for at least two years," the consul answered. "That was the way it looked to me," Dave nodded. "By the way, sir, did you hear anything about an armed encounter between a naval party and Cosetta's bandits last night?" "Why, yes," cried the consul, "and now I remember that the landing party was sent from your ship. What can you tell me about that?" Dave Darrin gave a brief account of the doings of the night before, though he did not mention the fact that he, himself, was in command of the landing party of rescuers. "It was a plucky bit of work," commented the consul. "Will that fight with Cosetta inflame the Mexican mind?" Dave asked. "It is likely to have something of that effect upon the Mexicans," the consul replied, "though Mexico can hardly make any legal objection to the affair, for Cosetta is a notorious bandit, and bandits have no rights. The Mexican government appears to have been unable to rescue the prisoners, so the United States forces had an undoubted right to do so. Do you know anything about this fellow, Cosetta, Mr. Darrin?" "I never heard of him before yesterday," Dave confessed. "He is a troublesome fellow, and rather dangerous. More than once he has extorted large sums of ransom money for prisoners. He has a large following, even here in Vera Cruz, where he maintains his little force of spies and assassins. Whenever a wealthy Mexican hereabouts has had an enemy that he wanted 'removed,' he has always been able to accomplish his wish with the aid of this same fellow, Cosetta." "Cosetta is in town to-day," Dave remarked. "Are you sure of that?" "I saw him here," Darrin replied, quietly. "Then you must have been the officer in command of last night's landing party." "I was." replied Dave Darrin, shortly. "Then, Mr. Darrin," said the Consul, earnestly, "I am going to give you a bit of advice that I hope you won't disregard. Cosetta may feel deep resentment against you, for you thwarted his plans. Probably, too, you were the cause of laying several of his men low last night. Cosetta won't forget or forgive you. Whenever you are in time streets of Vera Cruz I would advise you to keep your eyes wide open. Cosetta might detail a couple of his worthless desperadoes to bury their knives in your back. This bandit has done such things before, nor is it at all easy to punish him, for the scoundrel has many surprisingly loyal friends in Vera Cruz. In a more strictly-governed country he would be arrested in the city streets as soon as pointed out, but in Mexico the bandit is likely to be a popular hero, and certainly Cosetta is that in Vera Cruz. If he were wanted here for a crime, there are hundreds of citizens who would gladly hide him in their homes. On any day in the week Cosetta could easily recruit a hundred men for his band. Perhaps he is now in town on that errand." "I have an idea that the fellow is dangerous," Darrin nodded. "Still, here in Vera Cruz, with scores of American sailors usually in sight on the streets, it seems to me hardly likely that Cosetta would instruct his men to attack me. The sailors would interfere. Certainly they would lay hold of the assassin." "Ah, but the sailors do not come ashore armed," the consul warned his visitor. "On the other hand, most of the Mexicans go about to-day with arms concealed about them. A fight between a sailor and a Mexican might, just now, be enough to start a riot." Dave listened attentively. He was not in the least alarmed by the possibility of an attack being made upon his person, but he had the natural distaste of a naval officer for being the innocent cause of strained relations between his country and another nation. When the stenographer brought in the papers that had been dictated to him, the consul looked them through, then signed them. "Here is a packet of communications for your captain," said the consul, handing a bulky envelope to Darrin. "One of the communications enclosed, Mr. Darrin, is of so important a nature that you will have an added reason for keeping your weather eye open against any form of trouble that Senor Cosetta might start for you in the streets." "At any time and in any place," Dave smiled, earnestly, "I would take the best possible care of official papers entrusted to me." "I am aware of that, Mr. Darrin," replied the consul smiling. "But the paper in question is one that it would greatly embarrass the United States to have fall into improper hands. That is my only excuse for having cautioned you so particularly." Seaman Rogers was waiting at the door. He saluted when Ensign Darrin appeared, then fell in a few paces behind his officer. A short distance away a carriage stood before the door of a private banker. A woman of perhaps thirty came out through the doorway, carrying a small handbag. Seeming almost to rise from the ground, so suddenly did he appear, a ragged Mexican bumped violently against the woman. There was a scream, and in a twinkling the ragged Mexican was in full flight, carrying the handbag as he ran. "After that rascal, Rogers!" cried Dave Darrin, aghast at the boldness of this daylight robbery. "Aye, aye, sir, and with a hearty good will!" called back Rogers, as both sailors started in full chase. CHAPTER XIV A "FIND" OF A BAD KIND In the nature of timings it could not be a long chase, for Ensign Dave Darrin was a swift runner, of many years' training. Rogers, slim and lithe, was also an excellent runner. Less than a block's distance, and Darrin had gripped the fleeing Mexican by the collar. His left hand reached for the bag, and in a moment Dave had it in his custody. Not a man of the Vera Cruz police force was in sight, to whom to turn the wretch over, so Darrin flung the fellow from him. That the handbag had not been opened Darrin was sure, for he had kept his eye upon it through the chase. Going to the ground in a heap, the Mexican thief was upon his feet instantly. A knife glittered in his right hand as he rushed at the young ensign. But Seaman Rogers was too quick for the fellow. One of his feet shot up, the kick landing on the Mexican's wrist. That kick broke the fellow's wrist and sent the knife spinning through the air. "We must go back to the woman from whom this was taken," Dave declared, and he and Rogers faced about, walking briskly back to the carriage. The woman was completely unnerved, and trembling with fright. Her coachman stood beside her, and already a crowd of a dozen curious natives had gathered. "Is this your property, madam?" Dave Darrin inquired, holding up the bag. "Yes, it is!" she cried, in excellent English. "Oh, thank you! Thank you!" Hastily she opened the bag, disclosing a thick roll of bills. "It is all I have in the world," she murmured, her eyes now filling with tears. "It looks to me like a whole lot and then plenty more," uttered Seaman Rogers under his breath. "Whee! There must be a fortune there." "I am afraid you will not be safe in the streets of Vera Cruz with so much money in your possession," Dave assured her gravely. "I am going only as far as the docks," the woman answered. "If I may have escort that far-----" "You shall," Dave offered. Another score of natives had hastened to the spot, and were looking on curiously with sullen, lowering faces. Darrin began to fear that the plot to rob this woman of her money was a well planned one, with many thieves interested in it. Through the crack of a slightly opened doorway the face of Cosetta, the bandit, appeared, his evil eyes glittering strangely. Dave looked up swiftly, his eyes turned straight on those of the bandit. "It's a plot, sure enough!" gasped the young ensign to himself. "We shall be attacked, and the crowd is too big for us to handle" He was not afraid for himself, and he knew well that Seaman Rogers was "aching" for a chance to turn his hard fists loose on this rascally lot of Mexicans. But a rush would probably secure the bag of money for the bandits, and the woman herself might be roughly handled, It was a ticklish situation. "You are from an American warship, are you not?" inquired the woman. "From the _Long Island_, madam," the young officer informed her. "I am an American citizen, too," she claimed. "No matter to what nationality you belonged, we would protect you to the best of our ability," Darrin added, raising his cap. Whump! whump! whump! whump! It was the sound of steadily marching feet. Then around the corner came a boatswain's mate and eight keep even a crowd of rascals in order men from one of the American warships. It was a shore duty party returning to a ship! "Boatswain's mate!" Dave shouted. "Here!" "Aye, aye, sir!" On the double quick came the shore duty party. Dave Darrin found himself surrounded by blue jackets. "This lady is very nervous, and with good reason," Dave explained to the boatswain's mate. "She just had a handbag of money snatched from her by a thief. The bag has been returned, and now she wishes our escort to the dock, that she may not be attacked again. She is on her way to board a ship that will take her back to the United States. Boatswain's mate, I wish you would ride in the carriage at her side, while the rest of us walk on the sidewalk close to the carriage." "Aye, aye, sir!" responded the mate, saluting, then turning and lifting his cap gracefully to the woman. He helped her into the carriage, then took his seat beside her. Dave and the nine seamen remained on the sidewalk, but kept close to the carriage as the horses moved along at a walk. Darrin had no further fear that another attempt would be made to seize the money by force. Eleven men from the American Navy are guard enough to keep even a crowd of rascals in order. "Since Cosetta was looking on from the doorway, that must have been one of his jobs, engineered by him, and carried out by his own men," Dave told himself, swiftly. "Most of the men in the crowd must have been his own men, too, posted to take the money again, under pretense that a fight with sailors had started. So I've been the means of blocking another profitable enterprise for that fellow, Cosetta. By and by the scoundrel will feel a deep liking for me!" The first thief, he whose wrist Seaman Rogers had broken, had promptly vanished. Unmolested, the blue-jackets escorted the carriage out on to a dock next to the one at which the launch from the "_Long Island_" lay. Dave himself assisted the woman to alight from her carriage on the dock, at the end of which lay an American steamship. After she had thanked the young officer earnestly, Darrin, cap in hand, remarked: "I am afraid I shall have to trouble you, madam, for your name. I shall have to turn in a report on this occurrence on my return to my ship." "I am Mrs. Alice Black," replied the woman. "My home is in Elberon, Ohio, and I shall probably go there soon after I reach New York. This steamship does not sail immediately, but my money will be safe on board with the purser." Darrin gave his own name. "You have done me the greatest service possible, Mr. Darrin, for you have saved me from utter poverty." "Then I am very glad indeed," Dave assured her, and promptly took his leave. Before going off the dock Darrin secured the name of the boatswain's mate, also, for inclusion in his report. Then, with Rogers, he returned to the launch and was speedily back on his own ship. The packet of papers entrusted to him by the consul were at once handed over to Captain Gales. The launch was left fast to a swinging boom, and soon after was employed to take ashore Lieutenant Cantor, who had received shore leave for a few hours. For the first time in several days, Dave and Dan had time to chat together that afternoon. That was after Darrin had turned in a brief report on the assistance rendered an American woman ashore. "Cantor seems to have let up on you, apart from being as grouchy as he knows how to be," Danny Grin observed. "That is because there is nothing he can really do to me," Dave answered, with a smile. "Just the same," urged Dan, "I would advise you at all times to keep your weather eye turned toward that chap." "He really isn't worth the trouble," Dave yawned, behind his hand. "And, fortunately, I shall not always be compelled to serve under him. Officers are frequently transferred, you know." "If Cantor found the chance, you might last only long enough to be transferred back to civil life," Dan warned him. "Dave, I wish you would really be more on your guard against the only enemy, so far as I know, that you have." "I'm not interested in Cantor," retorted Dave. "It would do me a heap more good to know what reply General Huerta will finally make to the American demand for satisfaction over the Tampico incident." "Huerta won't give in," Dan predicted. "If he did, he would he killed by his own Mexican rabble." "If Huerta resists, then he'll have to fight," Dave exclaimed, warmly. "And if he fights most of the Mexicans will probably stand by him," Dalzell contended. His only hope of saving his own skin lies in provoking Uncle Sam into sending a spanking expedition. At the worst, Huerta, if badly beaten by our troops, can surrender to our commander, and then he'll have a chance to get out of Mexico alive. If Huerta gave in to us, he would have all the Mexican people against him, and he'd only fall into the hands of the rebels, who would take huge delight in killing him offhand. It's a queer condition, isn't it, when Huerta's only hope of coming out alive hangs on his making war against a power like the United States." "Open for callers?" inquired Lieutenant Trent's voice, outside Dan's door. "Come in, by all means," called Ensign Dalzell. Lieutenant Trent entered, looking as though he were well satisfied with himself on this warm April day in the tropics. "You look unusually jovial," Dan remarked. "And why shouldn't I?" Trent asked. "For years the Navy has been working out every imaginable problem of attack and defense. Now, we shall have a chance to apply some of our knowledge." "In fighting the Mexican Navy?" laughed Dave. "Hardly that," grinned the older officer. "But at least we shall have landing-party practice, and in the face of real bullets." "If Huerta doesn't back down," Dave suggested. "He won't," Danny Grin insisted. "He can't---doesn't dare." "Do you realize what two of our greatest problems are to-day?" asked Lieutenant Trent. "Attack on battleships by submarines and airships?" Dave inquired, quietly. "Yes," Trent nodded. "Huerta hasn't any submarines," Dan offered. "We haven't heard of any," Trent replied, "Yet how can we be sure that he hasn't any submarine craft?" "He has an airship or two, though, I believe," Dave went on. "He is believed to have two in the hands of the Mexican Federal Army," Lieutenant Trent continued. "I have just heard that, if we send a landing party ashore on a hostile errand, on each warship an officer and a squad of men will be stationed by a searchlight all through the dark hours. That searchlight will keep the skies lighted in the effort to discover an airship." "And we ought to be able to bring it down with a six-pounder shell," Danny Grin declared, promptly. "There is a limit to the range of a six-pounder, or any other gun, especially when firing at high elevation," Trent retorted. "An airship can reach a height above the range of any gun that can be trained on the sky. For instance, we can't fire a shell that will go three miles up into the air, yet that is a very ordinary height at which to run a biplane. Have you heard that, a year or more ago, an English aviator flew over warships at a height greater than the gunners below could possibly have reached? And did you know that the aviator succeeded in dropping oranges down the funnels of English warships? Suppose those oranges had been bombs?" "The warship would have been sunk," Darrin answered. "Huerta's bird men might be able to give us a surprise like that," Trent suggested. "That may prove to be one of the new problems that we shall have to work out." "Oh, I've worked that out already," yawned Danny Grin. "All we have to do is to equip our funnels with heavy iron caps that will not interfere with the draft of the furnaces, but will keep any oranges---bombs, I mean---from dropping down the funnels." "All right then," added Lieutenant Trent. "We will consider Dalzell has solved the problem of keeping bombs out of our funnels. What is Dalzell going to do about contact bombs that might be dropped on deck or superstructure of a battleship?" "All I can see for that," grinned Dan, "is to call loudly for the police." "One biplane might succeed in sinking all the warships gathered at Vera Cruz," Trent continued. "Was that the thought that made you look so happy when you came in here?" Dan asked, reproachfully. "The thought that you could scare two poor little ensigns so badly that they wouldn't be able to sleep to-night?" "That was far from my plan," laughed Trent. "What I am really happy about is that, the way affairs are shaping, we shall soon be studying real war problems instead of theoretical ones." "The question of uniform is bothering me more," Dave responded. "Do you realize, Trent, that we have only blue uniforms and white ones on board? If we land, to capture Vera Cruz, are our men to be tortured in heavy, hot, blue uniforms here in the tropics? Or are we to wear these white clothes and make ourselves the most perfect marks for the enemy's sharpshooters?" "You should have more confidence in the men forward," half jeered the lieutenant. "Our jackies are taking care of that problem already. They are soaking nails and scrap iron in water, and dyeing their white uniforms yellow with iron rust." "Say, that is an idea!" exclaimed Dan, sitting bolt upright. "I'm going to do that very thing to-night. I have one white uniform that isn't in very good shape." "I suppose you fellows have heard the word?" inquired Lieutenant Holton, looking in. "Not war?" asked Trent. "No," uttered Holton, disgustedly. "Worse than that. Shore leave has been stopped for officers and men alike. And I was counting on a pleasant evening ashore to-night!" "It won't bother me any," Dave announced. "I'd rather stay on board and sleep against the stirring times, when we won't be able to get sleep enough." "What's the idea, anyway, in stopping shore leave?" asked Trent. "Is the admiral afraid that we'll start a row on shore?" "I don't know," sighed Lieutenant Holton. "I only wish that I had got ashore before the order was handed out." At that very moment Lieutenant Cantor, who had returned to ship, and had just heard the order, was standing before Captain Gales in the latter's office. "But, sir," stammered the young officer, "It is absolutely necessary that I go ashore again to-morrow. It is vital to me, sir." "I am sorry, Cantor," said Captain Gales, "but the admiral's orders leave me no discretion in the matter." Captain Gales, as he spoke, turned his back in order to reach for a report book behind hum. Ten minutes later Commander Bainbridge was summoned in hot haste to the Captain's office. "Bainbridge," announced Captain Gales, his face stern and set, "at three o'clock a bulky envelope lay on my desk. That envelope contained the full plan of the Navy landing in Vera Cruz, in case such landing becomes necessary. All that we are to accomplish, and even the duties of the different officers and detachments from this fleet were stated in that letter. Not later than within the last half-hour that envelope has disappeared!" Instantly Commander Bainbridge's face became grave indeed. "Have you been out of the room, sir?" asked Bainbridge. "Only once, and then, so the marine orderly at the door informs me, no one entered here." "This is serious!" cried the executive officer." "Serious?" repeated Captain Gales in a harsh tone. "I should say it was." "Let us search the room thoroughly, sir," begged the executive officer. Though no search could have been more thorough, the missing envelope was not found. "Summon the officers---all of them---to meet me in the ward-room in five minutes!" rasped Captain Gales. And there every officer of the "_Long Island_" reported immediately. After the doors had been closed Captain Gales announced the loss. Blank faces confronted him on all sides. "Has any officer any information to offer that can throw the least light on thus matter?" demanded the Old Man, in a husky voice. There was silence, broken at last by Lieutenant Cantor asking: "May I make a suggestion, sir?" "Certainly." "How many officers, sir, visited your office after the time you are certain of having seen the missing envelope on your desk?" "Five," replied Captain Gales. "Lieutenant-Commander Denton, Lieutenant-Commander Hansen, Lieutenant Holton, Lieutenant Trent and yourself." "Were there any enlisted men in your office, sir?" "None since before the letter came aboard," replied Captain Gales. "Then I would beg to suggest, sir," Lieutenant Cantor continued, "that each of the five officers you have named, myself included, request that their quarters be thoroughly searched. If the missing envelope is not found in their quarters, then I would suggest that the quarters of every other officer on board be searched." To this there was a low murmur of approval. The executive officer was instructed to take the chaplain, the surgeon and two other officers beside himself, these five to form the searching committee. In the meantime, the officers were to remain in the ward-room or on the quarterdeck. Dave, Dan and Trent seated themselves at the mess table. Time dragged by. At last the searching committee, looking grave indeed, returned. "Is this the envelope, sir?" asked Commander Bainbridge, holding it out. "It is," replied Captain Gales, scanning it. "But the envelope has now no contents." "We found only the envelope, sir," replied Commander Bainbridge, while his four helpers looked uncomfortable. "We found the envelope tucked in a berth, under the mattress, in the quarters of an officer of this ship." "And who was the officer in whose quarters you found it?" demanded Captain Gales. "Ensign Darrin, sir!" replied the executive officer. CHAPTER XV READY FOR VERA CRUZ "Ensign Darrin"---and the Old Man's voice was more impressive than any officer present remembered ever to have heard it before---"what do you know of this matter?" Though the shock had struck him like an actual blow, Dave Darrin steadied both himself and his voice as he replied: "I know nothing whatever about it, sir, that is not common knowledge to everyone in this room." "Then you did not take this envelope from my room?" demanded Captain Gales. "I did not, sir." "And you did not receive it from any one else?" "I did not, sir." "You have no knowledge of how this envelope came to be in your quarters?" "I have not the least knowledge in the world, sir." Captain Gales debated the matter in his own distressed mind. Dave Darrin stood there, white faced and dignified, his bearing perfect. He looked, every inch a true-hearted young American naval officer. Yet he was resting under a terrible suspicion. "You may go, gentlemen," announced the captain. "I ask you to see to it that no word of this matter leaks out among the men forward. Ensign Darrin, you will report to me at my office just as soon as you think I have had time to reach there before you." Several of the officers walked hastily away. Others hung aloof, shaking their heads. Lieutenant Trent led about a dozen men who pressed around Dave Darrin, offering him their hands. "It would take the strongest kind of proof to make me believe anything wrong in you, Darrin," declared Trent. Others in the little group offered similar words of faith and cheer. But Dave broke away from them after expressing his gratitude. His head very erect and his shoulders squared, the young ensign walked to the captain's office. "Darrin," began the Old Man, "if you are as innocent as I want to believe you to be in this matter, then do all in your power to help me clear your name." "Very good, sir," Dave responded. "In the first place, sir, the important letter was in its envelope when I turned over to you the package entrusted to me by the consul." "It was," nodded Captain Gales. "And I have not since been in your office, sir. You know that of your own knowledge, and from what the marine orderly has been able to inform you, sir?" "I am satisfied that you were not in thus office after you delivered the packet," replied the Old Man. "Then I could not have taken it from your desk, sir." "I am well satisfied of that," assented Captain Gales. "The only untoward circumstance is that the envelope was found in your quarters." "Then, sir," Dave argued, "it is established that I could not have been the principal in the theft that was committed in your office this afternoon. That being so, the only suspicion possibly remaining against me is that I may have been an accomplice." "No lawyer could have put that more clearly," replied Captain Gales. "Now, sir," Dave continued, bravely, "if the important letter of instructions, or even if only the envelope had been handed me, is it likely, sir, that I would have hidden it under my mattress, when I might as readily have burned it or dropped it overboard?" "Any clear-headed man, I admit," said the Captain, "would have destroyed the useless envelope sooner than have it found in his possession." "The only possible use to which the otherwise useless envelope could have been put, sir, was to incriminate me. Would I have saved the envelope and by so doing taken a chance that could only ruin me? Of what service could the letter be to me, sir? I could not take it ashore, sir, for instance, to dispose of it to the Mexican officials, who probably would pay handsomely to get hold of the American naval plans. I have not asked for shore leave, sir. May I ask, sir, how many officers received shore leave, and used it, after I returned to the ship?" "Only one, Darrin; that was Lieutenant Cantor." Dave bit his lips; he had not intended to try to direct suspicion from himself to any other officer. "So it might seem possible," mused Captain Gales, aloud, "that Lieutenant Cantor might have obtained the letter and turned over the envelope to you to destroy, Darrin. I am stating, mind you, only a possibility in the way of suspicion." "Lieutenant Cantor and I are not on friendly terms," Dave answered, quickly. Then once more he bit his lip. But the Old Man regarded him keenly, asking: "What is wrong between Cantor and yourself?" "I spoke too quickly, sir," Dave confessed, reddening slightly. "I have no complaint to make against Lieutenant Cantor. The one statement I feel at liberty to make is that an antipathy exists between Lieutenant Cantor and I. I would suggest, further, that Lieutenant Cantor, even had he stolen the letter, could have taken it only after his return on board. So that he had no opportunity to carry it ashore, had he been scoundrel enough to wish to do so." Captain Gales leaned back, blankly studying the bulk-head before him. Disturbing thoughts were now running in the Old Man's mind. "Cantor was in this room," mused Captain Gales, "and it was some time afterwards that I missed the envelope. Then, too, Cantor fairly begged for more shore leave, and told me that it was vital to him to be allowed further shore leave. Still, again, in the ward-room it was Cantor who suggested that the officers' quarters be searched. Can it be that Cantor is the scoundrel? I hate to believe it. But then I hate equally to believe that Darrin could have done such a treasonable thing as to steal a copy of our landing instructions, prepared by the admiral and sent aboard through the consular office, so that the Mexicans ashore would not observe a great deal of communication between our ships." After some moments of thought Captain Gales announced: "Darrin, this thing is one of the most complex puzzles I have ever been called upon to solve. Your conduct and answers have been straightforward, and I am unable to believe that you had any hand in the stealing or handling of that accursed envelope." "Thank you, sir!" Dave Darrin cried, in genuine gratitude. "At dinner in the ward-room to-night I shall have Commander Bainbridge make announcement before all your brother officers of what I have just said," continued Captain Gales. "You may go now." Yet, as he spoke, the captain rose and held out his hand. Dave grasped it, then saluted and turned away. His bearing, as he went to Dalzell's quarters, was as proud as ever, though in his mind Dave Darrin knew well enough that he was still under a cloud of suspicion that would never be removed entirely from his good name unless the real culprit should be found and exposed. "Moreover," Dave told himself, bitterly, "Cantor, if he is the one who has done this contemptible thing, may yet devise a way clever enough to convict me, or at least to condemn me in the service." At dinner, before the first course was served, Commander Bainbridge ordered the ward-room doors closed after the attendants had passed outside. Then he stated that Captain Gales wished it understood that the finding of the telltale envelope under Ensign Darrin's mattress was the only circumstance against that officer, and that, in the captain's opinion, it was wholly likely that some one else had placed the envelope there with the intention of arousing suspicion against the officer named. It was further stated that, in time, Captain Gales hopes to reach all the facts in the mystery. The Captain wished it understood, stated the executive officer, that it would have been so stupid on Ensign Darrin's part to have hidden the envelope where it was found that there was no good reason for believing that Ensign Darrin was guilty of anything worse than having an enemy. While this statement was being made Dave sat with his gaze riveted to the face of Lieutenant Cantor. The officer looked stolid, but his stolidity had the appearance of being assumed. There was instant applause from some of the officers. This, being heard by sailors on duty outside, started the rumor that the officers had heard that an immediate landing was to be made in Vera Cruz or at Tampico. Thus, the jackies forward had an exciting evening talking the prospects over. So Dave was not placed under charges, and the majority of his brother officers on the "_Long Island_" regarded the suspicion against him as being absurd. Yet Darrin knew that suspicion existed in some minds, and felt wretched in consequence. Meantime, the news reached the fleet, as it reached newspaper readers at home, that General Huerta was becoming daily more stubborn. Then came the news that the Mexican dictator's refusal had been made final and emphatic. "The house has passed a resolution justifying the President in employing the military and naval forces of the United States in whatever way he deems best in exacting satisfaction for the insult to the Flag at Tampico," spread through the ship on the evening of Monday, the 20th of April. From then on no one in the American fleet doubted that war with Mexico was soon to begin. It was all right, the "_Long Island's_" officers declared, to talk about a mere peaceful landing, but no doubt existed that the landing of American sailors and marines would mean the firing of the first shots by resisting Mexicans which Would provoke war. On the morning of the 21st of April the officers assembled in the ward-room as usual. "Gentlemen," said Commander Bainbridge, calmly, in a moment when the Filipino mess servants were absent, "the present orders are that the American naval forces land and occupy Vera Cruz this forenoon. Orders for the details have been made and will be announced immediately after breakfast. That is all that I have to say at present." That "all" was certainly enough. The blow for the honor of the Stars and Stripes was to be struck this forenoon. Instantly every face was aglow. Each hoped to be in the detail sent ashore. Then one young officer was heard to remark, in an undertone: "I'll wager that all I get is a detail to commissary duty, making up the rations to be sent ashore." Commander Bainbridge heard and smiled, but made no reply. Soon after breakfast the work cut out for each officer was announced. Dave Darrin and Dan Dalzell were both gleeful when informed that they were to go ashore in the same detachment of blue-jackets. Lieutenant Trent was to command them. "David, little giant," murmured Danny Grin, exultantly, "we appear to be under the right and left wings of that good men known as Fortune." "I'm ready for duty wherever I'm put," Dave answered, seriously. "None the less, I'm delighted that I'm ordered ashore." Lieutenant Cantor was greatly disappointed when he found that he was to remain aboard ship. Captain Gales had his own reasons for keeping that young officer away from shore. Under cover on the "_Long Island_" all was bustle, yet without a trace of confusion. Officers and men had been so thoroughly trained in their duties that now they performed them with clock-like regularity. It was a busy forenoon, yet no one observing the American fleet from the shore would have discovered any signs of unusual activity. From the Mexican custom house, from the post-office, the cable station, and from the grim old prison-fortress, San Juan de Ulloa, the Mexican flag flew as usual. In the streets of Vera Cruz natives and foreigners moved about as usual. Not even the Americans in Vera Cruz, except the consul, knew that this was the morning destined to become a famous date in American history. At about eleven o'clock boats began to be launched alongside the American men-of-war. Men piled quickly over the sides. In number one launch Lieutenant Trent, Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell and forty seaman, with rifles and two machine guns, put away. Lieutenant-Commander Denton and Lieutenant Timson of the Marine Corps put off in launches numbers two and three with sixty marines and forty bluejackets. From the other warships detachments put off at the same time. One cutter, occupied by fourteen marines, put off from one of the men-of-war and was rowed ashore at high speed. These men quickly landed at No.1 Dock. "There they land---they're unfurling the American Flag!" breathed Dave Darrin in his chum's ear. Another cutter landed at another dock; then a launch rushed in alongside. It came the turn of the first launch from the "_Long Island_" to move in to berth at No.1 Dock, and Trent piled his party ashore, the launch immediately afterward being backed out and turned back to the "_Long Island_." Within fifteen minutes a thousand marines and sailors had been landed. "But where is the Mexican resistance?" murmured Danny Grin, impatiently. "Where is the excuse that was to be furnished us for fighting?" That "excuse" was to come soon enough! CHAPTER XVI IN THE THICK OF THE SNIPING Upon the landing of the first men, the Mexican custom house had been seized. The seizure of the post-office and the cable station quickly followed. Lieutenant Trent did not halt on the dock. Forming his men even while moving forward, Trent kept his command moving fast. Dave was near the head of the little column, on the right flank. Dan was near the rear. For some distance Trent marched his men, hundreds of curious Mexicans parting to make way for the advance of the little detachment. Finally Trent halted his men not far from the gray walls of the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa. "I wonder if our job is to take that fortress?" murmured Dalzell, dryly. "If that's our job," smiled Darrin, "we'll have fighting enough to suit even your hot young blood. But I don't believe we're cut out to take the castle. Look at the transport '_Prairie_.' Her guns are but five hundred yards away, and trained on the fort. If anyone in San Juan opens on us the '_Prairie_' will be able to blow the old fort clean off the map." "What can we be waiting for?" asked Dan, fidgeting. "I've an idea that we shall find out soon enough," Dave replied. Dalzell glanced appealingly at Lieutenant Trent, who stepped over to say: "I see you both want to know what we're to do. My orders are only general, and rather vague. Our work won't be cut out for us until the Mexican garrison starts something." "But will the Mexicans start anything?" Danny wanted to know. "So far they seem as patient as camels about fighting." Another landing party, from the "_Florida_," moved up to position about a block away from Trent's small command. "I don't mind fighting," sighed Dan, ten minutes later, "but waiting gets on my nerves." All the time small detachments of sailors and marines were moving gradually through the lower part of Vera Cruz, moving from one point to another, and always the leading detachments went further from the water front. At last Trent, receiving his signal from a distance, marched his men up the street, away from the fortress of San Juan de Ulloa. Only a quarter of a mile did they march, then halted. Fully three hundred Mexicans followed them, and stood looking on curiously. "I wonder if any one ashore knows the answer to the riddle of what we're doing," sighed Danny Grin. "We're waiting orders, like real fighting men," Dave answered, with a smile. "But there isn't going to be any fighting!" "Where did you get that information?" Dave asked. Noon came; no fighting had been started. By this time nearly every officer and man ashore believed that the Mexican general at Vera Cruz had decided not to offer resistance. If so, he had undoubtedly received his instructions from Mexico City. More minutes dragged by. At about fifteen minutes past noon, shots rang out ahead. "The engagement is starting," Dan exclaimed eagerly to his chum. "The shots are so few in number, and come so irregularly, that probably only a few Mexican hotheads are shooting," Dave hinted, quietly. "Troops, going into action, don't fire in that fashion." "I wonder of any of our men are firing back." "All I know," smiled Darrin, "is that we are not doing any shooting." Pss-seu! sang a stray bullet over their heads. Only that brief hiss as the deadly leaden messenger sang past. Pss-chug! That bullet caught Dalzell's uniform cap, carrying it from his head to a distance some forty feet rearward. "Whew! That gives some idea of the spitefulness of a bullet, doesn't it?" muttered Danny Grin, as a seaman ran for the ensign's cap and returned with it. "It must be that I didn't get iron-rust enough on this white uniform," commented Dalzell, coolly, gazing down at the once white uniform that he had yellowed by a free application of iron rust. "My clothing must still be white enough to attract the attention of a sharpshooter so distant that I don't know where he is." Still Trent held his command in waiting, for no orders had come to move it forward. "The barracks are over there," said Dave, pointing. "So far as I have been able to judge, none of the bullets come from that direction." Still the desultory firing continued. The occasional shots that rang out showed, however, that the Americans were not firing in force. "There they go!" called Lieutenant Trent, drawing attention to the nearest barracks. From the parade ground in front, small detachments of Mexicans could be seen running toward different parts of the town. "Are you going to fire on them?" asked Darrin. "Not unless the Mexicans fire on us, or I receive orders to fire," the lieutenant answered. "I don't want to do anything to disarrange the admiral's plans for the day, and at present I know no more than you do of what is expected of us." Suddenly the air became alive with the hiss of bullets. "I see the rascals," cried Dave pointing upward. "They're on the top of that building ahead." Trent saw the sharpshooters, too. Perhaps twenty Mexican infantrymen occupied the roof of a building a few hundred yards ahead. Some were lying flat, showing only their heads at the edge of the roof. Others were kneeling, but all were firing industriously. "Forward, a few steps at a time," ordered the lieutenant. "Don't waste any shots, men, but pot any sharpshooter you can get on that roof, or any men who show themselves on other roofs as we advance." "This work is a lot better than getting into boats and trying to take Castle San Juan," muttered Dalzell, as he drew his sword. All three of the officers now had their blades in their hands, for the swords would be useful if they were obliged to fight at close quarters. Crack! crack! crack! rang out the rifles of Trent's detachment. But every shot told. Whenever any one of the three officers saw a man firing too rapidly that seaman was cautioned against wasting cartridges. One of Trent's men was already wounded in the left hand, though he still persisted in firing. At the first street crossing Trent shouted: "Half of you men go down the street on that side, the rest of you over here. Ensign Dalzell, take command over there. Ensign Darrin, you will command here." The street was swiftly emptied of blue-jackets. Hidden from the fire of the sharpshooters ahead, the sailors were out of immediate danger. But both Dan and Dave stationed a couple of good shots at either corner, in the shelter of the buildings and took pot shots at the snipers ahead. "Darrin, pick out two of your best men, and send them to lie down in the middle of the street, facing that roof-top," Trent ordered, then shouted the order across the open street to Dalzell. Thus, with four jackies lying flat in the middle of the street, and offering no very good targets to the roof snipers, and with two men behind each protecting corner, the Mexicans on the roof were subjected to the sharpshooting fire of the eight best shots in Trent's command. "Darley, you stand here on the sidewalk, and watch the roof-top across the street," Dave ordered. "Hemingway, you get over on the other side and keep your eyes on the roof on this side of the street. If you see any one on a rooftop, let him have it as fast as you can fire." Dan Dalzell, seeing that manoeuvre from across the street, stationed two roof-watchers similarly on his side. "We'll stick to this sharpshooting stunt," Lieutenant Trent called in Darrin's ear, over the crackling of the rifles, "until we get a few of the Mexicans ahead. Then we'll rush their position and try to drive them from it. The only way-----" That was as far as Lieutenant Trent got, for Dave, making a sudden leap at his superior, seized him by the collar, jerking him backward a few feet and landing him on his back. "What the-----" sputtered Lieutenant Trent. That was as far as he got, for there was a crash, the sidewalk shook, and then Darrin quickly pulled his superior to his feet. The report of Hemingway's rifle was not heard, but a tiny cloud of thin vapor curled from the muzzle of his uplifted weapon. "I think I got one of the pair, sir!" called the sailor, gleefully. "He threw up his hands and pitched backward out of sight." Lieutenant Trent looked at the sidewalk astounded, for, where he had stood hay the broken pieces of a cookstove that had been hurled from the roof two stories above. "That mass of iron fell right where I was standing," muttered Trent. "Darrin, I wondered why on earth you should jerk me back and lay me out in that unceremonious fashion. If you hadn't done it the cookstove would have crushed my bones to powder." "It shows the temper of the kind of people we're fighting," muttered Darrin, compressing his lips tightly. "We'll soon have the whole city full trying to wipe us out!" "We may as well rush that building ahead," muttered the lieutenant. "I'd rather have my men killed in open fighting than demolished by all the heavy hardware on these two blocks." Raising his voice, Trent ordered: "Cease firing! Load magazines and hold your fire. We're going to charge!" From the sailormen a half-suppressed cheer arose. Hand-to-hand fighting was much more to their liking than tedious sharpshooting. "Keep close to the building on either side of the street!" Lieutenant Trent ordered. "No man is to run in the middle of the road and make an unnecessary target of himself. Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell will run behind their men, to see that no man exposes himself uselessly." "Fall in! Ready to charge. In single file---charge!" Heading the line on Darrin's side of the street, Trent dashed around the corner, leading his sailormen at a run. Dalzell's men rushed into the fray at the same moment, Dave amid Dan, as ordered, bringing up the rear of the two files. On the instant that the two lines of charging, cheering sailormen came into sight, the Mexicans on the roof-top redoubled their fire. It is difficult, however, to fire with accuracy at men who are running close to the buildings. Either the bullet falls short, or else goes wide of its mark and hits a wall behind the line. So Lieutenant Trent's men dashed down the street for a short distance, and pausing in the shelter of a building cheered jubilantly. Now the Mexican soldiers above no longer had the advantage. Whenever one of their number showed his head over the edge of the roof he became a handy target for the jackies below. Heavy shutters covered the windows on the ground floor of the building. The heavy wooden door was tightly locked. "Ensign Darrin," sounded Trent's voice, "take enough men and batter that door down." It took a combined rush to effect that. Several times Dave led his seamen against that barrier. Under repeated assaults it gave way. "Through the house and to the roof!" shouted Trent. "We'll wind up the snipers!" What a yell went up from two score of throats as the sailormen piled after their officers and thronged the stairs! It was a free-for-all race to the top of the second flight of stairs. Over the skylight opening lay a wooden covering tightly secured in place. "Come on, my hearties! Smash it!" yelled Trent, heaving his own broad shoulders against the obstruction. After the skylight cover was smashed the Mexican soldiers would once more have the advantage. Only a man at a time could reach the roof. It ought not to be difficult for the defenders to pick off a Navy man at a time as the Americans sprang up. At last the covering gave way. "Pile up, all hands, as rapidly as you can come!" yelled Lieutenant Trent. "Officers first!" "Officers first!" echoed Dave and Dan in a breath, all the military longing in their hearts leaping to the surface. Then up they went, into the jaws of massacre! CHAPTER XVII MEXICANS BECOME SUDDENLY MEEK Trent leaped to the roof. With his left arm he warded off a blow aimed at his head with the butt of a rifle. Then his sword flashed, its point going clean through the body of the Mexican soldier who barred his way. "Death to the Gringos! Death to the Gringos!" yelled the Mexicans. But Trent drove back two men with his flashing sword. After him Dave heaped to the roof, his revolver barking fast and true. Danny Grin followed, and he darted around to the other side of the skylight, turning loose his revolver. The fire was returned briskly by the enemy, all of whom wore the uniform of the Mexican regular infantry. In the footsteps of the officers came, swiftly, four stalwart young sailormen, and now the American force had a footing on the roof. At first none of the Mexicans thought of asking for quarter. One of the infantrymen, retreating before Dalzell's deftly handled sword, and fighting back with his rifle butt, retreated so close to the edge of the roof that, in another instant, he had fallen to the street below, breaking his neck. Ere the last dozen Americans had succeeded in reaching the roof the fight was over, for the few Mexicans still able to fight suddenly threw down their rifles, shouting pleadingly: "_Piedad!_ _piedad!_" (pity). "Accept all surrenders!" shouted Lieutenant Trent at the top of his voice. Four quivering, frightened Mexicans accepted this mercy, standing huddled together, their eyes eloquent with fear. The fight had been a short, but savage one. A glance at the roof's late defenders showed, including the man lying in the street below, eight dead Mexicans, one of whom was the boyish lieutenant of infantry who had commanded this detachment. Nine more were badly wounded. The four prisoners were the only able-bodied Mexicans left on the roof. "Pardon, but shall we have time for our prayers?" asked one of the surrendered Mexicans, approaching Lieutenant Trent. "Time for your prayers?" Trout repeated. "Take all the time you want." "But when do you shoot us?" persisted the fellow, humbly. "Shoot you?" repeated Trent, in amazement, speaking rapidly in the Spanish he had acquired at Annapolis and practiced in many a South American port. Then it dawned upon this American officer that, in the fighting between Mexican regulars and rebels it had been always the custom of the victors to execute the survivors of the vanquished foe. "My poor fellow," ejaculated Trent, "we Americans always pride ourselves on our civilization. We don't shoot prisoners of war. You will be treated humanely, and we shall exchange you with your government." "What did that chap say?" Dalzell demanded, in an undertone, as Darrin laughed. "The Mexican said," Dave explained, "that he hoped he wouldn't be exchanged until the war is over." "There is a hospital detachment signaling from down the street, sir," reported a seaman from the edge of the roof. Trent stepped quickly over to where he could get a view of the hospital party. Then he signaled to the hospital men, four in number, carrying stretchers, and commanded by a petty officer, that they were to advance. "Any of our men need attention, sir?" asked the petty officer, as he reached the roof. "Two of our men," Trent replied. "And nine Mexicans." When it came their turn to have their wounds washed and bandaged with sterilized coverings, the Mexicans looked bewildered. Such treatment at the hands of an enemy was beyond their comprehension. A room below was turned over for hospital use, and there the wounded of both sides were treated. Still the firing continued heavily throughout the city. Trent, with his field glass constantly to his eyes, picked out the nearest roof-tops from which the Mexicans were firing. Then he assigned sharpshooters to take care of the enemy on these roofs. "We can do some excellent work from this position," the lieutenant remarked to his two younger officers. It was peculiar of this fight that no regular volleys of shots were exchanged. The Mexicans, from roof-tops, from windows and other places of hiding, fired at an American uniform wherever they could see it. The very style of combat adopted by the enemy made it necessary for the Americans, avoiding needless losses, to fight back in the same sniping way. Slowly, indeed, were these numerous detachments of Mexicans, numbering some eight hundred men in all, driven back. Boom! boom! boom! The Mexican artillery now started into life, driving its shells toward the invaders. "The real fight is going to begin now," uttered Dave, peering eagerly for a first glimpse of the artillery smoke. "I hope the ships tumble down whole squares of houses!" was Danny Grin's fervent wish. "If they start that, we're in a hot place," smiled Trent, coolly. From the harbor came the sound of firing. "Why, there's only one of our ships firing!" exclaimed Darrin. "The '_Prairie_' is using some of our guns!" Presently the heavier detonations died out. So splendidly had the "_Prairie's_" gunners served their pieces that the Mexican artillerymen had been driven from their positions. "These Mexicans will have to wait until they get out of range of the Navy's guns before they can hope to do much with their artillery," laughed Lieutenant Trent, then turned again to see what his sailormen were doing in the way of "getting" Mexican snipers from other roofs. Every minute a few bullets, at least, hissed over the roof on which the detachment was posted. Trent, believing that he was exposing more men than were needed, ordered twenty seamen to the floor below. By one o'clock the firing died slowly away. Though the Mexicans had made a brave resistance, and had done some damage, they had been so utterly outclassed by better fighting men that they wearied of the unequal struggle. "But when the enemy get heavy reinforcements from the rear," Trent predicted, as he stood looking over the city, "they'll put up a fight here in Vera Cruz that will be worth seeing!" "I can't help wondering," mused Dave Darrin aloud, "what the rest of the day will bring forth." "It will be the night that may bring us our real ordeal," hinted Lieutenant Trent. CHAPTER XVIII IN THE HOUSE OF SURPRISES "Dalzell, I wish you would take four men and find the commanding officer ashore," requested Lieutenant Trent. "Report to him our present position, as well as what we have done, and get his instructions." Saluting, Dan signed to four sailormen to accompany him. Within an hour he had returned. "We are going to hold what we have taken of the city, and probably shall push our lines further into the town. It is believed that after dark we shall have trouble with Mexican snipers." "We have had some already," said the lieutenant grimly. "We believe, sir," Dan reported, "that, after dark, there will be even more vicious sniping. The Mexicans are in an ugly mood, and will spare no effort to make us miserable for our audacity in landing armed men on their soil." "And our orders?" "You are directed, Lieutenant, to hold this roof until you have silenced all sniping within easy range, and then you are to fall back to the Post-office and report to the senior officer there. In the meantime you will send in a petty officer and sufficient force to accompany any of your wounded men who are badly enough hurt to require a surgeon's attention." The squad that had accompanied Ensign Dalzell was immediately ordered to return with the wounded, after which Trent and his officers gave their whole attention to locating every Mexican sniper on every roof-top within six hundred yards of their position. So well was this done that at least a dozen Mexican sharpshooters were killed within the next hour. For half an hour after that Trent surveyed every roof-top with his field glass. As no more shots crossed the roof on which the detachment was posted, Lieutenant Trent then concluded that his commission had been executed, and gave the order to return. The Mexican dead and wounded were left in the building, a notice being posted on the door in order that the sanitary corps men might know where to find them. The four uninjured prisoners were now placed in the center of the detachment, and Trent marched his command back to the post-office. There the prisoners were turned over to the custody of the provost officer. "Step inside, men, and you'll find something to eat," was the welcome news Trent gave his detachment of men. Darrin and Dalzell were sent to a restaurant near by, where the officers were eating a welcome meal. "Hadn't you better go first, sir?" Darrin asked. "Simply because I am the ranking officer with this detachment?" smiled the lieutenant. "You two are younger, and therefore are probably hungrier than I am." Dave was the first to finish his meal in the restaurant, and hurried to relieve Lieutenant Trent of the command of the detachment. Altogether there were now some two hundred men at the post-office station; these were being held in readiness to reinforce the American fighters in any part of the city where they might be needed. Until after dark the "_Long Island's_" detachment remained there, enviously watching other detachments that marched briskly away. As soon as dark had come down, the popping of rifles was almost continuous. "I wish we had orders to clear the whole town of snipers," muttered Danny Grin impatiently. "Undoubtedly that would take more men than we have ashore," Trent replied. "There would be no sense in occupying the whole city until we have driven out every hostile Mexican ahead of us. We might drive the Mexican soldiers much further, but the trouble is that hundreds of them have joined in the sport of sniping at the hated _Americanos_. If we pushed our way through the town, at once we would then have Mexican firing ahead of us and also at the rear. No fighting men behave well under such circumstances." An hour later it became plain that Trent's detachment had some new work cut out for it, for a commissary officer now directed that the men be marched down the street to receive rations. "We're going to have night work all right, then, and perhaps plenty of it," Darrin declared to his chum. "If we were going to remain here rations wouldn't be furnished us." Trent was inside, personally seeing to matters, when a sentry halted a man in civilian clothes. "A friend," replied the man in answer to the challenge. "Advance and give your name," persisted the sentry. "Lieutenant Cantor of the '_Long Island_.'" At hearing that name, from one in civilian dress, Dave stepped forward. "You've been halted by a man from your own ship, sir," nodded Darrin, on getting close enough to see that the man really was Cantor. "Hullo," was Trent's greeting, as he stepped outside. "On duty, Cantor?" "Not official duty," replied the other lieutenant. "You are authorized to be ashore, of course?" continued Trent, surveying his brother officer, keenly, for, at such a time, it was strange to see a naval officer ashore in anything but uniform. "I have proper authority for being ashore," Cantor nodded. "That is all, then," said Lieutenant Trent. "You may proceed, of course, but you are going to be halted and held up by every sentry who sees you. You would get through the town much more easily in uniform." "I suppose so," nodded Cantor, and passed on. Close at hand two revolver shots rang out. "Ensign Darrin," Trent ordered, "take a man with you and investigate that firing. Locate it, if possible, and if any Mexican attempts to fire again, try to bring him in-----dead!" "You will come with me," ordered Dave, turning to Coxswain Riley. That petty officer hastily filling his magazine, followed Darrin, who drew his own revolver. Hardly had officer and man turned the corner when a pistol flesh came from the top of a house nearly at the next corner. The bullet did not pass near enough for them to hear it. Plainly the shot had been fired at some one else. "Keep close to the buildings," ordered Dave, leading the way toward the sniper. "I don't want that fellow to see us until we're right under him and ready to get him." Noiselessly they went up the street. It would be impossible for the sniper to see them unless he bent out over the edge of the roof from which he was firing. While they were advancing another shot was fired from the same roof. Watching the direction of the flash, Darrin was able to guess the direction of the man or men at whom the Mexican was firing. "Some of our sharpshooters must still be posted on roofs," Dave whispered over his shoulder to Riley. "I know one man who won't be doing much more on a roof, if I can get a sight of him for three seconds," gruffly answered Riley. Then they stopped in front of the house in question. "You slip across to the doorway opposite, and watch for your man," whispered Darrin. "I'll remain here and get any one who may attempt to run out of the house after you open fire." Slipping across the street, Riley waited. Scanning the house, from the roof of which the firing had proceeded, his drawn revolver in his hand, Dave made a quick discovery. "Why, this is the very door from which I saw Cosetta peering out yesterday!" thought the young ensign. "I wonder if this is his home in Vera Cruz. I'll make a point of reporting this to Trent as soon as we return." And then Dave heard a voice just inside the door say, in Spanish: "You ought to stop that sniper on the roof. He took two shots at me as I came up the street." "What infernal work is going on here?" Ensign Dave Darrin asked himself, hoarsely. "I how that voice. I'd know it anywhere. That's Cantor speaking, and he's in the house of the enemy!" CHAPTER XIX A TRAITOR IN THE SERVICE Crack! spoke a rifle across the street. "I got him, sir!" cried the exultant voice of Riley. "But I'll make sure of him, sir!" Crack! The Navy rifle spoke once more. Noiselessly Darrin darted across the street. On the roof of the house in which Dave had seen the bandit, Cosetta, the previous day, lay a man, his head and shoulders hanging over the edge. "Speak softly," cautioned Darrin. "I don't want those men inside the house to hear you." "He fell just like that when I fired the first shot, sir," Riley whispered. "I sent him the second bullet to make sure that he wasn't playing 'possum." "And now," Dave ordered, "run down the street as noiselessly as you can go, and tell Lieutenant Trent that I wish he would come here in person, if possible, with a few men. Ask him, with my compliments to approach as noiselessly as possible, for I expect to make a surprise 'bag' here." Riley glanced at his officer in swift astonishment, but he saw that Darrin was speaking seriously, so he saluted and departed at a run. Shortly Riley was back. "Lieutenant Trent is coming, sir," whispered the coxswain. "There he is, turning the corner now." "Stand before this door, and if you hear anything inside, so much the better," Darrin murmured, then hastily moved down the street, saluting his superior officer as he met him. "Riley told you, perhaps, he got the sniper, sir," Dave began, "but I have something even more astounding to report. I have every reason to believe that Lieutenant Cantor is in that house." "A prisoner?" cried Trent, in an undertone. "I have reason to believe that he isn't a prisoner," Dave went on. "The house is the same from which I saw Cosetta peer yesterday, and I have reason to think that Lieutenant Cantor and the bandit are on fairly good terms." "Be careful what you say, Darrin," cautioned Lieutenant Trent. "In effect, you are accusing an officer of the United States Navy of treason!" "That is the very crime of which I suspect him, sir," Dave answered, bluntly. "Are you sure that your personal animosity has no part in that suspicion?" "No dislike for a brother officer could induce me to charge him falsely," Dave answered simply. "I beg your pardon, Darrin!" exclaimed Trent in sincere regret. "I shouldn't have asked you that." "Here is the door, sir," Dave reported, in a whisper, halting and pointing. "I heard some one talking in there in low tones," reported Riley. "I couldn't make it out, for he was talking in Spanish." "I suspect that the voices were those of Lieutenant Cantor and Cosetta," Dave whispered. "If they don't get away, we'll soon know," Trent whispered. "Stone and Root, I want you two to head the party that rushes the door. As soon as you get inside don't stop for anything else, but rush to the rear windows and shoot any one who attempts to escape by the rear fence. Now, men, rush that door!" So hard and sudden was the assault that the door gave way at the first rush. Revolver in hand, Dave Darrin was directly behind the two seamen who had been ordered to rush to the rear windows. Just as the door yielded to the assault an excited voice in Spanish exclaimed: "This way---quick!" The two sailors, who had been ordered to do nothing else except guard the rear windows, saw a figure vanish through the cellar doorway. Leaving that individual to others, Stone and Boot dashed into a rear room, throwing up the window. In the darkness a second man also rushed for the cellar doorway. But Dave Darrin's extended right hand closed on that party's collar. "You're my prisoner," Dave hissed, throwing his man backward to the floor. As several men rushed past them one sailor halted, throwing on the rays of a pocket electric light. "You, Cantor, and here?" exclaimed Lieutenant Trent, aghast, as he recognized the features of his brother officer. "In mercy's name-----" "Let me up," broke in Cantor, angrily, and Dave released him. "Ensign Darrin, I order you in arrest for attacking your superior officer." "You won't observe that arrest, Darrin," spoke Trent, coldly. "I'll be responsible for my order to that effect. Now, then, Cantor, what explanation have you to offer for being in the house of Cosetta, the bandit?" "I'll give no explanation here," blazed Cantor, angrily, as now on his feet, he glared at Trent and Darrin---Dalzell was not there, for just at this instant the bolted cellar door, under his orders, was battered down, and Dan, with several sailormen at his back, darted down the stairs, by the light of a pocket lamp. The cellar was deserted. There was no sign of the means by which the fugitive had escaped. "Trent," said Cantor, with an effort at sternness, "you will not question me, here or now." "I'll question you as much as I see fit, sir," Lieutenant Trent retorted, crisply. "Lieutenant Cantor, you are caught here under strange circumstances. You will explain, and satisfactorily, or-----" "Lieutenant Trent," retorted the other, savagely, "while you and I are officers of the same rating, my commission is older than yours, and I am ranking officer here. I direct you to withdraw your men and to leave this house." "And I tell you," retorted Lieutenant Trent, "that I am on duty here. You have not said that you are here on duty. Therefore I shall not recognize your authority." "Trent," broke in the other savagely, "if you-----" "I do," Lieutenant Trent retorted, stiffly. "Just that, in fact. In other words, sir, I place you in arrest! Coxswain Riley, I shall hold you responsible for this prisoner. Take two other men, if you wish, to help you guard him. If Lieutenant Cantor escapes, or attempts to escape, then you have my order to shoot him, if necessary." "Darrin," snarled Cantor, "this is all your doing!" "Some of it, sir," Dave admitted, cheerfully. "I heard you and another man talking in here, and I sent for Lieutenant Trent. As it happens, I know this to be the home, or the hanging-out place of Cosetta, and as I heard you talking just inside the door, I reported that fact to Lieutenant Trent." "You will find nothing in this house, and I have not been, intentionally, in the house of a bandit, or in the house of any other questionable character," snarled Cantor, turning his back on Darrin. "And you are making a serious mistake in placing me in arrest." "If your companion had been a proper one he would not have run away when American forces burst in here," Lieutenant Trent returned. "Both on Ensign Darrin's report, and on my own observation and suspicion, I will take the responsibility of placing you in arrest. I shall report your arrest to the commanding officer on shore, and will be guided by his instructions. You will have opportunity to state your case to him." "And he will order my instant release as soon as he hears why I am on shore. Trent, you have made a serious mistake, and you are continuing to make it by keeping me in arrest." "Sorry, Cantor; sorry, indeed, if I am doing you an injustice," Lieutenant Trent answered, with more feeling. "Yet under the circumstances, I cannot read my duty in any other way." "You'll be sorry," cried Cantor, angrily. "I don't know what to make of this, sir," Danny Grin reported, a much puzzled look showing on his face. "That cellar door was shut and bolted in our faces. We smashed the door instantly, and rushed down the stairs. When we reached the cellar we found it empty; whoever the man was he escaped in some way that is a mystery to me." "Have you thought of the probability of a secret passage from the cellar?" inquired Trent. "Yes, sir, and we've sounded the walls, but without any result." "I'll go below with you," offered Trent. "Ensign Darrin, bear in mind that we are in danger of being surprised here, and would then find ourselves in something of a trap. Take ten men and go into the street, keeping close watch." Twenty minutes later Trent came out, followed by his command, with whom marched the fuming Cantor, a prisoner. "Darrin, there must be a secret passage from the cellar," Trent told his subordinate, "but we have been unable to find it. We are bringing with us the body of the sniper that Riley shot on the roof." Line was formed and the detachment started back, Danny Grin and two sailormen acting as a rear guard against possible attack. Arrived at the post-office Trent, accompanied by Cantor and the latter's guards, hurried off in search of the commanding officer of the shore force. Fifteen minutes later Lieutenant Trent returned. "I was sustained," he informed Dave and Dan. "It was tough, but the commanding officer directed me to send Cantor under escort back to the '_Long Island_,' with a brief report stating why that officer was placed in arrest." There followed more waiting, during which the sound of individual firing over the city became more frequent. Cantor's guard returned from the "_Long Island_," with word that Captain Gales had ordered that officer in arrest in his own quarters. At last orders for Trent's detachment arrived. "We are to push on into the city," Trent informed his ensigns. "Twenty more '_Long Island_' men will reach us within three minutes. We are to silence snipers, and kill them if we catch them red-handed in firing on our forces. Above all, we are directed to be on the alert for any Americans or other foreigners who may be in need of help. We are likely to have a busy night." Then, turning to his men, he added: "Fall in by twos! Forward, march!" CHAPTER XX THE SKIRMISH AT THE DILIGENCIA Trent saw his reinforcements approaching, and advanced to pick them up and add them to his command. The column, now a strong one for patrol purposes, turned at right angles at the first corner, and marched on into the city, from the further side of which came the sound of firing. Every man with the column carried a hundred and fifty rounds of ammunition. A machine gun was trailed along at the rear, in the event that it might be wanted. Less than half a mile from the start, Lieutenant Trent's command sighted the American advance line ahead. Some of the seamen and marines in this advanced line occupied rooftops and kept up a variable, crackling fire. As Trent approached the line, a lieutenant-commander approached him. "Do you come to reinforce us, Lieutenant?" he inquired. "No, sir," Trent answered. "We are to patrol, and to took out for Americans and other foreigners who may be in danger." "Then I would caution you, Lieutenant, that this is the outer line. If you get ahead of us, take extreme care that you do nothing to lead us to mistake you for Mexicans." "I shall be extremely cautious, sir," Trent replied, saluting, then marched his command through the line and on up the street. "Good luck to you," called several of the sailors in the line. "Bring us back a few Mexicans!" "We'd like to, all right," replied Riley, in an undertone. "Ensign Darrin, take a petty officer and four men and lead a point," Lieutenant Trent ordered. "I don't want the 'glory' of running a command into an ambush." Calling to Riley and four sailormen, Dave led them down the street at the double-quick until he was two hundred yards in advance Then he led his men on at marching speed. The work at the "point" is always the post of greatest danger with a marching command. This point is small in numbers, and moves well in advance. If the enemy has posted an ambuscade on the line of march it is the point that runs into this danger. As they marched Dave did not preserve any formation of his men. His detachment strode forward, alert and watchful, their rifles ready for instant use. Three blocks away a horse stood tethered before a door. Hearing the sound of approaching feet a man looked hurriedly out of the doorway. Then he rushed to the horse and untied it. "Halt!" Shouted Ensign Darrin, as he saw the man dart from the doorway. "Halt!" he ordered, a second time, as the man seized the horses's bridle ready to mount. Quick as a flash the stranger drew a revolver, firing two shots down the street. "Fire! Get him!" shouted Darrin. Five rifles spoke, instantly. Just in the act of reaching the saddle the stranger plunged sideways, fell to the roadway, the startled horse galloping off without its rider. "Don't run to him," commanded Dave Darrin. "We'll reach him soon enough." Close at hand it was seen that the man was in the uniform of a Mexican officer. His insignia proved him to be a major. "Dead," said Riley. "Two pills reached him, and either would have killed." Dave nodded his head in assent, adding: "Leave him. Our work is to keep the point moving." When they had gone a quarter of a mile further, a sound of firing attracted the attention of the American detachment. "Lieutenant Trent's compliments, sir," panted a breathless messenger, saluting, "and you will turn down the next corner, Ensign, and march toward the firing." After a few minutes Dave sighted a large building ahead. He did not know the building, then, but learned afterwards that it was the Hotel Diligencia. Almost as soon as Darrin perceived the building, snipers on its roof espied the Navy men. Cr-r-rack! The brisk fire that rang out from the roof of the hotel was almost as regular as a volley of shots would have been. Darrin ordered his men to keep close to the buildings on either side of the street, and to return the fire as rapidly as good shooting permitted. "Drive 'em from that roof," was Darrin's order. Lieutenant Trent arrived on the double-quick with the rest of the detachment. "Give it to 'em, hot and heavy!" ordered Trent, and instantly sixty rifles were in action. Suddenly a window, a some distance down the street from the Americans opened, and a man thrust a rifle out, taking aim. That rifle never barked, for Dave, with a single shot from his revolver, sent the would-be marksman reeling back. "Watch that window, Riley, and fire if a head appears there," Dave directed. "There may be others in that room." Cat-like in his watchfulness, Riley kept the muzzle of his weapon trained on that window. "Look out overhead!" called Danny Grin, suddenly. From the roofs of three houses overlooking the naval detachment fire opened instantly after the warning. Two of the "_Long Island's_" men dropped, one of them badly wounded. Then the sailormen returned the fire. Two Mexicans dropped to the street, one shot through the head; the other wounded in the chest. Other Mexicans had been seen to stagger, and were probably hit. Thereafter a dozen seamen constantly watched the roofs close at hand, occasionally "getting" a Mexican. "I know what I would do, if I had authority," Darrin muttered to his superior. "I'd send back for dynamite, and, whenever we were fired on from a house I'd bring it down in ruins." It was a terrible suggestion, but being fired upon from overhead in a city makes fighting men savage. Evidently the Mexicans on the hotel roof had been reinforced, for now the fire in that direction broke out heavier than ever. "Shall I have the machine gun brought up, sir?" Dave hinted. "Yes," approved Trent, crisply. "We'll see what a machine gun can do when brought to bear on a roof." So Ensign Darrin ran back to give the order. The gun was brought up instantly, loaded, aimed and fired. R-r-r-r-rip! Its volleys rang out. A rain of bullets struck at the edge of the hotel roof, driving back the snipers amid yells of pain. Yet the instant the machine gun ceased its leaden cyclone the snipers were back at work, firing in a way that showed their rage. "We can keep 'em down with the machine gun," declared Trent, "But it might take all the ammunition of the fleet to keep it running long enough unless we can make more hits." In their recklessness the Mexicans exposed themselves so that four more of them fell before the seamen's rifles. "Probably the Mexicans can get reinforcements," Dalzell muttered. "Though we may hit a few in an hour's firing, they can replace every man we hit." "At least we can give those fellows something to think about between now and daylight," Dave returned, compressing his lips grimly. "Grenfel is wounded, sir, and Penniman has just been killed," reported a petty officer, saluting. Lieutenant Trent hastened back to confirm the death of Penniman, and also to see if anything could be done for the comfort of the wounded man. He decided to send Grenfel back, two sailormen being detailed for that purpose. "Look out for snipers," the officer warned the bearers of the wounded man. "Carry your rifles slung and be ready for instant work. If we hear you firing behind us I'll send men to help you through." Along the street, ahead of the detachment, a man came crawling from the direction of the hotel. In an instant a dozen sailormen leveled their weapons. "Hold up there, men!" Darrin called, sharply. "Don't shoot at him." An instant later snipers on the hotel roof discovered the crawling man, opening fire on him so briskly that the endangered one rose to his feet and came sprinting toward the sailors with both hands uplifted. "Lower your hands!" shouted Darrin. "They make targets. We won't fire on you!" That the man understood English was plain from his instant obedience. With Mexican bullets raining about him, the fugitive came on at headlong speed. "Here! Stop!" Ensign Darrin ordered, catching the man and swinging him into a doorway. "Keep in there, and you're safe from the enemy's fire." Swiftly Lieutenant Trent crossed the street to hear the escaped one, whom Darrin was already questioning. "You're an American?" asked Dave. "Yes!" came the answer. "How did you come to be here?" "Escaped from the basement of the hotel. I knew it was up to me to get through to you if I could live through the storm of bullets that I knew would be sent after me. My news is of the utmost importance!" Then, to the astounded American Navy officers the stranger made this blood-stirring announcement: "In the Hotel Diligencia are at least twenty American women!" CHAPTER XXI A RESCUE AND A "FACER" "You're sure of that?" breathed Trent, tensely. I ought to be, uttered the man, hoarsely. "One of the women is my wife, and another is my daughter! I haven't seen any of the women in five hours." "How so?" asked Trent, sharply. "The soldiers thrust me into the basement. Ever since I found myself alone I've been working with a penknife to dig out the mortar of the bricks in which the window bars were imbedded." "The instant I had jerked enough bars loose I crawled through the opening and started for you." Giving swift instructions to keep the machine gun going continuously, and to keep the fire trained on the edge of the hotel roof, Trent detailed four riflemen to remain with the machine gun man, then led the rest swiftly under the hail of bullets that raged over their heads. In this mode of attack the sailormen gained the sidewalk under the hotel without a shot having been fired from the roof. "Ensign Darrin, lead as many men as you can against the doors!" ordered the lieutenant. "Get them down as fast as you can!" Their first assaults against the massive doors failing, four sailors were sent on a run for some form of battering ram. They returned with half of a telegraph pole that had been cut in two by shell fire in the afternoon. Borne by a dozen stout jackies, the pole was dashed against the door. At the second assault the lock was broken. Dave dashed into the hotel at the head of his squad. "Straight to the roof, Ensign Darrin!" shouted Lieutenant Trent. "Ensign Dalzell, you will take ten men and endeavor to find the American women." Then Trent, with the remainder of the command, rushed on after the advance guard. Up the stairs dashed Dave in the lead. The skylight proved not to be fastened. Only a minute before had the machine gun stopped its murderous hail. Now some thirty Mexican soldiers crept to the edge of the roof to try their luck again with the sailormen up the street. "There is only a handful of them," shouted one Mexican. "The gringos must be under the hotel, or in it!" At that announcement there was a swift rush toward the skylight. Just before they reached it Darrin sprang into sight, followed by his men. Short, sharp conflict followed. Twelve Mexicans, three of them killed, went down, and two American sailormen had been wounded when the enemy sent up their appeal for "_piedad_," or quarter. Saluting, a sailorman reported to Lieutenant Trent that Ensign Dalzell had found the American women in the annex of the hotel. None had been injured, but all were much frightened. Leaving a petty officer in charge on the roof, Trent turned to Dave to say: "Come along, Darrin. We'll see what can be done for our countrywomen." Hastily descending, and following the messenger, the two officers were met at the door of a spacious room by Ensign Dalzell. "Ladies," said Dan, turning, "here are Lieutenant Trent and Ensign Darrin. The former commands this detachment." On the floor lay more than a dozen wounded Mexicans. Two of the American women, having had nursing experience, had taken good care of the injured. "Ladies," asked Lieutenant Trent, "have you been roughly treated by the Mexicans?" "Far from it," said one of the women. "The Mexican officer in command treated us with great consideration. We were in the main part of the hotel, the wooden building. The Mexican officer told us that his men were going to occupy the roof as a military necessity, and that there would be fighting. He assured us that we would be safer in the annex, and escorted us here." "Where is that officer now?" asked Trent, promptly. "I would like to shake hands with him." "I am afraid you would have to travel inside the Mexican lines," said another woman. "A little while ago a party of horsemen rode up to the rear of the hotel, and one officer, a lieutenant-colonel, came up into the hotel and sought the officer in command here, ordering him to withdraw with his men, leaving only a few behind to keep up a show of resistance." "I will see that you are taken at once inside the American lines," declared Trout. "There you will be safe." Preparations were quickly made. The Mexican prisoners who were able to walk were formed under guard. The American women walked on ahead of the prisoners. Ensign Darrin, with half of the command, took charge of the rescued women and prisoners, and went to the lower part of the town, to turn over the refugees and prisoners. Trent posted a squad of his men, under Boatswain's Mate Pearson, on the roof. The rest of the seamen were stationed in the street, and Dave was placed in immediate command, with instructions to keep a sharp lookout on all sides. The boatswain's mate was to report to him anything observed from the roof. In half an hour Danny Grin's detachment returned, coming almost on the double-quick. Dalzell, wide-eyed with news, drew his brother officers aside. "Cantor has escaped!" Dan murmured, excitedly. "It was not widely known on the '_Long Island_' that he was in arrest. So it seems that he went down over the side, stepped into a gig, and ordered the coxswain to take him ashore. As he was in civilian dress he was not likely to be closely observed by sentries on shore, and so far no trace of him has been discovered." "I believe he has left the Navy," Dave nodded. "Further, as he appeared to have strange interests ashore, I believe that he has deserted to the enemy." "Don't say that," begged Trent earnestly. "Bad as he may have been, Cantor was trained in all the traditions of the Navy. I can believe him wild, or even bad, but I can't believe him big enough scoundrel to desert to the enemy." "It's a fearful thing to believe," Darrin admitted, "but what are we to believe? We found him in the house of that notorious bandit, Cosetta. Do you feel any doubt, sir, that Cosetta has proposed, or will propose to the Huerta government that he bring his men in under the Mexican flag in return for a pardon? There is another side to it, sir. The landing plans were stolen from Captain Gales's desk. Doesn't it now seem likely that Cantor stole the plans, and turned them over to Cosetta, who would be delighted at the chance of being able to turn them over to the commander of the Mexican forces around Vera Cruz?" "The suspicion seems plausible enough," Trent admitted, sadly, "yet it is a terrible thing to believe." "What's that?" cried Dan, jumping suddenly as shots rang out in another street close at hand. First had come three or four shots, almost immediately a crashing fire had followed. "Ensign Darrin," ordered Trent, promptly, "take thirty men and locate that firing. If you run into anything that you cannot handle, rush word back to me." Like a shot, Dave Darrin was off, running at the head of thirty sailormen. Around two corners they dashed, then came in sight of a scene that made their blood boil. Some forty men stood in the street, firing at a house from whose windows flashes of pistol shots came. Plainly the defenders were pitifully weak. Up to this moment the men in the street had not observed Ensign Dave's party. "Sprint down close enough, Riley," Dave directed, "to see whether the men in the street are Mexicans or our own men. I suspect they're Mexicans." "They're Mexicans, sir!" panted Riley, returning at a sprint. "Ready! Aim! Fire!" shouted Darrin. "Charge. Fire as you need." As the volley rang out several Mexicans dropped. Dave dashed down the street at the head of his men. A feeble return of the fire came from the Mexicans, who then broke and fled to the next corner. "Are there Americans inside the house?" called Dave, halting before the open but darkened windows. "Indeed there are!" came a jubilant voice. "Are you Americans?" "From the '_Long Island_,'" Dave answered. "Come out and join us, and we'll take you to safety." "Now, heaven be praised for this!" answered the same man's voice, devoutly. "Come, my dear ones. We are under the protection of our own Navy men." Out into the street came a man and woman past middle age. Behind them followed a man of perhaps twenty-five, and a woman who was still younger. "I am Ensign Darrin, at your service," Darrin announced, raising his cap. "We were never so glad before to see a naval officer, Mr. Darrin," responded the older man, heartily. "Tom and I had only our revolvers with which to defend ourselves. Permit me. I am Jason Denman. This is my wife, this our daughter, and this our son." Dave stepped closer to acknowledge the introduction. When, in the darkness, his gaze rested on the young woman, Ensign Darrin gave a gasp of surprise. "You are wondering if we have met before," smiled the young woman, sadly. "Yes, Mr. Darrin, we have. You thrashed that bully, Mr. Cantor, one night in New York." "I did not know, then, that he was a brother officer," murmured Dave, "but I would have struck him even if I had known." "He was here to-night, with the Mexicans whom you drove away," continued the young woman. "With Mexican soldiers?" gasped Darrin. "There were but a few soldiers," Miss Denman continued. "The rest were Mexican civilians, brigands, I believe." "Before I can discuss matters," Darrin replied quickly, "I must get you to a place of safety. You will please march in the middle of this small command. Fall in, men, by fours." As quickly as possible the line was in motion. Dave marched back to the Hotel Diligencia, where he made instant report to his superior. "This is the worst news possible!" gasped Lieutenant Trent. "I must send word to the commanding officer downtown, and will do so by Dalzell, who will take thirty men and escort the Denmans to safety." "As to Lieutenant Cantor, sir," Dave asked his commander. "He is to be arrested wherever found, I suppose?" "He is to be arrested," replied Trent, between closed teeth. "If be resists arrest, or if he fires upon our party, he is to be shot at once." "Shot?" gasped Dave Darrin. "You have your orders, Darrin, and they are proper, legal orders." "And I shall obey the order, if need arise." From across the street, as Darrin finished speaking, a window was raised and several rifles were aimed directly at him. Then shots rang out. CHAPTER XXII PLAYING BIRDMAN IN WAR Unconsciously Ensign Dave Darrin swayed slightly, so close did the shower of bullets pass him. Then the reports of more than a score of American rifles rang out just as Danny Grin reached his chum's side. "Hurt, David, little giant?" asked Dan. "Not even touched, so far as I know," smiled Darrin. "Boatswain's mate, take a dozen men and leap into that house through the open window!" Lieutenant Trent called, sternly. Then the senior officer hurried over to the subordinate. "Did the rascals get you, Darrin?" demanded the lieutenant, anxiously. "I don't think so, sir," was the reply. "I don't believe I've a scratch." "It's a marvel," gasped Trent, after having taken a pocket electric light and by its rays examined the young ensign. "I believe every one of those Mexicans aimed at you." "It seemed so, sir," Dave laughed. Danny Grin had already gone, and without orders. The instant he was satisfied that his chum was uninjured Dalzell had leaped away in the wake of the party led by the boatswain's mate. Now Dan was climbing in through the window, helped by two seamen who had been left on guard outside. But the search of the house revealed only one dead Mexican, not in uniform, who had been killed by the sailormen's fire, and a trail of blood that must have been shed by the wounded enemy as they were carried away. "Bandits---Cosetta's men---not soldiers, this time," was Dan's instant guess. The miscreants and their wounded, as the blood trail showed, had escaped by way of the rear of the house. None were in sight by the time the Americans reached the back yard. "Shall we pursue, sir?" asked the boatswain's mate, saluting. "In what direction?" asked Dalzell, scanning the ground. "The rascals can run faster than we can follow a trail of blood. But you may go back to Lieutenant Trent, report just what we have found, and bring me his orders." "Lieutenant Trent believes that you are not likely to catch up with the fugitives, and there would be danger of running a handful of men into a cunning Mexican ambush," the petty officer reported, two minutes later. After that the night dragged slowly. Trent allowed some of his men to sleep in doorways an hour or so at a time, but there were enough sailormen awake to handle any sudden surprise or attack. At four in the morning Trent's command was relieved by a company of marines with two machine guns. Lieutenant Trent, under orders, marched his command back to a park in which tents had been pitched. Here, under blankets on the ground, the tired sailormen and their three officers were allowed to sleep until noon. By daylight of that day, Wednesday, the first detachment ashore had been strongly reinforced. There was still much sniping in the city, though now the firing came mostly from the rear of the town. Slowly, patiently, the Navy detachments pushed their way forward, attending to snipers and also searching houses for concealed arms and ammunition. In the course of this search hundreds of Mexicans were arrested. Even some very small boys were found with knives. On the third day the residents of the city were warned that all who possessed arms must take their weapons to the provost officer's headquarters. About nineteen hundred men, women and boys turned in their weapons, running all the way from the latest models of rifles down to century-old muskets. Soon after orders were issued that all natives found armed were to be executed on the spot. To the average American this might have seemed like a cruel order, but now the list of dead sailormen and marines had reached twenty-five, and there were scores of wounded American fighting men. Stern steps were necessary to stop the deadly sniping. Another day passed, and Vera Cruz, now completely occupied by the Americans, had ceased to be a battle ground. Now and then a solitary shot was heard, but in every instance the sniper was tracked down, and his fate provided another tenant for the Vera Cruz burying ground. Detachments were now posted even to the suburbs of the city. On the morning of the fifth day, just after Trent's detachment had been roused from a night's sleep in a park in the heart of Vera Cruz, orders came to the lieutenant that seemed to please him. "We are to march as soon as we have had breakfast," Trent told his two junior officers. "We are to take position a mile and a half south-west of the advanced line, and there wait to protect, if necessary, the Navy aviators, who are going out soon on a scouting flight. At the same time, we are to keep a lookout for the appearance of one of the airships that the Huerta forces are supposed to possess. If we see one, we are to try to get it with the machine guns or rifles. And here is a piece of news that may interest you youngsters. If requested by either of the Navy aviators, I am to allow one of my junior officers to go up in the airship to help with the preparation of field notes to be used in making a military map. If such a demand be made upon me, which of you young men shall be the one to go?" Ensigns Dave and Dan had turned glowing faces to Trent. Then they glanced at each other. A scouting trip in one of the Navy aircraft would be an unqualified delight to either. "Let Darrin go," urged Danny Grin. "I withdraw, in favor of Dalzell," spoke Dave, with equal quickness. "Which shall it be, then?" Trent demanded quizzically. "Dalzell," said Dave. "Darrin," decreed Danny Grin. "How am I to decide?" asked the lieutenant, smiling at the two eager faces. Then, suddenly he added: "I have it! Which excelled the other in map work at Annapolis?" "Darrin had the higher marks! I defy you to dispute that, David, little giant." As Danny Grin's statement was true, Dave could not dispute it, so be contented himself by saying: "Dalzell's map-work at Annapolis was good enough to suit any need around here, and I shall be glad to see Dalzell get the chance." "On that showing," returned Trent, "Darrin shall have the chance if it comes this way." After a quick meal the detachment was under way. In about an hour the position ordered had been taken. "Here comes the first Navy birdman!" cried Dan suddenly, pointing townward. Just appearing over the housetops, and soaring to an elevation of a thousand feet, came one of the huge hydro-aeroplanes in which Navy aviators had long been practicing for just such work as this. Capable of coming down and resting on the water, or of rising from the same, these aircraft were ideally suited to the work. Swiftly over Vera Cruz came the airship, then straight out over the advanced line, and next on toward the detachment beyond. "He isn't coming down," cried Danny Grin in a tone of genuine disappointment. "No chance for you on that one, Davy! Too bad!" Yet suddenly the rattling noise nearly overhead almost ceased as the engine was shut off. Then gracefully the craft voloplaned and touched the ground, just inside the detachment's line. "Great work, Bowers!" cried Trent, recognizing in the Navy birdman a former classmate at Annapolis. "Thank you, Trent. You have an officer, haven't you, to help me with field notes on this survey?" "I have two," smiled Trent, "but I am afraid I can spare only one. Lieutenant Bowers, Ensign Darrin. Hop aboard, Darrin!" In a twinkling Ensign Dave had shaken hands with the birdman, adding: "At your orders, sir!" Then Dave stepped nimbly up to the platform. "Take a seat beside me, with your field-glasses ready. Here's your field note-book." At a sign from Lieutenant Bowers, the eager sailormen parted in front of the airship, which, after a brief run, soared gracefully once more. Behind Lieutenant Bowers stood a sailor with a signal flag. "Step to the rear," Bowers directed, over his shoulder, "and wigwag back: 'O.K. Stopped only for assistant.' Sign, 'Bowers.' "Aye, aye, sir," answered the signalman. "Lieutenant Sherman's airship is rising from the harbor, sir," reported the signalman. "Very good," nodded Lieutenant Bowers, and kept his eyes on his course. "Darrin, are you taking all the observations necessary and entering them?" "Aye, aye, sir." "There's the railroad bridge about which the admiral was so anxious," said Bowers, presently. "You will note that the bridge stands, but the railroad tracks have been torn up." "Aye, aye, sir," Dave reported, after using his field glass. "That's one of the things we wanted to know," Bowers continued. "And keep an especially sharp lookout, Ensign, for any signs of Mexican forces, hidden or in the open." But, though Dare looked constantly, he saw no indications of the Mexican column with which General Maas had retreated. "Too bad about Cantor of your ship," murmured Lieutenant Bowers, a little later. "Though the forces have been searching for him for three or four days he can't be found anywhere. It must be fearful to be tried for treason to one's flag. I am hoping that Cantor will be brought in dead. Under such charges as he faces, there's more dignity in being dead." "Much more," Dave assented, in a low voice. On and on they flew. Once, when Dave sighted moving persons in the distance, Bowers drove the craft up to three thousand feet above the earth. But soon, under the glass, these suspects turned out to be a party of wretched refugees, hurrying, ragged, barefooted, starving, gaunt and cactus-torn, to safety within the American lines at Vera Cruz. For many miles Bowers's craft flew inland, and much valuable information was picked up, besides the data from which any naval draughtsman could construct a very good map of that part of the country. At last Lieutenant Bowers turned back. Suddenly Dave exclaimed, "Hullo! There are two men coming out of the adobe house ahead." The house in question was out about four miles beyond Trent's station. Dave kept his glass turned on the two men on the ground, at the same the trying to conceal the glass from their view. "They haven't rifles," he told Lieutenant Bowers. Then, as the aircraft passed and left the adobe house to the rear, Darrin bent over and whispered something in Bowers's ear that the signalman behind them could not hear. CHAPTER XXIII THE DASH FOR THE TRAITOR A Little later the hydro-aeroplane returned to Lieutenant Trent's position. Dave placed in the hands of the lieutenant the field note-book, which had been so carefully kept that any officer could draw a map from it at need. Lightly the big airship touched the earth just inside Trent's line. Dave, shaking hands with his temporary commanding officer, added: "Thank you for something I've always wanted---a flight over a real enemy's country." "I've greatly enjoyed having you with me," Lieutenant Bowers responded. "Trent, you've obliged me hugely by giving me so good an assistant. Good-bye, fellows." The birdman was again several hundred feet up in the air. "What kind of a trip was it?" asked Dalzell. "It was wonderful," Dave breathed. "And I've brought back news of great importance!" "Did you get it from Mexico City or Washington?" Trent broke in. "Of course not," Dave said, wonderingly. "Then you've no such news as we can tell you," Danny went on, quickly, sadly. "Can you guess what it is?" "Our government isn't going to surrender us to the Huerta forces, is it?" "Not quite so bad as that," Dan admitted. "But listen! The governments of Brazil, Argentine and Chili have offered their services in arranging mediation between Washington and Mexico City. And Washington has accepted!" "No war?" gasped Dave Darrin, thunderstruck. "No war against a country that has treated our citizens so outrageously? Has Huerta accepted, too?" "We haven't heard, as yet," Trent took up the thread of information, "but there is a rumor that Huerta will be only too glad to accept, even if only as a bluff. If, by any kind of a scheme, he can hold us off for a few weeks, he will then have his army consolidated, will have the railroad and bridges destroyed, and the mountain roads to Mexico City all planted with mines, and then be able, most likely, to make the advance of our Army to Mexico City cost us hundreds of good Yankee lives per mile!" "And Funston's brigade of regulars is on the way, too!" Danny Grin added, sorrowfully. "Won't there be some mad soldier-boys?" Ensign Dave Darrin stood with bowed head for a few moments. To him it seemed hard indeed, if the Mexicans, after almost countless outrages against American citizens, even to the extent of assassination---and worse---were to escape their richly deserved punishment through a few tricks of diplomacy. Then the spirit of the service, so strong in him, came to the surface. To others belonged the right of command, his only the privilege to obey. He raised his head, smiling. Then his own matter of report leaped back into his mind. Bringing his heels together, straightening up, he saluted: "Sir, I have the honor to report that, while on the air flight, I noted the location of a solitary adobe house about four miles out. From that house came two men whom I distinctly recognized through my field glass to be Lieutenant Cantor and the bandit, Cosetta. Lieutenant Cantor, after one or two upward looks, bowed his head and kept his eyes to the ground, but I am positive, sir, of my identification of both men." "And Cosetta's bandits?" inquired Trent. "Did you see any signs of them?" "No, sir, but the adobe house is large enough to hide them all." "Any trenches near the house?" "No, sir." "I am afraid it would do little good to approach the house in broad daylight," Lieutenant Trent reflected, excitedly, "but it should make an excellent enterprise late in the night. I will report this matter to Commander Dillingham, in command of the advanced line. With his permission, we'll try to-night for the capture of that much needed pair of rascals." "Our signalman is being called from the advanced line, sir," reported a saluting sailorman. Wheeling, Trent ordered his own signalman to wig-wag, "Go ahead." Then the lieutenant stood reading the message. "You will fall back upon the advanced line," the signal read. "Send 'O.K.,'" called the lieutenant. "Sir," cried a sentry, "There's a party coming in. You can just make 'em out, sir." Stepping forward, Trent brought up his fieldglasses, while Dave informed him: "That was the second matter upon which I intended to report to you, sir. I observed those people from the airship. I believe them to be refugees." Immediately Lieutenant Trent signaled the advanced line, reporting the party seen out on the plain. "Then wait and escort them in," came Commander Dillingham's order. "O.K., sir," the detachment's signalman wigwagged back. In three-quarters of an hour more the painfully moving party reached the detachment. They were truly refugees, released from Mexico City and nearby points. The sight of these suffering people, some hundred and twenty in number, and mainly Americans, was enough to cause many of the sailormen to shed unaccustomed tears, and not to be ashamed of them, either! Every degree of wretchedness and raggedness was represented by these sufferers of indescribable wrongs. Men, and women too, showed the marks of rough handling by brutal prison guards. There were many disfigured faces. One man carried in a crude sling, an arm broken by a savage Mexican captor. Such spectacles were of daily occurrence in Vera Cruz! These wretched men, women and children had been on the way on foot since the middle of the night, having painfully trudged in over the twenty-five-mile gap in which the tracks had been torn up. Ordering his men to fall in, Lieutenant Trent escorted the patient, footsore procession in to the advanced line. The sailormen adjusted their own steps to those of the sufferers. As they moved along Coxswain Riley vented his feelings in an undertone: "We need only a band and a dead march to make a funeral of this! And---yet---no war!" From the slow-moving ranks came only a deep, surly growl. Lieutenant Trent turned around, then faced front once more; he had no heart to utter a rebuke. Mingled cheers and growls greeted the arrival of the pitiful fugitives at the advanced lines. The cheers were for the fact that the refugees had at least escaped with their lives. The growls were for the Mexicans responsible for this spectacle. "We must secure conveyances of some kind to take these poor people into the city," declared Commander Dillingham. "I will send a messenger to ask for the best sort of carriages that can be found in a place like Vera Cruz. Lieutenant, as the second airship is returning yonder, your duty outside the lines is over. You may march your men to the camp yonder and let them rest until they are needed." "I wish a word with you, sir, when possible," Trent urged. "At once," replied Commander Dillingham. Darrin was with Lieutenant Trent when he reported the discovery of the whereabouts of Cantor and Cosetta. "It wouldn't do any good to go out in the daytime," the commander decided. "The fellows would see you coming, and take to their heels toward the interior before you came within rifle range. You will have to go after dark, Lieutenant, and better still, towards midnight. In the early evening they might be watching for an American advance, but late at night they would decide that their hiding place is not suspected. You will plan, Lieutenant, to leave here at a little before eleven o'clock to-night, which will bring you to the adobe house about midnight. I will communicate my information to the commander of the forces ashore, and, if not reversed by him, my present instructions will hold." The orders were not reversed. At 10.45 that night Trent marched his detachment beyond the advanced line. Every man moved as softly as he could, and there was no jingling of military accoutrements. Finally the adobe house stood out dimly against the night sky at a distance of less than half a mile. "If Cosetta has his men with him, they are doubtless sleeping outside, on their arms, tonight," Lieutenant Trent explained, after a softly ordered halt. "When we attack, Cantor and perhaps Cosetta, will try to escape from the rear of the house, making a quick dash for the interior, while Cosetta's men try to hold us in check. Therefore, Darrin, I am going to let you have fifteen men. You will make a wide detour of the house, and try to work to a position in the immediate rear. You will have your men lie flat on the ground, and I will take every precaution that my men do not fire upon you. If you see Cosetta or Cantor, you will know what to do." "Aye, aye, sir," responded Ensign Darrin. With the stealth of a cat Dave advanced, revolver in hand. He was behind the house, and within forty feet of the back door, when a crashing fire ripped out in front. Cosetta's men, lying on the ground, had failed to note Darrin's flanking movement, but had discovered Trent's advance. Suddenly the rear door flew open, and two men dashed out. "Halt!" shouted Dave, dashing forward. Cosetta reached for a revolver. Before he could produce it Darrin's bullet laid him low. But Cantor sprang at the young ensign with such force as to bear him to earth. One of Cantor's hands gripped at Dave's throat. In the traitor's other hand flashed a narrow-bladed Mexican knife. "The score is settled at last!" hissed Cantor, as he drove the weapon down. CHAPTER XXIV CONCLUSION It's the thought that can take shape in the hundredth part of a second that saves human life at such a crisis. The instant he felt the hand at his throat there flashed into Dave's mind a sailor's trick that had come to him, indirectly, from Japan. Clasping both of his own hands inside of Cantor's arm, and holding both arms rigidly, Darrin rolled himself over sideways with such force as to send the traitor sprawling. Dave got to his feet with the speed of desperation that rules when one is in danger. Yet the traitor was hardly a whit behind him in rising. Crouching low, with the knife in his hand, Cantor watched his chance to spring. Ensign Dave's revolver lay on the ground. To take the second needed to recover the weapon would cost him his life at the point of the knife. Cosetta, lying desperately wounded, tried to crawl over the ground a few feet in order to reach his own pistol. "Take it!" hissed Cantor, leaping forward, panther-like, and making a sudden lunge. Throwing up his left arm to ward off the weapon, Dave felt the sharp sting of steel in his forearm. Heedless of his wound, Dave, with his right hand, gripped the wrist of the traitor. It was a struggle, now, of trained athletes. Each used his left hand in struggling for the advantage, watching, warily, also, for a chance to use his feet or knees. On the other side of the house the firing still continued. Neither Dave nor his antagonist spoke. Silently they battled, until both went to the ground. Though Dave might have won with his fists, Cantor's superior weight and muscle counted in this deadly clinch. And now Darrin found himself lying with both shoulders touching, while Cantor, kneeling over him, fought to free his knife hand for the final thrust. On the ground beyond, through the hail of fire from their own comrades, wriggled Riley and two sailormen. The instant they neared the corner of the house all three leaped to their feet, dashing to the aid of their young officer. "Don't shoot, Riley!" panted Ensign Dave Darrin. "Stun him!" In a twinkling Riley reversed his clutch on his aimed rifle, bringing down the butt across the traitor's head. Cantor rolled over. "Shall I wind up this Greaser, sir?" asked one of the sailormen, thrusting the muzzle of his rifle against Cosetta's breast. "No!" Dave commanded, sharply. "We don't kill when we can take prisoners." So the seaman contented himself with standing guard over the wounded brigand. Suddenly the machine gun began to rip into the ranks of the bandits in front of the house. An instant later a dozen sailors whom Riley had left behind reached the flanking position for which they had rushed, and began pouring in a raking fire on the bandits. Assailed from two sides Cosetta's now leaderless band broke in wild confusion, and fled, leaving behind many dead and wounded. Quickly Trent surrounded the house, but there was no one inside. And then Trout came upon his subordinate. "Why, Darrin, you're hurt!" he cried, pointing to Dave's left arm. As the firing died out Dave glanced down at his sleeve. "Off with your blouse!" spoke the lieutenant, in a tone of command. Riley helped to remove the blouse, meanwhile explaining: "We didn't crawl all the way to you, sir. We ran until we got into a hail of bullets from our own messmates. Then, sir, that we might reach you, we threw ourselves down and crawled a few yards." "Riley," declared Dave, heartily, "you're as good a man as there is in the United States Navy!" Whereat the petty officer fairly blushed with pride. "All our men are so good," added Trent, genially, "that it's a difficult task to pick the best." The surviving bandits had fled. Trent's orders forbade pursuing beyond the house. So, while Riley and Dave were examining the deep wound in the latter's forearm, Trent gave orders to bury the dead in shallow graves and to pick up the wounded for removal to Vera Cruz. Immediately upon returning to the advanced line Dave was ordered back to the "_Long Island_" for prompt surgical treatment. Though his wound was not dangerous, in itself, the climate of Vera Cruz is one in which there is the gravest danger of blood-poisoning setting in in any wound. The day after that, duty on shore being lighter, and officers being needed aboard, Danny Grin was ordered back to ship duty, while Lieutenant Trent remained ashore with his detachment. Having broken arrest, Cantor, on being returned to ship, was placed behind the steel bars of the ship's brig. There was no further escape for him. But his brother officers sighed their relief when a board of surgeons declared Lieutenant Cantor to be hopelessly insane, and expressed their opinion that he had been in that unfortunate mental condition for at least some weeks. That removed the taint of treason from the "_Long Island's_" ward-room, as an insane man is never held responsible for his wrong acts. It was gambling to excess, and the fear of being dropped from the Navy Register, that had caused the wreck of Cantor's mind. He is now properly confined in an asylum. Mrs. Black had not left Vera Cruz, but still lingered on one of the refugee ships in the harbor, where the Denmans found her. Mrs. Black was a widow who devoted her time and her wealth to missionary work in Mexico. Dave learned to his surprise that she was the daughter of Jason Denman, and a sister of the girl whom Dave had served so signally in New York. Mr. Denman, who was a wealthy resident of an Ohio town, had extensive mining interests in Mexico, and had gone there to look after them, leaving Miss Denman and her mother in New York. Cantor, who had first met the Denmans in Ohio, when on recruiting duty in that state, had planned to make Miss Denman his wife for purely mercenary reasons. He had struggled to overcome his gaming mania, and had planned that once Miss Denman became his wife her money should be used to pay his gaming debts and free him from the claims of the vice. But Mr. Denman, with the insight of a wise man, had discouraged the suit. In New York, before the "_Long Island_" had sailed, Cantor had met young Tom Denman in a gambling resort. Plying the young man with liquor, Cantor had persuaded the young man, when unconscious of what he was doing, to forge a banker's name to two checks, which Cantor had persuaded an acquaintance of his to cash. Of course the checks had been refused payment at the bank, but the man who had cashed them had disappeared. Cantor had offered to save young Tom Denman. Without involving himself Cantor could have testified that the young man was all but unconscious, and without knowledge of his act, when he "forged" the cheeks. The bank that had been deceived into cashing the checks before they were forwarded to the bank upon which they were drawn, had located Tom Denman easily enough. Tom would have been arrested, but Mrs. Denman promptly applied to a great detective agency, which quickly established the young man's mental condition at the of "forging" the checks. Moreover, Mrs. Denman, after cabling her husband for authority to use his funds, had made good the loss to the bank. Then mother, daughter and son had journeyed hastily to Vera Cruz, that the boy might be under his father's eye. That one lesson was enough for Tom Denman. He has never strayed since. As to the theft of his landing plan, Captain Gales afterward explained to several of his officers that no such theft had ever taken place. "You recall, gentlemen," the captain explained, "that I referred to the envelope which had contained the plans. And I then stated that the envelope which had contained the plans had disappeared. You will also remember, perhaps that I didn't state that the plans themselves were gone, for they rested in my safe, and are there at this moment. Acting that afternoon on an impulse that I did not very well understand, I took the landing plans from their envelope and filled the envelope with blank paper after having put the plans in the safe. "Cantor had knowledge of the envelope, and supposed, as any one would have done, that the plans were inside. When my back was turned for an instant Cantor took the envelope, which I did not immediately miss, as I had no idea that any of my officers was untrustworthy. Cantor hurried to his own quarters, and there discovered the blank paper substitution. Furious, yet hating Darrin for reasons which you now understand, Cantor hastened to Darrin's room and slipped the envelope in under Darrin's mattress. Cantor has admitted it to me---whatever the word of an adjudged lunatic may be worth poor fellow! "Now, as to Cantor's need of money, he was overwhelmed with gambling debts in New York. Some wild fancy told him that he could win money enough in Vera Cruz to pay his debts at home. He secured leave and went ashore. In a gaming house there he lost all his money, but still fought on against the game when he found that his signature would be accepted. He plunged heavily, soon rising from the table owing thirty thousand dollars to the house. Then Cosetta, who was a silent partner of the house, noting the lieutenant's despair, led him aside and cunningly informed him that he could have all his notes back if he could only secure the authoritative plans of the American landing. Cosetta, who had been a bandit for many years, and who feared the time would come when his appearance in Vera Cruz would be followed by arrest and execution, wanted to turn the landing plans over to General Maas, the Mexican commander here. Imagine the temptation to Cantor when he thought he had the plans in his own hands! "Cantor afterwards secured my permission to go ashore in civilian garb, on the plea that he had urgent private business. As the landing had been made, I permitted him to go. I have since discovered that Cantor had word of the Denmans being in Vera Cruz. Cosetta found the family for him, and Cantor made one last, desperate plea for Miss Denman's hand. He was obliged to urge his suit through the open window of the house. Then, when Mr. Denman sternly refused to listen to him, Cosetta tried to kill Mr. Denman and his son, intending to abduct Miss Denman and to force her to marry Cantor. "Cosetta died this morning. He had hoped to become at least a colonel in Huerta's army. Cantor did not know Cosetta until that chance meeting took place in the gambling house." A week later, Dave Darrin, his wound now almost healed, stood on the bridge of the "_Long Island_," Danny Grin at his side. They had just watched the landing of the last boatloads of General Funston's regulars. "I believe that winds up the Navy's chapter at Vera Cruz, Danny," said Ensign Darrin. "The rest of it, if there is going to be any 'rest,' will belong to the Army." "We had an interesting time while it lasted," declared Dalzell, with a broad grin. "There is a world full of interesting times ahead of us. We'll find time in every quarter of the globe. Isn't that so, Gunner's Mate Riley?" he demanded of the former coxswain, who, promoted that day, now stepped upon the bridge saluting, to show proudly on his sleeve the badge of his new rating. Whether Darrin's prediction was realized will be discovered in the pages of the next volume of this series, which will be published shortly under the title, "_Dave Darrin on Mediterranean Service; Or, With Dan Dalzell on European Duty_." In this forthcoming volume we shall encounter an amazing tale of an American naval officer's life and duties abroad, and we are likely, too, to hear from Lieutenant Trent and other good fellows from the ward-rooms and from the forecastles of our splendid Navy. 
15749	----	THE INTEREST OF AMERICA IN SEA POWER, PRESENT AND FUTURE. By CAPTAIN A.T. MAHAN, D.C.L., LL.D. United States Navy. Author of "The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660-1783," "The Influence of Sea Power Upon the French Revolution and Empire," of a "Life of Farragut," and of "The Life of Nelson, The Embodiment of the Sea Power of Great Britain." London: Sampson Low, Marston & Company, _Limited._ 1897. _Copyright, 1897,_ By Alfred T. Mahan. _Copyright, 1890, 1893,_ By Houghton, Mifflin and Company. _Copyright, 1893,_ By The Forum Publishing Company. _Copyright, 1894,_ By Lloyd Bryce. _Copyright, 1895, 1897,_ By Harper and Brothers. _All rights reserved._ University Press: John Wilson and Son, Cambridge, U.S.A. PREFACE. Whatever interest may be possessed by a collection of detached papers, issued at considerable intervals during a term of several years, and written without special reference one to the other, or, at the first, with any view to subsequent publication, depends as much upon the date at which they were composed, and the condition of affairs then existent, as it does upon essential unity of treatment. If such unity perchance be found in these, it will not be due to antecedent purpose, but to the fact that they embody the thought of an individual mind, consecutive in the line of its main conceptions, but adjusting itself continually to changing conditions, which the progress of events entails. The author, therefore, has not sought to bring these papers down to the present date; to reconcile seeming contradictions, if such there be; to suppress repetitions; or to weld into a consistent whole the several parts which in their origin were independent. Such changes as have been made extend only to phraseology, with the occasional modification of an expression that seemed to err by excess or defect. The dates at the head of each article show the time of its writing, not of its publication. The thanks of the author are expressed to the proprietors of the "Atlantic Monthly," of the "Forum," of the "North American Review," and of "Harper's New Monthly Magazine," who have kindly permitted the republication of the articles originally contributed to their pages. A.T. MAHAN. _November, 1897._ CONTENTS. I. THE UNITED STATES LOOKING OUTWARD From the Atlantic Monthly, December, 1890. II. HAWAII AND OUR FUTURE SEA POWER From the Forum, March, 1893. III. THE ISTHMUS AND SEA POWER From the Atlantic Monthly, September, 1893. IV. POSSIBILITIES OF AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION From the North American Review, November, 1894. V. THE FUTURE IN RELATION TO AMERICAN NAVAL POWER Harper's New Monthly Magazine, October, 1895. VI. PREPAREDNESS FOR NAVAL WAR Harper's New Monthly Magazine, March, 1897. VII. A TWENTIETH-CENTURY OUTLOOK Harper's New Monthly Magazine, September, 1897. VIII. STRATEGIC FEATURES OF THE CARIBBEAN SEA AND THE GULF OF MEXICO Harper's New Monthly Magazine, October, 1897. MAPS. THE PACIFIC THE GULF AND CARIBBEAN THE UNITED STATES LOOKING OUTWARD. _August, 1890._ Indications are not wanting of an approaching change in the thoughts and policy of Americans as to their relations with the world outside their own borders. For the past quarter of a century, the predominant idea, which has asserted itself successfully at the polls and shaped the course of the government, has been to preserve the home market for the home industries. The employer and the workman alike have been taught to look at the various economical measures proposed from this point of view, to regard with hostility any step favoring the intrusion of the foreign producer upon their own domain, and rather to demand increasingly rigorous measures of exclusion than to acquiesce in any loosening of the chain that binds the consumer to them. The inevitable consequence has followed, as in all cases when the mind or the eye is exclusively fixed in one direction, that the danger of loss or the prospect of advantage in another quarter has been overlooked; and although the abounding resources of the country have maintained the exports at a high figure, this flattering result has been due more to the superabundant bounty of Nature than to the demand of other nations for our protected manufactures. For nearly the lifetime of a generation, therefore, American industries have been thus protected, until the practice has assumed the force of a tradition, and is clothed in the mail of conservatism. In their mutual relations, these industries resemble the activities of a modern ironclad that has heavy armor, but inferior engines and guns; mighty for defence, weak for offence. Within, the home market is secured; but outside, beyond the broad seas, there are the markets of the world, that can be entered and controlled only by a vigorous contest, to which the habit of trusting to protection by statute does not conduce. At bottom, however, the temperament of the American people is essentially alien to such a sluggish attitude. Independently of all bias for or against protection, it is safe to predict that, when the opportunities for gain abroad are understood, the course of American enterprise will cleave a channel by which to reach them. Viewed broadly, it is a most welcome as well as significant fact that a prominent and influential advocate of protection, a leader of the party committed to its support, a keen reader of the signs of the times and of the drift of opinion, has identified himself with a line of policy which looks to nothing less than such modifications of the tariff as may expand the commerce of the United States to all quarters of the globe. Men of all parties can unite on the words of Mr. Blaine, as reported in a recent speech: "It is not an ambitious destiny for so great a country as ours to manufacture only what we can consume, or produce only what we can eat." In face of this utterance of so shrewd and able a public man, even the extreme character of the recent tariff legislation seems but a sign of the coming change, and brings to mind that famous Continental System, of which our own is the analogue, to support which Napoleon added legion to legion and enterprise to enterprise, till the fabric of the Empire itself crashed beneath the weight. The interesting and significant feature of this changing attitude is the turning of the eyes outward, instead of inward only, to seek the welfare of the country. To affirm the importance of distant markets, and the relation to them of our own immense powers of production, implies logically the recognition of the link that joins the products and the markets,--that is, the carrying trade; the three together constituting that chain of maritime power to which Great Britain owes her wealth and greatness. Further, is it too much to say that, as two of these links, the shipping and the markets, are exterior to our own borders, the acknowledgment of them carries with it a view of the relations of the United States to the world radically distinct from the simple idea of self-sufficingness? We shall not follow far this line of thought before there will dawn the realization of America's unique position, facing the older worlds of the East and West, her shores washed by the oceans which touch the one or the other, but which are common to her alone. Coincident with these signs of change in our own policy there is a restlessness in the world at large which is deeply significant, if not ominous. It is beside our purpose to dwell upon the internal state of Europe, whence, if disturbances arise, the effect upon us may be but partial and indirect. But the great seaboard powers there do not stand on guard against their continental rivals only; they cherish also aspirations for commercial extension, for colonies, and for influence in distant regions, which may bring, and, even under our present contracted policy, already have brought them into collision with ourselves. The incident of the Samoa Islands, trivial apparently, was nevertheless eminently suggestive of European ambitions. America then roused from sleep as to interests closely concerning her future. At this moment internal troubles are imminent in the Sandwich Islands, where it should be our fixed determination to allow no foreign influence to equal our own. All over the world German commercial and colonial push is coming into collision with other nations: witness the affair of the Caroline Islands with Spain; the partition of New Guinea with England; the yet more recent negotiation between these two powers concerning their share in Africa, viewed with deep distrust and jealousy by France; the Samoa affair; the conflict between German control and American interests in the islands of the western Pacific; and the alleged progress of German influence in Central and South America. It is noteworthy that, while these various contentions are sustained with the aggressive military spirit characteristic of the German Empire, they are credibly said to arise from the national temper more than from the deliberate policy of the government, which in this matter does not lead, but follows, the feeling of the people,--a condition much more formidable. There is no sound reason for believing that the world has passed into a period of assured peace outside the limits of Europe. Unsettled political conditions, such as exist in Haiti, Central America, and many of the Pacific islands, especially the Hawaiian group, when combined with great military or commercial importance as is the case with most of these positions, involve, now as always, dangerous germs of quarrel, against which it is prudent at least to be prepared. Undoubtedly, the general temper of nations is more averse from war than it was of old. If no less selfish and grasping than our predecessors, we feel more dislike to the discomforts and sufferings attendant upon a breach of peace; but to retain that highly valued repose and the undisturbed enjoyment of the returns of commerce, it is necessary to argue upon somewhat equal terms of strength with an adversary. It is the preparedness of the enemy, and not acquiescence in the existing state of things, that now holds back the armies of Europe. On the other hand, neither the sanctions of international law nor the justice of a cause can be depended upon for a fair settlement of differences, when they come into conflict with a strong political necessity on the one side opposed to comparative weakness on the other. In our still-pending dispute over the seal-fishing of Bering Sea, whatever may be thought of the strength of our argument, in view of generally admitted principles of international law, it is beyond doubt that our contention is reasonable, just, and in the interest of the world at large. But in the attempt to enforce it we have come into collision not only with national susceptibilities as to the honor of the flag, which we ourselves very strongly share, but also with a state governed by a powerful necessity, and exceedingly strong where we are particularly weak and exposed. Not only has Great Britain a mighty navy and we a long defenceless seacoast, but it is a great commercial and political advantage to her that her larger colonies, and above all Canada, should feel that the power of the mother country is something which they need, and upon which they can count. The dispute is between the United States and Canada, not the United States and Great Britain; but it has been ably used by the latter to promote the solidarity of sympathy between herself and her colony. With the mother country alone an equitable arrangement, conducive to well-understood mutual interests, could be reached readily; but the purely local and peculiarly selfish wishes of Canadian fishermen dictate the policy of Great Britain, because Canada is the most important link uniting her to her colonies and maritime interests in the Pacific. In case of a European war, it is possible that the British navy will not be able to hold open the route through the Mediterranean to the East; but having a strong naval station at Halifax, and another at Esquimalt, on the Pacific, the two connected by the Canadian Pacific Railroad, England possesses an alternate line of communication far less exposed to maritime aggression than the former, or than the third route by the Cape of Good Hope, as well as two bases essential to the service of her commerce, or other naval operations, in the North Atlantic and the Pacific. Whatever arrangement of this question is finally reached, the fruit of Lord Salisbury's attitude scarcely can fail to be a strengthening of the sentiments of attachment to, and reliance upon, the mother country, not only in Canada, but in the other great colonies. These feelings of attachment and mutual dependence supply the living spirit, without which the nascent schemes for Imperial Federation are but dead mechanical contrivances; nor are they without influence upon such generally unsentimental considerations as those of buying and selling, and the course of trade. This dispute, seemingly paltry yet really serious, sudden in its appearance and dependent for its issue upon other considerations than its own merits, may serve to convince us of many latent and yet unforeseen dangers to the peace of the western hemisphere, attendant upon the opening of a canal through the Central American Isthmus. In a general way, it is evident enough that this canal, by modifying the direction of trade routes, will induce a great increase of commercial activity and carrying trade throughout the Caribbean Sea; and that this now comparatively deserted nook of the ocean will become, like the Red Sea, a great thoroughfare of shipping, and will attract, as never before in our day, the interest and ambition of maritime nations. Every position in that sea will have enhanced commercial and military value, and the canal itself will become a strategic centre of the most vital importance. Like the Canadian Pacific Railroad, it will be a link between the two oceans; but, unlike it, the use, unless most carefully guarded by treaties, will belong wholly to the belligerent which controls the sea by its naval power. In case of war, the United States will unquestionably command the Canadian Railroad, despite the deterrent force of operations by the hostile navy upon our seaboard; but no less unquestionably will she be impotent, as against any of the great maritime powers, to control the Central American canal. Militarily speaking, and having reference to European complications only, the piercing of the Isthmus is nothing but a disaster to the United States, in the present state of her military and naval preparation. It is especially dangerous to the Pacific coast; but the increased exposure of one part of our seaboard reacts unfavorably upon the whole military situation. Despite a certain great original superiority conferred by our geographical nearness and immense resources,--due, in other words, to our natural advantages, and not to our intelligent preparations,--the United States is wofully unready, not only in fact but in purpose, to assert in the Caribbean and Central America a weight of influence proportioned to the extent of her interests. We have not the navy, and, what is worse, we are not willing to have the navy, that will weigh seriously in any disputes with those nations whose interests will conflict there with our own. We have not, and we are not anxious to provide, the defence of the seaboard which will leave the navy free for its work at sea. We have not, but many other powers have, positions, either within or on the borders of the Caribbean, which not only possess great natural advantages for the control of that sea, but have received and are receiving that artificial strength of fortification and armament which will make them practically inexpugnable. On the contrary, we have not on the Gulf of Mexico even the beginning of a navy yard which could serve as the base of our operations. Let me not be misunderstood. I am not regretting that we have not the means to meet on terms of equality the great navies of the Old World. I recognize, what few at least say, that, despite its great surplus revenue, this country is poor in proportion to its length of seaboard and its exposed points. That which I deplore, and which is a sober, just, and reasonable cause of deep national concern, is that the nation neither has nor cares to have its sea frontier so defended, and its navy of such power, as shall suffice, with the advantages of our position, to weigh seriously when inevitable discussions arise,--such as we have recently had about Samoa and Bering Sea, and which may at any moment come up about the Caribbean Sea or the canal. Is the United States, for instance, prepared to allow Germany to acquire the Dutch stronghold of Curaçao, fronting the Atlantic outlet of both the proposed canals of Panama and Nicaragua? Is she prepared to acquiesce in any foreign power purchasing from Haiti a naval station on the Windward Passage, through which pass our steamer routes to the Isthmus? Would she acquiesce in a foreign protectorate over the Sandwich Islands, that great central station of the Pacific, equidistant from San Francisco, Samoa, and the Marquesas, and an important post on our lines of communication with both Australia and China? Or will it be maintained that any one of these questions, supposing it to arise, is so exclusively one-sided, the arguments of policy and right so exclusively with us, that the other party will at once yield his eager wish, and gracefully withdraw? Was it so at Samoa? Is it so as regards Bering Sea? The motto seen on so many ancient cannon, _Ultima ratio regum_, is not without its message to republics. It is perfectly reasonable and legitimate, in estimating our needs of military preparation, to take into account the remoteness of the chief naval and military nations from our shores, and the consequent difficulty of maintaining operations at such a distance. It is equally proper, in framing our policy, to consider the jealousies of the European family of states, and their consequent unwillingness to incur the enmity of a people so strong as ourselves; their dread of our revenge in the future, as well as their inability to detach more than a certain part of their forces to our shores without losing much of their own weight in the councils of Europe. In truth, a careful determination of the force that Great Britain or France could probably spare for operations against our coasts, if the latter were suitably defended, without weakening their European position or unduly exposing their colonies and commerce, is the starting-point from which to calculate the strength of our own navy. If the latter be superior to the force that thus can be sent against it, and the coast be so defended as to leave the navy free to strike where it will, we can maintain our rights; not merely the rights which international law concedes, and which the moral sense of nations now supports, but also those equally real rights which, though not conferred by law, depend upon a clear preponderance of interest, upon obviously necessary policy, upon self-preservation, either total or partial. Were we so situated now in respect of military strength, we could secure our perfectly just claim as to the seal fisheries; not by seizing foreign ships on the open sea, but by the evident fact that, our cities being protected from maritime attack, our position and superior population lay open the Canadian Pacific, as well as the frontier of the Dominion, to do with as we please. Diplomats do not flourish such disagreeable truths in each other's faces; they look for a _modus vivendi_, and find it. While, therefore, the advantages of our own position in the western hemisphere, and the disadvantages under which the operations of a European state would labor, are undeniable and just elements in the calculations of the statesman, it is folly to look upon them as sufficient alone for our security. Much more needs to be cast into the scale that it may incline in favor of our strength. They are mere defensive factors, and partial at that. Though distant, our shores can be reached; being defenceless, they can detain but a short time a force sent against them. With a probability of three months' peace in Europe, no maritime power would fear to support its demands by a number of ships with which it would be loath indeed to part for a year. Yet, were our sea frontier as strong as it now is weak, passive self-defence, whether in trade or war, would be but a poor policy, so long as this world continues to be one of struggle and vicissitude. All around us now is strife; "the struggle of life," "the race of life," are phrases so familiar that we do not feel their significance till we stop to think about them. Everywhere nation is arrayed against nation; our own no less than others. What is our protective system but an organized warfare? In carrying it on, it is true, we have only to use certain procedures which all states now concede to be a legal exercise of the national power, even though injurious to themselves. It is lawful, they say, to do what we will with our own. Are our people, however, so unaggressive that they are likely not to want their own way in matters where their interests turn on points of disputed right, or so little sensitive as to submit quietly to encroachment by others, in quarters where they long have considered their own influence should prevail? Our self-imposed isolation in the matter of markets, and the decline of our shipping interest in the last thirty years, have coincided singularly with an actual remoteness of this continent from the life of the rest of the world. The writer has before him a map of the North and South Atlantic oceans, showing the direction of the principal trade routes and the proportion of tonnage passing over each; and it is curious to note what deserted regions, comparatively, are the Gulf of Mexico, the Caribbean Sea, and the adjoining countries and islands. A broad band stretches from our northern Atlantic coast to the English Channel; another as broad from the British Islands to the East, through the Mediterranean and Red Sea, overflowing the borders of the latter in order to express the volume of trade. Around either cape--Good Hope and Horn--pass strips of about one-fourth this width, joining near the equator, midway between Africa and South America. From the West Indies issues a thread, indicating the present commerce of Great Britain with a region which once, in the Napoleonic wars, embraced one-fourth of the whole trade of the Empire. The significance is unmistakable: Europe has now little mercantile interest in the Caribbean Sea. When the Isthmus is pierced, this isolation will pass away, and with it the indifference of foreign nations. From wheresoever they come and whithersoever they afterward go, all ships that use the canal will pass through the Caribbean. Whatever the effect produced upon the prosperity of the adjacent continent and islands by the thousand wants attendant upon maritime activity, around such a focus of trade will centre large commercial and political interests. To protect and develop its own, each nation will seek points of support and means of influence in a quarter where the United States always has been jealously sensitive to the intrusion of European powers. The precise value of the Monroe doctrine is understood very loosely by most Americans, but the effect of the familiar phrase has been to develop a national sensitiveness, which is a more frequent cause of war than material interests; and over disputes caused by such feelings there will preside none of the calming influence due to the moral authority of international law, with its recognized principles, for the points in dispute will be of policy, of interest, not of conceded right. Already France and Great Britain are giving to ports held by them a degree of artificial strength uncalled for by their present importance. They look to the near future. Among the islands and on the mainland there are many positions of great importance, held now by weak or unstable states. Is the United States willing to see them sold to a powerful rival? But what right will she invoke against the transfer? She can allege but one,--that of her reasonable policy supported by her might. Whether they will or no, Americans must now begin to look outward. The growing production of the country demands it. An increasing volume of public sentiment demands it. The position of the United States, between the two Old Worlds and the two great oceans, makes the same claim, which will soon be strengthened by the creation of the new link joining the Atlantic and Pacific. The tendency will be maintained and increased by the growth of the European colonies in the Pacific, by the advancing civilization of Japan, and by the rapid peopling of our Pacific States with men who have all the aggressive spirit of the advanced line of national progress. Nowhere does a vigorous foreign policy find more favor than among the people west of the Rocky Mountains. It has been said that, in our present state of unpreparedness, a trans-isthmian canal will be a military disaster to the United States, and especially to the Pacific coast. When the canal is finished, the Atlantic seaboard will be neither more nor less exposed than it now is; it will merely share with the country at large the increased danger of foreign complications with inadequate means to meet them. The danger of the Pacific coast will be greater by so much as the way between it and Europe is shortened through a passage which the stronger maritime power can control. The danger will lie not merely in the greater facility for despatching a hostile squadron from Europe, but also in the fact that a more powerful fleet than formerly can be maintained on that coast by a European power, because it can be called home so much more promptly in case of need. The greatest weakness of the Pacific ports, however, if wisely met by our government, will go far to insure our naval superiority there. The two chief centres, San Francisco and Puget Sound, owing to the width and the great depth of the entrances, cannot be effectively protected by torpedoes; and consequently, as fleets can always pass batteries through an unobstructed channel, they cannot obtain perfect security by means of fortifications only. Valuable as such works will be to them, they must be further garrisoned by coast-defence ships, whose part in repelling an enemy will be co-ordinated with that of the batteries. The sphere of action of such ships should not be permitted to extend far beyond the port to which they are allotted, and of whose defence they form an essential part; but within that sweep they will always be a powerful reinforcement to the sea-going navy, when the strategic conditions of a war cause hostilities to centre around their port. By sacrificing power to go long distances, the coast-defence ship gains proportionate weight of armor and guns; that is, of defensive and offensive strength. It therefore adds an element of unique value to the fleet with which it for a time acts. No foreign states, except Great Britain, have ports so near our Pacific coast as to bring it within the radius of action of their coast-defence ships; and it is very doubtful whether even Great Britain will put such ships at Vancouver Island, the chief value of which will be lost to her when the Canadian Pacific is severed,--a blow always in the power of this country. It is upon our Atlantic seaboard that the mistress of Halifax, of Bermuda, and of Jamaica will now defend Vancouver and the Canadian Pacific. In the present state of our seaboard defence she can do so absolutely. What is all Canada compared with our exposed great cities? Even were the coast fortified, she still could do so, if our navy be no stronger than is designed as yet. What harm can we do Canada proportionate to the injury we should suffer by the interruption of our coasting trade, and by a blockade of Boston, New York, the Delaware, and the Chesapeake? Such a blockade Great Britain certainly could make technically efficient, under the somewhat loose definitions of international law. Neutrals would accept it as such. The military needs of the Pacific States, as well as their supreme importance to the whole country, are yet a matter of the future, but of a future so near that provision should begin immediately. To weigh their importance, consider what influence in the Pacific would be attributed to a nation comprising only the States of Washington, Oregon, and California, when filled with such men as now people them and still are pouring in, and which controlled such maritime centres as San Francisco, Puget Sound, and the Columbia River. Can it be counted less because they are bound by the ties of blood and close political union to the great communities of the East? But such influence, to work without jar and friction, requires underlying military readiness, like the proverbial iron hand under the velvet glove. To provide this, three things are needful: First, protection of the chief harbors, by fortifications and coast-defence ships, which gives defensive strength, provides security to the community within, and supplies the bases necessary to all military operations. Secondly, naval force, the arm of offensive power, which alone enables a country to extend its influence outward. Thirdly, it should be an inviolable resolution of our national policy, that no foreign state should henceforth acquire a coaling position within three thousand miles of San Francisco,--a distance which includes the Hawaiian and Galapagos islands and the coast of Central America. For fuel is the life of modern naval war; it is the food of the ship; without it the modern monsters of the deep die of inanition. Around it, therefore, cluster some of the most important considerations of naval strategy. In the Caribbean and in the Atlantic we are confronted with many a foreign coal depot, bidding us stand to our arms, even as Carthage bade Rome; but let us not acquiesce in an addition to our dangers, a further diversion of our strength, by being forestalled in the North Pacific. In conclusion, while Great Britain is undoubtedly the most formidable of our possible enemies, both by her great navy and by the strong positions she holds near our coasts, it must be added that a cordial understanding with that country is one of the first of our external interests. Both nations doubtless, and properly, seek their own advantage; but both, also, are controlled by a sense of law and justice, drawn from the same sources, and deep-rooted in their instincts. Whatever temporary aberration may occur, a return to mutual standards of right will certainly follow. Formal alliance between the two is out of the question, but a cordial recognition of the similarity of character and ideas will give birth to sympathy, which in turn will facilitate a co-operation beneficial to both; for if sentimentality is weak, sentiment is strong. [Illustration: THE PACIFIC OCEAN] HAWAII AND OUR FUTURE SEA POWER. [The origin of the ensuing article was as follows: At the time of the Revolution in Hawaii, at the beginning of 1893, the author addressed to the "New York Times" a letter, which appeared in the issue of January 31. This, falling under the eye of the Editor of the "Forum," suggested to him to ask an article upon the general military--or naval--value of the Hawaiian group. The letter alluded to ran thus:-- _To the Editor of the "New York Times"_:-- There is one aspect of the recent revolution in Hawaii which seems to have been kept out of sight, and that is the relation of the islands, not merely to our own and to European countries, but to China. How vitally important that may become in the future is evident from the great number of Chinese, relatively to the whole population, now settled in the islands. It is a question for the whole civilized world and not for the United States only, whether the Sandwich Islands, with their geographical and military importance, unrivalled by that of any other position in the North Pacific, shall in the future be an outpost of European civilization, or of the comparative barbarism of China. It is sufficiently known, but not, perhaps, generally noted in our country, that many military men abroad, familiar with Eastern conditions and character, look with apprehension toward the day when the vast mass of China--now inert--may yield to one of those impulses which have in past ages buried civilization under a wave of barbaric invasion. The great armies of Europe, whose existence is so frequently deplored, may be providentially intended as a barrier to that great movement, if it come. Certainly, while China remains as she is, nothing more disastrous for the future of the world can be imagined than that general disarmament of Europe which is the Utopian dream of some philanthropists. China, however, may burst her barriers eastward as well as westward, toward the Pacific as well as toward the European Continent. In such a movement it would be impossible to exaggerate the momentous issues dependent upon a firm hold of the Sandwich Islands by a great, civilized, maritime power. By its nearness to the scene, and by the determined animosity to the Chinese movement which close contact seems to inspire, our own country, with its Pacific coast, is naturally indicated as the proper guardian for this most important position. To hold it, however, whether in the supposed case or in war with a European state, implies a great extension of our naval power. Are we ready to undertake this? A.T. MAHAN, _Captain, United States Navy_. NEW YORK, Jan. 30, 1893.] The suddenness--so far, at least, as the general public is concerned--with which the long-existing troubles in Hawaii have come to a head, and the character of the advances reported to be addressed to the United States by the revolutionary government, formally recognized as _de facto_ by our representative on the spot, add another to the many significant instances furnished by history, that, as men in the midst of life are in death, so nations in the midst of peace find themselves confronted with unexpected causes of dissension, conflicts of interests, whose results may be, on the one hand, war, or, on the other, abandonment of clear and imperative national advantage in order to avoid an issue for which preparation has not been made. By no premeditated contrivance of our own, by the cooperation of a series of events which, however dependent step by step upon human action, were not intended to prepare the present crisis, the United States finds herself compelled to answer a question--to make a decision--not unlike and not less momentous than that required of the Roman senate, when the Mamertine garrison invited it to occupy Messina, and so to abandon the hitherto traditional policy which had confined the expansion of Rome to the Italian peninsula. For let it not be overlooked that, whether we wish or no, we _must_ answer the question, we _must_ make the decision. The issue cannot be dodged. Absolute inaction in such a case is a decision as truly as the most vehement action. We can now advance, but, the conditions of the world being what they are, if we do not advance we recede; for there is involved not so much a particular action as a question of principle, pregnant of great consequences in one direction or in the other. Occasion of serious difficulty, indeed, should not arise here. Unlike the historical instance just cited, the two nations whose interests have come now into contact--Great Britain and the United States--are so alike in inherited traditions, habits of thought, and views of right, that injury to the one need not be anticipated from the predominance of the other in a quarter where its interests also predominate. Despite the heterogeneous character of the immigration which the past few years have been pouring into our country, our political traditions and racial characteristics still continue English--Mr. Douglas Campbell would say Dutch, but even so the stock is the same. Though thus somewhat gorged with food not wholly to its taste, our political digestion has contrived so far to master the incongruous mass of materials it has been unable to reject; and if assimilation has been at times imperfect, our political constitution and spirit remain English in essential features. Imbued with like ideals of liberty, of law, of right, certainly not less progressive than our kin beyond sea, we are, in the safeguards deliberately placed around our fundamental law, even more conservative than they. That which we received of the true spirit of freedom we have kept--liberty and law--not the one or the other, but both. In that spirit we not only have occupied our original inheritance, but also, step by step, as Rome incorporated the other nations of the peninsula, we have added to it, spreading and perpetuating everywhere the same foundation principles of free and good government which, to her honor be it said, Great Britain also has maintained throughout her course. And now, arrested on the south by the rights of a race wholly alien to us, and on the north by a body of states of like traditions to our own, whose freedom to choose their own affiliations we respect, we have come to the sea. In our infancy we bordered upon the Atlantic only; our youth carried our boundary to the Gulf of Mexico; to-day maturity sees us upon the Pacific. Have we no right or no call to progress farther in any direction? Are there for us beyond the sea horizon none of those essential interests, of those evident dangers, which impose a policy and confer rights? This is the question that long has been looming upon the brow of a future now rapidly passing into the present. Of it the Hawaiian incident is a part--intrinsically, perhaps, a small part--but in its relations to the whole so vital that, as has been said before, a wrong decision does not stand by itself, but involves, not only in principle but in fact, recession along the whole line. In our natural, necessary, irrepressible expansion, we are come here into contact with the progress of another great people, the law of whose being has impressed upon it a principle of growth which has wrought mightily in the past, and in the present is visible by recurring manifestations. Of this working, Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Egypt, Aden, India, in geographical succession though not in strict order of time, show a completed chain; forged link by link, by open force or politic bargain, but always resulting from the steady pressure of a national instinct, so powerful and so accurate that statesmen of every school, willing or unwilling, have found themselves carried along by a tendency which no individuality can resist or greatly modify. Both unsubstantial rumor and incautious personal utterance have suggested an impatient desire in Mr. Gladstone to be rid of the occupation of Egypt; but scarcely has his long exclusion from office ended when the irony of events signalizes his return thereto by an increase in the force of occupation. Further, it may be noted profitably of the chain just cited, that the two extremities were first possessed--first India, then Gibraltar, far later Malta, Aden, Cyprus, Egypt--and that, with scarce an exception, each step has been taken despite the jealous vexation of a rival. Spain has never ceased angrily to bewail Gibraltar. "I had rather see the English on the heights of Montmartre," said the first Napoleon, "than in Malta." The feelings of France about Egypt are matter of common knowledge, not even dissembled; and, for our warning be it added, her annoyance is increased by the bitter sense of opportunity rejected. It is needless here to do more than refer to that other chain of maritime possessions--Halifax, Bermuda, Santa Lucia, Jamaica--which strengthen the British hold upon the Atlantic, the Caribbean, and the Isthmus of Panama. In the Pacific the position is for them much less satisfactory--nowhere, perhaps, is it less so, and from obvious natural causes. The commercial development of the eastern Pacific has been far later, and still is less complete, than that of its western shores. The latter when first opened to European adventure were already the seat of ancient economies in China and Japan, furnishing abundance of curious and luxurious products to tempt the trader by good hopes of profit. The western coast of America, for the most part peopled by savages, offered little save the gold and silver of Mexico and Peru, and these were monopolized jealously by the Spaniards--not a commercial nation--during their long ascendency. Being so very far from England and affording so little material for trade, Pacific America did not draw the enterprise of a country the chief and honorable inducement of whose seamen was the hope of gain, in pursuit of which they settled and annexed point after point in the regions where they penetrated, and upon the routes leading thither. The western coasts of North America, being reached only by the long and perilous voyage around Cape Horn, or by a more toilsome and dangerous passage across the continent, remained among the last of the temperate productive seaboards of the earth to be possessed by white men. The United States were already a nation, in fact as well as in form, when Vancouver was exploring Puget Sound and passed first through the channel separating the mainland of British America from the island which now bears his name. Thus it has happened that, from the late development of British Columbia in the northeastern Pacific, and of Australia and New Zealand in the southwestern, Great Britain is found again holding the two extremities of a line, between which she must inevitably desire the intermediate links; nor is there any good reason why she should not have them, except the superior, more urgent, more vital necessities of another people--our own. Of these links the Hawaiian group possesses unique importance--not from its intrinsic commercial value, but from its favorable position for maritime and military control. The military or strategic value of a naval position depends upon its situation, upon its strength, and upon its resources. Of the three, the first is of most consequence, because it results from the nature of things; whereas the two latter, when deficient, can be supplied artificially, in whole or in part. Fortifications remedy the weaknesses of a position, foresight accumulates beforehand the resources which nature does not yield on the spot; but it is not within the power of man to change the geographical situation of a point which lies outside the limit of strategic effect. It is instructive, and yet apparent to the most superficial reading, to notice how the first Napoleon, in commenting upon a region likely to be the scene of war, begins by considering the most conspicuous natural features, and then enumerates the commanding positions, their distances from each other, the relative directions, or, as the sea phrase is, their "bearings," and the particular facilities each offers for operations of war. This furnishes the ground plan, the skeleton, detached from confusing secondary considerations, and from which a clear estimate of the decisive points can be made. The number of such points varies greatly, according to the character of the region. In a mountainous, broken country they may be very many; whereas in a plain devoid of natural obstacles there may be few, or none save those created by man. If few, the value of each is necessarily greater than if many; and if there be but one, its importance is not only unique, but extreme,--measured only by the size of the field over which its unshared influence extends. The sea, until it approaches the land, realizes the ideal of a vast plain unbroken by obstacles. On the sea, says an eminent French tactician, there is no field of battle, meaning that there is none of the natural conditions which determine, and often fetter, the movements of the general. But upon a plain, however flat and monotonous, causes, possibly slight, determine the concentration of population into towns and villages, and the necessary communications between the centres create roads. Where the latter converge, or cross, tenure confers command, depending for importance upon the number of routes thus meeting, and upon their individual value. It is just so at sea. While in itself the ocean opposes no obstacle to a vessel taking any one of the numerous routes that can be traced upon the surface of the globe between two points, conditions of distance or convenience, of traffic or of wind, do prescribe certain usual courses. Where these pass near an ocean position, still more where they use it, it has an influence over them, and where several routes cross near by that influence becomes very great,--is commanding. Let us now apply these considerations to the Hawaiian group. To any one viewing a map that shows the full extent of the Pacific Ocean, with its shores on either side, two striking circumstances will be apparent immediately. He will see at a glance that the Sandwich Islands stand by themselves, in a state of comparative isolation, amid a vast expanse of sea; and, again, that they form the centre of a large circle whose radius is approximately--and very closely--the distance from Honolulu to San Francisco. The circumference of this circle, if the trouble is taken to describe it with compass upon the map, will be seen, on the west and south, to pass through the outer fringe of the system of archipelagoes which, from Australia and New Zealand, extend to the northeast toward the American continent. Within the circle a few scattered islets, bare and unimportant, seem only to emphasize the failure of nature to bridge the interval separating Hawaii from her peers of the Southern Pacific. Of these, however, it may be noted that some, like Fanning and Christmas Islands, have within a few years been taken into British possession. The distance from San Francisco to Honolulu, twenty-one hundred miles--easy steaming distance--is substantially the same as that from Honolulu to the Gilbert, Marshall, Samoan, Society, and Marquesas groups, all under European control, except Samoa, in which we have a part influence. To have a central position such as this, and to be alone, having no rival and admitting no alternative throughout an extensive tract, are conditions that at once fix the attention of the strategist,--it may be added, of the statesmen of commerce likewise. But to this striking combination are to be added the remarkable relations, borne by these singularly placed islands, to the greater commercial routes traversing this vast expanse known to us as the Pacific,--not only, however, to those now actually in use, important as they are, but also to those that must be called into being necessarily by that future to which the Hawaiian incident compels our too unwilling attention. Circumstances, as already remarked, create centres, between which communication necessarily follows; and in the vista of the future all discern, however dimly, a new and great centre that must largely modify existing sea routes, as well as bring new ones into existence. Whether the canal of the Central American isthmus be eventually at Panama or at Nicaragua matters little to the question now in hand, although, in common with most Americans who have thought upon the subject, I believe it surely will be at the latter point. Whichever it be, the convergence there of so many ships from the Atlantic and the Pacific will constitute a centre of commerce, interoceanic, and inferior to few, if to any, in the world; one whose approaches will be watched jealously, and whose relations to the other centres of the Pacific by the lines joining it to them must be examined carefully. Such study of the commercial routes and of their relations to the Hawaiian Islands, taken together with the other strategic considerations previously set forth, completes the synopsis of facts which determine the value of the group for conferring either commercial or naval control. Referring again to the map, it will be seen that while the shortest routes from the Isthmus to Australia and New Zealand, as well as those to South America, go well clear of any probable connection with or interference from Hawaii, those directed toward China and Japan pass either through the group or in close proximity to it. Vessels from Central America bound to the ports of North America come, of course, within the influence of our own coast. These circumstances, and the existing recognized distribution of political power in the Pacific, point naturally to an international acquiescence in certain defined spheres of influence, for our own country and for others, such as has been reached already between Great Britain, Germany, and Holland in the Southwestern Pacific, to avoid conflict there between their respective claims. Though artificial in form, such a recognition, in the case here suggested, would depend upon perfectly natural as well as indisputable conditions. The United States is by far the greatest, in numbers, interests, and power, of the communities bordering upon the eastern shores of the North Pacific; and the relations of the Hawaiian Islands to her naturally would be, and actually are, more numerous and more important than they can be to any other state. This is true, although, unfortunately for the equally natural wishes of Great Britain and her colonies, the direct routes from British Columbia to Eastern Australia and New Zealand, which depend upon no building of a future canal, pass as near the islands as those already mentioned. Such a fact, that this additional great highway runs close to the group, both augments and emphasizes their strategic importance; but it does not affect the statement just made, that the interest of the United States in them surpasses that of Great Britain, and dependent upon a natural cause, nearness, which has been admitted always as a reasonable ground for national self-assertion. It is unfortunate, doubtless, for the wishes of British Columbia, and for the communications, commercial and military, depending upon the Canadian Pacific Railway, that the United States lies between them and the South Pacific, and is the state nearest to Hawaii; but, the fact being so, the interests of our sixty-five million people, in a position so vital to our part in the Pacific, must be allowed to outweigh those of the six millions of Canada. From the foregoing considerations may be inferred the importance of the Hawaiian Islands as a position powerfully influencing the commercial and military control of the Pacific, and especially of the Northern Pacific, in which the United States, geographically, has the strongest right to assert herself. These are the main advantages, which can be termed positive: those, namely, which directly advance commercial security and naval control. To the negative advantages of possession, by removing conditions which, if the islands were in the hands of any other power, would constitute to us disadvantages and threats, allusion only will be made. The serious menace to our Pacific coast and our Pacific trade, if so important a position were held by a possible enemy, has been mentioned frequently in the press, and dwelt upon in the diplomatic papers which from time to time are given to the public. It may be assumed that it is generally acknowledged. Upon one particular, however, too much stress cannot be laid, one to which naval officers cannot but be more sensitive than the general public, and that is the immense disadvantage to us of any maritime enemy having a coaling-station well within twenty-five hundred miles, as this is, of every point of our coast-line from Puget Sound to Mexico. Were there many others available, we might find it difficult to exclude from all. There is, however, but the one. Shut out from the Sandwich Islands as a coal base, an enemy is thrown back for supplies of fuel to distances of thirty-five hundred or four thousand miles,--or between seven thousand and eight thousand, going and coming,--an impediment to sustained maritime operations well-nigh prohibitive. The coal-mines of British Columbia constitute, of course, a qualification to this statement; but upon them, if need arose, we might hope at least to impose some trammels by action from the land side. It is rarely that so important a factor in the attack or defence of a coast-line--of a sea frontier--is concentrated in a single position; and the circumstance renders doubly imperative upon us to secure it, if we righteously can. It is to be hoped, also, that the opportunity thus thrust upon us may not be viewed narrowly, as though it concerned but one section of our country or one portion of its external trade or influence. This is no mere question of a particular act, for which, possibly, just occasion may not have offered yet; but of a principle, a policy, fruitful of many future acts, to enter upon which, in the fulness of our national progress, the time now has arrived. The principle being accepted, to be conditioned only by a just and candid regard for the rights and reasonable susceptibilities of other nations,--none of which is contravened by the step here immediately under discussion,--the annexation, even, of Hawaii would be no mere sporadic effort, irrational because disconnected from an adequate motive, but a first-fruit and a token that the nation in its evolution has aroused itself to the necessity of carrying its life--that has been the happiness of those under its influence--beyond the borders which heretofore have sufficed for its activities. That the vaunted blessings of our economy are not to be forced upon the unwilling may be conceded; but the concession does not deny the right nor the wisdom of gathering in those who wish to come. Comparative religion teaches that creeds which reject missionary enterprise are foredoomed to decay. May it not be so with nations? Certainly the glorious record of England is consequent mainly upon the spirit, and traceable to the time, when she launched out into the deep--without formulated policy, it is true, or foreseeing the future to which her star was leading, but obeying the instinct which in the infancy of nations anticipates the more reasoned impulses of experience. Let us, too, learn from her experience. Not all at once did England become the great sea power which she is, but step by step, as opportunity offered, she has moved on to the world-wide pre-eminence now held by English speech, and by institutions sprung from English germs. How much poorer would the world have been, had Englishmen heeded the cautious hesitancy that now bids us reject every advance beyond our shore-lines! And can any one doubt that a cordial, if unformulated, understanding between the two chief states of English tradition, to spread freely, without mutual jealousy and in mutual support, would increase greatly the world's sum of happiness? But if a plea of the world's welfare seem suspiciously like a cloak for national self-interest, let the latter be accepted frankly as the adequate motive which it assuredly is. Let us not shrink from pitting a broad self-interest against the narrow self-interest to which some would restrict us. The demands of our three great seaboards, the Atlantic, the Gulf, and the Pacific,--each for itself, and all for the strength that comes from drawing closer the ties between them,--are calling for the extension, through the Isthmian Canal, of that broad sea common along which, and along which alone, in all the ages prosperity has moved. Land carriage, always restricted and therefore always slow, toils enviously but hopelessly behind, vainly seeking to replace and supplant the royal highway of nature's own making. Corporate interests, vigorous in that power of concentration which is the strength of armies and of minorities, may here withstand for a while the ill-organized strivings of the multitude, only dimly conscious of its wants; yet the latter, however temporarily opposed and baffled, is sure at last, like the blind forces of nature, to overwhelm all that stand in the way of its necessary progress. So the Isthmian Canal is an inevitable part in the future of the United States; yet one that cannot be separated from other necessary incidents of a policy dependent upon it, whose details cannot be foreseen exactly. But because the precise steps that hereafter may be opportune or necessary cannot yet be foretold certainly, is not a reason the less, but a reason the more, for establishing a principle of action which may serve to guide as opportunities arise. Let us start from the fundamental truth, warranted by history, that the control of the seas, and especially along the great lines drawn by national interest or national commerce, is the chief among the merely material elements in the power and prosperity of nations. It is so because the sea is the world's great medium of circulation. From this necessarily follows the principle that, as subsidiary to such control, it is imperative to take possession, when it can be done righteously, of such maritime positions as contribute to secure command. If this principle be adopted, there will be no hesitation about taking the positions--and they are many--upon the approaches to the Isthmus, whose interests incline them to seek us. It has its application also to the present case of Hawaii. There is, however, one caution to be given from the military point of view, beyond the need of which the world has not yet passed. Military positions, fortified posts, by land or by sea, however strong or admirably situated, do not confer control by themselves alone. People often say that such an island or harbor will give control of such a body of water. It is an utter, deplorable, ruinous mistake. The phrase indeed may be used by some only loosely, without forgetting other implied conditions of adequate protection and adequate navies; but the confidence of our own nation in its native strength, and its indifference to the defence of its ports and the sufficiency of its fleet, give reason to fear that the full consequences of a forward step may not be weighed soberly. Napoleon, who knew better, once talked this way. "The islands of San Pietro, Corfu, and Malta," he wrote, "will make us masters of the whole Mediterranean." Vain boast! Within one year Corfu, in two years Malta, were rent away from the state that could not support them by its ships. Nay, more: had Bonaparte not taken the latter stronghold out of the hands of its degenerate but innocuous government, that citadel of the Mediterranean would perhaps--would probably--never have passed into those of his chief enemy. There is here also a lesson for us. It is by no means logical to leap, from this recognition of the necessity of adequate naval force to secure outlying dependencies, to the conclusion that the United States would need for that object a navy equal to the largest now existing. A nation as far removed as is our own from the bases of foreign naval strength may reasonably reckon upon the qualification that distance--not to speak of the complex European interests close at hand--impresses upon the exertion of naval strength by European powers. The mistake is when our remoteness, unsupported by carefully calculated force, is regarded as an armor of proof, under cover of which any amount of swagger may be indulged safely. An estimate of what is an adequate naval force for our country may properly take into account the happy interval which separates both our present territory and our future aspirations from the centres of interest really vital to European states. If to these safeguards be added, on our part, a sober recognition of what our reasonable sphere of influence is, and a candid justice in dealing with foreign interests within that sphere, there will be little disposition to question our preponderance therein. Among all foreign states, it is especially to be hoped that each passing year may render more cordial the relations between ourselves and the great nation from whose loins we sprang. The radical identity of spirit which underlies our superficial differences of polity surely will draw us closer together, if we do not set our faces wilfully against a tendency which would give our race the predominance over the seas of the world. To force such a consummation is impossible, and if possible would not be wise; but surely it would be a lofty aim, fraught with immeasurable benefits, to desire it, and to raise no needless impediments by advocating perfectly proper acts, demanded by our evident interests, in offensive or arrogant terms. THE ISTHMUS AND SEA POWER.[1] _June, 1898._ For more than four hundred years the mind of man has been possessed with a great idea, which, although by its wide diffusion and prophetic nature resembling one of those fundamental instincts, whose very existence points to a necessary fulfilment, first quickened into life in the thought of Christopher Columbus. To him the vision, dimly seen through the scanty and inaccurate knowledge of his age, imaged a close and facile communication, by means of the sea, that great bond of nations, between two ancient and diverse civilizations, which centred, the one around the Mediterranean, the birthplace of European commerce, refinement, and culture, the other upon the shores of that distant Eastern Ocean which lapped the dominions of the Great Khan, and held upon its breast the rich island of Zipangu. Hitherto an envious waste of land, entailing years of toilsome and hazardous journey, had barred them asunder. A rare traveller now and again might penetrate from one to the other, but it was impossible to maintain by land the constant exchange of influence and benefit which, though on a contracted scale, had constituted the advantage and promoted the development of the Mediterranean peoples. The microcosm of the land-girt sea typified then that future greater family of nations, which one by one have been bound since into a common tie of interest by the broad enfolding ocean, that severs only to knit them more closely together. So with a seer's eye, albeit as in a glass darkly; saw Columbus, and was persuaded, and embraced the assurance. As the bold adventurer, walking by faith and not by sight, launched his tiny squadron upon its voyage, making the first step in the great progress which was to be, and still is not completed, he little dreamed that the mere incident of stumbling upon an unknown region that lay across his route should be with posterity his chief title to fame, obscuring the true glory of his grand conception, as well as delaying its fulfilment to a far distant future. [1] The Map of the Gulf and Caribbean, p. 31, will serve for geographical references of this article. The story of his actual achievement is sufficiently known to all readers, and need not be repeated here. Amid the many disappointments and humiliations which succeeded the brief triumphant blaze of his first return, and clouded the latter years of his life, Columbus was spared the pang of realizing that the problem was insoluble for the time. Like many a prophet before him, he knew not what, nor what manner of time, the spirit that was in him foretold, and died the happier for his ignorance. The certainty that a wilderness, peopled by savages and semi-barbarians, had been added to the known world, would have been a poor awakening from the golden dreams of beneficent glory as well as of profit which so long had beckoned him on. That the western land he had discovered interposed a barrier to the further progress of ships towards his longed-for goal, as inexorable as the mountain ranges and vast steppes of Asia, was mercifully concealed from his eyes; and the elusive "secret of the strait" through which he to the last hoped to pass, though tantalizing in its constant evasion, kept in tension the springs of hope and moral energy which might have succumbed under the knowledge of the truth. It fell to the great discoverer, in his last voyage, to approach the continent, and to examine its shores along the region where the true secret of the strait lay hidden,--where, if ever, it shall pass from a dream to a reality, by the hand of man. In the autumn of 1502, after many trials and misadventures, Columbus, having skirted the south side of Cuba, reached the north coast of Honduras. There was little reason, except in his own unaccountable conviction, for continuing thence in one direction rather than in the other; but by some process of thought he had convinced himself that the sought-for strait lay to the south rather than to the north. He therefore turned to the eastward, though the wind was contrary, and, after a hard buffet against it, doubled Cape Gracias á Dios, which still retains its expressive name, significant of his relief at finding that the trend of the beach at last permitted him to follow his desired course with a fair wind. During the next two months he searched the entire coast-line as far as Porto Bello, discovering and examining several openings in the land which since have been of historical importance, among others the mouth of the San Juan River and the Chiriqui Lagoon, one of whose principal divisions still recalls his visit in its name, Almirante Bay, the Bay of the Admiral. A little beyond, to the eastward of Porto Bello, he came to a point already known to the Spaniards, having been reached from Trinidad. The explorer thus acquired the certainty that, from the latter island to Yucatan, there was no break in the obdurate shore which barred his access to Asia. Every possible site for an interoceanic canal lies within the strip of land thus visited by Columbus shortly before his death in 1504. How narrow the insurmountable obstacle, and how tantalizing, in the apparent facilities for piercing it extended by the formation of the land, were not known until ten years later, when Balboa, led on by the reports of the natives, reached the eminence whence he, first among Europeans, saw the South Sea,--a name long and vaguely applied to the Pacific, because of the direction in which it lay from its discoverer. During these early years the history of the region we now know as Central America was one of constant strife among the various Spanish leaders, encouraged rather than stifled by the jealous home government; but it was also one of unbroken and venturesome exploration, a healthier manifestation of the same restless and daring energy that provoked their internal collisions. In January, 1522, one Gil Gonzalez started from Panama northward on the Pacific side, with a few frail barks, and in March discovered Lake Nicaragua, which has its name from the cacique, Nicaragua, or Nicarao, whose town stood upon its shores. Five years later, another adventurer took his vessel to pieces on the coast, transported it thus to the lake, and made the circuit of the latter; discovering its outlet, the San Juan, just a quarter of a century after Columbus had visited the mouth of the river. The conquest of Peru, and the gradual extension of Spanish domination and settlements in Central America and along the shores of the Pacific, soon bestowed upon the Isthmus an importance, vividly suggestive of its rise into political prominence consequent upon the acquisition of California by the United States, and upon the spread of the latter along the Pacific coast. The length and severity of the voyage round Cape Horn, then as now, impelled men to desire some shorter and less arduous route; and, inconvenient as the land transport with its repeated lading and unlading was, it presented before the days of steam the better alternative, as to some extent it still does. So the Isthmus and its adjoining regions became a great centre of commerce, a point where many highways converged and whence they parted; where the East and the West met in intercourse, sometimes friendly, more often hostile. Thus was realized partially, though most incompletely, the vision of Columbus; and thus, after many fluctuations, and despite the immense expansion of these latter days, partial and incomplete his great conception yet remains. The secret of the strait is still the problem and the reproach of mankind. By whatever causes produced, where such a centre of commerce exists, there always will be found a point of general interest to mankind,--to all, at least, of those peoples who, whether directly commercial or not, share in the wide-spreading benefits and inconveniences arising from the fluctuations of trade. But enterprising commercial countries are not content to be mere passive recipients of these diverse influences. By the very characteristics which make them what they are, they are led perforce to desire, and to aim at, control of these decisive regions; for their tenure, like the key of a military position, exerts a vital effect upon the course of trade, and so upon the struggle, not only for bare existence, but for that increase of wealth, of prosperity, and of general consideration, which affect both the happiness and the dignity of nations. Consequently, in every age, according to its particular temperament and circumstances, there will be found manifested this desire for control; sometimes latent in an attitude of simple watchfulness; sometimes starting into vivid action under the impulse of national jealousies, and issuing in diplomatic rivalries or hostile encounter. Such, accordingly, has been the history of the Central American Isthmus since the time when it became recognized as the natural centre, towards which, if not thwarted by adverse influences, the current of intercourse between East and West inevitably must tend. Here the direction of least resistance was indicated clearly by nature; and a concurrence of circumstances, partly inherent in the general character of the region, partly adventitious or accidental, contributed at an early date, and until very recently, to emphasize and enlarge the importance consequent upon the geographical situation and physical conformation of this narrow barrier between two great seas. For centuries the West India Islands, circling the Caribbean, and guarding the exterior approaches to the Isthmus, continued to be the greatest single source of tropical products which had become increasingly necessary to the civilized nations of Europe. In them, and in that portion of the continent which extended on either side of the Isthmus, known under the vague appellation of the Spanish Main, Great Britain, during her desperate strife with the first Napoleon,--a strife for very existence,--found the chief support of the commercial strength and credit that alone carried her to the triumphant end. The Isthmus and the Caribbean were vital elements in determining the issue of that stern conflict. For centuries, also, the treasures of Mexico and Peru, upon which depended the vigorous action of the great though decadent military kingdom of Spain, flowed towards and accumulated around the Isthmus, where they were reinforced by the tribute of the Philippine Islands, and whence they took their way in the lumbering galleons for the ports of the Peninsula. Where factors of such decisive influence in European politics were at stake, it was inevitable that the rival nations, in peace as well as in open war, should carry their ambitions to the scene; and the unceasing struggle for the mastery would fluctuate with the control of the waters, which, as in all maritime regions, must depend mainly upon naval preponderance, but also in part upon possession of those determining positions, of whose tenure Napoleon said that "war is a business of positions." Among these the Isthmus was chief. The wild enterprises and bloody cruelties of the early buccaneers were therefore not merely a brutal exhibition of unpitying greed, indicative of the scum of nations as yet barely emerging from barbarism. They were this, doubtless, but they were something more. In the march of events, these early marauders played the same part, in relation to what was to succeed them, as the rude, unscrupulous, lawless adventurers who now precede the ruthless march of civilized man, who swarm over the border, occupy the outposts, and by their excesses stain the fair fame of the race whose pioneers they are. But, while thus libels upon and reproaches to the main body, they nevertheless belong to it, share its essential character, and foretell its inevitable course. Like driftwood swept forward on the crest of a torrent, they betoken the approaching flood. So with the celebrated freebooters of the Spanish Main. Of the same general type,--though varying greatly in individual characteristics, in breadth of view, and even in elevation of purpose,--their piratical careers not only evidenced the local wealth of the scene of their exploits, but attested the commercial and strategic importance of the position upon which in fact that wealth depended. The carcass was there, and the eagles as well as the vultures, the far-sighted as well as the mere carrion birds of prey, were gathering round it. "The spoil of Granada," said one of these mercenary chieftains, two centuries ago, "I count as naught beside the knowledge of the great Lake Nicaragua, and of the route between the Northern and Southern seas which depends upon it." As time passed, the struggle for the mastery inevitably resulted, by a kind of natural selection, in the growing predominance of the people of the British Islands, in whom commercial enterprise and political instinct were blended so happily. The very lawlessness of the period favored the extension of their power and influence; for it removed from the free play of a nation's innate faculties the fetters which are imposed by our present elaborate framework of precedents, constitutions, and international law. Admirably adapted as these are to the conservation and regular working of a political system, they are, nevertheless, however wise, essentially artificial, and hence are ill adapted to a transition state,--to a period in which order is evolving out of chaos, where the result is durable exactly in proportion to the freedom with which the natural forces are allowed to act, and to reach their own equilibrium without extraneous interference. Nor are such periods confined to the early days of mere lawlessness. They recur whenever a crisis is reached in the career of a nation; when old traditions, accepted maxims, or written constitutions have been outgrown, in whole or in part; when the time has come for a people to recognize that the limits imposed upon its expansion, by the political wisdom of its forefathers, have ceased to be applicable to its own changed conditions and those of the world. The question then raised is not whether the constitution, as written, shall be respected. It is how to reach modifications in the constitution--and that betimes--so that the genius and awakened intelligence of the people may be free to act, without violating that respect for its fundamental law upon which national stability ultimately depends. It is a curious feature of our current journalism that it is clear-sighted and prompt to see the unfortunate trammels in which certain of our religious bodies are held, by the cast-iron tenets imposed upon them by a past generation, while at the same time political tenets, similarly ancient, and imposed with a like ignorance of a future which is our present, are invoked freely to forbid this nation from extending its power and necessary enterprise into and beyond the seas, to which on every side it now has attained. During the critical centuries when Great Britain was passing through that protracted phase of her history in which, from one of the least among states, she became, through the power of the sea, the very keystone and foundation upon which rested the commercial--for a time even the political--fabric of Europe, the free action of her statesmen and people was clogged by no uneasy sense that the national genius was in conflict with artificial, self-imposed restrictions. She plunged into the brawl of nations that followed the discovery of a new world, of an unoccupied if not unclaimed inheritance, with a vigor and an initiative which gained ever-accelerated momentum and power as the years rolled by. Far and wide, in every sea, through every clime, her seamen and her colonists spread; but while their political genius and traditions enabled them, in regions adapted to the physical well-being of the race, to found self-governing colonies which have developed into one of the greatest, of free states, they did not find, and never have found, that the possession of and rule over barbarous, or semi-civilized, or inert tropical communities, were inconsistent with the maintenance of political liberty in the mother country. The sturdy vigor of the broad principle of freedom in the national life is attested sufficiently by centuries of steady growth, that surest evidence of robust vitality. But, while conforming in the long run to the dictates of natural justice, no feeble scrupulosity impeded the nation's advance to power, by which alone its mission and the law of its being could be fulfilled. No artificial fetters were forged to cramp the action of the state, nor was it drugged with political narcotics to dwarf its growth. In the region here immediately under consideration, Great Britain entered the contest under conditions of serious disadvantage. The glorious burst of maritime and colonial enterprise which marked the reign of Elizabeth, as the new era dawned when the country recognized the sphere of its true greatness, was confronted by the full power of Spain, as yet outwardly unshaken, in actual tenure of the most important positions in the Caribbean and the Spanish Main, and claiming the right to exclude all others from that quarter of the world. How brilliantly this claim was resisted is well known; yet, had they been then in fashion, there might have been urged, to turn England from the path which has made her what she is, the same arguments that now are freely used to deter our own country from even accepting such advantages as are ready to drop into her lap. If it be true that Great Britain's maritime policy now is imposed to some extent by the present necessities of the little group of islands which form the nucleus of her strength, it is not true that any such necessities first impelled her to claim her share of influence in the world, her part in the great drama of nations. Not for such reasons did she launch out upon the career which is perhaps the noblest yet run by any people. It then could have been said to her, as it now is said to us, "Why go beyond your own borders? Within them you have what suffices for your needs and those of your population. There are manifold abuses within to be corrected, manifold miseries to be relieved. Let the outside world take care of itself. Defend yourself, if attacked; being, however, always careful to postpone preparation to the extreme limit of imprudence. 'Sphere of influence,' 'part in the world,' 'national prestige,'--there are no such things; or if there be, they are not worth fighting for." What England would have been, had she so reasoned, is matter for speculation; that the world would have been poorer may be confidently affirmed. As the strength of Spain waned apace during the first half of the seventeenth century, the external efforts of Great Britain also slackened through the rise of internal troubles, which culminated in the Great Rebellion, and absorbed for the time all the energies of the people. The momentum acquired under Drake, Raleigh, and their associates was lost, and an occasion, opportune through the exhaustion of the great enemy, Spain, passed unimproved. But, though thus temporarily checked, the national tendency remained, and quickly resumed its sway when Cromwell's mighty hand had composed the disorders of the Commonwealth. His clear-sighted statesmanship, as well as the immediate necessities of his internal policy, dictated the strenuous assertion by sea of Great Britain's claims, not only to external respect, which he rigorously exacted, but also to her due share in influencing the world outside her borders. The nation quickly responded to his proud appeal, and received anew the impulse upon the road to sea power which never since has been relaxed. To him were due the measures--not, perhaps, economically the wisest, judged by modern lights, but more than justified by the conditions of his times--which drew into English hands the carrying trade of the world. The glories of the British navy as an organized force date also from his short rule; and it was he who, in 1655, laid a firm basis for the development of the country's sea power in the Caribbean, by the conquest of Jamaica, from a military standpoint the most decisive of all single positions in that sea for the control of the Isthmus. It is true that the successful attempt upon this island resulted from the failure of the leaders to accomplish Cromwell's more immediate purpose of reducing Santo Domingo,--that in so far the particular fortunate issue was of the nature of an accident; but this fact serves only to illustrate more emphatically that, when a general line of policy, whether military or political, is correctly chosen upon sound principles, incidental misfortunes or disappointments do not frustrate the conception. The sagacious, far-seeing motive, which prompted Cromwell's movement against the West Indian possessions of Spain, was to contest the latter's claim to the monopoly of that wealthy region; and he looked upon British extension in the islands as simply a stepping-stone to control upon the adjacent continent. It is a singular commentary upon the blindness of historians to the true secret of Great Britain's rise among the nations, and of the eminent position she so long has held, that writers so far removed from each other in time and characteristics as Hume and the late J.R. Green should detect in this far-reaching effort of the Protector, only the dulled vision of "a conservative and unspeculative temper misled by the strength of religious enthusiasm." "A statesman of wise political genius," according to them, would have fastened his eyes rather upon the growing power of France, "and discerned the beginning of that great struggle for supremacy" which was fought out under Louis XIV. But to do so would have been only to repeat, by anticipation, the fatal error of that great monarch, which forever forfeited for France the control of the seas, in which the surest prosperity of nations is to be found; a mistake, also, far more ruinous to the island kingdom than it was to her continental rival, bitter though the fruits thereof have been to the latter. Hallam, with clearer insight, says: "When Cromwell declared against Spain, and attacked her West Indian possessions, there was little pretence, certainly, of justice, but not by any means, as I conceive, the impolicy sometimes charged against him. So auspicious was his star, that the very failure of that expedition obtained a more advantageous possession for England than all the triumphs of her former kings." Most true; but because his star was despatched in the right direction to look for fortune,--by sea, not by land. The great aim of the Protector was checked by his untimely death, which perhaps also definitely frustrated a fulfilment, in the actual possession of the Isthmus, that in his strong hands might have been feasible. His idea, however, remained prominent among the purposes of the English people, as distinguished from their rulers; and in it, as has been said before, is to be recognized the significance of the exploits of the buccaneers, during the period of external debility which characterized the reigns of the second Charles and James. With William of Orange the government again placed itself at the head of the national aspirations, as their natural leader; and the irregular operations of the freebooters were merged in a settled national policy. This, although for a moment diverted from its course by temporary exigencies, was clearly formulated in the avowed objects with which, in 1702, the wise Dutchman entered upon the War of the Spanish Succession, the last great act of his political life. From the Peace of Utrecht, which closed this war in 1713, the same design was pursued with ever-increasing intensity, but with steady success, and with it was gradually associated the idea of controlling also the communication between the two oceans by way of the Isthmus. The best known instance of this, because of its connection with the great name of Nelson, was the effort made by him, in conjunction with a land force, in 1780, when still a simple captain, to take possession of the course of the San Juan River, and so of the interoceanic route through Lake Nicaragua. The attempt ended disastrously, owing partly to the climate, and partly to the strong series of works, numbering no less than twelve, which the Spaniards, duly sensible of the importance of the position, had constructed between the lake and the sea. Difficulties such as were encountered by Nelson withstood Great Britain's advance throughout this region. While neither blind nor indifferent to the advantages conferred by actual possession, through which she had profited elsewhere abundantly, the prior and long-established occupation by Spain prevented her obtaining by such means the control she ardently coveted, and in great measure really exercised. The ascendency which made her, and still makes her, the dominant factor in the political system of the West Indies and the Isthmus resulted from her sea power, understood in its broadest sense. She was the great trader, source of supplies, and medium of intercourse between the various colonies themselves, and from them to the outer world; while the capital and shipping employed in this traffic were protected by a powerful navy, which, except on very rare occasions, was fully competent to its work. Thus, while unable to utilize and direct the resources of the countries, as she could have done had they been her own property, she secured the fruitful use and reaped the profit of such commercial transactions as were possible under the inert and narrow rule of the Spaniards. The fact is instructive, for the conditions to-day are substantially the same as those of a century ago. Possession still vests in states and races which have not attained yet the faculty of developing by themselves the advantages conferred by nature; and control will abide still with those whose ships, whose capital, whose traders support the industrial system of the region, provided these are backed by a naval force adequate to the demands of the military situation, rightly understood. To any foreign state, control at the Central American Isthmus means naval control, naval predominance, to which tenure of the land is at best but a convenient incident. Such, in brief, was the general tendency of events until the time when the Spanish colonial empire began to break up, in 1808-10, and the industrial system of the West India islands to succumb under the approaching abolition of slavery. The concurrence of these two decisive incidents, and the confusion which ensued in the political and economical conditions, rapidly reduced the Isthmus and its approaches to an insignificance from which the islands have not yet recovered. The Isthmus is partially restored. Its importance, however, depends upon causes more permanent, in the natural order of things, than does that of the islands, which, under existing circumstances, and under any circumstances that can be foreseen as yet, derive their consequence chiefly from the effect which may be exerted from them upon the tenure of the Isthmus. Hence the latter, after a period of comparative obscurity, again emerged into notice as a vital political factor, when the spread of the United States to the Pacific raised the question of rapid and secure communication between our two great seaboards. The Mexican War, the acquisition of California, the discovery of gold, and the mad rush to the diggings which followed, hastened, but by no means originated, the necessity for a settlement of the intricate problems involved, in which the United States, from its positions on the two seas, has the predominant interest. But, though predominant, ours is not the sole interest; though less vital, those of other foreign states are great and consequential; and, accordingly, no settlement can be considered to constitute an equilibrium, much less a finality, which does not effect our preponderating influence, and at the same time insure the natural rights of other peoples. So far as the logical distinction between commercial and political will hold, it may be said that our interest is both commercial and political, that of other states almost wholly commercial. The same national characteristics that of old made Great Britain the chief contestant in all questions of maritime importance--with the Dutch in the Mediterranean, with France in the East Indies, and with Spain in the West--have made her also the exponent of foreign opposition to our own asserted interest in the Isthmus. The policy initiated by Cromwell, of systematic aggression in the Caribbean, and of naval expansion and organization, has resulted in a combination of naval force with naval positions unequalled, though not wholly unrivalled, in that sea. And since, as the great sea carrier, Great Britain has a preponderating natural interest in every new route open to commerce, it is inevitable that she should scrutinize jealously every proposition for the modification of existing arrangements, conscious as she is of power to assert her claims, in case the question should be submitted to the last appeal. Nevertheless, although from the nature of the occupations which constitute the welfare of her people, as well as from the characteristics of her power, Great Britain seemingly has the larger immediate stake in a prospective interoceanic canal, it has been recognized tacitly on her part, as on our side openly asserted, that the bearing of all questions of Isthmian transit upon our national progress, safety, and honor, is more direct and more urgent than upon hers. That she has felt so is plain from the manner in which she has yielded before our tenacious remonstrances, in cases where the control of the Isthmus was evidently the object of her action,--as in the matters of the tenure of the Bay Islands and of the protectorate of the Mosquito Coast. Our superior interest appears also from the nature of the conditions which will follow from the construction of a canal. So far as these changes are purely commercial, they will operate to some extent to the disadvantage of Great Britain; because the result will be to bring our Atlantic seaboard, the frontier of a rival manufacturing and commercial state, much nearer to the Pacific than it now is, and nearer to many points of that ocean than is England. To make a rough general statement, easily grasped by a reader without the map before him, Liverpool and New York are at present about equidistant, by water, from all points on the west coast of America, from Valparaiso to British Columbia. This is due to the fact that, to go through the Straits of Magellan, vessels from both ports must pass near Cape St. Roque, on the east coast of Brazil, which is nearly the same distance from each. If the Nicaragua Canal existed, the line on the Pacific equidistant from the two cities named would pass, roughly, by Yokohama, Shanghai, Hong Kong, and Melbourne, or along the coasts of Japan, China, and eastern Australia,--Liverpool, in this case, using the Suez Canal, and New York that of Nicaragua. In short, the line of equidistance would be shifted from the eastern shore of the Pacific to its western coast, and all points of that ocean east of Japan, China, and Australia--for example, the Hawaiian Islands--would be nearer to New York than to Liverpool. A recent British writer has calculated that about one-eighth of the existing trade of the British Islands would be affected unfavorably by the competition thus introduced. But this result, though a matter of national concern, is political only in so far as commercial prosperity or adversity modifies a nation's current history; that is, indirectly. The principal questions affecting the integrity or security of the British Empire are not involved seriously, for almost all of its component parts lie within the regions whose mutual bond of union and shortest line of approach are the Suez Canal. Nowhere has Great Britain so little territory at stake, nowhere has she such scanty possessions, as in the eastern Pacific, upon whose relations to the world at large, and to ourselves in particular, the Isthmian Canal will exert the greatest influence. The chief political result of the Isthmian Canal will be to bring our Pacific coast nearer, not only to our Atlantic seaboard, but also to the great navies of Europe. Therefore, while the commercial gain, through an uninterrupted water carriage, will be large, and is clearly indicated by the acrimony with which a leading journal, apparently in the interest of the great transcontinental roads, has lately maintained the singular assertion that water transit is obsolete as compared with land carriage, it is still true that the canal will present an element of much weakness from the military point of view. Except to those optimists whose robust faith in the regeneration of human nature rejects war as an impossible contingency, this consideration must occasion serious thought concerning the policy to be adopted by the United States. The subject, so far, has given rise only to diplomatic arrangement and discussion, within which it is permissible to hope it always may be confined; but the misunderstandings and protracted disputes that followed the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, and the dissatisfaction with the existing status that still obtains among many of our people, give warning that our steps, as a nation, should be governed by some settled notions, too universally held to be set aside by a mere change of administration or caprice of popular will. Reasonable discussion, which tends, either by its truth or by its evident errors, to clarify and crystallize public opinion on so important a matter, never can be amiss. This question, from an abstract, speculative phase of the Monroe Doctrine, took on the concrete and somewhat urgent form of security for our trans-Isthmian routes against foreign interference towards the middle of this century, when the attempt to settle it was made by the oft-mentioned Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, signed April 19, 1850. Great Britain was found then to be in possession, actual or constructive, of certain continental positions, and of some outlying islands, which would contribute not only to military control, but to that kind of political interference which experience has shown to be the natural consequence of the proximity of a strong power to a weak one. These positions depended upon, indeed their tenure originated in, the possession of Jamaica, thus justifying Cromwell's forecast. Of them, the Belize, a strip of coast two hundred miles long, on the Bay of Honduras, immediately south of Yucatan, was so far from the Isthmus proper, and so little likely to affect the canal question, that the American negotiator was satisfied to allow its tenure to pass unquestioned, neither admitting nor denying anything as to the rights of Great Britain thereto. Its first occupation had been by British freebooters, who "squatted" there a very few years after Jamaica fell. They went to cut logwood, succeeded in holding their ground against the efforts of Spain to dislodge them, and their right to occupancy and to fell timber was allowed afterwards by treaty. Since the signature of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, this "settlement," as it was styled in that instrument, has become a British "possession," by a convention with Guatemala contracted in 1859. Later, in 1862, the quondam "settlement" and recent "possession" was erected, by royal commission, into a full colony, subordinate to the government of Jamaica. Guatemala being a Central American state, this constituted a distinct advance of British dominion in Central America, contrary to the terms of our treaty. A more important claim of Great Britain was to the protectorate of the Mosquito Coast,--a strip understood by her to extend from Cape Gracias á Dios south to the San Juan River. In its origin, this asserted right differed little from similar transactions between civilized man and savages, in all times and all places. In 1687, thirty years after the island was acquired, a chief of the aborigines there settled was carried to Jamaica, received some paltry presents, and accepted British protection. While Spanish control lasted, a certain amount of squabbling and fighting went on between the two nations; but when the questions arose between England and the United States, the latter refused to acquiesce in the so-called protectorate, which rested, in her opinion, upon no sufficient legal ground as against the prior right of Spain, that was held to have passed to Nicaragua when the latter achieved its independence. The Mosquito Coast was too close to the expected canal for its tenure to be considered a matter of indifference. Similar ground was taken with regard to the Bay Islands, Ruatan and others, stretching along the south side of the Bay of Honduras, near the coast of the republic of that name, and so uniting, under the control of the great naval power, the Belize to the Mosquito Coast. The United States maintained that these islands, then occupied by Great Britain, belonged in full right to Honduras. Under these _de facto_ conditions of British occupation, the United States negotiator, in his eagerness to obtain the recession of the disputed points to the Spanish-American republics, seems to have paid too little regard to future bearings of the subject. Men's minds also were dominated then, as they are now notwithstanding the intervening experience of nearly half a century, by the maxims delivered as a tradition by the founders of the republic who deprecated annexations of territory abroad. The upshot was that, in consideration of Great Britain's withdrawal from Mosquitia and the Bay Islands, to which, by our contention, she had no right, and therefore really yielded nothing but a dispute, we bound ourselves, as did she, without term, to acquire no territory in Central America, and to guarantee the neutrality not only of the contemplated canal, but of any other that might be constructed. A special article, the eighth, was incorporated in the treaty to this effect, stating expressly that the wish of the two governments was "not only to accomplish a particular object, but to establish a general principle." Considerable delay ensued in the restoration of the islands and of the Mosquito Coast to Honduras and Nicaragua,--a delay attended with prolonged discussion and serious misunderstanding between the United States and Great Britain. The latter claimed that, by the wording of the treaty, she had debarred herself only from future acquisitions of territory in Central America; whereas our government asserted, and persistently instructed its agents, that its understanding had been that an entire abandonment of all possession, present and future, was secured by the agreement. It is difficult, in reading the first article, not to feel that, although the practice may have been perhaps somewhat sharp, the wording can sustain the British position quite as well as the more ingenuous confidence of the United States negotiator; an observation interesting chiefly as showing the eagerness on the one side, whose contention was the weaker in all save right, and the wariness on the other, upon whom present possession and naval power conferred a marked advantage in making a bargain. By 1860, however, the restorations had been made, and the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty since then has remained the international agreement, defining our relations to Great Britain on the Isthmus. Of the subsequent wrangling over this unfortunate treaty, if so invidious a term may be applied to the dignified utterances of diplomacy, it is unnecessary to give a detailed account. Our own country cannot but regret and resent any formal stipulations which fetter its primacy of influence and control on the American continent and in American seas; and the concessions of principle over-eagerly made in 1850, in order to gain compensating advantages which our weakness could not extort otherwise, must needs cause us to chafe now, when we are potentially, though, it must be confessed sorrowfully, not actually, stronger by double than we were then. The interest of Great Britain still lies, as it then lay, in the maintenance of the treaty. So long as the United States jealously resents all foreign interference in the Isthmus, and at the same time takes no steps to formulate a policy or develop a strength that can give shape and force to her own pretensions, just so long will the absolute control over any probable contingency of the future rest with Great Britain, by virtue of her naval positions, her naval power, and her omnipresent capital. A recent unofficial British estimate of the British policy at the Isthmus, as summarized in the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, may here have interest: "In the United States was recognized a coming formidable rival to British trade. In the face of the estimated disadvantage to European trade in general, and that of Great Britain in particular, to be looked for from a Central American canal, British statesmen, finding their last attempt to control the most feasible route (by Nicaragua) abortive, accomplished the next best object in the interest of British trade. They cast the onus of building the canal on the people who would reap the greatest advantage from it, and who were bound to keep every one else out, but were at the same time very unlikely to undertake such a gigantic enterprise outside their own undeveloped territories for many a long year; while at the same time they skilfully handicapped that country in favor of British sea power by entering into a joint guarantee to respect its neutrality when built. This secured postponement of construction indefinitely, and yet forfeited no substantial advantage necessary to establish effective naval control in the interests of British carrying trade." Whether this passage truly represents the deliberate purpose of successive British governments may be doubtful, but it is an accurate enough estimate of the substantial result, as long as our policy continues to be to talk loud and to do nothing,--to keep others out, while refusing ourselves to go in. We neutralize effectually enough, doubtless; for we neutralize ourselves while leaving other powers to act efficiently whenever it becomes worth while. In a state like our own, national policy means public conviction, else it is but as sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal. But public conviction is a very different thing from popular impression, differing by all that separates a rational process, resulting in manly resolve, from a weakly sentiment that finds occasional hysterical utterance. The Monroe Doctrine, as popularly apprehended and indorsed, is a rather nebulous generality, which has condensed about the Isthmus into a faint point of more defined luminosity. To those who will regard, it is the harbinger of the day, incompletely seen in the vision of the great discoverer, when the East and the West shall be brought into closer communion by the realization of the strait that baffled his eager search. But, with the strait, time has introduced a factor of which he could not dream,--a great nation midway between the West he knew and the East he sought, spanning the continent he unwittingly found, itself both East and West in one. To such a state, which in itself sums up the two conditions of Columbus's problem; to which the control of the strait is a necessity, if not of existence, at least of its full development and of its national security, who can deny the right to predominate in influence over a region so vital to it? None can deny save its own people; and they do it,--not in words, perhaps, but in act. For let it not be forgotten that failure to act at an opportune moment is action as real as, though less creditable than, the most strenuous positive effort. Action, however, to be consistent and well proportioned, must depend upon well-settled conviction; and conviction, if it is to be reasonable, and to find expression in a sound and continuous national policy, must result from a careful consideration of present conditions in the light of past experiences. Here, unquestionably, strong differences of opinion will be manifested at first, both as to the true significance of the lessons of the past, and the manner of applying them to the present. Such differences need not cause regret. Their appearance is a sign of attention aroused; and when discussion has become general and animated, we may hope to see the gradual emergence of a sound and operative public sentiment. What is to be deprecated and feared is indolent drifting, in wilful blindness to the approaching moment when action must be taken; careless delay to remove fetters, if such there be in the Constitution or in traditional prejudice, which may prevent our seizing opportunity when it occurs. Whatever be the particular merits of the pending Hawaiian question, it scarcely can be denied that its discussion has revealed the existence, real or fancied, of such clogs upon our action, and of a painful disposition to consider each such occurrence as merely an isolated event, instead of being, as it is, a warning that the time has come when we must make up our minds upon a broad issue of national policy. That there should be two opinions is not bad, but it is very bad to halt long between them. There is one opinion--which it is needless to say the writer does not share--that, because many years have gone by without armed collision with a great power, the teaching of the past is that none such can occur; and that, in fact, the weaker we are in organized military strength, the more easy it is for our opponents to yield our points. Closely associated with this view is the obstinate rejection of any political action which involves implicitly the projection of our physical power, if needed, beyond the waters that gird our shores. Because our reasonable, natural--it might almost be called moral--claim to preponderant influence at the Isthmus heretofore has compelled respect, though reluctantly conceded, it is assumed that no circumstances can give rise to a persistent denial of it. It appears to the writer--and to many others with whom he agrees, though without claim to represent them--that the true state of the case is more nearly as follows: Since our nation came into being, a century ago, with the exception of a brief agitation about the year 1850,--due to special causes, which, though suggestive, were not adequate, and summarized as to results in the paralyzing Clayton-Bulwer Treaty,--the importance of the Central American Isthmus has been merely potential and dormant. But, while thus temporarily obscured, its intrinsic conditions of position and conformation bestow upon it a consequence in relation to the rest of the world which is inalienable, and therefore, to become operative, only awaits those changes in external conditions that must come in the fulness of time. The indications of such changes are already sufficiently visible to challenge attention. The rapid peopling of our territory entails at least two. The growth of the Pacific States enhances the commercial and political importance of the Pacific Ocean to the world at large, and to ourselves in particular; while the productive energies of the country, and its advent to the three seas, impel it necessarily to seek outlet by them and access to the regions beyond. Under such conditions, perhaps not yet come, but plainly coming, the consequence of an artificial waterway that shall enable the Atlantic coast to compete with Europe, on equal terms as to distance, for the markets of eastern Asia, and shall shorten by two-thirds the sea route from New York to San Francisco, and by one-half that to Valparaiso, is too evident for insistence. In these conditions, not in European necessities, is to be found the assurance that the canal will be made. Not to ourselves only, however, though to ourselves chiefly, will it be a matter of interest when completed. Many causes will combine to retain in the line of the Suez Canal the commerce of Europe with the East; but to the American shores of the Pacific the Isthmian canal will afford a much shorter and easier access for a trade already of noteworthy proportions. A weighty consideration also is involved in the effect upon British navigation of a war which should endanger its use of the Suez Canal. The power of Great Britain to control the long route from Gibraltar to the Red Sea is seriously doubted by a large and thoughtful body of her statesmen and seamen, who favor dependence, in war, upon that by the Cape of Good Hope. By Nicaragua, however, would be shorter than by the Cape to many parts of the East; and the Caribbean can be safeguarded against distant European states much more easily than the line through the Mediterranean, which passes close by their ports. Under this increased importance of the Isthmus, we cannot safely anticipate for the future the cheap acquiescence which, under very different circumstances, has been yielded in the past to our demands. Already it is notorious that European powers are betraying symptoms of increased sensitiveness as to the value of Caribbean positions, and are strengthening their grip upon those they now hold. Moral considerations undoubtedly count for more than they did, and nations are more reluctant to enter into war; but still, the policy of states is determined by the balance of advantages, and it behooves us to know what our policy is to be, and what advantages are needed to turn in our favor the scale of negotiations and the general current of events. If the decision of the nation, following one school of thought, is that the weaker we are the more likely we are to have our way, there is little to be said. Drifting is perhaps as good a mode as another to reach that desirable goal. If, on the other hand, we determine that our interest and dignity require that our rights should depend upon the will of no other state, but upon our own power to enforce them, we must gird ourselves to admit that freedom of interoceanic transit depends upon predominance in a maritime region--the Caribbean Sea--through which pass all the approaches to the Isthmus. Control of a maritime region is insured primarily by a navy; secondarily, by positions, suitably chosen and spaced one from the other, upon which as bases the navy rests, and from which it can exert its strength. At present the positions of the Caribbean are occupied by foreign powers, nor may we, however disposed to acquisition, obtain them by means other than righteous; but a distinct advance will have been made when public opinion is convinced that we need them, and should not exert our utmost ingenuity to dodge them when flung at our head. If the Constitution really imposes difficulties, it provides also a way by which the people, if convinced, can remove its obstructions. A protest, however, may be entered against a construction of the Constitution which is liberal, by embracing all it can be constrained to imply, and then immediately becomes strict in imposing these ingeniously contrived fetters. Meanwhile no moral obligation forbids developing our navy upon lines and proportions adequate to the work it may be called upon to do. Here, again, the crippling force is a public impression, which limits our potential strength to the necessities of an imperfectly realized situation. A navy "for defence only" is a popular catchword. When, if ever, people recognize that we have three seaboards, that the communication by water of one of them with the other two will depend in a not remote future upon a strategic position hundreds of miles distant from our nearest port,--the mouth of the Mississippi,--they will see also that the word "defence," already too narrowly understood, has its application at points far away from our own coast. That the organization of military strength involves provocation to war is a fallacy, which the experience of each succeeding year now refutes. The immense armaments of Europe are onerous; but nevertheless, by the mutual respect and caution they enforce, they present a cheap alternative, certainly in misery, probably in money, to the frequent devastating wars which preceded the era of general military preparation. Our own impunity has resulted, not from our weakness, but from the unimportance to our rivals of the points in dispute, compared with their more immediate interests at home. With the changes consequent upon the canal, this indifference will diminish. We also shall be entangled in the affairs of the great family of nations, and shall have to accept the attendant burdens. Fortunately, as regards other states, we are an island power, and can find our best precedents in the history of the people to whom the sea has been a nursing mother. POSSIBILITIES OF AN ANGLO-AMERICAN REUNION. _July, 1894._ [The following article was requested by the Editor of the "North American Review," as one of a number, by several persons, dealing with the question of a formal political connection, proposed by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, between the United States and the British Empire, for the advancement of the general interests of the English-speaking peoples. The projects advocated by previous writers embraced: 1, a federate union; 2, a merely naval union or alliance; or, 3, a defensive alliance of a kind frequent in political history.] The words "kinship" and "alliance" express two radically distinct ideas, and rest, for both the privileges and the obligations involved in them, upon foundations essentially different. The former represents a natural relation, the latter one purely conventional,--even though it may result from the feelings, the mutual interests, and the sense of incumbent duty attendant upon the other. In its very etymology, accordingly, is found implied that sense of constraint, of an artificial bond, that may prove a source, not only of strength, but of irksomeness as well. Its analogue in our social conditions is the marriage tie,--the strongest, doubtless, of all bonds when it realizes in the particular case the supreme affection of which our human nature is capable; but likewise, as daily experience shows, the most fretting when, through original mistake or unworthy motive, love fails, and obligation alone remains. Personally, I am happy to believe that the gradual but, as I think, unmistakable growth of mutual kindly feelings between Great Britain and the United States during these latter years--and of which the recent articles of Sir George Clarke and Mr. Arthur Silva White in the "North American Review" are pleasant indications--is a sure evidence that a common tongue and common descent are making themselves felt, and are breaking down the barriers of estrangement which have separated too long men of the same blood. There is seen here the working of kinship,--a wholly normal result of a common origin, the natural affection of children of the same descent, who have quarrelled and have been alienated with the proverbial bitterness of civil strife, but who all along have realized--or at the least have been dimly conscious--that such a state of things is wrong and harmful. As a matter of sentiment only, this reviving affection well might fix the serious attention of those who watch the growth of world questions, recognizing how far imagination and sympathy rule the world; but when, besides the powerful sentimental impulse, it is remembered that beneath considerable differences of political form there lie a common inherited political tradition and habit of thought, that the moral forces which govern and shape political development are the same in either people, the possibility of a gradual approach to concerted action becomes increasingly striking. Of all the elements of the civilization that has spread over Europe and America, none is so potential for good as that singular combination of two essential but opposing factors--of individual freedom with subjection to law--which finds its most vigorous working in Great Britain and the United States, its only exponents in which an approach to a due balance has been effected. Like other peoples, we also sway between the two, inclining now to one side, now to the other; but the departure from the normal in either direction is never very great. There is yet another noteworthy condition common to the two states, which must tend to incline them towards a similar course of action in the future. Partners, each, in the great commonwealth of nations which share the blessings of European civilization, they alone, though in varying degrees, are so severed geographically from all existing rivals as to be exempt from the burden of great land armies; while at the same time they must depend upon the sea, in chief measure, for that intercourse with other members of the body upon which national well-being depends. How great an influence upon the history of Great Britain has been exerted by this geographical isolation is sufficiently understood. In her case the natural tendency has been increased abnormally by the limited territorial extent of the British Islands, which has forced the energies of their inhabitants to seek fields for action outside their own borders; but the figures quoted by Sir George Clarke sufficiently show that the same tendency, arising from the same cause, does exist and is operative in the United States, despite the diversion arising from the immense internal domain not yet fully occupied, and the great body of home consumers which has been secured by the protective system. The geographical condition, in short, is the same in kind, though differing in degree, and must impel in the same direction. To other states the land, with its privileges and its glories, is the chief source of national prosperity and distinction. To Great Britain and the United States, if they rightly estimate the part they may play in the great drama of human progress, is intrusted a maritime interest, in the broadest sense of the word, which demands, as one of the conditions of its exercise and its safety, the organized force adequate to control the general course of events at sea; to maintain, if necessity arise, not arbitrarily, but as those in whom interest and power alike justify the claim to do so, the laws that shall regulate maritime warfare. This is no mere speculation, resting upon a course of specious reasoning, but is based on the teaching of the past. By the exertion of such force, and by the maintenance of such laws, and by these means only, Great Britain, in the beginning of this century, when she was the solitary power of the seas, saved herself from destruction, and powerfully modified for the better the course of history. With such strong determining conditions combining to converge the two nations into the same highway, and with the visible dawn of the day when this impulse begins to find expression in act, the question naturally arises, What should be the immediate course to be favored by those who hail the growing light, and would hasten gladly the perfect day? That there are not a few who seek a reply to this question is evidenced by the articles of Mr. Carnegie, of Sir George Clarke, and of Mr. White, all appearing within a short time in the pages of the "North American Review." And it is here, I own, that, though desirous as any one can be to see the fact accomplished, I shrink from contemplating it, under present conditions, in the form of an alliance, naval or other. Rather I should say: Let each nation be educated to realize the length and breadth of its own interest in the sea; when that is done, the identity of these interests will become apparent. This identity cannot be established firmly in men's minds antecedent to the great teacher, Experience; and experience cannot be had before that further development of the facts which will follow the not far distant day, when the United States people must again betake themselves to the sea and to external action, as did their forefathers alike in their old home and in the new. There are, besides, questions in which at present doubt, if not even friction, might arise as to the proper sphere of each nation, agreement concerning which is essential to cordial co-operation; and this the more, because Great Britain could not be expected reasonably to depend upon our fulfilment of the terms of an alliance, or to yield in points essential to her own maritime power, so long as the United States is unwilling herself to assure the security of the positions involved by the creation of an adequate force. It is just because in that process of adjusting the parts to be played by each nation, upon which alone a satisfactory cooperation can be established, a certain amount of friction is probable, that I would avoid all premature striving for alliance, an artificial and possibly even an irritating method of reaching the desired end. Instead, I would dwell continually upon those undeniable points of resemblance in natural characteristics, and in surrounding conditions, which testify to common origin and predict a common destiny. Cast the seed of this thought into the ground, and it will spring and grow up, you know not how,--first the blade, then the ear, then the full corn in the ear. Then you may put in your sickle and reap the harvest of political result, which as yet is obviously immature. How quietly and unmarked, like the slow processes of nature, such feelings may be wrought into the very being of nations, was evidenced by the sudden and rapid rising of the North at the outbreak of our civil war, when the flag was fired upon at Fort Sumter. Then was shown how deeply had sunk into the popular heart the devotion to the Union and the flag, fostered by long dwelling upon the ideas, by innumerable Fourth of July orations, often doubtless vainglorious, sometimes perhaps grotesque, but whose living force and overwhelming results were vividly apparent, as the fire leaped from hearthstone to hearthstone throughout the Northern States. Equally in the South was apparent how tenacious and compelling was the grip which the constant insistence upon the predominant claim of the State upon individual loyalty had struck into the hearts of her sons. What paper bonds, treaties, or alliances could have availed then to hold together people whose ideals had drifted so far apart, whose interests, as each at that time saw them, had become so opposed? Although I am convinced firmly that it would be to the interest of Great Britain and the United States, and for the benefit of the world, that the two nations should act together cordially on the seas, I am equally sure that the result not only must be hoped but also quietly waited for, while the conditions upon which such cordiality depends are being realized by men. All are familiar with the idea conveyed by the words "forcing process." There are things that cannot be forced, processes which cannot be hurried, growths which are strong and noble in proportion as they imbibe slowly the beneficent influence of the sun and air in which they are bathed. How far the forcing process can be attempted by an extravagant imagination, and what the inevitable recoil of the mind you seek to take by storm, is amusingly shown by Mr. Carnegie's "Look Ahead," and by the demur thereto of so ardent a champion of Anglo-American alliance--on terms which appear to me to be rational though premature--as Sir George Clarke. A country with a past as glorious and laborious as that of Great Britain, unprepared as yet, as a whole, to take a single step forward toward reunion, is confronted suddenly--as though the temptation must be irresistible--with a picture of ultimate results which I will not undertake to call impossible (who can say what is impossible?), but which certainly deprives the nation of much, if not all, the hard-wrought achievement of centuries. Disunion, loss of national identity, changes of constitution more than radical, the exchange of a world-wide empire for a subordinate part in a great federation,--such _may_ be the destiny of Great Britain in the distant future. I know not; but sure I am, were I a citizen of Great Britain, the prospect would not allure me now to move an inch in such a direction. Surely in vain the net is spread in the sight of any bird. The suggestions of Sir George Clarke and of Mr. White are not open to the reproach of repelling those whom they seek to convince. They are clear, plain, business-like propositions, based upon indisputable reasons of mutual advantage, and in the case of the former quickened, as I have the pleasure of knowing through personal acquaintance, by a more than cordial good-will and breadth of view in all that relates to the United States. Avoiding criticism of details--of which I have little to offer--my objection to them is simply that I do not think the time is yet ripe. The ground is not prepared yet in the hearts and understandings of Americans, and I doubt whether in those of British citizens. Both proposals contemplate a naval alliance, though on differing terms. The difficulty is that the United States, as a nation, does not realize or admit as yet that it has any strong interest in the sea; and that the great majority of our people rest firmly in a belief, deep rooted in the political history of our past, that our ambitions should be limited by the three seas that wash our eastern, western, and southern coasts. For myself, I believe that this, once a truth, can be considered so no longer with reference even to the present--much less to a future so near that it scarcely needs a prophet's eye to read; but even if it be but a prejudice, it must be removed before a further step can be taken. In our country national policy, if it is to be steadfast and consistent, must be identical with public conviction. The latter, when formed, may remain long quiescent; but given the appointed time, it will spring to mighty action--aye, to arms--as did the North and the South under their several impulses in 1861. It is impossible that one who sees in the sea--in the function which it discharges towards the world at large--the most potent factor in national prosperity and in the course of history, should not desire a change in the mental attitude of our countrymen towards maritime affairs. The subject presents itself not merely as one of national importance, but as one concerning the world's history and the welfare of mankind, which are bound up, so far as we can see, in the security and strength of that civilization which is identified with Europe and its offshoots in America. For what, after all, is our not unjustly vaunted European and American civilization? An oasis set in the midst of a desert of barbarism, rent with many intestine troubles, and ultimately dependent, not upon its mere elaboration of organization, but upon the power of that organization to express itself in a menacing and efficient attitude of physical force, sufficient to resist the numerically overwhelming, but inadequately organized hosts of outsiders. Under present conditions these are diked off by the magnificent military organizations of Europe, which also as yet cope successfully with the barbarians within. Of what the latter are capable--at least in will--we have from time to time, and not least of late, terrific warnings, to which men scarcely can shut their eyes and ears; but sufficient attention hardly is paid to the possible dangers from those outside, who are wholly alien to the spirit of our civilization; nor do men realize how essential to the conservation of that civilization is the attitude of armed watchfulness between nations, which is maintained now by the great states of Europe. Even if we leave out of consideration the invaluable benefit to society, in this age of insubordination and anarchy, that so large a number of youth, at the most impressionable age, receive the lessons of obedience, order, respect for authority and law, by which military training conveys a potent antidote to lawlessness, it still would remain a mistake, plausible but utter, to see in the hoped-for subsidence of the military spirit in the nations of Europe a pledge of surer progress of the world towards universal peace, general material prosperity, and ease. That alluring, albeit somewhat ignoble, ideal is not to be attained by the representatives of civilization dropping their arms, relaxing the tension of their moral muscle, and from fighting animals becoming fattened cattle fit only for slaughter. When Carthage fell, and Rome moved onward, without an equal enemy against whom to guard, to the dominion of the world of Mediterranean civilization, she approached and gradually realized the reign of universal peace, broken only by those intestine social and political dissensions which are finding their dark analogues in our modern times of infrequent war. As the strife between nations of that civilization died away, material prosperity, general cultivation and luxury, flourished, while the weapons dropped nervelessly from their palsied arms. The genius of Cæsar, in his Gallic and Germanic campaigns, built up an outside barrier, which, like a dike, for centuries postponed the inevitable end, but which also, like every artificial barrier, gave way when the strong masculine impulse which first created it had degenerated into that worship of comfort, wealth, and general softness, which is the ideal of the peace prophets of to-day. The wave of the invaders broke in,--the rain descended, the floods came, the winds blew, and beat upon the house, and it fell, because not founded upon the rock of virile reliance upon strong hands and brave hearts to defend what was dear to them. Ease unbroken, trade uninterrupted, hardship done away, all roughness removed from life,--these are our modern gods; but can they deliver us, should we succeed in setting them up for worship? Fortunately, as yet we cannot do so. We may, if we will, shut our eyes to the vast outside masses of aliens to our civilization, now powerless because we still, with a higher material development, retain the masculine combative virtues which are their chief possession; but, even if we disregard them, the ground already shakes beneath our feet with physical menace of destruction from within, against which the only security is in constant readiness to contend. In the rivalries of nations, in the accentuation of differences, in the conflict of ambitions, lies the preservation of the martial spirit, which alone is capable of coping finally with the destructive forces that from outside and from within threaten to submerge all the centuries have gained. It is not then merely, nor even chiefly, a pledge of universal peace that may be seen in the United States becoming a naval power of serious import, with clearly defined external ambitions dictated by the necessities of her interoceanic position; nor yet in the cordial co-operation, as of kindred peoples, that the future may have in store for her and Great Britain. Not in universal harmony, nor in fond dreams of unbroken peace, rest now the best hopes of the world, as involved in the fate of European civilization. Rather in the competition of interests, in that reviving sense of nationality, which is the true antidote to what is bad in socialism, in the jealous determination of each people to provide first for its own, of which the tide of protection rising throughout the world, whether economically an error or not, is so marked a symptom--in these jarring sounds which betoken that there is no immediate danger of the leading peoples turning their swords into ploughshares--are to be heard the assurance that decay has not touched yet the majestic fabric erected by so many centuries of courageous battling. In this same pregnant strife the United States doubtless will be led, by undeniable interests and aroused national sympathies, to play a part, to cast aside the policy of isolation which befitted her infancy, and to recognize that, whereas once to avoid European entanglement was essential to the development of her individuality, now to take her share of the travail of Europe is but to assume an inevitable task, an appointed lot, in the work of upholding the common interests of civilization. Our Pacific slope, and the Pacific colonies of Great Britain, with an instinctive shudder have felt the threat, which able Europeans have seen in the teeming multitudes of central and northern Asia; while their overflow into the Pacific Islands shows that not only westward by land, but also eastward by sea, the flood may sweep. I am not careful, however, to search into the details of a great movement, which indeed may never come, but whose possibility, in existing conditions, looms large upon the horizon of the future, and against which the only barrier will be the warlike spirit of the representatives of civilization. Whate'er betide, Sea Power will play in those days the leading part which it has in all history, and the United States by her geographical position must be one of the frontiers from which, as from a base of operations, the Sea Power of the civilized world will energize. For this seemingly remote contingency preparation will be made, if men then shall be found prepared, by a practical recognition now of existing conditions--such as those mentioned in the opening of this paper--and acting upon that knowledge. Control of the sea, by maritime commerce and naval supremacy, means predominant influence in the world; because, however great the wealth product of the land, nothing facilitates the necessary exchanges as does the sea. The fundamental truth concerning the sea--perhaps we should rather say the water--is that it is Nature's great medium of communication. It is improbable that control ever again will be exercised, as once it was, by a single nation. Like the pettier interests of the land, it must be competed for, perhaps fought for. The greatest of the prizes for which nations contend, it too will serve, like other conflicting interests, to keep alive that temper of stern purpose and strenuous emulation which is the salt of the society of civilized states, whose unity is to be found, not in a flat identity of conditions--the ideal of socialism--but in a common standard of moral and intellectual ideas. Also, amid much that is shared by all the nations of European civilization, there are, as is universally recognized, certain radical differences of temperament and character, which tend to divide them into groups having the marked affinities of a common origin. When, as frequently happens on land, the members of these groups are geographically near each other, the mere proximity seems, like similar electricities, to develop repulsions which render political variance the rule and political combination the exception. But when, as is the case with Great Britain and the United States, the frontiers are remote, and contact--save in Canada--too slight to cause political friction, the preservation, advancement, and predominance of the race may well become a political ideal, to be furthered by political combination, which in turn should rest, primarily, not upon cleverly constructed treaties, but upon natural affection and a clear recognition of mutual benefit arising from working together. If the spirit be there, the necessary machinery for its working will not pass the wit of the race to provide; and in the control of the sea, the beneficent instrument that separates us that we may be better friends, will be found the object that neither the one nor the other can master, but which may not be beyond the conjoined energies of the race. When, if ever, an Anglo-American alliance, naval or other, does come, may it be rather as a yielding to irresistible popular impulse than as a scheme, however ingeniously wrought, imposed by the adroitness of statesmen. We may, however, I think, dismiss from our minds the belief, frequently advanced, and which is advocated so ably by Sir George Clarke, that such mutual support would tend in the future to exempt maritime commerce in general from the harassment which it hitherto has undergone in war. I shall have to try for special clearness here in stating my own views, partly because to some they may appear retrogressive, and also because they may be thought by others to contradict what I have said elsewhere, in more extensive and systematic treatment of this subject. The alliance which, under one form or another,--either as a naval league, according to Sir George, or as a formal treaty, according to Mr. White,--is advocated by both writers, looks ultimately and chiefly to the contingency of war. True, a leading feature of either proposal is to promote good-will and avert causes of dissension between the two contracting parties; but even this object is sought largely in order that they may stand by each other firmly in case of difficulty with other states. Thus even war may be averted more surely; but, should it come, it would find the two united upon the ocean, consequently all-powerful there, and so possessors of that mastership of the general situation which the sea always has conferred upon its unquestioned rulers. Granting the union of hearts and hands, the supremacy, from my standpoint, logically follows. But why, then, if supreme, concede to an enemy immunity for his commerce? "Neither Great Britain nor America," says Sir George Clarke, though he elsewhere qualifies the statement, "can see in the commerce of other peoples an incentive to attack." Why not? For what purposes, primarily, do navies exist? Surely not merely to fight one another,--to gain what Jomini calls "the sterile glory" of fighting battles in order to win them. If navies, as all agree, exist for the protection of commerce, it inevitably follows that in war they must aim at depriving their enemy of that great resource; nor is it easy to conceive what broad military use they can subserve that at all compares with the protection and destruction of trade. This Sir George indeed sees, for he says elsewhere, "Only on the principle of doing the utmost injury to an enemy, with a view to hasten the issue of war, can commerce-destroying be justified;" but he fails, I think, to appreciate the full importance of this qualifying concession, and neither he nor Mr. White seems to admit the immense importance of commerce-destroying, as such. The mistake of both, I think, lies in not keeping clearly in view--what both certainly perfectly understand--the difference between the _guerre-de-course_, which is inconclusive, and commerce-destroying (or commerce prevention) through strategic control of the sea by powerful navies. Some nations more than others, but all maritime nations more or less, depend for their prosperity upon maritime commerce, and probably upon it more than upon any other single factor. Either under their own flag or that of a neutral, either by foreign trade or coasting trade, the sea is the greatest of boons to such a state; and under every form its sea-borne trade is at the mercy of a foe decisively superior. Is it, then, to be expected that such foe will forego such advantage,--will insist upon spending blood and money in fighting, or money in the vain effort of maintaining a fleet which, having nothing to fight, also keeps its hands off such an obvious means of crippling the opponent and forcing him out of his ports? Great Britain's navy, in the French wars, not only protected her own commerce, but also annihilated that of the enemy; and both conditions--not one alone--were essential to her triumph. It is because Great Britain's sea power, though still superior, has declined relatively to that of other states, and is no longer supreme, that she has been induced to concede to neutrals the principle that the flag covers the goods. It is a concession wrung from relative weakness--or possibly from a mistaken humanitarianism; but, to whatever due, it is all to the profit of the neutral and to the loss of the stronger belligerent. The only justification, in policy, for its yielding by the latter, is that she can no longer, as formerly, bear the additional burden of hostility, if the neutral should ally himself to the enemy. I have on another occasion said that the principle that the flag covers the goods is forever secured--meaning thereby that, so far as present indications go, no one power would be strong enough at sea to maintain the contrary by arms. In the same way it may be asserted quite confidently that the concession of immunity to what is unthinkingly called the "private property" of an enemy on the sea, will never be conceded by a nation or alliance confident in its own sea power. It has been the dream of the weaker sea belligerents in all ages; and their arguments for it, at the first glance plausible, are very proper to urge from their point of view. That arch-robber, the first Napoleon, who so remorselessly and exhaustively carried the principle of war sustaining war to its utmost logical sequence, and even in peace scrupled not to quarter his armies on subject countries, maintaining them on what, after all, was simply private property of foreigners,--even he waxes quite eloquent, and superficially most convincing, as he compares the seizure of goods at sea, so fatal to his empire, to the seizure of a wagon travelling an inland country road. In all these contentions there lies, beneath the surface plausibility, not so much a confusion of thought as a failure to recognize an essential difference of conditions. Even on shore the protection of private property rests upon the simple principle that injury is not to be wanton,--that it is not to be inflicted when the end to be attained is trivial, or largely disproportionate to the suffering caused. For this reason personal property, not embarked in commercial venture, is respected in civilized maritime war. Conversely, as we all know, the rule on land is by no means invariable, and private property receives scant consideration when its appropriation or destruction serves the purposes of an enemy. The man who trudges the highway, cudgel in hand, may claim for his cudgel all the sacredness with which civilization invests property; but if he use it to break his neighbor's head, the respect for his property, as such, quickly disappears. Now, private property borne upon the seas is engaged in promoting, in the most vital manner, the strength and resources of the nation by which it is handled. When that nation becomes belligerent, the private property, so called, borne upon the seas, is sustaining the well-being and endurance of the nation at war, and consequently is injuring the opponent, to an extent exceeding all other sources of national power. In these days of war correspondents, most of us are familiar with the idea of the dependence of an army upon its communications, and we know, vaguely perhaps, but still we know, that to threaten or harm the communications of an army is one of the most common and effective devices of strategy. Why? Because severed from its base an army languishes and dies, and when threatened with such an evil it must fight at whatever disadvantage. Well, is it not clear that maritime commerce occupies, to the power of a maritime state, the precise nourishing function that the communications of an army supply to the army? Blows at commerce are blows at the communications of the state; they intercept its nourishment, they starve its life, they cut the roots of its power, the sinews of its war. While war remains a factor, a sad but inevitable factor, of our history, it is a fond hope that commerce can be exempt from its operations, because in very truth blows against commerce are the most deadly that can be struck; nor is there any other among the proposed uses of a navy, as for instance the bombardment of seaport towns, which is not at once more cruel and less scientific. Blockade such as that enforced by the United States Navy during the Civil War, is evidently only a special phase of commerce-destroying; yet how immense--nay, decisive--its results! It is only when effort is frittered away in the feeble dissemination of the _guerre-de-course_, instead of being concentrated in a great combination to control the sea, that commerce-destroying justly incurs the reproach of misdirected effort. It is a fair deduction from analogy, that two contending armies might as well agree to respect each other's communications, as two belligerent states to guarantee immunity to hostile commerce. THE FUTURE IN RELATION TO AMERICAN NAVAL POWER. _June, 1895._ That the United States Navy within the last dozen years should have been recast almost wholly, upon more modern lines, is not, in itself alone, a fact that should cause comment, or give rise to questions about its future career or sphere of action. If this country needs, or ever shall need, a navy at all, indisputably in 1883 the hour had come when the time-worn hulks of that day, mostly the honored but superannuated survivors of the civil war, should drop out of the ranks, submit to well-earned retirement or inevitable dissolution, and allow their places to be taken by other vessels, capable of performing the duties to which they themselves were no longer adequate. It is therefore unlikely that there underlay this re-creation of the navy--for such in truth it was--any more recondite cause than the urgent necessity of possessing tools wholly fit for the work which war-ships are called upon to do. The thing had to be done, if the national fleet was to be other than an impotent parody of naval force, a costly effigy of straw. But, concurrently with the process of rebuilding, there has been concentrated upon the development of the new service a degree of attention, greater than can be attributed even to the voracious curiosity of this age of newsmongering and of interviewers. This attention in some quarters is undisguisedly reluctant and hostile, in others not only friendly but expectant, in both cases betraying a latent impression that there is, between the appearance of the new-comer and the era upon which we now are entering, something in common. If such coincidence there be, however, it is indicative not of a deliberate purpose, but of a commencing change of conditions, economical and political, throughout the world, with which sea power, in the broad sense of the phrase, will be associated closely; not, indeed, as the cause, nor even chiefly as a result, but rather as the leading characteristic of activities which shall cease to be mainly internal, and shall occupy themselves with the wider interests that concern the relations of states to the world at large. And it is just at this point that the opposing lines of feeling divide. Those who hold that our political interests are confined to matters within our own borders, and are unwilling to admit that circumstances may compel us in the future to political action without them, look with dislike and suspicion upon the growth of a body whose very existence indicates that nations have international duties as well as international rights, and that international complications will arise from which we can no more escape than the states which have preceded us in history, or those contemporary with us. Others, on the contrary, regarding the conditions and signs of these times, and the extra-territorial activities in which foreign states have embarked so restlessly and widely, feel that the nation, however greatly against its wish, may become involved in controversies not unlike those which in the middle of the century caused very serious friction, but which the generation that saw the century open would have thought too remote for its concern, and certainly wholly beyond its power to influence. Religious creeds, dealing with eternal verities, may be susceptible of a certain permanency of statement; yet even here we in this day have witnessed the embarrassments of some religious bodies, arising from a traditional adherence to merely human formulas, which reflect views of the truth as it appeared to the men who framed them in the distant past. But political creeds, dealing as they do chiefly with the transient and shifting conditions of a world which is passing away continually, can claim no fixity of allegiance, except where they express, not the policy of a day, but the unchanging dictates of righteousness. And inasmuch as the path of ideal righteousness is not always plain nor always practicable; as expediency, policy, the choice of the lesser evil, must control at times; as nations, like men, will occasionally differ, honestly but irreconcilably, on questions of right,--there do arise disputes where agreement cannot be reached, and where the appeal must be made to force, that final factor which underlies the security of civil society even more than it affects the relations of states. The well-balanced faculties of Washington saw this in his day with absolute clearness. Jefferson either would not or could not. That there should be no navy was a cardinal prepossession of his political thought, born of an exaggerated fear of organized military force as a political, factor. Though possessed with a passion for annexation which dominated much of his political action, he prescribed as the limit of the country's geographical expansion the line beyond which it would entail the maintenance of a navy. Yet fate, ironical here as elsewhere in his administration, compelled the recognition that, unless a policy of total seclusion is adopted,--if even then,--it is not necessary to acquire territory beyond sea in order to undergo serious international complications, which could have been avoided much more easily had there been an imposing armed shipping to throw into the scale of the nation's argument, and to compel the adversary to recognize the impolicy of his course as well as what the United States then claimed to be its wrongfulness. The difference of conditions between the United States of to-day and of the beginning of this century illustrates aptly how necessary it is to avoid implicit acceptance of precedents, crystallized into maxims, and to seek for the quickening principle which justified, wholly or in part, the policy of one generation, but whose application may insure a very different course of action in a succeeding age. When the century opened, the United States was not only a continental power, as she now is, but she was one of several, of nearly equal strength as far as North America was concerned, with all of whom she had differences arising out of conflicting interests, and with whom, moreover, she was in direct geographical contact,--a condition which has been recognized usually as entailing peculiar proneness to political friction; for, while the interests of two nations may clash in quarters of the world remote from either, there is both greater frequency and greater bitterness when matters of dispute exist near at home, and especially along an artificial boundary, where the inhabitants of each are directly in contact with the causes of the irritation. It was therefore the natural and proper aim of the government of that day to abolish the sources of difficulty, by bringing all the territory in question under our own control, if it could be done by fair means. We consequently entered upon a course of action precisely such as a European continental state would have followed under like circumstances. In order to get possession of the territory in which our interests were involved, we bargained and manoeuvred and threatened; and although Jefferson's methods were peaceful enough, few will be inclined to claim that they were marked by excess of scrupulousness, or even of adherence to his own political convictions. From the highly moral standpoint, the acquisition of Louisiana under the actual conditions--being the purchase from a government which had no right to sell, in defiance of the remonstrance addressed to us by the power who had ceded the territory upon the express condition that it should not so be sold, but which was too weak to enforce its just reclamation against both Napoleon and ourselves--reduces itself pretty much to a choice between overreaching and violence, as the less repulsive means of compassing an end in itself both desirable and proper; nor does the attempt, by strained construction, to wrest West Florida into the bargain give a higher tone to the transaction. As a matter of policy, however, there is no doubt that our government was most wise; and the transfer, as well as the incorporation, of the territory was facilitated by the meagreness of the population that went with the soil. With all our love of freedom, it is not likely that many qualms were felt as to the political inclinations of the people concerning their transfer of allegiance. In questions of great import to nations or to the world, the wishes, or interests, or technical rights, of minorities must yield, and there is not necessarily any more injustice in this than in their yielding to a majority at the polls. While the need of continental expansion pressed thus heavily upon the statesmen of Jefferson's era, questions relating to more distant interests were very properly postponed. At the time that matters of such immediate importance were pending, to enter willingly upon the consideration of subjects our concern in which was more remote, either in time or place, would have entailed a dissemination of attention and of power that is as greatly to be deprecated in statesmanship as it is in the operations of war. Still, while the government of the day would gladly have avoided such complications, it found, as have the statesmen of all times, that if external interests exist, whatsoever their character, they cannot be ignored, nor can the measures which prudence dictates for their protection be neglected with safety. Without political ambitions outside the continent, the commercial enterprise of the people brought our interests into violent antagonism with clear, unmistakable, and vital interests of foreign belligerent states; for we shall sorely misread the lessons of 1812, and of the events which led to it, if we fail to see that the questions in dispute involved issues more immediately vital to Great Britain, in her then desperate struggle, than they were to ourselves, and that the great majority of her statesmen and people, of both parties, so regarded them. The attempt of our government to temporize with the difficulty, to overcome violence by means of peaceable coercion, instead of meeting it by the creation of a naval force so strong as to be a factor of consideration in the international situation, led us into an avoidable war. The conditions which now constitute the political situation of the United States, relatively to the world at large, are fundamentally different from those that obtained at the beginning of the century. It is not a mere question of greater growth, of bigger size. It is not only that we are larger, stronger, have, as it were, reached our majority, and are able to go out into the world. That alone would be a difference of degree, not of kind. The great difference between the past and the present is that we then, as regards close contact with the power of the chief nations of the world, were really in a state of political isolation which no longer exists. This arose from our geographical position--reinforced by the slowness and uncertainty of the existing means of intercommunication--and yet more from the grave preoccupation of foreign statesmen with questions of unprecedented and ominous importance upon the continent of Europe. A policy of isolation was for us then practicable,--though even then only partially. It was expedient, also, because we were weak, and in order to allow the individuality of the nation time to accentuate itself. Save the questions connected with the navigation of the Mississippi, collision with other peoples was only likely to arise, and actually did arise, from going beyond our own borders in search of trade. The reasons now evoked by some against our political action outside our own borders might have been used then with equal appositeness against our commercial enterprises. Let us stay at home, or we shall get into trouble. Jefferson, in truth, averse in principle to commerce as to war, was happily logical in his embargo system. It not only punished the foreigner and diminished the danger of international complications, but it kept our own ships out of harm's way; and if it did destroy trade, and cause the grass to grow in the streets of New York, the incident, if inconvenient, had its compensations, by repressing hazardous external activities. Few now, of course, would look with composure upon a policy, whatever its ground, which contemplated the peaceable seclusion of this nation from its principal lines of commerce. In 1807, however, a great party accepted the alternative rather than fight, or even than create a force which might entail war, although more probably it would have prevented it. But would it be more prudent now to ignore the fact that we are no longer--however much we may regret it--in a position of insignificance or isolation, political or geographical, in any way resembling the times of Jefferson, and that from the changed conditions may result to us a dilemma similar to that which confronted him and his supporters? Not only have we grown,--that is a detail,--but the face of the world is changed, economically and politically. The sea, now as always the great means of communication between nations, is traversed with a rapidity and a certainty that have minimized distances. Events which under former conditions would have been distant and of small concern, now happen at our doors and closely affect us. Proximity, as has been noted, is a fruitful source of political friction, but proximity is the characteristic of the age. The world has grown smaller. Positions formerly distant have become to us of vital importance from their nearness. But, while distances have shortened, they remain for us water distances, and, however short, for political influence they must be traversed in the last resort by a navy, the indispensable instrument by which, when emergencies arise, the nation can project its power beyond its own shore-line. Whatever seeming justification, therefore, there may have been in the transient conditions of his own day for Jefferson's dictum concerning a navy, rested upon a state of things that no longer obtains, and even then soon passed away. The War of 1812 demonstrated the usefulness of a navy,--not, indeed, by the admirable but utterly unavailing single-ship victories that illustrated its course, but by the prostration into which our seaboard and external communications fell, through the lack of a navy at all proportionate to the country's needs and exposure. The navy doubtless reaped honor in that brilliant sea struggle, but the honor was its own alone; only discredit accrued to the statesmen who, with such men to serve them, none the less left the country open to the humiliation of its harried coasts and blasted commerce. Never was there a more lustrous example of what Jomini calls "the sterile glory of fighting battles merely to win them." Except for the prestige which at last awoke the country to the high efficiency of the petty force we called our navy, and showed what the sea might be to us, never was blood spilled more uselessly than in the frigate and sloop actions of that day. They presented no analogy to the outpost and reconnoissance fighting, to the detached services, that are not only inevitable but invaluable, in maintaining the _morale_ of a military organization in campaign. They were simply scattered efforts, without relation either to one another or to any main body whatsoever, capable of affecting seriously the issues of war, or, indeed, to any plan of operations worthy of the name. Not very long after the War of 1812, within the space of two administrations, there came another incident, epoch-making in the history of our external policy, and of vital bearing on the navy, in the enunciation of the Monroe doctrine. That pronouncement has been curiously warped at times from its original scope and purpose. In its name have been put forth theories so much at odds with the relations of states, as hitherto understood, that, if they be maintained seriously, it is desirable in the interests of exact definition that their supporters advance some other name for them. It is not necessary to attribute finality to the Monroe doctrine, any more than to any other political dogma, in order to deprecate the application of the phrase to propositions that override or transcend it. We should beware of being misled by names, and especially where such error may induce a popular belief that a foreign state is outraging wilfully a principle to the defence of which the country is committed. We have been committed to the Monroe doctrine itself, not perhaps by any such formal assumption of obligations as cannot be evaded, but by certain precedents, and by a general attitude, upon the whole consistently maintained, from which we cannot recede silently without risk of national mortification. If seriously challenged, as in Mexico by the third Napoleon, we should hardly decline to emulate the sentiments so nobly expressed by the British government, when, in response to the emperors of Russia and France, it declined to abandon the struggling Spanish patriots to the government set over them by Napoleon: "To Spain his Majesty is not bound by any formal instrument; but his Majesty has, in the face of the world, contracted with that nation engagements not less sacred, and not less binding upon his Majesty's mind, than the most solemn treaties." We may have to accept also certain corollaries which may appear naturally to result from the Monroe doctrine, but we are by no means committed to some propositions which lately have been tallied with its name. Those propositions possibly embody a sound policy, more applicable to present conditions than the Monroe doctrine itself, and therefore destined to succeed it; but they are not the same thing. There is, however, something in common between it and them. Reduced to its barest statement, and stripped of all deductions, natural or forced, the Monroe doctrine, if it were not a mere political abstraction, formulated an idea to which in the last resort effect could be given only through the instrumentality of a navy; for the gist of it, the kernel of the truth, was that the country had at that time distant interests on the land, political interests of a high order in the destiny of foreign territory, of which a distinguishing characteristic was that they could be assured only by sea. Like most stages in a nation's progress, the Monroe doctrine, though elicited by a particular political incident, was not an isolated step unrelated to the past, but a development. It had its antecedents in feelings which arose before our War of Independence, and which in 1778, though we were then in deadly need of the French alliance, found expression in the stipulation that France should not attempt to regain Canada. Even then, and also in 1783, the same jealousy did not extend to the Floridas, which at the latter date were ceded by Great Britain to Spain; and we expressly acquiesced in the conquest of the British West India Islands by our allies. From that time to 1815 no remonstrance was made against the transfer of territories in the West Indies and Caribbean Sea from one belligerent to another--an indifference which scarcely would be shown at the present time, even though the position immediately involved were intrinsically of trivial importance; for the question at stake would be one of principle, of consequences, far reaching as Hampden's tribute of ship-money. It is beyond the professional province of a naval officer to inquire how far the Monroe doctrine itself would logically carry us, or how far it may be developed, now or hereafter, by the recognition and statement of further national interests, thereby formulating another and wider view of the necessary range of our political influence. It is sufficient to quote its enunciation as a fact, and to note that it was the expression of a great national interest, not merely of a popular sympathy with South American revolutionists; for, had it been the latter, it would doubtless have proved as inoperative and evanescent as declarations arising from such emotions commonly are. From generation to generation we have been much stirred by the sufferings of Greeks, or Bulgarians, or Armenians, at the hands of Turkey; but, not being ourselves injuriously affected, our feelings have not passed into acts, and for that very reason have been ephemeral. No more than other nations are we exempt from the profound truth enunciated by Washington--seared into his own consciousness by the bitter futilities of the French alliance in 1778 and the following years, and by the extravagant demands based upon it by the Directory during his Presidential term--that it is absurd to expect governments to act upon disinterested motives. It is not as an utterance of passing concern, benevolent or selfish, but because it voiced an enduring principle of necessary self-interest, that the Monroe doctrine has retained its vitality, and has been made so easily to do duty as the expression of intuitive national sensitiveness to occurrences of various kinds in regions beyond the sea. At its christening the principle was directed against an apprehended intervention in American affairs, which depended not upon actual European concern in the territory involved, but upon a purely political arrangement between certain great powers, itself the result of ideas at the time moribund. In its first application, therefore, it was a confession that danger of European complications did exist, under conditions far less provocative of real European interest than those which now obtain and are continually growing. Its subsequent applications have been many and various, and the incidents giving rise to them have been increasingly important, culminating up to the present in the growth of the United States to be a great Pacific power, and in her probable dependence in the near future upon an Isthmian canal for the freest and most copious intercourse between her two ocean seaboards. In the elasticity and flexibleness with which the dogma thus has accommodated itself to varying conditions, rather than in the strict wording of the original statement, is to be seen the essential characteristic of a living principle--the recognition, namely, that not merely the interests of individual citizens, but the interests of the United States as a nation, are bound up with regions beyond the sea, not part of our own political domain, in which therefore, under some imaginable circumstances, we may be forced to take action. It is important to recognize this, for it will help clear away the error from a somewhat misleading statement frequently made,--that the United States needs a navy for defence only, adding often, explanatorily, for the defence of our own coasts. Now in a certain sense we all want a navy for defence only. It is to be hoped that the United States will never seek war except for the defence of her rights, her obligations, or her necessary interests. In that sense our policy may always be defensive only, although it may compel us at times to steps justified rather by expediency--the choice of the lesser evil--than by incontrovertible right. But if we have interests beyond sea which a navy may have to protect, it plainly follows that the navy has more to do, even in war, than to defend the coast; and it must be added as a received military axiom that war, however defensive in moral character, must be waged aggressively if it is to hope for success. For national security, the correlative of a national principle firmly held and distinctly avowed is, not only the will, but the power to enforce it. The clear expression of national purpose, accompanied by evident and adequate means to carry it into effect, is the surest safeguard against war, provided always that the national contention is maintained with a candid and courteous consideration of the rights and susceptibilities of other states. On the other hand, no condition is more hazardous than that of a dormant popular feeling, liable to be roused into action by a moment of passion, such as that which swept over the North when the flag was fired upon at Sumter, but behind which lies no organized power for action. It is on the score of due preparation for such an ultimate contingency that nations, and especially free nations, are most often deficient. Yet, if wanting in definiteness of foresight and persistency of action, owing to the inevitable frequency of change in the governments that represent them, democracies seem in compensation to be gifted with an instinct, the result perhaps of the free and rapid interchange of thought by which they are characterized, that intuitively and unconsciously assimilates political truths, and prepares in part for political action before the time for action has come. That the mass of United States citizens do not realize understandingly that the nation has vital political interests beyond the sea is probably true; still more likely is it that they are not tracing any connection between them and the reconstruction of the navy. Yet the interests exist, and the navy is growing; and in the latter fact is the best surety that no breach of peace will ensue from the maintenance of the former. It is, not, then the indication of a formal political purpose, far less of anything like a threat, that is, from my point of view, to be recognized in the recent development of the navy. Nations, as a rule, do not move with the foresight and the fixed plan which distinguish a very few individuals of the human race. They do not practise on the pistol-range before sending a challenge; if they did, wars would be fewer, as is proved by the present long-continued armed peace in Europe. Gradually and imperceptibly the popular feeling, which underlies most lasting national movements, is aroused and swayed by incidents, often trivial, but of the same general type, whose recurrence gradually moulds public opinion and evokes national action, until at last there issues that settled public conviction which alone, in a free state, deserves the name of national policy. What the origin of those particular events whose interaction establishes a strong political current in a particular direction, it is perhaps unprofitable to inquire. Some will see in the chain of cause and effect only a chapter of accidents, presenting an interesting philosophical study, and nothing more; others, equally persuaded that nations do not effectively shape their mission in the world, will find in them the ordering of a Divine ruler, who does not permit the individual or the nation to escape its due share of the world's burdens. But, however explained, it is a common experience of history that in the gradual ripening of events there comes often suddenly and unexpectedly the emergency, the call for action, to maintain the nation's contention. That there is an increased disposition on the part of civilized countries to deal with such cases by ordinary diplomatic discussion and mutual concession can be gratefully acknowledged; but that such dispositions are not always sufficient to reach a peaceable solution is equally an indisputable teaching of the recent past. Popular emotion, once fairly roused, sweeps away the barriers of calm deliberation, and is deaf to the voice of reason. That the consideration of relative power enters for much in the diplomatic settlement of international difficulties is also certain, just as that it goes for much in the ordering of individual careers. "Can," as well as "will," plays a large share in the decisions of life. Like each man and woman, no state lives to itself alone, in a political seclusion resembling the physical isolation which so long was the ideal of China and Japan. All, whether they will or no, are members of a community, larger or, smaller; and more and more those of the European family to which we racially belong are touching each other throughout the world, with consequent friction of varying degree. That the greater rapidity of communication afforded by steam has wrought, in the influence of sea power over the face of the globe, an extension that is multiplying the points of contact and emphasizing the importance of navies, is a fact, the intelligent appreciation of which is daily more and more manifest in the periodical literature of Europe, and is further shown by the growing stress laid upon that arm of military strength by foreign governments; while the mutual preparation of the armies on the European continent, and the fairly settled territorial conditions, make each state yearly more wary of initiating a contest, and thus entail a political quiescence there, except in the internal affairs of each country. The field of external action for the great European states is now the world, and it is hardly doubtful that their struggles, unaccompanied as yet by actual clash of arms, are even under that condition drawing nearer to ourselves. Coincidently with our own extension to the Pacific Ocean, which for so long had a good international claim to its name, that sea has become more and more the scene of political development, of commercial activities and rivalries, in which all the great powers, ourselves included, have a share. Through these causes Central and Caribbean America, now intrinsically unimportant, are brought in turn into great prominence, as constituting the gateway between the Atlantic and Pacific when the Isthmian canal shall have been made, and as guarding the approaches to it. The appearance of Japan as a strong ambitious state, resting on solid political and military foundations, but which scarcely has reached yet a condition of equilibrium in international standing, has fairly startled the world; and it is a striking illustration of the somewhat sudden nearness and unforeseen relations into which modern states are brought, that the Hawaiian Islands, so interesting from the international point of view to the countries of European civilization, are occupied largely by Japanese and Chinese. In all these questions we have a stake, reluctantly it may be, but necessarily, for our evident interests are involved, in some instances directly, in others by very probable implication. Under existing conditions, the opinion that we can keep clear indefinitely of embarrassing problems is hardly tenable; while war between two foreign states, which in the uncertainties of the international situation throughout the world may break out at any time, will increase greatly the occasions of possible collision with the belligerent countries, and the consequent perplexities of our statesmen seeking to avoid entanglement and to maintain neutrality. Although peace is not only the avowed but for the most part the actual desire of European governments, they profess no such aversion to distant political enterprises and colonial acquisitions as we by tradition have learned to do. On the contrary, their committal to such divergent enlargements of the national activities and influence is one of the most pregnant facts of our time, the more so that their course is marked in the case of each state by a persistence of the same national traits that characterized the great era of colonization, which followed the termination of the religious wars in Europe, and led to the world-wide contests of the eighteenth century. In one nation the action is mainly political,--that of a government pushed, by long-standing tradition and by its passion for administration, to extend the sphere of its operations so as to acquire a greater field in which to organize and dominate, somewhat regardless of economical advantage. In another the impulse comes from the restless, ubiquitous energy of the individual citizens, singly or in companies, moved primarily by the desire of gain, but carrying ever with them, subordinate only to the commercial aim, the irresistible tendency of the race to rule as well as to trade, and dragging the home government to recognize and to assume the consequences of their enterprise. Yet again there is the movement whose motive is throughout mainly private and mercantile, in which the individual seeks wealth only, with little or no political ambition, and where the government intervenes chiefly that it may retain control of its subjects in regions where but for such intervention they would become estranged from it. But, however diverse the modes of operation, all have a common characteristic, in that they bear the stamp of the national genius,--a proof that the various impulses are not artificial, but natural, and that they therefore will continue until an adjustment is reached. What the process will be, and what the conclusion, it is impossible to foresee; but that friction at times has been very great, and matters dangerously near passing from the communications of cabinets to the tempers of the peoples, is sufficiently known. If, on the one hand, some look upon this as a lesson to us to keep clear of similar adventures, on the other hand it gives a warning that not only do causes of offence exist which may result at an unforeseen moment in a rupture extending to many parts of the world, but also that there is a spirit abroad which yet may challenge our claim to exclude its action and interference in any quarter, unless it finds us prepared there in adequate strength to forbid it, or to exercise our own. More and more civilized man is needing and seeking ground to occupy, room over which to expand and in which to live. Like all natural forces, the impulse takes the direction of least resistance, but when in its course it comes upon some region rich in possibilities, but unfruitful through the incapacity or negligence of those who dwell therein, the incompetent race or system will go down, as the inferior race ever has fallen back and disappeared before the persistent impact of the superior. The recent and familiar instance of Egypt is entirely in point. The continuance of the existing system--if it can be called such--had become impossible, not because of the native Egyptians, who had endured the like for ages, but because there were involved therein the interests of several European states, of which two principally were concerned by present material interest and traditional rivalry. Of these one, and that the one most directly affected, refused to take part in the proposed interference, with the result that this was not abandoned, but carried out solely by the other, which remains in political and administrative control of the country. Whether the original enterprise or the continued presence of Great Britain in Egypt is entirely clear of technical wrongs, open to the criticism of the pure moralist, is as little to the point as the morality of an earthquake; the general action was justified by broad considerations of moral expediency, being to the benefit of the world at large, and of the people of Egypt in particular--however they might have voted in the matter. But what is chiefly instructive in this occurrence is the inevitableness, which it shares in common with the great majority of cases where civilized and highly organized peoples have trespassed upon the technical rights of possession of the previous occupants of the land--of which our own dealings with the American Indian afford another example. The inalienable rights of the individual are entitled to a respect which they unfortunately do not always get; but there is no inalienable right in any community to control the use of a region when it does so to the detriment of the world at large, of its neighbors in particular, or even at times of its own subjects. Witness, for example, the present angry resistance of the Arabs at Jiddah to the remedying of a condition of things which threatens to propagate a deadly disease far and wide, beyond the locality by which it is engendered; or consider the horrible conditions under which the Armenian subjects of Turkey have lived and are living. When such conditions obtain, they can be prolonged only by the general indifference or mutual jealousies of the other peoples concerned--as in the instance of Turkey--or because there is sufficient force to perpetuate the misrule, in which case the right is inalienable only until its misuse brings ruin, or until a stronger force appears to dispossess it. It is because so much of the world still remains in the possession of the savage, or of states whose imperfect development, political or economical, does not enable them to realize for the general use nearly the result of which the territory is capable, while at the same time the redundant energies of civilized states, both government and peoples, are finding lack of openings and scantiness of livelihood at home, that there now obtains a condition of aggressive restlessness with which all have to reckon. That the United States does not now share this tendency is entirely evident. Neither her government nor her people are affected by it to any great extent. But the force of circumstances has imposed upon her the necessity, recognized with practical unanimity by her people, of insuring to the weaker states of America, although of racial and political antecedents different from her own, freedom to develop politically along their own lines and according to their own capacities, without interference in that respect from governments foreign to these continents. The duty is self-assumed; and resting, as it does, not upon political philanthropy, but simply upon our own proximate interests as affected by such foreign interference, has towards others rather the nature of a right than a duty. But, from either point of view, the facility with which the claim has been allowed heretofore by the great powers has been due partly to the lack of pressing importance in the questions that have arisen, and partly to the great latent strength of our nation, which was an argument more than adequate to support contentions involving matters of no greater immediate moment, for example, than that of the Honduras Bay Islands or of the Mosquito Coast. Great Britain there yielded, it is true, though reluctantly and slowly; and it is also true that, so far as organized force is concerned, she could have destroyed our navy then existing and otherwise have injured us greatly; but the substantial importance of the question, though real, was remote in the future, and, as it was, she made a political bargain which was more to her advantage than ours. But while our claim thus far has received a tacit acquiescence, it remains to be seen whether it will continue to command the same if the states whose political freedom of action we assert make no more decided advance towards political stability than several of them have done yet, and if our own organized naval force remains as slender, comparatively, as it once was, and even yet is. It is probably safe to say that an undertaking like that of Great Britain in Egypt, if attempted in this hemisphere by a non-American state, would not be tolerated by us if able to prevent it; but it is conceivable that the moral force of our contention might be weakened, in the view of an opponent, by attendant circumstances, in which case our physical power to support it should be open to no doubt. That we shall seek to secure the peaceable solution of each difficulty as it arises is attested by our whole history, and by the disposition of our people; but to do so, whatever the steps taken in any particular case, will bring us into new political relations and may entail serious disputes with other states. In maintaining the justest policy, the most reasonable influence, one of the political elements, long dominant, and still one of the most essential, is military strength--in the broad sense of the word "military," which includes naval as well--not merely potential, which our own is, but organized and developed, which our own as yet is not. We wisely quote Washington's warning against entangling alliances, but too readily forget his teaching about preparation for war. The progress of the world from age to age, in its ever-changing manifestations, is a great political drama, possessing a unity, doubtless, in its general development, but in which, as act follows act, one situation alone can engage, at one time, the attention of the actors. Of this drama war is simply a violent and tumultuous political incident. A navy, therefore, whose primary sphere of action is war, is, in the last analysis and from the least misleading point of view, a political factor of the utmost importance in international affairs, one more often deterrent than irritant. It is in that light, according to the conditions of the age and of the nation, that it asks and deserves the appreciation of the state, and that it should be developed in proportion to the reasonable possibilities of the political future. PREPAREDNESS FOR NAVAL WAR. _December, 1896._ The problem of preparation for war in modern times is both extensive and complicated. As in the construction of the individual ship, where the attempt to reconcile conflicting requirements has resulted, according to a common expression, in a compromise, the most dubious of all military solutions,--giving something to all, and all to none,--so preparation for war involves many conditions, often contradictory one to another, at times almost irreconcilable. To satisfy all of these passes the ingenuity of the national Treasury, powerless to give the whole of what is demanded by the representatives of the different elements, which, in duly ordered proportion, constitute a complete scheme of national military policy, whether for offence or defence. Unable to satisfy all, and too often equally unable to say, frankly, "This one is chief; to it you others must yield, except so far as you contribute to its greatest efficiency," either the pendulum of the government's will swings from one extreme to the other, or, in the attempt to be fair all round, all alike receive less than they ask, and for their theoretical completeness require. In other words, the contents of the national purse are distributed, instead of being concentrated upon a leading conception, adopted after due deliberation, and maintained with conviction. The creation of material for war, under modern conditions, requires a length of time which does not permit the postponement of it to the hour of impending hostilities. To put into the water a first-class battle-ship, fully armored, within a year after the laying of her keel, as has been done latterly in England, is justly considered an extraordinary exhibition of the nation's resources for naval shipbuilding; and there yet remained to be done the placing of her battery, and many other matters of principal detail essential to her readiness for sea. This time certainly would not be less for ourselves, doing our utmost. War is simply a political movement, though violent and exceptional in its character. However sudden the occasion from which it arises, it results from antecedent conditions, the general tendency of which should be manifest long before to the statesmen of a nation, and to at least the reflective portion of the people. In such anticipation, such forethought, as in the affairs of common life, lies the best hope of the best solution,--peace by ordinary diplomatic action; peace by timely agreement, while men's heads are cool, and the crisis of fever has not been reached by the inflammatory utterances of an unscrupulous press, to which agitated public apprehension means increase of circulation. But while the maintenance of peace by sagacious prevision is the laurel of the statesman, which, in failing to achieve except by force, he takes from his own brow and gives to the warrior, it is none the less a necessary part of his official competence to recognize that in public disputes, as in private, there is not uncommonly on both sides an element of right, real or really believed, which prevents either party from yielding, and that it is better for men to fight than, for the sake of peace, to refuse to support their convictions of justice. How deplorable the war between the North and South! but more deplorable by far had it been that either had flinched from the maintenance of what it believed to be fundamental right. On questions of merely material interest men may yield; on matters of principle they may be honestly in the wrong; but a conviction of right, even though mistaken, if yielded without contention, entails a deterioration of character, except in the presence of force demonstrably irresistible--and sometimes even then. Death before dishonor is a phrase which at times has been abused infamously, but it none the less contains a vital truth. To provide a force adequate to maintain the nation's cause, and to insure its readiness for immediate action in case of necessity, are the responsibility of the government of a state, in its legislative and executive functions. Such a force is a necessary outcome of the political conditions which affect, or, as can be foreseen, probably may affect, the international relations of the country. Its existence at all and its size are, or should be, the reflection of the national consciousness that in this, that, or the other direction lie clear national interests--for which each generation is responsible to futurity--or national duties, equally clear from the mere fact that the matter lies at the door, like Lazarus at the rich man's gate. The question of when or how action shall be taken which may result in hostilities, is indeed a momentous one, having regard to the dire evils of war; but it is the question of a moment, of the last moment to which can be postponed a final determination of such tremendous consequence. To this determination preparation for war has only this relation: that it should be adequate to the utmost demand that then can be made upon it, and, if possible, so imposing that it will prevent war ensuing, upon the firm presentation of demands which the nation believes to be just. Such a conception, so stated, implies no more than defence,--defence of the nation's rights or of the nation's duties, although such defence may take the shape of aggressive action, the only safe course in war. Logically, therefore, a nation which proposes to provide itself with a naval or military organization adequate to its needs, must begin by considering, not what is the largest army or navy in the world, with the view of rivalling it, but what there is in the political status of the world, including not only the material interests but the temper of nations, which involves a reasonable, even though remote, prospect of difficulties which may prove insoluble except by war. The matter, primarily, is political in character. It is not until this political determination has been reached that the data for even stating the military problem are in hand; for here, as always, the military arm waits upon and is subservient to the political interests and civil power of the state. It is not the most probable of dangers, but the most formidable, that must be selected as measuring the degree of military precaution to be embodied in the military preparations thenceforth to be maintained. The lesser is contained in the greater; if equal to the most that can be apprehended reasonably, the country can view with quiet eye the existence of more imminent, but less dangerous complications. Nor should it be denied that in estimating danger there should be a certain sobriety of imagination, equally removed from undue confidence and from exaggerated fears. Napoleon's caution to his marshals not to make a picture to themselves--not to give too loose rein to fancy as to what the enemy might do, regardless of the limitations to which military movements are subject--applies to antecedent calculations, like those which we are considering now, as really as to the operations of the campaign. When British writers, realizing the absolute dependence of their own country upon the sea, insist that the British navy must exceed the two most formidable of its possible opponents, they advance an argument which is worthy at least of serious debate; but when the two is raised to three, they assume conditions which are barely possible, but lie too far without the limits of probability to affect practical action. In like manner, the United States, in estimating her need of military preparation of whatever kind, is justified in considering, not merely the utmost force which might be brought against her by a possible enemy, under the political circumstances most favorable to the latter, but the limitations imposed upon an opponent's action by well-known conditions of a permanent nature. Our only rivals in potential military strength are the great powers of Europe. These, however, while they have interests in the western hemisphere,--to which a certain solidarity is imparted by their instinctive and avowed opposition to a policy to which the United States, by an inward compulsion apparently irresistible, becomes more and more committed,--have elsewhere yet wider and more onerous demands upon their attention. Since 1884 Great Britain, France, and Germany have each acquired colonial possessions, varying in extent from one million to two and a half million square miles,--chiefly in Africa. This means, as is generally understood, not merely the acquisition of so much new territory, but the perpetuation of national rivalries and suspicions, maintaining in full vigor, in this age, the traditions of past animosities. It means uncertainties about boundaries--that most fruitful source of disputes when running through unexplored wildernesses--jealousy of influence over native occupants of the soil, fear of encroachment, unperceived till too late, and so a constant, if silent, strife to insure national preponderance in these newly opened regions. The colonial expansion of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is being resumed under our eyes, bringing with it the same train of ambitions and feelings that were exhibited then, though these are qualified by the more orderly methods of modern days and by a well-defined mutual apprehension,--the result of a universal preparedness for war, the distinctive feature of our own time which most guarantees peace. All this reacts evidently upon Europe, the common mother-country of these various foreign enterprises, in whose seas and lands must be fought out any struggle springing from these remote causes, and upon whose inhabitants chiefly must fall both the expense and the bloodshed thence arising. To these distant burdens of disquietude--in the assuming of which, though to an extent self-imposed, the present writer recognizes the prevision of civilization, instinctive rather than conscious, against the perils of the future--is to be added the proximate and unavoidable anxiety dependent upon the conditions of Turkey and its provinces, the logical outcome of centuries of Turkish misrule. Deplorable as have been, and to some extent still are, political conditions on the American continents, the New World, in the matter of political distribution of territory and fixity of tenure, is permanence itself, as compared with the stormy prospect confronting the Old in its questions which will not down. In these controversies, which range themselves under the broad heads of colonial expansion and the Eastern question, all the larger powers of Europe, the powers that maintain considerable armies or navies, or both, are directly and deeply interested--except Spain. The latter manifests no solicitude concerning the settlement of affairs in the east of Europe, nor is she engaged in increasing her still considerable colonial dominion. This preoccupation of the great powers, being not factitious, but necessary,--a thing that cannot be dismissed by an effort of the national will, because its existence depends upon the nature of things,--is a legitimate element in the military calculations of the United States. It cannot enter into her diplomatic considerations, for it is her pride not to seek, from the embarrassments of other states, advantages or concessions which she cannot base upon the substantial justice of her demands. But, while this is true, the United States has had in the past abundant experience of disputes, in which, though she believed herself right, even to the point of having a just _casus belli_, the other party has not seemed to share the same conviction. These difficulties, chiefly, though not solely, territorial in character, have been the natural bequest of the colonial condition through which this hemisphere passed on its way to its present political status. Her own view of right, even when conceded in the end, has not approved itself at first to the other party to the dispute. Fortunately these differences have been mainly with Great Britain, the great and beneficent colonizer, a state between which and ourselves a sympathy, deeper than both parties have been ready always to admit, has continued to exist, because founded upon common fundamental ideas of law and justice. Of this the happy termination of the Venezuelan question is the most recent but not the only instance. It is sometimes said that Great Britain is the most unpopular state in Europe. If this be so,--and many of her own people seem to accept the fact of her political isolation, though with more or less of regret,--is there nothing significant to us in that our attitude towards her in the Venezuelan matter has not commanded the sympathy of Europe, but rather the reverse? Our claim to enter, as of right, into a dispute not originally our own, and concerning us only as one of the American group of nations, has been rejected in no doubtful tones by organs of public opinion which have no fondness for Great Britain. Whether any foreign government has taken the same attitude is not known,--probably there has been no official protest against the apparent admission of a principle which binds nobody but the parties to it. Do we ourselves realize that, happy as the issue of our intervention has been, it may entail upon us greater responsibilities, more serious action, than we have assumed before? that it amounts in fact--if one may use a military metaphor--to occupying an advanced position, the logical result very likely of other steps in the past, but which nevertheless implies necessarily such organization of strength as will enable us to hold it? Without making a picture to ourselves, without conjuring up extravagant contingencies, it is not difficult to detect the existence of conditions, in which are latent elements of future disputes, identical in principle with those through which we have passed heretofore. Can we expect that, if unprovided with adequate military preparation, we shall receive from other states, not imbued with our traditional habits of political thought, and therefore less patient of our point of view, the recognition of its essential reasonableness which has been conceded by the government of Great Britain? The latter has found capacity for sympathy with our attitude,--not only by long and close contact and interlacing of interests between the two peoples, nor yet only in a fundamental similarity of character and institutions. Besides these, useful as they are to mutual understanding, that government has an extensive and varied experience, extending over centuries, of the vital importance of distant regions to its own interests, to the interests of its people and its commerce, or to its political prestige. It can understand and allow for a determination not to acquiesce in the beginning or continuance of a state of things, the tendency of which is to induce future embarrassments,--to complicate or to endanger essential welfare. A nation situated as Great Britain is in India and Egypt scarcely can fail to appreciate our own sensitiveness regarding the Central American isthmus, and the Pacific, on which we have such extensive territory; nor is it a long step from concern about the Mediterranean, and anxious watchfulness over the progressive occupation of its southern shores, to an understanding of our reluctance to see the ambitions and conflicts of another hemisphere approach, even remotely and indirectly, the comparatively peaceful neighborhoods surrounding the Caribbean Sea, bearing a threat of disturbance to the political distribution of power or of territorial occupation now existing. Whatever our interests may demand in the future may be a matter of doubt, but it is hard to see how there can be any doubt in the mind of a British statesman that it is our clear interest now, when all is quiet, to see removed possibilities of trouble which might break out at a less propitious season. Such facility for reaching an understanding, due to experience of difficulties, is supported strongly by a hearty desire for peace, traditional with a commercial people who have not to reproach themselves with any lack of resolution or tenacity in assuming and bearing the burden of war when forced upon them. "Militarism" is not a preponderant spirit in either Great Britain or the United States; their commercial tendencies and their isolation concur to exempt them from its predominance. Pugnacious, and even warlike, when aroused, the idea of war in the abstract is abhorrent to them, because it interferes with their leading occupations, and its demands are alien to their habits of thought. To say that either lacks sensitiveness to the point of honor would be to wrong them; but the point must be made clear to them, and it will not be found in the refusal of reasonable demands, because they involve the abandonment of positions hastily or ignorantly assumed, nor in the mere attitude of adhering to a position lest there may be an appearance of receding under compulsion. Napoleon I. phrased the extreme position of militarism in the words, "If the British ministry should intimate that there was anything the First Consul had not done, _because he was prevented from doing it_, that instant he would do it." Now the United States, speaking by various organs, has said, in language scarcely to be misunderstood, that she is resolved to resort to force, if necessary, to prevent the territorial or political extension of European power beyond its present geographical limits in the American continents. In the question of a disputed boundary she has held that this resolve--dependent upon what she conceives her reasonable policy--required her to insist that the matter should be submitted to arbitration. If Great Britain should see in this political stand the expression of a reasonable national policy, she is able, by the training and habit of her leaders, to accept it as such, without greatly troubling over the effect upon men's opinions that may be produced by the additional announcement that the policy is worth fighting for, and will be fought for if necessary. It would be a matter of course for her to fight for her just interests, if need be, and why should not another state say the same? The point--of honor, if you like--is not whether a nation will fight, but whether its claim is just. Such an attitude, however, is not the spirit of "militarism," nor accordant with it; and in nations saturated with the military spirit, the intimation that a policy will be supported by force raises that sort of point of honor behind which the reasonableness of the policy is lost to sight. It can no longer be viewed dispassionately; it is prejudged by the threat, however mildly that be expressed. And this is but a logical development of their institutions. The soldier, or the state much of whose policy depends upon organized force, cannot but resent the implication that he or it is unable or unwilling to meet force with force. The life of soldiers and of armies is their spirit, and that spirit receives a serious wound when it seems--even superficially--to recoil before a threat; while with the weakening of the military body falls an element of political strength which has no analogue in Great Britain or the United States, the chief military power of which must lie ever in navies, never an aggressive factor such as armies have been. Now, the United States has made an announcement that she will support by force a policy which may bring her into collision with states of military antecedents, indisposed by their interests to acquiesce in our position, and still less willing to accept it under appearance of threat. What preparation is necessary in case such a one is as determined to fight against our demands as we to fight for them? Preparation for war, rightly understood, falls under two heads,--preparation and preparedness. The one is a question mainly of material, and is constant in its action. The second involves an idea of completeness. When, at a particular moment, preparations are completed, one is prepared--not otherwise. There may have been made a great deal of very necessary preparation for war without being prepared. Every constituent of preparation may be behindhand, or some elements may be perfectly ready, while others are not. In neither case can a state be said to be prepared. In the matter of preparation for war, one clear idea should be absorbed first by every one who, recognizing that war is still a possibility, desires to see his country ready. This idea is that, however defensive in origin or in political character a war may be, the assumption of a simple defensive in war is ruin. War, once declared, must be waged offensively, aggressively. The enemy must not be fended off, but smitten down. You may then spare him every exaction, relinquish every gain; but till down he must be struck incessantly and remorselessly. Preparation, like most other things, is a question both of kind and of degree, of quality and of quantity. As regards degree, the general lines upon which it is determined have been indicated broadly in the preceding part of this article. The measure of degree is the estimated force which the strongest _probable_ enemy can bring against you, allowance being made for clear drawbacks upon his total force, imposed by his own embarrassments and responsibilities in other parts of the world. The calculation is partly military, partly political, the latter, however, being the dominant factor in the premises. In kind, preparation is twofold,--defensive and offensive. The former exists chiefly for the sake of the latter, in order that offence, the determining factor in war, may put forth its full power, unhampered by concern for the protection of the national interests or for its own resources. In naval war, coast defence is the defensive factor, the navy the offensive. Coast defence, when adequate, assures the naval commander-in-chief that his base of operations--the dock-yards and coal depots--is secure. It also relieves him and his government, by the protection afforded to the chief commercial centres, from the necessity of considering them, and so leaves the offensive arm perfectly free. Coast defence implies coast attack. To what attacks are coasts liable? Two, principally,--blockade and bombardment. The latter, being the more difficult, includes the former, as the greater does the lesser. A fleet that can bombard can still more easily blockade. Against bombardment the necessary precaution is gun-fire, of such power and range that a fleet cannot lie within bombarding distance. This condition is obtained, where surroundings permit, by advancing the line of guns so far from the city involved that bombarding distance can be reached only by coming under their fire. But it has been demonstrated, and is accepted, that, owing to their rapidity of movement,--like a flock of birds on the wing,--a fleet of ships can, without disabling loss, pass by guns before which they could not lie. Hence arises the necessity of arresting or delaying their progress by blocking channels, which in modern practice is done by lines of torpedoes. The mere moral effect of the latter is a deterrent to a dash past,--by which, if successful, a fleet reaches the rear of the defences, and appears immediately before the city, which then lies at its mercy. Coast defence, then, implies gun-power and torpedo lines placed as described. Be it said in passing that only places of decisive importance, commercially or militarily, need such defences. Modern fleets cannot afford to waste ammunition in bombarding unimportant towns,--at least when so far from their own base as they would be on our coast. It is not so much a question of money as of frittering their fighting strength. It would not pay. Even coast defence, however, although essentially passive, should have an element of offensive force, local in character, distinct from the offensive navy, of which nevertheless it forms a part. To take the offensive against a floating force it must itself be afloat--naval. This offensive element of coast defence is to be found in the torpedo-boat, in its various developments. It must be kept distinct in idea from the sea-going fleet, although it is, of course, possible that the two may act in concert. The war very well may take such a turn that the sea-going navy will find its best preparation for initiating an offensive movement to be by concentrating in a principal seaport. Failing such a contingency, however, and in and for coast defence in its narrower sense, there should be a local flotilla of small torpedo-vessels, which by their activity should make life a burden to an outside enemy. A distinguished British admiral, now dead, has said that he believed half the captains of a blockading fleet would break down--"go crazy" were the words repeated to me--under the strain of modern conditions. The expression, of course, was intended simply to convey a sense of the immensity of suspense to be endured. In such a flotilla, owing to the smallness of its components, and to the simplicity of their organization and functions, is to be found the best sphere for naval volunteers; the duties could be learned with comparative ease, and the whole system is susceptible of rapid development. Be it remembered, however, that it is essentially defensive, only incidentally offensive, in character. Such are the main elements of coast defence--guns, lines of torpedoes, torpedo-boats. Of these none can be extemporized, with the possible exception of the last, and that would be only a makeshift. To go into details would exceed the limits of an article,--require a brief treatise. Suffice it to say, without the first two, coast cities are open to bombardment; without the last, they can be blockaded freely, unless relieved by the sea-going navy. Bombardment and blockade are recognized modes of warfare, subject only to reasonable notification,--a concession rather to humanity and equity than to strict law. Bombardment and blockade directed against great national centres, in the close and complicated network of national and commercial interests as they exist in modern times, strike not only the point affected, but every corner of the land. The offensive in naval war, as has been said, is the function of the sea-going navy--of the battle-ships, and of the cruisers of various sizes and purposes, including sea-going torpedo-vessels capable of accompanying a fleet, without impeding its movements by their loss of speed or unseaworthiness. Seaworthiness, and reasonable speed under all weather conditions, are qualities necessary to every constituent of a fleet; but, over and above these, the backbone and real power of any navy are the vessels which, by due proportion of defensive and offensive powers, are capable of taking and giving hard knocks. All others are but subservient to these, and exist only for them. What is that strength to be? Ships answering to this description are the _kind_ which make naval strength; what is to be its _degree_? What their number? The answer--a broad formula--is that it must be great enough to take the sea, and to fight, with reasonable chances of success, the largest force likely to be brought against it, as shown by calculations which have been indicated previously. Being, as we claim, and as our past history justifies us in claiming, a nation indisposed to aggression, unwilling to extend our possessions or our interests by war, the measure of strength we set ourselves depends, necessarily, not upon our projects of aggrandizement, but upon the disposition of others to thwart what we consider our reasonable policy, which they may not so consider. When they resist, what force can they bring against us? That force must be naval; we have no exposed point upon which land operations, decisive in character, can be directed. This is the kind of the hostile force to be apprehended. What may its size be? There is the measure of our needed strength. The calculation may be intricate, the conclusion only approximate and probable, but it is the nearest reply we can reach. So many ships of such and such sizes, so many guns, so much ammunition--in short, so much naval material. In the material provisions that have been summarized under the two chief heads of defence and offence--in coast defence under its three principal requirements, guns, lines of stationary torpedoes, and torpedo-boats, and in a navy able to keep the sea in the presence of a probable enemy--consist what may be called most accurately preparations for war. In so far as the United States is short in them, she is at the mercy of an enemy whose naval strength is greater than that of her own available navy. If her navy cannot keep the enemy off the coast, blockade at least is possible. If, in addition, there are no harbor torpedo-boats, blockade is easy. If, further, guns and torpedo lines are deficient, bombardment comes within the range of possibility, and may reach even the point of entire feasibility. There will be no time for preparation after war begins. It is not in the preparation of material that states generally fall most short of being ready for war at brief notice; for such preparation is chiefly a question of money and of manufacture,--not so much of preservation after creation. If money enough is forthcoming, a moderate degree of foresight can insure that the amount of material deemed necessary shall be on hand at a given future moment; and a similar condition can be maintained steadily. Losses by deterioration or expenditure, or demand for further increase if such appear desirable, can all be forecast with reasonable calculations, and requirements thence arising can be made good. This is comparatively easy, because mere material, once wrought into shape for war, does not deteriorate from its utility to the nation because not used immediately. It can be stored and cared for at a relatively small expense, and with proper oversight will remain just as good and just as ready for use as at its first production. There are certain deductions, a certain percentage of impairment to be allowed for, but the general statement holds. A very different question is confronted in the problem how to be ready at equally short notice to use this material,--to provide in sufficient numbers, upon a sudden call, the living agents, without whom the material is worthless. Such men in our day must be especially trained; and not only so, but while training once acquired will not be forgot wholly--stays by a man for a certain time--it nevertheless tends constantly to drop off from him. Like all habits, it requires continued practice. Moreover, it takes quite a long time to form, in a new recruit, not merely familiarity with the use of a particular weapon, but also the habit and working of the military organization of which he is an individual member. It is not enough that he learn just that one part of the whole machinery which falls to him to handle; he must be acquainted with the mutual relations of the other parts to his own and to the whole, at least in great measure. Such knowledge is essential even to the full and intelligent discharge of his own duty, not to speak of the fact that in battle every man should be ready to supply the place of another of his own class and grade who has been disabled. Unless this be so, the ship will be very far short of her best efficiency. Now, to possess such proficiency in the handling of naval material for war, and in playing an intelligent part in the general functioning of a ship in action, much time is required. Time is required to obtain it, further time is needed in order to retain it; and such time, be it more or less, is time lost for other purposes,--lost both to the individual and to the community. When you have your thoroughly efficient man-of-war's man, you cannot store him as you do your guns and ammunition, or lay him up as you may your ships, without his deteriorating at a rate to which material presents no parallel. On the other hand, if he be retained, voluntarily or otherwise, in the naval service, there ensues the economical loss--the loss of productive power--which constitutes the great argument against large standing armies and enforced military service, advanced by those to whom the productive energies of a country outweigh all other considerations. It is this difficulty which is felt most by those responsible for the military readiness of European states, and which therefore has engaged their most anxious attention. The providing of material of war is an onerous money question; but it is simple, and has some compensation for the expense in the resulting employment of labor for its production. It is quite another matter to have ready the number of men needed,--to train them, and to keep them so trained as to be available immediately. The solution is sought in a tax upon time--Upon the time of the nation, economically lost to production, and upon the time of the individual, lost out of his life. Like other taxes, the tendency on all sides is to reduce this as far as possible,--to compromise between ideal proficiency for probable contingencies, and the actual demands of the existing and usual conditions of peace. Although inevitable, the compromise is unsatisfactory, and yields but partial results in either direction. The economist still deplores and resists the loss of producers,--the military authorities insist that the country is short of its necessary force. To obviate the difficulty as far as possible, to meet both of the opposing demands, resort is had to the system of reserves, into which men pass after serving in the active force for a period, which is reduced to, and often below, the shortest compatible with instruction in their duties, and with the maintenance of the active forces at a fixed minimum. This instruction acquired, the recipient passes into the reserve, leaves the life of the soldier or seaman for that of the citizen, devoting a comparatively brief time in every year to brushing up the knowledge formerly acquired. Such a system, under some form, is found in services both voluntary and compulsory. It is scarcely necessary to say that such a method would never be considered satisfactory in any of the occupations of ordinary life. A man who learns his profession or trade, but never practises it, will not long be considered fit for employment. No kind of practical preparation, in the way of systematic instruction, equals the practical knowledge imbibed in the common course of life. This is just as true of the military professions--the naval especially--as it is of civil callings; perhaps even more so, because the former are a more unnatural, and therefore, when attained, a more highly specialized, form of human activity. For the very reason that war is in the main an evil, an unnatural state, but yet at times unavoidable, the demands upon warriors, when average men, are exceptionally exacting. Preparedness for naval war therefore consists not so much in the building of ships and guns as it does in the possession of trained men in adequate numbers, fit to go on board at once and use the material, the provision of which is merely one of the essential preparations for war. The word "fit" includes fairly all that detail of organization commonly called mobilization, by which the movements of the individual men are combined and directed. But mobilization, although the subjects of it are men, is itself a piece of mental machinery. Once devised, it may be susceptible of improvement, but it will not become inefficient because filed away in a pigeon-hole, any more than guns and projectiles become worthless by being stored in their parks or magazines. Take care of the pence and the pounds will take care of themselves. Provide your fit men,--fit by their familiarity not only with special instruments, but with a manner of life,--and your mobilization is reduced to a slip of paper telling each one where he is to go. He will get there. That a navy, especially a large navy, can be kept fully manned in peace--manned up to the requirements of war--must be dismissed as impracticable. If greatly superior to a probable enemy, it will be unnecessary; if more nearly equal, then the aim can only be to be superior in the number of men immediately available, and fit according to the standard of fitness here generalized. The place of a reserve in any system of preparation for war must be admitted, because inevitable. The question, of the proportion and character of the reserve, relatively to the active force of peace, is the crux of the matter. This is essentially the question between long-service and short-service systems. With long service the reserves will be fewer, and for the first few years of retirement much more efficient, for they have acquired, not knowledge only, but a habit of life. With short service, more men are shoved through the mill of the training-school. Consequently they pass more rapidly into the reserve, are less efficient when they get there, and lose more rapidly, because they have acquired less thoroughly; on the other hand, they will be decidedly more numerous, on paper at least, than the entire trained force of a long-service system. The pessimists on either side will expound the dangers--the one, of short numbers; the others, of inadequate training. Long service must be logically the desire, and the result, of voluntary systems of recruiting the strength of a military force. Where enrolment is a matter of individual choice, there is a better chance of entrance resulting in the adoption of the life as a calling to be followed; and this disposition can be encouraged by the offering of suitable inducements. Where service is compulsory, that fact alone tends to make it abhorrent, and voluntary persistence, after time has been served, rare. But, on the other hand, as the necessity for numbers in war is as real as the necessity of fitness, a body where long service and small reserves obtain should in peace be more numerous than one where the reserves are larger. To long service and small reserves a large standing force is the natural corollary. It may be added that it is more consonant to the necessities of warfare, and more consistent with the idea of the word "reserve," as elsewhere used in war. The reserve in battle is that portion of the force which is withheld from engagement, awaiting the unforeseen developments of the fight; but no general would think of carrying on a pitched battle with the smaller part of his force, keeping the larger part in reserve. Rapid concentration of effort, anticipating that of the enemy, is the ideal of tactics and of strategy,--of the battle-field and of the campaign. It is that, likewise, of the science of mobilization, in its modern development. The reserve is but the margin of safety, to compensate for defects in conception or execution, to which all enterprises are liable; and it may be added that it is as applicable to the material force--the ships, guns, etc.--as it is to the men. The United States, like Great Britain, depends wholly upon voluntary enlistments; and both nations, with unconscious logic, have laid great stress upon continuous service, and comparatively little upon reserves. When seamen have served the period which entitles them to the rewards of continuous service, without further enlistment, they are, though still in the prime of life, approaching the period when fitness, in the private seaman or soldier, depends upon ingrained habit--perfect practical familiarity with the life which has been their one calling--rather than upon that elastic vigor which is the privilege of youth. Should they elect to continue in the service, there still remain some years in which they are an invaluable leaven, by character and tradition. If they depart, they are for a few years a reserve for war--if they choose to come forward; but it is manifest that such a reserve can be but small, when compared with a system which in three or five years passes men through the active force into the reserve. The latter, however, is far less valuable, man for man. Of course, a reserve which has not even three years' service is less valuable still. The United States is to all intents an insular power, like Great Britain. We have but two land frontiers, Canada and Mexico. The latter is hopelessly inferior to us in all the elements of military strength. As regards Canada, Great Britain maintains a standing army; but, like our own, its numbers indicate clearly that aggression will never be her policy, except in those distant regions whither the great armies of the world cannot act against her, unless they first wrench from her the control of the sea. No modern state has long maintained a supremacy by land and by sea,--one or the other has been held from time to time by this or that country, but not both. Great Britain wisely has chosen naval power; and, independent of her reluctance to break with the United States for other reasons, she certainly would regret to devote to the invasion of a nation of seventy millions the small disposable force which she maintains in excess of the constant requirements of her colonial interests. We are, it may be repeated, an insular power, dependent therefore upon a navy. Durable naval power, besides, depends ultimately upon extensive commercial relations; consequently, and especially in an insular state, it is rarely aggressive, in the military sense. Its instincts are naturally for peace, because it has so much at stake outside its shores. Historically, this has been the case with the conspicuous example of sea power, Great Britain, since she became such; and it increasingly tends to be so. It is also our own case, and to a yet greater degree, because, with an immense compact territory, there has not been the disposition to external effort which has carried the British flag all over the globe, seeking to earn by foreign commerce and distant settlement that abundance of resource which to us has been the free gift of nature--or of Providence. By her very success, however, Great Britain, in the vast increase and dispersion of her external interests, has given hostages to fortune, which for mere defence impose upon her a great navy. Our career has been different, our conditions now are not identical, yet our geographical position and political convictions have created for us also external interests and external responsibilities, which are likewise our hostages to fortune. It is not necessary to roam afar in search of adventures; popular feeling and the deliberate judgment of statesmen alike have asserted that, from conditions we neither made nor control, interests beyond the sea exist, have sprung up of themselves, which demand protection. "Beyond the sea"--that means a navy. Of invasion, in any real sense of the word, we run no risk, and if we did, it must be by sea; and there, at sea, must be met primarily, and ought to be met decisively, any attempt at invasion of our interests, either in distant lands, or at home by blockade or by bombardment. Yet the force of men in the navy is smaller, by more than half, than that in the army. The necessary complement of those admirable measures which have been employed now for over a decade in the creation of naval material is the preparation of an adequate force of trained men to use this material when completed. Take an entirely fresh man: a battleship can be built and put in commission before he becomes a trained man-of-war's man, and a torpedo-boat can be built and ready for service before, to use the old sea phrase, "the hay seed is out of his hair." Further, in a voluntary service, you cannot keep your trained men as you can your completed ship or gun. The inevitable inference is that the standing force must be large, because you can neither create it hastily nor maintain it by compulsion. Having fixed the amount of material,--the numbers and character of the fleet,--from this follows easily the number of men necessary to man it. This aggregate force can then be distributed, upon some accepted idea, between the standing navy and the reserve. Without fixing a proportion between the two, the present writer is convinced that the reserve should be but a small percentage of the whole, and that in a small navy, as ours, relatively, long will be, this is doubly imperative; for the smaller the navy, the greater the need for constant efficiency to act promptly, and the smaller the expense of maintenance. In fact, where quantity--number--is small, quality should be all the more high. The quality of the whole is a question of _personnel_ even more than of material; and the quality of the _personnel_ can be maintained only by high individual fitness in the force, undiluted by dependence upon a large, only partly efficient, reserve element. "One foot on sea and one on shore, to one thing constant never," will not man the fleet. It can be but an imperfect palliative, and can be absorbed effectually by the main body only in small proportions. It is in torpedo-boats for coast defence, and in commerce-destroying for deep-sea warfare, that the true sphere for naval reserves will be found; for the duties in both cases are comparatively simple, and the organization can be the same. Every danger of a military character to which the United States is exposed can be met best outside her own territory--at sea. Preparedness for naval war--preparedness against naval attack and for naval offence--is preparedness for anything that is likely to occur. A TWENTIETH-CENTURY OUTLOOK. _May, 1897._ Finality, the close of a life, of a relationship, of an era, even though this be a purely artificial creation of human arrangement, in all cases appeals powerfully to the imagination, and especially to that of a generation self-conscious as ours, a generation which has coined for itself the phrase _fin de siècle_ to express its belief, however superficial and mistaken, that it knows its own exponents and its own tendencies; that, amid the din of its own progress sounding in its ears, it knows not only whence it comes but whither it goes. The nineteenth century is about to die, only to rise again in the twentieth. Whence did it come? How far has it gone? Whither is it going? A full reply to such queries would presume an abridged universal history of the expiring century such as a magazine article, or series of articles, could not contemplate for a moment. The scope proposed to himself by the present writer, itself almost unmanageable within the necessary limits, looks not to the internal conditions of states, to those economical and social tendencies which occupy so large a part of contemporary attention, seeming to many the sole subjects that deserve attention, and that from the most purely material and fleshly point of view. Important as these things are, it may be affirmed at least that they are not everything; and that, great as has been the material progress of the century, the changes in international relations and relative importance, not merely in states of the European family, but among the peoples of the world at large, have been no less striking. It is from this direction that the writer wishes to approach his subject, which, if applied to any particular country, might be said to be that of its external relations; but which, in the broader view that it will be sought to attain, regards rather the general future of the world as indicated by movements already begun and in progress, as well as by tendencies now dimly discernible, which, if not counteracted, are pregnant of further momentous shifting of the political balances, profoundly affecting the welfare of mankind. It appears a convenient, though doubtless very rough, way of prefacing this subject to say that the huge colonizing movements of the eighteenth century were brought to a pause by the American Revolution, which deprived Great Britain of her richest colonies, succeeded, as that almost immediately was, by the French Revolution and the devastating wars of the republic and of Napoleon, which forced the attention of Europe to withdraw from external allurements and to concentrate upon its own internal affairs. The purchase of Louisiana by the United States at the opening of the current century emphasized this conclusion; for it practically eliminated the continent of North America from the catalogue of wild territories available for foreign settlement. Within a decade this was succeeded by the revolt of the Spanish colonies, followed later by the pronouncements of President Monroe and of Mr. Canning, which assured their independence by preventing European interference. The firmness with which the position of the former statesman has been maintained ever since by the great body of the people of the United States, and the developments his doctrine afterwards received, have removed the Spanish-American countries equally from all probable chance of further European colonization, in the political sense of the word. Thus the century opened. Men's energies still sought scope beyond the sea, doubtless; not, however, in the main, for the founding of new colonies, but for utilizing ground already in political occupation. Even this, however, was subsidiary. The great work of the nineteenth century, from nearly its beginning to nearly its close, has been in the recognition and study of the forces of nature, and the application of them to the purposes of mechanical and economical advance. The means thus placed in men's hands, so startling when first invented, so familiar for the most part to us now, were devoted necessarily, first, to the development of the resources of each country. Everywhere there was a fresh field; for hitherto it had been nowhere possible to man fully to utilize the gifts of nature. Energies everywhere turned inward, for there, in every region, was more than enough to do. Naturally, therefore, such a period has been in the main one of peace. There have been great wars, certainly; but, nevertheless, external peace has been the general characteristic of that period of development, during which men have been occupied in revolutionizing the face of their own countries by means of the new powers at their disposal. All such phases pass, however, as does every human thing. Increase of production--the idol of the economist--sought fresh markets, as might have been predicted. The increase of home consumption, through increased ease of living, increased wealth, increased population, did not keep up with the increase of forth-putting and the facility of distribution afforded by steam. In the middle of the century China and Japan were forced out of the seclusion of ages, and were compelled, for commercial purposes at least, to enter into relations with the European communities, to buy and to sell with them. Serious attempts, on any extensive scale, to acquire new political possessions abroad largely ceased. Commerce only sought new footholds, sure that, given the inch, she in the end would have the ell. Moreover, the growth of the United States in population and resources, and the development of the British Australian colonies, contributed to meet the demand, of which the opening of China and Japan was only a single indication. That opening, therefore, was rather an incident of the general industrial development which followed upon the improvement of mechanical processes and the multiplication of communications. Thus the century passed its meridian, and began to decline towards its close. There were wars and there were rumors of wars in the countries of European civilization. Dynasties rose and fell, and nations shifted their places in the scale of political importance, as old-time boys in school went up and down; but, withal, the main characteristic abode, and has become more and more the dominant prepossession of the statesmen who reached their prime at or soon after the times when the century itself culminated. The maintenance of a _status quo_, for purely utilitarian reasons of an economical character, has gradually become an ideal--the _quieta non movere_ of Sir Robert Walpole. The ideal is respectable, certainly; in view of the concert of the powers, in the interest of their own repose, to coerce Greece and the Cretans, we may perhaps refrain from calling it noble. The question remains, how long can it continue respectable in the sense of being practicable of realization,--a rational possibility, not an idle dream? Many are now found to say--and among them some of the most bitter of the advocates of universal peace, who are among the bitterest of modern disputants--that when the Czar Nicholas proposed to move the quiet things, half a century ago, and to reconstruct the political map of southeastern Europe in the interest of well-founded quiet, it was he that showed the idealism of rational statesmanship,--the only truly practical statesmanship,--while the defenders of the _status quo_ evinced the crude instincts of the mere time-serving politician. That the latter did not insure quiet, even the quiet of desolation, in those unhappy regions, we have yearly evidence. How far is it now a practicable object, among the nations of the European family, to continue indefinitely the present realization of peace and plenty,--in themselves good things, but which are advocated largely on the ground that man lives by bread alone,--in view of the changed conditions of the world which the departing nineteenth century leaves with us as its bequest? Is the outlook such that our present civilization, with its benefits, is most likely to be insured by universal disarmament, the clamor for which rises ominously--the word is used advisedly--among our latter-day cries? None shares more heartily than the writer the aspiration for the day when nations shall beat their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning-hooks; but is European civilization, including America, so situated that it can afford to relax into an artificial peace, resting not upon the working of national consciences, as questions arise, but upon a Permanent Tribunal,--an external, if self-imposed authority,--the realization in modern policy of the ideal of the mediæval Papacy? The outlook--the signs of the times, what are they? It is not given to human vision, peering into the future, to see more than as through a glass, darkly; men as trees walking, one cannot say certainly whither. Yet signs may be noted even if they cannot be fully or precisely interpreted; and among them I should certainly say is to be observed the general outward impulse of all the civilized nations of the first order of greatness--except our own. Bound and swathed in the traditions of our own eighteenth century, when we were as truly external to the European world as we are now a part of it, we, under the specious plea of peace and plenty--fulness of bread--hug an ideal of isolation, and refuse to recognize the solidarity of interest with which the world of European civilization must not only look forward to, but go out to meet, the future that, whether near or remote, seems to await it. I say _we_ do so; I should more surely express my thought by saying that the outward impulse already is in the majority of the nation, as shown when particular occasions arouse their attention, but that it is as yet retarded, and may be retarded perilously long, by those whose views of national policy are governed by maxims framed in the infancy of the Republic. This outward impulse of the European nations, resumed on a large scale after nearly a century of intermission, is not a mere sudden appearance, sporadic, and unrelated to the past. The signs of its coming, though unnoted, were visible soon after the century reached its half-way stage, as was also its great correlative, equally unappreciated then, though obvious enough now, the stirring of the nations of Oriental civilization. It is a curious reminiscence of my own that when in Yokohama, Japan, in 1868, I was asked to translate a Spanish letter from Honolulu, relative to a ship-load of Japanese coolies to be imported into Hawaii. I knew the person engaged to go as physician to the ship, and, unless my memory greatly deceives me, he sailed in this employment while I was still in the port. Similarly, when my service on the station was ended, I went from Yokohama to Hong-kong, prior to returning home by way of Suez. Among my fellow-passengers was an ex-Confederate naval officer, whose business was to negotiate for an immigration of Chinese into, I think, the Southern States--in momentary despair, perhaps, of black labor--but certainly into the United States. We all know what has come in our own country of undertakings which then had attracted little attention. It is odd to watch the unconscious, resistless movements of nations, and at the same time read the crushing characterization by our teachers of the press of those who, by personal characteristics or by accident, happen to be thrust into the position of leaders, when at the most they only guide to the least harm forces which can no more be resisted permanently than can gravitation. Such would have been the rôle of Nicholas, guiding to a timely end the irresistible course of events in the Balkans, which his opponents sought to withstand, but succeeded only in prolonging and aggravating. He is honored now by those who see folly in the imperial aspirations of Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, and piracy in Mr. Cecil Rhodes; yet, after all, in his day, what right had he, by the code of strict constructionists of national legal rights, to put Turkey to death because she was sick? Was not Turkey in occupation? Had she not, by strict law, a right to her possessions, and to live; yea, and to administer what she considered justice to those who were legally her subjects? But men are too apt to forget that law is the servant of equity, and that while the world is in its present stage of development equity which cannot be had by law must be had by force, upon which ultimately law rests, not for its sanction, but for its efficacy. We have been familiar latterly with the term "buffer states;" the pleasant function discharged by Siam between Great Britain and France. Though not strictly analogous, the term conveys an idea of the relations that have hitherto obtained between Eastern and Western civilizations. They have existed apart, each a world of itself; but they are approaching not only in geographical propinquity, a recognized source of danger, but, what is more important, in common ideas of material advantage, without a corresponding sympathy in spiritual ideas. It is not merely that the two are in different stages of development from a common source, as are Russia and Great Britain. They are running as yet on wholly different lines, springing from conceptions radically different. To bring them into correspondence in that, the most important realm of ideas, there is needed on the one side--or on the other--not growth, but conversion. However far it has wandered, and however short of its pattern it has come, the civilization of modern Europe grew up under the shadow of the Cross, and what is best in it still breathes the spirit of the Crucified. It is to be feared that Eastern thinkers consider it rather an advantage than a detriment that they are appropriating the material progress of Europe unfettered by Christian traditions,--as agnostic countries. But, for the present at least, agnosticism with Christian ages behind it is a very different thing from agnosticism which has never known Christianity. What will be in the future the dominant spiritual ideas of those nations which hitherto have been known as Christian, is scarcely a question of the twentieth century. Whatever variations of faith, in direction or in degree, the close of that century may show, it is not probable that so short a period will reveal the full change of standards and of practice which necessarily must follow ultimately upon a radical change of belief. That the impress of Christianity will remain throughout the coming century is reasonably as certain as that it took centuries of nominal faith to lift Christian standards and practice even to the point they now have reached. Decline, as well as rise, must be gradual; and gradual likewise, granting the utmost possible spread of Christian beliefs among them, will be the approximation of the Eastern nations, as nations, to the principles which powerfully modify, though they cannot control wholly even now, the merely natural impulses of Western peoples. And if, as many now say, faith has departed from among ourselves, and still more will depart in the coming years; if we have no higher sanction to propose for self-restraint and righteousness than enlightened self-interest and the absurdity of war, war--violence--will be absurd just so long as the balance of interest is on that side, and no longer. Those who want will take, if they can, not merely from motives of high policy and as legal opportunity offers, but for the simple reasons that they have not, that they desire, and that they are able. The European world has known that stage already; it has escaped from it only partially by the gradual hallowing of public opinion and its growing weight in the political scale. The Eastern world knows not the same motives, but it is rapidly appreciating the material advantages and the political traditions which have united to confer power upon the West; and with the appreciation desire has arisen. Coincident with the long pause which the French Revolution imposed upon the process of external colonial expansion which was so marked a feature of the eighteenth century, there occurred another singular manifestation of national energies, in the creation of the great standing armies of modern days, themselves the outcome of the _levée en masse_, and of the general conscription, which the Revolution bequeathed to us along with its expositions of the Rights of Man. Beginning with the birth of the century, perfected during its continuance, its close finds them in full maturity and power, with a development in numbers, in reserve force, in organization, and in material for war, over which the economist perpetually wails, whose existence he denounces, and whose abolition he demands. As freedom has grown and strengthened, so have they grown and strengthened. Is this singular product of a century whose gains for political liberty are undeniable, a mere gross perversion of human activities, as is so confidently claimed on many sides? or is there possibly in it also a sign of the times to come, to be studied in connection with other signs, some of which we have noted? What has been the effect of these great armies? Manifold, doubtless. On the economical side there is the diminution of production, the tax upon men's time and lives, the disadvantages or evils so dinned daily into our ears that there is no need of repeating them here. But is there nothing to the credit side of the account, even perhaps a balance in their favor? Is it nothing, in an age when authority is weakening and restraints are loosening, that the youth of a nation passes through a school in which order, obedience, and reverence are learned, where the body is systematically developed, where ideals of self-surrender, of courage, of manhood, are inculcated, necessarily, because fundamental conditions of military success? Is it nothing that masses of youths out of the fields and the streets are brought together, mingled with others of higher intellectual antecedents, taught to work and to act together, mind in contact with mind, and carrying back into civil life that respect for constituted authority which is urgently needed in these days when lawlessness is erected into a religion? It is a suggestive lesson to watch the expression and movements of a number of rustic conscripts undergoing their first drills, and to contrast them with the finished result as seen in the faces and bearing of the soldiers that throng the streets. A military training is not the worst preparation for an active life, any more than the years spent at college are time lost, as another school of utilitarians insists. Is it nothing that wars are less frequent, peace better secured, by the mutual respect of nations for each other's strength; and that, when a convulsion does come, it passes rapidly, leaving the ordinary course of events to resume sooner, and therefore more easily? War now not only occurs more rarely, but has rather the character of an occasional excess, from which recovery is easy. A century or more ago it was a chronic disease. And withal, the military spirit, the preparedness--not merely the willingness, which is a different thing--to fight in a good cause, which is a distinct good, is more widely diffused and more thoroughly possessed than ever it was when the soldier was merely the paid man. It is the nations now that are in arms, and not simply the servants of the king. In forecasting the future, then, it is upon these particular signs of the times that I dwell: the arrest of the forward impulse towards political colonization which coincided with the decade immediately preceding the French Revolution; the absorption of the European nations, for the following quarter of a century, with the universal wars, involving questions chiefly political and European; the beginning of the great era of coal and iron, of mechanical and industrial development, which succeeded the peace, and during which it was not aggressive colonization, but the development of colonies already held and of new commercial centres, notably in China and Japan, that was the most prominent feature; finally, we have, resumed at the end of the century, the forward movement of political colonization by the mother countries, powerfully incited thereto, doubtless, by the citizens of the old colonies in different parts of the world. The restlessness of Australia and the Cape Colony has doubtless counted for much in British advances in those regions. Contemporary with all these movements, from the first to the last, has been the development of great standing armies, or rather of armed nations, in Europe; and, lastly, the stirring of the East, its entrance into the field of Western interests, not merely as a passive something to be impinged upon, but with a vitality of its own, formless yet, but significant, inasmuch as where before there was torpor, if not death, now there is indisputable movement and life. Never again, probably, can there of it be said, "It heard the legions thunder past, Then plunged in thought again." Of this the astonishing development of Japan is the most obvious evidence; but in India, though there be no probability of the old mutinies reviving, there are signs enough of the awaking of political intelligence, restlessness under foreign subjection, however beneficent, desire for greater play for its own individualities; a movement which, because intellectual and appreciative of the advantages of Western material and political civilization, is less immediately threatening than the former revolt, but much more ominous of great future changes. Of China we know less; but many observers testify to the immense latent force of the Chinese character. It has shown itself hitherto chiefly in the strength with which it has adhered to stereotyped tradition. But stereotyped traditions have been overthrown already more than once even in this unprogressive people, whose conservatism, due largely to ignorance of better conditions existing in other lands, is closely allied also to the unusual staying powers of the race, to the persistence of purpose, the endurance, and the vitality characteristic of its units. To ambition for individual material improvement they are not insensible. The collapse of the Chinese organization in all its branches during the late war with Japan, though greater than was expected, was not unforeseen. It has not altered the fact that the raw material so miserably utilized is, in point of strength, of the best; that it is abundant, racially homogeneous, and is multiplying rapidly. Nor, with the recent resuscitation of the Turkish army before men's eyes, can it be thought unlikely that the Chinese may yet obtain the organization by which alone potential force receives adequate military development, the most easily conferred because the simplest in conception. The Japanese have shown great capacity, but they met little resistance; and it is easier by far to move and to control an island kingdom of forty millions than a vast continental territory containing near tenfold that number of inhabitants. Comparative slowness of evolution may be predicated, but that which for so long has kept China one, amid many diversities, may be counted upon in the future to insure a substantial unity of impulse which, combined with its mass, will give tremendous import to any movement common to the whole. To assert that a few selected characteristics, such as the above, summarize the entire tendency of a century of teeming human life, and stand alone among the signs that are chiefly to be considered in looking to the future, would be to take an untenable position. It may be said safely, however, that these factors, because the future to which they point is more remote, are less regarded than others which are less important; and further, that those among them which mark our own day are also the factors whose very existence is specially resented, criticised, and condemned by that school of political thought which assumes for itself the title of economical, which attained its maturity, and still lives, amid the ideas of that stage of industrial progress coincident with the middle of the century, and which sees all things from the point of view of production and of internal development. Powerfully exerted throughout the world, nowhere is the influence of this school so unchecked and so injurious as in the United States, because, having no near neighbors to compete with us in point of power, military necessities have been to us not imminent, so that, like all distant dangers, they have received little regard; and also because, with our great resources only partially developed, the instinct to external activities has remained dormant. At the same period and from the same causes that the European world turned its eyes inward from the seaboard, instead of outward, the people of the United States were similarly diverted from the external activities in which at the beginning of the century they had their wealth. This tendency, emphasized on the political side by the civil war, was reinforced and has been prolonged by well-known natural conditions. A territory much larger, far less redeemed from its original wildness, and with perhaps even ampler proportionate resources than the continent of Europe, contained a much smaller number of inhabitants. Hence, despite an immense immigration, we have lagged far behind in the work of completing our internal development, and for that reason have not yet felt the outward impulse that now markedly characterizes the European peoples. That we stand far apart from the general movement of our race calls of itself for consideration. For the reasons mentioned it has been an easy but a short-sighted policy, wherever it has been found among statesmen or among journalists, to fasten attention purely on internal and economical questions, and to reject, if not to resent, propositions looking towards the organization and maintenance of military force, or contemplating the extension of our national influence beyond our own borders, on the plea that we have enough to do at home,--forgetful that no nation, as no man, can live to itself or die to itself. It is a policy in which we are behind our predecessors of two generations ago, men who had not felt the deadening influence of merely economical ideas, because they reached manhood before these attained the preponderance they achieved under politicians of the Manchester school; a preponderance which they still retain because the youths of that time, who grew up under them, have not yet quite passed off the stage. It is the lot of each generation, salutary no doubt, to be ruled by men whose ideas are essentially those of a former day. Breaches of continuity in national action are thus moderated or avoided; but, on the other hand, the tendency of such a condition is to blind men to the spirit of the existing generation, because its rulers have the tone of their own past, and direct affairs in accordance with it. On the very day of this writing there appears in an American journal a slashing contrast between the action of Lord Salisbury in the Cretan business and the spirited letter of Mr. Gladstone upon the failure of the Concert. As a matter of fact, however, both those British statesmen, while belonging to parties traditionally opposed, are imbued above all with the ideas of the middle of the century, and, governed by them, consider the disturbance of quiet the greatest of all evils. It is difficult to believe that if Mr. Gladstone were now in his prime, and in power, any object would possess in his eyes an importance at all comparable to that of keeping the peace. He would feel for the Greeks, doubtless, as Lord Salisbury doubtless does; but he would maintain the Concert as long as he believed that alone would avoid war. When men in sympathy with the ideas now arising among Englishmen come on the stage, we shall see a change--not before. The same spirit has dominated in our own country ever since the civil war--a far more real "revolution" in its consequences than the struggle of the thirteen colonies against Great Britain, which in our national speech has received the name--forced our people, both North and South, to withdraw their eyes from external problems, and to concentrate heart and mind with passionate fervor upon an internal strife, in which one party was animated by the inspiring hope of independence, while before the other was exalted the noble ideal of union. That war, however, was directed, on the civil side, by men who belonged to a generation even then passing away. The influence of their own youth reverted with the return of peace, and was to be seen in the ejection--by threat of force--of the third Napoleon from Mexico, in the acquisition of Alaska, and in the negotiations for the purchase of the Danish islands and of Samana Bay. Whatever may have been the wisdom of these latter attempts,--and the writer, while sympathizing with the spirit that suggested them, questions it from a military, or rather naval, stand-point,--they are particularly interesting as indicating the survival in elderly men of the traditions accepted in their youth, but foreign to the generation then rapidly coming into power, which rejected and frustrated them. The latter in turn is now disappearing, and its successors, coming and to come, are crowding into its places. Is there any indication of the ideas these bring with them, in their own utterances, or in the spirit of the world at large, which they must needs reflect; or, more important perhaps still, is there any indication in the conditions of the outside world itself which they should heed, and the influence of which they should admit, in modifying and shaping their policies, before these have become hardened into fixed lines, directive for many years of the future welfare of their people? To all these questions the writer, as one of the departing generation, would answer yes; but it is to the last that his attention, possibly by constitutional bias, is more naturally directed. It appears to him that in the ebb and flow of human affairs, under those mysterious impulses the origin of which is sought by some in a personal Providence, by some in laws not yet fully understood, we stand at the opening of a period when the question is to be settled decisively, though the issue may be long delayed, whether Eastern or Western civilization is to dominate throughout the earth and to control its future. The great task now before the world of civilized Christianity, its great mission, which it must fulfil or perish, is to receive into its own bosom and raise to its own ideals those ancient and different civilizations by which it is surrounded and outnumbered,--the civilizations at the head of which stand China, India, and Japan. This, to cite the most striking of the many forms in which it is presented to us, is surely the mission which Great Britain, sword ever at hand, has been discharging towards India; but that stands not alone. The history of the present century has been that of a constant increasing pressure of our own civilization upon these older ones, till now, as we cast our eyes in any direction, there is everywhere a stirring, a rousing from sleep, drowsy for the most part, but real, unorganized as yet, but conscious that that which rudely interrupts their dream of centuries possesses over them at least two advantages,--power and material prosperity,--the things which unspiritual humanity, the world over, most craves. What the ultimate result will be it would be vain to prophesy,--the data for a guess even are not at hand; but it is not equally impossible to note present conditions, and to suggest present considerations, which may shape proximate action, and tend to favor the preponderance of that form of civilization which we cannot but deem the most promising for the future, not of our race only, but of the world at large. We are not living in a perfect world, and we may not expect to deal with imperfect conditions by methods ideally perfect. Time and staying power must be secured for ourselves by that rude and imperfect, but not ignoble, arbiter, force,--force potential and force organized,--which so far has won, and still secures, the greatest triumphs of good in the checkered history of mankind. Our material advantages, once noted, will be recognized readily and appropriated with avidity; while the spiritual ideas which dominate our thoughts, and are weighty in their influence over action, even with those among us who do not accept historic Christianity or the ordinary creeds of Christendom, will be rejected for long. The eternal law, first that which is natural, afterwards that which is spiritual, will obtain here, as in the individual, and in the long history of our own civilization. Between the two there is an interval, in which force must be ready to redress any threatened disturbance of an equal balance between those who stand on divergent planes of thought, without common standards. And yet more is this true if, as is commonly said, faith is failing among ourselves, if the progress of our own civilization is towards the loss of those spiritual convictions upon which it was founded, and which in early days were mighty indeed towards the overthrowing of strongholds of evil. What, in such a case, shall play the tremendous part which the Church of the Middle Ages, with all its defects and with all the shortcomings of its ministers, played amid the ruin of the Roman Empire and the flood of the barbarians? If our own civilization is becoming material only, a thing limited in hope and love to this world, I know not what we have to offer to save ourselves or others; but in either event, whether to go down finally under a flood of outside invasion, or whether to succeed, by our own living faith, in converting to our ideal civilization those who shall thus press upon us,--in either event we need time, and time can be gained only by organized material force. Nor is this view advanced in any spirit of unfriendliness to the other ancient civilizations, whose genius admittedly has been and is foreign to our own. One who believes that God has made of one blood all nations of men who dwell on the face of the whole earth cannot but check and repress, if he ever feels, any movement of aversion to mankind outside his own race. But it is not necessary to hate Carthage in order to admit that it was well for mankind that Rome triumphed; and we at this day, and men to all time, may be thankful that a few decades after the Punic Wars the genius of Cæsar so expanded the bounds of the dominions of Rome, so extended, settled, and solidified the outworks of her civilization and polity, that when the fated day came that her power in turn should reel under the shock of conquest, with which she had remodelled the world, and she should go down herself, the time of the final fall was protracted for centuries by these exterior defences. They who began the assault as barbarians entered upon the imperial heritage no longer aliens and foreigners, but impregnated already with the best of Roman ideas, converts to Roman law and to Christian faith. "When the course of history," says Mommsen, "turns from the miserable monotony of the political selfishness which fought its battles in the Senate House and in the streets of Rome, we may be allowed--on the threshold of an event the effects of which still at the present day influence the destinies of the world--to look round us for a moment, and to indicate the point of view under which the conquest of what is now France by the Romans, and their first contact with the inhabitants of Germany and of Great Britain, are to be regarded in connection with the general history of the world.... The fact that the great Celtic people were ruined by the transalpine wars of Cæsar was not the most important result of that grand enterprise,--far more momentous than the negative was the positive result. It hardly admits of a doubt that if the rule of the Senate had prolonged its semblance of life for some generations longer, the migration of the peoples, as it is called, would have occurred four hundred years sooner than it did, and would have occurred at a time when the Italian civilization had not become naturalized either in Gaul or on the Danube or in Africa and Spain. Inasmuch as Cæsar with sure glance perceived in the German tribes the rival antagonists of the Romano-Greek world, inasmuch as with firm hand he established the new system of aggressive defence down even to its details, and taught men to protect the frontiers of the empire by rivers or artificial ramparts, to colonize the nearest barbarian tribes along the frontier with the view of warding off the more remote, and to recruit the Roman army by enlistment from the enemy's country, he gained for the Hellenic-Italian culture the interval necessary to civilize the West, just as it had already civilized the East.... Centuries elapsed before men understood that Alexander had not merely erected an ephemeral kingdom in the East, but had carried Hellenism to Asia; centuries again elapsed before men understood that Cæsar had not merely conquered a new province for the Romans, but had laid the foundation for the Romanizing of the regions of the West. It was only a late posterity that perceived the meaning of those expeditions to England and Germany, so inconsiderate in a military point of view, and so barren of immediate result.... That there is a bridge connecting the past glory of Hellas and Rome with the prouder fabric of modern history; that western Europe is Romanic, and Germanic Europe classic; that the names of Themistocles and Scipio have to us a very different sound from those of Asoka and Salmanassar; that Homer and Sophocles are not merely like the Vedas and Kalidasa, attractive to the literary botanist, but bloom for us in our own garden,--all this is the work of Cæsar." History at times reveals her foresight concrete in the action of a great individuality like Cæsar's. More often her profounder movements proceed from impulses whose origin and motives cannot be traced, although a succession of steps may be discerned and their results stated. A few names, for instance, emerge amid the obscure movements of the peoples which precipitated the outer peoples upon the Roman Empire, but, with rare exceptions, they are simply exponents, pushed forward and upward by the torrent; at the utmost guides, not controllers, of those whom they represent but do not govern. It is much the same now. The peoples of European civilization, after a period of comparative repose, are again advancing all along the line, to occupy not only the desert places of the earth, but the debatable grounds, the buffer territories, which hitherto have separated them from those ancient nations, with whom they now soon must stand face to face and border to border. But who will say that this vast general movement represents the thought, even the unconscious thought, of any one man, as Cæsar, or of any few men? To whatever cause we may assign it, whether to the simple conception of a personal Divine Monarchy that shapes our ends, or to more complicated ultimate causes, the responsibility rests upon the shoulders of no individual men. Necessity is laid upon the peoples, and they move, like the lemmings of Scandinavia; but to man, being not without understanding like the beasts that perish, it is permitted to ask, "Whither?" and "What shall be the end hereof?" Does this tend to universal peace, general disarmament, and treaties of permanent arbitration? Is it the harbinger of ready mutual understanding, of quick acceptance of, and delight in, opposing traditions and habits of life and thought? Is such quick acceptance found now where Easterns and Westerns impinge? Does contact forebode the speedy disappearance of great armies and navies, and dictate the wisdom of dispensing with that form of organized force which at present is embodied in them? What, then, will be the actual conditions when these civilizations, of diverse origin and radically distinct,--because the evolution of racial characteristics radically different,--confront each other without the interposition of any neutral belt, by the intervention of which the contrasts, being more remote, are less apparent, and within which distinctions shade one into the other? There will be seen, on the one hand, a vast preponderance of numbers, and those numbers, however incoherent now in mass, composed of units which in their individual capacity have in no small degree the great elements of strength whereby man prevails over man and the fittest survives. Deficient, apparently, in aptitude for political and social organization, they have failed to evolve the aggregate power and intellectual scope of which as communities they are otherwise capable. This lesson too they may learn, as they already have learned from us much that they have failed themselves to originate; but to the lack of it is chiefly due the inferiority of material development under which, as compared to ourselves, they now labor. But men do not covet less the prosperity which they themselves cannot or do not create,--a trait wherein lies the strength of communism as an aggressive social force. Communities which want and cannot have, except by force, will take by force, unless they are restrained by force; nor will it be unprecedented in the history of the world that the flood of numbers should pour over and sweep away the barriers which intelligent foresight, like Cæsar's, may have erected against them. Still more will this be so if the barriers have ceased to be manned--forsaken or neglected by men in whom the proud combative spirit of their ancestors has given way to the cry for the abandonment of military preparation and to the decay of warlike habits. Nevertheless, even under such conditions,--which obtained increasingly during the decline of the Roman Empire,--positions suitably chosen, frontiers suitably advanced, will do much to retard and, by gaining time, to modify the disaster to the one party, and to convert the general issue to the benefit of the world. Hence the immense importance of discerning betimes what the real value of positions is, and where occupation should betimes begin. Here, in part at least, is the significance of the great outward movement of the European nations to-day. Consciously or unconsciously, they are advancing the outposts of our civilization, and accumulating the line of defences which will permit it to survive, or at the least will insure that it shall not go down till it has leavened the character of the world for a future brighter even than its past, just as the Roman civilization inspired and exalted its Teutonic conquerors, and continues to bless them to this day. Such is the tendency of movement in that which we in common parlance call the Old World. As the nineteenth century closes, the tide has already turned and the current is flowing strongly. It is not too soon, for vast is the work before it. Contrasted to the outside world in extent and population, the civilization of the European group of families, to which our interests and anxieties, our hopes and fears, are so largely confined, has been as an oasis in a desert. The seat and scene of the loftiest culture, of the highest intellectual activities, it is not in them so much that it has exceeded the rest of the world as in the political development and material prosperity which it has owed to the virile energies of its sons, alike in commerce and in war. To these energies the mechanical and scientific acquirements of the past half-century or more have extended means whereby prosperity has increased manifold, as have the inequalities in material well-being existing between those within its borders and those without, who have not had the opportunity or the wit to use the same advantages. And along with this preeminence in wealth arises the cry to disarm, as though the race, not of Europe only, but of the world, were already run, and the goal of universal peace not only reached but secured. Yet are conditions such, even within our favored borders, that we are ready to disband the particular organized manifestation of physical force which we call the police? Despite internal jealousies and friction on the continent of Europe, perhaps even because of them, the solidarity of the European family therein contained is shown in this great common movement, the ultimate beneficence of which is beyond all doubt, as evidenced by the British domination in India and Egypt, and to which the habit of arms not only contributes, but is essential. India and Egypt are at present the two most conspicuous, though they are not the sole, illustrations of benefits innumerable and lasting, which rest upon the power of the sword in the hands of enlightenment and justice. It is possible, of course, to confuse this conclusion, to obscure the real issue, by dwelling upon details of wrongs at times inflicted, of blunders often made. Any episode in the struggling progress of humanity may be thus perplexed; but looking at the broad result, it is indisputable that the vast gains to humanity made in the regions named not only once originated, but still rest, upon the exertion and continued maintenance of organized physical force. The same general solidarity as against the outside world, which is unconsciously manifested in the general resumption of colonizing movements, receives particular conscious expression in the idea of imperial federation, which, amid the many buffets and reverses common to all successful movements, has gained such notable ground in the sentiment of the British people and of their colonists. That immense practical difficulties have to be overcome, in order to realize the ends towards which such sentiments point, is but a commonplace of human experience in all ages and countries. They give rise to the ready sneer of impossible, just as any project of extending the sphere of the United States, by annexation or otherwise, is met by the constitutional lion in the path, which the unwilling or the apprehensive is ever sure to find; yet, to use words of one who never lightly admitted impossibilities, "If a thing is necessary to be done, the more difficulties, the more necessary to try to remove them." As sentiment strengthens, it undermines obstacles, and they crumble before it. The same tendency is shown in the undeniable disposition of the British people and of British, statesmen to cultivate the good-will of the United States, and to draw closer the relations between the two countries. For the disposition underlying such a tendency Mr. Balfour has used an expression, "race patriotism,"--a phrase which finds its first approximation, doubtless, in the English-speaking family, but which may well extend its embrace, in a time yet distant, to all those who have drawn their present civilization from the same remote sources. The phrase is so pregnant of solution for the problems of the future, as conceived by the writer, that he hopes to see it obtain the currency due to the value of the idea which it formulates. That this disposition on the part of Great Britain, towards her colonies and towards the United States, shows sound policy as well as sentiment, may be granted readily; but why should sound policy, the seeking of one's own advantage, if by open and honest means, be imputed as a crime? In democracies, however, policy cannot long dispute the sceptre with sentiment. That there is lukewarm response in the United States is due to that narrow conception which grew up with the middle of the century, whose analogue in Great Britain is the Little England party, and which in our own country would turn all eyes inward, and see no duty save to ourselves. How shall two walk together except they be agreed? How shall there be true sympathy between a nation whose political activities are world-wide, and one that eats out its heart in merely internal political strife? When we begin really to look abroad, and to busy ourselves with our duties to the world at large in our generation--and not before--we shall stretch out our hands to Great Britain, realizing that in unity of heart among the English-speaking races lies the best hope of humanity in the doubtful days ahead. In the determination of the duties of nations, nearness is the most conspicuous and the most general indication. Considering the American states as members of the European family, as they are by traditions, institutions, and languages, it is in the Pacific, where the westward course of empire again meets the East, that their relations to the future of the world become most apparent. The Atlantic, bordered on either shore by the European family in the strongest and most advanced types of its political development, no longer severs, but binds together, by all the facilities and abundance of water communications, the once divided children of the same mother; the inheritors of Greece and Rome, and of the Teutonic conquerors of the latter. A limited express or a flying freight may carry a few passengers or a small bulk overland from the Atlantic to the Pacific more rapidly than modern steamers can cross the former ocean, but for the vast amounts in numbers or in quantity which are required for the full fruition of communication, it is the land that divides, and not the sea. On the Pacific coast, severed from their brethren by desert and mountain range, are found the outposts, the exposed pioneers of European civilization, whom it is one of the first duties of the European family to bind more closely to the main body, and to protect, by due foresight over the approaches to them on either side. It is in this political fact, and not in the weighing of merely commercial advantages, that is to be found the great significance of the future canal across the Central American isthmus, as well as the importance of the Caribbean Sea; for the latter is inseparably intwined with all international consideration of the isthmus problem. Wherever situated, whether at Panama or at Nicaragua, the fundamental meaning of the canal will be that it advances by thousands of miles the frontiers of European civilization in general, and of the United States in particular; that it knits together the whole system of American states enjoying that civilization as in no other way they can be bound. In the Caribbean Archipelago--the very domain of sea power, if ever region could be called so--are the natural home and centre of those influences by which such a maritime highway as a canal must be controlled, even as the control of the Suez Canal rests in the Mediterranean. Hawaii, too, is an outpost of the canal, as surely as Aden or Malta is of Suez; or as Malta was of India in the days long before the canal, when Nelson proclaimed that in that point of view chiefly was it important to Great Britain. In the cluster of island fortresses of the Caribbean is one of the greatest of the nerve centres of the whole body of European civilization; and it is to be regretted that so serious a portion of them now is in hands which not only never have given, but to all appearances never can give, the development which is required by the general interest. For what awaits us in the future, in common with the states of Europe, is not a mere question of advantage or disadvantage--of more or less. Issues of vital moment are involved. A present generation is trustee for its successors, and may be faithless to its charge quite as truly by inaction as by action, by omission as by commission. Failure to improve opportunity, where just occasion arises, may entail upon posterity problems and difficulties which, if overcome at all--it may then be too late--will be so at the cost of blood and tears that timely foresight might have spared. Such preventive measures, if taken, are in no true sense offensive but defensive. Decadent conditions, such as we observe in Turkey--and not in Turkey alone--cannot be indefinitely prolonged by opportunist counsels or timid procrastination. A time comes in human affairs, as in physical ailments, when heroic measures must be used to save the life of a patient or the welfare of a community; and if that time is allowed to pass, as many now think that it was at the time of the Crimean war, the last state is worse than the first,--an opinion which these passing days of the hesitancy of the Concert and the anguish of Greece, not to speak of the Armenian outrages, surely indorse. Europe, advancing in distant regions, still allows to exist in her own side, unexcised, a sore that may yet drain her life-blood; still leaves in recognized dominion, over fair regions of great future import, a system whose hopelessness of political and social improvement the lapse of time renders continually more certain,--an evil augury for the future, if a turning tide shall find it unchanged, an outpost of barbarism ready for alien occupation. It is essential to our own good, it is yet more essential as part of our duty to the commonwealth of peoples to which we racially belong, that we look with clear, dispassionate, but resolute eyes upon the fact that civilizations on different planes of material prosperity and progress, with different spiritual ideals, and with very different political capacities, are fast closing together. It is a condition not unprecedented in the history of the world. When it befell a great united empire, enervated by long years of unwarlike habits among its chief citizens, it entailed ruin, but ruin deferred through centuries, thanks to the provision made beforehand by a great general and statesman. The Saracenic and Turkish invasions, on the contrary, after generations of advance, were first checked, and then rolled back; for they fell upon peoples, disunited indeed by internal discords and strife, like the nations of Europe to-day, but still nations of warriors, ready by training and habit to strike for their rights, and, if need were, to die for them. In the providence of God, along with the immense increase of prosperity, of physical and mental luxury, brought by this century, there has grown up also that counterpoise stigmatized as "militarism," which has converted Europe into a great camp of soldiers prepared for war. The ill-timed cry for disarmament, heedless of the menacing possibilities of the future, breaks idly against a great fact, which finds its sufficient justification in present conditions, but which is, above all, an unconscious preparation for something as yet noted but by few. On the side of the land, these great armies, and the blind outward impulse of the European peoples, are the assurance that generations must elapse ere the barriers can be overcome behind which rests the citadel of Christian civilization. On the side of the sea there is no state charged with weightier responsibilities than the United States. In the Caribbean, the sensitive resentment by our people of any supposed fresh encroachment by another state of the European family has been manifested too plainly and too recently to admit of dispute. Such an attitude of itself demands of us to be ready to support it by organized force, exactly as the mutual jealousy of states within the European Continent imposes upon them the maintenance of their great armies--destined, we believe, in the future, to fulfil a nobler mission. Where we thus exclude others, we accept for ourselves the responsibility for that which is due to the general family of our civilization; and the Caribbean Sea, with its isthmus, is the nexus where will meet the chords binding the East to the West, the Atlantic to the Pacific. The Isthmus, with all that depends upon it,--its canal and its approaches on either hand,--will link the eastern side of the American continent to the western as no network of land communications ever can. In it the United States has asserted a special interest. In the present she can maintain her claim, and in the future perform her duty, only by the creation of that sea power upon which predominance in the Caribbean must ever depend. In short, as the internal jealousies of Europe, and the purely democratic institution of the _levée en masse_--the general enforcement of military training--have prepared the way for great national armies, whose mission seems yet obscure, so the gradual broadening and tightening hold upon the sentiment of American democracy of that conviction loosely characterized as the Monroe doctrine finds its logical and inevitable outcome in a great sea power, the correlative, in connection with that of Great Britain, of those armies which continue to flourish under the most popular institutions, despite the wails of economists and the lamentations of those who wish peace without paying the one price which alone has ever insured peace,--readiness for war. Thus it was, while readiness for war lasted, that the Teuton was held back until he became civilized, humanized, after the standard of that age; till the root of the matter was in him, sure to bear fruit in due season. He was held back by organized armed force--by armies. Will it be said that that was in a past barbaric age? Barbarism, however, is not in more or less material prosperity, or even political development, but in the inner man, in the spiritual ideal; and the material, which comes first and has in itself no salt of life to save from corruption, must be controlled by other material forces, until the spiritual can find room and time to germinate. We need not fear but that that which appeals to the senses in our civilization will be appropriated, even though it be necessary to destroy us, if disarmed, in order to obtain it. Our own civilization less its spiritual element is barbarism; and barbarism will be the civilization of those who assimilate its material progress without imbibing the indwelling spirit. Let us worship peace, indeed, as the goal at which humanity must hope to arrive; but let us not fancy that peace is to be had as a boy wrenches an unripe fruit from a tree. Nor will peace be reached by ignoring the conditions that confront us, or by exaggerating the charms of quiet, of prosperity, of ease, and by contrasting these exclusively with the alarms and horrors of war. Merely utilitarian arguments have never convinced nor converted mankind, and they never will; for mankind knows that there is something better. Its homage will never be commanded by peace, presented as the tutelary deity of the stock-market. Nothing is more ominous for the future of our race than that tendency, vociferous at present, which refuses to recognize in the profession of arms, in war, that something which inspired Wordsworth's "Happy Warrior," which soothed the dying hours of Henry Lawrence, who framed the ideals of his career on the poet's conception, and so nobly illustrated it in his self-sacrifice; that something which has made the soldier to all ages the type of heroism and of self-denial. When the religion of Christ, of Him who was led as a lamb to the slaughter, seeks to raise before its followers the image of self-control, and of resistance to evil, it is the soldier whom it presents. He Himself, if by office King of Peace, is, first of all, in the essence of His Being, King of Righteousness, without which true peace cannot be. Conflict is the condition of all life, material and spiritual; and it is to the soldier's experience that the spiritual life goes for its most vivid metaphors and its loftiest inspirations. Whatever else the twentieth century may bring us, it will not, from anything now current in the thought of the nineteenth, receive a nobler ideal. [Illustration: THE GULF OF MEXICO AND THE CARIBBEAN SEA] THE STRATEGIC FEATURES OF THE GULF OF MEXICO AND THE CARIBBEAN SEA. _June, 1897._ The importance, absolute and relative, of portions of the earth's surface, and their consequent interest to mankind, vary from time to time. The Mediterranean was for many ages the centre round which gathered all the influences and developments of those earlier civilizations from which our own, mediately or immediately, derives. During the chaotic period of struggle that intervened between their fall and the dawn of our modern conditions, the Inland Sea, through its hold upon the traditions and culture of antiquity, still retained a general ascendency, although at length its political predominance was challenged, and finally overcome, by the younger, more virile, and more warlike nationalities that had been forming gradually beyond the Alps, and on the shores of the Atlantic and Northern oceans. It was, until the close of the Middle Ages, the one route by which the East and the West maintained commercial relations; for, although the trade eastward from the Levant was by long and painful land journeys, over mountain range and desert plain, water communication, in part and up to that point, was afforded by the Mediterranean, and by it alone. With the discovery of the passage by the Cape of Good Hope this advantage departed, while at the same instant the discovery of a New World opened out to the Old new elements of luxury and a new sphere of ambition. Then the Mediterranean, thrown upon its own productive resources alone, swayed in the East by the hopeless barbarism of the Turk, in the West by the decadent despotism of Spain, and, between the two, divided among a number of petty states, incapable of united and consequently of potent action, sank into a factor of relatively small consequence to the onward progress of the world. During the wars of the French Revolution, when the life of Great Britain, and consequently the issue of the strife, depended upon the vigor of British commerce, British merchant shipping was nearly driven from that sea; and but two per cent of a trade that was increasing mightily all the time was thence derived. How the Suez Canal and the growth of the Eastern Question, in its modern form, have changed all that, it is needless to say. Yet, through all the period of relative insignificance, the relations of the Mediterranean to the East and to the West, in the broad sense of those expressions, preserved to it a political importance to the world at large which rendered it continuously a scene of great political ambitions and military enterprise. Since Great Britain first actively intervened in those waters, two centuries ago, she at no time has surrendered willingly her pretensions to be a leading Mediterranean Power, although her possessions there are of purely military, or rather naval, value. The Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico, taken together, form an inland sea and an archipelago. They too have known those mutabilities of fortune which receive illustration alike in the history of countries and in the lives of individuals. The first scene of discovery and of conquest in the New World, these twin sheets of water, with their islands and their mainlands, became for many generations, and nearly to our own time, a veritable El Dorado,--a land where the least of labor, on the part of its new possessors, rendered the largest and richest returns. The bounty of nature, and the ease with which climatic conditions, aided by the unwarlike character of most of the natives, adapted themselves to the institution of slavery, insured the cheap and abundant production of articles which, when once enjoyed, men found indispensable, as they already had the silks and spices of the East. In Mexico and in Peru were realized also, in degree, the actual gold-mine sought by the avarice of the earlier Spanish explorers; while a short though difficult tropical journey brought the treasures of the west coast across the Isthmus to the shores of the broad ocean, nature's great highway, which washed at once the shores of Old and of New Spain. From the Caribbean, Great Britain, although her rivals had anticipated her in the possession of the largest and richest districts, derived nearly twenty-five per cent of her commerce, during the strenuous period when the Mediterranean contributed but two per cent. But over these fair regions too passed the blight, not of despotism merely, for despotism was characteristic of the times, but of a despotism which found no counteractive, no element of future deliverance, in the temperament or in the political capacities of the people over whom it ruled. Elizabeth, as far as she dared, was a despot; Philip II. was a despot; but there was already manifest in her subjects, while there was not in his, a will and a power not merely to resist oppression, but to organize freedom. This will and this power, after gaining many partial victories by the way, culminated once for all in the American Revolution. Great Britain has never forgotten the lesson then taught; for it was one she herself had been teaching for centuries, and her people and statesmen were therefore easy learners. A century and a quarter has passed since that warning was given, not to Great Britain only, but to the world; and we to-day see, in the contrasted colonial systems of the two states, the results, on the one hand of political aptitude, on the other of political obtuseness and backwardness, which cannot struggle from the past into the present until the present in turn has become the past--irreclaimable. Causes superficially very diverse but essentially the same, in that they arose from and still depend upon a lack of local political capacity, have brought the Mediterranean and the Caribbean, in our own time, to similar conditions, regarded as quantities of interest in the sphere of international relations. Whatever the intrinsic value of the two bodies of water, in themselves or in their surroundings, whatever their present contributions to the prosperity or to the culture of mankind, their conspicuous characteristics now are their political and military importance, in the broadest sense, as concerning not only the countries that border them, but the world at large. Both are land-girt seas; both are links in a chain of communication between an East and a West; in both the chain is broken by an isthmus; both are of contracted extent when compared with great oceans, and, in consequence of these common features, both present in an intensified form the advantages and the limitations, political and military, which condition the influence of sea power. This conclusion is notably true of the Mediterranean, as is shown by its history. It is even more forcibly true of the Caribbean, partly because the contour of its shores does not, as in the Mediterranean peninsulas, thrust the power of the land so far and so sustainedly into the sea; partly because, from historical antecedents already alluded to, in the character of the first colonists, and from the shortness of the time the ground has been in civilized occupation, there does not exist in the Caribbean or in the Gulf of Mexico--apart from the United States--any land power at all comparable with those great Continental states of Europe whose strength lies in their armies far more than in their navies. So far as national inclinations, as distinct from the cautious actions of statesmen, can be discerned, in the Mediterranean at present the Sea Powers, Great Britain, France, and Italy, are opposed to the Land Powers, Germany, Austria, and Russia; and the latter dominate action. It cannot be so, in any near future, in the Caribbean. As affirmed in a previous paper, the Caribbean is pre-eminently the domain of sea power. It is in this point of view--the military or naval--that it is now to be considered. Its political importance will be assumed, as recognized by our forefathers, and enforced upon our own attention by the sudden apprehensions awakened within the last two years. It may be well, though possibly needless, to ask readers to keep clearly in mind that the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico, while knit together like the Siamese twins, are distinct geographical entities. A leading British periodical once accused the writer of calling the Gulf of Mexico the Caribbean Sea, because of his unwillingness to admit the name of any other state in connection with a body of water over which his own country claimed predominance. The Gulf of Mexico is very clearly defined by the projection, from the north, of the peninsula of Florida, and from the south, of that of Yucatan. Between the two the island of Cuba interposes for a distance of two hundred miles, leaving on one side a passage of nearly a hundred miles wide--the Strait of Florida--into the Atlantic, while on the other, the Yucatan Channel, somewhat broader, leads into the Caribbean Sea. It may be mentioned here, as an important military consideration, that from the mouth of the Mississippi westward to Cape Catoche--the tip of the Yucatan Peninsula--there is no harbor that can be considered at all satisfactory for ships of war of the larger classes. The existence of many such harbors in other parts of the regions now under consideration practically eliminates this long stretch of coast, regarded as a factor of military importance in the problem before us. In each of these sheets of water, the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean, there is one position of pre-eminent commercial importance. In the Gulf the mouth of the Mississippi is the point where meet all the exports and imports, by water, of the Mississippi Valley. However diverse the directions from which they come, or the destinations to which they proceed, all come together here as at a great crossroads, or as the highways of an empire converge on the metropolis. Whatever value the Mississippi and the myriad miles of its subsidiary water-courses represent to the United States, as a facile means of communication from the remote interior to the ocean highways of the world, all centres here at the mouth of the river. The existence of the smaller though important cities of the Gulf coast--Mobile, Galveston, or the Mexican ports--does not diminish, but rather emphasizes by contrast, the importance of the Mississippi entrance. They all share its fortunes, in that all alike communicate with the outside world through the Strait of Florida or the Yucatan Channel. In the Caribbean, likewise, the existence of numerous important ports, and a busy traffic in tropical produce grown within the region itself, do but make more striking the predominance in interest of that one position known comprehensively, but up to the present somewhat indeterminately, as the Isthmus. Here again the element of decisive value is the crossing of the roads, the meeting of the ways, which, whether imposed by nature itself, as in the cases before us, or induced, as sometimes happens, in a less degree, by simple human dispositions, are prime factors in mercantile or strategic consequence. For these reasons the Isthmus, even under the disadvantages of land carriage and transshipment of goods, has ever been an important link in the communications from East to West, from the days of the first discoverers and throughout all subsequent centuries, though fluctuating in degree from age to age; but when it shall be pierced by a canal, it will present a maritime centre analogous to the mouth of the Mississippi. They will differ in this, that in the latter case the converging water routes on one side are interior to a great state whose resources they bear, whereas the roads which on either side converge upon the Isthmus lie wholly upon the ocean, the common possession of all nations. Control of the latter, therefore, rests either upon local control of the Isthmus itself, or, indirectly, upon control of its approaches, or upon a distinctly preponderant navy. In naval questions the latter is always the dominant factor, exactly as on land the mobile army--the army in the field--must dominate the question of fortresses, unless war is to be impotent. We have thus the two centres round which revolve all the military study of the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico. The two sheets of water, taken together, control or affect the approaches on one side to these two supreme centres of commercial, and therefore of political and military, interest. The approaches on the other side--the interior communications of the Mississippi, that is, or the maritime routes in the Pacific converging upon the Isthmus--do not here concern us. These approaches, in terms of military art, are known as the "communications." Communications are probably the most vital and determining element in strategy, military or naval. They are literally the most radical; for all military operations depend upon communications, as the fruit of a plant depends upon communication with its root. We draw therefore upon the map the chief lines by which communication exists between these two centres and the outside world. Such lines represent the mutual dependence of the centres and the exterior, by which each ministers to the others, and by severance of which either becomes useless to the others. It is from their potential effect upon these lines of communication that all positions in the Gulf or the Caribbean derive their military value, or want of value. It is impossible to precede or to accompany a discussion of this sort with a technical exposition of naval strategy. Such definitions of the art as may be needed must be given _in loco_, cursorily and dogmatically. Therefore it will be said here briefly that the strategic value of any position, be it body of land large or small, or a seaport, or a strait, depends, 1, upon situation (with reference chiefly to communications), 2, upon its strength (inherent or acquired), and, 3, upon its resources (natural or stored). As strength and resources are matters which man can accumulate where suitable situation offers, whereas he cannot change the location of a place in itself otherwise advantageous, it is upon situation that attention must primarily be fixed. Strength and resources may be artificially supplied or increased, but it passes the power of man to move a port which lies outside the limits of strategic effect. Gibraltar in mid-ocean might have fourfold its present power, yet would be valueless in a military sense. The positions which are indicated on the map by the dark squares have been selected, therefore, upon these considerations, after a careful study of the inherent advantages of the various ports and coast-lines of the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf. It is by no means meant that there are not others which possess merits of various kinds; or that those indicated, and to be named, exhaust the strategic possibilities of the region under examination. But there are qualifying circumstances of degree in particular cases; and a certain regard must be had to political conditions, which may be said to a great extent to neutralize some positions. Some, too, are excluded because overshadowed by others so near and so strong as practically to embrace them, when under the same political tenure. Moreover, it is a commonplace of strategy that passive positions, fortified places, however strong, although indispensable as supports to military operations, should not be held in great number. To do so wastes force. Similarly, in the study of a field of maritime operations, the number of available positions, whose relative and combined influence upon the whole is to be considered, should be narrowed, by a process of gradual elimination, to those clearly essential and representative. To embrace more confuses the attention, wastes mental force, and is a hindrance to correct appreciation. The rejection of details, where permissible, and understandingly done, facilitates comprehension, which is baffled by a multiplication of minutiae, just as the impression of a work of art, or of a story, is lost amid a multiplicity of figures or of actors. The investigation precedent to formulation of ideas must be close and minute, but that done, the unbiassed selection of the most important, expressed graphically by a few lines and a few dots, leads most certainly to the comprehension of decisive relations in a military field of action. In the United States, Pensacola and the Mississippi River have been rivals for the possession of a navy-yard. The recent decision of a specially appointed board in favor of the latter, while it commands the full assent of the writer, by no means eliminates the usefulness of the former. Taken together, they fulfil a fair requirement of strategy, sea and land, that operations based upon a national frontier, which a coast-line is, should not depend upon a single place only. They are closer together than ideal perfection would wish; too easily, therefore, to be watched by an enemy without great dispersal of his force, which Norfolk and New York, for instance, are not; but still, conjointly, they are the best we can do on that line, having regard to the draught of water for heavy ships. Key West, an island lying off the end of the Florida Peninsula, has long been recognized as the chief, and almost the only, good and defensible anchorage upon the Strait of Florida, reasonable control of which is indispensable to water communication between our Atlantic and Gulf seaboards in time of war. In case of war in the direction of the Caribbean, Key West is the extreme point now in our possession upon which, granting adequate fortification, our fleets could rely; and, so used, it would effectually divert an enemy's force from Pensacola and the Mississippi. It can never be the ultimate base of operations, as Pensacola or New Orleans can, because it is an island, a small island, and has no resources--not even water; but for the daily needs of a fleet--coal, ammunition, etc.--it can be made most effective. Sixty miles west of it stands an antiquated fortress on the Dry Tortugas. These are capable of being made a useful adjunct to Key West, but at present they scarcely can be so considered. Key West is 550 miles distant from the mouth of the Mississippi, and 1200 from the Isthmus. The islands of Santa Lucia and of Martinique have been selected because they represent the chief positions of, respectively, Great Britain and France on the outer limits of the general field under consideration. For the reasons already stated, Grenada, Barbadoes, Dominica, and the other near British islands are not taken into account, or rather are considered to be embraced in Santa Lucia, which adequately represents them. If a secondary position on that line were required, it would be at Antigua, which would play to Santa Lucia the part which Pensacola does to the Mississippi. In like manner the French Guadeloupe merges in Martinique. The intrinsic importance of these positions consists in the fact that, being otherwise suitable and properly defended, they are the nearest to the mother-countries, between whom and themselves there lies no point of danger near which it is necessary to pass. They have the disadvantage of being very small islands, consequently without adequate natural resources, and easy to be blockaded on all sides. They are therefore essentially dependent for their usefulness in war upon control of the sea, which neither Pensacola nor New Orleans is, having the continent at their backs. It is in this respect that the pre-eminent intrinsic advantages of Cuba, or rather of Spain in Cuba, are to be seen; and also, but in much less degree, those of Great Britain in Jamaica. Cuba, though narrow throughout, is over six hundred miles long, from Cape San Antonio to Cape Maysi. It is, in short, not so much an island as a continent, susceptible, under proper development, of great resources--of self-sufficingness. In area it is half as large again as Ireland, but, owing to its peculiar form, is much more than twice as long. Marine distances, therefore, are drawn out to an extreme degree. Its many natural harbors concentrate themselves, to a military examination, into three principal groups, whose representatives are, in the west, Havana; in the east, Santiago; while near midway of the southern shore lies Cienfuegos. The shortest water distance separating any two of these is 335 miles, from Santiago to Cienfuegos. To get from Cienfuegos to Havana 450 miles of water must be traversed and the western point of the island doubled; yet the two ports are distant by land only a little more than a hundred miles of fairly easy country. Regarded, therefore, as a base of naval operations, as a source of supplies to a fleet, Cuba presents a condition wholly unique among the islands of the Caribbean and of the Gulf of Mexico; to both which it, and it alone of all the archipelago, belongs. It is unique in its size, which should render it largely self-supporting, either by its own products, or by the accumulation of foreign necessaries which naturally obtains in a large and prosperous maritime community; and it is unique in that such supplies can be conveyed from one point to the other, according to the needs of a fleet, by interior lines, not exposed to risks of maritime capture. The extent of the coast-line, the numerous harbors, and the many directions from which approach can be made, minimize the dangers of total blockade, to which all islands are subject. Such conditions are in themselves advantageous, but they are especially so to a navy inferior to its adversary, for they convey the power--subject, of course, to conditions of skill--of shifting operations from side to side, and finding refuge and supplies in either direction. Jamaica, being but one-tenth the size of Cuba, and one-fifth of its length, does not present the intrinsic advantages of the latter island, regarded either as a source of supplies or as a centre from which to direct effort; but when in the hands of a power supreme at sea, as at the present Great Britain is, the questions of supplies, of blockade, and of facility in direction of effort diminish in importance. That which in the one case is a matter of life and death, becomes now only an embarrassing problem, necessitating watchfulness and precaution, but by no means insoluble. No advantages of position can counterbalance, in the long-run, decisive inferiority in organized mobile force,--inferiority in troops in the field, and yet much more in ships on the sea. If Spain should become involved in war with Great Britain, as she so often before has been, the advantage she would have in Cuba as against Jamaica would be that her communications with the United States, especially with the Gulf ports, would be well under cover. By this is not meant that vessels bound to Cuba by such routes would be in unassailable security; no communications, maritime or terrestrial, can be so against raiding. What is meant is that they can be protected with much less effort than they can be attacked; that the raiders--the offence--must be much more numerous and active than the defence, because much farther from their base; and that the question of such raiding would depend consequently upon the force Great Britain could spare from other scenes of war, for it is not likely that Spain would fight her single-handed. It is quite possible that under such conditions advantage of position would more than counterbalance a _small_ disadvantage in local force. "War," said Napoleon, "is a business of positions;" by which that master of lightning-like rapidity of movement assuredly did not mean that it was a business of getting into a position and sticking there. It is in the utilization of position by mobile force that war is determined, just as the effect of a chessman depends upon both its individual value _and_ its relative position. While, therefore, in the combination of the two factors, force and position, force is intrinsically the more valuable, it is always possible that great advantage of position may outweigh small advantage of force, as 1 + 5 is greater than 2 + 3. The positional value of Cuba is extremely great. Regarded solely as a naval position, without reference to the force thereon based, Jamaica is greatly inferior to Cuba in a question of general war, notwithstanding the fact that in Kingston it possesses an excellent harbor and naval station. It is only with direct reference to the Isthmus, and therefore to the local question of the Caribbean as the main scene of hostilities, that it possesses a certain superiority which will be touched on later. It is advisable first to complete the list, and so far as necessary to account for the selection, of the other points indicated by the squares. Of these, three are so nearly together at the Isthmus that, according to the rule before adopted, they might be reduced very properly to a single representative position. Being, however, so close to the great centre of interest in the Caribbean, and having different specific reasons constituting their importance, it is essential to a full statement of strategic conditions in that sea to mention briefly each and all. They are, the harbor and town of Colon, sometimes called Aspinwall; the harbor and city of Cartagena, 300 miles to the eastward of Colon; and the Chiriqui Lagoon, 150 miles west of Colon, a vast enclosed bay with many islands, giving excellent and diversified anchorage, the shores of which are nearly uninhabited. Colon is the Caribbean terminus of the Panama Railroad, and is also that of the canal projected, and partly dug, under the De Lesseps scheme. The harbor being good, though open to some winds, it is naturally indicated as a point where Isthmian transit may begin or end. As there is no intention of entering into the controversy about the relative merits of the Panama and Nicaragua canal schemes, it will be sufficient here to say that, if the former be carried through, Colon is its inevitable issue on one side. The city of Cartagena is the largest and most flourishing in the neighborhood of the Isthmus, and has a good harbor. With these conditions obtaining, its advantage rests upon the axiomatic principle that, other things being nearly equal, a place where commerce centres is a better strategic position than one which it neglects. The latter is the condition of the Chiriqui Lagoon. This truly noble sheet of water, which was visited by Columbus himself, and bears record of the fact in the name of one of its basins,--the Bay of the Admiral,--has every natural adaptation for a purely naval base, but has not drawn to itself the operations of commerce. Everything would need there to be created, and to be maintained continuously. It lies midway between Colon and the mouth of the river San Juan, where is Greytown, which has been selected as the issue of the projected Nicaragua Canal; and therefore, in a peculiar way, Chiriqui symbolizes the present indeterminate phase of the Isthmian problem. With all its latent possibilities, however, little can be said now of Chiriqui, except that a rough appreciation of its existence and character is essential to an adequate understanding of Isthmian conditions. The Dutch island of Curaçao has been marked, chiefly because, with its natural characteristics, it cannot be passed over; but it now is, and it may be hoped will remain indefinitely, among the positions of which it has been said that they are neutralized by political circumstances. Curaçao possesses a fine harbor, which may be made impregnable, and it lies unavoidably near the route of any vessel bound to the Isthmus and passing eastward of Jamaica. Such conditions constitute undeniable military importance; but Holland is a small state, unlikely to join again in a general war. There is, indeed, a floating apprehension that the German Empire, in its present desires of colonial extension, may be willing to absorb Holland, for the sake of her still extensive colonial possessions. Improbable as this may seem, it is scarcely more incomprehensible than the recent mysterious movements upon the European chess-board, attributed by common rumor to the dominating influence of the Emperor of Germany, which we puzzled Americans for months past have sought in vain to understand. The same probable neutrality must be admitted for the remaining positions that have been distinguished: Mujeres Island, Samana Bay, and the island of St. Thomas. The first of these, at the extremity of the Yucatan Peninsula, belongs to Mexico, a country whose interest in the Isthmian question is very real; for, like the United States, she has an extensive seaboard both upon the Pacific and--in the Gulf of Mexico--upon the Atlantic Ocean. Mujeres Island, however, has nothing to offer but situation, being upon the Yucatan Passage, the one road from all the Gulf ports to the Caribbean and the Isthmus. The anchorage is barely tolerable, the resources _nil_, and defensive strength could be imparted only by an expense quite disproportionate to the result obtained. The consideration of the island as a possible military situation does but emphasize the fact, salient to the most superficial glance, that, so far as position goes, Cuba has no possible rival in her command of the Yucatan Passage, just as she has no competitor, in point of natural strength and resources, for the control of the Florida Strait, which connects the Gulf of Mexico with the Atlantic. Samana Bay, at the northeast corner of Santo Domingo, is but one of several fine anchorages in that great island, whose territory is now divided between two negro republics--French and Spanish in tongue. Its selection to figure in our study, to the exclusion of the others, is determined by its situation, and by the fact that we are seeking to take a comprehensive glance of the Caribbean as a whole, and not merely of particular districts. For instance, it might be urged forcibly, in view of the existence of two great naval ports like Santiago de Cuba and Port Royal in Jamaica, close to the Windward Passage, through which lies the direct route from the Atlantic seaboard to the Isthmus, that St. Nicholas Mole, immediately on the Passage, offers the natural position for checking the others in case of need. The reply is that we are not seeking to check anything or anybody, but simply examining in the large the natural strategic features, and incidentally thereto noting the political conditions, of a maritime region in which the United States is particularly interested; political conditions, as has been remarked, having an unavoidable effect upon military values. The inquiry being thus broad, Samana Bay and the island of St. Thomas are entitled to the pre-eminence here given to them, because they represent, efficiently and better than any other positions, the control of two principal passages into the Caribbean Sea from the Atlantic. The Mona Passage, on which Samana lies, between Santo Domingo and Puerto Rico, is particularly suited to sailing-vessels from the northward, because free from dangers to navigation. This, of course, in these days of steam, is a small matter militarily; in the latter sense the Mona Passage is valuable because it is an alternative to the Windward Passage, or to those to the eastward, in case of hostile predominance in one quarter or the other. St. Thomas is on the Anegada Passage, actually much used, and which better than any other represents the course from Europe to the Isthmus, just as the Windward Passage does that from the North American Atlantic ports. Neither of these places can boast of great natural strength nor of resources; St. Thomas, because it is a small island with the inherent weaknesses attending all such, which have been mentioned; Samana Bay, because, although the island on which it is is large and productive, it has not now, and gives no hope of having, that political stability and commercial prosperity which bring resources and power in their train. Both places would need also considerable development of defensive works to meet the requirements of a naval port. Despite these defects, their situations on the passages named entitle them to paramount consideration in a general study of the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico. Potentially, though not actually, they lend control of the Mona and Anegada Passages, exactly as Kingston and Santiago do of the Windward. For, granting that the Isthmus is in the Caribbean the predominant interest, commercial, and therefore concerning the whole world, but also military, and so far possessing peculiar concern for those nations whose territories lie on both oceans, which it now severs and will one day unite--of which nations the United States is the most prominent--granting this, and it follows that entrance to the Caribbean, and transit across the Caribbean to the Isthmus, are two prime essentials to the enjoyment of the advantages of the latter. Therefore, in case of war, control of these two things becomes a military object not second to the Isthmus itself, access to which depends upon them; and in their bearing upon these two things the various positions that are passed under consideration must be viewed--individually first, and afterwards collectively. The first process of individual consideration the writer has asked the reader to take on faith; neither time nor space permits its elaboration here; but the reasons for choosing those that have been named have been given as briefly as possible. Let us now look at the map, and regard as a collective whole the picture there graphically presented. Putting to one side, for the moment at least, the Isthmian points, as indicating the end rather than the precedent means, we see at the present time that the positions at the extremes of the field under examination are held by Powers of the first rank,--Martinique and Santa Lucia by France and Great Britain, Pensacola and the Mississippi by the United States. Further, there are held by these same states of the first order two advanced positions, widely separated from the first bases of their power; namely, Key West, which is 460 miles from Pensacola, and Jamaica, which is 930 miles from Santa Lucia. From the Isthmus, Key West is distant 1200 miles; Jamaica, 500 miles. Between and separating these two groups, of primary bases and advanced posts, extends the chain of positions from Yucatan to St. Thomas. As far as is possible to position, apart from mobile force, these represent control over the northern entrances--the most important entrances--into the Caribbean Sea. No one of this chain belongs to any of the Powers commonly reckoned as being of the first order of strength. The entrances on the north of the sea, as far as, but not including, the Anegada Passage, are called the most important, because they are so few in number,--a circumstance which always increases value; because they are so much nearer to the Isthmus; and, very especially to the United States, because they are the ones by which, and by which alone,--except at the cost of a wide circuit,--she communicates with the Isthmus, and, generally, with all the region lying within the borders of the Caribbean. In a very literal sense the Caribbean is a mediterranean sea; but the adjective must be qualified when comparison is made with the Mediterranean of the Old World or with the Gulf of Mexico. The last-named bodies of water communicate with the outer oceans by passages so contracted as to be easily watched from near-by positions, and for both there exist such positions of exceptional strength,--Gibraltar and some others in the former case, Havana and no other in the latter. The Caribbean, on the contrary, is enclosed on its eastern side by a chain of small islands, the passages between which, although practically not wider than the Strait of Gibraltar, are so numerous that entrance to the sea on that side may be said correctly to extend over a stretch of near 400 miles. The islands, it is true, are so many positions, some better, some worse, from which military effort to control entrance can be exerted; but their number prevents that concentration and that certainty of effect which are possible to adequate force resting upon Gibraltar or Havana. On the northern side of the sea the case is quite different. From the western end of Cuba to the eastern end of Puerto Rico extends a barrier of land for 1200 miles--as against 400 on the east--broken only by two straits, each fifty miles wide, from side to side of which a steamer of but moderate power can pass in three or four hours. These natural conditions, governing the approach to the Isthmus, reproduce as nearly as possible the strategic effect of Ireland upon Great Britain. There a land barrier of 300 miles, midway between the Pentland Firth and the English Channel--centrally situated, that is, with reference to all the Atlantic approaches to Great Britain--gives to an adequate navy a unique power to flank and harass either the one or the other, or both. Existing political conditions and other circumstances unquestionably modify the importance of these two barriers, relatively to the countries affected by them. Open communication with the Atlantic is vital to Great Britain, which the Isthmus, up to the present time, is not to the United States. There are, however, varying degrees of importance below that which is vital. Taking into consideration that of the 1200-mile barrier to the Caribbean 600 miles is solid in Cuba, that after the 50-mile gap of the Windward Passage there succeeds 300 miles more of Haiti before the Mona Passage is reached, it is indisputable that a superior navy, resting on Santiago de Cuba or Jamaica, could very seriously incommode all access of the United States to the Caribbean mainland, and especially to the Isthmus. In connection with this should be considered also the influence upon our mercantile and naval communication between the Atlantic and the Gulf coasts exercised by the peninsula of Florida, and by the narrowness of the channels separating the latter from the Bahama Banks and from Cuba. The effect of this long and not very broad strip of land upon our maritime interests can be realized best by imagining it wholly removed, or else turned into an island by a practicable channel crossing its neck. In the latter case the two entrances to the channel would have indeed to be assured; but our shipping would not be forced to pass through a long, narrow waterway, bordered throughout on one side by foreign and possibly hostile territories. In case of war with either Great Britain or Spain, this channel would be likely to be infested by hostile cruisers, close to their own base, the very best condition for a commerce-destroying war; and its protection by us under present circumstances will exact a much greater effort than with the supposed channel, or than if the Florida Peninsula did not exist. The effect of the peninsula is to thrust our route from the Atlantic to the Gulf 300 miles to the southward, and to make imperative a base for control of the strait; while the case is made worse by an almost total lack of useful harbors. On the Atlantic, the most exposed side, there is none; and on the Gulf none nearer to Key West than 175 miles,[2] where we find Tampa Bay. There is, indeed, nothing that can be said about the interests of the United States in an Isthmian canal that does not apply now with equal force to the Strait of Florida. The one links the Atlantic to the Gulf, as the other would the Atlantic to the Pacific. It may be added here that the phenomenon of the long, narrow peninsula of Florida, with its strait, is reproduced successively in Cuba, Haiti, and Puerto Rico, with the passages dividing them. The whole together forms one long barrier, the strategic significance of which cannot be overlooked in its effect upon the Caribbean; while the Gulf of Mexico is assigned to absolute seclusion by it, if the passages are in hostile control. [2] There is Charlotte Harbor, at 120 miles, but it can be used only by medium-sized vessels. The relations of the island of Jamaica to the great barrier formed by Cuba, Haiti, and Puerto Rico are such as to constitute it the natural stepping-stone by which to pass from the consideration of entrance into the Caribbean, which has been engaging our attention, to that of the transit across, from entrance to the Isthmus, which we must next undertake. In the matters of entrance to the Caribbean, and of general interior control of that sea, Jamaica has a singularly central position. It is equidistant (500 miles) from Colon, from the Yucatan Channel, and from the Mona Passage; it is even closer (450 miles) to the nearest mainland of South America at Point Gallinas, and of Central America at Cape Gracias-á-Dios; while it lies so immediately in rear of the Windward Passage that its command of the latter can scarcely be considered less than that of Santiago. The analogy of its situation, as a station for a great fleet, to that for an army covering a frontier which is passable at but a few points, will scarcely escape a military reader. A comparatively short chain of swift lookout steamers, in each direction, can give timely notice of any approach by either of the three passages named; while, if entrance be gained at any other point, the arms stretched out towards Gallinas and Gracias-á-Dios will give warning of transit before the purposes of such transit can be accomplished undisturbed. With such advantages of situation, and with a harbor susceptible of satisfactory development as a naval station for a great fleet, Jamaica is certainly the most important single position in the Caribbean Sea. When one recalls that it passed into the hands of Great Britain, in the days of Cromwell, by accidental conquest, the expedition having been intended primarily against Santo Domingo; that in the two centuries and a half which have since intervened it has played no part adequate to its advantages, such as now looms before it; that, by all the probabilities, it should have been reconquered and retained by Spain in the war of the American Revolution; and when, again, it is recalled that a like accident and a like subsequent uncertainty attended the conquest and retention of the decisive Mediterranean positions of Gibraltar and Malta, one marvels whether incidents so widely separated in time and place, all tending towards one end--the maritime predominance of Great Britain--can be accidents, or are simply the exhibition of a Personal Will, acting through all time, with purpose deliberate and consecutive, to ends not yet discerned. Nevertheless, when compared to Cuba, Jamaica cannot be considered the preponderant position of the Caribbean. The military question of position is quantitative as well as qualitative; and situation, however excellent, can rarely, by itself alone, make full amends for defect in the power and resources which are the natural property of size--of mass. Gibraltar, the synonym of intrinsic strength, is an illustration in point; its smallness, its isolation, and its barrenness of resource constitute limits to its offensive power, and even to its impregnability, which are well understood by military men. Jamaica, by its situation, flanks the route from Cuba to the Isthmus, as indeed it does all routes from the Atlantic and the Gulf to that point; but, as a military entity, it is completely overshadowed by the larger island, which it so conspicuously confronts. If, as has just been said, it by situation intercepts the access of Cuba to the Isthmus, it is itself cut off by its huge neighbor from secure communication with the North American Continent, now as always the chief natural source of supplies for the West Indies, which do not produce the great staples of life. With the United States friendly or neutral, in a case of war, there can be no comparison between the advantages of Cuba, conferred by its situation and its size, and those of Jamaica, which, by these qualities of its rival, is effectually cut off from that source of supplies. Nor is the disadvantage of Jamaica less marked with reference to communication with other quarters than the United States--with Halifax, with Bermuda, with Europe. Its distance from these points, and from Santa Lucia, where the resources of Europe may be said to focus for it, makes its situation one of extreme isolation; a condition emphasized by the fact that both Bermuda and Santa Lucia are themselves dependent upon outside sources for anything they may send to Jamaica. At all these points, coal, the great factor of modern naval war, must be stored and the supply maintained. They do not produce it. The mere size of Cuba, the amount of population which it has, or ought to have, the number of its seaports, the extent of the industries possible to it, tend naturally to an accumulation of resources such as great mercantile communities always entail. These, combined with its nearness to the United States, and its other advantages of situation, make Cuba a position that can have no military rival among the islands of the world, except Ireland. With a friendly United States, isolation is impossible to Cuba. The aim of any discussion such as this should be to narrow down, by a gradual elimination, the various factors to be considered, in order that the decisive ones, remaining, may become conspicuously visible. The trees being thus thinned out, the features of the strategic landscape can appear. The primary processes in the present case have been carried out before seeking the attention of the reader, to whom the first approximations have been presented under three heads. First, the two decisive centres, the mouth of the Mississippi and the Isthmus. Second, the four principal routes, connecting these two points with others, have been specified; these routes being, 1, between the Isthmus and the Mississippi themselves; 2, from the Isthmus to the North American coast, by the Windward Passage; 3, from the Gulf of Mexico to the North American coast, by the Strait of Florida; and, 4, from the Isthmus to Europe, by the Anegada Passage. Third, the principal military positions throughout the region in question have been laid down, and their individual and relative importance indicated. From the subsequent discussion it seems evident that, as "communications" are so leading an element in strategy, the position or positions which decisively affect the greatest number or extent of the communications will be the most important, so far as situation goes. Of the four principal lines named, three pass close to, and are essentially controlled by, the islands of Cuba and Jamaica, namely, from the Mississippi to the Isthmus by the Yucatan Channel, from the Mississippi to the Atlantic coast of America by the Strait of Florida, and from the Isthmus to the Atlantic coast by the Windward Passage. The fourth route, which represents those from the Isthmus to Europe, passes nearer to Jamaica than to Cuba; but those two islands exercise over it more control than does any other one of the archipelago, for the reason that any other can be avoided more easily, and by a wider interval, than either Jamaica or Cuba. Regarded as positions, therefore, these two islands are the real rivals for control of the Caribbean and of the Gulf of Mexico; and it may be added that the strategic centre of interest for both Gulf and Caribbean is to be found in the Windward Passage, because it furnishes the ultimate test of the relative power of the two islands to control the Caribbean. For, as has been said before, and cannot be repeated too often, it is not position only, nor chiefly, but mobile force, that is decisive in war. In the combination of these two elements rests the full statement of any case. The question of position has been adjudged in favor of Cuba, for reasons which have been given. In the case of a conflict between the powers holding the two islands, the question of controlling the Windward Passage would be the test of relative mobile strength; because that channel is the shortest and best line of communications for Jamaica with the American coast, with Halifax, and with Bermuda, and as such it must be kept open. If the power of Jamaica is not great enough to hold the passage open by force, she is thrown upon evasion--upon furtive measures--to maintain essential supplies; for, if she cannot assert her strength so far in that direction, she cannot, from her nearness, go beyond Cuba's reach in any direction. Abandonment of the best road in this case means isolation; and to that condition, if prolonged, there is but one issue. The final result, therefore, may be stated in this way: The advantages of situation, strength, and resources are greatly and decisively in favor of Cuba. To bring Jamaica to a condition of equality, or superiority, is needed a mobile force capable of keeping the Windward Passage continuously open, not only for a moment, nor for any measurable time, but throughout the war. Under the present conditions of political tenure, in case of a war involving only the two states concerned, such a question could admit of no doubt; but in a war at all general, involving several naval powers, the issue would be less certain. In the war of 1778 the tenure, not of the Windward Passage merely, but of Jamaica itself, was looked upon by a large party in Great Britain as nearly hopeless; and it is true that only a happy concurrence of blundering and bad luck on the part of its foes then saved the island. It is conceivable that odds which have happened once may happen again. THE END. 
16634	----	BILTMORE OSWALD _THE DIARY OF A HAPLESS RECRUIT_ BY J. THORNE SMITH, JR. U.S.N.R.F. _WITH 31 ILLUSTRATIONS IN BLACK-AND-WHITE_ BY RICHARD DORGAN ("_Dick Dorgan_") U.S.N.R.F. [Illustration] NEW YORK FREDERICK A. STOKES COMPANY PUBLISHERS _Copyright, 1918, by_ _Frederick A. Stokes Company_ _All Rights Reserved_ _Reprinted from_ THE BROADSIDE A JOURNAL FOR THE NAVAL RESERVE FORCE DEDICATION To my buddies, an unscrupulous, clamorous crew of pirates, as loyal and generous a lot as ever returned a borrowed dress jumper with dirty tapes; to numerous jimmy-legs and P.O.'s whose cantankerous tempers have furnished me with much material for this book; and also to a dog, an admirable dog whom I choose to call Mr. Fogerty, with apologies to this dog if in these pages his slave has unwittingly maligned his character or in any way cast suspicion upon his moral integrity. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS "Biltmore Oswald" _Frontispiece_ "'Do you enlist for foreign service?' he snapped. 'Sure,' I replied, 'it will all be foreign to me'" 2 "The departure was moist" 3 "Hospital apprentice treated me to a shot of Pelham 'hop'" 4 "I feel like a masquerade" 5 "This, I thought, was adding insult to injury" 6 "Mother kept screaming through the wire about my underwear" 7 "A bill from a restaurant for $18.00 worth of past luncheons" 8 "He missed the dirty whites, but I will never be the same" 9 "Fire drill" 10 "This is designed to give us physical poise" 11 "Liberty Party" 14 "Of course I played the game no more" 20 "She was greatly delighted with the Y.M.C.A." 21 "I wasn't so very wrong--just the slight difference between port and present arms" 24 "The first thing he did was to mix poor dear grandfather a drink" 25 "I was tempted to shoot the cartridge out just to make it lighter" 28 "One fourth of the entire Pelham field artillery passed over my body" 29 "The procedure, of course, did not go unnoticed" 32 "This war is going to put a lot of Chinamen out of business" 44 "I stood side-ways, thus decreasing the possible area of danger" 45 "I'm a God-fearing sailor man who is doing the best he can to keep clean" 48 "I took him around and introduced him to the rest of the dogs and several of the better sort of goats" 49 "I resumed my slumber, but not with much comfort" 52 "I lost completely something in the neighborhood of 10,000 men" 53 "Fogerty came bearing down on me in a cloud of dust" 58 "For the most part, however, he sat quietly on my lap and sniffed" 59 "I carried all the flour to-day that was raised last year in the southern section of the State of Montana" 76 "'Oh,' said Tony, 'I thought this was a restaurant'" 77 "'I would still remain in a dense fog,' I gasped in a low voice" 82 "'Buddy' I came in and 'Buddy' I go out" 83 BILTMORE OSWALD _The Diary of A Hapless Recruit_ _Feb. 23d._ "And what," asked the enlisting officer, regarding me as if I had insulted him, his family and his live stock, "leads you to believe that you are remotely qualified to join the Navy?" At this I almost dropped my cane, which in the stress of my patriotic preoccupation I had forgotten to leave home. "Nothing," I replied, making a hasty calculation of my numerous useless accomplishments, "nothing at all, sir, that is, nothing to speak of. Of course I've passed a couple of seasons at Bar Harbor--perhaps that--" "Bar Harbor!" exploded the officer. "Bar! bah! bah--dammit," he broke off, "I'm bleating." "Yes, sir," said I with becoming humility. His hostility increased. "Do you enlist for foreign service?" he snapped. "Sure," I replied. "It will all be foreign to me." The long line of expectant recruits began to close in upon us until a thirsty, ingratiating semi-circle was formed around the officer's desk. Upon the multitude he glared bitterly. "Orderly! why can't you keep this line in some sort of shape?" "Yes, give the old tosh some air," breathed a worthy in my ear as he retreated to his proper place. "What did you do at Bar Harbor?" asked the officer, fixing me with his gaze. "Oh," I replied easily, "I occasionally yachted." "On what kind of a boat?" he urged. "Now for the life of me, sir, I can't quite recall," I replied. "It was a splendid boat though, a perfect beauty, handsomely fitted up and all--I think they called her the 'Black Wing.'" These few little remarks seemed to leave the officer flat. He regarded me with a pitiful expression. There was pain in his eyes. "You mean to say," he whispered, "that you don't know what kind of a boat it was?" "Unfortunately no, sir," I replied, feeling really sorry for the wounded man. "Do you recall what was the nature of your activities aboard this mysterious craft?" he continued. "Oh, indeed I do, sir," I replied. "I tended the jib-sheet." "Ah," said he thoughtfully, "sort of specialized on the jib-sheet?" "That's it, sir," said I, feeling things taking a turn for the better. "I specialized on the jib-sheet." "What did you do to this jib-sheet?" he continued. "I clewed it," said I promptly, dimly recalling the impassioned instructions an enthusiastic friend of mine had shunted at me throughout the course of one long, hot, horrible, confused afternoon of the past summer--my first, and, as I had hoped at the time, final sailing experience. The officer seemed to be lost in reflection. He was probably weighing my last answer. Then with a heavy sigh he took my paper and wrote something mysterious upon it. "I'm going to make an experiment of you," he said, holding the paper to me. "You are going to be a sort of a test case. You're the worst applicant I have ever had. If the Navy can make a sailor out of you it can make a sailor out of anybody"; he paused for a moment, then added emphatically, "without exception." "Thank you, sir," I replied humbly. "Report here Monday for physical examination," he continued, waving my thanks aside. "And now go away." [Illustration: "'DO YOU ENLIST FOR FOREIGN SERVICE?' HE SNAPPED. 'SURE,' I REPLIED, 'IT WILL ALL BE FOREIGN TO ME'"] I accordingly went, but as I did so I fancied I caught the reflection of a smile lurking guiltily under his mustache. It was the sort of a smile, I imagined at the time, that might flicker across the grim visage of a lion in the act of anticipating an approaching trip to a prosperous native village. _Feb. 25th._ I never fully appreciated what a truly democratic nation the United States was until I beheld it naked, that is, until I beheld a number of her sons in that condition. Nakedness is the most democratic of all institutions. Knock-knees, warts and chilblains, bowlegs, boils and bay-windows are respecters of no caste or creed, but visit us all alike. These profound reflections came to me as I stood with a large gathering of my fellow creatures in the offices of the physical examiner. "Never have I seen a more unpromising candidate in all my past experience," said the doctor moodily when I presented myself before him, and thereupon he proceeded to punch me in the ribs with a vigor that seemed to be more personal than professional. When thoroughly exhausted from this he gave up and led me to the eye charts, which I read with infinite ease through long practise in following the World Series in front of newspaper buildings. "Eyes all right," he said in a disappointed voice. "It must be your feet." These proved to be faultless, as were my ears and teeth. "You baffle me," said the doctor at last, thoroughly discouraged. "Apparently you are sound all over, yet, looking at you, I fail to see how it is possible." I wondered vaguely if he was paid by the rejection. Then for no particular reason he suddenly tired of me and left me with all my golden youth and glory standing unnoticed in a corner. From here I observed an applicant being put through his ear test. This game is played as follows: a hospital apprentice thrusts one finger into the victim's ear while the doctor hurries down to the end of the room and whispers tragically words that the applicant must repeat. It's a good game, but this fellow I was watching evidently didn't know the rules and he was taking no chances. "Now repeat what I say," said the doctor. "'Now repeat what I say,'" quoted the recruit. "No, no, not now," cried the doctor. "Wait till I whisper." "'No, no, not now. Wait till I whisper,'" answered the recruit, faithfully accurate. "Wait till I whisper, you blockhead," shouted the doctor. "'Wait till I whisper, you blockhead,'" shouted the recruit with equal heat. "Oh, God!" cried the doctor despairingly. "'Oh, God!'" repeated the recruit in a mournful voice. This little drama of cross purposes might have continued indefinitely had not the hospital apprentice begun to punch the guy in the ribs, shouting as he did so: "Wait a minute, can't you?" At which the recruit, a great hulk of a fellow, delivered the hospital apprentice a resounding blow in the stomach and turned indignantly to the doctor. "That man's interfering," he said in an injured voice. "Now that ain't fair, is it, doc?" "You pass," said the doctor briefly, producing his handkerchief and mopping his brow. "Well, what are you standing around for?" he said a moment later, spying me in my corner. "Oh, doctor," I cried, delighted, "I thought you had forgotten me." "No," said the doctor, "I'll never forget you. You pass. Take your papers and clear out." I can now feel with a certain degree of security that I am in the Navy. _Feb. 26th._ I broke the news to mother to-day and she took it like a little gentleman, only crying on twelve different occasions. I had estimated it much higher than that. After dinner she read me a list of the things I was to take with me to camp, among which were several sorts of life preservers, an electric bed warmer and a pair of dancing pumps. "Why not include spurs?" I asked, referring to the pumps. "I'd look very crisp in spurs, and they would help me in climbing the rigging." "But some officer might ask you to a dance," protested mother. "Mother," I replied firmly, "I have decided to decline all social engagements during my first few weeks in camp. You can send the pumps when I write for them." A card came to-day ordering me to report on March 1st. Consequently I am not quite myself. _Feb. 27th._ Mother hurried into my room this morning and started to pack my trunk. She had gotten five sweaters, three helmets and two dozen pairs of socks into it before I could stop her. When I explained to her that I wasn't going to take a trunk she almost broke down. "But at least," she said, brightening up, "I can go along with you and see that you are nice and comfortable in your room." "You seem to think that I am going to some swell boarding school, mother," I replied from the bed. "You see, we don't have rooms to ourselves. I understand that we sleep in bays." "Don't jest," cried mother. "It's too horrible!" Then I explained to her that a bay was a compartment of a barracks in which eight human beings and one petty officer, not quite so human, were supposed to dwell in intimacy and, as far as possible, concord. This distressed poor mother dreadfully. "But what are you going to take?" she cried. "I'm going to take a nap," said I, turning over on my pillow. "It will be the last one in a bed for a long, long time." At this mother stuffed a pair of socks in her mouth and left the room hastily. Polly came in to-night and I kissed her on and off throughout the evening on the strength of my departure. This infuriated father, but mother thought it was very pretty. However, before going to bed he gave me a handsome wrist watch, and grandfather, pointing to his game leg, said: "Remember the Mexican War, my boy. I fought and bled honorably in that war, by gad, sir!" I know for a fact that the dear old gentleman has never been further west than the Mississippi River. _Feb. 28th (on the train)._ I have just gone through my suit-case and taken out some of mother's last little gifts such as toilet water, a padded coat hanger, one hot water bottle, some cough syrup, two pairs of ear-bobs, a paper vest and a blue pokerdotted silk muffler. She put them in when I wasn't looking. I have hidden them under the seat. May the Lord forgive me for a faithless son. The departure was moist, but I managed to swim through. I am too excited to read the paper and too rattle-brained to think except in terrified snatches. I wonder if I look different. People seem to be regarding me sympathetically. I recognize two faces on this train. One belongs to Tony, the iceman on our block; the other belongs to one named Tim, a barkeep, if I recall rightly, in a hotel I have frequently graced with my presence. I hope their past friendship was not due to professional reasons. It would be nice to talk over old times with them in camp, for I have frequently met the one in the morning after coming home from the other. [Illustration: "THE DEPARTURE WAS MOIST"] _March 1st._ Subjected myself to the intimate scrutiny of another doctor this morning. I used my very best Turkish bath manners. They failed to impress him. Hospital apprentice treated me to a shot of Pelham "hop." It is taken in the customary manner, through the arm--very stimulating. A large sailor held me by the hand for fully fifteen minutes. Very embarrassing! He made pictures of my fingers and completely demolished my manicure. From there I passed on to another room. Here a number of men threw clothes at me from all directions. The man with the shoes was a splendid shot. I am now a sailor--at least, superficially. My trousers were built for Charlie Chaplin. I feel like a masquerade. [Illustration: "HOSPITAL APPRENTICE TREATED ME TO A SHOT OF PELHAM 'HOP'"] [Illustration: "I FEEL LIKE A MASQUERADE"] A gang of recruits shouted "twenty-one days" at me as I was being led to Mess Hall No. 1. The poor simps had just come in the day before and had not even washed their leggings yet. I shall shout at other recruits to-morrow, though, the same thing that they shouted at me to-day. Our P.O. is a very terrifying character. He is a stern but just man, I take it. He can tie knots and box the compass and say "pipe down" and everything. Gee, it must be nice to be a real sailor! [Illustration: "THIS, I THOUGHT, WAS ADDING INSULT TO INJURY"] _March 2d._ Fell out of my hammock last night and momentarily interrupted the snoring contest holding sway. I was told to "pipe down" in Irish, Yiddish, Third Avenue and Bronx. This, I thought, was adding insult to injury, but could not make any one take the same view of it. I hope the thing does not become a habit with me. I form habits so readily. In connection with snoring I have written the following song which I am going to send home to Polly. I wrote it in the Y.M.C.A. Hut this afternoon while crouching between the feet of two embattled checker players. I'm going to call it "The Rhyme of the Snoring Sailor." It goes like this: I The mother thinks of her sailor son As clutched in the arms of war, But mother should listen, as I have done, To this same little, innocent sailor son Sprawl in his hammock and snore. Oh, the sailor man is a rugged man, The master of wind and wave, And poets sing till the tea-rooms ring Of his picturesque, deep sea grave, And they likewise write of the "Storm at Night" When the numerous north winds roar, But more profound is the dismal sound Of a sea-going sailor's snore. II Oh, mothers knit for their sailor sons Socks for their nautical toes, But mothers should list to the frightful noise Made by their innocent sailor boys By the wind they blow through their nose. Oh, life at sea is wild and free And greatly to be admired, But I would sleep both sound and deep At night when I'm feeling tired. So here we go with a yo! ho! ho! While the waves and the tempests soar, An artist can paint a shrew as a saint, But not camouflage on a snore. III Oh, mothers, write to your sons at sea; Write to them, I implore, A letter as earnest as it can be, Containing a delicate, motherly plea, A plea for them not to snore. Oh, I take much pride in my trousers wide, The ladies all think them sweet, And I must admit that I love to sit In a chair and relieve my feet. Avast! Belay! and we're bound away With our hearts lashed fast to the fore, But when mermaids sleep In their bowers deep, Do you think that the sweet things snore? Our company commander spoke to us this morning in no uncertain terms. He seems to be such a serious man. There is a peculiar quality in his voice, not unlike the tone of a French 75 mm. gun. You can easily hear everything he says--miles away. We rested this afternoon. _March 3d._ Sunday--a day of rest, for which I gave, in the words of our indefatigable Chaplain, "three good, rollicking cheers." Some folks are coming up to see me this afternoon. I hear I must moo through the fence at them like a cow. (Later.) The folks have just left. Mother kept screaming through the wire about my underwear. She seemed to have it on her brain. There were several young girls standing right next to her. I really felt I was no longer a bachelor. Why do mothers lay such tremendous stress on underwear? They seem to believe that a son's sole duty to his parents consists in publicly announcing that he is clad in winter flannels. [Illustration: "MOTHER KEPT SCREAMING THROUGH THE WIRE ABOUT MY UNDERWEAR"] Polly drove up for a moment with Joe Henderson. I hope the draft gets hold of that bird. They were going to have tea at the Biltmore when they got back to the city. I almost bit the end off of a sentry's bayonet when I heard this woeful piece of news. Liberty looks a long way off. I made an attempt to write some letters in the Y.M.C.A. this evening but gave up before the combined assault of a phonograph, a piano, and a flanking detachment of checker players. Several benches fell on me and I went to the mat feeling very sorry for myself. _March 4th._ The morning broke badly. I lashed my hand to my hammock and was forced to call on the P.O. to extricate me. He remarked, with ill-disguised bitterness, that I could think of more ineffectual things to do than any rookie it had been his misfortune to meet. I told him that I didn't have to think of them, they just came naturally. Last night I was nearly frightened out of my hammock by awakening and gazing into the malevolent eye of my high-powered, twin-six wrist watch. I thought for a moment that the Woolworth tower had crawled into bed with me. It gave me such a start. I must get used to my wrist watch--also wearing a handkerchief up my sleeve. I feel like the sweet kid himself now. Drill all day. My belt fell off and tripped me up. Why do such things always happen to me? Somebody told us to do squads left and it looked as if we were playing Ring Around Rosie. Then we performed a fiendish and complicated little quadrille called a "company square." I found myself, much to my horror, on the inside of the contraption walking directly behind the company commander. It was a very delicate situation for a while. I walked on my tip-toes so that he wouldn't hear me. Had he looked around I know I'd have dropped my gun and lit out for home and mother. Forgot to take my hat off in the mess room. I was reminded, though, by several hundred thoughtful people. _March 5th._ Stood for half an hour in the mail line. Got one letter. A bill from a restaurant for eighteen dollars' worth of past luncheons. I haven't the heart to write more. [Illustration: "A BILL FROM A RESTAURANT FOR $18.00 WORTH OF PAST LUNCHEONS"] _March 6th._ Bag inspection. I almost put my eye out at right hand salute. However, my bag looked very cute indeed, and although he didn't say anything, I feel sure the inspecting officer thought mine was the best. I had a beautiful embroidered handkerchief holder, prominently displayed, which I am sure must have knocked him cold. He missed the dirty white, but I will never be the same. [Illustration: "HE MISSED THE DIRTY WHITES, BUT I WILL NEVER BE THE SAME"] Fire drill! My hammock came unlashed right in front of a C.P.O. and he asked me if I was going to sleep in it on the spot. It was a very inspiring scene. Particularly thrilling was the picture I caught of a very heavy sailor picking on a poor innocent looking little fire extinguisher. He ran the thing right over my foot. I apologized, as usual. I discovered that I have been putting half instead of marlin hitches in my hammock, but not before the inspecting officer did. He seemed very upset about it. When he asked me why I only put six hitches in my hammock instead of seven, I replied that my rope was short. His reply still burns in my memory. What eloquence! What earnestness! What a day! [Illustration: "FIRE DRILL"] _March 7th._ Second jab to-morrow. I am too nervous to write to-day. More anon. _March 16th._ Life in the Navy is just one round of engagements to keep. Simply splendid! All we have to do is to get up at 6 o'clock in the morning when it is nice and dark and play around with the cutest little hammock imaginable. When you have arrived at the most interesting part of this game, the four hitch period, and you are wondering whether you are going to beat your previous record and get six instead of five, the bugle blows and immediately throws you into a state of great indecision. The problem is whether to finish the hammock and be reported late for muster or to attend muster and be reported for not having finished your hammock. The time spent in considering this problem usually results in your trying to do both and in failing to accomplish either, getting reported on two counts. Any enlisted man is entitled to play this game and he is sure of making a score. After running around innumerable miles of early morning camp scenery and losing several buttons from your new trousers, you come back and do Greek dances for a man who aspires to become a second Mordkin or a Mr. Isadora Duncan. This is all very sweet and I am sure the boys play prettily together. First he dances, then we dance; then he interprets a bird and we all flutter back at him. This being done to his apparent satisfaction, we proceed to crawl and grind and weave and wave in a most extraordinary manner. This is designed to give us physical poise to enable us to go aloft in a graceful and pleasing manner. After this dancing in the dew you return for a few more rounds with your hammock, clean up your bay and stand in line for breakfast. After breakfast we muster again and a gentleman talks to us in a voice that would lead you to believe that he thought we were all in hiding somewhere in New Rochelle. Then there are any number of things to do to divert our minds--scrub hammocks, pick up cigarettes, drill, hike and attend lectures. As a rule we do all of these things. From 5 p.m. until 8:45 p.m. if we are unfortunate enough not to have a lecture party we are free to give ourselves over to the riotous joy of the moment, which consists of listening to a phonograph swear bitterly at a piano long past its prime. The final act of the drama of the day is performed on the hammock--an animated little sketch of arms and legs conducted along the lines of Houdini getting into a strait-jacket, or does he get out of them? I don't know, perhaps both. Anyway, you get what I mean. [Illustration: "THIS IS DESIGNED TO GIVE US PHYSICAL POISE"] _March 17th._ This spring weather is bringing the birds out in great quantities. They bloomed along the fence today like a Ziegfeld chorus on an outing. One girl carried on a coherent conversation with six different fellows at once and left each of them feeling that he alone had been singled out for her particular favor. As a matter of fact I was flirting with her all the time and I could tell by the very way she looked that she would have much rather been talking to me. Last week I had to convince mother that I was wearing my flannels; this week I had to convince her I still had them on. The only way to satisfy her, I suppose, is to appear before her publicly in them. Poor, dear mother, she told me she had written the doctor up here asking him not to squirt my arm full of those horrid little germs any more. She said I came from a good, clean family, and had been bathed once a week all my life, except the time when I had the measles and then it wasn't advisable. I am sure this must have cheered the doctor up tremendously. She also asked him to be sure to see that I got my meals regularly. I can see him now taking me by the hand and leading me to the mess-hall. When I suggested to mother that she write President Wilson asking him to be sure to see that my blankets didn't fall off at night, she said that I was a sarcastic, ungrateful boy. _March 18th._ There is something decidedly wrong with me as a sailor. I got my pictures to-day. Try as I may, I am unable to locate the trouble. There seems to be some item left out. Not enough salt in the mixture, perhaps. I don't know exactly what it is but I seem to be a little too, may I say, handsome or, perhaps, polished would be the better word. I'm afraid to send the pictures away because no one will believe them. They will think I borrowed the clothes. _March 19th._ A funny thing happened last Sunday that I forgot to record. A girl had her foot on the fence and when she took it down every one yelled, "As you were." Sailors have such a delicate sense of humor. Well, that's about enough for to-day. _March 20th._ We had a lecture on boats to-day. The only thing I don't know now is how to tell a bilge from a painter. The oar was easy. It is divided into three parts, the stem, the lead and the muzzle. I must remember this, it is very important. The men are getting so used to inoculations around here that they complain when they don't get enough. We're shaping up into a fine body of men, our company commander told us this morning, and added, that if we continue to pick up cigarette butts several more weeks we'll be able to stack arms without dropping our guns. Eli, the goat, seems unwell to-day. I attribute his unfortunate condition to his constant and unrelenting efforts to keep the canteen clear of paper. It is my belief that goats are not healthy because of the fact that they eat paper, but in spite of it, and I feel sure that if all goats got together and decided to cut out paper for a while and live on a regular diet, they would be a much more robust race. The movies were great to-night. I saw Sidney Drew's left ear and a mole on the neck of the man in front of me. _March 21st._ A fellow in our bay asked last night how much an admiral's pay was a month and when we told him he yawned, turned over on his side and said, "Not enough." He added that he could pick up that much at a first-class parade any time. We all tightened our wrist watches. Been blinking at the blinker all evening. Can't make much sense out of it. The bloomin' thing is always two blinks ahead of me. It's all very nice, I dare say, but I'd much rather get my messages on scented paper. I got one to-day. She called me her "Great, big, cute little sailor boy." Those were her exact words. How clever she is. I'm going to marry her just as soon as I'm a junior lieutenant. She'll wait a year, anyway. _March 22d._ I made up verses to myself in my hammock last night. Perhaps I'll send some of them to the camp paper. It would be nice to see your stuff in print. Here's one of the poems: _THE UNREGENERATE SAILOR MAN_ I I take my booze In my overshoes; I'm fond of the taste of rubber; I oil my hair With the grease of bear Or else with a bull whale's blubber. II My dusky wife Was a source of strife, So I left her in Singapore And sailed away At the break of day-- Since then I have widowed four. III Avast! Belay, And alack-a-day That I gazed in the eyes of beauty. For in devious ways Their innocent gaze Has caused me much extra duty. IV I never get past The jolly old mast, The skipper and I are quite chummy; He knows me by sight When I'm sober or tight And calls me a "wicked old rummy." A sort of sweetheart-in-every-port type I intend to make him--a seafaring man of the old school such as I suppose some of the six-stripers around here were. I don't imagine it was very difficult to get a good conduct record in the old days, because from all the tales I've heard from this source and that, a sailor-man who did not too openly boast of being a bigamist and who limited his homicidical inclinations to half a dozen foreigners when on shore leave, was considered a highly respectable character. Perhaps this is not at all true and I for one can hardly believe it when I look at the virtuous and impeccable exteriors of the few remaining representatives with whom I have come in contact. However, any one has my permission to ask them if it is true or not, should they care to find out for themselves. I refuse to be held responsible though. I think I shall send this poem to the paper soon. It must be wonderful to get your poems in print. All my friends would be so proud to know me. I wonder if the editors are well disposed, God-fearing men. [Illustration: "LIBERTY PARTY"] From all I hear they must be a hard lot. Probably they'll be nice to me because of my connections. I know so many bartenders. Next week I rate liberty! Ah, little book, I wonder what these pages will contain when I come back. I hate to think. New York, you know, is such an interesting place. _March 25th._ Man! Man! How I suffer! I'm so weary I could sleep on my company commander's breast, and to bring oneself to that one must be considerably fatigued, so to speak. Who invented liberty, anyway? It's a greatly over-rated pastime as far as I can make out, consisting of coming and going with the middle part omitted. One man whispered to me at muster this morning that all he could remember of his liberty was checking out and checking in. He looked unwell. My old pal, "Spike" Kelly, I hear was also out of luck. His girl was the skipper of a Fourteenth Street crosstown car, so he was forced to spend most of his time riding, between the two rivers. He nickeled himself to death in doing it. He said if Mr. Shonts plays golf, as no doubt he does, he has "Spike" Kelly to thank for a nice, new box of golf balls. And while on the subject, "Spike" observes that one of those engaging car signs should read: "Is it Gallantry, or the Advent of Woman Suffrage, or the Presence of the Conductorette that Causes So Many Sailors to Wear Out Their Seats Riding Back and Forth, and So Many Unnecessary Fares to Be Rung Up in So Doing?" His conversation with "Mame," his light-o'-love, was conducted along this line: "Say, Mame." "Yes, George, dear (fare, please, madam). What does tweetums want?" "You look swell in your new uniform." "Oh, Georgie, do you think it fits? (Yes, madam, positively, the car was brushed this morning, your baby will be perfectly safe inside.)" "Mame." "George! (Step forward, please.) Go on, dear." "Mame, it's doggon hard to talk to you here." "Isn't it just! (What is it lady? Cabbage? Oh, baggage! No, no, you can't check baggage here; this isn't a regular train.) George, stop holding my hand! I can't make change!" "Aw, Mame, who do you love?" "Why, tweetums, I love--(plenty of room up forward! Don't jam up the door) you, of course. (Fare, please! Fare, please! Have your change ready!)" "Can't we get a moment alone, Mame?" "Yes, dear; wait until twelve-thirty, and we'll drive to the car barn then. (Transfers! Transfers!)" "Spike" says that his liberty was his first actual touch with the horrors of war. Another bird that lived in some remote corner of New York State told me in pitiful tones that all he had time to do was to walk down the street of his home town, shake hands with the Postmaster, lean over the fence and kiss his girl (it had to go two ways, Hello and Good-by), take a package of clean underwear from his mother as he passed by and catch the outbound train on the dead run. All he could do was to wave to the seven other inhabitants. He thought the Grand Central Terminal was a swell dump, though. He said: "There was quite a lot of it," which is true. As for myself, I think it best to pass lightly over most of the incidents of my own personal liberty. The best part of a diary is that one can show up one's friends to the exclusion of oneself. Anyway, why put down the happenings of the past forty-three hours? They are indelibly stamped on my memory. One sight I vividly recall, "Ardy" Muggins, the multi-son of Muggins who makes the automatic clothes wranglers. He was sitting in a full-blooded roadster in front of the Biltmore, and the dear boy was dressed this wise ("Ardy" is a sailor, too, I forgot to mention): There was a white hat on his head; covering and completely obliterating his liberty blues was a huge bearskin coat, which when pulled up disclosed his leggins neatly strapped over patent leather dancing pumps. It was an astounding sight. One that filled me with profound emotion. "Aren't you a trifle out of uniform, Ardy?" I asked him. One has to be so delicate with Ardy, he's that sensitive. "Why, I thought I might as well embellish myself a bit," says Ardy. "You've done all of that," says I, "but for heaven's sake, dear, do keep away from Fourteenth Street; there are numerous sea-going sailors down there who might embellish you still further." "My God!" cries Ardy, striving to crush the wind out of the horn, "I never slum." "Don't," says I, passing inside to shake hands with several of my friends behind the mahogany. Shake hands, alas, was all I did. _March 26th._ I must speak about the examinations before I forget it. What a clubby time we had of it. I got in a trifle wrong at the start on account of my sociable nature. You know, I thought it was a sort of a farewell reception given by the officers and the C.P.O.'s to the men departing after their twenty-one days in Probation, so the first thing I did when I went in was to shake hands with an Ensign, who I thought was receiving. He got rid of my hand with the same briskness that one removes a live coal from one's person. The whole proceeding struck me as being a sort of charity bazaar. People were wandering around from booth to booth, in a pleasant sociable manner, passing a word here and sitting down there in the easiest-going way imaginable. Leaving the Ensign rather abruptly, I attached myself to the throng and started in search of ice cream and cake. This brought me up at a table where there was a very pleasant looking C.P.O. holding sway, and with him I thought I would hold a few words. What was my horror on hearing him snap out in a very crusty manner: "How often do you change your socks?" This is a question I allow no man to ask me. It is particularly objectionable. "Why, sir," I replied, "don't you think you are slightly overstepping the bounds of good taste? One does not even jest about such totally personal matters, ye know." Then rising, I was about to walk away without even waiting for his reply, but he called me back and handed me my paper, on which he had written "Impossible" and underlined it. The next booth I visited seemed to be a little more hospitable, so I sat down with the rest of the fellows and prepared to talk of the events of the past twenty-one days. "How many Articles are there?" suddenly asked a C.P.O. who hitherto had escaped my attention. "Twelve," I replied promptly, thinking I might just as well play the game, too. "What are they based on?" he almost hissed, but not quite. "The Constitution of these United States," I cried in a loud, public-spirited voice, at which the C.P.O. choked and turned dangerously red. It seems that not only was I not quite right, but that I couldn't have been more wrong. "Go," he gasped, "before I do you some injury." A very peculiar man, I thought, but, nevertheless, his heart seemed so set on my going that I thought it would be best for us to part. "I am sure I do not wish to force myself upon you," I said icily as I left. The poor man appeared to be on the verge of having a fit. "Do you want to tie some knots?" asked a kind-voiced P.O. at the next booth. "Crazy about it," says I, easy like. "Then tie some," says he. So I tied a very pretty little knot I had learned at the kindergarten some years ago and showed it to him. "What's that?" says he. "That," replies I coyly. "Why, that is simply a True Lover's knot. Do you like it?" "Orderly," he screamed. "Orderly, remove this." And hands were laid upon me and I was hurled into the arms of a small, but ever so sea-going appearing chap, who was engaged in balancing his hat on the bridge of his nose and wig-wagging at the same time. After beating me over the head several times with the flags, he said I could play with him, and he began to send me messages with lightning-like rapidity. "What is it?" he asked. "Really," I replied, "I lost interest in your message before you finished." After this my paper looked like a million dollars with the one knocked off. "What's a hackamatack?" asked the next guy. Thinking he was either kidding me or given to using baby talk, I replied: "Why, it's a mixture between a thingamabob and a nibleck." His treatment of me after this answer so unnerved me that I dropped my gun at the next booth and became completely demoralized. The greatest disappointment awaited me at "Monkey Drill," or setting up exercises, however. I thought I was going to kill this. I felt sure I was going to outstrip all competitors. But in the middle of it all the examiner yelled out in one of those sarcastic voices that all rookies learn to fear: "Are you trying to flirt with me or do you think you're a bloomin' angel?" This so sickened me at heart that I left the place without further ado, whatever that might be. Pink teas in the Navy are not unmixed virtues. _March 27th._ My birthday, and, oh, how I do miss my cake. It's the first birthday I ever had without a cake except two and then I had a bottle. Oh, how well I remember my last party (birthday party)! There was father and the cake all lit up in the center of the table; I mean the cake, not father, of course. And there was Gladys (I always called her "Glad"). She'd been coming to my birthday parties for years and years. She always came first and left last and ate the most and got the sickest of all the girls I knew. It was appalling how that girl could eat. But, as I was saying, there was father and the cake, and there was mother and "Glad" and all the little candles were twinkling, lighting up my presents clustered around, among them being half a dozen maroon silk socks, a box of striped neck ties, all perfect joys; spats, a lounging gown, ever so many gloves and the snappiest little cane in all the world. And what have I around me now? A swab on one side, a bucket on the other, a broom draped over my shoulder, C.P.O.'s in front of me, P.O.'s behind me and work all around me--oh, what a helluvabirthday! I told my company commander last night that the next day was going to be my birthday, hoping he would do the handsome thing and let me sleep a little later in the morning, but did he? No, the Brute, he said I should get up earlier so as to enjoy it longer. As far as I can find out, the Camp remains totally unmoved by the fact that I am one year older to-day--and what a hubbub they used to raise at home. I think the very least they could do up here would be to ask me to eat with the officers. _March 28th._ These new barracks over in the main camp are too large; not nearly so nice as our cosey little bays. I'm really homesick for Probation and the sound of our old company commander's dulcet voice. I met Eli on the street to-day and I almost broke down on his neck and cried. He was the first familiar thing I had seen since I came over to the main camp. _March 29th._ This place is just like the Probation Camp, only more so. Life is one continual lecture trimmed with drills and hikes--oh, when will I ever be an Ensign, with a cute little Submarine Chaser all my own? _April 6th._ The events of the past few days have so unnerved me that I have fallen behind in my diary. I must try to catch up, for what would posterity do should the record of my inspiring career in the service not be faithfully recorded for them to read with reverence and amazement in days to come? One of the unfortunate events arose from scraping a too intimate acquaintance with that horrid old push ball. How did it ever get into camp anyway, and who ever heard of a ball being so large? It doesn't seem somehow right to me--out of taste, if you get what I mean. There is a certain lack of restraint and conservatism about it which all games played among gentlemen most positively should possess. But the chap who pushed that great big beast of a push ball violently upon my unsuspecting nose was certainly no gentleman. Golly, what a resounding whack! This fellow (I suspect him of being a German spy, basing my suspicions upon his seeming disposition for atrocities) was standing by, looking morosely at this small size planet when I blows gently up and says playfully in my most engaging voice: "I say, old dear, you push it to me and I'll push it to you--softly, though, chappy, softly." And with that he flung himself upon the ball and hurled it full upon my nose, completely demolishing it. Now I have always been a little partial to my nose. My eyes, I'll admit, are not quite as soulful as those liquid orbs of Francis X. Bushman's, but my nose has been frequently admired and envied in the best drawing rooms in New York. But it won't be envied any more, I fear--pitied rather. Of course I played the game no more. I was nauseated by pain and the sight of blood. My would-be assassin was actually forced to sit down, he was so weak from brutal laughter. I wonder if I can ever be an Ensign with a nose like this? [Illustration: "OF COURSE I PLAYED THE GAME NO MORE"] _April 7th._ On the way back from a little outing the other day my companion, Tim, who in civil life had been a barkeeper and a good one at that, ingratiated himself in the good graces of a passing automobile party and we consequently were asked in. There were two girls, sisters, I fancy, and a father and mother aboard. "And where do you come from, young gentlemen?" asked the old man. "Me pal comes from San Diego," pipes up my unscrupulous friend, "and my home town is San Francisco." I knew for a fact that he had never been farther from home than the Polo Grounds, and as for me I had only the sketchiest idea of where my home town was supposed to be. "Ah, Westerners!" exclaimed the old lady. "I come from the West myself. My family goes back there every year." "Yes," chimed in the girls, "we just love San Diego!" "In what section of the town did you live?" asked the gentleman, and my friend whom I was inwardly cursing, seeing my perplexity, quickly put in for me: "Oh, you would never know it, sir," and then lowering his voice in a confidential way, he added, "he kept a barroom in the Mexican part of the town." "A barroom!" exclaimed the old lady. "Fancy that!" She looked at me with great, innocent interest. "Yes," continued this lost soul, "my father, who is a State senator, sent him to boarding school and tried to do everything for him, but he drifted back into the old life just as soon as he could. It gets a hold on them, you know." "Yes, I know," said the old lady, sadly, "my cook had a son that went the same way." "He isn't really vicious, though," added my false friend with feigned loyalty--"merely reckless." "Well, my poor boy," put in the old gentleman with cheery consideration, "I am sure you must find that navy life does you a world of good--regular hours, temperate living and all that." "Right you are, sport," says I bitterly, assuming my enforced role, "I haven't slit a Greaser's throat since I enlisted." "We must all make sacrifices these days," sighed the old lady. "And perhaps you will be able to exercise your--er--er rather robust inclinations on the Germans when you meet them on the high seas," remarked the old man, who evidently thought to comfort me. "If I can only keep him out of the brig," said this low-down friend of mine, "I think they might make a first-rate mess hand out of him," at which remark both of the girls, who up to this moment had been studying me silently, exploded into loud peals of mirth and then I knew where I had met them before--at Kitty Van Tassel's coming out party, and I distinctly recalled having spilled some punch on the prettier one's white satin slipper. "We get out here," I said, hoarsely, choking with rage. "But!" exclaimed the old lady, "it's the loneliest part of the road." "However that may be," I replied with fine firmness, "I must nevertheless alight here. I have a great many things to do before I return to camp and lonely roads are well suited to my purposes. My homicidal leanings are completely over-powering me." "Watch him closely," said the old lady to my companion, as the car came to a stop. "He will have to," I replied grimly, as I prepared to alight. "Perhaps Mr. Oswald will mix us a cocktail some day," said one of the sisters, leaning over the side of the car. "I have heard that he supported many bars at one time, but I never knew he really owned one." "What," I heard the old lady exclaiming as the car pulled away, "he really isn't a bartender at all--well, fancy that!" There were a couple of pairs of rather dusty liberty blues in camp that night. _April 8th._ Yesterday mother paid a visit to camp and insisted upon me breaking out my hammock in order for her to see if I had covers enough. "I can never permit you to sleep in that, my dear," she said after pounding and prodding it for a few numbers; "never--and I am sure the Commander will agree with me after I have explained to him how delicate you have always been." Later in the afternoon she became a trifle mollified when I told her that the master-at-arms came around every night and distributed extra blankets to every one that felt cold. "Be sure to see that he gives you enough coverings," she said severely, "or else put him on report," which I faithfully promised to do. She was greatly delighted with the Y.M.C.A. and the Hostess Committee. Here I stood her up for several bricks of ice cream and a large quantity of cake. My fourth attempt she refused, however, saying by way of explanation to a very pretty girl standing by, "It wouldn't be good for him, my dear; my son has always had such a weak stomach. The least little thing upsets him." [Illustration: "SHE WAS GREATLY DELIGHTED WITH THE Y.M.C.A."] "I believe you," replied the young lady, sympathetically, as she gazed at me. I certainly looked upset at the moment. This was worse than the underwear. "So that's an Ensign!" she exclaimed later in an obviously disappointed tone of voice; "well, I'm not so sure that I want you to become one now." The passing ensign couldn't help but hear her, as she had practically screamed in his ear. He turned and studied my face carefully. I think he was making sure that he could remember it. "Now take me to your physician," commanded mother, resolutely. "I want to be sure that he sees that you take your spring tonic regularly." "Mother," I pleaded, "don't you think it is time you were going? I have a private lesson in sale embroidery in ten minutes that I wouldn't miss for the world--the sweetest man teaches it!" "Well, under the circumstances I won't keep you," said mother, "but I'll write to the doctor just the same." "Yes, do," I urged, "send it care of me so that he'll be sure to get it." Mother is not a restful creature in camp. _April 9th._ "Say, there, you with the nose," cried my P.O. company commander to-day, "are you with us or are you playing a little game of your own?" I wasn't so very wrong--just the slight difference between port and present arms. "With you, heart and soul," I replied, hoping to make a favorable impression by a smart retort. "That don't work in the manual," he replied; "use your brain and ears." Unnecessarily rough he was, but I don't know but what he wasn't right. [Illustration: "I WASN'T SO VERY WRONG--JUST THE SLIGHT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN PORT AND PRESENT ARMS"] _April 10th._ I hear that I am going to be put on the mess crew. God pity me, poor wretch! How shall I ever keep my hands from becoming red? What a terrible war it is! _April 11th._ Saw a basket ball game the other night. Never knew it was so rough. I used to play it with the girls and we had such sport. There seemed to be some reason for it then. There are a couple of queer looking brothers on our team who seem to try utterly to demolish their opponents. They remind me of a couple of tough gentlemen from Scranton I heard about in a story once. _April 12th._ The price of fags (gee! I'm getting rough) has gone up again. This war is rapidly cramping my style. _April 14th._ I have been too sick at heart to write up my diary--Eli is dead! "Pop," the Jimmy-legs, found the body and has been promoted to Chief Master-at-arms. It's an ill wind that blows no good. I don't know whether it was because he found Eli or because he runs one of the most modernly managed mess halls in camp or because his working parties are always well attended that "Pop" received his appointment, but whatever it was it does my heart good to see a real seagoing old salt, one of our few remaining ex-apprentice boys, receive recognition that is so well merited. However, I was on much more intimate terms with Eli when I was over in Probation Camp than I was with "Pop." He almost had me in his clutches once for late hammocks, me and eight other poor victims I had led into the trouble, and he had our wheelbarrows all picked out for us, and a nice large pile of sand for us to play with when fate interceded in our behalf. The poor man nearly cried out of sheer anguish of soul, and I can't justly blame him. It's hard lines to have a nice fat extra duty party go dead on your hands. But with Eli it was different. When I was a homeless rookie he took me in and I fed him--cigarette butts--and I'll honestly say that he showed more genuine appreciation than many a flapper I have plied with costly viands. He was a good goat, Eli. Not a refined goat, to be sure, but a good, honest, whole-souled goat just the same. He did his share in policing the grounds, never shirked a cigar end or a bit of paper and amused many a mess gear line. He was loyal to his friends, tolerant with new recruits and a credit to the service in general. Considering the environment in which he lived, I think he deported himself with much dignity and moderation. I for one shall miss Eli. Some of the happier memories of my rookie days die with him. He is survived by numerous dogs. _April 25th._ Yesterday I wandered around Probation Camp in a very patronizing manner and finally stopped to shed a tear on the humble grave of Eli. "Poor sinful goat," I thought sadly, "here you lie at last in your final resting place, but your phantom, I wonder, does it go coursing madly down the Milky Way, butting the stars aside with its battle-scarred head and sending swift gleams of light through the heavens as its hoofs strike against an upturned planet? Your horns, are they tipped with fire and your beard gloriously aflame, or has the great evil spirit of Wayward Goats descended upon you and borne you away to a place where there is never anything to butt save unsatisfactorily yielding walls of padded cotton? Many changes have taken place, Eli, since you were with us, much adversity has befallen me, but the world in the large is very much the same. Bill and Mike have been shipped to sea and strange enough to say, old Spike Kelly has made the Quartermasters School. I alone of all the gang remain unspoken for--nobody seems anxious to avail themselves of my services. My tapes are dirtier and my white hat grows less "sea-going" every day and even you, Eli, are being forgotten. The company commander still carols sweetly in the morning about "barrackses" and fire "distinguishers," rookies still continue to rook about the camp in their timid, mild-eyed way, while week-old sailors with unwashed leggins delight their simple souls with cries of 'twenty-one days.' New goats have sprung up to take your place in the life of the camp and belittle your past achievements, but to me, O unregenerate goat, you shall ever remain a refreshing memory. Good butting, O excellent ruminant, wherever thou should chance to be. I salute you." This soliloquy brought me to the verge of an emotional break-down. I departed the spot in silence. On my way back through Probation I chanced upon a group of rookies studying for their examinations and was surprised to remember how much I had contrived to forget. Nevertheless I stopped one of the students and asked him what a "hakamaback" was and found to my relief that he didn't know. "Back to your manual," said I gloomily, "I fear you will never be a sailor." Having thus made heavy the heart of another, I continued on my way feeling somehow greatly cheered only to find upon entering my barracks that my blankets were in the lucky bag. How did I ever forget to place them in my hammock? It was a natural omission though, I fancy, for the master-at-arms so terrifies me in the morning with his great shouts of "Hit the deck, sailor! Shake a leg--rise an' shine" that I am unnerved for the remainder of the day. _April 29th._ Life seems to be composed of just one parade after another. I am weary of the plaudits and acclamation of the multitude and long for some sequestered spot on a mountain peak in Thibet. Every time I see a street I instinctively start to walk down the middle of it. Last week I was one of the many thousands of Pelham men who marched along Fifth Avenue in the Liberty Loan parade. I thought I was doing particularly well and would have made a perfect score if one of my leggins hadn't come off right in front of the reviewing stand much to the annoyance of the guy behind me because he tripped on it and almost dropped his gun. For the remainder of the parade I was subjected to a running fire of abuse that fairly made my flesh crawl. At the end of the march I ran into a rather nebulous, middle-aged sort of a gentleman soldier who was sitting on the curb looking moodily at a manhole as if he would like to jump in it. "Hello, stranger," says I in a blustery, seafaring voice, "you look as if you'd been cursed at about as much as I have. What sort of an outfit do you belong to?" He scrutinized one of his buttons with great care and then told me all about himself. "I'm a home guard, you know," he added bitterly, "all we do is to escort people. I've escorted the Blue Devils, the Poilus, the Australians, mothers of enlisted men, mothers of men who would have enlisted if they could, Boy Scouts and loan workers until my dogs are jolly well near broken down on me. Golly, I wish I was young enough to enjoy a quiet night's sleep in the trenches for a change." Later I saw him gloomily surveying the world from the window of a passing cab. He was evidently through for the time being at least. _April 30th._ I took my bar-keeping pal home over the last week-end liberty. It was a mistake. He admits it himself. Mother will never have him in the house again. Mother could never get him in the house again. He fears her. The first thing he did was to mix poor dear grandfather a drink that caused the old gentleman to forget his game leg which had been damaged in battles, ranging anywhere from the Mexican to the Spanish wars, according to grandfather's mood at the time he is telling the story, but which I believe, according to a private theory of mine, was really caught in a folding bed. However it was, grandfather forgot all about this leg of his entirely and insisted on dancing with Nora, our new maid. Mother, of course, was horrified. But not content with that, this friend of mine concocted some strange beverage for the pater which so delighted him that he loaned my so-called pal the ten spot I had been intending to borrow. The three of them sat up until all hours of the night playing cards and telling ribald stories. As mother took me upstairs to bed she gazed down on her father-in-law and her husband in the clutches of this demon and remarked bitterly to me: "Like father, like son," and I knew that she was thoroughly determined to make both of them pay dearly for their pleasant interlude. Breakfast the next morning was a rather trying ordeal. Grandfather once more resorted to his game leg with renewed vigor, referring several times to the defense of the Alamo, so I knew he was pretty low in his mind. Father withdrew at the sight of bacon. Mother laughed scornfully as he departed. My friend ate a hearty breakfast and kept a sort of a happy-go-lucky monologue throughout its entire course. I took him out walking afterward and forgot to bring him back. [Illustration: "THE FIRST THING HE DID WAS TO MIX POOR DEAR GRANDFATHER A DRINK"] _April 31st._ Have just come off guard duty and feel quite exhausted. The guns are altogether too heavy. I can think of about five different things I could remove from them without greatly decreasing their utility. The first would be the barrel. The artist who drew the picture in the last camp paper of Dawn appearing in the form of a beautiful woman must have had more luck than I have ever had. I think he would have been closer to the truth if he had put her in a speeding automobile on its way home from a road house. It surely is a proof of discipline to hear the mocking, silver-toned laughter of women ring out in the night only ten feet away and not drop your gun and follow it right through the barbed wire. After the war, I am going to buy lots of barbed wire and cut it up into little bits just to relieve my feelings. Last night I had the fright of my life. Some one was fooling around the fence in the darkness. "Who's there?" I cried. "Why, I'm Kaiser William," came the answer in a subdued voice. "Well, I wish you'd go away, Kaiser William," said I nervously, "you're busting the lights out of rule number six." "What's that?" asks the voice. "Not to commit a nuisance with any one except in a military manner," I replied, becoming slightly involved. "That's not such a wonderful rule," came back the voice in complaining tones. "I could make up a rule better than that." "Don't try to to-night," I pleaded. There was silence for a moment, then the voice continued seriously, "Say, I'm not Kaiser William really. Honest I'm not." "Well, who are you?" I asked impatiently. "Why, I'm Tucks," the voice replied. "Folks call me that because I take so many of them in my trousers." "Well, Tucks," I replied, "you'd better be moving on. I don't know what might happen with this gun. I'm tempted to shoot the cartridge out of it just to make it lighter." "Oh, you can't shoot me," cried Tucks, "I'm crazy. I bet you didn't know that, did you?" "I wasn't sure," I answered. "Oh, I'm awfully crazy," continued Tucks, "everybody says so, and I look it, too, in the daylight." "You must," I replied. "Well, good night," said Tucks in the same subdued voice. "If you find a flock of pink Liberty Bonds around here, remember I lost them." He departed in the direction of City Island. [Illustration: "I WAS TEMPTED TO SHOOT THE CARTRIDGE OUT JUST TO MAKE IT LIGHTER"] _May 1st._ I visited the office of the camp paper to-day and found it to be an extremely hectic place. In the course of a conversation with the Chief I chanced to look up and caught two shining eyes staring malevolently at me from a darkened corner of the room. This creature blinked at me several times very rapidly, wiggled its mustache and suddenly disappeared into the thick shadows. "Who is that?" I cried, startled. "That's our mad photographer," said the Chief. "What do you think of him?" "Do you keep him in there?" I asked, pointing to the coal-black cupboard-like room into which this strange creature had disappeared. "Yes," said the Chief, "and he likes it. Often he stays there for days at a time, only coming out for air." At this juncture there came from the dark room the sounds of breaking glass, which was immediately followed by strange animal-like sounds as the mad photographer burst out of his den and proclaimed to all the world that nothing meant very much in his life and that it would be absolutely immaterial to him if the paper and its entire staff should suddenly be visited with flood, fire and famine. After this gracious and purely gratuitous piece of information he again withdrew, but strange mutterings still continued to issue forth from his lair. While I was sitting in the office the editor happened to drift in from the adjacent room crisply attired in a pair of ragged, disreputable trousers and a sleeveless gray sweater which was raveling in numerous places. It was the shock of my life. "Where's our yeoman?" he grumbled, at which the yeoman, who somehow reminded me of some character from one of Dickens's novels, edged out of the door, but he was too late. Spying him, the editor launched forth on a violent denunciation, in which for no particular reason the cartoonist and sporting editor joined. There they stood, the three of them, abusing this poor simple yeoman in the most unnecessary manner as far as I could make out. Three harder cut-throats I have never encountered. While in the office, I came upon a rather elderly artist crouched over in a corner writhing as if he was in great pain. He was in the throes of composition, I was told, and he looked it. Poor wretch, he seemed to have something on his mind. The only man I saw who seemed to have anything like a balanced mind was the financial shark, a little ferret-eyed, onery-looking cuss whom I wouldn't have trusted out of my sight. He was sitting with his nose thrust in some dusty volume totally oblivious of the pandemonium that reigned around him. He either has a great mind or none at all--probably the latter. I fear I would never make an editor. The atmosphere is simply altogether too strenuous for me. _May 4th._ There seems to be no place in the service for me; I cannot decide what rating to select. To be a quartermaster one must know how to signal, and signaling always tires my arms. One must know how to blow a horrid shrill little whistle in order to become a boatswain mate, and my ears could never stand this. To be a yeoman, it is necessary to know how to rattle papers in an important manner and disseminate misinformation with a straight face, and this I could never do. I fear the only thing left for me is to try for a commission. I'm sure I would be a valuable addition to any wardroom. _May 6th._ "Man the drags! Hey, there, you flannel-footed camel, stop galloping! What are you doing, anyway--playing horses?" "Don't be ridiculous," I cried out, hot with rage and humiliation; "you know perfectly well I'm not playing horse. I realize as well as you do that this is a serious--" At this juncture of my brave retort a gun barrel stove in the back of my head, some one kicked me on the shin and in some indescribable manner the butt of a rifle became entangled between my feet, and down I went in a cloud of dust and oaths. One-fourth of the entire Pelham field artillery passed over my body, together with its crew, while through the roar and confusion raised by this horrible cataclysm I could hear innumerable C.P.O.'s howling and blackguarding me in frenzied tones, and I dimly distinguished their forms dancing in rage amid descending billows of dust. The parade ground swirled dizzily around me, but I had no desire to arise and begin life anew. It would not be worth while. I felt that I had at the most only a short time to live, and that that was too long. The world offered nothing but the most horrifying possibilities to me. "What is the Biltmore to a man in uniform, anyway?" I remember thinking to myself as I lay there with my nose pressed flat to an ant hill, "all the best parts of it are arid districts, waste places, limitless Saharas to him. Death, where is thy sting?" I continued, as an outraged ant assaulted my nose. The world came throbbing back. I felt myself being dragged violently away from my resting place. I was choking. Bidding farewell to the ants, I prepared myself to swoon when gradually, as if from a great distance, I heard the voice of my P.O. He was almost crying. "Take him out," he pleaded; "for Gord sake, take him out. He's hurtin' our gun." [Illustration: "ONE FOURTH OF THE ENTIRE PELHAM FIELD ARTILLERY PASSED OVER MY BODY"] This remark gave me the strength to rise, but not gracefully. My intention was to address a few handpicked words to this P.O. of mine, but fortunately for my future peace of mind I was beyond utterance. Weakly I tottered in the direction of the gun, hoping to support myself upon it. "Hey, come away from that gun!" howled the P.O. "Don't let him touch it, fellers," he pleaded. "Don't let him even go near it. He'll spoil it. He'll completely destroy it." "Say, Buddy," said the Chief to me, and how I hated the ignominy of the word, "I guess I'll take you out of the game for to-day. I'm responsible for Government property, and you are altogether too big a risk." "What shall I do?" I asked, huskily. "Where shall I go?" "Do?" he repeated, in a thoughtful voice. "Go? Well, here's where you can go," and he told me, "and this is what you can do when you get there," and as I departed rather hastily he told me this also. The entire parade ground heard him. How shall I ever be able to hold up my head again in Camp? I departed the spot, but only under one boiler; however, I made fair speed. Like a soldier returning from a week in the trenches, I sought the comfort and seclusion of the Y.M.C.A. Here I witnessed a checker contest of a low order between two unscrupulous brothers. They had a peculiar technique completely their own. It consisted of arts and dodges and an extravagant use of those adjectives one is commonly supposed to shun. "Say, there's a queen down at the end of the room," one of them would suddenly exclaim, and while the other brother was gazing eagerly in that direction he would deliberately remove several of his men from the board. But the other brother, who was not so balmy as he looked, would occasionally discover this slight irregularity and proceed to express his opinion of it by word of mouth, which for sheer force of expression was in the nature of a revelation to me. It was appalling to sit there and watch those two young men, who had evidently at one time come from a good home, sit in God's bright sunshine and cheat each other throughout the course of an afternoon and lie out of it in the most obvious manner. The game was finally discontinued, owing to a shortage of checkermen which they had secreted in their pockets, a fact which each one stoutly denied with many weird and rather indelicate vows. I left them engaged in the pleasant game of recrimination, which had to do with stolen golf balls, the holding out of change and kindred sordid subjects. In my weakened condition this display of fraternal depravity so offended my instinctive sense of honor that I was forced to retire behind the protecting pages of a 1913 issue of "The Farmer's Wife Indispensable Companion," where I managed to lose myself for the time in a rather complicated exposition of how to tell which chicken laid what egg if any or something to that effect, an article that utterly demolished the moral character of the average hen, leaving her hardly a leg to roost on. _May 8th._ "Give away," said the coxswain to-day, when we were struggling to get our cutter off from the pier, and I gave away to such an extent, in fact, that I suddenly found myself balanced cleverly on the back of my neck in the bottom of the boat, so that I experienced the rather odd sensation of feeling the hot sun on the soles of my feet. This procedure, of course, did not go unnoticed. Nothing I do goes unnoticed, save the good things. The coxswain made a few comments which showed him to be a thoroughly ill-bred person, but further than this I was not persecuted. After we had rowed interminable distances through leagues upon leagues of doggedly resisting water a man in the bow remarked casually that he had several friends in Florida we might call upon if we kept it up a little longer, but the coxswain comfortably ensconced upon the hackamatack, was so deeply engrossed in the perusal of a vest pocket edition of the "Merchant of Venice" that he failed to grasp the full meaning of the remark. I lifted my rapidly glazing eyes with no little effort from the keelson and discovered to my horror that we had hardly passed more than half a mile of shore-line at the most. What we had been doing all the time I was unable to figure out. I thought we had been rowing. I could have sworn we had been rowing, but apparently we had not. I looked up from my meditation in time to catch the ironical gaze of the coxswain upon me, and I involuntarily braced myself to the assault. [Illustration: "THE PROCEDURE, OF COURSE, DID NOT GO UNNOTICED"] "Say, there, sailor," said he, with a slow, unpleasant drawl, "you're not rowing; you're weaving. It's fancy work you're doing, blast yer eyes!" All who had sufficient strength left in them laughed jeeringly at this wise observation, but I retained a dignified silence--that is, so far as a man panting from exhaustion can be silent. At this moment we passed a small boat being rowed briskly along by a not unattractive girl. "Now, watch her," said the coxswain, helpfully, to me; "study the way that poor fragile girl, that mere child, pulls the oars, and try to do likewise." I observed in shamed silence. My hands ached. A motor boat slid swiftly by and I distinctly saw a man drinking beer from the bottle. "Hell isn't dark and smoky," thought I to myself; "hell is bright and sunny, and there is lots of sparkling water in it and on the sparkling water are innumerable boats and in these boats are huddled the poor lost mortals who are forced to listen through eternity to the wise cracks of cloven-hoofed, spike-tailed coxswains. That's what hell is," thought I, "and I am in my probation period right now." "Feather your oars!" suddenly screamed our master at the straining crew. "Feather me eye!" yelled back a courageous Irishman. "What do you think these oars are, anyway--a flock of humming birds? Whoever heard of feathering a hundred-ton weight? Feather Pike's Peak, say I; it's just as easy." Somehow we got back to the pier, but I was almost delirious by this time. The last part of the trip was all one drab, dull nightmare to me. This evening my hands were so swollen I was forced to the extremity of bribing a friend to hold the telephone receiver for me when I called up mother. "What have you been doing?" she asked. "Rowing," came my short answer. "What a splendid outing!" she exclaimed. "You had such a lovely day for it, didn't you, dear?" "Hang up that receiver!" I shouted to my friend; "hang it up, or my mother shall hear from the lips of her son words she should only hear from her husband." _May 9th._ I am just after having been killed in a sham battle, and so consequently I feel rather ghastly to-day. I don't exactly know whether I was a Red or a Blue, because I did a deal of fighting on both sides, but always with the same result. I was killed instantly and completely. People got sick of putting me out of my misery after a while and I was allowed to wander around at large in a state of great mystification and excitement, shooting my blank bullets into the face of nature in an aimless sort of manner whenever the battle began to pall upon me. Most of the time I passed pleasantly on the soft, fresh flank of a hill where for a while I slept until a cow breathed heavily in my face and reminded me that it was war after all. My instructions were to keep away from the guns, and get killed as soon as possible. As these instructions were not difficult to follow, I carried them out to the letter. I stayed away from the guns and I permitted myself to be killed several times in order to make sure it would take. After that I became a sort of composite camp follower, deserter and straggler. In my wandering I chanced upon an ancient enemy of many past encounters. "Are you Red or Blue?" I asked, preparing to die for the fifth time. "No," he answered, sarcastically, "I'm what you might call elephant ear gray." "Are you the guy the reporter for the camp paper was referring to in his last story?" I asked him. "Yes," he replied, "the slandering blackguard." "You hit me on the nose with a push-ball," said I. "I'll do it again," said he. "That reporter, evidently a man of some observation, said you didn't wash your neck and that you had the habits of a camel." "But I do wash my neck," he said, stubbornly, "and I don't know anything about the habits of a camel, but whatever they might happen to be, I haven't got 'em." "Yes," I replied, as if to myself, "you certainly should wash your neck. That's the very least you could do." "But I tell you," he cried, desperately, "I keep telling you that I do wash my neck. Why do you go on talking about it as if I didn't! I tell you now, once for all time, that I do wash my neck, and that ends it. Don't talk any more. I want to think." We sat in silence for a space, then I remarked casually, almost inaudibly, "and you certainly shouldn't have the habits of a camel." The depraved creature stirred uneasily. "I ain't got 'em," he said. "Good," I cried heartily. "We understand each other perfectly. In the future you will try to wash your neck and cease from having the habits of a camel. No compromise is necessary. I know you will keep your word." "Go away quickly," he gasped, searching around for a stone to hurl at me, and discarding several because of their small size. "Go away to somewhere else. I'm telling you now, go away or else a special detail will find your lifeless body here in the bushes some time to-morrow." "I've already been thoroughly killed several times to-day," I said, putting a tree between us, "but don't forget about the camel, and for heaven's sake do try to keep your neck--" A stone hit the tree with a resounding crack, and I increased the distance. "Damn the torpedoes!" I shouted back as I disappeared into the pleasant security of the sun-warmed woods. _May 11th._ "What navy do you belong to?" asked an Ensign, stopping me to-day, "the Chinese?" "Why do you ask, sir?" I replied, saluting gracefully. "Of course I don't belong to the Chinese Navy." "What's your rating?" he snapped. "Show girl first class attached to the good ship Biff! Bang! sir," came my prompt retort. "Well, put a watch mark on your arm, sailor, and put it there pronto, or you'll be needing an understudy to pinch hit for you." As a matter of fact I have never put my watch mark on, for the simple reason that I have been rather expecting a rating at any moment, but it seems as if my expectations were doomed to disappointment. Nothing matters much, anyway, now, however, for I have been selected from among all the men in the station to play the part of a Show Girl in the coming magnificent Pelham production, "Biff! Bang!" At last I have found the occupation to which by training and inclination I am naturally adapted. The Grand Moguls that are running this show came around the barracks the other day looking for material, and when they gazed upon me I felt sure that their search had not been in vain. "Why don't you write a 'nut' part for him?" asked one of them of the playwright as they surveyed me critically as if I was some rare specimen of bug life. "That would never do," he answered. "Real 'nuts' can never play the part on the stage. You've got to have a man of intelligence." "Look here," I broke in. "You've got to stop talking about me before my face as if I wasn't really present. Nuts I may be, but I can still understand English, even when badly spoken, and resent it. Lay off that stuff or I'll be constrained to introduce you to a new brand of 'Biff! Bang!'" Saying this, I struck an heroic attitude, but it seemed to produce no startling change in their calm, deliberate examination of me. "He'll do, I think, as a Show Girl," the dance-master mused dreamily. "Like a cabbage, every one of his features is bad, but the whole effect is not revolting. Strange, isn't it, how such things happen." At this point the musician broke in. "He ain't agoing to dance to my music if I know it. He'll ruin it." At which remark I executed a few rather simple but nevertheless neat steps I had learned at the last charity Bazaar to which I had contributed my services, and these few steps were sufficient to close the deal. I was signed up on the spot. As they were leaving the barracks one excited young person ran up and halted the arrogant Thespians. "If I get the doctor to remove my Adam's Apple," he pleaded wistfully, "do you think you could take me on as a pony?" "No," said one of them, not without a certain show of kindness. "I fear not. It would be necessary for him to remove the greater part of your map and graft a couple of pounds on to your sadly unendowed limbs." From that day on my life has become one of unremitting toil. Together with the rest of the Show Girls I vamp and slouch my way around the clock with ever increasing seductiveness. We are really doing splendidly. The ponies come leaping lightly across the floor waving their freckled, muscular arms from side to side and looking very unattractive indeed in their B.V.D.'s, high shoes and sock supporters. "I can see it all," says the Director, in an enthusiastic voice, and if he can I'll admit he has some robust quality of imagination that I fail to possess. Us Show Girls, of course, have to be a little more modest than the ponies, so we retain our white trousers. These are rolled up, however, in order to afford the mosquitoes, who are covering the show most conscientiously, room to roost on. And sad to relate, the life is beginning to affect the boys. Only yesterday I saw one of our toughest ponies vamping up the aisle of Mess Hall No. 2 with his tray held over his head in the manner of a Persian slave girl. The Jimmy-legs, witnessing this strange sight, dropped his jaw and forgot to lift it up again. "Sweet attar of roses," he muttered. "What ever has happened to our poor, long-suffering navy?" At the door of the Mess Hall the pony bowed low to the deck and withdrew with a coy backward flirt of his foot. I can't express in words the remarkable appearance made by some of our seagoing chorus girls when they attempt to assume the light and airy graces of the real article. Some of the men have so deeply entered into their parts that they have attained absolute self-forgetfulness, with the result that they leap and preen about in a manner quite startling to the dispassionate spectator. My career so far has not been a personal triumph. In the middle of a number, the other night, the dancing master clapped his hands violently together, a signal he uses when he wants all motion to cease. "Take 'em down to the end of the room, boys," he said. "I can tell three minutes ahead of time when things are going to go wrong. That man on the end didn't have a thought in his head. He would have smeared the entire number." I was the man on the end. _May 23d._ This has not been a particularly agreeable day, although to a woman no doubt it would have been laden with moments of exquisite ecstasy. Feminine apparel for me has lost for ever the charm of mystery that formerly touched it with enchantment. There is nothing I do not know now. Its innermost secret has been revealed and its revelation has brought with it its full burden of woe. All knowledge is pain and vice versa. I have always admired women; whether so profoundly as they have admired me I know not; however that may be, I have always admired them collectively and individually in the past, but after today's experience my admiration is tinged with pity. The source of these reflections lies in no less an article than a corset. As a Show Girl, it has been my lot to be provided with one of these fiendish devices of medieval days. It is too much. The corset must go. No woman could have experienced the pain and discomfort I have been subjected to this day without feeling entitled to the vote. Yet I dare say there are women who would gladly be poured into a new corset every day of their lives. They can have mine for the asking. Life at its best presents a narrow enough outlook without resorting to cunningly wrought devices such as corsets in order further to confine one's point of view or abdomen, which amounts to the same thing. The whale is a noble animal, it was a very good idea, the whale, and I love every bone in its body, so long as it keeps them there. So tightly was my body clutched in the embrace of this vicious contraption that I found it impossible to inhale my much needed cigarette. The smoke would descend no further than my throat. The rest of me was a closed port, a roadway blocked to traffic. I have suffered. But there were also other devices, other soft, seductive under strappings. I know them all to their last most intimate detail. I feel that now I could join a woman's sewing circle and talk with as much authority and wisdom as the most veteraned corset wearer present. My views would be radical perhaps but at least they would have the virtue of being refreshing. However, I can see some good coming out of my unavoidably acquired knowledge of female attire. In future days, while my wife is out purchasing shirts and neckties for me, I can easily employ my time to advantage in shopping around Fifth Avenue in search of the correct thing in lingerie for her. It will be a great help to the household and I am sure impress my wife with the depth and range of my education, which I will be able to tell her, thank God, was innocently acquired. _May 28th._ I am slowly forming back into my pristine shape but only after having been freed from bondage for some hours. After several more sodas, concoctions which up till recently I have despised as injurious, I guess I will have filled out to my usual dimensions around the waist line, but when I consider the long days of womanhood stretched out before me in the future I will admit it is with a sinking not only of the waist, but also of the heart. More indignities have been heaped upon me. Why did I ever take up the profession of a show girl? To-day I fell into the clutches of the barbers. They were not gentle clutches, brutal rather; and such an outspoken lot they were at that. "What's that?" asked one of them as I stood rather nervously before him with bared chest. "Why, that," I replied, a trifle disconcerted, "that's my chest." He looked at me for a moment, then smiled a slow, pitying smile. "Hey, Tony," he suddenly called to his colleague, "come over here a moment and see what this bird claims to be a chest." All this yelled in the faces of the entire Biff-Bang company. It was more inhuman and debasing than my first physical examination in public. The doctors on this occasion, although they had not complimented me, had at least been comparatively impersonal in despatching their offices, but these men were far from being impersonal. I perceived with horror that it was their intention to use my chest as a means of bringing humor into their drab existences. Tony came and surveyed me critically. "That," he drawled musically, "ees not a chest. That ees the bottom part of hees neck." "I know it is," replied the other, "but somehow his arms have gotten mixed up in the middle of it." Tony shrugged his shoulders eloquently. He assumed the appearance of a man completely baffled. "Honestly, now, young feller," continued my first tormentor, "are you serious when you try to tell us that that is your chest?" He drew attention to the highly disputed territory by poking me diligently with his thumb. "That's the part the doctor always listened to whenever I had a cold," I replied as indifferently as possible. The man pondered over this for a moment. "Well," he replied at length, "probably the doctor was right, but to the impartial observer it would seem to be, as my friend Tony so accurately observed, the bottom part of your neck." "It really doesn't matter much after all," I replied, hoping to close the conversation. "You all were not sent here to establish the location of the different parts of my anatomy, anyway." The man appeared not to have heard me. "I'd swear," he murmured musingly, standing back and regarding me with tilted head, "I'd swear it was his neck if it warn't for his arms." He suddenly discontinued his dreamy observations and became all business. "Well, sir," he began briskly, "now that we've settled that what do you want me to do to it?" "Why, shave it, of course," I replied bitterly. "That's what you're here for, isn't it? All us Show Girls have got to have our chests shaved." "An' after I've shaved your chest, dear," he asked in a soothing voice, "what do you want me to do with it?" "With what?" I replied, enraged, "with my chest?" "No," he answered easily, "not your chest, but that one poor little pitiful hair that adorns it. Do you want me to send it home to your ma, all tied around with a pink ribbon?" I saw no reason to reply to this insult, but stood uneasily and tried to maintain my dignity while he lathered me with undue elaboration. When it was time for him to produce his razor he faltered. "I can't do it," he said brokenly, "I haven't the heart to cut it down in its prime. It looks so lonely and helpless there by itself." He swept his razor around several times with a free-handed, blood-curdling swoop of his arm. "Well, here goes," he said, shutting his eyes and approaching me. Tony turned away as if unable to witness the scene. I was unnerved, but I stood my ground. The deed was done and I was at last free to depart. "That's a terrible chest for a Show Girl," I heard him to say to Tony as I did so. _May 29th._ The world has come clattering down around my ears and I am buried, crushed and bruised beneath the debris. There was a dress rehearsal to-day, and I, from the whole company, was singled out for the wrath of the gods. "Who is that chorus girl on the end acting frantic?" cried out one of the directors in the middle of a number. My name was shouted across the stage until it echoed and resounded and came bounding back in my face from every corner of the shadow-plunged theater. I knew I was in for it and drew myself up majestically although I turned pale under my war paint. "Well, tell him he isn't walking on stilts," continued the director, and although it was perfectly unnecessary, I was told that and several other things with brutal candor. The dance went on but I knew the eyes of the director were on me. My legs seemed to lose all proper coordination. My arms became unmanageable. I lost step and could not pick it up again, yet, as in a nightmare, I struggled on desperately. Suddenly the director clapped his hands. The music ceased, and I slowed down to an uneasy shuffle. "Sweetheart," said the director, addressing me personally, "you're not dancing. You're swimming, that's what you're doing. As a Persian girl you would make a first class squaw." He halted for a moment and then bawled out in a great voice, "Understudy!" and I was removed from the stage in a fainting condition. This evening I was shipped back to camp a thoroughly discredited Show Girl. I had labored long in vicious, soul-squelching corsets and like Samson been shorn of my locks, and here I am after all my sacrifices relegated back to the scrap heap. Why am I always the unfortunate one? I must have a private plot in the sky strewn with unlucky stars. Camp routine after the free life of the stage is unbearably irksome. My particular jimmy legs was so glad to see me back that he almost cried as he thrust a broom and a swab into my hands. "Bear a hand," he said gleefully, "get to work and stick to it. We're short of men," he added, "and there is no end of things for you to do." I did them all and he was right. There surely is no end to the things he can devise for me to do. I long for the glamour and footlights of the gay white way, but I have been cast out and rejected as many a Show Girl has been before me. _June 1st._ The morning papers say all sort of nice things about Biff-Bang but I can hardly believe them sincere after the treatment I received. I know for a fact that the man who took my place was knock-kneed and that the rest of his figure could not hold a candle to mine. I still feel convinced that Biff-Bang lost one of its most prepossessing and talented artists when I was so unceremoniously removed from the chorus. _June 10th._ I was standing doing harm to no one in a vague, rather unfortunate way I have, when all of a sudden, without word or warning, a very competent looking sailor seized me by the shoulders and, thrusting his face close to mine, cried out: "Do you want to make a name for yourself in the service?" I left the ground two feet below me in my fright and when I alighted there were tears of eagerness in my eyes. "Yes," I replied breathlessly, "oh, sir, yes." "Then pick up that," he cried dramatically, pointing to a cigar butt on the parade ground. I didn't wait for the laughter. I didn't have to. It was forthcoming immediately. Huge peals of it. Sailors are a very low tribe of vertebrate. They seem to hang around most of the time waiting for something to laugh at--usually me. It is my belief that I have been the subject of more mirth since I came to camp than any other man on the station. Whatever I do I seem to do it too much or too little. There even seems to be something mirth-provoking in my personal appearance, which I have always regarded hitherto not without a certain shade of satisfaction. Only the other day I caught the eyes of the gloomiest sailor in camp studying me with a puzzled expression. He gazed at me for such a long time that I became quite disconcerted. Slowly a smile spread over his face, then a strange, rusty laugh forced itself through his lips. "Doggone if I can solve it," he chuckled, turning away and shaking his head; "it's just simply too much for me." He looked back once, clapped his hands over his mouth and proceeded merrily on his way. I am glad of course to be able to bring joy into the lives of sailors, but I did not enlist for that sole purpose. Returning to the cigar butt, however, I was really quite disappointed. I do so want to make a name for myself in the service that I would eagerly jump at the chance of sailing up the Kiel canal in a Barnegat Sneak Box were it not for the fact that sailing always makes me deathly sick. I don't know why it is, but the more I have to do with water the more reasons I find for shunning it. The cigar butt episode broke my heart though. I was all keyed up for some heroic deed--what an anti-climax! I left the spot in a bitter, humiliated mood. There is only one comforting part about the whole affair--I did not pick up that cigar butt. He did, I'll bet, though when nobody was looking. I don't know as I blame him--there were still several healthy drags left in it. _June 11th._ This war is going to put a lot of Chinamen out of business if it keeps up much longer. The first thing a sailor will do after he has been paid off will be to establish a laundry, and he won't be a slouch at the business at that. I feel sure that I am qualified right now to take in family laundry and before the end of summer I guess I'll be able to do fancy work. At present I am what you might call a first class laundryman, but I'm not a fancy laundryman yet. Since they've put us in whites I go around with the washer-woman's complaint most of the time. Terrible shooting pains in my back! My sympathy for the downtrodden is increasing by leaps and bounds. I can picture myself without any effort of the imagination bending over a tub after the war doing the family washing while my wife is out running for alderman or pulling the wires to be appointed Commissioner of the Docks. The white clothes situation, however, is serious. It seems that every spare moment I have I am either washing or thinking of washing or just after having washed, and to one who possesses as I do the uncanny faculty of being able to get dirtier in more places in the shortest space of time than any ten street children picked at random could ever equal, life presents one long vista of soap and suds. [Illustration: "THIS WAR IS GOING TO PUT A LOT OF CHINAMEN OUT OF BUSINESS"] "You boys look so cute in your funny white uniforms," a girl said to me the other day. "It must be so jolly wearing them." I didn't strike her, for she was easily ten pounds heavier than I was, but I made it easily apparent that our relations would never progress further than the weather vane. I used to affect white pajamas, the same seeming to harmonize with the natural purity of my nature, but after the war I fear I shall be forced to discontinue the practise in favor of more lurid attire. However, I still believe that a bachelor should never wear anything other than white pajamas or at the most lavender, but this of course is merely a personal opinion. _June 14th._ I have been hard put to-day. The Lord only knows what trials and tribulations will be visited upon me next. At present I am quite unnerved. To-day I was initiated into all the horrifying secrets and possibilities of the bayonet, European style. Never do I remember spending a more unpleasant half an hour. The instructor was a resourceful man possessed of a most vivid imagination. Before he had finished with us potential delicatessen dealers were lying around as thick as flies. We were brushing them off. After several hair-raising exhibitions he formed us into two lines facing each other and told us to begin. "Now lunge," he said, "and look as if you meant business." I glanced ingratiatingly across at my adversary. He was simply glaring at me. Never have I seen an expression of greater ferocity. It was too much. I knew for certain that if he ever lunged at me I'd never live to draw another yellow slip. "Mister Officer," I gasped, pointing across at this blood-thirsty man, "don't you think that he's just a little too close? I'm afraid I might hurt him by accident." The officer surveyed the situation with a swift, practical eye. "Oh, I guess he can take care of himself all right," he replied. That was just what I feared. The man smiled grimly. "But does he know that this is only practise?" I continued. "He certainly doesn't look as if he did." "That's the way you should look," said the officer, "work your own face up a bit. This isn't a vampire scene. Don't look as if you were going to lure him. Y'know you're supposed to be angry with your opponent when you meet him in battle, quite put out in fact. And furthermore you're supposed to look it." I regarded my opponent, but only terror was written on my face. Then suddenly we lunged and either through fear or mismanagement I succeeded only in running my bayonet deep into the ground. In some strange manner the butt of the gun jabbed me in the stomach and I was completely winded. My opponent was dancing and darting around me like a local but thorough-going lightning storm. I abandoned my gun and stood sideways, thus decreasing the possible area of danger. Had the exercises continued much longer I would have had a spell of something, probably the blind staggers. [Illustration: "I STOOD SIDE-WAYS, THUS DECREASING THE POSSIBLE AREA OF DANGER"] "You're not pole vaulting," said the instructor to me, as he returned the gun. "In a real show you'd have looked like a pin cushion by this time." I felt like one. Then it all started over again and this time I thought I was doing a little better, when quite unexpectedly the instructor shouted at me. "Stop prancing around in that silly manner," he cried, "you're not doing a sword dance, sonny." "He thinks he's still a show girl," some one chuckled, "he's that seductive." Mess gear interrupted our happy morning. The sight of a knife fairly sickened me. _June 24th._ Last week I caught a liberty--a perfect Forty-three--and went to spend it with some cliff dwelling friends of mine who, heaven help their wretched lot! lived on the sixth and top floor of one of those famous New York struggle-ups. Before shoving off there was some slight misunderstanding between the inspecting officer and myself relative to the exact color of my, broadly speaking, Whites. "Fall out, there," he said to me. "You can't go out on liberty in Blues." "But these, sir," I responded huskily, "are not Blues; they're Whites." "Look like Blues to me," he said skeptically. "Fall out anyway. You're too dirty." For the first time in my life I said nothing at the right time. I just looked at him. There was a dumb misery in my eyes, a mute, humble appeal such as is practised with so much success by dogs. He couldn't resist it. Probably he was thinking of the days when he, too, stood in line waiting impatiently for the final formalities to be run through before the world was his again. "Turn around," he said brokenly. I did so. "Fall in," he ordered, after having made a prolonged inspection of my shrinking back. "I guess you'll do, but you are only getting through on a technicality--there's one white spot under your collar." Officers are people after all, although sometimes it's hard to realize it. This one, in imagination, I anointed with oil and rare perfumes, and costly gifts I laid at his feet, while in a glad voice I called down the blessings of John Paul Jones upon his excellent head. Thus I departed with my kind and never did the odor of gasoline smell sweeter in my nose than did the fumes that were being emitted by the impatient flivver that waited without the gate. And sweet, too, was the fetid atmosphere of the subway after the clean, bracing air of Pelham, sweet was the smell of garlic belonging to a mustache that sat beside me, and sweet were the buttery fingers of a small child who kept clawing at me while their owner demanded of the whole car if I was a "weal mavy sailor boy?" I didn't look it, and I didn't feel it, but I had forty-three hours of freedom ahead of me, so what did I care? All went well with me until I essayed the six flight climb-up to the cave of these cliff-dwelling people, when I found that the one-storied existence I had been leading in the Pelham bungalows had completely unfitted me for mountain climbing. As I toiled upward I wondered dimly how these people ever managed to keep so fat after having mounted to such a great distance for so long a time. Somehow they had done it, not only maintained their already acquired fat but added greatly thereto. There would be no refreshing cup to quaff upon arriving, only water, or at best milk. This I knew and the knowledge added pounds to my already heavy feet. "My, what a dirty sailor you are, to be sure," they said to me from the depth of their plump complacency. "Quite so," I gasped, falling into a chair, "I seem to remember having heard the same thing once before to-day." _June 25th._ Neither Saturday nor Sunday was a complete success and for a while Saturday afternoon assumed the proportions of a disaster. After having rested from my climb, I decided to wash my Whites so that I wouldn't be arrested as a deserter or be thrown into the brig upon checking in. The fat people on learning of my intentions decided that the sight of such labor would tire them beyond endurance, so they departed, leaving me in solitary possession of their flat. I thereupon removed my jumper, humped my back over the tub, scrubbed industriously until the garment was white, then hastened roofwards and arranged it prettily on the line. This accomplished, I hurried down, removed my trousers, rehumped my back over the tub, scrubbed industriously until the trousers in turn were white and once more dashed roofwards. I have always been absent minded, but never to such an appalling extent as to appear clad only in my scanty underwear in the midst of a mixed throng of ladies, gentlemen and children. This I did. Some venturous souls had claimed the roof as their own during my absence so that when I sprang from the final step to claim my place in the sun I found myself by no means alone. With a cry of horror I leaped to the other side of the clothes-line and endeavored to conceal myself behind an old lady's petticoat or a lady's old petticoat or something of that nature. Whoever wore the thing must have been a very short person indeed, for the garment reached scarcely down to my knees, below which my B.V.D.'s fluttered in an intriguing manner. "Sir," thundered a pompous gentleman, "have you any explanation for your surprising conduct?" "Several," I replied briskly from behind my only claim on respectability. "In the first place, I didn't expect an audience. In the second--" "That will do, sir," broke in this heavy person in a quarterdeck voice. "Who, may I ask, are you?" "You may," I replied. "I'm a God-fearing sailor man who is doing the best he can to keep nice and clean in spite of the uncalled for intervention of a red-faced oaf of a plumber person who should know better than to stand around watching him." [Illustration: "I'M A GOD-FEARING SAILOR MAN WHO IS DOING THE BEST HE CAN TO KEEP CLEAN"] "Don't take on so, George," said one of the women whom I suspected of edging around in order to get a better view of me, "the poor young man is a sailor--where is your patriotism?" "Yes," broke in the other woman, edging around on the other side, "he's one of our sailor boys. Treat him nice." "Patriotic, I am," roared George wrathfully, "but not to the extent of condoning and looking lightly upon such a flagrant breach of decency as this semi-nude, so-called sailor has committed in our midst." "If you'd give me a couple of Thrift Stamps," I suggested, "I might be able to come out from behind this blooming barrage." "Shameless," exploded the man. "Not at all," I replied, "in the olden days it was quite customary for young gentlemen and elderly stout ones like yourself, for instance, to drop in at the best caves with very much less on than I have without any one considering their conduct in any degree irregular. In fact, the ladies of this time were no better themselves, it being deemed highly proper for them to appear in some small bit of stuff and nobody thought the worst of it at all. Take the early days of the fifteenth century B.C.--" At this point in my eloquent address a young child, who had hitherto escaped my attention, took it upon herself to swing on the line with the result that it parted with a snap and my last vestige of protection came fluttering to the roof. For one tense moment I stood gazing into the dilated eyes of those before me. Then with surprising presence of mind, I sprang to a ladder that led to the water tank, swarmed up it with the agility of a cat and lowered myself with a gasp of despair into the cold, cold water of the tank. From this place of security I gazed down on the man who had been responsible for my unfortunate plight. I felt myself sinned against, and the longer I remained in that water, up to my neck, the more I felt my wrongs. I gave voice to them. I said bitter, abusive things to the man. "Clear the quarter deck," I shouted, "get aft, or, by gad, I'll come fluttering down there on your flat, bald head like a blooming flood. Vamoos, hombre, pronto--plenty quick and take your brood with you." Then I said some more things as my father before me had said them, and the man withdrew with his women. "He's a sailor," he said as he did so. "Hurry, my dears, this is worse than nakedness." I emerged and sat in a borrowed bathrobe the rest of the evening. The next morning my clothes were still damp. Now, that's what I call a stupid way to spend a Saturday night on liberty. The fat people enjoyed it. _June 29th._ I met a very pleasant dog yesterday, whom I called Mr. Fogerty because of his sober countenance and the benign but rather puzzled expression in his large, limpid eyes, which were almost completely hidden by his bangs. He was evidently a visitor in camp, so I took him around and introduced him to the rest of the dogs and several of the better sort of goats. In all of these he displayed a friendly but dignified interest, seeming to question them on the life of the camp, how they liked the Navy and what they thought were the prospects for an early peace. He refused to be separated from me, however, and even broke into the mess hall, from which he was unceremoniously ejected, but not before he had gotten half of my ration. In some strange manner he must have found out from one of the other dogs my name and address and exactly where I swung, for in the middle of the night I awoke to hear a lonesome whining in the darkness beneath my hammock and then the sniff, sniff of an investigating nose. As I know how it feels to be lonely in a big black barracks in the dead of night I carefully descended to the deck and collected this animal--it was my old friend, Mr. Fogerty, and he was quite overjoyed at having once more found me. After licking my face in gratitude he sat back on his haunches and waited for me to do something amusing. I didn't have the heart to leave him there in the darkness. Dogs have a certain way about them that gets me every time. I lifted Mr. Fogerty, a huge hulk of a dog, with much care, and adjusting of overlapping paws into my hammock, and received a kiss in the eye for my trouble. Then I followed Mr. Fogerty into the hammock and resumed my slumber, but not with much comfort. Mr. Fogerty is a large, sprawly dog, who evidently has been used to sleeping in vast spaces and who sees no reason for changing a lifelong habit. Consequently he considered me in the nature of a piece of gratifying upholstery. He slept with his hind legs on my stomach and his front paws propped against my chin. When he scratched, as he not infrequently did, what I decided must be a flea, his hind leg beat upon the canvas and produced a noise not unlike a drum. Thus we slept, but through some miscalculation I must have slept over, for it seems that the Master-at-arms, a very large and capable Irishman, came and shook my hammock. [Illustration: "I TOOK HIM AROUND AND INTRODUCED HIM TO THE REST OF THE DOGS AND SEVERAL OF THE BETTER SORT OF GOATS"] "Hit the deck there, sailor," he said, "shake a leg, shake a leg." At this point Mr. Fogerty took it upon himself to peer over the side of the hammock to see who this disturber of peace and quiet could be. This was just a little out of the line of duty for the jimmy legs, and I can't say as I blame him for his conduct under rather trying circumstances. Mr. Fogerty has a large, shaggy head, not unlike a lion's, and his mouth, too, is quite large and contains some very long and sharp teeth. It seems that Mr. Fogerty, still heavy with slumber, quite naturally yawned into the horrified face of the Jimmy-legs, who, mistaking the operation for a hostile demonstration, retreated from the barracks with admirable rapidity for one so large, crying in a distracted voice as he did so: "By the saints, it's a beast he's turned into during the night. Sure, it's a visitation of Providence, heaven preserve us." It seems I have been washing hammocks ever since. Mr. Fogerty sits around and wonders what it's all about. I like Fogerty, but he gets me in trouble, and in this I need no help whatsoever. [Illustration: "I RESUMED MY SLUMBER, BUT NOT WITH MUCH COMFORT"] _July 1st._ This day I almost succeeded in sinking myself for the final count. The fishes around about the environs of City Island were disappointed beyond words when I came up for the fourth time and stayed up. In my delirium I imagined that school had been let out in honor of my reception and that all the pretty little fishes were sticking around in expectant groups cheering loudly at the thought of the conclusion of their meatless days. Fortunately for the Navy, however, I cheated them and saved myself in order to scrub many more hammocks and white clothes, an object to which I seem to have dedicated my life. It all come about, as do most drowning parties, in quite an unexpected manner. For some reason it had been arranged that I should take a swim over at one of the emporiums at City Island, and, as I interposed no objections, I accordingly departed with my faithful Mr. Fogerty tumbling along at my heels. Since Mr. Fogerty involved me in trouble the other day by barking at the Jimmy-legs he has endeavored in all possible ways to make up for his thoughtless irregularity. For instance, he met me this morning with an almost brand new shoe which in some manner he had managed to pick up in his wanderings. It fits perfectly, and if he only succeeds in finding the mate to it I shall probably not look for the owner. As a further proof of his good will Mr. Fogerty bit, or attempted to bite, a P.O. who spoke to me roughly regarding the picturesque way I was holding my gun. "Whose dog is that?" demanded the P.O. Silence in the ranks. Mr. Fogerty looked defiantly at him for a moment and then trotted deliberately over and sat down upon my foot. "Oh, so he belongs to you!" continued the P.O. in a threatening voice. "No, sir," I faltered; "you see, it isn't that way at all. I belong to Mr. Fogerty." "Who in--who in--who is Mr. Fogerty?" shouted the P.O. "And how in--how in--how did _he_ happen to get into the conversation?" "Why, this is Mr. Fogerty," I replied; "this dog here, sitting on my foot." "Oh, is that so?" jeered the P.O., a man noted for his quick retorts. "Well, you take your silly looking dog away from here and secure him in some safe place. He ain't no fit associate for our camp dogs. And, furthermore," he added, "the next time Mr. Fogerty attempts to bite me I'm going to put you on report--savez?" Mr. Fogerty is almost as much of a comfort in camp as mother. Well, that's another something else again and has nothing to do with my swim and approximate drowning at City Island. Swimming has always been one of my strong points, and I have taken in the past no little pride in my appearance, not only in a bathing outfit, but also in the water. However, the suit they provided me with on this occasion did not show me up in a very alluring light. It was quite large and evidently built according to a model of the early Victorian Era. I was swathed in yards of cloth much in the same manner as is a very young child. It delighted Mr. Fogerty, who expressed his admiration by attaching himself to the lower half of my attire and remaining there until I had waded through several colonies of barnacles far out into the bay. Bidding farewell to Mr. Fogerty at this point, I gave myself over to the joy of the moment and went wallowing along, giving a surprising imitation of the famous Australian crawl. Far in the distance I sighted an island, to which I decided to swim. This was a very poor decision, indeed, because long before I had reached the spot I was in a sinking condition owing to the great heaviness of my suit and a tremendous slacking down of lung power. It was too late to retreat to the shore; the island was the nearest point, and that wasn't near. On I gasped, my mind teeming with cheerless thoughts of the ocean's bed waiting to receive me. Just as I was about to shake hands with myself for the last time I cleared the water from my eyes and discovered that the island though still distant was not altogether impossible. Therewith I discarded the top part of my suit and struck out once more. The island was now almost within my grasp. Life seemed to be not such a lost cause after all. Then suddenly, quite clearly, just as I was about to pull myself up on the shore, I saw a woman standing on the bank and heard her shouting in a very conventional voice: "Private property! Private property!" I sank. This was too much. As I came up for the first count, and just before I sank back beneath the blue, I had time to hear her repeat: "Private property! Please keep off!" I went down very quickly this time and very far. When I arose I saw as though in a dream another woman standing by the first one and seemingly arguing with her. "He's drowning!" she said. "I'm sure I can't help that!" the other one answered. And then in a loud, imperious voice: "Private property! No visitors allowed!" The water closed over my head and stilled her hateful voice. "No," she was saying as I came up for the third time; "I can't do it. If I make an exception of one I must make an exception of all." Although I hated to be rude about it, having always disliked forcing myself upon people, I decided on my fourth trip down that unless I wanted to be a dead sailor I had better be taking steps. It was almost too late. There wasn't enough wind left in me to fatten a small sized bubble. "There he is again!" she cried in a petulant voice as I once more appeared. "Why doesn't he go away?" "He's just about to--for good!" said the other lady. With a pitiful yap I struck out feebly in the general direction of the shore. It wouldn't work. My arms refused to move. Then quite suddenly and deliriously I felt two soft, cool arms enfold me, and my head sank back on a delicately unholstered shoulder. Somehow it reminded me of the old days. "Home, James," I murmured, as I was slowly towed to shore. Just before closing my eyes I caught a fleeting glimpse of a young lady clad in one of the one-piecest one-piece bathing suits I had ever seen. She was bending over me sympathetically. "Private property!" cried my tormentor, shaking a finger at me. "What a pity!" I thought as I closed my eyes and drifted off into sweet dreams in which Mr. Fogerty, my beautiful rescuer, and myself were dancing hand-and-hand on the parade ground to the music of the massed band, much to the edification of the entire station assembled in review formation. Presently I awoke to the hateful strains of this old hard-shell's voice: "See what you've done!" she was saying to the young girl. "You've brought in a half naked man, and now that he has seen you in a much worse condition than he is, we'll have ten thousand sailors swimming out to this island in one continuous swarm." "Oh, won't that be fun!" cried the girl. And from that time on, in spite of the objections of her mother, we were fast friends. When I returned to shore it was in a rowboat with this fair young creature. The faithful Fogerty was waiting on the beach for me, where, it later developed, he had been sleeping quite comfortably on an unknown woman's high powered sport hat, as is only reasonable. _July 2nd._ Mother got in again. There seems to be no practical way of keeping her out. This time she came breezing in with a friend from East Aurora, a large, elderly woman of about one hundred and ten summers and an equal number of very hard winters. The first thing mother said was to the effect that she was going to see what she could do about getting me a rating. She did. The very first officer she saw she sailed up to and buttonholed much to my horror. "Why can't my boy Oswald have a pretty little eagle on his arm, such as I see so many of the young men up here wearing about the camp?" The abruptness of this question left the officer momentarily stunned, but I will say for him that he rallied quickly and returned a remarkably diplomatic reply to the effect that the pretty little eagle, although pleasing to gaze upon, was not primarily intended to be so much of a decoration as means of identification, and that certain small qualifications were required, as a rule, before one was permitted to wear one of the emblems in question; qualifications, he hastened to add, which he had not the slightest doubt that I failed to possess if I was the true son of my mother, but which, owing to fate and circumstances, I had probably been unable to exercise. Whereupon he bid her a very courteous good-day, returned my salute, and passed on, but not before the very old lady accompanying my mother saluted also, raising her hand to her funny bit of a bonnet with unnecessary snappiness and snickering in a senile manner. This last episode upset me completely, but the old lady was irrepressible. From that time on she punctuated her progress through the camp with exaggerated salutes to all the officers she encountered on the way. This, of course, was quite a startling and undignified performance for one of her years, very embarrassing to me, as well as mystifying to the officers, who hardly knew whether to hurl me into the brig as vicarious atonement or to rebuke the flighty old creature, on the grounds of undue levity. Most of them passed by, however, with averted eyes and a discountenanced expression, feeling, I am sure, that I had put her up to it. Mother thought it quite amusing, and enjoyed my discomfiture hugely. Then for no particular reason she began to garnish her conversation with inappropriate seagoing expressions, such as "Pipe down," "Hit the deck," "Avast," and "Hello, Buddy!" Where she ever picked up all this nonsense I am at a loss to discover, but she continued to pull it to the bitter end. "Hello, Buddy!" was the way she greeted the Jimmy-legs of my barracks after I had introduced her to him with much elaboration. This completely floored the poor lad, and rendered him inarticulate. He thinks now that I come from either a family of thugs or maniacs, probably the latter. I succeeded in shaking the old thing for a while, and when I next found her she was demonstrating the proper method of washing whites to a group of sailors assembled in the wash room of one of our most popular latrines. She was heading in the direction of the shower baths when I finally rounded her up. She was a game old lady. I'll have to hand her that. Her wildest escapade was reserved for the end of her visit, when I took her over to the K. of C. hut, and she challenged any sailor present to a game of pool for a quarter a ball. When we told her that the sailors in the Navy never gambled she said that she was completely off the service, and that she thought it was high time that we learned to do something useful instead of singing sentimental songs and weaving ourselves into intricate figures. This remark forced us to it, and much against our wills we proceeded to show the old lady up at pool. She had been bluffing all along, and when it came to a showdown we found that she couldn't shoot for shucks. When the news spread around the hut the sailors crowded about her thick as thieves, challenging her to play. She was a wild, unregenerated old lady, but she was by no means an easy mark, as it later developed when she matched them for the winnings, got it all back, and I am told by some sailors that she even left the hut a little ahead of the game. I don't object to notoriety, but there are numerous ways of winning it that are objectionable, and this old lady was one. Mother must have been giddier in her youth than I ever imagined. _July 3d._ Yesterday I lost my dog Fogerty and didn't find him until late in the afternoon. He was up in front of the First Regiment, mustered in with the liberty party. When he discovered my presence he looked coldly at me, as if he had never seen me before, so I knew that he had a date. He just sat there and shook his bangs over his eyes and tried to appear as if he were somewhere else. When the order come to shove off he joined the party and trotted off without even looking back, and that was the last I saw of him until this morning, when he came drifting in, rather unsteadily, and regarded me with a shifty but insulting eye. I am rapidly discovering hitherto unsuspected depths of depravity in Mr. Fogerty, which leads me to believe that he is almost human. _July 4th._ This has been the doggonest Fourth of July I ever spent, and as a result I am in much trouble. All day long I have been grooming myself to look spic and span at the review held in honor of the Secretary when he opened the new wing to the camp. I missed it. I lost completely something in the neighborhood of ten thousand men. It seems hard to do, but the fact, the ghastly fact, remains that I did it. When I dashed out of the barracks with my newly washed, splendidly seagoing, still damp white hat in my hand my company was gone, and the whole camp seemed deserted. Far in the distance I heard the music of the band. Fogerty looked inquiringly at me and I fled. He fled after me. [Illustration: "I LOST COMPLETELY SOMETHING IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF 10,000 MEN"] "Fogerty," I gasped, "this is a trick I have to pull off alone. You're not in on this review, and for God's sake act reasonable." I couldn't bear the thought of chasing across the parade ground with that simple-looking dog bounding along at my heels. My remark had no effect. Fogerty merely threw himself into high, and together we sped in the direction of the music. It was too late. Thousands of men were swinging past in review, and in all that mass of humanity there was one small vacant place that I was supposed to fill. I crouched down behind a tree and observed the scene through stricken eyes. How could I possibly have managed to lose nearly ten thousand men? It seemed incredible, and I realized then that I alone could have accomplished such a feat. And I had been so nice and clean, too, and I had worked so hard to be all of those things. I bowed my head in misery, and Mr. Fogerty, God bless his dissolute soul, crept up to me and tried to tell me it was all right, and didn't matter much anyway. I looked down, and discovered that my snow white hat was all muddy. Fogerty sat on it. _July 8th._ As a result of my being scratched out of the Independence day review I have been tried out as punishment in all sorts of disagreeable positions, all of which I have filled with an inefficiency only equaled by the bad temper of my over-lords. Some of these tasks, one in particular was of such a ridiculous nature that I refuse to enter it into my diary for an unfeeling posterity to jeer at. I am willing to state, however, that the accomplishments of Hercules, that redoubtable handy man of mythology, were trifling in comparison with mine. To begin with, the coal pile is altogether too large and my back is altogether too refined. There should be individual coal piles provided for temperamental sailors. Small, colorful, appetizingly shaped mounds of nice, clean, glistening chunks of coal they should be, and the coal itself could easily be made much lighter, approaching if possible the weight of feathers. This would be a task any reasonably inclined sailor would attack with relish, particularly if his efforts were attended by the strains of some good, snappy jazz. However, reality wears a graver face and a sootier one. Long did I labor and valiantly but to little effect. More coal fell off of my shovel than remained on it. This was due to the unfortunate fact that coal dust seems to affect me most unpleasantly, much in the same manner as daisies or golden rod affect hay fever sufferers. The result was that every time I had my shovel poised in readiness to hurl its burden into space a monolithic sneeze overpowered me, shook me to the keel, and all the coal that I had trapped with so much patience and cunning fell miserably around my feet, from whence it had lately risen. Little things like this become most discouraging when strung out for a great period of time. In this manner I sneezed and sweated throughout the course of a sweltering afternoon, and just as I was about to call it a day along comes an evilly inclined coal wagon and dumps practically in my lap one hundred times more coal than I had disturbed in the entire course of my labors. On top of this Fogerty, who had been loafing around all day with his tongue out disporting himself on the coal pile like a dog in the first snow, started a landslide somewhere above and came bearing down on me in a cloud of dust. I found myself buried beneath the delighted Fogerty and a couple of tons of coal, from which I emerged unbeamingly, but not before Mr. Fogerty had addressed his tongue to my blackened face as an expression of high good humor. [Illustration: "FOGERTY CAME BEARING DOWN ON ME IN A CLOUD OF DUST"] "Take me to the brig," I said, walking over to the P.O., "I'm through. You can put a service flag on that coal pile for me." "What's consuming you, buddy?" asked the P.O. in not an unkindly voice. "Take me to the brig," I repeated, "it's too much. Here I've been working diligently all day to reduce the size of this huge mass, when up comes that old wagon and humps its back and belches forth its horrid contents all over the place. It's ridiculous. I surrender my shovel." "Gord," breathed the P.O., looking at me pityingly, "we don't want to go and reduce that coal pile, we want to enlarge it." "Oh!" I replied, stunned, "I didn't quite understand. I thought you wanted to make it smaller, so I've been trying to shovel it away all afternoon." "You shouldn't oughter have done that," replied the P.O. as if he were talking to an idiot, "I suppose you've been shoveling her down hill all day?" I admitted that I had. "You see," I added engagingly, "I began with trying to shovel her up hill, but the old stuff kept on rolling down on me, so I drew the natural conclusion that I'd better shovel her down hill. It seemed more reasonable and--" "Easier," suggested the P.O. "Yes," I agreed. There was a faraway expression in his eyes when he next spoke. "I'd recommend you for an ineptitude discharge," he said, "if it wasn't for the fact that I have more consideration for the civilian population. I'd gladly put you in the brig for life if I could feel sure you wouldn't injure it in some way. The only thing left for me to do is to make you promise that you'll keep away from our coal pile and swear never to lay violent hands on it again. You'll spoil it." I gazed up at the monumental mass of coal rearing itself like a dark-town Matterhorn above my head and swore fervently never to molest it again. "Go back to your outfit and get washed and tell your P.O. for me that you can't come here no more, and," he added, as I was about to depart, "take that unusual looking bit of animal life with you--it's all wrong. Police his body or he'll ruin some of your pals' white pants and they wouldn't like that at all." I feared they wouldn't. "Yes, sir," I replied in a crumpled voice, "Much obliged, sir." "Please go away now," he said quietly, "or I think I might do you an injury." He was fingering the shovel nervously as he spoke. Thus Fogerty and I departed, banished even from our dusky St. Helena. _July 9th._ Working on the theory of opposites, I was next placed as a waiter in the Chief Petty Officer's Mess over in the First Regiment. I wasn't so good here, it seems. There was something wrong with my technique. The coal pile had ruined me for delicate work. I continually kept mistaking the plate in my hand for a shovel, a mistake which led to disastrous results. I will say this for the chiefs, however--they were as clean-cut, hard-eating a body of men as I have ever met. It was a pleasure to feed them, particularly so in the case of one chief, a venerable gentleman, who seemed both by his bearing and the number of stripes on his sleeve to be the dean of the mess. He ate quietly, composedly and to the point, and after I had spilled a couple of plates of rations on several of the other chiefs' laps he suggested that I call it a day and be withdrawn in favor of one whose services to his country were not so invaluable as mine. Appreciating his delicacy I withdrew, but only to be sent out on another job that defies description. Even here I quickly demonstrated my unfitness and have consequently been incorporated once more into the body of my regiment. _July 10th._ I had the most terrible experience in mess to-day when a guy having eaten more rapidly than I attempted to take my ration. When I told him he shouldn't do it he merely laughed brutally and kicked me an awful whack on the shin. This injury, together with the sight of witnessing my food about to be crammed down his predatory maw, succeeded in bringing all my latent patriotism to the fore and I fell upon him with a desperation bred of hunger. We proceeded to mill it up in a rather futile, childish manner until the Master-at-arms suggested in a certain way he has that we go away to somewhere else. Hereafter if any one asks if I did any actual fighting in this war I am going to say, "Yes, I fought like hell many hard and long battles in camp for my ration," which will be true. "Say, buddy," said my opponent, after we had landed quite violently on the exterior of the Mess Hall, "you didn't git no food at all, did yer?" "No," I replied bitterly; "at all is right." He looked at me for a moment in a strange, studying manner, then began laughing softly to himself. "I don't know what made me do it," he said more to himself than to me. "I wasn't hungry no more. I didn't _really_ want it. I wonder what makes a guy brutal? Guess he sort of has a feelin' to experiment with himself and other folks." "I wish you'd tried that experiment on some one else," I replied, thinking tenderly of my shin. "Sometimes I feel so doggon strong and mean," he continued, "I just can't keep from doing things I don't naturally feel like doing. I guess I'm sort of an animal." "Say," I asked him in surprise, "if you keep talking about yourself that way I won't be able to call you all the names I am carefully preparing at this moment." He peered earnestly down on me for a space. "Does my face make you talk that way?" I asked, feeling dimly and uncomfortably that it did. "Yes," he replied, "it's your face, your foolish looking face. I can't help feeling sorry for it and your funny empty little belly." "You're breaking me down," I answered; "I can't stand kindness." "I ain't no bully," he said fiercely, as if he was about to strike me. "I ain't no bully," he repeated, "I'll tell you that." "No, sir," I replied soothingly, keeping on the alert, "you ain't no bully." Here he took me by the arm and dragged me along with him. "Come on, buddy," he said, "I'm going to take you to the canteen and feed you. I'm going to do it, I swear to God." So he fed me. Stacks and stacks of stuff he forced on me until the flesh rebelled, after which he put things in my pockets, repeating every little while, "I ain't no bully, I'll tell you that, I ain't no bully." He spent most of his money, I reckon, but I did not try to stop him. He wanted to do it and I guess it made him feel better. After the orgy I took him around and let him pat Mr. Fogerty. He seemed to like this. Fogerty took it in good part. _July 11th._ There's something about Wednesday afternoons that doesn't appeal to me. First they make you go away and dress yourself up nice and clean and then they look you over and make you feel nearly as childish as you look. Then they put a gun into your hand that is much too heavy for comfort and make you do all sorts of ridiculous things with this gun, after which you fall in with numerous thousands of other men who have been subjected to the same treatment, and together we all go trotting past any number of officers, who look you over with uncanny earnestness through eyes that seem to perceive the remotest defect with fiendish accuracy. Then we all trot home again and call it a review. This is all very well for some people, but not for me. I'm a little too self-conscious. I have always the feeling that I am the review, that it has been staged particularly for my discomforture, and that every officer in camp is on the lookout for any slight irregularity in my clothes or conduct. In this they have little difficulty. I assist them greatly myself. To-day, for instance: Item one: Dropped my gun. Item two: Talked in ranks. I asked the guy next to me how he would like to go to a place and he said that he'd see me there first. Item three: Failed to follow the guide. Item four: Didn't mark time correctly. Item five: Was in step once. Now all of these things are trifling in themselves, but taken en mass, as it were, it leads up to a sizable display; at least, so I was told in words that denied any other interpretation by my P.O. and several pals of his. After the review our regimental commander lined us up and addressed us as follows: "About that review to-day," he began, "it was terrible" (long, dramatic pause). "It was probably the worst review I have ever seen (several P.O.'s glanced at me reproachfully), not only that," he continued, "but it was the worst review that anybody has ever seen. Anybody! (shouted) without exception! (shouted) awful review! (pause) Terrible!" We steadied in the ranks and waited for our doom. "It will never be so again," he continued, "I'll see to that. I'll drill ye myself. If you have to get up at four o'clock in the morning to drill in order to meet your classes, I'll see that ye do it. Dropping guns! (pause). Talking in ranks! (pause). Out-o-step (terrible pause). Marking time wrong. Everything wrong! Company commanders, take 'em away." We were took. "All of those things," said my P.O. in a trembling voice, "you did. All of 'em. Now the old man's sore on us and he's going to give us hell, and I'm going to do the same by you." "Shoot, dearie," says I, with the desperate indifference of a man who has nothing left to lose, "I wouldn't feel natural if you didn't." And in my hammock that night I thought of another thing I might have said if it had occurred to me in time. I might have said, "Hell is the only thing you know how to give and you're generous with that because it's free." But I guess after all it's just as well I didn't. _August 1st._ Mr. Fogerty has returned aboard. My worst fears are realized. For a long time he has been irritable and uncommunicative with me and has indulged in sly, furtive little tricks unbecoming to a dog of the service. I have suspected that he was concealing a love affair from me. This it appears he has been doing and his guilt is heavy upon him. I realize now for the first time and not without a sharp maternal pang that he has reached an age at which he must make decisions for himself. I can no longer follow him out into the world upon his nocturnal exploits. His entire confidence is not mine. I must be content to share a part of his heart instead of the whole of it. Like father like son, I suppose. However, I see no reason for him to put on such airs. On his return from City Island this time he had somehow contrived to get himself completely shaved up to the shoulders. The result is startling. Fogerty looks extremely aristocratic but a trifle foppish. However, he seems to consider himself the only real four-footed dog in camp. This is a trifle boring from a dog who has never hesitated to steal from the galley anything that wasn't a permanent fixture. I can't help but feel sorry for him though when I see that far-away look in his eyes. Sad days I fear are in store for him. Ah, well, we're only young once. _August 3d._ "Well, now, son," he was saying, "mind me when I tell yer that I'm not claiming as to ever have seen a mermaid, but what I am saying is this and that is if anybody has ever seen one of them things I'm that man. I'm not making no false claims, however, none whatsoever." I carefully placed my shovel against the wheelbarrow and seating myself upon a stump prepared to listen to my companion. He was a chief of many cruises and for some unaccountable reason had fixed on me as being a suitable recipient for his discourse. One more hash mark on his arm would have made him look like a convict. I listened and in the meanwhile many mounds of sand urgently in need of shoveling remained undisturbed. Upon this sand I occasionally cast a reflective and apprehensive eye. The chief, noticing this, nudged me in the ribs with an angular elbow. "Don't mind that, sonny," he said, "I'll pump the fear-o'-God into the heart of any P.O. what endeavors to disturb you. Trust me." I did. "Now getting back to this mermaid," he began in a confidential voice, "what I say as I didn't claim to have saw. It happened this way and what I'm telling you, sonny, is the plain, unvarnished facts of the case, take 'em or leave 'em as you will. They happened and I'm here to tell the whole world so." "I have every confidence in you, chief," I replied mildly. "It is well you have," he growled, scanning my face suspiciously. "It's well you have, you louse." "Why, chief," I exclaimed in an aggrieved voice, "isn't that rather an unappetizing word to apply to a fellow creature?" "Mayhap, young feller," he replied, "mayhap. I ain't no deep sea dictionary diver, I ain't, but all this has got nothing to do with what I was about to tell you. It all happened after this manner, neither no more nor no less." He cleared his throat and gazed with undisguised hostility across the parade ground. Thus he began: "It was during the summer of 1888, some thirty odd years ago," quoth he. "I was a bit young then, but never such a whey face as you, certainly not." "Positively," said I, in hearty agreement. "At that time," he continued, not noticing my remark, "I was resting easy on a soft job between cruises as night watchman on one of them P.O. docks at Dover. The work warn't hard, but it was hard enough. I would never have taken it had it not been for the unpleasant fact that owing to some little trouble I had gotten into at one of the pubs my wife was in one of her nasty, brow-beating moods. At these times the solitude and the stars together with the grateful companionship of a couple of buckets of beer was greatly to be preferred to my little old home. So I took the job and accordingly spent my nights sitting with my back to a pile, my legs comfortably stretched out along the rim of the dock and a bucket of beer within easy reach." "Could anything be fairer than that?" said I. "Nothing," said he, and continued. "Well, one night as I was sitting there looking down in the water as a man does when his mind is empty and his body well disposed, I found myself gazing down into two glowing pools that weren't the reflections of stars. Above these two flecks of light was perched a battered old leghorn hat after the style affected in the music halls of those days. Floating out back of this hat on the water was a long wavery coil of filmy hair, the face was shaded, but two long slim arms were thrust out of the water toward me, and following these arms down a bit I was shocked and surprised to find that further than the hat the young lady below me was apparently innocent of garments. Now I believe in going out with the boys when the occasion demands and making a bit of a time of it, but my folks have always been good, honest church people and believers in good, strong, modest clothing and plenty of 'em. I have always followed their example." "Reluctantly and at a great distance," said I. "Not at all," said he and continued. "So when I sees the condition the young lady was in I was naturally very much put out and I didn't hesitate telling her so. "'Go home,' says I, 'and put your clothes on. You ought to be ashamed of yourself--a great big girl like you.' "'Aw, pipe down, old grizzle face,' says she; 'wot have you got in the bucket?' And if you will believe me she began raising herself out of the water. 'Give me some,' says she. "'Stop,' I cries out exasperated; 'stop where you are; you've gone far enough. For shame.' "'I'll come all the way out,' says she, laughing, 'unless you give me some of wot you got in that bucket.' "'Shame,' I repeated, 'ain't you got no sense of decency?' "'None wot so ever,' she replied, 'but I'm awfully thirsty. Gimme a drink or out I'll come.' "Now you can see for yourself that I couldn't afford to have a woman in her get-up sitting around with me on the end of a dock, being married as I was and my folks all good honest church folks, and bright moon shining in the sky to boot, so I was just naturally forced to give in to the brazen thing and reach her down the bucket, a full one at that. It came back empty and she was forwarder than ever. "'Say,' she cries out, swimming around most exasperatingly, 'you're a nice old party. What do your folks know you by?' "I told her my name was none of her business and that I was a married man and that I wished she'd go away and let me go on with my night watching. "'I'm married too,' says she, in a conversational tone, 'to an awful mess. You're pretty fuzzy, but I'd swap him for you any day. Come on into the sea with me and we'll swim down to Gold Fish Arms and stick around until we get a drink. I know lots of the boys down there. There ain't no liquor dealers where I come from,' and with this if you will believe me she flips a bucket full of water into my lap with the neatest little scale spangled tail you ever seen. "'No,' says I, 'my mind's made up. I ain't agoing to go swimming around with no semi-stewed, altogether nude mermaid. It ain't right. It ain't Christian.' "'I got a hat,' says she reflectively, 'and I ain't so stewed but wot I can't swim. Wot do you think of that hat? One of the boys stole it from his old woman and gave it to me. Come on, let's take a swim.' "'No,' says I, 'I ain't agoing.' "'Just 'cause I ain't all dolled up in a lot of clothes?' says she. "'Partly,' says I, 'and partly because you are a mermaid. I ain't agoing messing around through the water with no mermaid. I ain't never done it and I ain't agoing to begin it now.' "'If I get some clothes on and dress all up pretty, will you go swimming with me then?' she asks pleadingly. "'Well that's another thing,' says I, noncommittal like. "'All right,' says she, 'gimme something out of that other bucket and I'll go away. Come on, old sweetheart,' and she held up her arms to me. "Well, I gave her the bucket and true to form she emptied it. Then she began to argue and plead with me until I nearly lost an ear. "'No,' I yells at her, 'I ain't agoing to spend the night arguing with a drunken mermaid. Go away, now; you said you would.' "'All right, old love,' she replies good-naturedly, 'but I'll see you again some time. I ain't ever going home again. I hate it down there.' And off she swims in an unsteady manner in the direction of the Gold Fish Arms. She was singing and shouting something terrible. "'Oh, bury me not on the lonesome prairie Where the wild coyotes howl o'er me,' was the song she sang and I wondered where she had ever picked it up. "Well," continued the chief, "to cast a sheep shank in a long line, these visits kept up every evening until I was pretty near drove distracted. Along she'd come about sun-down and stick around devilin' me and drinking up all my grog. After a while she began calling for gin and kept threatening me until I just had to satisfy her. She also made me buy her a brush and comb, a mouth organ and a pair of spectacles, together with a lot of other stuff on the strength of the fact that if I refused she would make a scene. In this way that doggon mermaid continually kept me broke, for my wage warn't enough to make me heavy and I had my home to support. "'Don't you ever go home?' I asked her one night. "'No,' she replied, 'I ain't ever going back home. I don't like it down there. There ain't no liquor dealers.' "'But your husband,' exclaims I. 'What of him?' "'I know,' says she, 'but I don't like him and I'm off my baby, too. It squints,' says she. "'But all babies squint,' says I. "'Mine shouldn't,' says she. 'It ain't right.' "Then one night an awful thing happened. My wife came down to the dock to find out how I spent all my money. It was a bright moon-lit night and this lost soul of a mermaid was hanging around, particularly jilled and entreating. I was just in the act of passing her down the gin flask and she was saying to me, 'Come on down, old love; you know you're crazy about me,' when all of a sudden I heard an infuriated shriek behind me and saw my wife leaning over the dock shaking an umbrella at this huzzy of a mermaid. Oh, son," broke off the Chief, "if you only knew the uncontrolled violence and fury of two contending women. Nothing you meet on shipboard will ever equal it. I was speechless, rocked in the surf of a tumult of words. And in the midst of it all what should happen but the husband of the mermaid pops out of the water with a funny little bit of a merbaby in his arms. "'Go home at once, sir,' screams my wife, 'and put on your clothes.' "'I will,' he shouts back, 'if my wife will come along with me.' "He was a weazened up little old man with a crooked back. Not very prepossessing. I could hardly blame his wife. "'So that bit of stuff is your wife, is it?' cries out my old lady, and with that she began telling him her past. "'I know it,' says the little old merman at last, almost crying; 'I know it, but I ain't got no control over her whatsoever. I've been trying to get her to come home for the last fortnight, but she just won't leave off going around with the sailors. The whole beach is ashamed of her. It's general talk down below. What can I do? The little old coral house is going to wrack and ruin and the baby ain't been properly took care of since she left. What am I going to do, madam? What am I going to do? I'm well nigh distracted.' "But his wife was too taken up with the gin bottle to pay much heed to his pitiful words. She just kept flirting around in the water and singing snatches of bad sailor songs she'd picked up around the docks. "'Take her home,' said my wife, 'take her home, you weakling, by force.' "'But I can't when she's in this condition. I got a child in my arms.' "'Give me the baby,' said my wife, with sudden determination. 'I'll take care of it until to-morrow night when you can come back here and get it.' "He handed the flopping little thing up to my wife and turned to the mermaid. "'Lil,' he says to her, holding out his arms to her, 'Lil, will you come home?' "Lil swims up to him then and takes him by the arm and looks at him for a long time. "'Kiss me, Archie,' she says suddenly, 'I don't mind if I do,' and flipping a couple of pounds of water upon the both of us on the pier, she pulls him under the water laughing and that's the last I saw of either of them. Now I ain't asaying as I have ever seen a mermaid mind you," continued the chief, "but what I do say is that if any man has ever seen one I'm the man." "I understand perfectly," said I, "and what, chief, became of the baby?" "Oh, the baby," said the chief, thoughtful like; "the baby--well, you see, about that baby--" he gazed searchingly around the landscape for a moment before replying. "Oh, the baby," he said suddenly, as if greatly relieved, "well, my wife took the baby home and kept it in the bathtub for a couple of days after which she returned it in person to its father. She made me give up my job. It did squint, though," said the chief, as he got up to go, "ever so little." I turned to my shovel. "But I ain't saying as I have ever seen a mermaid," he said, turning back in his tracks, "all I'm saying is that--" "I know, Chief," I said wearily, "I fully appreciate your delicacy and fairness. You're not the man to make any false claims." "No, sir, not I," he replied, as he walked slowly away. _August 5th._ In order to distract Mr. Fogerty's attention from his love affair and in a sort of desperate endeavor to win him back to me I took him away on my last liberty with me. Fogerty doesn't come under the heading of a lap dog, but through some technical quibble I managed to smuggle him into the subway. All he did there was to knock over one elderly lady and lick her face effusively when he had gotten her down. This resulted in a small but complete panic. For the most part, however, he sat quietly on my lap and sniffed at those around him. At last we reached Washington Square, whereupon I proceeded to take Mr. Fogerty around and show him off to my friends. He was well received, but his heart wasn't with us. It was far away in City Island. [Illustration: "FOR THE MOST PART, HOWEVER, HE SAT QUIETLY ON MY LAP AND SNIFFED"] At one restaurant we ran into a female whose hair was nearly as short as Fogerty's. She was holding forth on the Silence of the Soul vs. the Love Impulse, the cabbage or some other plant. Fogerty listened to her for a while and then bit her. He did it quietly, but I thought it best to take him away. After supper we went up to another place for coffee, a fine little place for sailormen, situated on the south side of the square. Here we were received with winning cordiality and Fogerty was given a fried egg, a dish of which he is passionately fond. But even here he got into trouble by putting one of his great feet through a Ukulele, which isn't such a terrible thing to do, except in certain places. Getting back to the station was a crisp little affair. Fogerty and myself rose at five and went forth to the shuttle. The subway was a madhouse. We shuttled ourselves to death. At 5.30 we were at the Times Square end of the shuttle, at 5.45 we were at Williams, at 6 o'clock we had somehow managed to get ourselves on the east side end of the shuttle, five minutes later we were back at Times Square, ten minutes later we were over on the east side once more. At 6.15 I lost Fogerty. At 6.25 I was back at Times Square. "Hello, buddy," said the guard, "you back again? Here's your dog." At 7 o'clock we were at Van Cortlandt Park, at 8 we were at Ninety-sixth Street, 9 o'clock found us laboring up to the gate of the camp, with a written list of excuses that looked like the schedule of a flourishing railroad. It was accepted, much to our surprise. _Aug. 7th._ I have a perfectly splendid idea. Of course, like the rest of my ideas it won't work, but it is a perfectly splendid idea for all that. I got it while traveling on the ferry boat from New York to Staten Island--the longest sea voyage I have had since I joined the Navy. On this trip, strangely thrilling to a sailor in my situation, but which was suffered with bored indifference by the amphibious commuters that infest this Island in those waters, I saw a number of ships so gaudily and at the same time so carelessly painted that any God-fearing skipper of the Spanish Main would positively have refused to command. Captain Kidd himself would have blushed at the very sight of this ribald fleet and turned away with a devout imprecation. This was my first experience with camouflage, and it impressed me most unfavorably. An ordinary ship on a grumbling ocean is difficult enough as it is to establish friendly relations with, but when trigged out in this manner--why serve meals at all, say I. Nevertheless it occurred to me that it would not be a bad idea at all to camouflage one's hammock in such a manner that it took upon itself the texture and appearance of the bulkhead of the barracks in which it was swung. In this manner a sailor could sleep undisturbed for three weeks if he so desired (and he does), without ever being technically considered a deserter. One could elaborate this idea still further and make one's sea bag look like a clump of poison ivy, so that no inspecting officer would ever care to become intimate with its numerous defects in cleanliness. One might even go so far as to camouflage oneself into a writing desk so that when visiting the "Y" or the "K-C" and unexpectedly required to sing one would not be forced to rise and scream impatiently and threateningly "Dear Mother Mine" or "Break the News to Mother." Not that these songs are not things of rare beauty in themselves, but after a day on the coal pile one's lungs have been sufficiently exercised to warrant relief. This is merely an idea of mine, and now that everybody knows about it I guess there isn't much use in going ahead with it. _Aug. 8th._ "This guide i-s l-e-f-t!" shouted the P.O., and naturally I looked around to see what had become of the poor fellow. "Keep your head straight. Eyes to the front! Don't move! Whatcha lookin' at?" "I was looking for the guide that was left," says I timidly. "It seems to me that he is always being left." "Company dismissed," said the P.O. promptly, showing a wonderful command of the situation under rather trying circumstances, for the boo-hoo that went up from the men after my remark defied all restraints of discipline. "Say, Biltmore," says the P.O. to me a moment later, "I'm going to see if I can't get you shipped to Siberia if you pull one of them bum jokes again. You understand?" "But I wasn't joking," I replied innocently. "Aw go on, you sly dog," said he, nudging me in the ribs, and for some strange reason he departed in high good humor, leaving me in a greatly mystified frame of mind. Speaking of getting shipped, I have just written a very sad song in the style of the old sentimental ballads of the Spanish war days. It's called "The Sailor's Farewell," and I think Polly will like it. I haven't polished it up yet, but here it is as it is: A sailor to his mother came and said, "Oh, mother dear, I got to go away and fight the war. So, mother, don't you cry too hard, and don't you have no fear When you find that I'm not sticking 'round no more." "My boy," the sweet old lady said, "I hate to see you go. I've knowed you since when you was but a kid, But if the question you should ask, I'll tell the whole world so-- It's the only decent thing you ever did." A tear she brushed aside, And then she sadly cried: CHORUS "I'm proud my boy's a sailor man what sails upon the sea. I've always liked him pretty well although he is so dumb. For years he's stuck around the house and disappointed me. I thought that he was going to be a bum." He took her gently by the hand and kissed her on the bean And said, "When I'm about to fight the Hun You shouldn't talk to me that way; I think it's awfully mean-- I ain't agoin' to have a lot of fun." "I know, my child," the mother said. "The parting makes me sad, But go you must away and fight the war. At least you will not live to drink as much as did your dad-- So here's your lid, my lad, and there's the door." Then as he turned away He heard her softly say: CHORUS "The sailors I have ever loved. I'm glad my lad's a gob, Although it seems to me he's much too dumb. But after all perhaps he isn't such an awful slob-- I always knew that Kaiser was a bum!" _Aug. 9th._ The best way to make a deserter of a man is to give him too much liberty. For the past week I have been getting my dog Fogerty on numerous liberty lists when he shouldn't have been there, but not contented with that he has taken to going around with a couple of yeomen, and the first thing I know he will be getting on a special detail where the liberty is soft. I put nothing past that dog since he lost his head to some flop-eared huzzy with a black and tan reputation. _Aug. 10th._ All day long and a little longer I have been carrying sacks of flour. The next time I see a stalk of wheat I am going to snarl at it. This new occupation is a sort of special penance for not having my hammock lashed in time. It seems that I have been in the service long enough to know how to do the thing right by now, but the seventh hitch is a sly little devil and always gets me. I need a longer line or a shorter hammock, but the only way out of it that I can see is to get a commission and rate a bed. [Illustration: "I CARRIED ALL THE FLOUR TO-DAY THAT WAS RAISED LAST YEAR IN THE SOUTHERN SECTION OF THE STATE OF MONTANA"] I carried all the flour to-day that was raised last year in the southern section of the State of Montana, and I was carrying it well and cheerfully until one of my pet finger nails (the one that the manicure girls in the Biltmore used to rave about) thrust itself through the sack and precipitated its contents upon myself and the floor. A commissary steward when thoroughly aroused is a poisonous member of society. One would have thought that I had sunk the great fleet the way this bird went on about one little sack of flour. "Here Mr. Hoover works hard night and day all winter," he sobs at me, "and you go spreading it around as if you were Marie Antoinette." I wondered what new scandal he had about Marie Antoinette, but I held my peace. My horror was so great that the real color of my face made the flour look like a coat of sunburn in comparison. "There's enough flour there," he continued reproachfully, pointing to the huge mound of stuff in which I stood like a lost explorer on a snow-capped mountain peak and wishing heartily that I was one, "there's enough flour," he continued, "to keep a chief petty officer in pie for twenty-four hours." "Just about," thought I to myself. "Well," he cried irritably, "pick it up. Be quick. Pick it up--all of it!" "Pick it up," I replied through a cloud of mist, "you can't pick up flour. You can pick up apples and pears and cabbages and cigarette butts for that matter, but you can't pick up flour." The commissary steward suddenly handed me a piece of paper upon which he had been writing frantically. "Take this to your P.O.," he said shrilly, "and take yourself along with it. "A defect in the sack," I gasped, departing. "And there's a defect in you," he shouted after me, "your brain is exempted." "Take this man and kill him if you can find any slight technical excuse for it," the note ran, "and if you can't kill him, give him an inaptitude discharge with my compliments, and if you are unable to do either of these two things, at least keep him away from my outfit. We don't want to see his silly face around here any more at all." The P.O. read it to me with great delight. "I guess we'll have to send you to Siberia after all," he said thoughtfully, "only that country is in far too delicate a condition for you to meddle with at present. Go away to somewhere where I can't see you," he continued bitterly, "for I feel inclined to do you an injury, something permanent and serious." I went right away. _Aug. 11th._ Mother has just paid one of her belligerent visits to the camp, and as a consequence I am on the point of having a flock of brainstorms. Some misguided person had been telling her about the Officer Training School up here, and she arrived fired with the ambition to enter me into that institution without further delay. True to form, she bounded headlong into the matter without consulting my feelings by accosting the very first commissioned officer she met. He happened to be an Ensign, but he might as well have been a Vice-Admiral for all Mother cared. "Tell me, young man," she said to this Ensign, going directly to the point, "do you see any reason why my boy Oswald should not go to that place where they make all the Ensigns?" "Yes," said the officer firmly, "I do." "Oh, you do," snapped Mother angrily, "and pray tell me what that reason might be?" "Your son Oswald," replied the Ensign laconically. "What!" exclaimed Mother, "you mean to say that my Oswald is not good enough to go to your silly old school?" "No," replied the Ensign, weakening pitifully before the withering fury of an aroused mother, "but you see, my dear madam, he has not a first class rating." "Fiddlesticks!" said Mother. "Crossed anchors," replied the Ensign. "I didn't mean that," continued Mother, "I think the whole thing is very mysterious and silly, and I'm not going to let it stop here. You can trust me, Oswald," she went on soothingly. "I am going to see the Commander of the station myself. I am going this very instant." "But, Mother," I cried in desperation, tossing all consequences to the wind, "the 'skipper' isn't on the station to-day. He got a 43-hour liberty. I saw him check out of the gate myself." For a moment the Ensign's jaw dropped. I watched him anxiously. Then with perfect composure he turned to Mother and came through like a little gentleman. "Yes, madam," he stated, "your son is right. I heard his name read out with the liberty party only a moment ago. He has shoved off by now." I could have kissed that Ensign. "Well, I'm sure," said Mother, "it's very funny that I can never get to the Captain. I shall write him, however." "He must have an interesting collection of your letters already," I suggested. "They would be interesting to publish in book form." "Anyway," continued Mother, apparently not attending to my remark, "I think you would look just as well as this young man in one of those nice white suits." "No doubt, madam," replied the Ensign propitiatingly, "no doubt." "Come, Mother," said I, "let's go to the Y.M.C.A. I need something cool to steady my nerves." "How about your underwear?" said Mother, coming back to her mania, in a voice that invited all within earshot who were interested in my underwear to draw nigh and attend. "Here, eat this ice cream," I put in quickly, almost feeding her. "It's melting." But Mother was not to be decoyed away from her favorite topic. "I must look it over," she continued firmly. It seemed to me that every eye in the room was calmly penetrating my whites and carefully looking over the underwear in which Mother took such an exaggerated interest. "Socks!" suddenly exploded Mother. "How are you off for socks?" "Splendidly," I said in a hoarse voice. A girl behind me snickered. "And have you that liniment to rub on your stomach when you have cramps?" she went on ruggedly. "Enough to last through the Fall season," I replied in a moody voice. I didn't tell her that Tim the barkeep had tried to drink it. "Polly!" suddenly exclaimed Mother. "Polly! Why, I forgot to tell you that she said that she would be up this afternoon. She must be here now." The world swam around me. Polly was my favorite sweetie. "Oh, Mother!" I cried reproachfully, "how could you have forgotten?" At that moment I heard a familiar voice issuing from the corner, and turning around, I caught sight of the staff reporter of the camp paper, a notoriously unscrupulous sailor with predatory proclivities. He had gotten Polly in a corner and was chinning the ear off of her. As I drew near I heard him saying: "Really it's an awful pity, but I distinctly remember him saying that he was going away on liberty to-day. He mentioned some girl's name, but it didn't sound anything at all like yours." Polly looked at him trustfully. "Are you sure, Mr.----" "Savanrola," the lying wretch supplied without turning a hair. "Are you sure, Mr. Savanrola, that he has left the station?" "Saw him check out with my own eyes," he said calmly. I moved nearer, my hands twitching. "Now with an honest old seafaring man like myself," he continued, in a confidential voice, "it's different. Why, if I should wear all the hash marks I rate I'd look like a zebra. So I just don't wear any. You know how it is. But when I like a girl I stick to her. Now from the very first moment I laid eyes on you--" Human endurance could stand no more. I threw myself between them. "Why, here's Oswald hisself," exclaimed the reporter with masterfully feigned surprise. "However did you get back so soon?" "I have never been away anywhere to get back from, and you know it," I replied coldly. "Strange!" he said, "I could have sworn that I saw you checking out. Can I get you some ice cream?" he added smoothly. "What on?" I replied bitterly, knowing him always to be broke. "Your mother must have--" "Come," said I to Polly, "leave this degraded creature to ply his pernicious trade alone. I have some very important words to say to you." "Good-by, Mr. Savanrola," said Polly. "Until we meet again," answered the reporter, with the utmost confidence. _Aug. 12th._ It's all arranged. Those words I had to say to Polly were not spoken in vain. She has promised to be my permanent sweetie. Of course, I have had a number of transit sweeties in the past, but now I'm going to settle down to one steady, day in and day out sweetie. I told Tim, the barkeep, about it last night and all he said was: "What about all those parties we'd planned to have after we were paid off?" This sort of set me back for the moment. The spell of Polly's eyes had made me forget all about Tim. "Well, Tim," I replied, "I'll have to think about that. Come on over to the canteen and I'll feed you some of those honest, upstanding sandwiches they have over there." "Say," says Tim, the carnal beast, forgetting everything at the prospect of food, "I feel as if I could cover a flock of them without trying." So together Tim and I had a bachelor's dinner over the sandwiches, which were worthy of that auspicious occasion. _Aug. 17th._ We were standing on a street corner of a neighboring town. The party consisted of Tim the barkeep, the "Spider," an individual who modestly acknowledged credit for having brought relief to several over-crowded safes in the good old civilian days; Tony, who delivered ice in my district also in those aforementioned days, and myself. These gentlemen for some time had been allowing me to exist in peace, and I had been showing my gratitude by buying them whatever little dainties they desired, but such a comfortable state of affairs could not long continue with that bunch. Suddenly, without any previous consultation, as if drawn together as it were by some fiendish undercurrent, they decided to make me unhappy--me, the only guy that spoke unbroken English in the crowd. This is the way they accomplished their low ends. When the next civilian came along they all of them shouted at me in tones that could be heard by all passers-by: "Here comes a 'ciwilian,' buddy; he'll give you a quarter." "Do you need some money, my boy?" said the old gentleman to me in a kindly voice. "No, sir," I stammered, getting red all over, "thank you very much, but I really don't need any money." Ironical laughter from my friends in the background. "Oh, no," cries Tim sarcastically, "he don't need no money. Just watch him when he sees the color of it." "Don't hesitate, my son," continued the kind old man, "if you need anything I would be glad to help you out." "No, sir," I replied, turning away to hide my mortification, "everything is all right." "Poor but proud," hisses the "Spider." The old gentleman passed on, sorely perplexed. For some time I was a victim of this crude plot. When I tried to move away they followed me around the streets, crying after me: "Any 'ciwilian' will give you a quarter. Go on an' ask them." Several ladies stopped and asked if they could be of any service to me. I assured them that they couldn't, but all the time these low sailors whom I had been feeding lavishly kept jeering and intimating that I was fooling and would take any amount of money offered me from a dime up. This shower of conflicting statements always left the kindhearted people in a confused frame of mind and broke me up completely. I had to chase one man all the way down the street and hand him back the quarter he had thrust into my hand. My friends never forgave me for this. At length, tiring of their sport, they desisted and stood gloomily on the curb as sailors do, looking idly at nothing. "It don't look like we was ever going to get a hitch," said the "Spider," after we had abandonedly offered ourselves to several automobiles. At that moment a huge machine rolled heavily by. "There goes a piece of junk," said Tim. The lady in the machine must have heard him, for the car came to and she motioned for us to get in. "Going our way?" she asked, smiling at us. "Thanks, lady," replies Tim, elbowing me aside as he climbed aboard. "Dust your feet," I whispered to Tony as he was about to climb in. "Whatta you mean, dusta my feet?" shouted Tony wrathfully, "you go head an' dusta your feet! I look out for my feet all right." "What did he want yer to do, Tony?" asked Tim in a loud voice. "Dusta my feet," answered Tony, greatly injured. "What yer doin', Oswald?" asks Tim sarcastically, "tryin' to drag us up?" "I only spoke for the best," I answered, sick at heart. "Ha! ha!" grated Tim, "guess you think we ain't never rode in one of these wealthy wagons before." "Arn't you rather young?" asked the lady soothingly of the "Spider," who by virtue of his mechanical experience in civil life had been given a first class rating, "Arn't you rather young to have so many things on your arm?" "Yes," answered the "Spider" promptly, "but I kin do a lot of tricks." The conversation languished from this point. "We always take our boys to dinner, don't we, dear?" said the lady to her husband a little later. "Yes, dear," he answered meekly, just like that. Expectant silence from the four of us. "Have you boys had dinner?" the lady asked. "Certainly not," we cried, with an earnestness that gave the lie to our statement, "no dinner!" "None at all," added Tim thoughtfully. The automobile drew up at a 14k. plate-glass house that fairly made the "Spider" itch. "Gosh," he whispered to me, looking at the porch, "that wouldn't be hard for me." During the dinner he kept sort of lifting and weighing the silver and then looking at me and winking in an obvious manner. "Not many people here to-night," said Tony from behind his plate. "Why, there is the usual number," said the husband in surprise, "my wife and myself live alone." "Oh," said Tony, looking around at the tremendous dining hall, "I thought this was a restaurant." [Illustration: "'OH,' SAID TONY, 'I THOUGHT THIS WAS A RESTAURANT'"] Tim started laughing then, and he hasn't stopped yet. He's so proud he didn't make the mistake himself. The "Spider" didn't open his mouth save for the purpose of eating. He told me he was afraid his teeth would chatter. _Aug. 20th._ Got a letter from Polly to-day. She says that her finger is just itching for the ring. I told the "Spider" about it and he said that he had several unset stones he'd let me have for next to nothing. A good burglar is one of the most valuable friends a man can possess. _Sept. 3d._ I had such a set-back to-day. Never was I more confounded. This morning I received a notice to report before the examining board for a first class rating. Of course I had been expecting some slight recognition of my real worth for a long time, but when the blow fell I was hardly prepared for it. Hurrying to "My Blue Jacket's Manual," I succeeded by the aid of a picture in getting firmly in my mind the port and starboard side of a ship and then I presented myself before the examiners--three doughty and unsmiling officers. There were about twelve of us up for examination. Seating ourselves before the three gentlemen, we gazed upon them with ill-concealed trepidation. One of them called the roll in a languid manner, and then without further preliminaries the battle began, and I received the first shock of the assault. I don't quite remember the question that man asked me, it was all too ghastly at the time, but I think it was something like this: "What would you do if you were at the wheel in a dense fog and you heard three whistles on your port beam, four whistles off the starboard bow, and a prolonged toot dead ahead?" "I would still remain in a dense fog," I gasped in a low voice. "Speak up!" snapped the officer. "Full speed ahead and jumps," whispered a guy next to me. It sounded reasonable. I seized upon it eagerly. "I'd put full steam ahead and jump, sir," I replied. "Are you mad?" shouted the amazed officer. "No, sir," I hastened to assure him, "only profoundly perplexed. I think, sir, that I would go into a conference, under the circumstances." The officer seemed to be on the verge of a breakdown. "What's your name?" asked another officer suddenly. I told him. "Initials?" I told him. He looked at the paper for a moment. "That explains it," he said with a sigh of relief, "you're not the man. There has been some mistake. Orderly, take this man away and bring back the right one. Pronto!" That Spanish stuff sounds awfully sea-going. I was taken away, but the officer had not yet recovered. He regarded me with an expression of profound disgust. Anyway I created a sensation. [Illustration: "'I WOULD STILL REMAIN IN A DENSE FOG,' I GASPED IN A LOW VOICE"] _Sept. 4th._ Things have been happening with overwhelming rapidity. On the strength of being properly engaged to Polly, my permanent sweetie, I went to my Regimental commander this morning and applied for a furlough. He regarded me pityingly for a moment and then carefully scanned a list of names on the desk before him. "I am sorry," he said finally, "but not only am I not able to grant your request, but I have the unpleasant duty to inform you that you are a little less than forty-eight hours from the vicinity of Ambrose light." "Shipped!" I gasped as the world swam around me. "Your name is on this list," said the officer not unkindly. "Shipped!" I repeated in a dazed voice. "It does seem ridiculous, I'll admit," said the officer, smiling, "but you never can tell what strange things are going to happen in the Navy. If I were in your place I'd take advantage of this head start I have given you and get my clothes and sea-bag in some sort of condition. If I remember rightly, you have never been able successfully to achieve this since you've been in the service." "Thank you, sir," I gasped, and bolted. In my excitement I ran violently into a flock of ensigns stalking across the parade ground. "I'm going to be shipped," I cried by way of explanation to one of them as he arose wrathfully. "You're going to be damned," said he, and I was. Too frantic to write more. _Sept. 5th._ All preparations have been made. Tim, Tony and the Spider are going too. I have just been listening to the most disturbing conversation. It all arose from our speculating as to our probable destination and the nature of our services. The Master-at-arms, who had been sleeping on the hammock rack as only a Master-at-arms can, permitted himself to remain awake long enough to join in. "I wouldn't be at all surprised," said he, "if you were shipped to one of these new Submarine Provokers." "What's that?" I asked uneasily. "Why, it's a sort of a dee-coy," said he, stretching his huge hulk, "a little, unarmed boat that goes messing around in the ocean until it finds a submarine and then it provokes it." "How's that?" asked Tim. "Why, you see," continued the jimmy-legs, "it just sort of steams back and forth in front of the submarine, just steams slowly back and forth in front of the submarine until it provokes it." "Ah!" said I, taking a deep breath. "Yes," he continues cheerfully, "and the more you provoked the submarine why the harder it shoots at you, so of course it doesn't notice the real Submarine Sinker coming up behind it. See the tactics." "Oh," says I, "we just provoke the submarine until it loses its temper and the other boat sinks it." "That's it," says the jimmy-legs, "you just sort of steam back and forth in front of it slowly." "How slowly?" asks the Spider. "Very," replied the jimmy-legs. "No guns at all?" asks Tim. "None," says he. "A regular little home," suggests Tony. "Sure," says the jimmy-legs, "nothing to do at all but steam slowly back--" "For God's sake don't dwell on that point any more!" I cried. "We understand it perfectly." "A regular lil' home," muttered Tim as he began to stow his bag. (Later) I write these lines with horror. Some one has told me that the Navy needs Powder tasters, something I'd never heard of before, and that perhaps--that's what we are going to be used for. All you have to do, this guy says, is to taste the powder to see if it's damp or dry and if it's damp you take it away and bake it. This sounds worse than the Submarine Provoker. (Still later) Rumor is rife. The latest report is that we are going to be Mine Openers. "What's a Mine Opener?" I asked my informant. "Why, it's a guy," says he, "that picks up the mines floating around his boat, but only the German mines of course, and opens them to see if they are as dangerous as they look. Some are not half as dangerous as they look," he continues easily, "some are not quite so dangerous and of course some are a great deal more so. But they are all dangerous enough." "My dear chap," I replied, turning away miserably, "a pinwheel is quite dangerous enough for me." _Sept. 6th._ This is being written from the gate. My bag and hammock are beside me. Tim lashed them together for me so they wouldn't come undone. We are waiting for the truck. Tony in his excitable way wants to kiss the guard good-by. The guard doesn't want him to. My last moments at Pelham have been hectic. The doctor said I looked one hundred per cent better than when I came in, but that wasn't enough. If you didn't look at me very closely you wouldn't know that I was such an awful dub. This is progress at any rate. The telephone wires between mother's house and the camp were dripping wet with tears when I phoned her that I was being shipped. However, she braced up and said she was proud of me and said she hoped I'd tell the captain good-by and thank him for all he has done. I assured her I would do this, or at least leave a note. Polly was a trump. The Spider talked to her and said that he was going to save the best uncut stone for her that he had ever bitten out of a ring. The Spider has been very valuable to us all. He seems to have the uncanny faculty of being able to take the cloth straps off other people's clothes right before their eyes. Consequently we are well supplied. At present he's looking at the handle of the gate in a musing way. I think he would like to have it as a souvenir. Here comes the truck. Pelham is about to lose its most useless recruit. I must tuck these priceless pages in my money belt. Wish I had a picture of Polly. Well, here's to the High Adventure, but there's something about that Submarine Provoker I can't quite get used to. It seems just a trifle one sided. However, that is in the lap of the gods. Instead of a camp I will soon have the vast expanses of the ocean in which to demonstrate my tremendous inability to emulate the example of one John Paul Jones. "Bear a hand there, buddy," the P.O. has just cried at me. "Buddy" I came in and "buddy" I go out. We're off! I can dimly distinguish Mr. Fogerty, that unscrupulous dog that abandoned my bed and board for a couple of influential yeomen. Farewell, Fogerty, may your evil ways never bring you to grief. I do wish I had a picture of my Sweetie. [Illustration: "'BUDDY' I CAME IN AND 'BUDDY' I GO OUT"] [Illustration: BILTMORE OSWALD and FOGARTY] THE END 
16602	----	THE MAJOR OPERATIONS OF THE NAVIES IN THE WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE BY A.T. MAHAN, D.C.L., LL.D. CAPTAIN, U.S. NAVY AUTHOR OF 'THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER UPON HISTORY, 1660-1783,' 'THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER UPON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND EMPIRE, 1783-1812,' 'THE RELATIONS OF SEA POWER TO THE WAR OF 1812,' 'NAVAL STRATEGY' ETC. _WITH PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND BATTLE PLANS_ LONDON SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON & COMPANY, LIMITED OVERY HOUSE, 100 SOUTHWARK STREET, S.E. [Illustration: (frontispiece)] _Copyright, 1913_, By A.T. MAHAN _All rights reserved_ Published, October, 1913 THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, CAMBRIDGE, MASS., U.S.A. PREFACE The contents of this volume were first contributed as a chapter, under the title of "Major Operations, 1762-1783," to the "History of the Royal Navy," in seven volumes, published by Messrs. Sampson Low, Marston, and Company, under the general editorship of the late Sir William Laird Clowes. For permission to republish now in this separate form, the author has to express his thanks to the publishers of that work. In the Introduction following this Preface, the author has summarized the general lesson to be derived from the course of this War of American Independence, as distinct from the particular discussion and narration of the several events which constitute the body of the treatment. These lessons he conceives to carry admonition for the present and future based upon the surest foundations; namely, upon the experience of the past as applicable to present conditions. The essential similarity between the two is evident in a common dependence upon naval strength. There has been a careful rereading and revision of the whole text; but the changes found necessary to be made are much fewer than might have been anticipated after the lapse of fifteen years. Numerous footnotes in the History, specifying the names of ships in fleets, and of their commanders in various battles, have been omitted, as not necessary to the present purpose, though eminently proper and indeed indispensable to an extensive work of general reference and of encyclopædic scope, such as the History is. Certain notes retained with the initials W.L.C. are due to the editor of that work. A.T. MAHAN. DECEMBER, 1912. CONTENTS PAGE PREFACE v LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xix LIST OF MAPS xxi LIST OF BATTLE-PLANS xxiii INTRODUCTION THE TENDENCY OF WARS TO SPREAD Macaulay quoted on the action of Frederick the Great 1 Illustration from Conditions of the Turkish Empire 2 Lesson from the Recent War in the Balkans, 1912-1913 2 The War of American Independence a striking example of the Tendency of Wars to Spread 3 Origin and Train of Events in that War, Traced 3 Inference as to possible Train of Future Events in the History of the United States 4 The Monroe Doctrine Simply a Formulated Precaution against the Tendency of Wars to Spread 4 National Policy as to Asiatic Immigration 4 Necessity of an Adequate Navy if these two National Policies are to be sustained 4 Dependence on Navy Illustrated in the Two Great National Crises; in the War of Independence and in the War of Secession 4 The United States not great in Population in proportion to Territory 5 Nor Wealthy in Proportion to exposed Coast-Line 5 Special Fitness of a Navy to meet these particular conditions 5 The Pacific a great World Problem, dependent mainly on Naval Power 5 CHAPTER I THE NAVAL CAMPAIGN ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN 1775-1776 Preponderant effect of Control of the Water upon the Struggle for American Independence 6 Deducible then from Reason and from Experience 6 Consequent Necessity to the Americans of a Counterpoise to British Navy 6 This obtained through Burgoyne's Surrender 6 The Surrender of Burgoyne traceable directly to the Naval Campaigns on Lake Champlain, 1775, 1776 7 The subsequent Course of the War in all Quarters of the world due to that decisive Campaign 7 The Strategic Problem of Lake Champlain familiar to Americans from the Wars between France and Great Britain prior to 1775 8 Consequent prompt Initiative by Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold 8 Energetic Pursuit of first Successes by Arnold 9 Complete Control of Lake Champlain thus secured 9 Invasion of Canada by Montgomery, 1775 9 Arnold marches through Maine Wilderness and joins Montgomery before Quebec 10 Assault on Quebec. Failure, and Death of Montgomery 10 Arnold maintains Blockade of Quebec, 1776 10 Relief of the Place by British Navy 11 Arnold Retreats to Crown Point 12 Arnold's Schemes and Diligence to create a Lake Navy, 1776 13 Difficulties to be overcome 13 Superior Advantages of the British 13 The British by building acquire Superiority, but too late for effect in 1776 13 Ultimate Consequences from this Retardation 14 Constitution of the Naval Force raised by Arnold 14 He moves with it to the foot of Lake Champlain 15 Takes position for Defence at Valcour Island 15 Particular Difficulties encountered by British 15 Constitution of the British Lake Navy 16 Land Forces of the Opponents 17 Naval Forces of the Two at the Battle of Valcour Island 17 Magnitude of the Stake at Issue 18 Arnold's Purposes and Plans 18 Advance of the British 19 Arnold's Disposition of his Flotilla to receive Attack 20 The Battle of Valcour Island 21 The Americans Worsted 22 Arnold Retreats by night Undetected 23 Pursuit by the British 24 Destruction of the American Vessels 25 British Appreciation of the Importance of the Action, as shown 26 Criticism of the conduct of the Opposing Leaders 26 Arnold's Merit and Gallantry 27 End of the Naval Story of the Lakes 27 Effect of the Campaign upon the Decisive Events of 1777 28 CHAPTER II NAVAL ACTION AT BOSTON, CHARLESTON, NEW YORK, AND NARRAGANSETT BAY--ASSOCIATED LAND OPERATIONS, TO THE BATTLE OF TRENTON 1776 Necessity that Force, if resorted to, be from the first Adequate 29 Application to National Policy in peace 29 To the Monroe Doctrine 29 Failure of the British Government of 1775 in this respect 30 Consequences of such failure 30 General Howe evacuates Boston and retires to Halifax. Extent of his Command 30 Dissemination of Effort by British Government 30 Expedition against South Carolina 31 Local Conditions about Charleston 32 Description of Fort Moultrie 33 Plan of British Naval Attack 33 The Battle of Fort Moultrie 34 Failure of the Attack. British Losses 36 Comment upon the Action 37 The Expedition retires to New York 38 The Howes, Admiral and General, arrive in New York Bay 39 Operations about the City 39 Continuous and Decisive, but Inconspicuous, Part played by the British Navy 40 Description of Local Conditions about New York 40 American Preparations for Defence 41 Crucial Weakness of the Scheme 42 The Advance of the British 42 Washington withdraws his Army from the Brooklyn side 43 Success of this Withdrawal due to British Negligence 44 Subsequent Operations, and Retreat of Washington to New Jersey 45 Retreat continued to Pennsylvania, where he receives reinforcements 46 Slackness of Sir William Howe's actions 47 The British take possession of Narragansett Bay. Importance of that position 48 Washington suddenly takes the Offensive. Battle of Trenton 48 He recovers most of the State of New Jersey 49 CHAPTER III THE DECISIVE PERIOD OF THE WAR. SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE AND CAPTURE OF PHILADELPHIA BY HOWE. THE NAVAL PART IN EACH OPERATION 1777 British Object in Campaign of 1777 the same as that in 1776 50 Part assigned to Burgoyne 50 Slowness of his Progress at the beginning 51 Sir William Howe, instead of coöperating, takes his Army to the Chesapeake 52 Criticism of this Course 52 Howe's Progress to Philadelphia, and Capture of that City 53 Admiral Lord Howe takes the Fleet from the Chesapeake to the Delaware 53 Surrender of Burgoyne and his Army 53 British Naval Operations in Delaware Bay 54 Brief Tenure--Nine Months--of Philadelphia by British 55 The general Failure of the British Campaign determined by Howe's move to the Chesapeake 55 General Results of the Campaign 56 Part played by the British Navy. Analogous to that in Spain, 1808-1812, and in many other instances 57 CHAPTER IV WAR BEGINS BETWEEN FRANCE AND GREAT BRITAIN. BRITISH EVACUATE PHILADELPHIA. NAVAL OPERATIONS OF D'ESTAING AND HOWE ABOUT NEW YORK, NARRAGANSETT BAY, AND BOSTON. COMPLETE SUCCESS OF LORD HOWE. AMERICAN DISAPPOINTMENT IN D'ESTAING. LORD HOWE RETURNS TO ENGLAND 1778 France recognizes the Independence of the United States, and makes with them a defensive Alliance 58 A French Fleet sails for America under Comte d'Estaing 59 Unprepared condition of the British Navy 59 Admiral Byron sails with a Reinforcement for America 59 Ill effect of Naval Unreadiness upon British Commerce; and especially on the West Indies 60 Admiral Keppel puts to Sea with the British Channel Fleet 61 First Guns of the War with France 62 Extreme Length of Byron's Passage 62 He turns back to Halifax 62 D'Estaing's slowness allows Howe to escape from Delaware Bay. Howe's Celerity 62 Evacuation of Philadelphia by British Army, and its precipitate Retreat to New York 63 Escape of both Army and Fleet due to d'Estaing's Delays 63 Rapid Action of Lord Howe 64 D'Estaing Arrives off New York 64 Howe's elaborate Dispositions for the Defence of New York Bay 65 Statement of British and French Naval Force 66 D'Estaing decides not to attempt Passage of the Bar, and puts to Sea 67 Anchors off Narragansett Bay 69 Forces the Entrance to Newport and Anchors inside the Bay 70 The British garrison besieged by superior American and French forces 70 Howe appears with his Fleet and anchors off the entrance, at Point Judith 71 Sustained Rapidity of his action at New York 71 D'Estaing Withdraws from Siege of Newport and puts to Sea 73 Manoeuvres of the two Opponents 74 D'Estaing quits the Field, and both Fleets are scattered by a heavy Gale 75 Howe returns to New York and collects his Fleet 76 D'Estaing calls oft Newport; but abandons the Siege finally, taking his Fleet to Boston 77 Critical Condition of British garrison in Newport. D'Estaing's withdrawal compels Americans to raise the siege 77 Howe follows d'Estaing to Boston 77 Discussion of the Conduct of the opposing Admirals 78 Howe gives up his Command and returns to England 80 CHAPTER V THE NAVAL WAR IN EUROPE. THE BATTLE OF USHANT 1778 Admirals Keppel and D'Orvilliers put to Sea from Portsmouth and Brest 82 Instructions given to the French Admiral 83 Preliminary Manoeuvres after the two Fleets had sighted one another 83 The Battle of Ushant 84 A Drawn Battle. The respective Losses 91 The Significance of the Battle in the fighting Development of the British Navy 93 The "Order of Battle" 93 The Disputes and Courts Martial in Great Britain arising from the Battle of Ushant 94 Keppel Resigns his Command 97 CHAPTER VI OPERATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES, 1778-1779. THE BRITISH INVASION OF GEORGIA AND SOUTH CAROLINA Influence of Seasonal Conditions upon Naval Operations in America 98 Commercial Importance of the West Indies 98 The French seize Dominica 99 D'Estaing Sails with his Fleet from Boston for Martinique 100 A British Squadron under Hotham sails the same day for Barbados, with Five Thousand Troops 100 Admiral Barrington's Seizure of Santa Lucia 101 D'Estaing sails to Recapture it 102 Rapidity and Skill shown in Barrington's Movements and Dispositions 102 D'Estaing's attacks Foiled, both on Sea and on Shore 103 He Abandons the attempt and Returns to Martinique 104 Importance of Santa Lucia in Subsequent Operations 104 Byron Reaches Barbados, and takes over Command from Barrington 105 D'Estaing Captures the British Island Grenada 105 Byron goes to its Relief 106 The Action between the two Fleets, of Byron and d'Estaing, July 6, 1779 106 Criticism of the two Commanders-in-Chief 110 D'Estaing returns to Grenada, which remains French 112 Byron returns to England. British North American Station assigned to Admiral Arbuthnot, Leeward Islands to Rodney 113 British Operations in Georgia and South Carolina. Capture of Savannah 113 Fatal Strategic Error in these Operations 114 D'Estaing's attempt to Retake Savannah Foiled 115 His appearance on the coast, however, causes the British to abandon Narragansett Bay 115 D'Estaing succeeded by de Guichen in North America. Rodney also arrives 115 CHAPTER VII THE NAVAL WAR IN EUROPEAN WATERS, 1779. ALLIED FLEETS INVADE THE ENGLISH CHANNEL. RODNEY DESTROYS TWO SPANISH SQUADRONS AND RELIEVES GIBRALTAR Spain declares War against Great Britain 116 Delays in Junction of French and Spanish Fleets 116 They enter the Channel. Alarm in England 117 Plans of the French Government 118 Their Change and Failure. The Allied Fleets return to Brest 119 Criticism of the British Ministry 120 Divergent views of France and Spain 120 Prominence given to Gibraltar, and the resulting Effect upon the general War 121 Exhaustion of Supplies at Gibraltar 121 Rodney with the Channel Fleet Sails for its Relief, with ultimate Destination to Leeward Islands Command 121 He Captures a large Spanish Convoy 122 And Destroys a Second Spanish Squadron of Eleven Sail-of-the-Line 123 Distinction of this Engagement 124 Gibraltar and Minorca Relieved 125 Rodney proceeds to the West Indies 126 The Channel Fleet returns to England 126 CHAPTER VIII RODNEY AND DE GUICHEN'S NAVAL CAMPAIGN IN WEST INDIES. DE GUICHEN RETURNS TO EUROPE AND RODNEY GOES TO NEW YORK. LORD CORNWALLIS IN THE CAROLINAS. TWO NAVAL ACTIONS OF COMMODORE CORNWALLIS. RODNEY RETURNS TO WEST INDIES 1780 Rodney's Force upon arrival in West Indies 128 Action between British and French Squadrons prior to his arrival 129 Rodney and de Guichen put to sea 130 Action between them of April 17, 1780 131 Cause of Failure of Rodney's Attack 133 His Disappointment in his Subordinates 135 His Expression of his Feelings 135 Discussion of the Incidents and Principles involved 137 The Losses of the Respective Fleets 140 They Continue to Cruise 141 The Action of May 15, 1780 142 That of May 19, 1780 144 The Results Indecisive 144 Contrary Personal Effect produced upon the two Admirals by the encounters 145 De Guichen asks to be Relieved 145 Rodney's Chary Approval of his Subordinates in these two instances 145 Suspicion and Distrust rife in the British Navy at this period 146 Twelve Spanish Sail-of-the-Line, with Ten Thousand Troops, Arrive at Guadeloupe 147 They refuse Coöperation with de Guichen in the Windward Islands 147 De Guichen Accompanies them to Haïti with his Fleet 147 He declines to Coöperate on the Continent with the Americans, and sails for Europe 148 Rodney Arranges for the protection of the Homeward West India Trade, and then proceeds to New York 149 Effect of his coming 150 The Year 1780 one of great Discouragement to Americans 151 Summary of the Operations in the Carolinas and Virginia, 1780, which led to Lord Cornwallis's Surrender in 1781 151 Two Naval Actions sustained by Commodore Cornwallis against superior French forces, 1780 153 The Year 1780 Uneventful in European seas 157 Capture of a great British Convoy 157 The Armed Neutrality of the Baltic Powers 158 The Accession of Holland to this followed by a Declaration of War by Great Britain 158 The French Government withdraws all its Ships of War from before Gibraltar 158 CHAPTER IX NAVAL CAMPAIGN IN WEST INDIES IN 1781. CAPTURE OF ST. EUSTATIUS BY RODNEY. DE GRASSE ARRIVES IN PLACE OF DE GUICHEN. TOBAGO SURRENDERS TO DE GRASSE Effects of the Great Hurricanes of 1780 in West Indies 159 Rodney's Diminished Force. Arrival of Sir Samuel Hood with reinforcements 160 Rodney receives Orders to seize Dutch Possessions in Caribbean 160 Capture of St. Eustatius, St. Martin, and Saba 161 The large Booty and Defenceless state of St. Eustatius 161 Effect of these Conditions upon Rodney 161 Hood detached to cruise before Martinique 162 De Grasse arrives there with Twenty Ships-of-the-Line 163 Indecisive Action between de Grasse and Hood 164 Criticism of the two Commanders 166 Junction of Rodney and Hood 166 De Grasse attempts Santa Lucia, and Fails 167 He captures Tobago 168 He decides to take his Meet to the American Continent 168 CHAPTER X NAVAL OPERATIONS PRECEDING AND DETERMINING THE FALL OF YORKTOWN. CORNWALLIS SURRENDERS 1781 Summary of Land Operations in Virginia early in 1781 169 Portsmouth Occupied 170 A French Squadron from Newport, and a British from Gardiner's Bay, proceed to the Scene 170 They meet off the Chesapeake 171 Action between Arbuthnot and des Touches, March 16, 1781 171 The Advantage rests with the French, but they return to Newport. Arbuthnot enters the Chesapeake 174 Cornwallis reaches Petersburg, Virginia, May 20 175 Under the directions of Sir Henry Clinton he evacuates Portsmouth and concentrates his forces at Yorktown, August 22 175 The French Fleet under de Grasse Anchors in the Chesapeake, August 30 176 British Naval Movements, in July and August, affecting conditions in the Chesapeake 176 Admiral Graves, successor to Arbuthnot at New York, joined there by Sir Samuel Hood, August 28 177 Washington and Rochambeau move upon Cornwallis 178 The British Fleet under Graves arrives off the Chesapeake 179 Action between de Grasse and Graves, September 5 179 Hood's Criticism of Graves's Conduct 181 The British, worsted, return to New York. De Grasse, reinforced, re-enters the Chesapeake, September 11 184 Cornwallis Surrenders, October 19 184 De Grasse and Hood Return to West Indies 185 CHAPTER XI NAVAL EVENTS OF 1781 IN EUROPE. DARBY'S RELIEF OF GIBRALTAR, AND THE BATTLE OF THE DOGGER BANK Leading Objects of the Belligerents in 1781 186 The Relief of Gibraltar by Admiral Darby 186 Capture of British Convoy with the spoils of St. Eustatius 188 The French and Spanish Fleet under Admiral de Cordova again enters the English Channel 188 Darby in inferior Force shut up in Tor Bay 188 The Allies Decide not to attack him, but to turn their Efforts against British Commerce 189 Minorca Lost by British 189 The Battle of the Dogger Bank, between British and Dutch Fleets 190 CHAPTER XII THE FINAL NAVAL CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST INDIES. HOOD AND DE GRASSE. RODNEY AND DE GRASSE. THE GREAT BATTLE OF APRIL 12, 1782 Capture and Destruction near Ushant of a great French Convoy for the West Indies opens the Naval Campaign of 1782 195 Attack upon the Island of St. Kitts by de Grasse and de Bouillé 197 Hood sails for its Relief from Barbados 197 His Plan of procedure 198 Balked by an Accident 199 He Succeeds in dislodging de Grasse and taking the Anchorage left by the French 200 Unsuccessful Attempt by de Grasse to shake Hood's position 203 St. Kitts nevertheless compelled to Surrender owing to having insufficient Land Force 205 Hood Extricates himself from de Grasse's Superior Force and Retires 205 Rodney arrives from England and joins Hood 205 Project of French and Spaniards against Jamaica 206 De Grasse sails from Martinique with his whole Fleet and a large Convoy 207 Rodney's Pursuit 208 Partial Actions of April 9, 1782 209 British Pursuit continues 211 It is favored by the Lagging of two Ships in the French Fleet, April 11 211 An Accident that night induces de Grasse to bear down, and enables Rodney to force Action 212 The Battle of April 12 begins 214 A Shift of Wind enables the British to Break the French Order in three places 217 Consequences of this Movement 218 Resultant Advantages to the British 219 Practices of the opposing Navies in regard to the Aims of Firing 219 Consequences Illustrated in the Injuries received respectively 220 Inadequate Use made by Rodney of the Advantage gained by his Fleet 220 Hood's Criticisms 220 Hood's Opinion shared by Sir Charles Douglas, Rodney's Chief-of-Staff 222 Rodney's own Reasons for his Course after the Battle 222 His Assumptions not accordant with the Facts 223 Actual Prolonged Dispersion of the French Fleet 224 Hood, Detached in Pursuit, Captures a small French Squadron 224 Rodney Superseded in Command before the news of the victory reached England 225 The general War Approaches its End 226 CHAPTER XIII HOWE AGAIN GOES AFLOAT. THE FINAL RELIEF OF GIBRALTAR 1782 Howe appointed to Command Channel Fleet 227 Cruises first in North Sea and in Channel 228 The Allied Fleets in much superior force take Position in the Chops of the Channel, but are successfully evaded by Howe 229 The British Jamaica Convoy also escapes them 229 Howe ordered to Relieve Gibraltar 229 Loss of the _Royal George_, with Kempenfelt 229 Howe Sails 229 Slow but Successful Progress 230 Great Allied Fleet in Bay of Gibraltar 230 Howe's Success in Introducing the Supplies 231 Negligent Mismanagement of the Allies 231 Partial Engagement when Howe leaves Gibraltar 232 Estimate of Howe's Conduct, and of his Professional Character 232 French Eulogies 232 CHAPTER XIV THE NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE EAST INDIES, 1778-1783. THE CAREER OF THE BAILLI DE SUFFREN Isolation characteristic of Military and Naval Operations in India 234 Occurrences in 1778 234 Sir Edward Hughes sent to India with a Fleet, 1779 235 The Years prior to 1781 Uneventful 235 A British Squadron under Commodore Johnstone sent in 1781 to seize Cape of Good Hope 236 A Week Later, a French Squadron under Suffren sails for India 236 Suffren finds Johnstone Anchored in Porto Praya, and attacks at once 237 The immediate Result Indecisive, but the Cape of Good Hope is saved by Suffren arriving first 238 Suffren reaches Mauritius, and the French Squadron sails for India under Comte d'Orves 239 D'Orves dies, leaving Suffren in Command 240 Trincomalee, in Ceylon, captured by Hughes 240 First Engagement between Hughes and Suffren, February 17, 1782 240 Second Engagement, April 12 242 Third Engagement, July 6 244 Suffren captures Trincomalee 247 Hughes arrives, but too late to save the place 247 Fourth Engagement between Hughes and Suffren, September 3 248 Having lost Trincomalee, Hughes on the change of monsoon is compelled to go to Bombay 251 Reinforced there by Bickerton 251 Suffren winters in Sumatra, but regains Trincomalee before Hughes returns. Also receives Reinforcements 251 The British Besiege Cuddalore 252 Suffren Relieves the Place 253 Fifth Engagement between Hughes and Suffren, June 20, 1783 253 Comparison between Hughes and Suffren 254 News of the Peace being received, June 29, Hostilities in India cease 255 GLOSSARY OF NAUTICAL AND NAVAL TERMS USED IN THIS BOOK 257 INDEX 267 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Remains of the _Revenge_, one of Benedict Arnold's Schooners on Lake Champlain in 1776. Now in Fort Ticonderoga. _Frontispiece_ FACING PAGE Major-General Philip Schuyler 12 Edward Pellew, afterwards Admiral, Lord Exmouth 12 Benedict Arnold 27 Attack on Fort Moultrie in 1776 33 Richard, Earl Howe 78 Charles Henri, Comte d'Estaing 78 Admiral, the Honourable Samuel Barrington 104 Comte de Guichen 144 George Brydges, Lord Rodney 144 François-Joseph-Paul, Comte de Grasse, Marquis de Tilly 204 Admiral, Lord Hood 204 Sir Edward Hughes, K.B. 254 Pierre André de Suffren de Saint Tropez 254 LIST OF MAPS FACING PAGE Lake Champlain and Connected Waters 8 New York and New Jersey: to illustrate Operations of 1776, 1777, and 1778 40 Narragansett Bay 70 Leeward Islands (West Indies) Station 99 Island of Santa Lucia 101 Island of Martinique 164 Peninsula of India, and Ceylon 234 North Atlantic Ocean. General Map to illustrate Operations in the War of American Independence 280 LIST OF BATTLE-PLANS FACING PAGE D'Orvilliers and Keppel, off Ushant, July 27, 1778 Figure 1 86 Figures 2 and 3 90 D'Estaing and Byron, July 6, 1779 106 Rodney and De Guichen, April 17, 1780, Figures 1 and 2 132 Rodney and De Guichen, May 15, 1780 143 Cornwallis and De Ternay, June 20, 1780 156 Arbuthnot and Des Touches, March 16, 1781 172 Graves and De Grasse, September 5, 1781 180 Hood and De Grasse, January 25, 1782, Figures 1 and 2 201 Hood and De Grasse, January 26, 1782, Figure 3 203 Rodney and De Grasse, April 9 and 12, 1782 Figures 1 and 2 210 Figure 3 212 Figures 4 and 5 215 Figure 6 218 Johnstone and Suffren, Porto Praya, April 16, 1781 237 Hughes and Suffren, February 17, 1782 240 Hughes and Suffren, April 12, 1782 243 Hughes and Suffren, July 6, 1782 243 Hughes and Suffren, September 3, 1782 249 * * * * * THE MAJOR OPERATIONS OF THE NAVIES IN THE WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE INTRODUCTION THE TENDENCY OF WARS TO SPREAD Macaulay, in a striking passage of his Essay on Frederick the Great, wrote, "The evils produced by his wickedness were felt in lands where the name of Prussia was unknown. In order that he might rob a neighbour whom he had promised to defend, black men fought on the coast of Coromandel, and red men scalped each other by the Great Lakes of North America." Wars, like conflagrations, tend to spread; more than ever perhaps in these days of close international entanglements and rapid communications. Hence the anxiety aroused and the care exercised by the governments of Europe, the most closely associated and the most sensitive on the earth, to forestall the kindling of even the slightest flame in regions where all alike are interested, though with diverse objects; regions such as the Balkan group of States in their exasperating relations with the Turkish empire, under which the Balkan peoples see constantly the bitter oppression of men of their own blood and religious faith by the tyranny of a government which can neither assimilate nor protect. The condition of Turkish European provinces is a perpetual lesson to those disposed to ignore or to depreciate the immense difficulties of administering politically, under one government, peoples traditionally and racially distinct, yet living side by side; not that the situation is much better anywhere in the Turkish empire. This still survives, though in an advanced state of decay, simply because other States are not prepared to encounter the risks of a disturbance which might end in a general bonfire, extending its ravages to districts very far remote from the scene of the original trouble. Since these words were written, actual war has broken out in the Balkans. The Powers, anxious each as to the effect upon its own ambitions of any disturbance in European Turkey, have steadily abstained from efficient interference in behalf of the downtrodden Christians of Macedonia, surrounded by sympathetic kinsfolk. Consequently, in thirty years past this underbrush has grown drier and drier, fit kindling for fuel. In the Treaty of Berlin, in 1877, stipulation was made for their betterment in governance, and we are now told that in 1880 Turkey framed a scheme for such,--and pigeonholed it. At last, under unendurable conditions, spontaneous combustion has followed. There can be no assured peace until it is recognised practically that Christianity, by the respect which it alone among religions inculcates for the welfare of the individual, is an essential factor in developing in nations the faculty of self-government, apart from which fitness to govern others does not exist. To keep Christian peoples under the rule of a non-Christian race, is, therefore, to perpetuate a state hopeless of reconcilement and pregnant of sure explosion. Explosions always happen inconveniently. _Obsta principiis_ is the only safe rule; the application of which is not suppression of overt discontent but relief of grievances. The War of American Independence was no exception to the general rule of propagation that has been noted. When our forefathers began to agitate against the Stamp Act and the other measures that succeeded it, they as little foresaw the spread of their action to the East and West Indies, to the English Channel and Gibraltar, as did the British ministry which in framing the Stamp Act struck the match from which these consequences followed. When Benedict Arnold on Lake Champlain by vigorous use of small means obtained a year's delay for the colonists, he compassed the surrender of Burgoyne in 1777. The surrender of Burgoyne, justly estimated as the decisive event of the war, was due to Arnold's previous action, gaining the delay which is a first object for all defence, and which to the unprepared colonists was a vital necessity. The surrender of Burgoyne determined the intervention of France, in 1778; the intervention of France the accession of Spain thereto, in 1779. The war with these two Powers led to the maritime occurrences, the interferences with neutral trade, that gave rise to the Armed Neutrality; the concurrence of Holland in which brought war between that country and Great Britain, in 1780. This extension of hostilities affected not only the West Indies but the East, through the possessions of the Dutch in both quarters and at the Cape of Good Hope. If not the occasion of Suffren being sent to India, the involvement of Holland in the general war had a powerful effect upon the brilliant operations which he conducted there; as well as at, and for, the Cape of Good Hope, then a Dutch possession, on his outward voyage. In the separate publication of these pages, my intention and hope are to bring home incidentally to American readers this vast extent of the struggle to which our own Declaration of Independence was but the prelude; with perchance the further needed lesson for the future, that questions the most remote from our own shores may involve us in unforeseen difficulties, especially if we permit a train of communication to be laid by which the outside fire can leap step by step to the American continents. How great a matter a little fire kindleth! Our Monroe Doctrine is in final analysis merely the formulation of national precaution that, as far as in its power to prevent, there shall not lie scattered about the material which foreign possessions in these continents might supply for the extension of combustion originating elsewhere; and the objection to Asiatic immigration, however debased by less worthy feelings or motives, is on the part of thinking men simply a recognition of the same danger arising from the presence of an inassimilable mass of population, racially and traditionally distinct in characteristics, behind which would lie the sympathies and energy of a powerful military and naval Asiatic empire. Conducive as each of these policies is to national safety and peace amid international conflagration, neither the one nor the other can be sustained without the creation and maintenance of a preponderant navy. In the struggle with which this book deals, Washington at the time said that the navies had the casting vote. To Arnold on Lake Champlain, to DeGrasse at Yorktown, fell the privilege of exercising that prerogative at the two great decisive moments of the War. To the Navy also, beyond any other single instrumentality, was due eighty years later the successful suppression of the movement of Secession. The effect of the blockade of the Southern coasts upon the financial and military efficiency of the Confederate Government has never been closely calculated, and probably is incalculable. At these two principal national epochs control of the water was the most determinative factor. In the future, upon the Navy will depend the successful maintenance of the two leading national policies mentioned; the two most essential to the part this country is to play in the progress of the world. For, while numerically great in population, the United States is not so in proportion to territory; nor, though wealthy, is she so in proportion to her exposure. That Japan at four thousand miles distance has a population of over three hundred to the square mile, while our three great Pacific States average less than twenty, is a portentous fact. The immense aggregate numbers resident elsewhere in the United States cannot be transfered thither to meet an emergency, nor contribute effectively to remedy this insufficiency; neither can a land force on the defensive protect, if the way of the sea is open. In such opposition of smaller numbers against larger, nowhere do organisation and development count as much as in navies. Nowhere so well as on the sea can a general numerical inferiority be compensated by specific numerical superiority, resulting from the correspondence between the force employed and the nature of the ground. It follows strictly, by logic and by inference, that by no other means can safety be insured as economically and as efficiently. Indeed, in matters of national security, economy and efficiency are equivalent terms. The question of the Pacific is probably the greatest world problem of the twentieth century, in which no great country is so largely and directly interested as is the United States. For the reason given it is essentially a naval question, the third in which the United States finds its well-being staked upon naval adequacy. CHAPTER I THE NAVAL CAMPAIGN ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN 1775-1776 At the time when hostilities began between Great Britain and her American Colonies, the fact was realised generally, being evident to reason and taught by experience, that control of the water, both ocean and inland, would have a preponderant effect upon the contest. It was clear to reason, for there was a long seaboard with numerous interior navigable watercourses, and at the same time scanty and indifferent communications by land. Critical portions of the territory involved were yet an unimproved wilderness. Experience, the rude but efficient schoolmaster of that large portion of mankind which gains knowledge only by hard knocks, had confirmed through the preceding French wars the inferences of the thoughtful. Therefore, conscious of the great superiority of the British Navy, which, however, had not then attained the unchallenged supremacy of a later day, the American leaders early sought the alliance of the Bourbon kingdoms, France and Spain, the hereditary enemies of Great Britain. There alone could be found the counterpoise to a power which, if unchecked, must ultimately prevail. Nearly three years elapsed before the Colonists accomplished this object, by giving a demonstration of their strength in the enforced surrender of Burgoyne's army at Saratoga. This event has merited the epithet "decisive," because, and only because, it decided the intervention of France. It may be affirmed, with little hesitation, that this victory of the colonists was directly the result of naval force,--that of the colonists themselves. It was the cause that naval force from abroad, entering into the contest, transformed it from a local to a universal war, and assured the independence of the Colonies. That the Americans were strong enough to impose the capitulation of Saratoga, was due to the invaluable year of delay secured to them by their little navy on Lake Champlain, created by the indomitable energy, and handled with the indomitable courage, of the traitor, Benedict Arnold. That the war spread from America to Europe, from the English Channel to the Baltic, from the Bay of Biscay to the Mediterranean, from the West Indies to the Mississippi, and ultimately involved the waters of the remote peninsula of Hindustan, is traceable, through Saratoga, to the rude flotilla which in 1776 anticipated its enemy in the possession of Lake Champlain. The events which thus culminated merit therefore a clearer understanding, and a fuller treatment, than their intrinsic importance and petty scale would justify otherwise. In 1775, only fifteen years had elapsed since the expulsion of the French from the North American continent. The concentration of their power, during its continuance, in the valley of the St. Lawrence, had given direction to the local conflict, and had impressed upon men's minds the importance of Lake Champlain, of its tributary Lake George, and of the Hudson River, as forming a consecutive, though not continuous, water line of communications from the St. Lawrence to New York. The strength of Canada against attack by land lay in its remoteness, in the wilderness to be traversed before it was reached, and in the strength of the line of the St. Lawrence, with the fortified posts of Montreal and Quebec on its northern bank. The wilderness, it is true, interposed its passive resistance to attacks from Canada as well as to attacks upon it; but when it had been traversed, there were to the southward no such strong natural positions confronting the assailant. Attacks from the south fell upon the front, or at best upon the flank, of the line of the St. Lawrence. Attacks from Canada took New York and its dependencies in the rear. [Illustration] These elements of natural strength, in the military conditions of the North, were impressed upon the minds of the Americans by the prolonged resistance of Canada to the greatly superior numbers of the British Colonists in the previous wars. Regarded, therefore, as a base for attacks, of a kind with which they were painfully familiar, but to be undergone now under disadvantages of numbers and power never before experienced, it was desirable to gain possession of the St. Lawrence and its posts before they were strengthened and garrisoned. At this outset of hostilities, the American insurgents, knowing clearly their own minds, possessed the advantage of the initiative over the British government, which still hesitated to use against those whom it styled rebels the preventive measures it would have taken at once against a recognised enemy. Under these circumstances, in May, 1775, a body of two hundred and seventy Americans, led by Ethan Allen and Benedict Arnold, seized the posts of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, which were inadequately garrisoned. These are on the upper waters of Lake Champlain, where it is less than a third of a mile wide; Ticonderoga being on a peninsula formed by the lake and the inlet from Lake George, Crown Point on a promontory twelve miles lower down.[1] They were positions of recognised importance, and had been advanced posts of the British in previous wars. A schooner being found there, Arnold, who had been a seaman, embarked in her and hurried to the foot of the lake. The wind failed him when still thirty miles from St. John's, another fortified post on the lower narrows, where the lake gradually tapers down to the Richelieu River, its outlet to the St. Lawrence. Unable to advance otherwise, Arnold took to his boats with thirty men, pulled through the night, and at six o'clock on the following morning surprised the post, in which were only a sergeant and a dozen men. He reaped the rewards of celerity. The prisoners informed him that a considerable body of troops was expected from Canada, on its way to Ticonderoga; and this force in fact reached St. John's on the next day. When it arrived, Arnold was gone, having carried off a sloop which he found there and destroyed everything else that could float. By such trifling means two active officers had secured the temporary control of the lake itself and of the approaches to it from the south. There being no roads, the British, debarred from the water line, were unable to advance. Sir Guy Carleton, Governor and Commander-in-Chief in Canada, strengthened the works at St. John's, and built a schooner; but his force was inadequate to meet that of the Americans. The seizure of the two posts, being an act of offensive war, was not at once pleasing to the American Congress, which still clung to the hope of reconciliation; but events were marching rapidly, and ere summer was over the invasion of Canada was ordered. General Montgomery, appointed to that enterprise, embarked at Crown Point with two thousand men on September 4th, and soon afterwards appeared before St. John's, which after prolonged operations capitulated on the 3d of November. On the 13th Montgomery entered Montreal, and thence pressed down the St. Lawrence to Pointe aux Trembles, twenty miles above Quebec. There he joined Arnold, who in the month of October had crossed the northern wilderness, between the head waters of the Kennebec River and St. Lawrence. On the way he had endured immense privations, losing five hundred men of the twelve hundred with whom he started; and upon arriving opposite Quebec, on the 10th of November, three days had been unavoidably spent in collecting boats to pass the river. Crossing on the night of the 13th, this adventurous soldier and his little command climbed the Heights of Abraham by the same path that had served Wolfe so well sixteen years before. With characteristic audacity he summoned the place. The demand of course was refused; but that Carleton did not fall at once upon the little band of seven hundred that bearded him shows by how feeble a tenure Great Britain then held Canada. Immediately after the junction Montgomery advanced on Quebec, where he appeared on the 5th of December. Winter having already begun, and neither his numbers nor his equipments being adequate to regular siege operations, he very properly decided to try the desperate chance of an assault upon the strongest fortress in America. This was made on the night of December 31st, 1775. Whatever possibility of success there may have been vanished with the death of Montgomery, who fell at the head of his men. The American army retired three miles up the river, went into winter-quarters, and established a land blockade of Quebec, which was cut off from the sea by the ice. "For five months," wrote Carleton to the Secretary for War, on the 14th of May, 1776, "this town has been closely invested by the rebels." From this unpleasant position it was relieved on the 6th of May, when signals were exchanged between it and the _Surprise_, the advance ship of a squadron under Captain Charles Douglas,[2] which had sailed from England on the 11th of March. Arriving off the mouth of the St. Lawrence, on the morning of April 12th, Douglas found ice extending nearly twenty miles to sea, and packed too closely to admit of working through it by dexterous steering. The urgency of the case not admitting delay, he ran his ship, the _Isis_, 50, with a speed of five knots, against a large piece of ice about ten or twelve feet thick, to test the effect. The ice, probably softened by salt water and salt air, went to pieces. "Encouraged by this experiment," continues Douglas, somewhat magnificently, "we thought it an enterprise worthy an English ship of the line in our King and country's sacred cause, and an effort due to the gallant defenders of Quebec, to make the attempt of pressing her by force of sail, through the thick, broad, and closely connected fields of ice, to which we saw no bounds towards the western part of our horizon. Before night (when blowing a snow-storm, we brought-to, or rather stopped), we had penetrated about eight leagues into it, describing our path all the way with bits of the sheathing of the ship's bottom, and sometimes pieces of the cutwater, but none of the oak plank; and it was pleasant enough at times, when we stuck fast, to see Lord Petersham exercising his troops on the crusted surface of that fluid through which the ship had so recently sailed." It took nine days of this work to reach Anticosti Island, after which the ice seems to have given no more trouble; but further delay was occasioned by fogs, calms, and head winds. Upon the arrival of the ships of war, the Americans at once retreated. During the winter, though reinforcements must have been received from time to time, they had wasted from exposure, and from small-pox, which ravaged the camp. On the 1st of May the returns showed nineteen hundred men present, of whom only a thousand were fit for duty. There were then on hand but three days' provisions, and none other nearer than St. John's. The inhabitants would of course render no further assistance to the Americans after the ships arrived. The Navy had again decided the fate of Canada, and was soon also to determine that of Lake Champlain. [Illustration] When two hundred troops had landed from the ships, Carleton marched out, "to see," he said, "what these mighty boasters were about." The sneer was unworthy a man of his generous character, for the boasters had endured much for faint chances of success; and the smallness of the reinforcement which encouraged him to act shows either an extreme prudence on his part, or the narrow margin by which Quebec escaped. He found the enemy busy with preparations for retreat, and upon his appearance they abandoned their camp. Their forces on the two sides of the river being now separated by the enemy's shipping, the Americans retired first to Sorel, where the Richelieu enters the St. Lawrence, and thence continued to fall back by gradual stages. It was not until June 15th that Arnold quitted Montreal; and at the end of June the united force was still on the Canadian side of the present border line. On the 3d of July it reached Crown Point, in a pitiable state from small-pox and destitution. Both parties began at once to prepare for a contest upon Lake Champlain. The Americans, small as their flotilla was, still kept the superiority obtained for them by Arnold's promptitude a year before. On the 25th of June the American General Schuyler, commanding the Northern Department, wrote: "We have happily such a naval superiority on Lake Champlain, that I have a confident hope the enemy will not appear upon it this campaign, especially as our force is increasing by the addition of gondolas, two nearly finished. Arnold, however,"--whose technical knowledge caused him to be intrusted with the naval preparations,--"says that 300 carpenters should be employed and a large number of gondolas, row-galleys, etc., be built, twenty or thirty at least. There is great difficulty in getting the carpenters needed." Arnold's ideas were indeed on a scale worthy of the momentous issues at stake. "To augment our navy on the lake appears to me of the utmost importance. There is water between Crown Point and Pointe au Fer for vessels of the largest size. I am of opinion that row-galleys are the best construction and cheapest for this lake. Perhaps it may be well to have one frigate of 36 guns. She may carry 18-pounders on the Lake, and be superior to any vessel that can be built or floated from St. John's." Unfortunately for the Americans, their resources in men and means were far inferior to those of their opponents, who were able eventually to carry out, though on a somewhat smaller scale, Arnold's idea of a sailing ship, strictly so called, of force as yet unknown in inland waters. Such a ship, aided as she was by two consorts of somewhat similar character, dominated the Lake as soon as she was afloat, reversing all the conditions. To place and equip her, however, required time, invaluable time, during which Arnold's two schooners exercised control. Baron Riedesel, the commander of the German contingent with Carleton, after examining the American position at Ticonderoga, wrote, "If we could have begun our expedition four weeks earlier, I am satisfied that everything would have been ended this year (1776); but, not having shelter nor other necessary things, we were unable to remain at the other [southern] end of Champlain." So delay favors the defence, and changes issues. What would have been the effect upon the American cause if, simultaneously with the loss of New York, August 20th-September 15th, had come news of the fall of Ticonderoga, the repute of which for strength stood high? Nor was this all; for in that event, the plan which was wrecked in 1777 by Sir William Howe's ill-conceived expedition to the Chesapeake would doubtless have been carried out in 1776. In a contemporary English paper occurs the following significant item: "London, September 26th, 1776. Advices have been received here from Canada, dated August 12th, that General Burgoyne's army has found it impracticable to get across the lakes this season. The naval force of the Provincials is too great for them to contend with at present. They must build larger vessels for this purpose, and these cannot be ready before next summer. The design _was_[3] that the two armies commanded by Generals Howe and Burgoyne should coöperate; that they should both be on the Hudson River at the same time; that they should join about Albany, and thereby cut off all communication between the northern and southern Colonies."[4] As Arnold's more ambitious scheme could not be realised, he had to content himself with gondolas and galleys, for the force he was to command as well as to build. The precise difference between the two kinds of rowing vessels thus distinguished by name, the writer has not been able to ascertain. The gondola was a flat-bottomed boat, and inferior in nautical qualities--speed, handiness, and seaworthiness--to the galleys, which probably were keeled. The latter certainly carried sails, and may have been capable of beating to windward. Arnold preferred them, and stopped the building of gondolas. "The galleys," he wrote, "are quick moving, which will give us a great advantage in the open lake." The complements of the galleys were eighty men, of the gondolas forty-five; from which, and from their batteries, it may be inferred that the latter were between one third and one half the size of the former. The armaments of the two were alike in character, but those of the gondolas much lighter. American accounts agree with Captain Douglas's report of one galley captured by the British. In the bows, an 18 and a 12-pounder; in the stern, two 9's; in broadside, from four to six 6's. There is in this a somewhat droll reminder of the disputed merits of bow, stern, and broadside fire, in a modern iron-clad; and the practical conclusion is much the same. The gondolas had one 12-pounder and two 6's. All the vessels of both parties carried a number of swivel guns. Amid the many difficulties which lack of resources imposed upon all American undertakings, Arnold succeeded in getting afloat with three schooners, a sloop, and five gondolas, on the 20th of August. He cruised at the upper end of Champlain till the 1st of September, when he moved rapidly north, and on the 3d anchored in the lower narrows, twenty-five miles above St. John's, stretching his line from shore to shore. Scouts had kept him informed of the progress of the British naval preparations, so that he knew that there was no immediate danger; while an advanced position, maintained with a bold front, would certainly prevent reconnoissances by water, and possibly might impose somewhat upon the enemy. The latter, however, erected batteries on each side of the anchorage, compelling Arnold to fall back to the broader lake. He then had soundings taken about Valcour Island, and between it and the western shore; that being the position in which he intended to make a stand. He retired thither on the 23rd of September. The British on their side had contended with no less obstacles than their adversaries, though of a somewhat different character. To get carpenters and materials to build, and seamen to man, were the chief difficulties of the Americans, the necessities of the seaboard conceding but partially the demands made upon it; but their vessels were built upon the shores of the Lake, and launched into navigable waters. A large fleet of transports and ships of war in the St. Lawrence supplied the British with adequate resources, which were utilized judiciously and energetically by Captain Douglas; but to get these to the Lake was a long and arduous task. A great part of the Richelieu River was shoal, and obstructed by rapids. The point where lake navigation began was at St. John's, to which the nearest approach, by a hundred-ton schooner, from the St. Lawrence, was Chambly, ten miles below. Flat-boats and long-boats could be dragged up stream, but vessels of any size had to be transported by land; and the engineers found the roadbed too soft in places to bear the weight of a hundred tons. Under Douglas's directions, the planking and frames of two schooners were taken down at Chambly, and carried round by road to St. John's, where they were again put together. At Quebec he found building a new hull, of one hundred and eighty tons. This he took apart nearly to the keel, shipping the frames in thirty long-boats, which the transport captains consented to surrender, together with their carpenters, for service on the Lake. Drafts from the ships of war, and volunteers from the transports, furnished a body of seven hundred seamen for the same employment,--a force to which the Americans could oppose nothing equal, commanded as it was by regular naval officers. The largest vessel was ship-rigged, and had a battery of eighteen 12-pounders; she was called the _Inflexible_, and was commanded by Lieutenant John Schanck. The two schooners, _Maria_, Lieutenant Starke, and _Carleton_, Lieutenant James Richard Dacres, carried respectively fourteen and twelve 6-pounders. These were the backbone of the British flotilla. There were also a radeau, the _Thunderer_, and a large gondola, the _Loyal Convert_, both heavily armed; but, being equally heavy of movement, they do not appear to have played any important part. Besides these, when the expedition started, there were twenty gunboats, each carrying one fieldpiece, from 24's to 9-pounders; or, in some cases, howitzers.[5] "By all these means," wrote Douglas on July 21st, "our acquiring an absolute dominion over Lake Champlain is not doubted of." The expectation was perfectly sound. With a working breeze, the _Inflexible_ alone could sweep the Lake clear of all that floated on it. But the element of time remained. From the day of this writing till that on which he saw the _Inflexible_ leave St. John's, October 4th, was over ten weeks; and it was not until the 9th that Carleton was ready to advance with the squadron. By that time the American troops at the head of the Lake had increased to eight or ten thousand. The British land force is reported[6] as thirteen thousand, of which six thousand were in garrison at St. John's and elsewhere. Arnold's last reinforcements reached him at Valcour on the 6th of October. On that day, and in the action of the 11th, he had with him all the American vessels on the Lake, except one schooner and one galley. His force, thus, was two schooners and a sloop, broadside vessels, besides four galleys and eight gondolas, which may be assumed reasonably to have depended on their bow guns; there, at least, was their heaviest fire. Thus reckoned, his flotilla, disposed to the best advantage, could bring into action at one time, two 18's, thirteen 12's, one 9, two 6's, twelve 4's, and two 2-pounders, independent of swivels; total thirty-two guns, out of eighty-four that were mounted in fifteen vessels. To this the British had to oppose, in three broadside vessels, nine 12's and thirteen 6's, and in twenty gunboats, twenty other brass guns, "from twenty-four to nines, some with howitzers;"[7] total forty-two guns. In this statement the radeau and gondola have not been included, because of their unmanageableness. Included as broadside vessels, they would raise the British armament--by three 24's, three 12's, four 9's, and a howitzer--to a total of fifty-three guns. Actually, they could be brought into action only under exceptional circumstances, and are more properly omitted. These minutiæ are necessary for the proper appreciation of what Captain Douglas justly called "a momentous event." It was a strife of pigmies for the prize of a continent, and the leaders are entitled to full credit both for their antecedent energy and for their dispositions in the contest; not least the unhappy man who, having done so much to save his country, afterwards blasted his name by a treason unsurpassed in modern war. Energy and audacity had so far preserved the Lake to the Americans; Arnold determined to have one more try of the chances. He did not know the full force of the enemy, but he expected that "it would be very formidable, if not equal to ours."[8] The season, however, was so near its end that a severe check would equal a defeat, and would postpone Carleton's further advance to the next spring. Besides, what was the worth of such a force as the American, such a flotilla, under the guns of Ticonderoga, the Lake being lost? It was eminently a case for taking chances, even if the detachment should be sacrificed, as it was. Arnold's original purpose had been to fight under way; and it was from this point of view that he valued the galleys, because of their mobility. It is uncertain when he first learned of the rig and battery of the _Inflexible_; but a good look-out was kept, and the British squadron was sighted from Valcour when it quitted the narrows. It may have been seen even earlier; for Carleton had been informed, erroneously, that the Americans were near Grand Island, which led him to incline to that side, and so open out Valcour sooner. The British anchored for the night of October 10th, between Grand and Long[9] Islands. Getting under way next morning, they stood up the Lake with a strong north-east wind, keeping along Grand Island, upon which their attention doubtless was fastened by the intelligence which they had received; but it was a singular negligence thus to run to leeward with a fair wind, without thorough scouting on both hands. The consequence was that the American flotilla was not discovered until Valcour Island, which is from one hundred and twenty to one hundred and eighty feet high throughout its two miles of length, was so far passed that the attack had to be made from the south,--from leeward. When the British were first made out, Arnold's second in command, Waterbury, urged that in view of the enemy's superiority the flotilla should get under way at once, and fight them "on a retreat in the main lake;" the harbour being disadvantageous "to fight a number so much superior, and the enemy being able to surround us on every side, we lying between an island and the main." Waterbury's advice evidently found its origin in that fruitful source of military errors of design, which reckons the preservation of a force first of objects, making the results of its action secondary. With sounder judgment, Arnold decided to hold on. A retreat before square-rigged sailing vessels having a fair wind, by a heterogeneous force like his own, of unequal speeds and batteries, could result only in disaster. Concerted fire and successful escape were alike improbable; and besides, escape, if feasible, was but throwing up the game. Better trust to a steady, well-ordered position, developing the utmost fire. If the enemy discovered him, and came in by the northern entrance, there was a five-foot knoll in mid-channel which might fetch the biggest of them up; if, as proved to be the case, the island should be passed, and the attack should be made from leeward, it probably would be partial and in disorder, as also happened. The correctness of Arnold's decision not to chance a retreat was shown in the retreat of two days later. Valcour is on the west side of the Lake, about three quarters of a mile from the main; but a peninsula projecting from the island at mid-length narrows this interval to a half-mile. From the accounts, it is clear that the American flotilla lay south of this peninsula. Arnold therefore had a reasonable hope that it might be passed undetected. Writing to Gates, the Commander-in-Chief at Ticonderoga, he said: "There is a good harbour, and if the enemy venture up the Lake it will be impossible for them to take advantage of our situation. If we succeed in our attack upon them, it will be impossible for any to escape. If we are worsted, our retreat is open and free. In case of wind, which generally blows fresh at this season, our craft will make good weather, while theirs cannot keep the Lake." It is apparent from this, written three weeks before the battle, that he then was not expecting a force materially different from his own. Later, he describes his position as being "in a small bay on the west side of the island, as near together as possible, and in such a form that few vessels can attack us at the same time, and those will be exposed to the fire of the whole fleet." Though he unfortunately gives no details, he evidently had sound tactical ideas. The formation of the anchored vessels is described by the British officers as a half-moon. When the British discovered the enemy, they hauled up for them. Arnold ordered one of his schooners, the _Royal Savage_, and the four galleys, to get under way; the two other schooners and the eight gondolas remaining at their anchors. The _Royal Savage_, dropping to leeward,--by bad management, Arnold says,--came, apparently unsupported, under the distant fire of the _Inflexible_, as she drew under the lee of Valcour at 11 A.M., followed by the _Carleton_, and at greater distance by the _Maria_ and the gunboats. Three shots from the ship's 12-pounders struck the _Royal Savage_, which then ran ashore on the southern point of the island. The _Inflexible_, followed closely by the _Carleton_, continued on, but fired only occasionally; showing that Arnold was keeping his galleys in hand, at long bowls,--as small vessels with one eighteen should be kept, when confronted with a broadside of nine guns. Between the island and the main the north-east wind doubtless drew more northerly, adverse to the ship's approach; but, a flaw off the cliffs taking the fore and aft sails of the _Carleton_, she fetched "nearly into the middle of the rebel half-moon, where Lieutenant J.R. Dacres intrepidly anchored with a spring on her cable." The _Maria_, on board which was Carleton, together with Commander Thomas Pringle, commanding the flotilla, was to leeward when the chase began, and could not get into close action that day. By this time, seventeen of the twenty gunboats had come up, and, after silencing the _Royal Savage_, pulled up to within point-blank range of the American flotilla. "The cannonade was tremendous," wrote Baron Riedesel. Lieutenant Edward Longcroft, of the radeau _Thunderer_, not being able to get his raft into action, went with a boat's crew on board the _Royal Savage_, and for a time turned her guns upon her former friends; but the fire of the latter forced him again to abandon her, and it seemed so likely that she might be re-taken that she was set on fire by Lieutenant Starke of the _Maria_, when already "two rebel boats were very near her. She soon after blew up." The American guns converging on the _Carleton_ in her central position, she suffered severely. Her commander, Lieutenant Dacres, was knocked senseless; another officer lost an arm; only Mr. Edward Pellew, afterwards Lord Exmouth, remained fit for duty. The spring being shot away, she swung bows on to the enemy, and her fire was thus silenced. Captain Pringle signalled to her to withdraw; but she was unable to obey. To pay her head off the right way, Pellew himself had to get out on the bowsprit under a heavy fire of musketry, to bear the jib over to windward; but to make sail seems to have been impossible. Two artillery boats were sent to her assistance, "which towed her off through a very thick fire, until out of farther reach, much to the honour of Mr. John Curling and Mr. Patrick Carnegy, master's mate and midshipman of the _Isis_, who conducted them; and of Mr. Edward Pellew, mate of the _Blonde_, who threw the tow-rope from the _Carleton's_ bowsprit."[10] This service on board the _Carleton_ started Pellew on his road to fortune; but, singularly enough, the lieutenancy promised him in consequence, by both the First Lord and Lord Howe, was delayed by the fact that he stayed at the front, instead of going to the rear, where he would have been "within their jurisdiction."[11] The _Carleton_ had two feet of water in the hold, and had lost eight killed and six wounded,--about half her crew,--when she anchored out of fire. In this small but stirring business, the Americans, in addition to the _Royal Savage_, had lost one gondola. Besides the injuries to the _Carleton_, a British artillery boat, commanded by a German lieutenant, was sunk. Towards evening the _Inflexible_ got within point-blank shot of the Americans, "when five broadsides," wrote Douglas, "silenced their whole line." One fresh ship, with scantling for sea-going, and a concentrated battery, has an unquestioned advantage over a dozen light-built craft, carrying one or two guns each, and already several hours engaged. At nightfall the _Inflexible_ dropped out of range, and the British squadron anchored in line of battle across the southern end of the passage between the island and the main; some vessels were extended also to the eastward, into the open Lake. "The best part of my intelligence," wrote Burgoyne next day from St. John's, to Douglas at Quebec, "is that our whole fleet was formed in line above the enemy, and consequently they must have surrendered this morning, or given us battle on our own terms. The Indians and light troops are abreast with the fleet; they cannot, therefore, escape by land." The British squadron sharing this confidence, a proper look-out was not kept. The American leader immediately held a conference with his officers, and decided to attempt a retreat, "which was done with such secrecy," writes Waterbury, "that we went through them entirely undiscovered." The movement began at 7 P.M., a galley leading, the gondolas and schooners following, and Arnold and his second bringing up the rear in the two heaviest galleys. This delicate operation was favoured by a heavy fog, which did not clear till next morning at eight. As the Americans stole by, they could not see any of the hostile ships. By daylight they were out of sight of the British. Riedesel, speaking of this event, says, "The ships anchored, secure of the enemy, who stole off during the night, and sailing round the left wing, aided by a favourable wind, escaped under darkness." The astonishment next morning, he continues, was great, as was Carleton's rage. The latter started to pursue in such a hurry that he forgot to leave orders for the troops which had been landed; but, failing to discover the fugitives, he returned and remained at Valcour till nightfall, when scouts brought word that the enemy were at Schuyler's Island, eight miles above. The retreat of the Americans had been embarrassed by their injuries, and by the wind coming out ahead. They were obliged to anchor on the 12th to repair damages, both hulls and sails having suffered severely. Arnold took the precaution to write to Crown Point for bateaux, to tow in case of a southerly wind; but time did not allow these to arrive. Two gondolas had to be sunk on account of their injuries, making three of that class so far lost. The retreat was resumed at 2 P.M., but the breeze was fresh from the southward, and the gondolas made very little way. At evening the British chased again. That night the wind moderated, and at daybreak the American flotilla was twenty-eight miles from Crown Point,--fourteen from Valcour,--having still five miles' start. Later, however, by Arnold's report, "the wind again breezed up to the southward, so that we gained very little either by beating or rowing. At the same time the enemy took a fresh breeze from northeast, and, by the time we had reached Split Rock, were alongside of us." The galleys of Arnold and Waterbury, the _Congress_ and the _Washington_, had throughout kept in the rear, and now received the brunt of the attack, made by the _Inflexible_ and the two schooners, which had entirely distanced their sluggish consorts. This fight was in the upper narrows, where the Lake is from one to three miles wide; and it lasted, by Arnold's report, for five glasses (two hours and a half),[12] the Americans continually retreating, until about ten miles from Crown Point. There, the _Washington_ having struck some time before, and final escape being impossible, Arnold ran the _Congress_ and four gondolas ashore in a small creek on the east side; pulling to windward, with the cool judgment that had marked all his conduct, so that the enemy could not follow him--except in small boats with which he could deal. There he set his vessels on fire, and stood by them until assured that they would blow up with their flags flying. He then retreated to Crown Point through the woods, "despite the savages;" a phrase which concludes this singular aquatic contest with a quaint touch of local colour. In three days of fighting and retreating the Americans had lost one schooner, two galleys, and seven gondolas,--in all, ten vessels out of fifteen. The killed and wounded amounted to over eighty, twenty odd of whom were in Arnold's galley. The original force, numbering seven hundred, had been decimated. Considering its raw material and the recency of its organisation, words can scarcely exaggerate the heroism of the resistance, which undoubtedly depended chiefly upon the personal military qualities of the leader. The British loss in killed and wounded did not exceed forty. The little American navy on Champlain was wiped out; but never had any force, big or small, lived to better purpose or died more gloriously, for it had saved the Lake for that year. Whatever deductions may be made for blunders, and for circumstances of every character which made the British campaign of 1777 abortive and disastrous, thus leading directly to the American alliance with France in 1778, the delay, with all that it involved, was obtained by the Lake campaign of 1776. On October 15th, two days after Arnold's final defeat, Carleton dated a letter to Douglas from before Crown Point, whence the American garrison was withdrawn. A week later Riedesel arrived, and wrote that, "were our whole army here it would be an easy matter to drive the enemy from their entrenchments," at Ticonderoga, and--as has been quoted already--four weeks sooner would have insured its fall. It is but a coincidence that just four weeks had been required to set up the _Inflexible_ at St. John's; but it typifies the whole story. Save for Arnold's flotilla, the two British schooners would have settled the business. "Upon the whole, Sir," wrote Douglas in his final letter from Quebec before sailing for England, "I scruple not to say, that had not General Carleton authorized me to take the extraordinary measure of sending up the _Inflexible_ from Quebec, things could not this year have been brought to so glorious a conclusion on Lake Champlain." Douglas further showed the importance attached to this success by men of that day, by sending a special message to the British ambassador at Madrid, "presuming that the early knowledge of this great event in the southern parts of Europe may be of advantage to His Majesty's service." That the opinion of the government was similar may be inferred from the numerous rewards bestowed. Carleton was made a Knight of the Bath, and Douglas a baronet. The gallantry shown by both sides upon Lake Champlain in 1776 is evident from the foregoing narrative. With regard to the direction of movements,--the skill of the two leaders,--the same equal credit cannot be assigned. It was a very serious blunder, on October 11th, to run to leeward, passing a concealed enemy, undetected, upon waters so perfectly well known as those of Champlain were; it having been the scene of frequent British operations in previous wars. Owing to this, "the _Maria_, because of her distant situation (from which the _Inflexible_ and _Carleton_ had chased by signal) when the rebels were first discovered, and baffling winds, could not get into close action."[13] For the same reason the _Inflexible_ could not support the _Carleton_. The Americans, in the aggregate distinctly inferior, were thus permitted a concentration of superior force upon part of their enemies. It is needless to enlarge upon the mortifying incident of Arnold's escape that evening. To liken small things to great,--always profitable in military analysis,--it resembled Hood's slipping away from de Grasse at St. Kitts.[14] [Illustration] In conduct and courage, Arnold's behavior was excellent throughout. Without enlarging upon the energy which created the flotilla, and the breadth of view which suggested preparations that he could not enforce, admiration is due to his recognition of the fact--implicit in deed, if unexpressed in word--that the one use of the Navy was to contest the control of the water; to impose delay, even if it could not secure ultimate victory. No words could say more clearly than do his actions that, under the existing conditions, the navy was useless, except as it contributed to that end; valueless, if buried in port. Upon this rests the merit of his bold advance into the lower narrows; upon this his choice of the strong defensive position of Valcour; upon this his refusal to retreat, as urged by Waterbury, when the full force of the enemy was disclosed,--a decision justified, or rather, illustrated, by the advantages which the accidents of the day threw into his hands. His personal gallantry was conspicuous there as at all times of his life. "His countrymen," said a generous enemy of that day, "chiefly gloried in the dangerous attention which he paid to a nice point of honour, in keeping his flag flying, and not quitting his galley till she was in flames, lest the enemy should have boarded, and struck it." It is not the least of the injuries done to his nation in after years, that he should have silenced this boast and effaced this glorious record by so black an infamy. With the destruction of the flotilla ends the naval story of the Lakes during the War of the American Revolution. Satisfied that it was too late to proceed against Ticonderoga that year, Carleton withdrew to St. John's and went into winter-quarters. The following year the enterprise was resumed under General Burgoyne; but Sir William Howe, instead of coöperating by an advance up the Hudson, which was the plan of 1776, carried his army to Chesapeake Bay, to act thence against Philadelphia. Burgoyne took Ticonderoga and forced his way as far as Saratoga, sixty miles from Ticonderoga and thirty from Albany, where Howe should have met him. There he was brought to a stand by the army which the Americans had collected, found himself unable to advance or to retreat, and was forced to lay down his arms on October 17th, 1777. The garrison left by him at Ticonderoga and Crown Point retired to Canada, and the posts were re-occupied by the Americans. No further contest took place on the Lake, though the British vessels remained in control of it, and showed themselves from time to time up to 1781. With the outbreak of war between Great Britain and France, in 1778, the scene of maritime interest shifted to salt water, and there remained till the end. [Footnote 1: In customary representation of maps, North is upper, and movement northward is commonly spoken of as up. It is necessary therefore to bear in mind that the flow of water from Lake George to the St. Lawrence, though northward, is _down_.] [Footnote 2: Afterwards Captain of the Fleet (Chief of Staff) to Rodney in his great campaign of 1782. _Post_, p. 222. He died a Rear-Admiral and Baronet in 1789.] [Footnote 3: Author's italics.] [Footnote 4: _Remembrancer_, iv. 291.] [Footnote 5: The radeau had six 24-pounders, six 12's, and two howitzers; the gondola, seven 9-pounders. The particulars of armament are from Douglas's letters.] [Footnote 6: By American reports. Beatson gives the force sent out, in the spring of 1776, as 13,357. ("Mil. and Nav. Memoirs," vi. 44.)] [Footnote 7: Douglas's letters.] [Footnote 8: Douglas thought that the appearance of the _Inflexible_ was a complete surprise; but Arnold had been informed that a third vessel, larger than the schooners, was being set up. With a man of his character, it is impossible to be sure, from his letters to his superior, how much he knew, or what he withheld.] [Footnote 9: called North Hero.] [Footnote 10: Douglas's letter. The _Isis_ and the _Blonde_ were vessels of the British squadron under Douglas, then lying in the St. Lawrence. The officers named were temporarily on the lake service.] [Footnote 11: Sandwich, First Lord of the Admiralty, to Pellew.] [Footnote 12: Beatson, "Nav. and Mil. Memoirs," says two hours.] [Footnote 13: Douglas's letters. The sentence is awkward, but carefully compared with the copy in the author's hands. Douglas says, of the details he gives, that "they have been collected with the most scrupulous circumspection."] [Footnote 14: _Post_, p. 205.] CHAPTER II NAVAL ACTION AT BOSTON, CHARLESTON, NEW YORK, AND NARRAGANSETT BAY--ASSOCIATED LAND OPERATIONS UP TO THE BATTLE OF TRENTON 1776 The opening conflict between Great Britain and her North American Colonies teaches clearly the necessity, too rarely recognised in practice, that when a State has decided to use force, the force provided should be adequate from the first. This applies with equal weight to national policies when it is the intention of the nation to maintain them at all costs. The Monroe Doctrine for instance is such a policy; but unless constant adequate preparation is maintained also, the policy itself is but a vain form of words. It is in preparation beforehand, chiefly if not uniformly, that the United States has failed. It is better to be much too strong than a little too weak. Seeing the evident temper of the Massachusetts Colonists, force would be needed to execute the Boston Port Bill and its companion measures of 1774; for the Port Bill especially, naval force. The supplies for 1775 granted only 18,000 seamen,--2000 less than for the previous year. For 1776, 28,000 seamen were voted, and the total appropriations rose from £5,556,000 to £10,154,000; but it was then too late. Boston was evacuated by the British army, 8000 strong on the 17th of March, 1776; but already, for more than half a year, the spreading spirit of revolt in the thirteen Colonies had been encouraged by the sight of the British army cooped up in the town, suffering from want of necessaries, while the colonial army blockading it was able to maintain its position, because ships laden with stores for the one were captured, and the cargoes diverted to the use of the other. To secure free and ample communications for one's self, and to interrupt those of the opponent, are among the first requirements of war. To carry out the measures of the British government a naval force was needed, which not only should protect the approach of its own transports to Boston Bay, but should prevent access to all coast ports whence supplies could be carried to the blockading army. So far from this, the squadron was not equal, in either number or quality, to the work to be done about Boston; and it was not until October, 1775, that the Admiral was authorized to capture colonial merchant vessels, which therefore went and came unmolested, outside of Boston, carrying often provisions which found their way to Washington's army. After evacuating Boston, General Howe retired to Halifax, there to await the coming of reinforcements, both military and naval, and of his brother, Vice-Admiral Lord Howe, appointed to command the North American Station. General Howe was commander-in-chief of the forces throughout the territory extending from Nova Scotia to West Florida; from Halifax to Pensacola. The first operation of the campaign was to be the reduction of New York. The British government, however, had several objects in view, and permitted itself to be distracted from the single-minded prosecution of one great undertaking to other subsidiary operations, not always concentric. Whether the control of the line of the Hudson and Lake Champlain ought to have been sought through operations beginning at both ends, is open to argument; the facts that the Americans were back in Crown Point in the beginning of July, 1776, and that Carleton's 13,000 men got no farther than St. John's that year, suggest that the greater part of the latter force would have been better employed in New York and New Jersey than about Champlain. However that may be, the diversion to the Carolinas of a third body, respectable in point of numbers, is scarcely to be defended on military grounds. The government was induced to it by the expectation of local support from royalists. That there were many of these in both Carolinas is certain; but while military operations must take account of political conditions, the latter should not be allowed to overbalance elementary principles of the military art. It is said that General Howe disapproved of this ex-centric movement. The force destined for the Southern coasts assembled at Cork towards the end of 1775, and sailed thence in January, 1776. The troops were commanded by Lord Cornwallis, the squadron by Nelson's early patron, Commodore Sir Peter Parker, whose broad pennant was hoisted on board the _Bristol_, 50. After a boisterous passage, the expedition arrived in May off Cape Fear in North Carolina, where it was joined by two thousand men under Sir Henry Clinton, Cornwallis's senior, whom Howe by the government's orders had detached to the southward in January. Upon Clinton's appearance, the royalists in North Carolina had risen, headed by the husband of Flora Macdonald, whose name thirty years before had been associated romantically with the escape of the young Pretender from Scotland. She had afterwards emigrated to America. The rising, however, had been put down, and Clinton had not thought it expedient to try a serious invasion, in face of the large force assembled to resist him. Upon Parker's coming, it was decided to make an attempt upon Charleston, South Carolina. The fleet therefore sailed from Cape Fear on the 1st of June, and on the 4th anchored off Charleston Bar. Charleston Harbour opens between two of the sea-islands which fringe the coasts of South Carolina and Georgia. On the north is Sullivan's Island, on the south James Island. The bar of the main entrance was not abreast the mouth of the port, but some distance south of it. Inside the bar, the channel turned to the northward, and thence led near Sullivan's Island, the southern end of which was therefore chosen as the site of the rude fort hastily thrown up to meet this attack, and afterwards called Fort Moultrie, from the name of the commander. From these conditions, a southerly wind was needed to bring ships into action. After sounding and buoying the bar, the transports and frigates crossed on the 7th and anchored inside; but as it was necessary to remove some of the _Bristol's_ guns, she could not follow until the 10th. On the 9th Clinton had landed in person with five hundred men, and by the 15th all the troops had disembarked upon Long Island, next north of Sullivan's. It was understood that the inlet between the two was fordable, allowing the troops to coöperate with the naval attack, by diversion or otherwise; but this proved to be a mistake. The passage was seven feet deep at low water, and there were no means for crossing; consequently a small American detachment in the scrub wood of the island sufficed to check any movement in that quarter. The fighting therefore was confined to the cannonading of the fort by the ships. Circumstances not fully explained caused the attack to be fixed for the 23d; an inopportune delay, during which Americans were strengthening their still very imperfect defences. On the 23d the wind was unfavourable. On the 25th the _Experiment_, 50, arrived, crossed the bar, and, after taking in her guns again, was ready to join in the assault. On the 27th, at 10 A.M., the ships got under way with a south-east breeze, but this shifted soon afterwards to north-west, and they had to anchor again, about a mile nearer to Sullivan's Island. On the following day the wind served, and the attack was made. In plan, Fort Moultrie was square, with a bastion at each angle. In construction, the sides were palmetto logs, dovetailed and bolted together, laid in parallel rows, sixteen feet apart; the interspace being filled with sand. At the time of the engagement, the south and west fronts were finished; the other fronts were only seven feet high, but surmounted by thick planks, to be tenable against escalade. Thirty-one guns were in place, 18 and 9-pounders, of which twenty-one were on the south face, commanding the channel. Within was a traverse running east and west, protecting the gunners from shots from the rear; but there was no such cover against enfilading fire, in case an enemy's ship passed the fort and anchored above it. "The general opinion before the action," Moultrie says, "and especially among sailors, was that two frigates would be sufficient to knock the town about our ears, notwithstanding our batteries." Parker may have shared this impression, and it may account for his leisureliness. When the action began, the garrison had but twenty-eight rounds for each of twenty-six cannon, but this deficiency was unknown to the British. [Illustration] Parker's plan was that the two 50's, _Bristol_ and _Experiment_, and two 28-gun frigates, the _Active_ and the _Solebay_, should engage the main front; while two frigates of the same class, the _Actæon_ and the _Syren_, with a 20-gun corvette, the _Sphinx_, should pass the fort, anchoring to the westward, up-channel, to protect the heavy vessels against fire-ships, as well as to enfilade the principal American battery. The main attack was to be further supported by a bomb-vessel, the _Thunder_, accompanied by the armed transport _Friendship_, which were to take station to the southeast of the east bastion of the engaged front of the fort. The order to weigh was given at 10.30 A.M., when the flood-tide had fairly made; and at 11.15 the _Active_, _Bristol_, _Experiment_, and _Solebay_, anchored in line ahead, in the order named, the _Active_ to the eastward. These ships seem to have taken their places skilfully without confusion, and their fire, which opened at once, was rapid, well-sustained, and well-directed; but their position suffered under the radical defect that, whether from actual lack of water, or only from fear of grounding, they were too far from the works to use grape effectively. The sides of ships being much weaker than those of shore works, while their guns were much more numerous, the secret of success was to get near enough to beat down the hostile fire by a multitude of projectiles. The bomb-vessel _Thunder_ anchored in the situation assigned her; but her shells, though well aimed, were ineffective. "Most of them fell within the fort," Moultrie reported, "but we had a morass in the middle, which swallowed them instantly, and those that fell in the sand were immediately buried." During the action the mortar bed broke, disabling the piece. Owing to the scarcity of ammunition in the fort, the garrison had positive orders not to engage at ranges exceeding four hundred yards. Four or five shots were thrown at the _Active_, while still under sail, but with this exception the fort kept silence until the ships anchored, at a distance estimated by the Americans to be three hundred and fifty yards. The word was then passed along the platform, "Mind the Commodore; mind the two 50-gun ships,"--an order which was strictly obeyed, as the losses show. The protection of the work proved to be almost perfect,--a fact which doubtless contributed to the coolness and precision of fire vitally essential with such deficient resources. The texture of the palmetto wood suffered the balls to sink smoothly into it without splintering, so that the facing of the work held well. At times, when three or four broadsides struck together, the merlons shook so that Moultrie feared they would come bodily in; but they withstood, and the small loss inflicted was chiefly through the embrasures. The flagstaff being shot away, falling outside into the ditch, a young sergeant, named Jasper, distinguished himself by jumping after it, fetching back and rehoisting the colours under a heavy fire. In the squadron an equal gallantry was shown under circumstances which made severe demands upon endurance. Whatever Parker's estimate of the worth of the defences, no trace of vain-confidence appears in his dispositions, which were thorough and careful, as the execution of the main attack was skilful and vigorous; but the ships' companies, expecting an easy victory, had found themselves confronted with a resistance and a punishment as severe as were endured by the leading ships at Trafalgar, and far more prolonged. Such conditions impose upon men's tenacity the additional test of surprise and discomfiture. The _Experiment_, though very small for a ship of the line, lost 23 killed and 56 wounded, out of a total probably not much exceeding 300; while the _Bristol_, having the spring shot away, swung with her head to the southward and her stern to the fort, undergoing for a long time a raking fire to which she could make little reply. Three several attempts to replace the spring were made by Mr. James Saumarez,--afterwards the distinguished admiral, Lord de Saumarez, then a midshipman,--before the ship was relieved from this grave disadvantage. Her loss was 40 killed and 71 wounded; not a man escaping of those stationed on the quarter-deck at the beginning of the action. Among the injured was the Commodore himself, whose cool heroism must have been singularly conspicuous, from the notice it attracted in a service where such bearing was not rare. At one time when the quarter-deck was cleared and he stood alone upon the poop-ladder, Saumarez suggested to him to come down; but he replied, smiling, "You want to get rid of me, do you?" and refused to move. The captain of the ship, John Morris, was mortally wounded. With commendable modesty Parker only reported himself as slightly bruised; but deserters stated that for some days he needed the assistance of two men to walk, and that his trousers had been torn off him by shot or splinters. The loss in the other ships was only one killed, 14 wounded. The Americans had 37 killed and wounded. The three vessels assigned to enfilade the main front of the fort did not get into position. They ran on the middle ground, owing, Parker reported, to the ignorance of the pilots. Two had fouled each other before striking. Having taken the bottom on a rising tide, two floated in a few hours, and retreated; but the third, the _Actæon_, 28, sticking fast, was set on fire and abandoned by her officers. Before she blew up, the Americans boarded her, securing her colours, bell, and some other trophies. "Had these ships effected their purpose," Moultrie reported, "they would have driven us from our guns." The main division held its ground until long after nightfall, firing much of the time, but stopping at intervals. After two hours it had been noted that the fort replied very slowly, which was attributed to its being overborne, instead of to the real cause, the necessity for sparing ammunition. For the same reason it was entirely silent from 3.30 P.M. to 6, when fire was resumed from only two or three guns, whence Parker surmised that the rest had been dismounted. The Americans were restrained throughout the engagement by the fear of exhausting entirely their scanty store. "About 9 P.M.," Parker reported, "being very dark, great part of our ammunition expended, the people fatigued, the tide of ebb almost done, no prospect from the eastward (that is, from the army), and no possibility of our being of any further service, I ordered the ships to withdraw to their former moorings." Besides the casualties among the crew, and severe damage to the hull, the _Bristol's_ mainmast, with nine cannon-balls in it, had to be shortened, while the mizzen-mast was condemned. The injury to the frigates was immaterial, owing to the garrison's neglecting them. The fight in Charleston Harbour, the first serious contest in which ships took part in this war, resembles generically the battle of Bunker's Hill, with which the regular land warfare had opened a year before. Both illustrate the difficulty and danger of a front attack, without cover, upon a fortified position, and the advantage conferred even upon untrained men, if naturally cool, resolute, and intelligent, not only by the protection of a work, but also, it may be urged, by the recognition of a tangible line up to which to hold, and to abandon which means defeat, dishonour, and disaster. It is much for untried men to recognise in their surroundings something which gives the unity of a common purpose, and thus the coherence which discipline imparts. Although there was in Parker's dispositions nothing open to serious criticism,--nothing that can be ascribed to undervaluing his opponent,--and although, also, he had good reason to expect from the army active coöperation which he did not get, it is probable that he was very much surprised, not only at the tenacity of the Americans' resistance, but at the efficacy of their fire. He felt, doubtless, the traditional and natural distrust--and, for the most part, the justified distrust--with which experience and practice regard inexperience. Some seamen of American birth, who had been serving in the _Bristol_, deserted after the fight. They reported that her crew said, "We were told the Yankees would not stand two fires, but we never saw better fellows;" and when the fire of the fort slackened and some cried, "They have done fighting," others replied, "By God, we are glad of it, for we never had such a drubbing in our lives." "All the common men of the fleet spoke loudly in praise of the garrison,"--a note of admiration so frequent in generous enemies that we may be assured that it was echoed on the quarter-deck also. They could afford it well, for there was no stain upon their own record beyond the natural mortification of defeat; no flinching under the severity of their losses, although a number of their men were comparatively raw, volunteers from the transports, whose crews had come forward almost as one man when they knew that the complements of the ships were short through sickness. Edmund Burke, a friend to both sides, was justified in saying that "never did British valour shine more conspicuously, nor did our ships in an engagement of the same nature experience so serious an encounter." There were several death-vacancies for lieutenants; and, as the battle of Lake Champlain gave Pellew his first commission, so did that of Charleston Harbour give his to Saumarez, who was made lieutenant of the _Bristol_ by Parker. Two years later, when the ship had gone to Jamaica, he was followed on her quarter-deck by Nelson and Collingwood, who also received promotion in her from the same hand. The attack on Fort Moultrie was not resumed. After necessary repairs, the ships of war with the troops went to New York, where they arrived on the 4th of August, and took part in the operations for the reduction of that place under the direction of the two Howes. * * * * * The occupation of New York Harbour, and the capture of the city were the most conspicuous British successes of the summer and fall of 1776. While Parker and Clinton were meeting with defeat at Charleston, and Arnold was hurrying the preparation of his flotilla on Champlain, the two brothers, General Sir William Howe and the Admiral, Lord Howe, were arriving in New York Bay, invested not only with the powers proper to the commanders of great fleets and armies, but also with authority as peace commissioners, to negotiate an amicable arrangement with the revolted Colonies. Sir William Howe had awaited for some time at Halifax the arrival of the expected reinforcements, but wearying at last he sailed thence on the 10th of June, 1776, with the army then in hand. On the 25th he himself reached Sandy Hook, the entrance to New York Bay, having preceded the transports in a frigate. On the 29th, the day after Parker's repulse at Fort Moultrie, the troops arrived; and on July 3d, the date on which Arnold, retreating from Canada, reached Crown Point, the British landed on Staten Island, which is on the west side of the lower Bay. On the 12th came in the _Eagle_, 64, carrying the flag of Lord Howe. This officer was much esteemed by the Americans for his own personal qualities, and for his attitude towards them in the present dispute, as well as for the memory of his brother, who had endeared himself greatly to them in the campaign of 1758, when he had fallen near Lake Champlain; but the decisive step of declaring their independence had been taken already, on July 4th, eight days before the Admiral's arrival. A month was spent in fruitless attempts to negotiate with the new government, without recognising any official character in its representatives. During that time, however, while abstaining from decisive operations, cruisers were kept at sea to intercept American traders, and the Admiral, immediately upon arriving, sent four vessels of war twenty-five miles up the Hudson River, as far as Tarrytown. This squadron was commanded by Hyde Parker, afterwards, in 1801, Nelson's commander-in-chief at Copenhagen. The service was performed under a tremendous cannonade from all the batteries on both shores, but the ships could not be stopped. Towards the middle of August it was evident that the Americans would not accept any terms in the power of the Howes to offer, and it became necessary to attempt coercion by arms. [Illustration] In the reduction of New York in 1776, the part played by the British Navy, owing to the nature of the campaign in general and of the enemy's force in particular, was of that inconspicuous character which obscures the fact that without the Navy the operations could not have been undertaken at all, and that the Navy played to them the part of the base of operations and line of communications. Like the foundations of a building, these lie outside the range of superficial attention, and therefore are less generally appreciated than the brilliant fighting going on at the front, to the maintenance of which they are all the time indispensable. Consequently, whatever of interest may attach to any, or to all, of the minor affairs, which in the aggregate constitute the action of the naval force in such circumstances, the historian of the major operations is confined perforce to indicating the broad general effect of naval power upon the issue. This will be best done by tracing in outline the scene of action, the combined movements, and the Navy's influence in both. The harbour of New York divides into two parts--the upper and lower Bays--connected by a passage called the Narrows, between Long and Staten Islands, upon the latter of which the British troops were encamped. Long Island, which forms the eastern shore of the Narrows, extends to the east-north-east a hundred and ten miles, enclosing between itself and the continent a broad sheet of water called Long Island Sound, that reaches nearly to Narragansett Bay. The latter, being a fine anchorage, entered also into the British scheme of operations, as an essential feature in a coastwise maritime campaign. Long Island Sound and the upper Bay of New York are connected by a crooked and difficult passage, known as the East River, eight or ten miles in length, and at that time nearly a mile wide[15] abreast the city of New York. At the point where the East River joins New York Bay, the Hudson River, an estuary there nearly two miles wide, also enters from the north,--a circumstance which has procured for it the alternative name of the North River. Near their confluence is Governor's Island, half a mile below the town, centrally situated to command the entrances to both. Between the East and North rivers, with their general directions from north and east-north-east, is embraced a long strip of land gradually narrowing to the southward. The end of this peninsula, as it would otherwise be, is converted into an island, of a mean length of about eight miles, by the Harlem River,--a narrow and partially navigable stream connecting the East and North rivers. To the southern extreme of this island, called Manhattan, the city of New York was then confined. As both the East and North rivers were navigable for large ships, the former throughout, the latter for over a hundred miles above its mouth, it was evident that control of the water must play a large part in warlike operations throughout the district described. With the limited force at Washington's disposal, he had been unable to push the defences of the city as far to the front as was desirable. The lower Bay was held by the British Navy, and Staten Island had been abandoned, necessarily, without resistance, thereby giving up the strong defensive position of the Narrows. The lines were contracted thus to the immediate neighbourhood of New York itself. Small detached works skirted the shores of Manhattan Island, and a line of redoubts extended across it, following the course of a small stream which then partly divided it, a mile from the southern end. Governor's Island was also occupied as an outpost. Of more intrinsic strength, but not at first concerned, strong works had been thrown up on either side of the North River, upon commanding heights eight miles above New York, to dispute the passage of ships. The crucial weakness in this scheme of defence was that the shore of Long Island opposite the city was much higher than that of Manhattan. If this height were seized, the city, and all below it, became untenable. Here, therefore, was the key of the position and the chief station for the American troops. For its protection a line of works was thrown up, the flanks of which rested upon Wallabout Bay and Gowanus Cove, two indentations in the shores of Long Island. These Washington manned with nine thousand of the eighteen thousand men under his command. By the arrival of three divisions of Hessian troops, Howe's army now numbered over thirty-four thousand men, to which Clinton brought three thousand more from before Charleston.[16] On the 22d of August the British crossed from Staten Island to Gravesend Bay, on the Long Island shore of the Narrows. The Navy covered the landing, and the transportation of the troops was under the charge of Commodore William Hotham, who, nineteen years later, was Nelson's commander-in-chief in the Mediterranean. By noon fifteen thousand men and forty field-guns had been carried over and placed on shore. The force of the Americans permitted little opposition to the British advance; but General Howe was cautious and easy-going, and it was not till the 27th that the army, now increased to twenty-five thousand, was fairly in front of the American lines, having killed, wounded, and taken about 1,500 men. Hoping that Howe would be tempted to storm the position, Washington replaced these with two thousand drawn from his meagre numbers; but his opponent, who had borne a distinguished part at Bunker's Hill, held back his troops, who were eager for the assault. The Americans now stood with their backs to a swift tidal stream, nearly a mile wide, with only a feeble line of works between them and an enemy more than double their number. On the morning of the 27th, Sir Peter Parker, with a 64-gun ship, two 50's, and two frigates, attempted to work up to New York, with a view of supporting the left flank of the army; but the wind came out from the north, and, the ebb-tide making, the ships got no nearer than three miles from the city. Fortunately for the Americans, they either could not or would not go farther on the following two days. After dark of the 28th, Howe broke ground for regular approaches. Washington, seeing this, and knowing that there could be but one result to a siege under his condition of inferiority, resolved to withdraw. During the night of the 29th ten thousand men silently quitted their positions, embarked, and crossed to Manhattan Island, carrying with them all their belongings, arms, and ammunition. The enemy's trenches were but six hundred yards distant, yet no suspicion was aroused, nor did a single deserter give treacherous warning. The night was clear and moonlit, although a heavy fog towards daybreak prolonged the period of secrecy which shrouded the retreat. When the fog rose, the last detachment was discovered crossing, but a few ineffectual cannon-shot were the only harassment experienced by the Americans in the course of this rapid and dexterous retirement. The garrison of Governor's Island was withdrawn at the same time. The unmolested use of the water, and the nautical skill of the fishermen who composed one of the American regiments, were essential to this escape; for admirable as the movement was in arrangement and execution, no word less strong than escape applies to it. By it Washington rescued over half his army from sure destruction, and, not improbably, the cause of his people from immediate collapse. An opportunity thus seized implies necessarily an opportunity lost on the other side. For that failure both army and navy must bear their share of the blame. It is obvious that when an enemy is greatly outnumbered his line of retreat should be watched. This was the business of both commanders-in-chief, the execution of it being primarily the duty of the navy, as withdrawal from the American position could be only by water. It was a simple question of look-out, of detection, of prevention by that means. To arrest the retreat sailing ships were inadequate, for they could not have remained at anchor under the guns of Manhattan Island, either by day or night; but a few boats with muffled oars could have watched, could have given the alarm, precipitating an attack by the army, and such a movement interrupted in mid-course brings irretrievable disaster. Washington now withdrew the bulk of his force to the line of the Harlem. On his right, south of that river and commanding the Hudson, was a fort called by his name; opposite to it on the Jersey shore was Fort Lee. A garrison of four thousand men occupied New York. After amusing himself with some further peace negotiations, Howe determined to possess the city. As a diversion from the main effort, and to cover the crossing of the troops, two detachments of ships were ordered to pass the batteries on the Hudson and East rivers. This was done on the 13th and the 15th of September. The East River division suffered severely, especially in spars and rigging;[17] but the success of both, following upon that of Hyde Parker a few weeks earlier, in his expedition to Tarrytown, confirmed Washington in the opinion which he expressed five years later to de Grasse, that batteries alone could not stop ships having a fair wind. This is now a commonplace of naval warfare; steam giving always a fair wind. On the 15th Howe's army crossed under cover of Parker's ships, Hotham again superintending the boat work. The garrison of New York slipped along the west shore of the island and joined the main body on the Harlem; favored again, apparently, in this flank movement a mile from the enemy's front, by Howe's inertness, and fondness for a good meal, to which a shrewd American woman invited him at the critical moment. Despite these various losses of position, important as they were, the American army continued to elude the British general, who apparently did not hold very strongly the opinion that the most decisive factor in war is the enemy's organised force. As control of the valley of the Hudson, in connection with Lake Champlain, was, very properly, the chief object of the British government, Howe's next aim was to loosen Washington's grip on the peninsula north of the Harlem. The position seeming to him too strong for a front attack, he decided to strike for its left flank and rear by way of Long Island Sound. In this, which involved the passage of the tortuous and dangerous channel called Hell Gate, with its swift conflicting currents, the Navy again bore an essential part. The movement began on October 12th, the day after Arnold was defeated at Valcour. So far as its leading object went it was successful, Washington feeling obliged to let go the line of the Harlem, and change front to the left. As the result of the various movements and encounters of the two armies, he fell back across the Hudson into New Jersey, ordering the evacuation of Fort Washington, and deciding to rest his control of the Hudson Valley upon West Point, fifty miles above New York, a position of peculiar natural strength, on the west bank of the river. To these decisions he was compelled by his inferiority in numbers, and also by the very isolated and hazardous situation in which he was operating, between two navigable waters, absolutely controlled by the enemy's shipping. This conclusion was further forced upon him by another successful passage before the guns of Forts Washington and Lee by Hyde Parker, with three ships, on the 9th of October. On this occasion the vessels, two of which were frigates of the heaviest class, suffered very severely, losing nine killed and eighteen wounded; but the menace to the communications of the Americans could not be disregarded, for their supplies came mostly from the west of the Hudson. It was early in November that Washington crossed into New Jersey with five thousand men; and soon afterwards he directed the remainder of his force to follow. At that moment the blunder of one subordinate, and the disobedience of another, brought upon him two serious blows. Fort Washington not being evacuated when ordered, Howe carried it by storm, capturing not only it but its garrison of twenty-seven hundred men; a very heavy loss to the Americans. On the other hand, the most explicit orders failed to bring the officer left in command on the east of the Hudson, General Charles Lee, to rejoin the commander-in-chief. This criminal perverseness left Washington with only six thousand men in New Jersey, seven thousand being in New York. Under these conditions nothing remained but to put the Delaware also between himself and the enemy. He therefore retreated rapidly through New Jersey, and on the 8th of December crossed into Pennsylvania with an army reduced to three thousand by expiry of enlistments. The detachment beyond the Hudson, diminishing daily by the same cause, gradually worked its way to him; its commander luckily being captured on the road. At the time it joined, a few battalions also arrived from Ticonderoga, released by Carleton's retirement to the foot of Champlain. Washington's force on the west bank of the Delaware was thus increased to six thousand men. In this series of operations, extending from August 22d to December 14th, when Howe went into winter-quarters in New Jersey, the British had met with no serious mishaps, beyond the inevitable losses undergone by the assailants of well-chosen positions. Nevertheless, having in view the superiority of numbers, of equipment, and of discipline, and the command of the water, the mere existence of the enemy's army as an organised body, its mere escape, deprives the campaign of the claim to be considered successful. The red ribbon of the Bath probably never was earned more cheaply than by Sir William Howe that year. Had he displayed anything like the energy of his two elder brothers, Washington, with all his vigilance, firmness, and enterprise, could scarcely have brought off the force, vastly diminished but still a living organism, around which American resistance again crystallised and hardened. As it was, within a month he took the offensive, and recovered a great part of New Jersey. Whatever verdict may be passed upon the merit of the military conduct of affairs, there is no doubt of the value, or of the unflagging energy, of the naval support given. Sir William Howe alludes to it frequently, both in general and specifically; while the Admiral sums up his always guarded and often cumbrous expressions of opinion in these words: "It is incumbent upon me to represent to your Lordships, and I cannot too pointedly express, the unabating perseverance and alacrity with which the several classes of officers and seamen have supported a long attendance and unusual degree of fatigue, consequent of these different movements of the army." The final achievement of the campaign, and a very important one, was the occupation of Rhode Island and Narragansett Bay by a combined expedition, which left New York on the 1st of December, and on the 8th landed at Newport without opposition. The naval force, consisting of five 50-gun ships and eight smaller vessels, was commanded by Sir Peter Parker; the troops, seven thousand in number, by Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Clinton. The immediate effect was to close a haven of privateers, who centred in great numbers around an anchorage which flanked the route of all vessels bound from Europe to New York. The possession of the bay facilitated the control of the neighbouring waters by British ships of war, besides giving them a base central for coastwise operations and independent of tidal considerations for entrance or exit. The position was abandoned somewhat precipitately three years later. Rodney then deplored its loss in the following terms: "The evacuating Rhode Island was the most fatal measure that could possibly have been adopted. It gave up the best and noblest harbor in America, capable of containing the whole Navy of Britain, and where they could in all seasons lie in perfect security; and from whence squadrons, in forty-eight hours, could blockade the three capital cities of America; namely, Boston, New York, and Philadelphia." At the end of 1776 began the series of British reverses which characterised the year 1777, making this the decisive period of the war, because of the effect thus produced upon general public opinion abroad; especially upon the governments of France and Spain. On the 20th of December, Howe, announcing to the Ministry that he had gone into winter-quarters, wrote: "The chain, I own, is rather too extensive, but I was induced to occupy Burlington to cover the county of Monmouth; and trusting to the loyalty of the inhabitants, and the strength of the corps placed in the advanced posts, I conclude the troops will be in perfect security." Of this unwarranted security Washington took prompt advantage. On Christmas night a sudden descent, in a blinding snow-storm, upon a British outpost at Trenton, swept off a thousand prisoners; and although for the moment the American leader again retired behind the Delaware, it was but to resume the offensive four days later. Cornwallis, who was in New York on the point of sailing for England, hurried back to the front, but in vain. A series of quick and well-directed movements recovered the State of New Jersey; and by the 5th of January the American headquarters, and main body of the army, were established at Morristown in the Jersey hills, the left resting upon the Hudson, thus recovering touch with the strategic centre of interest. This menacing position of the Americans, upon the flank of the line of communications from New York to the Delaware, compelled Howe to contract abruptly the lines he had extended so lightly; and the campaign he was forced thus reluctantly to reopen closed under a gloom of retreat and disaster, which profoundly and justly impressed not only the generality of men but military critics as well. "Of all the great conquests which his Majesty's troops had made in the Jersies," writes Beatson, "Brunswick and Amboy were the only two places of any note which they retained; and however brilliant their successes had been in the beginning of the campaign, they reaped little advantage from them when the winter advanced, and the contiguity of so vigilant an enemy forced them to perform the severest duty." With deliberate or unconscious humour he then immediately concludes the chronicle of the year with this announcement: "His Majesty was so well pleased with the abilities and activity which General Howe had displayed this campaign, that on the 25th of October he conferred upon him the Most Honourable Order of the Bath." [Footnote 15: At the present day reduced by reclaimed land.] [Footnote 16: Beatson's "Military and Naval Memoirs," vi. 44, give 34,614 as the strength of Howe's army. Clinton's division is not included in this. vi. 45.] [Footnote 17: Admiral James's Journal, p. 30. (Navy Records Society.)] CHAPTER III THE DECISIVE PERIOD OF THE WAR. SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE AND CAPTURE OF PHILADELPHIA BY HOWE. THE NAVAL PART IN EACH OPERATION 1777 The leading purpose of the British government in the campaign of 1777 was the same as that with which it had begun in 1776,--the control of the line of the Hudson and Lake Champlain, to be mastered by two expeditions, one starting from each end, and both working towards a common centre at Albany, near the head of navigation of the River. Preliminary difficulties had been cleared away in the previous year, by the destruction of the American flotilla on the Lake, and by the reduction of New York. To both these objects the Navy had contributed conspicuously. It remained to complete the work by resuming the advance from the two bases of operations secured. In 1777 the fortifications on the Hudson were inadequate to stop the progress of a combined naval and military expedition, as was shown in the course of the campaign. The northern enterprise was intrusted to General Burgoyne. The impossibility of creating a new naval force, able to contend with that put afloat by Carleton, had prevented the Americans from further building. Burgoyne therefore moved by the Lake without opposition to Ticonderoga, before which he appeared on the 2d of July. A position commanding the works was discovered, which the Americans had neglected to occupy. It being seized, and a battery established, the fort had to be evacuated. The retreat being made by water, the British Lake Navy, under Captain Skeffington Lutwidge, with whom Nelson had served a few years before in the Arctic seas, had a conspicuous part in the pursuit; severing the boom blockading the narrow upper lake and joining impetuously in an attack upon the floating material, the flat-boat transports, and the few relics of Arnold's flotilla which had escaped the destruction of the previous year. This affair took place on the 6th of July. From that time forward the progress of the army was mainly by land. The Navy, however, found occupation upon Lake George, where Burgoyne established a dépôt of supplies, although he did not utilise its waterway for the march of the army. A party of seamen under Edward Pellew, still a midshipman, accompanied the advance, and shared the misfortunes of the expedition. It is told that Burgoyne used afterwards to chaff the young naval officer with being the cause of their disaster, because he and his men, by rebuilding a bridge at a critical moment, had made it possible to cross the upper Hudson. Impeded in its progress by immense difficulties, both natural and imposed by the enemy, the army took twenty days to make twenty miles. On the 30th of July it reached Fort Edward, forty miles from Albany, and there was compelled to stay till the middle of September. Owing to neglect at the War Office, the peremptory orders to Sir William Howe, to move up the Hudson and make a junction with Burgoyne, were not sent forward. Consequently, Howe, acting upon the discretionary powers which he possessed already, and swayed by political reasons into which it is not necessary to enter, determined to renew his attempt upon Philadelphia. A tentative advance into New Jersey, and the consequent manoeuvres of Washington, satisfied him that the enterprise by this route was too hazardous. He therefore embarked fourteen thousand men, leaving eight thousand with Sir Henry Clinton to hold New York and make diversions in favor of Burgoyne; and on the 23d of July sailed from Sandy Hook, escorted by five 64-gun ships, a 50, and ten smaller vessels, under Lord Howe's immediate command. The entire expedition numbered about 280 sail. Elaborate pains were taken to deceive Washington as to the destination of the armament; but little craft was needed to prevent a competent opponent from imagining a design so contrary to sound military principle, having regard to Burgoyne's movements and to the well-understood general purpose of the British ministry. Accordingly Washington wrote, "Howe's in a manner abandoning Burgoyne is so unaccountable a matter, that till I am fully assured of it, I cannot help casting my eyes continually behind me." He suspected an intention to return upon New York. On the 31st of July, just as Burgoyne reached Fort Edward, where he stuck fast for six weeks, Howe's armament was off the Capes of the Delaware. The prevailing summer wind on the American coast is south-south-west, fair for ascending the river; but information was received that the enemy had obstructed the channel, which lends itself to such defences for some distance below Philadelphia. Therefore, although after occupying the city the free navigation of the river to the sea would be essential to maintaining the position,--for trial had shown that the whole army could not assure communications by land with New York, the other sea base,--Howe decided to prosecute his enterprise by way of the Chesapeake, the ascent of which, under all the conditions, could not be seriously impeded. A fortnight more was consumed in contending against the south-west winds and calms, before the fleet anchored on the 15th of August within the Capes of the Chesapeake; and yet another week passed before the head of the Bay was reached. On the 25th the troops landed. Washington, though so long in doubt, was on hand to dispute the road, but in inferior force; and Howe had no great difficulty in fighting his way to Philadelphia, which was occupied on the 26th of September. A week earlier Burgoyne had reached Stillwater, on the west bank of the Hudson, the utmost point of his progress, where he was still twenty miles from Albany. Three weeks later, confronted by overwhelming numbers, he was forced to capitulate at Saratoga, whither he had retreated. Lord Howe held on at the head of the Chesapeake until satisfied that his brother no longer needed him. On the 14th of September he started down the Bay with the squadron and convoy, sending ahead to the Delaware a small division, to aid the army, if necessary. The winds holding southerly, ten days were required to get to sea; and outside further delay was caused by very heavy weather. The Admiral there quitted the convoy and hastened up river. On the 6th of October he was off Chester, ten miles below Philadelphia. The navy had already been at work for a week, clearing away obstructions, of which there were two lines; both commanded by batteries on the farther, or Jersey, shore of the Delaware. The lower battery had been carried by troops; and when Howe arrived, the ships, though meeting lively opposition from the American galleys and fire-rafts, had freed the channel for large vessels to approach the upper obstructions. These were defended not only by a work at Red Bank on the Jersey shore, but also, on the other side of the stream, by a fort called Fort Mifflin, on Mud Island.[18] As the channel at this point, for a distance of half a mile, was only two hundred yards wide, and troops could not reach the island, the position was very strong, and it detained the British for six weeks. Fort Mifflin was supported by two floating batteries and a number of galleys. The latter not only fought, offensively and defensively, but maintained the supplies and ammunition of the garrison. On the 22d of October, a concerted attack, by the army on the works at Red Bank, and by the Navy on Fort Mifflin, resulted disastrously. The former was repulsed with considerable loss, the officer commanding being killed. The squadron, consisting of a 64, three frigates, and a sloop, went into action with Mud Island at the same time; but, the channel having shifted, owing possibly to the obstructions, the sixty-four and the sloop grounded, and could not be floated that day. On the 23d the Americans concentrated their batteries, galleys, and fire-rafts upon the two; and the larger ship took fire and blew up in the midst of the preparations for lightening her. The sloop was then set on fire and abandoned. So long as this obstacle remained, all supplies for the British army in Philadelphia had to be carried by boats to the shore, and transported considerable distances by land. As direct attacks had proved unavailing, more deliberate measures were adopted. The army built batteries, and the navy sent ashore guns to mount in them; but the decisive blow to Mud Island was given by a small armed ship, the _Vigilant_, 20, which was successfully piloted through a channel on the west side of the river, and reached the rear of the work, towing with her a floating battery with three 24-pounders. This was on the 15th of November. That night the Americans abandoned Fort Mifflin. Their loss, Beatson says, amounted to near 400 killed and wounded; that of the British to 43. If this be correct, it should have established the invincibility of men who under such prodigious disparity of suffering could maintain their position so tenaciously. After the loss of Mud Island, Red Bank could not be held to advantage, and it was evacuated on the 21st, when an attack was imminent. The American vessels retreated up the river; but they were cornered, and of course ultimately were destroyed. The obstructions being now removed, the British water communications by the line of the Delaware were established,--eight weeks after the occupation of the city, which was to be evacuated necessarily six months later. While these things were passing, Howe's triumph was marred by the news of Burgoyne's surrender on the 17th of October. For this he could not but feel that the home government must consider him largely responsible; for in the Chesapeake, too late to retrieve his false step, he had received a letter from the minister of war saying that, whatever else he undertook, support to Burgoyne was the great object to be kept in view. During the operations round Philadelphia, Sir Henry Clinton in New York had done enough to show what strong probabilities of success would have attended an advance up the Hudson, by the twenty thousand men whom Howe could have taken with him. Starting on the 3d of October with three thousand troops, accompanied by a small naval division of frigates, Clinton in a week had reached West Point, fifty miles up the river. The American fortifications along the way were captured, defences levelled, stores and shipping burned; while an insignificant detachment, with the light vessels, went fifty miles further up, and there destroyed more military stores without encountering any resistance worth mentioning. Certainly, had Howe taken the same line of operations, he would have had to reckon with Washington's ten thousand men which confronted him on the march from the Chesapeake to Philadelphia; but his flank would have been covered, up to Albany, by a navigable stream on either side of which he could operate by that flying bridge which the presence and control of the navy continually constituted. Save the fortifications, which Clinton easily carried, there was no threat to his communications or to his flank, such as the hill country of New Jersey had offered and Washington had skilfully utilised. The campaign of 1777 thus ended for the British with a conspicuous disaster, and with an apparent success which was as disastrous as a failure. At its close they held Narragansett Bay, the city and harbour of New York, and the city of Philadelphia. The first was an admirable naval base, especially for sailing ships, for the reasons given by Rodney. The second was then, as it is now, the greatest military position on the Atlantic coast of the United States; and although the two could not communicate by land, they did support each other as naval stations in a war essentially dependent upon maritime power. Philadelphia served no purpose but to divide and distract British enterprise. Absolutely dependent for maintenance upon the sea, the forces in it and in New York could not coöperate; they could not even unite except by sea. When Clinton relieved Howe as commander-in-chief, though less than a hundred miles away by land, he had to take a voyage of over two hundred miles, from New York to Philadelphia, half of it up a difficult river, to reach his station; and troops were transferred by the same tedious process. In consequence of these conditions, the place had to be abandoned the instant that war with France made control of the sea even doubtful. The British held it for less than nine months in all. During 1777 a number of raids were made by British combined land and sea forces, for the purpose of destroying American dépôts and other resources. Taken together, such operations are subsidiary to, and aid, the great object of interrupting or harassing the communications of an enemy. In so far, they have a standing place among the major operations of war; but taken singly they cannot be so reckoned, and the fact, therefore, is simply noted, without going into details. It may be remarked, however, that in them, although the scale was smaller, the Navy played the same part that it now does in the many expeditions and small wars undertaken by Great Britain in various parts of the world; the same that it did in Wellington's campaigns in the Spanish peninsula, 1808-1812. The land force depended upon the water, and the water was controlled by the Navy. [Footnote 18: This was just below the mouth of the Schuylkill, a short distance below the present League Island navy yard.] CHAPTER IV WAR BEGINS BETWEEN FRANCE AND GREAT BRITAIN. BRITISH EVACUATE PHILADELPHIA. NAVAL OPERATIONS OF D'ESTAING AND HOWE ABOUT NEW YORK, NARRAGANSETT BAY, AND BOSTON. COMPLETE SUCCESS OF LORD HOWE. AMERICAN DISAPPOINTMENT IN D'ESTAING. LORD HOWE RETURNS TO ENGLAND. 1778 The events of 1777 satisfied the French government that the Americans had strength and skill sufficient to embarrass Great Britain seriously, and that the moment, therefore, was opportune for taking steps which scarcely could fail to cause war. On the 6th of February, 1778, France concluded with the United States an open treaty of amity and commerce; and at the same time a second secret treaty, acknowledging the independence of the late Colonies, and contracting with them a defensive alliance. On the 13th of March, the French Ambassador in London communicated the open treaty to the British government, with the remark that "the United States were in full possession of the independence proclaimed by their declaration of July 4th, 1776." Great Britain at once recalled her Ambassador, and both countries prepared for war, although no declaration was issued. On the 13th of April, a French fleet of twelve ships of the line and five frigates, under the command of the Count d'Estaing,[19] sailed from Toulon for the American coast. It was destined to Delaware Bay, hoping to intercept Howe's squadron. D'Estaing was directed to begin hostilities when forty leagues west of Gibraltar. The British ministry was not insensible of the danger, the imminence of which had been felt during the previous year; but it had not got ready betimes, owing possibly to confident expectations of success from the campaign of 1777. The ships, in point of numbers and equipment, were not as far forward as the Admiralty had represented; and difficulty, amounting for the moment to impossibility, was experienced in manning them. The vessels of the Channel fleet had to be robbed of both crews and stores to compose a proper reinforcement for America. Moreover, the destination of the Toulon squadron was unknown, the French government having given out that it was bound to Brest, where over twenty other ships of the line were in an advanced state of preparation. Not until the 5th of June, when d'Estaing was already eight weeks out, was certain news brought by a frigate, which had watched his fleet after it had passed Gibraltar, and which had accompanied it into the Atlantic ninety leagues west of the Straits. The reinforcement for America was then permitted to depart. On the 9th of June, thirteen ships of the line sailed for New York under the command of Vice-Admiral John Byron.[20] These delays occasioned a singular and striking illustration of the ill effects upon commerce of inadequate preparation for manning the fleet. A considerable number of West India ships, with stores absolutely necessary for the preservation of the islands, waited at Portsmouth for convoy for upwards of three months, while the whole fleet, of eighty sail, was detained for five weeks after it had assembled; "and, although the wind came fair on the 19th of May, it did not sail till the 26th, owing to the convoying ships, the _Boyne_ and the _Ruby_, not being ready." Forty-five owners and masters signed a letter to the Admiralty, stating these facts. "The convoy," they said, "was appointed to sail April 10th." Many ships had been ready as early as February. "Is not this shameful usage, my Lords, thus to deceive the public in general? There are two hundred ships loaded with provisions, etc., waiting at Spithead these three months. The average expense of each ship amounts to £150 monthly, so that the expense of the whole West India fleet since February amounts to £90,000." The West Indies before the war had depended chiefly upon their fellow colonies on the American continent for provisions, as well as for other prime necessaries. Not only were these cut off as an incident of the war, entailing great embarrassment and suffering, which elicited vehement appeals from the planter community to the home government, but the American privateers preyed heavily upon the commerce of the islands, whose industries were thus smitten root and branch, import and export. In 1776, salt food for whites and negroes had risen from 50 to 100 per cent, and corn, the chief support of the slaves,--the laboring class,--by 400 per cent. At the same time sugar had fallen from 25 to 40 per cent in price, rum over 37 per cent. The words "starvation" and "famine" were freely used in these representations, which were repeated in 1778. Insurance rose to 23 per cent; and this, with actual losses by capture,[21] and by cessation of American trade, with consequent fall of prices, was estimated to give a total loss of £66 upon every £100 earned before the war. Yet, with all this, the outward West India fleet in 1778 waited six weeks, April 10th-May 26th, for convoy. Immediately after it got away, a rigorous embargo was laid upon all shipping in British ports, that their crews might be impressed to man the Channel fleet. Market-boats, even, were not allowed to pass between Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight. Three days after Byron had sailed, Admiral Augustus Keppel also put to sea with twenty-one ships of the line, to cruise off Brest. His instructions were to prevent the junction of the Toulon and Brest divisions, attacking either that he might meet. On the 17th of June, two French frigates were sighted. In order that they might not report his force or his movements, the British Admiral sent two of his own frigates, with the request that they would speak him. One, the _Belle Poule_, 36, refused; and an engagement followed between her and the British ship, the _Arethusa_, 32. The King of France subsequently declared that this occurrence fixed the date of the war's beginning. Although both Keppel's and d'Estaing's orders prescribed acts of hostility, no formal war yet existed. Byron had a very tempestuous passage, with adverse winds, by which his vessels were scattered and damaged. On the 18th of August, sixty-seven days from Plymouth, the flagship arrived off the south coast of Long Island, ninety miles east of New York, without one of the fleet in company. There twelve ships were seen at anchor to leeward (north), nine or ten miles distant, having jury masts, and showing other signs of disability. The British vessel approached near enough to recognise them as French. They were d'Estaing's squadron, crippled by a very heavy gale, in which Howe's force had also suffered, though to a less extent. Being alone, and ignorant of existing conditions, Byron thought it inexpedient to continue on for either New York or Narragansett Bay. The wind being southerly, he steered for Halifax, which he reached August 26th. Some of his ships also entered there. A very few had already succeeded in joining Howe in New York, being fortunate enough to escape the enemy. So far as help from England went, Lord Howe would have been crushed long before this. He owed his safety partly to his own celerity, partly to the delays of his opponent. Early in May he received advices from home, which convinced him that a sudden and rapid abandonment of Philadelphia and of Delaware Bay might become necessary. He therefore withdrew his ships of the line from New York and Narragansett, concentrating them at the mouth of Delaware Bay, while the transports embarked all stores, except those needed for a fortnight's supply of the army in a hostile country. The threatening contingency of a superior enemy's appearing off the coast might, and did, make it imperative not to risk the troops at sea, but to choose instead the alternative of a ninety-mile march through New Jersey, which a year before had been rejected as too hazardous for an even larger force. Thus prepared, no time was lost when the evacuation became necessary. Sir William Howe, who had been relieved on the 24th of May by Sir Henry Clinton, and had returned to England, escaped the humiliation of giving up his dearly bought conquest. On the 18th of June the British troops, twelve thousand in number, were ferried across the Delaware, under the supervision of the Navy, and began their hazardous march to New York. The next day the transports began to move down the river; but, owing to the intricate navigation, head winds, and calms, they did not get to sea until the 28th of June. On the 8th of July, ten days too late, d'Estaing anchored in the mouth of the Delaware. "Had a passage of even ordinary length taken place," wrote Washington, "Lord Howe with the British ships of war and all the transports in the river Delaware must inevitably have fallen; and Sir Henry Clinton must have had better luck than is commonly dispensed to men of his profession under such circumstances, if he and his troops had not shared at least the fate of Burgoyne." Had Howe's fleet been intercepted, there would have been no naval defence for New York; the French fleet would have surmounted the difficulties of the harbour bar at its ease; and Clinton, caught between it and the American army, must have surrendered. Howe's arrival obviated this immediate danger; but much still needed to be done, or the end would be postponed only, not averted. A fair wind carried the fleet and the whole convoy from the Delaware to Sandy Hook in forty-eight hours. On the morning of the 29th, as Howe was approaching his port, he spoke a packet from England, which not only brought definite news of d'Estaing's sailing, but also reported that she herself had fallen in with him to the southward, not very far from the American coast, and had been chased by his ships. His appearance off New York, therefore, was imminent. Howe's measures were prompt and thorough, as became his great reputation. To watch for d'Estaing's approach, a body of cruisers was despatched, numerous enough for some to bring frequent word of his movements, while others kept touch with him. The ships at New York were ordered down to Sandy Hook, where the defence of the entrance was to be made. Clinton, who had been hard pressed by Washington throughout his march, arrived on the 30th of June--the day after Howe himself--on the heights of Navesink, on the seacoast, just south of Sandy Hook. During the previous winter the sea had made a breach between the heights and the Hook, converting the latter into an island. Across this inlet the Navy threw a bridge of boats, by which the army on the 5th of July passed to the Hook, and thence was conveyed to the city. On the same day the French fleet was sighted off the coast of Virginia by a cruiser, which reached Howe on the 7th; and two days later another brought word that the enemy had anchored on the 8th off the Delaware. There d'Estaing again tarried for two days, which were diligently improved by the British Admiral, who at the same time sent off despatches to warn Byron, of whose coming he now had heard. Despite all his energy, his preparations still were far from complete, when on the morning of the 11th a third vessel arrived, announcing that the French were approaching. That evening they anchored outside, four miles south of Sandy Hook. Howe, who during all these days was indefatigable, not only in planning but also in personal supervision of details, hastened at once to place his vessels according to the disposition which he had determined, and which he had carefully explained to his captains, thus insuring an intelligent coöperation on their part. The narrow arm of land called Sandy Hook projects in a northerly direction from the New Jersey coast, and covers the lower bay of New York on the south side. The main ship-channel, then as now, ran nearly east and west, at right angles to the Hook and close to its northern end. Beyond the channel, to the north, there was no solid ground for fortification within the cannon range of that day. Therefore such guns as could be mounted on shore, five in number, were placed in battery at the end of the Hook. These formed the right flank of the defence, which was continued thence to the westward by a line of seven ships, skirting the southern edge of the channel. As the approach of the French, if they attacked, must be with an easterly wind and a rising tide, the ships were placed with that expectation; and in such wise that, riding with their heads to the eastward, each successive one, from van to rear, lay a little outside--north--of her next ahead. The object of this indented formation was that each ship might bring her broadside to bear east, and yet fire clear of those to the east of her. In order to effect this concentration of all the batteries in an easterly direction, which would rake the approach of the enemy, a spring[23] was run from the outer, or port quarter of every ship, except the leader.[24] These springs were not taken to the bow cable or anchor, as was often done, but to anchors of their own, placed broad off the port bows. If, then, the enemy attacked, the ships, by simply keeping fast the springs and veering the cables, would swing with their broadsides facing east. If the enemy, which had no bow fire, survived his punishment, and succeeded in advancing till abreast the British line, it was necessary only to keep fast the cables and let go the springs; the ships would swing head to the east wind, and the broadsides would once more bear north, across the channel instead of along it. These careful arrangements were subject, of course, to the mischance of shot cutting away cables or springs; but this was more than offset by the probable injury to the enemy's spars and rigging, as well as hulls, before he could use his batteries at all. Such was the main defence arranged by Howe; with which New York stood or fell. In the line were five 64's, one 50, and an armed storeship. An advanced line, of one fifty with two smaller vessels, was placed just inside the bar--two or three miles outside the Hook--to rake the enemy as he crossed, retiring as he approached; and four galleys, forming a second line, were also stationed for the same purpose, across the channel, abreast of the Hook.[25] The retreat of these was secure into the shoal water, where they could not be followed. One 64 and some frigates were held as a reserve, inside the main line, to act as occasion might require. The total available force was, six 64's, three 50's, and six frigates. D'Estaing's fleet, in detail, consisted of one 90-gun ship, one 80, six 74's and one 50. Great as was this discrepancy between the opponents, it was counterbalanced largely by Howe's skilful dispositions, which his enemy could not circumvent. If the latter once got alongside, there was little hope for the British; but it was impossible for the French to evade the primary necessity of undergoing a raking fire, without reply, from the extreme range of their enemies' cannon up to the moment of closing. The stake, however, was great, and the apparent odds stirred to the bottom the fighting blood of the British seamen. The ships of war being short-handed, Howe called for volunteers from the transports. Such numbers came forward that the agents of the vessels scarcely could keep a watch on board; and many whose names were not on the lists concealed themselves in the boats which carried their companions to the fighting ships. The masters and mates of merchantmen in the harbour in like manner offered their services, taking their stations at the guns. Others cruised off the coast in small boats, to warn off approaching vessels; many of which nevertheless fell into the enemy's hands. Meanwhile d'Estaing was in communication with Washington, one of whose aides-de-camp visited his flagship. A number of New York pilots also were sent. When these learned the draught of the heavier French ships, they declared that it was impossible to take them in; that there was on the bar only twenty-three feet at high water. Had that been really the case, Howe would not have needed to make the preparations for defence that were visible to thousands of eyes on sea and on shore; but d'Estaing, though personally brave as a lion, was timid in his profession, which he had entered at the age of thirty, without serving in the lower grades. The assurances of the pilots were accepted after an examination by a lieutenant of the flagship, who could find nothing deeper than twenty-two feet. Fortune's favors are thrown away, as though in mockery, on the incompetent or the irresolute. On the 22d of July a fresh north-east wind concurred with a spring tide to give the highest possible water on the bar.[26] "At eight o'clock," wrote an eye-witness in the British fleet, "d'Estaing with all his squadron appeared under way. He kept working to windward, as if to gain a proper position for crossing the bar by the time the tide should serve. The wind could not be more favourable for such a design; it blew from the exact point from which he could attack us to the greatest advantage. The spring tides were at the highest, and that afternoon thirty feet on the bar. We consequently expected the hottest day that had ever been fought between the two nations. On our side all was at stake. Had the men-of-war been defeated, the fleet of transports and victuallers must have been destroyed, and the army, of course, have fallen with us. D'Estaing, however, had not spirit equal to the risk; at three o'clock we saw him bear off to the southward, and in a few hours he was out of sight." Four days later, Howe, reporting these occurrences, wrote: "The weather having been favourable the last three days for forcing entrance to this port, I conclude the French commander has desisted." It is clear that the experienced British admiral did not recognise the impossibility of success for the enemy. After the demonstration of the 22d, d'Estaing stood to the southward, with the wind at east. The British advice-boats brought back word that they had kept company with him as far south as the Capes of the Delaware, and there had left him ninety miles from land. When their leaving freed him from observation, he turned, and made for Narragansett Bay, an attack on which, in support of an American land force, had been concerted between him and Washington. On the 29th he anchored three miles south of Rhode Island, and there awaited a suitable moment for forcing the entrance. Narragansett Bay contains several islands. The two largest, near the sea, are Rhode Island and Conanicut, the latter being the more westerly. Their general direction, as that of the Bay itself, is north and south; and by them the entrance is divided into three passages. Of these, the eastern, called Seakonnet, is not navigable above Rhode Island. The central, which is the main channel, is joined by the western above Conanicut, and thus the two lead to the upper Bay. The town of Newport is on the west side of Rhode Island, four miles from the main entrance. On the 30th of July, the day after the French fleet had arrived, two of its ships of the line, under command of the afterwards celebrated Suffren, went up the western channel, anchoring within it near the south end of Conanicut. One of them, as she passed, was hulled twice by the British batteries. At the same time, two frigates and a corvette entered Seakonnet; whereupon the British abandoned and burned a sloop of war, the _Kingfisher_, 16, and some galleys there stationed. The British general, Sir Robert Pigot, now withdrew his detachments from Conanicut, after disabling the guns, and concentrated the bulk of his force in the southern part of Rhode Island and about Newport. Goat Island, which covers the inner harbour of the town, was still occupied, the main channel being commanded by its batteries, as well as by those to the north and south of it upon Rhode Island. On the 5th of August, Suffren's two ships again got under way, sailed through the western passage, and anchored in the main channel, north of Conanicut; their former positions being taken by two other ships of the line.[27] The senior British naval officer, seeing retreat cut off both north and south, now destroyed those ships of war[28] which could not enter the inner harbour, sinking two between Goat and Rhode Islands, to prevent any enemy passing there. Five transports also were sunk north of Goat Island, between it and Coaster's Harbour, to protect the inside anchorage in that direction. These preliminary operations cost the British five frigates and two sloops, besides some galleys. Guns and ammunition taken from them went to increase the defences; and their officers and crews, over a thousand in number, served in the fortifications. [Illustration] On the 8th of August the eight remaining French ships of the line ran the batteries on Rhode and Goat Islands, anchoring above the latter, between it and Conanicut, and were rejoined there by the four previously detached to the western passage. Ten thousand American troops having by this time crossed from the mainland to the northern part of Rhode Island, d'Estaing immediately landed four thousand soldiers and seamen from the fleet upon Conanicut, for a preliminary organisation; after which they also were to pass to Rhode Island and join in the operations. For the moment, therefore, the British garrison, numbering probably six thousand men,[29] was hemmed in by vastly superior forces, by land and by water. Its embarrassment, however, did not last long. On the following morning Lord Howe appeared and anchored off Point Judith, seven miles from the entrance to the Bay, and twelve from the position then occupied by the French fleet. He brought a stronger force than he had been able to gather for the defence of New York, having now one 74, seven 64's, and five 50's, in all thirteen of the line, besides several smaller vessels; but he still was greatly inferior to opponent, by any rational mode of naval reckoning. Howe's energies in New York had not been confined to preparations for resisting the entrance of the enemy, nor did they cease with the latter's departure. When he first arrived there from Philadelphia, he had hastened to get his ships ready for sea, a pre-occupation which somewhat, but not unduly, delayed their taking their positions at Sandy Hook. Two, for instance, had been at the watering-place when the approach of the French was signalled. Owing to this diligence, no time was lost by his fault when the new destination of the enemy was made known to him, on the 28th or 29th of July, by the arrival of the _Raisonnable_, 64,[30] from Halifax. This ship narrowly escaped the French fleet, having passed it on the evening of the 27th, steering for Rhode Island. The _Renown_, 50, which on the 26th had reached New York from the West Indies, had a similar close shave, having sailed unnoticed through the rear of the enemy the night before. Besides these two, Howe was joined also by the _Centurion_, 50, from Halifax, and by the _Cornwall_, 74; the latter, which crossed the bar on the 30th, being the first of Byron's fleet to reach New York. The three others belonged to Howe's own squadron. For the two Halifax ships which helped to make this most welcome reinforcement, the Admiral was indebted to the diligence of the officer there commanding, who hurried them away as soon as he learned of d'Estaing's appearance on the coast. The opportuneness of their arrival attracted notice. "Had they appeared a few days sooner," says a contemporary narrative, "either they must have been prevented from forming a junction with our squadron, and forced again to sea, or we should have had the mortification to see them increase the triumph of our enemy." On the 1st of August, forty-eight hours after the _Cornwall_ had come in from a stormy passage of fifty-two days, the squadron was ready for sea, and Howe attempted to sail; but the wind hauled foul immediately after the signal to weigh had been made. It did not become fair at the hour of high water, when alone heavy ships could cross the bar, until the morning of the 6th. "Rhode Island was of such importance," says the narrator already quoted, "_and the fate of so large a portion of the British army as formed the garrison was of such infinite consequence to the general cause_, that it was imagined the Admiral would not lose a moment in making some attempt for their relief." He had learned of the detachments made from the French fleet, and hoped that some advantage might be taken of this division. In short, he went, as was proper and incumbent on him in such critical circumstances, to take a great risk, in hope of a favourable chance offering. On the 9th, as before stated, he anchored off Point Judith, and opened communications with the garrison, from which he learned the events that had so far occurred, and also that the enemy was well provided with craft of all kinds to make a descent upon any part of the Island. As deGrasse at Yorktown, when rumour announced the approach of a British fleet, was deterred only by the most urgent appeals of Washington from abandoning his control of the Chesapeake, essential to the capture of Cornwallis, so now d'Estaing, in Narragansett Bay, was unwilling to keep his place, in face of Howe's greatly inferior squadron.[31] The influence exerted upon these two admirals by the mere approach of a hostile fleet, when decisive advantages depended upon their holding their ground, may be cited plausibly in support of the most extreme view of the effect of a "fleet in being;" but the instances also, when the conditions are analysed, will suggest the question: Is such effect always legitimate, inherent in the existence of the fleet itself, or does it not depend often upon the characteristics of the man affected? The contemporary British narrative of these events in Narragansett Bay, after reciting the various obstacles and the inferiority of the British squadron, says: "The most skilful officers were therefore of opinion that the Vice-Admiral could not risk an attack; and it appears by his Lordship's public letter that this was also his own opinion: under such circumstances, he judged it was impracticable to afford the General any essential relief." In both these instances, the admirals concerned were impelled to sacrifice the almost certain capture, not of a mere position, but of a decisive part of the enemy's organised forces, by the mere possibility of action; by the moral effect produced by a fleet greatly inferior to their own, which in neither case would have attacked, as things stood. What does this prove? Immediately upon Howe's appearance, the French seamen who had landed the day before on Conanicut were recalled to their ships. The next morning, August 10, at 7 A.M., the wind came out strong at north-east, which is exceptional at that season. D'Estaing at once put to sea, cutting the cables in his haste. In two hours he was outside, steering for the enemy. Howe, of course, retired at once; his inferiority[32] did not permit an engagement except on his own terms. To insure these, he needed the weather-gage, the offensive position of that day, which by keeping south he expected to gain, when the usual wind from that quarter should set in. The French Admiral had the same object, hoping to crush his agile opponent; and, as the sea breeze from south-west did not make that day, he succeeded in keeping the advantage with which he had started, despite Howe's skill. At nightfall both fleets were still steering to the southward, on the port tack, the French five or six miles in the rear of the British, with the wind variable at east. The same course was maintained throughout the night, the French gradually overhauling the British, and becoming visible at 3 A.M. of the 11th. By Howe's dispatch, they bore in the morning, at an hour not specified, east-north-east, which would be nearly abeam, but somewhat more distant than the night before, having apparently kept closer to the wind, which by this had steadied at east-north-east. In the course of the day Howe shifted his flag from the _Eagle_, 64, to the _Apollo_, 32, and placed himself between the two fleets, the better to decide the movements of his own. Finding it impossible to gain the weather-gage, and unwilling, probably, to be drawn too far from Rhode Island, he now made a wide circle with the fleet by a succession of changes of course: at 8 A.M. to south, then to south-west and west, until finally, at 1.30 P.M., the ships were steering north-west; always in line of battle. The French Admiral seems to have followed this movement cautiously, on an outer circle but with a higher speed, so that from east-north-east in the morning, which, as the fleets were then heading, would be on the starboard side of the British, abreast and to windward, at 4 P.M. the French bore south-south-east, which would be somewhat on the port quarter, or nearly astern but to leeward. At this time their van was estimated by Howe to be two or three miles from the British rear, and, according to his reading of their manoeuvres, d'Estaing was forming his line for the same tack as the British, with a view of "engaging the British squadron to leeward," whereby he would obtain over it the advantage of using the lower-deck guns, the wind and sea having become much heavier. As the French Admiral, in this new disposition, had put his heaviest ships in the van, and his line was nearly in the wake of the British, Howe inferred an attack upon his rear. He therefore ordered his heaviest ship, the _Cornwall_, 74, to go there from the centre, exchanging places with the _Centurion_, 50, and at the same time signalled the fleet to close _to the centre_,--a detail worth remembering in view of Rodney's frustrated manoeuvre of April 17th, 1780. It now remained simply to await firmly the moment when the French should have covered the intervening ground, and brought to action so much of his rear as d'Estaing saw fit to engage; the conditions of the sea favoring the speed of the bulkier ships that composed the hostile fleet. The latter, however, soon abandoned the attempt, and "bore away to the southward, apparently from the state of the weather, which, by the wind freshening much, with frequent rain, was now rendered very unfavorable for engaging." It may be added that the hour was very late for beginning an action. At sundown the British were under close-reefed topsails, and the sea such that Howe was unable to return to the _Eagle_.[33] The wind now increased to great violence, and a severe storm raged on the coast until the evening of the 13th, throwing the two fleets into confusion, scattering the ships, and causing numerous disasters. The _Apollo_ lost her foremast, and sprung the mainmast, on the night of the 12th. The next day only two British ships of the line and three smaller vessels were in sight of their Admiral. When the weather moderated, Howe went on board the _Phoenix_, 44, and thence to the _Centurion_, 50, with which he "proceeded to the southward, and on the 15th discovered ten sail of the French squadron, some at anchor in the sea, about twenty-five leagues east from Cape May."[34] Leaving there the _Centurion_, to direct to New York any of Byron's ships that might come on the coast, he departed thither himself also, and on the evening of the 17th rejoined the squadron off Sandy Hook, the appointed rendezvous. Many injuries had been received by the various ships, but they were mostly of a minor character; and on the 22d the fleet again put to sea in search of the enemy. The French had suffered much more severely. The flagship _Languedoc_, 90, had carried away her bowsprit, all her lower masts followed it overboard, and her tiller also was broken, rendering the rudder unserviceable. The _Marseillais_, 74, lost her foremast and bowsprit. In the dispersal of the two fleets that followed the gale, each of these crippled vessels, on the evening of the 13th, encountered singly a British 50-gun ship; the _Languedoc_ being attacked by the _Renown_, and the _Marseillais_ by the _Preston_. The conditions in each instance were distinctly favourable to the smaller combatant; but both unfortunately withdrew at nightfall, making the mistake of postponing to to-morrow a chance which they had no certainty would exist after to-day. When morning dawned, other French ships appeared, and the opportunity passed away. The British _Isis_, 50, also was chased and overtaken by the _César_, 74. In the action which ensued, the French ship's wheel was shot away, and she retired;--two other British vessels, one of the line, being in sight. The latter are not mentioned in the British accounts, and both sides claimed the advantage in this drawn action. The French captain lost an arm. After making temporary repairs, at the anchorage where Howe saw them on the 15th of August, the French fleet had proceeded again towards Newport. It was in the course of this passage that they were seen by Byron's flagship[35] on the 18th, to the southward of Long Island. The _Experiment_, 50, which Howe had sent to reconnoitre Narragansett Bay, was chased by them into Long Island Sound, and only reached New York by the East River; being the first ship of the line or 50-gun ship that ever passed through Hell Gate. On the 20th d'Estaing communicated with General Sullivan, the commander of the American land forces on Rhode Island; but it was only to tell him that in his own opinion, and in that of a council of war, the condition of the squadron necessitated going to Boston to refit. Whatever may be thought of the propriety of this decision, its seriousness can be best understood from the report sent by Pigot to Howe. "The rebels had advanced their batteries within fifteen hundred yards of the British works. He was under no apprehensions from any of their attempts in front; but, should the French fleet come in, it would make an alarming change. Troops might be landed and advanced in his rear; and in that case he could not answer for the consequences." Disregarding Sullivan's entreaties that he would remain, d'Estaing sailed next day for Boston, which he reached on August 28th. On the 31st the indefatigable Howe came in sight; but the French had worked actively in the three days. Forty-nine guns, 18 and 24-pounders, with six mortars, were already in position covering the anchorage; and "the French squadron, far from fearing an attack, desired it eagerly."[36] The withdrawal of the French fleet from Rhode Island was followed by that of the American troops from before Newport. Howe had quitted New York the instant he heard of d'Estaing's reappearance off Rhode Island. He took with him the same number of vessels as before,--thirteen of the line,--the _Monmouth_, 64, of Byron's squadron, having arrived and taken the place of the _Isis_, crippled in her late action. Before reaching Newport, he learned that the French had started for Boston. He hoped that they would find it necessary to go outside George's Bank, and that he might intercept them by following the shorter road inside. In this he was disappointed, as has been seen, and the enemy's position was now too strong for attack. The French retreat to Boston closed the naval campaign of 1778 in North American waters. [Illustration] The inability or unwillingness of d'Estaing to renew the enterprise against Rhode Island accords the indisputable triumph in this campaign to Howe,--an honour he must share, and doubtless would have shared gladly, with his supporters in general. That his fleet, for the most part two years from home, in a country without dockyards, should have been able to take the sea within ten days after the gale, while their opponents, just from France, yet with three months' sea practice, were so damaged that they had to abandon the field and all the splendid prospects of Rhode Island,--as they already had allowed to slip the chance at New York,--shows a decisive superiority in the British officers and crews. The incontestable merits of the rank and file, however, must not be permitted to divert attention from the great qualities of the leader, but for which the best material would have been unavailing. The conditions were such as to elicit to the utmost Howe's strongest qualities,--firmness, endurance, uninterrupted persistence rather than celerity, great professional skill, ripened by constant reflection and ready at an instant's call. Not brilliant in intellect, perhaps, but absolutely clear, and replete with expedients to meet every probable contingency, Howe exhibited an equable, unflagging energy, which was his greatest characteristic, and which eminently fitted him for the task of checkmating an enemy's every move--for a purely defensive campaign. He was always on hand and always ready; for he never wearied, and he knew his business. To great combinations he was perhaps unequal. At all events, such are not associated with his name. The distant scene he did not see; but step by step he saw his way with absolute precision, and followed it with unhesitating resolution. With a force inferior throughout, to have saved, in one campaign, the British fleet, New York, and Rhode Island, with the entire British army, which was divided between those two stations and dependent upon the sea, is an achievement unsurpassed in the annals of naval defensive warfare. It may be added that his accomplishment is the measure of his adversary's deficiencies. Howe's squadron had been constituted in 1776 with reference to the colonial struggle only, and to shallow water, and therefore was composed, very properly, of cruisers, and of ships of the line of the smaller classes; there being several fifties, and nothing larger than a sixty-four. When war with France threatened, the Ministry, having long warning, committed an unpardonable fault in allowing such a force to be confronted by one so superior as that which sailed from Toulon, in April, 1778. This should have been stopped on its way, or, failing that, its arrival in America should have been preceded by a British reinforcement. As it was, the government was saved from a tremendous disaster only by the efficiency of its Admiral and the inefficiency of his antagonist. As is not too uncommon, gratitude was swamped by the instinct of self-preservation from the national wrath, excited by this, and by other simultaneous evidences of neglect. An attempt was made to disparage Howe's conduct, and to prove that his force was even superior to that of the French, by adding together the guns in all his ships, disregarding their classes, or by combining groups of his small vessels against d'Estaing's larger units. The instrument of the attack was a naval officer, of some rank but slender professional credit, who at this most opportune moment underwent a political conversion, which earned him employment on the one hand, and the charge of apostasy on the other. For this kind of professional arithmetic, Howe felt and expressed just and utter contempt. Two and two make four in a primer, but in the field they may make three, or they may make five. Not to speak of the greater defensive power of heavy ships, nor of the concentration of their fire, the unity of direction under one captain possesses here also that importance which has caused unity of command and of effort to be recognised as the prime element in military efficiency, from the greatest things to the smallest. Taken together, the three elements--greater defensive power, concentration of fire, and unity of direction--constitute a decisive and permanent argument in favor of big ships, in Howe's days as in our own. Doubtless, now, as then, there is a limit; most arguments can be pushed to an _absurdum_, intellectual or practical. To draw a line is always hard; but, if we cannot tell just where the line has been passed we can recognise that one ship is much too big, while another certainly is not. Between the two an approximation to an exact result can be made. On his return to New York on September 11th, Howe found there Rear-Admiral Hyde Parker[37] with six ships of the line of Byron's squadron. Considering his task now accomplished, Howe decided to return to England, in virtue of a permission granted some time before at his own request. The duty against the Americans, lately his fellow-countrymen, had been always distasteful to him, although he did not absolutely refuse to undertake it, as did Admiral Keppel. The entrance of France into the quarrel, and the coming of d'Estaing, refreshed the spirits of the veteran, who moreover scorned to abandon his command in the face of such odds. Now, with the British positions secure, and superiority of force insured for the time being, he gladly turned over his charge and sailed for home; burning against the Admiralty with a wrath common to most of the distinguished seamen of that war. He was not employed afloat again until a change of Ministry took place, in 1782. [Footnote 19: Charles H., Comte d'Estaing. Born, 1729. Served in India under Lally Tollendal, 1758. After having been taken prisoner at Madras in 1759, exchanged into the navy. Commanded in North America, 1778-80. Guillotined, 1794. W.L.C.] [Footnote 20: Grandfather of the poet.] [Footnote 21: The Secretary of Lloyd's, for the purposes of this work, has been so good as to cause to be specially compiled a summary of the losses and captures during the period 1775-1783. This, so far as it deals with merchantmen and privateers, gives the following results. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- | BRITISH VESSELS | ENEMY'S VESSELS |---------------------------------+---------------------------------- | Merchantmen | Privateers | Merchantmen | Privateers |----------------+----------------+----------------+----------------- | |Re-taken| |Re-taken| |Re-taken| |Re-taken | Taken |or Ran- | Taken |or Ran- | Taken |or Ran- | Taken |or Ran- | [22] | somed | [22] | somed | [22] | somed | [22] | somed -----+-------+--------+-------+--------+-------+--------+-------+--------- 1775 | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- 1776 | 229 | 51 | --- | --- | 19 | --- | 6 | --- 1777 | 331 | 52 | --- | --- | 51 | 1 | 18 | --- 1778 | 359 | 87 | 5 | --- | 232 | 5 | 16 | --- 1779 | 487 | 106 | 29 | 5 | 238 | 5 | 31 | --- 1780 | 581 | 260 | 15 | 2 | 203 | 3 | 34 | 1 1781 | 587 | 211 | 38 | 6 | 277 | 10 | 40 | --- 1782 | 415 | 99 | 1 | --- | 104 | 1 | 68 | --- 1783 | 98 | 13 | 1 | 1 | 11 | 2 | 3 | --- -------------------------------------------------------------------------- [Footnote 22: Including those re-taken or ransomed. W.L.C.] [Footnote 23: A spring is a rope taken usually from the quarter (one side of the stern) of a ship, to the anchor. By hauling upon it the battery is turned in the direction desired.] [Footnote 24: The leader, the _Leviathan_, was excepted, evidently because she lay under the Hook, and her guns could not bear down channel. She was not a fighting ship of the squadron, but an armed storeship, although originally a ship of war, and therefore by her thickness of side better fitted for defence than an ordinary merchant vessel. Placing her seems to have been an afterthought, to close the gap in the line, and prevent even the possibility of the enemy's ships turning in there and doubling on the van. Thus Howe avoided the fatal oversight made by Brueys twenty years later, in Aboukir Bay.] [Footnote 25: It may be recalled that a similar disposition was made by the Confederates at Mobile against Farragut's attack in 1864, and that it was from these small vessels that his flagship _Hartford_ underwent her severest loss. To sailing ships the odds were greater, as injury to spars might involve stoppage. Moreover, Howe's arrangements brought into such fire all his heavier ships.] [Footnote 26: A letter to the Admiralty, dated October 8th, 1779, from Vice-Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot, then commander-in-chief at New York, states that "at spring tides there is generally thirty feet of water on the bar at high water."] [Footnote 27: These four ships were among the smallest of the fleet, being one 74, two 64's, and a 50. D'Estaing very properly reserved his heaviest ships to force the main channel.] [Footnote 28: _Flora_, 32; _Juno_, 32; Lark, 32; _Orpheus_, 32; _Falcon_, 16.] [Footnote 29: I have not been able to find an exact statement of the number; Beatson gives eight regiments, with a reinforcement of five battalions.] [Footnote 30: It may be interesting to recall that this was the ship on the books of which Nelson's name was first borne in the navy, in 1771.] [Footnote 31: Troude attributes d'Estaing's sortie to a sense of the insecurity of his position; Lapeyrouse Bonfils, to a desire for contest. Chevalier dwells upon the exposure of the situation.] [Footnote 32: For the respective force of the two fleets see pp. 66, 67, 71.] [Footnote 33: This account of the manoeuvres of the two fleets is based upon Lord Howe's dispatch, and amplified from the journal of Captain Henry Duncan of the flagship _Eagle_ which has been published (1902) since the first publication of this work. See "Navy Records Society, Naval Miscellany." Vol. i, p. 161.] [Footnote 34: At the mouth of Delaware Bay.] [Footnote 35: _Ante_, p. 62.] [Footnote 36: Chevalier: "Marine Française," 1778.] [Footnote 37: Later Vice-Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, Bart., who perished in the _Cato_ in 1783. He was father of that Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, who in 1801 was Nelson's commander-in-chief at Copenhagen, and who in 1778 commanded the _Phoenix_, 44, in Howe's fleet. (_Ante_, pp. 39, 46.)] CHAPTER V THE NAVAL WAR IN EUROPE. THE BATTLE OF USHANT 1778 During the same two months that saw the contest between d'Estaing and Howe in America the only encounter between nearly equal fleets in 1778 took place in European waters. Admiral Keppel, having returned to Spithead after the affair between the _Belle Poule_ and the _Arethusa_,[38] again put to sea on the 9th of July, with a force increased to thirty ships of the line. He had been mortified by the necessity of avoiding action, and of even retiring into port, with the inadequate numbers before under his command, and his mind was fixed now to compel an engagement, if he met the French. The Brest fleet also put to sea, the day before Keppel, under the command of Admiral the Comte d'Orvilliers. It contained thirty-two ships of the line. Of these, three--64, a 60, and a 50--were not considered fit for the line of battle, which was thus reduced to twenty-nine sail, carrying 2098 guns. To these the British opposed an aggregate of 2278; but comparison by this means only is very rough. Not only the sizes of the guns, but the classes and weight of the vessels need to be considered. In the particular instance the matter is of little importance; the action being indecisive, and credit depending upon manoeuvres rather than upon fighting. The French admiral was hampered by vacillating instructions, reflections of the unstable impulses which swayed the Ministry. Whatever his personal wishes, he felt that he was expected to avoid action, unless under very favourable circumstances. At the moment of sailing he wrote: "Since you leave me free to continue my cruise, I will not bring the fleet back to Brest, unless by positive orders, until I have fulfilled the month at sea mentioned in my instructions, and known to all the captains. Till then I will not fly before Admiral Keppel, whatever his strength; only, if I know him to be too superior, I will avoid a disproportionate action as well as I can; but if the enemy really seeks to force it, it will be very hard to shun." These words explain his conduct through the next few days. On the afternoon of July 23d the two fleets sighted each other, about a hundred miles west of Ushant, the French being then to leeward. Towards sunset, they were standing south-west, with the wind at west-north-west, and bore north-east from the enemy, who were lying-to, heads to the northward. The British remaining nearly motionless throughout the night, and the wind shifting, d'Orvilliers availed himself of the conditions to press to windward, and in the morning was found to bear north-west from his opponent.[39] Their relative positions satisfied both admirals for the moment; for Keppel found himself interposed between Brest and the French, while d'Orvilliers, though surrendering the advantage of open retreat to his port, had made it possible, by getting the weather-gage, to fulfil his promise to keep the sea and yet to avoid action. Two of his ships, however, the _Duc de Bourgogne_, 80, and a 74, were still to leeward, not only of their own main body, but also of the British. Keppel sent chasers after them, for the expressed purpose of compelling d'Orvilliers to action in their support,[40] and it was believed by the British that they were forced to return to Brest, to avoid being cut off. They certainly quitted their fleet, which was thus reduced to twenty-seven effective sail. From this time until July 27th the wind continued to the westward, and the wariness of the French admiral baffled all his antagonist's efforts to get within range. Keppel, having no doubts as to what was expected of him, pursued vigorously, watching his chance. On the morning of July 27th the two fleets [Fig 1, AA, AA], were from six to ten miles apart, wind south-west, both on the port tack,[41] steering north-west; the French dead to windward, in line ahead. The British were in bow-and-quarter line. In this formation, when exact, the ships of a fleet were nearly abreast each other; so ranged, however, that if they tacked all at the same time they would be at once in line of battle ahead close to the wind,--the fighting order.[42] Both fleets were irregularly formed, the British especially so; for Keppel rightly considered that he would not accomplish his purpose, if he were pedantic concerning the order of his going. He had therefore signalled a "General Chase," which, by permitting much individual freedom of movement, facilitated the progress of the whole body. At daylight, the division commanded by Sir Hugh Palliser--the right wing, as then heading--had dropped astern [R]; and at 5.30 A.M. the signal was made to seven of its fastest sailers to chase to windward, to get farther to windward by pressing sail, the object being so to place them relatively to the main body, as to support the latter, if an opportunity for action should offer. At 9 A.M. the French admiral, wishing to approach the enemy and to see more clearly, ordered his fleet to wear in succession,--to countermarch. As the van ships went round (b) under this signal, they had to steer off the wind (be), parallel to their former line, on which those following them still were, until they reached the point to which the rear ship meantime had advanced (c), when they could again haul to the wind. This caused a loss of ground to leeward, but not more than d'Orvilliers could afford, as things stood. Just after he had fairly committed himself to the manoeuvre, the wind hauled to the southward two points,[43] from south-west to south-south-west, which favoured the British, allowing them to head more nearly towards the enemy (BB). The shift also threw the bows of the French off the line they were following, deranging their order. Keppel therefore continued on the port tack, until all the French (BB), were on the starboard, and at 10.15, being nearly in their wake, he ordered his own ships to tack together (dd), which would bring them into line ahead on the same tack as the French; that is, having the wind on the same side. This put the British in column,[44] still to leeward, but nearly astern of the enemy and following (CC). At this moment a thick rain-squall came up, concealing the fleets one from another for three quarters of an hour. With the squall the wind shifted back to southwest, favouring the British on this tack, as it had on the other, and enabling them to lay up for the enemy's rear after which (French BB) they were standing and could now bring to action. When the weather cleared, at 11, the French were seen to have gone about again, all the ships together, and were still in the confusion of a partly executed manoeuvre (CC). Their admiral had doubtless recognised, from the change of wind, and from the direction of the enemy when last visible, that an encounter could not be avoided. If he continued on the starboard tack, the van of the pursuing enemy, whose resolve to force battle could not be misunderstood, would overtake his rear ships, engaging as many of them as he might choose. By resuming the port tack, the heads of the columns would meet, and the fleets pass in opposite directions, on equal terms as regarded position; because all the French would engage, and not only a part of their rear. Therefore he had ordered his ships to go about, all at the same time; thus forming column again rapidly, but reversing the order so that the rear became the van. [Illustration] Keppel so far had made no signal for the line of battle, nor did he now. Recognising from the four days' chase that his enemy was avoiding action, he judged correctly that he should force it, even at some risk. It was not the time for a drill-master, nor a parade. Besides, thanks to the morning signal for the leewardly ships to chase, these, forming the rear of the disorderly column in which he was advancing, were now well to windward, able therefore to support their comrades, if needful, as well as to attack the enemy. In short, practically the whole force was coming into action, although much less regularly than might have been desired. What was to follow was a rough-and-ready fight, but it was all that could be had, and better than nothing. Keppel therefore simply made the signal for battle, and that just as the firing began. The collision was so sudden that the ships at first had not their colours flying. The French also, although their manoeuvres had been more methodical, were in some confusion. It is not given to a body of thirty ships, of varying qualities, to attain perfection of movement in a fortnight of sea practice. The change of wind had precipitated an action, which one admiral had been seeking, and the other shunning; but each had to meet it with such shift as he could. The British (CC) being close-hauled, the French (CC), advancing on a parallel line, were four points[45] off the wind. Most of their ships, therefore, could have gone clear to windward of their opponents, but the fact that the latter could reach some of the leaders compelled the others to support them. As d'Orvilliers had said, it was hard to avoid an enemy resolute to fight. The leading three French vessels[46] (e) hauled their wind, in obedience to the admiral's signal to form the line of battle, which means a close-hauled line. The effect of this was to draw them gradually away from the hostile line, taking them out of range of the British centre and rear. This, if imitated by their followers, would render the affair even more partial and indecisive than such passing by usually was. The fourth French ship began the action, opening fire soon after eleven. The vessels of the opposing fleets surged by under short canvas, (D), firing as opportunity offered, but necessarily much handicapped by smoke, which prevented the clear sight of an enemy, and caused anxiety lest an unseen friend might receive a broadside. "The distance between the _Formidable_, 90, (Palliser's flagship) and the _Egmont_, 74, was so short," testified Captain John Laforey, whose three-decker, the _Ocean_, 90, was abreast and outside this interval, "that it was with difficulty I could keep betwixt them to engage, without firing upon them, and I was once very near on board the _Egmont_,"--next ahead of the _Ocean_. The _Formidable_ kept her mizzen topsail aback much of the time, to deaden her way, to make the needed room ahead for the _Ocean_, and also to allow the rear ships to close. "At a quarter past one," testified Captain Maitland of the _Elizabeth_, 74, "we were very close behind the _Formidable_, and a midshipman upon the poop called out that there was a ship coming on board on the weatherbow. I put the helm up,... and found, when the smoke cleared away, I was shot up under the _Formidable's_ lee. She was then engaged with the two last ships in the French fleet, and, as I could not fire at them without firing through the _Formidable_, I was obliged to shoot on."[47] Captain Bazely, of the _Formidable_, says of the same incident, "The _Formidable_ did at the time of action bear up to one of the enemy's ships, to avoid being aboard of her, whose jib boom nearly touched the main topsail weather leech of the _Formidable_. I thought we could not avoid being on board." Contrary to the usual result, the loss of the rear division, in killed and wounded, was heaviest, nearly equalling the aggregate of the two others.[48] This was due to the morning signal to chase to windward, which brought these ships closer than their leaders. As soon as the British van, ten ships, had passed the French rear, its commander, Vice-Admiral Sir Robert Harland, anticipating Keppel's wishes, signalled it to go about and follow the enemy (Fig. 2, V). As the French column was running free, these ships, when about, fetched to windward of its wake. When the _Victory_ drew out of the fire, at 1 P.M., Keppel also made a similar signal, and attempted to wear (c), the injuries to his rigging not permitting tacking; but caution was needed in manoeuvring across the bows of the following ships, and it was not till 2 P.M., that the _Victory_ was about on the other tack (Fig. 2, C), heading after the French. At this time, 2 P.M., just before or just after wearing, the signal for battle was hauled down, and that for the line of battle was hoisted. The object of the latter was to re-form the order, and the first was discontinued, partly because no longer needed, chiefly that it might not seem to contradict the urgent call for a re-formation. At this time six or seven of Harland's division were on the weather bow of the _Victory_, to windward (westward), but a little ahead, and standing like her after the French; all on the port tack (Fig. 2). None of the centre division succeeded in joining the flagship at once. At 2.30 Palliser's ship, the _Formidable_ (R), on the starboard tack, passed the _Victory_ to leeward, apparently the last of the fleet out of action. A half-hour after this the _Victory_ had been joined by three of the centre, which were following her in close order, the van remaining in the same relative position. Astern of these two groups from van and centre were a number of other ships in various degrees of confusion,--some going about, some trying to come up, others completely disabled. Especially, there was in the south-south-east, therefore well to leeward, a cluster of four or five British vessels, evidently temporarily incapable of manoeuvring. This was the situation which met the eye of the French admiral, scanning the field as the smoke drove away. The disorder of the British, which originated in the general chase, had increased through the hurry of the manoeuvres succeeding the squall, and culminated in the conditions just described. It was an inevitable result of a military exigency confronted by a fleet only recently equipped. The French, starting from a better formation, had come out in better shape. But, after all, it seems difficult wholly to remedy the disadvantage of a policy essentially defensive; and d'Orvilliers' next order, though well conceived, was resultless. At 1 P.M.[49] he signalled his fleet to wear in succession, and form the line of battle on the starboard tack (Fig. 2, F). This signal was not seen by the leading ship, which should have begun the movement. The junior French admiral, in the fourth ship from the van, at length went about, and spoke the flagship, to know what was the Commander-in-Chief's desire. D'Orvilliers explained that he wished to pass along the enemy's fleet from end to end, to _leeward_, because in its disordered state there was a fair promise of advantage, and by going to leeward--presenting his weather side to the enemy--he could use the weather lower-deck guns, whereas, in the then state of the sea, the lee lower ports could not be opened. Thus explained, the movement was executed, but the favourable moment had passed. It was not till 2.30 that the manoeuvre was evident to the British. [Illustration] As soon as Keppel recognised his opponent's intention, he wore the _Victory_ again, (d), a few minutes after 3 P.M., and stood slowly down, on the starboard tack _off the wind_, towards his crippled ships in the south-south-east, keeping aloft the signal for the line of battle, which commanded every manageable ship to get to her station (Fig. 3, C). As this deliberate movement was away from the enemy, (F), Palliser tried afterwards to fix upon it the stigma of flight,--a preposterous extravagancy. Harland put his division about at once and joined the Admiral. On this tack his station was ahead of the _Victory_, but in consequence of a message from Keppel he fell in behind her, to cover the rear until Palliser's division could repair damage and take their places. At 4 P.M. Harland's division was in the line. Palliser's ships, as they completed refitting, ranged themselves before or behind his flagship; their captains considering, as they testified, that they took station from their divisional commander, and not from the ship of the Commander-in-Chief. There was formed thus, on the weather quarter of the _Victory_, and a mile or two distant, a separate line of ships, constituting on this tack the proper rear of the fleet, and dependent for initiative on Palliser's flagship (Fig. 3, R). At 5 P.M. Keppel sent word by a frigate to Palliser to hasten into the line, as he was only waiting for him to renew the action, the French now having completed their manoeuvre. They had not attacked, as they might have done, but had drawn up under the lee of the British, their van abreast the latter's centre. At the same time Harland was directed to move to his proper position in the van, which he at once did (Fig. 3, V). Palliser made no movement, and Keppel with extraordinary--if not culpable--forbearance refrained from summoning the rear ships into line by their individual pennants. This he at last did about 7 P.M., signalling specifically to each of the vessels then grouped with Palliser, (except his own flagship), to leave the latter and take their posts in the line. This was accordingly done, but it was thought then to be too late to renew the action. At daylight the next morning, only three French ships were in sight from the decks; but the main body could be seen in the south-east from some of the mastheads, and was thought to be from fifteen to twenty miles distant. Though absolutely indecisive, this was a pretty smart skirmish; the British loss being 133 killed and 373 wounded, that of the French 161 killed and 513 wounded. The general result would appear to indicate that the French, in accordance with their usual policy, had fired to cripple their enemy's spars and rigging, the motive-power. This would be consistent with d'Orvilliers' avowed purpose of avoiding action except under favourable circumstances. As the smoke thickened and confusion increased, the fleets had got closer together, and, whatever the intention, many shot found their way to the British hulls. Nevertheless, as the returns show, the number of men hit among the French was to the British nearly as 7 to 5. On the other hand, it is certain that the manoeuvring power of the French after the action was greater than that of the British. Both sides claimed the advantage. This was simply a point of honour, or of credit, for material advantage accrued to neither. Keppel had succeeded in forcing d'Orvilliers to action against his will; d'Orvilliers, by a well-judged evolution, had retained a superiority of manoeuvring power after the engagement. Had his next signal been promptly obeyed, he might have passed again by the British fleet, in fairly good order, before it re-formed, and concentrated his fire on the more leewardly of its vessels. Even under the delay, it was distinctly in his power to renew the fight; and that he did not do so forfeits all claim to victory. Not to speak of the better condition of the French ships, Keppel, by running off the wind, had given his opponent full opportunity to reach his fleet and to attack. Instead of so doing, d'Orvilliers drew up under the British lee, out of range, and offered battle; a gallant defiance, but to a crippled foe. Time was thus given to the British to refit their ships sufficiently to bear down again. This the French admiral should not have permitted. He should have attacked promptly, or else have retreated; to windward, or to leeward, as seemed most expedient. Under the conditions, it was not good generalship to give the enemy time, and to await his pleasure. Keppel, on the other hand, being granted this chance, should have renewed the fight; and here arose the controversy which set all England by the ears, and may be said to have immortalised this otherwise trivial incident. Palliser's division was to windward from 4 to 7 P.M., while the signals were flying to form line of battle, and to bear down in the Admiral's wake; and Keppel alleged that, had these been obeyed by 6 P.M., he would have renewed the battle, having still over two hours of daylight. It has been stated already that, besides the signals, a frigate brought Palliser word that the Admiral was waiting only for him. The immediate dispute is of slight present interest, except as an historical link in the fighting development of the British Navy; and only this historical significance justifies more than a passing mention. In 1778 men's minds were still full of Byng's execution in 1757, and of the Mathews and Lestock affair in 1744, which had materially influenced Byng in his action off Minorca. Keppel repeatedly spoke of himself as on trial for his life; and he had been a member of Byng's court-martial. The gist of the charges against him, preferred by Palliser, was that he attacked in the first instance without properly forming his line, for which Mathews had been censured; and, secondly, that by not renewing the action after the first pass-by, and by wearing away from the French fleet, he had not done his utmost to "take, sink, burn, and destroy." This had been the charge on which Byng was shot. Keppel, besides his justifying reasons for his course in general, alleged and proved his full intention to attack again, had not Palliser failed to come into line, a delinquency the same as that of Lestock, which contributed to Mathew's ruin. In other words, men's minds were breaking away from, but had not thrown off completely, the tyranny of the Order of Battle,--one of the worst of tyrannies, because founded on truth. Absolute error, like a whole lie, is open to speedy detection; half-truths are troublesome. The Order of Battle[50] was an admirable servant and a most objectionable despot. Mathews, in despair over a recalcitrant second, cast off the yoke, engaged with part of his force, was ill supported and censured; Lestock escaping. Byng, considering this, and being a pedant by nature, would not break his line; the enemy slipped away, Minorca surrendered, and he was shot. In Keppel's court-martial, twenty-eight out of the thirty captains who had been in the line were summoned as witnesses. Most of them swore that if Keppel had chased in line of battle that day, there could have been no action, and the majority of them cordially approved his course; but there was evidently an undercurrent still of dissent, and especially in the rear ships, where there had been some of the straggling inevitable in such movements. Their commanders therefore had uncomfortable experience of the lack of mutual support, which the line of battle was meant to insure. Another indication of still surviving pedantry was the obligation felt in the rear ships to take post about their own admiral, and to remain there when the signals for the line of battle, and to bear down in the admiral's wake, were flying. Thus Palliser's own inaction, to whatever cause due, paralysed the six or eight sail with him; but it appears to the writer that Keppel was seriously remiss in not summoning those ships by their own pennants, as soon as he began to distrust the purposes of the Vice-Admiral, instead of delaying doing so till 7 P.M., as he did. It is a curious picture presented to us by the evidence. The Commander-in-Chief, with his staff and the captain of the ship, fretting and fuming on the _Victory's_ quarter-deck; the signals flying which have been mentioned; Harland's division getting into line ahead; and four points on the weather quarter, only two miles distant, so that "every gun and port could be counted," a group of seven or eight sail, among them the flag of the third in command, apparently indifferent spectators. The _Formidable's_ only sign of disability was the foretopsail unbent for four hours,--a delay which, being unexplained, rather increased than relieved suspicion, rife then throughout the Navy. Palliser was a Tory, and had left the Board of Admiralty to take his command. Keppel was so strong a Whig that he would not serve against the Americans; and he evidently feared that he was to be betrayed to his ruin. Palliser's defence rested upon three principal points: (1), that the signal for the line of battle was not seen on board the _Formidable_; (2), that the signal to get into the Admiral's wake was repeated by himself; (3), that his foremast was wounded, and, moreover, found to be in such bad condition that he feared to carry sail on it. As regards the first, the signal was seen on board the _Ocean_, next astern of and "not far from"[51] the _Formidable_; for the second, the Admiral should have been informed of a disability by which a single ship was neutralizing a division. The frigate that brought Keppel's message could have carried back this. Thirdly, the most damaging feature to Palliser's case was that he asserted that, after coming out from under fire, he wore at once towards the enemy; afterwards he wore back again. A ship that thus wore twice before three o'clock, might have displayed zeal and efficiency enough to run two miles, off the wind,[52] at five, to support a fight. Deliberate treachery is impossible. To this writer the Vice-Admiral's behaviour seems that of a man in a sulk, who will do only that which he can find no excuses for neglecting. In such cases of sailing close, men generally slip over the line into grievous wrong. Keppel was cleared of all the charges preferred against him; the accuser had not thought best to embody among them the delay to recall the ships which his own example was detaining. Against Palliser no specific charge was preferred, but the Admiralty directed a general inquiry into his course on the 27th of July. The court found his conduct "in many instances highly exemplary and meritorious,"--he had fought well,--"but reprehensible in not having acquainted the Commander-in-Chief of his distress, which he might have done either by the _Fox_, or other means which he had in his power." Public opinion running strongly for Keppel, his acquittal was celebrated with bonfires and illuminations in London; the mob got drunk, smashed the windows of Palliser's friends, wrecked Palliser's own house, and came near to killing Palliser himself. The Admiralty, in 1780, made him Governor of Greenwich Hospital. On the 28th of July, the British and French being no longer in sight of each other, Keppel, considering his fleet too injured aloft to cruise near the French coast, kept away for Plymouth, where he arrived on the 31st. Before putting to sea again, he provided against a recurrence of the misdemeanor of the 27th by a general order, that "in future the Line is always to be taken from the Centre." Had this been in force before, Palliser's captains would have taken station by the Commander-in-Chief, and the _Formidable_ would have been left to windward by herself. At the same time Howe was closing his squadron upon the centre in America; and Rodney, two years later, experienced the ill-effects of distance taken from the next ahead, when the leading ship of a fleet disregarded an order. Although privately censuring Palliser's conduct, the Commander-in-Chief made no official complaint, and it was not until the matter got into the papers, through the talk of the fleet, that the difficulty began which resulted in the trial of both officers, early in the following year. After this, Keppel, being dissatisfied with the Admiralty's treatment, intimated his wish to give up the command. The order to strike his flag was dated March 18th, 1779. He was not employed afloat again, but upon the change of administration in 1782 he became First Lord of the Admiralty, and so remained, with a brief intermission, until December, 1783. It is perhaps necessary to mention that both British and French asserted, and assert to this day, that the other party abandoned the field.[53] The point is too trivial, in the author's opinion, to warrant further discussion of an episode the historical interest of which is very slight, though its professional lessons are valuable. The British case had the advantage--through the courts-martial--of the sworn testimony of twenty to thirty captains, who agreed that the British kept on the same tack under short sail throughout the night, and that in the morning only three French ships were visible. As far as known to the author, the French contention rests only on the usual reports. [Footnote 38: _Ante_, pp. 61, 62.] [Footnote 39: Testimony of Captains Hood, Robinson, and Macbride, and of Rear-Admiral Campbell, captain of the fleet to Keppel.] [Footnote 40: See note on preceding page.] [Footnote 41: A vessel is said to be on the port tack when she has the wind blowing on her port, or left side; on the starboard tack, when the wind is on the right side. Thus with an east wind, if she head north, she is on the starboard tack; if south, on the port.] [Footnote 42: See also note; _post_, p. 200.] [Footnote 43: Twenty-two degrees.] [Footnote 44: Column and line ahead are equivalent terms, each ship steering in the wake of its next ahead.] [Footnote 45: Forty-five degrees.] [Footnote 46: Chevalier says, p. 89, "The English passed out of range" of these ships. As these ships had the wind, they had the choice of range, barring signals from their own admiral. In truth, they were obeying his order.] [Footnote 47: This evidence of the captains of the _Ocean_ and the _Elizabeth_ contradicts Palliser's charge that his ship was not adequately supported.] [Footnote 48: It was actually quite equal, but this was due to an accidental explosion on board the _Formidable_.] [Footnote 49: Chevalier. Probably later by the other times used in this account.] [Footnote 50: The Order of Battle was constituted by the ships "of the line" ranging themselves one behind the other in a prescribed succession; the position of each and the intervals between being taken from the ship next ahead. This made the leading vessel the pivot of the order and of manoeuvring, unless specially otherwise directed; which in an emergency could not always be easily done. Strictly, if circumstances favoured, the line on which the ships thus formed was one of the two close-hauled lines; "close-hauled" meaning to bring the vessel's head as "near" the direction of the wind as possible, usually to about 70 degrees. The advantage of the close-hauled line was that the vessels were more manageable than when "off" the wind.] [Footnote 51: Evidence of Captain John Laforey, of the _Ocean_.] [Footnote 52: "I do not recollect how many points I went from the wind; I must have bore down a pretty large course." Testimony of Captain J. Laforey, of the _Ocean_, on this point.] [Footnote 53: "During the night (of the 27th) Admiral Keppel kept away (_fit route_) for Portsmouth." Chevalier, "Marine Française," p. 90. Paris, 1877. Oddly enough, he adds that "on the evening of the 28th the French squadron, _carried eastward by the currents_, sighted Ushant."] CHAPTER VI OPERATIONS IN THE WEST INDIES, 1778-1779. THE BRITISH INVASION OF GEORGIA AND SOUTH CAROLINA Conditions of season exerted great influence upon the time and place of hostilities during the maritime war of 1778; the opening scenes of which, in Europe and in North America, have just been narrated. In European seas it was realised that naval enterprises by fleets, requiring evolutions by masses of large vessels, were possible only in summer. Winter gales scattered ships, impeded manoeuvres, and made gun-fire ineffective. The same consideration prevailed to limit activity in North American waters to the summer; and complementary to this was the fact that in the West Indies hurricanes of excessive violence occurred from July to October. The practice therefore was to transfer effort from one quarter to the other in the Western Hemisphere, according to the season. In the recent treaty with the United States, the King of France had formally renounced all claim to acquire for himself any part of the American continent then in possession of Great Britain. On the other hand, he had reserved the express right to conquer any of her islands south of Bermuda. The West Indies were then the richest commercial region on the globe in the value of their products; and France wished not only to increase her already large possessions there, but also to establish more solidly her political and military tenure. [Illustration] In September, 1778, the British Island of Dominica was seized by an expedition from the adjacent French colony of Martinique. The affair was a surprise, and possesses no special military interest; but it is instructive to observe that Great Britain was unprepared, in the West Indies as elsewhere, when the war began. A change had been made shortly before in the command of the Leeward Islands Station, as it was called, which extended from Antigua southward over the Lesser Antilles with headquarters at Barbados. Rear-Admiral the Hon. Samuel Barrington, the new-comer, leaving home before war had been declared, had orders not to quit Barbados till further instructions should arrive. These had not reached him when he learned of the loss of Dominica. The French had received their orders on the 17th of August. The blow was intrinsically somewhat serious, so far as the mere capture of a position can be, because the fortifications were strong, though they had been inadequately garrisoned. It is a mistake to build works and not man them, for their fall transfers to the enemy strength which he otherwise would need time to create. To the French the conquest was useful beyond its commercial value, because it closed a gap in their possessions. They now held four consecutive islands, from north to south, Guadeloupe, Dominica, Martinique, and Santa Lucia. Barrington had two ships of the line: his flagship, the _Prince of Wales_, 74, and the _Boyne_, 70. If he had been cruising, these would probably have deterred the French. Upon receiving the news he put to sea, going as far as Antigua; but he did not venture to stay away because his expected instructions had not come yet, and, like Keppel, he feared an ungenerous construction of his actions. He therefore remained in Barbados, patiently watching for an opportunity to act. The departure of Howe and the approach of winter determined the transference of British troops and ships from the continent to the Leeward Islands. Reinforcements had given the British fleet in America a numerical superiority, which for the time imposed a check upon d'Estaing; but Byron, proverbially unlucky in weather, was driven crippled to Newport, leaving the French free to quit Boston. The difficulty of provisioning so large a force as twelve ships of the line at first threatened to prevent the withdrawal, supplies being then extremely scarce in the port; but at the critical moment American privateers brought in large numbers of prizes, laden with provisions from Europe for the British army. Thus d'Estaing was enabled to sail for Martinique on the 4th of November. On the same day there left New York for Barbados a British squadron,--two 64's, three 50's, and three smaller craft,--under the command of Commodore William Hotham, convoying five thousand troops for service in the West Indies. Being bound for nearly the same point, the two hostile bodies steered parallel courses, each ignorant of the other's nearness. In the latitude of Bermuda both suffered from a violent gale, but the French most; the flagship _Languedoc_ losing her main and mizzen topmasts. On the 25th of November one[54] of Hotham's convoy fell into the hands of d'Estaing, who then first learned of the British sailing. Doubtful whether their destination was Barbados or Antigua,--their two chief stations,--he decided for the latter. Arriving off it on the 6th of December, he cruised for forty-eight hours, and then bore away for Fort Royal, Martinique, the principal French depot in the West Indies, where he anchored on the 9th. On the 10th Hotham joined Barrington at Barbados. Barrington knew already what he wanted to do, and therefore lost not a moment in deliberation. The troops were kept on board, Hotham's convoy arrangements being left as they were. On the morning of December 12th the entire force sailed again, the main changes in it being in the chief command, and in the addition of Barrington's two ships of the line. On the afternoon of the 13th the shipping anchored in the Grand Cul de Sac, an inlet on the west side of Santa Lucia, which is seventy miles east-north-east from Barbados. Part of the troops landed at once, and seized the batteries and heights on the north side of the bay. The remainder were put on shore the next morning. The French forces were inadequate to defend their works; but it is to be observed that they were driven with unremitting energy, and that to this promptness the British owed their ability to hold the position. [Illustration] Three miles north of the Cul de Sac is a bay then called the Carénage; now Port Castries. At its northern extremity is a precipitous promontory, La Vigie, then fortified, upon the tenure of which depended not only control of that anchorage, but also access to the rear of the works which commanded the Cul de Sac. If those works fell, the British squadron must abandon its position and put to sea, where d'Estaing's much superior fleet would be in waiting. On the other hand, if the squadron were crushed at its anchors, the troops were isolated and must ultimately capitulate. Therefore La Vigie and the squadron were the two keys to the situation, and the loss of either would be decisive. By the evening of the 14th the British held the shore line from La Vigie to the southern point of the Cul de Sac, as well as Morne Fortuné (Fort Charlotte), the capital of the island. The feeble French garrison retired to the interior, leaving its guns unspiked, and its ammunition and stores untouched,--another instance of the danger of works turning to one's own disadvantage. It was Barrington's purpose now to remove the transports to the Carénage, as a more commodious harbour, probably also better defended; but he was prevented by the arrival of d'Estaing that afternoon. "Just as all the important stations were secured, the French colours struck, and General Grant's headquarters established at the Governor's house, the _Ariadne_ frigate came in sight with the signal abroad for the approach of an enemy."[55] The French fleet was seen soon afterwards from the heights above the squadron. The British had gained much so far by celerity, but they still spared no time to take breath. The night was passed by the soldiers in strengthening their positions, and by the Rear-Admiral in rectifying his order to meet the expected attack. The transports, between fifty and sixty in number, were moved inside the ships of war, and the latter were most carefully disposed across the mouth of the Cul de Sac bay. At the northern (windward)[56] end was placed the _Isis_, 50, well under the point to prevent anything from passing round her; but for further security she was supported by three frigates, anchored abreast of the interval between her and the shore. From the _Isis_ the line extended to the southward, inclining slightly outward; the _Prince of Wales_, 74, Barrington's flagship, taking the southern flank, as the most exposed position. Between her and the _Isis_ were five other ships,--the _Boyne_, 70, _Nonsuch_, 64, _St. Albans_, 64, _Preston_, 50, and _Centurion_, 50. The works left by the French at the north and south points of the bay may have been used to support the flanks, but Barrington does not say so in his report. D'Estaing had twelve ships of the line, and two days after this was able to land seven thousand troops. With such a superiority it is evident that the British would have been stopped in the midst of their operations, if he had arrived twenty-four hours sooner. To gain time, Barrington had sought to prevent intelligence reaching Fort Royal, less than fifty miles distant, by sending cruisers in advance of his squadron, to cover the approaches to Santa Lucia; but, despite his care, d'Estaing had the news on the 14th. He sailed at once, and, as has been said, was off Santa Lucia that evening. At daybreak of the 15th he stood in for the Carénage; but when he came within range, a lively cannonade told him that the enemy was already in possession. He decided therefore to attack the squadron in the Cul de Sac, and at 11.30 the French passed along it from north to south, firing, but without effect. A second attempt was made in the afternoon, directed upon the lee flank, but it was equally unavailing. The British had three men killed; the French loss is not given, but is said to have been slight. It is stated that that day the sea breeze did not penetrate far enough into the bay to admit closing. This frequently happens, but it does not alter the fact that the squadron was the proper point of attack, and that, especially in the winter season, an opportunity to close must offer soon. D'Estaing, governed probably by the soldierly bias he more than once betrayed, decided now to assault the works on shore. Anchoring in a small bay north of the Carénage, he landed seven thousand men, and on the 18th attempted to storm the British lines at La Vigie. The neck of land connecting the promontory with the island is very flat, and the French therefore labored under great disadvantage through the commanding position of their enemy. It was a repetition of Bunker Hill, and of many other ill-judged and precipitate frontal attacks. After three gallant but ineffectual charges, led by d'Estaing in person, the assailants retired, with the loss of forty-one officers and eight hundred rank and file, killed and wounded. [Illustration] D'Estaing reëmbarked his men, and stood ready again to attack Barrington; a frigate being stationed off the Cul de Sac, to give notice when the wind should serve. On the 24th she signalled, and the fleet weighed; but Barrington, who had taken a very great risk for an adequate object, took no unnecessary chances through presumption. He had employed his respite to warp the ships of war farther in, where the breeze reached less certainly, and where narrower waters gave better support to the flanks. He had strengthened the latter also by new works, in which he had placed heavy guns from the ships, manned by seamen. For these or other reasons d'Estaing did not attack. On the 29th he quitted the island, and on the 30th the French governor, the Chevalier de Micoud, formally capitulated. This achievement of Barrington and of Major-General James Grant, who was associated with him, was greeted at the time with an applause which will be echoed by the military judgment of a later age. There is a particular pleasure in finding the willingness to incur a great risk, conjoined with a care that chances nothing against which the utmost diligence and skill can provide. The celerity, forethought, wariness, and daring of Admiral Barrington have inscribed upon the records of the British Navy a success the distinction of which should be measured, not by the largeness of the scale, but by the perfection of the workmanship, and by the energy of the execution in face of great odds. Santa Lucia remained in the hands of the British throughout the war. It was an important acquisition, because at its north-west extremity was a good and defensible anchorage, Gros Ilet Bay, only thirty miles from Fort Royal in Martinique. In it the British fleet could lie, when desirable to close-watch the enemy, yet not be worried for the safety of the port when away; for it was but an outpost, not a base of operations, as Fort Royal was. It was thus used continually, and from it Rodney issued for his great victory in April, 1782. During the first six months of 1779 no important incident occurred in the West Indies. On the 6th of January, Vice-Admiral Byron, with ten ships of the line from Narragansett Bay, reached Santa Lucia, and relieved Barrington of the chief command. Both the British and the French fleets were reinforced in the course of the spring, but the relative strength remained nearly as before, until the 27th of June, when the arrival of a division from Brest made the French numbers somewhat superior. Shortly before this, Byron had been constrained by one of the commercial exigencies which constantly embarrassed the military action of British admirals. A large convoy of trading ships, bound to England, was collecting at St. Kitts, and he thought necessary to accompany it part of the homeward way, until well clear of the French West India cruisers. For this purpose he left Santa Lucia early in June. As soon as the coast was clear, d'Estaing, informed of Byron's object, sent a small combined expedition against St. Vincent, which was surrendered on the 18th of the month. On the 30th the French admiral himself quitted Fort Royal with his whole fleet,--twenty-five ships of the line and several frigates,--directing his course for the British Island of Grenada, before which he anchored on the 2d of July. With commendable promptitude, he landed his troops that evening, and on the 4th the island capitulated. Except as represented by one small armed sloop, which was taken, the British Navy had no part in this transaction. Thirty richly laden merchant ships were captured in the port. At daybreak of July 6th, Byron appeared with twenty-one sail of the line, one frigate, and a convoy of twenty-eight vessels, carrying troops and equipments. He had returned to Santa Lucia on the 1st, and there had heard of the loss of St. Vincent, with a rumor that the French had gone against Grenada. He consequently had put to sea on the 3d, with the force mentioned. [Illustration] The British approach was reported to d'Estaing during the night of July 5th. Most of his fleet was then lying at anchor off Georgetown, at the south-west of the island; some vessels, which had been under way on look-out duty, had fallen to leeward.[57] At 4 A.M. the French began to lift their anchors, with orders to form line of battle on the starboard tack, in order of speed; that is, as rapidly as possible without regard to usual stations. When daylight had fully made, the British fleet (A) was seen standing down from the northward, close inshore, on the port tack, with the wind free at north-east by east. It was not in order, as is evident from the fact that the ships nearest the enemy, and therefore first to close, ought to have been in the rear on the then tack. For this condition there is no evident excuse; for a fleet having a convoy necessarily proceeds so slowly that the war-ships can keep reasonable order for mutual support. Moreover, irregularities that are permissible in case of emergency, or when no enemy can be encountered suddenly, cease to be so when the imminent probability of a meeting exists. The worst results of the day are to be attributed to this fault. Being short of frigates, Byron had assigned three ships of the line (a), under Rear-Admiral Rowley, to the convoy, which of course was on the off hand from the enemy, and somewhat in the rear. It was understood, however, that these would be called into the line, if needed. When the French (AA) were first perceived by Byron, their line was forming; the long thin column lengthening out gradually to the north-north-west, from the confused cluster[58] still to be seen at the anchorage. Hoping to profit by their disorder, he signalled "a general chase in that quarter,[59] as well as for Rear-Admiral Rowley to leave the convoy; and as not more than fourteen or fifteen of the enemy's ships appeared to be in line, the signal was made for the ships to engage, _and form as they could get up_."[60] It is clear from this not only that the ships were not in order, but also that they were to form under fire. Three ships, the _Sultan_, 74, the _Prince of Wales_, 74, and the _Boyne_, 70, in the order named,--the second carrying Barrington's flag,--were well ahead of the fleet (b). The direction prescribed for the attack, that of the clustered ships in the French rear, carried the British down on a south-south-west, or south by west, course; and as the enemy's van and centre were drawing out to the north-north-west, the two lines at that time resembled the legs of a "V," the point of which was the anchorage off Georgetown. Barrington's three ships therefore neared the French order gradually, and had to receive its fire for some time before they could reply, unless, by hauling to the wind, they diverged from the set course. This, and their isolation, made their loss very heavy. When they reached the rear of the French, the latter's column was tolerably formed, and Barrington's ships wore (w) in succession,--just as Harland's had done in Keppel's action,--to follow on the other tack. In doing this, the _Sultan_ kept away under the stern of the enemy's rearmost ship, to rake her; to avoid which the latter bore up. The _Sultan_ thus lost time and ground, and Barrington took the lead, standing along the French line, from rear to van, and to windward. Meanwhile, the forming of the enemy had revealed to Byron for the first time, and to his dismay, that he had been deceived in thinking the French force inferior to his own. "However, the general chase was continued, and the signal made for close engagement."[61] The remainder of the ships stood down on the port tack, as the first three had done, and wore in the wake of the latter, whom they followed; but before reaching the point of wearing, three ships, "the _Grafton_, 74, the _Cornwall_, 74, and the _Lion_, 64 (c), _happening to be to leeward_,[62] sustained the fire of the enemy's whole line, as it passed on the starboard tack." It seems clear that, having had the wind, during the night and now, and being in search of an enemy, it should not have "happened" that any ships should have been so far to leeward as to be unsupported. Captain Thomas White, R.N., writing as an advocate of Byron, says,[63] "while the van was wearing ... the sternmost ships were coming up under Rear-Admiral Hyde Parker.... Among these ships, the _Cornwall_ and _Lion_, from being nearer the enemy than those about them (for the rear division had not then _formed into line_), drew upon themselves almost the whole of the enemy's fire." No words can show more clearly the disastrous, precipitate disorder in which this attack was conducted. The _Grafton_, White says, was similarly situated. In consequence, these three were so crippled, besides a heavy loss in men, that they dropped far to leeward and astern (c', c"), when on the other tack. When the British ships in general had got round, and were in line ahead on the starboard tack,--the same as the French,--ranging from rear to van of the enemy (Positions B, B, B), Byron signalled for the eight leading ships to close together, for mutual support, and to engage close. This, which should have been done--not with finikin precision, but with military adequacy--before engaging, was less easy now, in the din of battle and with crippled ships. A quick-eyed subordinate, however, did something to remedy the error of his chief. Rear-Admiral Rowley was still considerably astern, having to make up the distance between the convoy and the fleet. As he followed the latter, he saw Barrington's three ships unduly separated and doubtless visibly much mauled. Instead, therefore, of blindly following his leader, he cut straight across (aa) to the head of the column to support the van,--an act almost absolutely identical with that which won Nelson renown at Cape St. Vincent. In this he was followed by the _Monmouth_, 64, the brilliancy of whose bearing was so conspicuous to the two fleets that it is said the French officers after the battle toasted "the little black ship." She and the _Suffolk_, 74, Rowley's flagship, also suffered severely in this gallant feat. It was imperative with Byron now to keep his van well up with the enemy, lest he should uncover the convoy, broad on the weather bow of the two fleets. "They seemed much inclined to cut off the convoy, and had it much in their power by means of their large frigates, independent of ships of the line."[64] On the other hand, the _Cornwall, Grafton_, and _Lion_, though they got their heads round, could not keep up with the fleet (c', c"), and were dropping also to leeward--towards the enemy. At noon, or soon after, d'Estaing bore up with the body of his force to join some of his vessels that had fallen to leeward. Byron very properly--under his conditions of inferiority--kept his wind; and the separation of the two fleets, thus produced, caused firing to cease at 1 P.M. The enemies were now ranged on parallel lines, some distance apart; still on the starboard tack, heading north-north west. Between the two, but far astern, the _Cornwall, Grafton, Lion_, and a fourth British ship, the _Fame_, were toiling along, greatly crippled. At 3 P.M., the French, now in good order, tacked together (t, t, t), which caused them to head towards these disabled vessels. Byron at once imitated the movement, and the eyes of all in the two fleets anxiously watched the result. Captain Cornwallis of the _Lion_, measuring the situation accurately, saw that, if he continued ahead, he would be in the midst of the French by the time he got abreast of them. Having only his foremast standing, he put his helm up, and stood broad off before the wind (c"), across the enemy's bows, for Jamaica. He was not pursued. The other three, unable to tack and afraid to wear, which would put them also in the enemy's power, stood on, passed to windward of the latter, receiving several broadsides, and so escaped to the northward. The _Monmouth_ was equally maltreated; in fact, she had not been able to tack to the southward with the fleet. Continuing north (a'), she became now much separated. D'Estaing afterwards reestablished his order of battle on the port tack, forming upon the then leewardmost ship, on the line BC. Byron's action off Grenada, viewed as an isolated event, was the most disastrous in results that the British Navy had fought since Beachy Head, in 1690. That the _Cornwall, Grafton_, and _Lion_ were not captured was due simply to the strained and inept caution of the French admiral. This Byron virtually admitted. "To my great surprise no ship of the enemy was detached after the _Lion_. The _Grafton_ and _Cornwall_ might have been weathered by the French, if they had kept their wind,... but they persevered so strictly in declining every chance of close action that they contented themselves with firing upon these ships when passing barely within gunshot, and suffered them to rejoin the squadron, without one effort to cut them off." Suffren,[65] who led the French on the starboard tack, and whose ship, the _Fantasque_, 64, lost 22 killed and 43 wounded, wrote: "Had our admiral's seamanship equalled his courage, we would not have allowed four dismasted ships to escape." That the _Monmouth_ and _Fame_ could also have been secured is extremely probable; and if Byron, in order to save them, had borne down to renew the action, the disaster might have become a catastrophe. That nothing resulted to the French from their great advantage is therefore to be ascribed to the incapacity of their Commander-in-Chief. It is instructive to note also the causes of the grave calamity which befell the British, when twenty-one ships met twenty-four,[66]--a sensible but not overwhelming superiority. These facts have been shown sufficiently. Byron's disaster was due to attacking with needless precipitation, and in needless disorder. He had the weather-gage, it was early morning, and the northeast trade-wind, already a working breeze, must freshen as the day advanced. The French were tied to their new conquest, which they could not abandon without humiliation; not to speak of their troops ashore. Even had they wished to retreat, they could not have done so before a general chase, unless prepared to sacrifice their slower ships. If twenty-four ships could reconcile themselves to running from twenty-one, it was scarcely possible but that the fastest of these would overtake the slowest of those. There was time for fighting, an opportunity for forcing action which could not be evaded, and time also for the British to form in reasonably good order. It is important to consider this, because, while Keppel must be approved for attacking in partial disorder, Byron must be blamed for attacking in utter disorder. Keppel had to snatch opportunity from an unwilling foe. Having himself the lee-gage, he could not pick and choose, nor yet manoeuvre; yet he brought his fleet into action, giving mutual support throughout nearly, if not quite, the whole line. What Byron did has been set forth; the sting is that his bungling tactics can find no extenuation in any urgency of the case. The loss of the two fleets, as given by the authorities of either nation, were: British, 183 killed, 346 wounded; French, 190 killed, 759 wounded. Of the British total, 126 killed and 235 wounded, or two thirds, fell to the two groups of three ships each, which by Byron's mismanagement were successively exposed to be cut up in detail by the concentrated fire of the enemy. The British loss in spars and sails--in motive-power--also exceeded greatly that of the French. After the action d'Estaing returned quietly to Grenada. Byron went to St. Kitts to refit; but repairs were most difficult, owing to the dearth of stores in which the Admiralty had left the West Indies. With all the skill of the seamen of that day in making good damages, the ships remained long unserviceable, causing great apprehension for the other islands. This state of things d'Estaing left unimproved, as he had his advantage in the battle. He did, indeed, parade his superior force before Byron's fleet as it lay at anchor; but, beyond the humiliation naturally felt by a Navy which prided itself on ruling the sea, no further injury was done. In August Byron sailed for England. Barrington had already gone home, wounded. The station therefore was left in command of Rear-Admiral Hyde Parker,[67] and so remained until March, 1780, when the celebrated Rodney arrived as Commander-in-Chief on the Leeward Islands Station. The North American Station was given to Vice-Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot, who had under him a half-dozen ships of the line, with headquarters at New York. His command was ordinarily independent of Rodney's, but the latter had no hesitation in going to New York on emergency and taking charge there; in doing which he had the approval of the Admiralty. The approach of winter in 1778 had determined the cessation of operations, both naval and military, in the northern part of the American continent, and had led to the transfer of five thousand troops to the West Indies, already noted. At the same time, an unjustifiable extension of British effort, having regard to the disposable means, was undertaken in the southern States of Georgia and South Carolina. On the 27th of November a small detachment of troops under Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell, sailed from Sandy Hook, convoyed by a division of frigates commanded by Captain Hyde Parker.[68] The expedition entered the Savannah River four weeks later, and soon afterwards occupied the city of the same name. Simultaneously with this, by Clinton's orders, General Prevost moved from Florida, then a British colony, with all the men he could spare from the defence of St. Augustine. Upon his arrival in Savannah he took command of the whole force thus assembled. These operations, which during 1779 extended as far as the neighbourhood of Charleston, depended upon the control of the water, and are a conspicuous example of misapplication of power to the point of ultimate self-destruction. They were in 1778-79 essentially of a minor character, especially the maritime part, and will therefore be dismissed with the remark that the Navy, by small vessels, accompanied every movement in a country cut up in all directions by watercourses, big and little. "The defence of this province," wrote Parker, "must greatly depend on the naval force upon the different inland creeks. I am therefore forming some galleys covered from musketry, which I believe will have a good effect." These were precursors of the "tin-clads" of the American War of Secession, a century later. Not even an armored ship is a new thing under the sun. In the southern States, from Georgia to Virginia, the part of the Navy from first to last was subsidiary, though important. It is therefore unnecessary to go into details, but most necessary to note that here, by misdirection of effort and abuse of means, was initiated the fatal movement which henceforth divided the small British army in North America into two sections, wholly out of mutual support. Here Sir William Howe's error of 1777 was reproduced on a larger scale and was therefore more fatal. This led directly, by the inevitable logic of a false position, to Cornwallis's march through North Carolina into Virginia, to Yorktown in 1781, and to the signal demonstration of sea power off Chesapeake Bay, which at a blow accomplished the independence of the United States. No hostile strategist could have severed the British army more hopelessly than did the British government; no fate could have been more inexorable than was its own perverse will. The personal alienation and official quarrel between Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis, their divided counsels and divergent action, were but the natural result, and the reflection, of a situation essentially self-contradictory and exasperating. As the hurricane season of 1779 advanced, d'Estaing, who had orders to bring back to France the ships of the line with which he had sailed from Toulon in 1778, resolved to go first upon the American coast, off South Carolina or Georgia. Arriving with his whole fleet at the mouth of the Savannah, August 31st, he decided to attempt to wrest the city of Savannah from the British. This would have been of real service to the latter, had it nipped in the bud their ex-centric undertaking; but, after three weeks of opening trenches, an assault upon the place failed. D'Estaing then sailed for Europe with the ships designated to accompany him, the others returning to the West Indies in two squadrons, under de Grasse and La Motte-Picquet. Though fruitless in its main object, this enterprise of d'Estaing had the important indirect effect of causing the British to abandon Narragansett Bay. Upon the news of his appearance, Sir Henry Clinton had felt that, with his greatly diminished army, he could not hold both Rhode Island and New York. He therefore ordered the evacuation of the former, thus surrendering, to use again Rodney's words, "the best and noblest harbour in America." The following summer it was occupied in force by the French. D'Estaing was succeeded in the chief command, in the West Indies and North America, by Rear-Admiral de Guichen,[69] who arrived on the station in March, 1780, almost at the same moment as Rodney. [Footnote 54: The French accounts say three.] [Footnote 55: Beatson, "Military and Naval Memoirs," iv. 390.] [Footnote 56: Santa Lucia being in the region of the north-east trade winds, north and east are always windwardly relatively to south and west.] [Footnote 57: To the westward. These islands lie in the trade-winds, which are constant in _general_ direction from north-east.] [Footnote 58: Admiral Keppel, in his evidence before the Palliser Court, gave an interesting description of a similar scene, although the present writer is persuaded that he was narrating things as they seemed, rather than as they were--as at Grenada. "The French were forming their line exactly in the manner M. Conflans did when attacked by Admiral Hawke." (Keppel had been in that action.) "It is a manner peculiar to themselves; and to those who do not understand it, it appears like confusion. They draw out ship by ship from a cluster."] [Footnote 59: That is, towards the ships at anchor,--the enemy's rear as matters then were.] [Footnote 60: Byron's Report. The italics are the author's.] [Footnote 61: Byron's Report.] [Footnote 62: Ibid. Author's italics.] [Footnote 63: "Naval Researches." London, 1830, p. 22.] [Footnote 64: Byron's Report.] [Footnote 65: Pierre A. de Suffren de Saint Tropez, a Bailli of the Order of Knights of Malta. Born, 1726. Present at two naval actions before he was twenty. Participated in 1756 in the attack on Port Mahon, and in 1759 in the action off Lagos. Chef d'escadre in 1779. Dispatched to the East Indies in 1781. Fought a British squadron in the Bay of Praya, and a succession of brilliant actions with Sir Edward Hughes, 1782-83. Vice-Admiral, 1783. Killed in a duel, 1788. One of the greatest of French naval officers.--W.L.C.] [Footnote 66: Troude says that one French seventy-four, having touched in leaving port, was not in the engagement.] [Footnote 67: First of the name. Born 1714. In 1780, he fell under Rodney's censure, and went home. In 1781, he commanded in the general action with the Dutch, known as the Dogger Bank. In 1782, he sailed for the East Indies in the _Cato_, 64; which ship was never again heard from.] [Footnote 68: Sir Hyde Parker, Kt. Second of the name, son of the first. Born, 1739. Captain, 1763. Rear-Admiral, 1793. Vice-Admiral, 1794. Admiral, 1799. Died, 1807. Nelson's chief at Copenhagen, in 1801.] [Footnote 69: Louis Urbain de Bouënic, Comte de Guichen. Born, 1712. Entered the navy, 1730. Commanded the _Illustre_ with success in North America in 1756. Second in command in the action off Ushant in 1778. Thrice fought Rodney in the West Indies in 1780. Fought Kempenfelt off the Azores in 1781. Died, 1790.--W.L.C.] CHAPTER VII THE NAVAL WAR IN EUROPEAN WATERS, 1779. ALLIED FLEETS INVADE THE ENGLISH CHANNEL. RODNEY DESTROYS TWO SPANISH SQUADRONS AND RELIEVES GIBRALTAR In June, 1779, the maritime situation of Great Britain had become much more serious by Spain's declaring war. At the same moment that d'Estaing with twenty-five ships of the line had confronted Byron's twenty-one, the Channel fleet of forty sail had seen gathering against it a host of sixty-six. Of this great number thirty-six were Spanish. The open declaration of Spain had been preceded by a secret alliance with France, signed on the 12th of April. Fearing that the British government would take betimes the reasonable and proper step of blockading the Brest fleet of thirty with the Channel forty, thus assuming a central position with reference to its enemies and anticipating the policy of Lord St. Vincent, the French Ministry hurried its ships to sea on the 4th of June; Admiral d'Orvilliers, Keppel's opponent, still in command. His orders were to cruise near the island of Cizarga, off the north-west coast of Spain, where the Spaniards were to join him. On the 11th of June he was at the rendezvous, but not till the 23d of July did the bulk of the Spanish force appear. During this time, the French, insufficiently equipped from the first, owing to the haste of their departure, were consuming provisions and water, not to speak of wasting pleasant summer weather. Their ships also were ravaged by an epidemic fever. Upon the junction, d'Orvilliers found that the Spaniards had not been furnished with the French system of signals, although by the treaty the French admiral was to be in chief command. The rectification of this oversight caused further delay, but on the 11th of August the combined fleet sighted Ushant, and on the 14th was off the Lizard. On the 16th it appeared before Plymouth, and there on the 17th captured the British 64-gun ship _Ardent_. Thirty-five ships of the Channel fleet had gone to sea on the 16th of June, and now were cruising outside, under the command of Admiral Sir Charles Hardy. His station was from ten to twenty leagues south-west of Scilly; consequently he had not been seen by the enemy, who from Ushant had stood up the Channel. The allies, now nearly double the numbers of the British, were between them and their ports,--a serious situation doubtless, but by no means desperate; not so dangerous for sailing ships as it probably will be for steamers to have an enemy between them and their coal. The alarm in England was very great, especially in the south. On the 9th of July a royal proclamation had commanded all horses and cattle to be driven from the coasts, in case of invasion. Booms had been placed across the entrance to Plymouth Harbor, and orders were sent from the Admiralty to sink vessels across the harbour's mouth. Many who had the means withdrew into the interior, which increased the panic. Great merchant fleets were then on the sea, homeward bound. If d'Orvilliers were gone to cruise in the approaches to the Channel, instead of to the Spanish coast, these might be taken; and for some time his whereabouts were unknown. As it was, the Jamaica convoy, over two hundred sail, got in a few days before the allies appeared, and the Leeward Islands fleet had similar good fortune. Eight homeward bound East Indiamen were less lucky, but, being warned of their danger, took refuge in the Shannon, and there remained till the trouble blew over. On the other hand, the stock market stood firm. Nevertheless, it was justly felt that such a state of things as a vastly superior hostile fleet in the Channel should not have been. Sir John Jervis, afterward Earl St. Vincent, who commanded a ship in the fleet, wrote to his sister: "What a humiliating state is our country reduced to!" but he added that he laughed at the idea of invasion. The French had placed a force of fifty thousand men at Le Havre and St. Malo, and collected four hundred vessels for their transport. Their plans were not certainly known, but enough had transpired to cause reasonable anxiety; and the crisis, on its face, was very serious. Not their own preparations, but the inefficiency of their enemies, in counsel and in preparation, saved the British Islands from invasion. What the results of this would have been is another question,--a question of land warfare. The original scheme of the French Ministry was to seize the Isle of Wight, securing Spithead as an anchorage for the fleet, and to prosecute their enterprise from this near and reasonably secure base. Referring to this first project, d'Orvilliers wrote: "We will seek the enemy at St. Helen's,[70] and then, if I find that roadstead unoccupied, or make myself master of it, I will send word to Marshal De Vaux, at Le Havre, and inform him of the measures I will take to insure his passage, which [measures] will depend upon the position of the English main fleet [dèpendront des forces supèrieures des Anglais]. That is to say, I myself will lead the combined fleet on that side [against their main body], to contain the enemy, and I will send, on the other side [to convoy], a light squadron, with a sufficient number of ships of the line and frigates; or I will propose to M. de Cordova to take this latter station, in order that the passage of the army may be free and sure. I assume that then, either by the engagement I shall have fought with the enemy, _or by their retreat into their ports_, I shall be certain of their situation and of the success of the operation."[71] It will be observed that d'Orvilliers, accounted then and now one of the best officers of his day in the French navy, takes here into full account the British "fleet in being." The main body of the allies, fifty ships, was to hold this in check, while a smaller force--Cordova had command of a special "squadron of observation," of sixteen ships of the line--was to convoy the crossing. These projects all fell to pieces before a strong east wind, and a change of mind in the French government. On the 16th of August, before Plymouth, d'Orvilliers was notified that not the Isle of Wight, but the coast of Cornwall, near Falmouth, was to be the scene of landing. The effect of this was to deprive the huge fleet of any anchorage,--a resource necessary even to steamers, and far more to sailing vessels aiming to remain in a position. As a point to begin shore operations, too, as well as to sustain them, such a remote corner of the country to be invaded was absurd. D'Orvilliers duly represented all this, but could not stay where he was long enough to get a reply. An easterly gale came on, which blew hard for several days and drove the allies out of the Channel. On the 25th of August word was received that the British fleet was near Scilly. A council of war was then held, which decided that, in view of the terrible increase of disease in the shipping, and of the shortness of provisions, it was expedient not to reënter the Channel, but to seek the enemy, and bring him to battle. This was done. On the 29th Hardy was sighted, being then on his return up Channel. With the disparity of force he could not but decline action, and the allies were unable to compel it. On the 3d of September he reached Spithead. D'Orvilliers soon afterwards received orders to return to Brest, and on the 14th the combined fleet anchored there. The criticism to be passed on the conduct of this summer campaign by the British Ministry is twofold. In the first place, it was not ready according to the reasonable standard of the day, which recognised in the probable coõperation of the two Bourbon kingdoms, France and Spain, the measure of the minimum naval force permissible to Great Britain. Secondly, the entrance of Spain into the war had been foreseen months before. For the inferior force, therefore, it was essential to prevent a junction,--to take an interior position. The Channel fleet ought to have been off Brest before the French sailed. After they were gone, there was still fair ground for the contention of the Opposition, that they should have been followed, and attacked, off the coast of Spain. During the six weeks they waited there, they were inferior to Hardy's force. Allowance here must be made, however, for the inability of a representative government to disregard popular outcry, and to uncover the main approach to its own ports. This, indeed, does but magnify the error made in not watching Brest betimes; for in such case a fleet before Brest covered also the Channel. With regard to the objects of the war in which they had become partners, the views of France and Spain accorded in but one point,--the desirability of injuring Great Britain. Each had its own special aim for its own advantage. This necessarily introduced divergence of effort; but, France having first embarked alone in the contest and then sought the aid of Spain, the particular objects of her ally naturally obtained from the beginning a certain precedence. Until near the close of the war, it may be said that the chief ambitions of France were in the West Indies; those of Spain, in Europe,--to regain Minorca and Gibraltar. In this way Gibraltar became a leading factor in the contest, and affected, directly or indirectly, the major operations throughout the world, by the amount of force absorbed in attacking and preserving it. After the futile effort in the Channel, in 1779, Spain recalled her vessels from Brest. "The project of a descent upon England was abandoned provisionally. To blockade Gibraltar, to have in America and Asia force sufficient to hold the British in check, and to take the offensive in the West Indies,--such," wrote the French government to its ambassador in Madrid, "was the plan of campaign adopted for 1780." Immediately upon the declaration of war, intercourse between Gibraltar and the Spanish mainland was stopped. Soon afterwards a blockade by sea was instituted; fifteen cruisers being stationed at the entrance of the Bay, where they seized and sent into Spanish ports all vessels, neutral or British, bound to the Rock. This blockade was effectively supported from Cadiz, but a Spanish force of some ships of the line and many small vessels also maintained it more directly from Algeciras, on the Spanish side of the Bay of Gibraltar. The British Mediterranean squadron, then consisting only of one 60-gun ship, three frigates, and a sloop, was wholly unable to afford relief. At the close of the year 1779, flour in Gibraltar was fourteen guineas the barrel, and other provisions in proportion. It became therefore imminently necessary to throw in supplies of all kinds, as well as to reinforce the garrison. To this service Rodney was assigned; and with it he began the brilliant career, the chief scene of which was to be in the West Indies. Rodney was appointed to command the Leeward Islands Station on the 1st of October, 1779. He was to be accompanied there immediately by only four or five ships of the line; but advantage was taken of his sailing, to place under the charge of an officer of his approved reputation a great force, composed of his small division and a large fraction of the Channel fleet, to convey supplies and reinforcements to Gibraltar and Minorca. On the 29th of December the whole body, after many delays in getting down Channel, put to sea from Plymouth: twenty-two ships of the line, fourteen frigates and smaller vessels, besides a huge collection of storeships, victuallers, ordnance vessels, troop-ships, and merchantmen,--the last named being the "trade" for the West Indies and Portugal. On the 7th of January, 1780, a hundred leagues west of Cape Finisterre, the West India ships parted for their destination, under convoy of a ship of the line and three frigates. At daylight on the 8th, twenty-two sail were seen to the north-east, the squadron apparently having passed them in the night. Chase was at once given, and the whole were taken in a few hours. Seven were ships of war, one 64 and six frigates; the remainder merchant vessels, laden with naval stores and provisions for the Spanish fleet at Cadiz. The provision ships, twelve in number, were diverted at once to the relief of Gibraltar, under charge of the Spanish sixty-four, which had been one of their convoy before capture, and was now manned by a British crew. Continuing on, intelligence was received from time to time by passing vessels that a Spanish squadron was cruising off Cape St. Vincent. Thus forewarned, orders were given to all captains to be prepared for battle as the Cape was neared. On the 16th it was passed, and at 1 P.M. sails in the south-east were signalled. These were a Spanish squadron of eleven ships of the line, and two 26-gun frigates. Rodney at once bore down for them under a press of canvas, making signal for the line abreast.[72] Seeing, however, that the enemy was trying to form line of battle ahead on the starboard tack, which with a westerly wind was with heads to the southward, towards Cadiz, a hundred miles to the south-east, he changed the orders to a "General Chase," the ships to engage as they came up; "to leeward," so as to get between the enemy and his port, and "in rotation," by which probably was meant that the leading British vessel should attack the sternmost of the Spaniards, and that her followers should pass her to leeward, successively engaging from the enemy's rear towards the van. At 4 P.M. the signal for battle was made, and a few minutes later the four headmost of the pursuers got into action. At 4.40 one of the Spanish ships, the _Santo Domingo_, 80, blew up with all on board, and at 6 another struck. By this hour, it being January, darkness had set in. A night action therefore followed, which lasted until 2 A.M., when the headmost of the enemy surrendered, and all firing ceased. Of the eleven hostile ships of the line, only four escaped. Besides the one blown up, six were taken. These were the _Fénix_, 80, flag of the Spanish Admiral, Don Juan de Langara, the _Monarca_, 70, the _Princesa_, 70, the _Diligente_, 70, the _San Julian_, 70, and the _San Eugenio_, 70. The two latter drove ashore and were lost.[73] The remaining four were brought into Gibraltar, and were ultimately added to the Navy. All retained their old names, save the _Fénix_, which was renamed _Gibraltar_. "The weather during the night," by Rodney's report, "was at times very tempestuous, with a great sea. It continued very bad weather the next day, when the _Royal George_, 100, _Prince George_, 90, _Sandwich_, 90 (Rodney's flagship), and several other ships were in great danger, and under the necessity of making sail to avoid the shoals of San Lucar, nor did they get into deep water till the next morning." It was in this danger from a lee shore, which was deliberately though promptly incurred, that the distinction of this action of Rodney's consists. The enemy's squadron, being only eleven ships of the line, was but half the force of the British, and it was taken by surprise; which, to be sure, is no excuse for a body of war-ships in war-time. Caught unawares, the Spaniards took to flight too late. It was Rodney's merit, and no slight one under the conditions of weather and navigation, that they were not permitted to retrieve their mistake. His action left nothing to be desired in resolution or readiness. It is true that Rodney discussed the matter with his flag-captain, Walter Young, and that rumor attributed the merit of the decision to the latter; but this sort of detraction is of too common occurrence to affect opinion. Sir Gilbert Blane, Physician to the Fleet, gives the following account: "When it was close upon sunset, it became a question whether the chase should be continued. After some discussion between the Admiral and Captain, at which I was present, the Admiral being confined with the gout, it was decided to persist in the same course, with the signal to engage to leeward." Rodney at that time was nearly sixty-two, and a constant martyr to gout in both feet and hands. The two successes by the way imparted a slightly triumphal character to the welcome of the Admiral by the garrison, then sorely in need of some good news. The arrival of much-needed supplies from home was itself a matter of rejoicing; but it was more inspiriting still to see following in the train of the friendly fleet five hostile ships of the line, one of them bearing the flag of a Commander-in-Chief, and to hear that, besides these, three more had been sunk or destroyed. The exultation in England was even greater, and especially at the Admiralty, which was labouring under the just indignation of the people for the unpreparedness of the Navy. "You have taken more line-of-battle ships," wrote the First Lord to Rodney, "than had been captured in any one action in either of the two last preceding wars." It should be remembered, too, as an element in the triumph, that this advantage over an exposed detachment had been snatched, as it were, in the teeth of a main fleet superior to Rodney's own; for twenty Spanish and four French ships of the line, under Admiral de Cordova, were lying then in Cadiz Bay. During the eighteen days when the British remained in and near the Straits, no attempt was made by Cordova to take revenge for the disaster, or to reap the benefit of superior force. The inaction was due, probably, to the poor condition of the Spanish ships in point of efficiency and equipment, and largely to their having uncoppered bottoms. This element of inferiority in the Spanish navy should be kept in mind as a factor in the general war, although Spanish fleets did not come much into battle. A French Commodore, then with the Spanish fleet in Ferrol, wrote as follows: "Their ships all sail so badly that they can neither overtake an enemy nor escape from one. The _Glorieux_ is a bad sailer in the French navy, but better than the best among the Spaniards." He adds: "The vessels of Langara's squadron were surprised at immense distances one from the other. Thus they always sail, and their negligence and security on this point are incredible." On approaching Gibraltar, the continuance of bad weather, and the strong easterly current of the Straits, set many of Rodney's ships and convoy to leeward, to the back of the Rock, and it was not till the 26th that the flagship herself anchored. The storeships for Minorca were sent on at once, under charge of three coppered ships of the line. The practice of coppering, though then fully adopted, had not yet been extended to all vessels. As an element of speed, it was an important factor on an occasion like this, when time pressed to get to the West Indies; as it also was in an engagement. The action on the 16th had been opened by the coppered ships of the line, which first overtook the retreating enemy and brought his rear to battle. In the French navy at the time, Suffren was urging the adoption upon an apparently reluctant Minister. It would seem to have been more general among the British, going far to compensate for the otherwise inferior qualities of their ships. "The Spanish men-of-war we have taken," wrote Rodney to his wife concerning these prizes, "are much superior to ours." It may be remembered that Nelson, thirteen years later, said the same of the Spanish vessels which came under his observation. "I never saw finer ships." "I perceive you cry out loudly for coppered ships," wrote the First Lord to Rodney after this action; "and I am therefore determined to stop your mouth. You shall have copper enough." Upon the return of the Minorca ships, Rodney put to sea again on the 13th of February, for the West Indies. The detachment from the Channel fleet accompanied him three days' sail on his way, and then parted for England with the prizes. On this return voyage it fell in with fifteen French supply vessels, convoyed by two 64's, bound for the Ile de France,[74] in the Indian Ocean. One of the ships of war, the _Protée_, and three of the storeships were taken. Though trivial, the incident illustrates the effect of operations in Europe upon war in India. It may be mentioned here as indicative of the government's dilemmas, that Rodney was censured for having left one ship of the line at the Rock. "It has given us the trouble _and risk_ of sending a frigate on purpose to order her home immediately; and if you will look into your original instructions, you will find that there was no point more strongly guarded against than that of your leaving any line-of-battle ship behind you." These words clearly show the exigency and peril of the general situation, owing to the inadequate development of the naval force as compared with its foes. Such isolated ships ran the gantlet of the fleets in Cadiz, Ferrol, and Brest flanking the routes. [Footnote 70: An anchorage three miles to seaward of Spithead.] [Footnote 71: Chevalier, "Marine Française," 1778, p. 165. Author's italics.] [Footnote 72: In line "abreast," as the word indicates, the ships are not in each other's wake, as in line "ahead," but abreast; that is, ranged on a line perpendicular to the course steered.] [Footnote 73: Rodney's Report. Chevalier says that one of them was retaken by her crew and carried into Cadiz.] [Footnote 74: Now the British Mauritius.] CHAPTER VIII RODNEY AND DE GUICHEN'S NAVAL CAMPAIGN IN WEST INDIES. DE GUICHEN RETURNS TO EUROPE, AND RODNEY GOES TO NEW YORK. LORD CORNWALLIS IN THE CAROLINAS. TWO NAVAL ACTIONS OF COMMODORE CORNWALLIS. RODNEY RETURNS TO WEST INDIES When Rodney arrived at Santa Lucia with his four ships of the line, on March 27, 1780, he found there a force of sixteen others, composed in about equal proportions of ships that had left England with Byron in the summer of 1778, and of a reinforcement brought by Rear-Admiral Rowley in the spring of 1779. During the temporary command of Rear-Admiral Hyde Parker, between the departure of Byron and the arrival of Rodney, a smart affair had taken place between a detachment of the squadron and one from the French division, under La Motte-Picquet, then lying in Fort Royal, Martinique. On the 18th of December, 1779, between 8 and 9 A.M., the British look-out ship, the _Preston_, 50, between Martinique and Santa Lucia made signal for a fleet to windward, which proved to be a body of French supply ships, twenty-six in number, under convoy of a frigate. Both the British and the French squadrons were in disarray, sails unbent, ships on the heel or partially disarmed, crews ashore for wood and water. In both, signals flew at once for certain ships to get under way, and in both the orders were executed with a rapidity gratifying to the two commanders, who also went out in person. The British, however, were outside first, with five sail of the line and a 50-gun ship. Nine of the supply vessels were captured by them, and four forced ashore. The French Rear-Admiral had by this time got out of Fort Royal with three ships of the line,--the _Annibal_, 74, _Vengeur_, 64, and _Réfléchi_, 64,--and, being to windward, covered the entrance of the remainder of the convoy. As the two hostile divisions were now near each other, with a fine working breeze, the British tried to beat up to the enemy; the _Conqueror_, 74, Captain Walter Griffith, being ahead and to windward of her consorts. Coming within range at 5, firing began between her and the French flagship, _Annibal_, 74, and subsequently between her and all the three vessels of the enemy. Towards sunset, the _Albion_, 74, had got close up with the _Conqueror_, and the other ships were within distant range; "but as they had worked not only well within the dangers of the shoals of the bay (Fort Royal), but within reach of the batteries, I called them off by night signal at a quarter before seven."[75] In this chivalrous skirmish,--for it was little more, although the injury to the French in the loss of the convoy was notable,--Parker was equally delighted with his own squadron and with his enemy. "The steadiness and coolness with which on every tack the _Conqueror_ received the fire of these three ships, and returned her own, working his ship with as much exactness as if he had been turning into Spithead, and on every board gaining on the enemy, gave me infinite pleasure. It was with inexpressible concern," he added, "that I heard that Captain Walter Griffith, of the _Conqueror_, was killed by the last broadside."[76] Having occasion, a few days later, to exchange a flag of truce with the French Rear-Admiral, he wrote to him; "The conduct of your Excellency in the affair of the 18th of this month fully justifies the reputation which you enjoy among us, and I assure you that I could not witness without envy the skill you showed on that occasion. Our enmity is transient, depending upon our masters; but your merit has stamped upon my heart the greatest admiration for yourself." This was the officer who was commonly known in his time as "Vinegar" Parker; but these letters show that the epithet fitted the rind rather than the kernel. Shortly after de Guichen[77] took command, in March, 1780, he arranged with the Marquis de Bouillé, Governor of Martinique, to make a combined attack upon some one of the British West India Islands. For this purpose three thousand troops were embarked in the fleet, which sailed on the night of the 13th of April, 1780, intending first to accompany a convoy for Santo Domingo, until it was safely out of reach of the British. Rodney, who was informed at once of the French departure, put to sea in chase with all his ships, twenty of the line, two of which were of 90 guns, and on the 16th came in sight of the enemy to leeward (westward) of Martinique, beating up against the north-east trade-winds, and intending to pass through the channel between that island and Dominica. "A general chase to the north-west followed, and at five in the evening we plainly discovered that they consisted of twenty-three sail of the line, and one 50 gun ship."[78] As it fell dark Rodney formed his line of battle, standing still to the north-west, therefore on the starboard tack; and he was attentive to keep to windward of the enemy, whom his frigates watched diligently during the night. "Their manoeuvres," he wrote, "indicated a wish to avoid battle," and he therefore was careful to counteract them. At daylight of April 17th, they were seen forming line of battle, on the port tack, four or five leagues to leeward,--that is, to the westward. The wind being east, or east by north, the French would be heading south-south-east (Fig. 1, aa). The British order now was rectified by signal from the irregularities of darkness, the ships being directed to keep two cables'[79] lengths apart, and steering as before to the northward and westward. At 7 A.M., considering this line too extended, the Admiral closed the intervals to one cable (aa). The two fleets thus were passing on nearly parallel lines, but in opposite directions, which tended to bring the whole force of Rodney, whose line was better and more compact than the enemy's, abreast the latter's rear, upon which he intended to concentrate. At 8 A.M. he made general signal that this was his purpose; and at 8.30, to execute it, he signalled for the ships to form line abreast, bearing from each other south by east and north by west, and stood down at once upon the enemy (Fig. 1, bb). The object of the British being evident, de Guichen made his fleet wear together to the starboard tack (bb). The French rear thus became the van, and their former van, which was stretched too far for prompt assistance to the threatened rear, now headed to support it. Rodney, baulked in his first spring, hauled at once to the wind on the port tack (Fig. 1, _cc_), again contrary to the French, standing thus once more along their line, for their new rear. The intervals were opened out again to two cables. The fleets thus were passing once more on parallel lines, each having reversed its order; but the British still retained the advantage, on whatever course and interval, that they were much more compact than the French, whose line, by Rodney's estimate, extended four leagues in length.[80] The wariness of the two combatants, both trained in the school of the eighteenth century with its reverence for the line of battle, will appear to the careful reader. Rodney, although struggling through this chrysalis stage to the later vigor, and seriously bent on a deadly blow, still was constrained by the traditions of watchful fencing. Nor was his caution extravagant; conditions did not justify yet the apparent recklessness of Nelson's tactics. "The different movements of the enemy," he wrote, "obliged me to be very attentive, and watch every opportunity that offered of attacking them to advantage." [Illustration] The two fleets continued to stand on opposite parallel courses--the French north by west, the British south by east--until the flagship _Sandwich_, 90, (Fig. 2, S^1) was abreast the _Couronne_, 80, (C), the flagship of de Guichen. Then, at 10.10 A.M., the signal was made to wear together, forming on the same tack as the enemy. There being some delay in execution, this had to be repeated, and further enforced by the pennant of the _Stirling Castle_, which, as the rear ship, should begin the evolution. At half-past ten, apparently, the fleet was about (Fig. 2, aa), for an order was then given for rectifying the line, still at two cables. At 11 A.M. the Admiral made the signal to prepare for battle, "to convince the whole fleet I was determined to bring the enemy to an engagement,"[81] and to this succeeded shortly the order to alter the course to port (bb), towards the enemy.[82] Why he thought that any of the fleet should have required such assurance cannot certainly be said. Possibly, although he had so recently joined, he had already detected the ill-will, or the slackness, of which he afterwards complained; possibly he feared that the wariness of his tactics might lead men to believe that he did not mean to exceed the lukewarm and indecisive action of days scarce yet passed away, which had led Suffren to stigmatize tactics as a mere veil, behind which timidity thinks to hide its nakedness. At 11.50 A.M. the decisive signal was made "for every ship to bear down, and steer for _her opposite in the enemy's line_, agreeable to the 21st article of the Additional Fighting Instructions." Five minutes later, when the ships, presumably, had altered their course for the enemy, the signal for battle was made, followed by the message that the Admiral's intention was to engage closely; he expecting, naturally, that every ship would follow the example he purposed to set. The captain of the ship which in the formation (aa) had been the leader, upon whose action depended that of those near her, unfortunately understood Rodney's signal to mean that he was to attack the enemy's leader, not the ship opposite to him at the moment of bearing away. This ship, therefore, diverged markedly from the Admiral's course, drawing after her many of the van. A few minutes before 1 P.M., one of the headmost ships began to engage at long range; but it was not till some time after 1 P.M. that the _Sandwich_, having received several broadsides, came into close action (S^2) with the second vessel astern from the French Admiral, the _Actionnaire_, 64. The latter was soon beat out of the line by the superiority of the _Sandwich's_ battery, and the same lot befell the ship astern of her,--probably the _Intrépide_, 74,--which came up to close the gap. Towards 2.30 P.M., the _Sandwich_, either by her own efforts to close, or by her immediate opponents' keeping away, was found to be to leeward (S^3) of the enemy's line; the _Couronne_ (C) being on her weather bow. The fact was pointed out by Rodney to the captain of the ship, Walter Young, who was then in the lee gangway. Young, going over to look for himself, saw that it was so, and that the _Yarmouth_, 64, had hauled off to windward, where she lay with her main and mizzen topsails aback. Signals were then made to her, and to the _Cornwall_, 74, to come to closer engagement, they both being on the weather bow of the flagship. De Guichen, recognising this state of affairs, then or a little later, attributed it to the deliberate purpose of the British Admiral to break his line. It does not appear that Rodney so intended. His tactical idea was to concentrate his whole fleet on the French rear and centre, but there is no indication that he now aimed at breaking the line. De Guichen so construing it, however, gave the signal to wear together, away from the British line. The effect of this, in any event, would have been to carry his fleet somewhat to leeward; but with ships more or less crippled, taking therefore greater room to manoeuvre, and with the exigency of re-forming the line upon them, the tendency was exaggerated. The movement which the French called wearing together was therefore differently interpreted by Rodney. "The action in the centre continued till 4.15 P.M., when M. de Guichen, in the _Couronne_, the _Triomphant_, and the _Fendant_, after engaging the _Sandwich_ for an hour and a half, bore away. The superiority of fire from the _Sandwich_, and the gallant behavior of the officers and men, enabled her to sustain so unequal a combat; though before attacked by them, she had beat three ships out of their line of battle, had entirely broke it, and was to leeward of the French Admiral." Possibly the French accounts, if they were not so very meagre, might dispute this prowess of the flagship; but there can be no doubt that Rodney had set an example, which, had it been followed by all, would have made this engagement memorable, if not decisive. He reported that the captains, with very few exceptions, had placed their ships improperly (cc). The _Sandwich_ had eighty shot in her hull, had lost her foremast and mainyard, and had fired 3288 rounds, an average of 73 to each gun of the broadside engaged. Three of her hits being below the water line, she was kept afloat with difficulty during the next twenty-four hours. With the wearing of the French the battle ceased. In the advantage offered by the enemy, whose order was too greatly extended, and in his own plan of attack, Rodney always considered this action of April 17th, 1780, to have been the great opportunity of his life; and his wrath was bitter against those by whose misconduct he conceived it had been frustrated. "The French admiral, who appeared to me to be a brave and gallant officer, had the honour to be nobly supported during the whole action. It is with concern inexpressible, mixed with indignation, that the duty I owe my sovereign and my country obliges me to acquaint your Lordships that during the action between the French fleet, on the 17th inst, and his Majesty's, the British flag was not properly supported." Divided as the Navy was then into factions, with their hands at each other's throats or at the throat of the Admiralty, the latter thought it more discreet to suppress this paragraph, allowing to appear only the negative stigma of the encomium upon the French officers, unaccompanied by any upon his own. Rodney, however, in public and private letters did not conceal his feelings; and the censure found its way to the ears of those concerned. Subsequently, three months after the action, in a public letter, he bore testimony to the excellent conduct of five of the captains, Walter Young, of the flagship, George Bowyer of the _Albion_, John Douglas of the _Terrible_, John Houlton of the _Montagu_, and A.J.P. Molloy[83] of the _Trident_. "To them I have given certificates, under my hand," "free and unsolicited." Beyond these, "no consideration in life would induce" him to go; and the two junior flag-officers were implicitly condemned in the words, "to inattention to signals, both in the van and rear divisions, is to be attributed the loss of that glorious opportunity (perhaps never to be recovered) of terminating the naval contest in these seas." These junior admirals were Hyde Parker and Rowley; the latter the same who had behaved, not only so gallantly, but with such unusual initiative, in Byron's engagement. A singular incident in this case led him to a like independence of action, which displeased Rodney. The _Montagu_, of his division, when closing the French line, wore against the helm, and could only be brought into action on the wrong (port) tack. Immediately upon this, part of the French rear also wore, and Rowley followed them of his own motion. Being called to account by Rodney, he stated the facts, justifying the act by the order that "the greatest impression was to be made on the enemy's rear." Both parties soon wore back. Hyde Parker went home in a rage a few weeks later. The certificates to Bowyer and Douglas, certainly, and probably to Molloy, all of Parker's division, bore the stinging words that these officers "meant well, and would have done their duty had they been permitted." It is stated that their ships, which were the rear of the van division, were going down to engage close, following Rodney's example, when Parker made them a signal to keep the line. If this be so, as Parker's courage was beyond all doubt, it was simply a recurrence of the old superstition of the line, aggravated by a misunderstanding of Rodney's later signals. These must be discussed, for the whole incident is part of the history of the British Navy, far more important than many an indecisive though bloody encounter. One of the captains more expressly blamed, Carkett of the _Stirling Castle_, which had been the leading ship at the time the signal to alter the course toward the enemy was made, wrote to Rodney that he understood that his name had been mentioned, unfavourably of course, in the public letter. Rodney's reply makes perfectly apparent the point at issue, his own plan, the ideas running in his head as he made his successive signals, the misconceptions of the juniors, and the consequent fiasco. It must be said, however, that, granting the facts as they seem certainly to have occurred, no misunderstanding, no technical verbal allegation, can justify a military stupidity so great as that of which he complained. There are occasions in which not only is literal disobedience permissible, but literal obedience, flying in the face of the evident conditions, becomes a crime. At 8 in the morning, Rodney had made a general signal of his purpose to attack the enemy's rear. This, having been understood and answered, was hauled down; all juniors had been acquainted with a general purpose, to which the subsequent manoeuvres were to lead. How he meant to carry out his intention was evidenced by the consecutive course of action while on that tack,--the starboard; when the time came, the fleet bore up together, in line abreast, standing for the French rear. This attempt, being balked then by de Guichen's wearing, was renewed two hours later; only in place of the signal to form line abreast, was made one to alter the course to port,--towards the enemy. As this followed immediately upon that to prepare for battle, it indicated almost beyond question, that Rodney wished, for reasons of the moment, to run down at first in a slanting direction,--not in line abreast, as before,--ships taking course and interval from the flagship. Later again, at 11.50, the signal was made, "agreeable to the 21st Article of the Additional Fighting Instructions, for every ship to steer for her opposite in the enemy's line;" and here the trouble began. Rodney meant the ship opposite when the signal was hauled down. He had steered slanting, till he had gained as nearly as possible the position he wanted, probably till within long range; then it was desirable to cover the remaining ground as rapidly and orderly as possible, for which purpose the enemy's ship then abreast gave each of his fleet its convenient point of direction. He conceived that his signalled purpose to attack the enemy's rear, never having been altered, remained imperative; and further, that the signal for two cables' length interval should govern all ships, and would tie them to him, and to his movements, in the centre. Carkett construed "opposite" to mean opposite in numerical order, British van ship against French van ship, wherever the latter was. Rodney states--in his letter to Carkett--that the French van was then two leagues away. "You led to the van ship, notwithstanding you had answered my signals signifying that it was my intention to attack the enemy's rear; which signal I had never altered.... Your leading in the manner you did, induced others to follow so bad an example; and thereby, forgetting that the signal for the line was only at two cables' length distance from each other, the van division was led by you to more than two leagues' distance from the centre division, which was thereby not properly supported."[84] Carkett was the oldest captain in the fleet, his post commission being dated March 12th, 1758. How far he may have been excusable in construing as he did Fighting Instructions, which originated in the inane conception that the supreme duty of a Commander-in-Chief was to oppose ship to ship, and that a fleet action was only an agglomeration of naval duels, is not very material, though historically interesting. There certainly was that in the past history of the British Navy which extenuated the offence of a man who must have been well on in middle life. But since the Fighting Instructions had been first issued there had been the courts-martial, also instructive, on Mathews, Lestock, Byng, Keppel, and Palliser, all of which turned more or less on the constraint of the line of battle, and the duty of supporting ships engaged,--above all, an engaged Commander-in-Chief. Rodney perhaps underestimated the weight of the Fighting Instructions upon a dull man; but he was justified in claiming that his previous signals, and the prescription of distance, created at the least a conflict of orders, a doubt, to which there should have been but one solution, namely: to support the ships engaged, and to close down upon the enemy, as near as possible to the Commander-in-Chief. And in moments of actual perplexity such will always be the truth. It is like marching towards the sound of guns, or, to use Nelson's words, "_In case_ signals cannot be understood, no captain can do very wrong if he places his ship alongside that of an enemy." The "In Case," however, needs also to be kept in mind; and that it was Nelson who said it. Utterances of to-day, like utterances of all time, show how few are the men who can hold both sides of a truth firmly, without exaggeration or defect. Judicial impartiality can be had, and positive convictions too; but their combination is rare. A two-sided man is apt also to be double-minded. The loss of men in this sharp encounter was: British, killed, 120, wounded, 354; French, killed, 222, wounded, 537.[85] This gives three French hit for every two British, from which, and from the much greater damage received aloft by the latter, it may be inferred that both followed their usual custom of aiming, the British at the hull, the French at the spars. To the latter conduced also the lee-gage, which the French had. The British, as the attacking party, suffered likewise a raking fire as they bore down. Rodney repaired damages at sea, and pursued, taking care to keep between Martinique and the French. The latter going into Guadeloupe, he reconnoitred them there under the batteries, and then took his station off Fort Royal. "The only chance of bringing them to action," he wrote to the Admiralty on the 26th of April, "was to be off that port before them, where the fleet now is, in daily expectation of their arrival." The French represent that he avoided them, but as they assert that they came out best on the 17th, and yet admit that he appeared off Guadeloupe, the claim is not tenable. Rodney here showed thorough tenacity of purpose. De Guichen's orders were "to keep the sea, so far as the force maintained by England in the Windward Islands would permit, without too far compromising the fleet intrusted to him."[86] With such instructions, he naturally and consistently shrunk from decisive engagement. After landing his wounded and refitting in Guadeloupe, he again put to sea, with the intention of proceeding to Santa Lucia, resuming against that island the project which both he and De Bouillé continuously entertained. The latter and his troops remained with the fleet. Rodney meantime had felt compelled to return momentarily to Santa Lucia. "The fleet continued before Fort Royal till the condition of many of the ships under my command, and the lee currents,[87] rendered it necessary to anchor in Choque Bay (Anse du Choc), St. Lucie, in order to put the wounded and sick men on shore, and to water and refit the fleet, frigates having been detached both to leeward and to windward of every island, in order to gain intelligence of the motions of the enemy, and timely notice of their approach towards Martinique, the only place they could refit at in these seas." In this last clause is seen the strategic idea of the British Admiral: the French must come back to Martinique. From the vigilance of his frigates it resulted that when the look-outs of de Guichen, who passed to windward of Martinique on the 7th of May, came in sight of Gros Ilet on the 9th, it was simply to find the British getting under way to meet the enemy. During the five following days both fleets were engaged in constant movements, upon the character of which the writers of each nation put different constructions. Both are agreed, however, that the French were to windward throughout, except for a brief hour on the 15th, when a fleeting change of wind gave the British that advantage, only to lose it soon again. They at once used it to force action. As the windward position carries the power to attack, and as the French were twenty-three to the British twenty, it is probably not a strained inference to say that the latter were chasing to windward, and the former avoiding action, in favour, perhaps, of that ulterior motive, the conquest of Santa Lucia, for which they had sailed. Rodney states in his letter that, when the two fleets parted on the 20th of May, they were forty leagues to windward (eastward) of Martinique, in sight of which they had been on the 10th. During these days de Guichen, whose fleet, according to Rodney, sailed the better, and certainly sufficiently well to preserve the advantage of the wind, bore down more than once, generally in the afternoon, when the breeze is steadiest, to within distant range of the British. Upon this movement, the French base the statement that the British Admiral was avoiding an encounter; it is equally open to the interpretation that he would not throw away ammunition until sure of effective distance. Both admirals showed much skill and mastery of their profession, great wariness also, and quickness of eye; but it is wholly untenable to claim that a fleet having the weather-gage for five days, in the trade-winds, was unable to bring its enemy to action, especially when it is admitted that the latter closed the instant the wind permitted him to do so. On the afternoon of May 15th, about the usual hour, Rodney "made a great deal of sail upon the wind." The French, inferring that he was trying to get off, which he meant them to do, approached somewhat closer than on the previous days. Their van ship had come within long range, abreast the centre of the British, who were on the port tack standing to the south-south-east, with the wind at east (aa, aa). Here the breeze suddenly hauled to south-southeast (wind b). The heads of all the ships in both fleets were thus knocked off to south-west (s, s), on the port tack, but the shift left the British rear, which on that tack led the fleet, to windward of the French van. Rodney's signal flew at once, to tack in succession and keep the wind of the enemy; the latter, unwilling to yield the advantage, wore all together (w), hauling to the wind on the starboard tack, and to use Rodney's words, "fled with a crowd of sail" (a', a'). [Illustration] The British fleet tacking in succession after their leaders, (t, t), the immediate result was that both were now standing on the starboard tack,--to the eastward,--the British having a slight advantage of the wind, but well abaft the beam of the French (bb, bb). The result, had the wind held, would have been a trial of speed and weatherliness. "His Majesty's fleet," wrote Rodney, "by this manoeuvre had gained the wind, and would have forced the enemy to battle, had it not at once changed six points (back to east, its former direction,) when near the enemy, and enabled them to recover that advantage." When the wind thus shifted again, de Guichen tacked his ships together and stood across the bows of the advancing enemy (cc, cc). The British leader struck the French line behind the centre, and ran along to leeward, the British van exchanging a close cannonade with the enemy's rear. Such an engagement, two lines passing on opposite tacks, is usually indecisive, even when the entire fleets are engaged, as at Ushant; but where, as in this case, the engagement is but partial, the result is naturally less. The French van and centre, having passed the head of the enemy, diverged at that point farther and farther from the track of the on-coming British ships, which from the centre rearwards did not fire. "As the enemy were under a press of sail, none but the van of our fleet could come in for any part of the action without wasting his Majesty's powder and shot, the enemy wantonly expending theirs at such a distance as to have no effect." Here again the French were evidently taking the chance of disabling the distant enemy in his spars. The British loss in the action of May 15th was 21 killed and 100 wounded. [Illustration] The fleets continued their respective movements, each acting as before, until the 19th, when another encounter took place, of exactly the same character as the last, although without the same preliminary manoeuvring. On that occasion the British, who in the interim had been reinforced by one 74 and one 50-gun ship, lost 47 killed and 113 wounded. The result was equally indecisive, tactically considered; but both by this time had exhausted their staying powers. The French, having been absent from Martinique since the 13th of April, had now but six days' provisions.[88] Rodney found the _Conqueror, Cornwall_, and _Boyne_ so shattered that he sent them before the wind to Santa Lucia, while he himself with the rest of the fleet stood for Barbados, where he arrived on the 22d. The French anchored on the same day at Fort Royal. "The English," says Chevalier, "stood on upon the starboard tack, to the southward, after the action of the 19th, and the next day were not to be seen." "The enemy," reported Rodney, "stood to the northward with all the sail they could possibly press, and were out of sight the 21st inst. The condition of his Majesty's ships was such as not to allow a longer pursuit." By their dexterity and vigilance each admiral had thwarted the other's aims. Rodney, by a pronounced, if cautious, offensive effort, had absolutely prevented the "ulterior object" of the French, which he clearly understood to be Santa Lucia. De Guichen had been successful in avoiding decisive action, and he had momentarily so crippled a few of the British ships that the fleet must await their repairs before again taking the sea. The tactical gain was his, the strategic victory rested with his opponent; but that his ships also had been much maltreated is shown by the fact that half a dozen could not put to sea three weeks later. The French admiral broke down under the strain, to which was added the grief of losing a son, killed in the recent engagements. He asked for his recall. "The command of so large a fleet," he wrote, "is infinitely beyond my capacity in all respects. My health cannot endure such continual fatigue and anxiety." Certainly this seems a tacit testimony to Rodney's skill, persistence, and offensive purpose. The latter wrote to his wife: "For fourteen days and nights the fleets were so near each other that neither officers nor men could be said to sleep. Nothing but the goodness of the weather and climate would have enabled us to endure so continual a fatigue. Had it been in Europe, half the people must have sunk under it. For my part, it did me good." Rodney stated also in his home letters that the action of his subordinates in the last affairs had been efficient; but he gave them little credit for it. "As I had given public notice to all my captains, etc., that I expected implicit obedience to every signal made, under the certain penalty of being instantly superseded, it had an admirable effect; as they were all convinced, after their late gross behaviour, that they had nothing to expect at my hands but instant punishment to those who neglected their duty. My eye on them had more dread than the enemy's fire, and they knew it would be fatal. No regard was paid to rank: admirals as well as captains, if out of their station, were instantly reprimanded by signals, or messages sent by frigates; and, in spite of themselves, I taught them to be, what they had never been before,--_officers_." Rodney told his officers also that he would shift his flag into a frigate, if necessary, to watch them better. It is by no means obligatory to accept these gross aspersions as significant of anything worse than the suspiciousness prevalent throughout the Navy, traceable ultimately to a corrupt administration of the Admiralty. The latter, like the government of 1756, was open to censure through political maladministration; every one feared that blame would be shifted on to him, as it had been on to Byng,--who deserved it; and not only so, but that blame would be pushed on to ruin, as in his case. The Navy was honeycombed with distrust, falling little short of panic. In this state of apprehension and doubt, the tradition of the line of battle, resting upon men who did not stop to study facts or analyse impressions, and who had seen officers censured, cashiered, and shot, for errors of judgment or of action, naturally produced hesitations and misunderstandings. An order of battle is a good thing, necessary to insure mutual support and to develop a plan. The error of the century, not then exploded, was to observe it in the letter rather than in the spirit; to regard the order as an end rather than a means; and to seek in it not merely efficiency, which admits broad construction in positions, but preciseness, which is as narrowing as a brace of handcuffs. Rodney himself, Tory though he was, found fault with the administration. With all his severity and hauteur, he did not lose sight of justice, as is shown by a sentence in his letter to Carkett. "Could I have imagined your conduct and inattention to signals had proceeded from anything but error in judgment, I had certainly superseded you, but God forbid I should do so for error in judgment only,"--again an illusion, not obscure, to Byng's fate. In Barbados, Rodney received certain information that a Spanish squadron of twelve ships of the line, with a large convoy of ten thousand troops, had sailed from Cadiz on April 28th for the West Indies. The vessel bringing the news had fallen in with them on the way. Rodney spread a line of frigates "to windward, from Barbados to Barbuda," to obtain timely warning, and with the fleet put to sea on the 7th of June, to cruise to the eastward of Martinique to intercept the enemy. The latter had been discovered on the 5th by a frigate, fifty leagues east of the island, steering for it; but the Spanish admiral, seeing that he would be reported, changed his course, and passed north of Guadeloupe. On the 9th he was joined in that neighbourhood by de Guichen, who was able to bring with him only fifteen sail,--a fact which shows that he had suffered in the late brushes quite as severely as Rodney, who had with him seventeen of his twenty. Having evaded the British, the allies anchored at Fort Royal; but the Spanish admiral absolutely refused to join in any undertaking against the enemy's fleet or possessions. Not only so, but he insisted on being accompanied to leeward. The Spanish squadron was ravaged by an epidemic, due to unsanitary conditions of the ships and the uncleanliness of the crews, and the disease was communicated to their allies. De Guichen had already orders to leave the Windward Islands when winter approached. He decided now to anticipate that time, and on the 5th of July sailed from Fort Royal with the Spaniards. Having accompanied the latter to the east end of Cuba, he went to Cap François, in Haïti, then a principal French station. The Spaniards continued on to Havana. At Cap François, de Guichen found urgent entreaties from the French Minister to the United States, and from Lafayette, to carry his fleet to the continent, where the clear-sighted genius of Washington had recognised already that the issue of the contest depended upon the navies. The French admiral declined to comply, as contrary to his instructions, and on the 16th of August sailed for Europe, with nineteen sail of the line, leaving ten at Cap François. Sealed orders, opened at sea, directed him to proceed to Cadiz, where he anchored on the 24th of October. His arrival raised the allied force there assembled to fifty-one sail of the line, besides the ninety-five sugar and coffee ships which he had convoyed from Haïti. It is significant of the weakness of Great Britain in the Mediterranean at that time, that these extremely valuable merchant ships were sent on to Toulon, instead of to the more convenient Atlantic ports, only five ships of the line accompanying them past Gibraltar. The French government had feared to trust them to Brest, even with de Guichen's nineteen sail. The allied operations in the Windward Islands for the season of 1780 had thus ended in nothing, notwithstanding an incontestable inferiority of the British to the French alone, of which Rodney strongly complained. It was, however, contrary to the intentions of the Admiralty that things so happened. Orders had been sent to Vice-Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot, at New York, to detach ships to Rodney; but the vessel carrying them was driven by weather to the Bahamas, and her captain neglected to notify Arbuthnot of his whereabouts, or of his dispatches. A detachment of five ships of the line under Commodore the Hon. Robert Boyle Walsingham was detained three months in England, wind-bound. They consequently did not join till July 12th. The dispositions at once made by Rodney afford a very good illustration of the kind of duties that a British Admiral had then to discharge. He detailed five ships of the line to remain with Hotham at Santa Lucia, for the protection of the Windward Islands. On the 17th, taking with him a large merchant convoy, he put to sea with the fleet for St. Kitts, where the Leeward Islands "trade" was collecting for England. On the way he received precise information as to the route and force of the Franco-Spanish fleet under de Guichen, of the sickness on board it, and of the dissension between the allies. From St. Kitts the July "trade" was sent home with two ships of the line. Three others, he wrote to the Admiralty, would accompany the September fleet, "and the remainder of the ships on this station, which are in want of great repair and are not copper-bottomed, shall proceed with them or with the convoy which their Lordships have been pleased to order shall sail from hence in October next." If these arrived before winter, he argued, they would be available by spring as a reinforcement for the Channel fleet, and would enable the Admiralty to send him an equivalent number for the winter work on his station. As de Guichen had taken the whole French homeward merchant fleet from Martinique to Cap François and as the height of the hurricane season was near, Rodney reasoned that but a small French force would remain in Haïti, and consequently that Jamaica would not require all the British fleet to save it from any possible attack. He therefore sent thither ten sail of the line, notifying Vice-Admiral Sir Peter Parker that they were not merely to defend the island, but to enable him to send home its great trade in reasonable security. These things being done by July 31st, Rodney, reasoning that the allies had practically abandoned all enterprises in the West Indies for that year, and that a hurricane might at any moment overtake the fleet at its anchors, possibly making for it a lee shore, went to sea, to cruise with the fleet off Barbuda. His mind, however, was inclined already to go to the continent, whither he inferred, correctly but mistakenly, that the greater part of de Guichen's fleet would go, because it should. His purpose was confirmed by information from an American vessel that a French squadron of seven ships of the line, convoying six thousand troops, had anchored in Narragansett Bay on the 12th of July. He started at once for the coast of South Carolina, where he communicated with the army in Charleston, and thence, "sweeping the southern coast of America," anchored with fourteen ships of the line at Sandy Hook, on the 14th of September, unexpected and unwelcome to friends and foes alike. Vice-Admiral Arbuthnot, being junior to Rodney, showed plainly and with insubordination his wrath at this intrusion into his command, which superseded his authority and divided the prize-money of a lucrative station. This, however, was a detail. To Washington, Rodney's coming was a deathblow to the hopes raised by the arrival of the French division at Newport, which he had expected to see reinforced by de Guichen. Actually, the departure of the latter made immaterial Rodney's appearance on the scene; but this Washington did not know then. As it was, Rodney's force joined to Arbuthnot's constituted a fleet of over twenty sail of the line, before which, vigorously used, there can be little doubt that the French squadron in Newport must have fallen. But Rodney, though he had shown great energy in the West Indies, and unusual resolution in quitting his own station for a more remote service, was sixty-two, and suffered from gout. "The sudden change of climate makes it necessary for me to go on shore for some short time," he wrote; and although he added that his illness was "not of such a nature as shall cause one moment's delay in his Majesty's service," he probably lost a chance at Rhode Island. He did not overlook the matter, it is true; but he decided upon the information of Arbuthnot and Sir Henry Clinton, and did not inspect the ground himself. Nothing of consequence came of his visit; and on the 16th of November he sailed again for the West Indies, taking with him only nine sail of the line. The arrival of de Ternay's seven ships at Newport was more than offset by a British reinforcement of six ships of the line under Rear-Admiral Thomas Graves which entered New York on July 13th,--only one day later. Arbuthnot's force was thus raised to ten of the line, one of which was of 98 guns. After Rodney had come and gone, the French division was watched by cruisers, resting upon Gardiner's Bay,--a commodious anchorage at the east end of Long Island, between thirty and forty miles from Rhode Island. When a movement of the enemy was apprehended, the squadron assembled there, but nothing of consequence occurred during the remainder of the year. The year 1780 had been one of great discouragement to the Americans, but the injury, except as the lapse of time taxed their staying power, was more superficial than real. The successes of the British in the southern States, though undeniable, and seemingly substantial, were involving them ever more deeply in a ruinously ex-centric movement. They need here only to be summarised, as steps in the process leading to the catastrophe of Yorktown,--a disaster which, as Washington said, exemplified naval rather than military power. The failure of d'Estaing's attack upon Savannah in the autumn of 1779[89] had left that place in the possession of the British as a base for further advances in South Carolina and Georgia; lasting success in which was expected from the numbers of royalists in those States. When the departure of the French fleet was ascertained, Sir Henry Clinton put to sea from New York in December, 1779, for the Savannah River, escorted by Vice-Admiral Arbuthnot. The details of the operations, which were leisurely and methodical, will not be given here; for, although the Navy took an active part in them, they scarcely can be considered of major importance. On the 12th of May, 1780, the city of Charleston capitulated, between six and seven thousand prisoners being taken. Clinton then returned to New York, leaving Lord Cornwallis in command in the south. The latter proposed to remain quiet during the hot months; but the activity of the American partisan troops prevented this, and in July the approach of a small, but relatively formidable force, under General Gates, compelled him to take the field. On the 16th of August the two little armies met at Camden, and the Americans, who were much the more numerous, but largely irregulars, were routed decisively. This news reached General Washington in the north nearly at the same moment that the treason of Benedict Arnold became known. Although the objects of his treachery were frustrated, the sorrowful words, "Whom now can we trust?" show the deep gloom which for the moment shadowed the constant mind of the American Commander-in-Chief. It was just at this period, too, that Rodney arrived at New York. Cornwallis, not content with his late success, decided to push on into North Carolina. Thus doing, he separated himself from his naval base in Charleston, communication with which by land he had not force to maintain, and could recover effective touch with the sea only in Chesapeake Bay. This conclusion was not apparent from the first. In North Carolina, the British general did not receive from the inhabitants the substantial support which he had expected, and found himself instead in a very difficult and wild country, confronted by General Greene, the second in ability of all the American leaders. Harassed and baffled, he was compelled to order supplies to be sent by sea to Wilmington, North Carolina, an out-of-the-way and inferior port, to which he turned aside, arriving exhausted on the 7th of April, 1781. The question as to his future course remained to be settled. To return to Charleston by sea was in his power, but to do so would be an open confession of failure,--that he could not return by land, through the country by which he had come--much the same dilemma as that of Howe and Clinton in Philadelphia. To support him in his distress by a diversion, Sir Henry Clinton had sent two successive detachments to ravage the valley of the James River in Virginia. These were still there, under the command of General Phillips; and Cornwallis, in the circumstances, could see many reasons that thither was the very scene to carry the British operations. On the 25th of April, 1781, he left Wilmington, and a month later joined the division at Petersburg, Virginia, then commanded by Benedict Arnold; Phillips having died. There, in touch now with his fate, we must leave him for the moment. To complete the naval transactions of 1780, it is necessary to mention briefly two incidents, trivial in themselves, but significant, not only as associated with the greater movements of the campaign, but as indicative of the naval policy of the States which were at war. The two, though not otherwise connected, have a certain unity of interest, in that the same British officer commanded on both occasions. It will be remembered that in Byron's action off Grenada, in July, 1779, the 64-gun ship _Lion_ received such injuries that her commander, Captain Cornwallis, had been compelled to run down before the trade-winds to Jamaica, in order to save her from capture. Since that time she had remained there, as one of the squadron of Vice-Admiral Sir Peter Parker. In March, 1780, still commanded by Cornwallis, she was making an ordinary service cruise off the north side of Haïti, having in company the _Bristol_, 50, and the _Janus_, 44. On the 20th of March, off Monte Christi, a number of sail were sighted to the eastward, which proved to be a French convoy, on its way from Martinique to Cap François, protected by La Motte-Picquet's squadron of two 74's, one 64, one 50, and a frigate. The French merchant ships were ordered to crowd sail for their port, while the men-of-war chased to the north-west. La Motte-Picquet's flagship, the _Annibal_, 74, got within range at 5 P.M., when a distant cannonade began, which lasted till past midnight, and was resumed on the following morning. From it the _Janus_ was the chief sufferer, losing her mizzen topmast and foretopgallant mast. It falling nearly calm, the _Bristol_ and _Lion_ got out their boats and were towed by them to her support. The two other French ships of the line got up during the forenoon of the 21st, so that the action that afternoon, though desultory, might be called general. The two opposing commodores differ in their expressed opinions as to the power of the French to make the affair more decisive. Some of La Motte-Picquet's language seems to show that he felt the responsibility of his position. "The _Janus_, being smaller and more easily worked, lay upon our quarter and under our stern, where she did considerable damage. A little breeze springing up enabled us (the _Annibal_) to stand towards our own ships, which did everything possible to come up and cover us, without which we should have been _surrounded_." It is easy to see in such an expression the reflection of the commands of the French Cabinet, to economise the ships. This was still more evident in La Motte-Picquet's conduct next day. On the morning of the 22d, "at daylight we were within one and a half cannon-shot, breeze fresh at the east-north-east, and I expected to overtake the British squadron in an hour, when we perceived four ships in chase of us. At 6.30 A.M. three were seen to be men-of-war. This superiority of force compelled me to desist, and to make signal to haul our wind for Cap François." These three new-comers were the _Ruby_, 64, and two frigates, the _Pomona_, 28, and _Niger_, 32. The comparison of forces, therefore, would be: French, two 74's, one 64, one 50, and one frigate, opposed to, British, two 64's, one 50, and three frigates. La Motte-Picquet evidently did not wait to ascertain the size of the approaching ships. His courage was beyond all dispute, and, as Hyde Parker had said, he was among the most distinguished of French officers; but, like his comrades, he was dominated by the faulty theory of his government. The captain of the _Janus_ died a natural death during the encounter. It may be interesting to note that the ship was given to Nelson, who was recalled for that purpose from the expedition to San Juan, Nicaragua, one of the minor operations of the war. His health, however, prevented this command from being more than nominal, and not long afterward he returned to England with Cornwallis, in the _Lion_. Three months later, Cornwallis was sent by Parker to accompany a body of merchant ships for England as far as the neighborhood of Bermuda. This duty being fulfilled, he was returning toward his station, having with him two 74's, two 64's, and one 50, when, on the morning of June 20, a number of sail were seen from north-east to east (a); the British squadron (aa) then steering east, with the wind at south-south-east. The strangers were a body of French transports, carrying the six thousand troops destined for Rhode Island, and convoyed by a division of seven ships of the line--one 80, two 74's, and four 64's--under the command of Commodore de Ternay. Two of the ships of war were with the convoy, the other five very properly to windward of it. The latter therefore stood on, across the bows of the British, to rejoin their consorts, and then all hauled their wind to the south-west, standing in column (bb) towards the enemy. Cornwallis on his part had kept on (b) to reconnoitre the force opposed to him; but one of his ships, the _Ruby_, 64, was so far to leeward (b') that the French, by keeping near the wind, could pass between her and her squadron (b, b, b'). She therefore went about (t) and steered southwest, on the port tack (c'), close to the wind. The French, who were already heading the same way, were thus brought on her weather quarter in chase. Cornwallis then wore his division (w), formed line of battle on the same tack as the others (c), and edged down towards the _Ruby_. If the French now kept their wind, either the _Ruby_ (c') must be cut off, or Cornwallis, to save her, must fight the large odds against him. De Ternay, however, did not keep his wind but bore up,--yielded ground (cc). "The enemy," wrote Cornwallis, "kept edging off and forming line, though within gunshot. At 5.30 P.M., seeing we had pushed the French ships to leeward sufficiently to enable the _Ruby_, on our lee bow, to join us, I made the signal to tack." As the British squadron went about to stand east again (d), the French, heading now west-south-west (cc), hoisted their colours and opened fire in passing. The _Ruby_ kept on till she fetched the wake of the British column (d'), when she too tacked. The French then tacked also, in succession (d), and the two columns stood on for awhile in parallel lines, exchanging shots at long range, the British to windward. Cornwallis very properly declined further engagement with so superior a force. He had already done much in saving a ship so greatly exposed. [Illustration] The account above followed is that of the British commander, but it does not differ in essentials from the French, whose captains were greatly incensed at the cautious action of their chief. A French _commissaire_ in the squadron, who afterwards published his journal, tells that de Ternay a few days later asked the captain of one of the ships what English admiral he thought they had engaged, and received the reply, "We have lost our opportunity of finding out." He gives also many details of the talk that went on in the ships, which need not be repeated. Chevalier points out correctly, however, that de Ternay had to consider that an equal or even a superior force might be encountered as Narragansett Bay was approached, and that he should not risk crippling his squadron for such a contingency. The charge of six thousand troops, under the then conditions, was no light responsibility, and at the least must silence off-hand criticism now. Comment upon his action does not belong to British naval history, to which the firmness and seamanship of Captain Cornwallis added a lasting glory. It may be noted that fifteen years later, in the French Revolution, the same officer, then a Vice-Admiral, again distinguished himself by his bearing in face of great odds, bringing five ships safe off, out of the jaws of a dozen. It illustrates how luck seems in many cases to characterise a man's personality, much as temperament does. Cornwallis, familiarly known as "Billy Blue" to the seamen of his day, never won a victory, nor had a chance of winning one; but in command both of ships and of divisions, he repeatedly distinguished himself by successfully facing odds which he could not overcome. The year 1780 was uneventful also in European waters, after Rodney's relief of Gibraltar in January. The detachment of the Channel Fleet which accompanied him on that mission returned safely to England. The "Grand Fleet," as it still was styled occasionally, cruised at sea from June 8th to August 18th, an imposing force of thirty-one ships of the line, eleven of them three-deckers of 90 guns and upwards. Admiral Francis Geary was then Commander-in-Chief, but, his health failing, and Barrington refusing to take the position, through professed distrust of himself and actual distrust of the Admiralty, Vice-Admiral George Darby succeeded to it, and held it during the year 1781. The most notable maritime event in 1780 in Europe was the capture on August 9th of a large British convoy, two or three hundred miles west of Cape St. Vincent, by the allied fleets from Cadiz. As out of sixty-three sail only eight escaped, and as of those taken sixteen were carrying troops and supplies necessary for the West India garrisons, such a disaster claims mention among the greater operations of war, the success of which it could not fail to influence. Captain John Moutray, the officer commanding the convoy, was brought to trial and dismissed his ship; but there were not wanting those who charged the misadventure to the Admiralty, and saw in the captain a victim. It was the greatest single blow that British commerce had received in war during the memory of men then living, and "a general inclination prevailed to lay the blame upon some individual, who might be punished according to the magnitude of the object, rather than in proportion to his demerit."[90] During the year 1780 was formed the League of the Baltic Powers, known historically as the Armed Neutrality, to exact from Great Britain the concession of certain points thought essential to neutral interests. The accession of Holland to this combination, together with other motives of dissatisfaction, caused Great Britain to declare war against the United Provinces on the 20th of December. Orders were at once sent to the East and West Indies to seize Dutch possessions and ships, but these did not issue in action until the following year. Towards the end of 1780 the French Government, dissatisfied with the lack of results from the immense combined force assembled in Cadiz during the summer months, decided to recall its ships, and to refit them during the winter for the more extensive and aggressive movements planned for the campaign of 1781. D'Estaing was sent from France for the purpose; and under his command thirty-eight ships of the line, in which were included those brought by de Guichen from the West Indies, sailed on the 7th of November for Brest. Extraordinary as it may seem, this fleet did not reach its port until the 3d of January, 1781. [Footnote 75: Parker's Report.] [Footnote 76: Ibid.] [Footnote 77: _Ante_, p. 115.] [Footnote 78: Rodney's Report. The French authorities give their line of battle as twenty-two ships of the line. There was no 90-gun ship among them--no three-decker; but there were two of 80 guns, of which also the British had none.] [Footnote 79: A cable was then assumed to have a length of 120 fathoms,--720 feet.] [Footnote 80: A properly formed line of twenty ships, at two cables' interval, would be about five miles long. Rodney seems to have been satisfied that this was about the condition of his fleet at this moment.] [Footnote 81: Rodney's Report.] [Footnote 82: Testimony of the signal officer at the court-martial on Captain Bateman.] [Footnote 83: Singularly enough, this officer was afterwards court-martialled for misbehaviour, on the 1st of June, 1794, of precisely the same character as that from all share in which Rodney now cleared him.] [Footnote 84: The words in Rodney's public letter, suppressed at the time by the Admiralty, agree with these, but are even more explicit. "I cannot conclude this letter without acquainting their Lordships that had Captain Carkett, who led the van, properly obeyed my signal for attacking the enemy, and agreeable to the 21st Article of the Additional Fighting Instructions, bore down instantly to the ship at that time abreast of him, instead of leading as he did to the van ship, the action had commenced much sooner, and the fleet engaged in a more compact manner...." This clearly implies that the _Additional_ Fighting Instructions prescribed the direction which Rodney expected Carkett to take. If these Additional Instructions are to be found, their testimony would be interesting. Since this account was written, the Navy Records Society has published (1905) a volume, "Fighting Instructions, 1530-1816," by Mr. Julian Corbett, whose diligent researches in matters of naval history and warfare are appreciated by those interested in such subjects. The specific "Additional Instructions" quoted by Rodney appear not to have been found. Among those given prior to 1780 there is none that extends to twenty-one articles. In a set issued by Rodney in 1782 an article (No. 17, p. 227) is apparently designed to prevent the recurrence of Carkett's mistake. This, like one by Hawke, in 1756 (p. 217), prescribes the intended action rather by directing that the line of battle shall not prevent each ship engaging its opponent, irrespective of the conduct of other ships, than by making clear which that opponent was. Lucidity on this point cannot be claimed for either.] [Footnote 85: Lapeyrouse Bonfils, "Histoire de la Marine Française," iii, 132. Chevalier gives much smaller numbers, but the former has particularised the ships.] [Footnote 86: Chevalier, "Marine Française," 1778, p. 185.] [Footnote 87: A lee current is one that sets to leeward, with the wind, in this case the trade-wind.] [Footnote 88: Chevalier, p. 91.] [Footnote 89: _Ante_, p. 115.] [Footnote 90: Beatson, "Military and Naval Memoirs."] CHAPTER IX NAVAL CAMPAIGN IN WEST INDIES IN 1781. CAPTURE OF ST. EUSTATIUS BY RODNEY. DE GRASSE ARRIVES IN PLACE OF DE GUICHEN. TOBAGO SURRENDERS TO DE GRASSE Rodney, returning to the West Indies from New York, reached Barbados on December 6th, 1780. There he seems first to have learned of the disastrous effects of the great October hurricanes of that year. Not only had several ships--among them two of the line--been wrecked, with the loss of almost all on board, but the greater part of those which survived had been dismasted, wholly or in part, as well as injured in the hull. There were in the West Indies no docking facilities; under-water damage could be repaired only by careening or heaving-down. Furthermore, as Barbados, Santa Lucia, and Jamaica, all had been swept, their supplies were mainly destroyed. Antigua, it is true, had escaped, the hurricane passing south of St. Kitts; but Rodney wrote home that no stores for refitting were obtainable in the Caribbee Islands. He was hoping then that Sir Peter Parker might supply his needs in part; for when writing from Santa Lucia on December 10th, two months after the storm, he was still ignorant that the Jamaica Station had suffered to the full as severely as the eastern islands. The fact shows not merely the ordinary slowness of communications in those days, but also the paralysis that fell upon all movements in consequence of that great disaster. "The most beautiful island in the world," he said of Barbados, "has the appearance of a country laid waste by fire and sword." Hearing that the fortifications at St. Vincent had been almost destroyed by the hurricane, Rodney, in combination with General Vaughan, commanding the troops on the station, made an attempt to reconquer the island, landing there on December 15th; but the intelligence proved erroneous, and the fleet returned to Santa Lucia. "I have only nine sail of the line now with me capable of going to sea," wrote the Admiral on the 22d, "and not one of them has spare rigging or sails." In the course of January, 1781, he was joined by a division of eight ships of the line from England, under the command of Rear-Admiral Sir Samuel Hood,--Nelson's Lord Hood. These, with four others refitted during that month, not improbably from stores brought in Hood's convoy of over a hundred sail, raised the disposable force to twenty-one ships of the line: two 90's, one 80, fifteen 74's, and three 64's. On the 27th of January, an express arrived from England, directing the seizure of the Dutch possessions in the Caribbean, and specifying, as first to be attacked, St. Eustatius and St. Martin, two small islands lying within fifty miles north of the British St. Kitts. St. Eustatius, a rocky patch six miles in length by three in breadth, had been conspicuous, since the war began, as a great trade centre, where supplies of all kinds were gathered under the protection of its neutral flag, to be distributed afterwards in the belligerent islands and the North American continent. The British, owing to their extensive commerce and maritime aptitudes, derived from such an intermediary much less benefit than their enemies; and the island had been jealously regarded by Rodney for some time. He asserted that when de Guichen's fleet could not regain Fort Royal, because of its injuries received in the action of April 17th, it was refitted to meet him by mechanics and materials sent from St. Eustatius. On the other hand, when cordage was to be bought for the British vessels after the hurricanes of 1780, the merchants of the island, he said, alleged that there was none there; although, when he took the island soon afterwards, many hundred tons were found that had been long in stock. Rodney and Vaughan moved promptly. Three days after their orders arrived, they sailed for St. Eustatius. There being in Fort Royal four French ships of the line, six British were left to check them, and on the 3d of February the fleet reached its destination. A peremptory summons from the commander of a dozen ships of the line secured immediate submission. Over a hundred and fifty merchant ships were taken; and a convoy of thirty sail, which had left the island two days before, was pursued and brought back. The merchandise found was valued at over £3,000,000. The neighbouring islands of St. Martin and Saba were seized also at this time. Rodney's imagination, as is shown in his letters, was greatly impressed by the magnitude of the prize and by the defenceless condition of his capture. He alleged these as the motives for staying in person at St. Eustatius, to settle the complicated tangle of neutral and belligerent rights in the property involved, and to provide against the enemy's again possessing himself of a place now so equipped for transactions harmful to Great Britain. The storehouses and conveniences provided for the particular traffic, if not properly guarded, were like fortifications insufficiently garrisoned. If they passed into the hands of the enemy, they became sources of injury. The illicit trade could start again at once in full force, with means which elsewhere would have first to be created. There were a mile and a half of storehouses in the lower town, he said, and these he must leave at the least roofless, if not wholly demolished. For such reasons he remained at St. Eustatius throughout February, March, and April. The amount of money involved, and the arbitrary methods pursued by him and by Vaughan, gave rise to much scandal, which was not diminished by the King's relinquishing all the booty to the captors, nor by the latters' professed disinterestedness. Men thought they did protest too much. Meanwhile, other matters arose to claim attention. A week after the capture, a vessel arrived from the Bay of Biscay announcing that eight or ten French sail of the line, with a large convoy, had been seen on the 31st of December steering for the West Indies. Rodney at once detached Sir Samuel Hood with eleven ships of the line, directing him to take also under his command the six left before Fort Royal, and to cruise with them to windward of Martinique, to intercept the force reported. Hood sailed February 12th. The particular intelligence proved afterwards to be false, but Hood was continued on his duty. A month later he was ordered to move from the windward to the leeward side of the island, and to blockade Fort Royal closely. Against this change he remonstrated, and the event showed him to be right; but Rodney insisted, saying that from his experience he knew that a fleet could remain off Fort Royal for months without dropping to leeward, and that there ships detached to Santa Lucia, for water and refreshments, could rejoin before an enemy's fleet, discovered to windward, could come up. Hood thought the Admiral's object was merely to shelter his own doings at St. Eustatius; and he considered the blockade of Fort Royal to be futile, if no descent upon the island were intended. "It would doubtless have been fortunate for the public," he remarked afterwards, "had Sir George been with his fleet, as I am confident he would have been to windward instead of to leeward, when de Grasse made his approach." The preparations of the French in Brest were completed towards the end of March, and on the 22d of that month Rear-Admiral de Grasse sailed, having a large convoy under the protection of twenty-six ships of the line. A week later six of the latter parted company, five under Suffren for the East Indies and one for North America. The remaining twenty continued their course for Martinique, which was sighted on the 28th of April. Before sunset, Hood's squadron also was discovered to leeward of the island, as ordered by Rodney to cruise, and off the southern point,--Pointe des Salines. De Grasse then hove-to for the night, but sent an officer ashore both to give and to obtain intelligence, and to reach an understanding for concerted action next day. The French fleet consisted of one ship of 110 guns, three 80's, fifteen 74's, and one 64, in all 20 of the line, besides three armed _en flûte_,[91] which need not be taken into account, although they served to cover the convoy. Besides these there were the four in Fort Royal, one 74 and three 64's, a junction of which with the approaching enemy it was one of Hood's objects to prevent. The force of the British was one 90, one 80, twelve 74's, one 70, and two 64's: total, 17. Thus both in numbers and in rates of ships Hood was inferior to the main body alone of the French; but he had the advantage of ships all coppered, owing to Rodney's insistence with the Admiralty. He also had no convoy to worry him; but he was to leeward. Early in the morning of the 29th, de Grasse advanced to round the southern point of the island, which was the usual course for sailing ships. Hood was too far to leeward to intercept this movement, for which he was blamed by Rodney, who claimed that the night had not been properly utilised by beating to windward of Pointe des Salines.[92] Hood, on the other hand, said in a private letter: "I never once lost sight of getting to windward, but it was totally impossible.... Had I fortunately been there, I must have brought the enemy to close action upon more equal terms, or they must have given up their transports, trade, etc." Hood's subsequent career places it beyond doubt that had he been to windward there would have been a severe action, whatever the result; but it is not possible to decide positively between his statement and Rodney's, as to where the fault of being to leeward lay. The writer believes that Hood would have been to windward, if in any way possible. It must be added that the British had no word that so great a force was coming. On this point Hood and Rodney are agreed. [Illustration] Under the conditions, the French passed without difficulty round Pointe des Salines, the transports hugging the coast, the ships of war being outside and to leeward of them. Thus they headed up to the northward for Fort Royal Bay (Cul de Sac Royal), Hood standing to the southward until after 10, and being joined at 9.20 by a sixty-four (not reckoned in the list above) from Santa Lucia, making his force eighteen. At 10.35 the British tacked together to the northward. The two fleets were now steering the same way, the French van abreast of the British centre. At 11 the French opened their fire, to which no reply was made then. At 11.20, the British van being close in with the shore to the northward of the Bay, Hood tacked again together, and the enemy, seeing his convoy secure, wore, also together, which brought the two lines nearer, heading south. At this time the four French ships in the Bay got under way and easily joined the rear of their fleet, it having the weather-gage. The French were thus 24 to 18. As their shot were passing over the British, the latter now began to reply. At noon Hood, finding that he could not close the enemy, shortened sail to topsails and hove-to, hoping by this defiance to bring them down to him. At 12.30 the French admiral was abreast of the British flagship, and the action became general, but at too long range. "Never, I believe," wrote Hood, "was more powder and shot thrown away in one day before." The French continuing to stand on, Hood filled his sails again at 1 P.M., as their van had stretched beyond his. As the leading ships, heading south, opened the channel between Santa Lucia and Martinique, they got the breeze fresher, which caused them to draw away from the centre. Hood, therefore, at 1.34 made the signal for a close order, and immediately afterwards ceased firing, finding not one in ten of the enemy's shot to reach. The engagement, however, continued somewhat longer between the southern--van--ships, where, by the account of Captain Sutherland, who was in that part of the line, four of the British were attacked very smartly by eight of the French. The _Centaur_, _Russell_, _Intrepid_, and _Shrewsbury_ appear to have been the ships that suffered most heavily, either in hull, spars, or crews. They were all in the van on the southern tack. The _Russell_, having several shot between wind and water, was with difficulty kept afloat, the water rising over the platform of the magazine. Hood sent her off at nightfall to St. Eustatius, where she arrived on the 4th of May, bringing Rodney the first news of the action, and of the numbers of the French reinforcement. During the 30th Hood held his ground, still endeavouring to get to windward of the enemy; but failing in that attempt, and finding two of his squadron much disabled, he decided at sunset to bear away to the northward, because to the southward the westerly currents set so strong that the crippled ships could not regain Santa Lucia. On the 11th of May, between St. Kitts and Antigua, he joined Rodney, who, after hurried repairs to the _Russell_, had left St. Eustatius on the 5th, with that ship, the _Sandwich_, and the _Triumph_. It is somewhat difficult to criticise positively the conduct of Hood and of de Grasse in this affair. It is clear that Hood on the first day seriously sought action, though his force was but three-fourths that of his foe. He tried first to take the offensive, and, failing that, to induce his enemy to attack frankly and decisively. Troude is doubtless correct in saying that it was optional with de Grasse to bring on a general engagement; and the writer finds himself in agreement also with another French authority, Captain Chevalier, that "Count de Grasse seems to have been too much preoccupied with the safety of his convoy on the 29th, Admiral Hood having shown himself much less circumspect on that day than he was on the next. Notwithstanding our numerical superiority, Count de Grasse kept near the land until all the convoy were safe." He represents Hood as fencing cautiously on the following day, keeping on the field, but avoiding a decisive encounter. This differs somewhat from the version of Hood himself, who mentions signalling a general chase to windward at 12.30 P.M. of the 30th. The two statements are not irreconcilable. Hood having coppered ships, had the speed of the French, whose vessels, being partly coppered and partly not, sailed unevenly. The British commander consequently could afford to take risks, and he therefore played with the enemy, watching for a chance. Hood was an officer of exceptional capacity, much in advance of his time. He thoroughly understood a watching game, and that an opportunity might offer to seize an advantage over part of the enemy, if the eagerness of pursuit, or any mishap, caused the French to separate. From any dilemma that ensued, the reserve of speed gave him a power of withdrawal, in relying upon which he was right. The present writer adopts here also Chevalier's conclusion: "Admiral Hood evidently had the very great advantage over his enemy of commanding a squadron of coppered ships. Nevertheless, homage is due to his skill and to the confidence shown by him in his captains. If some of his ships had dropped behind through injuries received, he would have had to sacrifice them, or to fight a superior force." This means that Hood for an adequate gain ran a great risk; that he thoroughly understood both the advantages and the disadvantages of his situation; and that he acted not only with great skill, but warily and boldly,--a rare combination. The British loss in this affair was 39 killed, including Captain Nott, of the _Centaur_, and 162 wounded. The French loss is given by Chevalier as 18 killed and 56 wounded; by Beatson, as 119 killed and 150 wounded. Rodney, having collected his fleet, proceeded south, and on the 18th of May put into Barbados for water. Much anxiety had been felt at first for Santa Lucia, which Hood's retreat had uncovered. As was feared, the French had attacked it at once, their fleet, with the exception of one or two ships, going there, and twelve hundred troops landing at Gros Ilet Bay; but the batteries on Pigeon Island, which Rodney had erected and manned, kept them at arms' length. The works elsewhere being found too strong, the attempt was abandoned. At the same time, two French ships of the line and thirteen hundred troops had sailed from Martinique against Tobago. When de Grasse returned from the failure at Santa Lucia, he learned that the British were at sea, apparently bound for Barbados. Alarmed for his detachment before Tobago, he again sailed with the fleet for that island on the 25th of May, accompanied by three thousand more troops. Rodney learned at Barbados of the attempt on Tobago, and on the 29th dispatched a squadron of six sail of the line, under Rear-Admiral Francis Samuel Drake, to support the defence. On the 30th he heard that the French main fleet had been seen to windward of Santa Lucia, steering south, evidently for Tobago. On the same day Drake and de Grasse encountered one another off the latter island, the French being to leeward, nearest the land. Drake necessarily retired, and on the morning of June 3d was again off Barbados, whereupon Rodney at once sailed for Tobago with the whole fleet. On the 4th the island was sighted, and next morning information was received that it had capitulated on the 2d. The two fleets returning north were in presence of one another on the 9th; but no engagement took place. Rodney, who was to windward, having twenty sail to twenty-three,[93] was unwilling to attack unless he could get a clear sea. The strength of the currents, he said, would throw his fleet too far to leeward, in case of reverse, into the foul ground between St. Vincent and Grenada, thus exposing Barbados, which had not recovered sufficiently from the hurricane to stand alone. He therefore put into Barbados. De Grasse went to Martinique to prepare the expedition to the American continent, which resulted in the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. On the 5th of July he sailed from Fort Royal taking with him the "trade" for France, and on the 26th anchored with it at Cap François in Haïti, where he found a division of four ships of the line which had been left the year before by de Guichen. There also was a frigate, which had left Boston on the 20th of June, and by which De Grasse received dispatches from Washington, and from Rochambeau, the general commanding the French troops in America. These acquainted him with the state of affairs on the continent, and requested that the fleet should come to either the Chesapeake or New York, to strike a decisive blow at the British power in one quarter or the other. [Footnote 91: This latter is applied to vessels, usually ships of war, which are used as transports or supply ships, and therefore carry only a part of their normal battery.] [Footnote 92: Rodney said that Hood "lay-to" for the night. This is antecedently incredible of an officer of Hood's character, and is expressly contradicted by Captain Sutherland of the _Russell_. "At 6 P.M. (of the 28th) our fleet tacked to the north, and _kept moving_ across the bay (Fort Royal) for the right (_sic_), in line of battle." Ekins, "Naval Battles," p. 136. The word "right" is evidently a misprint for "night." Rodney's criticisms seem to the author captious throughout.] [Footnote 93: One French ship had left the fleet, disabled.] CHAPTER X NAVAL OPERATIONS PRECEDING AND DETERMINING THE FALL OF YORKTOWN. CORNWALLIS SURRENDERS 1781 Having now brought the major naval transactions in the West Indies to the eve of the great events which determined the independence of the American States, it is expedient here to resume the thread of operations, both sea and land, on the American continent, so as to bring these also up to the same decisive moment, when the military and naval blended and in mutual support forced the surrender of the British army at Yorktown under Lord Cornwallis. It has been said that, to support the operations of Cornwallis in the Carolinas, Clinton had begun a series of diversions in the valley of the James River.[94] The first detachment so sent, under General Leslie, had been transferred speedily to South Carolina, to meet the exigencies of Cornwallis's campaign. The second, of sixteen hundred troops under Benedict Arnold, left New York at the end of December, and began its work on the banks of the James at the end of January, 1781. It advanced to Richmond, nearly a hundred miles from the sea, wasting the country round about, and finding no opposition adequate to check its freedom of movement. Returning down stream, on the 20th it occupied Portsmouth, south of the James River; near the sea, and valuable as a naval station. Washington urged Commodore des Touches, who by de Ternay's death had been left in command of the French squadron at Newport, to interrupt these proceedings, by dispatching a strong detachment to Chesapeake Bay; and he asked Rochambeau also to let some troops accompany the naval division, to support the scanty force which he himself could spare to Virginia. It happened, however, that a gale of wind just then had inflicted severe injury upon Arbuthnot's squadron, three of which had gone to sea from Gardiner's Bay upon a report that three French ships of the line had left Newport to meet an expected convoy. One seventy-four, the _Bedford_, was wholly dismasted; another, the _Culloden_, drove ashore on Long Island and was wrecked. The French ships had returned to port the day before the gale, but the incident indisposed des Touches to risk his vessels at sea at that time. He sent only a sixty-four, with two frigates. These left Newport on February 9th, and entered the Chesapeake, but were unable to reach the British vessels, which, being smaller, withdrew up the Elizabeth River. Arbuthnot, hearing of this expedition, sent orders to some frigates off Charleston to go to the scene. The French division, when leaving the Bay, met one of these, the _Romulus_, 44, off the Capes, captured her, and returned to Newport on February 25th. On the 8th of March, Arnold reported to Clinton that the Chesapeake was clear of French vessels. On the same day Arbuthnot also was writing to Clinton, from Gardiner's Bay, that the French were evidently preparing to quit Newport. His utmost diligence had failed as yet to repair entirely the damage done his squadron by the storm, but on the 9th it was ready for sea. On the evening of the 8th the French had sailed. On the 10th Arbuthnot knew it, and, having taken the precaution to move down to the entrance of the bay, he was able to follow at once. On the 13th he spoke a vessel which had seen the enemy and gave him their course. Favoured by a strong north-west wind, and his ships being coppered, he outstripped the French, only three of which had coppered bottoms. At 6 A.M. of March 16th a British frigate reported that the enemy were astern--to the north-east--about a league distant, a thick haze preventing the squadron from seeing them even at that distance (A, A). Cape Henry, the southern point of the entrance to the Chesapeake, then bore southwest by west, distant forty miles. The wind as stated by Arbuthnot was west; by the French, south-west. The British admiral at once went about, steering in the direction reported, and the opposing squadrons soon sighted one another. The French finding the British between them and their port, hauled to the wind, which between 8 and 9 shifted to north by west, putting them to windward. Some preliminary manoeuvres then followed, both parties seeking the weather-gage. The weather remained thick and squally, often intercepting the view; and the wind continued to shift until towards noon, when it settled at north-east. The better sailing, or the better seamanship, of the British had enabled them to gain so far upon their opponents that at 1 P.M. they were lying nearly up in their wake, on the port tack, overhauling them; both squadrons in line of battle, heading east-south-east, the French bearing from their pursuers east by south,--one point on the weather bow (B, B). The wind was rising with squalls, so that the ships lay over well to their canvas, and the sea was getting big. As the enemy now was threatening his rear, and had the speed to overtake, des Touches felt it necessary to resort to the usual parry to such a thrust, by wearing his squadron and passing on the other tack. This could be done either together, reversing the order of the ships, or in succession, preserving the natural order; depending much upon the distance of the enemy. Having room enough, des Touches chose the latter, but, as fighting was inevitable, he decided also to utilise the manoeuvre by surrendering the weather-gage, and passing to leeward. The advantage of this course was that, with the existing sea and wind, and the inclination of the ships, the party that had the opponent on his weather side could open the lower-deck ports and use those guns. There was thus a great increase of battery power, for the lower guns were the heaviest. Des Touches accordingly put his helm up, his line passing in succession to the southward (c) across the head of the advancing British column, and then hauling up so as to run parallel to the latter, to leeward, with the wind four points free. [Illustration] Arbuthnot accepted the position offered, stood on as he was until nearly abreast of the French, and at 2 P.M. made the signal to wear. It does not appear certainly how this was executed; but from the expression in the official report, "the van of the squadron wore in the line," and from the fact that the ships which led in the attack were those which were leading on the port tack,--the tack before the signal was made,--it seems likely that the movement was made in succession (a). The whole squadron then stood down into action, but with the customary result. The ships in the van and centre were all engaged by 2.30, so Arbuthnot states; but the brunt of the engagement had already fallen upon the three leading vessels, which got the first raking fire, and, as is also usual, came to closer action than those which followed them (C). They therefore not only lost most heavily in men, but also were so damaged aloft as to be crippled. The British Vice-Admiral, keeping the signal for the line flying, and not hoisting that for close action, appears to have caused a movement of indecision in the squadron,--an evidence again of the hold which the line then still had upon men's minds. Of this des Touches cleverly availed himself, by ordering his van ships, which so far had borne the brunt, to keep away together and haul up on the other tack (e), while the ships behind them were to wear in succession; that is, in column, one following the other. The French column then filed by the three disabled British vessels (d), gave them their broadsides one by one, and then hauled off to the eastward, quitting the field (D). Arbuthnot made signal to wear in pursuit, but the _Robust_ and _Prudent_, two of the van ships, were now wholly unmanageable from the concentration of fire upon them caused by des Touches's last movement; and the maintopsail yard of the _London_, the only British three-decker, had been shot away. The chase therefore was abandoned, and the squadron put into Chesapeake Bay, for which the wind was fair (D). The French returned to Newport. The respective losses in men were: British, 30 killed, 73 wounded; French, 72 killed, 112 wounded. In this encounter, both sides had eight ships in line, besides smaller craft. The advantage in force was distinctly with the British, who had one three-decked ship, three 74's, three 64's, and a 50; while the French had one 84, two 74's, four 64's, and the late British _Romulus_, 44. Because of this superiority, probably, the action was considered particularly discreditable by contemporaries; the more so because several vessels did not engage closely,--a fault laid to the British admiral's failure to make the signal for close action, hauling down that for the line. This criticism is interesting, for it indicates how men's minds were changing; and it shows also that Arbuthnot had not changed, but still lived in the middle of the century. The French commodore displayed very considerable tactical skill; his squadron was handled neatly, quickly, and with precision. With inferior force he carried off a decided advantage by sheer intelligence and good management. Unluckily, he failed in resolution to pursue his advantage. He probably could have controlled the Chesapeake had he persisted. His neglect to do so was justified by Commodore de Barras, who on the 10th of May arrived in Newport from France to command the squadron. This officer, after pointing out the indisputable tactical success, continued thus:-- "As to the advantage which the English obtained, in fulfilling their object, that is a necessary consequence of their superiority, and, _still more_, of their purely defensive attitude. _It is a principle in war that one should risk much to defend one's own positions, and very little to attack those of the enemy._ M. des Touches, whose object was purely offensive, could and should, when the enemy opposed to him superior forces, renounce a project which could no longer succeed, unless, _contrary to all probability_, it ended not only in beating but also in _destroying entirely_, that superior squadron." This exaltation of the defensive above the offensive, this despairing view of probabilities, this aversion from risks, go far to explain the French want of success in this war. No matter how badly the enemy was thrashed, unless he were entirely destroyed, he was still a fleet "in being," a paralysing factor. The retreat of des Touches and the coming of Arbuthnot restored to the British the command of Chesapeake Bay. Clinton, as soon as he knew that the British and French squadrons had sailed, had sent off a reinforcement of two thousand troops for Arnold, under General Phillips. These arrived in Lynnhaven Bay on March 26th, ten days after the naval battle, and proceeded at once to Portsmouth, Virginia. It is unnecessary to speak of the various operations of this land force. On the 9th of May, in consequence of letters received from Cornwallis, it moved to Petersburg. There on the 13th Phillips died, the command reverting momentarily to Arnold. On the 20th Cornwallis joined from Wilmington, North Carolina,[95] and Arnold soon after returned to New York. Cornwallis now had with him about seven thousand troops, including the garrison at Portsmouth; but a serious difference of opinion existed between him and Clinton, the Commander-in-Chief. The latter had begun the conquest of South Carolina, and did not welcome the conclusion of his lieutenant that the conquest could not be maintained away from the seaboard, unless Virginia also were subdued; for from there, a rich and populous region, men and supplies supported the American cause in the south. Cornwallis had tested the asserted strength of the Royalists in the Carolinas, and had found it wanting. Offensive operations in Virginia were what he wished; but Clinton did not approve this project, nor feel that he could spare troops enough for the purpose. Between October, 1780, and June, 1781, he said, seven thousand seven hundred and twenty-four effectives had been sent from New York to the Chesapeake; and he could not understand the failure to cut off the greatly inferior force of the enemy in Virginia. This at least did not indicate probable success for a renewed offensive. The garrison of New York was now short of eleven thousand and could not be diminished further, as he was threatened with a siege. In short, the British situation in America had become essentially false, by the concurring effect of insufficient force and ex-centric--double--operations. Sent to conquer, their numbers now were so divided that they could barely maintain the defensive. Cornwallis therefore was ordered to occupy a defensive position which should control an anchorage for ships of the line, and to strengthen himself in it. After some discussion, which revealed further disagreement, he placed himself at Yorktown, on the peninsula formed by the James and York rivers. Portsmouth was evacuated, the garrison reaching Yorktown on the 22d of August. Cornwallis's force was then seven thousand troops; and there were with him besides about a thousand seamen, belonging to some half-dozen small vessels, which were shut up in the York by the arrival from Haïti of the French fleet under de Grasse, which on August 30th, 1781, had anchored in Lynnhaven Bay, inside of Cape Henry. On July 2d Arbuthnot had sailed for England, leaving the command at New York to Rear-Admiral Thomas Graves. Graves on the same day wrote to Rodney by the brig _Active_, that intercepted dispatches of the enemy had revealed that a large division from the West Indies was to arrive on the American coast during the summer, to coöperate with the force already in Newport. Rodney, on the other hand, dispatched to New York on July 7th the _Swallow_ sloop, 16, with word that, if he sent reinforcements from the West Indies, they would be ordered to make the Capes of the Chesapeake, and to coast thence to New York. He asked, therefore, that cruisers with information might be stationed along that route. Two days later, having then certain news that de Grasse had sailed for Cap François, he sent this intelligence to Sir Peter Parker at Jamaica, and gave Sir Samuel Hood preparatory orders to command a reinforcement of ships destined for the continent. This, however, was limited in numbers to fifteen sail of the line, Rodney being misled by his intelligence, which gave fourteen ships as the size of the French division having the same destination, and reported that de Grasse himself would convoy the trade from Cap François to France. On the 24th instructions were issued for Hood to proceed on this duty. He was first to convoy the trade from Jamaica as far as the passage between Cuba and Haïti, and thence to make the utmost speed to the Chesapeake. A false rumour, of French ships reaching Martinique from Europe, slightly delayed this movement. The convoy was dispatched to Jamaica with two ships of the line, which Sir Peter Parker was directed to send at once to America, and requested to reinforce with others from his own squadron. Hood was detained until the rumour could be verified. On the 1st of August Rodney sailed for England on leave of absence. On the 10th Hood left Antigua with fourteen ships of the line, direct for the Capes. He had already received, on August 3d, Graves's letter by the _Active_, which he sent back on the 8th with his answers and with a notification of his speedy departure. The _Swallow_ and the _Active_ should have reached Graves before Hood; but neither got to him at all. The _Swallow_ arrived safely in New York on the 27th of July; but Graves had sailed with all his squadron on the 21st, for Boston Bay, hoping there to intercept an expected convoy from France, concerning which a special caution had been sent him by the Admiralty. The _Swallow_ was at once sent on by the senior naval officer at New York, but was attacked by hostile vessels, forced ashore on Long Island, and lost. The _Active_ was captured before she reached New York. Graves, thus uninformed of the momentous crisis at hand, continued cruising until the 16th of August, when he returned to Sandy Hook. There he found the duplicates of the _Swallow's_ letters, but they only notified him of the course a reinforcement would take, not that Hood had started. On August 25th the latter, being then off the Chesapeake, sent duplicates of the _Active's_ dispatches, but these preceded by little his own arrival on the 28th. That evening news was received in New York that de Barras had sailed from Newport on the 25th, with his whole division. Hood anchored outside the Hook, where Graves, who was senior to him, undertook to join at once. On the 31st five sail of the line and a 50-gun ship, all that could be got ready in time, crossed the bar, and the entire body of nineteen ships of the line started at once for the Chesapeake, whither it was understood now that both the French fleet and the united armies of Washington and Rochambeau were hurrying. Count de Grasse upon his arrival at Cap François had found that many things must be done before he could sail for the continent. Measures needed to be taken for the security of Haïti; and a large sum of money, with a considerable reinforcement of troops, was required to insure the success of the projected operation, for which but a short time was allowed, as it was now August and he must be again in the West Indies in October. It was not the least among the fortunate concurrences for the American cause at that moment, that de Grasse, whose military capacity was not conspicuous, showed then a remarkable energy, politic tact, and breadth of view. He decided to take with him every ship he could command, postponing the sailing of the convoys; and by dexterous arrangement with the Spaniards he contrived to secure both the funds required and an efficient corps of thirty-three hundred French troops, without stripping Haïti too closely. On the 5th of August he left Cap François, with twenty-eight ships of the line, taking the route through the Old Bahama Channel,[96] and anchored in Lynnhaven Bay, just within the entrance of the Chesapeake, on the 30th, the day before Graves sailed from New York for the same place. The troops were landed instantly on the south side of the James River, and soon reached La Fayette, who commanded the forces so far opposed to Cornwallis, which were thus raised to eight thousand men. At the same time Washington, having thrown Clinton off his guard, was crossing the Delaware on his way south, with six thousand regular troops, two thousand American and four thousand French, to join La Fayette. French cruisers took position in the James River, to prevent Cornwallis from crossing, and escaping to the southward into Carolina. Others were sent to close the mouth of the York. By these detachments the main fleet was reduced to twenty-four sail of the line. On the 5th of September, at 8 A.M., the French look-out frigate, cruising outside Cape Henry, made the signal for a fleet steering for the Bay. It was hoped at first that this was de Barras's squadron from Newport, known to be on its way, but it was soon evident from the numbers that it must be an enemy. The forces now about to be opposed, nineteen. British sail of the line to twenty-four French, were constituted as follows: British, two 98's (three-deckers); twelve 74's, one 70, four 64's, besides frigates; French, one 104 (three-decker),[97] three 80's, seventeen 74's, three 64's. The mouth of the Chesapeake is about ten miles wide, from Cape Charles on the north to Cape Henry on the south. The main channel is between the latter and a shoal, three miles to the northward, called the Middle Ground. The British fleet, when the French were first seen from it, was steering south-west for the entrance, under foresails and topgallant sails, and it so continued, forming line as it approached. The wind was north-north-east. At noon the ebb-tide made, and the French began to get under way, but many of their ships had to make several tacks to clear Cape Henry. Their line was consequently late in forming, and was by no means regular or closed as they got outside. At 1 P.M. Graves made the signal to form column on an east and west line, which with the wind as it was would be the close-hauled line heading out to sea, on the other tack from that on which his fleet still was. In this order he continued to head in for the entrance. At 2 P.M. the French van, standing out, three miles distant by estimate, bore south from the _London_, Graves's flagship, and was therefore abreast of the centre of the British line. As the British van came near the Middle Ground, at 2.13 P.M., the ships wore together. This put them on the same tack as the French, Hood's division, which had been leading, being now the rear in the reversed order. The fleet then brought-to,--stopped,--in order to allow the centre of the enemy to come abreast of the centre of the British (aa, aa.) The two lines now were nearly parallel, but the British, being five ships fewer, naturally did not extend so far as the rear of the French, which in fact was not yet clear of the Cape. At 2.30 Graves made the signal for the van ship (the _Shrewsbury_), to lead more to starboard (l)--towards the enemy. As each ship in succession would take her course to follow the leader, the effect of this was to put the British on a line inclined to that of the enemy, the van nearest, and as the signal was renewed three quarters of an hour later,--at 3.17,--this angle became still more marked (bb).[98] This was the original and enduring cause of a lamentable failure by which seven of the rear ships, in an inferior force undertaking to attack, never came into battle at all. At 3.34 the van was ordered again to keep still more toward the enemy. [Illustration] At 3.46 the signal was made for ships to close to one cable, followed almost immediately by that to bear down and engage the enemy,--the signal for the line still flying. Graves's flagship, the _London_, 98 (f), which was hove-to, filled and bore down. Under the conditions, the van ships of course got first under fire, and the action gradually extended from them to the twelfth in the order, two ships astern of the _London_. According to the log of the latter, at 4.11 the signal for the line ahead was hauled down, that it might not interfere with that for close action, but at 4.22 it was rehoisted, "the ships not being sufficiently extended." The meaning of this expression may be inferred from Beatson's account:-- "The _London_, by taking the lead, had advanced farther towards the enemy than some of the ships stationed immediately ahead of her in the line of battle; and upon luffing up (f') to bring her broadside to bear, they having done the same thing, her second ahead (m) was brought nearly upon her weather beam. The other ships ahead of her were likewise too much crowded together." As the ship on the _London's_ weather beam could not fire upon the enemy unless she drew ahead, this condition probably accounts for the flagship being again hove-to, while firing, as Hood says that she was. The signal for the line was hauled down again at 4.27, by the _London's_ log, that for close action being up, and repeated at 5.20, when Hood (h) at last bore down with his division (h'), but the French ships bearing up also, he did not near them. Firing ceased shortly after sunset. The loss of the British was 90 killed, 246 wounded; that of the French is given only in round numbers, as about 200 killed and wounded. Hood's statement introduces certain important qualifications into the above account:-- "Our centre began to engage at the same time as the van, at four, but at a most _improper_ distance, and our rear, being barely within random shot, did not fire while the signal for the line was flying. The _London_ had the signal for close action flying, as well as the signal for the line ahead at _half a cable_ was under her topsails, with the main topsail to the mast,[99] though the enemy's ships were pushing on." As showing the improper distance at which the _London_ brought-to to fire, he says:-- "The second ship astern of her (of the _London_) received but trifling damage, and the third astern of her received no damage at all, which most clearly proves [at] how much too great a distance was the centre division engaged." The day after the action Hood made a memorandum of his criticisms upon it, which has been published. The gist of this is as follows. As the French stood out, their line was not regular or connected. The van was much separated from the centre and rear, and it appears also, from the French narratives, that it was to windward of the rest of the fleet. From these causes it was much exposed to be attacked unsupported. There was, by Hood's estimate, "a full hour and a half to have engaged it before any of the rear could have come up." The line of battle on the port tack, with the then wind, was east and west, and Graves had first ranged his fleet on it, as the French were doing; but afterwards, owing to his method of approach, by the van bearing down and the other ships following in its wake, the two lines, instead of being parallel, formed an angle, the British centre and rear being much more distant from the enemy than the van was. This alone would cause the ships to come into battle successively instead of together, a fault of itself; but the Commander-in-Chief, according to Hood, committed the further mistake that he kept the signal for the line of battle flying until 5.30 P.M., near to sunset. In Hood's understanding, while that signal flew the position of each ship was determined by that of Graves's flagship. None could go closer than the line through her parallel to the enemy. Hence Hood's criticism, which is marked by much acerbity towards his superior, but does not betray any consciousness that he himself needed any justification for his division not having taken part. "Had the centre gone to the support of the van, _and the signal for the line been hauled down_, or the Commander-in-Chief had set the example of close action, _even with the signal for the line flying_, the van of the enemy must have been cut to pieces, and the rear division of the British fleet would have been opposed to those ships the centre division fired at, and at the proper distance for engaging, or the Rear-Admiral who commanded it[100] would have a great deal to answer for."[101] So much for the tactical failure of that day. The question remained what next was to be done. Graves contemplated renewing the action, but early in the night was informed that several of the van ships were too crippled to permit this. He held his ground, however, in sight of the French, until dark on the 9th, when they were seen for the last time. They were then under a cloud of sail, and on the morning of the 10th had disappeared. From their actions during this interval, Hood had inferred that de Grasse meant to get back into the Chesapeake without further fighting; and he implies that he advised Graves to anticipate the enemy in so doing. Though some ships were crippled aloft, the British batteries were practically intact, nor had men enough been disabled to prevent any gun in the fleet from being fought. Could but a single working day be gained in taking up an anchorage, a defensive order could be assumed, practically impregnable to the enemy, covering Cornwallis, and not impossibly intercepting the French ships left in the Bay. In the case of many men such comment might be dismissed as the idle talk of the captious fault-finder, always to the fore in life; but in the case of Hood it must be received with deference, for, but a few months later, when confronted with greater odds, he himself did the very thing he here recommended, for an object less vital than the relief of Cornwallis. Having regard to the character of de Grasse, it is reasonable to believe that, if he had found the British fleet thus drawn up at anchor in Chesapeake Bay, as he found Hood at St. Kitts in the following January, he would have waited off the entrance for de Barras, and then have gone to sea, leaving Washington and Rochambeau to look at Cornwallis slipping out of their grasp. On the 10th of September Graves decided to burn the _Terrible_, 74, which had been, kept afloat with difficulty since the action. This done, the fleet stood towards the Chesapeake, a frigate going ahead to reconnoitre. On the 13th, at 6 A.M., Graves wrote to Hood that the look-outs reported the French at anchor above the Horse Shoe (shoal) in the Chesapeake, and desired his opinion what to do with the fleet. To this Hood sent the comforting reply that it was no more than what he had expected, as the press of sail the (French) fleet carried on the 9th, and on the night of the 8th, made it very clear to him what de Grasse's intentions were. He "would be very glad to send an opinion, but he really knows not what to say in the truly lamentable state [to which] we have brought ourselves."[102] On the 10th de Barras had reached the Bay, where he was joined by de Grasse on the 11th, so that there were then present thirty-six French ships of the line. Graves, therefore, returned to New York, reaching Sandy Hook September 19th. On the 14th Washington had arrived before Yorktown, where he took the chief command; and the armies closed in upon Cornwallis by land as the French fleets had done already by water. On the 19th of October the British force was compelled to surrender, seven thousand two hundred and forty-seven troops and eight hundred and forty seamen laying down their arms. During the siege the latter had served in the works, the batteries of which were largely composed of ships' guns. After Graves's return to New York, Rear-Admiral the Hon. Robert Digby arrived from England on the 24th of September, to take command of the station in Arbuthnot's place. He brought with him three ships of the line; and the two which Sir Peter Parker had been ordered by Rodney to send on at once had also reached the port. It was decided by the land and sea officers concerned to attempt the relief of Cornwallis, and that it was expedient for Graves to remain in command until after this expedition. He could not start, however, until the 18th of October, by which time Cornwallis's fate was decided. Graves then departed for Jamaica to supersede Sir Peter Parker. On the 11th of November Hood sailed from Sandy Hook with eighteen ships of the line, and on the 5th of December anchored at Barbados. On the 5th of November de Grasse also quitted the continent with his whole fleet, and returned to the West Indies. [Footnote 94: _Ante_, p. 153.] [Footnote 95: See _ante_, p. 153.] [Footnote 96: Along the north coast of Cuba, between it and the Bahama Banks.] [Footnote 97: The _Ville de Paris_, to which Troude attributes 104 guns. She was considered the biggest and finest ship of her day.] [Footnote 98: This reproduced the blunder of Byng, between whose action and the one now under discussion there is a marked resemblance.] [Footnote 99: _I.e._ she had stopped.] [Footnote 100: Hood himself.] [Footnote 101: Letters of Lord Hood, p. 32. Navy Records Society. My italics. Concerning the crucial fact of the signal for the line of battle being kept flying continuously until 5.30 P.M., upon which there is a direct contradiction between Hood and the log of the _London_, it is necessary to give the statement of Captain Thomas White, who was present in the action in one of the rear ships. "If the _London's_ log, or the log of any other individual ship in the fleet, confirm this statement," (that Hood was dilatory in obeying the order for close action), "I shall be induced to fancy that what I that day saw and heard was a mere chimera of the brain, and that what I believed to be the signal for the line was not a union jack, but an _ignis fatuus_ conjured up to mock me." White and Hood also agree that the signal for the line was rehoisted at 6.30. (White: "Naval Researches," London, 1830, p. 45.)] [Footnote 102: "Letters of Lord Hood." Navy Records Society, p. 35.] CHAPTER XI NAVAL EVENTS OF 1781 IN EUROPE. DARBY'S RELIEF OF GIBRALTAR, AND THE BATTLE OF THE DOGGER BANK In Europe, during the year 1781, the two leading questions which dominated the action of the belligerents were the protection, or destruction, of commerce, and the attack and defence of Gibraltar. The British Channel Fleet was much inferior to the aggregate sea forces of France and Spain in the waters of Europe; and the Dutch navy also was now hostile. The French government represented to its allies that by concentrating their squadrons near the entrance of the Channel they would control the situation in every point of view; but the Spaniards, intent upon Gibraltar, declined to withdraw their fleet from Cadiz until late in the summer, while the French persisted in keeping their own at Brest. The Channel Fleet was decisively superior to the latter, and inferior to the Spaniards in numbers only. No relief having been given Gibraltar since Rodney had left it in February, 1780, the question of supplying the fortress became pressing. For this purpose, twenty-eight ships of the line, under Vice-Admiral George Darby, sailed from St. Helen's on the 13th of March, 1781, with a large convoy. Off Cork a number of victuallers joined, and the whole body then proceeded for Gibraltar, accompanied by five ships of the line which were destined for the East Indies, as well as by the West India and American "trade." These several attachments parted from time to time on the way, and on the 11th of April the main expedition sighted Cape Spartel, on the African coast. No attempt to intercept it was made by the great Spanish fleet in Cadiz; and on the 12th of April, at noon, the convoy anchored in the Bay of Gibraltar. That night thirteen sail of the transports, under charge of two frigates, slipped out and made their way to Minorca, then a British possession. The British ships of war continued under way, cruising in the Bay and Gut of Gibraltar. As the convoy entered, the besiegers opened a tremendous cannonade, which was ineffectual, however, to stop the landing of the stores. More annoyance was caused by a flotilla of gunboats, specially built for this siege, the peculiar fighting power of which lay in one 26-pounder, whose great length gave a range superior to the batteries of ships of the line. Being moved by oars as well as by sails, these little vessels could choose their distance in light airs and calms, and were used so actively to harass the transports at anchor that Darby was obliged to cover them with three ships of the line. These proved powerless effectually to injure the gunboats; but, while the latter caused great annoyance and petty injury, they did not hinder the unlading nor even greatly delay it. The experience illustrates again the unlikelihood that great results can be obtained by petty means, or that massed force, force concentrated, can be effectually counteracted either by cheap and ingenious expedients, or by the coöperative exertions of many small independent units. "They were only capable of producing trouble and vexation. So far were they from preventing the succours from being thrown into the garrison, or from burning the convoy, that the only damage of any consequence that they did to the shipping was the wounding of the mizzen-mast of the _Nonsuch_ so much that it required to be shifted."[103] On the 19th of April--in one week--the revictualling was completed, and the expedition started back for England. The fleet anchored again at Spithead on the 22d of May. While Darby was returning, La Motte Picquet had gone to sea from Brest with six ships of the line and some frigates to cruise in the approaches to the Channel. There, on the 2d of May, he fell in with the convoy returning from the West Indies with the spoils of St. Eustatius. The ships of war for the most part escaped, but La Motte Picquet carried twenty-two out of thirty merchant ships into Brest before he could be intercepted, although a detachment of eight sail sent by Darby got close upon his heels. After a long refit, Darby put to sea again, about the 1st of August, to cover the approach of the large convoys then expected to arrive. Being greatly delayed by head winds, he had got no further than the Lizard, when news was brought him that the Franco-Spanish grand fleet, of forty-nine ships of the line, was cruising near the Scilly Isles. Having himself but thirty of the line, he put into Tor Bay on the 24th of August, and moored his squadron across the entrance to the Bay. This appearance of the allies was a surprise to the British authorities, who saw thus unexpectedly renewed the invasion of the Channel made in 1779. Spain, mortified justly by her failure even to molest the intrusion of succours into Gibraltar, had thought to retrieve her honour by an attack upon Minorca, for which she asked the coöperation of France. De Guichen was sent in July with nineteen ships of the line; and the combined fleets, under the chief command of the Spanish admiral, Don Luis de Cordova, convoyed the troops into the Mediterranean beyond the reach of Gibraltar cruisers. Returning thence into the Atlantic, de Cordova directed his course for the Channel, keeping far out to sea to conceal his movements. But though thus successful in reaching his ground unheralded, he made no attempt to profit by the advantage gained. The question of attacking Darby at his anchors was discussed in a council of war, at which de Guichen strongly advocated the measure; but a majority of votes decided that Great Britain would be less hurt by ruining her fleet than by intercepting the expected convoys. Even for the latter purpose, however, de Cordova could not wait. On the 5th of September he informed de Guichen that he was at liberty to return to Brest; and he himself went back to Cadiz with thirty-nine ships, nine of which were French. "This cruise of the combined fleet," says Chevalier, "diminished the consideration of France and Spain. These two powers had made a great display of force, without producing the slightest result." It may be mentioned here that Minorca, after a six months' siege, capitulated in February, 1782. While Darby was beating down Channel in the early days of August, 1781, Vice-Admiral Hyde Parker, lately Rodney's second in command in the West Indies, was returning to England convoying a large merchant fleet from the Baltic. On the 5th of August, at daylight, a Dutch squadron, also with a convoy, but outward bound, from the Texel to the Baltic, was discovered in the south-west, near the Doggersbank. Heading as the two enemies then were, their courses must shortly intersect. Parker, therefore, ordered his convoy to steer to the westward for England, while he himself bore down for the enemy. The Dutch Rear-Admiral, Johan Arnold Zoutman, on the contrary, kept the merchant vessels with him, under his lee, but drew out the ships of war from among them, to form his order on the side towards the enemy. Each opponent put seven sail into the line. The British vessels, besides being of different rates, were chiefly very old ships, dragged out from Rotten Row to meet the pressing emergency caused by the greatly superior forces which were in coalition against Great Britain. Owing to the decayed condition of some of them, their batteries had been lightened, to the detriment of their fighting power. Two of them, however, were good and new seventy-fours. It is probable that the Dutch vessels, after a long peace, were not much better than their antagonists. In fact, each squadron was a scratch lot, in the worst sense of the phrase. The conduct of the affair by the two admirals, even to the very intensity of their pugnaciousness, contributes a tinge of the comic to the history of a desperately fought action. The breeze was fresh at north-east, and the sea smooth. The Dutch, being to leeward, awaited attack, forming line on the port tack, heading south-east by east, a point off the wind, under topsails and foresails, a cable's length apart. There is little room to doubt that an adversary who thus holds his ground means to make a stand-up fight, but Parker, although the sun of a midsummer day had scarcely risen, thought advisable to order a general chase. Of course, no ship spared her canvas to this, while the worse sailers had to set their studdingsails to keep up; and the handling of the sails took the men off from the preparations for battle. Parker, who doubtless was still sore over Rodney's censure of the year before, and who moreover had incurred the Admiralty's rebuke, for apparent hesitation to attack the enemy's islands while temporarily in command in the West Indies, was determined now to show the fight that was in him. "It is related that, upon being informed of the force of the Dutch squadron in the morning, he replied (pulling up his breeches), 'It matters little what their force is; we must fight them if they are double the number.'" At 6.10 A.M. the signal was made for line abreast, the ships running down nearly before the wind. This of course introduced more regularity, the leading ships taking in their lighter sails to permit the others to reach their places; but the pace still was rapid. At 6.45 the order was closed to one cable, and at 7.56 the signal for battle was hoisted. It is said that at that moment the 80-gun ship was still securing a studding-sail-boom, which indicates how closely action trod on the heels of preparation. The Dutch admiral was as deliberate as Parker was headlong. An English witness writes:-- "They appeared to be in great order; and their hammocks, quarter-cloths, etc., were spread in as nice order as if for show in harbour. Their marines also were well drawn up, and stood with their muskets shouldered, with all the regularity and exactness of a review. Their politeness ought to be remembered by every man in our line; for, as if certain of what happened, we came down almost end-on upon their broadsides; yet did not the Dutch admiral fire a gun, or make the signal to engage, till the red flag was at the _Fortitude's_ masthead, and her shot finding their way into his ship. This was a manoeuvre which Admiral Zutman should not be warmly thanked for by their High Mightinesses; as he had it in his power to have done infinite mischief to our fleet, coming down in that unofficer-like manner. Having suffered Admiral Parker to place himself as he pleased, he calmly waited till the signal was hoisted on board the _Fortitude_, and at the same time we saw the signal going up on board Admiral Zutman's ship." The British, thus unmolested, rounded-to just to windward of the enemy. A pilot who was on board their leading ship was for some reason told to assist in laying her close to her opponent. "By close," he asked, "do you mean about a ship's breadth?" "Not a gun was fired on either side," says the official British report, "until within the distance of half musket-shot." Parker, whom an on-looker describes as full of life and spirits, here made a mistake, of a routine character, which somewhat dislocated his order. It was a matter of tradition for flagship to seek flagship, just as it was to signal a general chase, and to bear down together, each ship for its opposite, well extended with the enemy. Now Parker, as was usual, was in the centre of his line, the fourth ship; but Zoutman was for some reason in the fifth. Parker therefore placed his fourth by the enemy's fifth. In consequence, the rear British ship overlapped the enemy, and for a time had no opponent; while the second and third found themselves engaged with three of the Dutch. At 8 A.M. the signal for the line was hauled down, and that for close action hoisted,--thus avoiding a mistake often made. All the vessels were soon satisfactorily and hotly at work, and the action continued with varying phases till 11.35 A.M. The leading two ships in both orders got well to leeward of the lines, the British two having to tack to regain their places to windward. Towards the middle of the engagement the Dutch convoy bore away, back to the Texel, as the British had steered for England before it began; the difference being that the voyage was abandoned by the Dutch and completed by the British. At eleven o'clock Parker made sail, and passed with the flagship between the enemy and the _Buffalo_, his next ahead and third in the British order; the three rear ships following close in his wake, in obedience to the signal for line ahead, which had been rehoisted at 10.43.[104] A heavy cannonade attended this evolution, the Dutch fighting gloriously to the last. When it was completed, the British fleet wore and the action ceased. "I made an effort to form the line, in order to renew the action," wrote Parker in his report, "but found it impracticable. The enemy appeared to be in as bad a condition. Both squadrons lay-to a considerable time near each other, when the Dutch, with their convoy, bore away for the Texel. We were not in a condition to follow them." This was a most satisfactory exhibition of valour, and a most unsatisfactory battle; magnificent, but not war. The completion of their voyage by the British merchant ships, while the Dutch were obliged to return to the port which they had just left, may be considered to award success, and therefore the essentials of victory, to Parker's fleet. With this exception the _status quo_ remained much as before, although one of the Dutch ships sank next day; yet the British loss, 104 killed and 339 wounded, was nearly as great as in Keppel's action, where thirty ships fought on each side, or in Rodney's of April 17th, 1780, where the British had twenty sail; greater than with Graves off the Chesapeake, and, in proportion, fully equal to the sanguinary conflicts between Suffren and Hughes in the East Indies. The Dutch loss is reported as 142 killed, 403 wounded. Both sides aimed at the hull, as is shown by the injuries; for though much harm was done aloft, few spars were wholly shot away. The _Buffalo_, a small ship, had 39 shot through and through her, and a very great number pierced between wind and water; in the British van ship as many as 14, another proof that the Dutch fired low. With the rudimentary notions of manoeuvring evinced, it is not surprising that Parker was found an unsatisfactory second by an enlightened tactician like Rodney. The Vice-Admiral, however, laid his unsuccess to the indifferent quality of his ships. George III visited the squadron after the action, but Parker was not open to compliments. "I wish your Majesty better ships and younger officers," he said. "For myself, I am now too old for service." No rewards were given, and it is asserted that Parker made no secret that none would be accepted, if offered, at the hands of the then Admiralty. He voiced the protest of the Navy and of the nation against the mal-administration of the peace days, which had left the country unprepared for war. The gallant veteran was ordered soon afterwards to command in the East Indies. He sailed for his station in the _Cato_, which was never heard of again. Though unfruitful in substantial results, Parker's action merits commemoration; for, after all, even where skill does its utmost, staunchness such as his shows the sound constitution of a military body. [Footnote 103: Beatson, "Military and Naval Memoirs," v. 347.] [Footnote 104: Sir John Ross, in his "Life of Saumarez," who was lieutenant in the flagship, says that the flagship only passed ahead of the _Buffalo_, and that the rear ships closed upon the latter. The version in the text rests upon the detailed and circumstantial statements of another lieutenant of the squadron, in Ekins's "Naval Battles." As Ekins also was present as a midshipman, this gives, as it were, the confirmation of two witnesses.] CHAPTER XII THE FINAL NAVAL CAMPAIGN IN THE WEST INDIES. HOOD AND DE GRASSE. RODNEY AND DE GRASSE. THE GREAT BATTLE OF APRIL 12, 1782 The year 1781 closed with an incident more decisive in character than most of the events that occurred in European waters during its course; one also which transfers the interest, by natural transition, again to the West Indies. The French government had felt throughout the summer the necessity of sending de Grasse reinforcements both of ships and of supplies, but the transports and material of war needed could not be collected before December. As the British probably would attempt to intercept a convoy upon which the next campaign so much depended, Rear-Admiral de Guichen was ordered to accompany it clear of the Bay of Biscay, with twelve ships of the line, and then to go to Cadiz. Five ships of the line destined to de Grasse, and two going to the East Indies, raised to nineteen the total force with which de Guichen left Brest on the 10th of December. On the afternoon of the 12th, the French being then one hundred and fifty miles to the southward and westward of Ushant, with a south-east wind, the weather, which had been thick and squally, suddenly cleared and showed sails to windward. These were twelve ships of the line, one 50, and some frigates, under Rear-Admiral Richard Kempenfelt, who had left England on the 2d of the month, to cruise in wait for this expedition. The French numbers were amply sufficient to frustrate any attack, but de Guichen, ordinarily a careful officer, had allowed his ships of war to be to leeward and ahead of the convoy. The latter scattered in every direction, as the British swooped down upon them, but all could not escape; and the French ships of war remained helpless spectators, while the victims were hauling down their flags right and left. Night coming on, some prizes could not be secured, but Kempenfelt carried off fifteen, laden with military and naval stores of great money value and greater military importance. A few days later a violent storm dispersed and shattered the remainder of the French body. Two ships of the line only, the _Triomphant_, 84, and _Brave_, 74, and five transports, could pursue their way to the West Indies. The rest went back to Brest. This event may be considered as opening the naval campaign of 1782 in the West Indies. Kempenfelt, before returning to England, sent off express to Hood in the West Indies the fireship _Tisiphone_, 8, Commander James Saumarez,[105]--afterwards the distinguished admiral,--with news of the French approach. Saumarez, having been first to Barbados, joined Hood on the 31st of January, 1782, in Basse Terre Roads, on the lee side of St. Kitts; a position from which Hood had dislodged de Grasse six days before by a brilliant manoeuvre, resembling that which he had contemplated[106] as open to Graves the previous September at Chesapeake Bay for the relief of Cornwallis. The campaign for the year 1782 had opened already with an attack upon St. Kitts by the French army and navy; and the French fleet was even then cruising close at hand to leeward, between St. Kitts and Nevis. The original intention of de Grasse and de Bouillé had been to capture Barbados, the most important of the Eastern Antilles still remaining to the British; but the heavy trade-winds, which in those days made a winter passage to windward so long and dreary a beat, twice drove them back to port. "The whole French fleet," wrote Hood, "appeared off Santa Lucia on the 17th of last month, endeavouring to get to windward, and having carried away many topmasts and yards in struggling against very squally weather, returned to Fort Royal Bay on the 23d, and on the 28th came out again with forty transports, manoeuvring as before." On the 2d of January it disappeared from Santa Lucia, and, after a short stay again at Martinique, proceeded on the 5th to St. Kitts, anchoring in Basse Terre Roads on the 11th. The British garrison retired to Brimstone Hill, a fortified position at the north-west of the island, while the inhabitants surrendered the government to the French, pledging themselves to neutrality. The adjacent island of Nevis capitulated on the same terms on the 20th. On the 14th of January, an express sent by General Shirley, governor of St. Kitts, had informed Hood at Barbados that a great fleet approaching had been seen from the heights of Nevis on the 10th. Hood at once put to sea, though short of bread and flour, which could not be had, and with the material of his ships in wretched condition. "When the _President_[107] joins," he wrote the Admiralty, "I shall be twenty-two strong, with which I beg you will assure their Lordships I will seek and give battle to the Count de Grasse, be his numbers as they may." On the way a ship reached him with word that the French fleet had invested St. Kitts. On the 21st he anchored at Antigua for repairs and supplies, indispensable for keeping the sea in the operations which he contemplated, the duration of which could not be foreseen. About a thousand troops also were embarked, which, with the marines that could be spared from the squadron, would give a landing force of twenty-four hundred men. St. Kitts being less than fifty miles from Antigua, Hood doubtless now got accurate information of the enemy's dispositions, and could form a definite, well-matured plan. This seems to have been carefully imparted to all his captains, as was the practice of Nelson, who was the pupil of Hood, if of any one. "At 9.15 A.M. the Admiral made the signal for all flag-officers," says the log of the _Canada_; "and at 4 P.M. the Admirals and Commodore made the signals for all captains of their divisions." At 5 P.M. of the same day, January 23d, the fleet weighed and stood over for Nevis, round the southern point of which Basse Terre must be approached; for, the channel between Nevis and St. Kitts being impracticable for ships of the line, the two islands were virtually one, and, their common axis lying north-west and south-east, the trade-wind is fair only when coming from the south. Basse Terre, where de Grasse then was, is about fifteen miles from the south point of Nevis. The roadstead lies east and west, and the French fleet, then twenty-four of the line and two fifties, were anchored without attention to order, three or four deep; the eastern ships so placed that an enemy coming from the southward could reach them with the prevailing trade-wind, against which the western ships could not beat up quickly to their support. This being so, we are told that Hood, starting shortly before sunset with a fair, and probably fresh wind, from a point only sixty miles distant, hoped to come upon the French by surprise at early daybreak, to attack the weather ships, and from them to sail along the hostile order so far as might seem expedient. His column, thus passing in its entirety close to a certain exposed fraction of the enemy, the latter would be cut up in detail by the concentration upon it. The British then, wearing to the southward, would haul their wind, tack, and again stand up to the assault, if the enemy continued to await it. This reasonable expectation, and skilful conception, was thwarted by a collision, during the night, between a frigate, the _Nymphe_, 36, and the leading ship of the line, the _Alfred_, 74. The repairs to the latter delayed the fleet, the approach of which was discovered by daylight. De Grasse therefore put to sea. He imagined Hood's purpose was to throw succours into Brimstone Hill; and moreover the position of the enemy now was between him and four ships of the line momentarily expected from Martinique, one of which joined him on the same day. The French were all under way by sunset, standing to the southward under easy sail, towards the British, who had rounded the south point of Nevis at 1 P.M. Towards dark, Hood went about and stood also to the southward, seemingly in retreat. During the following night the British tacked several times, to keep their position to windward. At daylight of January 25th, the two fleets were to the westward of Nevis; the British near the island, the French abreast, but several miles to leeward. Foiled in his first spring by an unexpected accident, Hood had not relinquished his enterprise, and now proposed to seize the anchorage quitted by the French, so establishing himself there,--as he had proposed to Graves to do in the Chesapeake,--that he could not be dislodged. For such a defensive position St. Kitts offered special advantages. The anchorage was a narrow ledge, dropping precipitately to very deep water; and it was possible so to place the ships that the enemy could not easily anchor near them. At 5.30 A.M. of the 25th Hood made the signal to form line of battle on the starboard tack, at one cable interval.[108] It is mentioned in the log of the _Canada_, 74, Captain Cornwallis, that that ship brought-to in her station, fourth from the rear, at 7 o'clock. By 10 o'clock the line was formed, and the ships hove-to in it. At 10.45 the signal was made to fill [to go ahead], the van ships to carry the same sail as the Admiral,--topsails and foresails,--followed, just before noon, by the order to prepare to anchor, with springs on the cables. The French, who were steering south, on the port tack, while the British were hove-to, went about as soon as the latter filled, and stood towards them in bow and quarter line.[109] [Illustration] At noon the British fleet was running along close under the high land of Nevis; so close that the _Solebay_, 28, one of the frigates inshore of the line, grounded and was wrecked. No signals were needed, except to correct irregularities in the order, for the captains knew what they were to do. The French were approaching steadily, but inevitably dropping astern with reference to the point of the enemy's line for which they were heading. At 2 P.M. de Grasse's flagship, the _Ville de Paris_, fired several shot at the British rear, which alone she could reach, while his left wing was nearing the _Barfleur_, Hood's flagship, and the vessels astern of her, the centre of the column, which opened their fire at 2.30. Hood, trusting to his captains, disregarded this threat to the rear half of his force. Signals flew for the van to crowd sail and take its anchorage, and at 3.30 P.M. the leading ships began to anchor in line ahead, (Fig. 1, a), covered as they did so by the broadsides of the rear and the rear centre (b). Upon the latter the French were now keeping up a smart fire. Between the _Canada_ and her next astern, the _Prudent_, 64,--which was a dull sailer,--there was a considerable interval. Towards it the French admiral pressed, aiming to cut off the three rear vessels; but Cornwallis threw everything aback and closed down upon his consort,--a stirring deed in which he was imitated by the _Resolution_ and _Bedford_, 74's, immediately ahead of him. De Grasse was thus foiled, but so narrowly, that an officer, looking from one of the ships which had anchored, asserted that for a moment he could perceive the _Ville de Paris's_ jib inside the British line. As the rear of the latter pushed on to its place, it cleared the broadsides of the now anchored van and centre, (Fig. 2, a), and these opened upon the enemy, a great part of whom were strung out behind the British column, without opponents as yet, but hastening up to get their share of the action. Hood's flagship, (f), which anchored at 4.03, opened fire again at 4.40 P.M. Thus, as the _Canada_ and her few companions, who bore the brunt of the day, were shortening sail and rounding-to, (b), still under a hot cannonade, the batteries of their predecessors were ringing out their welcome, and at the same time covering their movements by giving the enemy much else to think about. The _Canada_, fetching up near the tail of the column and letting go in a hurry, ran out two cables on end, and found upon sounding that she had dropped her anchor in a hundred and fifty fathoms of water. The French column stood on, off soundings, though close to, firing as it passed, and then, wearing to the southward in succession, stood out of action on the port tack, (c), its ineffectual broadsides adding to the grandeur and excitement of the scene, and swelling the glory of Hood's successful daring, of which it is difficult to speak too highly. Lord Robert Manners, the captain of the _Resolution_, which was fifth ship from the British rear, writing a week later, passed upon this achievement a verdict, which posterity will confirm. "The taking possession of this road was well judged, well conducted, and well executed, though indeed the French had an opportunity--which they missed--of bringing our rear to a very severe account. The van and centre divisions brought to an anchor under the fire of the rear, which was engaged with the enemy's centre (Fig. 1); and then the centre, being at an anchor and properly placed, covered us while we anchored (Fig. 2), making, I think, the most masterly manoeuvre I ever saw." Whether regard be had to the thoughtful preparation, the crafty management of the fleet antecedent to the final push, the calculated audacity of the latter, or the firm and sagacious tactical handling from the first moment to the last, Nelson himself never did a more brilliant deed than this of Hood's.[110] All firing ceased at 5.30. Naturally, an order taken up under such conditions needed some rectifying before further battle. As the proper stationing of the fleet depended in great measure upon the position of the van ship, Hood had put a local pilot on board her; but when the action ceased, he found that she was not as close to the shore as he had intended. The rear, on the other hand, was naturally in the most disorder, owing to the circumstances attending its anchorage. Three ships from the rear were consequently directed to place themselves ahead of the van, closing the interval, while others shifted their berths, according to specific directions. The order as finally assumed (Fig. 3) was as follows. The van ship was anchored so close to the shore that it was impossible to pass within her, or, with the prevailing wind, even to reach her, because of a point and shoal just outside, covering her position. From her the line extended in a west-north-west direction to the fifteenth ship,--the _Barfleur_, 98, Hood's flagship,--when it turned to north, the last six ships being on a north and south line. These six, with their broadsides turned to the westward, prevented a column passing from south to north, the only way one could pass, from enfilading the main line with impunity. The latter covered with its guns the approach from the south. All the ships had springs on their cables, enabling them to turn their sides so as to cover a large arc of a circle with their batteries. [Illustration] At daylight on the following morning, January 26th, the ships began changing their places, the French being then seven or eight miles distant in the south-south-east. At 7 A.M. they were seen to be approaching in line of battle, under a press of sail, heading for the British van. The _Canada_, which had begun at 5 A.M. to tackle her 200-odd fathoms of cable, was obliged to cut, whereby "we lost the small bower anchor and two cables with one 8-inch and one 9-inch hawsers, which were bent for springs." The ship had to work to windward to close with the fleet, and was therefore ordered by the Rear-Admiral to keep engaging under way, until 10.50, when a message was sent her to anchor in support of the rear. The action began between 8.30 and 9 A.M., the leading French ship heading for the British van, seemingly with the view of passing round and inside it. Against this attempt Hood's precautions probably were sufficient; but as the enemy's vessel approached, the wind headed her, so that she could only fetch the third ship. The latter, with the vessels ahead and astern, sprung their batteries upon her. "The crash occasioned by their destructive broadsides was so tremendous on board her that whole pieces of plank were seen flying from her off side, ere she could escape the cool concentrated fire of her determined adversaries."[111] She put her helm up, and ran along outside the British line, receiving the first fire of each successive ship. Her movement was imitated by her followers, some keeping off sooner, some later; but de Grasse in his flagship not only came close, but pointed his after yards to the wind,[112] to move the slower. As he ported his helm when leaving the _Barfleur_, this brought these sails aback, keeping him a still longer time before the British ships thrown to the rear. "In this he was supported by those ships which were astern, or immediately ahead of him. During this short but tremendous conflict in that part of the field of battle, nothing whatever could be seen of them for upwards of twenty minutes, save de Grasse's white flag at the main-topgallant masthead of the _Ville de Paris_, gracefully floating above the immense volumes of smoke that enveloped them, or the pennants of those ships which were occasionally perceptible, when an increase of breeze would waft away the smoke."[113] [Illustration] Though most gallantly done, no such routine manoeuvre as this could shake Hood's solidly assumed position. The attempt was repeated in the afternoon, but more feebly, and upon the centre and rear only. This also was ineffectual; and Hood was left in triumphant possession of the field. The losses in the several affairs of the two days had been: British, 72 killed, 244 wounded; French, 107 killed, 207 wounded. Thenceforth the French fleet continued cruising to leeward of the island, approaching almost daily, frequently threatening attack, and occasionally exchanging distant shots; but no serious encounter took place. Interest was centred on Brimstone Hill, where alone on the island the British flag still flew. De Grasse awaited its surrender, flattering himself that the British would be forced then to put to sea, and that his fleet, increased by successive arrivals to thirty-two of the line, would then find an opportunity to crush the man who had outwitted and out-manoeuvred him on January 25th and 26th. In this hope he was deceived by his own inaptness and his adversary's readiness. Hood was unable to succour Brimstone Hill, for want of troops; the French having landed six thousand men, against which the British twenty-four hundred could effect nothing, either alone or in coöperation with the garrison, which was but twelve hundred strong. The work capitulated on the 13th of February. De Grasse, who had neglected to keep his ships provisioned, went next day to Nevis and anchored there to empty the storeships. That evening Hood called his captains on board, explained his intentions, had them set their watches by his, and at 11 P.M. the cables were cut one by one, lights being left on the buoys, and the fleet silently decamped, passing round the north end of St. Kitts, and so towards Antigua. When de Grasse opened his eyes next morning, the British were no longer to be seen. "Nothing could have been more fortunately executed," wrote Lord Robert Manners, "as not one accident happened from it. Taking the whole in one light, though not successful in the point we aimed at, nevertheless it was well conducted, and has given the enemy a pretty severe check; and if you give him half the credit the enemy does, Sir Samuel Hood will stand very high in the public estimation." Hood's intention had been to return to Barbados; but on the 25th of February he was joined, to windward of Antigua, by Rodney, who had arrived from England a week earlier, bringing with him twelve ships of the line. The new Commander-in-Chief endeavoured to cut off de Grasse from Martinique, but the French fleet got in there on the 26th. Rodney consequently went to Santa Lucia, to refit Hood's ships, and to prepare for the coming campaign, in which it was understood that the conquest of Jamaica was to be the first object of the allies. An important condition to their success was the arrival of a great convoy, known to be on its way from Brest to repair the losses which Kempenfelt's raid and subsequent bad weather had inflicted in December. Hood suggested to Rodney to halve the fleet, which then numbered thirty-six of the line, letting one part cruise north of Dominica, between that island and Deseada, while the other guarded the southern approach, between Martinique and Santa Lucia. Rodney, however, was unwilling to do this, and adopted a half-measure,--Hood's division being stationed to windward of the north end of Martinique, reaching only as far north as the latitude of Dominica, while the center and rear were abreast of the centre and south of Martinique; all in mutual touch by intermediate vessels. It would seem--reading between the lines--that Hood tried to stretch his cruising ground northwards, in pursuance of his own ideas, but Rodney recalled him. The French convoy consequently passed north of Deseada, convoyed by two ships of the line, and on the 20th of March reached Martinique safely. De Grasse's force was thus raised to thirty-five of the line, including two 50-gun ships, as against the British thirty-six. At the end of the month Rodney returned to Santa Lucia, and there remained at anchor, vigilantly watching the French fleet in Fort Royal by means of a chain of frigates. The problem now immediately confronting de Grasse--the first step towards the conquest of Jamaica--was extremely difficult. It was to convoy to Cap François the supply vessels essential to his enterprise, besides the merchant fleet bound for France; making in all one hundred and fifty unarmed ships to be protected by his thirty-five sail of the line, in face of the British thirty-six. The trade-wind being fair, he purposed to skirt the inner northern edge of the Caribbean Sea; by which means he would keep close to a succession of friendly ports, wherein the convoy might find refuge in case of need. With this plan the French armament put to sea on the 8th of April, 1782. The fact being reported promptly to Rodney, by noon his whole fleet was clear of its anchorage and in pursuit. Then was evident the vital importance of Barrington's conquest of Santa Lucia; for, had the British been at Barbados, the most probable alternative, the French movement not only would have been longer unknown, but pursuit would have started from a hundred miles distant, instead of thirty. If the British had met this disadvantage by cruising before Martinique, they would have encountered the difficulty of keeping their ships supplied with water and other necessaries, which Santa Lucia afforded. In truth, without in any degree minimizing the faults of the loser, or the merits of the winner, in the exciting week that followed, the opening situation may be said to have represented on either side an accumulation of neglects or of successes, which at the moment of their occurrence may have seemed individually trivial; a conspicuous warning against the risk incurred by losing single points in the game of war. De Grasse was tremendously handicapped from the outset by the errors of his predecessors and of himself. That the British had Santa Lucia as their outpost was due not only to Barrington's diligence, but also to d'Estaing's slackness and professional timidity; and it may be questioned whether de Grasse himself had shown a proper understanding of strategic conditions, when he neglected that island in favour of Tobago and St. Kitts. Certainly, Hood had feared for it greatly the year before. That the convoy was there to embarrass his movements, may not have been the fault of the French admiral; but it was greatly and entirely his fault that, of the thirty-six ships pursuing him, twenty-one represented a force that he might have crushed in detail a few weeks before,--not to mention the similar failure of April, 1781.[114] Large bodies of ships commonly will move less rapidly than small. By 2.30 P.M. of the day of starting, Rodney's look-outs had sighted the French fleet; and before sundown it could be seen from the mastheads of the main body. At 6 next morning, April 9th, the enemy, both fleet and convoy, was visible from the deck of the _Barfleur_, the flagship of Hood's division, then in the British van. The French bore north-east, distant four to twelve miles, extending from abreast of the centre of Dominica northwards towards Guadeloupe. The British had gained much during the night, and their centre was now off Dominica to leeward of the enemy's rear, which was becalmed under the island. Some fourteen or fifteen of the French van, having opened out the channel between Dominica and Guadeloupe, felt a fresh trade-wind, from east by north, with which they steered north; and their number was gradually increased as individual ships, utilising the catspaws, stole clear of the high land of Dominica. Hood's division in like manner, first among the British, got the breeze, and, with eight ships, the commander of the van stood north in order of battle. To the north-west of him were two French vessels, separated from their consorts and threatened to be cut off (i). These stood boldly down and crossed the head of Hood's column; one passing so close to the leading ship, the _Alfred_, that the latter had to bear up to let her pass. Rodney had hoisted a signal to engage at 6.38 A.M., but had hauled it down almost immediately, and Hood would not fire without orders. These ships therefore rejoined their main body unharmed. At 8.30 the French hoisted their colours, and shortly afterwards the vessels which had cleared Dominica tacked and stood south, opposite to Hood. De Grasse now had recognised that he could not escape action, if the convoy kept company. He therefore directed the two 50-gun ships, _Expériment_ and _Sagittaire_, to accompany it into Guadeloupe, where it arrived safely that day (Position 1, dd); and he decided that the fleet should ply to windward through the channel between Dominica and Guadeloupe, nearly midway in which lies a group of small islands called Les Saintes,--a name at times given to the battle of April 12th. By this course he hoped not only to lead the enemy away from the convoy, but also to throw off pursuit through his superior speed, and so to accomplish his mission unharmed. The French ships, larger, deeper, and with better lines than their opponents, were naturally better sailers, and it may be inferred that even coppering had not entirely overcome this original disadvantage of the British. At the very moment of beginning his new policy, however, a subtle temptation assailed de Grasse irresistibly, in the exposed position of Hood's column (h); and he met it, not by a frank and hearty acceptance of a great opportunity, but by a half-measure. Hood thoroughly crushed, the British fleet became hopelessly inferior to the French; Hood damaged, and it became somewhat inferior: possibly it would be deterred from further pursuit. De Grasse decided for this second course, and ordered part of his fleet to attack. This operation was carried out under the orders of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, the second in command. The ships engaged in it bore down from the windward, attacked Hood's rear ships, stood along northward (f) on the weather side of his column at long range, and, having passed ahead, tacked (t) in succession and formed again in the rear, (f^2) whence they repeated the same manoeuvre (Positions 1 and 2). Thus a procession of fifteen ships kept passing by eight, describing a continuous curve of elliptical form. They were able to do this because Hood was condemned to a low speed, lest he should draw too far away from the British centre (a) and rear (c), still becalmed under Dominica (Position 2). The French, having choice of distance, kept at long gunshot, because they were deficient in carronades, of which the British had many. These guns, of short range but large calibre, were thus rendered useless. Could they have come into play, the French rigging and sails would have suffered severely. This first engagement (Position 1) lasted, by Hood's log, from 9.48 to 10.25 A.M. It was resumed in stronger force (Position 2) at 14 minutes past noon, and continued till 1.45 P.M., when firing ceased for that day; Rodney hauling down the signal for battle at 2. Between the two affairs, which were identical in general character, Hood's column was reinforced, and great part of the British centre also got into action with some of the French main body, though at long range only. "Except the two rear ships," wrote Rodney to Hood that night, "the others fired at such a distance that I returned none." [Illustration] The injuries to the British ships engaged were not such as to compel them to leave the fleet. The _Royal Oak_ lost her main topmast, and that of the _Warrior_ fell two days later, not improbably from wounds; but in these was nothing that the ready hands of seamen could not repair so as to continue the chase. Rodney, therefore, contented himself with reversing the order of sailing, putting Hood in the rear, whereby he was able to refit, and yet follow fast enough not to be out of supporting distance. This circumstance caused Hood's division to be in the rear in the battle of the 12th. One of the French ships, the _Caton_, 64, had been so injured that de Grasse detached her into Guadeloupe. It must be remembered that a crippled ship in a chased fleet not only embarrasses movement, but may compromise the whole body, if the latter delay to protect it; whereas the chaser keeps between his lame birds and the enemy. During the night of the 9th the British lay-to for repairs. The next morning they resumed the pursuit, turning to windward after the enemy, but upon the whole losing throughout the 10th and the 11th. At daylight of the 10th the French, by the logs of Hood and Cornwallis, were "from four to five leagues distant," "just in sight from the deck." During that night, however, the _Zélé_, 74, had collided with the _Jason_, 64; and the latter was injured so far as to be compelled to follow the _Caton_ into Guadeloupe. At sunset of that day Rodney signalled a general chase to windward, the effect of which was to enable each ship to do her best according to her captain's judgment during the dark hours. Nevertheless, on the morning of the 11th the French seem again to have gained, for Hood, who, it will be remembered, was now in the rear, notes that at 10 A.M. twenty-two French sail (not all the fleet) could be counted _from the masthead_; Cornwallis, further to windward, could count thirty-three. Troude, a French authority, says that at that time nearly all the French had doubled The Saintes, that is, had got to windward of them, and it looked as though de Grasse might succeed in throwing off his pursuer. Unluckily, two ships, the _Magnanime_, 74, and the _Zélé_, 74, the latter of which had lost her main topmast, were several miles to leeward of the French main body. It was necessary to delay, or to drop those vessels. Again, trivial circumstances conspired to further a great disaster, and de Grasse bore down to cover the crippled ships; so losing much of his hard-won ground, and entailing a further misfortune that night. Rodney hung doggedly on, relying on the chapter of accidents, as one who knows that all things come to him who endures. To be sure, there was not much else he could do; yet he deserves credit for unremitting industry and pluck. During the afternoon, the signals noted in the British logs--to call in all cruisers and for the fleet to close--attest mutely the movement of de Grasse in bearing down,--coming nearer. [Illustration] During the night, at 2 A.M. of April 12th, the _Zélé_ and de Grasse's flagship, the _Ville de Paris_, 110, crossing on opposite tacks, came into collision. The former lost both foremast and bowsprit. It has been stated by John Paul Jones, who by permission of Congress embarked a few months later on board the French fleet as a volunteer, and doubtless thus heard many personal narratives, that this accident was due to the deficiency of watch-officers in the French navy; the deck of the _Zélé_ being in charge of a young ensign, instead of an experienced lieutenant. It was necessary to rid the fleet of the _Zélé_ at once, or an action could not be avoided; so a frigate was summoned to tow her, and the two were left to make their way to Guadeloupe, while the others resumed the beat to windward. At 5 A.M. she and the frigate were again under way, steering for Guadeloupe, to the north-west, making from five to six miles (Position 3, a); but in the interval they had been nearly motionless, and consequently when day broke at 5.30 they were only two leagues from the _Barfleur_, Hood's flagship, which, still in the British rear, was then standing south on the port tack. The body of the French, (Position 3), was at about the same distance as on the previous evening,--ten to fifteen miles,--but the _Ville de Paris_ (c) not more than eight. Just before 6 A.M. Rodney signalled Hood, who was nearest, to chase the _Zélé_; and four of the rearmost ships of the line were detached for that purpose (b). De Grasse, seeing this, signalled his vessels at 6 A.M. to close the flagship, making all sail; and he himself bore down to the westward (cc'), on the port tack, but running free, to frighten away Rodney's chasers. The British Admiral kept them out until 7 o'clock, by which time de Grasse was fairly committed to his false step. All cruisers were then called in, and the line was closed to one cable.[115] Within an hour were heard the opening guns of the great battle, since known by the names of the 12th of April, or of The Saintes, and, in the French navy, of Dominica. The successive losses of the _Caton_, _Jason_, and _Zélé_, with the previous detachment of the two 50-gun ships with the convoy, had reduced the French numbers from thirty-five to thirty effective vessels. The thirty-six British remained undiminished. The British appear to have been standing to the south on the port tack at daylight; but, soon after sending out the chasers, Rodney had ordered the line of bearing (from ship to ship) to be north-north-east to south-south-west, evidently in preparation for a close-hauled line of battle on the starboard tack, heading northerly to an east wind. Somewhat unusually, the wind that morning held at south-east for some time, enabling the British to lie up as high as east-north-east on the starboard tack (Position 3, d), on which they were when the battle joined; and this circumstance, being very favourable for gaining to windward,--to the eastward,--doubtless led to the annulling of the signal for the line of bearing, half an hour after it was made, and the substitution for it of the line of battle ahead at one cable. It is to be inferred that Rodney's first purpose was to tack together, thus restoring Hood to the van, his natural station; but the accident of the wind holding to the southward placed the actual van--regularly the rear--most to windward, and rendered it expedient to tack in succession, instead of all together, preserving to the full the opportunity which chance had extended for reaching the enemy. In the engagement, therefore, Hood commanded in the rear, and Rear-Admiral Drake in the van. The wind with the French seems to have been more to the eastward than with the British,--not an unusual circumstance in the neighbourhood of land. As Rodney, notwithstanding his haste, had formed line from time to time during the past three days, his fleet was now in good order, and his signals were chiefly confined to keeping it closed. The French, on the other hand, were greatly scattered when their Commander-in-Chief, in an impulse of hasty, unbalanced judgment, abandoned his previous cautious policy and hurried them into action. Some of them were over ten miles to windward of the flagship. Though they crowded sail to rejoin her, there was not time enough for all to take their stations properly, between daylight and 8 A.M., when the firing began. "Our line of battle was formed under the fire of musketry,"[116] wrote the Marquis de Vaudreuil, the second in command, who, being in the rear of the fleet on this occasion, and consequently among the last to be engaged, had excellent opportunity for observation. At the beginning it was in de Grasse's power to postpone action, until the order should be formed, by holding his wind under short canvas; while the mere sight of his vessels hurrying down for action would have compelled Rodney to call in the ships chasing the _Zélé_, the rescue of which was the sole motive of the French manoeuvre. Instead of this, the French flagship kept off the wind; which precipitated the collision, while at the same time delaying the preparations needed to sustain it. To this de Grasse added another fault by forming on the port tack, the contrary to that on which the British were, and standing southerly towards Dominica. The effect of this was to bring his ships into the calms and baffling winds which cling to the shore-line, thus depriving them of their power of manoeuvre. His object probably was to confine the engagement to a mere pass-by on opposite tacks, by which in all previous instances the French had thwarted the decisive action that Rodney sought. Nevertheless, the blunder was evident at once to French eyes. "What evil genius has inspired the admiral?" exclaimed du Pavillon, Vaudreuil's flag-captain, who was esteemed one of the best tacticians in France, and who fell in the battle. [Illustration] As the two lines drew near to one another, standing, the French south, the British east-north-east, the wind shifted back to the eastward, allowing the French to head higher, to south-south-east, and knocking the British off to north-north-east (Position 4). The head of the French column thus passed out of gunshot, across the bows of Rodney's leading vessel, the _Marlborough_, (m), which came within range when abreast the eighth ship. The first shots were fired by the _Brave_, 74, ninth in the French line, at 8 A.M. The British captain then put his helm up and ran slowly along, north-north-west, under the lee of the French, towards their rear. The rest of the British fleet followed in his wake. The battle thus assumed the form of passing in opposite directions on parallel lines; except that the French ships, as they successively cleared the point where the British column struck their line, would draw out of fire, their course diverging thenceforth from that of the British approach. The effect of this would be that the British rear, when it reached that point, would be fresh, having undergone no fire, and with that advantage would encounter the French rear, which had received already the fire of the British van and centre. To obviate this, by bringing his own van into action, de Grasse signalled the van ships to lead south-south-west, parallel with the British north-north-east (4, a). The engagement thus became general all along the lines; but it is probable that the French van was never well formed. Its commander, at all events, reached his post later than the commander of the rear did his.[117] At five minutes past eight, Rodney made a general signal for close action, followed immediately by another for the leading ships to head one point to starboard--towards the enemy--which indicates that he was not satisfied with the distance first taken by the _Marlborough_. The _Formidable_, his flagship, eighteenth in the column, began to fire at 8.23;[118] but the _Barfleur_, Hood's flagship, which was thirty-first, not till 9.25. This difference in time is to be accounted for chiefly by the light airs near Dominica, contrasted with the fresh trades in the open channel to the northward, which the leading British vessels felt before their rear. De Grasse now, too late, had realised the disastrous effect which this would have upon his fleet. If he escaped all else, his ships, baffled by calms and catspaws while the British had a breeze, must lose the weather-gage, and with it the hope of evading pursuit, hitherto his chief preoccupation. Twice he signalled to wear,--first, all together, then in succession,--but, although the signals were seen, they could not be obeyed with the enemy close under the lee. "The French fleet," comments Chevalier justly, "had freedom of movement no longer. A fleet cannot wear with an enemy's fleet within musket-range to leeward." The movement therefore continued as described, the opposing ships slowly "sliding by" each other until about 9.15, when the wind suddenly shifted back to south-east again. The necessity of keeping the sails full forced the bows of each French vessel towards the enemy (Position 5), destroying the order in column, and throwing the fleet into _échelon_, or, as the phrase then was, into bow and quarter line.[119] The British, on the contrary, were free either to hold their course or to head towards the enemy. Rodney's flagship (5, a) luffed, and led through the French line just astern of the _Glorieux_, 74, (g), which was the nineteenth in their order. She was followed by five ships; and her next ahead also, the _Duke_ (d), seeing her chief's movement, imitated it, breaking through the line astern of the twenty-third French. The _Glorieux_, on the starboard hand of Rodney's little column, received its successive broadsides. Her main and mizzen masts went overboard at 9.28, when the _Canada_, third astern of the _Formidable_, had just passed her; and a few moments later her foremast and bowsprit fell. At 9.33 the _Canada_ was to windward of the French line. The flagship _Formidable_ was using both broadsides as she broke through the enemy's order. On her port hand, between her and the _Duke_, were four French ships huddled together (c), one of which had paid off the wrong way; that is, after the shift of wind took her aback, her sails had filled on the opposite tack from that of the rest of her fleet.[120] These four, receiving the repeated broadsides, at close quarters, of the _Formidable_, _Duke_, and _Namur_, and having undergone besides the fire of the British van, were very severely mauled. While these things were happening, the _Bedford_, the sixth astern of the _Formidable_, perhaps unable to see her next ahead in the smoke, had luffed independently (b), and was followed by the twelve rearmost British ships, whom she led through the French order astern of the _César_, 74, (k), twelfth from the van. This ship and her next ahead, the _Hector_, 74, (h), suffered as did the _Glorieux_. The _Barfleur_, which was in the centre of this column of thirteen, opened fire at 9.25. At 10.45 she "ceased firing, having passed the enemy's van ships;" that is, she was well on the weather side of the French fleet. Some of the rearmost of Hood's division, however, were still engaged at noon; but probably all were then to windward of the enemy. [Illustration] The British ships ahead of the _Duke_, the van and part of the centre, in all sixteen sail, had continued to stand to the northward. At the time Rodney broke the line, several of them must have passed beyond the French rear, and out of action. One, the _America_, the twelfth from the van, wore without signals, to pursue the enemy, and her example was followed at once by the ship next ahead, the _Russell_, Captain Saumarez. No signal following, the _America_ again wore and followed her leaders, but the _Russell_ continued as she was, now to windward of the French; by which course she was able to take a conspicuous share in the closing scenes. At 11.33 Rodney signalled the van to tack, but the delay of an hour or more had given the _Russell_ a start over the other ships of her division "towards the enemy" which could not be overcome. The effect of these several occurrences had been to transfer the weather-gage, the position for attack, to the British from the French, and to divide the latter also into three groups, widely separated and disordered (Position 6). In the centre was the flagship _Ville de Paris_ with five ships (c). To windward of her, and two miles distant, was the van, of some dozen vessels (v). The rear was four miles away to leeward (r). To restore the order, and to connect the fleet again, it was decided to re-form on the leewardmost ships; and several signals to this effect were made by de Grasse. They received but imperfect execution. The manageable vessels succeeded easily enough in running before the wind to leeward, but, when there, exactitude of position and of movement was unattainable to ships in various degrees of disability, with light and baffling side airs. The French were never again in order after the wind shifted and the line was broken; but the movement to leeward left the dismasted _Glorieux_, (g), _Hector_, (h), and _César_, (k), motionless between the hostile lines. It has been remarked, disparagingly, that the British fleet also was divided into three by the manoeuvre of breaking the line. This is true; but the advantage remained with it incontestably, in two respects. By favor of the wind, each of the three groups had been able to maintain its general formation in line or column, instead of being thrown entirely out, as the French were; and passing thus in column along the _Glorieux_, _Hector_, and _César_, they wrought upon these three ships a concentration of injury which had no parallel among the British vessels. The French in fact had lost three ships, as well as the wind. To these certain disadvantages is probably to be added a demoralisation among the French crews, from the much heavier losses resultant upon the British practice of firing at the hull. An officer present in the action told Sir John Ross[121] afterwards that the French fired very high throughout; and he cited in illustration that the three trucks[122] of the British _Princesa_ were shot away. Sir Gilbert Blane, who, though Physician to the Fleet, obtained permission to be on deck throughout the action, wrote ten days after it, "I can aver from my own observation that the French fire slackens as we approach, and is totally silent when we are close alongside." It is needless to say that a marked superiority of fire will silence that of the bravest enemy; and the practice of aiming at the spars and sails, however suited for frustrating an approach, substantially conceded that superiority upon which the issue of decisive battle depends. As illustrative of this result, the British loss will be stated here. It was but 243 killed and 816 wounded in a fleet of thirty-six sail. The highest in any one ship was that of the _Duke_, 73 killed and wounded. No certain account, or even very probable estimate, of the French loss has ever been given. None is cited by French authorities. Sir Gilbert Blane, who was favourably placed for information, reckoned that of the _Ville de Paris_ alone to be 300. There being fifty-four hundred troops distributed among the vessels of the fleet, the casualties would be proportionately more numerous; but, even allowing for this, there can be no doubt that the loss of the French, to use Chevalier's words, "was certainly much more considerable" than that reported by the British. Six post-captains out of thirty were killed, against two British out of thirty-six. Rodney did not make adequate use of the great opportunity, which accident rather than design had given him at noon of April 12th. He did allow a certain liberty of manoeuvre, by discontinuing the order for the line of battle; but the signal for close action, hoisted at 1 P.M., was hauled down a half-hour later. Hood, who realised the conditions plainly visible, as well as the reasonable inferences therefrom, wished the order given for a general chase, which would have applied the spur of emulation to every captain present, without surrendering the hold that particular signals afford upon indiscreet movements. He bitterly censured the Admiral's failure to issue this command. Had it been done, he said:-- "I am very confident we should have had twenty sail of the enemy's ships before dark. Instead of that, he pursued only under his topsails (sometimes his foresail was set and at others his mizzen topsail aback) the greatest part of the afternoon, though the _flying_ enemy had all the sail set their very shattered state would allow."[123] To make signal for a general chase was beyond the competence of a junior admiral; but Hood did what he could, by repeated signals to individual ships of his own division to make more sail, by setting all he could on the _Barfleur_, and by getting out his boats to tow her head round. Sir Gilbert Blane unintentionally gives a similar impression of laxity. "After cutting the French line, the action during the rest of the day was partial and desultory, the enemy never being able to form, and several of the [our] ships being obliged to lie by and repair their damages. As the signal for the line was now hauled down, every ship annoyed the enemy as their respective commanders judged best."[124] For this indolent abandonment of the captains to their own devices, the correctest remedy was, as Hood indicated, the order for a general chase, supplemented by a watchful supervision, which should check the over-rash and stimulate the over-cautious. If Hood's account of the sail carried by Rodney be correct, the Commander-in-Chief did not even set the best example. In this languid pursuit, the three crippled French ships were overhauled, and of course had to strike; and a fourth, the _Ardent_, 64, was taken, owing to her indifferent sailing. Towards sunset the flagship _Ville de Paris_, 110,[125] the finest ship of war afloat, having been valiantly defended against a host of enemies throughout great part of the afternoon, and having expended all her ammunition, hauled down her colours. The two British vessels then immediately engaged with her were the _Russell_ and the _Barfleur_, Hood's flagship, to the latter of which she formally surrendered; the exact moment, noted in Hood's journal, being 6.29 P.M. At 6.45 Rodney made the signal for the fleet to bring-to (form line and stop) on the port tack, and he remained lying-to during the night, while the French continued to retreat under the orders of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, who by de Grasse's capture had become commander-in-chief. For this easy-going deliberation also Hood had strong words of condemnation. "Why he should bring the fleet to because the _Ville de Paris_ was taken, I cannot reconcile. He did not pursue under easy sail, so as never to have lost sight of the enemy in the night, which would clearly and most undoubtedly have enabled him to have taken almost every ship the next day.... Had I had the honour of commanding his Majesty's noble fleet on the 12th, I may, without much imputation of vanity, say the flag of England should now have graced the sterns of _upwards_ of twenty sail of the enemy's ships of the line."[126] Such criticisms by those not responsible are to be received generally with caution; but Hood was, in thought and in deed, a man so much above the common that these cannot be dismissed lightly. His opinion is known to have been shared by Sir Charles Douglas, Rodney's Captain of the Fleet;[127] and their conclusion is supported by the inferences to be drawn from Rodney's own assumptions as to the condition of the French, contrasted with the known facts. The enemy, he wrote, in assigning his reasons for not pursuing, "went off in a _close connected body_,[128] and might have defeated, by rotation, the ships that had come up with them." "The enemy _who went off in a body of twenty-six ships of the line_,[128] might, by ordering two or three of their best sailing ships or frigates to have shown lights at times, and by changing their course, have induced the British fleet to have followed them, while the main of their fleet, by hiding their lights, might have hauled their wind, and have been far to windward by daylight, and intercepted the captured ships, and the most crippled ships of the English;" and he adds that the Windward Islands even might have been endangered. That such action was in a remote degree possible to a well-conditioned fleet may be guardedly conceded; but it was wildly improbable to a fleet staggering under such a blow as the day had seen, which had changed its commander just as dark came on, and was widely scattered and disordered up to the moment when signals by flags became invisible. The facts, however, were utterly at variance with these ingenious suppositions. Instead of being connected, as Rodney represents, de Vaudreuil had with him next morning but ten ships; and no others during the whole of the 13th. He made sail for Cap François, and was joined on the way by five more, so that at no time were there upwards of fifteen[129] French ships of the line together, prior to his arrival at that port on April 25th. He there found four others of the fleet. The tale of twenty-five survivors, from the thirty engaged on April 12th, was completed by six which had gone to Curaçao, and which did not rejoin until May. So much for the close connected body of the French. It is clear, therefore, that Rodney's reasons illustrate the frame of mind against which Napoleon used to caution his generals as "making to themselves a picture" of possibilities; and that his conclusion at best was based upon the ruinous idea, which a vivid imagination or slothful temper is prone to present to itself, that war may be made decisive without running risks. That Jamaica even was saved was not due to this fine, but indecisive battle, but to the hesitation of the allies. When de Vaudreuil reached Cap François, he found there the French convoy safely arrived from Guadeloupe, and also a body of fifteen Spanish ships of the line. The troops available for the descent upon Jamaica were from fifteen to twenty thousand. Well might Hood write: "Had Sir George Rodney's judgment, after the enemy had been so totally put to flight, borne any proportion to the high courage, zeal and exertion, so very manifestly shown by every captain, _all_ difficulty would now have been at an end. We might have done just as we pleased, instead of being at this hour upon the defensive."[130] The allies, however, though superior in numbers, did not venture to assume the offensive. After the battle, Rodney remained near Guadeloupe until the 17th of April, refitting, and searching the neighbouring islands, in case the French fleet might have entered some one of them. For most of this time the British were becalmed, but Hood remarks that there had been wind enough to get twenty leagues to the westward; and there more wind probably would have been found. On the 17th Hood was detached in pursuit with ten sail of the line; and a day or two later Rodney himself started for Jamaica. Left to his own discretion, Hood pushed for the Mona Passage, between Puerto Rico and Santo Domingo, carrying studding-sails below and aloft in his haste. At daybreak of the 19th he sighted the west end of Puerto Rico; and soon afterwards a small French squadron was seen. A general chase resulted in the capture of the _Jason_ and _Caton_, sixty-fours, which had parted from their fleet before the battle and were on their way to Cap François. A frigate, the _Aimable_, 32, and a sloop, the _Cérès_, 18, also were taken. In reporting this affair to Rodney, Hood got a thrust into his superior. "It is a very mortifying circumstance to relate to you, Sir, that the French fleet which you put to flight on the 12th went through the Mona Channel on the 18th, only the day before I was in it."[131] A further proof of the utility of pursuit, here hinted at, is to be found in the fact that Rodney, starting six days later than de Vaudreuil, reached Jamaica, April 28th, only three days after the French got into Cap François. He had therefore gained three days in a fortnight's run. What might not have been done by an untiring chase! But a remark recorded by Hood summed up the frame of mind which dominated Rodney: "I lamented to Sir George on the 13th that the signal for a general chase was not made when that for the line was hauled down and that he did not continue to pursue so as to keep sight of the enemy all night, to which he only answered, 'Come, we have done very handsomely as it is.'"[132] Rodney stayed at Jamaica until the 10th of July, when Admiral Hugh Pigot arrived from England to supersede him. This change was consequent upon the fall of Lord North's ministry, in March, 1782, and had been decided before the news of the victory could reach England. Admiral Keppel now became the head of the Admiralty. Rodney sailed for home from Port Royal on the 22d of July; and with his departure the war in the West Indies and North America may be said to have ended. Pigot started almost immediately for New York, and remained in North American waters until the end of October, when he returned to Barbados, first having detached Hood with thirteen ships of the line from the main fleet, to cruise off Cap François. It is of interest to note that at this time Hood took with him from New York the frigate _Albemarle_, 28, then commanded by Nelson, who had been serving on the North American station. These various movements were dictated by those of the enemy, either actually made or supposed to be in contemplation; for it was an inevitable part of the ill-effects of Rodney's most imperfect success, that the British fleet was thenceforth on the defensive purely, with all the perplexities of him who waits upon the initiative of an opponent. Nothing came of them all, however, for the war now was but lingering in its death stupor. The defeat of de Grasse, partial though it was; the abandonment of the enterprise upon Jamaica; the failure of the attack upon Gibraltar; and the success of Howe in re-victualling that fortress,--these had taken all heart out of the French and Spaniards; while the numerical superiority of the allies, inefficiently though it had been used heretofore, weighed heavily upon the imagination of the British Government, which now had abandoned all hope of subduing its American Colonies. Upon the conclusion of peace, in 1783, Pigot and Hood returned to England, leaving the Leeward Islands' Station under the command of Rear-Admiral Sir Richard Hughes, an officer remembered by history only through Nelson's refusing to obey his orders not to enforce the Navigation Acts, in 1785. [Footnote 105: James Saumarez, Lord de Saumarez, G.C.B. Born, 1757. Commander, 1781. Captain, 1782. Captain of _Russell_ in Rodney's action, 1782. Knighted for capture of frigate _Réunion_, 1793. Captain of _Orion_ in Bridport's action, at St. Vincent, and at the Nile (when he was second in command). Rear-Admiral and Baronet, 1801. Defeated French and Spaniards off Cadiz, July 12th, 1801. Vice-Admiral, 1805. Vice-Admiral of England and a peer, 1831. Died, 1836.] [Footnote 106: _Ante_, p. 183.] [Footnote 107: Probably _Prudent_, 64. There was no _President_ in the fleet.] [Footnote 108: The times and general movements are put together from Hood's Journal and the Log of the _Canada_, published by the Navy Records Society. "Letters of Lord Hood," pp. 64, 86.] [Footnote 109: When ships were in order of battle, or column, close to the wind, if they all tacked at the same time they would still be ranged on the same line but steering at an angle to it, on the opposite tack. This formation was called bow and quarter line, because each vessel had a comrade off its bow--to one side and ahead--and one off its quarter--to one side but astern. The advantage of this, if heading towards the enemy, was that by tacking again together they would be at once again in column, or line ahead, the customary order of battle.] [Footnote 110: Illustrations of other phases of this battle can be found in Mahan's "Influence of Sea Power upon History," pp. 470, 472.] [Footnote 111: White, "Naval Researches."] [Footnote 112: Sharp up by the starboard braces, the wind being on the starboard quarter. This emptied the aftersails of wind, neutralizing their effect, and, by causing the ship to move more slowly, kept her longer abreast an anchored opponent.] [Footnote 113: White, "Naval Researches."] [Footnote 114: _Ante_, p. 164.] [Footnote 115: Seven hundred and twenty feet. For ships of the line of that day this would make the interval between each two about four ships' length. At five knots speed this distance would be covered in something over a minute.] [Footnote 116: Probably not over one or two hundred yards from the enemy.] [Footnote 117: The position, in the French order, of the ships taken in the battle, is shown by the crosses in Positions 4, 5, 6.] [Footnote 118: _Canada's_ log, 8.15; reduced to Hood's times, which are generally followed.] [Footnote 119: _Ante_, p. 200 (note).] [Footnote 120: This mishap occurred to three French vessels.] [Footnote 121: Ross, "Life of Saumarez," i. 71.] [Footnote 122: Circular pieces of wood which cap the top of the masts.] [Footnote 123: Letters of Lord Hood, p. 103. Navy Records Society.] [Footnote 124: Mundy, "Life of Rodney," ii. 234.] [Footnote 125: She is thus rated in the British Navy Lists published between the time of her capture and the receipt of news of her loss; but she seems to have carried 120 guns.] [Footnote 126: Letters of Lord Hood, pp. 103, 104.] [Footnote 127: See letter of Sir Howard Douglas, son to Sir Charles; "United Service Journal," 1834, Part II, p. 97.] [Footnote 128: Author's italics; Mundy, "Life of Rodney," ii. 248.] [Footnote 129: Troude. Chevalier says sixteen, differing with. Troude as to the whereabouts of the _Brave_.] [Footnote 130: Letters of Lord Hood, p. 136.] [Footnote 131: Letters of Lord Hood, p. 134.] [Footnote 132: Ibid., p. 104.] CHAPTER XIII HOWE AGAIN GOES AFLOAT. THE FINAL RELIEF OF GIBRALTAR 1782 The fall of Lord North's Ministry, besides occasioning the recall of Rodney, drew Lord Howe out of his long retirement, to command the Channel Fleet. He hoisted his flag on the 20th of April, 1782, on board the _Victory_, 100. Owing to the various directions in which the efforts of Great Britain had to be made, either to defend her own interests or to crush the movements of the many enemies now combined against her, the operations of the Channel fleet were for some months carried on by detached squadrons,--in the North Sea, in the Bay of Biscay, and at the entrance of the Channel; Howe having under him several distinguished subordinates, at the head of whom, in professional reputation, were Vice-Admiral Barrington, the captor of Santa Lucia, and Rear-Admiral Kempenfelt. In the North Sea, the Dutch were kept in their ports; and a convoy of near 400 merchant ships from the Baltic reached England unmolested. In the Bay of Biscay, Barrington, having with him twelve of the line, discovered and chased a convoy laden with stores for the fleet in the East Indies. One of the ships of the line accompanying it, the _Pégase_, 74, surrendered, after a night action of three hours with the _Foudroyant_, 80, Captain John Jervis, afterwards Earl St. Vincent. Of nineteen transports, thirteen, one of which, the _Actionnaire_, was a 64-gun ship armed _en flûte_,[133] were taken; a weighty blow to the great Suffren, whose chief difficulty in India was inadequate material of war, and especially of spars, of which the _Actionnaire_ carried an outfit for four ships of the line. After Barrington's return, Kempenfelt made a similar but uneventful cruise of a month in the Bay. Howe himself went first to the North Sea in the month of May. Having there held the Dutch in check during a critical moment, he was directed next to go to the entrance of the Channel, leaving only a division in the Downs. Information had been received that an allied fleet of thirty-two ships of the line, five only of which were French, had sailed from Cadiz early in June, to cruise between Ushant and Scilly. It was expected that they would be joined there by a reinforcement from Brest, and by the Dutch squadron in the Texel, making a total of about fifty of the line, under the command of the Spanish Admiral, Don Luis de Cordova. The Dutch did not appear, owing probably to Howe's demonstration before their ports; but eight ships from Brest raised the allied fleet to forty. To oppose these Howe sailed on the 2d of July with twenty-two sail, of which eight were three-deckers. Before his return, in the 7th of August, he was joined by eight others; mostly, however, sixty-fours. With this inferiority of numbers the British Admiral could expect only to act on the defensive, unless some specially favourable opportunity should offer. The matter of most immediate concern was the arrival of the Jamaica convoy, then daily expected; with which, it may be mentioned, de Grasse also was returning to England, a prisoner of war on board the _Sandwich_. On its voyage north, the allied fleet captured on June 25th eighteen ships of a British convoy bound for Canada. A few days later it was fixed in the chops of the Channel, covering the ground from Ushant to Scilly. On the evening of July 7th it was sighted off Scilly by Howe, who then had with him twenty-five sail. The allies prepared for action; but the British Admiral, possessing a thorough knowledge of the neighbouring coasts, either in his own person or in some of his officers, led the fleet by night to the westward through the passage between Scilly and Land's End. On the following morning he was no more to be seen, and the enemy, ignorant of the manner of his evasion, was thrown wholly off his track.[134] Howe met the convoy; and a strong gale of wind afterwards forcing the allies to the southward, both it and the fleet slipped by successfully, and reached England. Howe was ordered now to prepare to throw reinforcements and supplies into Gibraltar, which had not received relief since Darby's visit, in April, 1781. For this urgent and critical service it was determined to concentrate the whole Channel Fleet at Spithead, where also the transports and supply-ships were directed to rendezvous. It was while thus assembling for the relief of Gibraltar that there occurred the celebrated incident of the _Royal George_, a 100-gun ship, while being heeled for under-water repairs, oversetting and sinking at her anchors, carrying down with her Rear-Admiral Kempenfelt and about nine hundred souls, including many women and children. This was on the 29th of August, 1782. On the 11th of September the expedition started, one hundred and eighty-three sail in all; thirty-four being ships of the line, with a dozen smaller cruisers, the rest unarmed vessels. Of the latter, thirty-one were destined for Gibraltar, the remainder being trading ships for different parts of the world. With so extensive a charge, the danger to which had been emphasised by numerous captures from convoys during the war, Howe's progress was slow. It is told that shortly before reaching Cape Finisterre, but after a violent gale of wind, the full tally of one hundred eighty-three sail was counted. After passing Finisterre, the several "trades" probably parted from the grand fleet. On the 8th of October, off Cape St. Vincent, a frigate was sent ahead for information. It was known that a great combined force of ships of war lay in Algeciras Bay,--opposite Gibraltar,--and that an attack upon the works was in contemplation; but much might have happened meantime. Much, in fact, had happened. A violent gale of wind on the 10th of September had driven some of the allied fleet from their moorings, one vessel, the _San Miguel_, 72, being forced under the batteries of Gibraltar, where she had to surrender; but there still remained the formidable number of forty-eight ships of the line, anchored only four miles from the point which the relief ships must reach. This was the problem which Howe had to solve. More important still, though of less bearing upon his mission, was the cheering news brought by the frigate, when she rejoined on October 10th, that the long-intended attack had been made on the 13th of September, and had been repelled gloriously and decisively. The heavily protected Spanish floating batteries, from which success had been expected confidently, one and all had been set on fire and destroyed. If Howe could introduce his succours, the fortress was saved. The admiral at once summoned his subordinate officers, gave them full and particular instructions for the momentous undertaking, and issued at the same time, to the masters of the supply-ships, precise information as to local conditions of wind and currents at Gibraltar, to enable them more surely to reach their anchorage. On the 11th of October, being now close to its destination, the fleet bore up for the Straits, which it entered at noon with a fair westerly wind. The convoy went first,--sailing before the wind it was thus to leeward of the fleet, in a position to be defended,--and the ships of war followed at some distance in three divisions, one of which was led by Howe himself. At 6 P.M. the supply-ships were off the mouth of the Bay, with a wind fair for the mole; but, through neglect of the instructions given, all but four missed the entrance, and were swept to the eastward of the Rock, whither the fleet of course had to follow them. On the 13th the allied fleets came out, being induced to quit their commanding position at Algeciras by fears for two of their number, which shortly before had been driven to the eastward. During the forenoon of the same day the British were off the Spanish coast, fifty miles east of Gibraltar. At sunset the allies were seen approaching, and Howe formed his fleet, but sent the supply-ships to anchor at the Zaffarine Islands, on the coast of Barbary, to await events. Next morning the enemy was close to land northward, but visible only from the mastheads; the British apparently having headed south during the night. On the 15th the wind came east, fair for Gibraltar, towards which all the British began cautiously to move. By the evening of the 16th, eighteen of the convoy were safe at the mole; and on the 18th all had arrived, besides a fireship with 1,500 barrels of powder, sent in by the Admiral upon the governor's requisition. Throughout these critical hours, the combined fleets seem to have been out of sight. Either intentionally or carelessly, they had got to the eastward and there remained; having rallied their separated ships, but allowed Gibraltar to be replenished for a year. On the morning of the 19th they appeared in the north-east, but the relief was then accomplished and Howe put out to sea. He was not willing to fight in mid-Straits, embarrassed by currents and the land; but when outside he brought-to,--stopped, by backing some of the sails,--to allow the enemy to attack if they would, they having the weather-gage. On the following day, the 20th, towards sunset they bore down, and a partial engagement ensued; but it was wholly indecisive, and next day was not renewed. The British loss was 68 killed and 208 wounded; that of the allies 60 killed and 320 wounded. On the 14th of November the fleet regained Spithead. The services rendered to his country by Howe on this occasion were eminently characteristic of the special qualities of that great officer, in whom was illustrated to the highest degree the solid strength attainable by a man not brilliant, but most able, who gives himself heart and soul to professional acquirement. In him, profound and extensive professional knowledge, which is not inborn but gained, was joined to great natural staying powers; and the combination eminently fitted him for the part we have seen him play in Delaware Bay, at New York, before Rhode Island, in the Channel, and now at Gibraltar. The utmost of skill, the utmost of patience, the utmost of persistence, such had Howe; and having these, he was particularly apt for the defensive operations, upon the conduct of which chiefly must rest his well-deserved renown. A true and noble tribute has been paid by a French officer to this relief of Gibraltar:[135]-- "The qualities displayed by Lord Howe during this short campaign rose to the full height of the mission which he had to fulfil. This operation, one of the finest in the War of American Independence, merits a praise equal to that of a victory. If the English fleet was favoured by circumstances,--and it is rare that in such enterprises one can succeed without the aid of fortune--it was above all the Commander-in-Chief's quickness of perception, the accuracy of his judgment, and the rapidity of his decisions, that assured success." To this well-weighed, yet lofty praise of the Admiral, the same writer has added words that the British Navy may remember long with pride, as sealing the record of this war, of which the relief of Gibraltar marked the close in European and American waters. After according credit to the Admiralty for the uniform high speed of the British vessels, and to Howe for his comprehension and use of this advantage, Captain Chevalier goes on:-- "Finally, if we may judge by the results, the Commander-in-Chief of the English fleet could not but think himself most happy in his captains. There were neither separations, nor collisions, nor casualties; and there occurred none of those events, so frequent in the experiences of a squadron, which often oblige admirals to take a course wholly contrary to the end they have in view. In contemplation of this unvexed navigation of Admiral Howe, it is impossible not to recall the unhappy incidents which from the 9th to the 12th of April befell the squadron of the Count de Grasse.... If it is just to admit that Lord Howe displayed the highest talent, it should be added that he had in his hands excellent instruments." To quote another French writer: "Quantity disappeared before quality." [Footnote 133: That is, with a great part of her guns dismounted, and below as cargo.] [Footnote 134: Chevalier, following La Motte-Picquet's report, ascribes Howe's escape to greater speed. ("Mar. Fran. en 1778," p. 335.) It must be noted that Howe's object was not merely to escape eastward, up Channel, by better sailing, but to get to the westward, _past_ the allies, a feat impracticable save by a stratagem such as is mentioned.] [Footnote 135: Chevalier, "Mar. Fran, dans la Guerre de 1778," p. 358.] CHAPTER XIV THE NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE EAST INDIES, 1778-1783. THE CAREER OF THE BAILLI DE SUFFREN The operations in India, both naval and military, stand by themselves, without direct influence upon transactions elsewhere, and unaffected also by these, except in so far as necessary succours were intercepted sometimes in European waters. The cause of this isolation was the distance of India from Europe; from four to six months being required by a fleet for the voyage. [Illustration] Certain intelligence of the war between Great Britain and France reached Calcutta July 7th, 1778. On the same day the Governor-General ordered immediate preparations to attack Pondicherry, the principal seaport of the French. The army arrived before the place on the 8th of August, and on the same day Commodore Sir Edward Vernon anchored in the roads to blockade by sea. A French squadron, under Captain Tronjoly, soon after appearing in the offing, Vernon gave chase, and on the 10th an action ensued. The forces engaged were about equal, the French, if anything, slightly superior; a 60-gun ship and four smaller vessels being on each side. As the French then went into Pondicherry, the immediate advantage may be conceded to them; but, Vernon returning on the 20th, Tronjoly soon after quitted the roads, and returned to the Ile de France.[136] From that day the British squadron blockaded closely, and on the 17th of October Pondicherry capitulated. On the 7th of March, 1779, Rear-Admiral Sir Edward Hughes sailed for the East Indies with a small squadron. The French also sent out occasional ships; but in 1779 and 1780 these went no further than the Ile de France, their naval station in the Indian Ocean. Hughes's force remained unopposed during those years. The period was critical, for the British were at war with Hyder Ali, Sultan of Mysore, and with the Mahrattas; and all depended upon command of the sea. In January, 1781, when Hughes was wintering at Bombay, the French squadron under Comte d'Orves appeared off the Coromandel coast, but, despite Hyder Ali's entreaties, it refused to coöperate with him. The different spirit of the two commanders may be illustrated from contemporary documents. "We have advices from Fort St. George of a French squadron which appeared off that place on January 25, 26, and 27, consisting of 1 seventy-four, 4 sixty-fours, and 2 fifties. They proceeded south without making any attempt on five Indiamen then in the roads, with a number of vessels laden with grain and provisions; the destroying of which might have been easily accomplished, and would have been severely felt." "On December 8th, off Mangalore,"[137] writes Hughes, "I saw two ships, a large snow, three ketches, and many smaller vessels at anchor in the road with Hyder's flag flying; and, standing close, found them vessels of force and all armed for war. I anchored as close as possible, sent in all armed boats, under cover of three smaller ships of war, which anchored in four fathoms water, close to the enemy's ships. In two hours took and burned the two ships, one of 28 and one of 26 guns, and took or destroyed all the others, save one which, by throwing everything overboard, escaped over the bar into the port. Lost 1 lieutenant and 10 men killed, 2 lieutenants and 51 wounded." It is interesting to note these evidences of Hughes's conceptions of naval warfare and enterprise, common though they were to the British service; for their positive character brings into strong relief the qualities of his next antagonist, Suffren, and his great superiority in these respects over the average run of French officers of that day. D'Orves returned to the Ile de France. When war with Holland began, the British government decided to attempt the capture of the Cape of Good Hope. For that object a squadron of one 74, one 64, and three 50's, with numerous smaller vessels, under Commodore George Johnstone, convoying a considerable body of troops, sailed from England on the 13th of March, 1781, in company with the Channel fleet under Vice-Admiral George Darby, then on its way to relieve Gibraltar. The French government, having timely notice of the expedition, undertook to frustrate it; detailing for that purpose a division of two 74's, and three 64's, under the since celebrated Suffren.[139] These ships left Brest on the 22d of March, with the fleet of de Grasse. They also carried some battalions of troops. On April 11th the British squadron reached Porto Praya, Cape de Verde Islands. This bay is open to the southward, extending from east to west about a mile and a half, and is within the limits of the north-east trade-winds. Although aware that a French division was on his track, and conscious, by the admissions of his report, that protection could not be expected from the neutrality of the place, Johnstone permitted his vessels to anchor without reference to attack. His own flagship, the _Romney_, 50, was so surrounded by others that she could fire only with great caution through intervals. On the 16th of April, at 9.30 A.M., the _Isis_, 50, which was the outermost of the British squadron, signalled eleven sail in the north-east. Fifteen hundred persons were then ashore engaged in watering, fishing, embarking cattle, and amusing themselves. The strangers were Suffren's division. The meeting was not expected by the French commander, whose object in entering was simply to complete the water of the ships; but he determined at once to attack, and hauled round the east point of the bay in column, the two seventy-fours at the head, his own ship, the _Héros_, leading with the signal for battle (line ab). Passing through, or along, the disordered enemy until he reached the only seventy-four among them, he there luffed to the wind, anchoring five hundred feet from the starboard beam of this vessel (f) which by an odd coincidence bore the same name--_Hero_. From this position he at once opened fire from both broadsides. His next astern, the _Annibal_ (b), brought up immediately ahead of him, but so close that the _Héros_ had to veer cable and drop astern (a), which brought her on the beam of the _Monmouth_, 64[140] (m). The captain of the _Annibal_ had thought the order for battle merely precautionary, and had not cleared for action. He was therefore taken unawares, and his ship did no service proportionate to her force. The third French vessel (c) reached her station, but her captain was struck dead just when about to anchor, and in the confusion the anchor was not let go. The ship drifted foul of a British East Indiaman, which she carried out to sea (c' c"). The two remaining French (d, e) simply cannonaded as they passed across the bay's mouth, failing through mishap or awkwardness to reach an effective position. [Illustration] The attack thus became a mere rough and tumble, in which the two seventy-fours alone sustained the French side. After three quarters of an hour, Suffren, seeing that the attempt had failed, slipped his cable and put to sea. The _Annibal_ followed, but she had been so damaged that all her masts went overboard; fortunately, not until her head was pointed out of the harbour. Johnstone, thus luckily escaping the consequences of his neglect, now called his captains together to learn the condition of their ships, and then ordered them to cut their cables and pursue. All obeyed except Captain Sutton of the _Isis_, who represented that the spars and rigging of his ship could not bear sail at once. Johnstone then ordered him to come out anyhow, which he did, and his fore topmast shortly went overboard. The disability of this ship so weighed upon the Commodore that his pursuit was exceedingly sluggish; and the French kept drawing him away to leeward, the _Annibal_ having got a bit of canvas on a jury foremast. Night, therefore, was falling as Johnstone came near them; the _Isis_ and _Monmouth_ were two or three miles astern; the sea was increasing; if he got much further to leeward, he could not get back; he had forgotten to appoint a rendezvous where the convoy might rejoin; a night action, he considered, was not to be thought of. Yet, if he let the enemy go, they might anticipate him at the Cape. In short, Johnstone underwent the "anguish" of an undecided man in a "cruel situation,"[141] and of course decided to run no risks. He returned therefore to Porto Praya, put the captain of the _Isis_ under arrest, and remained in port for a fortnight. Suffren hurried on to the Cape, got there first, landed his troops, and secured the colony against attack. Johnstone arrived in the neighbourhood some time later, and, finding himself anticipated, turned aside to Saldanha Bay, where he captured five Dutch East Indiamen. He then sent the _Hero_, _Monmouth_, and _Isis_ on to India, to reinforce Hughes, and himself went back to England. No accusation of misbehavior lies against any of the British subordinates in this affair of Porto Praya. The captain of the _Isis_ was brought to a court-martial, and honourably acquitted of all the charges. The discredit of the surprise was not redeemed by any exhibition of intelligence, energy, or professional capacity, on the part of the officer in charge. It has been said that he never had commanded a post-ship[142] before he was intrusted with this very important mission, and it is reasonably sure that his selection for it was due to attacks made by him upon the professional conduct of Keppel and Howe, when those admirals were at variance with the administration.[143] His preposterous mismanagement, therefore, was probably not wholly bitter to the Navy at large. In the British ships of war, the entire loss in men, as reported, was only 9 killed, 47 wounded. Several casualties from chance shots occurred on board the convoy, bringing up the total to 36 killed and 130 wounded. The French admit 105 killed and 204 wounded, all but 19 being in the _Héros_ and _Annibal_. Although precipitated by Suffren, the affair clearly was as great a surprise to his squadron as to the British. Therefore, the latter, being already at anchor and more numerous as engaged, had a distinct advantage; to which also contributed musketry fire from the transports. Nevertheless, the result cannot be deemed creditable to the French captains or gunnery. Suffren remained in the neighbourhood of the Cape for two months. Then, having seen the colony secure, independent of his squadron, he departed for the Ile de France, arriving there October 25th. On the 17th of December the whole French force, under the command of d'Orves, sailed for the Coromandel coast. On the way the British 50-gun ship _Hannibal_, Captain Alexander Christie, was taken. On the 9th of February, 1782, Comte d'Orves died, and Suffren found himself at the head of twelve ships of the line: three 74's, seven 64's and two 50's.[144] On the 15th Hughes's fleet was sighted, under the guns of Madras. It numbered nine of the line: two 74's, one 68, five 64's, and one 50. Suffren stood south towards Pondicherry, which had passed into the power of Hyder Ali. After nightfall Hughes got under way, and also steered south. He feared for Trincomalee, in Ceylon, recently a Dutch port, which the British had captured on the 5th of January. It was a valuable naval position, as yet most imperfectly defended. [Illustration] At daylight the British saw the French squadron twelve miles east (A, A) and its transports nine miles south-west (c). Hughes chased the latter and took six. Suffren pursued, but could not overtake before sunset, and both fleets steered south-east during the night. Next morning there were light north-north-east airs, and the French were six miles north-east of the British (B, B). The latter formed line on the port tack (a), heading to seaward; Hughes hoping that thus the usual sea-breeze would find him to windward. The breeze, however, did not make as expected; and, as the north-east puffs were bringing the enemy down, he kept off before the wind (b) to gain time for his ships to close their intervals, which were too great. At 4 P.M. the near approach of the French compelled him to form line again, (C), on the port tack, heading easterly. The rear ship, _Exeter_, 64 (e), was left separated, out of due support from those ahead. Suffren, leading one section of his fleet in person, passed to windward of the British line, from the rear, as far as Hughes's flagship, which was fifth from the van. There he stopped, and kept at half cannon-shot, to prevent the four ships in the British van from tacking to relieve their consorts. It was his intention that the second half of his fleet should attack the other side of the English rear. This plan of intended battle is shown by the figure D in the diagram. Actually, only two of the French rear did what Suffren expected, engaging to leeward of the extreme British rear; the others of the French rear remaining long out of action (C). The figure C shows the imperfect achievement of the design D. However, as the position of Suffren's flagship prevented the British van from tacking into action, the net result was, to use Hughes's own words, that "the enemy brought eight of their best ships to the attack of five of ours." It will be noted with interest that these were exactly the numbers engaged in the first act of the battle of the Nile. The _Exeter_ (like the _Guerrier_ at the Nile) received the fresh broadsides of the first five of the enemy, and then remained in close action on both sides, assailed by two, and at last by three, opponents,--two 50's, and one 64. When the third approached, the master of the ship asked Commodore Richard King, whose broad pennant flew at her masthead, "What is to be done?" "There is nothing to be done," replied King, "but to fight her till she sinks." Her loss, 10 killed and 45 wounded, was not creditable under the circumstances to the French gunnery, which had been poor also at Porto Praya. At 6 P.M. the wind shifted to south-east, throwing all on the other tack, and enabling the British van at last to come into action. Darkness now approaching, Suffren hauled off and anchored at Pondicherry. Hughes went on to Trincomalee to refit. The British loss had been 32 killed, among whom were Captain William Stevens of the flagship, and Captain Henry Reynolds, of the _Exeter_, and 83 wounded. The French had 30 killed; the number of their wounded is put by Professor Laughton at 100. On the 12th of March Hughes returned to Madras, and towards the end of the month sailed again for Trincomalee carrying reinforcements and supplies. On the 30th he was joined at sea by the _Sultan_, 74, and the _Magnanime_, 64, just from England. Suffren had remained on the coast from reasons of policy, to encourage Hyder Ali in his leaning to the French; but, after landing a contingent of troops on the 22d of March, to assist at the siege of the British port of Cuddalore, he put to sea on the 23d, and went south, hoping to intercept the _Sultan_ and _Magnanime_ off the south end of Ceylon. On the 9th of April he sighted the British fleet to the south and west of him. Hughes, attaching the first importance to the strengthening of Trincomalee, had resolved neither to seek nor to shun action. He therefore continued his course, light northerly airs prevailing, until the 11th, when, being about fifty miles to the north-east of his port, he bore away for it. Next morning, April 12th, finding that the enemy could overtake his rear ships, he formed line on the starboard tack, at two cables' intervals, heading to the westward, towards the coast of Ceylon, wind north by east, and the French dead to windward (A, A). Suffren drew up his line (a) on the same tack, parallel to the British, and at 11 A.M. gave the signal to steer west-south-west all together; his vessels going down in a slanting direction (bb'), each to steer for one of the enemy. Having twelve ships to eleven, the twelfth was ordered to place herself on the off side of the rear British, which would thus have two antagonists. In such simultaneous approach it commonly occurred that the attacking line ceased to be parallel with the foe's, its van becoming nearer and rear more distant. So it was here. Further, the British opening fire as soon as the leading French were within range, the latter at once hauled up to reply. Suffren, in the centre, wishing closest action, signalled them to keep away again, and himself bore down wrathfully upon Hughes to within pistol-shot; in which he was supported closely by his next ahead and the two next astern. The rear of the French, though engaged, remained too far distant. Their line, therefore, resembled a curve, the middle of which--four or five ships--was tangent to the British centre (B). At this point the heat of the attack fell upon Hughes's flagship, the _Superb_, 74 (C, d), and her next ahead, the _Monmouth_, 64. Suffren's ship, the _Héros_, having much of her rigging cut, could not shorten sail, shot by the _Superb_, and brought up abreast the _Monmouth_. The latter, already hotly engaged by one of her own class, and losing her main and mizzen masts in this unequal new contest, was forced at 3 P.M. to bear up out of the line (m). The place of the _Héros_ alongside the _Superb_ was taken by the _Orient_, 74, supported by the _Brillant_, 64; and when the _Monmouth_ kept off, the attack of these two ships was reinforced by the half-dozen stern chasers of the _Héros_, which had drifted into the British line, and now fired into the _Superb's_ bows. The conflict between these five ships, two British and three French, was one of the bloodiest in naval annals; the loss of the _Superb_, 59 killed and 96 wounded, and of the _Monmouth_, 45 killed and 102 wounded, equalling that of the much larger vessels which bore the flags of Nelson and Collingwood at Trafalgar. The loss of the three French was 52 killed and 142 wounded; but to this should be added properly that of the _Sphinx_, 64, the _Monmouth's_ first adversary: 22 killed and 74 wounded. At 3.40 P.M., fearing that if he continued steering west he would get entangled with the shore, Hughes wore his ships, forming line on the port tack, heading off shore. The French also wore, and Suffren hoped to secure the _Monmouth_, which was left between the two lines; but the quickness of a British captain, Hawker, of the _Hero_, ran a tow-rope to her in time, and she was thus dragged out of danger. At 5.40 Hughes anchored, and Suffren did the same at 8 P.M. The total British loss in men on this occasion was 137 killed and 430 wounded; that of the French 137 killed, and 357 wounded. [Illustration] The exhausted enemies remained at anchor in the open sea, two miles apart, for a week, repairing. On the 19th of April the French got under way and made a demonstration before the British, inviting battle, yet not attacking; but the condition of the _Monmouth_ forbade Hughes from moving. Suffren therefore departed to Batacalo, in Ceylon, south of Trincomalee, where he covered his own convoys from Europe, and flanked the approach of his adversary's. Hughes, on the 22d of April, got into Trincomalee, where he remained till June 23d. He then went to Negapatam, formerly a Dutch possession, but then held by the British. There he learned that Suffren, who meanwhile had captured several British transports, was a few miles north of him, at Cuddalore, which had surrendered to Hyder Ali on April 4th. On the 5th of July, at 1 P.M., the French squadron appeared. At 3 P.M. Hughes put to sea, and stood south during the night to gain the wind,--the south-west monsoon now blowing. Next morning, at daylight, the French were seen at anchor, seven or eight miles to leeward. At 6 A.M. they began to get under way. One of their sixty-fours, the _Ajax_, had lost her main and mizzen topmasts in a violent squall on the previous afternoon, and was not in the line. There were therefore eleven ships on each side. The action, known as that of Negapatam, began shortly before 11, when both fleets were on the starboard tack, heading south-south-east, wind south-west. The British being to windward, Hughes ordered his fleet to bear up together to the attack, exactly as Suffren had done on the 12th of April. As commonly happened, the rear got less close than the van (Position I). The fourth ship in the French order, the _Brillant_, 64 (a), losing her mainmast early, dropped to leeward of the line, (a'), and astern of her place (a"). At half-past noon the wind flew suddenly to south-south-east,--the sea-breeze,--taking the ships a little on the port bow. Most of them, on both sides, paid off from the enemy, the British to starboard, the French to port; but between the main lines, which were in the momentary confusion consequent upon such an incident, were left six ships--four British and two French--that had turned the other way (Positions II and III).[145] These were the _Burford_, _Sultan_ (s), _Worcester_, and _Eagle_, fourth, fifth, eighth and tenth, in the British order; and the _Sévère_ (b), third in the French, with the dismasted _Brillant_, which was now towards the rear of the fight (a). Under these conditions, the _Sévère_, 64, underwent a short but close action with the _Sultan_, 74; and with two other British ships, according to the report of the _Sévère's_ captain. The remainder of the incident shall be given in the latter's own words. "Seeing the French squadron drawing off,--for all the ships except the _Brillant_ had fallen off on the other tack,--Captain de Cillart thought it useless to prolong his defence, and had the flag hauled down. The ships engaged with him immediately ceased their fire, and the one on the starboard side moved away. At this moment the _Sévère_ fell off to starboard, and her sails filled. Captain de Cillart then ordered the fire to be resumed by his lower-deck guns, the only ones which remained manned, and he rejoined his squadron." When the _Sévère's_ flag came down, Suffren was approaching with his flagship. The _Sultan_ wore to rejoin her fleet, and was raked by the _Sévère_ in so doing. The _Brillant_, whose mainmast had been shot away in conflict with either the _Sultan_ or the _Burford_, both much heavier ships, had at this later phase of the fight fallen under the guns of the _Worcester_ and the _Eagle_. Her captain, de Saint-Félix, was one of the most resolute of Suffren's officers. She was rescued by the flagship, but she had lost 47 killed and 136 wounded,--an almost incredible slaughter, being over a third of the usual complement of a sixty-four; and Suffren's ships were undermanned. These spirited episodes, and the fact that his four separated ships were approaching the enemy, and being approached by them, caused Hughes to give the orders to wear, and for a general chase; the flag for the line being hauled down. These signals would bring all the main body to the support of the separated ships, without regard to their order in battle, and therefore with the utmost expedition that their remaining sail power would admit. Two of the fleet, however, made signals of disability; so Hughes annulled the orders, and at 1.30 formed on the port tack, recalling the engaged vessels. Both squadrons now stood in shore, and anchored at about 6 P.M.; the British near Negapatam, the French some ten miles north. The loss in the action had been: British, 77 killed, 233 wounded; French, 178 killed, 601 wounded. On the following day Suffren sailed for Cuddalore. There he received word that two ships of the line--the _Illustre_, 74, and _St. Michel_, 60, with a convoy of supplies and 600 troops--were to be expected shortly at Pointe de Galle, then a Dutch port, on the south-west side of Ceylon. It was essential to cover these, and on the 18th he was ready for sea; but the necessity of an interview with Hyder Ali delayed him until the 1st of August, when he started for Batacalo. On the 9th he arrived there, and on the 21st the reinforcement joined him. Within forty-eight hours the supply-ships were cleared, and the squadron sailed again with the object of taking Trincomalee. On the 25th he was off the port, and, the operation being pushed energetically, the place capitulated on the 31st of August. It is difficult to resist the impression that greater energy on Hughes's part might have brought him up in time to prevent this mishap. He reached Madras only on July 20th, a fortnight after the late action; and he did not sail thence until the 20th of August, notwithstanding that he apprehended an attempt upon Trincomalee. Hence, when he arrived there on the 2d of September, not only had it passed into the hands of the enemy, but Suffren had reëmbarked already the men and the guns that had been landed from his fleet. When Hughes's approach was signalled, all preparations for sea were hastened, and the following morning, at daybreak, the French came out. Hughes had been joined since the last action by the _Sceptre_, 64, so that the respective forces in the action fought off Trincomalee on September 3d were twelve of the line to fourteen, viz.: British, three 74's, one 70, one 68, six 64's, one 50; French, four 74's, seven 64's, one 60, two 50's. Suffren had also put into the line a 36-gun ship, the _Consolante_.[146] While the French were getting underway from Trincomalee, the British fleet was standing south-south-east towards the entrance, close-hauled on the starboard tack, a fresh south-west monsoon blowing. When Hughes made out the hostile flags on the works, he kept away four points,[147] and steered east-south-east, still in column, under short canvas (A). Suffren pursued, being to windward yet astern, with his fleet on a line of bearing; that is, the line on which the ships were ranged was not the same as the course which they were steering. This formation, (A), wherein the advance is oblique to the front, is very difficult to maintain. Wishing to make the action, whatever the immediate event, decisive in results, by drawing the French well to leeward of the port, Hughes, who was a thorough seaman and had good captains, played with his eager enemy. "He kept avoiding me without taking flight," wrote Suffren; "or rather, he fled in good order, regulating his canvas by his worst sailers; and, keeping off by degrees, he steered from first to last ten or twelve different courses." Hughes, on his part, while perfectly clear as to his own object, was somewhat perplexed by the seeming indecision of an adversary whose fighting purpose he knew by experience. "Sometimes they edged down," he wrote; "sometimes they brought-to; in no regular order, as if undetermined what to do." These apparent vacillations were due to the difficulty of maintaining the line of bearing, which was to be the line of battle; and this difficulty was the greater, because Hughes was continually altering his course and Suffren's ships were of unequal speed. At length, at 2 P.M., being then twenty-five miles south-east of the port, the French drew near enough to bear down. That this movement might be carried out with precision, and all the vessels come into action together, Suffren caused his fleet to haul to the wind, on the starboard tack, to rectify the order. This also being done poorly and slowly, he lost patience,--as Nelson afterwards said, "A day is soon lost in manoeuvring,"--and at 2.30, to spur on the laggard ships, the French admiral gave the signal to attack, (a), specifying pistol-range. Even this not sufficing to fetch the delinquents promptly into line with the flagship, the latter fired a gun to enforce obedience. Her own side being still turned towards the British, as she waited, the report was taken by the flagship's men below decks to be the signal for opening fire, and her whole broadside was discharged. This example was followed by the other ships, so that the engagement, instead of being close, was begun at half cannon-shot. [Illustration] Owing to his measured and deliberate retreat, Hughes had his fleet now in thoroughly good shape, well aligned and closed-up. The French, starting from a poor formation to perform a difficult evolution, under fire, engaged in utter disorder (B). Seven ships, prematurely rounding-to to bring their broadsides to the enemy, and fore-reaching, formed a confused group (v), much to windward and somewhat ahead of the British van. Imperfectly deployed, they interfered with one another and their fire consequently could not be adequately developed. In the rear a somewhat similar condition existed. Suffren, expecting the bulk of his line to fight the British to windward, had directed the _Vengeur_, 64, and the _Consolante_, 36, to double to leeward on the extreme rear; but they, finding that the weather sides of the enemy were not occupied, feared to go to leeward, lest they should be cut off. They attacked the rear British ship, the _Worcester_, 64 (w), to windward; but the _Monmouth_, 64 (m), dropping down to her support, and the _Vengeur_ catching fire in the mizzen top, they were compelled to haul off. Only Suffren's own ship, the _Héros_, 74 (a), and her next astern, the _Illustre_, 74, (i), came at once to close action with the British centre; but subsequently the _Ajax_, 64, succeeding in clearing herself from the snarl in the rear, took station ahead (j) of the _Héros_. Upon these three fell the brunt of the fight. They not only received the broadsides of the ships immediately opposed to them, but, the wind having now become light yet free, the British vessels ahead and astern, (h, s,) by luffing or keeping off, played also upon them. "The enemy formed a semicircle around us," wrote Suffren's chief of staff, "and raked us ahead and astern, as the ship came up and fell off with the helm to leeward." The two seventy-fours were crushed under this fire. Both lost their main and mizzen masts in the course of the day, and the foretopmast of the flagship also fell. The _Ajax_, arriving later, and probably drawing less attention, had only a topmast shot away. The British total of killed and wounded was very evenly distributed throughout the fleet. Only the rear ship lost an important spar,--the main topmast. It was upon her, as already mentioned, and upon the two leading ships, the _Exeter_ and _Isis_, that fell the heaviest fire, proportionately, of the French. From the position of the seven van ships of the latter, such fire as they could make must needs be upon the extreme British van, and the _Exeter_ was forced to leave the line. The loss of the French that day was 82 killed and 255 wounded; of which 64 killed and 178 wounded belonged to the _Héros_, _Illustre_, and _Ajax_. The British had 51 killed and 283 wounded; the greatest number of casualties in one ship being 56. Singularly enough, in such a small list of deaths, three were commanding officers: Captains Watt of the _Sultan_, Wood of the _Worcester_, and Lumley of the _Isis_. At 5.30 P.M. the wind shifted suddenly from south-west to east-south-east (C). The British wore together, formed on the other tack, and continued the fight. It was during this final act, and at 6 P.M., that the mainmast of the French flagship came down. The van ships of the French had towed their heads round with boats before 4, in order to come to the support of the centre, in obedience to a signal from Suffren; but the light airs and calms had retarded them. With the shift they approached, and passed in column (c) between their crippled vessels and the enemy. This manoeuvre, and the failure of daylight, brought the battle to an end. According to Hughes's report, several of his fleet "were making much water from shot-holes so very low down in the bottom as not to be come at to be effectually stopped; and the whole had suffered severely in their masts and rigging." Trincomalee being in the enemy's possession, and the east coast of Ceylon an unsafe anchorage now, at the change of the monsoon, he felt compelled to return to Madras, where he anchored on the 9th of September. Suffren regained Trincomalee on the 7th of the month, but the _Orient_, 74, running ashore at the entrance and being lost, he remained outside until the 17th, saving material from the wreck. The break-up of the south-west monsoon, then at hand, is apt to be accompanied by violent hurricanes, and is succeeded by the north-east monsoon, during which the east coasts of the peninsula and of Ceylon give a lee shore, with heavy surf. Naval operations, therefore, were suspended for the winter. During that season Trincomalee is the only secure port. Deprived of it, Hughes determined to go to Bombay, and for that purpose left Madras on the 17th of October. Four days later a reinforcement of five ships of the line arrived from England, under Commodore Sir Richard Bickerton, who at once followed the Commander-in-Chief to the west coast. In the course of December the entire British force was united at Bombay. In Trincomalee Suffren had a good anchorage; but the insufficiency of its resources, with other military considerations, decided him to winter at Acheen, at the west end of Sumatra. He arrived there on the 2d of November, having first paid a visit to Cuddalore, where the _Bizarre_, 64, was wrecked by carelessness. On the 20th of December he left Acheen for the Coromandel coast, having shortened his stay to the eastward for reasons of policy. On the 8th of January, 1783, he was off Ganjam, on the Orissa coast, and thence reached Trincomalee again on the 23d of February. There he was joined on the 10th of March by three ships of the line from Europe: two 74's and one 64. Under their convoy came General de Bussy, with twenty-five hundred troops, which were at once despatched to Cuddalore. On the 10th of April Vice-Admiral Hughes, returning from Bombay, passed Trincomalee on the way to Madras, The various maritime occurrences, wrecks and reinforcements, since the battle of September 3d had reversed the naval odds, and Hughes now had eighteen ships of the line, one of which was an eighty, opposed to fifteen under Suffren. Another important event in the affairs of India was the death of Hyder Ali, on the 7th of December, 1782. Although his policy was continued by his son, Tippoo Saib, the blow to the French was serious. Under all the conditions, the British authorities were emboldened to attempt the reduction of Cuddalore. The army destined to this enterprise marched from Madras, passed round Cuddalore, and encamped south of it by the shore. The supply-ships and lighter cruisers anchored near, while the fleet cruised to the southward. Being there to windward, for the south-west monsoon had then set in, it covered the operations against disturbance from the sea. Towards the beginning of June the investment of the place was complete by land and by water. Intelligence of this state of things was brought on the 10th of June to Suffren, who by Bussey's direction was keeping his inferior fleet in Trincomalee until its services should be absolutely indispensable. Immediately upon receiving the news he left port, and on the 13th sighted the British fleet, then at anchor off Porto Novo, a little south of Cuddalore. Upon his approach Hughes moved off, and anchored again five miles from the besieged place. For the next two days the French were baffled by the winds; but on the 17th the south-west monsoon resumed, and Suffren again drew near. The British Vice-Admiral, not caring to accept action at anchor, got under way, and from that time till the 20th remained outside, trying to obtain the weather-gage, in which he was frustrated by the variableness of the winds. Meanwhile Suffren had anchored near the town, communicated with the general, and, being very short of men at the guns, had embarked twelve hundred troops for his expected battle; for it was evident that the issue of the siege would turn upon the control of the sea. On the 18th he weighed again, and the two fleets manoeuvred for the advantage, with light baffling airs, the British furthest from shore. On the 20th of June, the wind holding at west with unexpected constancy, Hughes decided to accept the attack which Suffren evidently intended. The latter, being distinctly inferior in force,--fifteen to eighteen,--probably contemplated an action that should be decisive only as regarded the fate of Cuddalore; that is, one which, while not resulting in the capture or destruction of ships, should compel his opponent to leave the neighbourhood to repair damages. The British formed line on the port tack, heading to the northward. Suffren ranged his fleet in the same manner, parallel to the enemy, and was careful to see the order exact before bearing down. When the signal to attack was given, the French kept away together, and brought-to again on the weather beam of the British, just within point-blank range. The action lasted from shortly after 4 P.M. to nearly 7, and was general throughout both lines; but, as always experienced, the rears were less engaged than the centres and vans. No ship was taken; no very important spars seem to have been shot away. The loss of the British was 99 killed, 434 wounded; of the French, 102 killed, 386 wounded. As the ships' heads were north, the course of the action carried them in that direction. Suffren anchored next morning twenty-five miles north of Cuddalore. There he was sighted on the 22d by Hughes, who had remained lying-to the day after the fight. The British Vice-Admiral reported several ships much disabled, a great number of his men--1,121--down with scurvy, and the water of the fleet very short. He therefore thought it necessary to go to Madras, where he anchored on the 25th. Suffren regained Cuddalore on the afternoon of the 23d. His return and Hughes's departure completely changed the military situation. The supply-ships, upon which the British scheme of operations depended, had been forced to take flight when Suffren first approached, and of course could not come back now. "My mind is on the rack without a moment's rest since the departure of the fleet," wrote the commanding general on the 25th, "considering the character of M. de Suffren, and the infinite superiority on the part of the French now that we are left to ourselves." [Illustration] The battle of June 20th, 1783, off Cuddalore, was the last of the maritime war of 1778. It was fought, actually, exactly five months after the preliminaries of peace had been signed on January 20th, 1783. Although the relative force of the two fleets remained unchanged, it was a French victory, both tactically and strategically: tactically, because the inferior fleet held its ground, and remained in possession of the field; strategically, because it decided the object immediately at stake, the fate of Cuddalore, and with it, momentarily at least, the issue of the campaign. It was, however, the triumph of one commander-in-chief over another; of the greater man over the lesser. Hughes's reasons for quitting the field involve the admission of his opponent's greater skill. "Short of water,"--with eighteen ships to fifteen, able therefore to spare ships by detachments for watering, that should not have happened; "injury to spars,"--that resulted from the action; "1,121 men short,"--Suffren had embarked just that number--1,200--because Hughes let him communicate with the port without fighting. Notwithstanding the much better seamanship of the British subordinates, and their dogged tenacity, Suffren here, as throughout the campaign, demonstrated again the old experience that generalship is the supreme factor in war. With inferior resources, though not at first with inferior numbers, by a steady offensive, and by the attendant anxiety about Trincomalee impressed upon the British admiral, he reduced him to a fruitless defensive. By the seizure of that place as a base he planted himself firmly upon the scene of action. Able thus to remain, while the British had to retire to Bombay, he sustained the Sultan of Mysore in his embarrassing hostility to the British; and in the end he saved Cuddalore by readiness and dexterity despite the now superior numbers of the British fleet. He was a great sea-captain, Hughes was not; and with poorer instruments, both in men and ships, the former overcame the latter. On the 29th of June a British frigate, the _Medea_, bearing a flag of truce, reached Cuddalore. She brought well-authenticated intelligence of the conclusion of peace; and hostilities ceased by common consent. [Footnote 136: Now Mauritius.] [Footnote 137: On the Malabar--western--coast.] [Footnote 139: See _ante_, p. 163.] [Footnote 140: I infer, from the accounts, that the _Monmouth_ was well east of the _Hero_, that the French had passed her first, and that the _Héros_ was now on her port beam; but this point is not certain.] [Footnote 141: Expressions in Johnstone's Report.] [Footnote 142: Charnock, however, says that in 1762, immediately after receiving his post-commission, he commanded in succession the _Hind_, 20, and the _Wager_, 20. Moreover, before his appointment to the expedition of 1781, he had been Commodore on the Lisbon Station. But he had spent comparatively little time at sea as a captain.--W.L.C.] [Footnote 143: See _ante_, pp. 79, 80.] [Footnote 144: One being the captured British _Hannibal_, 50, which was commissioned by Captain Morard de Galles, retaining the English form of the name, Hannibal, to distinguish her from the _Annibal_, 74, already in the squadron.] [Footnote 145: In the plan, Positions II and III, the second position is indicated by ships with broken outlines. These show the two lines of battle in the engagement until the wind shifted to south-south-east. The results of the shift constituted a third position, consecutive with the second, and is indicated by ships in full outline.] [Footnote 146: Previously the British East Indiaman, _Elizabeth_.] [Footnote 147: Forty-five degrees.] GLOSSARY OF NAUTICAL AND NAVAL TERMS USED IN THE TEXT (_This glossary is intended to cover only the technical expressions actually used in the book itself._) ABACK. A sail is aback when the wind blows on the forward part tending to move the vessel astern. ABAFT. Behind, towards the stern. ABEAM. } ABREAST. } See "Bearing." AFT. See "Bearing." AHEAD. See "Bearing." ASTERN. See "Bearing." BEAM. The width of a vessel, so used because of the cross timbers, called beams. BEAR, to. To be in a specified direction from a vessel. BEAR, to. To change the direction of a vessel's movement. To bear _down_, to move towards; to bear _up_, or _away_, to move away, from the wind or from an enemy. BEARING. The direction of an object from a vessel; either by compass, or with reference to the vessel itself. Thus, the lighthouse bears north; the enemy bears abeam, or two points off the port bow. BEARING, Line of. The compass bearing on which the vessels of a fleet are ranged, whatever their bearings from one another. BEARINGS, with reference to the vessel. Abeam. } Abreast. } Perpendicular to the vessel's length. Aft. } Directly behind. Astern. } Ahead. Directly before; forward. Abaft the beam, starboard or port, weather or lee. To the rear of abeam, to the right or left, to windward or to leeward. Before (or forward of) the beam (as above). Ahead of abeam, etc. Broad. A large angle of bearing, used ordinarily of the bow. "Broad off the bow" approaches "before the beam." On the bow, starboard or port, weather or lee. To one side of ahead, to right or left, to windward or to leeward. On the quarter, starboard or port, weather or lee. To one side of astern; to right or left, to windward or to leeward. BEARINGS, by compass. The full circle of the compass, 360 degrees, is divided into thirty-two _points_, each point being subdivided into fourths. From north to east, eight points, are thus named: North; north by east; north-northeast; northeast by north; northeast; northeast by east; east-northeast; east by north; East. From East to South, from South to West, and from West to North, a like naming is used. BEAT, to. To gain ground to windward, by successive changes of direction, called tacks. BOOM. See "Spars." BOW, or head. The forward part of a vessel, which is foremost when in motion ahead. On the Bow. See "Bearing." To head "bows-on": to move directly towards. BOW AND QUARTER LINE. See pp. 84, 200. BOWSPRIT. See "Spars." BRACES. Ropes by which the yards are turned, so that the wind may strike the sails in the manner desired. BRING-TO. To bring a vessel's head as near as possible to the direction from which the wind blows; usually with a view to heaving-to, that is, stopping. See heave-to and luff. BROADSIDE. The whole number of guns carried on one side of a vessel; starboard or port broadside, weather or lee broadside. CABLE. The heavy rope which was attached to the anchor, and held the ship to it. Cables are now chains, but in the period of this book were always hemp. To veer cable, to let more out, to let the ship go farther from the anchor. To slip the cable, to let it all go overboard, releasing the vessel. Cable's length: 120 fathoms. CHASE, General. A chase by a fleet, in which, in order to more rapid advance, the places of the vessels in their usual order are not to be observed. CLOSE-HAULED. See "Course." COLUMN. See "Line Ahead." COME UP. A ship comes up, when her bow comes more nearly to the direction of the wind. Used generally when the movement proceeds from some other cause than the movement of the helm. See "Luff." CONVOY. A body of unarmed or weakly armed vessels, in company with ships of war. CONVOY, to. To accompany a number of unarmed vessels, for their protection. COURSE. The direction of a vessel's movement, with regard to the compass or to the wind. Compass course. The point of the compass towards which the vessel heads. Wind courses: Close-hauled. As nearly in the direction from which the wind blows as is compatible with keeping the sails full; for square-rigged vessels six points. (See "Bearings by Compass.") For a north wind, the close-hauled courses are east-northeast and west-northwest. Free. Not close-hauled. Large. Very free. Off the wind. Free. On (or by) the wind. Close-hauled. COURSES. The lowest sails on the fore and main masts. CRUISE, to. To cover a certain, portion of sea by movement back and forth over it. CRUISER. A general term for armed ships, but applied more specifically to those not "of the line," which therefore are more free and wider in their movements. CURRENT. Lee Current. One the movement of which is away from the wind. Weather Current. One which sets towards the wind. EBB, ebb-tide. See "Tide." FAIR, wind. A wind which allows a vessel to head her desired compass course. FALL OFF. A vessel falls off, when, without the action of the helm, her head moves away from the wind. See "Come up." FILL. } Sails are said to fill, or to be full, when the wind FULL. } strikes the rear side, tending to move the vessel ahead. FLOOD, flood tide. See "Tide." FORE AND AFT. In classification of vessels, indicates those whose sails, when set, stretch from forward aft; more nearly lengthwise than across. Opposite to square-rigged. FOREMAST, fore-topmast, etc. See "Spars." FORESAIL, fore-topsail, etc. See "Sails." FOUL, to. To entangle, to collide. A foul anchor, when the cable gets round the anchor. FOUL, wind. A wind which prevents the vessel heading the desired compass course, compelling her to beat. FREE, wind. A wind which allows the vessel to head the course desired. The amount to spare from the close-hauled course is sometimes designated. E.g., the wind four points free; the wind would allow the vessel to come four points nearer the wind than her course requires. FRIGATE. See "Vessel." GAGE, weather and lee. A vessel, or fleet, is said to have the weather gage, when it is to windward of its opponent. Lee is opposite to weather. HAUL, to. To haul (to) the wind is to change the course to that nearest the direction whence the wind comes. To haul down the colors: to strike, to surrender. HEAVE DOWN. To incline a vessel on one side, by purchases at the lower mastheads. HEAVE-TO. (HOVE-TO.) To bring-to, (which see), and then to lay some sails aback, in order to keep the ship without movement ahead or astern. HEEL, to. To incline a vessel on one side by shifting the weights on board, such as guns. "On the heel": to be thus inclined. HELM. The tiller, or bar, which like a handle turns the rudder, and thus changes the course of the vessel. Port the helm. To put the tiller to port, which turns the vessel's head to the right; to starboard the helm is the reverse. Helm down. Tiller to leeward, vessel's head to windward; helm up, the reverse. See "Rudder." HULL. The body of a vessel, as distinguished from the spars, or engines. HULL, to. (HULLED.) A cannon ball striking the hull of a vessel is said to hull her. JIB. See "Sails." JIB-BOOM. See "Spars." KEEP, to. To keep off, or away, is to change course away from the wind or from an enemy. See "To bear up." LARGE. See "Course." LEE. The direction toward which the wind blows. "Under the lee of," protected from wind and sea by land, or by a vessel, interposed. Lee Tide. See "Tide." LEECH. The vertical side of a square sail. The upper and lower sides, horizontal, are called head and foot. LEEWARD (pronounced looard). Direction of movement, or of bearing, opposite to the wind. LIE-TO, to. To bring the vessels head on, or near, the wind, and remain nearly stopped. Usually in heavy weather, but not always. LINE ABREAST. See p. 122. LINE AHEAD. See p. 85. LINE OF BATTLE. In the line of battle the vessels are ranged on the same straight line, steering the same course, one behind the others, so that all the broadsides are clear to bear upon an enemy. The line preferred is one of the close-hauled lines, because on them the movement of a vessel in the line is more easily regulated by backing, or shaking, some of the sails. LINE OF BEARING. See "Bearing, line of." LINE, Ship of the. A vessel fitted by its force for the line of battle. Opposite generically to "cruiser." The modern term is "battleship." LUFF, to. The movement of changing the course to nearer the direction whence the wind comes, by using the helm. MAIN. } MIZZEN.} See "Spars" and "Sails." MAST. See "Spars." "To the mast." A sail is said to be so when aback. MONSOON. A trade wind, in the China and Indian seas, which blows uniformly from the northeast in winter, and from southwest in summer. NEAP. See "Tide." OFF--the wind. See "Course." ON--the wind. See "Course." PENNANT. A flag, indicating either the rank of the senior officer on board, or a signal applicable to a particular vessel. POINT. See "Bearings, by Compass." PORT. To the left hand, or on the left side, of a vessel, looking from aft forward. Opposite to Starboard. PORT, to. Applied to steering. To move the tiller, or helm, to the left, which moves the rudder to the right and causes the vessel to change course towards the right hand. QUARTER. Either side of the after part of a vessel;--as starboard quarter, port quarter; weather quarter, lee quarter. Quarter deck: one side of the after upper deck, reserved for the officer exercising command, and for ceremonial purposes. QUARTERS. A crew is at quarters when at the stations for battle. RAKE, to. To fire the broadside from ahead or astern of an antagonist, so that the shot may sweep the length of the vessel, which at the period of this book was about four times the width. RANDOM SHOT. The extreme range to which a gun could send its shot, giving very uncertain results. REEF, to. To reduce the surface of a sail. RUDDER. A solid framework, pivoted at the stern of a vessel, which being turned to one side deflects her course. See "Helm" and "Wheel." SAILS. Sails are of two kinds: square, and fore and aft. Square sails spread more across the vessel, in the direction of her width. Fore and aft sails more in the direction of the length. Square sails are better for a free wind; and also for large vessels, because they can be more readily subdivided. Fore and aft sails trim nearer to the wind, and so are convenient for coasters, which generally are smaller. Vessels carrying square sails are called square-rigged. They have always two masts, usually three; each carrying three or four sails, one above the other. These are named from the mast on which they are carried (see "Spars"); e.g., _main_ sail, _fore_ topsail, _mizzen_ topgallant-sail; and also from their positions on the same mast. Thus, from lowest up, main sail, main topsail, main topgallantsail; and main royal, if there be a fourth. The fore and main sails are called also courses. The topsails were the chief battle sails, because the largest, except the courses, and more manageable than the courses. All square-rigged vessels carry fore and aft sails, three cornered, stretched between the bowsprit and jib-booms, and the fore topmast. These sails are called jibs. Fore and aft vessels also carry jibs; but on each upright mast they have one great sail, the size of which makes it less easily handled in an emergency, therefore less fit for fighting. Above the big sail they have a small, light, three-cornered topsail, but this is merely a fair weather sail, useless in battle. Vessels of war were almost all square-rigged, with three masts. SAILS, STUDDING. Light square sails, for moderate weather, extended beyond the other square sails, to increase the normal spread of canvas. Set only with a free wind, and never in battle. SCANTLING. The size, and consequent weight and strength, of the timbers of a vessel's hull. SCHOONER. See "Vessel." SHAKE, to. So to place a sail that the wind blows along it, neither filling nor backing. The sail is thus neutralized without taking in. SHARP-UP. A yard is sharp-up, when turned by the braces as far as the rigging of the mast will allow. A close-hauled course requires the yards to be sharp-up, in order that the sails may be full. SHIP. See "Vessel." SLIP. See "Cable." SLOOP. See "Vessel." SPARS. A spar is a long piece of timber, cylindrical, tapering, in masts, towards one end, and in yards towards both. Spars serve for spreading the several sails of a vessel. The names of spars vary with their use and position. Chiefly, for ships of war, they divide into masts, yards, and booms. A mast is an upright, and is in three connected pieces: the lower mast, the topmast, and the top-gallant-mast. Most ships of war had three such masts: fore, near the bow; main, near the centre; mizzen, near the stern. The bowsprit is also a mast; not upright, but projecting straight ahead from the bow, approaching horizontal, but inclining upwards. Like the masts, it has three divisions: the lower, or bowsprit proper, the jib-boom, and the flying-jib-boom. Across the masts, horizontal, are the yards, four in number, lower, topsail, topgallant, and royal. Yards are further designated by the name of the mast to which each belongs; e.g., foreyard, main topsail yard, mizzen topgallant yard, main royal yard. The bowsprit formerly had one yard, called the spritsail yard. This has disappeared. Otherwise it serves to spread the three-cornered sails called jibs. These sails were useful for turning a vessel, because their projection before the centre gave them great leverage. Fore and aft vessels had no yards. See "Sails." SPRING. See p. 65, note. SQUARE-RIGGED. See "Sails" and "Spars." STAND, to. Used, nautically, to express movement and direction, e.g., "to stand toward the enemy," "to stand out of harbor," "to stand down," "to stand south." The underlying idea seems to be that of sustained, decided movement. STARBOARD. TO the right hand, or on the right side, of a vessel, looking from aft forward. Opposite to Port. STEER, to. To control the course by the use of the helm and rudder. STERN. The extreme rear, or after, part of a vessel. STRATEGY. That department of the Art of War which decides the distribution and movements of armies, or of fleets, with reference to the objects of a campaign as a whole. STRIKE, to. Applied to the flag. To haul down the flag in token of surrender. TACK. A vessel is on the starboard tack, or port tack, according as the wind comes from the starboard or port hand. See p. 84, note. TACK, to. When a vessel is close-hauled, with the wind on one side, to tack is to turn round towards the wind, in order to be again close-hauled, with the wind on the other side. To wear is to attain the same object by turning away from the wind. Wearing is surer than tacking, but loses ground to leeward. To tack, or wear, _in succession_, the leading vessel tacks, and those which follow tack, each, as it arrives at the same point; the order thus remaining the same. To tack, or wear _together_, all tack at the same moment, which reverses the order. TACTICS. That department of the Art of War which decides the disposition and movements of an army, or of a fleet, on a particular field of battle, in presence of an enemy. TIDAL CURRENTS. Ebb tide, the outflow of the water due to the tides. Flood tide, the inflow of the water due to the tides. Lee tide, the set of the current to leeward. Weather tide, the set of the current to windward. TIDE. The rise and fall of the water of the oceans under the influence of the moon. Used customarily, but inaccurately, to express the currents produced by the changes of level. High tide, or high water, the two highest levels of the day. Low tide, or low water, the two lowest. Neap tide: the least rise and fall during the lunar month. Spring tide: the greatest rise and fall during the same, being soon after full and change of moon. TRADE, the. A term applied to a body of merchant vessels, to or from a particular destination. TRADE WIND. A wind which blows uniformly from the same general direction throughout a fixed period. In the West Indies, from the northeast the year round. See also "Monsoon." VEER. See "Cable." VESSEL. A general term for all constructions intended to float upon and move through the water. Specific definitions applicable to this book: Ship, a square-rigged vessel with three masts. Brig, a square-rigged vessel with two masts. Schooner, a fore and aft rigged vessel with two or more masts. Sloop, a fore and aft rigged vessel with one mast. See pp. 9, 15, 17. VESSELS OF WAR. Ship of the Line. A ship with three or more tiers of guns, of which two are on covered decks; that is, have a deck above them. See "Line of Battle Ship." Frigate. A ship with one tier of guns on a covered deck. Sloop of War. A ship, the guns of which are not covered, being on the upper (spar) deck. Sloops of war were sometimes brigs, but then were usually so styled. WAKE. The track left by a vessel's passage through the water. "In the wake of": directly astern of. WAY. Movement through the water. "To get underway": to pass from stand-still to movement. WEAR, to. See under "Tack." WEATHER. Relative position to windward of another object. Opposite to Lee. Weather side, lee side, of a vessel; weather fleet, lee fleet; weather gage, lee gage (see "Gage"); weather shore, lee shore. WEATHER, to. To pass to windward of a vessel, or of any other object. WEATHERLY. The quality of a vessel which favors her getting, or keeping, to windward. WEIGH, to. To raise the anchor from the bottom. Used alone; e.g., "the fleet weighed." WHEEL. So called from its form. The mechanical appliance, a wheel, with several handles for turning it, by which power is increased, and also transmitted from the steersman on deck to the tiller below, in order to steer the vessel. WIND AND WATER, between. That part of a vessel's side which comes out of water when she inclines to a strong side wind, but otherwise is under water. WINDWARD. Direction from which the wind blows. YARD. See "Spars." INDEX Algeciras, in Gibraltar Bay, station of Franco-Spanish Fleet supporting the Siege of Gibraltar, 121, 230, 231. Arbuthnot, Marriott, British Admiral, commands North American Station, 1779, 113, 148; anger at Rodney's intrusion on his command, 150; supports the attack on Charleston, 1780, 151; station in Gardiner's Bay, 151, 170; action with French squadron under des Touches, 1781, 171; regains command of Chesapeake Bay, 174; superseded, 1781, 176. _Arethusa_, British frigate. Encounter with French frigate _Belle Poule_ marks beginning of War of 1778 with France, 62, 82. Armed Neutrality, The, of 1780, 3, 158. Arnold, Benedict, American General. Effects following his action on Lake Champlain in 1776, 3, 4, 7, 25; with, Ethan Allen, seizes Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 1775, 8; captures or destroys all hostile shipping on Lake Champlain, 9; traverses Maine forests, and joins Montgomery before Quebec, 10; maintains blockade of Quebec till arrival of a British squadron, 10; retreats to Crown Point, and destitution of his troops, 11; schemes for maintaining command of Lake Champlain, 12; his force, and its character, 14, 15, 17; compelled by shore batteries to abandon lower Narrows of the Lake, 15; selects Valcour Island as position for defence, 15; decision to risk destruction of force rather than retire, 18, 19; sound strategic and tactical ideas, 20; Battle of Valcour Island, 21; successful withdrawal after defeat, 23; overtaken and flotilla destroyed, 25; effect of his resistance in delaying British advance, 25; conduct, courage, and heroism throughout, 27; his subsequent treason, 18, 27, 152; commands British detachment in Virginia, 153, 169, 170, 174. Asiatic Immigration, Danger involved in, 4. Barbados, West India Island, headquarters of British Leeward Islands Station, 99; advantage of Santa Lucia over, 104, 144, 207; notably for crippled ships, 144; devastated by hurricane, 1780, 159. Bartington, Samuel, British Admiral, commands Leeward Islands Station, 99; capture of Santa Lucia by, 100-102; successfully resists d'Estaing's effort to recapture, 103, 104; superseded in chief command by Byron, 105; share in Byron's action with d'Estaing, 107, 109; goes home wounded, 112; refuses command-in-chief of the Channel Fleet, 1780, 157; serves in it under Howe, 227; captures a French convoy for East Indies, 227. Basse Terre, St. Kitts, Operations around, 1782, 196-205; character of anchorage at, 199. Battle, Order of, defined, 93 (note), 200 (note). Battles, Naval, Valcour Island, October 11, 1776, 19-23. Charleston Harbor, June 28, 1776, 33. D'Estaing and Howe, August 10 and 11, 1778, 73-75. Ushant, July 27, 1778, 84-91. Barrington and d'Estaing, Santa Lucia, December 15, 1778, 102-104. Byron and d'Estaing, Grenada, July 6, 1779, 105-112. De Langara and Rodney, Cape St. Vincent, January 16, 1780, 123. De Guichen and Rodney, off Martinique, April 17, 1780, 131-135. De Guichen and Rodney, May 15, 1780, 143, 144. De Guichen and Rodney, May 19, 1780, 144. Cornwallis and La Motte-Picquet, off Haiti, March 20, 1780, 153. Cornwallis and de Ternay, June 20, 1780, 155-157. De Grasse and Hood, off Martinique, April 29, 1781, 163-167. Arbuthnot and des Touches, off Cape Henry, March 16, 1781, 171-173. De Grasse and Graves, off Cape Henry, September 5, 1781, 179-183. The Doggers Bank, August 5, 1781, 189-193. De Grasse and Hood, St. Kitts, January 25 and 26, 1782, 199-204. De Grasse and Rodney, near Dominica, April 9 and 12, 1782, 207-221. Howe with Franco-Spanish Fleet near Gibraltar, October 20, 1782, 231, 232. Johnstone and Suffren, Porto Praya, Cape Verde Islands, April 16, 1781, 236-238. Hughes and Suffren, Coromandel Coast, February 17, 1781, 240-242. Hughes and Suffren, off Ceylon, April 12, 1782, 242-244. Hughes and Suffren, off Nega-patam, July 6, 1782, 244-246. Hughes and Suffren, off Trincomalee, September 3, 1782, 247-251. Hughes and Suffren, off Cuddalore, June 20, 1783, 253. N.B. Naval Battles end here. _Belle Poule_, French Frigate. Encounter with British _Arethusa_ marks beginning of War of 1778 with Great Britain, 61, 82. Blane, Sir Gilbert, Physician to British Fleet under Rodney, quoted, 124, 219, 220, 221. Burgoyne, Sir John, British General, 3, 6, 14, 23, 27, 28, 50-53, 55; decisive effect of American control of Lake Champlain, in 1776, upon his expedition, in 1777, 3, 9, 13, 14, 25; his surrender at Saratoga, 53; it determines France to intervene, 6, 58. Byng, John, British Admiral, influence of his execution, in 1756, upon the minds of naval officers, 93, 139, 146. Byron, John, British Admiral, ordered to North American Station, 1778, 59; delayed by heavy weather, and puts into Halifax, 62; Howe superseded by, 80; goes to West Indies, 105; action with D'Estaing off Grenada, 105-111; comments upon course of, 110-112; returns to England, 112. Canada, Strength of, against attack from southward, 7; its advantage in this respect over New York, 8; comprehension of these facts by Americans of 1775, from the old French Wars, 8; attempt to utilize, by British, frustrated by Arnold's promptitude, 9; invasion of, under Montgomery, ordered by American Congress, 1775, 9; failure of the attempt, decided by British Navy, 10-12; British advance from, under Carleton, 1776, 15-26; Burgoyne's advance from, 1777, 51-53. Cap François (now Cap Haitien), French naval station on north side of Haiti, 147-149, 153, 154, 168, 176, 178, 206, 223, 225. Carkett, Robert, British Naval Captain, misunderstanding of Rodney's orders by, causes failure of British attack of April 17, 1780, 133; Rodney's censure of, 137-139. Carleton, Sir Guy, Governor and Commander-in-Chief, in Canada, 1775-6, 9; besieged and blockaded in Quebec by Americans, 10-12; relieved by British Navy, 11; takes the offensive, 17; delayed decisively by Arnold's preparations on Lake Champlain, 13, 18; battle of Valcour Island, 20-23; successfully eluded by Arnold, 23; honored by Government for the campaign, 26. Carolinas, North and South, supposed British sympathies in, 31, exaggerated, 175; expedition against Charleston, and battle of Charleston Harbor, 1776, 31-38; operations against, and against Georgia, renewed, 1779, 113-115, and 1780, 151-153; disastrous consequences to British operations, 114, 152, 174-176. Champlain, Lake, Decisive effect of naval operations upon, 3, 4, 7, 13, 14, 25, 26; strategic importance of, 7; naval campaign upon, 1775-1776, chapter i; remains in naval control of British throughout the war, 28. Charleston, South Carolina, attack upon by British squadron, 1776, 32-37; siege and capture of, by the British, 1780, 114, 151. Chesapeake Bay, naval command of, by French, 1781, accomplishes independence of United States, 4, 114, 184; Sir William Howe moves by way of, against Philadelphia, 1777, 52; operations in and near, 1781, 169-174, 177-185; British control of, in 1781, prior to arrival of de Grasse, 174; de Grasse reaches, 1781, 178. Clinton, Sir Henry, British General, commands land force employed in Carolinas, 1776, 31, 32; in seizure of Narragansett Bay, 48; left in command at New York by Howe, 1777, 52; advance up the Hudson River, 1777, 55; relieves Howe as Commander-in-Chief in North America, 56, 63; evacuates Philadelphia, and retreats upon New York, 1778, 63; narrowness of his escape, 63, 64; evacuates Narragansett Bay, 1779, 115; operations of, in South Carolina, and capture of Charleston, 151; leaves Cornwallis in command in Carolina, and returns to New York, 152; sends detachments to Virginia, for diversion in favor of Cornwallis, 1781, 153, 169; serious difference of opinion between, and Cornwallis, 115, 175; orders of, to Cornwallis, which result in position at Yorktown, 1781, 175. Commerce, effects upon, through inadequate naval preparation, 59-61, 117, 126, 158; table of losses of British, 61 (note). Convoys, effect of, upon naval action, strategic or tactical, 105, 106, 109, 122, 126, 130, 148, 155-157, 158, 166, 176, 188, 189, 193, 199, 206-209, 227-229, 229-231, 235, 236-238, 240, 246. Cornwallis, Charles, Earl, British General, accompanies expedition against Charleston, 1776, 31; hurried to Trenton, after Washington's victory there, 49; professional quarrel with Sir H. Clinton, 115, 175; at siege and capture of Charleston, 152; left in command of southern department, 1780, 152; defeats Gates at Camden, 1780, 152; pushes on to North Carolina, 152; embarrassments there, 152; enters Virginia, and joins Arnold at Petersburg, 1781, 153, 174; ordered by Clinton to occupy a defensive position which should cover anchorage for a fleet, 175; evacuates Portsmouth, and takes position at Yorktown, 175; French cruisers bar his retreat towards the Carolinas, and occupy York River, 179; enclosed by French fleet and French and American armies, 184; compelled to surrender, 185. Cornwallis, Sir William (brother of Lord), British naval captain, share in action between Byron and d'Estaing, 1779, 108-110, 153; in command of a squadron, action with La Motte-Picquet, 1780, 153; action with de Ternay's squadron, 155-157; characteristics, and nickname of, 157; distinguished part in Hood's action with de Grasse, 1782, 201; share in Rodney's victory, 217; quoted, 156, 198, 200, 203, 211. Crown Point, military post on Lake Champlain, 8; seized by Benedict Arnold and Ethan Allen, 1775, 8; General Montgomery embarks at, to invade Canada, 1775, 9; Arnold retreats to, in 1776, after reverses in Canada, 12; part in campaign of 1776, 24; recovered by British, 25; reoccupied by Americans after Burgoyne's surrender, 28. Cuddalore, British post in India, on Coromandel Coast, besieged by Hyder Ali and Suffren, 242; taken by Hyder Ali, 244; British attempt to retake, 252; relieved by Suffren, 252-254. Darby, George, British Admiral, commands Channel Fleet, 1780, 157; relief of Gibraltar by, 1781, 186-188; blocked in Torbay by Franco-Spanish fleet, 1781, 188-189. Delaware, Naval Operations in the, 1777, 52-55; in 1778, 59, 62-64. De Barras, French Commodore, commands squadron in Newport, 1781, 174; opinion concerning des Touches' conduct, 174; junction with de Grasse in Chesapeake Bay, 1781, 184. De Bouille, French General, governor of Martinique, 1780, concerts with de Guichen an attack on British West Indies, 130; project against Barbados, 1782, 197; capture of St. Kitts, 197-205. De Cordova, Spanish Admiral, commands in allied fleet under d'Orvilliers, 1779, 118, 119; in chief command, at Cadiz, 125; in Channel, 1781, 188; in 1782, 228; at Algeciras, during Howe's relief of Gibraltar, 230-232. D'Estaing, Comte, French Admiral, in chief command, in 1778, of first French fleet sent to America, 59; biographical summary of, 59 (note); Government instructions to, 59; slowness of movements of, 62-64; failure to attack Howe at Sandy Hook, 66-68; professional inefficiency of, 67, 79, 111, 112; proceeds to Newport, R.I., 69, and enters the harbor, 70; joins Americans in siege of the town, 70; abandons it on Howe's appearance and puts to sea, 73; manoeuvres against Howe, 73-75; fleet scattered by gale, 75; refuses to renew siege of Newport, and goes to Boston, 77, 78; outgeneralled throughout by Howe, 78; goes to West Indies, 1779, 100; fails to recover Santa Lucia, 102-104; captures Grenada, 105; action with Byron, 106-112; fails in attempt to retake Savannah, 115; returns to Europe with ships of his original command, 115; sent to Cadiz, in 1780, to bring back to Brest French contingent of Allied Fleet, 158. De Grasse, Comte, French Admiral, exercises the decisive effect in obtaining American Independence, 4; sails to take chief command in America, 1781, 162; action with Hood off Martinique, 163-165; Chevalier's comment on conduct of, 166; abortive attempt against Santa Lucia, 167; capture of Tobago by, 168; goes to Cap François, 168, 176, and there prepares for expedition against Cornwallis, 178; on this occasion shows energy and foresight unusual to him, 178; anchors in Chesapeake Bay, 178; action with Graves, 179-184; regains Chesapeake, 184; returns to West Indies after Cornwallis's surrender, 185; expedition against St. Kitts, 1782, 197-205; outgeneralled by Hood, 201, 204, 205; St. Kitts surrenders to, 205; Hood escapes from, 205; returns to Martinique, 206; expedition against Jamaica, plan of, 206; puts to sea, 207; transactions from April 8 to April 12, 207-212; defeated in great battle of April 12, 213-221, and captured with flagship, 221; professional character of, illustrated, 166, 178, 184, 198, 205, 207, 209, 214, 215, 216. De Guichen, Comte de, succeeds d'Estaing in North American command, 1780, 115, 130; biographical summary of, 115 (note); project of against Barbados, 130; frustrated by Rodney, 130; action of April 17, with Rodney, 130-135; orders of French Government to, 141; consequent conduct of, 141-145; actions with Rodney, May 15, 142, and May 19, 144; broken down by responsibility, 145; under orders, accompanies Spanish squadron to Cap François, 147; there refuses to coöperate with Americans, 147; returns to Europe, 148; commands French contingent to Allied Fleet under de Cordova, 1781, 188; advises attack upon British Fleet in Tor Bay, 189; loses great part of West India military convoy entrusted to his charge, 196. De Langara, Spanish Admiral, squadron under command of, defeated, and himself captured by Rodney, 122, 123; inefficiency of, 125. D'Orves, Comte, French Admiral, commands in East Indies, 1781, 235, 236; joined by Suffren, 239; sails for Coromandel Coast, 240; dies, and succeeded by Suffren, 240. D'Orvilliers, Comte, French Admiral, commander-in-chief of Brest Fleet, 1778, 82; puts to sea, 82; Government instructions to, 83; encounter with British Fleet under Keppel, 83; manoeuvres of, and action of July 27, 83-91; comment upon, 92, 97; summer cruise of, 1779, 116-120; hampered by instructions, 119; returns to Brest unsuccessful, 120. De Suffren, Bailli, French Captain and Admiral, with d'Estaing in Narragansett Bay, 1778, 69; in the action with Byron off Grenada, 111; his comment upon d'Estaing's conduct, 111; biographical summary of, 111 (note); sails for East Indies, 1781, 163, 236; effect upon operations of, in India, by capture of a French convoy in Bay of Biscay, 228; attacks British squadron in Porto Praya, 236-238; saves Cape of Good Hope, 238; arrives Ile de France, 239; succeeds to chief command in East Indies, 240; five battles with British squadron, 240, 242, 244, 247, 253; captures Trincomalee, 1782, 247; relieves Cuddalore, 252-254; estimate of, 254, 255. De Ternay, French Commodore, commands squadron with convoy, from Brest for Newport, R.I., 155; action with British squadron under Cornwallis, 1780, 155-157; comment, favorable and unfavorable, 156; death of, 1781, and succeeded by des Touches, 170. Des Touches, French Commodore, succeeds de Ternay in command at Newport, 1781, 170; sails to enter Chesapeake Bay, to check British operations in Virginia, 170; pursued by Arbuthnot, 171; action between the two squadrons, 171-173; gains tactical advantage, but leaves the field to the British, 174; justified by de Barras, who arrives and supersedes him, 174. De Vaudreuil, Marquis, French Admiral, second to de Grasse in 1782, 209; commands-in-chief partial attack on Hood's division, 209; quoted, 214; succeeds to chief command upon de Grasse's surrender, 222; condition of his command after the battle, 223; pursued by Rodney, but reaches Cap François, 225. Doggers Bank, Battle of the, 1781, 189-194. Dominica, British West India Island, captured by French, 1778, 99; battle of, 208, 209, 210, 213, 215. Douglas, Sir Charles, British naval captain, commands squadron which relieves Quebec, 1776, 10; quoted, 11, 14, 17, 18, 22, 25, 26; energetic preparations by, to regain control of Lake Champlain, 15-17; force created by, 17; made a baronet for his services at this time, 26; captain of the fleet to Rodney, 1782, 222; opinion as to Rodney's conduct cited, 222. Farragut, at Mobile, cited in illustration, 66 (note). Fighting Instructions, Additional, point in, bearing upon the failure of Rodney's plan of attack, April 17, 1780, 133, 138, 139 (and note). "Fleet in Being," 73, 174; how regarded, apparently, by D'Orvilliers in 1779, 119. France, intervention of France in the American quarrel determined by Burgoyne's defeat, and leads to Spanish intervention, 3, 58, 116; vacillating naval instructions of Government of, 83, 118, 119, 141, 154; divergence of views between Spain and, 120, 121, 147, 158, 186, 188, 189. France, Ile de (now Mauritius), French naval station in Indian Ocean, 126, 234, 236, 239. Gardiner's Bay, east end of Long Island, station of British fleet under Arbuthnot, watching French at Newport, 151, 170. Gates, Horatio, American General, defeated by Cornwallis at Camden, 152. George, Lake, a link in consecutive water communications from New York to Canada, 7, 51. Gibraltar, d'Estaing ordered to commence hostilities when forty leagues west of, 59; capture of, a leading object with Spanish Government, 120; this desire affects the major operations of Allies throughout the war, 121, 186; blockade of, by land and sea, 121; Rodney's relief of, 1780, 121-126, 157; Darby's relief of, 1781, 186, 188; Howe's relief of, 1782, 229-233. Glossary, of technical terms used in this book, 257. Grant, James, British General, share of in capture of Santa Lucia, 102-104. Graves, Sir Thomas, British Admiral, brings reinforcement of vessels to New York, 151; relieves Arbuthnot in command of North American Station, 1781, 176; difficulties of, owing to interception of communications, 177; joined by Hood off New York, 177; sails for the relief of Cornwallis, 178; action of, with French fleet under de Grasse, 179-184; conduct of, criticized by Hood, 181, 182, 184; returns to New York, 184; relieves Sir Peter Parker in Jamaica command, 185. Great Britain, feeble hold of, upon Canada, 1775, 10; shown by rewards for saving the colony, 26; inadequate provision of force by, 1774-1776, 29, 30, 59, 62, 79, 82, 99, 112, 116, 117, 120, 127, 148, 189, 193, 226; improper dispersion of effort by, 30, 31, 48, 52, 56, 62, 63, 72, 113-115, 151-153, 175; distrust of Government of, among naval officers, 79, 81, 93, 95, 97, 99, 135, 146, 157, 158, 193; alarm in, produced by Allied fleets in Channel, 1779, 117; declares war against Holland, 1780, 158. Grenada, British West India Island, captured by French, 105; naval battle off, 105-112. Haiti, French West India Island, 147, 148, 168 (see "Cap François"); squadron action off north coast of, 153-155. Hardy, Sir Charles, British Admiral, commands Channel Fleet, 117, 119. Holland, brought into War of American Independence by concurring in Armed Neutrality of Baltic Powers, 1780, 3, 158, 236; colonial possessions of, 3, 158, 160-162, 236, 240, 246; St. Eustatius, St. Martin, and Saba, West India Islands of, taken by Rodney, 160-162; battle of Doggers Bank, 189-193; fleet of, held in check by Howe, 1782, 228; Cape of Good Hope menaced by British, saved by Suffren, 236-238; Trincomalee, in Ceylon, taken by British, 240, recaptured by Suffren, 247. Hood, Sir Samuel (afterwards Lord), British Admiral, arrives in West Indies, 1781, with reinforcements for Rodney, 160; sent to cruise off Martinique, to intercept de Grasse, 162; action between, and de Grasse, 163-167; exceptional ability of, 166, 184; French tribute to, 167; sent by Rodney with fourteen ships-of-the-line to reinforce North American station, 176; under command of Admiral Graves, sails for Chesapeake, 177; part of, in action between Graves and de Grasse, 180-183; criticisms of, upon Graves's conduct, 181, 182, 184; returns to West Indies, 185; in chief command there for two months, 196-205; brilliant operations of, at St. Kitts, 197-205; superseded by Rodney's return, 205; part of, in action of April 9, 1782, 208-210; in battle of April 12, 212-221; de Grasse's flagship strikes to, 221; censures passed by, upon Rodney's course after the battle, 220, 222, 224, 225; detached in pursuit, captures a small French squadron, 224; returns to England after the peace, 226. Hotham, William, British naval Captain, in operations against New York, 1776, 42; convoys reinforcement of troops to West Indies, 100; left in West Indies in temporary command, by Rodney, 148. Howe, Richard, Earl, British Admiral, appointed to command North American Station, 1776, 30; invested also with powers as peace commissioner, 39; arrives at New York, 39; failure of peace negotiations, 39; operations at and about New York, 39, 42-47; tribute of, to force under his command, 47; accompanies army expedition to Chesapeake Bay, 52; operations in the Delaware, 53-55, and coastwise, 56; purpose of d'Estaing to intercept, in Delaware, 59; serious exposure of, through inadequate force, 62, 66; "extricates himself by rapid movements, 62-64; preparations to defend entrance to New York, 65-68; inferiority of force to d'Estaing, 66; follows French Fleet to Narragansett Bay, 70, and by his presence there induces d'Estaing to abandon siege of Newport, and put to sea, 73; manoeuvres of, with inferior force, 73-75; fleet of, scattered by gale, 75; returns to New York, 76, and again follows French Fleet to Boston, 77; admirable qualities of, as illustrated in this campaign, 78; futile contemporary criticism of, 79; relinquishes command, and returns to England, 1778, 81; not employed again, until change of Ministry, 1782, 81, 227; appointed to command Channel Fleet, 1782, and primary operations there, 227-229; successful evasion of very superior Franco-Spanish Fleet, 229; skilful conduct of relief of Gibraltar by, 1782, 229-231; engagement with Allied Fleet, 232; special qualities of, again illustrated, 232; French eulogy of, 232, and of force under his command, 233. Howe, Sir William (brother of Earl), British General, failure of to support Burgoyne, 1777, 28, 51, 52; evacuates Boston, 1776, and retires to Halifax, 29, 30; extent of regions under his command-in-chief, 30; appointed peace commissioner, jointly with Lord Howe, 39; goes from Halifax to New York, 39; fruitless peace negotiations, 39; reduction of New York by, 42-45; subsequent operations of, to Battle of Trenton, 45-49; constitutional sluggishness of, 45, 47; occupies Narragansett Bay, 48; injudicious extension of front of operations, 48; small results after New York, 49; rewarded with the Order of the Bath, 49; takes the greater part of his force to Chesapeake Bay, 52; effect of this upon Burgoyne's operations, 52, 53, 55; occupies Philadelphia, 53; this success worse than fruitless, 56; relieved in command by Clinton, and returns to England, 56, 63. Hudson River, a link in the chain of water communications from Canada to New York, 7, 30, 45; mentioned, 28, 41, 44, 45, 46, 49, 50, 51, 53; alternative name, North River, 41; Washington retreats across, into New Jersey, 45; British advance up valley of, 1777, 55. Hughes, Sir Edward, British Admiral, commander-in-chief in East Indies, 1779, 235; enterprise of, 235; engagements with French Fleet under Suffren, 240, 242, 244, 247, 253; loses Trincomalee, 247, and compelled thereby to leave Coromandel coast for Bombay, 251; reinforced by Bickerton, 251; contrasted with Suffren, as a general officer, 254. Hughes, Sir Richard, succeeds to West India command at peace of 1783, 226; subsequent controversy with Nelson, 226. Hyder, Ali, Sultan of Mysore, at war with British, 1779, 235; French Admiral d'Orves refuses coöperation with, 235; Suffren acts with, 240, 242; captures Cuddalore, 1782, 244; death of, 1782, 252; succeeded by Tippoo Saib, 252. _Inflexible_, British cruiser built by Sir Charles Douglas on Lake Champlain, 1776, 16; in herself sufficient to control the lake, 17. Jamaica, British West India Island, 38, 110, 149, 153, 159, 176, 177, 185, 224, 226; conquest of, intended by France and Spain, 1782, 206; attempt leads to defeat of de Grasse by Rodney, 208, 209; Rodney repairs to, after his victory, 225. Japan, significance of contrast of population of, to square mile, with that of the United States, 5. Johnstone, George, British Commodore, commands squadron despatched to take Cape of Good Hope from Dutch, 236; attacked by Suffren in Porto Praya Bay, 237; arrives at Cape too late, Suffren having strengthened it, 238; returns to England, 238; professional capacity of, 239; attacks made by, upon professional conduct of Howe and Keppel, 239. (See also p. 80.) Jones, John Paul, American naval captain, serves as a volunteer in French Fleet, 1782, 212. Kempenfelt, Richard, British Admiral, captures in Bay of Biscay great part of French convoy going to West Indies, 1781, 195, 196; commands a division in Channel Fleet under Howe, 1782, 227, 228; lost in sinking of the _Royal George_, 229. Keppel, Augustus, British Admiral, refuses to serve against Americans, 81; commander-in-chief of Channel Fleet, 1778, 61, 82; encounter with French Brest Fleet, 83-91; comments on the conduct of, 92, 97; controversy with Palliser, third in command under, 95; returns to port with fleet, 96; court martial upon, 93; and cited from, 87, 88, 95; resigns command, 97; becomes first Lord of the Admiralty, 97, 225; quoted, 107 (note). La Motte Picquet, French Commodore, 115; action with a British division off Martinique, 1779, 128; encounter with squadron under Cornwallis, 1780, 153-155; captures great part of a British convoy returning from West Indies, 1781, 188; quoted, 229 (note). Leeward Islands Station, extent of, 99; under command of Barrington when war begins, 1778, 99; Byron succeeds to command, 1779, 105; held temporarily by Hyde Parker, 1779, 113; Rodney takes command, 1780, 121, 128; Hood in temporary charge of, 1782, 177, 185, 196-205; Rodney relieved by Pigot, 225. Les Saintes, small West India Islands, between Dominica and Guadeloupe, scene of Rodney's battle with de Grasse, 209, 211, 213. Manners, Lord Robert, British naval captain (killed in the battle of April 12, 1782), encomiums of, upon Hood, quoted, 202, 205. Martinique, French West India Island, 99, 104, 128, 130, 140, 141, 142, 144, 147, 149, 153, 167, 206, 207; principal French depot in West Indies, 100; action off, between de Grasse and Hood, 162-167. Mathews, Thomas, British Admiral, Influence in British Navy of court martial upon, in 1744, 93, 139. Minorca, Mediterranean Island in British possession, Byng's action off, 1756, 93, 94; recovery of, a primary object with Spain, 120; supplied by Rodney, 1780, 125, 126; by Darby, 1781, 187; attack upon by France and Spain, 1781, 188; capitulates, 1782, 189. Mobile, Farragut's attack in entering, cited in illustration, 66 (note). Monroe Doctrine, in last analysis is the formulation, in terms, of a purpose to prevent the propagation to the American continents of wars arising elsewhere, 4; recognition of same danger in unchecked Asiatic immigration, 4; necessity of adequate force in order to maintain, 29. Montgomery, Richard, American General, sent by the Congress to conduct invasion of Canada, 9; killed in assault on Quebec, 10. Moultrie, Fort, Description of, 33. Moultrie, William, American officer, commands Fort Moultrie when attacked by British squadron, 32-36. Narragansett Bay, occupation of by British, 1777, 47; value of, 47, 56; Rodney's opinion of, 48, 115; description of, 69; military and naval situation in, 1778, 72, 73; abandonment of, by British, 1779, because of improper dispersion of their army, 113, 114, 115; occupied by French squadron and troops, 1780, 149, 150, 155-157; Rodney neglects to attack, 150; French division in, watched by British from Gardiner's Bay, 151, 170; but starts, 1781, for Chesapeake Bay, 170; returns to, unsuccessful, 173; sails again from, 177, and joins main fleet in the Chesapeake, 184. Navy, and Navies, Washington's remark that to them belonged "the casting vote" in the War of American Independence, 4, 147; exercised on two decisive occasions, by Arnold on Lake Champlain, 1776, and by de Grasse at Yorktown, 1781, 4, 7, 9, 168, 176, 178, 179, 184; decisive influence also in American War of Secession, 4; present and future dependence upon, of Monroe Doctrine and of question of Asiatic Immigration, 4, 5; military explanation for this "casting vote," 5; Pacific question essentially one of, 5; military reasons for general dominant effect of, in War of Independence, 6, 114; British, saves Canada for Great Britain, 12; specific effect, on ultimate result of the general war, exerted by American, on Lake Champlain, 1776, 12, 13, 14, 25; inadequacy of British, to demands upon it, 29, 30, 59, 62, 79, 82, 99, 116, 117, 120, 127, 148, 189, 193, 226; British, in operations at New York, 1776, 40, 44, 47; in Burgoyne's advance, 1777, 51; misuse of British, to divide the land forces, 51, 52, 114, 115, 152; subsidiary operations of British, 56, in the Carolinas, 151, in Virginia, 170; under Howe, though inadequate, saves Army under Clinton, 63, 64, and also New York, 64-68, and subsequently Narragansett Bay with army division at Newport, 72, 77; tone of French, as indicated by Government instructions, and action of officers, 83, 89, 91, 92, 166, 235; effect of seasonal conditions upon operations of, in Europe and in America, 98, 100, 113, 115, 147, 149, 159; in East Indies, 251; inefficiency of Spanish, 116, 125, 147, 189, 231, 232. Nelson, mentioned or quoted, 38, 39, 109, 126, 132, 140, 155, 160, 202, 225, 226, 243. New Jersey, Washington crosses from New York into, 45; operations in, 1776, 46-49; impracticable to British, in 1777, and consequent effect upon Howe's course, 51, 52, 56; retreat of British from Philadelphia through, 1778, 63, 64. Newport, Rhode Island, taken possession of by British, 47; importance of, 48; siege of, by Americans and French, 70, 73, 77; abandoned by British, 115; occupied by French, 150, 155, 170, 173, 174, 179. See Narragansett Bay. New York, water communications between St. Lawrence and, 7, 8; British occupy harbor of, 1776, 38; operations around, 1776, 39-46; harbor, approaches, and fortifications about, 40-42; Washington abandons, 45, 46; British occupy, 45; British forces in, unable to coöperate with those in Philadelphia, 56, 63; Lord Howe's preparations to defend, 64-67; d'Estaing's failure to attack, 67, 68; Rodney goes from West Indies to, 150, 152, 159. Order, of Battle, 93 (and note), 137-140, 191; comparison between Keppel's, off Ushant, and Byron's, off Grenada, 112; Graves', off Cape Henry, 179-183, criticized by Hood, 181, 182; Hood's at anchor off St. Kitts, 202, 203. Palliser, Sir Hugh, British Admiral, third in command at Battle of Ushant, 84, 87, 90, 91, 93-96; court of inquiry upon, 95-97. Parker, Sir Hyde, (1) British Admiral, left in temporary command at New York by Howe, 1778, 80 (and note); in like position in Leeward Islands by Byron, 1779-1780, 113, 128; biographical summary of, 113; quoted, 129, 130; nickname of, 130; implied censure of, by Rodney, in battle of April 17, 1780, 136; returns to England, 136; commands at Battle of the Dogger Bank, 189-193; his reply to George III, 193; ordered to East Indian command, and lost at sea, 194. Parker, Hyde, (2) British Naval captain (afterwards Admiral Sir Hyde), in operations about New York, 1776, 39, 44, 46; in expedition against Savannah, 1778, 113, 114; biographical summary of, 113 (note). (In 1801, commander-in-chief over Nelson, at Copenhagen, 39, 80, note). Parker, Sir Peter, British Admiral, commands naval force in expedition against Charleston, 1776, 31; attack of, upon Fort Moultrie, 33-38; gives promotion to Nelson, Collingwood, and Saumarez, 38; at operations around New York, 38, 43, 45, and at Narragansett Bay, 48; commands Jamaica Station, 149, 153, 155, 159, 176, 177, 185; superseded at Jamaica by Graves, 1781, 185. Pellew, Edward, (afterwards Admiral Lord Exmouth), British midshipman, at Lake Champlain, 1776, 22; in Burgoyne's advance to Saratoga, 1777, 51. Philadelphia, occupation of, by British, 52-55; brief tenure of, 55; inutility of, to British, 56; evacuation of, by British, and hazardous retreat from, to New York, 63, 64. Quebec, attack upon by Americans, under Montgomery, 1775, 9, 10; blockade of, by Arnold, 1776, 10, 11; relieved by British navy, 10-12; utility of, to British preparations to control Lake Champlain, 15-17, 26. Raids, by British navy, 56, 114. Rhode Island, 47, 48, 69, 70, 72, 77, 78, 79, 115, 150, 155. See Narragansett Bay. Riedesel, Baron, commander of German troops in Canada, 1776; testimony of, to effects of delay by Arnold's flotilla on Lake Champlain, 13, 25; quoted, 21, 23. Rochambeau, French general, commanding forces in America, requests coöperation of de Grasse against Cornwallis, 168. Rodney, Sir George (afterwards Lord), British Admiral, appointed to command Leeward Islands Station, 1779, 115, 121; sails to relieve Gibraltar, 122; on the way, destroys two Spanish squadrons, 122-125; relieves the place, and sails for West Indies, 125, 126; actions with de Guichen, April and May, 1780, 130-135, 142-144; censures officers of the fleet, 135-139, 145; further proceedings in West Indies, 1780, 146-150; takes fleet to New York, 150, and turns to West Indies, 159; capture of Dutch islands, 1781, 160; proceedings of, at St. Eustatius, 161, 162; sends Hood off Martinique to intercept de Grasse, 162; successes of de Grasse against, 167, 168; sends Hood to New York with fleet, 176, 177, and returns to England on leave, 177; returns to West Indies, 1782, and rejoins Hood, 205; pursuit of French armament against Jamaica, 207-212; victory of, in battle of April 12, 213-220; failure of, to improve his success, 220-225; superseded by Pigot, and returns finally to England, 225. Rowley, Joshua, British Admiral, brilliant conduct of, in Byron's action, 106, 107, 109; implicitly censured by Rodney, 136. Sandy Hook, at entrance to New York Harbor, 52, 63, 64, 65, 66, 76, 113, 150, 177, 184, 185; Lord Howe's preparations at, for defence of New York, 1778, 65, 66. Santa Lucia, French West India Island, capture of, by British, 1778, 100-102; d'Estaing's ineffectual attempt to retake, 103, 104; military value of, 104, 207; de Guichen seeks to retake, 142; mentioned, 105, 106, 128, 141, 144, 148, 165, 167, 168, 206. Saratoga, surrender of Burgoyne at, why decisive, 3, 6; capitulation there, determined by Arnold's defence of Lake Champlain, 3, 7, 13, 14, 25; Burgoyne's surrender at, 28, 50-53. Saumarez, James (afterwards Lord de), British naval officer, midshipman at attack upon Fort Moultrie, 1776, 35, 38; lieutenant at the battle of the Dogger Bank, 1781, 192 (note); captain in West Indies, 1782, 196; biographical summary of, 196 (note); in Rodney's victory, 1782, 218, 221. Savannah, capture of, by British, 1778, 113; disastrous effect of operations thus initiated upon the British position in America, 114, 115, 151-153, 175-178, 184; failure of d'Estaing's attempt to retake, 115, 151. Schuyler, Philip, American General, commanding Northern Department, 1776; quoted, 12. Seasons, effect of, upon naval operations, 98, 113, 115, 145, 149, 159, 251. Spain, induced to enter the war, 1779, 3, 116; cruise of fleet of, in conjunction with French, 1779, 116-121; divergence of views between France and, 120, 121, 147, 158, 186; two squadrons of, dispersed or destroyed by Rodney, 122-126; inefficiency of navy of, 125, 126, 147, 158, 187-189; fruitless cruise of fleet of, in conjunction with French, 1781, 188, 189; projected conquest of Jamaica, 206. St. Eustatius, Dutch West India Island, capture of, by British, 1781, 160-162; a great trade centre in the war, prior to capture, 160. St. Kitts, British West India Island, attacked by French, 1782, 196; naval operations of Hood and de Grasse about, 196-205; capitulates to French, owing to lack of British land force, 205. St. Lawrence, River, the centre of French power in Canada, 7; strength of, as a military line, 7, 8; as a naval line of communications, closed by ice, 10, 11, but at other seasons controlling, 11, 12; relations, to the decisive naval campaign on Lake Champlain, 1776, 15-17, 25-26. Ticonderoga, strong post at head of Lake Champlain, 8, 9, 13, 18, 20, 27, 28, 46, 50; saved from capture in 1775, and 1776, by Arnold's naval action on Lake Champlain, 9, 13, 25; taken by British, 1777, but reoccupied by Americans after Burgoyne's surrender, 28. Tiller. See "Helm." Tippoo Saib, Sultan of Mysore, in India, succeeds his father, Hyder Ali, 1782, and continues his policy, 252. Tobago, British West India Island, taken by French, 167, 168. Trenton, battle of, 48. Trincomalee, harbor in Ceylon, a Dutch possession in 1780, captured by British, 1782, 240; importance, and imperfect defences, of, 240, 242, 244, 251, 252, 255; taken by French, 1782, 247; naval battle off, between Hughes and Suffren, 247-251. Ushant, battle of, 83-93. Valcour, Island in Lake Champlain, 15, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, 24; selected by Arnold as the position in which to await British advance, 1776, 15; description of, 19, 20; battle of, 20-23; American retreat from, 23-25. Washington, George, commander-in-chief of the American armies, expression of, that the navies had "the casting vote" in the War of Independence, 4, 151; arrangements of, for defence of New York City, 1776, 41-43; withdraws the exposed division on Brooklyn Heights, 43, 44; successive retirements of, to Harlem River, to New Jersey, and across Delaware River, 44-46; wins battle of Trenton, 1776, and recovers great part of New Jersey, 48, 49; comment of, on Howe's sailing from New York, 1777, 52; disputes, unsuccessfully, Howe's advance on Philadelphia, 53, 55; skilful strategic position of, in New Jersey hills, 56; comment of, upon effects of d'Estaing's long passage out, 1778, 63; hot pursuit by, of Clinton in retreat from Philadelphia to New York, 64; disappointment of, at failure of French naval assistance, 1780, 150, 152; comment of, on Arnold's treason, 152; with Rochambeau, asks coöperation of de Grasse, 1781, 168; movement of, against Cornwallis at Yorktown, 178, 184; surrender of Cornwallis to, 185; mentioned incidentally, 67, 72. Washington, Fort, commanding Hudson River, 1776, 44, 46; Washington orders evacuation of, 45; stormed by British, and garrison taken, 46. West Indies, dependence of, upon American continent, 60; seasonal conditions in, affecting naval operations, 98, 115, 149, 159; commercial importance of, 98; naval battles in, 103, 106-112, 129, 130-135, 142-144, 153, 163-167, 198-205, 207-220. White, Thomas, British naval author serving during War of American Independence, quoted, 108, 183 (note), 204. Yorktown, series of events which brought Cornwallis to, 152, 153, 169, 170, 174, 175; naval actions affecting control of waters around, 170-173, 179-184; Cornwallis shut up in, 176; French navy in force before, 184; French and American armies arrive before, 184; surrender of Cornwallis at, 185. Zoutman, Johan A., Dutch Admiral, commands the squadron at the battle of the Dogger Bank, 189-193. [Illustration] 
17253	----	[Illustration: ADMIRAL GEORGE DEWEY, U.S.N.] DEWEY AND OTHER NAVAL COMMANDERS. BY EDWARD S. ELLIS, A.M. Author of "A History of the World," "The People's Standard History of the United States," "A History of the State of New York," "Deerfoot Series," "Log Cabin Series," Etc. NEW YORK HURST & COMPANY PUBLISHERS Copyright, 1899, BY JOHN HOVENDON. CONTENTS. Page. Introduction 5 CHAPTER I. Admiral George Dewey--The Birth and Boyhood of George Dewey. 7 CHAPTER II. Dewey in the War for the Union. 17 CHAPTER III. Dewey in the War with Spain. 35 CHAPTER IV. The Revolutionary Battles--Birth of the American Navy--The Privateers--Capture of New Providence, in the Bahamas--Paul Jones--A Clever Exploit--A Skilful Escape--Fine Seamanship--An Audacious Scheme. 52 CHAPTER V. A Daring Attempt by Captain Paul Jones--Why It Failed--A Bold Scheme--Why It Did Not Succeed--The Fight Between the _Ranger_ and _Drake_. 63 CHAPTER VI. One of the Most Memorable Sea Fights Ever Known--The Wonderful Exploit of Captain Paul Jones. 71 CHAPTER VII. Our Naval War with France--The Tribute Paid to the Barbary States by Christian Nations--War Declared Against the United States by Tripoli--Bainbridge, Decatur, Stewart, Dale and Preble. 88 CHAPTER VIII. The First Serious Engagement--Loss of the _Philadelphia_--The Scheme of Captain Bainbridge--Exploit of Lieutenant Decatur. 97 CHAPTER IX. Bombardment of Tripoli--Treacherous Act of a Turkish Captain--A Quick Retribution at the Hands of Captain Decatur. 108 CHAPTER X. The Bomb Ketch--A Terrible Missile--Frightful Catastrophe--Diplomacy in Place of War--Peace. 114 CHAPTER XI. The War of 1812--Cause of the War of 1812--Discreditable Work of the Land Forces--Brilliant Record of the Navy--The _Constitution_--Captain Isaac Hull--Battle Between the _Constitution_ and _Guerriere_--Winning a Wager. 122 CHAPTER XII. Jacob Jones--The _Wasp_ and the _Frolic_--James Biddle--The _Hornet_ and the _Penguin_--A Narrow Escape. 133 CHAPTER XIII. Captains Carden and Decatur--Cruise of the _Macedonian_--Battle with the Frigate _United States_--Decatur's Chivalry. 142 CHAPTER XIV. Occasional American Defeats as Well as Victories--Captain Decatur's Misfortune--The _Chesapeake_ and _Shannon_. 152 CHAPTER XV. David Porter--A Clever Feat--Numerous Captures by the _Essex_--Her Remarkable Cruise in the Pacific--Her Final Capture. 167 CHAPTER XVI. Oliver Hazard Perry--Prompt and Effective Work--"We Have Met the Enemy and They Are Ours"--Death of Perry. 176 CHAPTER XVII. A Hero of the Olden Days--Cruise of the _Constitution_--Her Capture of the _Cyane_ and _Levant_--Reminiscences of Admiral Stewart--His Last Days. 185 CHAPTER XVIII. Captures Made After the Signing of the Treaty of Peace--The Privateers--Exploit of the _General Armstrong_--Its Far-Reaching Result. 197 CHAPTER XIX. Lesser Wars--Resentment of the Barbary States--The War with Algiers--Captain Decatur's Vigorous Course--His Astonishing Success as a Diplomat. 206 CHAPTER XX. Piracy in the West Indies--Its Cause--Means by Which It Was Wiped Out--Piracy in the Mediterranean. 216 CHAPTER XXI. The Qualla Battoo Incident. 226 CHAPTER XXII. Wilkes's Exploring Expedition. 236 CHAPTER XXIII. The War for the Union--A New Era for the United States Navy--Opening of the Great Civil War--John Lorimer Worden--Battle Between the _Monitor_ and _Merrimac_--Death of Worden. 246 CHAPTER XXIV. Two Worthy Sons--William D. Porter--The Career of Admiral David Dixon Porter. 259 CHAPTER XXV. Charles Stewart Boggs--His Coolness in the Presence of Danger--His Desperate Fight Below New Orleans--His Subsequent Services. 271 CHAPTER XXVI. John Ancrum Winslow--His Early Life and Training--The Famous Battle Between the _Kearsarge_ and _Alabama_. 279 CHAPTER XXVII. An Unexpected Preacher--Andrew Hull Foote--His Character and Early Career--His Brilliant Services in the War for the Union. 295 CHAPTER XXVIII. A Man Devoid of Fear--William Barker Cushing--Some of His Exploits--The Blowing Up of the _Albemarle_--His Sad Death. 312 CHAPTER XXIX. The Greatest of Naval Heroes--David Glasgow Farragut. 327 CHAPTER XXX. The Spanish-American War--The Movement Against Cuba--The Destruction of Cervera's Fleet--Admiral Sampson--Admiral Schley--"Fighting Bob" Evans--Commodore John C. Watson--Commodore John W. Philip--Lieutenant Commander Richard Wainwright. 343 INTRODUCTION. I purpose telling you in the following pages about the exploits of the gallant men who composed the American Navy, beginning with the Revolution and ending with the story of their wonderful deeds in our late war with Spain. You can never read a more interesting story, nor one that will make you feel prouder of your birthright. While our patriot armies have done nobly, it is none the less true that we never could have become one of the greatest nations in the world without the help of our heroic navy. Our warships penetrated into all waters of the globe, and made people, whether barbarous or civilized, respect and fear the Stars and Stripes. This is due in a great measure to the bravery of our naval heroes, who did not fear to meet Great Britain, the "mistress of the seas," when her navy outnumbered ours one hundred to one. England is now our best friend, and no doubt will always remain so. Never again can there be war between her and us, and it will not be strange that one of these days, if either gets into trouble, the American and English soldiers will "drink from the same canteen," which is another way of saying they will fight side by side, as they did a short time ago in Samoa. All the same, our brethren across the ocean are very willing to own that we fought them right well. Indeed, they think all the more of us for having done so. You know that one brave man always likes another who is as brave as himself, just as Northerners and Southerners love each other, and are all united under one flag, which one side defended and the other fought against, through long years, terrible years from 1861 to 1865. The decks of no ships have ever been trodden by braver men than our American sailors. There are no more heroic deeds in all history than those of Paul Jones, Porter, Hull, Decatur, Perry, Cushing, Farragut, Worden, Dewey, Schley, Evans, Philip, Hobson and scores of others, who have braved what seemed certain death for the glory of our flag. Many gave up their lives in its defence, and their names form one of the proudest and most cherished heritages that can descend to a grateful country. So, I repeat, I am sure you will be interested and instructed in learning the story of the heroes who have done so much for us; and their example cannot fail to inspire you with loftier heroism, greater devotion, and deeper resolve to do all you can for our favored land, which is the fairest that ever sun shone upon. E.S.E. ADMIRAL GEORGE DEWEY. CHAPTER I. THE BIRTH AND BOYHOOD OF GEORGE DEWEY. The name of Vermont recalls the gallant "Green Mountain Boys," who proved their sturdy patriotism not only in the Revolution, but before those stormy days broke over the land. In the colonial times the section was known as the "New Hampshire Grants," and was claimed by both New York and New Hampshire, but Vermont refused to acknowledge the authority of either, even after New York, in 1764, secured a decision in her favor from King George, and set vigorously to work to compel the settlers to pay a second time for their lands. The doughty pioneers would have none of it, and roughly handled the New York officers sent thither. In 1777 Vermont formally declared her independence and adopted a State constitution. Then, since the Revolution was on, Ethan Allen and the rest of the "Green Mountain Boys" turned in and helped whip the redcoats. That being done, Vermont again asserted her independence, compelled New York to recognize it in 1789, and she was admitted to the Union in 1791. It was away back in 1633 that the first Englishman bearing the name of Dewey arrived in Massachusetts with a number of other emigrants. They settled in Dorchester, and in 1636 Thomas Dewey, as he was named, removed to Windsor, Connecticut, where he died in 1648, leaving a widow and five children. Following down the family line, we come to the birth of Julius Yemans Dewey, August 22, 1801, at Berlin, Vermont. He studied medicine, practiced his profession at Montpelier, the capital, and became one of the most respected and widely known citizens of the State. He was married three times, and by his first wife had three sons and one daughter. The latter was Mary, and the sons were Charles, Edward, and George, the last of whom became the famous Admiral of the American navy and the hero of the late war between our country and Spain. He was born in the old colonial house of Dr. Dewey, December 26, 1837. George was a good specimen of the mischievous, high-spirited and roystering youngster, who would go to any pains and run any risk for the sake of the fun it afforded. This propensity was carried to such an extent that the youth earned the name of being a "bad boy," and there is no use of pretending he did not deserve the reputation. He gave his parents and neighbors a good deal of anxiety, and Dr. Dewey, who knew how to be stern as well as kind, was compelled more than once to interpose his authority in a way that no lad is likely to forget. Dr. Dewey was a man of deep religious convictions. In middle life he gave up the practice of medicine and founded the National Life Insurance Company, to whose interests he devoted his time and ability, and met with a good degree of success. George was gifted by nature with rugged health, high spirits and indomitable pluck and fearlessness. None could surpass him in running, leaping, swimming and in boyish sports. He was fond of fishing and of rough games, and as a fighter few of his years could stand in front of him. In numerous athletic trials he was invariably the victor, and it must be admitted that he loved fighting as well as he liked playing ball or fishing. He gave and received hard knocks, and even at that early age showed evidence of the combative, aggressive courage that became so marked a feature of his manhood. An incident is related by Z.K. Pangborn, the well known editor of New Jersey, who took charge of the Montpelier school, in which George Dewey was a pupil. The school was notorious for the roughness of a number of its pupils, who had ousted more than one instructor and welcomed the chance to tackle a new one. Master Dewey was the ringleader of these young rebels, and chuckled with delight when the quiet-looking, ordinary-sized teacher sauntered down the highway to begin his duties in the schoolroom. At the time of the gentleman's appearance George was sitting astride of a big limb in a tree at the side of the road, his pockets bulging with stones, which he was hurling with unpleasant accuracy at every one who came within range. Several youngsters were howling from having served as targets to the urchin up the tree, and as soon as Mr. Pangborn saw how things were going he shouted to Dewey to stop his sport. The boy replied by advising the teacher to go to the hottest region named in works on theology, and, descending the tree, led several young scamps in an attack upon the instructor. There was a lively brush, in which it cannot be said that either party was the victor. A drawn battle is always unsatisfactory to two armies, and George determined to have it out in the schoolroom with the teacher, who, expecting the struggle, had prepared for it and was as eager as the boys for the fight. As before, Dewey was the leader in the attack on the pedagogue, who was wiry, active, and strong. He swung his rawhide with a vigor that made Dewey and the others dance, but they pluckily kept up the assault, until the instructor seized a big stick, intended to serve as fuel for the old-fashioned stove, and laid about him with an energy that soon stretched the rebels on the floor. Then how he belabored them! As fast as one attempted to climb to his feet he was thumped back again by the club that continually whizzed through the air, and if a boy tried to stay the storm by remaining prone, the instructor thumped him none the less viciously. Indeed, matters had got to that point that he enjoyed the fun and was loath to let up, as he felt obliged to do, when the howling rebels slunk to their seats, thoroughly cowed and conquered. George Dewey was the most battered of the lot and made a sorry sight. In fact, he was so bruised that his teacher thought it prudent to accompany him to his home and explain to his father the particulars of the affray in school. Mr. Pangborn gave a detailed history of the occurrence, to which Dr. Dewey listened gravely. When he understood everything, he showed his good sense by thanking the teacher for having administered the punishment, asking him to repeat it whenever the conduct of his son made it necessary. This chastisement marked a turning point in the boy's career. He did a good deal of serious thinking throughout the day, and saw and felt his wrongdoing. He became an attentive, obedient pupil, and years after, when grown to manhood, he warmly thanked Mr. Pangborn for having punished him with such severity, frankly adding: "I believe if you hadn't done so I should have ended my career in the penitentiary." Dr. Dewey wished to give George a career in the army, and he sent him to Norwich University, a military training school, in order to fit him for the Military Academy at West Point. George's tastes, however, were for the navy, and after much pleading with his father he brought him to his way of thinking. The utmost that Dr. Dewey could do was to secure the appointment of his son as alternate, who, as may be understood, secures the appointment only in the event of the principal failing to pass the entrance examination. In this case the principal would have passed without trouble, and, to quote an ordinary expression, George Dewey would have been "left," had not the mother of the other boy interposed at the critical moment. Under no circumstances would she allow her son to enter the navy. He was compelled to give up all ambition in that direction and to take up the study of theology. At this writing he is a popular preacher, who will always believe it was a most providential thing for our country that turned him aside from blocking the entrance of George Dewey to the Naval Academy at Annapolis. Our hero entered the institution September 23, 1854. It did not take him long to discover that the institution, like that at West Point, is controlled by the most rigid discipline possible. No stricter rules can be devised than those that prevail at the two institutions. I have heard it said by a West Point graduate that a cadet cannot sit down and breathe for twenty-four hours without violating some rule. The fact that a few men do escape being "skinned"--that is, punished for derelictions of duty--does not prove that they have not committed any indiscretions, but that they have escaped detection. Hard, however, as was the road for Dewey to travel, he never shrank or turned aside, for he knew the same path had been traveled by all who had gone before him, and he reasoned that what man had done man could do, and he did it. It will be noted that the future Admiral entered the Naval Academy at a stirring period in the history of our country, over which the coming Civil War already cast its awful shadow, and, as the months and years passed, the shadow darkened and grew more portentous until the red lightning rent the clouds apart and they rained blood and fire and woe and death. At the Annapolis Academy the lines between the cadets from the North and the South were sharply drawn. They reflected the passions of their sections, and, being young and impulsive, there were hot words and fierce blows. As might be supposed, George Dewey was prominent in these affrays, for it has been said of him that there was never a fight in his neighborhood without his getting into the thickest of it. One day a fiery Southerner called him a dough-face, whereupon Dewey let go straight from the shoulder and his insulter turned a backward somersault. Leaping to his feet, his face aflame with rage, he went at the Green Mountain Boy, who coolly awaited his attack, and they proceeded instantly to mix it up for some fifteen minutes in the most lively manner conceivable. At the end of that time the Southerner was so thoroughly trounced that he was unable to continue the fight. It was not long before Dewey had a furious scrimmage with another cadet, whom he soundly whipped. He challenged Dewey to a duel, and Dewey instantly accepted the challenge. Seconds were chosen, weapons provided and the ground paced off. By that time the friends of the two parties, seeing that one of the young men, and possibly both, were certain to be killed, interfered, and, appealing to the authorities of the institution, the deadly meeting was prevented. These incidents attest the personal daring of Admiral Dewey, of whom it has been said that he never showed fear of any living man. Often during his stirring career was the attempt made to frighten him, and few have been placed in so many situations of peril and come out of them alive, but in none did he ever display anything that could possibly be mistaken for timidity. He was a brave man and a patriot in every fibre of his being. A youth can be combative, personally brave and aggressive, and still be a good student, as was proven by the graduation of Dewey, fifth in a class of fourteen. As was the custom, he was ordered to a cruise before his final examination. He was a cadet on the steam frigate _Wabash_, which cruised in the Mediterranean squadron until 1859, when he returned to Annapolis and, upon examination, took rank as the leader of his class, proof that he had spent his time wisely while on what may be called his trial cruise. He went to his old home in Montpelier, where he was spending the days with his friends, when the country was startled and electrified by the news that Fort Sumter had been fired on in Charleston harbor and that civil war had begun. Dewey's patriotic blood was at the boiling point, and one week later, having been commissioned as lieutenant and assigned to the sloop of war _Mississippi_, he hurried thither to help in defence of the Union. The _Mississippi_ was a sidewheel steamer, carrying seventeen guns, and was destined to a thrilling career in the stirring operations of the West Gulf squadron, under the command of Captain David Glasgow Farragut, the greatest naval hero produced by the Civil War, and without a superior in all history. CHAPTER II. DEWEY IN THE WAR FOR THE UNION. No one needs to be reminded that the War for the Union was the greatest struggle of modern times. The task of bringing back to their allegiance those who had risen against the authority of the National Government was a gigantic one, and taxed the courage and resources of the country to the utmost. In order to make the war effective, it was necessary to enforce a rigorous blockade over three thousand miles of seacoast, open the Mississippi river, and overcome the large and well-officered armies in the field. The last was committed to the land forces, and it proved an exhausting and wearying struggle. Among the most important steps was the second--that of opening the Mississippi, which being accomplished, the Southwest, from which the Confederacy drew its immense supplies of cattle, would be cut off and a serious blow struck against the armed rebellion. The river was sealed from Vicksburg to the Gulf of Mexico. At the former place extensive batteries had been erected and were defended by an army, while the river below bristled with batteries and guns in charge of brave men and skilful officers. While General Grant undertook the task of reducing Vicksburg, Captain Farragut assumed the herculean work of forcing his way up the Mississippi and capturing New Orleans, the greatest commercial city in the South. Knowing that such an attack was certain to be made, the Confederates had neglected no precaution in the way of defence. Ninety miles below the city, and twenty miles above its mouth, at the Plaquemine Bend, were the forts of St. Philip and Jackson. The former, on the left bank, had forty-two heavy guns, including two mortars and a battery of four seacoast mortars, placed below the water battery. Fort Jackson, besides its water battery, mounted sixty-two guns, while above the forts were fourteen vessels, including the ironclad ram _Manassas_, and a partially completed floating battery, armored with railroad iron and called the _Louisiana_. New Orleans was defended by three thousand volunteers, most of the troops formerly there having been sent to the Confederate army in Tennessee. The expedition against New Orleans was prepared with great care, and so many months were occupied that the enemy had all the notice they could ask in which to complete their preparations for its defence. The Union expedition consisted of six sloops of war, sixteen gunboats, twenty mortar schooners and five other vessels. The _Mississippi_, upon which young Dewey was serving as a lieutenant, was under the command of Melanethon Smith. The land troops numbered 15,000, and were in charge of General Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts. Farragut arrived in February, 1862, nearly two months after the beginning of preparations to force the river. When everything was in readiness the fleet moved cautiously up stream, on April 18, and a bombardment of Forts St. Philip and Jackson was opened, which lasted for three days, without accomplishing anything decisive. Farragut had carefully studied the situation, and, confident that the passage could be made, determined it should be done, no matter at what cost. On the night of the 23d his vessels were stripped of every rope and spar that could be spared, the masts and rigging of the gunboats and mortar vessels being trimmed with the limbs of trees, to conceal their identity from the Confederate watchers. At two o'clock in the morning the signal was hoisted on the _Hartford_, Captain Farragut's flagship, and the fleet started in single line to run the fearful gauntlet. The _Cayuga_ led, the _Pensacola_ followed, and the _Mississippi_ was third. The rebels had huge bonfires burning on both shores, and as the _Pensacola_ came opposite the forts they opened their furious fire upon her. A good deal of uneasiness prevailed in the Union fleet regarding the rebel rams. It was known they were formidable monsters, which the Confederates believed could smash and sink the whole Union squadron. While it was known that much was to be feared from the forts, it was the ironclads that formed the uncertain factor and magnified the real danger in many men's minds. The _Mississippi_ was hardly abreast of Fort St. Philip when the dreaded _Manassas_ came plunging down the river out of the gloom at full speed, and headed directly for the _Mississippi._ She was not seen until so close that it was impossible to dodge her, and the ironclad struck the steamer on the port side, close to the mizzenmast, firing a gun at the same time. Fortunately the blow was a glancing one, though it opened a rent seven feet long and four inches deep in the steamer, which, being caught by the swift current on her starboard bow, was swept across to the Fort Jackson side of the river, so close indeed that her gunners and those in the fort exchanged curses and imprecations. [Illustration: SHELLING FORTS PHILIP AND JACKSON.] The passage of the forts by the Union vessels forms one of the most thrilling pictures in the history of the Civil War. The _Hartford_, like all the vessels, was subjected to a terrible fire, was assailed by the Confederate ironclads, and more than once was in imminent danger of being sent to the bottom. Following with the second division, Captain Farragut did not reply to the fire of the forts for a quarter of an hour. He hurled a broadside into St. Philip and was pushing through the dense smoke when a fire-raft, with a tug pushing her along, plunged out of the gloom toward the _Hartford's_ port quarter. She swerved to elude this peril and ran aground close to St. Philip, which, recognizing her three ensigns and flag officer's flag, opened a savage fire, but luckily most of the shot passed too high. There was no getting out of the way of the fire-raft, which, being jammed against the flagship, sent the flames through the portholes and up the oiled masts. The perfect discipline of the crew enabled them to extinguish the fire before it could do much damage, and the _Hartford_ succeeded in backing into deep water and kept pounding Fort St. Philip so long as she was in range. Without attempting to describe the battle in detail, we will give our attention to the _Mississippi_. Within an hour and a quarter of the time the leading vessel passed the forts, all had reached a safe point above, where they engaged in a furious fight with the Confederate flotilla, the smaller members of which were soon disabled or sunk. [Illustration: THE "HARTFORD"--FARRAGUT'S FLAGSHIP.] Meanwhile the ironclad _Manassas_ had been prowling at the heels of the Union squadron, but being discovered by the _Mississippi_, the steamer opened on her with so destructive a fire that the ram ran ashore and the crew scrambled over the bows and escaped. The _Mississippi_ continued pounding her until she was completely wrecked. The loss of the Union fleet was thirty-seven killed and one hundred and forty-seven wounded, while the Confederate land forces had twelve killed and forty wounded. The Confederate flotilla must have lost as many men as the Unionists. Having safely passed all obstructions, Captain Farragut steamed up to the river to New Orleans, and the city surrendered April 25, formal possession being taken on May 1. It will be admitted that Lieutenant Dewey had received his "baptism of fire." It is the testimony of every one who saw him during the turmoil of battle that he conducted himself with the coolness and courage of a veteran. At no time during the passage of the forts and the desperate fighting with the Confederate flotilla above did he display the first evidence of nervousness or lack of self-possession. [Illustration: IRONCLADS ON THE MISSISSIPPI.] The next engagement in which Lieutenant Dewey took part was the attempt by Farragut to pass the battery of nineteen guns, mounted on the hundred-foot high bluff of Port Hudson, on a bend of the Mississippi, below Vicksburg. The position was the most difficult conceivable to carry from the river, because of the plunging shots from the enormous guns on the bluff above. Captain Farragut had no thought of reducing these batteries, which would have been impossible with a fleet double the strength of his, but he wished to get his vessels past in order to blockade the river above the bend. The attempt was made on the night of March 14, 1863, with the _Hartford_ in the lead, and followed by the _Richmond_, _Monongahela_ and _Mississippi_, with the smaller boats. The first three boats had as consorts the _Albatross_, _Kineo_ and _Genessee_. Captain Mahan, in "The Gulf and Inland Waters," gives the following vivid description of this historical incident: "As they drew near the batteries, the lowest of which the _Hartford_ had already passed, the enemy threw up rockets and opened their fire. Prudence, and the fact of the best water being on the starboard hand, led the ships to hug the east shore of the river, passing so close under the Confederate guns that the speech of the gunners and troops could be distinguished. Along the shore, at the foot of the bluffs, powerful reflecting lamps, like those used on locomotives, had been placed to show the ships to the enemy as they passed, and for the same purpose large fires, already stacked on the opposite point, were lit. The fire of the fleet and from the shore soon raised a smoke which made these precautions useless, while it involved the ships in a danger greater than any from the enemy's guns. Settling down upon the water in a still, damp atmosphere, it soon hid everything from the eyes of the pilots. The flagship leading had the advantage of pushing often ahead of her own smoke; but those who followed ran into it and incurred a perplexity which increased from van to rear. At the bend of the river the current caught the _Hartford_ on her port bow, sweeping her around with her head toward the batteries, and nearly on shore, her stern touching the ground slightly; but by her own efforts and the assistance of the _Albatross_ she was backed clear. Then, the _Albatross_ backing and the _Hartford_ going ahead strong with the engine, her head was fairly pointed up the stream, and she passed by without serious injury. Deceived possibly by the report of the howitzers in her top, which were nearly on their own level, the Confederates did not depress their guns sufficiently to hit her as often as they did the ships that followed her. One killed and two wounded is her report; and one marine fell overboard, his cries for help being heard on board the other ships as they passed by, unable to save him." If the capture of the batteries was impossible, their passage was almost equally so. The _Richmond_ was so badly injured that she was compelled to turn down stream, having suffered a loss of three killed and fifteen wounded, while the _Monongahela_ had six killed and twenty-one wounded before she was able to wrench herself loose from where she had grounded and drift out of range. Now came the _Mississippi_, whose tragic fate is graphically told by Admiral Porter in his "Naval History of the Civil War": "The steamship _Mississippi_, Captain Melancthon Smith, followed in the wake of the _Monongahela_, firing whenever her guns could be brought to bear. At 11:30 o'clock she reached the turn which seemed to give our vessels so much trouble, and Captain Smith was congratulating himself on the prospect of soon catching up with the flag officer, when his ship grounded and heeled over three streaks to port. "The engines were instantly reversed and the port guns run in in order to bring her on an even keel, while the fire from her starboard battery was reopened on the forts. The engines were backed with all the steam that could be put upon them, and the backing was continued for thirty minutes, but without avail. "It was now seen that it would be impossible to get the ship afloat. "Captain Smith gave orders to spike the port battery and throw the guns overboard, but it was not done, for the enemy's fire was becoming so rapid and severe that the Captain deemed it judicious to abandon the ship at once in order to save the lives of the men. "While preparations were being made to destroy the ship, the sick and wounded were lowered into boats and conveyed ashore, while the men at the starboard battery continued to fight in splendid style, firing at every flash of the enemy's guns. The small arms were thrown overboard, and all possible damage was done to the engine and everything else that might prove of use to the enemy. "The ship was first set on fire in the forward storeroom, but three shots came through below her water-line and put out the flames. She was then set afire in four places aft, and when the flames were well under way, so as to make her destruction certain, Captain Smith and his first lieutenant (George Dewey) left the ship, all the officers and crew having been landed before. "The _Mississippi_ was soon ablaze fore and aft, and as she was now relieved of a great deal of weight--by the removal of her crew and the destruction of her upper works--she floated off the bank and drifted down the river, much to the danger of the Union vessels below. But she passed without doing them any injury, and at 5:30 o'clock blew up and went to the bottom." When the time came for the crew to save themselves as best they could, all sprang overboard and struck out for shore. A little way from the blazing steamer a poor sailor was struggling hard to save himself, but one arm was palsied from a wound, and he must have drowned but for Dewey, who swam powerfully to him, helped him to a floating piece of wreckage and towed him safely to land. The lieutenant was now transferred to one of the gunboats of Admiral Farragut's squadron and engaged in patrol duty between Cairo and Vicksburg. [Illustration: GUNBOATS PASSING BEFORE VICKSBURG.] The latter surrendered to General Grant July 4, 1863, and the river was opened from its source to the Gulf. Early in 1864 the lieutenant was made executive officer of the gunboat _Agawam_, and when attached to the North Atlantic squadron, took part in the attack on Fort Fisher, one of the strongest of forts, which, standing at the entrance of Cape Fear river, was so efficient a protection to Wilmington that the city became the chief port in the Confederacy for blockade runners. Indeed, its blockade was a nullity, despite the most determined efforts of the Union fleet to keep it closed. The Confederate cruisers advertised their regular days for departure, and they ran upon schedule time, even women and children taking passage upon the swift steamers with scarcely a fear that they would not be able to steam in and out of the river whenever the navigators of the craft chose to do so. The first attempt against Fort Fisher was in the latter part of December, 1864, but, though the fleet was numerous and powerful, and the greatest gallantry was displayed, the attack was unsuccessful. General Butler, in command of the land troops, after a careful examination of the Confederate works, pronounced capture impossible and refused to sacrifice his men in a useless attack. Nevertheless the attempt was renewed January 12, when General Alfred Terry had charge of the land forces. The garrison made one of the bravest defences of the whole war, and the hand-to-hand fight was of the most furious character. It lasted for five hours, when the fort was obliged to surrender, the garrison of 2,300 men becoming prisoners of war. It was in this fearful struggle that Ensign "Bob" Evans, who was with the naval force that charged up the unprotected beach, was so frightfully wounded that it was believed he could not live. When the surgeon made ready to amputate his shattered leg, Bob, who had secured possession of a loaded revolver, swore he would shoot any man who touched the limb with such purpose. Perforce he was left alone, and in due time fully recovered, though lamed for life. Lieutenant Dewey was one of the most active of the young officers in the attack on Fort Fisher, and conducted himself with so much bravery and skill, executing one of the most difficult and dangerous movements in the heat of the conflict, that he was highly complimented by his superior officers. But peace soon came, and a generation was to pass before his name was again associated with naval exploits. In March, 1865, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-commander and assigned to duty on the _Kearsarge_, the vessel that acquired undying glory for sinking the _Alabama_, off Cherbourg, France, during the previous July. Early in 1867 he was ordered home from the European station and assigned to duty at the Kittery Navy Yard, at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. While at this station he became acquainted with Miss Susan B. Goodwin, daughter of the "war Governor" of New Hampshire. She was an accomplished young woman, to whom the naval officer was married, October 24, 1867. Their all too brief wedded life was ideally happy, but she died December 28, 1872, a few days after the birth of a son, named George Goodwin, in honor of his grandfather. From 1873 to 1876 Dewey was engaged in making surveys on the Pacific coast; he commanded the _Juniata_ on the Asiatic squadron in 1882-83, and the following year was made captain and placed in charge of the _Dolphin_, one of the original "white squadron." Next came service in Washington as Chief of the Bureau of Equipment and Recruiting, as member of the Lighthouse Board and president of the Board of Inspection and Survey (he being made commodore February 28, 1896), until 1897, when he was placed in command of the Asiatic squadron, much against his will. CHAPTER III. DEWEY IN THE WAR WITH SPAIN. While engaged with his duties in Washington, Commodore Dewey found his close confinement to work had affected his health. Naturally strong and rugged, accustomed to the ozone of the ocean and toned up by the variety of the service, even in times of peace, the monotony of a continual round of the same duties told upon him, and his physician advised him to apply for sea service. He knew the counsel was wise and he made application, which was granted. Assistant Secretary of War Theodore Roosevelt, after a careful study of the record of the different naval commanders, was convinced that George Dewey deserved one of the most important commands at the disposal of the Government. The impetuous official was certain that war with Spain was at hand, and that one of the most effective blows against that tyrannous power could be struck in the far East, where the group of islands known as the Philippines constituted her most princely possessions. The assignment, as has been stated, was not pleasing to Dewey, because he and others believed the real hard fighting must take place in European or Atlantic waters. We all know the uneasiness that prevailed for weeks over the destination of the Spanish fleet under Admiral Cervera. Dewey wanted to meet him and do some fighting that would recall his services when a lieutenant in the Civil War, and he saw no chance of securing the chance on the other side of the world, but Roosevelt was persistent, and, against the wishes of the Naval Board, he obtained his assignment as flag officer of the Asiatic squadron. Commodore Dewey felt that the first duty of an officer is to obey, and after a farewell dinner given by his friends at the Metropolitan Club in Arlington, he hurriedly completed his preparations, and, starting for Hong Kong, duly reached that port, where, on January 3, 1898, he hoisted his flag on the _Olympia_. The official records show that the _Olympia_ was ordered home, but Roosevelt, in a confidential dispatch of February 25, directed Commodore Dewey to remain, to prepare his squadron for offensive operations, and, as soon as war broke out with Spain, to steam to the Philippines and hit the enemy as hard as he knew how. Meanwhile ammunition and supplies were hurried across the continent to San Francisco as fast as express trains could carry them, and were sent thence by steamer to Hong Kong, where they were eagerly received by the waiting Commodore. Reverting to those stirring days, it will be recalled that the Queen Regent of Spain declared war against the United States on April 24, 1898, to which we replied that war had begun three days earlier, when the Madrid government dismissed our minister and handed him his passports. Then followed, or rather were continued, the vigorous preparations on the part of our authorities for the prosecution of the war to a prompt and decisive end. Commodore Dewey's squadron lay at anchor in the harbor of Hong Kong, awaiting the momentous news from Washington. When it reached the commander it was accompanied by an order to capture or destroy the enemy's fleet at Manila. Almost at the same time Great Britain issued her proclamation of neutrality, the terms of which compelled Dewey to leave the British port of Hong Kong within twenty-four hours. He did so, steaming to Mirs Bay, a Chinese port near at hand, where he completed his preparations for battle, and on the 27th of April steamed out of the harbor on his way to Manila. The city of Manila, with a population numbering about a quarter of a million, lies on the western side of Luzon, the principal island, with a magnificent bay in front, extensive enough to permit all the navies of the world to manoeuvre with plenty of elbow room. The entrance to the immense bay is seven miles wide and contains two islands, Corregidor and Caballo, both of which were powerfully fortified, the works containing a number of modern guns. Torpedoes were stretched across the channel and the bay abounded with enough mines and torpedoes, it would seem, to blow any fleet of ironclads to atoms as soon as it dared to try to force an entrance into the waters. Some twenty miles beyond lay the city of Manila, and about ten miles to the south was Cavité, constituting the strongly fortified part of the city proper. Of course the Spanish spies were on the watch in Hong Kong, and while the American squadron was steaming out of the bay the news was telegraphed to the authorities at Manila, who knew that the real destination of the enemy was that city. Every effort was made to keep the matter a secret, but it was impossible, and it soon became known to everybody that the American "pigs" were coming, and that Manila must fall, if the Spanish fleet were unable to beat off the enemy. The Spaniards proclaimed that they would send every one of the American vessels to the bottom; but they had made similar boasts before, and their bombast did not quiet the fears of the people, among whom a panic quickly spread. Those who were able to do so gathered their valuables and took refuge on the merchant ships in the harbor and thanked heaven when they bore them away. Many others fled from the city, but the majority stayed, grimly determined to be in at the death and accept whatever fate was in store for them. The distance between Hong Kong and Manila is 630 miles, and it needed only a little figuring on the part of the inhabitants to decide that the dreaded squadron would be due on the following Saturday evening or early the next morning, which would be the first of May. The self-confidence of Admiral Montojo and his officers was almost sublime. All they asked was a fair chance at the "American pigs." They hoped that nothing would occur to prevent the coming of the fleet, for the Spaniards would never cease to mourn if the golden opportunity were allowed to slip from their grasp. They were not disappointed in that respect. It is proper to give at this point the respective strength of the American and Spanish fleets. The squadron under the command of Commodore Dewey was as follows: _Olympia_--Protected cruiser (flagship), 5,500 tons. Speed, 21.7 knots. Complement, 450. Armor, protected deck, 2 inches to 4-3/4 inches. Guns, main battery, four 8-inch, ten 5-inch, rapid-fire; secondary battery, rapid-fire, fourteen 6-pound, seven 1-pound, four Gatlings, one field gun and five torpedo tubes. Captain Charles V. Gridley. _Baltimore_--Protected cruiser, 4,400 tons. Speed, 20.1 knots. Complement, 386. Armor, 2-1/2 inches to 4 inches. Guns, main battery, four 8-inch, six 6-inch, slow-fire; secondary battery, rapid-fire, four 6-pound, two 3-pound, two 1-pound, four 37 MM. Hotchkiss, two Colts, one field gun and five torpedo tubes. Captain N.M. Dyer. _Raleigh_--Protected cruiser, 3,213 tons. Speed, 19 knots. Armor, 1 inch to 2-1/2 inches. Guns, one 6-inch, rapid-fire, ten 5-inch; secondary battery, eight 6-pounders, four 1-pounders, and two machine guns. Complement, 320. Captain J.B. Coghlan. _Boston_--Protected cruiser, 3,189 tons. Speed, 15.6 knots. Complement, 270. Armor, 1-1/2 inch deck. Guns, main battery, two 8-inch and six 6-inch rifles; secondary battery, rapid-fire, two 6-pounders and two 3-pounders. Captain F. Wildes. _Petrel_--Fourth-rate cruiser, 890 tons. Speed, 13.7 knots. Guns, four 6-inch, two 3-pounder rapid-fire, one 1-pounder, and four machine guns. Commander E.P. Wood. _Concord_--Gunboat, 1,710 tons. Speed, 16.8 knots. Armor, 3/8-inch deck. Guns, main battery, six 6-inch rifles. Commander Asa Walker. _Hugh McCulloch_--Revenue cutter, light battery of rapid-fire guns. _Zafiro_--Auxiliary cruiser: supply vessel. The vessels under command of Admiral Montojo were the following: _Reina Cristina_--Cruiser (flagship). Built in 1887, iron, 3,090 tons, 14 to 17.5 knots, according to draught, and a main battery of six 6.2-inch rifles. _Castilla_--Cruiser, built in 1881, wood, 3,342 tons, 14 knots, and four 5.9-inch Krupps and two 4.7-inch Krupps in her main battery. _Velasco_--Small cruiser, built in 1881, iron, 1,139 tons, and three 6-inch Armstrongs in her main battery. _Don Juan de Austria_--Small cruiser, completed in 1887, iron, 1,152 tons, 13 to 14 knots, and four 4.7-inch rifles in her main battery. _Don Antonio de Ulloa_--Small cruiser, iron, 1,152 tons. Four 4.7-inch Hontoria guns; two 2.7-inch, two quick-firing; two 1.5-inch; five muzzle loaders. Gunboats _Paragua_, _Callao_, _Samar_, _Pampagna_, and _Arayat_, built 1881-6, steel, 137 tons, 10 knots, and each mounting two quick-firing guns. Gunboats _Mariveles_ and _Mindoro_, built in 1886 and 1885, iron, 142 tons, 10 knots, each mounting one 2.7-inch rifle and four machine guns. Gunboat _Manileno_, built in 1887, wood, 142 tons, 9 knots, and mounting three 3.5-inch rifles. Gunboats _El Cano_ and _General Lezo_, built in 1885, iron, 528 tons, 10 to nearly 12 knots, and each mounting three 3.5-inch rifles. Gunboat _Marquis Del Duero_, built in 1875, iron, 500 tons, 10 knots, and mounting one 6.2-inch and two 4.7-inch rifles. * * * * * Through the bright sunshine and when the stars twinkled in the sky or the full moon rode overhead, the American ships steamed to the southeast across the heaving China Sea. The Stars and Stripes fluttered in the breeze and there was a feeling of expectancy on board the grim engines of war, that had laid aside every possible encumbrance, and like prize-fighters were stripped to the buff and eager for battle. The run was a smooth one, and as the sun was sinking in the sky Commodore Dewey, peering through his glass, caught the faint outlines of Corregidor Island, and dimly beyond the flickering haze revealed the Spanish fleet in the calm bay. The Commodore had been in that part of the world before, and while waiting at Hong Kong had gathered all the knowledge possible of the defences of Manila. He knew the fort was powerfully fortified and the bay mined, and knowing all this, he remembered the exclamation of his immortal instructor in the science of war, the peerless Farragut, when he was driving his squadron into Mobile Bay. Recalling that occurrence, Commodore Dewey joined in spirit in repeating the words: "D---- the torpedoes!" It was still many miles to the entrance, and night closed in while the squadron was ploughing through the sea that broke in tumbling foam at the bows and spread far away in snowy wakes at the rear. All lights were put out, the full moon again climbed the sky and the shadowy leviathans plunged through the waters straight for the opening of the bay, guarded by the fort and batteries, with the Spanish fleet beyond, defiantly awaiting the coming of the American squadron. Suddenly from Corregidor Island the darkness was lit up by a vivid flash, a thunderous boom traveled across the bay, and the heavy shot tore its way screaming over the _Raleigh_, quickly followed by a second, which fell astern of the _Olympia_ and _Raleigh_. The Spaniards had discovered the approach of the squadron. The _Raleigh_, _Concord_, and _Boston_ replied; all the shots being fired with remarkable accuracy. One may imagine the consternation in Manila when the boom of those guns rolled in from the bay, for none could mistake its meaning. Women and children ran to the churches and knelt in frenzied prayer; men dashed to and fro, not knowing what to do, while the Spanish soldiers, who had not believed the American ships could ever pass the harbor torpedoes and mines, were in a wild panic when they learned that the seemingly impossible had been done. To add to the terror, rumors spread that the ferocious natives were gathering at the rear of the city to rush in and plunder and kill. When at last the morning light appeared in the sky, the Americans saw tens of thousands of people crowded along the shore, gazing in terror out on the bay where rode the hostile fleets, soon to close in deadly battle. Commodore Dewey coolly scanned the hostile vessels, and grasping the whole situation, as may be said, at a glance, led in the attack on the enemy. While approaching Cavité two mines exploded directly in front of the _Olympia_. The roar was tremendous and the water was flung hundreds of feet in the air. Without swerving an inch or halting, Dewey signalled to the other vessels to pay no attention to the torpedoes, but to steam straight ahead. It was virtually a repetition of the more emphatic command of Farragut in Mobile Bay, uttered thirty-four years before. The batteries on shore let fly at the ships, and the first reply was made by Captain Coghlan of the _Raleigh_. The _Olympia_ had led the way into the harbor, and she now headed for the centre of the Spanish fleet. Calmly watching everything in his field of vision, and knowing when the exact moment arrived for the beginning of the appalling work, Commodore Dewey, cool, alert, attired in white duck uniform and a golf cap, turned to Captain Gridley and said in his ordinary conversational tone: "Gridley, you may fire when ready." A series of sharp, crackling sounds followed, like exploding Chinese crackers, and then the thunderous roars and a vast volume of smoke rolled over the bay and enveloped the warships that were pouring their deadly fire into the Spanish vessels. The American ships, in order to disconcert the aim of the batteries of the enemy, moved slowly in their terrible ellipses or loops, their sides spouting crimson flame and answered by the shots of the Spaniards, who fought with a courage deserving of all praise. The manoeuvring of the American ships led the breathless swarms on shore to believe they were suffering defeat, and an exultant telegram to that effect was cabled to Madrid, nearly ten thousand miles away, where it caused a wild but short-lived rejoicing. At half-past seven there was a lull. Commodore Dewey drew off to replenish his magazines, of whose shortness of supply he had received disturbing reports. Advantage was taken of the cessation to give the men breakfast, for it is a well accepted principle that sailors as well as soldiers fight best upon full stomachs. As the wind blew aside the dense smoke, it was seen that the _Reina Cristina_, the Spanish flagship, was in flames. Hardly two hours later the American squadron advanced again to the attack, and Admiral Montojo was observed to transfer his flag from the doomed _Reina Cristina_ to the _Isla de Cuba_, which soon after was also ablaze. Amid the crash and roar of the ponderous guns sounded the shrieks and cries of mortal agony from the Spanish crews, victims to the matchless gunnery of the Americans. [Illustration: THE "OLYMPIA" IN MANILA BAY.] The latter pressed their advantage remorselessly. The _Don Juan de Austria_ was the centre of the heaviest fire, and suddenly a part of the deck flew upward in the air, carrying with it scores of dead and wounded. A shot had exploded one of her magazines, and at the sight of the awful results Admiral Montojo threw up his arms in despair. The crew refused to leave the blazing ship, and cursing and praying they went down with her. Then the _Castilla_ burst into one mass of roaring flame, and the rest of the defeated fleet skurried down the long narrow isle behind Cavité. Others dashed up a small creek, where they grounded, and those that were left ran ashore. By half-past eleven the batteries of Cavité were silenced, the Spanish fleet was destroyed, and the victorious Americans broke into ringing cheers. The battle of Manila, one of the most remarkable in naval annals, was won and Commodore Dewey took rank among the greatest of all the heroes of the sea. What a marvellous record! Of the Spaniards, the dead and wounded numbered nearly a thousand, while not a single life had been lost by the American squadron. Several were wounded, but none seriously. No such victory between ironclads has thus far taken place in the history of the world. In the face of mines, torpedoes and shore batteries, Commodore Dewey had won an overwhelming and crushing victory. The power of Spain in the Philippines was forever destroyed, and another glorious victory had been added to the long list that illumines the story of the American navy. It was easy for Dewey to compel the surrender of Manila, but with the prudence that always guides him, he decided that since his force was not strong enough to occupy and hold the city, to await the arrival of reinforcements from the United States. They reached Manila the following August, and, under command of General Wesley Merritt and aided by the fleet, Manila surrendered, almost at the same hour that the representatives of Spain and our own officials in Washington signed the protocol that marked the cessation of war between the two countries. Now came long and trying weeks and months to Rear Admiral Dewey, he having been promoted upon receipt of news of his great victory. Peerless as was his conduct during offensive operations, it was surpassed in many respects by his course throughout the exasperating period named. Germany and France were unfriendly and Aguinaldo treacherous, though Great Britain and Japan were ardent in their sympathy for the United States. Germany especially was a constant cause of irritation to Admiral Dewey, whose patience was often tried to the utmost verge. To his tact, prudence, self-control, firmness, diplomacy and masterful wisdom were due the fact that no complication with foreign powers occurred and that the United States escaped a tremendous war, whose consequences no one could foresee or calculate. Everybody instinctively felt that Admiral Dewey was the real hero of our war with Spain. The wish was general that he should return home in order that his countrymen might have opportunity to show their appreciation of him and to give him fitting honors. And nothing could be more repugnant than all this to the naval hero, who is as modest as he is brave. Besides, he felt that his work was by no means finished in the far East, for, as has been shown, there was need of delicate diplomacy, prudence and statesmanship. He asked to be allowed to stay, and he did so, until, the main difficulty being passed, and his health feeling the result of the tremendous strain that was never relaxed, he finally set sail in the _Olympia_ for home, leaving Hong Kong in May, and, one year after his great victory, proceeding at a leisurely rate that did not bring him to his native shores until the cool breezes of autumn. On the long voyage hither he was shown the highest honors everywhere, and Washington or Lincoln could not have received more grateful homage than was paid to him by his countrymen, whom he had served so long, so faithfully and so well. Meanwhile, it should be added, that the rank of full Admiral of the navy, hitherto borne only by David Glasgow Farragut and David Dixon Porter, was revived and bestowed, in February, 1899, upon George Dewey, and of the three none has worn the exalted honor more worthily than the Green Mountain Boy, who has proven himself the born gentleman and fighter, the thorough patriot and statesman and the Chevalier Bayard of the American navy. THE REVOLUTIONARY BATTLES. CHAPTER IV. Birth of the American Navy--The Privateers--Capture of New Providence, in the Bahamas--Paul Jones--A Clever Exploit--A Skilful Escape--Fine Seamanship--An Audacious Scheme. When, on April 19, 1775, the battle of Lexington opened the Revolution the Colonies did not possess a single ship with which to form the beginning of a navy. They had for many years been actively engaged in the coasting trade and some of their vessels did valiant service on the side of England in the wars against France and Spain. We had a good many hardy, skilled seamen, who formed the best material from which to man a navy, and before long Congress undertook the work of building one. That body ordered the construction of thirteen frigates--one for each State--and some of these did noble work, but by the close of the war few of them were left; nearly all had been captured or destroyed. [Illustration: CAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES.] It was far different with the privateers, which were vessels fitted out by private parties, under the authority of Congress, to cruise the seas wherever they chose and capture English vessels wherever they could. When a prize was taken the lucky officers and crews divided the plunder. It was a very tempting field for the brave and enterprising Americans and when, in March, 1776, Congress gave them permission to fit out and sail privateers, they were quick to use the chance of securing prize money as it was called. Those swift sailing vessels and their daring crews sailed out of Salem, Cape Ann, Newburyport, Bristol and other seacoast towns, and they did not have to hunt long before they found the richest sort of prizes. In the single year 1776 these privateers captured 342 British vessels and wrought great havoc among the English shipping. In January, 1778, one of these privateers entered the harbor of New Providence, in the Bahamas, and captured the fort and a sixteen-gun man-of-war. Many other valiant exploits were performed and before long some of the more daring privateers boldly crossed the Atlantic and by their deeds threw the coast of Great Britain into consternation. Among the most remarkable of these naval heroes was a young Scotchman, not quite thirty years old. [Illustration] He had been trained in the merchant service and had become a skilful sailor before he removed to Virginia, where he made his home. He devotedly loved his adopted country, and, when the war broke out between the colonies and Great Britain, and the long, hard struggle for independence began, he was among the very first to offer his services on the side of liberty. His character was so well known and appreciated that he was appointed a first lieutenant. I am sure you have all heard of him, for his name was John Paul Jones, though since, for some reason or other, he dropped his first name and is generally referred to simply as Paul Jones. His first service was on the _Alfred_, which helped in the capture of the fort at New Providence, already spoken of. Jones with his own hands hoisted the first flag displayed on an American man-of-war. It was of yellow silk, with the device of a rattlesnake, and bore the motto, "Don't tread on me." Jones attracted such favorable attention during this enterprise that on his return he was made commander of the twelve-ton brig _Providence_ and was employed for a time in carrying troops from Rhode Island to New York. Since he was by birth a citizen of Great Britain, which then insisted that "once a British subject always a British subject," the English cruisers made determined efforts to capture him. Many of the officers declared that if they could lay hands on the audacious freebooter, as they called him, they would hang him at the yard arm. But, before doing so, they had to catch him, and that proved a harder task than they suspected. He was chased many times and often fired into, but the _Providence_ was always swift enough to show a clean pair of heels to her pursuers and Jones himself was such a fine sailor that he laughed at their efforts to take him prisoner. One of the cleverest exploits of Jones was performed in the autumn of 1776. He saw an American brig returning from the West Indies, heavily laden with supplies for Washington's army, which was badly in need of them. A British frigate was in hot pursuit of the American, which was straining every nerve to escape, but would not have been able to do so except for Jones, who ran in between the two, and, firing into the frigate, induced her to let the American go and chase him. Taking advantage of the chance thus offered, the brig got safely away and then Jones himself dodged away from the frigate, which thus lost both. In the month of October, 1776, Jones was promoted to the rank of captain and ordered to cruise between Boston and the Delaware. I must tell you an anecdote which illustrates his wonderful seamanship. Some weeks before he was made a captain, and while cruising off Bermuda, he saw five sail far to the windward and he beat up, doing so carefully and with the purpose of finding out whether there was a chance for him to strike an effective blow. He picked out what looked like a large merchant ship and gave chase. He gained fast, but to his dismay, when he was quite close, he discovered that instead of a merchant ship he had almost run into a twenty-eight gun frigate of the enemy. Finding he had caught a Tartar, Jones did the only thing left to him. He hauled off and put on every stitch of sail and the frigate did the same. She proved the better sailer, and, though she gained slowly, it was surely, and in the course of a few hours she had approached within musket shot of the brig's lee quarter. There seemed no possible escape for Jones, knowing which, he did a remarkable thing. He veered off until the frigate was almost astern, when he put about dead before the wind, with every yard of canvas set. The Englishman was dumfounded by the daring manoeuvre, which brought the American within pistol shot, for he did not fire a gun until Jones was beyond reach of his grape. The pursuit was continued hour after hour, but the brig was now at her best and finally left her pursuer hopelessly astern. When the _Providence_ ran into Newport in October she had captured or destroyed fifteen prizes. Jones's bold and skilful seamanship drew attention to him and he was now given command of the 24-gun ship _Alfred_, while Captain Hacker took charge of the _Providence_. The two vessels started on a cruise in company and some days later the _Alfred_ fell in with three British vessels, and, after a brisk action, captured them all. One proved to be a transport with 150 men and a large amount of supplies for Burgoyne's army, which was at that time organizing in Montreal for its notable campaign through New York, where it was captured by General Gates, at Saratoga. This transport was so valuable that Jones, instead of putting a prize crew on board, determined to take her into port, and, if in danger of capture from pursuit, he meant to sink her. It began snowing the following night and the _Providence_ and _Alfred_ were obliged to separate. Jones was making for Boston when he was discovered by the frigate that he had outwitted two months before, when the _Providence_ narrowly escaped capture. Night was closing in and the frigate being to windward, her outlines were indistinct. Captain Jones ordered his prizes to steer southward and to pay no attention to the signals displayed on his own vessel. At midnight he hoisted a toplight and tacked to the west, knowing the others would continue to the southward as he had directed. The strategem was successful, for at daylight the frigate was pressing hard after the _Alfred_, while the prizes had disappeared. The _Alfred_ eluded her enemy as before, and, upon reaching Boston, Jones found his captives awaiting him. An idea of the effectiveness of the privateers may be gained by the statement that during the year 1777 nearly 500 vessels were captured by them. By that time Paul Jones had proven himself to be the finest officer in the American Navy. He had every quality to make him such. No one could surpass him in seamanship. He was cool and daring and was animated by the highest patriotism for his adopted country. Such a man was sure to be heard of again, as Great Britain learned to her cost. France had shown a strong liking for the American colonies from the first. No doubt this liking was influenced by her hatred of England, for the nations had been bitter rivals for years. We had sent several commissioners to Paris, and they did a good deal for our country. The commissioners had a heavy, single-decked frigate built in Holland, which was named the _South Carolinian_ and was intended for Paul Jones, but some difficulties occurred and he was sent to sea in the 18-gun ship _Ranger_, which left Portsmouth, N.H., at the beginning of November. She was so poorly equipped that Jones complained, though he did not hesitate on that account. On the way to Nantes, in France, the _Ranger_ captured two prizes, refitted at Brest, and in April, 1778, sailed for the British coast. Having made several captures, Captain Jones headed for the Isle of Man, his intention being to make a descent upon Whitehaven. A violent wind that night baffled him, and, hoping to prevent his presence in the section from being discovered, he kept his vessel disguised as a merchantman. Sailing hither and thither, generally capturing all vessels that he sighted, he finally turned across to the Irish coast and in the latter part of the month was off Carrickfergus, where he learned from some fishermen that the British sloop-of-war _Drake_ was at anchor in the roads. Jones was exceedingly anxious to attack her, and planned a night surprise, but again the violent wind interfered and he was forced to give up the scheme, so well suited to his daring nature. This brave man now set out to execute one of the most startling schemes that can be imagined. Whitehaven at that time was a city of 50,000 inhabitants and the harbor was filled with shipping. His plan was to sail in among the craft and burn them all. It seemed like the idea of a man bereft of his senses, but there was not the slightest hesitation on his part. Such enterprises often succeed through their very boldness, and his belief was that by acting quickly he could accomplish his purpose and strike a blow at England that would carry consternation to the people and the government. Captain Jones had in mind the many outrages committed by British vessels along our seacoast, for, describing his purpose in a memorial to Congress, he said his intention was, by one good fire in England of British shipping, "to put an end to all burnings in America." CHAPTER V. A Daring Attempt by Captain Paul Jones--Why It Failed--A Bold Scheme--Why It Did Not Succeed--The Fight Between the _Ranger_ and _Drake_. Paul Jones waited until midnight. Then, when no one was dreaming of danger, his men silently pulled away from the _Ranger_ in two boats, one commanded by himself and the other by Lieutenant Wallingford. It was a long pull, and when they reached the outer pier of the harbor it was beginning to grow light in the east. They now parted company, and Jones directed his men to row for the south side of the harbor, while the Lieutenant was to make for the north shore. The object of the two was the same: the burning of the shipping. Wallingford reached the north side, and then, strangely enough, gave up the attempt, his reason being that the candle on which he counted to start the fire was blown out. The reader must remember that in those days matches were unknown and the task of relighting had to be done with the steel, flint and tinder. Though the contrivance is an awkward one, we cannot help thinking the excuse of the Lieutenant was weak, but the result was a failure on his part to carry out the important work assigned to him. Captain Jones was a different kind of man. Although day had fully dawned, he kept his men rowing rapidly. Reaching the south side of the harbor, he came upon a small fort garrisoned by a few soldiers. Leaping out of the boat, the American dashed forward, bounded over the walls and captured the sentinels before they knew their danger. The guns were spiked and the garrison made prisoners. "Set fire to the shipping!" he commanded to his men, while he, with only a single companion, ran for a second fort some distance away and spiked the guns in that. Then he hurried back to the first fort and found to his surprise that the fire had not been started. "The candles have given out," was the reply to his angry inquiry. It being broad daylight, his men expected him to jump into the boat and order them to return with all haste to the ship; but, instead of doing so, he darted into one of the nearest houses, procured some tinder and candles and began himself the work of destruction. Fixing his attention upon a large vessel, he climbed quickly aboard and started a fire in her steerage. To help matters, he flung a barrel of tar over the flames and in a few minutes they were roaring fiercely. It meant prodigious damage, for the vessel was surrounded by more than a hundred others, none of which could move, since they were aground and the tide was out. As may be supposed, there was great excitement by that time. The alarm had been given. Men were running to and fro, and a number hurried toward the burning ship with the purpose of extinguishing the flames. All the Americans had entered the small boat and were impatiently awaiting their commander. Instead of joining them, Jones drew his pistol, and, standing alone in front of the crowd, kept them back until the fire burst out of the steerage and began running up the rigging. Backing slowly with drawn pistol, he stepped into the boat and told his men to row with might and main for the vessel. The instant this was done the crowd rushed forward and by desperate efforts succeeded in putting out the blaze before it had done much damage. Then the forts attempted to fire on the Americans, but their guns were spiked. Some cannon on the ships were discharged at the boats, but their shots went wild. When the _Ranger_ was reached Captain Jones made the discovery that one of his men was missing. The reason was clear. He was a deserter and had been seen by his former comrades running from house to house and giving the alarm. Such was the narrow chance by which one of the most destructive conflagrations of British shipping was averted. As may be supposed, this daring act caused alarm throughout England. Jones was denounced as a freebooter and pirate, and every effort was made to capture him. Had his enemies succeeded, little mercy would have been shown the dauntless hero. England was very cruel to many of her American prisoners, and Captain Jones fixed upon a bold and novel plan for compelling her to show more mercy toward those unfortunate enough to fall into her power. It was to capture some prominent nobleman and hold him as a hostage for the better treatment of our countrymen. It must be remembered that Jones was cruising near his birthplace and when a sailor boy had become familiar with the Scottish and the English coasts. The _Ranger_ was a fast vessel, and, as I have shown, Jones himself was a master of seamanship. It would seem, therefore, that all he had to do was to be alert, and it need not be said that he and his crew were vigilant at all times. The Earl of Selkirk was a Scottish nobleman who had his country seat at the mouth of the Dee, and Jones made up his mind that he was just the man to serve for a hostage. At any rate, he could not be put to a better use and certainly would not suspect the purpose of the American vessel which, as night was closing in, anchored offshore. Indeed, no one dreamed that the vessel was the terrible American "pirate," which had thrown the whole country into terror. Fortunately the night was dark and the men rowed to land without being noticed. The task was an easy one, for there was no one to resist them. They walked silently through the darkness to the fine grounds, and, having surrounded the handsome building, the officer in charge of the party presented himself at the door and made known his startling errand. He was informed that the Earl was absent. A careful search revealed that such was the fact, and all the trouble of the Americans went for naught. It was a keen disappointment and the party decided to compensate themselves so far as they could. The Earl was wealthy and the house contained a great deal of valuable silver plate. A quantity of this was carried to the _Ranger_. Captain Jones was angered when he learned what had been done. He knew the Earl and Lady Selkirk well and personally liked them both. The singular scheme he had in mind was solely for the benefit of his adopted countrymen. "I am accused of being a pirate, robber and thief," he exclaimed, "and you are doing all you can to justify the charges. Every ounce of plate shall be returned." He kept his word. The messengers who took back the silver carried a note from Captain Jones apologizing to Lady Selkirk for the misconduct of his men. Now, if there was anything which Paul Jones loved it was to fight. It was simply diversion for him to capture merchantmen or vessels that could make only a weak resistance, and he longed to give the enemy a taste of his mettle. It may be said that his situation grew more dangerous with every hour. His presence was known and a score of cruisers were hunting for him. The British sloop of war _Drake_, which the gale prevented him from attacking, was still at Carrickfergus, and Jones sailed thither in the hope of inducing her to come out and fight him. Being uncertain of his identity, the captain of the _Drake_ sent an officer in a boat to learn the truth. Captain Jones suspected the errand and skilfully kept his broadsides turned away until the officer, determined to know his identity, went aboard. As soon as he stepped on deck he was made a prisoner and sent below. Captain Jones reasoned that the captain of the _Drake_ would miss his officer after awhile and come out to learn what had become of him. He, therefore, headed toward the North Channel, the _Drake_ following, with the tide against her and the wind unfavorable until the mid-channel was reached, when, to quote Maclay, Paul Jones "in plain view of three kingdoms, hove to, ran up the flag of the new Republic and awaited the enemy." In reply to the demand of the _Drake's_ captain, Jones gave the name of his vessel and expressed the pleasure it would give him to engage him in battle. The American was astern of the _Drake_, and, to show his earnestness, Captain Jones ordered his helm put up and let fly with a broadside. The _Drake_ replied and then the battle was on. There was little manoeuvring, the contest being what is known as a square yardarm and yardarm fight. The comparative strength of the two vessels was as follows: The _Ranger_ carried 18 guns and 123 men, the _Drake_ 20 guns and 160 men, a number of the latter being volunteers for the fight, which lasted one hour and four minutes, at the end of which time the _Ranger_ had lost two killed and six wounded and the _Drake_ forty-two killed. The latter was so badly damaged by the well directed fire of the American that the captain called for quarter. Ceasing her firing, Captain Jones lowered a boat and sent it to the _Drake_ to take possession. As an evidence of the effect of the fire of the _Ranger_, the following words may be quoted from Jones's official report: "Her fore and maintopsail yards being cut away and down on the caps, the topgallant yard and mizzen gaff both hanging up and down along the mast, the second ensign which they had hoisted shot away and hanging on the quarter gallery in the water, the jib shot away and hanging in the water, her sails and rigging cut entirely to pieces, her masts and yards all wounded and her hull very much galled." The damages to the _Ranger_ were so slight they were repaired by the close of the following day, when she got under sail with her prize. Despite the swarm of cruisers that were hunting for him, Jones passed unscathed through North Channel, along the western coast of Ireland and arrived at Brest, in France, within a month of the day he left the port, his cruise having been one of the most remarkable in naval history. CHAPTER VI. One of the Most Memorable Sea Fights Ever Known--The Wonderful Exploit of Captain Paul Jones. I have taken Paul Jones as the highest type of the infant American navy. There were others who fought with great bravery and did much to aid in the struggle for American independence, but none combined in such perfection the qualities of perfect seamanship, cool but dauntless courage and skill in fighting. Of course, no matter how daring our cruisers, they did not always escape disaster. At the close of the Revolution there had been twenty-four vessels lost, carrying 470 guns. Several of these met their fate through shipwreck. Contrast with this the loss of Great Britain, which was 102 war vessels, carrying in all 2,624 guns. The total vessels of all kinds captured from the English by our cruisers and privateers was about 800. Captain Jones had made so successful a cruise with the _Ranger_ that he felt, upon returning to Brest, in France, he was entitled to a better ship. He wrote to Benjamin Franklin, expressing himself plainly on that point, and the American commissioner, after several months' delay, had a ship of 40 guns placed under the command of Jones. Her original name was the _Duras_, but at Jones's request it was changed to the _Bonhomme Richard_. This was in compliment to Franklin, who was often called "Poor Richard" by his admiring countrymen, because for many years he had published "Poor Richard's Almanac," filled with wise and witty sayings. This ship was an old Indiaman, in which 42 guns were placed, and the final number of her crew was 304. The 32-gun frigate _Alliance_, Captain Landais, was put under the orders of Captain Jones and a third, the _Pallas_, was bought and armed with thirty guns. A merchant brig and a cutter were also added to the squadron. It was found very hard to man these vessels and any other captain than Jones would have given up the task as an impossible one. It seemed as if about every known nation in the world was represented and some of the men of the most desperate character. Maclay says in his "History of the American Navy" that the muster roll of the _Bonhomme Richard_ showed that the men hailed from America, France, Italy, Ireland, Germany, Scotland, Sweden, Switzerland, England, Spain, India, Norway, Portugal, Fayal and Malasia, while there were seven Maltese and the knight of the ship's galley was from Africa. The majority of the officers, however, were American. [Illustration: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.] This squadron sailed from L'Orient on June 19, 1779. Almost immediately trouble occurred. Captain Landais, without any show of reason, claimed that the command, by right of seniority of commission, belonged to him. On the first night out the _Alliance_ and _Bonhomme Richard_ collided and were obliged to return to port for repairs. Vexatious delays prevented the sailing of the squadron until August 14. One of the consorts captured an English war vessel in the latter part of June, but was compelled to abandon her on the appearance of a superior force of the enemy, and the squadron put into L'Orient for repairs. A piece of good fortune came to the _Bonhomme Richard_ while in this port. About a hundred exchanged American prisoners volunteered and did a great deal to improve the discipline and strengthen the crew of Jones's ship. The valiant American, however, met with difficulties that were of the most exasperating nature. A boat's crew deserted and spread the news of the arrival of the squadron off the English coast. Captain Landais, commander of the _Alliance_, refused to obey the signals of the flagship, and conducted himself so outrageously that Jones more than suspected his brain was askew. The _Bonhomme Richard_ was old and in bad condition, but Jones told Benjamin Franklin in a letter that he meant to do something with her that would induce his Government to provide him with a better ship. He sailed almost completely around Great Britain, during which he captured seventeen vessels, most of which were destroyed though the more valuable were sent into port in charge of prize crews. This depletion of his crew so weakened it that Captain Jones wisely refrained from remaining long in one place. Doubling Flamborough Head, he came up with his companions, the _Pallas_ and the _Alliance_, the latter having been out of his company for a fortnight. This was on September 23, 1779. It was near noon, while the American squadron was chasing a British brigantine and was approaching Flamborough Head from the south, that a large sail was discovered, rounding that promontory from the south. Another and another followed, the astonished Americans counting them until the number had mounted up to forty-two. It was a startling sight, for if these vessels were ships of war nothing could save the American squadron, or, if most of them were merchantmen, under a strong escort, the peril of Captain Jones and his crews would be almost as great. The commander studied the fleet through his glass, allowing it to come closer and closer and holding himself ready to flee, should it be necessary to do so. Finally, after a long scrutiny, Jones's face lit up with exultation. There were only two vessels of war in the fleet, and he immediately gave the signal for pursuit. The _Serapis_, commanded by Captain Pearson, knew that he was confronted by the redoubtable Paul Jones, and he welcomed a fight with him, for the British captain was one of the bravest of men. He signalled for the merchantmen to scatter, and they did so with the utmost haste, while the frigate with her consort, the _Countess of Scarborough_, boldly advanced to engage the American squadron. It was at this critical moment that the captain of the _Alliance_ once more showed his insubordination. He refused to obey Jones's signal to fall to the rear of the _Bonhomme Richard_ and the _Pallas_ for a time was equally disobedient. Soon, however, she changed her conduct and gallantly advanced to engage the _Countess of Scarborough_. Captain Landais, however, sullenly kept out of the battle, and, as we shall presently learn, did even worse than that. Captain Pearson, of the _Serapis_, waited until his convoy was beyond danger, when he tacked inshore. Fearing he would get away, Jones ran in between him and the land. It was now growing dark, and it was hard for the American commander to follow the movements of his enemy. But the latter was not fleeing, and, although dimly visible to each other, the two antagonists began cautiously approaching, both on the alert for any advantage that might present itself. Nothing but the rippling of water made by the vessels broke the profound, expectant hush that rested upon both. Suddenly from the gloom came the voice of the captain of the _Serapis_: "What ship is that?" Jones wished to get nearer before opening fire and replied: "I do not understand you; speak louder." "What ship is that?" repeated the other in a louder voice through his trumpet. "Answer or I shall fire into you." Jones made no reply, knowing that it was useless, but continued to edge near his antagonist. A minute later both ships discharged a broadside at the same moment, the gloom being lit up by spouts of crimson flame, while the thunder "shook the mighty deep" and the sulphurous smoke rolled slowly upward and drifted through the rigging. Then again came a minute or so of impressive stillness, while the crews of both looked around to learn the results of the awful tempest of round shot, grape and canister of which they had been the targets. Sad work, indeed, had been done, for from each vessel rose the cries of the wounded and dying--cries that inspired their companions to revenge and caused them to hasten the reloading and firing of the cannon. But unfortunately the _Bonhomme Richard_ suffered from her own guns as well as from those of the enemy. On the lower gun deck was an improvised battery of six 18-pounders, two of which burst, killing most of the men at work there and tearing away the deck above them. The remainder of the men refused to serve the other guns, and thus the _Bonhomme Richard_ was deprived of the services of her heaviest battery, in addition to the serious loss in dead and wounded. Captain Jones forged ahead, crossing his enemy's bow, while the latter came up on his port quarter. They were within a biscuit's toss of each other, wrapped in dense smoke, lit up by the jets of flame which were continuous. Mingled with the terrific booming was the spiteful rattle of musketry from the tops and yells and cries of the wounded. The decks of the _Bonhomme Richard_ were slippery with blood, which increased until the men, as they ran to and fro, splashed in it, like children playing in a mud puddle, and it was the same on the _Serapis_. It found its outlet through the scuppers and crimsoned the deep blue of the ocean. [Illustration: FIGHT BETWEEN "BONHOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS."] Some of the shots from the _Serapis_ pierced the _Bonhomme Richard_ under the water line, causing her to leak badly. Deprived of his 18-pound guns by reason of the accident mentioned, Jones was forced to rely upon his 12-pounders. They were worked for all that was in them, but the whole fourteen were silenced in little more than half an hour and seven of the quarter deck and forecastle guns were dismounted. She was left with three 9-pounders, which, being loaded and aimed under the eye of Jones himself, did frightful execution on the deck of the enemy. An hour had passed and the men were fighting furiously, when the full moon appeared above the horizon and lit up the fearful scene. The _Serapis_ attempted to cross the bow of the _Bonhomme Richard_, but miscalculated and the _Bonhomme Richard_ shoved her bowsprit over the other's stern. In the lull that followed, when each expected his antagonist to board, Captain Pearson called out: "Have you struck?" "Struck!" shouted back Jones; "I am just beginning to fight!" The _Serapis_ made another effort to get into position to rake the American, but in the blinding smoke she ran her jibboom afoul of the starboard mizzen shrouds of the _Bonhomme Richard_. Captain Jones himself lashed the spar to the rigging, knowing that his only chance was in fighting at close quarters, but the swaying of the ships broke them apart. At that instant, however, the spare anchor of the _Serapis_ caught on the American's quarter and held the two vessels, as may be said, locked in each other's arms. They were so close, indeed, that the English gunners could not raise the lower port lids, and they blew them off by firing their cannon through them. The men on each ship in loading were forced to push their rammers into the ports of the other vessel. The _Bonhomme Richard_ was set on fire by burning wads, but the flames were speedily extinguished. The explosion of the American's lower guns at the opening of the battle had made her helpless against the corresponding battery of the enemy, which pounded away until a huge, yawning gap was opened. Some of the shots went clean through the battered hull and splashed into the water, hundreds of feet distant. The disadvantage was more than offset by the concentration of the Americans on the upper deck and in the rigging. The fire of the _Bonhomme Richard_ became so terrible that every officer and man of the enemy kept out of sight, observing which an American seaman crawled out on the main yard, carrying a bucket of hand grenades which he threw wherever he saw a man. He did this with such excellent aim that he dropped one through the main hatchway and into the gunroom. It fell into a heap of powder and produced an explosion that was awful beyond description, for it killed and wounded thirty-eight men and really decided the battle. At that moment, when it all seemed over, Captain Landais fired a broadside from the _Alliance_ into the _Bonhomme Richard_. Captain Jones called to him in God's name to desist, but he circled about the two ships and fired again and again into his ally, killing and wounding a number of men and officers. It was believed that the _Alliance_ had been captured by the enemy and had joined in the attack on the _Bonhomme Richard_, which was so injured that she began slowly to sink. Having wrought this irreparable damage, the _Alliance_ drew off and ceased her murderous work. Jones incited his prisoners to desperate pumping by the report that the _Serapis_ must soon go down and that the only way to save themselves from drowning was to keep the _Bonhomme_ afloat. An officer ran to the quarter deck to haul down the colors, but they had been shot away. He then hurried to the taffrail and shouted for quarter. Jones, being in another part of the ship, did not hear him. The British commander mustered his men to board the American, but they were driven back by the firing from the rigging of the _Bonhomme Richard_. The condition of the latter could not have been more desperate. She was so mangled that she began to settle, most of her guns had been disabled, a fire that could not be checked was already close to her magazine and several hundred prisoners were stealing here and there, waiting for a chance to strike from behind. [Illustration: OLD-TIME BATTLESHIPS.] A deserter had slipped on board of the _Serapis_ in the confusion and acquainted the commander with the frightful plight of the American. After firing with renewed ardor for several minutes Captain Pearson again called to know whether Jones had surrendered. He shouted back a defiant negative, and, pistol in hand, ordered his men to the guns, threatening to kill the first one who refused. All knew his temper too well to hesitate, and the battle was renewed with greater fury than before. Captain Pearson could not believe the condition of the _Bonhomme Richard_ as bad as was represented by the deserter. He had lost a great many men, all his guns were silenced, and, being utterly unable to make any further defence, he hauled down his flag with his own hands. The surrender was just in time to save the _Bonhomme Richard_, which was in danger of going down and blowing up. The united efforts of both crews were necessary to extinguish the flames before they reached the magazine. She was kept afloat through the night, while the wounded and prisoners were transferred to the _Serapis_. Then the battered and riddled old hulk plunged downward bow foremost into the depths of the German Ocean. [Illustration: MEDAL PRESENTED BY CONGRESS TO CAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES.] This battle has never been surpassed in heroism. Both sides fought with a bravery that has given the conflict a place by itself in naval annals, and it will always stand as a proof of the dauntless courage of the Anglo-Saxon beyond the reach of those of the Latin race. The _Bonhomme Richard_ had 42 guns and the _Serapis_ 50; the American crew numbered 304 and the English 320. The killed on each side was 49; the wounded on the _Bonhomme Richard_ was 116 and on the _Serapis_ 117, there being a difference of only one in the total of killed and wounded. The battle lasted three hours and a half. The _Countess of Scarborough_ made a gallant resistance for two hours, when she was so crippled that she was compelled to surrender to the Frenchman. An investigation into the treacherous conduct of Captain Landais caused many to believe him insane, though others were convinced that he was inspired by intense jealousy of Captain Jones. He was discharged from both the French and American navy. Benjamin Franklin was among those who believed he deserved punishment for his perfidy. The _Serapis_ and _Countess of Scarborough_ were refitted and given to France, while Captain Jones was placed in command of the _Alliance_. He was loaded with honors in France, the king presenting him with a gold sword, and when he sailed for the United States he gave another exhibition of his superb seamanship by eluding the blockaders that were waiting for him outside of Texel, running through the Straits of Dover and then defiantly standing down the English Channel in full view of more than one of the largest British fleets. He reached the United States in June, 1780, without mishap. Congress gave Captain Jones a vote of thanks, and, had the war continued, no doubt he would have rendered more brilliant service for the country he loved so well, but before he could be given a fitting command hostilities ceased. He had won a world-wide reputation and accepted the appointment of rear-admiral in the Russian navy, but gained no opportunity to display his marvelous prowess. He died in Paris in 1792. CHAPTER VII. Our Naval War with France--The Tribute Paid to the Barbary States by Christian Nations--War Declared Against the United States by Tripoli--Bainbridge, Decatur, Stewart, Dale and Preble. Now I suspect that if my young readers were asked to name the nations with which, at one time or another we have been at war, they would not be likely to include France in the list. All the same, we have had a war with her, though it was confined to the ocean and there was no formal declaration on either side. A few years after the close of our Revolution one of the most appalling uprisings in the history of the world took place in France. The kings and nobility ground the people into the very dust until they were goaded into revolt, which overturned the throne and was marked by atrocities that shocked the world. Incredible as it may seem, there were a million people put to death during the awful days of the Reign of Terror. The mad rulers, not satisfied with deluging their own country with blood, were at war with most of the neighboring nations. They seemed to wish to array themselves against all mankind and began a system of action toward us which soon became unbearable. They seemed to think we could be scared into paying the rulers immense sums of money for the privilege of being left alone. They encouraged their naval officers to capture American vessels, and when we sent commissioners to France to protest they were coolly told that outrages upon our commerce would not be stopped until we paid the leaders several hundred thousand dollars in the way of bribes. Then it was that one of our commissioners made the memorable reply: "Millions for defence, but not one cent for tribute." Our representatives were driven out of France and the capture of our vessels by French cruisers continued. So Congress met, cancelled all treaties with France, formed an army, placed Washington, then an old man, at the head, formed a new navy and told the men-of-war to go out and give the insolent nation a lesson she very much needed. And France got the lesson. The fighting on the ocean, beginning in 1798, continued for two years and a half. The French cruisers succeeded in capturing only one vessel from the American navy, while 84 armed French ships, mostly privateers, mounting more than 500 guns, were captured by our vessels. In February, 1801, a treaty of peace was signed with France, which brought our troubles with her to an end. Now, if you will examine your map of Africa, you will notice a group of countries along the southern coast of the Mediterranean that are known as the Barbary States. Their names are Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. I remember when I was a boy how easy it was to learn the names of the capitals of those countries, for each one was the same as the country itself. The people of the Barbary States are only half civilized or barbarous, but they have always had a mighty high opinion of themselves, though it can hardly be as high to-day as it was a hundred years ago. They looked upon the "dogs of Christians" as heathen nations, only fitted to be their slaves, and it must be admitted that it was quite natural they should hold the leading maritime nations of Europe as well as ourselves in contempt, for all deserved it. The favorite business of those barbarians was playing pirate. Their corsairs roamed up and down the Mediterranean, eagerly hunting for Christian merchant vessels, that they might kill the crews and divide the plunder among themselves. Sometimes, by way of variety, they would throw their captives into dungeons and then notify the governments to which they belonged that they would be set free upon the payment of a large sum of money to their captors. If the government did not choose to pay the ransom, why their captors would give themselves the pleasure of putting the prisoners to death. Now, it would have been an easy thing for any one of the Christian nations interested to send a fleet into the Mediterranean, which, speaking figuratively, would have wiped those miscreants off the face of the earth; but such an enterprise would have cost a good deal of money, so, instead of punishing the wretches as they deserved, the countries paid them a yearly sum of money on their promise not to disturb vessels when they ran across them. So it was that, year after year, we sent a good round gift to those barbarians. You know our Government is often slow in meeting its obligations, and it happened now and then we were late in sending our tribute to the swarthy rulers. When that occurred, the Dey, or Bashaw, imposed a heavy fine to remind us of the expense of trifling with him. We meekly bowed our heads, paid it, and tried to be more prompt afterward. Then, too, the mighty ruler sometimes expressed a wish to receive naval stores instead of money, and we were happy to oblige him. Of course, he set his own valuation on what he received, which was generally about one-half of what they cost our Government, but we made no complaint. It came about that the Dey of Tripoli got the idea into his head that we were not paying him as much as we did his neighbors. In his impatience, he decided to give us a lesson as badly needed as it was in the case of France, to which I have alluded. So he declared war against the United States. It would be interesting to know what ideas the Dey had of the Republic on the other side of the Atlantic. One good thing resulted from our flurry with France. A number of good ships had been added to our navy. Better still, many young officers, brave, skilful and glowing with patriotic ardor, were serving on those ships. They eagerly welcomed the chance of winning glory. To them the war with Tripoli offered the very opportunity for which they longed. Among these was William Bainbridge, who was born in 1774 and died in 1833. He began life as a sailor at the age of fifteen, and was in several engagements before he was appointed to the navy in 1798, during our war with France. Another was Stephen Decatur, born in Maryland in 1779 and killed in a duel with Commodore Barron in 1820. His father was a gallant officer in the Revolution, and his two sons were among the bravest officers who ever trod the quarter deck. Both entered the service in 1798, and Stephen is generally regarded as the best type of the young American naval officer during the early years of the present century. Still another was Charles Stewart, born in Philadelphia in 1778, and, like those whom I have named, he entered the navy as lieutenant in 1798. It will always be one of my pleasantest recollections that I was well acquainted with Stewart, and spent many hours talking with him about the stirring scenes in which he took part. He lived to be more than ninety years of age, dying in 1869, and for a good many years occupied a modest little home, just below Bordentown, New Jersey. When eighty-eight years old he was as active as a man of half his years. I came upon him one wintry day, when he was of that age, and found him in the barn, shoveling corn into a hopper, of which a sturdy Irishman was turning the crank. The old admiral kept his hired man busy and enjoyed his own work. He was of small figure, always wore an old-fashioned blue swallow-tail with brass buttons, took snuff, and would laugh and shake until his weatherbeaten face was purple over some of his reminiscences of the early days of the Republic. Think of it! He remembered seeing Benedict Arnold burned in effigy in Philadelphia in 1781; he recalled Paul Jones, and had drunk wine and talked with Washington. Stewart and Decatur were of about the same age, and attended the old Academy in Philadelphia. They were bosom friends from boyhood. Stewart told me that Decatur was a good student, but there was hardly a boy in the school, anywhere near his own age, with whom he did not have a fight. He would "rather fight than eat," but he was not a bully, and never imposed upon any one younger or weaker than himself. A great many of my talks with old Admiral Stewart related to the war with Tripoli, which began in 1801 and lasted nearly four years. As you will learn, Stewart had a great deal to do with that war, and most of the incidents that follow were told to me by him, a fact which insures their truthfulness and interest. Among others to whom I shall refer was Commodore Richard Dale, who was born in 1756, and died in 1826. He was older, as you will notice, than the three whom I have mentioned. As to his bravery, it is enough to say that he was first lieutenant on the _Bonhomme Richard_ during her terrible fight under Paul Jones with the _Serapis_, and served with that wonderful naval hero on the _Alliance_ and the _Ariel_. Had he not been made of the right stuff he never could have held such a position when a very young man. [Illustration: COMMODORE EDWARD PREBLE.] Another hero was Commodore Edward Preble, born in 1761 and died in 1807. When only sixteen years old he joined a privateer, and at eighteen was active in the attacks of the _Protector_ on the British privateer _Admiral Duff_. He was on the _Winthrop_, and fought bravely in the battle which resulted in the capture of a British armed brig. He was commissioned lieutenant in 1798, and the year following commanded the _Essex_. From what I have told you, it will be seen that it was a gallant band that our Government sent into the Mediterranean in 1801 to chastise the barbarians and compel them to respect the Stars and Stripes. CHAPTER VIII. The First Serious Engagement--Loss of the Philadelphia--The Scheme of Captain Bainbridge--Exploit of Lieutenant Decatur. Andrew Sterrett was executive officer of the _Constellation_, which captured the French frigate _L'Insurgente_, in 1799, and _La Vengeance_, in 1800. It fell to his lot, while in command of the _Enterprise_, a vessel of 12 guns, to have the first serious fight in the war with Tripoli. When off Malta, he met a Tripolitan vessel of 14 guns, and they fought furiously for two hours, at the end of which time the enemy hauled down his flag. The Americans left their guns and broke into cheers, whereupon the Tripolitan fired a broadside. Nothing loath, Lieutenant Sterrett resumed the battle. The Tripolitans ran in close and attempted to board, but were repulsed, and, under the fierce fire of the _Enterprise_, they again hauled down their flag. "I guess they mean it this time," remarked Lieutenant Sterrett, but the words were hardly spoken when the enemy let fly with another broadside. As may be supposed, this exhausted the patience of the American commander. He ordered his men to their guns, and mentally resolved to finish the job without fail. Circling round his antagonist, he raked her from stem to stern, shot away the mizzen mast, made a sieve of the hull and killed and wounded fifty men. He was still at it, when, through the smoke, he caught sight of the swarthy captain, leaping up and down on the deck, swinging his arms and shrieking in broken English that he had surrendered. To show he was in earnest, he flung his colors overboard. "Now throw your guns and powder after your flag," shouted Sterrett. He was promptly obeyed; and, resolved to take no chances, Sterrett then compelled him to cut away his masts, after which he was permitted to rig a jury mast and a single sail. "Now go home to your Dey," said his conqueror, "and give him my compliments." Not a man was killed on board the _Enterprise_, though, as has been shown, the loss of the enemy was severe. [Illustration: CAPTAIN WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE.] The American squadron in that part of the world was increased, and a number of engagements took place, with the advantage invariably on the side of our countrymen. By the opening of 1803 there were nine of our ships, carrying two hundred and fourteen guns, in the Mediterranean waters. The fine frigate _Philadelphia_ captured a Moorish cruiser upon which were found papers signed by the Governor of Tangier authorizing the commander to destroy American commerce. Commodore Preble sailed into the harbor and demanded an explanation of the emperor. He denied having given any such authority to his subordinate, and in making his denial undoubtedly told a falsehood. Nevertheless, he was so scared that he signed anew the treaty of 1786, deprived the governor of his commission and confiscated his estates. Captain William Bainbridge was in command of the _Philadelphia_, and was detailed to help in blockading Tripoli. His companion vessel was sent in pursuit of a corsair, so that the _Philadelphia_ was left alone to perform blockade duty. On the last day of October, 1803, Captain Bainbridge observed a Tripolitan vessel trying to make port. He gave chase, but the coast was dangerous, abounding with shoals and reefs, with which the fugitive vessel was familiar, while Captain Bainbridge had to keep sounding and regulating his speed in accordance with the degree of danger. In the midst of the pursuit, and while every precaution was taken, the crew, to their dismay, heard a dull, grating sound, whose meaning they well knew; the bow of the frigate rose six feet out of the water, and the stoppage was so sudden that nearly every one was thrown off his feet. A hurried examination showed that the _Philadelphia_ was inextricably fast, and could not be freed until the tide rose. Meanwhile the corsairs would issue from the harbor near at hand, and, choosing their own position, batter the frigate to pieces and kill or make prisoners of the crew. Every possible effort was made to release the ship, but she was too firmly spiked on the jagged reef to be budged, and the dreaded peril speedily appeared. The Tripolitans soon discovered the plight of the American, and nine gunboats hurried out from the harbor. Fire was opened on both sides, but neither was effective, the position of the frigate preventing an effective aim. The sea drove her higher upon the rocks, and she careened so much that all the guns became useless. The Tripolitans, seeing her helplessness, now came closer and increased their fire. There was no help for Captain Bainbridge. Unable to deliver an effective shot, the enemy could kill every one of his men. He therefore flooded his magazine, blocked the pumps, bored holes through the bottom of the ship in order to sink her if his enemies succeeded in releasing her, and then struck his flag. Distrustful at first, though they ceased firing, the Tripolitans finally came aboard, plundered the officers and men of their personal property, and then took them--three hundred and fifteen in all--to the city, where they were lodged in prison. Some days later a powerful northerly wind partly lifted the _Philadelphia_ off the rocks, and by united efforts her captors succeeded in getting her into deep water. The holes in the bottom were plugged, and the guns and anchors that had been thrown overboard in the shallow water were easily recovered and replaced on the ship. Thus the Bashaw secured a most valuable prize. The disaster gave a serious aspect to the war, for it not only added material strength to the enemy, but increased their courage and insured a more determined resistance on their part. While the loss was a severe one to the American navy, it was not difficult to replace it. One day a letter reached Commodore Preble. Apparently it was nothing but a blank sheet of paper, but knowing that lemon juice had been employed for ink, the Commodore held it before a flame and brought out the following, in the handwriting of Bainbridge: "Charter a small merchant schooner, fill her with men and have her commanded by fearless and determined officers. Let the vessel enter the harbor at night with her men secreted below deck; steer her directly on board the frigate, and then let the men and officers board, sword in hand, and there is no doubt of their success. It will be necessary to take several good rowboats in order to facilitate the retreat after the enterprise has been accomplished. The frigate in her present condition is a powerful auxiliary battery for the defence of the harbor. Though it will be impossible to remove her from her anchorage and thus restore this beautiful vessel to our navy, yet, as she may and no doubt will be repaired, an important end will be gained by her destruction." Captain Bainbridge had sent several similar letters to Preble, his good friend, the Swedish consul, being the man who secured their delivery. The plan suggested by Bainbridge was a good one, for, since it was impossible to add the _Philadelphia_ to our navy, the next best thing was to prevent her remaining with that of Tripoli. It may as well be stated here that the court martial which investigated the particulars of the loss of the _Philadelphia_ acquitted Captain Bainbridge of all blame and declared that he had done everything possible under the circumstances. Fortunately, the American squadron succeeded about this time in capturing a Tripolitan gunboat, which would serve admirably to disguise the purpose of the Americans. Preble then told Lieutenant Decatur of the suggestion made by Bainbridge. No sooner was the young lieutenant acquainted with the plan than he volunteered to lead in the perilous enterprise. Nothing could have suited the daring fellow better. Lieutenant Charles Stewart, who arrived a short time before in the _Siren_, not knowing of the scheme that had been formed, proposed with the _Siren's_ men to cut out the _Philadelphia_. Preble informed him the honor had been given to Decatur. Stewart was disappointed, but expressed his honest pleasure that the management of the affair was entrusted to such worthy hands. "He is the best man that could have been selected," he said heartily, "and there isn't a shadow of doubt that he will succeed." Every one in the fleet was eager to volunteer, but Decatur selected sixty-two men, to which were added six officers from the _Enterprise_ and six from the _Constitution_, with a native pilot. Knowing the daring nature of Decatur, he was given strict orders not to attempt to cut out the _Philadelphia_, but to destroy her. Late in the day, February 9, 1804, the ketch left Syracuse for Tripoli, accompanied by the _Siren_, Lieutenant Stewart, to cover the retreat. The weather became so bad that the attempt had to be postponed, since the ketch was sure to be dashed to pieces on the rocks. The impatient crew was compelled to withdraw and wait for a week before the weather moderated. On the 15th, everything being favorable, the crew of the ketch bade good-by to their friends and set out on their perilous mission. The night was clear and starlit, and at nine o'clock the ketch was in full view of the city and its twinkling lights, with the dark shores crowded with batteries, while far ahead, under the guns of the Bashaw's castle, lay the _Philadelphia_. The wind fell and the little craft crept slowly through the water, seemingly into the very jaws of death, until the outlines of the silent frigate loomed to sight through the gloom. Following Decatur's guarded orders, the men lay flat on the deck, all concealing themselves as best they could, while five or six, dressed as Maltese sailors, lounged about in plain sight. The quartermaster at the wheel, obeying the directions of Decatur, steered so as to foul the _Philadelphia_, from which there suddenly came a hail. Lieutenant Decatur whispered to the pilot to say they had just arrived from Malta, and, having lost their anchor, wished to make fast to the _Philadelphia's_ cables until another could be got from shore. A brief conversation followed, during which the ketch edged closer, but the Tripolitans soon discovered the men in the stargleam, and the alarm was sounded; but with great coolness and haste the ketch was worked into position and Decatur gave the order to board. The eager Americans, with cutlass and boarding pike in hand, dashed through the gun ports and over the bulwarks. In a twinkling the quarter deck was cleared and all the Tripolitans on the forecastle were rushed overboard. The noise brought up a number of Turks from below, but the moment they saw what was going on they either leaped into the sea or hid themselves in the hold. They were pursued, and within ten minutes the frigate was captured, without a shot having been fired or an outcry made. An abundance of combustibles had been brought, and they were now distributed and fired so effectively that nothing could save the fine vessel. Then the Americans scrambled back to the ketch, Lieutenant Decatur being the last to leave the doomed frigate, from which the dazzling glare lit up the harbor and revealed the smaller boat straining to get away. The batteries on shore opened fire, but, in their excitement, they aimed wildly, and no harm was done. Every American safely reached the _Siren_, waiting anxiously outside. The two made sail for Syracuse, where Captain Preble was vastly relieved to hear the news. The ketch was renamed the _Intrepid_, and Decatur, for his daring exploit, was promoted to the rank of captain and presented with a sword by Congress. The _Philadelphia_ was totally destroyed, and its remains still lie at the bottom of the harbor of Tripoli. In referring to this exploit, the great English naval commander, Lord Nelson, said it was "the most bold and daring act of the age." CHAPTER IX. Bombardment of Tripoli--Treacherous Act of a Turkish Captain--A Quick Retribution at the Hands of Captain Decatur. The Bashaw of Tripoli was not yet subdued. He treated his American prisoners with greater harshness and refused to believe their nation was strong enough to bring him to terms. On August 3, Commodore (as the senior officer of every squadron was then called) Preble sailed into the harbor of Tripoli with his fleet and opened the bombardment of the city. At the same time, several of his gunboats engaged those of the enemy. Lieutenant James Decatur, brother of Stephen, made chase of a Tripolitan vessel, reserving his fire until the two almost touched, when he poured in such a destructive discharge of musketry and grape that the terrified enemy surrendered. Lieutenant Decatur sprang aboard of his prize, when, at that instant, the Turkish commander, a man of massive strength and build, fired his pistol in the American officer's face and killed him. In the confusion caused by this treacherous act the enemy's boat got away and started for the city. [Illustration: CAPTAIN STEPHEN DECATUR.] Meanwhile, Captain Decatur had been doing characteristic work. With three gunboats he attacked a force three times as numerous as his own. Impetuously boarding the first craft, after a discharge from his long boat, he engaged the numerous crew in a furious hand-to-hand struggle, in which all were made prisoners or forced to leap into the sea to save themselves. Then Decatur began towing away his prize, when he was told of the murder of his brother. The grief-stricken and enraged captain instantly cast his prize adrift and started after the "unspeakable Turk." The boat was easily recognized, and, delivering a destructive fire, the pursuer ran alongside and the Americans rushed aboard, with Decatur in the lead. The enormous size and gorgeous uniform of the Turkish captain made him so conspicuous that Decatur knew him at once, and, rushing forward, lunged at him with his boarding pike. The Turk must have felt contempt for the American who dared thus to assail him, for his assailant was but a boy in size compared to him. He speedily proved his physical superiority over Decatur, for he not only parried the lunge of the pike, but wrenched it from his hand. He in turn drove his pike at Decatur's breast, but his blow was also parried, though its violence broke off the American's sword at the hilt. The active Turk came again, and his second blow was only partly turned aside, the point of the pike tearing through Decatur's coat and inflicting a bad wound in his chest. Before the Turk could strike a third time, Decatur ran in, and the two instantly engaged in a fierce wrestling bout. The American was the most skilful, but by sheer strength his enormous antagonist threw him to the deck, and, gripping him by the throat with one hand, he reached down to draw a small curved knife, known as a yataghan. It was behind the sash in his waist and directly in front. Decatur threw both legs over the back of the Turk and pressed him so close that he could not force his hand between their bodies to reach his weapon. Decatur's pistol was at his hip. He was able to withdraw it, and he then did the only thing that could possibly save his life, though the chances were that the act would hasten his death. Reaching over the back of the Turk, he pointed the weapon downward toward his own breast and pulled the trigger. In most cases the bullet would have passed through both bodies, but, fortunately, the ball encountered some obstruction and did not reach the imperiled American. He shoved off the bulky form, which rolled over on its back, dead. It must not be supposed that while this furious hand-to-hand encounter was under way the respective crews were idle. They, too, were fighting fiercely, and, closing about the struggling commanders, each side endeavored to help its own. The crowd surged back and forth and became mixed in inextricable confusion. One of the Turks saw a chance to help his captain and made a vicious blow at his opponent with his scimiter. Reuben James, a sailor, who was so wounded in his arms that he could not use them, thrust his head forward and received the stroke upon his skull. The wound was a frightful one, but, beyond dispute, it saved the life of Decatur, who never forgot the man that had done him this inestimable service. Reuben James was one of the volunteers who helped Decatur destroy the _Philadelphia_. He recovered from his terrible wound and did excellent service in the war of 1812. In one battle he was three times wounded before he would allow his comrades to carry him below. He lived fully twenty years after the death of his beloved commander, dying at a good old age, though he was scarred with sabre cuts, wounded times innumerable by bullets, and compelled to suffer the amputation of a leg. The bombardment of Tripoli was less successful than expected. The shells were of such poor quality that no impression was made on the defences. All naval operations have proven that, as a rule, ships are comparatively powerless for aggressive work against forts and batteries on shore. An investigation into the cause of the failure of so many shells sent into Tripoli brought out several interesting facts. Captain Bainbridge, who carefully noted the results of the bombardment while a prisoner in the city, stated that out of forty-eight thrown on one day only one exploded. It was found that the fuses in many of the bombs had been choked by lead that was poured into them. This was probably done by French agents in Sicily. At the beginning of hostilities, the Tripolitans placed great reliance upon their ability to fight at close quarters. Undeniably, they did better in such position than in handling their ships. They had all the viciousness of wild cats, and it has been shown how fiercely they fought in hand-to-hand encounters; but their experience with the Americans taught them that they were to be dreaded in any situation where their anger was aroused, and, as a consequence, the Turks became less eager for tests of individual strength, skill and bravery. CHAPTER X. The Bomb Ketch--A Terrible Missile--Frightful Catastrophe--Diplomacy in Place of War--Peace. Whenever a war is under way a number of persons on each side are certain to come forward with ingenious schemes for injuring their opponents, through improvements upon the accepted methods of conducting hostilities. So it came about, after the slight success attained in bombarding Tripoli, that a plan was formulated for creating consternation in the blockaded city and bringing the defiant Bashaw to his senses. The new scheme was to fix up the _Intrepid_ as a bomb ketch, send her into the harbor at night and there explode her. While a few had no faith in the plan, others believed it would cause great destruction and spread dismay among the Tripolitans. In the forward hold were stowed one hundred barrels of gunpowder, and on the deck above were piled one hundred and fifty shells and a lot of shot and scrap iron. The plan was to give this floating volcano the appearance of a blockade-runner. Two small boats were taken along, to be used by the crews after setting off the fuse that was to blow the ketch into a million atoms. It will be seen that the task was of the most dangerous nature conceivable, and yet when Captain Preble called for volunteers it seemed as if every one was eager to go. The command was given to Master-Commandant Richard Somers, who was of the same age as Decatur and Stewart, and had established a reputation for coolness and intrepidity in the operations of the fleet. Midshipman Henry Wadsworth, an uncle of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, the poet, was the second in command. They were accompanied by another midshipman named Israel, who begged so hard to be allowed to go that he could not be refused, and ten of the best seamen. After waiting for several days, the night of September 4 was found to be just what was desired. A fog lay like a blanket on the sea, but it was so clear overhead that the stars shone with brilliant splendor. Before the start was made, Decatur, Stewart and Somers, all the most intimate of friends, had a long talk in the cabin of the ketch, no one else being present. Each felt the gravity of the situation. Somers, though cool and composed, seemed to feel a presentiment that he would not return. He took a ring off his finger, and breaking it apart, gave one portion to Decatur, one to Stewart, and kept the other for himself. He told his friends what he wished done in case of his death, and they assured him that every wish should be respected. During that last impressive interview Stewart asked Somers what he would do if discovered and attacked by the enemy. "Blow us all up together!" was the instant response; "I shall never be taken prisoner." I may remark here that no writer has recorded this expression of the gallant Somers, and I give it because Admiral Stewart assured me of its truth. His recollection of the incident, more than sixty years afterward, was as vivid as on the succeeding day. Indeed, Stewart, as is often the case with aged persons, remarked that his memory of occurrences a half century old was unerring, while of quite recent incidents it was unreliable. It was comparatively early in the evening when the ketch got under way with a favoring breeze. Stewart, with the _Siren_, by order of Preble, stood toward the northern passage, through which the ketch was to pass. His purpose was to remain in as close as was safe, and hold himself ready to pick up the men as they returned in their boats. Stewart turned his night glass toward the _Intrepid_ and watched her slowly fading from sight, until she melted into the gloom and not the slightest trace of her outlines was discernible. Nothing could be more trying than the waiting of the craft outside, for Somers' own vessel and two small ones were near at hand. The stillness was so profound that men heard the suppressed breathing of their comrades. If one moved, he did so on tiptoe. Few words were spoken, and all in guarded undertones. The rippling of the water against the prows and cables was an annoyance, and on more than one forehead great drops of cold perspiration gathered. Slowly and painfully the long minutes wore away, until it seemed as if several hours had passed, when in reality the interval was but a small part of that period. Every nerve was in this tense state, when suddenly the boom of a cannon came rolling through the fog from the direction of the city, followed soon by the rapid firing of artillery. The approach of the _Intrepid_ had been discovered, and it seemed as if all the enemy's batteries were blazing away at her. But what of the ketch itself? Stewart, like all the rest, was peering into the black mist, when he saw a star-like point of light, moving with an up and down motion, in a horizontal line, showing that it was a lantern carried by a man running along the deck of a ship. Then it dropped out of sight, as if the bearer had leaped down a hatchway. For a moment all was profound darkness, and then an immense fan-like expanse of flame shot far up into the sky, as if from the crater of a volcano, and was crossed by the curving streaks of fire made by shells in their eccentric flight. Across the water came the crashing roar of the prodigious explosion, followed a few moments later by the sounds of wreckage and bodies as they dropped into the sea. Then again impenetrable gloom and profound stillness succeeded. The batteries on shore were awed into silence by the awful sight, and the waiting friends on the ships held their breath. The hope was that Lieutenant Somers and his companions had fired the fuse and then rowed away in their boats, but as minute followed minute without the sound of muffled oars from the hollow night reaching the straining ears, suspense gave way to sickening dread. The vessels moved to and fro about the entrance, as if the inanimate things shared in the anxiety that would not allow them to remain still. At intervals a gun was fired or a rocket sent up to guide the missing ones, but none appeared. Every man had been killed by the explosion of the ketch. Investigations made afterward seemed to establish that Somers was attacked by three gunboats, and, finding escape impossible, it was he who ran along the deck, lighted lantern in hand, and deliberately blew up the _Intrepid_, destroying not only himself and companions, but many of the enemy. The mangled remains of several bodies were found some days later and given burial on shore, but not one could be recognized. Captain Bainbridge and some of his brother officers, who were prisoners in Tripoli, were allowed to view them. He said: "From the whole of them being so disfigured, it was impossible to recognize any feature known to us, or even to distinguish an officer from a seaman." In November, Commodore Samuel Barron arrived, and succeeded Captain Preble in command of the American squadron. He brought with him the _President_ and _Constellation_, thereby increasing the force to ten vessels, carrying two hundred and sixty-four guns. Having failed to bring the Bashaw to terms by force of arms, the Americans now resorted to what may be termed diplomacy. The reigning Bashaw of Tripoli was a usurper, having displaced his elder brother, who had fled to Upper Egypt. He had a good many friends, who, if they dared, would have been glad to replace him on his throne. The American consul, who understood all the particulars, proposed to our government to use the deposed ruler as an instrument to compel the usurper to make terms. The Government authorized the consul to go ahead. Accordingly, he made his way to Alexandria, sought out the banished ruler, proposed his plan, and it was eagerly accepted. He furnished the consul with a cavalry escort, enlisted a number of Greek soldiers, the party marched a thousand miles across the flaming Barcan desert, and in April appeared before Derne, one of the seaports of the reigning monarch, who was also advancing upon the place. With the help of the American fleet, the town was captured, and, for the first time in its history, the Stars and Stripes were given to the breeze above a fortification on the eastern side of the Atlantic. By the enlistment of the mongrel population of the neighborhood, the American consul gathered a formidable force, with which the enemy were again defeated. Then they boldly set out for Tripoli. Meanwhile the usurper was shivering with fear, and was more than ready to make a treaty of peace with the terrible barbarians from the other side of the ocean. The treaty was signed on June 2, 1805. The Bashaw, who had demanded a princely sum for the release of his American prisoners, was now glad to set them free for $60,000. It was agreed, furthermore, that no more tribute should be paid, and thus ended all our troubles with Tripoli. These proceedings left the rightful ruler in the lurch. He had been promised that he should be restored to his throne on condition of helping the Americans, and he had given the most valuable sort of aid, but the treaty declared that no assistance should be given him. It was a gross injustice on the part of our Government, which did no special credit to itself, when, after the deposed ruler had made a pitiful appeal to Congress, that body presented him with a beggarly pittance of $2,400. THE WAR OF 1812. CHAPTER XI. Cause of the War of 1812--Discreditable Work of the Land Forces--Brilliant Record of the Navy--The _Constitution_--Captain Isaac Hull--Battle Between the _Constitution_ and _Guerriere_--Winning a Wager. Probably no hostilities in which the United States was ever engaged so abound with stirring, romantic and remarkable exploits as those upon the ocean in the War of 1812. Now, as to the cause of the war between England and our country: Great Britain was engaged in a tremendous conflict with France, at the head of which was the greatest military leader of the world, Napoleon Bonaparte. England needed every soldier and sailor she could get. Some of them deserted to our ships, so her officers began the practice of stopping such vessels on the ocean, searching them for deserters, and if found they were taken away. Sometimes she took Americans, because she knew they were good seamen, and, to excuse her action, she declared they were deserters from the British navy. [Illustration: IMPRESSING AMERICAN SAILORS.] This action was against the law of nations. She had no more right to molest an American vessel than she had to land a force on our coast, march inland and search the house of a private family. We protested, but she paid no attention. It happened more than once that when our vessels refused to be searched the English fired into them and killed and wounded some of the American crews. If any nation acted that way toward England to-day she would declare war at once, and so would any other nation. Finding there was no peaceable way of stopping the unbearable conduct of Great Britain, our country, in the month of June, 1812, declared war against her, and it lasted until the early part of 1815. There was one feature of that war which it is not pleasant for Americans to recall. It opened with a cowardly surrender by General William Hull of Detroit to the English army, and for two years our land forces did very little to their credit. They set out to invade Canada several times, but in every instance were beaten. The leading generals were "poor sticks," quarreled among themselves, and for a time failed to gain any advantage. The trouble was not with the soldiers. They were among the best in the world, but their leaders were of no account. By and by, however, the poor officers were weeded out and good ones took their places. Then something was accomplished in which we all could feel pride. It was just the other way on the ocean. From the very start our naval vessels and privateers won the most brilliant of victories. This was the more remarkable when several facts are kept in mind. Great Britain had been at war so long that she had the most powerful navy by far in the world. It numbered one thousand and thirty-six vessels, of which two hundred and fifty-four were ships-of-the-line, not one of which carried less than seventy guns of large calibre. This prodigious navy was manned by one hundred and forty-four thousand sailors, and eighty-five of her war vessels were on the American coast, equipped and ready for action. In amazing contrast to all this, we had only twenty large war vessels and a number of gunboats that were of little account. The disparity was so great that our Government, after looking at the situation and discussing the matter, decided that it would be folly to fight England on the ocean, and it was decided not to do so. When Captains Stewart and Bainbridge learned of this decision, they went to President Madison and his advisers and insisted that the American navy, weak as it was, should be given a chance of showing what it could do. Consent was finally given, and then opened the wonderful career of our cruisers and privateers. Among the frigates that had been built during our war with France was the _Constitution_, which carried 44 guns. She earned the name of being one of the luckiest ships in the navy, and because of her astonishing record was named "Old Ironsides." The old hulk of this historical ship is still carefully preserved in remembrance of her brilliant record, which in some respects has never been equalled. Sailors are superstitious, and the good name which the _Constitution_ gained made it easy to get all the seamen needed. When you come to look into the matter you will find that the _Constitution_ was a lucky ship, because it was always officered by the best men we had, and they were wise enough to choose the finest crews. The captain of the _Constitution_, when the war broke out, was Isaac Hull, a nephew of General William Hull, who made the cowardly surrender of Detroit. He was born in Connecticut in 1773, and died in 1843. He was one of the brilliant young officers who received his commission in 1798, and was commander of the _Argus_ during the war with Tripoli. He was made a captain in 1806, and the following year was given command of the _Constitution_. Upon learning that the war had broken out, Captain Hull left the Chesapeake, with orders to join the squadron under the command of Captain Rodgers at New York. When off Barnegat, New Jersey, he was sighted by the blockading squadron of Captain Philip Bowes Vere Broke, which gave chase. The ingenuity and skill displayed by Captain Hull in escaping from the enemy, when all escape seemed hopeless, is still referred to as one of the most remarkable exploits in the history of the American navy. The chase lasted for more than two days and three nights, and it is safe to say that very few commanders placed in the situation of Captain Hull would have been able to save themselves from capture. Captain Hull sailed on a cruise from Boston on August 21, just in time to dodge an order from Washington to remain in port until further orders. On the afternoon of August 19, when several hundred miles to the eastward of Halifax, he sighted the British frigate _Guerriere_. Her commander, Captain James E. Dacres, was an old acquaintance of Hull, and the two had made a wager of a hat during peace that if they ever met in battle the other would run. The British officer was as anxious as Hull for a fight, and they drew near each other, both confident of winning the wager made half in jest a brief time before. Great interest attaches to this naval battle, for it was the first of its kind and a fair test of the respective prowess of ships of and crews of that nature. The _Constitution_ was somewhat the superior, carrying 55 guns and four hundred and sixty-eight men, while the _Guerriere_ had 49 guns and two hundred and sixty-three men, but all of the latter were under fine discipline, while most of the Americans were green hands. Captain Dacres was confident of his superiority, and had no doubt that when the two frigates met the _Constitution_ would be compelled speedily to strike her colors. He waited for the American to come up, each having cleared for action. A little after four o'clock the two exchanged broadsides, but they were so far apart that no damage was done. Dacres manoeuvred for a raking position, but Hull would not permit it, nor could he obtain one for himself. There was much wearing and manoeuvring, which prevented the firing on either side from being effective. Each was wary of the other and took the utmost pains to prevent his securing any advantage. When it became certain that the battle was to be one at close range, Hull ordered the firing to cease, in order that the fullest preparation could be made for the next broadside. He knew the skill of his men in marksmanship, and determined to hold his fire until the most advantageous position was reached. As he drew near his enemy, the latter continued firing, and some of her shots were so effective that the crews cheered. The Americans, most of them barefooted and stripped to the waist, were standing beside their guns eager and impatient for the order to fire, but Hull, when appealed to, shook his head. It was a proof of the fine discipline of the American crew that when they saw two of their comrades killed by the fire of the enemy, they silently waited without murmur for the order whose delay they could not comprehend. Not until about a hundred feet distant and in the exact position desired did Captain Hull give the order to fire as the guns bore. To quote Maclay: "In an instant the frigate belched forth a storm of iron hail that carried death and destruction into the opposing ship. The effect of this carefully aimed broadside at short range was terrific. The splinters were seen to fly over the British frigate like a cloud, some of them reaching as high as the mizzen top, while the cheers of her men abruptly ceased and the shrieks and groans of the wounded were heard. The Americans had struck their first earnest blow, and it was a staggering one. The Englishman felt its full weight, and perhaps for the first time realized that this was no child's play." The Americans displayed remarkable skill in their gunnery, as it may be said they have always done. The main yard of the enemy was shot away in the slings, and hull, rigging and sails were badly mangled. A shot passing through the mizzenmast close to the deck, added to the stress from the sails, caused it to break in two and fall over the quarter. One curious effect of this dragging in the water was to make the wreckage act like a rudder, bringing her up to the wind in spite of the opposition of the helm. While the damage on the _Constitution_ was less, it clogged her action, but she secured a position from which she delivered two raking broadsides. Then as the vessel see-sawed, the jibboom of the _Guerriere_ crossed the _Constitution's_ quarter deck. Both crews made ready to board, but each found the other so fully prepared that neither attempted it. Meanwhile the riflemen in the rigging were working with destructive energy. In each of the _Constitution's_ tops were seven marines, six loading for the seventh, who was the best marksman. A good many officers were wounded and killed on both sides. [Illustration: THE "CONSTITUTION" AND THE "GUERRIERE."] Although the vessels had been lashed together, their lurching broke them apart, and the Englishman gained a chance to use his broadsides. A fire broke out on the _Constitution_, but it was quickly extinguished, and the shot of the American soon made a complete wreck of the enemy. When it became clear that the _Guerriere_ could make no further resistance, Captain Hull drew off to repair the damages to his own ship. Another English frigate was likely to appear at any moment, and she would make short work of the _Constitution_ in her crippled condition. It took but a short time to complete the work, when she returned to her former position beside the wallowing _Guerriere_. A lieutenant was sent on board to receive the surrender, which Dacres gave with painful reluctance. When brought to the side of the _Constitution_, Hull assisted him up the rope ladder. Dacres extended his sword. "No" replied Hull, "I will not take it from one who knows so well how to use it, but I must trouble you to pay me that hat I have won." CHAPTER XII. Jacob Jones--The _Wasp_ and the _Frolic_--James Biddle--The _Hornet_ and the _Penguin_--A Narrow Escape. I must now tell you something about another gallant young officer who entered the American navy at the close of the century, when he was hardly thirty years old. He was Jacob Jones, who lived until 1850. He was a lieutenant on the _Philadelphia_ for two years, and was with that frigate when she ran on the rocks in the harbor of Tripoli. He was given command of the 18-gun sloop of war _Wasp_, which sailed from the Delaware in October, 1812, and headed eastward, with the intention of intercepting some of the enemy's merchantmen plying between Great Britain and the West Indies. About a week after sailing he sighted five merchantmen, several of which were well armed, while all were convoyed by a brig of war. Jones stood toward them, when the brig signalled to her companions to make all sail before the wind, while she dropped back to attend to the stranger. The American came up quite close, and hailing, demanded the name of the other. For a reply, the brig lowered the Spanish colors, ran up the British flag, and let fly with a broadside and volley of musketry. The _Wasp_ was expecting something of that nature and returned the compliment, the vessels working nearer each other and firing as rapidly as possible. The action had hardly begun when the _Wasp_ lost her main topmast, and a few minutes later the mizzen topgallant mast and the gaff were shot away. These mishaps so crippled her that she became almost unmanageable. The _Frolic_, as the enemy was named, was also damaged, but not so badly as the _Wasp_, but, unfortunately for the _Frolic_, the heavy sea and the twisting about of the hull threw her into position to be raked by the _Wasp_, and Captain Jones was quick to seize the advantage, the vessels being so close that the ramrods were pushed against each other's sides while the gunners were loading. The sea was so heavy that the guns of the _Wasp_ frequently dipped under water. The intention of the Americans was to board, and Lieutenant James Biddle held himself and men ready to take instant advantage of the moment the roll of the sea brought them near enough to do so. Captain Jones did not believe himself warranted in boarding, since he held the advantage of position, and he issued orders for the men to wait, but their ardor could not be checked. Among his sailors was one who had been impressed into the British service, where he was brutally treated. Springing upon his gun, he grasped the bowsprit of the brig, swung himself upon the spar and ran as nimbly as a monkey to the deck of the enemy. Imitating his enthusiasm, Lieutenant Biddle and his boarders took advantage of a favorable lurch at that moment and sprang upon the deck of the _Frolic_. There, every man stopped and repressed the cheer that rose to his lips, for the scene was one of the most dreadful that imagination can picture. The quartermaster stood grimly clutching the wheel, a lieutenant, bleeding from several wounds, was leaning against the companionway, unable to stand without its support, while all along the deck were strewn the dead and dying. Silently the victors stepped over the prostrate forms to the quarter deck, where the officer weakly dropped his sword to signify his surrender. Lieutenant Biddle walked to where the colors were still fluttering and pulled them down. A few minutes later the mainmast and foremast fell. Maclay gives the strength of the two vessels as follows: _Wasp_, 18 guns, _Frolic_, 22; crew of the _Wasp_, 138, of the _Frolic_, 110. On the _Wasp_ 5 were killed and 5 wounded; on the _Frolic_ 15 were killed and 47 wounded, the latter being completely riddled. The cause of this frightful difference in results was brought about by the Americans discharging their broadsides when their ship was on the downward roll, the shot landing in the hull of the enemy, while the latter fired on the rise, her broadsides mainly passing into and through the rigging. As soon as Captain Jones learned of the fearful plight of the Frolic he sent his surgeon on board, and everything possible was done to assist the sorely smitten enemy. The _Wasp_ was so badly injured that Captain Jones gave his attention to repairing her, and was thus engaged when a sail appeared. It proved to be the British 74-gun ship of the line _Poictiers_, which, surmising what had taken place, bore down, took possession of both ships and carried them to Bermuda. This battle, one of the most fiercely contested of the war, naturally caused much rejoicing throughout the United States. Congress voted $25,000 to the officers and crew of the _Wasp_ as prize money, and gave a gold medal to Master-Commandant Jones and a silver one to each of his officers, while the Legislature of Pennsylvania presented a sword to Lieutenant James Biddle. This gallant young officer is entitled to more notice than has been given him. He was born in Philadelphia in 1783, and died in 1848. After his exchange, he was appointed to the command of the _Hornet_, and sailed from New York in the month of January, 1815, in company with the _Peacock_ and _Tom Bowline_, but the three became separated, each making for Tristan d'Acunha, which had been named as the rendezvous of the squadron under the command of Stephen Decatur. This was on the last day of February, and Captain Biddle was about to drop anchor when a sail appeared, and the _Hornet_ went out to reconnoitre. The stranger approached as if anxious to fight him, and, when within musket range, ran up the English flag and fired a shot, to which the _Hornet_ replied with a broadside. The vessels continued firing as they drew near each other. The superior aim of the American speedily crippled the rigging of the other, and, coming together, the _Penguin_, as the British vessel proved to be, in preparing to board, succeeded in passing her bowsprit between the main and mizzen rigging of the _Hornet_ on the starboard quarter. This gave the enemy the opportunity he seemed to be seeking, but his boarders did not appear. The American sailors begged permission of Captain Biddle to board, but he would not consent, since he wished to hold the advantage already gained. Just then the heaving sea broke the vessels apart, the _Penguin_ receiving considerable damage from the forcible rupture. The _Hornet_ wore round to bring her broadside to bear, and was on the point of opening fire, when the surviving officer of the _Penguin_ called out that they surrendered. His condition was so hopeless that no choice was left to him. Captain Biddle ordered his men to stop firing, and, stepping to the taffrail, asked his enemy if they had struck. The answer was two musket shots, one aimed at the man at the wheel and the other at Biddle. The latter was hit on the chin and badly, though not dangerously, wounded, while the man at the wheel was not struck. The men who fired the treacherous shots were seen by two American marines, who shot them dead. No doubt the action of the Englishmen was unauthorized, and probably was due to a misunderstanding; but the Americans were so incensed that it was difficult to restrain them from continuing the firing. The enemy hailed a second time and called out they had surrendered. The strength of the _Hornet_ was 20 guns and 132 men; of the _Penguin_, 19 guns and 128 men. The _Hornet_ had 1 man killed and 11 wounded; the _Penguin_, 10 killed and 28 wounded. She was so badly shattered that, after taking out her stores, her captors scuttled her. In order to complete our history of the gallant Captain James Biddle it is necessary to carry the record in advance of some of the incidents that follow. As has been stated, the _Peacock_ and the _Hornet_ had gone to Tristan d'Acunha in obedience to the orders of Commodore Decatur, to wait for him and the _President_, but the latter never arrived, for the good reason that she had been captured by the enemy. Growing tired of waiting, Biddle and Captain Warrington, of the _Peacock_, started on an extended cruise, April 13, for the East Indies. Doubling the Cape of Good Hope, they met with no incident of note until the latter part of April, when they sighted a large sail, which they believed to be a heavily laden East India merchantman. A chase immediately began. It continued a long time, and the _Peacock_ was within a few miles, when she made the discovery that the stranger, instead of being a merchantman, was a ship of the line. Captain Warrington signalled the startling fact to Biddle, and the two turned to escape. Since the formidable vessel could not pursue both when they took different directions, she selected the _Hornet_ for her prize. All that Biddle could now hope to do was to out-sail his pursuer. He put forth every effort known to the most skilful seamanship. When night closed in, however, the pursuer had perceptibly gained. Since the weather was perfectly clear and the two were in plain sight of each other, the enemy could keep up the chase all night. Captain Biddle threw overboard some of his heavy spars, cut away the sheet anchor and flung several tons of kentledge into the sea. This helped matters somewhat, but the stranger continued slowly to gain, and secured such a position that Captain Biddle was obliged to go about. Still he could not shake off the bulldog at his heels, and at daylight he was near enough to begin barking with the bow guns. Although the shot did not strike the _Hornet_, Captain Biddle dropped his remaining anchors into the sea, including six guns, launch, cables, and everything not absolutely necessary. The lightening was so considerable that for the first time the _Hornet_ began drawing away from her persistent pursuer. At the end of a few hours, however, he began creeping up again, and Captain Biddle tumbled overboard all his guns except one, most of his shot, his extra spars, cutlasses, muskets, forge and bell, and indeed everything of which he could free himself. Not only that, but the men lay down on the quarter deck to help trim the ship. All in vain. The shot and shell whistled about the _Hornet_, the enemy came closer, and every American prepared to submit as gracefully as possible to the inevitable. Captain Biddle addressed his men feelingly, telling them to show the same restraint in misfortune that they had in victory, and then the gallant officer coolly awaited the moment when he should be obliged to haul down his flag to save the lives of his brave crew. But lo! the wind changed to a quarter favorable to the _Hornet_, and it lasted throughout the night and the next day. The _Hornet_ drew steadily away from the British ship of the line _Cornwallis_, as she proved to be, and made her way at a leisurely speed to the United States. CHAPTER XIII. Captains Carden and Decatur--Cruise of the _Macedonian_--Battle with the Frigate _United States_--Decatur's Chivalry. Before the war broke out between England and the United States the naval officers naturally were on the best of terms with one another. They exchanged visits, had dinners together and talked in the most friendly terms over the relations of their respective countries. Brave men always feel thus, and no matter how fiercely they have been fighting, they become friends again as soon as peace is declared. You have already been told considerable about Stephen Decatur, one of the bravest and most chivalrous men that ever drew a sword. At the breaking out of the War of 1812 he was given command of the frigate _United States_, of 44 guns, built in 1798, and one of the finest in the American navy. While lying at Norfolk, some months before war was declared, the British frigate _Macedonian_, of about the same strength, was in port, and the officers and crews became well acquainted. The commander of the _Macedonian_ was Captain John Surman Carden, one of the finest officers in the British service. He and Decatur became fond of each other and often discussed the probable results of the impending naval contests, for it was apparent to both that their countries were on the brink of war. Captain Carden conceded the bravery and skill of the American officers and seamen, but insisted that they would be at a disadvantage, because they had not met with the experience of the Englishmen, who had been engaged in so many wars with European nations. The _Macedonian_ was made of oak and was without a superior in the British navy. In the latter part of September, 1812, she left Portsmouth, England. She was just off the docks and her crew, 297 in number, were such as the best officer would have been proud to command. The discipline was as near perfection as possible, Captain Carden being one of the severest of disciplinarians. His business was to look out for French merchantmen and warships, though as it was known that war had been declared with the United States, it was deemed probable that Captain Carden would have a chance of testing the mettle of her naval officers and crews. There were two American vessels that Captain Carden was specially anxious to meet. One was the _Essex_, which was playing havoc among the English shipping (and of which I shall tell you something later on), and the other that of Captain Stephen Decatur, the courteous but brave naval officer who had displayed so much intrepidity in the war with Tripoli and had insisted to Carden that the American sailors were the match of the English anywhere. While at Madeira Captain Carden learned that the _Essex_ had sailed from the Delaware and was expected to cruise in the neighborhood of the Canary Islands. The Englishman turned southward and was within a few days' sail of the islands when, on the 25th of October, the man at the masthead reported a sail. As it approached it was carefully scrutinized and found to be a frigate bearing down on the _Macedonian_. Convinced that she was an enemy, Captain Carden at once issued the command to clear for action. The most thorough preparations were made and officers were stationed with orders to shoot down the first man who flinched from his duty. On board the ship were a number of American seamen, who began speculating among themselves as to whether the approaching frigate was a Frenchman or belonged to their own country. They were in a trying position, for they were patriotic and would have given anything in the world to escape firing upon their countrymen, but there was no help for it. Such a rigid disciplinarian as Captain Carden would listen to no protests from them, and, should the stranger prove to be an American, it would be a choice between helping to fight her or being shot down by their own officers. The approaching frigate went through a number of evolutions of such a rapid and brilliant nature that the Englishmen murmured their admiration. Through their glasses the officers could see groups of men on the quarter deck scanning them closely, while glimpses of sailors were caught as they moved about the deck and of the gun crews standing quietly at their stations. Then, when there was a change of direction, parties of marines were observed in her tops, muskets in hand, coolly awaiting the time when the ships would engage at close quarters. While Captain Carden and his officers were in doubt whether the ship was a French one she gave her colors to the breeze. They were the Stars and Stripes of the American Republic. One of the finest of its frigates had thrown down the gage of battle to as superb a frigate as belonged to the British navy. Since all doubt of her nationality was dispelled, one of the American seamen walked resolutely to Captain Carden, saluted and told him that he and his companions had no wish to fight the flag of their country. In reply the officer ordered him back to his station and with notice that if the request was repeated he would be shot. Sad to say, the sailor who made his wish known was one of the first killed in battle. The two ships now began exchanging shots, but the distance was too great for any damage on either side. A little after 9 o'clock on that bright sunshiny Sunday morning they were close enough for the wonderful marksmanship of the American to display itself. The first shot that found the _Macedonian_ entered through the starboard bulwark and killed the sergeant of marines. A minute later the mizzen topmast was sundered, and, cluttered with sails, yards and rigging, it fell into the maintop, where it hung suspended, liable to fall at any moment and crush those beneath. The fire of the American became frightfully destructive. It seemed as if every shot splintered some part of the rigging or hull and killed and wounded men right and left. The exasperating feature of this awful business was that neither Captain Carden nor his aids, who were directing operations from the quarter deck, could discover any corresponding damage on the American ship. Her mizzen topgallant mast had been carried away, but it looked as if all the other shots sent in her direction sped past without harm. She was wrapped in an immense volume of smoke made by her own broadsides, and through it constantly shot tongues of crimson flame, while the roar of the rapidly discharged guns was incessant. Now and then a rift appeared in the billows of vapor, through which the Stars and Stripes were seen fluttering, while the men worked as coolly at their guns as if going through manoeuvres in time of peace. Finally the smoke became so dense that the Americans were unable to see through it. Ceasing firing for a few minutes, the frigate moved far enough forward to pass from under the impenetrable blanket of vapor and then renewed the battle with more terrific effect than before. Her firing was so rapid that several times Captain Carden believed the incessant flame indicated she was on fire. The report was spread among his men to encourage them, but no such good fortune came to the Englishmen. One of the men on board the _Macedonian_ gave the following graphic account of his experience: "Our men kept cheering with all their might. I cheered with them, though I confess I scarcely knew what for. Certainly there was nothing very inspiriting in the aspect of things. Grape shot and canister were pouring through our portholes like leaden hail. The large shot came against the ship's side, shaking her to the very keel, and passing through her timbers and scattering terrific splinters, which did more appalling work than the shot itself. A constant stream of wounded men were being hurried to the cockpit from all quarters of the ship. My feelings were pretty much as I suppose every one else felt at such a time. That men are without thought when they stand among the dying and dead is too absurd an idea to be entertained. We all appeared cheerful, but I know that many a serious thought ran through my mind. Still, what could we do but keep up a semblance at least of animation? To run from our quarters would have been certain death from the hands of our own officers; to give way to gloom or show fear would do no good and might brand us with the name of cowards and insure certain defeat." In the desperate hope of warding off defeat, Captain Garden now ordered his helm aport and directed that boarders be called. The response was prompt, for the British sailor fights with unsurpassable heroism, but at the critical moment the forebrace was carried away, the ship was thrown into the wind and exposed to a raking fire. The American instantly seized the advantage and swept the decks with murderous destructiveness. In a brief time the _Macedonian_ was completely disabled. Her rigging was in tatters and splinters and her hull had been pierced by more than a hundred shot, many of which struck between wind and water. [Illustration: BATTLE BETWEEN THE "UNITED STATES" AND THE "MACEDONIAN."] Finally the American ceased firing and drew off to make the few repairs that were necessary. During the lull Captain Carden called his surviving officers around him for council. There was indeed but one thing to do, and it was agreed to surrender. As the American was returning, therefore, to resume her appalling work the English colors were hauled down. The victor lay to and lowered a boat, under charge of a lieutenant, who, as he climbed aboard, gave his name and that of the American 44-gun frigate as the _United States_, Captain Stephen Decatur. The _United States_, whose crew numbered 478, had 5 killed and 7 wounded, while the 297 of the _Macedonian_ lost 36 killed and 68 wounded. So it was that the old friends settled the question over which they had argued many times. When the English officer came aboard of the _United States_ and offered his sword to Decatur the latter said: "I cannot receive the sword of a man who has defended his ship with such bravery." The chivalrous nature of Decatur was shown in a private letter in which he wrote: "One-half of the satisfaction arising from this victory is destroyed in seeing the mortification of poor Carden, who deserved success as much as we did who had the good fortune to obtain it." Everything possible was done to alleviate the sufferings of the prisoners. The private property of the officers and seamen was returned or its equivalent in money. In a letter from Captain Carden to Captain Decatur he expressed his feelings and added: "I have much gratitude to express to you, my dear sir, for all your kindnesses, and all my officers feel it equally with myself. If ever we should turn the tables we will endeavor, if possible, to improve on your unusual goodness." CHAPTER XIV. Occasional American Defeats as Well as Victories--Captain Decatur's Misfortune--The _Chesapeake_ and _Shannon_. You would gain a wrong impression if my account of the leading naval events in the War of 1812 were made up wholly of American victories. It was inevitable that our gallant officers and men should meet with some defeats. In order, therefore, to give as true an idea as possible of those times I shall devote this chapter to telling about some events which went the wrong way. Enough has been related concerning Stephen Decatur to show that he was the most prominent of our naval leaders in our last war with Great Britain. He entered into the work with the same dauntless enthusiasm he showed whenever it was his privilege to serve his country, and his capture of the _Macedonian_ was one of the most brilliant exploits of the many that took place during those memorable years. In order to understand my use of the words "captain" and "commodore," it is necessary to explain that at the time to which I now refer the latter rank was different from what it is to-day. The commodore of a squadron was the highest ranking officer and he might be lower than a captain. Thus "Commodore" Perry, who won the remarkable victory on Lake Erie, was promoted from that rank to "captain." Another interesting fact may be named. The Stars and Stripes used in that war was slightly different in pattern from the present, for, instead of containing thirteen stripes, as it did at the close of the Revolution and as it does to-day, it had fifteen. The first law of Congress bearing on this point was to add a stripe for every new State admitted to the Union, but after two had come in and others were making ready it became evident that before long the pattern of the beautiful emblem would be spoiled if the rule were followed. So the increase in the number of stripes stopped and remained fifteen for a few years after the close of the war, even though new States had been admitted. Then the law was changed so as to provide that the increase of States should be shown by the stars in the blue field, while the stripes should always remain thirteen in number, typical of the original colonies of the Revolution. It was decided early in the war to send a squadron consisting of the _President_, Captain Stephen Decatur, and the sloops of war _Peacock_, Captain Warrington, and _Hornet_, Lieutenant Biddle, and the storeship _Tom Bowline_ on a cruise in the Indian Ocean. This squadron was to rendezvous at Tristan d'Acunha, but failed to do so, for a reason that has been stated in the account of the exploits of the _Hornet_ and _Peacock_. Captain Decatur lay in the harbor of New York with his vessels and found himself so closely blockaded by the British squadron that it was impossible for the Americans to sail in company. He sent out the two ships named, and, on the night of January 14, 1815, when the blockading squadron had been driven to the south by a gale, he sailed down the Narrows, hoping to get to sea before it returned. There was good reason to expect success, but misfortune speedily came. The beacon lights had been removed and early in the evening the pilot ran the ship aground just before reaching Sandy Hook. It required two hours of the hardest kind of work to get her off. The _President_ was not very seaworthy at the start, and the efforts to reach deep water so injured her that it was necessary to return to the city for repairs, but the strong contrary wind prevented and she was driven over the bar. Meanwhile the blockading squadron had come back and, early the next morning, Decatur had four of them in full pursuit. He put on every stitch of canvas, threw overboard everything that could be spared and wet his sails, but the _President_ was so badly crippled from having run aground that, despite all that was done, she steadily lost ground. The _Endymion_ led the pursuers and soon drew up within range, her position such that Decatur could not reply to the shots which began to injure his ship and kill and wound his crew. He formed a desperate scheme that was characteristic of him. The _Endymion_ was so far in advance of the other pursuers that there was a possibility of turning about and capturing her. Then, by transferring the American crew to her, the worthless _President_ could be abandoned and swift flight be made in the _Endymion_, which had already demonstrated her superior speed. The great risk in this attempt (for no one among the Americans doubted their ability to overcome the other crew) was that before the capture could be accomplished the other vessels would come up and Decatur be assailed by an overwhelming force, but he did not hesitate. He explained his plan to his men and they responded with cheers. No commander was ever more beloved by his crew than Decatur, and they were ready to follow him to the death, for he was always their leader and the foremost in personal danger. Since every minute was valuable, Decatur put about and made for the _Endymion_ with the intention of engaging her at close quarters. But the British vessel suspected his purpose, for she also turned, and, being much the superior sailer, was able to hold a safe distance between the two. It was an exasperating disappointment, but Decatur opened with a heavy fire, hoping to disable his antagonist before the arrival of the others. A furious engagement followed, in which Decatur lost several of his most valuable officers and was himself painfully wounded by flying splinters. But the American guns were served with perfect precision and the _Endymion_ was so broken and shattered by the fire that after two and a half hours she was incapable of further resistance. She would have surrendered had the time been sufficient for Decatur to enforce the demand, but the other blockaders were hurrying up and placed the American again in grave danger. He crowded on all sail once more, but the scurrying clouds which gave him a chance of escaping were swept from the sky and the bright moon revealed him so plainly to his pursuers that they rapidly overtook the _President_. A running fight followed, but the _President_ was overmatched in every respect. In his official report Decatur said: "Two fresh ships of the enemy, the 38-gun frigates _Pomone_ and _Tenedos_, had come up. The _Pomone_ had opened fire on the port bow, within musket shot, the other, about two cables' length astern, taking a raking position on our quarter, and the rest, with the exception of the _Endymion_, within gunshot. Thus situated, with about one-fifth of my crew killed and wounded, my ship crippled and a more than fourfold force opposed to me, without a chance of escape, I deemed it my duty to surrender." The British senior officer of the squadron to whom Decatur offered his sword showed his appreciation of the American's gallantry and of his chivalrous treatment of Captain Carden, when the situations were reversed, by handing the weapon back to Decatur with the remark that he was proud to return the sword of an officer who had defended his ship so nobly. Shortly after this misfortune news reached this country of the signing of a treaty of peace, though several encounters took place on the ocean before the tidings could reach the various ships. Turning back to the earlier part of the war, mention must be made of another American hero, James Lawrence, who was born in Burlington, N.J., in 1781 and was active in the war with Tripoli. He was commander of the _Hornet_ when she captured the _Peacock_ in an engagement which lasted only fifteen minutes, with the loss of one American killed and two wounded. He was given the command of the frigate _Chesapeake_, which was repairing in Boston harbor. The ship had gained the reputation of being unlucky, and, having already passed through several accidents, Lawrence assumed command with extreme reluctance. Among the blockading vessels of the enemy outside of Boston was the _Shannon_, commanded by Captain Philip Bowes Vere Broke. She was one of the most efficient ships in the British navy, carried 38 guns and had a crew of 330 men, all well disciplined and skilled in firing guns and in fighting, while Broke himself probably had no superior as an officer. That he was brave was proven not only by his sending a challenge to Lawrence, inviting him to come out and fight him, but by his conduct during the battle. Captain Lawrence sailed out of Boston harbor before Broke's challenge reached him. He had learned that a single frigate had presumed to blockade the port, and, having been ordered to sail as soon as possible, he made unwise haste in venturing to give the _Shannon_ battle, even though one cause was the wish to leave the port before other blockaders appeared. [Illustration: CAPTAIN JAMES LAWRENCE.] The crew of the _Chesapeake_ was inferior in every respect to that of the enemy, except that it contained ten more men. The majority had been newly enlisted and contained many foreigners, landsmen, and objectionable sailors. They were not only unaccustomed to the ship--though they knew of its reputation as an unlucky one--but were unacquainted with one another and nearly all were strangers to the officers. The best of these were absent from illness and other causes. Worse than all, many were in a maudlin state of drunkenness when the _Chesapeake_ started out with flags flying to engage the well-manned _Shannon_. On the way down the bay some of the _Chesapeake's_ crew impudently notified Lawrence that they would not fight unless they received the prize money earned a short time before. It was a humiliating situation for the young commander, but he was virtually in the face of the enemy and he issued prize checks to the malcontents. Well aware of the character of the foe he was about to encounter, he must have looked upon the meeting with foreboding. Maclay uses these impressive words: [Illustration: THE BATTLE BETWEEN THE "CHESAPEAKE" AND THE "SHANNON."] "The calm deliberation with which the American and English commanders went out to seek each other's life and the earnestness with which they urged their officers and men to steep their hands in the blood of their fellow beings form one of the sombre pictures of naval history. Lawrence was the youngest son of John Lawrence, Esquire, counselor-at-law at Burlington, N.J., and was the second in command at the celebrated capture of the _Philadelphia_ in the harbor of Tripoli. Broke was the descendant of an ancient family which had lived in Broke Hall, England, over three hundred and fifty years and for four hundred years at Leighton. Both were men in the prime of manhood, Lawrence in his thirty-second year and Broke in his thirty-seventh. Both were models of chivalry and manly grace; both were held in the highest estimation in their profession. Lawrence had just taken an affectionate farewell of his two sons and an hour later was urging his men to "_Peacock_ them! _Peacock_ them!" Broke a short time before had committed his wife to God's mercy and soon afterward was urging his crew to 'Kill the men! kill the men!' Both were men of the kindliest feelings and most tender affections; both acknowledged the justice of the cause for which the Americans were contending, yet with steady determination they went out at the head of their ships' companies to take each other's life. A few hours afterward, when Captain Broke fell on the _Chesapeake's_ decks fainting and covered with his own blood, his lieutenants, on loosening his clothes, found a small blue silk case suspended around his neck. It contained a lock of his wife's hair." [Illustration: DEATH OF CAPTAIN LAWRENCE.] Lawrence, in accordance with his chivalrous nature, disdained to seek any unfair advantage, his purpose being to engage in what is called a fair yardarm and yardarm fight. It was toward the close of the first day of summer, with thousands crowding the hills and points of advantage and peering at the ships through glasses, that the battle opened by the fire of the _Shannon_. Great damage was inflicted and much execution done by the return broadside of the _Chesapeake_. The first fire severely wounded Lawrence in the leg, but he refused to go below. Then the firing became so close and rapid that half the American officers were killed or wounded. The most frightful confusion that can be imagined followed. When Lawrence formed his men to board after the two vessels had fouled the bugler could not be found, whereupon Captain Broke led his own men upon the deck of the _Chesapeake_. It was at this critical moment that Lawrence was fatally wounded and carried below. He kept calling out his commands while in the cockpit to fight harder and to keep the guns going. His last words, often repeated in his delirium, were "_Don't give up the ship!_" and they formed the motto of the American navy for many years afterward. [Illustration: THE OFFICERS OF THE "CHESAPEAKE" OFFERING THEIR SWORDS.] In the wild, savage fighting, where everything was so mixed that an American lieutenant joined the British boarders under the impression that they were his own men, Captain Broke was fearfully wounded, though he afterward recovered. The _Chesapeake_, with a loss of 47 killed and 99 wounded to 24 killed and 59 wounded of the enemy, became the prize of the _Shannon_. CHAPTER XV. David Porter--A Clever Feat--Numerous Captures by the _Essex_--Her Remarkable Cruise in the Pacific--Her Final Capture. David Porter was born in 1780 and died in 1842. He came from a seafaring family, and, entering the navy at an early age, did gallant service in the war with France and Tripoli. He was the father of David Dixon Porter, who, on account of his brilliant record in the war for the Union, was made vice-admiral in 1866 and admiral in 1870. The elder Porter was appointed captain of the _Essex_ at the beginning of the War of 1812, and, leaving New York, started on a cruise after the British 36-gun _Thetis_, which was on her way to South America with a large amount of specie aboard. She took several unimportant prizes, and, failing to meet the _Thetis_, turned northward and on the night of July 10, 1812, sighted a fleet of merchantmen. The night was cloudy and dark and Porter with a great deal of cleverness pushed his way among the vessels without his identity being suspected. He had drawn in his guns, hidden most of his men and done all he could to give the _Essex_ the appearance of being an inoffensive merchantman. His object was to learn whether the escort was too powerful to be attacked. He opened conversation with the captain of one of the vessels, who, unsuspicious of his identity, informed him that the fleet was carrying a thousand soldiers from Barbados to Quebec, and that the convoying vessel was the _Minerva_, a 32-gun frigate. In addition, several of the merchantmen were heavily armed. Captain Porter's next act was still more audacious. He glided forward among the fleet and hailed the captain of a second vessel, but the latter became suspicious, and was on the point of signalling to the escort the appearance of a stranger among them, when Porter thrust out the muzzles of twenty cannon and warned him that if he failed to keep perfect silence and follow in his wake he would blow him out of the water. The English captain obeyed, and Porter extricated his prize with such astonishing skill that not a vessel took the alarm. When a safe point was reached, Porter found that his prize was a brig with about two hundred British soldiers on board. Having succeeded so well, Porter again returned to the fleet for another capture. But by this time day was breaking and the character of his vessel was discovered. It being useless to attempt further disguise, he cleared for action and offered the _Minerva_ battle. The captain, however, deemed it his duty to remain with his convoy, and continued his course to Quebec, while Porter headed southward, afterward restoring his prize to its owners for a liberal ransom. Captain Porter had become so clever in disguising his vessel as a merchantman that some days later he lured the British 16-gun ship-sloop _Alert_ to attack him. In the space of eight minutes the _Alert_ was so helplessly crippled that her captain surrendered. The _Essex_ did not suffer the slightest injury and no men were killed on either vessel. The _Essex_ had now five hundred prisoners aboard, and they formed an element of serious danger, for they began plotting among themselves to capture the ship from the Americans and turn her over to the enemy. Captain Porter was a severe disciplinarian, and one of his practices was to have the alarm of fire sounded at all hours of the day or night, that his crew might be taught the successful way of fighting the ever-present danger. To make such training perfect, he occasionally started a fire in the hatches. The leader in the conspiracy to seize the ship fixed upon a night to make the attempt, and his friends were on the alert to join him the moment he gave the signal. In one of the hammocks was sleeping a midshipmite only eleven years old, but, young as he was, he was a hero. Pistol in hand, the plotter tiptoed up beside the hammock to learn whether the boy was asleep. The little fellow was never wider awake in his life; but he kept his eyes closed and breathed regularly, so as to deceive the scoundrel, who slipped away to lead his companions in their murderous uprising. The instant the man disappeared the boy midshipman sprang out of his hammock, crept to the cabin and told Captain Porter what he had seen. That officer ran into the berth deck and loudly shouted "_Fire_!" The finely disciplined crew promptly answered the call, and going to the main hatch, were speedily armed and received their orders from Captain Porter. The plotters were overawed and the rebellion nipped in the bud. Thus the _Essex_ was saved by the wits of a boy only eleven years old. The name of that boy was David Glasgow Farragut, and he became the greatest naval officer of the American navy. Of course I shall have more to tell you about him later on. Determined to rid himself of the dangerous prisoners, Captain Porter placed them on board the _Alert_ and sent them to Nova Scotia on parole. In a cruise of sixty days he made nine captures, recaptured five privateers and merchantmen, and arrived in the Delaware early in September. He sailed again in the latter part of October with the smallest frigate in the navy, but with a full complement of officers and men. Among the former, it need hardly be said, was young Midshipman Farragut. The first port at which he stopped was Port Praya, where the Portuguese governor showed them much courtesy. In December the _Essex_ crossed the equator, and soon after overhauled a British brig of war, which strained every effort to escape. The two manoeuvred for position, but the _Essex_ proved her superiority, and, after a volley of musketry, which killed one man, the _Nocton_, as she proved to be, hauled down her flag. She carried only 10 guns and 31 men, but had $50,000 in specie on board. Captain Porter placed an officer and crew in charge of the prize, with instructions to make the nearest American port. While striving to do so he was captured by the British frigate _Belvidera_. Captain Porter's instructions were to meet the _Constitution_ and _Hornet_, which were cruising in that part of the world. He made continued efforts to do so, and frequently got on their track, but finally had to give it up. Then Captain Porter formed the bold plan of doubling Cape Horn and entering the Pacific ocean. This venture was more dangerous than would be supposed, for all the South American countries on that side of the continent were dominated by Great Britain, and in entering the vast expanse the American knew he would meet plenty of enemies and not a solitary friend. Like an army when it invades a country, however, he determined to live off the enemy. He knew that scores of English vessels were in the Pacific, and all Porter had to do was to capture them. He had had sufficient experience at that sort of work to give him confidence, and he liked the business. Unfortunately, it was the most dangerous season of the year for doubling the Horn, which is always attended with peril. The _Essex_ was caught in a tempest that lasted for three days, and was so terrific that the stoutest hearted sailors quailed. The escape of the gallant little ship could not have been narrower, and she suffered great damage, but finally the dreaded extremity of South America was weathered, and in the beginning of March, 1813, the _Essex_ sailed into the calmer water of the Pacific, where no armed American vessel had ever before penetrated. The first halt was made off the island of Mocha, where a hunting party secured a number of hogs, which were salted down for future use. Captain Porter wished to keep secret his presence in that part of the world until after he had secured a number of prizes, but the condition of his vessel compelled him to put into Valparaiso, where he learned that Chili had begun her war of independence against Spain. A sail which was sighted displayed the Spanish colors, and, believing her to be one of the vessels that had been preying upon American commerce in the Pacific, Captain Porter hoisted the British flag. The stranger approached and sent an armed boat to the _Essex_. It was immediately sent back with orders for the Peruvian cruiser to come under the lee of the _Essex_. This was done, and she was compelled to strike. Upon the demand of Porter, her captain gave a list of all the vessels, so far as he could remember, that were cruising in the Pacific. Then the arms, ammunition and spars of the captive were thrown overboard and she was allowed to go. From that time forward the captures made by the _Essex_ were so numerous that the full story would be monotonous. The swiftest and best of the captured cruisers were fitted out with crews and added to the American vessel, until Captain Porter had under his command seven ships, carrying 80 guns and 340 men, in addition to nearly a hundred prisoners. Still more were added, and the cruise of the _Essex_ and her companions in that part of the world became very much like a picnic. A number of powerful British frigates were searching for the _Essex_, which had wrought such prodigious mischief. Porter sailed for the Marquesas Islands, reaching them in the latter part of October. There he landed, built a fort and made the repairs of which his vessel stood in sore need. The work accomplished by Captain Porter was almost beyond computation. He literally destroyed English commerce in the Pacific, for none of the vessels not captured dared leave port, and the American merchant ships were protected. The play being over, he craved more serious business. He therefore set out to hunt up some of the British cruisers that were trying to hunt him up. In February, 1814, the _Essex_ and the _Essex Junior_, as one of the newly manned prizes had been christened, entered Valparaiso, where they learned that the 36-gun frigate _Phoebe_ was in the neighborhood searching for them. Captain Porter gave a reception to the officials of Valparaiso, and the next morning, while half of the crew were ashore, the _Essex Junior_ signalled from the offing that two British frigates were in sight. They came into port, the captain of the _Phoebe_ exchanging, compliments with Porter, they being old acquaintances; but, all the same, each was distrustful of the other, and both maintained what may be termed a position of armed neutrality. For six weeks the two frigates blockaded Porter. Learning then that other ships were expected, Porter determined to get to sea. In the attempt, his vessel was completely disabled by a storm. Despite the neutrality of the port, the two British frigates attacked him, keeping beyond range of the _Essex's_ short guns and thus rendering her perfectly powerless to help herself. The _Essex_ was pounded at long range until 58 of her men were killed and 66 wounded, when, to save her officers and crew from annihilation, she surrendered. CHAPTER XVI. Oliver Hazard Perry--Prompt and Effective Work--"We Have Met the Enemy and They Are Ours"--Death of Perry. Oliver Hazard Perry was born in Rhode Island in 1785, and entered the American navy as midshipman when fourteen years old, under his father, Captain Christopher Raymond Perry, who commanded the 28-gun ship _General Greene_, which did good service in the war against France. The son also served on the _Constellation_ in the Tripolitan war, and afterward gave his attention to ordnance. The surrender of Detroit by General William Hull at the opening of the war gave the British control of the Territory of Michigan and Lake Erie. They had formed the formidable plan of extending the Dominion of Canada along the Ohio and Mississippi rivers to the Gulf of Mexico, thus inserting an immense wedge between the United States and the great West, which has since become so important a part of our country. The only way of blocking this far-reaching and dangerous scheme was for the Americans to regain control of Lake Erie, and to young Perry was assigned the seemingly almost impossible task. At the little town of Erie, Perry began the construction of his fleet, and pushed it with such vigor, in the face of every sort of obstacle, that early in July, 1813, he had ten vessels ready for sea, but only enough men to man one of them. The end of the month made the total three hundred, but he determined to get to sea on the first opportunity. Outside was a powerful blockading squadron, and the water in the lake was so low that it was not until the 4th of August that he was able to get all his vessels over the bar. They comprised the _Scorpion_, _Ariel_, _Lawrence_ (flagship), _Caledonia_, _Niagara_, _Somers_, _Porcupine_, _Tigress_ and _Trippe_. The total guns carried were 54, with a force of 490 men. The British squadron consisted of six vessels, with an aggregate of 63 guns and 502 men. They were under the command of Commander Robert H. Barclay, who had fought under Nelson at Trafalgar, and in another battle lost an arm. It was less than three months before that the dying Lawrence had uttered the appeal, "Don't give up the ship!" and Perry hoisted a flag with the words displayed in large letters. As it floated in the breeze from his vessel it was received with enthusiastic cheers. It was on the 10th of September, 1814, that the two squadrons met at the western end of Lake Erie. When a mile apart, the _Detroit_, the British flagship, fired a shot to test the distance. It ricochetted past the _Lawrence_. A few minutes later she fired a second shot, which smashed into the starboard bulwarks of the _Lawrence_ and sent a cloud of splinters flying. The reply to these was a 32-pounder from the _Scorpion_. Then the firing became more rapid, the enemy possessing the advantage at long range. Most of the shots from the British vessels were directed against Perry's flagship, which suffered considerably. He therefore made sail to get to close quarters. His ship and the _Scorpion_ and _Ariel_ drew considerably ahead of the rest of the fleet. As a consequence they received the main fire of the enemy, which soon became concentrated on the _Lawrence_, that was gallantly fighting against overwhelming odds. Moreover, she was at a hopeless disadvantage with her short guns, and soon became a wreck, with a large number of her men killed or wounded. Gradually the boats drifted nearer and the Americans were able to make use of their short guns and small arms. Perry's clothing was torn by splinters and two musket balls passed through his hat. The battle continued for more than two hours with the utmost desperation, during which the scenes on the _Lawrence_ were too frightful to be described. Finally the wrecked flagship began drifting helplessly out of action, when Perry determined to transfer his flag to the _Niagara_. [Illustration: COMMODORE PERRY AT THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE.] With his broad pennant folded over his arm, and accompanied by a younger brother and four seamen, he stepped into the small boat, which began pulling in the direction of the _Niagara_. The thick smoke concealed them for a time, but it soon lifted, and Barclay aimed a shot at the boat. He said in his official report that he saw the shot strike the boat, whereupon Perry took off his coat and plugged the hole with it. But for the temporary veil the American commander could not have made half the brief distance between the _Lawrence_ and the _Niagara_. As it was, however, he reached the latter without a scratch. He hoisted his pennant and the flag bearing the immortal words of the gallant Lawrence. Then an officer was sent in a boat to communicate the orders of the Commodore to the other vessels. This was hardly done when Perry saw with the keenest distress the surrender of the _Lawrence_. Such submission was inevitable, for almost every man on board was either killed or wounded and every gun on the engaged side was disabled. The English crews broke into cheers, believing the battle won, but they could not take possession of the _Lawrence_, which drifted out of range. Captain Barclay now made an attempt to change his line of battle with a view of bringing his other broadsides into action. The line became broken and entangled, observing which, Perry took instant advantage of it. The _Niagara_, passing through the disorganized squadron, raked the vessels fore and aft, while the other American vessels promptly followed, and added to the confusion of the enemy and the dreadful destruction on board. The Americans were now at close quarters and able to do their best work, and so dreadful was it that fifteen minutes later a white handkerchief was waved at the end of a boarding-pike on one of the boats as a signal of surrender. Firing ceased, and in the smoke and confusion two of the enemy's boats darted away in an attempt to escape; but they were followed and brought back. Determined to honor the _Lawrence_, Perry now had himself rowed to the wreck, drifting some distance away in charge of the few that had survived the awful conflict. Perry took his position aft and with calm dignity received the surrender. As the defeated officers approached and presented their swords in turn, he told each to retain the weapon, accompanying the remark with words of compliment for the bravery he had displayed. The loss of the Americans was 27 killed and 96 wounded, and that of the British 41 killed and 94 wounded. Perry showed every possible kindness to the suffering prisoners, who expressed their gratitude. Commander Barclay displayed conspicuous bravery throughout the battle and was twice wounded, one of his injuries depriving him of the use of his single remaining arm. From what was stated at the beginning of this chapter, it will be seen that this battle was one of the most important of the war. Not only was it a glorious victory of itself, the occasion being the first time in England's history that she surrendered a whole squadron, but it settled a much more momentous matter. The British General Proctor was waiting with his army on the Canadian shore ready to be carried across the lake by the English fleet, in the event of their being successful, and pressing his invasion of Ohio, which would have been an almost fatal blow to our country. On the Ohio shore General Harrison was waiting with an American force to invade Canada, if Perry gained a victory. Hardly had the surrender been made when the commandant, using his cap for a desk and the back of an old letter for paper, pencilled the despatch which has become famous: "We have met the enemy and they are ours--two ships, two brigs, one schooner and one sloop," which he sent by messenger to General Harrison. [Illustration: THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE.] In the following month Harrison invaded Canada, with Proctor retreating before him, and accompanied by the famous Indian, Tecumseh, and several hundred of his warriors. Proctor halted near the Moravian Towns, where a battle was fought October 5, in which the British and Indians were decisively defeated. The Indian confederacy was destroyed and all danger of the invasion of Ohio ended. Master-Commandant Perry's victory caused his promotion to the rank of captain, and Congress awarded him a gold medal, besides suitably rewarding his officers and men. After the war he was sent into southern waters to help suppress piracy, which had become very troublesome. While engaged on this duty he was seized with yellow fever, and died August 24, 1819, just as his ship reached Port of Spain, Trinidad. CHAPTER XVII. A Hero of the Olden Days--Cruise of the _Constitution_--Her Capture of the _Cyane_ and _Levant_--Reminiscences of Admiral Stewart--His Last Days. During the early days of President Lincoln's administration, before the firing upon Fort Sumter by the Confederates, the all-absorbing question was as to whether or not the fort should be reinforced by the Government. A good many opposed, because it was known that the attempt would bring on a conflict, and, if war was to come, each was anxious that the other side should strike the first blow. It was amid those times of excitement, doubt and trouble that Commodore Charles Stewart left his modest home near Bordentown, N.J., and went by train to Washington. From the station he made his way straight to the White House and sent in his name to President Lincoln. As usual, the Executive had a swarm of visitors, but he directed the distinguished caller to be admitted at once. As the tall, sad-faced man rose from his chair he towered fully two feet above the diminutive form of the naval officer in his blue swallow-tail, who took the proffered hand, and, after a few conventional words, looked up and said in his brisk manner: "Mr. President, I'll reinforce Fort Sumter." "You, Commodore! We are just discussing the question." "There's no need of discussing it; it must be done! Give me the men and ships--there won't be many required--and I'll do it." The President saw that his caller was in earnest, and he respected him too highly to indulge in anything like jesting. "I am inclined to think as you do, Commodore, but--" "But _what_?" impatiently interrupted the veteran. "You have already done so much for your country that it seems only fair that we should give the younger men a chance." "Younger men! What's the matter with me? I'm not old enough yet to need a cane." "I observe that; you are wonderfully spry for one of your years. Let me see, what _is_ your age?" "Not quite eighty-four." "Why, you are still a young man; but the trouble is, Commodore, we have so many that are still younger, that they are plaguing the life out of me; I don't see how I can refuse them, but I shall be grateful to have the benefit of your counsel any time you are willing to give it." [Illustration: THE BOMBARDMENT OF FORT SUMTER.] "Counsel be hanged! We have had too much _talk_; it's time for actions, and I demand that you give me a chance with the rest." With that inimitable tact for which President Lincoln was noted, he succeeded in soothing the ruffled feelings of the Commodore (soon afterward made an admiral), but the old gentleman was not quite satisfied, when he bade the President good-by, without having obtained the opportunity to re-enter the active service of his country. This little anecdote, which is authentic, may serve to introduce my last references to one of the most remarkable naval heroes of our country. If his fire, vigor and patriotism burned so brightly in 1861, little need be said in way of explanation of its nature when he was less than forty years of age. Captain Stewart came back from a cruise in the West Indies in the spring of 1814, and found the _Constitution_, "Old Ironsides," closely blockaded by a powerful British squadron. That remarkable frigate had already won such a reputation that the enemy were determined she should not get to sea again. They held her locked in the port for months, but despite their unceasing vigilance, Captain Stewart, who was a consummate seaman, slipped out in December and sailed away. He made several captures, and the frigates of the enemy began an industrious search for him, while all the lesser craft strained every nerve to keep out of his way. On the 20th of February, 1815, when off the coast of South America, he gave chase to two of the enemy's vessels, one of which proved to be the _Cyane_ and the other the _Levant_. The two together carried 55 guns and 313 men, while the _Constitution_ had 51 guns and a crew of 456 men. The _Cyane_ was properly a frigate, and she being at the rear, Stewart opened fire from the long guns of his port battery. The response from the starboard guns of the enemy was prompt, and for a time the cannonade was deafening. The _Constitution_ gave most of her attention to the rear ship. The smoke around the American becoming so dense as to cloud the vision, Stewart slipped forward and quickly delivered a double-shotted broadside. Before it could be repeated the other ship attempted to gain a raking position across the stern of the _Constitution_. By a splendid manoeuvre, Stewart defeated the purpose, and, placing himself abreast the rear ship, delivered another destructive broadside before the more sluggish enemy comprehended their danger. He maintained his tremendous fire for a time, when he observed the other ship luffing across his course to secure a raking position, whereupon, with the same unsurpassable seamanship that he had shown from the first, he crossed the wake of the foremost ship and obtained a raking position himself. Before the vessel could extricate itself Stewart raked her twice. Then the second ship repeated the attempt of its consort, but Stewart not only defeated her, but again laid the _Constitution_ so as to rake her. In the manoeuvring the two ships drew up side by side, and, the enemy opening with the port battery, Stewart replied with his starboard guns. The fire of the American was so amazingly accurate and effective that in a short time the enemy hoisted a light and fired a gun in token of surrender. The battle occurred in the early hours of evening. Upon sending an officer to take possession, it was found that the captured vessel was the English 32-gun frigate _Cyane_. It took an hour to transfer and secure the prisoners, when the _Constitution_ started after the other ship, which was some distance away, engaged in repairing her rigging. Seeing the American approaching, and not knowing what fate had befallen her consort, the Englishman gallantly bore down to meet his formidable enemy. The two vessels passed each other and exchanged broadsides, but with another display of masterly seamanship Stewart, before the other was aware of her danger, crossed her wake and raked her. This startling experience convinced the Englishman that he had met his master and he crowded on all sail in the desperate effort to escape. The _Constitution_ was immediately after her, and by ten o'clock secured a position from which to deliver another of her terrible broadsides, seeing which the enemy surrendered. She proved to be the British sloop of war _Levant_, of 21 guns. In this battle the _Constitution_ had 4 killed and 10 wounded, while on the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ 35 were killed and 42 wounded. Of all the battles in which this famous ship was engaged, there was none more remarkable than this. When Stewart advanced to the attack he believed both his enemies were frigates. The manner in which he baffled every effort of the two to rake him, while he repeatedly raked them, was one of the many proofs that the American navy contained no finer seaman than he. The grand old _Constitution_ seemed to anticipate every wish of her commander and responded with a promptness that could not have been surpassed. The discipline of the crew was perfect, and, after all, therefore, it is little wonder that one of the last acts of the famous ship was the most brilliant of them all. It is stated by Richard Watson Gilder that when Captain Stewart was talking with the respective captains of the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ in his own cabin, the two fell into a dispute, each charging the other with failing to do the right thing during the engagement, and insisting that if it had been done they would not have been defeated. Stewart sat amused and interested until he saw they were becoming angry, when he interfered. "Now, gentlemen," said he, "there's no need of your growing warm over this affair; no matter what evolutions you made, or what you did, the end would have been the same. If you don't believe it, I will put each of you back on your ship with the same crews and we'll fight it all over again." Neither of the gentlemen was prepared to accept this proposal, and there can be no doubt that Captain Stewart was warranted in his declaration, and his prisoners knew it. Stewart started for home with his prizes, and early in March anchored in Port Praya. While there, three powerful British frigates approached, which, through a series of singular coincidences, were blockading Boston at the time the _Constitution_ made her escape some months before. They were anxious, above everything else, to capture the most dreaded ship in the American navy. Stewart knew that his only chance was to get away before they shut him in, for the experience of the _Essex_ at Valparaiso proved that the neutrality of no port would protect an American cruiser. Accordingly, he lost no time in getting to sea, leaving with the utmost haste and signalling to the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ to follow. They obeyed, and were handled with such skill that all got to sea, with the squadron in hot pursuit. The chase was continued for a long time, with the remarkable result that both the _Constitution_ and _Cyane_ safely reached Boston, while the _Levant_ was recaptured--a small reward for the exertions of the British squadron. Maclay says: "In this brilliant cruise Captain Stewart proved himself an officer of rare ability. His action with the _Cyane_ and _Levant_, and his masterly escape from the British squadron, called for all the qualities of a great commander, while his unhesitating attack on what appeared, in the heavy weather, to be two frigates, the beautiful style in which the _Constitution_ was put through the most difficult manoeuvres, and the neatness with which he captured a superior force, have ranked him as one of the most remarkable naval officers of his day. Congress awarded him a sword and gold medal." It happened one day, when I was talking with Admiral Stewart at his home, that he showed me a Toledo sword which had been presented to him by the King of Spain, because of his rescue of a Spanish ship, drifting helplessly in mid ocean, with the captain and all the crew dead or prostrated by yellow fever. The blade of the weapon, although quite plain and ordinary looking, of course was very valuable, but the hilt was so rough and crude that I expressed my surprise. "I supposed that when a king makes a present of a sword," I said, "that the hilt is generally of a more costly pattern than that." "So it is," replied Stewart, accepting it from me and playfully making a few lightning-like passes in the air just to show that he had not forgotten how to handle the weapon; "that was a very handsome sword when it came to me, and I could not accept it until authorized by Congress. During my fight with the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ I was walking back and forth with this sword under my arm, the hilt slightly projecting in front of my chest, when a grapeshot slipped it off, as it grazed me. The hilt which it now has was put there by my gunner." "Were you ever wounded in battle?" I asked. "I was struck only once, and it amounted to nothing. It was in the same battle. A pigeon became so frightened by the smoke and racket that it flew hither and thither, and finally perched on my shoulder. While there a musket ball struck its claw at the junction of the toes with the leg, and entered my shoulder. The resistance it met was so tough that it saved my shoulder from being shattered; except for that, the hurt must have proved serious, but it did not bother me at all." The Admiral, still loosely holding the weapon in his hand, turned his faded eyes toward the window and gazed out over the snow. Those eyes seemed to look backward over the vista of forty, fifty, sixty, seventy, eighty years, and must have recalled the many stirring scenes in which he had taken part, as well as the faces of the brave fellows, like himself, who had gone from earth long ago, leaving him alone. Then the old veteran, still erect and with the fires of patriotism glowing in his brave heart, softly murmured: "I have been more fortunate than I deserve; strange that I should be the only one left, but it cannot be for long." And yet he lived for seven more years. Then, when a scirrhus cancer appeared on his tongue, a skilful surgeon told him it could be easily removed and need cause him no trouble. "Oh," said the Admiral, who was then past ninety, "I've lived long enough; let it alone." He died a few months later, and, as has been stated, was in his ninety-second year. CHAPTER XVIII. Captures Made After the Signing of the Treaty of Peace--The Privateers--Exploit of the _General Armstrong_--Its Far-Reaching Result. The treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States was signed December 24, 1814, at the city of Ghent, in Belgium. Had the submarine telegraph been known at that time, or had we possessed our ocean greyhounds, a good deal of blood-shed would have been saved, and the most important victory of the whole war would not have been gained. General Jackson won his famous triumph at New Orleans--still celebrated in all parts of the country--January 8, 1815; the _President_ was captured by a British fleet, January 15; Captain Stewart captured the _Cyane_ and _Levant_, February 20; the _Hornet_ took the _Penguin_, March 23, and the _Peacock_ captured the _Nautilus_, in a distant part of the world, June 30. That was the last of hostilities between the two countries, and let us pray that it will be the last for all time to come. In the account of the naval exploits of the War of 1812, I have confined myself to those of the regular cruisers of the United States, but in no other war in which we were engaged did the privateers play so prominent a part. These vessels were usually schooners or brigs of 200 or 300 tons, with crews varying from 75 to 100 men. They left all of our principal ports, many of the swiftest and most effective going from Baltimore, but twenty-six were fitted out in New York alone in the summer of 1812. Probably the whole number engaged was about six hundred. Of the four hundred British prizes captured in the second year of the war, four-fifths were taken by privateers. A favorite cruising ground was the West Indies, but some of the vessels ventured across the ocean and displayed a degree of boldness that recalled the days of Paul Jones. Among the most famous were the _Reindeer_, _Avon_ and _Blakeley_, built in a few weeks, near Boston, in 1814. They were so large and well equipped that more than once they attacked and defeated British warships. Some of the privateers which left Charleston, Bristol and Plymouth were nothing but pilot boats, carrying twenty or thirty men each, who gave their attention to the West Indies. They were often obliged to deplete their crews to that extent in order to man their prizes that barely enough were left to manage their own ships. In those days all, of course, were sailing vessels, and they carried nothing in the shape of armor. Their guns were cannon, loading at the muzzle and firing solid shot. The most effective of these was the "Long Tom," which was generally mounted on a pivot forward, and used in firing upon a fleeing vessel. [Illustration: GENERAL ANDREW JACKSON.] (_Afterward President of the United States_.) The most famous achievement was that of the privateer _General Armstrong_, which carried nine long guns, the largest being 24-pounders, or "long nines." She sailed with a large crew, which was depleted to ninety on account of the number in charge of the prizes captured. Her commander was Captain Samuel C. Reid, born in Connecticut in 1783, and died in 1861. It was he who designed the accepted pattern of the United States flag, with its thirteen stripes and one star for each State. The fifteen-striped flag, which it has been stated was carried through the War of 1812, remained the pattern until 1818, when the change referred to was made. While engaged upon one of his successful cruises, Captain Reid put into the harbor of Fayal, one of the Azores, to provision his ship. He was thus employed when Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane, of England, reached the same port and on the same errand. He had with him three vessels: the flagship _Plantagenet_, 74 guns; the frigate _Rotan_, 38 guns, and the brig _Carnation_, 18 guns. This powerful squadron was manned by 2,000 men, and was on the way to New Orleans with the purpose of occupying the city. When the British admiral discovered the American privateer within the harbor, he placed his own vessels so as to prevent its escape. Captain Reid did not think the enemy would attack him, since the harbor was neutral, but the previous experience of his countrymen warned him that it was not safe to count upon the British respecting the laws of war when there was an opportunity to destroy one of the pests of the ocean. He cleared his decks and made every preparation against attack, and it was well he did so. It was not long before he observed several boats, crowded with men, leave the _Plantagenet_ and row toward him. This was on the 26th of September. There being no doubt of their hostile purpose, Captain Reid several times warned them off, but they paid no attention to him. He then fired upon the boats, and a number of the crews were killed and wounded. This was a sort of reception they had not counted upon, and the boats turned about and hastily rowed back to the flagship. "We have got to fight," said Captain Reid to his men; "they will attack us again to-night, and things will be lively." There was no thought of surrender on the part of the Americans, though, as will be noted, they were threatened by a force more than twenty times as numerous as their own. They sent their valuables ashore and disposed of everything, as if not a man expected to emerge from the fight alive. All were cool and confident, and the dauntless courage of the commander inspired every one around him. Night settled over the harbor, and by and by the sounds of oars showed the enemy were approaching again. Through the gloom seven boats, containing two hundred men, loomed into view, coming straight for the _General Armstrong_. Each carried a carronade, with which they opened fire on the privateer. The reply of the latter was so well directed and effective that three of the boats were sunk and their crews left struggling in the water. The cries that sounded across the harbor left no doubt of the effect of the fire of the American. The four remaining boats were not frightened off, but, rowing with might and main, reached the side of the vessel and began clambering on board. They were enraged, and as their heads rose above the gunwales they shouted, "No quarter!" "No quarter!" replied the Americans, discharging their pistols in their faces and pressing them back into the water with their pikes. The assailants displayed great bravery and made desperate efforts to board the privateer; but the Americans needed not the incentive of the warning that no quarter would be given to fight with all the vigor and skill at their command. The struggle was a furious one, but in the end the British were so decisively defeated that only two of the boats returned to the ships. The others, filled with dead and wounded, drifted ashore. [Illustration: BRITISH ATTACK ON SULLIVAN ISLAND.] (_Our Last Naval Engagement with England_.) In this brief but terrific struggle there were only two Americans killed and seven wounded, while the enemy acknowledged a loss of thirty-four killed and eighty-six wounded, the former including the leader of the expedition. Admiral Cochrane was so incensed by the rough treatment his men had received that he determined to throw neutrality to the winds and destroy the defiant privateer. Nothing more was attempted that evening, but in the morning the _Carnation_ advanced to the attack of the _General Armstrong_. This gave the latter a chance to bring its Long Tom into play, and it was served with such unerring accuracy that not a shot missed. Before the brig could come to close quarters she was so crippled that she was obliged to withdraw. The three ships now closed in. It would have been folly to fight them. So Captain Reid scuttled his ship, lowered his boats and rowed ashore. The enemy were disposed to follow him thither, but he and his men took refuge in an old stone fortress and dared the Englishmen to do so. Upon second thought they decided to leave the Americans to themselves. This wonderful exploit was celebrated in song, one stanza of which ended thus: "From set of sun till rise of morn, through the long September night, Ninety men against two thousand, and the ninety won the fight; In the harbor of Fayal the Azore." While the victory of itself was one of the most remarkable of which there is any record, it resembled that of Perry on Lake Erie in its far-reaching consequences. Admiral Cochrane found his ships so crippled that he returned to England to refit. He then sailed for New Orleans, which he reached a few days after it had been occupied by General Jackson. But for the delay caused by his fight with Captain Reid he would have shut out General Jackson from the city and prevented his winning the most glorious land victory of the whole war. LESSER WARS. CHAPTER XIX. Resentment of the Barbary States--The War with Algiers--Captain Decatur's Vigorous Course--His Astonishing Success as a Diplomat. It was not alone in our wars with the leading nations that the American navy won glory. Wherever there arose a demand for its work, its patriotism, skill and bravery were instant to respond. England had its hands full during the early years of the nineteenth century in combating Napoleon Bonaparte and other nations with which she became embroiled. Had she been wise and treated the United States with justice, she would have saved herself the many humiliations received at our hands. She is another nation to-day, but it was wholly her fault that her "children" on this side of the ocean were forced to strike for the defence of their rights in the Revolution and the War of 1812. In the account of our war with Tripoli it has been shown that the young American navy performed brilliant service. The Barbary States took naturally to piracy, and Great Britain, by securing immunity for her vessels through the payment of tribute, also secured a virtual monopoly of the commerce of the Mediterranean. Her policy was a selfish one, for she believed the United States was too weak to send any effective warships into that part of the world. The story of Tripoli convinced her of the mistake of this belief. The Barbary States were sour over their defeat, and, when the War of 1812 broke out, they eagerly seized the occasion to pick a quarrel with us. The Dey of Algiers opened the ball by insisting that $27,000 should be paid him, the same being past due (under the old treaty providing for tribute from the United States), owing to the difference in the methods of computing time by the two countries. Since our war with England prevented the sending of any force to the Mediterranean at that time, the consul complied and the blackmail was handed to the Dey. This concession only whetted the barbarian's appetite, and his next step was to order the consul to leave the country, since he was not honest enough to make his residence in the Dey's dominions congenial to the latter. About that time the Dey received a present of valuable naval stores from England, and he lost no time in sending out his corsairs to prey upon American commerce. Tripoli and Tunis were not so active, but believing the British boast that they would sweep the American navy from the seas, they allowed the warships of that nation to recapture several prizes that the American privateers had sent into their ports. Their sympathies were wholly with England and against the United States, which they hated with an intensity natural to their savage nature. The United States bided its time. No sooner had the War of 1812 closed than our Government decided to give its attention to Algiers, whose defiant Dey had not only refused to allow his American prisoners to be ransomed, but had insolently declared that he meant to add a good many more to them. Hardly had the treaty with England been proclaimed when two squadrons were ordered into Algerian waters. The first was under the command of Captain William Bainbridge and assembled at Boston, and the second, under Captain Stephen Decatur, was organized at New York. Decatur was the first to get under way, sailing on May 20 with a squadron consisting of ten vessels, mounting 210 guns. He had under his direct command nearly all the seamen who had served under him and survived the last war. It may seem that Decatur had an easy task before him, but Maclay shows that the force against which he sailed was really the stronger. It consisted of 5 frigates, 6 sloops of war and 1 schooner--all carrying 360 guns, which exceeded those of the American squadron by 50 per cent. The Algerian admiral was the terror of the Mediterranean. He had risen from the lowest to the highest rank by his indomitable valor and skill. He once captured by boarding in broad daylight a Portuguese frigate within sight of Gibraltar. He had performed other valiant exploits; his ships were well equipped and manned, and the crews trained in modern warfare. In addition, the city of Algiers was so strongly fortified that Lord Nelson declared that twenty-five ships of the line would not be more than enough to capture it. As Decatur drew near the Portugal coast he made guarded inquiries as to the whereabouts of the Algerian squadron. He used the utmost care to prevent his presence from becoming known to the enemy, and finally heard that which led him to believe the Moorish admiral had passed through the Straits of Gibraltar and entered the Mediterranean. At Gibraltar Decatur saw several boats hurrying off to Algiers to warn his enemy of his danger. He made sail up the Mediterranean, hoping to beat the despatch boats. The admiral's flagship was descried, and, still striving to avert suspicion, the American ships worked gradually toward him. Before they could get within range the Moorish admiral took the alarm, and, crowding on every stitch of canvas, made a resolute effort to escape. He handled his ship with great skill, and Decatur feared he would succeed in reaching some neutral port or elude him in the night, which was near at hand. A hot chase followed, and the Turks soon opened on the American flagship and wounded several men, but Decatur reserved his fire until able to deliver one of his fearful broadsides. A shot literally cut the Moorish admiral in two. A few minutes later a second broadside was fired, but no signal of surrender was made, and the men in the tops continued firing until the American marines picked them off. Seeing there was no escape for the enemy, and wishing to save the unnecessary shedding of blood, Decatur took a position off the frigate's bow, whereupon she made a vigorous effort to escape. In doing this, she headed directly for the 18-gun brig _Epervier_, which was in danger of being run down; but the plucky master-commandant, John Downes, backed and filled away with wonderful skill, chased the flying frigate, delivered nine diminutive broadsides and compelled the Turk to strike his colors. Upon taking possession of the prize it was found that 30 had been killed and there were 406 prisoners. On the _Guerriere_ 3 had fallen and 11 were wounded by the fire of the enemy. Believing that the rest of the Algerian squadron would make haste to their home port, Decatur hastened thither with the view of cutting them off. If the Dey refused to come to terms, he intended to blockade the squadron and bombard the city. It was on the 28th of June, 1815, that the American fleet appeared off Algiers, and the commander signalled a request for the Swedish consul to come aboard. He came out a few hours later, accompanied by the Algerian captain of the port. When Decatur proved by the testimony of one of the native prisoners that their admiral had been killed and his ship and a second one captured, the officer was astounded, and so alarmed that he asked the American commander on what terms he would make peace. Decatur was prepared for this question, and produced a letter to the Dey from the President of the United States, in which it was declared that the only conditions upon which peace could be made was the full and final relinquishment by Algiers of all claim to tribute in the future, and the guarantee that American commerce would not be molested. The captain, like all Orientals, began to quibble to gain time, asking that the commissioners should land and conduct the negotiations on shore. Decatur replied that they must be negotiated on board the _Guerriere_ and nowhere else. The next day the Moorish captain returned with full powers to negotiate. Decatur now notified him that, in addition to the terms already named, every American prisoner must be given up without ransom, and the value, to the last penny, of their stolen property restored. Other minor demands were added, all of which were within the province of Decatur, who had been clothed with full authority to make peace. The captain asked for a truce that he might lay the terms before the Dey. This was denied. Then he asked for a delay of three hours. "Not three minutes," replied Decatur; "if the remaining ships of your squadron appear before the treaty is signed, or before every American prisoner is on board this ship, I will capture every one of them." [Illustration: CAPTAIN BAINBRIDGE AND THE DEY OF ALGIERS.] The Moor was thoroughly cowed by the aggressive American, and, promising to do all he could to secure the consent of the Dey, he was hastily rowed ashore. It was understood that if the Dey agreed to the terms the captain would return in the boat with a white flag displayed at the bow. He had been gone but a short time when an Algerian ship of war was discovered, crowded with soldiers and approaching. Decatur instantly cleared for action, and had started to meet the enemy, when the port captain was observed approaching as rapidly in his boat as his men could row, and with the white signal fluttering from the bow. All the Americans, including Decatur, were disappointed, but as he had promised, he waited until the boat was within hail. Then he called out to know whether the treaty was signed. He was told that it was, and in a short time the prisoners were brought alongside and delivered to their rescuers. Wan, emaciated and hollow-eyed from their long and bitter imprisonment, they wept tears of joy and kissed the American flag that, coming so many thousand miles, had brought them deliverance. Thus in two weeks after the arrival of the American squadron in Algerian waters, every demand of its Government was complied with, and a treaty of peace made on terms dictated by its gallant and faithful representative. It will be admitted that Stephen Decatur proved himself one of the most successful diplomats as well as intrepid and skilful of commanders. He now proceeded to Tunis and notified the Dey that he would give him twelve hours in which to pay $46,000 for allowing the seizure of American prizes in his port during the late war. The Dey paid it. The next call of the American commander was on the Bashaw of Tripoli, who, although he blustered a good deal, was compelled to hand over $25,000 for a similar breach of the law. Among the vessels of the American squadron were three--the _Guerriere_, _Macedonian_, and the _Peacock_--which had been captured from Great Britain during the late war. This fact gave peculiar point to the reproof of the Dey's prime minister to the British consul: "You told us that the Americans should be swept from the seas in six months by your navy, and now they make war upon us with some of your own vessels which they took from you." CHAPTER XX. Piracy in the West Indies--Its Cause--Means by Which It Was Wiped Out--Piracy in the Mediterranean. We hear little of pirates in these days, but for ten years or more after the close of the War of 1812 the West Indies were infested by them. Our Government saw that in self-defense they must be wiped out, for they grew bolder with every month and made it unsafe for our commerce in those waters. Where did they come from and what gave rise to the ocean nuisances? About the time named Spain was the mistress of most of the South American countries. When she discovered America through Columbus, and for a long period afterward, she was one of the greatest maritime nations in the world. Like England at the present time, she had colonies in all parts of the globe, and had she not been so cruel and unwise in the treatment of her dependencies, would still have retained a great deal of her former greatness and power; but she is one of the few nations that never learn from experience, and a short time after our second war with Great Britain her South American colonies began revolting against her, and one by one they gained their independence. Among the most powerful of the rebelling provinces were Buenos Ayres and Venezuela; and, taking lesson from the success of our privateers, they sent out many swift sailing, well-armed vessels to prey upon Spanish commerce. They did their work so effectively that by and by they extended their attacks to the vessels of all nations. Nothing being done for a time to check them, they grew rapidly in numbers and audacity, until, as has been stated, the West Indies swarmed with the pests. The men living along the coast found buccaneering so profitable that they gave up their peaceful pursuits and became free-booters of the sea. Like the Spaniards themselves, they were ferocious, and generally murdered the crews of the captured vessels and then divided the plunder among themselves. Seeing that something must be done to check these intolerable outrages, our Government gave the task, in 1819, to Oliver Hazard Perry, the hero of Lake Erie. His work was more difficult than would be supposed, for, in addition to destroying the pirates, he had to avoid offending the countries named, with whom we wished to maintain friendly relations. They sent out regular cruisers that had the same right to prey upon Spanish commerce that our privateers had to attack English ships when we were at war with their country. Some of these cruisers secretly engaged in piracy; many that flew the black flag, in the presence of those who could not defend themselves, claimed to be authorized privateers at other times and carried forged commissions. They were treacherous, cruel and merciless to the last degree. It will be seen, therefore, that the task assigned to Captain Perry required quick decision, courage and discretion. He possessed all those qualities in a high degree, and, in the performance of his duty, reached the mouth of the Orinoco in July, 1815, in command of three powerful ships. The following extract from his journal will give a vivid idea of the discomforts which he and his men underwent in the performance of their work: "The sun, as soon as it shows itself in the morning, strikes almost through you. Mosquitoes, sand flies and gnats cover you, and as the sun gets up higher it becomes entirely calm and the rays pour down a heat that is insufferable. The fever that it creates, together with the irritation caused by the insects, produces a thirst which is insatiable, to quench which we drink water at a temperature of eighty-two degrees. About four o'clock in the afternoon a rain squall, accompanied by a little wind, generally takes place. It might be supposed that this would cool the air, but not so, for the steam which arises as soon as the sun comes out makes the heat still more intolerable. At length night approaches and we go close inshore and anchor. Myriads of mosquitoes and gnats come off to the vessel and compel us to sit over strong smoke created by burning oakum and tar, rather than endure their terrible stings, until, wearied and exhausted, we go to bed to endure new torments. Shut up in the berth of a small cabin, if there is any air stirring, not a breath of it can reach us. The mosquitoes, more persevering, follow us and annoy us the whole night by their noise and bites until, almost mad with heat and pain, we rise to go through the same trouble the next day." Perry sailed three hundred miles up the Orinoco and was undaunted by the fact that the dreaded yellow fever soon appeared among his men. He was seized with the terrible disease and died on the 24th of August. He was buried with the highest civic and military honors at Trinidad, many British officers who had fought against him on Lake Erie showing their respect for his bravery and an appreciation of his kindness to them when they were prisoners of war. His remains were afterward removed to Newport, Rhode Island, where a magnificent monument was erected to his memory. The untimely death of this naval hero before he had time to complete his work encouraged the West Indian pirates and they became more audacious than before. In the autumn of 1821 several naval vessels were sent thither by our Government. They did vigorous work, capturing and destroying a number of piratical vessels, but there were too many of them, and they were spread over too extended a space to be wiped out by a few captures. In the following year a still more powerful squadron went to the West Indies under the command of Captain James Biddle, who did such valiant service in the War of 1812. A good many buccaneers were destroyed, including several leaders of the buccaneers whose atrocious deeds had long made their names a terror. In one of these attacks Lieutenant William H. Allen, of the schooner _Alligator_, was killed by a musket ball. His gallantry in the fight between the _Argus_ and _Pelican_ in the war with Great Britain sent a thrill of admiration through the country and brought him well-merited promotion. You have not forgotten the wonderful cruise of Captain David Porter in the _Essex_, when he entered the Pacific Ocean and caused such havoc among the British shipping. He was appointed commander of the West India forces and arrived off Porto Rico in March, 1823. He was provided, in addition to his warships, with a number of barges, furnished with twenty oars apiece, and which were indispensable in following the pirates up the shallow creeks and into the shoal waters where the vessels could not go. [Illustration: OUR FLEET IN THE BALTIC.] Captain Porter was discreet but impatient with injustice. When one of his schooners was fired into by the Porto Rican authorities he promptly demanded an explanation, which was given. The most important incident of his service occurred in the autumn of 1824 and is known as the "Foxardo Affair." In October of that year the storehouse of the American consul at St. Thomas was broken into and robbed of much valuable property which there was reason to believe had been carried to the small port at the eastern end of Porto Rico known as Foxardo. Lieutenant Platt, of the _Beagle_, anchored off the town and asked the help of the authorities in capturing the criminals and recovering the property. The officer was treated with the grossest discourtesy. Having landed in civilian clothes, the authorities accused him of being an impostor and ordered him to show his commission. The Lieutenant produced it, whereupon they declared it a forgery and arrested him on the charge of being a pirate. After he and a midshipman who accompanied him had been insulted repeatedly they were allowed to leave. When Captain Porter learned of this outrage he entered the harbor with several of his vessels and sent a letter to the alcalde or governor, notifying him that he had one hour in which to send an explanation of his action. While waiting for the return of the flag of truce Captain Porter saw one of the shore batteries getting ready to fire upon him. Instantly, he sent a detachment, which captured the battery and spiked the guns. Then Captain Porter landed, and, after spiking another battery, made his way to the town. By and by the alcalde and captain of the port appeared and made such profuse and humble apologies that the officer could not refuse to accept them, and returned to his ship. Such is a truthful account of the incident as it occurred. It would seem that there was nothing in the course of the gallant naval officer that deserved censure. One of his officers had been insulted and he compelled the offenders to make a suitable apology. Fearing with good reason a treacherous attack from the batteries on shore, he spiked their guns. But when the news reached our Government Captain Porter was ordered home, tried by court martial and sentenced to be suspended from the service for six months. Feeling himself unjustly treated, Captain Porter resigned and entered the Mexican navy, where he remained until 1829. In that year Andrew Jackson became President of the United States. He had been through trying and stormy times himself and would never submit to insult from any man or nation. He appointed Porter consul general at Algiers. He afterward became minister to Turkey and died March 28, 1843. Captain Lewis Warrington succeeded Porter in the West Indies and followed out his aggressive policy. The buccaneers were hunted down without cessation and nest after nest broken up until, at the close of 1825, piracy in those waters was practically suppressed. For several years, however, a squadron was maintained there and more than once its services were needed, but the work was completed and since then no trouble in that quarter of the world of the nature described has plagued either ourselves or any other nation. Even in the Mediterranean our navy had similar work to do. While little Greece was making so gallant a struggle for freedom against Turkey a number of her vessels played the rôle of pirate and attacked ships of other nations. Among others, an English brig had been seized, but Lieutenant Lewis M. Goldsborough, after a furious fight, recaptured the vessel. Lieutenant John A. Carr singled out the Greek captain and in the fierce hand-to-hand conflict killed him. Lieutenant Goldsborough--who afterward became rear-admiral--received the thanks of several of the Mediterranean powers for his assistance in ridding the waters of the pirates who, though few in number, became exceedingly troublesome. It was by such prompt, vigorous and brave measures that the American navy compelled the respect not only of civilized but of barbarous peoples in all parts of the world. This fact is proven by a remarkable occurrence, not often mentioned in history, the particulars of which are given in the next chapter. CHAPTER XXI. The Qualla Battoo Incident. Qualla Battoo is the name of a small Malay town, which stood on the northwestern coast of Sumatra. In the month of February, 1831, the _Friendship_, a trading vessel from Salem, Mass., lay at anchor off the town, taking on board a cargo of pepper. Her captain, Mr. Endicott, and crew numbered fifteen men. There being no harbor, the vessel was about half a mile from shore. The day was oppressively hot and no one on the _Friendship_ put forth more exertion than was absolutely necessary. Even the swarthy natives seemed to languish in the flaming heat and displayed less vigor in bringing out the pepper in their boats than they did when the sun beat down upon them with its usual rigor. Captain Endicott understood the treacherous nature of the Malays, and he and his crew kept sharp watch of those who were given the management of the vessel's boats, owing to the difficult character of the coast which made such a course necessary. The trade in pepper was almost the only one in which Qualla Battoo engaged. Captain Endicott, his second mate and four seamen were on shore at the trading station, a little way up the river, superintending the weighing of the pepper. The first mate and the rest of the crew waited on the vessel to receive and stow away the cargo. The work had hardly begun when a suspicious proceeding caught the eye of Captain Endicott. The first boat, after receiving its load, passed the short distance necessary down the river to the sea, where, instead of rowing directly out to the ship, it turned up the coast and took on board more men. The Captain concluded the crew needed this additional help to work their way through the heavy surf. But, not wholly satisfied, he told two of his men to go nearer the shore, keep their eyes on the boat and report to him anything that looked wrong. Captain Endicott, from his position, was unable to catch the full significance of the first action of the natives in charge of the outgoing boat, for, instead of taking on board more help, the whole unarmed party stepped ashore and twice as many fully armed warriors took their places. They carefully concealed their weapons and the Americans on the vessel made the same mistake as their captain in believing they were merely the additions necessary to help work the craft through the surf. They tied fast to the gangway and most of them climbed over the side with their daggers hidden in their clothing. The mate would have stopped them, but they pretended not to understand his words and acted as if interested in the appearance of the guns and rigging. Their conduct was so natural that the mate and his men gave their whole attention to taking the pepper on board and stowing it away. The mate was absorbed in his work, when suddenly several Malays sprang with lightning-like quickness at him and buried their daggers in his back. He turned and attempted to defend himself, but was quickly despatched. Five men rushed to the help of the mate, but they were unarmed and outnumbered four to one. Two were quickly killed and three made prisoners. The other four seamen sprang overboard and swam for land. They saw that the beach was lined with warriors waiting for them. Accordingly they turned to one side and swam several miles to a promontory, where they were safe for the time. Seeing that their friends had gained possession of the ship, several boatloads of natives rowed out to it, took possession, plundered and then tried to run it ashore, that they might break out the metal work at their leisure. Meanwhile the two seamen stationed near shore by the captain saw what had taken place and ran back to him with the alarming news. He instantly ordered all into the second boat and hurried down the river, hoping to reach the vessel in time to recapture it. The boat was pursued by the natives along the bank, but it managed to reach the mouth of the river, where it would have perished in the surf but for the help of a friendly member of an adjoining tribe, who sprang from his armed coasting schooner and swam to their assistance. He helped them through the surf, and, when confronted by the native armed boats, made such threats and flourishes with his sword (none of the Americans being armed) that he kept the miscreants at bay and the white men succeeded in reaching the open sea. Seeing that it would be sure death to go to the vessel, the boat was rowed to a small town about twenty miles distant, where the occupants found three American merchant vessels. The officers and crews were enraged upon learning what had taken place, and, although it was night, they made sail at once for Qualla Battoo, reaching it next day. In reply to the demand that the _Friendship_ should be returned, the insolent Rajah told them to take her if they could. The three ships moved as close to shore as was safe and opened fire with such guns as they had. All merchant vessels carried some kind of armament against pirates in that part of the world. Impatient with the delay involved in recapturing the _Friendship_, by attacking at long range, as it may be called, three boats were filled with armed men who rowed straight for the vessel. It was swarming with armed natives, who kept up a vicious but ill directed fire, the result of which was the sailors rowed the faster, eager to get close enough to punish the miscreants for their murderous work. When they were almost to the ship the Malays sprang overboard and swam frantically for land. Captain Endicott regained possession of his vessel, and, upon examination, found it had been rifled from stem to stern. Among the plunder taken away was $12,000 in specie. Altogether the loss was $40,000 to the owners of the ship and the captain was compelled to give up his voyage and return home. It took a long time for news to travel in those days, but it finally reached the United States, where Andrew Jackson happened to be President. He immediately ordered the 44-gun frigate _Potomac_ to that out of the way corner of the world, with instructions to punish the guilty parties concerned in the outrage. Captain Downes lost no time in getting under way and arrived off Qualla Battoo in February, 1832, just a year after the treacherous attack upon the _Friendship_. Anxious to prevent his errand becoming known so that he might surprise the Malays, Captain Downes disguised his ship as a merchantman, closing his ports and taking every precaution possible. He displayed the Danish colors, still maintaining the guise of a merchantman, and sent a boat's crew to take soundings along shore. The natives on the beach displayed so hostile a disposition that no landing was made, and, having gained the necessary information, the boat returned to the frigate. Captain Downes then informed them that the expedition would leave the ship at midnight. A strong armed force in several boats secretly rowed to land at the time named, but day was approaching when they reached the beach, where the men landed under the guidance of the former second mate of the _Friendship_ and started inland. One division turned to the left to attack the fort at the northern end of the town. The Malays received them with a brisk discharge of cannon, muskets, javelins and arrows. But, returning the fire, the Americans burst open the gate of the stockade, fought hand to hand with the fierce Malays and drove them out of the open space into the citadel. There they were attacked with the same impetuosity, but they fought like tigers, and it was not until twelve had been killed and a great many wounded that they were overcome. The Rajah in command, after a desperate defence in which he wounded several Americans, was finally despatched. In the meantime the fort in the middle of the town had been attacked by the other division and carried after a bloody fight in which a marine was killed and a number wounded. But the strongest fort of all stood on the bank of the river near the beach. There the Rajah of Qualla Battoo, who was the real author of the attack on the _Friendship_, had gathered a large force of his best warriors and announced that he would fight to the death. The strength of the force which marched against the fort was eighty-five men. One of the officers who took part in this attack said: "The natives were brave and fought with a fierceness bordering on desperation. They would not yield while a drop of their savage blood warmed their bosoms or while they had strength to wield a weapon, fighting with that undaunted firmness which is the characteristic of bold and determined spirits and displaying such an utter carelessness of life as would have been honored in a better cause. Instances of the bravery of these people were numerous, so much so that were I to give the detail of each event my description would probably become tiresome." The barricades stoutly resisted the fire. Leaving a force to engage the fort in front, Lieutenant Shubrick led a body of sailors through the woods to the rear with the 6-pounder which had been brought from the frigate. When they reached their position they came upon three heavily armed schooners, swarming with warriors, awaiting a chance to take part in the fight. Shubrick promptly opened upon them with his cannon, followed by a destructive fire of musketry, which sent the Malays leaping overboard and into the woods. They succeeded, however, in warping one of the schooners beyond range. The Americans now being at the front and rear of the fort, a simultaneous attack was made. The gate was wrenched from its fastenings, but the first American who tried to enter was killed and three others badly wounded. Undaunted the remainder of the assailants rushed through and drove the defenders to a high platform, where they made their final stand. The other stockade was in flames, which were burning so fast that the Americans themselves were in danger from them. The little cannon was brought into play from a neighboring elevation and poured canister and grape into the Malays. Meanwhile the Americans, who had performed their part so well, came up and joined in the attack on the main fort. The Malays, still fighting, shrieked out their defiant cries. In the ardor of the assault the little cannon was too heavily loaded and dismounted. Amid the wild confusion the flames of the second fort reached the magazine and the whole structure blew up with a tremendous explosion. The cannon being useless, Lieutenant Shubrick ordered a general assault upon the citadel, and it was made with a resistless rush. The men scrambled upon the platform, in the face of the swarthy wild cats, and despatched them in a whirlwind fashion. The work being apparently completed, the bugle was sounded for retreat and the Americans returned to the beach. On the way they were fired upon by another fort for which they had searched without being able to find it. Returning the fire, the Americans charged through the jungle and after another desperate fight it was captured, most of the garrison slain and the remainder sent scurrying through the woods. The roll call revealed that two Americans had been killed and eleven wounded. All were gently lifted into the boats and carried to the ship. A moderate estimate made 100 of the Malays killed and fully double the number wounded. Captain Downes now brought his long 32-pounders to bear and opened a bombardment of Qualla Battoo which spread destruction and death among the natives. Many were killed and others sent scurrying in terror to the jungle. Toward the close of the day white flags were displayed and the firing ceased. Immediately after a boat was sent out by the remaining rajahs, with a white flag fluttering at the bow. On coming aboard the messengers were presented to Captain Downes and they humbly prayed that he would stop the firing of his big guns, which were killing all their people. He promised to do so on their pledge never again to molest an American. He assured them that if they ever did his country would send larger and more terrible ships across the ocean that would lay their towns in ashes and slay hundreds of their men. The subsequent history of that quarter of the world leaves no doubt that the impressive warning of Captain Downes produced the best of results, for Sumatra has never required any further attention from our navy. CHAPTER XXII. Wilkes's Exploring Expedition. Perhaps my young readers have wondered over the same fact that used to puzzle me when a boy. While the civilized world was interested, as it has been for hundreds of years, in trying to reach the Pole, and the nations were constantly sending expeditions to search for it, to be followed by others to hunt for the expeditions and then by others to look up those that were hunting for the others and so on, all these efforts were confined to the North Pole. Everybody seemed to have forgotten that there is also a South Pole, which is not a mile further from the equator than the North Pole. Of course there was good reason for all this. There is a great deal of land in the north, while the unbroken ocean seas stretch away from the South Pole for hundreds and thousands of miles in every direction and the prodigious masses and mountains of ice make it impossible to get anywhere near it. Our daring explorers are continually edging further north, and doubtless within a few years the Pole will be reached, but there appears no prospect of the South Pole being seen for many a year to come. [Illustration: CAPTAIN CHARLES WILKES.] Lieutenant Charles Wilkes was born in 1798 and died in 1877. He entered the American navy at an early age and in 1838 was made commander of the squadron which spent four years in sailing through the Pacific, along its American coasts and in the Antarctic regions. Before giving an account of this memorable scientific expedition, let me add a little more information concerning this distinguished naval officer, since this is the only chapter which contains any reference to him. He was made a captain in 1855. In the month of November, 1861, while in command of the steamer _San Jacinto_, he stopped the British ship _Trent_ and forcibly took off the two Confederate commissioners, Mason and Slidell, who were on their way respectively to England and France to secure their aid for the Southern Confederacy. Captain Wilkes was highly applauded for his act by his countrymen, but England was very indignant. It was an illegal proceeding on his part, since the deck of a ship is the same as the soil of the country whose flag she flies. Our Government was compelled to disavow his action and restore the commissioners to English custody. In the War for the Union Captain Wilkes commanded the James River squadron, was made commodore in 1862 and was retired in 1864 and made rear-admiral on the retired list. [Illustration: THE "SAN JACINTO" STOPPING THE "TRENT."] The scientific expedition of which Lieutenant Wilkes was given command was intended, to quote the words of Congress, "for the purpose of exploring and surveying the southern ocean, as well to determine the existence of all doubtful islands and shoals as to discover and accurately fix the position of those which lie in or near the track of our vessels in that quarter and may have escaped the observation of scientific navigators." Lieutenant Wilkes sailed from Hampton Roads on the 19th of August, 1838, his flagship being the 18-gun sloop-of-war _Vincennes_, the 18-gun sloop-of-war _Peacock_, the 12-gun brig-of-war _Porpoise_, the storeship _Relief_, the tender _Sea Gull_ and the tender _Flying Fish_. Since one of the main objects was scientific research, the expedition was provided with a philologist, naturalists, conchologists, mineralogist, botanist, draughtsmen and a horticulturist. A halt for a week was made at the Madeira Islands, when the ships headed southward, reaching Rio Janeiro late in November. In January, 1839, they halted at Orange Harbor, Terra del Fuego, and made it their base of operations. On the 25th of February Lieutenant Wilkes, in the _Porpoise_, accompanied by the _Sea Gull_, started for the South Pole. On the 1st of March considerable ice and snow were encountered and an island sighted, but the men could not land because of the surf. The next day the Ashland Islands were discovered and soon after the two vessels reached Palmersland. The following is the account of Lieutenant Wilkes: "It was a day of great excitement to all, for we had ice of all kinds to encounter, from the iceberg of huge quadrangular shape, with its stratified appearance, to the sunken and deceptive masses that were difficult to perceive before they were under the bow. I have rarely seen a finer sight. The sea was literally studded with these beautiful masses, some of pure white, others showing all shades of the opal, others emerald green and occasionally, here and there, some of deep black. Our situation was critical, but the weather favored us for a few hours. On clearing these dangers we kept off to the south and west under all sail, and at 9 P.M. we counted eight large islands. Afterward the weather became so thick with mist and fog as to render it necessary to lie to till daylight, before which time we had a heavy snowstorm. A strong gale now set in from the southwest; the deck of the brig was covered with ice and snow and the weather became exceedingly damp and cold. The men were suffering not only from want of sufficient room but from the inadequacy of the clothing." Naturally the further south they penetrated the greater became their danger from the increasing fields of ice and icebergs. The _Peacock_ and _Flying Fish_ left Orange Harbor on the same day with the _Porpoise_ and _Sea Gull_. They were separated by a gale and the _Peacock_ was continually beset by icebergs. Every rope and the deck, spars and rigging were thickly coated with ice. Some days later the _Flying Fish_ was met and she reported that she had penetrated to the parallel of 70 degrees. There was imminent danger of being frozen in, and, as they were short of provisions, they sailed northward. The _Flying Fish_ reached Orange Harbor in April, while the _Peacock_ continued on to Valparaiso, where the storeship _Relief_ was found. In May the other members of the squadron arrived at the port, with the exception of the _Sea Gull_, which was never heard of again. The squadron now crossed the Pacific, reaching Sydney, New South Wales, in the latter part of November. There, after consulting with his officers, Lieutenant Wilkes decided to make another Antarctic cruise. The _Flying Fish_ proved so unseaworthy that, after passing through a violent storm, she was obliged to return to port and took no further part in the enterprise. Once more among the ice fields, the ships were menaced by danger from every side. Some of the escapes were of the most thrilling nature. One of the ships barely missed being crushed by hundreds of tons of ice which fell from the top of an overhanging iceberg. The weather was intensely cold and the snow and fine sleet which were whirled horizontally through the air cut the face like bird shot. The _Vincennes_ prowled along the edge of the Antarctic Continent as far as 97 degrees east, when Lieutenant Wilkes headed northward and arrived at Sydney in March, 1840, and found the _Peacock_ at anchor. The _Porpoise_ reached 100 degrees east and 64 degrees 65 minutes south when she turned her prow away from the inhospitable solitude and in March arrived at Auckland Isle. The following summer was spent in exploring the islands of the Southern Archipelago. A party was engaged in a launch and cutter, when a tempest compelled them to run into a bay of the Fiji group for shelter. While working its way back the cutter ran upon a reef and was attacked by the natives. The ammunition of the Americans was wet and they abandoned the cutter and returned to the _Vincennes_. Since these natives needed a lesson, Lieutenant Wilkes landed a force and burned the native village. A few days later an exploring party was again attacked while trying to trade with the natives. The men were forced to retreat to their boats, under a hot fire, many of the savages using muskets with no little skill. Reinforcements were landed and the savages put to flight, but in the fighting Midshipman Underwood and Henry Wilkes were mortally hurt and a seaman dangerously wounded. Matters had now assumed so serious a shape that a detachment of seventy officers and men landed at another point on the island and marched upon the nearest village, laying waste the crops as they advanced. When the village was reached it was found to be defended by a strong stockade, with a trench inside, from which the crouching natives could fire through loopholes, while outside of the stockade was a deep ditch of water. Feeling their position impregnable, the savages flourished their weapons and uttered tantalizing whoops at the white men. The whoops quickly changed when the cabins within the stockade were set on fire by a rocket. The natives fled, leaving the village to be burned to ashes. The Americans pushed hostilities so aggressively that on the following day the islanders sued for peace. The squadron next sailed to the Hawaiian Islands, where several months were spent in exploration. Then the coast of Oregon was visited and the _Peacock_ suffered wreck at the mouth of the Columbia. Doubling the Cape of Good Hope, the expedition reached New York in June, 1842, having been gone nearly four years and having sailed more than 30,000 miles. THE WAR FOR THE UNION. CHAPTER XXIII. A New Era for the United States Navy--Opening of the Great Civil War--John Lorimer Worden--Battle Between the _Monitor_ and _Merrimac_--Death of Worden. The War for the Union ushered in a new era for the American navy. Steam navigation had been fully established some years before. As all my readers no doubt know, the first successful steamboat in this country was the _Clermont_, made by Robert Fulton, which ascended the Hudson in the summer of 1807. The average speed of the pioneer boat was about five miles an hour, so that the trip occupied more than thirty hours. This great invention was a novelty, and, like many others of a similar nature, it required considerable time for it to come into use. The first western steamboat was built at Pittsburg in 1811. It gave an impetus to river navigation by steam, and before long the boats were ploughing the principal streams of the country. The first steamer to cross the Atlantic was the _Savannah_, which made the voyage in 1819, but ocean navigation was not fairly begun until 1838, when the _Sirius_ and _Great Western_ made the voyage from England to the United States. It is a noteworthy fact that one of the greatest of English scientists, after demonstrating that ocean navigation by steam was impossible, was a passenger on the _Great Western_ on her first trip across the Atlantic. When the great Civil War burst upon the country the National Government not only failed to comprehend the gigantic nature of the struggle, but was almost wholly unprepared for it. The navy consisted of 90 vessels, of which only 42 were in commission, while 21 were unfit for service, and of those in commission there were but 11, carrying 134 guns, that were in American waters. The remainder were scattered over the waters of the globe, such being the policy of President Buchanan's Secretary of the Navy, who, like the Secretary of War and other members of the Presidential Cabinet, were secessionists who did all they could to pave the way for the establishment of the Southern Confederacy. On the authority of Maclay, the total number of officers of all grades in the navy on August 1, 1861, was 1,457, in addition to whom an immense volunteer force was called for and 7,500 volunteer officers were enrolled before the close of the war. Three hundred and twenty-two officers resigned from the United States navy and entered that of the seceding States, of which 243 were officers of the line. The 7,600 sailors in the navy at the opening of the war was increased to 51,500 before the close of hostilities. In a work of this nature the difficulty is to select the most striking and interesting incidents from the scores that formed a part of the War for the Union. One of the many heroes who was brought into prominence was John Lorimer Worden, who was born in Dutchess County, N.Y., March 12, 1818. He entered the navy when sixteen years old and became a lieutenant in 1840. His services in the Mexican War were unimportant and he was a first lieutenant of the Brooklyn Navy Yard when the Civil War broke out. In the month of April, 1861, when a conflict was inevitable, the Government was anxious to send dispatches to Captain Adams commanding the fleet at Pensacola, who was waiting for orders to reinforce with two companies of artillery, that post being in danger of capture by the Confederates. The dispatches intrusted to Lieutenant Worden were orders for such reinforcements to be made. It was so delicate and dangerous a duty, since Worden was compelled to make his way through the South which was aflame with secession excitement, that he committed the dispatches to memory and then destroyed them. He applied to General Bragg in command of the Confederate forces in that neighborhood for permission to make a verbal communication from the Secretary of War to Captain Adams. Permission was given, and, going on board, Worden delivered his message like a boy reciting his piece at school. Captain Adams gave him a written acknowledgment of the receipt of the dispatches, adding that the orders of the Government would be carried out. Having thus cleverly eluded the suspicious watchfulness of the authorities, Lieutenant Worden started for home, but when near Montgomery, Ala., then the capital of the Confederacy, he was arrested, taken from the train and thrown into prison. This was on the order of General Bragg, who discovered how he had been outwitted, and the prompt reinforcement prevented the capture of Fort Pickens, for which Bragg had made every preparation. The post was held by the Unionists throughout the war and was the only one south of Mason and Dixon's line so held. Lieutenant Worden was kept a prisoner until the 13th of the following November, when, his health having broken down, he was exchanged and sent North. There he remained, slowly regaining his strength until March, 1862, when it fell to his lot to become a leading actor in one of the most famous naval engagements in all history. When war had fully begun the Union forces in charge of the Norfolk Navy Yard saw they were not strong enough to prevent its capture by the Confederates, who were arming for that purpose. They therefore set fire to the numerous and valuable shipping there. Among the vessels scuttled and sunk was the steam frigate _Merrimac_, at that time the finest vessel in the service. In truth, she went down so quickly that very little damage was done to her. The Confederates raised her, fastened a huge iron snout or prow at the front, cut down her deck and encased her with railroad iron, which sloped at an angle of forty-five degrees, and was smeared on the outside with grease and tallow. Her enormous weight made her draw more than twenty feet of water and when she was moving slowly through the bay or river her appearance suggested the mansard roof of a vast house. From what has been said it will be noted that the _Merrimac_ was a genuine ironclad, something which had never been heard of before. [Illustration: BLOCKADE RUNNER--THE "MONITOR"--CAPTAIN ERICSSON.] Regular news of the building of the _Merrimac_ (called the _Virginia_ by the Confederates) was telegraphed to Washington by friends of the Government. The authorities felt some uneasiness, but were far from suspecting the terrible power for destructiveness possessed by the monster. Captain Ericsson, the famous Swedish inventor, was constructing on Long Island an ironclad about one-fourth the size of the _Merrimac_, and he was urged to all possible speed in its completion. He kept his men busy night and day and had it finished a day or two before the completion of the _Merrimac_. The _Merrimac_ carried ten guns, which fired shells and had a crew of 300 men, under the command of Commodore Franklin Buchanan, a former officer of the United States navy. Late in the forenoon of March 8, 1862, a column of black smoke rising over the Norfolk Navy Yard gave notice that the _Merrimac_ had started out at last on her mission of destruction and death. As the enormous craft forged into sight it was seen that she was accompanied by three gunboats ready to give what help they could. Five Union vessels were awaiting her in Hampton Roads. They were the steam frigates _Minnesota_ and _Roanoke_ and the sailing frigates _Congress_, _Cumberland_ and _St. Lawrence_, all of which immediately cleared for action. Turning her frightful front toward the _Cumberland_, the _Merrimac_ swept down upon her in grim and awful majesty. The _Cumberland_ let fly with her terrific broadsides, which were powerful enough to sink the largest ship afloat, but the tons of metal hurled with inconceivable force skipped off the greased sides of the iron roof and scooted away for hundreds of yards through the startled air. The prodigious broadsides were launched again and again, but produced no more effect than so many paper wads from a popgun. The iron prow of the _Merrimac_ crashed through the wooden walls of the _Cumberland_ as if they were cardboard, and, while her crew were still heroically working their guns, the _Cumberland_ went down, with the red flag, meaning "no surrender," flying from her peak. Lieutenant Morris succeeded in saving himself, but 121 were lost out of the crew of 376. Having destroyed the _Cumberland_, the _Merrimac_ now made for the _Congress_, which had been vainly pelting her with her broadsides. The _Congress_ was aground and so completely at the mercy of the _Merrimac_, which raked her fore and aft, that every man would have been killed had not the sign of surrender been displayed. As it was, her commander and 100 of the crew were slain by the irresistible fire of the tremendous ironclad. By this time the fearful spring afternoon was drawing to a close and the _Merrimac_ labored heavily back to Sewall's Point, intending to return on the morrow and continue her work of destruction. The news of what the _Merrimac_ had done was telegraphed throughout the South and North. In the former it caused wild rejoicing and raised hope that before the resistless might of the new ironclad the North would be compelled to make terms and save her leading seacoast cities from annihilation by acknowledging the Southern Confederacy. The national authorities were thrown into consternation. At a special meeting of the President's Cabinet Secretary of War Stanton expressed his belief that the _Merrimac_ would appear in front of Washington and compel the authorities to choose between surrender and destruction, and that the principal seaports would be laid under contribution. But at that very time the hastily completed _Monitor_ was speeding southward under the command of Lieutenant Worden, who had risen from a sick bed to assume the duty which no one else was willing to undertake. Her crew numbered 16 officers and 42 men, with Lieutenant S. Dana Green as executive officer. Her voyage to Hampton Roads was difficult and of the most trying nature to the officers and crew, who were nearly smothered by gas. The boat would have foundered had not the weather been unusually favorable, but she reached Hampton Roads on the night of March 8 and took a position beside the _Minnesota_, ready and eager for the terrific fray of the morrow. The _Monitor_ carried two 11-inch Dahlgren guns and fired solid shot. [Illustration: THE BATTLE BETWEEN THE "MERRIMAC" AND "MONITOR."] When the _Merrimac_ steamed back the _Monitor_ moved out from her position and boldly advanced to meet her. The huge monster and smaller craft, whose appearance suggested the apt comparison of a cheese box on a raft, silently drew near each other until within a hundred yards, when the smaller opened with a shot to which the larger replied. The battle was now between two ironclads. If the shots of the _Monitor_ glanced harmlessly off of the _Merrimac_ those of the latter were equally ineffective against the _Monitor_. The latter had the advantage of being so much smaller that many of the shells of the _Merrimac_ missed her altogether. Those which impinged against the pilot house or turret did no harm, while the lesser boat was able to dart here and there at will, dodging the _Merrimac_ and ramming her when she chose, though such tactics accomplished nothing. All attempts to run down the _Monitor_ were vain. The novel battle continued for four hours, when the _Merrimac_, unable to defeat her nimble antagonist, steamed back to Norfolk and the strange contest--the first between ironclads--was over. The _Monitor_ had proven her inestimable value and was held in reserve by the Government for future emergencies. But the first battle between the two proved the last. Some months later, when the Union troops advanced upon Norfolk, the _Merrimac_ was blown up to prevent her falling into the hands of the Federals, while at the close of the year the _Monitor_ foundered in a gale off Cape Hatteras. This fight marked an era in the history of naval warfare. The days of wooden vessels were numbered. All nations saw that their warships to be effective must be ironclad, and the reader does not need to be reminded that such is the fact to-day respecting the navy of every civilized nation. During this memorable fight a shell from the _Merrimac_ lifted the iron plate of the pilot house of the _Monitor_ and disabled Lieutenant Worden by driving the fragments into his face, while he was peering out of the peep-hole. He was compelled to give way to Lieutenant Green, who handled the little ironclad throughout the remainder of the fight. Lieutenant Worden never fully recovered from the injuries received in his fight with the _Merrimac_. As soon as he was able to take an active command he asked the privilege of doing so. In charge of the _Montauk_, of the South Atlantic blockading squadron, he destroyed, while under a heavy fire, the Confederate steamer _Nashville_ and participated in the unsuccessful attack upon Charleston. He received the thanks of Congress and was promoted to be a commander for his services with the _Monitor_. From 1870 to 1874 he was superintendent of the Naval Academy at Annapolis, becoming commodore in 1868, rear admiral in 1872 and was retired in 1886. It was said that he never was without pain from the injuries received in the battle with the _Merrimac_ until his death, October 18, 1897. CHAPTER XXIV. Two Worthy Sons--William D. Porter--The Career of Admiral David Dixon Porter. The reader will not forget the exploits of Captain David Porter, in command of the _Essex_ in the War of 1812. Contrary to the rule that great men never have great sons, Captain Porter left two boys who possessed the same remarkable qualities as himself and one of whom became more famous than his gallant father. The eldest of his sons was William D., who was born in New Orleans in 1809, but was educated in the North and was appointed to the navy when fourteen years old. He was placed in command of a cumbrous ironclad constructed from a ferryboat at the beginning of the war and named the _Essex_, in honor of the famous cruiser with which his father played havoc with the shipping of Great Britain in the Pacific. In the attack on Fort Henry, in February, 1862, the _Essex_, while doing effective service, had her boiler pierced by a shot from the enemy, with appalling consequences. Porter was scalded and knocked senseless and twenty-nine officers and men were disabled or killed by the escaping steam. Later, when he had fully recovered, he was placed in command of the _Essex_, which was repaired and greatly improved. The Confederates had completed a more terrible ironclad than the _Merrimac_, which they named the _Arkansas_. Manned by brave officers and crew, it came down the Yazoo into the Mississippi, and, secure in her fancied invulnerability, challenged the whole Union fleet which was assisting in the siege of Vicksburg. In the furious engagement that followed Captain Porter, with the _Essex_, succeeded in destroying the ironclad. He rendered his country other valuable service, but his health gave way, and, while in the East for medical attendance, he died in the City of New York at the age of fifty-three. The more famous son of Captain Porter was David Dixon, who was born in Chester, Pa., in 1813. He entered Columbia College, Washington, when only eleven years old, but left it in 1824 to accompany his father on his cruise in the West Indies to break up piracy in those waters. When, two years later, Captain Porter entered the Mexican navy he appointed his son a midshipman. He acquitted himself gallantly in more than one fight with the Spanish cruisers. While still a mere boy he was made a midshipman in the United States navy. As a lieutenant he saw plenty of active service in the war with Mexico, and, at the beginning of the Civil War, was one of our most trusted officers. In command of the _Powhatan_ he covered the landing of the reinforcements for Fort Pickens just in time to save its capture by Confederates. [Illustration: DAVID DIXON PORTER.] One of the most important captures of the war was that of New Orleans, in the spring of 1862. The naval forces were under the command of Admiral Farragut, while Commander Porter had charge of the mortar fleet. The principal defences below the city were Forts Jackson and St. Philip. In approaching them Porter had his ships dressed out with leaves and branches of trees, the clever disguise proving an effectual protection from a very destructive fire. The furious bombardment lasted for several days and nights. The river was spanned by a boom of logs, which it was necessary to break through that the vessels might reach the city above. This was done, Porter protecting the expedition which effected it. When the situation of the forts became hopeless his demand for their surrender was accepted and an officer came on board under a flag of truce to complete the negotiations. While Porter and his visitor were conversing an officer came forward with the information that the immense floating battery _Louisiana_, of four thousand tons burden and carrying sixteen heavy guns, had been set on fire, as Admiral Cervera did with his ships a generation later, when his escape was cut off from Santiago. "Such an act is anything but creditable to you," remarked Porter, addressing the Confederate commander. "I am not responsible for the acts of the naval officers," replied the visitor. The explanation was reasonable, and without any excitement, Commander Porter renewed the conversation respecting the surrender, but a few minutes later the officer again approached. "The ropes which held the floating battery to the bank have been burned and she is drifting down stream toward us." "Are her guns loaded and is there much ammunition aboard?" asked Porter of the Confederate commander. "I suppose the guns are loaded, but I know nothing about naval matters here," was the reply. Just then the heated cannon began firing their huge charges, which, though without aim, were likely to do injury to the Union vessels toward which the battery was floating. Besides, the magazine was stored with powder and the impending explosion could not fail to be disastrous. "If you do not mind it," said Porter, addressing the visitor, "we will continue our negotiations." In referring to this incident, the Admiral said: "A good Providence, which directs the most important events, sent the battery off toward Fort St. Philip, and, as it came abreast of that formidable fort, it blew up with a force which scattered the fragments in all directions, killing one of their own men in the fort, and when the smoke cleared off it was nowhere to be seen, having sunk immediately in the deep water of the Mississippi. The explosion was terrific and was seen and heard for many miles up and down the river. Had it occurred near the vessels, it would have destroyed every one of them." [Illustration: GUN AND MORTAR BOATS ON THE MISSISSIPPI.] After the fall of New Orleans Porter was sent to Ship Island to await the attack that was in contemplation upon New Orleans. He was recalled by Admiral Farragut to aid him in the siege of Vicksburg. In passing the batteries Porter had three of his vessels disabled and twenty-nine men killed and wounded. The capture of that last Confederate stronghold on the Mississippi was a severe and tedious task, but General Grant, with that bulldog tenacity for which he was famous, held on until the 4th of July, 1863, when General Pemberton, the Confederate commander, surrendered his whole garrison of more than 20,000 men. In thus opening the Mississippi all the way to the Gulf the navy rendered invaluable assistance. Porter's aid was so important and his conduct so gallant that he received the thanks of Congress and was created a full rear admiral, his commission dating from July 4, 1863. In a public dispatch the Secretary of the Navy said, addressing Admiral Porter: "To yourself, your officers and the brave and gallant sailors who have been so fertile in resources, so persistent and so daring under all circumstances, I tender, in the name of the President, the thanks and congratulations of the whole country on the fall of Vicksburg." One of the most disastrous expeditions of the Civil War was that which was undertaken by General N.P. Banks, in the spring of 1864. His ostensible purpose was to complete the conquest of Texas and Louisiana, but there is good reason to believe that the famous Red River expedition was little more than a huge cotton speculation. Immense quantities were stored along the river and could it have been secured would have been worth many hundred thousand dollars to the captors. The charge has been made, with apparent reason, that several Confederate leaders were concerned in the "deal," seeing as they did, that the end of the Confederacy was at hand. The trouble, however, was that other Confederates like General Dick Taylor did all they could to defeat the purpose of General Banks and they succeeded to perfection. The Union commander had an army of 30,000 men with which he began the ascent of the Red River. He captured Fort de Russy March 14 and then marched against Shreveport. His forces were strewn along for miles, with no thought of danger, when at Sabine Cross Roads they were furiously attacked by General Dick Taylor and routed as utterly as was the first advance upon Manassas in July, 1861. The demoralized men were rallied at Pleasant Hill, where they were again attacked and routed by Taylor. Banks succeeded at last in reaching New Orleans, where he was relieved of his command. When Porter had waited a short time at the appointed place of meeting for Banks's army a messenger reached him with news of that General's defeat and his hurried retreat. Porter saw that it would not do for him to delay an hour. He had had great difficulty in getting his fifty vessels up the narrow stream, whose current was falling so rapidly that it already appeared impossible to get the fleet past the snags and shoals to the point of safety two hundred miles below. Improving every moment and under a continual fire from the shore, Porter managed to descend something more than half way down the river to Grand Ecore, where he found Banks and his demoralized army. Porter advised the commander to remain where he was until the spring rains would enable the fleet to ascend the river again, but Banks was too frightened to do anything but retreat, and he kept it up until he arrived at New Orleans. The river fell so rapidly that all the fleet would have been stranded above the falls but for the genius of Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Bailey, of Wisconsin, a military engineer who accompanied Banks's expedition. Under his direction several thousand men were set to work, and, at the end of twelve days, they had constructed a series of wing dams, through which the vessels were safely floated into the deeper water below the falls. This accomplished their deliverance from what otherwise would have been certain destruction. Porter pronounced the exploit of Bailey the greatest engineering feat of the whole war. One of the Admiral's most pleasing traits was his appreciation of the services of his assistants. He complimented Bailey in glowing terms in his official report, secured his promotion to brigadier-general and presented him with a sword which cost nearly a thousand dollars. [Illustration: BREAKING THROUGH THE DAMS ON THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER.] Porter was now transferred to the North Atlantic Squadron and commanded the powerful naval contingents in the two attacks on Fort Fisher, December, 1864, and January, 1865. In the latter Porter and General Terry succeeded in capturing the last important sea fortress belonging to the Confederates. Porter was promoted to be vice-admiral in 1866 and admiral in 1870. He was superintendent of the naval academy until 1869, and died in Washington, February 13, 1891, one day before the death of General Sherman. CHAPTER XXV. Charles Stuart Boggs--His Coolness in the Presence of Danger--His Desperate Fight Below New Orleans--His Subsequent Services. When the gallant Lawrence, mortally wounded on the _Chesapeake_, was dying, he called out in his delirium, "Don't give up the ship!" thus furnishing a motto that has served times without number for the American navy. Among the mourning relatives left by Lawrence was a married sister, Mrs. Boggs, who lived in New Brunswick, N.J., where a son was born to her in January, 1811, and named Charles Stuart. It was probably the admiration formed for his heroic uncle which led the boy to determine to follow in his footsteps, for he was appointed a midshipman when fifteen years old, and saw active service in the Mediterranean against the Greek pirates, to which reference has been made in a previous chapter. He was made lieutenant in 1833. One of the most marked traits in young Boggs was his perfect coolness in times of peril and his instant perception of the best thing to do. The following incident will illustrate this remarkable power on his part, which was united to a gentleness of disposition that made one wonder at his daring and intrepidity. During the war with Mexico Lieutenant Boggs was ordered to the steamer _Princeton_, which took a leading part in the bombardment of the Castle of St. Juan de Ulloa and of Tampico. The brig _Truxton_ unfortunately ran aground on the bar of Tuspan River and had to be surrendered to the Mexicans. The _Princeton_ was ordered to destroy her. Anchoring near the wreck, a boat was manned and placed in charge of Lieutenant Boggs, to whom the work of destruction was intrusted. The boat had nearly reached the stranded vessel when it was caught in one of the tropical tempests, which sometimes appear with cyclonic suddenness in that part of the world. It was impossible to board the wreck, and equally impossible to get back to the _Princeton_. A powerful current set in toward shore, in which direction the gale was blowing. The combined efforts of the sturdy rowers could not check the progress of the boat, which perhaps would have been the right course to take but for an alarming discovery. On the beach a company of Mexican soldiers were drawn up with a field piece, making ready to annihilate the little American company, as they could do without the slightest difficulty before the gallant sailors could land and make a charge. Here was a dilemma indeed. Nothing could extricate the boat and its crew from their peril and not a man could raise a finger to help himself. There was only one person who saw the only possible thing to do. Lieutenant Boggs ordered the single white shirt in the party to be torn up, tied on the end of a boathook and displayed as a flag of truce. Then, by his directions, the men rowed with all speed straight for the enemy, who were thus disarmed of their hostile purpose. Walking up to the leader of the company, the lieutenant explained that he had been sent to destroy the _Truxton_, but had been driven ashore against his will. He hastened to explain to the officer that he had no intention of attacking the town, but he should do so if any one tried to prevent his destruction of the stranded vessel. When the insignificance of the American party is remembered, there was something amusing in this; but the Mexican officer not only gave his promise, but entertained his visitors until the gale was over. Then the _Truxton_ was fired and Boggs returned to his ship. He was on the Pacific coast when the Civil War broke out, serving as inspector of lighthouses. Chafing under idleness, he petitioned the Government to give him active employment afloat. His wish was granted and he was placed in command of the _Varuna_, a passenger steamer, purchased by the Government and changed into a gunboat. Admiral Farragut was making his preparations to attack New Orleans, and the _Varuna_ was added to his fleet. She was a very swift but frail craft, a fact which led Farragut to grant Boggs' request to be allowed to run ahead of the position that had been assigned him. In order to get up all the steam possible, the pork among the ship's store was flung into the blazing furnace under the boilers. The craft went through the water at a tremendous speed, and upon coming opposite the forts, Boggs fired his starboard battery and then ordered grape and canister to be used as rapidly as possible. Work had hardly begun when the Confederate gunboats appeared on every hand. With the same coolness that he had shown when driven ashore in Mexico, the command was given for the guns to be fired "on both sides." Indeed, there were so many targets that it would have been about as difficult to miss as to hit one. [Illustration: ATTACK ON ROANOKE ISLAND--LANDING OF THE TROOPS.] The _Varuna_ did terrific work, her gunners displaying fine markmanship. The formidable craft _Governor Moore_ had detected her in the early morning light, and steaming after her, fired a shot when only a hundred yards away, but missed. The _Varuna_ replied, killing and wounding men on the _Governor Moore_ at every shot. One of the enemy's shot, however, raked the _Varuna_, killing four men and wounding nine. Another struck the _Varuna's_ pivot gun and killed and wounded a number more. Then the _Governor Moore_ rammed the _Varuna_ twice in quick succession. But while the Confederate was doing so, Boggs planted three 8-inch shells into his antagonist, which set her on fire and compelled her to drop out of action. Her loss had been heavy and her engines were so battered that her commander ran her ashore, where she was burned to the water's edge. Out of the misty light burst the _Stonewall Jackson_ and rammed the _Varuna_ on the port side, repeating the blow with a viciousness that stove in the vessel below the water line; but the _Varuna_ swung the ram ahead until her own broadside guns bore, when she planted several 5-inch shells into the _Stonewall Jackson_, which set her on fire and caused her to drift ashore. But the _Varuna_ had been mortally hurt and was sinking fast. To quote the words of Commodore Boggs: "In fifteen minutes from the time the _Varuna_ was struck by the _Stonewall Jackson_, she was on the bottom, with only her topgallant forecastle out of the water." But those were exceedingly lively minutes for the _Varuna_ and the other craft in her neighborhood. Commander Boggs turned her prow toward shore and crowded all steam, firing his guns as the water rose about the trucks. When the last shell left the side of the sinking vessel the current had reached the mouth of the piece, and some of it was blown out like mist with the shrieking missile. The moment the bow of the _Varuna_ struck the bank a chain cable was fastened around the trunk of a tree, so as to prevent her from sliding into deep water as she went down and taking the wounded and dead with her. This was a precaution which would not have occurred to every man in the situation of Commander Boggs. The daring conduct of this officer brought a tribute from one of our poets, which contains the stanzas: "Who has not heard of the dauntless _Varuna_? Who shall not hear of the deeds she has done? Who shall not hear while the brown Mississippi Rushes along from the snow to the sun? "Five of the rebels like satellites round her, Burned in her orbit of splendor and fear, One like the Pleiad of mystical story Shot terror-stricken beyond her dread sphere." When Boggs' native city heard of his gallant conduct it voted him a sword, and the State of New Jersey did the same. He came North and was appointed to the command of the blockading squadron off Wilmington. He would have preferred active service, and finally his health broke down under the exposure and fatigue to which he was subjected, and he was compelled to return home to recruit. Upon his recovery, he was appointed to duty in New York, but the war ended without his having another opportunity to distinguish himself in the service of his country. He died a few years after the close of hostilities. CHAPTER XXVI. John Ancrum Winslow--His Early Life and Training--The Famous Battle Between the _Kearsarge_ and _Alabama_. A few weeks ago I had as guests at my house two young men who were graduates of the West Point Military Academy in 1889. One was my son, at present an instructor in the Academy, and the other was E. Eveleth Winslow, of the corps of engineers, who had the honor of being graduated at the head of his class. During the course of the conversation I asked Captain Winslow whether he was a relative of the late Commodore John Ancrum Winslow, commander of the _Kearsarge_ in her famous fight with the _Alabama_. "He was my grandfather," replied my friend, with a glow of pride. It was a pleasant bit of information, but it made me realize how the years are passing. It seems but a short time ago that the country was electrified by the news of the great battle, off Cherbourg, France, which sent to the bottom of the ocean the most destructive cruiser the Southern Confederacy ever launched. And here was the grandson of the hero of that fight, already thirty years of age, with the hair on his crown growing scant. _Tempus fugit_ indeed. The name Winslow is a distinguished one in the annals of our country, and especially in Massachusetts, the State from which Captain Winslow hails. He is the ninth generation from John Winslow, brother of Edward Winslow, Governor of Massachusetts Bay Colony, and the founder, as may be said, of Plymouth Rock itself. John A. Winslow, the subject of this sketch, however, was a Southerner by birth, being a native of Wilmington, North Carolina, where he was born November 19, 1811. His mother belonged to the famous Rhett family of the fiery State of South Carolina. The father had gone to Wilmington from Boston, to establish a commercial house, four years before the birth of the son, who was sent North to be educated. At the age of sixteen he entered the navy, and saw a good deal of dangerous service in the extirpation of the West Indian pirates. The exciting experience was exactly to the liking of young Winslow, whose life more than once was placed in great peril. After an extended cruise in the Pacific, he returned east in 1833, and was promoted to past midshipman. His service was of an unimportant character for a number of years, the rank of lieutenant coming to him in 1839. His conduct was so gallant in the war with Mexico that he was publicly complimented by Commodore Matthew C. Perry, a younger brother of the Lake Erie hero, and given the choice of vessels belonging to the fleet. A curious incident is mentioned by his biographer. He went with the division which set out to capture Tampico, but the city surrendered without a fight upon the approach of the boats. He remained several weeks and then went back to the fleet at Vera Cruz. One of the vessels had been capsized in a squall, and the captain was occupying Winslow's room, and continued to share it until other arrangements could be made. The name of this visitor was Raphael Semmes, afterward the commander of the _Alabama_. The history of our navy is full of such strange occurrences. When the furnace blast of secession swept over the country, the most intimate friends--in many cases brothers--became the deadliest of enemies. For a time two flags were flung to the breeze in the United States, and the men who fought under each were among the bravest of the brave, for they were all _Americans_. In 1855 Winslow was made a commander and was engaged in various duties until the breaking out of the Civil War. He hurried to Washington and applied for active service. Captain Foote was busy fitting out a flotilla at St. Louis, and Winslow was sent to join him. The work involved great labor and difficulty, and Winslow's aid was invaluable, although far from congenial. The task of blazing away at the guerrillas in the bushes and woods along shore, of raking the muddy rivers and streams for torpedoes, and of managing the awkward, nondescript craft, was not to the liking of the naval officer, accustomed to the free air of the deep, blue ocean. Finally his request to be transferred to sea service was granted, and in the early part of 1863 he was placed in command of the _Kearsarge_. This sloop of war had a crew of 163 men, carried two 11-inch pivot guns, four short 32-pounders and one rifled 30-pounder, the total shot weight of the seven guns being 430 pounds. In this place it may be well to give the statistics of the _Alabama_, since the two vessels were so intimately associated in history. The Confederate cruiser carried one 100-pounder Blakely gun, one 8-inch shell gun and six long 32-pounders, the eight guns having a total of 360 pounds shot weight, while the crew consisted of 149 men, of mixed nationalities, nearly all of them being Englishmen. England at that time was less friendly to the United States than she has since become, and she gave most unfair help to the Southern Confederacy by aiding to fit out and man cruisers for it. When the war was over she was compelled to pay a good round sum for her dishonest course, and was taught a lesson she is not likely soon to forget. These cruisers wrought immense havoc among our shipping, and Commander Winslow was sent into European waters in quest of them. He was specially anxious to meet the _Florida_, and followed her from the coast of South America to that of England and France. The governments of those two countries threw every possible obstacle in his way. The French pilots were forbidden to serve the _Kearsarge_, and Captain Winslow had to be his own pilot--something he was well able to do because of his familiarity with the coasts. Finding the _Florida_ in Brest, he blockaded the port. It was in the depth of winter and the shore was dangerous, but Winslow did his duty so well that the _Florida_ dared not poke her nose outside, until he was compelled, because of shortness of provisions, to steam over to Cadiz to obtain them. He made all haste to return, but when he arrived the _Florida_ had slipped out and was gone. There was no telling to what part of the world she had fled, and Captain Winslow sailed to Calais, where he learned that the rebel _Rappahannock_ was awaiting a chance to put to sea. He held her there for two months, when a French pilot purposely ran the _Kearsarge_ into the piers along shore. It was done by prearrangement with the officers of the _Rappahannock_, in order to give the latter a chance to put to sea. The indignant Winslow drove all the French pilots off his ship, and by vigorous work got her off by daylight the next morning. Meanwhile the _Rappahannock_, which had greatly overstayed her time, was ordered by the French authorities to leave. Winslow heard of this, and, without waiting for some of his men and officers who were on shore, he moved out of the harbor. When the commander of the _Rappahannock_ saw the _Kearsarge_ once more off the port of Calais, he knew it was all up and dismantled his ship. There was one Confederate scourge that had been roaming the seas for months which Captain Winslow was anxious, above all others, to meet; that was the _Alabama_, commanded by his former room-mate, Captain Raphael Semmes. The _Kearsarge_, like many other vessels of the United States, had been hunting here and there for the ocean pest, but it seemed impossible to bring her to bay. On Sunday morning, June 12, 1864, the _Kearsarge_ was lying off the town of Flushing, Holland, with many of the officers and men ashore, and with everything wearing the appearance of a protracted rest for the crew. Some hours later, however, a gun was fired as a signal for every member of the ship's company to come aboard at once. The cause of this sudden awaking was a telegram from Minister William L. Dayton, at Paris, notifying Captain Winslow that the _Alabama_ had arrived at Cherbourg. On Tuesday, Winslow appeared off the fort, and saw the cruiser within, with her Stars and Bars floating defiantly in the breeze. Had Captain Winslow followed, he would have been compelled by law to remain twenty-four hours after the departure of the _Alabama_, so he took a station outside, determined that the cruiser should not escape him again. In this case, however, the precaution was unnecessary, for Semmes had made up his mind to fight the National vessel. He had been charged with cowardice in running away from armed ships, and he had destroyed and captured so many helpless merchantmen that he felt something was due to retrieve his reputation. A comparison of the crews and armaments of the _Kearsarge_ and _Alabama_ will show that they were pretty evenly matched, though the slight numerical superiority of the Union ship was emphasized by the fact that her men were almost wholly American, while those of Semmes, as already stated, were nearly all English. Shortly after the arrival of Captain Winslow the following challenge was brought out to him: Confederate Steamer _Alabama_, Cherbourg, June 14, 1864. Sir:--I hear that you were informed by the United States Consul that the _Kearsarge_ was to come to this port solely for the prisoners landed by me, and that she was to depart in twenty-four hours. I desire you to say to the United States Consul that my intention is to fight the _Kearsarge_ as soon as I can make the necessary arrangements. I hope these will not detain me more than till to-morrow evening, or next morning, at the farthest. I beg she will not depart before I am ready to go out. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant R. Semmes, _Captain_. This note, though couched in seemingly courteous language, contained the most aggravating sort of sting, in the hope expressed that the _Kearsarge_ would not leave until the _Alabama_ was ready to go out, and the intimation--undoubtedly false--that the sole business of the Union vessel was to take charge of the prisoners brought thither by the Confederate. Captain Winslow had not spent months in hunting over the globe for such a chance as this to let it slip. The _Alabama_ was among friends. She had the sympathies of the thousands, who hoped to see the Yankee ship sunk by the fearful commerce-destroyer. Excursion trains were run from Paris and other points to Cherbourg, and among the vast multitude who gathered on shore on that warm, hazy Sunday morning--June 19--to witness the coming battle, it may be doubted whether there were a score who wished to see the _Kearsarge_ win. The respective captains were brave men and good officers. Both had declared that, if they ever met, the battle would not end until one of the ships went to the bottom, and each knew that the other would keep his word. Such a thing as surrender was not thought of by either. Semmes was confident of his ability to sink the _Kearsarge_. Being a Roman Catholic, and unable to attend service, he requested a friend to go to mass and have it offered up for him, which was done. His accumulated sixty chronometers were sent ashore, and the motto displayed by his ship was "_Aide toi et Dieu t'aidera_," meaning, "Help yourself and God will help you," another version of the old adage, "God helps them that help themselves." The church chimes were sending out their mellow notes on the warm summer air when the _Alabama_ began slowly steaming out of the harbor. She was cheered by the sympathetic thousands, who heard the drums beating to quarters, and fervently prayed that their favorite might return victorious. Winslow neglected nothing in the way of preparation. While calmly confident, his experience had taught him that such a contest is often decided by a chance shot, and he knew that the doom of one of the ships would be sealed before the set of sun. Having done all he could, he committed everything to the God of battles, content to abide by His will, whatever it might be. It was about ten o'clock that Winslow, with his glass pointed toward shore, saw the head of the _Alabama_ coming round the point of the mole, some three miles distant. He immediately beat to quarters. The _Couronne_ accompanied the _Alabama_ to the limits of French waters, and then turned back. The English yacht _Deerhound_ had hurried down from Caen, upon being telegraphed of the impending fight, and the owner, with his family on board, followed the _Alabama_ at the risk of receiving a stray shot that would wind up the career of the pleasure craft and all on board. Some time before Captain Winslow had arranged his sheet chains for a distance of fifty feet amidships and over the side of his vessel, extending six feet down. They were intended as an additional protection to his machinery, and the practice is common among warships. The chains were secured by marline to eyebolts protected with one-inch boards. This natural precaution was the foundation for Captain Semmes' charge that the _Kearsarge_ was partly armored. During the fight this part of the ship was hit only twice, so that the protection, if it be considered such, bore an unimportant part in the battle itself. Captain Winslow was determined that no question about neutral waters should be raised. Accordingly, as the _Alabama_ approached, he steamed out to sea, as if running away from his antagonist. Another object he had in mind was to prevent the _Alabama_, in case she was crippled, from escaping by running into the harbor. When the _Kearsarge_ had reached a point some seven miles from land, she swung around and made directly for the _Alabama_, although such a course exposed her to the raking broadsides of the enemy. Reading his purpose, Semmes slowed his engines and sheered off, thus presenting his starboard battery to the _Kearsarge_. When the vessels were about a mile apart, the jets of fire and smoke from the side of the _Alabama_, followed by the reverberating boom of her cannon, showed that she had fired her first broadside. It did only trifling damage to the rigging of the _Kearsarge_. A second and part of a third broadside were delivered, with no perceptible effect. All the time, under a full head of steam, Winslow was rushing toward his enemy for the death grapple. Still in peril of being raked, he now sheered when half a mile distant and fired his broadside of five-second shells, at the same time endeavoring to pass under the _Alabama's_ stern, but Semmes defeated the manoeuvre by also sheering his vessel. The effort of each was now to keep his starboard broadside presented to the other, the attempt causing the two ships to describe an immense circle, the diameter of which steadily decreased, until it was barely a third of a mile. Ten minutes after the opening of the battle the spanker gaff of the _Alabama_ and the ensign were brought down by the fire of the _Kearsarge_, whose crew burst into cheers, but the Confederates quickly hoisted the colors to their mizzen. When the two ships were within a third of a mile of each other the fire became terrible; but from the first that of the _Kearsarge_ was more accurate and did vast damage. This was impressively shown by the fact that although the _Kearsarge_ fired only 173 shots during the fight, nearly every one struck the _Alabama_, which fired 370, of which only 28 landed. One of the _Alabama's_ 60-pound Blakely shells passed through the bulwarks of the _Kearsarge_, and, bursting on the quarter deck, wounded three men, of whom William Gowin was mortally hurt. When carried to the surgeon, the intensely suffering man smiled. "We are whipping the _Alabama_," he said, "and I am willing to give my life for such a victory." Another Confederate shell burst in the hammock nettings and started a fire, which was easily extinguished. A third lodged in the sternpost, but failed to explode. Had it done so, its effect would have been terrific. The damage done by the other shells was insignificant. A far different story was told on the Confederate cruiser. Winslow's instructions to his gunners were to fire slowly and to make every shot tell, and they did so. The men on the _Alabama_ stripped to their shirts and drawers and fired rapidly, as if the only thing to do was to work the guns without taking pause to aim. Crashing planks and timber and exploding shells seemed to be all about them. A single shot from the _Kearsarge_ killed and wounded eighteen men and disabled a gun. Another burst in the coal bunks and cluttered up the engine room. Death and destruction raged on every hand, and still the terrible _Kearsarge_ kept working nearer, the dearest wish of Winslow being to get to close quarters. The ships had described seven circles about each other and were starting on the eighth, when Winslow, all alive and eagerness, saw the _Alabama_ set her fore trysail and two jibs and start for shore. That meant that it was all up with her, and her captain's only hope now was to get into the harbor of Cherbourg. Winslow ran across her bow and was on the point of raking her, when the _Alabama's_ flag came down. Uncertain whether this was an accident, and suspecting a ruse by which the enemy expected to reach shore, now only two miles off, Winslow stopped firing, but held himself ready to open again. A white flag was displayed, and he began preparations to render assistance to his defeated antagonist. Just then, however, the _Alabama_ fired again, upon which Winslow answered with several shots, when the white flag was run up for the second time. The doom of the _Alabama_ had overtaken her at last. She was fast settling, and while the only two serviceable boats of the _Kearsarge_ were hurrying to the relief of the crew, the famous cruiser threw her prow high in air and slid stern foremost into the depths of the Atlantic. In the midst of the wild confusion a boat from the _Alabama_, under charge of the English master's mate, came alongside, announcing that the _Alabama_ had surrendered and begging for help. On the promise of this man to return, Winslow allowed him to go back to the aid of the drowning crew, but instead of keeping his pledge, he took refuge on the yacht _Deerhound_, which was circling about and doing all it could for the struggling wretches in the water. Among those picked up was Captain Semmes, who had flung his sword into the sea and leaped overboard as his ship was going down. He was suffering from a painful wound in the hand, and when helped on board of the _Deerhound_ was in an exhausted condition. The captain of the yacht, after picking up thirty-nine men, including a number of officers, instead of delivering them to Captain Winslow, as he was in honor bound to do, edged away from the scene, and, putting on all steam, did not pause until he reached Southampton. The _Kearsarge_ picked up the men that remained and took them into Cherbourg. In this famous battle the _Kearsarge_ had only 1 killed and 2 wounded, while Semmes lost 40 killed and 70 taken prisoners. The Confederate commander and his sympathizing British friends offered all sorts of excuses for his defeat. Some of them were ingenious, but none was the true one. The cause of the sinking of the _Alabama_ was the same as that which gave us so many wonderful naval victories in the War of 1812. Our vessels were manned by Americans, while the _Alabama_ was really an English ship, armed with English guns and manned and fought by an English crew: there's the truth in a nutshell. Captain Winslow received the promotion to the grade of a commodore which he had so gallantly won. He died in 1873. It was a source of regret throughout the country that on the night of February 2, 1894, the _Kearsarge_ was wrecked off Roncador Reef, while on a voyage from Port-au-Prince, Hayti, to Bluefields, Nicaragua. None of her crew was drowned, but the vessel itself was lost, despite every effort to save her. CHAPTER XXVII. An Unexpected Preacher--Andrew Hull Foote--His Character and Early Career--His Brilliant Services in the War for the Union. One Sunday morning early in the Civil War a large assemblage had gathered in a prominent church in a Western city for the purpose of worship. But the hour for opening the services came and passed and the preacher, the one indispensable individual, did not appear. The auditors became uneasy. No one knew the cause of his absence and no word came from the parsonage, which was at some distance from the church. When the congregation were about to break up and pass out a stranger, sitting near the front, quietly arose, walked up the pulpit steps, gave out the opening hymn, led in prayer and preached a sermon which impressed all by its plain, practical truths. He held the attention of the people from the opening to the close, and among the listeners were more than one who felt that the unexplained absence of the regular pastor had resulted in a gain, though a brief one, for them. Naturally there was no little curiosity to learn the name of the stranger. When approached by some of the leading brethren at the close of the services, he modestly said he was Captain Foote of the United States navy. He occasionally preached, when there seemed to be a call for such work on his part, but preaching was not his profession, and he would not have thought of entering the pulpit had he not seen that it was a choice between doing so and allowing the congregation to go home. Andrew Hull Foote was born in New Haven, Conn., September 12, 1806. He belonged to a prominent family, his father, Samuel A. Foote, having served in Congress for several terms, as United States Senator, and as Governor of his State. The son received the best educational training and was subjected to the strict religious discipline characteristic of the Puritan families of old New England. His romantic nature was deeply stirred by the accounts of the naval exploits of his countrymen in the War of 1812, and he set his heart upon entering the navy. His mother opposed, but, when she saw it was useless, wisely yielded. His father's influence readily procured him the appointment of midshipman, and he was directed to report on the schooner _Grampus_, under the command of Lieutenant (afterward Admiral) Gregory. [Illustration: ANDREW HULL FOOTE.] The _Grampus_ went to the West Indies in quest of pirates, but never found any. Young Foote was then transferred to the sloop of war _Peacock_, which had made such a glorious record in the last war with Great Britain, his next transfer being to the frigate _United States_, the flagship of Commodore Isaac Hull, who won the famous victory over the _Guerriere_ in August, 1812. The cruise lasted three years, and Foote returned to New York in the spring of 1837. He made a visit to his home, when he was once more ordered to the West Indies. About this time he was brought under religious influence. He read his Bible and spent many hours in prayer, and finally yielded completely to God. He made his mother inexpressibly happy by sending her the glad news, and thenceforward throughout his stirring life he was one of the most humble, devout and consecrated of Christians. Like Havelock, he did an amount of good among those placed under his charge, the full extent of which can never be known in this world. While on duty at the Naval Asylum in Philadelphia he persuaded the men to give up their grog rations and sign a pledge of total abstinence, and when executive officer on the _Cumberland_ he did the same thing with its crew. He was a voluntary chaplain and gave a religious address on the berth deck every Sunday evening to those who wished to listen. Disease of the eyes incapacitated him for duty for a long time, and he was much disappointed that he was not permitted to take any part in the Mexican war. One of his most practical temperance addresses was that, while engaged off the coast of Africa in suppressing the slave trade, he persuaded the men under him on the _Perry_, of which he was the commander, to give up the use of liquor. Although exposed to one of the most pestilential climates in the world, he did not lose a man. At the breaking out of the Civil War he was in command of the Brooklyn Navy Yard. He was overwhelmed with work for a time, and was glad when, early in the autumn of 1861, he was ordered to the West to help in the building of an inland navy on the Mississippi. Captain Foote worked with the tremendous energy which he threw into every task, and succeeded in getting together seven boats, four of which were partly protected by armor. At the beginning of February, 1862, he started from Cairo to ascend the Tennessee, his objective point being Fort Henry, though the Confederates were deceived into thinking it was Columbus, on the Mississippi. He asked the Government for more men with which to man additional boats, but they were not furnished, and he went forward with such as he could get. On the night preceding the attack on Fort Henry the little fleet anchored abreast of the army under General Grant, which was encamped on the bank. The night was cold and tempestuous, but the morning dawned keen and clear, and no time was lost in preparing the flotilla for the attack on the fort. He intimated to General Grant that he must not linger if he wished to cut off the retreat of the enemy. Grant assured him he would be on time to put his army in motion. Fort Henry stood on a bend in the river, which it commanded for a long distance up and down stream. Foote placed his boats behind an island a mile below the fort, with a view of avoiding the long range rifles of the Confederates, which were liable to cripple the gunboats before they could get into close action. The wooden vessels halted upon coming in view of the fort, and the ironclads, as they were called, moved slowly up stream abreast of one another, firing their bow guns in answer to the shots of the rebels. The latter had had the time to practice to acquire the exact range, while the boats had yet to find it. They fired slowly and with such accuracy that the infantry stationed outside of the works hastily fled, though the gunners bravely remained at their posts. Foote opened fire when not quite a mile from the fort. His instructions were to fire slowly and with care, the result of which was that guns were continually dismounted and the earth and sandbags sent flying in every direction. It was while the attack was being pressed in this vigorous fashion that a shell pierced the boiler of the _Essex_, commanded by Lieutenant Porter, and caused so many deaths, as has been related in a preceding chapter. This appalling accident was a serious loss to Captain Foote, for Porter was doing inestimable service when thus driven out of action, but the daring commander pressed forward in the face of the murderous fire, encouraged by the visible results of his shots, which were playing frightful havoc against the defences of the fort. Tilghman, the Confederate commander, displayed great bravery, fighting until every one of his guns was dismounted. Then, finding himself powerless to offer further resistance, he hauled down his flag. Firing immediately ceased on the part of the Union flotilla, and Foote sent a boat ashore to take possession. Despite General Grant's usual promptness, he did not arrive in time to intercept the flight of the garrison. As a consequence the prisoners surrendered, including General Tilghman and his staff, numbered less than a hundred. The others fled overland to Fort Donelson, only to be compelled to surrender shortly afterward to Grant in what proved to be the first great Union victory of the war. The severity of this battle is shown by the fact that Foote's ship was struck 31 times, the _Essex_ 15, and the _Carondelet_ 6. The total number of killed, wounded and missing was 48. The success was so decisive that Foote was applauded throughout the North, sharing the well-earned honors with General Grant, whose successful career is known to every boy in the land. Foote now steamed down the river to Cairo and began the ascent of the Cumberland, to assist General Grant, who was marching overland to the attack on Fort Donelson. Dauntless as was the courage of the naval leader, he knew his task was a hopeless one. He had not only lost the _Essex_, but Fort Donelson was greatly superior in strength to Fort Henry. The water assault, however, was deemed a military necessity, and he did not hesitate. On February 14 he advanced resolutely to the attack with his two wooden gunboats and four partial ironclads. The tremendous land batteries opened on this weak force the moment it came within range, and the results were of the most destructive nature. As usual, the chief attention was given to the flagship, which was struck again and again by the flying shot and shell. Undismayed by the awful tempest, Foote pushed steadily onward, cool, calm, hopeful and prepared for the worst. His pilot was a brave man, but under the frightful fire he began to show a nervousness that caught the eye of Foote. Walking up to him, he placed his hand in a kindly manner on his shoulder and spoke encouragingly to him. While he was doing so, the poor fellow was torn into pieces by a shot, and the captain himself was badly wounded in the foot by a flying splinter. Paying no heed to the bleeding member, he limped about the boat, swept by the iron hail, and gave his orders as coolly as before. But the shot that killed the pilot also smashed the wheel, and the unmanageable boat began drifting down stream. The tiller ropes of another boat were also cut about the same time, and she also floated helplessly with the current. The Confederates increased their fire, and the other two boats, also greatly damaged, followed the flagship, and the ferocious fight that had lasted more than an hour was over, with the Union flotilla badly repulsed. The flagship had been struck 59 times, and 54 had been killed and wounded on the different ships; but Foote would have maintained the fight, with a fair probability of success, but for the destruction of his steering gear. Grant and Foote now formed a plan for the capture of Nashville, but on the eve of starting were stopped by a telegraphic order from General Halleck not to allow the gunboats to go further up the river than Clarksville. Foote was greatly disappointed, and, absolutely certain of capturing the city, telegraphed for permission to do so, but it was refused. Thus he was left no alternative but to return to Cairo. While there, he learned that the Confederate force occupying Columbus had evacuated the town and fortified themselves on Island No. 10. They numbered about 8,000 and were under the command of General Mackall, from Beauregard's army. Foote transferred his flag to the ironclad _Benton_ and advanced against the powerful works that had been erected on the island. The bombardment was continued for three weeks, without inflicting serious damage, and there was little prospect of capturing the place from the river, when General Pope arrived with a large land force; but to reach the fort it was necessary for him to get his troops across the river, and he had not a single transport to use for that purpose. Pope's arrival below made it necessary to send a gunboat down to him, for until that was done he could make no movement against the rebel force there. The all-important question was whether any one of the gunboats could run the terrific gauntlet of the batteries that lined the shore. It looked as if the attempt must result in the inevitable destruction of any craft before half the distance could be accomplished. At a council of the officers it was agreed that it was too hazardous to try to run one of the gunboats past the batteries. Such was the opinion of every man except Henry Walke, commander of the _Carondelet_, who volunteered to try the seemingly impossible task. Captain Foote reluctantly gave his consent. It was understood that Walke was to make the attempt on the first rainy or foggy night. In the event of success, he was to cooperate with Pope, and, when he moved, to assist in the attack on the fortifications. Captain Foote closed his instructions to his faithful aide with the following impressive words: On this delicate and somewhat hazardous service to which I assign you I must enjoin upon you the importance of keeping your lights secreted in the hold or put out, keeping your officers and men from speaking at all, when passing the forts, above a whisper, and then only on duty, and of using every other precaution to prevent the rebels suspecting that you are dropping below their batteries. If you successfully perform this duty assigned to you, which you so willingly undertake, it will reflect the highest credit upon you and all belonging to your vessel, and I doubt not but that the government will fully appreciate and reward you for a service which, I trust, will enable the army to cross the river and make a successful attack in the rear, while we storm the batteries in front of this stronghold of the rebels. Commending you and all who compose your command to the care and protection of God, who rules the world and directs all things, I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, A.H. Foote. P.S.--Should you meet with disaster, you will, as a last resort, destroy the steam machinery, and, if possible, to escape, set fire to your gunboat, or sink her, and prevent her falling into the hands of the rebels. The night selected--April 4--was rainy and of inky blackness, relieved by vivid flashes of lightning. No precaution that could be thought of was neglected. Chains were twisted around the pilot-house and other vulnerable parts, and wood was piled against the boilers, with which the hose was connected, to make the jets of steam available to repel boarders. On one side was lashed a boat loaded with pressed hay, while a barge of coal was fastened on the side furthest from the dangerous batteries, and the escape steam was led into the paddle-wheel house in order to muffle the sound. Among the fully armed crew were twenty of the most expert sharpshooters in the army. It was about ten o'clock when the _Carondelet_ swung round in the stream and started on its fearful race. The fleet fairly held its breath, as officers and men listened and peered down the river in the tempestuous darkness. Now and then the zigzagging lightning gave a momentary glimpse of the craft moving away, but the straining eye and ear caught no sight or sound. But when the _Carondelet_ was close to the batteries a blaze suddenly shot up several feet above the chimneys. The soot had caught fire and the reflection was thrown far out on the water. The engineer immediately opened the flue caps and all was darkness again. So quickly did this singular glow come and vanish that it must have been mistaken by the sentinels for a part of the lightning display, for it caused no alarm; but the turning of the escape steam into the paddle-box had allowed the soot to get dry, and they flamed up a second time. Though extinguished as promptly as before, the sentinels knew something was wrong and signalled to the batteries below that one of the boats of the enemy was approaching. It was useless to attempt concealment any longer. Walke ordered the engine ahead at full speed and ran close to the shore nearest the batteries, that their shot might pass over him. Aside from the enemy, this was dangerous work, for there was no telling into what obstruction the boat would dash. A man stood at the front with lead and line, quietly calling out in a guarded voice the soundings, which were repeated by a second man on deck, who forwarded the report aft to Walke, standing beside the pilot. All the time the rain was falling in torrents. Suddenly a dazzling gleam showed the pilot he was speeding straight for a shoal under the guns of the Confederate battery. "Hard aport!" commanded the captain, and the heavy craft barely missed the island, past which it shot at the highest speed. The lightning flashes helped the _Carondelet_ in more than one way. It not only gave the pilot the necessary knowledge to avoid running aground, but confused the Confederate gunners, who sent most of their shots over the boat, which was not struck once during its remarkable run down the Mississippi. Two shots had entered the barge at her side, but not a man was hurt. The boat was received with wild cheers by the expectant soldiers, who, while hoping for the best, feared the worst. It had been agreed between Walke and Captain Foote that in case the former was successful, he was to make it known by firing minute guns. The captain was listening intently, when through the rain and darkness the welcome signals reached his ears, and he thanked God that all had come out so well. Now that General Pope had received the transport for which he longed, Captain Foote breathed freely and prepared to give what help he could in the attack upon the rebel fortifications; but, to his surprise, Pope sent an urgent request that a second boat should be sent to him on the next night, adding that the success of the whole movement depended upon a compliance with this request. Foote replied that it would be as safe to run the batteries at midday as on a clear night; for a vessel had to pass not only seven batteries, but be kept "head on" to a battery of eleven guns, at the upper part of Island No. 10, and to pass within 300 yards of it. In deference to Pope's earnest request, Captain Foote consented to prepare another boat, but would not permit it to start until the night was favorable. The second night was similar to the one described, and Lieutenant Thompson, in charge of the _Pittsburg_, started down the river at two o'clock in the morning. Although exposed to the same fire as the _Carondelet_, he was equally fortunate, and ran the gauntlet with the same good fortune. The passage of these two ironclads sealed the fate of Island No. 10, for Pope could now cross the river, and, by taking position in the rear of the Confederate works, cut off the supplies of the garrison. The crossing was made and the enemy's batteries silenced. On the 8th the island was surrendered to Captain Foote and General Pope, including the garrison of 5,000 men. Captain Foote's next move was to Fort Pillow. All this time he was suffering so severely from the wound in his foot that it affected his spirits, usually buoyant and hopeful. Another disturbing cause was the continual interference of General Halleck, who prevented several movements that Foote knew must have resulted in important successes. His health continued to decline till finally the day came when he was compelled to ask for a leave of absence. He went to his brother's home in Cleveland, where his condition caused great solicitude throughout the country. Afflictions crowded upon him. He returned to his home, which was shadowed by the death of his bright boy at the age of fourteen years. A few months later two of his daughters died. How hollow sounded the praises of his countrymen when his head was bowed with such overwhelming sorrow! He had been made rear admiral, and, though still weak, was by his own request assigned to the command of the North Atlantic squadron. He went to New York to complete his preparations, but while there succumbed to his illness, and died at the Astor House, June 26, 1863. CHAPTER XXVIII. A Man Devoid of Fear--William Barker Cushing--Some of His Exploits--The Blowing Up of the _Albemarle_--His Sad Death. If ever man lived who knew not the meaning of fear, he was William Barker Cushing, born in Wisconsin in 1842. He entered the Naval Academy in 1857, remained four years, received his appointment from the State of New York, but claiming Pennsylvania as his residence. He was wild and reckless, and resigned in March, 1861, when even his closest friends saw little hope of his success in life. Many heroes are referred to as fearless, but that man is reckoned brave who knows the full extent of the danger facing him, and yet does not hesitate to meet it; but Cushing was a youth who really seemed to love danger for its own sake, and never flinched while death was on every hand, but went unhesitatingly forward, when it would have been no reflection upon his courage had he turned about and run. The breaking out of the Civil War offered so fascinating a field for him that he could not resist the temptation. The Secretary of the Navy always had a tender spot in his heart for the daring fellow, and when Cushing promised that if he would give him a chance he would prove himself worthy of the Secretary's confidence, that official consented and attached him to the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron. At the very first opportunity Cushing displayed the wonderful personal intrepidity which was soon to make him the most famous naval officer of his age. In the expedition against Franklin, Va., in the autumn of the year, he was placed in command of the gunboat _Ellis_, and showed such skill and bravery that he was recommended by the acting admiral to the Navy Department. Some weeks later he steamed into New River Inlet, with the object of capturing Jacksonville and destroying the salt works. He was successful, secured three vessels and drove the enemy from two pieces of artillery with which they were firing on him at short range. All was going well, but while still close to the abandoned works Cushing's little steamer ran aground, and, despite every effort, he could not work her free. He saw it was useless to try to get the boat off. He therefore took everything out of her, excepting the pivot gun and ammunition, and, placing them on board one of the captured schooners, ordered the crew to leave. Knowing the enemy would soon return in overwhelming numbers, he asked for six volunteers to stay with him and fight with the single gun to the last. The response was prompt, for his daring spirit was infectious, and he instructed the others, in the event of him and his comrades being attacked, to make no attempt to help them. Just as he anticipated, the Confederates opened upon the doomed steamer at daylight, firing from so many different points that the defenders were helpless. As fast as the gun could be loaded, it was pointed here, there and everywhere, for, no matter in what direction it was aimed, it was pretty sure to hit some of the enemy; but a single gun against a score could accomplish nothing, and the lieutenant had to decide whether to remain, with the certainty of every man being shot to pieces, of surrendering, or of rowing in an open boat for more than a mile through the murderous fire. With scarcely a moment's hesitation, he resolved upon the last plan, which looked as suicidal as remaining on the steamer. The gun was loaded to the muzzle and trained upon the enemy, so as to go off when heated, the steamer set on fire in several places, and, dropping into the smaller boat, the men pulled with might and main for the schooner. Fortune favors the brave, and they reached it in safety, and soon after arrived at Beaufort. This exploit won for Cushing the commendation of the Navy Department for "his courage, coolness and gallantry." His restless spirit would not allow him to remain idle. He was continually engaging in some daring enterprise, in which it must not be supposed he displayed nothing more than headlong recklessness. That quality was supplemented by coolness and skill, without which he never could have attained the remarkable success that attended his career. Among the numerous achievements the following will serve as an illustration of the young man's disposition: Lieutenants Lamson and Cushing had command of a number of gunboats that were sent to the aid of General Peck, stationed at Norfolk. In the latter part of April it was learned that a Union boat had been decoyed ashore by the display of a white handkerchief and then fired upon. The angered Cushing asked for and received the privilege of retaliating for this treacherous act. In charge of seven boats, manned by ninety sailors, he set out and landed under the protection of the fire of the vessels. Leaving a part of his force to protect the boats, he started inland, taking a 12-pounder howitzer with him. His objective point was a village three miles away, where several hundred cavalry were stationed. Advancing boldly, he drove in the pickets, and coming across a span of mules hitched to a cart, he tied the rope of the howitzer to the rear, lashed the animals to a gallop and went clattering into the village to the loud shouts of "Forward, double quick!" Just as they entered the formidable body of cavalry were discerned, galloping down the street toward them, swinging their sabres and shouting at the top of their voices. In a twinkling the howitzer was unlimbered, and the charge of grape which was poured into the approaching horsemen was supplemented by a volley of musketry. The racket terrified the mules, which broke into a gallop, dragging the cart and ammunition after them, and never paused until they were among the ranks of the enemy. With a shout, Cushing was after them, followed by his men, and mules and ammunition were recovered in a twinkling. By this time the demoralized cavalry had fled, and Cushing, after retaining possession of the village until dusk, leisurely made his way back to the boats. The war having proven the immeasurable value of ironclads of the _Merrimac_ type, the Confederates strained every nerve to build them, often succeeding under the most trying conditions. One of the most formidable of these craft was the _Albemarle_, upon which work was begun early in 1863, at Edward's Ferry, several miles up the Roanoke River. Iron was so scarce that the country was scoured for miles in every direction for bolts, bars and metal. As stated by Maclay, the keel was laid in an open cornfield, and an ordinary blacksmith's outfit formed the plant for building; but the makers persevered and completed a craft 122 feet over all, with 45 feet beam and drawing 8 feet of water. The casemate was 60 feet long, constructed of massive timbers, covered with 4-inch planking, over which were placed two layers of 2-inch iron. The motive power was furnished by twin screws operated by engines of 200 horse-power each. Her armament consisted of an Armstrong 100-pounder in the bow and another in the stern, the casemate being so pierced that the guns could be used at broadside or quarter. At midnight, April 19, 1864, the _Albemarle_ gave a proof of her prodigious power of destruction. On the preceding two days the Confederates had made a determined attack on Plymouth, held by the Union forces, and the ironclad now set out to render assistance. The wooden gunboats _Miami_ and _Southfield_ offered just the sort of targets the monster fancied. Under a full head of steam, the _Albemarle_ rammed her iron beak clean into the fire room of the _Southfield_. The latter was skewered upon the projection and began slowly sinking. The snout was so entangled with the _Southfield_ that the victim could not be shaken off, and as she sank she carried her foe with her. The bow of the ironclad dipped below the surface, and a most extraordinary and inglorious end seemed inevitable, when the _Southfield_ touched bottom, rolled over and freed itself from the bow of the ram, which popped up again. Meanwhile the _Miami_ was pounding the iron hide of the monster, which shed the missiles as the _Merrimac_ shed the broadsides from the _Cumberland_ and _Congress_. When only a few feet from the _Albemarle_, Lieutenant Flusser, standing directly behind a gun of the _Miami_, let fly with a heavy shell, which, striking the armor of the _Albemarle_, was shivered into a thousand fragments, most of which rebounding, instantly killed the officer and wounded a dozen men. The _Miami_ retreated, and the next day Plymouth surrendered to the Confederates. In May, the _Albemarle_ steamed down into the Sound and attacked the Union gunboats, which made a heroic defence. The monster received broadside after broadside and was repeatedly rammed, but suffered no material damage, while she killed 4, wounded 25 and caused the scalding of 13, through piercing the boiler of one of her assailants. It will be seen that this ironclad had become a formidable menace to the Union arms, not only in the immediate neighborhood, but further north. It was the intention of her commander to clear out the fleets at the mouth of the river, and then make an excursion up the coast, somewhat like that which Secretary Stanton once believed the _Merrimac_ was about to undertake. General Grant was pressing his final campaign against Richmond, and the _Albemarle_ threatened to interfere with his plans, for if she made the diversion of which she was capable, she was likely to postpone indefinitely the wind up of the war. Ah, if some daring scheme could be perfected for destroying the _Albemarle_! What a feat it would be and how vast the good it would accomplish! There was one young officer in the American navy who believed the thing could be done, and he volunteered to undertake it. Well aware that the Unionists would neglect no means of blowing up the _Albemarle_, the Confederates used every possible precaution. At the wharf in Plymouth, where she was moored, a thousand soldiers were on guard, and her crew, consisting of sixty men, were alert and vigilant. To prevent the approach of a torpedo boat, the ram was surrounded by a boom of cypress logs, placed a considerable distance from the hull, and a double line of sentries was stationed along the river. What earthly chance was there under such conditions of any possible harm coming to her? The picket boat in which Lieutenant Cushing undertook to destroy the rebel ram was built at New York under his supervision, and taken to Norfolk by way of the canals, and thence to Albemarle Sound again by canal. He made his preparations with great care, and on the night of October 27, which was dark and stormy, he started in his picket boat. He was accompanied by eight men and the following officers: Acting Ensign William L. Howarth, Acting Master's Mates Thomas S. Gay and John Woodman, Acting Assistant Paymaster Francis H. Swan, Acting Third Assistant Engineers Charles L. Steever and William Stotesbury. Cushing took in tow a small cutter, in which he intended to capture the Confederate guard, that was in a schooner anchored near the wrecked _Southfield_, and prevent their sending up an alarm rocket as a warning to the sentinels above of the approach of danger. He stationed himself at the stern, his plan being to land a little way below the ram and board her from the wharf. A sudden dash promised her capture by surprise, when she could be taken down stream. If this scheme could not be carried out, he intended to blow her up with a torpedo as she lay at the dock. The launch crept along the river bank as silently as an Indian canoe stealing into a hostile camp. The distance to be passed was fully eight miles, and the peril began almost from the moment of starting. The necessary commands were spoken in whispers, and the waiting men scarcely moved as they peered into the deep gloom and listened to the almost inaudible rippling of the water from the bow. Speed was reduced as they drew near Plymouth, in order to lessen the soft clanking of the engine or the motion of the screw. They were still a mile below Plymouth when the shadowy outlines of the wrecked _Southfield_ loomed dimly to view. The Confederates had raised her so that her hurricane deck was above the surface. Within a few yards of the wreck a schooner was anchored containing a guard of twenty men with a field piece and rocket, provided for precisely such danger as now drew near. But on this night, of all others, the sentinels were dozing, for had they been vigilant they must have seen the little craft whose crew saw theirs and were on the _qui vive_ to board on the instant of discovery. The good fortune encouraged all hands, and as the schooner and wreck melted into the darkness the launch swept around a bend in the river and caught the glimmer of the camp fires along the banks, partly extinguished by the falling rain. Still creeping cautiously on, the outlines of the prodigious ram gradually assumed form in the gloom. It looked as if the surprise would be complete, when a dog, more watchful than his masters, began barking. He had discovered the approaching danger, and the startled sentinels challenged, but no reply was made. A second challenge bringing no response, several muskets flashed in the night. Other dogs joined in barking, alarm rattles were sprung and wood flung upon the fires, which, flaring up, threw their illumination out on the river and revealed the launch and cutter. The hoarse commands of officers rang out, and the soldiers, springing from sleep, caught up their guns and rushed to quarters. Amid the fearful din and peril Cushing cut the tow line and ordered the cutter to hasten down the river and capture the guard near the _Southfield_. At the same moment he directed the launch to go ahead at full speed. He had changed his plan. Instead of landing he determined to blow up the ram. When close to it he learned for the first time of the cordon of logs which surrounded the _Albemarle_, but, believing they were slippery enough from remaining long in the water to be passed, he sheered off, made a sweep of a hundred yards and again charged under full steam for the obstruction. As he drew near the guards fired a volley which riddled Cushing's coat and tore off the sole of his shoe. At the same moment he heard the vicious snapping of the primers of the huge guns, which showed they had missed fire. "Leave the ram!" he shouted. "We're going to blow you up!" The Confederates, however, did not follow the advice and the launch fired her howitzer. Then she glided over the slimy logs and paused in front of the muzzle of a loaded cannon which could be almost reached with the outstretched hand. Still cool and self-possessed amid the horrible perils, Cushing stood erect, lowered the torpedo spar, shoved it under the overhang, waited a moment for it to rise until he felt it touch the bottom of the ram, when he gave a quick, strong pull on the trigger line. A muffled, thunderous explosion followed, an immense column of water rose in the air and the tremendous tipping of the _Albemarle_ showed she had received a mortal hurt. It was accomplished at the critical second, for the rifled gun, filled with 100 pounds of canister and pointed at the launch ten feet away, was immediately discharged. The careening of the ram deviated the aim just enough to prevent the crew from being blown to fragments, but confident that not a man could escape, the Confederates twice called upon their assailants to surrender, and several did so, but Cushing was not among them. With the same marvelous coolness he had displayed from the first he took off his coat and shoes, flung his sword and revolver aside and shouted: "Every man save himself!" Then he leaped into the water and began swimming with might and main down stream, the bullets skipping all about him, but he soon passed beyond sight and was still swimming when he heard a plashing near him. It was made by one of the acting master's mates, John Woodman, who was exhausted. Cushing helped him until he himself had hardly an ounce of strength left, when he was obliged to let go, and the poor fellow, calling good-by, sank from sight. When unable to struggle longer, Cushing let his feet drop and they touched bottom. He managed to reach land, where he sank down so worn out that he lay motionless until daylight. Then he crawled into a swamp, where he remained hidden until a friendly negro appeared, who extended every possible kindness to him. From him Cushing learned that the _Albemarle_ had been destroyed and was at the bottom of the river. It was thrilling news, and the following night, after he had thoroughly rested and been fed by his dusky friend, he moved down the river, found a skiff and in it made his way to the fleet, bringing the first news of the success of an exploit which it is safe to say has never been surpassed in the history of our navy. Even the captain of the _Albemarle_ declared that "a more gallant thing was not done during the war." While conceding to Lieutenant Hobson the full credit for his daring achievement in sinking the _Merrimac_ in the channel of Santiago harbor, on June 3, 1898, it was by no means the equal of that of Lieutenant Cushing, thirty-four years before. For his superb work Cushing received a vote of thanks from Congress and was promoted to the rank of lieutenant commander. He led a division of sailors in the second and what proved to be the successful attack upon Fort Fisher, in January, 1865. It was a desperate fight and none displayed more heroism than the young officer who had destroyed the _Albemarle_. Hon. J.T. Headley, the biographer of Cushing, in an article written immediately after the close of the Civil War, used these words: "Still a young man, he has a bright future before him, and if he lives will doubtless reach the highest rank in the navy. Bold, daring and self-collected under the most trying circumstances--equal to any emergency--never unbalanced by an unexpected contingency, he possesses those great qualities always found in a successful commander. No man in our navy, at his age, has ever won so brilliant a reputation, and it will be his own fault if it is not increased until he has no superior." And yet Commander Cushing's reputation was not increased nor was it through any fault of his own. It was not long after the war that his friends were pained to observe unmistakable signs of mental unsoundness in the young hero. These increased until his brain was all askew, and he died in an insane asylum in 1874. CHAPTER XXIX. The Greatest of Naval Heroes--David Glasgow Farragut. David Glasgow Farragut was the greatest naval hero of modern times. There are many honored names connected with the American navy, but his towers above them all. The highest honors that his country could give were freely bestowed upon him and no one will deny that he earned them all. His father, although a native of Minorca, came to this country in 1776 and lost no time in joining the ragged, starving patriots in their struggle for independence. His skill and gallantry won him the rank of major. When the war ended he settled on the western frontier, near Knoxville, Tenn., where at a place called Campbell's Station his son David was born in 1801. When only nine years old he was appointed midshipman under Captain David Porter, the heroic commander of the _Essex_. Captain Porter and Major Farragut were old friends, to which fact was due the privilege extended to a lad of such tender years. In the sketch of Captain Porter the reader will recall the incident in which young Farragut learned of the conspiracy among the 500 prisoners on board the _Essex_, and, by giving his commander warning, prevented the capture of the ship by the savage plotters. The boy was on the _Essex_ when, disabled and helpless, she was pounded into a surrender by two British ships while in the harbor of Valparaiso, in January, 1814. It was one of the most sanguinary battles of the war, when the decks ran with blood and the dead and dying were stretched on every hand. Amid the terrible carnage the boy Farragut conducted himself with such coolness and bravery that he was specially complimented by Captain Porter in his report. Although wounded, he stood unflinchingly to his guns, winning the admiration of the grim heroes around him and demonstrating the wonderful qualities which later were to raise him to the position of the foremost naval hero of the age. Peace came, and, although Farragut was in continual service, promotion was slow. He became lieutenant in 1825, commander in 1841 and captain in 1851. His first wife, whom he married in Norfolk, became an invalid and did not live long. His second wife was also a native of Norfolk. Thus he was not only a Southerner himself, but his wife was a native of that section. When, therefore, civil war came and it became fashionable for people to express secession sentiments, it was taken for granted that Farragut would cast his fortunes with the South; but upon being approached he indignantly replied: "I would see every man of you damned before I would raise my hand against that flag!" Being told that it would be unsafe for him to remain in the South, he added that he wanted only two hours to find another place of residence. He moved away at once and with his wife and only son took up his home on the Hudson near Tarrytown. [Illustration: COMMODORE DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT.] Being a stranger in that neighborhood, he was regarded with suspicion. He was fond of taking long walks, and it is said that some of the people suspected that he belonged to a gang of plotters who intended to cut the Croton Aqueduct, but the quiet man was simply awaiting the summons of his country to serve her in any capacity possible. The call came in the spring of 1861, when he was about threescore years old. His duty was that of serving on the board appointed by Congress to retire superannuated officers from the active service. This duty completed, he was appointed to the command of the expedition organized for the capture of New Orleans. He sailed from Hampton Roads on the 3d of February, 1862, in the flagship _Hartford_ and arrived seventeen days later at Ship Island, the place of rendezvous. There he set to work to make his arrangements for the great task which was wholly different from any that had ever engaged his attention. But how well he completed this grand work, he being the real supervisor and superintendent, has been referred to in a previous chapter and is told in every history of our country. [Illustration: CAPTURE OF NEW ORLEANS--ATTACK ON FORT PHILIP.] The skill and courage displayed by Farragut in the capture of New Orleans attracted national attention and added greatly to his reputation. In the latter part of June he ran the batteries of Vicksburg, but notified the Government that though he could go up and down the river as he chose and silence the batteries when he pleased, no substantial good would result unless a land force of ten or twelve thousand men attacked the town from the rear. It was this plan which brought about the capture of Vicksburg by General Grant and the opening of the Mississippi River. Farragut, who had been made rear admiral, afforded great aid in taking Port Hudson and cleaning out all rebel fortifications along the Father of Waters. This immense work having been accomplished, the Government now gave its attention to Mobile, another of the Confederate strongholds in the South. The campaign arranged was to attack it with a land force under the command of Generals Canby and Granger and a naval force under Farragut. In January, 1864, he made a reconnaissance of Mobile Bay and informed the Government that if it would supply him with a slight additional force he would attack and capture it at once. He knew that the defences were being strengthened every day and repeatedly urged that he be furnished with the means of making an immediate assault. But the ill-advised and disastrous expedition of Banks up the Red River took away the available troops and the appeal of Farragut remained unheeded until the summer was well advanced. By that time the defences of Mobile were well nigh impregnable. Fort Gaines, on Dauphin Island, had a garrison of 864 men and mounted three 10-inch columbiads, four 32-pounder rifled guns and twenty smoothbore guns of 32, 24 and 18-pound calibres. The principal pass to Mississippi Sound was commanded by Fort Powell, with one mounted 10-inch gun, one 8-inch columbiad and four rifled guns. The main fortification was Fort Morgan, whose heavy guns were placed in three tiers. It mounted seven 10-inch, three 8-inch and twenty-two 32-pounder smoothbore guns and two 8-inch, two 6.5-inch and four 5.82-inch rifled guns. The exterior batteries were also heavily armed and the garrison numbered 640 men. The bay was filled with skilfully placed torpedoes, some of them of stupendous size and power and sufficient, it would seem, if properly handled, to destroy all the navies of the world. All arrangements being completed, the signal for the advance was hoisted at daylight, August 5, 1864. The Union fleet consisted of 21 wooden vessels and 6 ironclads. The wooden vessels sailed in pairs, the larger on the starboard, so that if either was disabled the other could carry it along. Farragut's intention was to lead with the flagship _Hartford_, but he reluctantly allowed the _Brooklyn_ to take that post, since she carried four chase guns to the _Hartford's_ one and was provided with an ingenious apparatus for picking up torpedoes. It was contended further that the flagship would be the special target of the enemy, a fact that was likely to cripple her and prevent the employment of the all-important signals. The last argument bore no weight with Farragut, who replied that she would be the chief target anyway, no matter what the position, and exposure to fire was one of the penalties of rank in the navy. The monitors were to advance in single file, slightly in advance of the wooden ships, the _Tecumseh_, Commander Tunis A.M. Craven, in the lead. [Illustration: IN MOBILE BAY.] In this order the slow advance was begun and at a few minutes past seven the _Tecumseh_ fired the first gun. The forts waited twenty minutes when they replied, and the _Brooklyn_ responded with two 100-pounder Parrot rifles. Under the protection of Fort Morgan nestled the Confederate rams and ironclads, which directed their fire principally at the wooden vessels. The great battle was opened. The enemy's gunboats and the ram _Tennessee_ moved out from behind the fort and continued firing at the wooden boats, giving principal attention, as was expected, to the flagship, which was struck several times. She soon began returning the fire, still advancing, and repeatedly drove the gunners from the water batteries, but they immediately returned and kept bravely at work. Smokeless powder was unknown in those days, and, as the vapor enfolded the ships, Farragut kept stepping up the rigging almost unconsciously until he was so high that he was clinging to the futtock shrouds. He had his spyglass in one hand and kept raising it to his eyes. Captain Percival Drayton had been closely watching the Admiral and now became alarmed, lest some damage to the ropes should cause him to fall overboard. He told Signal Quartermaster Knowles to climb the rigging and secure Farragut to the shrouds. He obeyed and passed a lead line to one of the forward shrouds and then drew it around the Admiral to the after shroud and made it fast. Feeling the faithful officer at work, the Admiral looked down kindly at him and said: "Never mind me, I am all right." But Knowles persisted and did not descend until he had completed his work. By and by the increasing smoke made it necessary for the commander to ascend still higher, in order to maintain a clear view of the battle. He untied the fastenings, and, climbing to the futtock shrouds, passed the rope once more around his body several times and tied the end to the rigging. The picture of Admiral Farragut thus lashed to the rigging has been seen thousands of times in the histories of the Civil War. While in this perilous position he signalled for closer order. The bombardment of the fort was terrific and produced great effect. Commander Craven, with the _Tecumseh_, singled out the ram _Tennessee_, under the command of Admiral Franklin Buchanan, who had charge of the _Merrimac_ on the first day of her fight with the _Monitor_. Both were ironclads and Buchanan was as anxious to fight Craven as the latter was to fight him. Craven, fearing his adversary would retreat, pressed forward so eagerly that he paid no attention to the torpedoes over which his hull was continually scraping. One or more of these suddenly exploded, the front dipped and the _Tecumseh_ plunged bow foremost to the bottom of the bay, carrying with her 93 men out of a crew of 114. This appalling disaster was accompanied by a touching incident. When the _Tecumseh_ was diving downward Commander Craven and the pilot instinctively started for the opening through which only one man could pass at a time. They reached the foot of the ladder at the same moment. "You first," said Craven, halting. The pilot just succeeded in scrambling out, when the _Tecumseh_ went down, taking her heroic captain with her. The terrible occurrence was witnessed by friends and foes. A boat was quickly lowered from the _Metacomet_ and sent to the relief of the survivors. It passed within a hundred yards of Fort Morgan, which could have easily blown it out of the water. But General Page, the Confederate commandant, knowing her errand, gave the order not to harm the boat, which was on its way to save drowning men. His soldiers broke into cheers, but he sternly stopped them, with the advice to wait till the _Hartford_ was sunk. The boat picked up ten men and officers, while four swam to the beach and were made prisoners. When the lull was over Farragut headed his ship for the fort, signalling to the remainder of the fleet, which followed close after him. When warned of the torpedoes the wrathful Admiral came near adding a little profanity to his contemptuous opinion of them as he passed on. Wheeling, he launched his whole broadside at the fort, then delivered a second at the _Tennessee_ and headed for the gunboats _Selma_, _Gaines_ and _Morgan_, all of which were raking him. Casting off his consort, the _Metacomet_, he sent her after the _Selma_, and, after a hot chase, she captured her. The other two took to shallow water under the guns of the fort. The ships, having passed the latter, were about to anchor when the _Tennessee_ was perceived coming straight for the fleet, with the intention of attacking it. Farragut signalled to the vessels to run her down and ordered the pilot of the _Hartford_ to drive her with full speed at the ironclad. The _Monongahela_ was the first to reach the monster, struck her fairly, and, swinging around, let fly with a broadside of 11-inch shot, which dropped harmlessly from her mailed side. Undaunted, the _Monongahela_ rammed her again, though she received ten times as much damage as she inflicted. The _Lackawanna_ passed through a somewhat similar experience but a gunner drove a 9-inch shell into one of the shutters, which was shattered and forced within the casemate. The crews were so close that they taunted each other through the portholes and even hurled missiles across the brief intervening space. At this juncture the _Hartford_ arrived, charging full speed upon the ram, which so shifted its position that the blow was a glancing one. Recoiling, the flagship delivered its most tremendous broadside, doing no harm, while the _Hartford_ itself was pierced again and again by the exploding shells which strewed her deck with dead and dying. Nothing daunted, Farragut prepared to ram once more, when his ship was badly injured by an accidental blow from the _Lackawanna_. But Farragut, seeing that she still floated, called for a full head of steam that he might deliver a blow that was likely to send his own ship to the bottom. By this time the slower going monitors had arrived and were getting in their fine work. The _Tennessee's_ smokestack was shot away, her stern port shutter was disabled, making the gun useless, while her steering chains were smashed. Like a stag beset by a pack of hounds, she was brought to her knees. The white flag was raised, and the sorely battered _Tennessee_ became the captive of the Union fleet. The forts were passed and the victory of Mobile Bay was secure. [Illustration: BURNSIDE'S EXPEDITION CROSSING HATTERAS BAR (1862).] But it had cost dearly. In addition to the men lost on the _Tecumseh_, there had been 25 killed and 28 wounded on the _Hartford_, 11 killed and 43 wounded on the _Brooklyn_, the total of all, including those lost on the _Tecumseh_, being 145 killed and 170 wounded. The Confederate loss was 12 killed, 20 wounded and 280 prisoners. Fort Powell was subjected to a severe bombardment that afternoon and on the following night was abandoned and blown up. Fire being opened on Fort Gaines, it also surrendered. Fort Morgan, the only fort in the possession of the enemy, surrendered August 23, before an attack of the navy and the land forces under General Granger from New Orleans. Soon after this splendid victory Admiral Farragut went North, where he was received with all possible honors. The war ending soon after, his inestimable services came to a close. That no reward might be lacking, the office of vice-admiral was specially created for him in December, 1864, and that of admiral in 1866. He died in 1870. THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR. CHAPTER XXX. The Movement Against Cuba--The Destruction of Cervera's Fleet--Admiral Sampson--Admiral Schley--"Fighting Bob" Evans--Commodore John C. Watson--Commodore John W. Philip--Lieutenant Commander Richard Wainwright. Since the war with Spain was undertaken for the liberation of Cuba from the most frightful atrocities that mind can conceive, it was natural that the chief attention of our Government should be directed to the expulsion of the Spaniards from that island. Neither the Ladrones nor Philippines entered into the question; but, inasmuch as they were valuable possessions of Spain, their conquest was a natural and effective blow against the nation with which we were at war. In view of what subsequently occurred, we can smile at the general uneasiness and fear which prevailed in this country at the opening of hostilities regarding the fleets of Spain. She was known to have a formidable navy and a great many believed it was superior to our own. There was no telling where it would strike the first blow. Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Washington and other seaboard cities made powerful preparations against the dread fleet, which in truth was no more to be feared than the ferryboats on the North River, and yet but for the preparations referred to it is more than probable we should have suffered. The most formidable fleet was under the command of Admiral Cervera. Our own squadrons were engaged for weeks in hunting for it, and it was reported in a dozen different places. Finally it was learned that it had taken refuge in the harbor of Santiago, the city of that name being besieged by the land forces under General Shafter. Immediately the American fleet of Admiral Sampson blockaded the ships of the enemy, determined to hold it powerless inside the broad harbor, for it followed, as a matter of course, that so long as it was bottled up there it could do nothing to help Spain. No one could know his weakness better than the Spanish Admiral. He had fine ships and fine guns, but his crews were undisciplined. They were wretched marksmen and in no respect to be compared with our gunners, who demonstrated in the War of 1812 that they have no equals in the whole world. Knowing all this, Admiral Cervera was loth to venture out of the harbor of Santiago, and the days and weeks passed in idleness while the monotonous blockade continued. [Illustration: ADMIRAL CERVERA.] It was the fear that the Spanish ships would make a dash on some dark, stormy night and escape that led to one of the most striking and brilliant exploits of the war. That is the sinking of the collier _Merrimac_ in the channel of the harbor by Lieutenant Richmond Pearson Hobson, on the night of June 3. That the effort was not wholly successful does not detract from the glory of the brave men who went unflinchingly to what looked like almost certain death. The companions of Lieutenant Hobson in this remarkable achievement were Osborn Deignan, George F. Phillips, Francis Kelly, George Charette, Daniel Montague, J.C. Murphy and Randolph Clausen. The last named was not one of the original six chosen, but he had been at work on the _Merrimac_ preparing her for the attempt and hid himself away on the lumbersome craft and they were obliged to take him. As soon as the Spaniards discovered the approach of the _Merrimac_, in the darkness, they opened upon her with their batteries from both shores, and she was subjected to a fire which it would seem must riddle her like a sieve and kill every man. But under the direction of the cool-headed and daring Lieutenant the collier was swung into the right position, and, but for the shooting away of the rudder, would have been sunk directly across the channel, which would have been effectively blocked. The position of the wreck as a consequence was diagonal and left the passage partly open. [Illustration: LIEUTENANT RICHMOND PEARSON HOBSON.] Having accomplished as nearly as possible the perilous task the brave party were obliged to remain clinging to a raft until morning, when the Spaniards discovered and made them prisoners. Admiral Cervera himself helped to take Hobson out of the water and was so filled with admiration of the extraordinary daring of himself and companions that he sent a flag of truce to Admiral Sampson with the welcome news that all the men were safe in his hands. They were confined first in Morro Castle and later in the city of Santiago. They were treated with the respect their heroism deserved and on July 6 were exchanged for a number of prisoners held by our forces. [Illustration: ADMIRAL WILLIAM T. SAMPSON.] Just one month after this exploit, that is on the morning of July 3, 1898, Admiral Cervera attempted to escape from the harbor of Santiago. The smoke of his vessels was discerned over the hills, and the watchful ships outside signalled the fact to the other members of the squadron. A few minutes later the bow of one of the Spanish steamers came into sight from behind the Estrella Battery. The _Brooklyn_, _Iowa_ and _Oregon_, some two and a half miles distant, crowded on all steam and headed for the harbor. The first Spanish cruiser to show itself was the _Infanta Maria Teresa_, followed by the _Vizcaya_, the _Almirante Oquendo_ and the _Cristobal Colon_, with the torpedo boats _Pluton_ and _Furor_ bringing up the rear. The _Infanta Maria Teresa_, leading the procession, was the flagship of Admiral Cervera. He sent a shell toward the American vessels, but, in accordance with the rule, it went wide of the mark. The _Texas_ opened with her big guns and her companions quickly joined in the thunderous chorus. No sooner were the Spanish ships clear of the harbor than they turned westward and strained every nerve to escape, firing at their pursuers, who were equally determined to overtake or destroy them. The _Brooklyn_, further away from shore, changed her course so as to follow a parallel direction, and, as soon as she attained a fair range, opened a tremendous and well directed fire. The _Texas_, whose course was somewhat diagonal, singled out the _Vizcaya_, and, unable to outspeed her, pounded her savagely with her shells. [Illustration: CAPTAIN JOHN PHILIP, OF THE "TEXAS."] Every movement of the splendid battleship was directed by her Captain, John W. Philip. The _Texas_ was struck several times, but did not receive any material damage, while she wrought frightful havoc on the _Vizcaya_. The _Oregon_, the finest ship in our navy, which had come more than 14,000 miles from the Pacific coast, was ploughing forward under forced draught, and, with a tremendous burst of speed, shot past the _Texas_ and drew up on the _Brooklyn_ in the effort to head off the leading fugitive, while the _Iowa_ was doing her utmost to maintain her killing pace and was firing her great guns with splendid precision. Suddenly the _Vizcaya_ broke into flames and headed for shore. Knowing that she was doomed, the _Brooklyn_ and _Oregon_ gave her a few parting shots and kept up their furious pursuit of the _Almirante Oquendo_ and the _Cristobal Colon_. Just then the torpedo boat destroyers _Pluton_ and _Furor_ were discovered speeding also to the westward. Lieutenant Commander Richard Wainwright, who was an officer on the _Maine_ when she was destroyed, was now in command of the auxiliary cruiser _Gloucester_, and, without hesitation, he dashed after the destroyers, though for a part of the time he received the fire of Morro Castle, the _Vizcaya_ and both of the dangerous craft he was chasing. But the _Gloucester_ seemed to bear a charmed life, or, more truthfully speaking, the Spanish gunners didn't know how to shoot. Unfortunately for Admiral Sampson, he had gone some miles away to hold a conference with General Shafter when the Spanish fleet made its attempt to escape, but he now came up with the _New York_, eagerly rushing forward to bear a hand in the fight. The _Pluton_ and _Furor_ fled before her, while the _Indiana_ shelled the first destroyer so mercilessly that she turned and headed for the mouth of the harbor, several miles distant. The vigilant _Gloucester_ joined the _Indiana_ and one of the destroyers displayed a flag of truce. She was ablaze from bow to stern and her crew ran her ashore, where she blew up. The second was also beached and deserted by her crew. Meanwhile the _Vizcaya_ ran up the white flag and the _Texas_ stopped firing. She, like the _Infanta Maria Teresa_, was on fire and her crews could do nothing but take to the shore in the desperate effort to save themselves. The _Almirante Oquendo_ and the _Colon_ were still fleeing for life, with the _Iowa, Oregon, Brooklyn_ and _Texas_ hard after them. Suddenly the _Almirante Oquendo_ turned toward shore. The _Brooklyn_ and _Oregon_ kept after the _Cristobal Colon_, leaving the _Texas_ to dispose of the _Almirante Oquendo_. But the latter was in flames and the flag at her stern was pulled down. The _Texas_ was approaching when the Spanish ship was torn by a tremendous explosion. The Americans broke into cheers. Captain Philip threw up his hand and called: "Don't cheer, boys; the poor fellows are dying!" It was chivalrous and thoughtful on the part of the American commander and will never be forgotten. The _Cristobal Colon_ steamed along the coast with the speed of a race horse, but the _Brooklyn_, _Texas_ and _Oregon_ seemed to feel the prick of the spur and ran as never before and as their captains did not believe them capable of doing. The _Brooklyn_ gradually drew ahead and the Spaniard, seeing that escape was out of the question, hauled down his flag. Thus the victory became complete. The news was just in time to help in the universal rejoicing and celebration of the Fourth of July. The Spanish fleet on the other side of the globe had been destroyed and now the second fleet was wiped out. In the former instance not a life was lost and in the latter only one man was killed on our side, while the loss of the enemy was severe. Never was a more decisive victory gained by one nation over another in the whole history of the world. All my readers are familiar with the events that immediately followed, but perhaps they would like to know something concerning the naval heroes who did so much to contribute to the grand naval victory off Santiago. William T. Sampson was born in Palmyra, N.Y., February 9, 1840. He was the son of an ordinary day laborer and had few early educational advantages, but he was appointed to the Naval Academy and was graduated at the head of his class. He was on the frigate _Potomac_, with the rank of master, when the war broke out, but was too young to secure a command during the war. He became a lieutenant in July, 1862, and served with that rank on the practice ship _John Adams_ at the Naval Academy and on the ironclad _Patapsco_. On January 15, 1865, the _Patapsco_ attempted to force an entrance into the harbor of Charleston, which was one network of mines. Sampson exposed himself fearlessly and the ship met with a fearful disaster by being blown up by a submarine mine. Seventy went down to death as did those on the _Maine_, while Sampson and more than a score of others, after being blown a hundred feet through the air, saved themselves by swimming until they were picked up. Sampson was commissioned as lieutenant commander in 1866, was at the Naval Academy from 1868 to 1871, cruised for two years in European waters and first commanded the _Alert_ in 1874. Appointed to the superintendency of the Naval Academy in 1888, he held the situation for four years. With the construction of the new navy, Sampson commanded in turn two modern ships, the cruiser _San Francisco_ and the battleship _Iowa_. He was a close student of ordnance matters, gave special attention to torpedo work and was chief of the Bureau of Naval Ordnance from 1893 to 1897. There can be no question of his fine ability nor that, had the opportunity presented, Rear Admiral Sampson, as he had become, would have proven himself among the foremost officers in our navy. It was a great personal misfortune that he happened to be absent from the front of Santiago when the Spanish fleet made its venture, but it must not be forgotten that, in anticipation of such action, he had planned the battle that was fought by the American ships. [Illustration: VIEW OF CHARLESTON HARBOR, SHOWING THE SUNKEN VESSELS.] Winfield Scott Schley was born in Frederick, Md., October 9, 1839, and was graduated from the Naval Academy at the beginning of the Civil War. After brief service on the storeship _Potomac_ he was promoted to master in 1861, and served on the _Winona_, of the West Gulf blockading squadron, 1862-63. He there gained a taste of real war and performed a number of exploits which proved his coolness and daring. He received honorable mention for his services in the engagements which led to the capture of Port Hudson. He was commissioned lieutenant in July, 1862, and was executive officer of the _Wateree_ from 1864 to 1865, having been made lieutenant commander in July, 1866, after which he spent three years again at the Naval Academy, serving as instructor of modern languages. Admiral Schley has done brilliant service outside of what is generally considered the routine duty of his profession. When he was in Eastern waters in 1864 he landed 100 men, who protected the American consulate when threatened during a native insurrection among the natives of the Chin-Chi Islands. His most famous exploit was the rescue of the Greely Arctic expedition. In 1881 Lieutenant Adolphus W. Greely commanded an expedition of twenty-five men, which established an observation station at the farthest point in the polar regions then attained. The expedition, when in a starving condition and with only seven men alive, was rescued at Cape Sabine, Grinnell Land, in 1884 by Captain Schley. He was rewarded for this service by a gold medal from Congress and promoted by President Arthur to chief of the Bureau of Equipment and made captain in 1888. [Illustration: COMMODORE WINFIELD SCOTT SCHLEY.] After resigning this position Captain Schley commanded the cruiser _Baltimore_, which bore the remains of Ericsson, the great Swedish inventor, to his native land, whose king presented Schley with a gold medal in recognition of this service. He won the commendation of the Navy Department for his tactful success in settling threatened trouble over the stoning of a number of American sailors from the _Baltimore_ by a party of Chilians at Valparaiso. Commodore Schley is a fine tactician, possesses a winning personality and his work with the _Brooklyn,_ off Santiago, on July 3, was neither more nor less than his friends expected of him. Robley D. Evans, known everywhere as "Fighting Bob," was born in Virginia in 1846. When his father died he made his home with his uncle in Washington, D.C., where he attended Gonzaga College. In 1859 a Congressional Representative from Utah appointed him to the Naval Academy. It was necessary for the boy to take up a nominal residence in that distant territory, and on the journey thither and back he encountered many personal dangers through all of which he conducted himself with the pluck and bravery which afterward distinguished him in the service of his country. He entered the academy in 1860 and upon his graduation became a midshipman and ensign, first on the frigate _Powhatan_, and before he had attained his majority took part in the desperate assault on Fort Fisher. He was stretched on the ground, dreadfully wounded and with so many dead men piled upon him that he barely escaped suffocation. He was wounded twice in the body and shot through both legs. It seemed scarcely possible for him to live, and he lay in the hospital for months. But when a surgeon prepared to amputate one of his legs Evans, who had managed to procure a revolver, warned him that upon his first attempt to do so he would shoot him. The leg was saved, but Evans was lamed for life. [Illustration: CAPTAIN ROBLEY D. EVANS, OF THE "IOWA."] As soon as he was able to get about he applied for active service and his application was granted. He was engaged in various duties and in October, 1891, he arrived in command of the _Yorktown_ at Valparaiso, directly after the attack of a mob of Chilians upon the sailors of the _Baltimore_. When some of the refugees fled for safety to the _Yorktown_ and the Chilians demanded their surrender "Fighting Bob" replied that he would defend them until the _Yorktown_ went to the bottom. Some time later the captain's launch was stoned, for the Chilians hated the Americans as intensely as did the Spaniards. Captain Evans placed a rapid fire gun in the bow of the launch, filled her with armed men and went ashore. Hunting out the authorities, he notified them that if any more stones were thrown at his launch he would make life a burden for every Chilian within reach of the Yorktown's guns. The launch was not stoned again. It is a mistaken though general impression of "Fighting Bob" that he is simply a headlong and reckless fighter. Such is far from being the case, for he is deliberate, thoughtful and tactful. He is a fine scholar, possesses a thorough knowledge of international law and is simply resolute in protecting the rights of himself and countrymen. This was proven by his conduct when in charge of the American fleet in the Bering Sea, placed there to prevent the illegal killing of seals. There was a good deal of friction at that time between this country and England and had Captain Evans been the reckless "scrapper" that many supposed he could not have failed to involve us in trouble with that country. There was not a word of censure upon his course. Out of 108 vessels engaged in the illegal trade he captured 98 and of the several hundred seals unlawfully killed he captured every one. Like all the other officers and sailors who took part in the destruction of Cervera's fleet, he was energetic, skilful, brave and chivalrous, for when Captain Eulate, of the captured _Vizcaya_, offered his sword to the Captain of the _Iowa_ that gentleman kindly waved him back and told him to keep the weapon he had used so well. Captain Evans does not like the name "Fighting Bob", for he feels he has no more claim to the distinction than the rest of his associates. Many of the stories told of his roughness of speech and profanity are not true, though it cannot be denied that he has a habit of expressing himself very vigorously when his feelings are stirred. By his own request, Captain Evans was relieved, September 15, 1898, of the command of the _Iowa_, he having served more than his regular term of sea service. At present he is a member of the Board of Inspection and Survey. John C. Watson was born in Frankfort, Ky., August 24, 1842, and is a member of one of the leading families of the State. He entered the Naval Academy at the age of fourteen and was graduated near the head of his class in June, 1860. He was a midshipman on the _Susquehanna_ in Europe, at the breaking out of the war, and was made master in August, 1861. It is proof of the worth of the man that he was assigned as navigator of the flagship _Hartford_, commanded by the lion-hearted Farragut. He became lieutenant in June, 1862, and flag lieutenant to Farragut in January, 1864. The reader of these pages has learned something of the great battles of New Orleans, Mobile Bay, Vicksburg and Port Hudson. Watson took part in all of them and none acquitted himself better. In a letter to his son, Admiral Farragut wrote: "I am almost as fond of Watson as I am of your own dear self." In his report of the battle of Mobile Bay, where Watson was wounded, Farragut wrote: "Lieutenant Watson has been brought to your attention in former times. He was on the poop attending to the signals and performed his duty, as might be expected, thoroughly. He is a scion worthy of the noble stock he springs from, and I commend him to your attention." A squadron of invincible power was made up for Watson in the summer of 1898, with which it was intended Commodore Watson should pay a hostile visit to the coast of Spain. But for the signing of the peace protocol, that visit under its gallant and distinguished commander would have proved one that the decrepit monarchy would remember to the end of time. Captain John W. Philip, promoted to the rank of commodore for his superb work with the _Texas_ off Santiago, is brave, modest, devout and fond of practical joking. He is genial, exceedingly popular with his associates and men and one of the finest officers in the navy. The little incident well illustrates his character, when, in the midst of the wild rejoicing of his men over the destruction of the Spanish fleet, he checked them with the words: "Don't cheer, boys; the poor fellows are dying!" Lieutenant Commander Richard Wainwright performed an unequalled exploit when in command of the _Gloucester_, formerly the yacht _Corsair_, he wiped out the two torpedo boat destroyers _Pluton_ and _Furor_. At the time of that exploit he was only forty-eight years old and the youngest man of his grade in the navy. He is a fine officer and is a son of the late Commodore Wainwright, who died in the service of his country during the Civil War. Like many of our naval heroes, he seems to inherit his fine fighting qualities, though it would not be far from the truth to say that such is the rightful heritage of every American soldier and sailor. [THE END.] [Sidenote: Reasons why you should obtain a Catalogue of our Publications] 1. You will possess a comprehensive and classified list of all the best standard books published, at prices less than offered by others. 2. You will find listed in our catalogue books on every topic: Poetry, Fiction, Romance, Travel, Adventure, Humor, Science, History, Religion, Biography, Drama, etc., besides Dictionaries and Manuals, Bibles, Recitation and Hand Books, Sets, Octavos, Presentation Books and Juvenile and Nursery Literature in immense variety. 3. 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17056	----	Note: This is book three of eight of the Submarine Boys Series. THE SUBMARINE BOYS AND THE MIDDIES The Prize Detail at Annapolis by VICTOR G. DURHAM 1909 CONTENTS CHAPTERS I. The Prize Detail II. How Eph Flirted with Science III. "You May as Well Leave the Bridge" IV. Mr. Farnum Offers Another Guess V. Truax Shows the Sulks VI. Two Kinds of VooDoo VII. Jack Finds Something "New," All Right VIII. A Young Captain in Tatters IX. Truax Gives a Hint X. A Squint at the Camelroorelephant XI. But Something Happened! XII. Jack Benson, Expert Explainer XIII. Ready for the Sea Cruise XIV. The "Pollard" Goes Lame XV. Another Turn at Hard Luck XVI. Braving Nothing But a Sneak XVII. The Evil Genius of the Water Front XVIII. Held Up by Marines XIX. The Lieutenant Commander's Verdict XX. Coming Up in a tight Place XXI. "No More Men Go Overboard!" XXII. Jack Signals the "Sawbones" XXIII. What Befell the Man in the Brig XXIV. Conclusion CHAPTER I THE PRIZE DETAIL "The United States Government doesn't appear very anxious to claim its property, does it, sir?" asked Captain Jack Benson. The speaker was a boy of sixteen, attired in a uniform much after the pattern commonly worn by yacht captains. The insignia of naval rank were conspicuously absent. "Now, that I've had the good luck to sell the 'Pollard' to the Navy," responded Jacob Farnum, principal owner of the shipbuilding yard, "I'm not disposed to grumble if the Government prefers to store its property here for a while." Yet the young shipbuilder--he was a man in his early thirties, who had inherited this shipbuilding business from his father--allowed his eyes to twinkle in a way that suggested there was something else behind his words. Jack Benson saw that twinkle, but he did not ask questions. If the shipbuilder knew more than he was prepared to tell, it was not for his young captain to ask for information that was not volunteered. The second boy present, also in uniform, Hal Hastings by name, had not spoken in five minutes. That was like Hal. He was the engineer of the submarine torpedo boat, "Pollard." Jack was captain of the same craft, and could do all the talking. Jacob Farnum sat back, sideways, at his rolltop desk. On top of the desk lay stacked a voluminous though neat pile of papers, letters, telegrams and memoranda that some rival builders of submarine torpedo boats might have been willing to pay much for the privilege of examining. For, at the present moment, there was fierce competition in the air between rival American builders of submarine fighting craft designed for the United States Navy. Even foreign builders and inventors were clamoring for recognition. Yet just now the reorganized Pollard Submarine Boat Company stood at the top of the line. It had made the last sale to the United States Navy Department. At this moment, out in the little harbor that was a part of the shipyard, the "Pollard" rode gently at anchor. She was the first submarine torpedo boat built at this yard, after the designs of David Pollard, the inventor, a close personal friend of Jacob Farnum. Moreover, the second boat, named the "Farnum," had just been launched and put in commission, ready at an hour's notice to take the sea in search of floating enemies of the United States. "The United States will take its boat one of these days, Captain," Mr. Farnum continued, after lighting a cigar. "By the way, did Dave tell you the name we are thinking of for the third boat, now on the stocks?" "Dave" was Mr. Pollard, the inventor of the Pollard Submarine boat. "No, sir," Captain Jack replied. "We have thought," resumed Mr. Farnum, quietly, after blowing out a ring of smoke, "of calling the third boat, now building, the 'Benson.'" "The--the--what, sir?" stammered Jack, flushing and rising. "Now, don't get excited, lad," laughed the Shipbuilder. "But--but--naming a boat for the United States Navy after me, sir--" Captain Jack's face flushed crimson. "Of course, if you object--" smiled Mr. Farnum, then paused. "Object? You know I don't, sir. But I am afraid the idea is going to my head," laughed Jack, his face still flushed. "The very idea of there being in the United States Navy a fine and capable craft named after me--" "Oh, if the Navy folks object," laughed Farnum, "then they'll change the name quickly enough. You understand, lad, the names we give to our boats last only until the craft are sold. The Navy people can change those names if they please." "It will be a handsome compliment to me, Mr. Farnum. More handsome than deserved, I fear." "Deserved, well enough," retorted the shipbuilder. "Dave Pollard and I are well enough satisfied that, if it hadn't been for you youngsters, and the superb way in which you handled our first boat, Dave and I would still be sitting on the anxious bench in the ante-rooms of the Navy Department at Washington." "Well, I don't deserve to have a boat named after me any more than Hal does, or Eph Somers." "Give us time, won't you, Captain?" pleaded Jacob Farnum, his face straight, but his eyes laughing. "We expect to build at least five boats. If we didn't, this yard never would have been fitted for the present work, and you three boys, who've done so handsomely by us, wouldn't each own, as you now do, ten shares of stock in this company. Never fear; there'll be a 'Hastings' and a 'Somers' added to our fleet one of these days--even though some of our boats have to be sold to foreign governments." "If a boat named the 'Hastings' were sold to some foreign government," laughed Jack Benson, "Hal, here, wouldn't say much about it. But call a boat named the 'Somers,' after Eph, and then sell it, say, to the Germans or the Japanese, and all of Eph's American gorge would come to the surface. I'll wager he'd scheme to sink any submarine torpedo boat, named after him, that was sold to go under a foreign flag." "I hope we'll never have to sell any of our boats to foreign governments," replied Jacob Farnum, earnestly. "And we won't either, if the United States Government will give us half a show." "That's just the trouble," grumbled Hal Hastings, breaking into the talk, at last. "Confound it, why don't the people of this country run their government more than they do? Four-fifths of the inventors who get up great things that would put the United States on top, and keep us there, have to go abroad to find a market for their inventions! If I could invent a cannon to-day that would give all the power on earth to the nation owning it, would the American Government buy it from me? No, sir! I'd have to sell the cannon to England, Germany or Japan--or else starve while Congress was talking of doing something about it in the next session. Mr. Farnum, you have the finest, and the only real submarine torpedo boat. Yet, if you want to go on building and selling these craft, you'll have to dispose of most of them abroad." "I hope not," responded the shipbuilder, solemnly. Having said his say, Hal subsided. He was likely not to speak again for an hour. As a class, engineers, having to listen much to noisy machinery, are themselves silent. It was well along in the afternoon, a little past the middle of October. For our three young friends, Jack, Hal and Eph, things were dull just at the present moment. They were drawing their salaries from the Pollard company, yet of late there had been little for them to do. Yet the three submarine boys knew that big things were in the air. David Pollard was away, presumably on important business. Jacob Farnum was not much given to speaking of plans until he had put them through to the finish. Some big deal was at present "on" with the Government. That much the submarine boys knew by intuition. They felt, therefore, that, at any moment, they were likely to be called into action--to be called upon for big things. As Jack and Hal sat in the office, silent, while Jacob Farnum turned to his desk to scan one of the papers lying there, the door opened. A boy burst in, waving a yellow envelope. "Operator said to hustle this wire to you," shouted the boy, panting a bit. "Said it might be big news for Farnum. So I ran all the way." Jacob Farnum took the yellow envelope, opening it and glancing hastily through the contents. "It _is_ pretty good news," assented the shipbuilder, a smile wreathing his face. "This is for you, messenger." "This" proved to be a folded dollar bill. The messenger took the money eagerly, then demanded, more respectfully: "Any answer, sir?" "Not at this moment, thank you," replied Mr. Farnum. "That is all; you may go, boy." Plainly the boy who had brought the telegram was disappointed over not getting some inkling of the secret. All Dunhaven, in fact, was wildly agog over any news that affected the Farnum yard. For, though the torpedo boat building industry was now known under the Pollard name, after the inventor of these boats, the yard itself still went under the Farnum name that young Farnum had inherited from his father. While Jacob Farnum is reading the despatch carefully, for a better understanding, let us speak for a moment of Captain Jack Benson and his youthful comrades and chums. Readers of the first volume in this series, "_The Submarine Boys on Duty_," remember how Jack Benson and Hal Hastings strayed into the little seaport town of Dunhaven one hot summer day, and how they learned that it was here that the then unknown but much-talked about Pollard submarine was being built. Both Jack and Hal had been well trained in machine shops; they had spent much time aboard salt water power craft, and so felt a wild desire to work at the Farnum yard, and to make a study of submarine craft in general. How they succeeded in getting their start in the Farnum yard, every reader of the preceding volumes knows; how, too, Eph Somers, a native of Dunhaven, managed to "cheek" his way aboard the craft after she had been launched, and how he had always since managed to remain there. Our same older readers will remember the thrilling experiences of this boyish trio during the early trials of the new submarine torpedo boat, both above and below the surface. These readers will remember, also, for instance, the great prank played by the boys on the watch officer of one of the stateliest battleships of the Navy. Readers of the second volume, "_The Submarine Boys' Trial Trip_," will recall, among other things, the desperate efforts made by. George Melville, the capitalist, aided by the latter's disagreeable son, Don, to acquire stealthy control of the submarine building company, and their efforts to oust Jack, Hal and Eph from their much-prized employment. These readers will remember how Jack and his comrades spoiled the Melville plans, and how Captain Jack and his friends handled the "Pollard" so splendidly, in the presence of a board of Navy officers, that the United States Government was induced to buy that first submarine craft. After that sale, each of the three boys received, in addition to his regular pay, a bank account of a thousand dollars and ten shares of stock in the new company. Moreover, Messrs. Farnum and Pollard had felt wholly justified in promising these talented, daring, hustling submarine boys an assured and successful future. Jacob Farnum at last looked up from the final reading of the telegram in his hands. Captain Jack Benson's gaze was fixed on his employer's face. Hal Hastings was looking out of a window, with almost a bored look in his eyes. "You young men wanted action," announced Mr. Farnum, quietly. "I think you'll get it." "Soon!" questioned Jack, eagerly. "Immediately, or a minute or two later," laughed the shipbuilder. "I'm ready," declared Captain Jack, rising. "It'll take you a little time to hear about it all and digest it, so you may as well be seated again," declared Farnum. Hal, too, wandered back to his chair. "You've been wondering how much longer the Government would leave the 'Pollard' here," went on Mr. Farnum. "I am informed that the gunboat 'Hudson' is on her way here, to take over the 'Pollard.'" "What are the Navy folks going to do!" demanded Captain Jack, all but wrathfully. "Do they propose to _tow_ that splendid little craft away!" "Hardly that, I imagine," replied Farnum. "It's the custom of the United States Navy, you know, to send a gunboat along with every two or three submarines. They call the larger craft the 'parent boat'. The parent boat looks out for any submarine craft that may become disabled." "The cheek of it," vented Jack, disgustedly. "Why, sir, I'd volunteer to take the 'Pollard,' unassisted, around the world, if she could carry fuel enough for such a trip." "But the Navy hasn't been accustomed to such capable submarine boats as ours, you know," replied Mr. Farnum. "Hence the parent boat." "Parent boat!" interjected Hal Hastings, with his quiet smile. "You might call it the 'Dad' boat, so to speak." Mr. Farnum laughed, then continued: "A naval crew will take possession of the 'Pollard,' and the craft will proceed, under the care of the Dad boat"--with a side glance of amusement at Hal--"to the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis." "Annapolis--where they train the naval cadets, the midshipmen, into United States Naval officers? Oh, how I'd like to go there!" breathed Captain Jack Benson, eagerly. "As a cadet in the Navy, do you mean!" asked Mr. Farnum. "Why, that would have been well enough," assented Jack, "before I had such a chance in your submarine service. No; I mean I'd like to see Annapolis. I'd like to watch the midshipmen at their training, and see the whole naval life there." "It's too bad every fellow can't have his wish gratified as easily," continued Jacob Farnum. "Do you mean we're going to Annapolis, too?" asked Jack Benson, his eyes glowing. Even Hal Hastings sat up straighter in his chair, watching the shipbuilder's face closely. "Yes," nodded Jacob Farnum. "Permission has been granted for me to send our second boat, the 'Farnum,' along with the 'Pollard'--both under the care of the--" "The Dad boat," laughed Hastings. "Yes; that will give us a chance to have the 'Farnum' studied most closely by some of the most capable officers in the United States Navy. It ought to mean, presently, the sale of the 'Farnum' to the Government." "That's just what it will mean," promised Captain Jack, "if any efforts of ours can make the Navy men more interested in the boat." "You three youngsters are likely to be at Annapolis for some time," went on Mr. Farnum. "In fact--but don't let your heads become too enlarged by the news, will you!" Hal, quiet young Hal, neatly hid a yawn behind one hand, while Benson answered for both: "We're already wearing the largest-sized caps manufactured, Mr. Farnum. Don't tempt us too far, please!" "Oh, you boys are safe from the ordinary perils of vanity, or your heads would have burst long ago. Well, then, when you arrive at Annapolis, you three are to act as civilian instructors to the middies. You three are to teach the midshipmen of the United States Navy the principles on which the Pollard type of boat is run. There; I've told you the whole news. What do you think of it!" Mr. Farnum's cigar having burned low, he tossed it away, then leaned back as he lighted another weed. "What do we think, sir?" echoed Captain Jack, eagerly. "Why, we think we're in sight of the very time of our lives! Annapolis! And to teach the middies how to run a 'Pollard' submarine." "How soon are we likely to have to start, sir!" asked Hal Hastings, after a silence that lasted a few moments. "Whenever the 'Hudson' shows up along this coast, and the officer in command of her gives the word. That may be any hour, now." "Then we'd better find Eph," suggested Captain Jack, "and pass him the word. Won't Eph Somers dance a jig for delight, though!" "Yes; we'd better look both boats over at once," replied Mr Farnum, picking up his hat "And we'll leave word for Grant Andrews and some of his machinists to inspect both craft with us. There may be a few things that will need to be done." As they left the office, crossing the yard, Captain Jack Benson and Hal Hastings felt exactly as though they were walking on air. Even Hal, quiet as he was, had caught the joy-infection of these orders to proceed to Annapolis. To be sent to the United States Naval Academy on a tour of instruction is what officers of the Navy often call "the prize detail." Farnum and his two youthful companions went, first of all, to the long, shed-like building in which the third submarine craft to be turned out at this yard was now being built. From inside came the noisy clang of hammers against metal. The shipbuilder stepped inside alone, but soon came out, nodding. The three now continued on their way down to the little harbor. All of a sudden the three stopped short, almost with a jerk, in the same second, as though pulled by a string. At exactly the same instant Jacob Farnum, Captain Jack Benson and Engineer Hal Hastings put up their hands to rub their eyes. Their senses had told them truly, however. While the "Pollard" rode serenely at her moorings, the "Farnum," the second boat to be launched, was nowhere to be seen! "What on earth has happened to the other submarine?" gasped the shipbuilder, as soon as he could somewhat control his voice. What, indeed? There was not a sign of her. At least, she had not sunk at her moorings, for the buoys floated in their respective places, with no manner of tackle attached to them. "A submarine boat can't slip its own cables and vanish without human hands!" gasped the staggered Jack Benson. "There's something uncanny about this," muttered Hal Hastings. Jacob Farnum stood rooted to the spot, opening and closing his hands in a way that testified plainly to the extent of his bewilderment. CHAPTER II HOW EPH FLIRTED WITH SCIENCE Jack Benson was the first of the trio to move. Without a word he broke into a run, heading for the narrow little shingle of beach. "Got an idea, Captain?" shouted Jacob Farnum, darting after his young submarine skipper. "Yes, sir!" floated back over Jack's shoulder. "Then what's at the bottom--" "Eph and the boat, both together, or I miss my guess," Captain Jack shouted back as he halted at the water's edge, where a rowboat lay hauled up on the shore. Jacob Farnum's face showed suddenly pallid as he, also, reached the beach. Hal, who was in the rear, did not seem so much startled. "Do you think Eph has gone off on a cruise all alone?--that he has come to any harm?" gasped the shipbuilder. "I don't know, but I'm not going to worry a mite about Eph Somers until I have to," retorted Jack Benson, easily. "Eph can generally take care of himself," added Hal Hastings. "He rarely falls into any kind of scrape that he can't climb out of." "But this is a bad time for him to take the 'Farnum' and cruise away," objected the owner of the yard. "The 'Hudson' may be here at any hour, you know, and we ought to be ready for orders." As he spoke, Mr. Farnum scanned the horizon away to the south, out over the sea. "There's a line of smoke, now, and not many miles away," he announced "It may, as likely as not, be smoke from the 'Hudson's' pipe." "Going out with us, sir!" inquired Captain Jack Benson, as Hal took his place at a pair of oars. "Yes," nodded the owner of the yard, dropping into a seat at the stern of the boat, after which Benson pushed off at the bow. Down on the seashore, on this day just past the middle of October, the air was keen and brisk. There had been frost for several nights past. Sleighing might be looked for in another month. "Cable's gone from this buoy," declared Captain Jack, as Hal rowed close. "Over to the other one, old fellow." Here, too, the cable was missing. Evidently the "Farnum" had made a clean get-away. If there had been any accident, it must have taken place after the new submarine boat had slipped away from her moorings. "Humph!" grunted Jack, scanning the sea. "No sign of the boat anywhere. Eph may be anywhere within twenty miles of here." "Or within twenty feet, either," grinned Hal, looking down into the waters that were lead colored under the dull autumn sky. "What are we going to do, Captain?" inquired Jacob Farnum. "There are Grant Andrews and three of his machinists coming down to the water." "I reckon, sir, we'd better put them aboard the 'Pollard' first, sir," Benson suggested. Mr. Farnum nodding, the boat was rowed in to the shore and Andrews and his men were put aboard the "Pollard" at the platform deck. Captain Jack Benson unlocking the door to the conning tower, was himself the first to disappear down below. When he came back he carried a line to which was attached a heavy sounding-lead. "It won't take us long to sound the deep spots in this little harbor," said the young skipper, as he dropped down once more into the bow of the shore boat. "Row about, Hal, over the places where the submarine could go below out of sight." As Hal rowed, Skipper Jack industriously used the sounding-lead. For twenty minutes nothing resulted from this exploration. Then, all of a sudden, Benson shouted: "Back water, Hal! Easy; rest on your oars. Steady!" Jack Benson raised the lead two or three feet, then let it down again, playing it up and down very much as a cod fisherman uses his line and hook. "I'm hitting something, and it is hardly a rock, either," declared young Benson. "Pull around about three points to starboard, Hal, then steal barely forward." Again Benson played see-saw with his sounding-line over the boat's gunwale. "If my lead isn't hitting the 'Farnum,'" declared the young skipper, positively, "then it's the 'Farnum's' ghost. Hold steady, now, Hal." Immediately afterward, Benson caused the lead fairly to dance a jig on whatever it touched at bottom. "What's the good of that, anyway?" demanded Jacob Farnum. "You don't think I'm doing this just for fun, do you, sir?" asked Captain Jack, with a smile. "No; I know you generally have an object when you do anything unusual," responded the shipbuilder, good-humoredly. "You know, of course, sir, that noises sound with a good deal of exaggeration when you hear them under water?" "Yes; of course." "You also know that all three of us have been practicing at telegraphy a good deal during the past few weeks, because every man who follows the sea ought to know how to send and receive wireless messages at need." "Yes; I know that, Benson." "Well, sir, I guess that the lead has been hitting the top of the 'Farmun's' hull, and I've been tapping out the signal--" "The signal, 'Come up--rush!'" broke in Hal, with an odd smile. "Right-o," nodded Jack Benson. "How on earth did you know what the signal was, Hastings?" demanded Mr. Farnum. "Why, sir, I've been sitting so that I could see Jack's arm. I've been reading, from the motions of his right arm, the dots and dashes of the Morse telegraph alphabet." "You youngsters certainly get me, for the things you think of," laughed the shipyard's owner. "And the 'Farnum,' or whatever it is, is coming up," called Captain Jack, suddenly. "I just felt my lead slide down over the top of her hull. Hard-a-starboard, Hal, and row hard," shouted young Benson, breathlessly. Though Hastings obeyed immediately he was barely an instant too soon. To his dismay, Mr. Farnum saw something dark, unwieldly, rising through the water. It appeared to be coming up fairly under the stern of the shore boat, threatening to overturn the little craft and plunge them all into the icy water. Hal shot just out of the danger zone, though. Then a round little tower bobbed up out of the water. Immediately afterward the upper third of a long, cigar-shaped craft came up into view, water rolling from her dripping sides, which glistened brightly as the sun came out briefly from behind a fall cloud. In the conning tower, through the thick plate glass, the three people in the shore boat made out the carroty-topped head and freckled, good-humored, honest, homely face of Eph Somers. The boat lay on the water, under no headway, drifting slightly with the wind-driven ripples. Then Eph raised the man-hole cover of the top of the conning tower, thrusting out his head to hail them. "Hey, you landsmen, do you know a buoy from an umbrella!" "Do _you_ know the difference between a Sunday-school text and petty larceny?" retorted Jack Benson, sternly. "What do you mean by taking the submarine without leave?" "I've been experimenting--flirting with science," responded Eph, loftily. "Say, if you landsmen know a buoy from a banana, get down to the bow moorings of this steel mermaid, and I'll pass you the bow cable. It's a heap easier to lead this submarine horse out of the stall, single-handed, than it is to take him back and tie him." Hal rowed easily to the buoy, while Eph, returning to the steering wheel and the tower controls, ran the "Farnum," with just bare headway, up to where he could toss the bow cable to those waiting in the boat. A few moments later the stern cable, also, was made fast, in such a way as to allow a moderate swing to the bulky steel craft. "Now, you can take me ashore, if you feel like it," proposed Eph, standing on the platform deck. "Not quite yet," returned Skipper Jack, though the small boat lay alongside. "We've got some inspecting to do. But how did you get on board in the first place?" "Why, the night watchman was in the yard for a few minutes, and I got him to put me on board. I figured I could hail somebody else when I was ready to go on shore." "But what on earth made you do such a thing?" demanded Captain Jack, in a low tone. "It's really more than you had a right to do, Eph, without getting Mr. Farnum's permission." "Why, I've known you to take the 'Pollard' and try something when Mr. Farnum wasn't about," retorted Somers, looking surprised. "You never knew me to do it when I could ask permission, although, as captain, I have the right to handle the boat. But that leave doesn't extend to all the rest, Eph. What were you doing down there, anyway?" "Why, I came on board, and left the manhole open for ten minutes," answered Somers. "Then I found the cabin thermometer standing at 49 degrees. I wondered how much warmth could be gained by going below the surface I had been down an hour and five minutes when you began to signal with that sledgehammer--" "Sounding-lead," Jack corrected him. "Well, it sounded like a sledge-hammer, anyway," grinned young Somers. "While I was down below I found that the temperature rose four degrees." "Part of that was likely due to the warmth of your body, and the heat of the breath you gave off," hinted Benson. "You could have gotten it up to eighty or ninety degrees by turning on the electric heater far enough," suggested Hal. "I wanted to see whether it would be warmer in the depths; wanted to find out how low I could go and be able to do without heat in winter," Somers retorted. "I could have told you that, from my reading, without any experiment," retorted Skipper Jack. "Close your conning tower and go down a little way, and the temperature would gradually rise a few degrees. That's because of the absence of wind and draft. But, if you could go down very, very deep without smashing the boat under the water pressure, you'd find the temperature falling quite a bit." "Where did you read all that?" inquired Eph, looking both astonished and sheepish. "Here," replied Jack, going to a small wall book-case, taking down a book and turning several pages before he stopped. "Just my luck," muttered Eph, disconsolately. "Here I've been dull as ditch-water for an hour, trying to find out something new, and it's all stated in a book printed--ten years ago," he finished, after rapidly consulting the title-page. Jacob Farnum had been no listener to this conversation. Taking the marine glasses from the conning tower, the shipbuilder was now well forward on the platform deck, scanning what was visible of the steam craft to the southward. At last the yard's owner turned around to say: "I don't believe you young men can have things ship-shape a second too soon. The craft heading this way has a military mast forward. She must be the 'Hudson.' If there's anything to be done, hustle!" Jack and Hal sprang below, to scan their respective departments. Five minutes later Grant Andrews hailed from the "Pollard," and Eph rowed over in the shore boat to ferry over the machinists. Half an hour later Andrews and his men had put in the few needed touches aboard the newer submarine boat. The sun, meanwhile, had gone down, showing the hull of a naval vessel some four miles off the harbor. Darkness came on quickly, with a clouded sky. As young Benson stepped on deck Grant Andrews followed him. "All finished here, Grant?" queried the yard's owner. "Yes, sir. There's mighty little chance to do anything where Hal Hastings has charge of the machinery." "That's our gunboat out there, I think," went on Mr. Farnum, pointing to where a white masthead light and a red port light were visible, about a mile away. "Dunhaven must be on the map, all right, if a strange navigating officer knows how to come so straight to the place," laughed Jack Benson. "Oh, you trust a United States naval officer to find any place he has sailing orders for," returned Jacob Farnum. "I wonder if he'll attempt to come into this harbor!" "There's safe anchorage, if he wants to do so," replied Captain Jack. While Somers was busy putting the foreman and the machinists ashore, Mr. Farnum, Jack and Hal remained on the platform deck, watching the approach of the naval vessel, which was now plainly making for Dunhaven. Suddenly, a broad beam of glaring white light shot over the water, resting across the deck of the "Farnum." "I guess that fellow knows what he wants to know, now," muttered Benson, blinking alter the strong glare had passed. "There, he has picked up the 'Pollard,' too," announced Hastings. "Now, that commander must feel sure he has sighted the right place." "There go the signal lights," cried Captain Jack, suddenly. "Hal, hustle below and turn on the electric current for the signaling apparatus." Then Benson watched as, from the yards high up on the gunboat's signaling mast, colored electric lights glowed forth, twinkling briefly in turn. This is the modern method of signaling by sea at night. "He wants to know," said Benson, to Mr. Farnum, as he turned, "whether there is safe anchorage for a twelve-hundred-ton gunboat of one hundred and ninety-five feet length." Reaching the inside of the conning tower at a bound, the young skipper rapidly manipulated his own electric signaling control. There was a low mast on the "Farnum's" platform deck, a mast that could be unstepped almost in an instant when going below surface. So Captain Jack's counter-query beamed out in colors through the night: "What's your draught?" "Under present ballast, seventeen-eight," came the answer from the gunboat's signal mast. "Safe anchorage," Captain Jack signaled back. "Can you meet us with a pilot?" questioned the on-coming gunboat. "Yes," Captain Jack responded. "Do so," came the laconic request. "That's all, Hal," the young skipper called, through the engine room speaking tube. "Want to row me out and put me aboard the gunboat?" In another jiffy the two young chums had put off in the boat, Hal at the oars, Jack at the tiller ropes. The gunboat was now lying to, some seven hundred yards off the mouth of the little harbor. Hastings bent lustily to the oars, sending the boat over the rocking water until he was within a hundred yards of the steam craft's bridge. "Gun boat ahoy!" roared Hal, between his hands. Then, by a slip of the tongue, and wholly innocent of any intentional offense, he bellowed: "Is that the 'Dad' boat?" "What's that?" came a sharp retort from the gunboat's bridge. "Don't try to be funny, young man!" "Beg your pardon, sir. That was a slip of the tongue," Hal replied, meekly, as he colored. "Are you the gunboat 'Hudson?'" "No; I'm her commanding officer, young man! Who in blazes are you!" "I'm the goat, it seems," muttered Hastings, under his breath. But, aloud, he replied: "I have the pilot you requested." "Then why don't you bring him on board?" came the sharp question. "Did you think I only wanted to look at a pilot?" "All right, sir. Shall I make fast to your starboard side gangway?" Hal called. "In a hurry, young man!" "That's the naval style, I guess," murmured Jack to his chum. "No fooling in the talk. I wonder if that fellow eats pie? Or is his temper due to coffee?" Answering only with a quiet grin, Hal rowed alongside the starboard side gangway. Jack, waiting, sprang quickly to the steps, ascending, waving his hand to Hal as he went. Young Hastings quickly shoved off, then bent to his oars. "Where's the pilot?" came a stern voice, from the bridge, as Jack Benson's head showed above the starboard rail. "I am the pilot, sir," Jack replied. "Why, you're a boy." "Guilty," Jack responded. "What does this fooling mean? You're not old enough to hold a pilot's license." By this time Benson was on the deck, immediately under the bridge. A half dozen sailors, forward, were eyeing him curiously. "I have no license, sir," Jack admitted. "Neither has anyone else at Dunhaven. For that matter, the harbor's a private one, belonging to the shipyard." "Hasn't Mr. Farnum a _man_ he can send out!" "No one who knows the harbor better than I do, sir." "Who are you? What are you?" "Jack Benson, sir. Captain of the Pollard submarine boats." "Why didn't you tell me that before!" The question came sharply, almost raspingly. "Beg your pardon, sir, but you didn't ask me," Jack replied. "Come up here, Benson," ordered the lieutenant commander, in a loud voice intended to drown out the subdued titter of some of the sailors forward. Jack ascended to the bridge, to find himself facing a six-footer in his early thirties. There was a younger officer at the far end of the bridge. "Does Mr. Farnum consider you capable of showing us the way into the harbor!" demanded the commanding officer of the "Hudson." "I think so, sir. He trusts me with his own boats." "Then you are--" "Benson, Mr. Farnum's captain of the submarine boats." Lieutenant Commander Mayhew gazed in astonishment for a moment, then held out his hand as he introduced himself, remarking: "I was told that I would find a very young submarine commander here, but--" "You didn't expect to find one quite as young," Jack finished, smiling. "No; I didn't. Mr. Trahern, I want you to know Captain Jack Benson, of the Pollard submarines." Ensign Trahern also shook hands with young Benson. "And now," went on the commander of the "Hudson," "I think you may as well show us the way into the harbor." "You'll want to go at little more than headway, sir," Jack replied. "The harbor is small, though there's enough deep water for you. In parts there are some sand ledges that the tide washes up." "I can't allow you to pilot us, exactly, but you'll indicate the course to me, won't you, Mr. Benson?" The "mister" was noticeable, now. Naval officers are chary of their bestowal of the title "captain" upon one who does not hold it in the Army or Navy service. At Mr. Mayhew's order the "Hudson" was started slowly forward, the searchlight playing about the entrance to the harbor. "For your best anchorage, sir," declared Captain Jack, after he had brought the gunboat slowly into the harbor, "you will do well to anchor with that main arc-light dead ahead, that shed over there on your starboard beam, and the front end of the submarine shed about four points off your port bow." Mr. Mayhew slowly manoeuvred his craft, while men stood on the deck below, forward, prepared to heave the bow anchors. "Go four points over to port, Mr. Trahern," instructed Mr. Mayhew. "Now, back the engines--steady!" Jack Benson opened his mouth wide. Then, as he saw the way the "Hudson" was backing, he suddenly called: "Slow speed ahead, quick, sir!" "You said--" began Mr. Mayhew. Gr-r-r-r! The stern of the gunboat dug its way into a sand ledge, lifting the stern considerably. "Slow speed ahead!" rasped Lieutenant Commander Mayhew, sharply. But the gunboat could not be budged. She was stuck, stern on, fast in the sand-ledge. "Benson!" uttered the lieutenant commander, bitterly, "I congratulate you. You've succeeded in grounding a United States Naval vessel!" CHAPTER III "YOU MAY AS WELL LEAVE THE BRIDGE!" There was so much of overwhelming censure in the naval tone that Jack's spirit was stung to the quick. "It's your mistake, sir," he retorted. "You didn't follow the course I advised. You swung the ship around to port, and--" "Silence, now, if you please, while men are trying to get this vessel out of a scrape a boy got her into," commanded Mr. Mayhem, sternly. Jack flushed, then bit his tongue. In another moment a pallor had succeeded the red in his face. He was blamed for the disaster, and he was not really at fault. Yet, under the rebuke he had just received, he did not feel it his place to retort further for the present. Mr. Mayhew and Mr. Trahern conferred in low tones for a moment or two. "You may as well leave the bridge, young man," resumed Mr. Mayhew, turning upon the submarine boy. "You are not likely to be of any use here." As Jack, burning inwardly with indignation, though managing to keep outwardly calm, descended to the deck below, he caught sight of Hal Hastings, hovering near in the rowboat. Hal signaled to learn whether he should put in alongside to take off his chum, but Benson shook his head. Over on the "Farnum" the yard's owner and Eph Somers watched wonderingly. They understood, well enough, that the new, trim-looking gunboat was in trouble, but they did not how that Jack Benson was held at fault. Down between decks the engines of the "Hudson" were toiling hard to run the craft off out of the sand. Then the machinery stopped. An engineer officer came up from below. He and Mr. Mayhew walked to the stern, while a seaman, accompanying them, heaved the lead, reading the soundings. "We're stuck good and fast," remarked the engineer officer. "We can't drive off out of that sand for the reason that the propellers are buried in the grit. They'll hardly turn at all, and, when they do, they only churn the sand without driving us off." "Confound that ignoramus of a boy!" muttered Mr. Mayhew, walking slowly forward. It was no pleasant situation for the lieutenant commander. Having run his vessel ashore, he knew himself likely to be facing a naval board of inquiry. Hal, finding that the shore boat was not wanted for the present, had rowed over to the "Farnum's" moorings. Now Jacob Farnum came alongside in the shore boat. "May I speak with your watch officer?" he called. "I am the commanding officer," Mr. Mayhew called down, in the cold, even, dulled voice of a man in trouble. "I am Mr. Farnum, owner of the yard. May I come on board?" "Be glad to have you," Lieutenant Commander Mayhew responded. So Mr. Farnum went nimbly up over the side. "May I ask what is the trouble here, sir?" asked the yard's owner. "The trouble is," replied Mr. Mayhew, "that your enterprising boy pilot has run us aground--hard, tight and fast!" Jacob Farnum glanced swiftly at his young captain. Jack shook his head briefly in dissent. Jacob Farnum, with full confidence in his young man, at once understood that there was more yet to be learned. "Come up on the bridge, sir, if you will," requested the commander of the gunboat, who was a man of too good breeding to wish any dispute before the men of the crew. "You may come, too, Benson." Jack followed the others, including the engineer officer of the "Hudson." Yet Benson was clenching his hands, fighting a desperate battle to get full command over himself. It was hard--worse than hard--to be unjustly accused. Jacob Farnum wished to keep on the pleasantest terms with these officers of the Navy. At the same time he was man enough to feel determined that Jack, whether right or wrong, should have a full chance to defend himself. "I understand, sir," began Mr. Farnum, "that you attach some blame in this matter to young Benson?" "Perhaps he is not to be blamed too much, on account of his extreme youth," responded Mr. Mayhew. "Forget his youth altogether," urged Mr. Farnum. "Let us treat him as a man. I've always found him one, in judgment, knowledge and loyalty. Do you mind telling me, sir, in what way he erred in bringing you in here?" "An error in giving his advice," replied Mr. Mayhew. "Or else it was ignorance of how to handle a craft as large as this gunboat. For my anchorage he told me--" Here the lieutenant commander repeated the first part of Jack's directions correctly, but wound up with: "He advised me to throw my wheel over four points to port." "Pardon me, sir," Jack broke in, unable to keep still longer. "What I said, or intended to say, was to bring your vessel so that the forward end of the submarine shed over there would be four points off the port bow." "What did you hear Mr. Benson say, Mr. Trahern?" demanded the gunboat's commander, turning to the ensign who had stood with him on the bridge. "Why, sir, I understood the lad to say what he states that he said." "You are sure of that, Mr. Trahern?" "Unless my ears tricked me badly," replied the ensign, "Mr. Benson said just what he now states. I wondered, sir, at your calling for slow speed astern." Lieutenant Commander Mayhew gazed for some moments fixedly at the face of Ensign Trahern. Then, of a sudden, the gunboat's commander, who was both an officer and a gentleman, broke forth, contritely: "As I think it over, I believe, myself, that Benson advised as he now states he did. It was my own error--I am sure of it now." Wheeling about, Mayhew held out his right hand. "Mr. Benson," he said, in a deep voice full of regret, "I was the one in error. I am glad to admit it, even if tardily. Will you pardon my too hasty censure?" "Gladly, sir," Benson replied, gripping the proffered hand. Jacob Farnum stood back, wagging his head in a satisfied way. It had been difficult for him to believe that his young captain had been at fault in so simple a matter, or in a harbor with which he was so intimately acquainted. As for the young man himself, the thing that touched him most deeply was the quick, complete and manly acknowledgment of this lieutenant commander. "Mr. Farnum," inquired the gunboat's commander, "have you any tow boats about here that can be used in helping me to get the 'Hudson' off this sand ledge?" "The only one in near waters, sir," replied the yard's owner, "is a craft, not so very much larger than a launch, that ties up some three miles down the coast. She's the boat I use when I need any towing here. Of course, I have the two torpedo boats, though their engines were not constructed for towing work." "May I offer a suggestion?" asked Jack, when the talk lagged. "I'll be glad to have you, Mr. Benson," replied Mr. Mayhew, turning toward the submarine boy. "Flood tide will be in in about two hours and a half, sir," Benson followed up. "That ought to raise this vessel a good deal. Then, with the tow boat Mr. Farnum has mentioned, and with such help as the engines of the submarines may give, together with your own engines, Mr. Mayhew, I think there ought to be a good chance of getting the 'Hudson' afloat with plenty of water under her whole keel. We can even start some of the engines on shore, and rig winches to haul on extra cables. Altogether, we can give you a strong pull, sir." "That sounds like the best plan to me," nodded Jacob Farnum. "I'll have a message sent at once for that towboat." A white-coated steward now appeared on deck, moving near the lieutenant commander. "Is dinner ready, Greers?" called Mr. Mayhew. "Yes, sir." "Lay two more plates, then. Mr. Farnum, I trust you and your young submarine commander will sit as my guests to-night." This invitation the yard's owner accepted, asking only time enough to arrange for keeping some of his workmen over-time, awaiting the coming of flood-tide. So, presently, Jack and his employer found themselves seated at table in the gunboat's handsome wardroom. Besides the lieutenant commander there were Lieutenant Halpin, two ensigns, two engineer officers and a young medical officer. In the "Hudson's" complement of officers there were also four midshipmen, but these latter ate in their own mess. The time passed most pleasantly, Mr. Mayhew plainly doing all in his power to atone for his late censure of the submarine boy. Before dinner was over the small towboat was in the harbor. At the coming of flood tide this towing craft had a hawser made fast to the gunboat. With the help of some of the naval machinists aboard the "Hudson," both submarine craft were also manned and hawsers made fast. Two cables were passed ashore to winches to which power was supplied by the shipyard's engines. When all was ready a mighty pull was, given, the gunboat's own propellers taking part in the struggle. For two or three minutes the efforts continued. Then, at last, the "Hudson," uninjured, ran off into deep water and shortly afterwards anchored in safety. It was a moment of tremendous relief for Mr. Mayhew. "Call the tugboat captain aboard, and I'll settle with him at my own expense," proposed the lieutenant commander. "I trust you will think of nothing of the sort," replied Jacob Farnum, quickly. "In this harbor I wish to consider you and your vessel as my guests." Again Mr. Mayhew expressed his thanks. Presently, glancing ashore through the night, he asked: "What sort of country is it hereabouts?" "Mostly flat, as to the surface," Mr. Farnum replied. "If your question goes further, there are some fine roads and several handsome estates within a few miles of here. Mr. Mayhew, won't you and a couple of your officers come on shore with me? I'll telephone for my car and put you over quite a few miles this evening." "Delighted," replied the commander of the gunboat. One of the "Hudson's" cutters being now in the water alongside, the party went ashore in this. Jack, after bidding the naval officers good-night, found Hal and Eph, who had just come ashore from supper on board the "Farnum." "No sailing orders yet, I suppose?" Hal asked. "None," Jack replied. "I reckon we'll start, all right, some time to-morrow morning." "What'll we do to-night?" Eph wondered. "I don't know," replied Jack. "We've few friends around here we need to take the trouble to say good-bye to. We could call on Mrs. Farnum, but I imagine we'd run into the naval party up at the Farnum house. We want to keep a bit in the background with these naval officers, except when they may ask for our company." "Let's take a walk about the old town, then," Hal suggested. So the three submarine boys strolled across the shipyard. Just as they were passing through the gate a man of middle height and seemingly about thirty years of age quickened his pace to reach them. "Is this shipyard open nights?" he queried. "Only to some employees," Jack answered. "I suppose Mr. Farnum isn't about?" "No." "Captain Benson?" "Benson is my name." "This letter is addressed to Mr. Farnum," went on the stranger, "but Mr. Pollard told me I could hand it to you." Captain Jack took the letter from the unsealed envelope. "My dear Farnum," ran the enclosure, "since you're short a good machinist for the engine room of the 'Farnum,' the bearer, Samuel Truax, seems to me to be just the man you want. I've examined him, and he understands the sort of machinery we use. Better give him a chance." The note was signed in David Pollard's well-known, scrawly handwriting. "I'm sorry you can't see Mr. Farnum tonight," said Benson, pleasantly. "He'll be here early in the morning, though." "When do you sail?" asked Truax, quickly. "That you would have to ask Mr. Farnum, too," smiled Jack. "But, see here, Mr. Pollard engaged me to work aboard one of your submarines." "It looks that way, doesn't it?" laughed the young skipper. "And you're the captain?" "Yes; but I can't undertake to handle Mr. Farnum's business for him." "You'll let me go aboard the craft to sleep for to-night, anyway?" coaxed Truax. "Why, that's just what I'm not at liberty to do," replied the young submarine captain. "No; I couldn't think of that, in the absence of Mr. Farnum's order." "But that doesn't seem hardly fair," protested Truax. "See here, I have spent all my money getting here. I haven't even the price of a lodging with me, and this isn't a summer night." "Why, I'll tell you what I'll do," Benson went on, feeling in one of his pockets. "Here's a dollar. That'll buy you a bed and a breakfast at the hotel up the street. If you want to get aboard with us in time, you'd better show up by eight in the morning." "But--" "That's really all I can do," Jack Benson hastily assured the fellow. "I'm not the owner of the boat, and I can't take any liberties. Oh, wait just a moment. I'll see if there's any chance of Mr. Farnum coming back to night." Jack knew well enough that there wasn't any chance of Mr. Farnum returning, unless possibly at a very late hour with the naval officers, but the boy had seen the night watchman peering out through the gateway. Retracing his steps, Jack drew the night watchman inside, whispering: "Just a pointer for you. You've seen that man on the street with us? He has a letter from Mr. Pollard to Mr. Farnum, but I wouldn't let him in the yard to-night, unless Mr. Farnum appears and gives the order." "I understand," said the night watchman, nodding. "That's all, then, and thank you." Jack Benson hastily rejoined the others on the sidewalk "I don't believe, Mr. Truax, it will be worth your while to come here earlier than eight in the morning. Better go to the hotel and tie up to a good sleep. Good night." "Say, why did you take such a dislike to the fellow?" queried Eph, as the three submarine boys strolled on up the street, Truax following slowly at some distance in the rear. "I didn't take a dislike to him," Jack replied, opening his eyes wide. "You choked him of mighty short, then." "If it looked that way, then I'm sorry," Benson protested, in a tone of genuine regret. "All I wanted to make plain was that I couldn't pass him on to our precious old boat without Mr. Farnum's order." Truax plodded slowly along behind the submarine boys, a cunning look in the man's eyes as he stared after Jack Benson. "You're a slick young man, or else a wise one," muttered Truax. "But I think I'm smart enough to take it out of you!" Nor did Sam Truax go to the hotel. He had his own plans for this evening--plans that boded the submarine boys no good. The three boys strolled easily about town, getting a hot soda or two, and, finally, drifting into a moving picture show that had opened recently in Dunhaven. This place they did not leave until the show was over. They were halfway home when Captain Jack remembered that he had left behind him a book that he had bought earlier in the evening. "You fellows keep right on down to the yard. I'll hurry back, get the book and overtake you," he proposed. Jack ran back, but already the little theatre was closed. "I'm out that book, then, if we sail in the morning," he muttered, as he trudged along after his friends. On the way toward the water front Benson had to pass a vacant lot surrounded by a high board fence on a deserted street. He had passed about half way along the length of the fence, when a head appeared over the top followed by a pair of arms holding a small bag of sand. Down dropped the bag, striking Jack Benson on the top of the head, sending him unconscious to the ground. CHAPTER IV MR. FARNUM OFFERS ANOTHER GUESS Close at hand there was a loose board in the fence. Through this Sam Truax thrust his head, peering up and down the street. Not another soul was in sight. With a chuckle Truax stepped through the hole in the fence. Swiftly he gathered up the young submarine captain, bearing him through the aperture and dropping him on the ground behind the fence. At the same time he took with him the small bag of sand. "Knocked you out, but I don't believe you'll be unconscious long," mused Truax, standing over his young victim, regarding him critically. "There wasn't steam enough in the blow to hurt you for long. You're sturdy, following the sea all the time, as you do." With a thoughtful air Sam Truax drew a small bottle from his pocket, sprinkling some of the contents over Jack's uniform coat. Immediately the nauseating smell of liquor rose on the air. "Now, if someone finds you before you come to, you'll look like a fellow that has been drinking and fighting," muttered Truax under his breath. "If you come to and get back to the yard without help, you'll walk unsteadily and have that smell about your clothes. Usually, it needs only a breath of suspicion to turn folks against a boy!" Pausing only long enough to learn that Jack's pulses were beating, and that the submarine boy was breathing, Truax stole off into the might, carrying the bag of sand under his over coat. At one point he paused long enough to empty the sand from the bag over a fence. The bag itself he afterwards burned in the open fireplace in the room assigned to him at Holt's Hotel. For twenty minutes Jack Benson lay as he had been left. Then he began to stir, and groan. Then he opened his eyes; after a while he managed to sit up. "Ugh!" he grunted. "What's the odor? Liquor! How does that happen? Oh, my head!" He got slowly to his feet, using the board fence as a means to help steady himself. Then, though he found himself weak and tormented by the pain in his head, Benson managed to feel his way along the fence until he came to the opening made by the loose board. Holding himself here, he thrust his head beyond. Now, Hal and Eph, having waited for some time at the shore boat, before going out on board the "Farnum," had at last made up their minds to go back and look for their missing leader. They came along just at the moment that the young captain's head appeared through the opening in the fence. "There he is," muttered Hal, stopping short. "Gracious! He acts queerly. I wonder if anything can have happened to him? Come along, Eph!" The two raced across the street. "Jack, old fellow! What on earth's the matter?" demanded Hal Hastings, anxiously. "I wish you could tell me," responded Jack Benson, speaking rather thickly, for he was still somewhat dazed. "Oh, my head!" "There has been some queer work here," muttered Hal in Eph's ear. "Don't torment him with questions. Just help me to get him down to the yard." While the two submarine boys were guiding their weak, dizzy comrade out to the sidewalk a man came by with a swinging stride. Then he stopped short, staring in amazement. "Hullo, boys! What on earth has happened?" It was Grant Andrews, foreman of the submarine work at the yard, and a warm personal friend of Benson's. "I don't believe the old chap feels like telling us just now," muttered Hal, with a sour face. "Whiskey!" muttered Andrews, almost under his breath. "What does it mean? Benson never touched a drop of that vile stuff, did he?" "He'd sooner drown himself," retorted Hal, with spirit. "Of course he would," agreed Grant Andrews. "But what is the meaning of all this?" "Oh, there's some queer, hocus-pocus business on foot," muttered Hal, bitterly. "But I don't believe Jack feels much like telling us anything about it at present." In truth, Jack didn't seem inclined to conversation. He was too sore and dazed to feel like talking. He couldn't collect his ideas clearly. The most that he actually knew was that the pain in his head was tormenting. "I'll pick him right up in my arms and carry him," proposed Andrews. "I'll take him to Mr. Farnum's office. Then I'll get a doctor. We don't want much noise about this, or folks will be telling all sorts of yarns against Jack Benson and his drinking habits, when the truth is he's about the finest, steadiest young fellow alive!" Just as Andrews was about to carry his purpose into action, however, an automobile turned the nearest corner and came swiftly toward them. In another instant it stopped alongside. It contained Mr. Farnum and his chauffeur, besides three naval officers. "What's wrong, Andrews?" called the yard's owner. "Why, that's Jack Benson! What has happened to him?" Hal and Eph stood supporting their comrade, almost holding him, in fact. Jacob Farnum leaped from his automobile. Lieutenant Commander Mayhew followed him. "Liquor, eh?" exclaimed the naval officer, the odor reaching his nostrils. "No such thing," retorted Farnum, turning upon the officer. "At least, Jack Benson has been drinking no such stuff." "It was only a guess," murmured Mr. Mayhew, apologetically. "You know your young man better than I do, Mr Farnum." "There is liquor on his clothing," continued the shipbuilder. "It looks as though someone had assaulted the lad, laid him out, and then sprinkled him. It's a wasted trick, though. I know him too well to be fooled by any such clumsy bit of nonsense." "A stupid trick, indeed," agreed Lieutenant Commander Mayhew, but the naval officer did not quite share the shipbuilder's confidence in the submarine boy's innocence. Mr. Mayhew had known of too many cases of naval apprentices ruined through weak indulgence in liquor. Indeed, he had even known of rare instances in which cadets had been dismissed from the Naval Academy for the same offense. The lieutenant commander's present doubt of Jack Benson was likely to work to that young man's disadvantage later on. Others of the party left the auto. Hal and Mr. Farnum got into the tonneau, supporting Jack there between them. Thus they carried him to Mr. Farnum's office at the yard, Grant Andrews then going in the car after a doctor, while the others stretched Jack on the office sofa. The naval officers returned to the "Hudson," at anchor in the little harbor below. "The young man acts as though he had been struck on the head," was the physician's verdict. "No bones of the skull are broken. The odor of liquor is on his coat, but I can't seem to detect any on the breath." "Of course you can't," commented Jacob Farnum, crisply. "Will Benson be fit to sail in the morning?" "I think so," nodded the doctor. "But there ought to be a nurse with him to-night." "Take my car, Andrews, and get a man nurse at once," directed Mr. Farnum. "Doctor, can the young man be moved to his berth on the 'Farnum'?" "Safely enough," nodded the medical man. They waited until the nurse arrived, when Jack was put to bed on the newer submarine craft. Jack slept through the night, moaning once in a while. Mr. Farnum and the Dunhaven doctor were aboard early to look at him. The surgeon from the "Hudson" also came over. Under the effects of medicine Jack Benson was asleep when, at ten o'clock that morning, the two submarine torpedo boats slipped their moorings, following the "parent boat," the "Hudson," out of the harbor. Ten minutes later the motion of the sea awoke the young skipper. CHAPTER V TRUAX SHOWS THE SULKS "Hullo!" muttered the young submarine skipper, staring curiously about the little stateroom aft. He had it to himself, the nurse having been put on shore. "Under way, eh? This is the queerest start I ever made on a voyage." Nor was it many moments later when Jack Benson stood on his feet. His clothes were hung neatly on nails against the wall. One after another Jack secured the garments, slowly donning them. "How my head throbs and buzzes!" he muttered, his voice sounding unsteady. "Gracious! What could have happened? Let me see. The last I remember--passing that high fence--" But it was all too great a puzzle. Benson finally decided to stop guessing until some future time. He went on with his dressing. Finally, with his blouse buttoned as exactly as ever, and his cap placed gingerly on his aching head, he opened the stateroom door, stepping out into the cabin. Accustomed as he was to sea motion, the slight roll of the "Farnum" did not bother the young skipper much. He soon reached the bottom of the short spiral stairway leading up into the conning tower. Up there, in the helmsman's seat, he espied Hal Hastings with his hands employed at t he steering apparatus. Hal was looking out over the water, straight ahead. "Sailing these days without word from your captain, eh?" Jack called, in a voice that carried, though it shook. "Gracious--you?" ejaculated Hal, looking down for an instant. Then Hastings pressed a button connecting with a bell in the engine room. "I'm going up there with you," Jack volunteered. "Right-o, if you insist," clicked Eph Somers, appearing from the engine room and darting to the young skipper's side. True, Jack's head swam a bit dizzily as he climbed the stairs, but Eph's strong support made the task much easier. There was space to spare on the seat beside Hal, and into this Jack Benson sank. "Say, you ought to sleep until afternoon," was Hastings's next greeting, but Jack was looking out of the conning tower at the scene around him. The three craft were leaving the coast directly behind. About three hundred yards away, abeam, steamed the "Hudson" at a nine-knot gait. "The 'Pollard' is on the other side of the gunboat, isn't she?" asked Jack. "Yes," Hal nodded. "Naval crew aboard her?" "Yes; Government has taken full possession of the 'Pollard.'" "Who's running this boat? Just you and Eph?" "No; that new man, Truax, is on board, and at the last moment Mr. Farnum put Williamson, one of the machinists, aboard, also. You can send Williamson back from Annapolis whenever you're through with him." "Williamson is all right," nodded Jack, slowly. "But how about Truax?" "I think he's going to be a useful man," Hal responded. "He seems familiar with our type of engines. Of course, he knows nothing about the apparatus for submerging the boat or making it dive. But he doesn't need to. Now, Jack, old fellow, we're going along all right. Why not let Eph help you back to your bunk, or one of the seats in the cabin, and have your sleep out?" "I've had it out," Benson declared, with a laugh. "I'm ready, now, to take my trick at the wheel." "Nonsense," retorted Hal Hastings. "I've been here a bare quarter of an hour, and I'm good for more work than that. Jack, you're nothing but a fifth wheel. You're not needed; won't be all day, and at night we anchor in some harbor down the coast. Go and rest, like a good fellow." "Can't rest, when I know I'm doing nothing," Benson retorted, stubbornly. "Besides, this is the first time I've ever found myself moving along in regular formation with the United States Navy. I feel almost as if I were a Navy officer myself, and I mean to make the most of the sensation. Say, Hal, wouldn't it be fine if we really did belong to the Navy?" "Gee-whiz!" murmured young Hastings, his cheeks glowing and his eyes snapping. "If we only belonged to the old Flag for life, and knew that we were practising on a boat like this as a part of the preparation for real war when it came?" "_Don't_!" begged Hal, tensely. "For you know, old fellow, it can't come true. Why, we haven't even a residence anywhere, from which a Congressman could appoint one of us to annapolis!" "_One_ of us?" muttered Jack, scornfully. "Then it would have to be you. I wouldn't go, even as a cadet at Annapolis, and leave you behind in just plain, ordinary life, Hal Hastings!" "Well, it's no use thinking about it," sighed Hal, practically. "Neither one of us is in any danger of getting appointed to Annapolis, so there's no chance that either one of us ever will become an officer in the Navy. Let's not talk about it, Jack I've been contented enough, so far, but now it makes me almost blue, to think that we can only go on testing and handling submarine craft like these, while others will be their real officers in the Navy, and command them in any war that may come." Though his head throbbed, and though a dizzy spell came over him every few minutes, Jack Benson stuck it out, up there beside his chum, for an hour. Then, disdaining aid, he crept down the stairs, stretching himself out on one of the cabin seats. Eph brought him a pillow and a blanket. Jack soon slept, tossing uneasily whenever pain throbbed dully in his head. "Guess I'll go out and have a little look at the young captain," proposed Sam Truax, an hour later. "Try another guess," retorted Eph, curtly. "You'll stay here in the engine room. Jack Benson isn't going to be bothered in any way." "I'm not going to bother him, just going to take a look at him," protested Truax, moving toward the door that separated the engine room from the cabin. But young Somers caught the stranger by the sleeve of the oily jumper that Sam had donned on beginning his work. "Do you know what folks say about me?" demanded Eph, with a significant glare. "What do they say?" "Folks have an idea that, at most times, I'm one of the best-natured fellows on earth," declared Eph, solemnly. "Yet they do say that, when I'm crossed in anything my mind's made up to, I can be tarnation ugly. I just told you I don't want the captain disturbed. Do you know, Sam Truax, I feel a queer notion coming over me? I've an idea that that feeling is just plain ugliness coming to life!" Truax came back from the door, a grin on his face. Yet, when he turned his head away, there was a queer, almost deadly flash in the fellow's eyes. Jack slept, uneasily, until towards the middle of the afternoon. As soon as Eph found him awake, that young man brought the captain a plate of toast and a bowl of broth, both prepared at the little galley stove. "Sit up and get away with these," urged Eph, placing the tray on the cabin table. "Wait a minute. I'll prop you up and put a pillow at your back." "This boat isn't a bad place for a fellow when he's knocked out," smiled Jack. "Any place ought to be good, where your friends are," came, curtly, from young Somers. As Captain Jack ate the warm food he felt his strength coming back to him. "Poor old Hal has been up there in the conning tower all these hours," muttered Captain Jack, uneasily. "He must have that cramped feeling in his hands." "Humph!" retorted Eph. "Not so you could notice it much, I guess. It's a simpleton's job up in the conning tower to-day. All he has to do is to shift the wheel a little to port, or to starboard, just so as to keep the proper interval from the 'Dad' boat. Besides, I've been up there on relief, for an hour while you slept, and Hal came down and sat with the engines. Cheer up, Jack. No one misses you from the conning tower." Benson laughed, though he said, warningly: "I reckon we'll do as well to drop calling the gunboat the 'Dad boat' instead of the 'parent vessel.'" "Well, you needn't bother at all about the conning tower to-day," wound up Eph, glancing at his watch. "It's after half-past three at this moment and I understand we're to drop anchor about five o'clock." So skipper Jack settled back with a comfortable sigh. Truth to tell, it was pleasant not to have any immediate duty, for his head throbbed, every now and then, and he felt dizzy when he tried to walk. "Who could have hit me in that fashion, last night, and for what earthly purpose?" wondered the boy. "I've had some enemies, in the past, but I don't know a single person about Dunhaven, now who has any reason for wishing me harm." Never a thought crossed his mind of suspecting Sam Truax. That worthy had come with a note from David Pollard, the inventor of the boats. Sam, therefore, must be all right, the boy reasoned. Jack lay back on the upholstered seat. He sat with his eyes closed most of the time, though he did not doze. At last, however, he heard the engine room bell sound for reduced speed. Getting up, the young captain made his way to the foot of the conning tower stairs. "Making port, Hal?" he called. "Yep," came the reply. "We'll be at anchor in five minutes more." Jack made his way slowly to the door of the engine room. "Eph," he called, "as soon as you've shut off speed, take Truax above and you two attend to the mooring." "Take this other man up with you," urged Sam Truax. "I don't know anything about tying a boat up to moorings." "Time you learned, then," returned Eph Somers, "if you're to stay aboard a submarine craft." "Take this other man up with you," again urged Truax. Eph Somers turned around to face him with a good deal of a glare. "What ails you, Truax? You heard the captain's order. You'll go with me." "Don't be too sure of that," uttered Sam Truax, defiantly. "If you don't go above with me, and if you don't follow every order you get aboard this boat, I know where you _will_ go," muttered decisively. "Where?" jeered Sam. "Ashore--in the first boat that can take you." "You seem to forget that I'm on board by David Pollard's order," sneered Truax. "All I am sure of," retorted Eph, "is that Jack Benson is captain on board this craft. That means that he's sole judge of everything here when this boat is cruising. If you were here by the orders of both owners, Jack Benson would fire you ashore for good, just the same, after you've balked at the first order." "Humph! I--" Clang! Jangle! The signal bell was sounding. "Shut up," ordered Eph Somers, briskly. "I've got the engine to run on signal from the watch officer." There followed a series of signals, first of all for stopping speed, then for a brief reversing of engines. A moment later headway speed ahead was ordered. So on Eph went through the series of orders until the "Farnum" had been manoeuvred to her exact position. Then, from above, Captain Jack's voice was heard, roaring in almost his usual tones: "Turn out below, there, to help make fast!" "Take the lever, Williamson," directed Eph. "Come along lively, Truax." "Humph! Let Williamson go," grumbled Truax. "You come along with me, my man!" roared Eph, his face blazing angrily. "Hustle, too, er I'll report you to the captain for disobedience of orders. Then you'll go ashore at express speed. Coming?" Sam Truax appeared to wage a very brief battle within himself. Then, nodding sulkily, he followed. "Hustle up, there!" Jack shouted down. "We don't want to drift." Jack Benson stood out on the platform deck, holding to the conning tower at the port side. A naval launch had just placed a buoy over an anchor that had been lowered. "Get forward, you two," Jack called briskly, "and make the bow cable fast to that buoy." Hal still sat at the wheel in the tower. As Eph and Truax crept forward over the arched upper hull of the "Farnum," Hal sounded the engine room signals and steered until the boat had gotten close enough to make the bow cable fast. Then the stern cable was made fast, with more line, to another buoy. "A neat hitch, Mr. Benson," came a voice from the bridge of the "Hudson," which lay a short distance away. Jack, looking up, saw Lieutenant Commander Mayhew leaning over the bridge rail. "Thank you, sir," Jack acknowledged, saluting the naval officer. The parent vessel and her two submarine charges now lay at anchor in the harbor at Port Clovis, one of the towns down the coast from Dunhaven. This mooring overnight was to be repeated each day until Annapolis should be reached. Within fifteen minutes the craft were surrounded by small boats from shore. Some of these contained merchandise that it was hoped sailors would buy. Other boats "ran" for hotels, restaurants, drinking places, amusement halls, and all the varied places on shore that hope to fatten on Jack Tar's money. "I'd like to go ashore, sir," announced Sam Truax, approaching Captain Jack. "When?" "Now." "For how long?" "Until ten o'clock to-night." "Be back by that hour, then," Jack replied. "If you're not, you'll find everything shut tight aboard here." Truax quickly signaled one of the hovering boats, and put off in it. Eph watched the boat for a few moments before he turned to Captain Jack to mutter: "Somehow, I wouldn't feel very badly about it if that fellow got lost on shore!" CHAPTER VI TWO KINDS OF VOODOO On the second day of the cruise Jack Benson returned to full duty. For four nights, in all, the submarine squadron tied up at moorings in harbors along the coast. On the fifth night, as darkness fell, the squadron continued under way, in Chesapeake Bay, for Annapolis was but three hours away. Immediately after supper Captain Jack took his place in the conning tower. He concerned himself principally with the compass, his only other task being to keep the course by the "Hudson's" lights, for the parent boat supplied in its own conduct all the navigation orders beyond the general course. The "Farnum's" searchlight was not used, the gunboat picking up all the coast-marks as they neared land. "Annapolis is the place I've always wanted to see," Jack declared, as Hal joined him in the conning tower. "It's the place where I've always wanted to be a cadet," sighed Hal. "But there's no chance for me, I fear. Jack, I'd rather be an officer of the Navy than a millionaire." "Same here," replied Jack, steadily. "It's hard to have to feel that I'll never be either." As she entered the mouth of the Severn River the "Hudson" signaled to the submarines to follow, in file, the "Pollard" leading. A little later the three craft entered the Basin at the Academy. While the gunboat anchored off the Amphitheatre, the two submarine boats were ordered to anchorage just off the Boat House. Then a cutter came alongside. "The lieutenant commander's compliments to Mr. Benson. Will Mr. Benson go aboard the 'Hudson'?" asked the young officer in command of the cutter. Captain Jack lost no time in presenting himself before the lieutenant commander. "Mr. Benson," said Mr. Mayhew, after greeting the submarine boy, "your craft will be under a marine guard to-night, and at all times while here at the Naval Academy. If you and your crew would like to spend the night ashore, in the quaint little old town of Annapolis, there's no reason why you shouldn't. But you will all need to report back aboard, ready for duty, by eight in the morning." Jack thanked the naval commander, then hastened back to the "Farnum" to communicate the news. "Me for the shore trip," declared Eph, promptly. All the others agreed with him. "I'll come back by ten o'clock to-night, though," volunteered Sam Truax. "One of the crew ought to be aboard." "We'll stay ashore," decided Jack, "and return in the morning." "I'm coming back to-night," retorted Truax. "Keep still, and follow orders," muttered Eph, digging his elbow into Truax's ribs. "The captain gives the orders here." Jack, however, had turned away. Within five minutes a boat put off from shore, bringing two soldiers of the marine guard alongside with them, in the shore boat, was a corporal of the guard. "Any of your crew coming back to-night, asked the corporal. "None," Benson answered. "Will you instruct the sentries to see that none of the crew are allowed aboard during the night?" "Very good, sir." The shore boat waited to convey them to the landing. Before going, young Captain Benson closed and locked the manhole entrance to the conning tower. A sullen silence had fallen over Truax. The instructions to the corporal of the guard, and the prompt acceptance of those instructions, told Sam, beyond any doubt, that he was not coming back on board that night. Truax followed the others as they passed through the Academy grounds. Beyond the large, handsome buildings, there was not much to be seen at night. Lights shone behind all the windows in Cadet Barracks. Nearly all of the cadets of the United States Navy were in their quarters, hard at study. Here and there a marine sentry paced. A few naval officers, in uniform, passed along the walks. That was all, and the submarine party had crossed the grounds to the gate through which they were to pass into the town of Annapolis. "Coming with us, Truax?" asked Williamson, as the party passed out into a dimly lighted street. "No," replied the fellow, sullenly. "I'll travel by myself." "You're welcome to," muttered Eph, under his breath. The others climbed the steps to the State Capitol grounds, continuing until they reached one of the principal streets of the little town. "Say, but this place must have gone to sleep before we got ashore," grumbled Eph. "Hanged if I don't think Dunhaven is a livelier little place!" "There isn't much to do, except to wander about a bit, then go to the Maryland House for a good sleep on shore," Jack admitted. For more than an hour the submarine boys wandered about. The principal streets contained some stores that had a bright, up-to-date look, and in these principal streets the evening crowds much resembled those to be found in any small town. There were other streets, however, on which there was little traffic. In some of these quieter streets were quaint, old-fashioned houses built in the Colonial days. "Annapolis is more of a place to see by day light, I reckon," suggested Hal. "How about that sleep, Jack?" "The greatest fun, by night, I guess, consists in finding a drug-store and spending some of our loose change on ice cream sodas," laughed the young submarine skipper. This done, they found their way to the Maryland House. Jack and Hal engaged a room together, Eph and Williamson taking the adjoining one. "As for me, in an exciting place like this," grimaced Eph, "I'm off for bed." Williamson followed him upstairs. For some minutes Hal sat with his chum in the hotel office. Then Jack went over and talked with the night clerk for a few moments. "There's a place near here, Hal, where a fellow can get an oyster fry," Benson explained, returning to his chum. "With that information came the discovery that I have an appetite." "Come and join me?" "No," gaped Hal. "I reckon I'll go up and turn in." "I'll be along in half an hour, then." Jack found the oyster house readily. As he entered the little, not over-clean place, he found himself the only customer. He gave his order, then picked up the local daily paper. As he ate, Jack found himself yawning. The drowsiness of Annapolis by night was coming upon him. Little did he dream how soon he was to discover that Annapolis, in some of its parts, can be lively enough. As he paid his bill and stepped to the street, a young mulatto hurried up to him. "Am Ah correct, sah, in supposin' yo' Cap'n Jack Benson?" "That's my name," Jack admitted. "Den Ah's jes' been 'roun' to de hotel, lookin' fo' yo', sah. One ob yo' men, Mistah Sam Truax, am done took sick, an' he done sent me fo'yo'." "Truax ill? Why, I saw him a couple of hours ago, and he looked as healthy as a man could look," Jack replied, in astonishment. "I reckon, sah, he's mighty po'ly now, sah," replied the mulatto. "He done gib me money fo' to hiah a cab an' take yo' to him. Will yo' please to come, sah?" "Yes," agreed Jack. "Lead the way." "T'ank yo', sah; t'ank yo', sah. Follow me, sah." Jack's mulatto guide led him down the street a little way, then around a corner. Here a rickety old cab with a single horse attached, waited. A gray old darkey sat on the driver's seat. "Step right inside, sah. We'll be dere direckly. Marse Truax'll be powahful glad see yo', sah." "See here," demanded Jack, after they had driven several blocks at a good speed, "Truax hasn't been getting into any drinking scrapes, has he? Hasn't been getting himself arrested, has he?" For young Benson had learned, from the night clerk at the hotel, that, quiet and "dead" as Annapolis appears to the stranger, there are "tough" places into which a seafaring stranger may find his way. "No, sah; no, sah," protested the mulatto. "Marse Truax done got sick right and proper." "Why, confound it, we're leaving the town behind," cried Jack, a few moments later, after peering out through the cab window. "Dat's all right, sah. Dere am' nuffin' to be 'fraid oh, sah." "Afraid?" uttered Jack, scornfully, with a side glance at the mulatto. The submarine boy felt confident that, in a stretch of trouble, he could thrash this guide of his in very short order. "Ah might jess well tell yo' wheah we am gwine, sah," volunteered the mulatto, presently. "Yes," Benson retorted, drily. "I think you may." "Marse Truax, sah, he done hab er powah ob trouble, sah, las' wintah, wid rheumatiz, sah! He 'fraid he gwine cotch it again dis wintah, sah. Now, sah, dere am some good voodoo doctahs 'roun' Annapolis, so Marse Truax, he done gwine to see, sah, what er voodoo can promise him fo' his rheumatiz. I'se a runnah, sah, for de smahtest ole voodoo doctah, sah, in de whole state ob Maryland." "Then you took Truax to a voodoo doctor tonight?" demanded Jack, almost contemptuously. "Yes, sah; yes, sah." "I thought Truax had more sense than to go in for such tomfoolery," Jack Benson retorted, bluntly. The mulatto launched into a prompt, energetic defense of the voodoo doctors. Young Benson had heard a good deal about these clever old colored frauds. In spite of his contempt, the submarine boy found himself interested. He had heard about the charms, spells, incantations and other humbugs practised on colored dupes and on some credulous whites by these greatest of all quacks. The voodoo methods of "healing" are brought out of the deepest jungles of darkest Africa, yet there are many ignorant people, even among the whites, who believe steadfastly in the "cures" wrought by the voodoo. While the mulatto guide was talking, or swearing Jack's half-amused questions, the cab left Annapolis further and further behind. "Yo' see, sah," the guide went on, "Marse Truax wa'n't in no fit condition, sah, to try de strongest voodoo medicine dat he called fo'. So, w'ile de voodoo was sayin' his strongest chahms, Marse Truax done fall down, frothin' at de mouth. He am some bettah, now, sah, but he kain't be move' from de voodoo's house 'cept by a frien'." "I'll get a chance to see one of these old voodoo frauds, anyway," Jack told himself. "This new experience will be worth the time it keeps me out of my bed. What a pity Hal missed a queer old treat like this!" When the cab at last stopped, Benson looked out to find that the place was well down a lonely country road, well lined with trees on either side. The house, utterly dark from the outside, was a ramshackle, roomy old affair. "Shall Ah wait fo' yo'?" asked the old colored driver. "Yes, wait for me," directed Jack, briefly. "Yeah; wait fo' de gemmun. He's all right," volunteered the mulatto. "Mebbe yo' kin see some voodoo wo 'k, too, ef yo's int'rested," hinted the guide, in a whisper, as he fitted a key to a lock, and swung a door open. In a hallway stood a lighted lantern, which the guide picked up. "Now, go quiet-lak, on tip-toe. Sh!" cautioned the guide, himself moving stealthily into the nearest room. Jack Benson began to feel secretly awestruck and "creepy," though he was too full of grit to betray the fact. At the further end of the room the guide, holding the lantern behind his body as though by accident, threw open another door. "Pass right on through dis room, ahead ob me, sah," begged the guide, respectfully. But Jack drew back, instinctively, out of the darkness. "Don' yo', a w'ite man, be 'fraid ob ole voodoo house," advised the mulatto, still speaking respectfully. Afraid? Of course not. Relying on his muscle and his agility, Jack stepped ahead. By a sudden jerk of his arm the mulatto guide shook out the flame in the lantern. "Here, you! What are you about?" growled Jack Benson, wheeling like a flash upon his escort. "Go 'long, yo' w'ite trash" jeered the mulatto. He gave the boy a sudden, forceful shove. Jack Benson, under the impetus of that push, staggered ahead, seeking to recover his balance. Without a doubt he would have done so, but, just then, the floor under his feet ended. With a yell of dismay, the submarine boy tottered, then plunged down, alighting on a bed of soft dirt many feet below. CHAPTER VII JACK FINDS SOMETHING "NEW," ALL RIGHT Jack Benson was on his feet in an instant. An angrier boy it would have been hard to find. From overhead came the sound of a loud guffaw. "Oh, you infernal scoundrel!" raged the submarine boy, shaking his fist in the dark. "W'at am de matter wid yo', w'ite trash?" came the jeering query. "Let me get my hands on you, and I'll show you!" quivered Benson. "Yah! Listen to yo'! Yo' wait er minute, an' Ah'll show yo' a light." Gr-r-r-r! Gr-r-r-r t That sound from overhead was not pleasant. Jack, in the few seconds that were left to him, could only guess as to the cause of the sounds. Then, some fifteen feet over his head, a tiny flame sputtered. This match-end was carried to the wick of the lantern that the yellowish guide had been carrying, and now the light illumined the place into which Jack Benson had fallen. That place was a square-shaped pit, with boarded sides. Up above, on a shelf of flooring, knelt the late guide, grinning down with a look of infernal glee. On either side of the mulatto stood a heavy-jowled bull-dog. Both brutes peered down, showing their teeth in a way to make a timid man's blood run cold. "Put those dogs back and come down here," challenged Jack, shaking his fist. "Come down, and I'll teach you a few things, you rascal!" "Don' yo' shake yo' fist at me, or dem dawgs will sure jump down and tackle yo'," grinned the guide, gripping at the collars of the brutes, which, truly, showed signs of intending to spring below. Jack fell back, his hands dropping to his sides. Had there been but one dog, the submarine boy, with all his grit forced to the surface, might have chosen to face the brute, hoping to despatch it with a well-aimed kick. But with two dogs, both intent on "getting" him, young Benson knew that he would stand the fabled chance of a snow-flake on a red-hot stove. "Dat's right, gemmun, yo' keep cool," observed the mulatto, mockingly. "You've decoyed me--trapped me here with a mess of lies," flung back Captain Jack, angrily. "What's your game?" "Dis am a free lodgin' house--ho, ho, ho!" chuckled the late guide. "Ah's gwine gib yo' er place to sleep fo' de night. To' sho'ly must feel 'bleeged to me--ho, ho, ho!" "You lied to me about Sam Truax!" "Yeah! Ah done foun' dat was de name ob a gemmun in yo' pahty dat wasn't wid yo'. Truax do as well as any odder name--yah! Now, Ah's gwine leab yo' heah t' git a sleep. Ah'll toss down some blankets. 'Pose yo'se'f and gwine ter sleep, honey. Don't try to clim' up outer dat, or dem dawgs'll sho'ly jump down at yo'. Keep quiet, an' go ter sleep, an' de dawgs done lay heah an' jest watch. But don' try nuffin' funny, or de dawgs'll sho'ly bring trubble to yo'. Dem is trained dawgs--train' fo' dis business ob mine. Ho, ho, ho!" Mulatto and light vanished, but enraged, baffled, helpless Captain Jack could hear the two dogs moving about ere they settled down on the shelf of flooring overhead. "No matter how much of a liar that rascal is, he didn't lie to me about the dogs," reflected Jack, his temper cooling, but his bitterness increasing. "They're fighting dogs, and one wrong move would bring them bounding down here on me--the two together. Ugh-gh!" After a few moments the mulatto reappeared with a light and tossed down three heavy blankets. "Now, Ah's gwine leave yo' fo' do night," clacked the late guide. "Ef yo' done feel lonesome, yo' jes' whistle de dawgs down to yo'. Dey'll come!" While the light was still there Benson, in ragging silence, gathered the blankets and arranged them. "Roll up one fo' a pillow, under yo' haid," grinned the mulatto. "Dat's all right, sah. Wow, good night, Marse Benson. Ef yo' feel lonesome, Marse Benson, jes' whistle fo' de dawgs. _Dey'll come_!" The light vanished while the mulatto's sinister words were ringing in the boy's ears. Would the dogs jump down? Jack knew they would, at the first false move or sound on his part. He huddled softly, stealthily, on the blankets, there in the darkness. As he lay there, thinking, Benson's sense of admiration gradually got to the surface. "Well, of all the slick man-traps!" he gasped. "I never heard of anything more clever. Nor was there ever a bigger idiot than I, to walk stupidly into this same trap! What's the game, I wonder? Robbery, it must be. And I have a watch, some other little valuables and nearly a hundred and fifty dollars in money on me. Oh, I'm the sleek, fat goose for plucking!" Lying there, in enforced stillness, Jack Benson, after an hour or so, actually fell asleep. A good, healthy sleeper at all times, he slumbered on through the night. Once he awoke, just a trifle chilled. He heard one of the dogs snoring overhead. Crawling under one of the blankets, Benson went to sleep again. "Hey, yo', Marse Benson. It am mawnin'. Time yo' was wakin' up an' movin' erlong!" It was the voice of the same mulatto, calling down into the pit. Again the rays of the lantern illumined the darkness. Both bull-dogs displayed their ferocious muzzles over the edge of the pit. Jack sat up cautiously, not caring to attract unfriendly interest from the dogs. "Ah want yo' to take off all yo' clothes 'cept yo' undahclothes, an' den Ah'll let down a string fo' yo' to tie 'em to," declared the mulatto, grinning. "Yo' needn't try ter slip yo' wallet, nor nuffin' outer mah sight, cause Ah'll be watchin'. Now, git a hurry on, Marse Benson, or Ah'll done push dem dawgs ober de aidge oh dis flooring." Jack hesitated only a moment. Then, with a grunt of rage, he began removing his outer garments. Down came a twine, to the lower end of which the boy made fast his garments, one after another. His money and valuables went up in the pockets, for the sharp eyes of the mulatto could not have been eluded by any amateur slight-of-hand. "Now, yo' cap an' yo' shoes," directed the grinning monster above. These, too, Benson passed up at the end of the cord. The mulatto disappeared, leaving the two dogs still on guard. At last, back came the light and the yellowish man with it. "Yo' 'sho' is good picking, Marse Benson," grinned the guide of the night before. "Yo' has good pin feathers. Ah hope Ah'll suttinly meet yo' again." "I hope we do meet at another time!" Jack Benson flared back, wrathily. The cool insolence of the fellow cut him to the marrow, yet where was the use of disobeying a rascal flanked by two such willing and capable dogs? "Now, yo' jes' put dese t'ings on, Marse Benson, ef yo' please, sah," mocked the mulatto, tossing down some woefully tattered, nondescript garments, and, after them, a battered, rimless Derby hat and a pair of brogans out at the toes. "I'll be hanged if I'll put on such duds!" quivered Jack. "Jes' as yo' please, ob co'se, Marse Benson," came the answer, from above. "But, ef yo' don' put dem t'ings on, yo'll sho'ly hab ter gwine back ter 'Napolis in yo' undahelo's. An' yo's gwine back right away, too, so, ef yo' wants tr gwine back weahin' ernuff clo'es--" "Oh, well, then--!" ground out the submarine boy, savagely enough. He attired himself in these tattered ends of raiment. Had he not been so angry he must have roared at sight of his comical self when the dressing was completed. CHAPTER VIII A YOUNG CAPTAIN IN TATTERS "Now yo'll do, Ah reckons." With that, the mulatto guide of the night before threw down one end of an inch rope. "Ah reckon yo's sailor ernuff to dim' dat. Come right erlong, 'less yo' wants de dawgs ter jump down dar." "But they'll tackle me if I come up," objected Jack Benson. "No, dey won't. Dem dawgs is train' to dis wo'k. Ah done tole yo' dat. Come right erlong. Ah'll keep my two eyes on dem dawgs." It looked like a highly risky bit of business, but Jack told himself that, now he had been deprived of his valuables, this yellow worthy must be genuinely anxious to be rid of the victim. So he took hold of the rope and began to climb. The mulatto and the dogs disappeared from the upper edge of the pit. As his head came up above the level of the flooring Benson saw the mulatto and the dogs in the next room, the connecting door of which had been taken from its hinges. "Come right in, Marse Benson. Dere am' nuffin' gwineter hu't yo'," came the rascal's voice reassuringly. Jack obeyed by stepping into the next room, though he kept watch over the dogs out of the corners of his eyes. "Now, yo' lie right down on de flo', Marse Benson," commanded the master of the situation. "Ah's gotter tie yo' up, befo' Ah can staht yo' back ter 'Napolis, but dere ain' no hahm gwine come ter yo'." Making a virtue of necessity, Captain Jack lay down as directed, passing his hands behind his back. These were deftly secured, after which his ankles were treated in the same fashion. Immediately the mulatto, who was strong and wiry, lifted the boy and the lantern together. The dogs remaining behind, Jack was carried out into the yard, where he discovered that daylight was coming on in the East. He was dumped on the ground long enough to permit his captor to lock the door securely. Then the submarine boy was lifted once more, carried around the corner of the house and dumped in the bottom of a shabby old delivery wagon. A canvas was pulled over him, concealing him from any chance passer. Then the mulatto ran around to the seat, picking up the reins and starting the horse. It seemed like a long drive to the boy, though Benson was certainly in no position to judge time accurately. At last the team was halted, along a stretch of road in a deep woods. The mulatto lifted the submarine boy out to the ground. "Now, w'en yo's got yo' se'f free, yo' can take de road in dat direckshun," declared the fellow, pointing. "Bimeby yo' come in sight ob de town. Now, Marse Benson, w'at happen to yo' las' night am all in de co'se ob a lifetime, an' Ah hope you ain't got no bad feelin's. Yo' suttinly done learn somet'ing new in de way ob tricks. Good-bye, sab, an' mah compliments to yo', Marse Benson." With that the guide of the night before swiftly cut the cords at Jack's wrists, then as swiftly leaped to the seat of the wagon, whipping up the horse and disappearing in a cloud of dust. Jack, having now no knife, and the bonds about his ankles being tied with many hard knots, spent some precious minutes in freeing his feet. At last he stood up, fire in his eyes. "Oh, pshaw! There's no sense in trying to run after that rascal and his wagon," decided the young submarine skipper. "I haven't the slightest idea what direction he took after he got out of sight, and--oh, gracious! I'm under orders to be aboard the 'Farnum' at eight this morning. And on Mr. Farnum's business, at that!" Clenching his hands vengefully, Jack started along in the direction pointed out by his late captor. Brisk walking wore some of the edge off his great wrath. Catching a comprehensive glimpse of himself, Jack could not keep back a grim laugh. "Well, I certainly am a dandy to spring myself on the trim and slick Naval Academy!" he gritted. "What a treat I'll be to the cadets! That is, if the sentry ever lets me through the gate into the Academy grounds." As he hurried along, Jack Benson decided that he simply could not go to the Naval Academy presenting any such grotesque picture as he did now. Yet he had no money about him with which to purchase more presentable clothes in town. So he formed another plan. Within a few minutes he came in sight of Annapolis. Hurrying on faster, he at last entered the town. The further he went the more painfully conscious the boy became of the ludicrous appearance that he made. He saw men and women turn their heads to look after him, and his cheeks burned to a deep scarlet that glowed over the sea-bronze of his skin. "The single consolation I have is that not a solitary person in town knows me, anyway," he muttered. Then he caught sight of a clock on a church steeple--twenty-five minutes of eight. "That means a fearful hustle," he muttered, and went ahead under such steam that he all but panted. At last he came to the Maryland House, opposite the State Capitol grounds. Into the office of the hotel he darted, going straight up to the desk. A clerk who had been on duty for hours, and who was growing more drowsy every moment, stared at the boy in amazement. "See here, you ragamuffin, what--" "My name is Benson," began the boy, breathlessly. "I'm a guest of the house--arrived last night. I--" "You, a guest of _this_ house?" demanded the clerk of the most select hotel in the town. "You--" That was as far as the disgust of the clerk would permit him to go in words. A score of well-dressed gentlemen were staring in astonishment at the scene. The clerk nodded to two stout porters who had suspended their work nearby. It had been Jack Benson's purpose to go to his room and keep out of sight, while despatching one of the colored bell-boys of the hotel with a note to Hal Hastings, asking that chum to send him up a uniform and other articles of attire. However, before the young submarine captain fully realized what was happening, the two porters had seized him. Firmly, even though gently, they bustled him out through the entrance onto the street. "Scat!" advised one of the pair. Jack started to protest, then realized the hopelessness of such a course. In truth, he did not blame the hotel folks in the least. "Oh, well," he sighed, paling as soon as the new flush of mortification had died out, "there's nothing for it but to hurry to the Academy. I hope the sentries won't shoot when they see me," he added, bitterly. Across the State Capitol grounds he hurried, then down through a side street until he arrived at the gate of the Academy grounds. "Halt!" challenged a sentry, as soon as Jack showed his face through the gateway. Young Benson stopped, bringing his heels together with a click. "What do you want? Where are you going?" demanded the marine. "I know I look pretty tough," Jack admitted, shamefacedly. "But I belong aboard the 'Farnum,' one of the submarines that arrived last night. And I'm due there at this minute. Please don't delay me." "All right," replied the sentry, after surveying the boy from head to foot once more. Then he added, in a lower tone, with just the suspicion of a grin showing at the corners of his mouth: "Say, friend, for a stranger, you must have had a high old frolic in the town last night." Jack frowned. The sentry's grin broadened a bit. As he did not offer to detain the boy longer, Benson hurried on along one of the walks. He took as short a course as he could making straight for the Basin, where he made out the "Hudson" and the two submarines. "Hey! There's the captain!" shouted Eph, wonderingly, for Somers's eyes were sharp at all times. Out of the conning tower sprang Hal Hastings, looking eagerly in the direction in which Eph Somers pointed: "Eh?" muttered another person, lounging near the rail of the gunboat. Then Lieutenant Commander Mayhew, after a keen, wholly disapproving look at the hard-looking figure of a young man at the landing, started, as he muttered: "Benson, by all that's horrible! How did he come to be in that fearful shape? He must have been in one of the worst resorts within miles of Annapolis!" "This isn't the first time the young man has come back the worse for wear," the lieutenant commander continued, under his breath. "His friends were loyal enough to him, that time. I wonder if they can be, to-day?" One of the shore boats, waiting about in the Basin, put young Benson aboard the "Farnum" as soon as he explained who he was. Hal and Eph stood awaiting the coming of their young commander, their faces full of concern and anxiety. Both gripped Jack's hand as soon as he gained the platform deck of the submarine. "Come below," whispered Hal. "We'll talk there. You need a bath and to get into a uniform as quickly as you can." This need Jack Benson proceeded to realize without an instant's delay. While he washed himself off, in one of the staterooms aft, he talked through the door, which had been left ajar. He continued his story while he dressed. "We were fearfully anxious this morning," Hal confessed. "I went to sleep last night, and didn't know of your absence until this morning. Then Eph and I decided to come on down to the boat to see if you were here. We were just planning to send quiet word to the Annapolis police when Eph spotted you coming." "And Truax?" inquired Captain Jack. "He and Williamson are forward in the engine-room, now, at breakfast." "Oh, well, Truax wouldn't know anything about the scrape, anyway," returned Jack. "His name was learned and used--that's all." "Are you going to try to find that place, catch the mulatto and force the return of your money?" demanded Eph Somers. "I've got to think that over," muttered Jack, as he drew on a spick-and-span uniform blouse. "I don't know whether there'll be any use in trying to find that mulatto. I haven't the least idea where his place is. Even if I found it, it's ten to one I wouldn't find the fellow there." "'Farnum,' ahoy!" roared a voice alongside, the voice coming down through the open conning tower. Eph ran to answer. When he returned, he announced: "Compliments of Lieutenant Commander Mayhew, and will Mr. Benson wait on the lieutenant commander on board the parent boat?" "I will," assented Jack, with a wry face, "and here's where I have to do some tall but truthful explaining to a man who isn't in the least likely to believe a word I say. I can guess what Mr. Mayhew is thinking, and is going to keep on thinking!" CHAPTER IX TRUAX GIVES A HINT It was a tailor-made, clean, crisp and new looking young submarine commander who stepped into the naval cutter alongside. Jack Benson looked as natty as a young man could look, and his uniform was that of a naval officer, save for the absence of the insignia of rank. Up the side gangway of the gunboat Jack mounted, carrying himself in the best naval style. On deck stood a sentry, an orderly waiting beside him. "Lieutenant Commander Mayhew will see you in his cabin, sir," announced the orderly. "I will show you the way, sir." Mr. Mayhew was seated before a desk in his cabin when the orderly piloted the submarine boy in. The naval officer did not rise, nor did he ask the boy to take a seat. Jack Benson was very well aware that he stood in Mr. Mayhew's presence in the light of a culprit. "Mr. Benson," began Mr. Mayhew, eyeing him closely, "you are not in the naval service, and are not therefore amenable to its discipline. At the same time, however, your employers have furnished you to act, in some respects, as a civilian instructor in submarine boating before the cadets. While you are here on that duty it is to be expected, therefore, that you will conform generally to the rules of conduct as laid down at the Naval Academy." "Yes, sir," replied Jack. "As I am at present in charge of the submarine purchased by the United States from your company, and at least in nominal charge of the 'Farnum,' as well, I am, in a measure, to be looked upon, for the present, as your commanding officer." "Yes, sir," assented the boy. "You came aboard your craft, this morning, in a very questionable looking condition." "Yes, sir." Jack Benson's composure was perfect. His sense of discipline was also exact. He did not propose to offer any explanations until such were asked of him. "Have you anything to say, Mr. Benson, as to that condition, and how you came to be in it?" "Shall I explain it to you, sir?" "I shall be glad to hear your explanation." Thereupon, the submarine boy plunged into a concise description of what had happened to him the night before. The lieutenant commander did not once interrupt him, but, when Jack had finished, Mr. Mayhew observed: "That is a very remarkable story, Mr. Benson. Most remarkable." "Yes, sir, it is. May I ask if you doubt my story?" Jack looked straight into the officer's eyes as he put the question bluntly. An officer of the Army or of the Navy must not answer a question untruthfully. Neither, as a rule, may he make an evasive answer. So the lieutenant commander thought a moment, before he replied: "I don't feel that I know you well enough, Mr. Benson, to express an opinion that might be wholly fair to you. The most I can say, now, is that I very sincerely hope such a thing will not happen again during your stay at the Naval Academy." "It won't, sir," promised Jack Benson, "if I have hereafter the amount of good judgment that I ought to be expected to possess." "I hope not, Mr. Benson, for it would destroy your usefulness here. A civilian instructor here, as much as a naval instructor, must possess the whole confidence and respect of the cadet battalion. I hope none of the cadets who may have seen you this morning recognized you." Then, taking on a different tone, Mr. Mayhew informed his young listener that a section of cadets would board the "Farnum" at eleven that morning, another section at three in the afternoon, and a third at four o'clock. "Of course you will have everything aboard your craft wholly shipshape, Mr. Benson, and I trust I hardly need add that, in the Navy, we are punctual to the minute." "You will find me punctual to the minute before, sir." "Very good, Mr. Benson. That is all. You may go." Jack saluted, then turned away, finding his way to the deck. The cutter was still alongside, and conveyed him back to the "Farnum. "Mr. Mayhew demanded your story, of course?" propounded Hal Hastings. "What did he think?" "He didn't say so," replied Jack Benson, with a wry smile, "but he let me see that he thought I was out of my element on a submarine boat." "How so?" "Why, it is very plain that Mr. Mayhew thinks I ought to employ my time writing improbable fiction." "Oh, Mayhew be bothered!" exploded Eph. "Hardly," retorted Jack. "Mr. Mayhew is an officer and a gentleman. I admit that my yarn does sound fishy to a stranger. Besides, fellows, Mr. Mayhew represents the naval officers through whose good opinion our employers hope to sell a big fleet of submarine torpedo boats to the United States Government. "Then what are you going to do about it?" asked Hal, as the three boys reached the cabin below. "First of all, I'm going to rummage about and get myself some breakfast." "If you do, there'll be a fight," growled Eph Somers. "I'll hash up a breakfast for you." "And, afterwards?" persisted Hal. "I'm going to try to win Mr. Mayhew's good opinion, and that of every other naval officer or cadet I may happen to meet." "Why the cadets, particularly?" asked Eph Somers. "Because, for one business reason, the cadets are going to be the naval officers of to-morrow, and the Pollard Submarine Boat Company hopes to be building craft for the Navy for a good many years to come." "Good enough!" nodded Hal, while Eph dodged away to get that breakfast ready. Sam Truax lounged back in the engine room, smoking a short pipe. With him stuck Williamson, for Eph had privately instructed the machinist from the Farnum yard not to leave the stranger alone in the engine room. "Why don't you go up on deck and get a few whiffs of fresh air?" asked Truax. "Oh, I'm comfortable down here," grunted the machinist, who was stretched out on one of the leather-cushioned seats that ran along the Bide of the engine room. "I should think you'd want to get out of here once in a while, though," returned Truax. "Why?" asked the machinist. "Anything you want to be left alone here for?" "Oh, of course not," drawled Truax, blowing out a cloud of tobacco smoke. "Then I guess I'll stay where I am," nodded Williamson. "Sorry, but you'll have to stop all smoking in here now," announced Eph, thrusting his head in at the doorway. "There'll be a lot of cadets aboard at eleven o'clock, and we want the air clear and sweet. You'd better go all over the machinery and see that everything is in apple pie order and appearance. Mr. Hastings will be in here soon to inspect it." "Just what rank does that _young_ turkey-cock hold on board?" sneered Truax, when the door had closed. "Don't know, I'm sure," replied Williamson. "All I know is that the three youngsters are aboard here to run the boat and show it off to the best advantage. My pay is running right along, and I've no kick at taking orders from any one of them." "This is where I go on smoking, anyway," declared Truax, insolently, striking a match and lighting his pipe again. Williamson reached over, snatching the pipe from between the other man's teeth and dumping out the coals, after which the machinist coolly dropped the pipe into one of his own pockets. "If you go on this way," warned Williamson, "Captain Benson will get it into his head to put you on shore in a jiffy, and for good." "I'd like to see him try it," sneered Sam Truax. "You'll get your wish, if you go on the way you've been going!" "Humph! I don't believe the Benson boy carries the size or the weight to put me ashore." "He doesn't need any size or weight," retorted Williamson, crisply. "If Captain Benson wants you off this boat, it's only the matter of a moment for him to get a squad of marines on board--and you'll march off to the 'Rogues' march'." "So that's the way he'd work it, eh?" demanded Sam Truax, turning green and ugly around the lips. "You bet it is," retorted the machinist. "We're practically a part of the United States Navy for these few days, and naval rules will govern any game we may get into." On that hint things went along better in the engine room. When Hal Hastings came in to inspect he found nothing to criticise. At the minute of eleven o'clock a squad of some twenty cadets came marching down to the landing in front of the boat house. There Lieutenant Commander Mayhew and one of his engineer officers met them. Two cutters manned by sailors brought the party out alongside, where Jack and Hal stood ready to receive them. A very natty looking squad of future admirals came aboard, grouping themselves about on the platform deck. It was rather a tight squeeze for so many human beings in that space. After greeting the submarine boys, Mr. Mayhew turned to the cadets, calling their attention to the lines and outer construction of the "Farnum." Then he turned to the three submarine boys, signing to them to crowd forward. "These young gentlemen," announced the lieutenant commander, "are Mr. Benson, Mr. Hastings and Mr. Somers. All three are thoroughly familiar with the Pollard type of boat. As the Navy has purchased one Pollard boat, and may acquire others, it is well that you cadets should understand all the working details of the Pollard Submarine Company's crafts. A few of you at a time will now step into the conning tower, and Mr. Benson will explain to you the steering and control gear used there." Half a dozen of the cadets managed to squeeze into the conning tower. Jack experienced an odd feeling, half of embarrassment, as he explained before so many attentive pairs of eyes. Then another squad of cadets took the place of the first on-lookers. After a while all had been instructed in the use of the conning tower appliances. "Mr. Benson," continued the lieutenant commander, "will now lead the way for all hands to the cabin. There he will explain the uses of the diving controls, the compressed air apparatus, and other details usually worked from the cabin." Down below came the cadets, in orderly fashion, without either haste or lagging. Having warmed up to his subject, Jack Benson lectured earnestly, even if not with fine skill. At last he paused. "Any of the cadets may now ask questions," announced Lieutenant Commander Mayhew. There was a pause, then one of the older cadets turned to Jack to ask: "What volume of compressed air do you carry at your full capacity?" "Mr. Benson's present status," rapped Mr. Mayhew, quickly, "is that of a civilian instructor. Any cadet who addresses Mr. Benson will therefore say 'sir,' in all cases, just as in addressing an officer of the Navy." The cadet so corrected, who was at least twenty-one years old, flushed as he glanced swiftly at sixteen-year-old Jack. To say "sir" to such a youngster seemed almost like a humiliation. Yet the cadet repeated his question, adding the "sir." Jack quickly answered the question. Then two or three other questions were asked by other cadets. It was plain, however, that to all of the cadets the use of "sir" to so young a boy appealed, at least, to their sense of humor. Through the engine room door Sam Truax and Williamson stood taking it all in. Sam saw a flash in the eye of one big cadet when the question of "sir" came up. Presently the squad filed into the engine room. Here Hal Hastings had the floor for instruction. He did his work coolly, admirably, though he asked Jack Benson to explain a few of the points. Then the questions began, directed at Hal. This time none of the cadets, under the watchful eyes of Mr. Mayhew, forgot to say "sir" when speaking to Hastings. Sam Truax edged up behind the big cadet whose eyes he had seen flash a few moments before. "Go after Benson, good and hard," whispered Truax. The cadet looked keenly at Truax. "You can have a lot of fun with Benson," whispered Truax, "if you fire a lot of questions at him, hard and fast. Benson is a conceited fellow, who knows a few things about the boat, but you can get him rattled and red-faced in no time." CHAPTER X A SQUINT AT THE CAMELROORELEPHANT The big cadet wheeled upon Jack. "Mr. Benson, how long have you been engaged on submarine boats, sir?" "Since July," Jack replied. "July of this year?" "Yes." "And it is now October. Do you consider that enough time, sir, in which to learn much about submarine boats?" "That depends," Skipper Jack replied, "upon a man's ability in such a subject." "Is it long enough time, sir, for a boy?" That was rather a hard dig. Instantly the other cadets became all attention. "It depends upon the boy, as it would upon the man," Jack answered. "Do you consider, Mr. Benson, that you know all about submarine boats, sir?" "Oh, no." "Who does, sir?" "No one that I ever heard of," Jack answered, "few men interested in submarine boats know much beyond the peculiarities of their own boats." "And that applies equally to boys, sir?" "Yes," Jack smiled. "Do you consider yourself, sir, fully competent to handle this craft?" "I'd rather someone else would say it," Jack replied. "My employers, though, seem to consider me competent." "What is this material, sir?" continued the cadet, resting a hand on a piston rod. "Brass," Benson replied, promptly. "Do you know the specific gravity and the tensile strength of this brass?" Before Jack could answer Mr. Mayhew broke in, crisply: "That will do, Mr. Merriam. Your questions appear to go beyond the limits of ordinary instruction, and to partake more of the nature of a cross-examination. Such questions take up the time of the instruction tour unnecessarily." Cadet Merriam flushed slightly, as he saluted the naval officer. Then the cadet's jaws settled squarely. He remained silent. A few more questions and the hour was up. Lieutenant Commander Mayhew gave the order for the cadets to pass above and embark on the cutters. He remained behind long enough to say to the three submarine boys: "You have done splendidly, gentlemen--far better than I expected you to do. If you manage the sea instruction as well, in the days to come, our cadets will have a first-class idea of the handling of the Pollard boats." "I wish, sir," Jack replied, after thanking the officer, "that the cadets were not required to say 'sir' to us. It sounds odd, and I am quite certain that none of the young men like it." "It is necessary, though," replied Mr. Mayhew. "They are required to do it with all civilian instructors, and it would never do to draw distinctions on account of age. Yes; it is necessary." When the second squad of cadets arrived, in the afternoon, the three submarine boys found themselves ready for their task without misgivings. Eph took more part in the explanations than he had done in the forenoon. Then came a third squad of cadets, to be taken over the same ground. The young men of both these squads used the "sir" at once, having been previously warned by one of the naval officers. "That will be all for to-day, Mr. Benson, and thank you and your friends for some excellent work," said Lieutenant Commander Mayhew, when the third squad had filed away. "Say, for hard work I'd like this job right along," yawned Eph Somers, when the three were alone in the cabin. "Just talking three times a day--what an easy way of living!" "It's all right for a while," agreed Jack. "But it would grow tiresome after a few weeks, anyway. Lying here in the basin, and talking like a salesman once in a while, isn't like a life of adventure." "Oh, you can sigh for adventure, if you wish," yawned Eph. "As for me, I've had enough hard work to appreciate a rest once in a while. Going into the town to-night, Jack?" "Into town?" laughed the young skipper. "I went last night--and some of the folks didn't do a thing to me, did they?" "Aren't you going to report the robbery to the police?" demanded Hal, opening his eyes in surprise. "Not in a rush," Jack answered. "If I do, the police may start at once, and that mulatto and his friends, being on the watch, will take the alarm and get away. If I wait two or three days, then the mulatto's crowd will think I've dropped the whole thing. I reckon the waiting game will fool them more than any other." "Yes, and all the money they got away from you will be spent," muttered Eph. Jack, none the less, decided to wait and think the matter over. Supper over, the submarine boys, for want of anything else to do, sat and read until about nine o'clock. Then Jack looked up. "This is getting mighty tedious," he complained. "What do you fellows say to getting on shore and stretching our legs in a good walk?" "In town?" grinned Eph, slyly. Jack flushed, then grinned. "No!" he answered quietly; "about the Academy grounds." "I wonder if it would be against the regulations for a lot of rank outsiders like us to go through the grounds at this hour?" "Rank outsiders?" mimicked Jack Benson, laughing. "You forget, Hal, old fellow, that we're instruct--hem! civilian instructors--here." "I wonder, though, if it would be in good taste for us to go prowling through the grounds at this hour?" persisted Hal. "There's one sure way to find out," proposed Benson. "We can try it, and, if no marine sentry chases us, we can conclude that we're moving about within our rights. Come along, fellows." Putting on their caps, the three went up on the platform deck. The engine room door was locked and Williamson and Truax had already turned in. There was a shore boat at the landing. Jack sent a low-voiced hail that brought the boat out alongside. "Will it be proper for us to go through the Academy grounds at this hour?" Jack inquired of the petty officer in the stern. "Yes, sir; there's no regulation against it. And, anyway, sir, you're all stationed here, just now." "Thank you. Then please take us ashore." At this hour the walks through the grounds were nearly deserted. A few officers, and some of their ladies living at the naval station, were out. The cadets were all in their quarters in barracks, hard at study, or supposed to be. For some time the submarine boys strolled about, enjoying the air and the views they obtained of buildings and grounds. Back at Dunhaven the air had been frosty. Here, at this more southern port, the October night was balmy, wholly pleasant. "I wonder if these cadets here ever have any real fun?" questioned Eph Somers. "I've heard--or read--that they do," laughed Hal. "What sort of fun?" "Well, for one thing, the cadets of the upper classes haze the plebe cadets a good deal." "Humph! That's fun for all but the plebes. Who are the plebes, anyway?" "The new cadets; the youngest class at the Academy," Hal replied. "What do they do to the plebe?" Eph wanted to know. "I guess the only way you could find that out, Eph, would be to join the plebe class." "Reckon, when I come to Annapolis, I'll enter the class above the plebe," retorted Somers. The three submarine boys had again approached the cadet barracks building. "Here comes a cadet now, Eph," whispered Jack. "If he has the time, I don't doubt he'd be glad to answer any questions you may have for him." Young Benson offered this suggestion in a spirit of mischief, hoping the approaching cadet, when questioned, would resent it stiffly. Then Eph would be almost certain to flare up. The cadet, however, suddenly turned, coming straight toward them, smiling. "Good evening, gentlemen," was the cadet's greeting. "Good evening," was Jack's hearty reply. "You've never been here before, have you, sir?" "Never," Jack confessed. "Then I take it you have never, sir, seen the camelroorelephant?" "The cam--" began Eph Somers. Then he stopped, clapping both hands to his right jaw. "Won't you please hand that to us in pieces?" begged Eph, speaking as though with difficulty. The cadet laughed heartily, then added: "Don't try to pronounce it, gentlemen, until you've seen the camelroorelephant. It's a cadet joke, but it's well worth seeing. Shall I take you to it?" "Why, yes, if you'll be good enough," Jack assented, heartily. The cadet glanced quickly about him, then said in a low voice: "This way, please, gentlemen." He led the strangers quickly around the end of barracks to an open space in the rear. Here he halted. "Gentlemen, I must ask you to close your eyes, and keep them closed, on honor, until I ask you to open them again. You won't have to keep your eyes closed more than sixty seconds before the camelroorelephant will be ready for inspection. Now, eyes closed, please." Lingering only long enough to make sure that his request had been met, the cadet stole noiselessly away. Nor was it many seconds later when all three of the submarine boys began to feel suddenly suspicious. "I'm going to open my eyes," whispered Eph. "You're on honor not to," warned Jack Benson, also in a whisper. "I didn't give my word," retorted Eph, "and I'm going to--oh, great shades of Santiago!" The very genuine note of concern in Eph's voice caused Jack and Hal to open their own eyes instantly. Nor could any of the three repress a quick start. From all quarters naval cadets were advancing stealthily upon them. Something in the very attitude and poise of the young men told the submarine boys that these naval cadets were out for mischief. "We're in for it!" breathed Jack, in an undertone. "We're in for something real and startling, I reckon. Fellows, brace up and take your medicine, whatever it is, like men!" CHAPTER XI BUT SOMETHING HAPPENED! Nor was Jack's guess in the least wrong. Even had the submarine boys attempted to bolt they would have found it impossible. They were surrounded. The cadets closed quickly in upon them. There were more than thirty of these budding young naval officers. It was Cadet Merriam who stepped straight up to Jack, giving him a grotesque and exaggerated salute, as he rumbled out: "Good evening, SIR!" Like a flash Jack Benson comprehended. These cadets intended fully to even up matters for having been obliged to say "sir" to these very youthful "civilian instructors." "Good evening," Jack smiled. "You have come to see the camelroorelephant, SIR?" "We've been told that we might have that pleasure," Jack responded, still smiling. "Perhaps you may," retorted Cadet Merriam, "though, first of all, it will be necessary to prove yourselves worthy of the privilege, SIR." "Anything within our power," promised Jack. "Then, SIR, let me see you all three stand 'at attention.'" "At attention" is the rigid attitude taken by a United States soldier or sailor when in the presence of his officers. Jack had already seen men in that attitude, and did his best to imitate it in smart military manner. Eph and Hal did likewise. "No, no, no, you dense blockheads!" uttered Cadet Midshipman Merriam. "'At attention' upside down--on your hands!" The other cadet midshipmen now hemmed in closely about the three. Jack thought he caught the idea. He bent over, throwing his feet up in the air and resting on his hands. Unable to keep his balance, he walked two or three steps. "I didn't tell you to walk your post, blockhead!" scowled Mr. Merriam. "Stand still when at attention." Jack tried, but of course made a ludicrous failure of standing still on his hands. So did Hal and Eph. The latter, truth to tell, didn't try very hard, for his freckled temper was coming a bit to the surface. "You're the rawest recruits, the worst landlubbers I've ever seen," declared Cadet Midshipman Merriam, with severe dignity. "Rest, before you try it any further." The smile had all but left Jack Benson's lips, though he tried to keep it there. Hal Hastings made the most successful attempt at looking wholly unconcerned. Eph's face was growing redder every minute. It is a regrettable fact that Eph was really beginning to want to fight. "See here," ordered Mr. Merriam, suddenly, taking Jack by the arm, "you're a horse, a full blooded Arab steed--understand?" He gave young Benson a push that sent that youngster down to the ground on all fours. "You're General Washington, out to take a ride on your horse," announced Mr. Merriam, turning to Hal. "It's a ride for your health. Do you understand? It will be wholly for your health to take that ride!" Hal Hastings couldn't help comprehending. With a sheepish grin he sat astride of Jack Benson's back as the latter stood on all fours. "Go ahead with your ride, General," called Mr. Merriam. Jack pranced as best he could, on all fours, Hal making the load of his own weight as light as he could. Over the ground the pair moved in this nonsensical ride, the cadets following and grinning their appreciation of the nonsense. Two of the young men followed, holding Eph by the arms between them. Mr. Merriam now turned upon the unhappy freckled boy. "Down on all fours," ordered Mr. Merriam. "You're the measly dog that barked at General Washington on that famous ride. Bark, you wretched yellow cur--bark, bark, _bark_!" Though Eph Somers was madder than ever, he had just enough judgment remaining to feel that the wisest thing would be to obey instructions. So, on all fours, Eph raced after Jack, barking at him. "See how frightened the horse is," muttered one of the midshipmen. Taking the hint, Jack shied as well as he could. "That's all," said Mr. Merriam, at last. "All of that, at least." As the three submarine boys rose, each found himself gently held by a pair of cadet midshipmen. It was a more or less polite hint that the ordeal was not yet over. Mr. Merriam turned to whisper to one of the cadets, who darted inside the barracks building. He was back, promptly, carrying a folded blanket on his arm. A grin spread over the faces of the assembled cadet midshipmen. The bearer of the blanket at once unfolded it. As many of the cadets as could got hold of the edges, bending, holding the blanket spread out over the ground. Jack Benson's two captors suddenly hurled him across the length of the blanket with no gentle force. Instantly the cadets holding the blankets straightened up, jerking it taut. Up into the air a couple of feet bounded Jack. As his body came down the cadets holding the blanket gave it a still harder jerk. This time Jack shot up into the air at least four feet. It was the same old blanket-tossing, long popular both in the Army and Navy. Every time Jack landed the blanket was given a harder jerk by those holding it. Benson began to go higher and higher. And now the cadets broke into a low, monotonous chant, in time to their movements. It ran: _Sir, sir, surcingle!_ _Sir, sir, circle!_ _Sir, sir, with a shingle--_ _Sir, sir, sir!_ As regular as drumbeats the cadets ripped out the syllables of the refrain. At each word Jack Benson's body shot higher and higher. These young men were experts in the gentle art of blanket-tossing. Ere long the submarine boy was going up into the air some eight or nine feet at every tautening of the blanket. As for escape, that was out of the question. No sooner did the submarine boy touch the blanket than he shot skyward again. Had he desired to he could not have called out. The motion and the sudden jolts shook all the breath out of him. "Ugh! Hm! Pleasant, isn't it?" uttered Hal Hastings, grimly, under his breath. "If they try to do that to me," whispered Eph, hotly, under his breath, "I'll fight." "More simpleton you, then!" Hal shot back at him in warning. "What chance do you think you stand against a crowd like this?" Just as suddenly as it had begun the blanket tossing stopped. Yet, hardly had Jack been allowed to step out than Hal Hastings was unceremoniously dropped athwart the blanket. The tossing began again, to the chant of: _Sir, sir, surcingle!_ _Sir, sir, circle!_ Right plentifully were these cadet midshipmen avenging themselves for having had to say "sir" to these young submarine boys that day. "Woof!" breathed Jack, as soon as breath entered his body again. Eph clenched his fists tightly, as Hal continued to go higher and higher. But at last Hastings's ordeal was over. "I suppose they'll try that on me!" gritted Eph Somers to himself. "If they do--" That was far as he got, for Eph was suddenly flung upon the blanket. _Sir, sir, surcingle!_ Then how Eph _did_ go up and down! It was as though these cadet midshipmen knew that it would make Eph mad, madder, maddest! These budding young naval officers fairly bent to their work, tautening and loosening on the blanket until their muscles fairly ached. It was lofty aerial work that Eph Somers was doing. Up and up--higher and higher! Without the need of any effort on his own part young Somers was now traveling upward at the rate of ten or eleven feet at every punctuated bound. Then, suddenly, there came a sound that chilled the blood of every young cadet midshipman hazer present. "_Halt!_ Where you are!" Under the shadow of the barracks building a naval officer had appeared. He now came forward, a frown on his face, eyeing the culprits. It is no merry jest for cadet midshipmen to be caught at hazing! And here were some thirty of them--red-handed! CHAPTER XII JACK, BENSON, EXPERT EXPLAINER At the first word of command from the officer several of the cadet midshipmen who were near enough to an open doorway vanished through it. As the officer strode through the group of startled young men a few more, left behind his back, made a silent disappearance. There were left, however, as the officer looked about him, sixteen of the young men, all too plainly headed and led by Cadet Midshipman Merriam. "Young gentlemen," said the officer, severely, "I regret to find so many of you engaged in hazing. It is doubly bad when your victims are men outside the corps. And, if I mistake not, these young gentlemen are here as temporary civilian instructors in submarine work." Mr. Merriam and his comrades made no reply in words. Nor did their faces express much. They stood at attention, looking stolidly ahead of them, though their faces were turned toward the officer. It was not the place of any of them to speak unless the officer asked questions. Severe as the hazing had been, however, Jack and Hal, at least, had taken it all in good part. Nor was Jack bound by any of the rules of etiquette that prevented the cadets from speaking. "May I offer a word, sir?" asked Jack, wheeling upon the officer. "You were one of the victims of a hazing, were you not?" demanded the officer, regarding Jack, keenly. "Why, could you call it that, sir?" asked Jack, a look of innocent surprise settling on his face. "We called it a demonstration--an explanation." "Demonstration? Explanation?" repeated the officer, astonished in his turn. "What do you mean, Mr.--er--" "Benson," Jack supplied, quietly. "I think you would better tell me a little more, Mr. Benson," pursued the unknown naval officer. "Why, it was like this, sir," Jack continued. "My two friends--Hastings and Somers--and myself were talking about the West Point and Annapolis hazings, of which we had heard and read. We were talking about the subject when a cadet came along. I suggested to Somers that we ask the cadet about hazing. Well, sir, to make a long story short, some of the cadets undertook to show us just how hazing is--or used to be--done at Annapolis." "Oh! Then it was all thoroughly goodnatured, all in the way of a joke, to show you something you wanted to know?" asked the naval officer, slowly. "That's the way I took it," replied Jack. "So did Hastings and Somers. We've enjoyed ourselves more than anyone else here has." This was truth surely enough, for, in the last two minutes, not one of the cadet midshipmen present could have been accused of _enjoying_ himself. "Then what took place here, Mr. Benson, really took place at your request?" insisted the naval officer. "It all answered the questions that we had been asking," Jack replied, promptly, though, it must be admitted, rather evasively. "This is your understanding, too, Mr. Hastings?" demanded the officer. "Surely," murmured Hal. "You, Mr. Somers?" "I--I haven't had so much fun since the gasoline engine blew up," protested Eph. "We entered most heartily into the spirit of the thing," Jack hastened on to say, "and feel that we owe the deepest thanks to these young gentlemen of the Navy. Yet, if our desire to know more about the life--that is, the former life--of the Academy is to result in getting our entertainers into any trouble, we shall never cease regretting our unfortunate curiosity." For some moments the naval officer regarded the three submarine boys, solemnly, in turn. From them he turned to look over the cadet midshipmen. The latter looked as stolid, and stood as rigidly at attention, as ever. "Under this presentation of the matter," said the officer, after a long pause, "I am not prepared to say that there has been any violation of discipline. At least, no grave infraction. However, some of these young gentlemen are, I believe, absent from their quarters without leave. Mr. Merriam?" "I have permission to be absent from my quarters between nine and ten, sir." "Mr. Caldwell?" "Absent from quarters without permission, sir." So on down through the list the officer ran. Nine of the young men proved to have leave to be away from their quarters. The other seven did not have such permission. The names of these seven, therefore, were written down to be reported. The seven, too, were ordered at once back to their quarters. Having issued his instructions, the naval officer turned and walked away. Jack and his comrades, too, left the scene. Yet they had not gone far when they heard a low hail behind. Turning, they saw Cadet Midshipmen Merriam hastening toward them. "Gentlemen," he said, earnestly, as he reached them, "it may not be best for me to be seen lingering here to talk with you. But my comrades wanted me to come after you and to say that we think you bricks. You carried that off finely, Mr. Benson. None of us will ever forget it." "It wasn't much to do," smiled Jack, pleasantly. "It was quick-witted of you, and generous too, sir," rejoined Mr. Merriam, finding it now very easy to employ the "sir." "Probably you agree with us that no great crime was committed, anyway. But, just the same, hazing is under a heavy ban these days. If you hadn't saved the day as you did, sir, all of our cadet party might have been dismissed the Service. Those absent from quarters without leave will get only a few demerits apiece. We have that much to thank you for, sir, and we do. All our thanks, remember. Good night, sir." "My courage was down in my boots for a while," confessed Hal Hastings, as the three chums continued their walk back to the Basin. "When?" demanded Eph, grimly. "When your boots--and the rest of you--were so high up in the air over the blanket?" "No; when the cadets were caught at it," replied Hal. "Say, Jack," demanded Eph, "do you ever give much thought to the future life?" "Meaning the life in the next world?" questioned Benson. "Yes." "I sometimes give a good deal of thought to it," Jack confessed. "Then where do you expect to go, when the time comes?" "Why?" "After the whoppers you told that officer?" "I didn't tell him even a single tiny fib," protested Jack, indignantly. "Oh, you George Washington!" choked Eph Somers. "Well, I didn't," insisted Jack. "Now, just stop and think. Weren't we all three discussing hazing?" "Yes." "Then that part of what I told the officer was straight. Now, Eph, when we saw that first cadet come along, didn't I suggest to you to ask him about hazing?" "Ye-es," admitted Somers, thoughtfully. "Then, didn't the cadet midshipmen offer to show us all about hazing pranks, and didn't they do it?" "Well, rather," muttered Eph. "Now, young man, that's all I told the officer, except that we enjoyed our entertainment greatly." "_Did_ we enjoy it, though?" demanded Eph Somers, bridling up. "I did," replied Jack, "and I spoke for myself. I enjoyed it as I would enjoy almost any new experience." "So did I," added Hal, warmly. "It was rough--mighty rough--but now I know what an Annapolis hazing is like, and I'm glad I do." "Well, I want to tell you I didn't enjoy it," blazed Eph. "It was a mighty cheeky--" "Then why did you let the officer imagine you enjoyed it?" taunted Jack. While Hal put in, slyly: "Eph, you're too quick to talk about others fibbing. From the evidence just put in, it's evident that you're the only one of the three who fibbed any. Won't you please walk on the ether side of the road? I never did like to travel with liars." "Oh, you go to Jericho!" flared Eph. But, as he walked along, he blinked a good deal, and did some hard thinking. "I'll tell you," broke out Jack, suddenly, "who thanks us even more than the cadets them selves do." "Who?" queried Hal. "That officer who caught the crowd at it." "Do you think he cared?" "Of course he did," said Jack, positively. "He'd rather have gone hungry for a couple of days than have to report that bunch for hazing." "Then why was he so infernally stiff with the young men?" "He had to be; that's the answer. That officer, like every other officer of the Navy detailed here, is sworn to do his full duty. So he has to enforce the regulations. But don't you suppose, fellows, that officer was hazed, and did some hazing on his own account, when he was a cadet midshipman here years ago? Of course! And that's why the officer didn't question us any more closely than he did. He was afraid he might stumble on something that would oblige him to report the whole crowd for hazing. _He_ didn't want to do it. That officer, I'm certain, knew that, if he questioned us too closely, he'd find a lot more beneath the surface that he simply didn't want to dig up." "Would you have told the truth, if he had questioned you searchingly, and pinned you right down?" demanded Eph Somers. "Of course I would," Jack replied, soberly. "I'm no liar. But I feel deeply grateful to that officer for not being keener." Before nine o'clock the next morning news of the night's doings back of barracks had spread through the entire corps of cadet midshipmen. With these young men of the Navy there was but one opinion of the submarine boys--that they were trumps, wholly of the right sort. As a result, Jack, Hal and Eph had hundreds of new friends among those who will officer the Navy of the morrow. Not so bad, even just as a stroke of business! CHAPTER XIII READY FOR THE SEA CRUISE For the next ten days things moved along without much excitement for the submarine boys. During that time they had an average of four sections a day of cadet midshipmen to instruct in the workings of the Pollard type of submarine torpedo boat. During the last few days short cruises were taken on the Severn River, in order that the middies might practise at running the motors and handling the craft. At such times one squad of midshipmen would be on duty in the engine room, another in the conning tower and on the platform deck. Of course, when the midshipmen handled the "Farnum," under command of a Navy officer, the submarine boys had but little more to do than to be on board. Certainly they were not overworked. Yet all three were doing fine work for their employers in making the Navy officers of the future like the Pollard type of craft. After waiting a few days Jack Benson reported to the Annapolis police his experience with the mulatto "guide." The police thought they recognized the fellow, from the description, and did their best to find him. The mulatto, however, seemed to have disappeared from that part of the country. There came a Friday afternoon when, as the last detachment of middies filed over the side into the waiting cutter, Lieutenant Commander Mayhew announced: "This, Mr. Benson, completes the instruction desired in the Basin and in the river. To-morrow and Sunday you will have for rest. On Monday, at 10 A.M., a section will report aboard for the first trip out to sea. Then you will show our young men how the boat dives, and how she is run under water. As none of our cadet midshipmen have ever been below in a submarine before, you will be sure of having eager students." "And perhaps some nervous ones," smiled Skipper Jack. "Possibly," assented Mr. Mayhew. "I doubt it, though. Nervousness is not a marked trait of any young man who has been long enrolled at the Naval Academy." "Can we have a slight favor done us, Mr. Mayhew?" Jack asked. "Any reasonable favor, of course." "Then, sir, we'd like to spend a little time ashore, as we've been confined so long aboard. If I lock up everything tight on the boat until Sunday night, may we know that the 'Farnum' will be under the protection of the marine guard?" "I feel that there will not be the slightest difficulty in promising you that," replied Mr. Mayhew. "I will telephone the proper authorities about it as soon as I go on shore." All hands on board were pleased over the prospect of going ashore, with the exception of Sam Truax. "You don't need any guard on the boat," he protested. "I don't want to go ashore. Leave me here and I'll be all the guard necessary." "We're all going ashore," Jack replied. "But I haven't any money to spend ashore," objected Truax. "I'll let you have ten dollars on account, then," replied Jack, who was well supplied with money, thanks to a draft received from Jacob Farnum. "I don't want to go ashore, anyway." "I'm sorry, Truax, but it doesn't really make any difference. The boat will be closed up tight, and there wouldn't be any place for you to stay, except on the platform deck." "You're not treating me fairly," protested Sam Truax, indignantly. "I'm sorry you think so. Still, if you're not satisfied, all I can do is to pay you off to date. Then you can go where you please." "I'm here by David Pollard's order. Do you forget that?" "He sent you along to us, true," admitted Jack, "but I have instructions from Mr. Farnum to dismiss anyone whose work on board I don't like. Now, Truax, you're a competent enough man in the engine room, and there's no sense in having to let you go. You're well paid, and can afford the time on shore. I wouldn't make any more fuss about this, but do as the rest of us are going to do." "Oh, I'll have to, then, since you're boss here," grumbled Truax, sulkily. "I don't want to make it felt too much that I am boss here," Jack retorted, mildly. "At the same time, though, I'm held responsible, and so I suppose I'll have to have things done the way that seems best to me." Sam Truax turned to get his satchel. The instant his back was turned on the young commander Sam's face was a study in ugliness. "Oh, I'll take this all out of you," muttered the fellow to himself. "I don't believe, Jack Benson, you'll go on the cruising next week. If you do, you won't be much good, anyway!" Ten minutes later a shore boat landed the entire party from the submarine craft. "Going with the rest of us, Truax?" inquired Jack, pleasantly. "No; I'm going to find a boarding-house. That will be cheaper than the hotel." So the other four kept straight on to the Maryland House, giving very little more thought to the sulky one. It was not until after supper that Eph turned the talk back to Sam Truax. "I don't like the fellow, at all," declared young Somers. "He always wants to be left alone in the engine room, for one thing." "And I've made it my business, regular," added Williamson; the machinist, "to see that he doesn't have his wish." "He's always sulky, and kicking about everything," added Eph. "I may be wrong, but can't get it out of my head that the fellow came aboard on purpose to be a trouble-maker." "Why, what object could he have in that?" asked Captain Jack. "Blessed if I know," replied Eph. "But that's the way I size the fellow up. Now, take that time you were knocked senseless, back in Dunhaven. Who could have done that? The more I think about Sam Truax, the more I suspect him as the fellow who stretched you out." "Again, what object could he have?" inquired Benson. "Blessed if I know. What object could anyone have in such a trick against you? It was a state prison job, if the fellow had been caught at the time." "Well, there's one thing Truax was innocent of, anyway," laughed Captain Jack. "He didn't have any hand in the way I was tricked and robbed by the mulatto." "Blamed if I'm so sure he didn't have a hand in that, too," contended Eph Somers, stubbornly. "Yet Mr. Pollard recommended him," urged Jack. "Yes, and a fine fellow Dave Pollard is--true as steel," put in Hal Hastings, quietly. "Yet you know what a dreamer he is. Always has his head in the air and his thoughts among the stars. He'd as like as not take a fellow like Truax on the fellow's own say-so, and never think of looking him up." "Oh, we've no reason to think Truax isn't honest enough," contended Jack Benson. "He's certainly a fine workman. As to his being sulky, you know well enough that's a common fault among men who spend their lives listening to the noise of great engines. A man who can't make himself heard over the noise of a big engine hasn't much encouragement to talk. Now, a man who can't find much chance to talk becomes sulky a good many times out of ten." "We'll have trouble with that fellow, Truax, yet," muttered Eph. "Oh, I hope not," Jack answered, then added, significantly: "If he _does_ start any trouble he may find that he has been trifling with the wrong crowd!" Very little more thought was given to the sulky one. The submarine boys and their companion, Williamson, enjoyed Saturday and Sunday ashore. All of them might have felt disturbed, however, had they known of one thing that happened. The naval machinists aboard the first submarine boat, the "Pollard," now owned by the United States Government, found something slightly out of order with the "Pollard's" engine that they did not know exactly how to remedy. Sam Truax, hanging around the Basin that Sunday forenoon, was called upon. He gladly responded to the call for help. For four hours he toiled along in the "Pollard's" engine room. Much of that time he spent there alone. The job done, at last, Truax quietly received the thanks of the naval machinists and went ashore again. Yet, as he turned and walked toward the main gate of the grounds, there was a smile on Sam Truax's face that was little short of diabolical. "Now, if I can only get the same chance at the 'Farnum's' engines!" he muttered, to himself. "If I can, I think Mr. Jack Benson will find himself out of favor with his company, for his company will be out of favor with the Navy Department at Washington!" CHAPTER XIV THE "POLLARD" GOES LAME "The submarine boats when out in the Bay will keep abreast of the 'Hudson,' two hundred yards off on either beam. The speed will be fourteen knots when the signal is given for full speed. The general course, after leaving the mouth of the Bay will be East." Such were the instructions called from the rail of the gunboat, through a megaphone, Monday forenoon. On each of the submarine craft were sixteen cadet midshipmen, out for actual practice in handling a submarine in diving, and in running under water. On board the gunboat were eighty more cadets. Thus a large class of the young men were to receive instruction during the cruise, for the detachments aboard the submarines could be changed at the pleasure of Lieutenant Commander Mayhew, who was in charge of the cruise. Captain Jack, his own hands on the conning tower wheel, ran the "Farnum" out into the river, first of all. Then the "Pollard," under command of a naval officer, followed. Both backed water, then waited for the "Hudson" to come out, for the gunboat was to lead the way until the Bay was reached. Then the formation ordered would be followed. Though it was nearing the first of November, the day, near land, was ideally soft and balmy. As many of the midshipmen as could sought the platform deck of the "Farnum." Those, however, who belonged to the engineer division were obliged to spend the greater part of their time below. By the time that the three craft were in the ordered formation, abreast, and well started down Chesapeake Bay, the parent vessel signaled that the designated cadets were to take charge of the handling of the submarine boats. Jack Benson cheerfully relinquished the wheel to Cadet Midshipman Merriam, and stepped out on to the platform deck. At need, as in case of accident or misunderstanding of signals or orders, Benson was still in command. While all ran smoothly, however, Mr. Merriam enjoyed command. Hal, being likewise relieved in the engine room, came also out on deck. "Where's Eph?" inquired the young commander of the "Farnum." "In the engine room," smiled Hal. "He said I could leave, if I wanted, but that he'd be hanged if he'd let Truax out of his sight while I was away." "Eph seems to have Truax on the brain," laughed Jack. "Well, Truax is a queer and surly one," Hal admitted. "This morning he gives one the impression of peeking over his shoulder all the time to see whether he's being watched." "So Eph means to humor him by watching him, eh?" asked Jack. Hal laughed quietly. Some of the cadets who were familiar with the landmarks of Chesapeake Bay pointed out many of the localities and sights to the two submarine boys. At last, however, Eph was obliged to call for Hal. "You know, Hal, old fellow, I've got to look out for the feeding of a lot of boarders to-day," complained Eph, whimsically. This task of Eph's took time, though it was not a hard one. The food for the cadets had been sent aboard. Eph had to make coffee and heat soup. For the rest, cold food had to do. The young men, on this trip, were required to wait on themselves. Hal found Sam Truax sitting moodily in a corner of the engine room, though there was something about the fellow's appearance that suggested the watchfulness of a cat. "Why don't you go on deck a while, Truax?" asked Hal, kindly. "Don't want to," snapped the fellow, irritably. So Hal turned his back on the man. "Doesn't that part need loosening up a bit, sir?" asked the cadet in charge of the engineer division. "Yes," replied Hastings, after watching a moment; "it does." "I'll do it, then," proposed Truax, roughly. He attempted to crowd his way past Hal, but the latter refused to be crowded, and stood his ground until the midshipman passed him a wrench. Then Hastings loosened up the part. "You might let me do a little something," growled Sam Truax, in a tone intentionally offensive. "Don't forget, Truax, that I'm in command in this department," retorted Hal, in a quieter tone than usual, though with a direct, steady look that made Sam Truax turn white with repressed wrath. "You won't let me forget it, will you?" snarled the fellow. "No; for I don't want you to forget it, and least of all on this cruise," responded Hal Hastings. "You don't give me any chance to--" "Silence!" ordered Hal, taking a step toward him. Sam Truax opened his mouth to make some retort, then wisely changed his mind, dropping back into his former seat. The noon meal was served to all hands. By the time it was well over the mouth of the Bay was in sight, the broad Atlantic rolling in beyond. The sea, when reached, proved to be almost smooth. It was ideal weather for such a cruise. Then straight East, for an hour they went, getting well out of the path of coasting vessels. "Hullo! What in blazes does that mean?" suddenly demanded Hal, pointing astern at starboard. The "Pollard" lay tossing gently on the water, making no headway. Hardly ten seconds later the "Hudson" signaled a halt. Then followed some rapid signaling between the gunboat and the submarine that had stopped. There was some break in the "Pollard's" machinery, but the cause had not yet been determined. "Blazes!" muttered Jack, uneasily. "It couldn't have happened at a worse time. This looks bad for our firm, Hal!" The "Farnum" now lay to, as did the "Hudson," for the officer in command of the "Pollard" signaled that his machinists were making a rapid but thorough investigation of the unfortunate submarine's engines. Finally, a cutter put off from the "Hudson," with a cadet midshipman in charge. The small boat came over alongside, and the midshipman called up: "The lieutenant commander's compliments, and will Mr. Benson detail Mr. Hastings to go over to the 'Pollard' and assist?" "My compliments to the lieutenant commander," Jack replied. "And be good enough to report to him, please, that Mr. Hastings and I will both go." "My orders, sir, are to convey you to the 'Pollard' before reporting back to the parent vessel," replied the midshipman. The cutter came alongside, taking off the two submarine boys, while Eph Somers devoted himself to watching Sam Truax as a bloodhound might have hung to a trail. Arrived on board the good, old, familiar "Pollard," Jack and Hal hurried below. "The machinery is too hot to handle, now, sir," reported one of the naval machinists, "but it looks as though something was wrong right in there"--pointing. "Put one of the electric fans at work there, at once," directed Hal. "Then things ought to be cool enough in half an hour, to make an examination possible." After seeing this done, the two submarine boys left for the platform deck, for the engine room was both hot and crowded. "How long is it going to take you, Mr. Hastings?" asked the naval officer in command of the "Pollard." "Half an hour to get the parts cool enough to examine, but I can't say, sir, how long the examination and repairs will take." So the officer in command signaled what proved to be vague and unsatisfactory information to Lieutenant Commander Mayhew. "This is a bad time to have this sort of thing happen," observed the naval officer in charge. "A mighty bad time, sir," Jack murmured. "And the engines of the 'Pollard' were supposed to be in first-class condition." "They _were_ in A-1 condition, when the boat was turned over to the Navy," Jack responded. "Do you imagine, then, Mr. Benson, that some of the naval machinists have been careless or incompetent?" "Why, that would be a wild guess to make, sir, when one, remembers what high rank your naval machinists take in their work," Jack Benson replied. "And this boat was sold to the Navy with the strongest guarantee for the engines," pursued the officer in charge. Jack and Hal were both worried. The sudden break had a bad look for the Pollard boats, in the success of which these submarine boys were most vitally interested. At last, from below, the suspected parts of the engine were reported to be cool enough for examination. The naval officer in charge followed Jack and Hal below. Taking off his uniform blouse and rolling up his sleeves, Hal sailed in vigorously to locate the fault. Machinists and cadets stood about, passing him the tools he needed, and helping him when required. At last, after disconnecting some parts, Hal drew out a long, slender brass piston. As he held it up young Hastings's face went as white as chalk. "Do you see this?" he demanded, hoarsely. "Filed, crazily, and it also looks as though the inner end had been heated and tampered with," gasped Jack Benson. "This, sir," complained Hal, turning around to face the naval officer in charge, "looks like a direct attempt to tamper with and damage the engine. Someone has done this deliberately, sir. It only remains to find the culprit." "Then we'll find out," retorted the naval officer, "if it takes a court of inquiry and a court martial to do it. But are you sure of your charge, Mr. Hastings?" "Am I sure?" repeated Hal, all the soul of the young engineer swelling to the surface. "Take this piston, sir, and examine it. Could such a job have been done, unless by sheer design and intent?" "Will the lieutenant permit me to speak?" asked the senior machinist, taking a step forward and saluting. "Yes; go ahead." "Yesterday morning, sir," continued the senior machinist, "we thought the engines needed some overhauling by someone more accustomed to them than we were. We saw one of the machinists of the 'Farnum,' sir, hanging about on shore. So we invited him aboard and asked him to look the engines over." "Describe the man," begged Jack. The senior machinist gave a description that instantly denoted Sam Truax as the man in question. "Did you leave him alone in here, at any time?" demanded Hal. "Let me see. Why, yes, sir. The man must have been alone in here some three-quarters of an hour." Jack and Hal exchanged swift glances. There seemed, now, very little need of carrying the investigation further. CHAPTER XV ANOTHER TURN AT HARD LUCK When he could trust himself to speak Hal Hastings addressed the naval officer. "I think Mr. Benson and myself understand, sir, how it happened that this damage was done. There are extra parts in the repair kit. In twenty minutes, sir, I think we can have the engines running smoothly once more." The naval officer was wise enough not to press the questioning further just then. Instead, he went on deck. Working like beavers, and with the assistance of others standing about, Jack and Hal had the piston replaced and all the other parts in place within fifteen minutes. Then, once more, Hal turned on the gasoline, set the ignition, and watched. The engine ran as smoothly as ever. "There won't be any more trouble, unless someone is turned loose here with files and a blast lamp," pronounced Hal. Then he and his chum sought the deck, to report to the officer in charge. "You think we're in running order, now?" asked that officer. "If you give the speed-ahead signal, sir, I think you'll feel as though you had a live engine under your deck," Hal assured him. The signal was given, the "Pollard" immediately responding. She cut a wide circle, at good speed, returning to her former position, where the propellers were stopped. "You suspect your own machinist, who was aboard?" asked the naval officer, in a low tone, of the submarine boys. "If you'll pardon our not answering directly, sir," Captain Jack replied, "we want to have more than suspicions before we make a very energetic report on this strange accident. But we shall not be asleep, sir, in the matter of finding out. Then we shall make a full report to Mr. Mayhew." "Success to you--and vigilance!" muttered the naval officer. The gunboat's cutter came alongside, transferring Jack and Hal back to the "Farnum." Hal went directly below to the engine room. "You fixed the trouble with the 'Pollard'?" demanded Eph Somers, eagerly. "Yes," Hal admitted. "What was wrong?" "Why, I don't know as I'd want to commit myself in too offhand a way," replied Hal, slowly, as though thinking. "What appeared to be at the bottom of the trouble?" "Why, it may have been that one of the naval machinists, not understanding our engines any too well, allowed one of the pistons to get overheated, and then resorted to filing," Hal replied. "What? Overheat a piston, and then try to correct it with a file!" cried young Somers, disgustedly. "The crazy blacksmith! He ought to be set to shoeing snails--that's all he's fit for." "It looks that way," Hal assented, smiling. Artful, clever Hal! He had carried it all off so coolly and naturally that Sam Truax, who had been closely studying Hastings's face from the background, was wholly deceived. "This fellow, Hastings, isn't as smart as I had thought him," muttered Truax, to himself. The interrupted cruise now proceeded, the parent vessel signaling for a temporary speed of sixteen knots in order to make up for lost time. Twenty minutes later came the signal from the "Hudson:" "At the command, the submarines will dash ahead at full speed, each making its best time. During this trial, which will end at the firing of a gun from the parent vessel, all cadets will be on deck." Word was immediately passed below, and all the cadets of the engineer division came tumbling up. To these, who had been in the engine room constantly for hours, the cool wind blowing across the deck was highly agreeable. For the speed dash Captain Jack Benson had again taken command. He passed word below to Eph Somers to take the wheel in the conning tower. Eph, therefore, came up with the last of the cadets from below. In the excitement of the pending race it had not been noticed by any of the submarine boys that Williamson was already on deck, aft. That left Sam Truax below in sole possession of the boat's engine quarters. The gunboat now fell a little behind, leaving the two submarines some four hundred yards apart, but as nearly as possible on a line. "Look at the crowd over on the 'Pollard's' decks," muttered Hal. "They're all Navy folks over there." "And they mean to beat such plain 'dubs' as they must consider us," laughed Captain Jack, in an undertone. "Will they beat us, though?" grinned Hal Hastings "You and I, Jack, happen to know that the 'Farnum' is a bit the faster boat by rights." Suddenly the signal broke out from the gunboat. "Race her, Eph!" shouted Captain Jack. "Aye, aye, sir!" Eph Somers's right hand caught at the speed signals beside the wheel. He called for all speed, the bell jangling merrily in the engine room. A little cheer of excitement went up from the cadets aboard the "Farnum" as that craft shot ahead over the waters. The cadets were catching the thrill of what was virtually a race. At the same time, though, these midshipmen could not help feeling a good deal of interest in the success of the "Pollard," which was manned wholly by representatives of the Navy. In the first three minutes the "Farnum" stole gradually, though slowly, ahead of the "Pollard." Then, to the disgust of all three of the submarine boys, the other craft was seen to be gaining. Before long the "Pollard" had the lead, and looked likely to increase it. Already gleeful cheers were rising from the all-navy crowd on the deck of the other submarine. Behind the racers sped the "Hudson," keeping just far enough behind to be able to observe everything without interfering with either torpedo craft. From looking at the "Pollard" Captain Jack glanced down at the water. His own boat's bows seemed to be cutting the water at a fast gait. The young skipper, knowing what he knew about both boats, could not understand this losing to the other craft. "The Navy men must know a few tricks with engines that we haven't guessed," he observed, anxiously, to young Hastings. "I don't know what it can be, then," murmured Hal, uneasily. "There aren't so confusingly many parts to a six-cylinder gasoline motor. They aren't hard engines to run. More depends on the engine itself than on the engineer." "But look over there," returned Captain Jack Benson. "You see the 'Pollard' taking the wind out of our teeth, don't you?" "Yes," Hal admitted, looking more puzzled. "Do you think our engines are doing the topnotch of their best?" asked Benson. "Yes; for Williamson is a crackerjack machinist. He knows our engines as well as any man alive could do." "Do you think it would do any good for you to go below, Hal?" "I will, if you say so," offered Hastings. "Yet there's another side to it." "What?" "Williamson might get it into his head that I went below because I thought he was making a muddle of the speed. As a matter of fact, he knows every blessed thing I do about our motors, and Williamson is loyal to the core." "I know," nodded Captain Jack. "I'd hate to hurt a fine fellow's feelings. Yet--confound it, I do want to win this burst of speed. It means, perhaps, the quick sale of this boat to the Navy. If we're beaten it means, to the Secretary of the Navy, that he already has our best boat, and he might not see the need of buying the 'Farnum' at all." "Give Williamson two or three minutes more," begged Hal. "You might tell Eph, though, to repeat, and repeat, the signal for top speed. That'll show Williamson we're losing." Jack Benson walked to the conning tower, instructing Eph Somers in a low tone. "I've signaled twice, since the first time," Eph replied. "But here goes some more." "I wonder what's going wrong with our engines, then," muttered Captain Jack, uneasily. "It ain't in careless steering, anyway," grumbled Eph. "I'm going as straight as a chalk line." "I noticed that," Captain Jack admitted. He continued to look worried, for, by this time, the "Pollard" was at least a good two hundred and fifty yards to the good in the lead. "I'm afraid," muttered Hal, rejoining Benson, "that I'll simply have to go below." "I'm afraid so," nodded Jack. "We simply can't afford to lose this or any other race to the 'Pollard.'" "Williamson knows that fully as well as we do, though," Hal Hastings went on. "And Williamson--" Of a sudden Hal stopped short. He half staggered, clutching at a rail, while his eyes stared and his lips twitched. "Why--why--there's Williamson--aft on the deck!" muttered Hastings. "What!" Jack, too, wheeled like a flash. Back there in a crowd of cadets stood the machinist upon whom the submarine boys were depending for the best showing that the "Farnum" could make. "Williamson up here!" gasped Hal. "And--" "That fellow, Truax, all alone with the motors!" hissed Captain Jack. Then, after a second or two of startled silence: "Come on, Hal!" The naval cadets were too much absorbed in watching the race to have overheard anything. Williamson, too, standing at the rail, looking out over the water, had not yet discovered that Hal Hastings was up from the engine room. Jack Benson stole below on tip-toe, though with the machinery running so much stealth was not necessary. Right behind him followed Hal. As the two gained the doorway of the engine room Sam Truax had his back turned to them, and so did not note the sudden watchers. There was a smile of malicious triumph on Truax's face as he turned a lever a little way over, thus decreasing the ignition power of the motors. Both Jack and Hal could see that the gasoline flow had been turned on nearly to the full capacity. It was the poor ignition work that was making the motors respond so badly. A little less, and a little less, of the electric spark that burned the gasoline, and air mixture--that was the secret of the gradually decreasing speed, while all the time it looked as though the "Farnum" was doing her level best to win the race. Whistling, as he bent over, Sam Truax caught up a long, slender steel bar. With this he stepped forward, intent upon his next wicked step. "Gracious! The scoundrel is going to run that bar in between the moving parts of the engine and bring about a break-down!" quivered Hal. Sam Truax stood watching for his chance to thrust the steel bar in just where it would inflict the most damage. Then raising the bar quickly, he poised for the blow. "Stop that, you infernal sneak!" roared Jack Benson, bounding into the engine room. CHAPTER XVI BRAVING NOTHING BUT A SNEAK "You--here?" hissed Truax, wheeling about. He had not had time to make the thrust with the steel bar. Instead, as he wheeled, he raised it above his head, drawing back in an attitude of guard. As he did so, a vile oath escaped Truax's lips. "Put that bar down!" commanded Jack Benson, standing unflinchingly before the angry rascal. "I'll put it down on your head, if you don't get out of here!" snarled the wretch. "Put it down, and consider yourself off duty here, for good and all," insisted Jack. "Are you going to get out of here, or shall I brain you?" screamed Truax, his face working in the height of his passion. "Neither," retorted Captain Jack, coolly. "I command here, and you know. Put that bar down, and leave the engine room." "Come and take the bar from me--if you dare!" taunted the fellow, a more wicked gleam flashing in his eyes. "Hal!" called Jack, sharply. "Aye!" "Call two or three of the cadets down here. Don't make any noise about it." This order was called without Benson's turning his head. He still stood facing the sneak while Hal sped away. "Now, I've got you alone!" gloated Truax. "I'll finish you!" A scornful smile curled Jack's lips as he gazed steadily back at his foe. "Truax, you're a coward, as well as a sneak." "I am--eh?" With another nasty oath Truax stepped quickly forward, the steel bar upraised. He took but one step, however, for Captain Jack Benson had not retreated an inch. Nor did Jack have his hands up in an attitude of guard. "Are you going to put that bar down, Truax?" the young skipper demanded, in a voice that betrayed not a tremor. "No." "Then you'll have to make good in a moment, for we're going to attack you." "Bah! I can stave in two or three heads before any number of you could stop me," sneered the fellow, in an ugly voice. "You could, but you won't dare." "I won't?" "Not you!" At that instant rapid steps were heard. Hal Hastings returned with three of the midshipmen, behind them Williamson trying to crowd his way into the scene. "Just tell us what you want, Mr. Benson," proposed Cadet Merriam, amiably. "This fellow has been 'doping' our engines," announced Captain Jack. "And now he's threatening to stand us off. We'll close in on him from both sides. If he tries to use that steel bar on any of us--" "If he does, he'll curse his unlucky star," declared Midshipman Merriam. "Come on, gentlemen. We'll show him some of the Navy football tactics!" The three midshipmen approached Truax steadily from the right. Jack, Hal and Williamson stepped in on the left. With a yell like that of a maniac Sam Truax swung the bar. Having to watch both sides at once, however, he made a fizzle of it. The bar came down, but struck the floor. Then, with a yell, the midshipmen leaped in on one side, Jack leading the submarine forces on the other. Mr. Merriam's trip and Jack's smashing blow with the fist brought Truax down to the floor in a heap. "Now, cart this human rubbish out of here!" ordered Jack Benson, sternly. "Don't hit him--he isn't man enough to be worthy of a blow!" Swooping down upon the prostrate one, Hal and the midshipmen seized Sam Truax by his arms and legs, carrying him bodily out of the engine room. "Williamson," commanded Captain Jack, "stop the speed." "In the race, sir. We--" "Stop the speed," repeated Benson. "You're the captain," admitted Williamson. Grasping the twin levers of the two motors he swung them backward. "Disregard any signal to go ahead until we've had a chance to inspect the motors," added Captain Jack. Then the submarine skipper darted out into the cabin. Sam Truax lay sprawling on the floor. Midshipman Merriam, a most cheerful smile on his face, sat across the fellow, while Hal and the other two midshipmen stood by, looking on. "Hold him please, until I can have the wretch taken care of," requested Captain Jack, making for the spiral stairway to the conning tower. Just as the young skipper stepped out on deck he heard the "Hudson's" bow-gun break out sharply in the halting signal. Taking a megaphone, Benson stood at the rail until the gunboat ranged up alongside. "Have you broken down?" came the hail from the gunboat's bridge. "I thought it best to stop speed, sir. We'll have to look over our engines before it will be safe to attempt any more speed work," Captain Jack answered. "I've caught a fellow tampering with our machinery. We hold him a prisoner, now. Can you take him off our hands, sir?" "One of _your own_ men?" came back the question. "Of course, sir." "We'll send a marine guard to take him, on your complaint, Mr. Benson." "Thank you, sir." The gunboat's engines slowed down. Ere long her port side gangway was lowered. Jack saw not only two marines and a corporal come down over the side, but Lieutenant Commander Mayhew appeared in person. That officer came over in the cutter. "You've had treachery aboard, have you?" asked the lieutenant commander, as he climbed up over the side. "Rather. A new machinist, taken aboard just before we sailed from Dunhaven. The same fellow who must have played the trick on the 'Pollard's' engines yesterday," Benson replied. "I'll be glad to have a fellow like that in irons in the brig aboard the 'Hudson,' then," muttered Mr. Mayhew. "I couldn't understand, Mr. Benson, how you were doing so badly in the full speed ahead dash." "The prisoner below is the answer, sir," Captain Jack replied. He then led the corporal and two marines below. The corporal produced a pair of handcuffs, which he promptly snapped over Truax's wrists. "You'll be sorry for this, one of these days," threatened Truax, with a snarl that showed his teeth. "Some day, then, if you please, when I have more leisure than I have now," Jack retorted, dryly. "This man is all yours, corporal." Truax was foolish enough to try to hang back on his conductors. A slight jab through the clothing from one of the marines' bayonets caused the prisoner to stop that trick. He was taken on deck and over the side. "Coxswain, return for me after you've taken the prisoner to the 'Hudson,'" directed Mr Mayhew. "Now, Mr. Benson, I would like to see what has been done to your engines." "That's just what I want to know, too," responded Jack. They found Hal and Williamson hard at work, inspecting the motors. "The ignition power was lowered, and that may have been the most that the fellow did," said Hal. "Yet, at the same time, before putting these engines to any severe test, I believe they ought to be cooled and looked over." Lieutenant Commander Mayhew frowned. "These delays eat up our practice cruise time a whole lot," he grumbled. "I'll put the engines through their paces, and chance mischief having been done to them, if you wish, sir." "No; that won't do either, Mr. Hastings," replied the naval officer. "This craft is private property, and I have no right to give orders that may damage private property. I'll hold the fleet until you've had time to inspect your engines properly. By that time, however, we'll have to put back to the coast for the night, for our practice time will be gone." "In the days to follow, sir," put in Benson, earnestly, "I think we can more than make up for this delay. We won't have the traitor aboard after this." "What earthly object can the fellow have had for wanting to damage your motors?" demanded the naval officer, looking hopelessly puzzled. "I can't even make a sane guess, sir," Jack Benson admitted. An hour and a half later the "Hudson" and the two submarines headed back for a safe little bay on the coast. Here the three craft anchored for the night. CHAPTER XVII THE EVIL GENIUS OF THE WATER FRONT It was nearly eight in the evening when the three craft were snug at anchor. The bay was a small one, hardly worthy of the name. The only inhabited part of the shore thereabouts consisted of the fishing village known as Blair's Cove, a settlement containing some forty houses. Hardly had all been made snug aboard the "Farnum" when Jack, standing on the platform deck after the cadets had been transferred to the "Hudson" for the night, saw a small boat heading out from shore. "Is that one of the new submarine crafts?" hailed a voice from the bow of the boat. "Yes, sir," Jack answered, courteously. No more was said until the boat had come up alongside. "I thought maybe you'd be willing to let me have a look over a craft of this sort," said the man in the bow. He appeared to be about forty years of age, dark-haired and with a full, black beard. The man was plainly though not roughly dressed; evidently he was a man of some education. "Why, I'm mighty sorry, sir," Captain Jack Benson replied. "But I'm afraid it will be impossible to allow any strangers on board during this cruise." "Oh, I won't steal anything from your craft,", answered the stranger, laughingly. "I won't be inquisitive, either, or go poking into forbidden corners. Who's your captain?" "I am, sir." "Then you'll let me come aboard, just for a look, won't you?" pleaded the stranger. Such curiosity was natural. The man seemed like a decent fellow. But Jack shook his head. "I'm sorry, sir, but I'm positive our owners wouldn't approve of our allowing any strangers to come on board." "Had any trouble, so far, with strangers?" asked the man. "I didn't say that," Jack replied, evasively. "But the construction of a submarine torpedo boat is a secret. It is a general rule with our owners that strangers shan't be allowed on board, unless they're very especially vouched for. Now, I hate to appear disobliging; yet, if you've ever been employed by anyone else, you will appreciate the need of obeying an owner's orders." "You're under the orders of the boss of that gunboat?" asked the stranger, pointing to the "Hudson." "On this cruise, yes, sir," Jack nodded. "Maybe, if I saw the fellow in command of the gunboat, then he'd give me an order allowing me to come on board." "I'm very certain the lieutenant commander wouldn't do anything of the sort," Benson responded. The stranger gave a comical sigh. "Then I'm afraid I don't see a submarine boat to-night--that is, any more than I can see of it now." "That's about the way it looks to me, also," Jack answered, smiling. "Yet, believe me, I hate awfully to seem discourteous about it." "Oh, all right," muttered the stranger, nodding to the two boatmen, who had rowed him out alongside. "Good!" grunted Eph. "I'm glad you didn't let him on board, Captain. On this cruise our luck doesn't seem to run with strangers." "It doesn't, for a fact," laughed Jack Benson. "Hi, ho--ah, hum!" yawned young Somers, stretching. "It will be mine for early bunk to-night, I reckon." At this moment a boat was observed rounding the stern of the "Hudson." It came up alongside, landing a marine sentry. "Anybody on the 'Farnum' want to go ashore to-night?" hailed a voice from the gunboat's rail. "The shore boat will be ready in five minutes." "I believe I would like to take just a run through the village," declared Jack, turning to his chum. "Do you feel like a land-cruise with me, Hal?" "I think I'd better go," laughed Hastings. "You seem to get into trouble when you go alone." "All right, then. And, Eph since you're so sleepy, you can turn in as soon as you want. The boat will be under sufficient protection," Jack added, nodding toward the marine slowly pacing the platform deck. Williamson was called too, but declared that he felt like turning in early. So, when the shore boat came, it had but two passengers to take from the submarine. There were a few shore leave men, however, from, the gunboat. "This boat will return to the fleet, gentlemen, every hour up to midnight," stated the petty officer in charge, as Jack and Hal stepped ashore at a rickety little wharf. "Judging from what we can see of the town from here, we'll be ready to go back long before midnight," Jack Benson laughingly told his companion. "All I want is to shake some of the sea-roll out of my gait," nodded Hastings. "It surely doesn't seem to be much of a town." By way of public buildings there turned out to be a church, locked and dark, a general store and also a drug-store that contained the local post-office. But the drug-store carried no ice cream or soda, so the submarine boys turned away. There was one other "public" place that the boys failed to discover at once. That was a low groggery at the further end of the town. Here two of the sailors who had come on shore leave turned in for a drink or two. They found a suave, black-bearded man quite ready to buy liquor for Uncle Sam's tars. Three-quarters of an hour later Jack and Hal felt they had seen about as much of the town as they cared for, when a hailing voice stopped them. "Finding it pretty dull, gentlemen?" "Oh, good evening," replied Captain Jack, recognizing the bearded man whom he had refused admittance to the "Farnum." "Pretty stupid town, isn't it, Captain!" asked the stranger, holding out his hand, which Jack Benson took. "As lively as we thought it would be," Hal rejoined. "We just came ashore to stretch ourselves a bit. Thought we might lay a course to an ice-cream soda, too, but failed." "These fishermen don't have such things," smiled the stranger. "They are content with the bare necessities of life, with a little grog and tobacco added. Speaking of grog, would you care to try the best this town has, gentlemen?" "Thank you," Jack answered, politely. "We've never either of us tasted the stuff, and we don't care to begin." "Drop into the drug-store and have a cigar, then?" "We don't smoke, either, thank you," came from Hal. "You young men are rather hard to entertain in a place like this," sighed the stranger, but his eyes twinkled. "We are just as grateful for the intention," Jack assured him. "Tell you what I can do, gentlemen," proposed the stranger, suddenly. "I might invite you down to my shack for a little while, and show you my books and some models of yachts and ships that I've been collecting. I'm quite proud of my collection in that line. Won't you come?" Anything in the line of yacht or ship-models interested both of these sea-loving boys from the shipyard at Dunhaven. Jack graciously accepted the invitation for them both. "And, though I have no soda fountain," continued the bearded one, "I can offer you some soft drinks. I always keep some about the place." "How do you come to be living in a place like this, if I'm not too inquisitive?" queried Benson, as the three strolled down the street. "Doctor's orders," replied the bearded one. "So I've rented the best old shack I could get here, down by the water. I spend a good deal of my time sailing a sloop that I have. Curtis is my name." Jack and Hal introduced themselves in turn. Curtis's shack proved to be well away from the village proper, and down near the waterfront. A light shone from a window near the front door as the three approached the small dwelling. "I think I can interest you for an hour, gentlemen," declared the bearded one, as he slipped a key in the lock of the door. He admitted them to a little room off the hallway, a room that contained not much beyond a table and four, chairs, a side-table and some of the accessories of the smoker. "Just take a seat here," proposed Curtis, "while I get some sarsaparilla for you. I'll be right back in a moment." It was four or five minutes before Curtis came, back, bearing a tray on which were three tall glasses, each containing a brownish liquid. "The stuff isn't iced, yet it's fairly cold," the bearded one explained. "Well, gentlemen, here's to a pleasant evening!" Hal, who was thirsty, took a long swallow of the sarsaparilla, finding the flavor excellent. Jack drank more slowly, though he enjoyed the beverage. "If you don't mind," suggested Curtis, "I will light a cigar. And say, by the way, gentlemen, what if we take a little walk down to my beach? Before showing you the models I spoke of, I'd like to have your opinion of the lines of my sloop." "We'll go down and take a look with great pleasure," Jack Benson agreed, rising. "And I'm glad, sir, that you're able to show us more courtesy than we were able to offer you to-night." "Oh, that was all right," declared their host, smiling good-humoredly. "Rules are rules, and you have your owners to please. No hard feelings on that score, I assure you." Curtis led the way through a dark yard down to a pier. Moored there lay a handsome white sloop, some forty-two feet in length--a boat of a good and seaworthy knockabout type. "This is a sloop, all right," Jack agreed, cordially. "Rather different from the lumbering fishing craft hereabouts." "Oh, hah, yum!" yawned Hal, at which Curtis shot a quick glance at him. "Come on board," invited Curtis, stepping down to the deck of the craft. "Let me show you what a comfortable cruising cabin I have." "Hi, oh, yowl" yawned Hal, again. "Jack, I think I shall enjoy my rest to-night." "Same case here," agreed Benson, stifling a yawn that came as though in answer to Hal's. "I won't keep you long, gentlemen, if I am boring you," agreed their host, amiably. "Now, I'll go below first and light up. So! Now, come down and take a look. Do you find many yacht cabins more comfortable than this one?" It was, indeed, a cozy place. Up forward stood a miniature sideboard, complete in every respect with glass and silver. In the center of the cabin was a folding table. There were locker seats and inviting looking cushions. The trim was largely of mahogany. On either side was a broad, comfortable-looking berth. "Just get into that berth and try it, Mr. Hastings," urged the bearded one. "I--I'm afraid to," confessed Hal, stifling another yawn. "Afraid?" "Very sure thing!" "Why?" "I'm--hah-ho-hum!" yawned Hal Hastings. "I'm afraid I'd--yow!--abuse your hospitality by going to sleep." Jack Benson leaned against the edge of the opposite berth, feeling unaccountably drowsy. "Oh, nonsense," laughed Curtis. "Just pile into that berth for a moment, Hastings, and see what a soft, restful place it is. I'll agree to pull you out, if necessary." Not realizing much, in his approaching stupor, Hal Hastings allowed himself to be coaxed to stretch himself at full length in the downy berth. Almost immediately he closed his eyes, drifting off into stupor. "Why, your friend _is_ drowsy, isn't he?" laughed the bearded one, turning to the submarine skipper. Jack Benson's own eyelids were suspiciously close together. "Why--what--ails you?" Curtis spoke in a low, droning, far-away voice that caused Jack Benson's upper eyelids to sink. Curtis stood watching him, in malicious glee, for some moments. Then, at last, he took hold of the young skipper. "Come, old fellow," coaxed the bearded one, "you'll do best to join your friend in a good nap. Get up in the berth." "Lemme alone," protested the boy, thickly, feeling that he was being lifted. Jack struggled, partly rousing himself. "Come, get up into the berth. You'll be more comfortable there." "Lemme alone. What are you trying to do?" demanded Jack, swinging an arm. Curtis dodged the light blow, then gripped Jack Benson resolutely. "Now, see here, young man," hissed the bearded one, "I'm not going to have any more nonsense out of you. Up into the berth you go! Do you want me to hit you?" Another man thrust his head down the cabin hatchway, showing an evil, grinning face. "Got 'em right?" demanded the one from the hatchway. "Yes," snapped the bearded one, then turned to give his attention to Jack Benson, who was putting up an ineffectual fight while Hal slumbered on. "Now, see here, Benson, quit all your fooling!" "You lemme up," insisted the submarine boy, in a low, chill voice, though he swung both his arms in an effort to assert himself. "M not goin' t' stay here. Lemme up, I say! 'M goin' back to--own boat." "The submarine?" jeered the bearded man. "Yep." "Guess again, son," laughed Curtis, jeeringly. "You're not going back aboard the submarine to-night." "Am so," declared Benson, obstinately, though his tone was growing more drowsy every instant, and his busy hands moved almost as weakly as an infant's. "Listen, if you've got enough of your senses left," growled the bearded men. "You're not going back to the 'Farnum'--neither to-night, nor at any other time during the next few months. You're bound on a long cruise, but not on a submarine boat. I am the captain here, and I'll name the cruise!" CHAPTER XVIII HELD UP BY MARINES It was barely a minute afterward that Jack Benson lapsed into a very distinct snore. "No more trouble from this pair," laughed the bearded one to his companion at the hatchway. "Now, I'll douse the cabin light, and then we'll cast off. This thing has moved along very slickly." Eph, after having made up his mind to turn in early, had found his sleepy fit passing. He read for a while in the cabin, then pulled on a reefer and went up on deck. Williamson was already in a berth, sound asleep. "It would be a fine night if there was a moon," Eph remarked to the marine sentry on deck. "Yes, sir." The marine--"soldier, and sailor, too"--not being there for conversational purposes, continued his slow pacing, his rifle resting over his right shoulder. As Eph strolled about in the limited space of the platform deck he heard a distant creaking. It was a sound that he well knew--the hoisting of sail. "I wonder if the local fishermen start out at this time of the night?" Eph Somers remarked, musingly, to the sentry. "It may be so, sir; I don't know," replied the marine. Presently Eph made out the lines and the spread of canvas of a handsome knockabout sloop standing on out of the harbor. The course being narrow, the sloop was obliged to sail rather close to the fleet. "That's no fisherman!" muttered Somers, watching, his hands thrust deep in his pockets. Presently the sloop's hull was lost to Eph's sight beyond the gunboat. Then the boy heard a voice from the "Hudson's" deck roar out: "Look alive, you lubber! Do you want to foul our anchor chain?" "No, sir," came from the sloop's deck. "We'll clear you all right." "See that you do, then!" Then the sloop's hull came into view again, as the craft headed out toward the open water beyond. "That's the kind of a craft Jack would give a heap to be on," thought Eph. "Queer that he should spend all his time on gasoline peanut roasters when he's so fond of whistling for a breeze behind canvas." As the sloop neared the mouth of the little bay, and her lines became rather indistinct in the darkness, Eph Somers turned to resume his pacing of the deck. "Hullo," muttered the submarine boy, two or three minutes later. "Here's the shore boat coming on its regular trip. I wonder if Jack and Hal are in it? It's about time for them to be coming on board." But the shore boat, instead of coming out to the submarine, lay in at the side gangway of the gunboat opposite, and Eph discovered that his two comrades were not in the boat. "I say," hailed Eph, "have you seen Mr. Benson and Mr. Hastings on shore!" "No, sir," replied the petty officer in charge. Then one of the sailors in the boat spoke in an undertone. "This man says, sir," continued the petty officer, "that he saw your friends, sir, going aboard a white knockabout sloop." "He did, eh?" demanded the astonished Eph. "How long ago was that?" "Only a few minutes ago, sir," replied the sailor. "You're sure you saw Mr. Benson and Mr. Hastings?" "Yes, sir." "That's queer," reflected Eph. "It wouldn't be like them to go sailing at this time of the night, and without notifying me, either. But, then, I didn't see anything of 'em aboard that sloop, either." Eph was silent for a few moments, thinking. Then, suddenly, he leaped up in the air, coming down flat-footed. "Crackey!" ejaculated Eph Somers. For a moment or two his face was a study in bewilderment. "Mighty strange things have been happening all through this cruise," Eph muttered, half aloud. "Especially happening to Jack! Now, the two of them go aboard that sloop, and immediately after the boat puts out to sea in the dead of night. What if Jack and Hal have been shanghaied on that infernal sloop?" Cold chills began to chase each other up and down the spine of Eph Somers. He was not, ordinarily, an imaginative youth, but just now the gruesome thought that had entered his mind persisted there. He began to pace the platform deck in deep agitation. "Anything wrong, sir?" questioned the marine sentry, halting and throwing his rifle over to port arms. "That's just what I'd give a million dollars and ten cents to know!" exploded Eph. "Gunboat, ahoy!" he shouted, some twenty seconds later. "'Farnum,' ahoy!" "I half believe, sir," Eph rattled on, "that my two comrades, Mr. Benson and Mr. Hastings have been tricked, in some way, and carried out to sea on that knockabout. They'd have been back from shore by this time, if nothing had happened." "What do you want to do, Mr. Somers?" "Want to do, sir?" retorted Eph. "I know what I'm going to do. I'm going to slip moorings and chase after that knockabout. What I wish to know from you, sir, is whether you'll send another marine or two on board, so that I can back up my demand to find my friends? "I'll have to ask the lieutenant commander about that, Mr. Somers." "Can you do it, now, sir?" asked Eph, energetically. "Instantly. I'll let you know the decision as soon as it's made." Eph, hanging at the rail in the silence that followed, had no notion of whether his request had been a correct one. All he knew was that his suspicions had surged to the surface, and were threatening to boil over. It was a huge relief to the boy when Mr Mayhew's voice sounded from the rail of the gunboat. Somers swiftly answered all questions. "Your craft and crew are in a measure under our protection and orders," decided Mr. Mayhew. "I think we may properly extend you some help. I will send some men to you, and a cadet midshipman who will have my instructions." "Will you send them quickly, sir?" begged Eph. "I'll have men on board of you by the time that your engines are running," promised the lieutenant commander. "Engines?" That word came as a fortunate reminder to the Submarine boy. He darted below, almost yanking Williamson from his berth, nearly pulling the machinist into his clothes. By the time that Williamson was really wide awake he found himself standing by the motors forward. Then young Somers darted onto deck again, just in time to see the boat coming alongside. It brought two more marines, one of them a corporal. There were also two sailors. A cadet midshipman commanded them. "Mr. Somers," reported the cadet midshipman, "I am not intended to displace you from the command of this boat. I am here only with definite instructions in case you succeed in overhauling that white sloop." "What--" began Eph. Then he paused, with a half-grin. "Really," he added, "I ought to know better than to quiz you about your instructions from your superior officer." "Yes, sir," assented the midshipman, simply. Eph turned on the current to the search-light, swinging the ray about the bay. Then, too impatient to sit in the conning tower, the submarine boy took his place by the deck wheel. "Will your seamen cast loose from the moorings?" Somers asked. "Yes, sir," replied the midshipman. "If there's anything wrong, good luck to you," sounded the cool voice of Lieutenant Commander Mayhew, from the gunboat's rail. "Thank you, sir." No sooner had the moorings been cast loose from than Eph sounded the slow speed ahead bell. Within sixty seconds the propellers of the "Farnum" were doing a ten-knot stunt, which was soon increased to fourteen. One of the seamen now stood, by to swing the searchlight under Eph's orders. By the time that the submarine reached the mouth of the bay the light faintly picked up a spread of white sail, off to the East. "That's the knockabout," cried Eph, excitedly. "Now, see here, keep that ray right across the boat as soon as we get half a mile nearer." "It'll show the boat that you're chasing 'em, sir," advised the midshipman. "I know it," admitted Eph. "But it will also keep the rascals from dumping my friends overboard without our catching 'em at it." "What do you think the men in charge of that boat are, sir--pirates?" "They're mighty close to it, if they've shanghaied Mr. Benson and Mr. Hastings and put to sea with 'em," rejoined Eph. Then he rang for more speed. Down below, Williamson almost instantly responded. The "Farnum" now fairly leaped through the water. "Turn the light on the knockabout, now, and keep it there," directed the submarine boy. There was a seven-knot breeze blowing. At the speed at which the submarine boat was traveling the distance was soon covered. And now the searchlight revealed two men in the standing-room of the sloop, one of whom, a bearded man, was looking backward over his wake much of the time. "Can one of the marines fire a shot to stop those fellows?" asked Eph Somers. "In the air do you mean, sir?" asked the midshipman. "Certainly." "Then I wish he'd do it." Bang! The discharge of the rifle sounded sharply on the night air. "It ain't stopping 'em any," muttered Eph, after a few seconds had gone by. "Nothing would, unless fired into them," volunteered Midshipman Terrell. It did not take long, however, to run the submarine up alongside of the sloop, at a distance of about one hundred yards. "Now, we want you men to stop," called Midshipman Terrell, between his hands. "We are United States naval forces, from the gunboat, and you will regard this as an order that you must obey. No!" thundered the midshipman, suddenly, as the bearded one started to step down into the cabin. "You will both keep on deck. Otherwise we shall be obliged to fire into you. We mean business, remember!" "What do you want to board us for?" demanded Curtis, pausing. "We will explain when we come aboard." "How are you coming, aboard? You've no small boat" "We can land this submarine right up beside you," responded the midshipman, "if you keep straight to your present course." "And scrape all the paint off our side," objected Curtis. "That has no bearing on my instructions, sir. I direct you to keep straight to your present course. We will come up alongside." "What if we don't do it?" demanded Curtis, with sudden bluster. "Then your danger will be divided between being shot where you stand and having your craft cut in two by the bow of our craft," retorted Mr. Terrell. "You will realize, I think, that there can be no parleying with our orders." The bearded one swore, but the corporal and his two marines stood at the rail with their rifles ready, waiting only the midshipman's order to aim and fire. Eph allowed the "Farnum" to fall back a little way. Then he exerted himself to show his best in seamanship as he ran the submarine up to board the sloop by the starboard quarter. The two boats barely touched. Mr. Terrell, his three marines and two seamen leaped to the standing room of the yacht. Eph, all aquiver, let the nose of the "Farnum" fall back slightly. Then he trailed along, under bare headway. Then a shout came from the sloop, as the two seamen reappeared, bearing the forms of Jack and Hal. "We've found them aboard, Mr. Somers," shouted Terrell. "Drugged, I think, sir. Will you some alongside, sir." Eph quickly rang the signal, then did some careful manoeuvering. As he touched, one of the marines leaped back to the platform deck, then passed a line to Mr. Terrell. The two craft were held together until Jack and Hal had been passed, still unconscious, over the side. The naval party quickly followed, then cast loose from the sloop. "This whole proceeding is high-handed," growled Curtis, as soon as he saw that he was not to be molested. "Oh, you shut up, and keep your tongue padlocked," retorted Midshipman Terrell, in high disgust. "You're lucky as it is. Now, Mr. Somers, are you going back to the bay, sir?" "Aren't you going to take those two--body snatchers?" demanded Eph, glaring venomously at the pair on the sloop. "My instructions don't cover that, sir," replied the cadet midshipman. "Then hang your orders!" muttered young Somers, but he kept the words behind his teeth. Eph veered off, next headed about, while the two seamen bore Jack and Hal below to their berths. "Will you take the wheel, Mr. Terrell?" asked Eph, edging away, with one hand on the spokes. "Yes, sir." Eph hurried below to the port stateroom. Jack lay in the lower berth, Hal in the upper. The two seamen, after feeling for pulse, stood by looking at the unconscious submarine boys. "What's been done to them?" demanded Eph. "The same old knockout drops, sir, that sailors in all parts of the world know so well, sir, I think," answered one of the men, with a quiet grin. "Humph!" gritted Eph, bending over Jack's face. "Smell his breath." "Yes, sir," said the sailor, obeying. "There's no smell of liquor, there, is there?" "No, sir," admitted the sailor, looking up, rather puzzled. "There is some infernally mean trick in all this," growled Eph. "I am mighty sorry we didn't bring those rascals back with us." When he went on deck again the submarine boy relieved Mr. Terrell at the wheel, completing the run in to moorings. "Did you find your comrades aboard the sloop, Mr. Somers?" hailed the lieutenant commander, from the gunboat. "Yes, sir." "Are they all right?" "Drugged, sir." "Hm! Mr. Terrell and his detachment will return to this vessel." The boat took them away. It was five minutes later when the boat returned, bringing the lieutenant commander, Doctor McCrea, the surgeon, and a sailor belonging to the hospital detachment aboard the "Hudson." Eph conducted them below. "Drugged," announced the medical officer, after a brief examination. "Humph!" uttered Mr. Mayhew. "That sort of trick isn't played on folks in any decent resort on shore. I don't understand Mr. Benson's conduct. I remember his mishap at Dunhaven. I remember the plight he got into at Annapolis; and now he and Mr. Hastings are found in this questionable shape. I am very much afraid these young men do not conduct themselves, on shore, in the careful manner that must be expected of civilian instructors to cadets." Eph somers felt something boiling up inside of him. CHAPTER XIX THE LIEUTENANT COMMANDER'S VERDICT "Let me try to get at your meaning, sir, if you please," begged Somers, after standing for a few seconds with clenched fists. "Do you mean that my friends have been going into tough resorts on shore?" "Where else do sailors usually get drugged?" inquired Mr. Mayhew. "What kind of people usually feed sea-faring men with what are generally known as knock-out drops?" "How should I know?" demanded Eph, solemnly. "You see your friends, and you see their condition." "Smell their breaths, sir. There isn't a trace of the odor of liquor." The surgeon did so, confirming Eph's claim. "But I remember that Mr. Benson came aboard, at Dunhaven, with a very strong odor of liquor," continued the lieutenant commander. "That had been sprinkled on his clothes, sir," argued Somers. "Perhaps. But then there was the Annapolis affair." "Mr. Benson explained that to you, sir." "It's very strange," returned the lieutenant commander, "that such things seem to happen generally to Mr. Benson when he gets on shore. I know I have been ashore, in all parts of the world, without having such things happen to me." "There is something behind this, sir, that doesn't spell bad conduct on the part of either of my friends," cried Eph, hotly. "There's some plot, some trick in the whole thing that we don't understand. And we might understand much more about it, sir, if your midshipman had arrested that pair of blackguards on the sloop, and brought them back with us." "Had Mr. Benson and Mr. Hastings been members of the naval forces we could have done that," replied Mr. Mayhew. "Probably you don't understand, Mr. Somers, how very careful the Navy has to be about making arrests in times of peace, when the civil authorities are all supreme. We carried our right as far as it could possibly be stretched when we boarded and searched that sloop for you." "I don't care so much about that," contended Eph, warmly. "But it does jar on me, sir, to have you take such a view of my friends. You don't know them; you don't understand them as Mr. Farnum and Mr. Pollard do." "Perhaps you wouldn't blame me as much for my opinions," replied Mr. Mayhew, "if you could look at the matter from my viewpoint, Mr. Somers. I am in charge of this cruise, which is one of instruction to naval cadets, and I am in a very large measure responsible for the conduct and good behavior of young men who have been selected as instructors to the cadets. If you were in my place, Mr. Somers, would you be patient over young men who, when they get ashore, get into one unseemly scrape after another? Or would you wonder, as I do, whether it will not be best for me to end this practice cruise and sail back to Annapolis, there to make my report in the matter?" "For heaven's sake don't do that," begged Eph Somers, hoarsely. "At least, not until you have talked with Mr. Benson and Mr. Hastings. You'll wait until morning, sir?" "I'm afraid I shall have to, if I want to talk with your friends," replied the lieutenant commander, smiling coldly. "And now, Mr. Somers, you and I had better leave here. The doctor and his nurse will want the room cleared in order to look after their patients. I hope your friends will be all right in the morning," added the naval officer, as the pair gained the deck. "Now, see here, sir," began Eph, earnestly, all over again. "I hope you'll soon begin to understand that, whatever has happened, there are no two straighter boys alive than Jack Benson and Hal Hastings." "I trust you're right," replied Mr. Mayhew, less coldly. "Yet, what can you expect me to think, now that Benson has been in such scrapes three different times? And, in this last instance, he drags even the quiet Mr. Hastings into the affair with him." "I see that I'll have to wait, sir," sighed Eph, resignedly. "Yes; it will be better in every way to wait," agreed the lieutenant commander. "It is plain justice, at the least, to wait and give the young men a chance to offer any defense that they can." "Now, of course, from his way of looking at it, I can't blame him so very much," admitted Eph Somers, as he leaned over the rail, watching Mr. Mayhew going back through the darkness. "But Jack--great old Jack!--having any liking at all for mixing up in saloons and such places on shore! Ha, ha! Ho, ho!" Williamson, now able to leave his motors, came on deck, asking an account of what had happened. The machinist listened in amazement, though, like Eph, he needed no proof that the boys, whatever trouble they had encountered, had met honestly and innocently. "Of course that naval officer is right, too, from his own limited point of view," urged Williamson. "Oh, yes, I suppose so," nodded Somers, gloomily. "I've been trying to tell myself that. But it would be fearful, wouldn't it, if the 'Farnum' were ordered away from the fleet, and Jack disgraced, just because of things he really didn't do." "It's a queer old world," mused the machinist, thoughtfully. "We hear a lot about the consequences of wrong things we do. But how often people seem to have to pay up for things they never did!" "Oh, well," muttered Eph, philosophically, "let's wait until morning. A night's sleep straightens out a lot of things." Williamson, however, having had some sleep earlier in the night, was not drowsy, now. He lighted a pipe, lingering on the platform deck. Eph, not being a user of tobacco, went below to find that Doctor McCrea, from the gunboat, was sitting in the cabin, reading a book he had chosen from the book-case. "I've brought the young men around somewhat," reported the physician. "I've made them throw off the drug, and now I've left some stuff with the nurse to help brace them up. They'll have sour stomachs and aching heads in the morning, though." "But you noticed one thing, Doctor?" pressed Somers. "What was that?" "That there were no signs of liquor about them? Those boys never tasted a drop of the vile stuff in their lives!" "I'm inclined to believe you," nodded the surgeon. "They have splendid, clear skins, eyes bright as diamonds, sound, sturdy heartbeats, and they're full of vitality. I've met boys from the slums, once in a while--beer-drinkers and cigarette-smokers. But such boys never show the splendid physical condition that your friends possess." "You know, then, as well as I do, Doctor, that neither of my chums are rowdies, and that, whatever happened to them to-night, they didn't get to it through any bad habits or conduct?" "I'm much inclined to agree with you, Mr. Somers." "I hope, then, you'll succeed in impressing all that on Lieutenant Commander Mayhew in the morning." With that the submarine boy passed on to the starboard stateroom. He would have given much to have stepped into the room opposite, but felt, from the doctor's manner, that the latter did not wish his patients disturbed. Eph slept little that night. Though Jack and Hal fared better in that single respect, Somers looked far the best of the three in the morning. Jack and Hal came out with bandages about their heads, which buzzed and ached. The two, however, told their story to Somers and Williamson as soon as possible. "Just as I supposed," nodded Eph, vigorously. "Why, how did you guess it all?" asked Benson, in astonishment. "I mean, I knew you hadn't been in any low sailor resorts." "Who said we had?" demanded Jack, flaring in spite of his dizziness. "Some of the Navy folks didn't know but you had," replied Eph, then bit his tongue for having let that much out of the bag. Doctor McCrea came aboard early. He looked the boys over. "Eat a little toast, if you want, and drink some weak tea," he suggested. "After that, eat nothing more until to-night." "But the day's work--?" hinted Jack. "I don't know," replied the doctor, shrugging his shoulders. "I'm not a line officer, and therefore know nothing about the fleet's manoeuvres." That reply, however, was quite enough to send Jack Benson's suspicions aloft. "Eph," he cried, wheeling upon his friend the moment Doctor McCrea was gone, "there's something you haven't told us." "Such as--what?" asked Somers, doing his best to look mighty innocent. "Doctor McCrea as good as admitted that we--won't have anything to do to-day. What's wrong?" Then, after a brief pause: "Good heavens, does Mr. Mayhew believe we've been acting disgracefully? Are we barred out of the instruction work?" Hal had been raising a glass of cold water to his lips. The glass fell, with a crash. He wheeled about, then clutched at the edge of the cabin table, most unsteadily. "We-e-ll," admitted Somers, reluctantly, "Mr. Mayhew said he would want to question you some, perhaps, this morning." "What did he say? Out with it all, Eph!" A moment before Jack Benson had been pallid enough. Now, two bright, furious spots burned in either cheek. The red-haired boy, however, was spared the pain of going any further, for, at that moment, a heavy tread was heard on the spiral staircase. Then Lieutenant Commander Mayhew, holding himself very erect, one hand resting against the scabbard of the sword that he wore at his side, came into view below. Many were the questions that the naval officer put to the two victims of the last night's mishap. All the time his eyes studied their faces keenly. Apparently, it needed a lot of assurance to half convince Mr. Mayhew that the two submarine boys were telling him the truth. "Well, gentlemen," he said, at last, rising and speaking with great deliberation, "I believe you to be gentlemen, which means that you are young men of honor, if it means anything at all. Your story is so strange that--pardon me--it is difficult to credit. Yet I have no evidence that it is not true. I am sorry we have not in custody the two men who sailed that sloop last night--" "Pardon me, sir," broke in Eph, "but I have an idea to spring." "Well, Mr. Somers?" "It is a mighty likely thing that, if you question that fellow, Truax, that you have on board, you may be able to learn something from him. For I tell you, sir, there's some plot on hand to discredit the Pollard submarine boats with the United States Government. There's a scheme, too, to ruin Jack Benson--but that's only a part of the bigger plot to discredit our company's boats with the Navy, sir." An expression of wonder crept into Mr. Mayhew's face. Then he looked thoughtful. "I'll see if I can hit upon a tactful way of questioning Truax," replied the naval officer, after a while. "And now, Mr. Benson, since you and Mr. Hastings are not in the least fit to instruct any of the cadets to-day, I'll send out sections on board the 'Pollard' only, under command of my executive officer, Lieutenant Halpin. To-morrow you should be in shape to resume your duties. Yet, if I permit this, I must make one condition." "It will be hardly necessary, sir, to make any conditions with us," Jack replied, with spirit. "Your instructions will be sufficient. We are wholly at your orders, sir. What are your commands?" "As long as you remain on this present tour of duty, Mr. Benson, and you, also, Mr. Hastings, you are requested not to leave the 'Farnum,' except with my knowledge and consent. Will that be satisfactory to you?" "It will, sir," Captain Jack Benson replied, saluting. "Very good, then. And now, young gentlemen, I will wish you good morning. Remain at anchor, to-day, and on board." As soon as Mr. Mayhew and his clanking sword had gone up the stairway, and then over the side into a cutter, Eph Somers struck an attitude. "O wise judge! O just judge!" exclaimed the red-haired one, dramatically. "Now, what's getting possession of your cranium?" smiled Hal Hastings, weakly. "You heard Mr. Mayhew's verdict in your case," mocked Eph, a glare in his eyes. "A great verdict! 'Not guilty--but don't do it again'." CHAPTER XX COMING UP IN A TIGHT PLACE "Sulks are no part of real manhood. Your sullen fellow is seldom, or never, one you can tie to in trouble." Though at first they felt some spirited resentment against the very plain suspicions of Lieutenant Commander Mayhew, it was not long before both the victims of the queer work of the night before began to see that there was an abundance of reason and good sense in the naval officer's belief and attitude. "There's only one thing we can do, Hal," proposed Jack. "That is, to show Mr. Mayhew, by long-continued good action, that we're just the sort of fellows our friends believe us to be." "Mr. Mayhew doesn't know us," Hal assented. "To a stranger our yarn does have a fishy sound." "If it weren't for the restriction against our going ashore," hinted Jack, "we'd certainly hustle to land and find out all we could about that fellow Curtis since he has been living in Blair's Cove." "I'm under no promise, or orders, either," bristled Eph, ready to do battle for his friends. "I can go on shore." "No, you can't, Eph!" negatived Jack, with decision. "_You_ might be the very next one to get into a big scrape. Then how would things look for the whole of us?" "Humph! I'd have my eyes open," grunted Somers. "We thought we had ours open," smiled Hal Hastings. "No one of our crowd will go ashore, unless ordered there by Mr. Mayhew," declared Benson, with emphasis. "We're not taking another solitary chance." "We've got all we can do to take our present medicine," muttered Hal, making a wry face. But they _did_ take it, and, as is always the case, with benefit to their general sense of discipline. In fact, when ordered aboard the gunboat, before eight o'clock the next morning, Jack Benson and Hal Hastings, in their best uniforms, and looking as natty as could be, appeared quite the ideal of young submarine officers. Passing scores of cadet midshipmen, they were ushered into Lieutenant Commander Mayhew's cabin. Doctor McCrea, the gunboat's surgeon, sat with the commanding officer. "I was anxious to see how you looked this morning," smiled Mr. Mayhew, as the two naval officers rose. "How do you feel? Thoroughly clear-headed and steady?" "We feel fine, sir," Jack answered. "They look in the pink of condition," agreed Doctor McCrea. "If you don't feel wholly up to the mark," urged Mr. Mayhew, "say so. For, if you put out to-day, it is my intention to take the cadets through drills below the surface." Jack's eyes sparkled at the thought. This meant that he and Hal were to be taken back fully into the confidence of the Navy! "We're ready, sir--ready at the word of command." "Very good, then," replied the gunboat's commander. "You will receive sixteen of our young men on board within an hour. Ensign Trahern will come with them." Jack started, flushing. "Oh, you will be in command of your boat, Mr. Benson," continued Mr. Mayhew, noting the start and interpreting it correctly. "Mr. Trahem may make some suggestions, if he thinks them necessary, but you will command, sir, and you will instruct the midshipmen." "Thank you, sir." "That is all, Mr. Benson." Jack and Hal saluted, turned and left the cabin. "That's not as bad as it might be, is it?" queried Hastings, as soon as they were back on board the "Farnum." "We're on probation," smiled Jack. "It's all we can expect, I suppose." In due time the section of naval cadets came on board. Mr. Mayhew was also thoughtful enough to send a naval machinist to take the place of Sam Truax in the engine room. Thus Hal had two men to look after the motors and other machinery under his direction, leaving Eph at Jack's more personal orders. "The lieutenant commander sends you word, with his compliments," reported Ensign Trahern, "that, after leaving the bay, the formation will be as usual. The signal to halt and be ready for the tour of instruction will be given when we are about ten miles off the coast, due East." "Mr. Trahern, will it not be a good idea to have the midshipmen manage the deck wheel and engine room signals, each in turn, on the way out and back?" inquired the young submarine skipper. "Excellent, I should say," nodded the ensign. "But that is as you direct, Mr. Benson. I am not here to interfere with your acting in full charge of the instruction tour." Six of the cadets, of the engineer division, being below in the engine room, there were but ten on the platform deck. Jack selected one of the latter, ordering him to the deck wheel. "You will take charge, Mr. Surles," instructed Jack. "Assume all the responsibilities of the officer of the deck." When the starting order came from the gunboat, just before the "Hudson" glided ahead in the lead, Mr. Surles gave the order to cast loose from moorings. The engine room bell jangled; Surles, for the first time in his life, was watch officer of a submarine torpedo boat. As they left the bay behind, the young man gave up his temporary post to a comrade. In all, five of the midshipmen commanded, briefly, before the laying-to signal was given out at sea. Hal Hastings now appeared on deck, gravely saluting. "Captain Benson," he stated, "I have inspected all the submerging machinery, the tanks, the compressed air apparatus, and all, and find everything in good order. We can go below the surface at any moment." Two or three of the naval cadets smiled broadly at hearing the title bestowed on a boy younger than many of themselves. "No levity, gentlemen," broke in Ensign Trahern, rather sternly. "Mr. Benson is captain to his own chief engineer." Jack waited until he saw the signal flags break out at the foretop of the "Hudson." It was an inquiry as to whether he was prepared for diving. "Yes," signaled back the "Farnum's" flags. "Dive at will, but keep to a due east or west course. Be careful to avoid collision with the sister craft," came the next order from the parent boat. "All below!" ordered Benson, crisply. Ensign Trahern waited until the last of the cadets had filed below, then followed them. Last of all came Jack Benson, after having lowered the short signal mast and made other preparations. Now he stepped inside the conning tower, swiftly making all fast. Then he called Midshipman Surles up the stairway to the tower wheel. "Do you think you can head due east, and keep to that course under water, Mr. Surles?" asked the young submarine instructor. "Yes, sir." "Take the wheel, then. I will send two more men up here to observe with you." Stepping down to the cabin floor, Jack chose two more midshipmen, ordering them up into the tower. "The rest of you will crowd about me, as I handle the submerging machinery," called Jack, raising his voice somewhat. "Ask any questions you wish, at appropriate times." "I thought, sir," spoke up one of the middies, "that you controlled the diving apparatus from the conning tower." "It can be done there, when the officer in charge of the boat is up there," Jack answered. "The diving, and the rising, may be controlled at this point in the cabin. Mr. Hastings, give us eight miles ahead from the electric motors." "Yes, sir," came the word from Hal. "Pass the word to Mr. Surles to keep to the course," added Benson. Under the impetus from the electric motors, which were used when going under water, the propeller shafts began to throb. "We're going down, now, gentlemen," called Jack. "Observe the shifting record on the depth gauge, as we go lower and lower. Also, look out for your footing, for we dive on an inclined plane. Now--here we go!" The next instant they shot below, going down at so deep an angle that it made many of the middies reach for new footing. "The gauge registers sixty feet below," announced Jack Benson, in a tone to be heard above the murmurs of some of the young men. "Now--!" In another moment, by the quick flooding of some of the compartments astern, the young skipper brought the boat on an even keel. "Someone ask the men up in the tower how far they can see through the water," proposed Jack. "Can't see a blessed thing," came down the answer. "Except for the binnacle light over the compass we might think ourselves at the bottom of a sea of ink." "That's one of the peculiarities of submarine boating," explained Jack Benson. "A good many land-lubbers imagine we use powerful searchlights to find our way under water, but a light powerful enough to show us twenty feet ahead of our own bow hasn't yet been made by man. So, when you dive beneath the surface, you simply have to go it blind. As a result, you take your bearings and guess your distance before you dive. That guess is all you have to go upon in judging where to come up to strike at an enemy's hull. But that guess can be made with splendid accuracy when you understand your work well enough." After having finished the prescribed distance under water, Captain Jack turned on the compressed air to expel the water gradually from the compartments. So easily was this done that there was no real sensation of rising. Suddenly the conning tower appeared above water. There was a quick rush upward for the platform deck. None of these middies ever having been below before, in a submarine boat, several of them had been on tenterhooks of anxiety. Not one of them, however, by word or gesture had betrayed the fact. Two minutes later the "Pollard" emerged from the water, several hundred yards away. Those on the deck of the "Farnum" had a splendid view of the other boat's emerging performance. Now, other sections of cadets were transferred from the gunboat to the two submarines, and the trips below surface proceeded. The last section of all to go aboard the "Farnum" had just finished their first experience under water, when the gunboat signaled: "'Farnum,' take a half-hour's run below the surface, then come back above surface." "That will be a longer experience than I have yet had for one time," remarked Mr. Trahern, with a smile, as he interpreted the signal to Captain Jack. "We have run for hours below, with safety, sir," Benson answered. Two minutes later the section of middies that had just come up from a brief trip under water were below again. "I think you'll find, gentlemen, that it will seem like the longest half hour you can remember," announced young Captain Benson. "My friends and I have spent many long hours under the surface, though we have never yet gotten over the terrible monotony of such a trip. Twenty-four hours under, I think, would make a lunatic of the bravest or the most stolid man." As they ran along, in the silence and the darkness, the young midshipmen began to look curiously at one another. "Did you misunderstand the time, Mr. Benson?" asked one of the midshipmen, at last. "It's surely more than a half hour since we made the last dive." "Almost twelve minutes," Jack corrected, quietly. "Whew-ew-ew!" whistled several of the naval cadets. Not one of them was a coward, yet, in their experience, the thought that they had put in barely more than a third of the ordered time under water made some of them fidget. "Say, this gives us some idea how long a whole hour would be," remarked one of the midshipmen. "Stop that man from talking," jibed another severely. Jack had most of the time clear for instruction, after that, as few of the young men cared to talk. But at last another ventured to inquire: "How much of the time is gone?" "Nineteen minutes," Benson answered, after a look at his watch. "O-o-o-oh!" The response came in a chorus that sounded like a protest. Then passed what seemed like an eternity of seconds. All the time the electric motors ran, almost noiselessly. The slight tremor imparted to the craft by the propeller shafts seemed like an ominous rumbling. Jack's voice had ceased. No one felt like talking. From time to time Skipper Jack glanced at his watch; his face, expressionless, gave no clue to the eagerly watching naval cadets. But at last young Benson's hand reached toward the compressed air apparatus. "A-a-a-ah!" It was meant for a cheer, but it sounded more like a groan. Up above, in the tower, the midshipman bending over the compass, suddenly realized that daylight was filtering down through the water. In another instant the midshipman glanced up to find the tower above the surface. Yet Cadet Midshipman Osgoodby gasped as though he had intended to scream instead. For, right ahead, her great bows looming up in the path of the little submarine, was a big liner, coming straight toward them! CHAPTER XXI "NO MORE MEN GO OVERBOARD!" In a time like this a man's coolness and nerve receive the utmost test. Had Jack Benson been there at the wheel he would have swung both hands to the diving controls and shot below the surface. But Cadet Osgoodby, now at the wheel, did not sufficiently understand the use of the diving controls. Whatever was to be done had to be accomplished in the fewest seconds, or the little submarine craft was bound to be ground to scrap iron under the great bows of the steamship. Both of the other midshipmen saw the danger in the same instant as did Midshipman Osgoodby. Yet neither of these young men knew better what to do than did the third. All they could do was to stiffen and to stand loyally beside their comrade in charge. Perhaps for not half a second did Osgoodby hesitate. Then he took the only chance that he saw; he threw the wheel over to port, jamming it there. In strained, awful silence, the three waited. Never had seconds seemed so long before--not even under water. On came the great liner, and now her bow was right atop of the bow at the forward end of the submarine's platform deck. There was just an instant to spare, but the "Farnum" shot past the oncoming, hostile-looking bows. In another moment the little craft, now more than awash, was out of harm's way. None the less, the alarm had been passed on to those aboard the liner. That great craft, bound up from South Africa, carried diamonds and gold coin, in the purser's vaults in the hold, amounting in value to more than four million dollars. All the way from Cape Town the passengers had been chaffing each other about the chance of meeting modern, up-to-date pirates. "The only up-to-date pirate would be one that came in a submarine boat," Captain Coster had laughingly told his passengers. "A submarine boat could get away again, without leaving a trail. In these days no other kind of pirate craft could long escape." So the passengers had joked each other about the submarine boat that would meet them, and rob the liner of its precious cargo. Bets had laughingly been offered that the submarine pirate would be encountered off the coast of the United States. Now, when the little craft shot up in the path of the big one, the bow watch of the "Greytown," and a dozen passengers standing up in the bow, saw the little boat at the same time. "There's the pirate!" shouted one nervous woman, leaping up and down, and pointing. "Oh, Captain! Captain! Save us from all being murdered!" Two or three young children, who also saw the floating, queerly-shaped little craft dancing on the waves just off the steamship's starboard bow, began to scream in terror. Even several of the men, who should have known better, experienced a shock of fright for a moment. The "submarine pirate" that had been joked about for so many days, now seemed a thing of reality. Down amidships, on the main deck, a pretty girl had sat, balanced on the rail, her stalwart brother standing by to hold her securely. Yet, in the excitement that followed, the girl uttered a shriek and tottered. Her brother's hold was loosened for the instant, in his own bewilderment. Before he could recover, the girl had plunged down toward the water. With a frantic yell, the brother leaned too far out to seize her. He, too, plunged over the rail. How either escaped being drawn in toward the great hull was marvelous. But now both appeared in the foam astern, bobbing on the water, yet far apart. The "Farnum" was near by. Midshipman Osgoodby threw the helm over once more, then started in to get closer to them. At the same time he passed the word below. Captain Jack Benson was the first to reach the tower. In an instant the young submarine skipper threw the power off. "We can't go closer without the danger of running 'em down," quivered the submarine boy. The instant he had the power off Captain Jack threw the manhole cover of the tower open. As he bounded out on the platform deck several of the midshipmen followed, with Ensign Trahern and others. No sooner had his feet touched the platform deck than Jack threw down his cap. His blouse followed, almost in the same instant. Racing to the rail, the submarine boy calculated his distance, then sprang overboard, striking out desperately. Word had been carried to the "Greytown's" bridge, and the big craft was slowing up as rapidly as her headway permitted, while an officer and several men rushed to lower and man a boat. Yet the boat, when it struck the water, was something more than a quarter of a mile away from the spot where the young woman and her brother had fallen overboard. "Why don't some of the champion swimmers of the class go overboard to Mr. Benson's assistance?" rang Ensign Trahern's voice, sternly. Apparently that was all the middies were waiting for. Instantly uniform caps littered the platform deck. Uniform blouses followed. A group of white-shirted middies raced for the rail. Splash! splash! splash! The water shot up in tiny columns of spray with so many young midshipmen diving overboard. Even Ensign Trahern was startled by the promptness with which his question had been met. "No more men go overboard!" bellowed Mr. Trahern. Splash! splash! The order had come too late to stop these last divers. A solitary midshipman, hatless and with his blouse half off, stood beside the ensign, both of them knee-deep in discarded parts of uniform, while Eph peered out from the conning tower. "That was kind of a mean trick, sir, to play on me! I'm the only one that didn't get-over," grinned the last midshipman, sheepishly. It was a gross violation of discipline, so to address an officer. But Ensign Trahern merely smiled, for this once, as he replied: "Never mind, Mr. Satterlee. You'll be needed to stand by with me and help some of these venturesome ones aboard again." Jack's start had been a good one, and he was a lusty swimmer. He headed straight for the young woman, whose cries reached him across the water. She could not swim, but her skirts, spreading, were buoying her up briefly. When these skirts became thoroughly soaked they would fall, enclosing her in an envelope of considerable weight. The brother, on the other hand, could swim a little. He had begun to do so, instinctively, striking out for his sister. Yet, before he could reach her, his buoyancy gave out, his limbs cramping. With a despairing cry he sank. "Tread water! Tread! Keep up until I reach you!" called Jack, clearly, as he fought on to reach the young woman. Her skirts were beginning to fill and drop. She might have trod water, but she did not understand how it was done. "Help me! I'm sinking!" she screamed, as she threw up her hands. Then some of the water washed into her mouth. "No; you're not sinking, either!" shouted Jack, encouragingly, as he redoubled his efforts at water sprinting. He darted in, catching at her with one hand just as the girl's head sank under a wave. In a jiffy Jack Benson had a secure hand-hold. "Save me--oh, save me!" choked the girl, in terror, as her head came once more above. "Keep cool; do just as I tell you, and--No! Don't grab me like that, or you may drown us both!" remonstrated the submarine boy. But the girl acted as though possessed solely by the demon of terror. She succeeded in wrapping both arms in a frenzy about the submarine boy. "You _must_ leave my arms free," urged Jack, desperately, "or we shall go down together." He struggled, but her strength, in her despair, was something past belief. Jack trod water while trying to make her understand. It was of no use. She clung the tighter. There was but one course that would save time--to strike her a blow on the forehead that would render her senseless. But Jack could not bring himself to strike a woman. As she felt herself going down the girl only wrapped her arms the more tightly about her would-be rescuer. Then the water closed over them. Jack felt himself slipping down and down into the watery grave that awaited them. No strength can combat the power of frenzy. Though Jack Benson struggled, he realized that it was a losing battle. The girl's arms seemed locked in a deathless grip around his own. By the time that the first of the midshipmen reached the spot there was no trace either of Jack Benson or of the girl whom he had sought to save. CHAPTER XXII JACK SIGNALS THE "SAWBONES" Though he realized the deadly peril of the situation, Jack Benson, when he found himself in that frantic embrace, slipping below the waters, did not lose his head. "She'll weaken before I do," was his first thought. He had taken in no water. A strong, expert swimmer, the submarine boy could hold in his breath for some time to come. "If I could only free one hand, now!" thought the submarine boy. He tried, but some instinct in the girl made her resist his efforts. Even had he wanted to, the chivalrous youngster could not now have struck the blow that, depriving the young woman of her senses, would give him a chance to control her. His arms were pinned tightly. Yet were they held so securely that he could not free one? Jack Benson knew that he must, indeed, think fast, now, if he was to save their lives. He tried one of the tricks of wrestlers for freeing his right arm. A shudder passed through the frame of the girl; she clung more convulsively still. Then Jack tried another little dodge. This time he nearly freed his left arm. Summoning all his strength, he gave another tug. His left arm was free! Working mightily with it, now, Jack Benson fought his way to the surface. There was no need to give much heed to his unknown companion. She was holding to him in a way that insured her rising to the surface with him. "Ugh! Whew!" What a mighty breath it was that the young submarine captain took into his lungs as his head shot into air. "Oh, you--Benson!" shot from a middy's mouth. The cry led half a dozen of the young men toward the all but exhausted rescuer. They came with long, lusty strokes that brought them to Benson, quickly, while he trod water and tried to raise the face of the girl above the surface. The girl's eyes were closed, now, her cheeks pallid and waxen. Twice her face dropped beneath the surface, but Jack fought to bring her lips up into the air. Then strong hands seized them both. "Untwine the young lady's arms, if you can," begged the submarine boy. Two of the cadets succeeded in doing this. More midshipmen were about them, now, yet not one among them could have boasted of being a better swimmer than was Jack Benson himself. But now the young skipper of the "Farnum" was plainly exhausted. Freed of the need of more immediate work, Jack, as soon as he was free, rolled over on his back, floating. In the meantime, four other midshipmen swam close to where the girl's athletic brother had been seen to go down. He came up, at last, more than half gone, but the middies pounced upon him--and then he was safe. Hal was at the wheel, now, with Williamson and the naval machinist below in the engine room. That gave Eph Somers a chance to spring out on the platform deck with Ensign Trahern and the sole remaining midshipman. "I'd better run along, now, to pick 'em up, sir, hadn't I?" called Eph Somers to the naval officer. "By all means, Mr. Somers." The steamship's boat, too, pulled by a strong, well-trained crew, was now getting close to the scene. So it came about that the liner's lifeboat picked up Jack, the girl and her brother. The middies, disdaining any such outside interference, calmly turned and made for the "Farnum." The girl proved to be unconscious, the brother more than half-dazed. "Bring them aboard," directed Mr. Trahern, briefly. "Now, gentlemen, you've a chance to apply what you may know about first aid to the drowning," suggested Ensign Trahern, tersely. Under that vigorous treatment Walter Carruthers, as the young man afterwards declared himself to be, was quickly brought around. The middies had much harder work in reviving the girl. Her brother sat by watching the work. "Elsie isn't--isn't dead, is she?" asked the brother, anxiously. "Oh, no," replied one of the midshipmen, suspending his rescue work for an instant. "In fact, if there were women here to do the work--loosening her corsets, and all that sort of thing, you know--Miss Carruthers would be sitting up in short time." At last, the girl was made to open her eyes. She swallowed a little coffee, too. The "Greytown," in the meantime, had manoeuvered as close as was safe for such a big craft to come. The ship's doctor put off in a lifeboat, and soon declared his patient fit to be removed to the liner. While all this was going on, Jack had slipped quietly below. He took a brisk rub-down, donned dry clothing, and speedily appeared on deck, looking as though nothing had happened. "Drink some of this," ordered Eph, holding a pint cup of coffee toward the young skipper. Jack finished it all in a few gulps. Then, as his blood warmed, he began to smile over his late adventure. Supported on the arm of the ship's doctor, Elsie Carruthers turned to ask: "Where is the midshipman who first reached me--the--the one I so nearly drowned. I--I want to thank him, oh, so heartily, and to apologize." "Here he is," cried Ensign Trahern, shoving Benson forward. "But I'm not a midshipman, nor anything else in the Navy--no such luck," laughed Jack. "If you're not in the Navy, you ought to be, you splendid fellow." cried the girl, weakly, holding out her hand in sheer gratitude. "And, oh, I was such a coward, and so unreasoning!" "I guess anyone would be unreasoning if drowning and unable to swim," chuckled Jack Benson. "I know I would be." "That's good of you," cried the girl, gratefully. "Awfully good, but I'm not deceived. I realize, now, what a criminal ninny I was to, act in a way that came so near to drowning both of us." Then the young woman gracefully thanked all who had had any share in her rescue, and that of her brother. It took a lot of thanking, which everyone of the late heroes tried to dodge. Then the visitors were taken off, and the midshipmen bundled below until dry clothing could be had for them. The commanding officer of the "Hudson," having learned that something had happened was now heading the gunboat toward the "Farnum." In another half hour the naval fleet was together again, while the "Greytown" was rapidly vanishing along the northern horizon. On receiving a report by megaphone, Lieutenant Commander Mayhew's first act was to order all of the drenched, and now chilled, midshipmen aboard the parent vessel. Here they were treated with rub-downs, dry clothing and hot black coffee. Even Jack Benson had been ordered on board, and he had to pass before Doctor McCrea at that. "Oh, I'm all right," asserted Benson, who was the first to go before the doctor, while the middies were receiving their rub-downs. "You can't kill a salt-water dog with a dash of brine." "Yes, you're in good enough shape," agreed the Navy medical officer. Lieutenant Commander Mayhew now began to ask questions about the late occurrence. When he had finished, Jack broke in with: "By the way, sir, you were going to question your prisoner, Sam Truax, to see what you could learn about his reasons for acting the way he did on the 'Farnum.'" "I didn't forget, either," replied the gunboat's commander. "I had him before me last night, and again this morning." "And he said--" began Jack, eagerly. "Said he hadn't the least notion what I was driving at," returned Mr. Mayhew, compressing his jaws. "And that was about every blessed word I could get out of him." Jack looked, thoughtfully, in the direction of Doctor McCrea for a few moments, before he broke forth: "Doctor, if I had anything like your chance, I'll wager I'd have Sam Truax talking in short order." "How?" inquired Doctor McCrea, looking up with interest. "Why, I'd--" Jack hesitated, glancing in the direction of the gunboat's commanding officer. "I--I guess I had better go and see how the midshipmen are coming on," muttered Mr. Mayhew, rising. Yet there was a twinkle in his eye as he turned away. For some minutes Jack Benson talked with Doctor McCrea. That naval medical officer listened at least with interest. Finally, he began to grin. Then he roared, slapping his knees. "Mr. Benson, there's one thing about you. You certainly are ingenious!" "Will you do what I have suggested?" pressed the young submarine skipper. "Why, I--er--er--" Doctor McCrea hesitated, then again laughed, as he replied: "Mr. Benson, all I can say is that I--I--well, I'll have to think it over. I'm afraid that I--but I'll think it over." CHAPTER XXIII WHAT BEFELL THE MAN IN THE BRIG The "brig" is a place aboard a warship, as aboard some merchant vessels, that is set apart for prison purposes. Here drunken or mutinous members of the crew are confined. Here, too, on board a vessel of war, any enlisted man is likely to be stowed away when under severe discipline for any reason. It is a room fitted up like a prison cell, and having a barred door of iron. On a war vessel a marine sentry, with bayonet fixed to his gun, is usually stationed before the door, both to watch the prisoners and to prevent men of the crew from talking with those under arrest. It was in the brig, between decks on the "Hudson," that Sam Truax was spending his time, the only prisoner then in confinement. Truax, since his arrest in the submarine's engine room, had had plenty of time to think matters over. He had been doing a good deal of thinking, too, yet thought had by no means improved the fellow's temper. On a stool in the corner sat Truax, his scowling, sullen face turned towards the barred door when the marine outside, taking a turn, peered in. "Good heavens, man! What ails you?" demanded the marine. "I'm all right," growled the prisoner. "I'll be hanged if you look it!" was the marine's emphatic answer. "What are you talking about?" demanded the prisoner, angrily. "Man alive, I wish you could see your face!" "I could if this place were fitted with a mirror," sneered Sam Truax. The marine, after looking at the prisoner, and shaking his head, continued his pacing to and fro past the door. Two or three minutes later a sailor, halting at the door, looked at Sam, then wheeled about to the marine. "Say, what ails that man? What's the matter with his face?" demanded the seaman in a low tone, yet one loud enough to be overheard by the prisoner within. "I don't know," said the marine. "Looks fearful, doesn't he?" "He ought to have the doctor--that's what," muttered the seaman, then passed on. "Now, what are those idiots jabbering about?" Sam gruffly asked himself. He shifted uneasily, feeling his face flush. Five minutes later a sailor wearing on one sleeve the Red Cross of the hospital squad, passed by. "Say," said the marine, "I wish you'd look at the feller in the brig." "What ails him?" demanded the man of the hospital squad. "Blessed if I know. But just look at his face--his eyes!" The hospital man showed his face at the grating, looking at Sam Truax keenly for a moment. "Wow!" he ejaculated. "Looks fearful bad, don't he?" demanded the marine, also peering in. "What do you think it is?" "I ain't quite sure," answered the hospital man. "But one thing I do know. The sawbones officer has got to have a look at this chap." Sam Truax sprang to his feet, pacing up and down within the confines of the brig. "What are they all talking about?" he asked himself, in a buzz of excitement. "Five minutes ago I felt well enough. Now--well, I certainly do feel queerish." Barely three minutes more passed when Doctor McCrea hurried below, bustling along to the door of the brig. He, in turn, shot a keen look at Truax through the bars, then commanded: "Sentry, unlock the door! Let me in there!" In another moment Doctor McCrea was feeling the prisoner's pulse. "How long have you been feeling out of sorts?" asked the medical man, briefly. "N-n-not long," answered Truax, quite truthfully. "Take this thermometer under your tongue!" Sam Truax meekly submitted, then sat, perfectly still, while Doctor McCrea paced the brig for two full minutes. Then the "sawbones" took the thermometer from between Truax's lips and inspected it keenly. "Hospital man!" rapped out Doctor McCrea, sharply. "Aye, aye, sir!" reported the man with the Red Cross on his sleeve, reappearing before the door. "Have the stretcher brought here at once!" "Aye, aye, sir!" Still holding the clinical thermometer in one hand, Doctor McCrea stood keenly regarding the prisoner. "What on earth is the matter with me?" demanded Truax, speaking somewhat nervously. "Oh, you'll be all right--soon," replied Doctor McCrea, in what was too plainly a voice of false hope. The stretcher was brought. "Get on to this, Truax. Don't think of attempting to walk," ordered the surgeon. "Sentry, I am taking your prisoner to the sick bay. I'll make proper report of my action to the lieutenant commander." The "sick bay" is the hospital part of a warship. It is a place provided with wide, comfortable berths and all the appliances for taking good care of ill men. Sam Truax was carefully placed in one of the berths. He was the only patient there at the time. Doctor McCrea frequently felt the fellow's pulse, then ran a hand lightly over Sam's face, forehead and temples. "You might tell me what's the matter with me, Doc," protested Truax. "Oh, you'll be all right," replied the doctor, evasively. "When?" "Oh, in a few days, anyway." "What have I got? A fever?" "Now, don't ask questions, my man. Just lie quietly, and let us get you on your feet as soon as possible." Just then the hospital man returned with a glass of something for which Doctor McCrea had sent him. "Drink this," ordered the surgeon. Truax obeyed. "Now, in a few minutes, you ought to feel better," urged the surgeon, after the man in the berth had swallowed a sweetish drink. Did he? Feel better? Truax soon began to turn decidedly white about the gills. "I--I feel--awful," he groaned. Doctor McCrea, in silence, again felt the fellow's pulse. But, in a minute, something happened. A man may feel as well as ever, at one moment. Twenty minutes later, however, if he vomits, it is impossible to convince himself that he feels anything like well. More of the same draught was brought, and the sick man made to swallow it. Even a third and a fourth dose were administered. Sam Truax became so much worse, in fact, that he did not even hear when the bow cable chains of the gunboat grated as the anchors were let go opposite Blair's Cove just before dark. Certainly no man of medicine could have been more attentive than was Doctor McCrea. Even when one of the ward-room stewards appeared and announced that dinner was served, the naval surgeon replied: "I don't know that I shall have any time for dinner to-night." Then Doctor McCrea turned and again thrust his thermometer between Truax's lips. The reading of that thermometer, two minutes later, seemed to give him a good deal of concern. "I wish there were a capable physician on shore that I could call in consultation," he remarked in a low tone, but Truax heard and stirred nervously under his blankets. "I--I wish you could perspire some," said Doctor McCrea, anxiously, as he leaned over the sufferer. "I--I'm icy c-c-c-cold," chattered Truax. "Too bad, too bad," declared the naval surgeon, shaking his head. There was a short interval, during which Truax tossed restlessly. "Doc," he begged, at last, "I wish you'd tell me what ails me." "What's the use?" demanded the surgeon, shaking his head. "Am I--am I--oh, good heavens! There comes that fearful nausea again!" "No, no! Fight it off! Don't let it get the better of you," urged the surgeon, anxiously. But the nausea was not to be denied. Presently Truax settled back on his pillows. "Is there anything on your mind, my man?" asked Doctor McCrea, bending over the sufferer. "Is there anything you'd like to set right, before--before--" Doctor Mccrea's speech ended in an odd little click in his throat. "Doctor, am I--am I--" "Is there any little confession you would like to make? And wrong you may have done that you'd like to set straight, my man? If so, we can take down a statement, you know." Truax groaned, but there was a look of great fright in his eyes. "Doc, I--I wonder--if--" "Well, Truax?" "Are we at anchor--now?" "Yes; in the little bay for the night." "Is--is the 'Farnum' here, too?" "Yes." "I--I wonder if Jack Benson would come to see me for a little while?" "Why, I'll see, of course," volunteered Doctor McCrea, rising and leaving the sick boy. CHAPTER XXIV CONCLUSION Ten minutes later the naval surgeon returned with Benson. With the latter was Hal Hastings. Mr. Mayhew and Ensign Trahern hovered in the rear of the group. "Here's Mr. Benson, Truax," announced Doctor McCrea. "Now, my man, if there is anything of which you want to unburden your mind, go ahead and do it. The rest of us can bear witness, and help matters straight if, in your better health, you have done anything that needs righting." Sam Truax feebly stretched out a hand that certainly was hot enough by this time. "Benson," he begged, weakly, "will you give me your hand?" "Certainly," nodded Jack, as he did so. "I--I wonder if you can ever forgive me?" moaned the ill man. "Why, have you done anything that I don't already know?" asked Jack. "A lot! Benson, I've been an all-around scoundrel." "That's certainly surprising news," commented the submarine boy, dryly. "What have you been doing?" "That assault back in Dunhaven--?" "Was it you who knocked me out there, and sprinkled my clothes with whiskey?" demanded young Benson. "Yes." In a somewhat shaking voice Truax confessed to the details of that outrageous affair. From that he passed on to Jack's never-to-be-forgotten trip into the suburbs of Annapolis. "I found that mulatto in a low den," confessed the sick man. "I told him you carried a lot of money, and that he'd be welcome to it all if he'd decoy you somewhere, keep you all night, and then send you back, looking like a tramp, to the Naval Academy at the last moment." Truax also added the name by which the mulatto was known in Annapolis. "But why have you done all this?" demanded Jack. "What have you had against me?" "I--I didn't do it on my own account," confessed Truax. "Did you ever hear of Tip Gaynor?" "No--never," admitted Jack, after a moment's thought. "He's--he's a salesman, or something like that, for Sidenham." "The Sidenham Submarine Company?" breathed Jack Benson, intensely interested. "Yes." "The Sidenham people are our nearest competitors in the submarine business," muttered young Benson. "Yes; and of course they wanted to get the business away from the Pollard crowd," confessed Sam Truax. "They told Tip Gaynor it would be worth ten thousand dollars to him for each Sidenham boat he could sell to the United States Government. Tip wanted that money, and your Pollard people were the hardest ones he had to beat. So Tip hired me--" "One moment," interrupted Jack, quietly. "Did the Sidenham people know that Gaynor intended to use any such methods?" "I don't believe they did," replied Truax. "In fact, Gaynor as good as told me the Sidenhams didn't know anything about his proposed tricks. He told me I must be very careful to keep the Sidenham name out of it all." "So Tip Gaynor hired you to do all you could to disgrace me in the eyes of the Navy people?" demanded Jack. "Yes--to hurt any of you, for that matter." "And to play tricks in the engine room of either submarine?" "Yes; Tip Gaynor told me it was highly important to cause the boats to break down while under the eyes of all Annapolis." "I understand," muttered Jack. "That was clever, in a way. It was intended to make the whole Navy think the Pollard boat one that couldn't be depended upon?" "That was the idea," assented Sam Truax, weakly. "What sort of a looking fellow is Tip Gaynor?" asked Jack. "You've met him!" "I?" demanded Jack, in astonishment. "Yes. From what I hear. He was the blackbearded man who drugged you and shanghaied you in the white knockabout. Only Tip doesn't usually wear a beard. He has grown it in the last three or four weeks, in order to hide himself from people who know him well. Then he came down here to Blair's Cove and rented a house so he could watch things. He had a tip that the instruction cruise would center around this little bay." "So, acting for Tip Gaynor, you undertook to ruin us all, and the good name of our boats?" asked Jack. "And you even met Dave Pollard, and got him to take you on as a machinist for our boats?" "Yes; Tip knew a man who was willing to introduce me to Pollard." "It was just like simple, unsuspicious, bighearted Dave Pollard to be taken in by a rascal like that," muttered Jack, to himself. "But, oh, will Pollard ever forgive himself when he hears all this?" Sam Truax added a few more details to his confession, but they were unimportant. "I couldn't die without telling you all this, Benson," he added. "I hope you forgive me." Ere Jack could reply Lieutenant Commander Mayhew stepped forward. "Truax, I wish to ask you if every word you have uttered is the solemn truth?" "It is; yes," admitted the sick man. "Why have you made this confession?" "Because I feel that I am going to die, and I don't want all this evil charged up against me." "And you thought it would not be hard to get the better of a boy like Jack Benson?" "I thought it would be easy enough," admitted Truax. "So did Tip Gaynor." "Then it shows you, Truax," broke in Doctor McCrea, now laughing, "how far below the mark you shot in guessing at Jack Benson's ingenuity and brains. For it was he showed me how to induce you to make this confession, voluntarily, after having refused to answer any of the lieutenant commander's questions." "What do you mean?" demanded Sam Truax, quickly, a queer look creeping into his face. "Why, my man, I mean," grinned the naval surgeon, "that, when I was first called in to you, you were no more sick than I was. You were scared, first of all, by the remarks of others. Then, after we got you to bed in here, we dosed you with ippecac a few times. That started your stomach to moving up and down until you were convinced that you were a very sick man." "What!" now roared Sam Truax, sitting up in the berth and staring angrily. "Oh, the ippecac was my own choice," nodded the doctor, "but the general idea was Mr. Benson's. My man, with a lad like him you haven't a one-in-ten chance." "So, to work a confession out of me, you've poisoned me?" gasped Sam Truax. "Oh, you're not very badly poisoned," laughed Doctor McCrea. "About the most that you need, now, is to get into your clothes and take a few turns up and down the deck with a marine. The fresh air will brace you up all right. I shan't be surprised if the ippecac leaves you with an appetite after a while." "You infernal cheat, you!" roared Truax, starting to get out of the berth. But the hospital man thrust him back. "In view of what you've just been telling us, my man, you had better be just a bit modest about sprinkling bad names around." said the naval surgeon, turning on his heel. He was followed by Lieutenant Commander Mayhew, Jack Benson and Hal Hastings. On the faces of all three were rather pronounced grins. The fellow had been caught easily enough. "Mr. Benson," cried Doctor McCrea, grasping Jack's hand when the party had returned to the cabin, "I hope you are my friend?" "I certainly am, sir," cried Jack, warmly. "Thank you," replied the surgeon, making a comical face. "With your head for doing things, Mr. Benson, I can't help feeling a lot safer with your friendship than I would if I had your enmity." "How easily the fellow threw everything to the winds!" muttered Mr. Mayhew, in some disgust. While they were still chatting in the cabin of the gunboat a shot sounded on the deck. It was quickly followed by another. Then a corporal of marines rushed in, saluting. "The prisoner, Truax, sir, escaped while taking a walk on deck under guard of a marine. He took to the water headlong, sir. The marine fired after him through the darkness, sir, and a second shot was fired. The officer of the deck sends his compliments, sir, and wants to know if Truax is to be pursued by men in a small boat?" "At once, and with all diligence," nodded the lieutenant commander. Though a very thorough search was made, Sam Truax was not found. It was thought, at the time, that the fellow must have been drowned. Months, afterward, however, it was learned that he was skulking in Europe with Tip Gaynor, who had received word in time to make his escape also. It may be said, in passing, that neither Mr. Farnum nor Mr. Pollard felt it necessary to go to the trouble of trying to have the scoundrels arrested and extradited to this country, and in this Jack Benson agreed. Both rascals were rather certain, thereafter, to give the United States a wide berth. For some time David Pollard had been holding aloof and keeping very quiet--a habit of his, often displayed for long periods. About this time, however, Mr. Pollard returned, with a triumphant twinkle in his eyes. He had been hard at work upon, and had perfected, an improved device for the discharge of torpedoes through the bow tube of the Pollard submarine boat. It is to be mentioned, also, that the Sidenham Submarine Company, while admitting that Gaynor had been entrusted with the sale of their boats to the Government, disclaimed all knowledge of the methods that salesman had been employing. Everyone believed the disclaimer of the Sidenham concern, yet up to date none of its boats have been sold to the United States Government. For two days more the submarine boat instruction continued at sea. Then, the tour of instruction over, the little flotilla returned to the Naval Academy at Annapolis. From here Captain Jack Benson wired Mr. Farnum for further orders. Without delay back came the despatch: "Navy Department requests that, for present, 'Farnum' be left at Annapolis. You and your crew will return by rail when ready." Soon afterward Jack was informed that the Annapolis police had succeeded in running down the mulatto who had decoyed the young submarine skipper on that memorable night. Also, Jack's money, watch and other valuables were recovered and returned to him. The mulatto is now serving a long term in jail. It afterwards turned out that nearly two-score seafaring men had been robbed by the mulatto by the same game that had been played on Jack Benson. One forenoon when Jack, and his mates were about to go ashore, for good, from the "Farnum," Lieutenant Commander Mayhew came on board, followed by Ensign Trahern and three of the midshipmen who had been under submarine instruction. "Now, Mr. Benson, and gentlemen," smiled Mr. Mayhew, "I'm not going to frighten you by making any set speech. What I have to say is that the cadet midshipmen who have been under your very capable and much-prized instruction of late, wish each of you to take away a very slight memento of your stay here. There is one for each of you." Not even Machinist Williamson had been omitted. Each of the four received from the lieutenant commander a small box. Each box, on being opened, proved to contain a small gold shield. In the center was the coat-of-arms of the United States Naval Academy. At the top of each pin was the name of the one to whom it was given. Across the bottom of each pin were inscribed the words: _"From The Battalion of Naval Cadets In Keen Appreciation of Admirable Instruction."_ "I do not believe," smiled Mr. Mayhew, "that anyone of you will hesitate about wearing this pin on vest or coat lapel. The gift is a simple one, but it practically makes you honorary members of the United States Navy of the future, and I'm glad of it." Jack, in a voice that was somewhat husky and shaky, expressed thanks, as best he could, for himself and mates. Then Lieutenant Commander Mayhew held out his hand. "Mr. Benson, as you're leaving us, I want to express to you again my regret at having, for a while, believed you to be very different from the real Benson that I am now glad to know." "Why, sir, I surely can't blame you for what you thought," smiled Jack. "In fact, I feel that I owe a tremendous lot to you for your patience when things looked as black against me as they did." Jack and his friends, however, did not succeed in getting away from Annapolis until the entire battalion had a few minutes' leisure immediately following the noon meal. Then the late crew of the "Farnum" had to shake hands rapidly all around. Just before they were summoned back to their duties, the assembled members of the battalion had time to give three rousing cheers just as the carriage bearing our young friends to the railway station rolled away. It was not long after that the "Farnum" was sold to the United States Government. Even before the sale took place, Jacob Farnum received by express a box of handsome mementos sent to Jack Benson by Elsie Carruthers and her brother. The time has come, now, to leave the submarine boys, though only briefly. We shall hear of their further doings in the next volume of this series, under the title: "_The Submarine Boys and the Spies; Or, Dodging the Sharks of the Deep._" This stirring tale of the ocean will deal with the efforts of the boys to protect the secrets of the Pollard submarine system from the foreign spies who beset them with treachery, violence, threats and bribes. It is a narrative full of intense interest. 
21562	----	* * * * * +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | Transcriber's Note: | | | | This document is volume three of the series "The Navy in | | the Civil War". For more information on the series see | | the advertisement following the index. | | | | Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has | | been preserved. | | | | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected in this | | text. For a complete list, please see the end of this | | document. | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * THE NAVY IN THE CIVIL WAR THE GULF AND INLAND WATERS BY A.T. MAHAN CAPTAIN U.S. NAVY LONDON SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, & COMPANY, LTD. St. Dunstan's House FETTER LANE, FLEET STREET, E.C. 1898 Copyright, 1883, by Charles Scribner's Sons for the United States of America Printed by the Trow Directory, Printing and Bookbinding Company New York, U.S.A. PREFACE. The narrative in these pages follows chiefly the official reports, and it is believed will not be found to conflict seriously with them. Official reports, however, are liable to errors of statement and especially to the omission of facts, well known to the writer but not always to the reader, the want of which is seriously felt when the attempt is made not only to tell the gross results but to detail the steps that led to them. Such omissions, which are specially frequent in the earlier reports of the Civil War, the author has tried to supply by questions put, principally by letter, to surviving witnesses. A few have neglected to answer, and on those points he has been obliged, with some embarrassment, to depend on his own judgment upon the circumstances of the case; but by far the greater part of the officers addressed, both Union and Confederate, have replied very freely. The number of his correspondents has been too numerous to admit of his thanking them by name, but he begs here to renew to them all the acknowledgments which have already been made to each in person. A.T.M. JUNE, 1883. CONTENTS. PAGE LIST OF MAPS, ix CHAPTER I. PRELIMINARY, 1 CHAPTER II. FROM CAIRO TO VICKSBURG, 9 CHAPTER III. FROM THE GULF TO VICKSBURG, 52 CHAPTER IV. THE RECOIL FROM VICKSBURG, 98 CHAPTER V. THE MISSISSIPPI OPENED, 110 CHAPTER VI. MINOR OCCURRENCES IN 1863, 175 CHAPTER VII. TEXAS AND THE RED RIVER, 185 CHAPTER VIII. MOBILE, 218 APPENDIX, 251 INDEX, 255 LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS. PAGE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY--CAIRO TO MEMPHIS, _to face_ 9 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY--VICKSBURG TO THE GULF, _to face_ 52 BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS, 74 BATTLE AT VICKSBURG, 92 MISSISSIPPI VALLEY--HELENA TO VICKSBURG, _to face_ 115 BATTLE AT GRAND GULF, 159 RED RIVER DAM, 208 BATTLE OF MOBILE BAY, _to face_ 229 THE GULF AND INLAND WATERS. CHAPTER I. PRELIMINARY. The naval operations described in the following pages extended, on the seaboard, over the Gulf of Mexico from Key West to the mouth of the Rio Grande; and inland over the course of the Mississippi, and its affluents, from Cairo, at the southern extremity of the State of Illinois, to the mouths of the river. Key West is one of the low coral islands, or keys, which stretch out, in a southwesterly direction, into the Gulf from the southern extremity of the Florida peninsula. It has a good harbor, and was used during, as since, the war as a naval station. From Key West to the mouth of the Rio Grande, the river forming the boundary between Mexico and the State of Texas, the distance in a straight line is about eight hundred and forty miles. The line joining the two points departs but little from an east and west direction, the mouth of the river, in 25° 26' N., being eighty-three miles north of the island; but the shore line is over sixteen hundred miles, measuring from the southern extremity of Florida. Beginning at that point, the west side of the peninsula runs north-northwest till it reaches the 30th degree of latitude; turning then, the coast follows that parallel approximately till it reaches the delta of the Mississippi. That delta, situated about midway between the east and west ends of the line, projects southward into the Gulf of Mexico as far as parallel 29° N., terminating in a long, narrow arm, through which the river enters the Gulf by three principal branches, or passes. From the delta the shore sweeps gently round, inclining first a little to the north of west, until near the boundary between the States of Louisiana and Texas; then it curves to the southwest until a point is reached about one hundred miles north of the mouth of the Rio Grande, whence it turns abruptly south. Five States, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, in the order named, touch the waters bounded by this long, irregular line; but the shore of two of them, Alabama and Mississippi, taken together, extends over little more than one hundred miles. All five joined at an early date in the secession movement. The character of the coast, from one end to the other, varies but slightly in appearance. It is everywhere low, and either sandy or marshy. An occasional bluff of moderate height is to be seen. A large proportion of the line is skirted by low sandy islands, sometimes joined by narrow necks to the mainland, forming inland sounds of considerable extent, access to which is generally impracticable for vessels of much draft of water. They, however, as well as numerous bays and the mouths of many small rivers, can be entered by light vessels acquainted with the ground; and during the war small steamers and schooners frequently escaped through them, carrying cargoes of cotton, then of great value. There is but little rise and fall of the tide in the Gulf, from one to two feet, but the height of the water is much affected by the direction of the wind. The principal ports on or near the Gulf are New Orleans in Louisiana, Mobile in Alabama, and Galveston in Texas. Tallahassee and Apalachicola, in Florida, also carried on a brisk trade in cotton at the time of the secession. By far the best harbor is Pensacola Bay, in Florida, near the Alabama line. The town was not at that time a place of much commerce, on account of defective communication with the interior; but the depth of water, twenty-two feet, that could be carried over the bar, and the secure spacious anchorage within made it of great value as a naval station. It had been so used prior to the war, and, although falling at first into the hands of the Confederates, was shortly regained by the Union forces, to whom, from its nearness to Mobile and the passes of the Mississippi, as well as from its intrinsic advantages, it was of great importance throughout the contest. The aim of the National Government in connection with this large expanse of water and its communications was two-fold. First, it was intended to enter the Mississippi River from the sea, and working up its stream in connection with the land forces, to take possession of the well-known positions that gave command of the navigation. Simultaneously with this movement from below, a similar movement downward, with the like object, was to be undertaken in the upper waters. If successful, as they proved to be, the result of these attacks would be to sever the States in rebellion on the east side of the river from those on the west, which, though not the most populous, contributed largely in men, and yet more abundantly in food, to the support of the Confederacy. The second object of the Government was to enforce a strict blockade over the entire coast, from the Rio Grande to Florida. There were not in the Confederate harbors powerful fleets, or even single vessels of war, which it was necessary to lock up in their own waters. One or two _quasi_ men-of-war escaped from them, to run short and, in the main, harmless careers; but the cruise that inflicted the greatest damage on the commerce of the Union was made by a vessel that never entered a Southern port. The blockade was not defensive, but offensive; its purpose was to close every inlet by which the products of the South could find their way to the markets of the world, and to shut out the material, not only of war, but essential to the peaceful life of a people, which the Southern States were ill-qualified by their previous pursuits to produce. Such a blockade could be made technically effectual by ships cruising or anchored outside; but there was a great gain in actual efficiency when the vessels could be placed within the harbors. The latter plan was therefore followed wherever possible and safe; and the larger fortified places were reduced and occupied as rapidly as possible consistent with the attainment of the prime object--the control of the Mississippi Valley. Before the war the Atlantic and Gulf waters of the United States, with those of the West Indies, Mexico, and Central America, were the cruising ground of one division of vessels, known as the Home Squadron. At the beginning of hostilities this squadron was under the command of Flag-Officer G.J. Pendergrast, who rendered essential and active service during the exciting and confused events which immediately followed the bombardment of Fort Sumter. The command was too extensive to be administered by any one man, when it became from end to end the scene of active war, so it was soon divided into three parts. The West India Squadron, having in its charge United States interests in Mexico and Central America as well as in the islands, remained under the care of Flag-Officer Pendergrast. Flag-Officer Stringham assumed command of the Atlantic Squadron, extending as far south as Cape Florida; and the Gulf, from Cape Florida to the Rio Grande, was assigned to Flag-Officer William Mervine, who reached his station on the 8th of June, 1861. On the 4th of July the squadron consisted of twenty-one vessels, carrying two hundred and eighty-two guns, and manned by three thousand five hundred men. Flag-Officer Mervine was relieved in the latter part of September. The blockade was maintained as well as the number and character of the vessels permitted, but no fighting of any consequence took place. A dashing cutting-out expedition from the flag-ship Colorado, under Lieutenant J.H. Russell, assisted by Lieutenants Sproston and Blake, with subordinate officers and seamen, amounting in all to four boats and one hundred men, seized and destroyed an armed schooner lying alongside the wharf of the Pensacola Navy Yard, under the protection of a battery. The service was gallantly carried out; the schooner's crew, after a desperate resistance, were driven on shore, whence, with the guard, they resumed their fire on the assailants. The affair cost the flag-ship three men killed and nine wounded. Under Mervine's successor, Flag-Officer W.W. McKean, more of interest occurred. The first collision was unfortunate, and, to some extent, humiliating to the service. A squadron consisting of the steam-sloop Richmond, sailing-sloops Vincennes and Preble, and the small side-wheel steamer Water Witch had entered the Mississippi early in the month of October, and were at anchor at the head of the passes. At 3.30 A.M., October 12th, a Confederate ram made its appearance close aboard the Richmond, which, at the time, had a coal schooner alongside. The ram charged the Richmond, forcing a small hole in her side about two feet below the water-line, and tearing the schooner adrift. She dropped astern, lay quietly for a few moments off the port-quarter of the Richmond, and then steamed slowly up the river, receiving broadsides from the Richmond and Preble, and throwing up a rocket. In a few moments three dim lights were seen up the river near the eastern shore. They were shortly made out to be fire-rafts. The squadron slipped their chains, the three larger vessels, by direction of the senior officer, retreating down the Southwest Pass to the sea; but in the attempt to cross, the Richmond and Vincennes grounded on the bar. The fire-rafts drifted harmlessly on to the western bank of the river, and then burned out. When day broke, the enemy's fleet, finding the head of the passes abandoned, followed down the river, and with rifled guns kept up a steady but not very accurate long-range fire upon the stranded ships, not venturing within reach of the Richmond's heavy broadside. About 10 A.M., apparently satisfied with the day's work, they returned up river, and the ships shortly after got afloat and crossed the bar. The ram which caused this commotion and hasty retreat was a small vessel of three hundred and eighty-four tons, originally a Boston tug-boat called the Enoch Train, which had been sent to New Orleans to help in improving the channel of the Mississippi. When the war broke out she was taken by private parties and turned into a ram on speculation. An arched roof of 5-inch timber was thrown over her deck, and this covered with a layer of old-fashioned railroad iron, from three-fourths to one inch thick, laid lengthways. At the time of this attack she had a cast-iron prow under water, and carried a IX-inch gun, pointing straight ahead through a slot in the roof forward; but as this for some reason could not be used, it was lashed in its place. Her dimensions were: length 128 feet, beam 26 feet, depth 12½ feet. She had twin screws, and at this time one engine was running at high pressure and the other at low, both being in bad order, so that she could only steam six knots; but carrying the current with her she struck the Richmond with a speed of from nine to ten. Although afterward bought by the Confederate Government, she at this time still belonged to private parties; but as her captain, pilot, and most of the other officers refused to go in her, Lieutenant A.F. Warley, of the Confederate Navy, was ordered to the command by Commodore Hollins. In the collision her prow was wrenched off, her smoke-stack carried away and the condenser of the low-pressure engine gave out, which accounts for her "remaining under the Richmond's quarter," "dropping astern," and "lying quietly abeam of the Preble, apparently hesitating whether to come at her or not." As soon as possible she limped off under her remaining engine. Although it was known to the officers of the Union fleet that the enemy had a ram up the river, it does not appear that any preparation for defence had been made, or plan of action adopted. Even the commonplace precaution of sending out a picket-boat had not been taken. The attack, therefore, was a surprise, not only in the ordinary sense of the word, but, so far as appears, in finding the officer in command without any formed ideas as to what he would do if she came down. "The whole affair came upon me so suddenly that no time was left for reflection, but called for immediate action." These are his own words. The natural outcome of not having his resources in hand was a hasty retreat before an enemy whose force he now exaggerated and with whom he was not prepared to deal; a move which brought intense mortification to himself and in a measure to the service. It is a relief to say that the Water Witch, a small vessel of under four hundred tons, with three light guns, commanded by Lieutenant Francis Winslow, held her ground, steaming up beyond the fire-rafts until daylight showed her the larger vessels in retreat. During the night of November 7th the U.S. frigate Santee, blockading off Galveston, sent into the harbor two boats, under the command of Lieutenant James E. Jouett, with the object of destroying the man-of-war steamer General Rusk. The armed schooner Royal Yacht guarding the channel was passed unseen, but the boats shortly after took the ground and were discovered. Thinking it imprudent to attack the steamer without the advantage of a surprise, Lieutenant Jouett turned upon the schooner, which was carried after a sharp conflict. The loss of the assailants was two killed and seven wounded. The schooner was burnt. On November 22d and 23d Flag-Officer McKean, with the Niagara and Richmond, made an attack upon Fort McRea on the western side of the entrance to Pensacola Bay; Fort Pickens, on the east side, which remained in the power of the United States, directing its guns upon the fort and the Navy Yard, the latter being out of reach of the ships. The fire of McRea was silenced the first day; but on the second a northwest wind had so lowered the water that the ships could not get near enough to reach the fort. The affair was entirely indecisive, being necessarily conducted at very long range. From this time on, until the arrival of Flag-Officer David G. Farragut, a guerilla warfare was maintained along the coast, having always the object of making the blockade more effective and the conditions of the war more onerous to the Southern people. Though each little expedition contributed to this end, singly they offer nothing that it is necessary to chronicle here. When Farragut came the squadron was divided. St. Andrew's Bay, sixty miles east of Pensacola, was left in the East Gulf Squadron; all west of that point was Farragut's command, under the name of the Western Gulf Blockading Squadron. Stirring and important events were now at hand, before relating which the course of the war on the Upper Mississippi demands attention. [Illustration: MISSISSIPPI VALLEY--CAIRO TO MEMPHIS.] CHAPTER II. FROM CAIRO TO VICKSBURG. At the 37th parallel of north latitude the Ohio, which drains the northeast portion of the Valley of the Mississippi, enters that river. At the point of junction three powerful States meet. Illinois, here bounded on either side by the great river and its tributary, lies on the north; on the east it is separated by the Ohio from Kentucky, on the west by the Mississippi from Missouri. Of the three Illinois was devoted to the cause of the Union, but the allegiance of the two others, both slave-holding, was very doubtful at the time of the outbreak of hostilities. The general course of the Mississippi here being south, while that of the Ohio is southwest, the southern part of Illinois projects like a wedge between the two other States. At the extreme point of the wedge, where the rivers meet, is a low point of land, subject, in its unprotected state, to frequent overflows by the rising of the waters. On this point, protected by dikes or levees, is built the town of Cairo, which from its position became, during the war, the naval arsenal and dépôt of the Union flotilla operating in the Mississippi Valley. From Cairo to the mouths of the Mississippi is a distance of ten hundred and ninety-seven miles by the stream. So devious, however, is the course of the latter that the two points are only four hundred and eighty miles apart in a due north and south line; for the river, after having inclined to the westward till it has increased its longitude by some two degrees and a half, again bends to the east, reaching the Gulf on the meridian of Cairo. Throughout this long distance the character of the river-bed is practically unchanged. The stream flows through an alluvial region, beginning a few miles above Cairo, which is naturally subject to overflow during floods; but the surrounding country is protected against such calamities by raised embankments, or dikes, known throughout that region as levees. The river and its tributaries are subject to very great variations of height, which are often sudden and unexpected, but when observed through a series of years present a certain regularity. They depend upon the rains and the melting of the snows in their basins. The greatest average height is attained in the late winter and early spring months; another rise takes place in the early summer; the months of August, September, and October give the lowest water, the rise following them being due to the autumnal rains. It will be seen at times that these rises and falls, especially when sudden, had their bearing upon the operations of both army and navy. At a few points of the banks high land is encountered. On the right, or western, bank there is but one such, at Helena, in the State of Arkansas, between three and four hundred miles below Cairo. On the left bank such points are more numerous. The first is at Columbus, twenty-one miles down the stream; then follow the bluffs at Hickman, in Kentucky; a low ridge (which also extends to the right bank) below New Madrid, rising from one to fifteen feet above overflow; the four Chickasaw bluffs in Tennessee, on the southernmost of which is the city of Memphis; and finally a rapid succession of similar bluffs extending for two hundred and fifty miles, at short intervals, from Vicksburg, in Mississippi, about six hundred miles below Cairo, to Baton Rouge, in Louisiana. Of these last Vicksburg, Grand Gulf, and Port Hudson became the scenes of important events of the war. It is easy to see that each of these rare and isolated points afforded a position by the fortification of which the passage of an enemy could be disputed, and the control of the stream maintained, as long as it remained in the hands of the defenders. They were all, except Columbus and Hickman, in territory which, by the act of secession, had become hostile to the Government of the United States; and they all, not excepting even the two last-named, were seized and fortified by the Confederates. It was against this chain of defences that the Union forces were sent forth from either end of the line; and fighting their way, step by step, and post by post, those from the north and those from the south met at length around the defences of Vicksburg. From the time of that meeting the narratives blend until the fall of the fortress; but, prior to that time, it is necessary to tell the story of each separately. The northern expeditions were the first in the field, and to them this chapter is devoted. The importance of controlling the Mississippi was felt from the first by the United States Government. This importance was not only strategic; it was impossible that the already powerful and fast-growing Northwestern States should see without grave dissatisfaction the outlet of their great highway pass into the hands of a foreign power. Even before the war the necessity to those States of controlling the river was an argument against the possibility of disunion, at least on a line crossing it. From the military point of view, however, not only did the Mississippi divide the Confederacy, but the numerous streams directly or indirectly tributary to it, piercing the country in every direction, afforded a ready means of transport for troops and their supplies in a country of great extent, but otherwise ill-provided with means of carriage. From this consideration it was but a step to see the necessity of an inland navy for operating on and keeping open those waters. The necessity being recognized, the construction of the required fleet was at the first entrusted to the War Department, the naval officers assigned for that duty reporting to the military officer commanding in the West. The fleet, or flotilla, while under this arrangement, really constituted a division of the army, and its commanding officer was liable to interference, not only at the hands of the commander-in-chief, but of subordinate officers of higher rank than himself. On May 16, 1861, Commander John Rodgers was directed to report to the War Department for this service. Under his direction there were purchased in Cincinnati three river-steamers, the Tyler, Lexington, and Conestoga. These were altered into gunboats by raising around them perpendicular oak bulwarks, five inches thick and proof against musketry, which were pierced for ports, but bore no iron plating. The boilers were dropped into the hold, and steam-pipes lowered as much as possible. The Tyler mounted six 64-pounders in broadside, and one 32-pounder stern gun; the Lexington, four 64s and two 32s; the Conestoga, two broadside 32s and one light stern gun. After being altered, these vessels were taken down to Cairo, where they arrived August 12th, having been much delayed by the low state of the river; one of them being dragged by the united power of the three over a bar on which was one foot less water than her draught. On the 7th of August, a contract was made by the War Department with James B. Eads, of St. Louis, by which he undertook to complete seven gunboats, and deliver them at Cairo on the 10th day of October of the same year. These vessels were one hundred and seventy-five feet long and fifty feet beam. The propelling power was one large paddle-wheel, which was placed in an opening prepared for it, midway of the breadth of the vessel and a little forward of the stern, in such wise as to be materially protected by the sides and casemate. This opening, which was eighteen feet wide, extended forward sixty feet from the stern, dividing the after-body into two parts, which were connected abaft the wheel by planking thrown from one side to the other. This after-part was called the fantail. The casemate extended from the curve of the bow to that of the stern, and was carried across the deck both forward and aft, thus forming a square box, whose sides sloped in and up at an angle of forty-five degrees, containing the battery, the machinery, and the paddle-wheel. The casemate was pierced for thirteen guns, three in the forward end ranging directly ahead, four on each broadside, and two stern guns. As the expectation was to fight generally bows on, the forward end of the casemate carried iron armor two and a half inches thick, backed by twenty-four inches of oak. The rest of the casemate was not protected by armor, except abreast of the boilers and engines, where there were two and a half inches of iron, but without backing. The stern, therefore, was perfectly vulnerable, as were the sides forward and abaft the engines. The latter were high pressure, like those of all Western river-boats, and, though the boilers were dropped into the hold as far as possible, the light draught and easily pierced sides left the vessels exposed in action to the fearful chance of an exploded boiler. Over the casemate forward was a pilot-house of conical shape, built of heavy oak, and plated on the forward side with 2½-inch iron, on the after with 1½-inch. With guns, coal, and stores on board, the casemate deck came nearly down to the water, and the vessels drew from six to seven feet, the peculiar outline giving them no small resemblance to gigantic turtles wallowing slowly along in their native element. Below the water the form was that of a scow, the bottom being flat. Their burden was five hundred and twelve tons. The armament was determined by the exigencies of the time, such guns as were available being picked up here and there and forwarded to Cairo. The army supplied thirty-five old 42-pounders, which were rifled, and so threw a 70-pound shell. These having lost the metal cut away for grooves, and not being banded, were called upon to endure the increased strain of firing rifled projectiles with actually less strength than had been allowed for the discharge of a round ball of about half the weight. Such make-shifts are characteristic of nations that do not prepare for war, and will doubtless occur again in the experience of our navy; fortunately, in this conflict, the enemy was as ill-provided as ourselves. Several of these guns burst; their crews could be seen eyeing them distrustfully at every fire, and when at last they were replaced by sounder weapons, many were not turned into store, but thrown, with a sigh of relief, into the waters of the Mississippi. The remainder of the armament was made up by the navy with old-fashioned 32-pound and VIII-inch smooth-bore guns, fairly serviceable and reliable weapons. Each of these seven gunboats, when thus ready for service, carried four of the above-described rifles, six 32-pounders of 43 cwt., and three VIII-inch shell-guns; total, thirteen. The vessels, when received into service, were named after cities standing upon the banks of the rivers which they were to defend--Cairo, Carondelet, Cincinnati, Louisville, Mound City, Pittsburg, St. Louis. They, with the Benton, formed the backbone of the river fleet throughout the war. Other more pretentious, and apparently more formidable, vessels, were built; but from thorough bad workmanship, or appearing too late on the scene, they bore no proportionate share in the fighting. The eight may be fairly called the ships of the line of battle on the western waters. The Benton was of the same general type as the others, but was purchased by, not built for, the Government. She was originally a snag-boat, and so constructed with special view to strength. Her size was 1,000 tons, double that of the seven; length, 202 feet; extreme breadth, 72 feet. The forward plating was 3 inches of iron, backed by 30 inches of oak; at the stern, and abreast the engines, there was 2½-inch iron, backed by 12 inches of oak; the rest of the sides of the casemates was covered with 5/8-inch iron. With guns and stores on board, she drew nine feet. Her first armament was two IX-inch shell-guns, seven rifled 42s, and seven 32-pounders of 43 cwt.; total, sixteen guns. It will be seen, therefore, that she differed from the others simply in being larger and stronger; she was, indeed, the most powerful fighting-machine in the squadron, but her speed was only five knots an hour through the water, and her engines so little commensurate with her weight that Flag-Officer Foote hesitated long to receive her. The slowness was forgiven for her fitness for battle, and she went by the name of the old war-horse. There was one other vessel of size equal to the Benton, which, being commanded by a son of Commodore Porter, of the war of 1812, got the name Essex. After bearing a creditable part in the battle of Fort Henry, she became separated by the batteries of Vicksburg from the upper squadron, and is less identified with its history. Her armament was three IX-inch, one X-inch, and one 32-pounder. On the 6th of September Commander Rodgers was relieved by Captain A.H. Foote, whose name is most prominently associated with the equipment and early operations of the Mississippi flotilla. At that time he reported to the Secretary that there were three wooden gunboats in commission, nine ironclads and thirty-eight mortar-boats building. The mortar-boats were rafts or blocks of solid timber, carrying one XIII-inch mortar. The construction and equipment of the fleet was seriously delayed by the lack of money, and the general confusion incident to the vast extent of military and naval preparations suddenly undertaken by a nation having a very small body of trained officers, and accustomed to raise and expend comparatively insignificant amounts of money. Constant complaints were made by the officers and contractors that lack of money prevented them from carrying on their work. The first of the seven ironclads was launched October 12th and the seven are returned by the Quartermaster's Department as received December 5, 1861. On the 12th of January, 1862, Flag-Officer Foote reported that he expected to have all the gunboats in commission by the 20th, but had only one-third crews for them. The crews were of a heterogeneous description. In November a draft of five hundred were sent from the seaboard, which, though containing a proportion of men-of-war's men, had a yet larger number of coasting and merchant seamen, and of landsmen. In the West two or three hundred steamboat men, with a few sailors from the Lakes, were shipped. In case of need, deficiencies were made up by drafts from regiments in the army. On the 23d of December, 1861, eleven hundred men were ordered from Washington to be thus detailed for the fleet. Many difficulties, however, arose in making the transfer. General Halleck insisted that the officers of the regiments must accompany their men on board, the whole body to be regarded as marines and to owe obedience to no naval officer except the commander of the gunboat. Foote refused this, saying it would be ruinous to discipline; that the second in command, or executive officer, by well-established naval usage, controlled all officers, even though senior in rank to himself; and that there were no quarters for so many more officers, for whom, moreover, he had no use. Later on Foote writes to the Navy Department that not more than fifty men had joined from the army, though many had volunteered; the derangement of companies and regiments being the reason assigned for not sending the others. It does not appear that more than these fifty came at that time. There is no more unsatisfactory method of getting a crew than by drafts from the commands of other men. Human nature is rarely equal to parting with any but the worst; and Foote had so much trouble with a subsequent detachment that he said he would rather go into action half manned than take another draft from the army. In each vessel the commander was the only trained naval officer, and upon him devolved the labor of organizing and drilling this mixed multitude. In charge of and responsible for the whole was the flag-officer, to whom, though under the orders of General Fremont, the latter had given full discretion. Meanwhile the three wooden gunboats had not been idle during the preparation of the main ironclad fleet. Arriving at Cairo, as has been stated, on the 12th of August, the necessity for action soon arose. During the early months of the war the State of Kentucky had announced her intention of remaining a neutral between the contending parties. Neither of the latter was willing to precipitate her, by an invasion of her soil, into the arms of the other, and for some time the operations of the Confederates were confined to Tennessee, south of her borders, the United States troops remaining north of the Ohio. On September 4th, however, the Confederates crossed the line and occupied in force the bluffs at Columbus and Hickman, which they proceeded at once to fortify. The military district about Cairo was then under the command of General Grant, who immediately moved up the Ohio, and seized Paducah, at the mouth of the Tennessee River, and Smithland, at the mouth of the Cumberland. These two rivers enter the Ohio ten miles apart, forty and fifty miles above Cairo. Rising in the Cumberland and Alleghany Mountains, their course leads through the heart of Tennessee, to which their waters give easy access through the greater part of the year. Two gunboats accompanied this movement, in which, however, there was no fighting. On the 10th of September, the Lexington, Commander Stembel, and Conestoga, Lieutenant-Commanding Phelps, went down the Mississippi, covering an advance of troops on the Missouri side. A brisk cannonade followed between the boats and the Confederate artillery, and shots were exchanged with the gunboat Yankee. On the 24th, Captain Foote, by order of General Fremont, moved in the Lexington up the Ohio River to Owensboro. The Conestoga was to have accompanied this movement, but she was up the Cumberland or Tennessee at the time; arriving later she remained, by order, at Owensboro till the falling of the river compelled her to return, there being on some of the bars less water than she drew. A few days later this active little vessel showed herself again on the Mississippi, near Columbus, endeavoring to reach a Confederate gunboat that lay under the guns of the works; then again on the Tennessee, which she ascended as far as the Tennessee State Line, reconnoitring Fort Henry, subsequently the scene of Foote's first decisive victory over the enemy. Two days later the Cumberland was entered for the distance of sixty miles. On the 28th of October, accompanied by a transport and some companies of troops, she again ascended the Cumberland, and broke up a Confederate camp, the enemy losing several killed and wounded. The frequent appearances of these vessels, while productive of no material effect beyond the capture or destruction of Confederate property, were of service in keeping alive the attachment to the Union where it existed. The crews of the gunboats also became accustomed to the presence of the enemy, and to the feeling of being under fire. On the 7th of November a more serious affair took place. The evening before, the gunboats Tyler, Commander Walke, and Lexington, Commander Stembel, convoyed transports containing three thousand troops, under the command of General Grant, down the Mississippi as far as Norfolk, eight miles, where they anchored on the east side of the river. The following day the troops landed at Belmont, which is opposite Columbus and under the guns of that place. The Confederate troops were easily defeated and driven to the river's edge, where they took refuge on their transports. During this time the gunboats engaged the batteries on the Iron Banks, as the part of the bluff above the town is called. The heavy guns of the enemy, from their commanding position, threw easily over the boats, reaching even to and beyond the transports on the opposite shore up stream. Under Commander Walke's direction the transports were moved further up, out of range. Meanwhile the enemy was pushing reinforcements across the stream below the works, and the Union forces, having accomplished the diversion which was the sole object of the expedition, began to fall back to their transports. It would seem that the troops, yet unaccustomed to war, had been somewhat disordered by their victory, so that the return was not accomplished as rapidly as was desirable, the enemy pressing down upon the transports. At this moment the gunboats, from a favorable position, opened upon them with grape, canister, and five-second shell, silencing them with great slaughter. When the transports were under way the two gunboats followed in the rear, covering the retreat till the enemy ceased to follow. In this succession of encounters the Tyler lost one man killed and two wounded. The Lexington escaped without loss. When a few miles up the river on the return, General McClernand, ascertaining that some of the troops had not embarked, directed the gunboats to go back for them, the general himself landing to await their return. This service was performed, some 40 prisoners being taken on board along with the troops. In his official report of this, the first of his many gallant actions on the rivers, Commander Walke praises warmly the efficiency as well as the zeal of the crews of the gunboats, though as yet so new to their duties. The flotilla being at this time under the War Department, as has been already stated, its officers, each and all, were liable to orders from any army officer of superior rank to them. Without expressing a decided opinion as to the advisability of this arrangement under the circumstances then existing, it was entirely contrary to the established rule by which, when military and naval forces are acting together, the commander of each branch decides what he can or can not do, and is not under the control of the other, whatever the relative rank. At this time Captain Foote himself had only the rank of colonel, and found, to use his own expression, that "every brigadier could interfere with him." On the 13th of November, 1861, he received the appointment of flag-officer, which gave him the same rank as a major-general, and put him above the orders of any except the commander-in-chief of the department. Still the subordinate naval officers were liable to orders at any time from any general with whom they might be, without the knowledge of the flag-officer. It is creditable to the good feeling and sense of duty of both the army and navy that no serious difficulty arose from this anomalous condition of affairs, which came to an end in July, 1862, when the fleet was transferred to the Navy Department. After the battle of Belmont nothing of importance occurred in the year 1861. The work on the ironclads was pushed on, and there are traces of the reconnoissances by the gunboats in the rivers. In January, 1862, some tentative movements, having no particular result, were made in the direction of Columbus and up the Tennessee. There was a great desire to get the mortar-boats completed, but they were not ready in time for the opening operations at Fort Henry and Donelson, their armaments not having arrived. On the 2d of February, Flag-Officer Foote left Cairo for Paducah, arriving the same evening. There were assembled the four armored gunboats, Essex, Commander Wm. D. Porter; Carondelet, Commander Walke; St. Louis, Lieutenant Paulding; and Cincinnati, Commander Stembel; as well as the three wooden gunboats, Conestoga, Lieutenant Phelps; Tyler, Lieutenant Gwin; and Lexington, Lieutenant Shirk. The object of the expedition was to attack, conjointly with the army, Fort Henry on the Tennessee, and, after reducing the fort, to destroy the railroad bridge over the river connecting Bowling Green with Columbus. The flag-officer deplored that scarcity of men prevented his coming with four other boats, but to man those he brought it had been necessary to strip Cairo of all men except a crew for one gunboat. Only 50 men of the 1,100 promised on December 23d had been received from the army. Fort Henry was an earthwork with five bastions, situated on the east bank of the Tennessee River, on low ground, but in a position where a slight bend in the stream gave it command of the stretch below for two or three miles. It mounted twenty guns, but of these only twelve bore upon the ascending fleet. These twelve were: one X-inch columbiad, one 60-pounder rifle, two 42- and eight 32-pounders. The plan of attack was simple. The armored gunboats advanced in the first order of steaming, in line abreast, fighting their bow guns, of which eleven were brought into action by the four. The flag-officer purposed by continually advancing, or, if necessary, falling back, to constantly alter the range, thus causing error in the elevation of the enemy's guns, presenting, at the same time, the least vulnerable part, the bow, to his fire. The vessels kept their line by the flag-ship Cincinnati. The other orders were matters of detail, the most important being to fire accurately rather than with undue rapidity. The wooden gunboats formed a second line astern, and to the right of the main division. Two days previous to the action there were heavy rains which impeded the movements of the troops, caused the rivers to rise, and brought down a quantity of drift-wood and trees. The same flood swept from their moorings a number of torpedoes, planted by the Confederates, which were grappled with and towed ashore by the wooden gunboats. Half an hour after noon on the 6th, the fleet, having waited in vain for the army, which was detained by the condition of the roads, advanced to the attack. The armored vessels opened fire, the flag-ship beginning, at seventeen hundred yards distance, and continued steaming steadily ahead to within six hundred yards of the fort. As the distance decreased, the fire on both sides increased in rapidity and accuracy. An hour after the action began the 60-pound rifle in the fort burst, and soon after the priming wire of the 10-inch columbiad jammed and broke in the vent, thus spiking the gun, which could not be relieved. The balance of force was, however, at once more than restored, for a shot from the fort pierced the casemate of the Essex over the port bow gun, ranged aft, and killing a master's mate in its flight, passed through the middle boiler. The rush of high-pressure steam scalded almost all in the forward part of the casemate, including her commander and her two pilots in the pilot-house. Many of the victims threw themselves into the water, and the vessel, disabled, drifted down with the current out of action. The contest was vigorously continued by the three remaining boats, and at 1.45 P.M. the Confederate flag was lowered. The commanding officer, General Tilghman, came on board and surrendered the fort and garrison to the fleet; but the greater part of the Confederate forces had been previously withdrawn to Fort Donelson, twelve miles distant, on the Cumberland. Upon the arrival of the army the fort and material captured were turned over to the general commanding. In this sharp and decisive action the gunboats showed themselves well fitted to contend with most of the guns at that time to be found upon the rivers, provided they could fight bows on. Though repeatedly struck, the flag-ship as often as thirty-one times, the armor proved sufficient to deflect or resist the impact of the projectiles. The disaster, however, that befell the Essex made fearfully apparent a class of accidents to which they were exposed, and from which more than one boat, on either side, on the Western waters subsequently suffered. The fleet lost two killed and nine wounded, besides twenty-eight scalded, many of whom died. The Essex had also nineteen soldiers on board; nine of whom were scalded, four fatally. The surrender of the fort was determined by the destruction of its armament. Of the twelve guns, seven, by the commander's report, were disabled when the flag was hauled down. One had burst in discharging, the rest were put out of action by the fire of the fleet. The casualties were few, not exceeding twenty killed and wounded. Flag-Officer Foote, having turned over his capture to the army, returned the same evening to Cairo with three armored vessels, leaving the Carondelet. At the same time the three wooden gunboats, in obedience to orders issued before the battle, started up river under the command of Lieutenant Phelps, reaching the railroad bridge, twenty-five miles up, after dark. Here the machinery for turning the draw was found to be disabled, while on the other side were to be seen some transport steamers escaping up stream. An hour was required to open the draw, when two of the boats proceeded in chase of the transports, the Tyler, as the slowest, being left to destroy the track as far as possible. Three of the Confederate steamers, loaded with military stores, two of them with explosives, were run ashore and fired. The Union gunboats stopped half a mile below the scene, but even at that distance the force of the explosion shattered glasses, forced open doors, and raised the light upper decks. The Lexington, having destroyed the trestle-work at the end of the bridge, rejoined the following morning; and the three boats, continuing their raid, arrived the next night at Cerro Gordo, near the Mississippi line. Here was seized a large steamer called the Eastport, which the Confederates were altering into a gunboat. There being at this point large quantities of lumber, the Tyler was left to ship it and guard the prize. The following day, the 8th, the two boats continued up river, passing through the northern part of the States of Mississippi and Alabama, to Florence, where the Muscle Shoals prevented their farther progress. On the way two more steamers were seized, and three were set on fire by the enemy as they approached Florence. Returning the same night, upon information received that a Confederate camp was established at Savannah, Tennessee, on the bank of the river, a party was landed, which found the enemy gone, but seized or destroyed the camp equipage and stores left behind. The expedition reached Cairo again on the 11th, bringing with it the Eastport and one other of the captured steamers. The Eastport had been intended by the Confederates for a gunboat, and was in process of conversion when captured. Lieutenant Phelps reported her machinery in first-rate order and the boilers dropped into the hold. Her hull had been sheathed with oak planking and the bulkheads, forward, aft, and thwartships, were of oak and of the best workmanship. Her beautiful model, speed, and manageable qualities made her specially desirable for the Union fleet, and she was taken into the service. Two years later she was sunk by torpedoes in the Red River, and, though partially raised, it was found impossible to bring her over the shoals that lay below her. She was there blown up, her former captor and then commander, Lieutenant Phelps, applying the match. Lieutenant Phelps and his daring companions returned to Cairo just in time to join Foote on his way to Fort Donelson. The attack upon this position, which was much stronger than Fort Henry, was made against the judgment of the flag-officer, who did not consider the fleet as yet properly prepared. At the urgent request of Generals Halleck and Grant, however, he steamed up the Cumberland River with three ironclads and the wooden gunboats, the Carondelet having already, at Grant's desire, moved round to Donelson. Fort Donelson was on the left bank of the Cumberland, twelve miles southeast of Fort Henry. The main work was on a bluff about a hundred feet high, at a bend commanding the river below. On the slope of the ridge, looking down stream, were two water batteries, with which alone the fleet had to do. The lower and principal one mounted eight 32-pounders and a X-inch columbiad; in the upper there were two 32-pounder carronades and one gun of the size of a X-inch smooth-bore, but rifled with the bore of a 32-pounder and said to throw a shot of one hundred and twenty-eight pounds. Both batteries were excavated in the hillside, and the lower had traverses between the guns to protect them from an enfilading fire, in case the boats should pass their front and attack them from above. At the time of the fight these batteries were thirty-two feet above the level of the river. General Grant arrived before the works at noon of February 12th. The gunboat Carondelet, Commander Walke, came up about an hour earlier. At 10 A.M. on the 13th, the gunboat, at the general's request, opened fire on the batteries at a distance of a mile and a quarter, sheltering herself partly behind a jutting point of the river, and continued a deliberate cannonade with her bow guns for six hours, after which she withdrew. In this time she had thrown in one hundred and eighty shell, and was twice struck by the enemy, half a dozen of her people being slightly injured by splinters. On the side of the enemy an engineer officer was killed by her fire. The fleet arrived that evening, and attacked the following day at 3 P.M. There were, besides the Carondelet, the armored gunboats St. Louis, Lieutenant Paulding; Louisville, Commander Dove; and Pittsburg, Lieutenant E. Thompson; and the wooden vessels Conestoga and Tyler, commanded as before. The order of steaming was the same as at Henry, the wooden boats in the rear throwing their shell over the armored vessels. The fleet reserved its fire till within a mile, when it opened and advanced rapidly to within six hundred yards of the works, closing up later to four hundred yards. The fight was obstinately sustained on both sides, and, notwithstanding the commanding position of the batteries, strong hopes were felt on board the fleet of silencing the guns, which the enemy began to desert, when, at 4.30 P.M., the wheel of the flag-ship St. Louis and the tiller of the Louisville were shot away. The two boats, thus rendered unmanageable, drifted down the river; and their consorts, no longer able to maintain the unequal contest, withdrew. The enemy returned at once to their guns, and inflicted much injury on the retiring vessels. Notwithstanding its failure, the tenacity and fighting qualities of the fleet were more markedly proved in this action than in the victory at Henry. The vessels were struck more frequently (the flag-ship fifty-nine times, and none less than twenty), and though the power of the enemy's guns was about the same in each case, the height and character of the soil at Donelson placed the fleet at a great disadvantage. The fire from above, reaching their sloping armor nearly at right angles, searched every weak point. Upon the Carondelet a rifled gun burst. The pilot-houses were beaten in, and three of the four pilots received mortal wounds. Despite these injuries, and the loss of fifty-four killed and wounded, the fleet was only shaken from its hold by accidents to the steering apparatus, after which their batteries could not be brought to bear. Among the injured on this occasion was the flag-officer, who was standing by the pilot when the latter was killed. Two splinters struck him in the arm and foot, inflicting wounds apparently slight; but the latter, amid the exposure and anxiety of the succeeding operations, did not heal, and finally compelled him, three months later, to give up the command. On the 16th the Confederates, after an unsuccessful attempt to cut their way through the investing army, hopeless of a successful resistance, surrendered at discretion to General Grant. The capture of this post left the way open to Nashville, the capital of Tennessee, and the flag-officer was anxious to press on with fresh boats brought up from Cairo; but was prevented by peremptory orders from General Halleck, commanding the Department. As it was, however, Nashville fell on the 25th. After the fall of Fort Donelson and the successful operations in Missouri, the position at Columbus was no longer tenable. On the 23d Flag-Officer Foote made a reconnoissance in force in that direction, but no signs of the intent to abandon were as yet perceived. On March 1st, Lieutenant Phelps, being sent with a flag of truce, reported the post in process of being evacuated, and on the 4th it was in possession of the Union forces. The Confederates had removed the greater part of their artillery to Island No. 10. About this time, March 1st, Lieutenant Gwin, commanding the Lexington and Tyler on the Tennessee, hearing that the Confederates were fortifying Pittsburg Landing, proceeded to that point, carrying with him two companies of sharpshooters. The enemy was readily dislodged, and Lieutenant Gwin continued in the neighborhood to watch and frustrate any similar attempts. This was the point chosen a few weeks later for the concentration of the Union army, to which Lieutenant Gwin was again to render invaluable service. After the fall of Columbus no attempt was made to hold Hickman, but the Confederates fell back upon Island No. 10 and the adjacent banks of the Mississippi to make their next stand for the control of the river. The island, which has its name (if it can be called a name) from its position in the numerical series of islands below Cairo, is just abreast the line dividing Kentucky from Tennessee. The position was singularly strong against attacks from above, and for some time before the evacuation of Columbus the enemy, in anticipation of that event, had been fortifying both the island and the Tennessee and Missouri shores. It will be necessary to describe the natural features and the defences somewhat in detail. From a point about four miles above Island No. 10 the river flows south three miles, then sweeps round to the west and north, forming a horse-shoe bend of which the two ends are east and west from each other. Where the first horse-shoe ends a second begins; the river continuing to flow north, then west and south to Point Pleasant on the Missouri shore. The two bends taken together form an inverted S [inverted S]. In making this detour, the river, as far as Point Pleasant, a distance of twelve miles, gains but three miles to the south. Island No. 10 lay at the bottom of the first bend, near the left bank. It was about two miles long by one-third that distance wide, and its general direction was nearly east and west. New Madrid, on the Missouri bank, is in the second bend, where the course of the river is changing from west to south. The right bank of the stream is in Missouri, the left bank partly in Kentucky and partly in Tennessee. From Point Pleasant the river runs southeast to Tiptonville, in Tennessee, the extreme point of the ensuing operations. When Columbus fell the whole of this position was in the hands of the Confederates, who had fortified themselves at New Madrid, and thrown up batteries on the island as well as on the Tennessee shore above it. On the island itself were four batteries mounting twenty-three guns, on the Tennessee shore six batteries mounting thirty-two guns. There was also a floating battery, which, at the beginning of operations, was moored abreast the middle of the island, and is variously reported as carrying nine or ten IX-inch guns. New Madrid, with its works, was taken by General Pope before the arrival of the flotilla. The position of the enemy, though thus powerful against attack, was one of great isolation. From Hickman a great swamp, which afterward becomes Reelfoot Lake, extends along the left bank of the Mississippi, discharging its waters into the river forty miles below Tiptonville. A mile below Tiptonville begin the great swamps, extending down both sides of the Mississippi for a distance of sixty miles. The enemy therefore had the river in his front, and behind him a swamp, impassable to any great extent for either men or supplies in the then high state of the river. The only way of receiving help, or of escaping, in case the position became untenable, was by way of Tiptonville, to which a good road led. It will be remembered that between New Madrid and Point Pleasant there is a low ridge of land, rising from one to fifteen feet above overflow. As soon as New Madrid was reduced, General Pope busied himself in establishing a series of batteries at several prominent points along the right bank, as far down as opposite Tiptonville. The river was thus practically closed to the enemy's transports, for their gunboats were unable to drive out the Union gunners. Escape was thus rendered impracticable, and the ultimate reduction of the place assured; but to bring about a speedy favorable result it was necessary for the army to cross the river and come upon the rear of the enemy. The latter, recognizing this fact, began the erection of batteries along the shore from the island down to Tiptonville. On the 15th of March the fleet arrived in the neighborhood of Island No. 10. There were six ironclads, one of which was the Benton carrying the flag-officer's flag, and ten mortar-boats. The weather was unfavorable for opening the attack, but on the 16th the mortar boats were placed in position, reaching at extreme range all the batteries, as well on the Tennessee shore as on the island. On the 17th an attack was made by all the gunboats, but at the long range of two thousand yards. The river was high and the current rapid, rendering it very difficult to manage the boats. A serious injury, such as had been received at Henry and at Donelson, would have caused the crippled boat to drift at once into the enemy's arms; and an approach nearer than that mentioned would have exposed the unarmored sides of the vessels, their most vulnerable parts, to the fire of the batteries. The fleet of the flag-officer was thought none too strong to defend the Upper Mississippi Valley against the enemy's gunboats, of whose number and power formidable accounts were continually received; while the fall of No. 10 would necessarily be brought about in time, as that of Fort Pillow afterward was, by the advance of the army through Tennessee. Under these circumstances, it cannot be doubted that Foote was justified in not exposing his vessels to the risks of a closer action; but to a man of his temperament the meagre results of long-range firing must have been peculiarly trying. The bombardment continued throughout the month. Meanwhile the army under Pope was cutting a canal through the swamps on the Missouri side, by which, when completed on the 4th of April, light transport steamers were able to go from the Mississippi above, to New Madrid below, Island No. 10 without passing under the batteries. On the night of the 1st of April an armed boat expedition, under the command of Master J.V. Johnson, carrying, besides the boat's crew, fifty soldiers under the command of Colonel Roberts of the Forty-second Illinois Regiment, landed at the upper battery on the Tennessee shore. No resistance was experienced, and, after the guns had been spiked by the troops, the expedition returned without loss to the ships. In a despatch dated March 20th the flag-officer had written: "When the object of running the blockade becomes adequate to the risk I shall not hesitate to do it." With the passage of the transports through the canal, enabling the troops to cross if properly protected, the time had come. The exploit of Colonel Roberts was believed to have disabled one battery, and on the 4th of the month, the floating battery before the island, after a severe cannonade by the gunboats and mortars, cut loose from her moorings and drifted down the river. It is improbable that she was prepared, in her new position, for the events of the night. At ten o'clock that evening the gunboat Carondelet, Commander Henry Walke, left her anchorage, during a heavy thunder-storm, and successfully ran the batteries, reaching New Madrid at 1 A.M. The orders to execute this daring move were delivered to Captain Walke on the 30th of March. The vessel was immediately prepared. Her decks were covered with extra thicknesses of planking; the chain cables were brought up from below and ranged as an additional protection. Lumber and cord-wood were piled thickly round the boilers, and arrangements made for letting the steam escape through the wheel-houses, to avoid the puffing noise ordinarily issuing from the pipes. The pilot-house, for additional security, was wrapped to a thickness of eighteen inches in the coils of a large hawser. A barge, loaded with bales of hay, was made fast on the port quarter of the vessel, to protect the magazine. The moon set at ten o'clock, and then too was felt the first breath of a thunder-storm, which had been for some time gathering. The Carondelet swung from her moorings and started down the stream. The guns were run in and ports closed. No light was allowed about the decks. Within the darkened casemate or the pilot-house all her crew, save two, stood in silence, fully armed to repel boarding, should boarding be attempted. The storm burst in full violence as soon as her head was fairly down stream. The flashes of lightning showed her presence to the Confederates who rapidly manned their guns, and whose excited shouts and commands were plainly heard on board as the boat passed close under the batteries. On deck, exposed alike to the storm and to the enemy's fire, were two men; one, Charles Wilson, a seaman, heaving the lead, standing sometimes knee-deep in the water that boiled over the forecastle; the other, an officer, Theodore Gilmore, on the upper deck forward, repeating to the pilot the leadsman's muttered "No bottom." The storm spread its sheltering wing over the gallant vessel, baffling the excited efforts of the enemy, before whose eyes she floated like a phantom ship; now wrapped in impenetrable darkness, now standing forth in the full blaze of the lightning close under their guns. The friendly flashes enabled her pilot, William E. Hoel, who had volunteered from another gunboat to share the fortunes of the night, to keep her in the channel; once only, in a longer interval between them, did the vessel get a dangerous sheer toward a shoal, but the peril was revealed in time to avoid it. Not till the firing had ceased did the squall abate. The passage of the Carondelet was not only one of the most daring and dramatic events of the war; it was also the death-blow to the Confederate defence of this position. The concluding events followed in rapid succession. Having passed the island, as related, on the night of the 4th, the Carondelet on the 6th made a reconnoissance down the river as far as Tiptonville, with General Granger on board, exchanging shots with the Confederate batteries, at one of which a landing was made and the guns spiked. That night the Pittsburg also passed the island, and at 6.30 A.M. of the 7th the Carondelet got under way, in concert with Pope's operations, went down the river, followed after an interval by the Pittsburg, and engaged the enemy's batteries, beginning with the lowest. This was silenced in three-quarters of an hour, and the others made little resistance. The Carondelet then signalled her success to the general and returned to cover the crossing of the army, which began at once. The enemy evacuated their works, pushing down toward Tiptonville, but there were actually no means for them to escape, caught between the swamps and the river. Seven thousand men laid down their arms, three of whom were general officers. At ten o'clock that evening the island and garrison surrendered to the navy, just three days to an hour after the Carondelet started on her hazardous voyage. How much of this result was due to the Carondelet and Pittsburg may be measured by Pope's words to the flag-officer: "The lives of thousands of men and the success of our operations hang upon your decision; with two gunboats all is safe, with one it is uncertain." The passage of a vessel before the guns of a fortress under cover of night came to be thought less dangerous in the course of the war. To do full justice to the great gallantry shown by Commander Walke, it should be remembered that this was done by a single vessel three weeks before Farragut passed the forts down the river with a fleet, among the members of which the enemy's fire was distracted and divided; and that when Foote asked the opinion of his subordinate commanders as to the advisability of making the attempt, all, save one, "believed that it would result in the almost certain destruction of the boats, passing six forts under the fire of fifty guns." This was also the opinion of Lieutenant Averett, of the Confederate navy, who commanded the floating battery at the island--a young officer, but of clear and calm judgment. "I do not believe it is impossible," he wrote to Commodore Hollins, "for the enemy to run a part of his gunboats past in the night; but those that I have seen are slow and hard to turn, and it is probable that he would lose some, if not all, in the attempt." Walke alone in the council of captains favored the trial, though the others would doubtless have undertaken it as cheerfully as he did. The daring displayed in this deed, which, to use the flag-officer's words, Walke "so willingly undertook," must be measured by the then prevalent opinion and not in the light of subsequent experience. Subsequent experience, indeed, showed that the danger, if over-estimated, was still sufficiently great. Justly, then, did it fall to Walke's lot to bear the most conspicuous part in the following events, ending with the surrender. No less praise, however, is due to the flag-officer for the part he bore in this, the closing success of his career. There bore upon him the responsibility of safe-guarding all the Upper Mississippi, with its tributary waters, while at the same time the pressure of public opinion, and the avowed impatience of the army officer with whom he was co-operating, were stinging him to action. He had borne for months the strain of overwork with inadequate tools; his health was impaired, and his whole system disordered from the effects of his unhealed wound. Farragut had not then entered the mouth of the Mississippi, and the result of his enterprise was yet in the unknown future. Reports, now known to be exaggerated, but then accepted, magnified the power of the Confederate fleet in the lower waters. Against these nothing stood, nor was soon likely, as it then seemed, to stand except Foote's ironclads. He was right, then, in his refusal to risk his vessels. He showed judgment and decision in resisting the pressure, amounting almost to a taunt, brought upon him. Then, when it became evident that the transports could be brought through the canal, he took what he believed to be a desperate risk, showing that no lack of power to assume responsibility had deterred him before. In the years since 1862, Island No. 10, the scene of so much interest and energy, has disappeared. The river, constantly wearing at its upper end, has little by little swept away the whole, and the deep current now runs over the place where the Confederate guns stood, as well as through the channel by which the Carondelet passed. On the other shore a new No. 10 has risen, not standing as the old one, in the stream with a channel on either side, but near a point and surrounded by shoal water. It has perhaps gathered around a steamer, which was sunk by the Confederates to block the passage through a chute then existing across the opposite point. While Walke was protecting Pope's crossing, two other gunboats were rendering valuable service to another army a hundred miles away, on the Tennessee River. The United States forces at Pittsburg Landing, under General Grant, were attacked by the Confederates in force in the early morning of April 6th. The battle continued with fury all day, the enemy driving the centre of the army back half way from their camps to the river, and at a late hour in the afternoon making a desperate attempt to turn the left, so as to get possession of the landing and transports. Lieutenant Gwin, commanding the Tyler, and senior officer present, sent at 1.30 P.M. to ask permission to open fire. General Hurlburt, commanding on the left, indicated, in reply, the direction of the enemy and of his own forces, saying, at the same time, that without reinforcements he would not be able to maintain his then position for an hour. At 2.50 the Tyler opened fire as indicated, with good effect, silencing their batteries. At 3.50 the Tyler ceased firing to communicate with General Grant, who directed her commander to use his own judgment. At 4 P.M. the Lexington, Lieutenant Shirk, arrived, and the two boats began shelling from a position three-quarters of a mile above the landing, silencing the Confederate batteries in thirty minutes. At 5.30 P.M., the enemy having succeeded in gaining a position on the Union left, an eighth of a mile above the landing and half a mile from the river, both vessels opened fire upon them, in conjunction with the field batteries of the army, and drove them back in confusion. The army being largely outnumbered during the day, and forced steadily back, the presence and services of the two gunboats, when the most desperate attacks of the enemy were made, were of the utmost value, and most effectual in enabling that part of our line to be held until the arrival of the advance of Buell's army from Nashville, about 5 P.M., allowed the left to be reinforced and restored the fortunes of the day. During the night, by request of General Nelson, the gunboats threw a shell every fifteen minutes into the camp of the enemy. Considering the insignificant and vulnerable character of these two wooden boats, it may not be amiss to quote the language of the two commanders-in-chief touching their services; the more so as the gallant young officers who directed their movements are both dead, Gwin, later in the war, losing his life in action. General Grant says: "At a late hour in the afternoon a desperate attempt was made to turn our left and get possession of the landing, transports, etc. This point was guarded by the gunboats Tyler and Lexington, Captains Gwin and Shirk, United States Navy, commanding, four 20-pounder Parrotts, and a battery of rifled guns. As there is a deep and impassable ravine for artillery and cavalry, and very difficult for infantry, at this point, no troops were stationed here, except the necessary artillerists and a small infantry force for their support. Just at this moment the advance of Major-General Buell's column (a part of the division under General Nelson) arrived, the two generals named both being present. An advance was immediately made upon the point of attack, and the enemy soon driven back. In this repulse much is due to the presence of the gunboats." In the report in which these words occur it is unfortunately not made clear how much was due to the gunboats before Buell and Nelson arrived. The Confederate commander, on the other hand, states that, as the result of the attack on the left, the "enemy broke and sought refuge behind a commanding eminence covering the Pittsburg Landing, not more than half a mile distant, under the guns of the gunboats, which opened a fierce and annoying fire with shot and shell of the heaviest description." Among the reasons for not being able to cope with the Union forces next day, he alleges that "during the night the enemy broke the men's rest by a discharge, at measured intervals, of heavy shells thrown from the gunboats;" and further on he speaks of the army as "sheltered by such an auxiliary as their gunboats." The impression among Confederates there present was that the gunboats saved the army by saving the landing and transports, while during the night the shrieking of the VIII-inch shells through the woods, tearing down branches and trees in their flight, and then sharply exploding, was demoralizing to a degree. The nervous strain caused by watching for the repetition, at measured intervals, of a painful sensation is known to most. General Hurlburt, commanding on the left during the fiercest of the onslaught, and until the arrival of Buell and Nelson, reports: "From my own observation and the statement of prisoners his (Gwin's) fire was most effectual in stopping the advance of the enemy on Sunday afternoon and night." Island No. 10 fell on the 7th. On the 11th Foote started down the river with the flotilla, anchoring the evening of the 12th fifty miles from New Madrid, just below the Arkansas line. Early the next morning General Pope arrived with 20,000 men. At 8 A.M. five Confederate gunboats came in sight, whereupon the flotilla weighed and advanced to meet them. After exchanging some twenty shots the Confederates retreated, pursued by the fleet to Fort Pillow, thirty miles below, on the first, or upper Chickasaw bluff. The flag-officer continued on with the gunboats to within a mile of the fort, making a leisurely reconnoissance, during which he was unmolested by the enemy. The fleet then turned, receiving a few harmless shots as they withdrew, and tied up to the Tennessee bank, out of range. The following morning the mortar-boats were placed on the Arkansas side, under the protection of gunboats, firing as soon as secured. The army landed on the Tennessee bank above the fort, and tried to find a way by which the rear of the works could be reached, but in vain. Plans were then arranged by which it was hoped speedily to reduce the place by the combined efforts of army and navy; but these were frustrated by Halleck's withdrawal of all Pope's forces, except 1,500 men under command of a colonel. From this time the attacks on the fort were confined to mortar and long-range firing. Reports of the number and strength of the Confederate gunboats and rams continued to come in, generally much exaggerated; but on the 27th news of Farragut's successful passage of the forts below New Orleans, and appearance before that city, relieved Foote of his most serious apprehensions from below. On the 23d, Captain Charles H. Davis arrived, to act as second in command to the flag-officer, and on the 9th of May the latter, whose wound, received nearly three months before at Donelson, had become threatening, left Davis in temporary command and went North, hoping to resume his duties with the flotilla at no distant date. It was not, however, so to be. An honorable and distinguished career of forty years afloat ended at Fort Pillow. Called a year later to a yet more important command, he was struck down by the hand of death at the instant of his departure to assume it. His services in the war were thus confined to the Mississippi flotilla. Over the birth and early efforts of that little fleet he had presided; upon his shoulders had fallen the burden of anxiety and unremitting labor which the early days of the war, when all had to be created, everywhere entailed. He was repaid, for under him its early glories were achieved and its reputation established; but the mental strain and the draining wound, so long endured in a sickly climate, hastened his end. The Confederate gunboats, heretofore acting upon the river at Columbus and Island No. 10, were in the regular naval service under the command of Flag Officer George N. Hollins, formerly of the United States Navy. At No. 10 the force consisted of the McRae, Polk, Jackson, Calhoun, Ivy, Ponchartrain, Maurepas, and Livingston; the floating battery had also formed part of his command. Hollins had not felt himself able to cope with the heavy Union gunboats. His services had been mainly confined to a vigorous but unsuccessful attack upon the batteries established by Pope on the Missouri shore, between New Madrid and Tiptonville, failing in which the gunboats fell back down the river. They continued, however, to make frequent night trips to Tiptonville with supplies for the army, in doing which Pope's comparatively light batteries did not succeed in injuring them, the river being nearly a mile wide. The danger then coming upon New Orleans caused some of these to be withdrawn, and at the same time a novel force was sent up from that city to take their place and dispute the control of the river with Foote's flotilla. In the middle of January, General Lovell, commanding the military district in which New Orleans was, had seized, under the directions of the Confederate Secretary of War, fourteen river steamboats. This action was taken at the suggestion of two steamboat captains, Montgomery and Townsend. The intention was to strengthen the vessels with iron casing at the bows, and to use them with their high speed as rams. The weakness of the sterns of the ironclad boats, their slowness and difficulty in handling, were well known to the Confederate authorities. Lovell was directed to allow the utmost latitude to each captain in fitting his own boat, and, as there was no military organization or system, the details of the construction are not now recoverable. The engines, however, were protected with cotton bales and pine bulwarks, and the stems for a length of ten feet shod with iron nearly an inch thick, across which, at intervals of about two feet, were bolted iron straps, extending aft on either bow for a couple of feet so as to keep the planking from starting when the blow was delivered. It being intended that they should close with the enemy as rapidly as possible, but one gun was to be carried; a rule which seems not to have been adhered to. While the force was to be under the general command of the military chief of department, all interference by naval officers was jealously forbidden; and, in fact, by implication, any interference by any one. Lovell seems to have watched the preparations with a certain anxious amusement, remarking at one time, "that fourteen Mississippi pilots and captains will never agree when they begin to talk;" and later, "that he fears too much latitude has been given to the captains." However, by the 15th of April he had despatched eight, under the general command of Captain Montgomery, to the upper river; retaining six at New Orleans, which was then expecting Farragut's attack. These eight were now lying under the guns of Fort Pillow; the whole force being known as the River Defence Fleet. When Foote left, the ironclads of the squadron were tied up to the banks with their heads down stream, three on the Tennessee, and four on the Arkansas shore, as follows: _Arkansas Shore._ Mound City, COMMANDER A.H. KILTY. Cincinnati, COMMANDER R.N. STEMBEL. St. Louis, LIEUTENANT HENRY ERBEN. Cairo, LIEUTENANT N.C. BRYANT. _Tennessee Shore._ Benton (flag-ship), LIEUTENANT S.L. PHELPS. Carondelet, COMMANDER HENRY WALKE. Pittsburg, LIEUTENANT EGBERT THOMPSON. The place at which they lay on the Tennessee side is called Plum Point; three miles lower down on the Arkansas side is another point called Craighead's. Fort Pillow is just below Craighead's, but on the opposite bank. It was the daily custom for one of the gunboats to tow down a mortar-boat and place it just above Craighead's, remaining near by during the twenty-four hours as guard. The mortar threw its shells across the point into Pillow, and as the fire was harassing to the enemy, the River Defence Fleet, which was now ready for action, determined to make a dash at her. Between 4 and 5 A.M. on the morning of the 10th of May, the day after Foote's departure, the Cincinnati placed Mortar No. 16, Acting-Master Gregory, in the usual position, and then made fast herself to a great drift pile on the same side, with her head up stream; both ends of her lines being kept on board, to be easily slipped if necessary. The mortar opened her fire at five. At six the eight Confederate rams left their moorings behind the fort and steamed up, the black smoke from their tall smoke-stacks being seen by the fleet above as they moved rapidly up river. At 6.30 they came in sight of the vessels at Plum Point. As soon as they were seen by the Cincinnati she slipped her lines, steamed out into the river, and then rounded to with her head down stream, presenting her bow-guns, and opening at once upon the enemy. The latter approached gallantly but irregularly, the lack of the habit of acting in concert making itself felt, while the fire of the Cincinnati momentarily checked and, to a certain extent, scattered them. The leading vessel, the General Bragg, was much in advance of her consorts. She advanced swiftly along the Arkansas shore, passing close by the mortar-boat and above the Cincinnati; then rounding to she approached the latter at full speed on the starboard quarter, striking a powerful blow in this weak part of the gunboat. The two vessels fell alongside, the Cincinnati firing her broadside as they came together; then the ram swinging clear made down stream, and, although the Confederate commander claims that her tiller ropes alone were out of order, she took no further part in the fray. Two other Confederates now approached the Cincinnati, the General Price and General Sumter. One of them succeeded in ramming in the same place as the Bragg, and it was at this moment that Commander Stembel, who had gathered his men to board the enemy, was dangerously shot by a rifle-ball through the throat, another officer of the vessel, Master Reynolds, falling at the same time mortally wounded. The other assailant received a shot through her boilers from the Benton, which was now in action; an explosion followed and she drifted down stream. The Cincinnati, aided by a tug and the Pittsburg, then steamed over to the Tennessee shore, where she sank on a bar in eleven feet of water. As soon as the rams were seen, the flag-ship had made a general signal to get under way, but the morning being calm, the flags did not fly out well. Orders were passed by hail to the Carondelet and Pittsburg, and the former vessel slipped immediately and stood down. The Mound City on the other side did not wait for signals, but, being in advance, started at once, taking the lead with the Carondelet; the Benton following, her speed being less. The Carondelet got up in time to open fire upon the Bragg as she retreated, and to cut the steam-pipe of the other of the two rams which had attacked the Cincinnati after the Bragg's fatal assault. The fourth Confederate, the General Van Dorn, passed by the Cincinnati and her assailants and met the Mound City. The latter, arriving first of the Union squadron on the Arkansas side of the river, had already opened upon the Sumter and Price, and now upon the Van Dorn also with her bow-guns. The Confederate rounded to and steered to ram amidships, but the Mound City sheered and received a glancing blow in the starboard bow. This disabled her, and to avoid sinking she was run on the Arkansas shore. Two of the Union gunboats and three rams were now disabled; the latter drifting down with the current under the guns of Fort Pillow. Those remaining were five in number, and only two gunboats, the Benton and Carondelet, were actually engaged, the St. Louis just approaching. The enemy now retired, giving as a reason that the Union gunboats were taking position in water too shoal for the rams to follow. There can be no denying the dash and spirit with which this attack was made. It was, however, the only service of value performed by this irregular and undisciplined force. At Memphis, a month later, and at New Orleans, the fleet proved incapable of meeting an attack and of mutual support. There were admirable materials in it, but the mistake of withdrawing them from strict military control and organization was fatal. On the other hand, although the gunboats engaged fought gallantly, the flotilla as an organization had little cause for satisfaction in the day's work. Stated baldly, two of the boats had been sunk while only four of the seven had been brought into action. The enemy were severely punished, but the Cincinnati had been unsupported for nearly half an hour, and the vessels came down one by one. After this affair the Union gunboats while above Pillow availed themselves of shoal spots in the river where the rams could not approach them, while they could use their guns. Whatever the injuries received by the Confederates, they were all ready for action at Memphis a month later. The Cincinnati and Mound City were also speedily repaired and again in service by the end of the month. The mortar-boat bore her share creditably in the fight, levelling her piece as nearly as it could be and keeping up a steady fire. It was all she could do and her commander was promoted. Shortly after this, a fleet of rams arrived under the command of Colonel Charles Ellet, Jr. Colonel Ellet was by profession a civil engineer, and had, some years before, strongly advocated the steam ram as a weapon of war. His views had then attracted attention, but nothing was done. With the outbreak of the war he had again urged them upon the Government, and on March 27, 1862, was directed by the Secretary of War to buy a number of river steamers on the Mississippi and convert them into rams upon a plan of his own. In accordance with this order he bought,[1] at Pittsburg, three stern-wheel boats, having the average dimensions of 170 feet length, 31 feet beam, and over 5 feet hold; at Cincinnati, three side-wheel boats, of which the largest was 180 feet long by 37 feet beam, and 8 feet hold; and at New Albany, one side-wheel boat of about the same dimensions; in all seven boats, chosen specially with a view to strength and speed. To further strengthen them for their new work, three heavy, solid timber bulkheads, from twelve to sixteen inches thick, were built, running fore and aft from stem to stern, the central one being over the keelson. These bulkheads were braced one against the other, the outer ones against the hull of the boat, and all against the deck and floor timbers, thus making the whole weight of the boat add its momentum to that of the central bulkhead at the moment of collision. The hull was further stayed from side to side by iron rods and screw-bolts. As it would interfere with this plan of strengthening to drop the boilers into the hold, they were left in place; but a bulwark of oak two feet thick was built around them. The pilot-houses were protected against musketry. It is due to Colonel Ellet to say that these boats were not what he wished, but merely a hasty adaptation, in the short period of six weeks, of such means as were at once available to the end in view. He thought that after striking they might probably go down, but not without sinking the enemy too. When they were ready he was given the command, and the rank of Colonel, with instructions which allowed him to operate within the limits of Captain Davis's command, and in entire independence of that officer; a serious military error which was corrected when the Navy Department took control of the river work. No further attack was made by the Confederate fleet, and operations were confined to bombardment by the gunboats and constant reply on the part of the forts until June 4th. That night many explosions were heard and fires seen in the fort, and the next morning the fleet moved down, found the works evacuated and took possession. Memphis and its defences became no longer tenable after Beauregard's evacuation of Corinth on the 30th of May. On June 5th, the fleet with transports moved down the river, anchoring at night two miles above the city. The next morning at dawn the River Defence Fleet was sighted lying at the levee. They soon cast off, and moved into the river, keeping, however, in front of the city in such a way as to embarrass the fire of the Union flotilla. The Confederate vessels, still under Montgomery's command, were in number eight, mounting from two to four guns each: the Van Dorn, flag steamer; General Price, General Lovell, General Beauregard, General Thompson, General Bragg, General Sumpter, and the Little Rebel. The Union gunboats were five, viz.: the Benton, Louisville, Carondelet, St. Louis, recently taken charge of by Lieutenant McGunnegle, and Cairo. In addition, there were present and participating in the ensuing action, two of the ram fleet, the Queen of the West and the Monarch, the former commanded by Colonel Ellet in person; the latter by a younger brother, Lieutenant-Colonel A.W. Ellet. The Confederates formed in double line for their last battle, awaiting the approach of the flotilla. The latter, embarrassed by the enemy being in line with the city, kept under way, but with their heads up stream, dropping slowly with the current. The battle was opened by a shot from the Confederates, and then the flotilla, casting away its scruples about the city, replied with vigor. The Union rams, which were tied up to the bank some distance above, cast off at the first gun and steamed boldly down through the intervals separating the gunboats, the Queen of the West leading, the Monarch about half a mile astern. As they passed, the flotilla, now about three-quarters of a mile from the enemy, turned their heads down the river and followed, keeping up a brisk cannonade; the flag-ship Benton leading. The heights above the city were crowded by the citizens of Memphis, awaiting with eager hope the result of the fight. The ram attack was unexpected, and, by its suddenness and evident determination, produced some wavering in the Confederate line, which had expected to do only with the sluggish and unwieldy gunboats. Into the confusion the Queen dashed, striking the Lovell fairly and sinking her in deep water, where she went down out of sight. The Queen herself was immediately rammed by the Beauregard and disabled; she was then run upon the Arkansas shore opposite the city. Her commander received a pistol shot, which in the end caused his death. The Monarch following, was charged at the same time by the Beauregard and Price; these two boats, however, missed their mark and crashed together, the Beauregard cutting the Price down to the water-line, and tearing off her port wheel. The Price then followed the Queen, and laid herself up on the Arkansas shore. The Monarch successfully rammed her late assailant, the Beauregard, as she was discharging her guns at the Benton, which replied with a shot in the enemy's boiler, blowing her up and fatally scalding many of her people. She went down near shore, being towed there by the Monarch. The Little Rebel in the thickest of the fight got a shot through her steam-chest; whereupon she also made for the limbo on the Arkansas shore, where her officers and crew escaped. The Confederates had lost four boats, three of them among the heaviest in their fleet. The remaining four sought safety in flight from the now unequal contest, and a running fight followed, which carried the fleet ten miles down the river and resulted in the destruction of the Thompson by the shells of the gunboats and the capture of the Bragg and Sumter. The Van Dorn alone made good her escape, though pursued some distance by the Monarch and Switzerland, another of the ram fleet which joined after the fight was decided. This was the end of the Confederate River Defence Fleet, the six below having perished when New Orleans fell. The Bragg, Price, Sumpter, and Little Rebel were taken into the Union fleet. The city of Memphis surrendered the same day. The Benton and the flag-officer, with the greater part of the fleet, remained there till June 29th. On the 10th Davis received an urgent message from Halleck to open communication by way of the White River and Jacksonport with General Curtis, who was coming down through Missouri and Arkansas, having for his objective point Helena, on the right bank of the Mississippi. The White River traverses Arkansas from the Missouri border, one hundred and twenty miles west of the Mississippi, and pursuing a southeasterly and southerly course enters the Mississippi two hundred miles below Memphis, one hundred below Helena. A force was despatched, under Commander Kilty, comprising, besides his own ship, the St. Louis, Lieutenant McGunnegle, with the Lexington and Conestoga, wooden gunboats, Lieutenants Shirk and Blodgett. An Indiana regiment under Colonel Fitch accompanied the squadron. On the 17th of June, at St. Charles, eighty-eight miles up, the enemy were discovered in two earthworks, mounting six guns. A brisk engagement followed, the Mound City leading; but when six hundred yards from the works a 42-pound shell entered her casemate, killing three men in its flight and then exploding her steam-drum. Of her entire crew of 175, but 3 officers and 22 men escaped uninjured; 82 died from wounds or scalding, and 43 were either drowned or killed in the water, the enemy, in this instance, having the inhumanity to fire on those who were there struggling for their lives. Unappalled by this sickening catastrophe, the remaining boats pressed on to the attack, the Conestoga taking hold of the crippled vessel to tow her out of action. A few minutes later, at a signal from Colonel Fitch, the gunboats ceased firing, and the troops, advancing, successfully stormed the battery. The commander of the post was Captain Joseph Fry, formerly a lieutenant in the United States Navy, who afterward commanded the filibustering steamer Virginius, and was executed in Cuba, with most of his crew, when captured by the Spaniards in 1874. There being no further works up the stream and but one gunboat of the enemy, the Ponchartrain, this action gave the control of the river to the fleet. After taking possession of St. Charles, the expedition went on up the river as far as a point called Crooked Point Cutoff, sixty-three miles above St. Charles, and one hundred and fifty-one miles from the mouth of the river. Here it was compelled to turn back by the falling of the water. The hindrance caused by the low state of the rivers led Davis to recommend a force of light-draught boats, armed with howitzers, and protected in their machinery and pilot-houses against musketry, as essential to control the tributaries of the Mississippi during the dry season. This was the germ of the light-draught gunboats, familiarly called "tinclads" from the thinness of their armor, which in the following season were a usual and active adjunct to the operations of the heavier vessels. On the 29th of June, Flag-Officer Davis, who had received that rank but a week before, went down the river, taking with him the Benton, Carondelet, Louisville, and St. Louis, with six mortar-boats. Two days later, July 1st, in the early morning, Farragut's fleet was sighted, at anchor in the river above Vicksburg. A few hours more and the naval forces from the upper waters and from the mouth of the Mississippi had joined hands. FOOTNOTES: [1] Letter of Colonel Ellet to Lieutenant McGunnegle. United States Navy. [Illustration: MISSISSIPPI VALLEY--VICKSBURG TO THE GULF.] CHAPTER III. FROM THE GULF TO VICKSBURG. The task of opening the Mississippi from its mouth was entrusted to Captain David G. Farragut, who was appointed to the command of the Western Gulf Blockading Squadron on the 9th of January, 1862. On the 2d of February he sailed from Hampton Roads, in his flag-ship, the Hartford, of twenty-four guns; arriving on the 20th of the same month at Ship Island in Mississippi Sound, which was then, and, until Pensacola was evacuated by the Confederates, continued to be the principal naval station in the West Gulf. Here he met Flag-Officer McKean, the necessary transfers were made, and on the 21st Farragut formally assumed the command of the station which he was to illustrate by many daring deeds, and in which he was to make his brilliant reputation. With the exception of the vessels already employed on the blockade, the flag-ship was the first to arrive of the force destined to make the move up the river. One by one they came in, and were rapidly assembled at the Southwest Pass, those whose draught permitted entering at once; but the scanty depth of water, at that time found on the bar, made it necessary to lighten the heavier vessels. The Pensacola, while at Ship Island, chartered a schooner, into which she discharged her guns and stores; then taking her in tow went down to the Pass. She arrived there on the 24th of March and made five different attempts to enter when the water seemed favorable. In the first four she grounded, though everything was out of her, and was got off with difficulty, on one occasion parting a hawser which killed two men and injured five others; but on the 7th of April, the powerful steamers of the mortar flotilla succeeded in dragging her and the Mississippi through a foot of mud fairly into the river. These two were the heaviest vessels that had ever entered. The Navy Department at Washington had hopes that the 40-gun frigate Colorado, Captain Theodorus Bailey, then lying off the Pass, might be lightened sufficiently to join in the attack. This was to the flag-officer and her commander plainly impracticable, but the attempt had to be made in order to demonstrate its impossibility. After the loss of a fortnight working she remained outside, drafts being made from her crew to supply vacancies in the other vessels; while her gallant captain obtained the privilege of leading the fleet into action, as a divisional officer, in the gunboat Cayuga, the commander of the latter generously yielding the first place on board his own ship. A fleet of twenty mortar-schooners, with an accompanying flotilla of six gunboats, the whole under the command of Commander (afterward Admiral) David D. Porter, accompanied the expedition. Being of light draught of water, they entered without serious difficulty by Pass à l'Outre, one of three branches into which the eastern of the three great mouths of the Mississippi is subdivided. Going to the head of the Passes on the 18th of March, they found there the Hartford and Brooklyn, steam sloops, with four screw gunboats. The steam vessels of the flotilla were at once ordered by the flag-officer to Southwest Pass, and, after finishing the work of getting the heavy ships across, they were employed towing up the schooners and protecting the advance of the surveyors of the fleet. The squadron thus assembled in the river consisted of four screw sloops, one side-wheel steamer, three screw corvettes, and nine screw gunboats, in all seventeen vessels, of all classes, carrying, exclusive of brass howitzers, one hundred and fifty-four guns. Their names and batteries were as follows: -----------------------+------+-----+---------------------------------- NAME. | Tons.|Guns.| Commanding Officer. -----------------------+------+-----+---------------------------------- _Screw Sloops._ | | | | | | Hartford | 1990 | 24 | Flag-Officer David G. Farragut. | | | Fleet-Captain Henry H. Bell. | | | Commander Richard Wainwright. Pensacola | 2158 | 23 | Captain Henry W. Morris. Brooklyn | 2070 | 22 | Captain Thomas T. Craven. Richmond | 1929 | 24 | Commander James Alden. | | | _Side-Wheel._ | | | | | | Mississippi | 1692 | 17 | Commander Melancton Smith. | | | _Screw Corvettes._ | | | | | | Oneida | 1032 | 9 | Commander S. Phillips Lee. Varuna | 1300 | 10 | Commander Charles S. Boggs. Iroquois | 1016 | 7 | Commander John De Camp. | | | _Screw Gunboats._ | | | | | | Cayuga | 507 | 2 | Lieutenant Napoleon B. Harrison. Itasca | 507 | 2 | Lieutenant C.H.B. Caldwell. Katahdin | 507 | 2 | Lieutenant George H. Preble. Kennebec | 507 | 2 | Lieutenant John H. Russell. Kineo | 507 | 2 | Lieutenant George M. Ransom. Pinola | 507 | 2 | Lieutenant Pierce Crosby. Sciota | 507 | 2 | Lieutenant Edward Donaldson. Winona | 507 | 2 | Lieutenant Edward T. Nichols. Wissahickon | 507 | 2 | Lieutenant Albert N. Smith. -----------------------+------+-----+---------------------------------- About ninety per cent. of the batteries of the eight larger vessels were divided, as is usual, between the two sides of the ship, so that only one half of the guns could be used at any one time, except in the rare event of having an enemy on each side; and even then the number of the crew is based on the expectation of fighting only one broadside. A few guns, however, varying in number in different ships, were mounted on pivots so that they could be fought on either side. In estimating the number of available guns in a fleet of sea-going steamers of that day, it may be roughly said that sixty per cent. could be brought into action on one side. In the Mississippi Squadron sometimes only one-fourth could be used. To professional readers it may seem unnecessary to enter on such familiar and obvious details; but a military man, in making his estimate, has fallen into the curious blunder of making a fleet fire every gun, bow, stern, and both broadsides, into one fort, a hundred yards square; a feat which only could be performed by landing a ship in the centre of the works, in which case it could enjoy an all-round fire. The nine gunboats carried one heavy and one light gun, both pivots and capable of being fought on either side. None of this fleet could fire right ahead. All the vessels were built for ships of war, with the exception of the Varuna, which was bought from the merchant service.[2] The mortar-schooners each carried one XIII-inch mortar. Of the six gunboats attached to this part of the expedition, one, the Owasco, was of the same class as the Cayuga and others. The Clifton, Jackson, and Westfield were large side-wheel ferry boats, of the ordinary double-ended type; carrying, however, heavy guns. They were powerful as tugboats and easily managed; whereas the Miami, also a double-ender, but built for the Government, was like most of her kind, hard to steer or manoeuvre, especially in a narrow stream and tideway. The sixth was the Harriet Lane, a side-wheel steamer of 600 tons, which had been transferred from the Revenue Service. The tonnage and batteries of these steamers were:[3] ------------------------+-----+-----+---------------------------------- NAME. |Tons.|Guns.| Commanding Officer. ------------------------+-----+-----+---------------------------------- _Screw Gunboat._ | | | | | | Owasco | 507 | 2 |Lieutenant John Guest. | | | _Paddle-Wheel | | | Steamers._ | | | | | | Westfield } | 891 | 6 |Commander William B. Renshaw. Miami } Double- | 730 | 5 |Lieutenant A. Davis Harrell. Clifton } enders. | 892 | 7 |Lieutenant Charles H. Baldwin. Jackson } | 777 | 7 |Lieutenant Selim E. Woodworth. Harriet Lane | 619 | 3 |Lieutenant Jonathan M. Wainwright. ------------------------+-----+-----+---------------------------------- When the ships were inside, the flag-officer issued special instructions for their preparation for the river service. They were stripped to the topmasts, and landed all spars and rigging, except those necessary for the topsails, jib, and spanker. Everything forward was brought close in to the bowsprit, so as not to interfere with the forward range of the battery. Where it could be done, guns were especially mounted on the poop and forecastle, and howitzers placed in the tops, with iron bulwarks to protect their crews from musketry. The vessels were ordered to be trimmed by the head, so that if they took the bottom at all it would be forward. In a rapid current, like that of the Mississippi, a vessel which grounded aft would have her bow swept round at once and fall broadside to the stream, if she did not go ashore. To get her pointed right again would be troublesome; and the same consideration led to the order that, in case of accident to the engines involving loss of power to go ahead, no attempt should be made to turn the ship's head down stream. If the wind served she should be handled under sail; but if not, an anchor should be let go, with cable enough to keep her head up stream while permitting her to drop bodily down. Springs were prepared on each quarter; and, as the ships were to fight in quiet water, at short range, and in the dark, special care was taken so to secure the elevating screws that the guns should not work themselves to too great elevation. In accordance with these instructions the ships stripped at Pilot Town, sending ashore spars, boats, rigging, and sails; everything that was not at present needed. The chronometers of the fleet were sent on board the Colorado. The larger ships snaked down the rigging, while the gunboats came up their lower rigging, carrying it in and securing it close to the mast. The flag-ship being now at the Head of the Passes remained there, the flag-officer shifting his flag from one small vessel to another as the requirements of the squadron called him to different points. A detachment of lighter vessels, one of the corvettes and a couple of gunboats, occupied an advance station at the "Jump," a bayou entering the river on the west side, eight miles above the Head of the Passes; the enemy's gunboats were thus unable to push their reconnoissances down in sight of the main fleet while the latter were occupied with their preparations. The logs of the squadron show constant bustle and movement, accompanied by frequent accidents, owing to the swift current of the river, which was this year exceptionally high, even for the season. A hospital for the fleet was established in good houses at Pilot Town, but the flag-officer had to complain of the entire insufficiency of medical equipment, as well as a lack of most essentials for carrying on the work. Ammunition of various kinds was very deficient, and the squadron was at one time threatened with failure of fuel, the coal vessels arriving barely in time. The first and at that time the only serious obstacle to the upward progress of the fleet was at the Plaquemine Bend, twenty miles from the Head of the Passes, and ninety below New Orleans. At this point the river, which has been running in a southeasterly direction, makes a sharp bend, the last before reaching the sea, runs northeast for a mile and three-quarters, and then resumes its southeast course. Two permanent fortifications existed at this point, one on the left, or north bank of the stream, called Fort St. Philip, the other on the right bank, called Fort Jackson. Jackson is a little below St. Philip, with reference to the direction of the river through the short reach on which they are placed, but having regard to the general southeast course, may be said to be lower down by 800 yards; the width of the river actually separating the faces of the two works. At the time the fleet arrived, the woods on the west bank had been cleared away below Jackson almost to the extreme range of its guns, thus affording no shelter from observation; the east bank was nearly treeless. Extending across the river from below Jackson, and under the guns of both works, was a line of obstructions which will be described further on. The works of St. Philip consisted of the fort proper, a structure of brick and earth mounting in barbette four VIII-inch columbiads and one 24-pounder; and two water batteries on either side of the main work, the upper mounting sixteen 24-pounders, the lower, one VIII-inch columbiad, one VII-inch rifle, six 42-pounders, nine 32s, and four 24s. There were here, then, forty-two guns commanding the river below the bend, up which the ships must come, as well as the course of the stream in their front. Besides these there were one VIII-inch and one X-inch mortar in the fort; one XIII-inch mortar, whose position does not appear; and a battery of four X-inch sea-coast mortars, situated below and to the northeast of the lower water battery. These last pieces for vertical shell-firing had no influence upon the ensuing contest; the XIII-inch mortar became disabled at the thirteenth fire by its own discharge, and the X-inch, though 142 shell were fired from them, are not so much as mentioned in the reports of the fleet. Fort Jackson, on the southern bank of the bend, was a pentagonal casemated work, built of brick. In the casemates were fourteen 24-pounder smooth-bore guns, and ten flanking howitzers of the same calibre. Above these, in barbette, were two X-inch and three VIII-inch columbiads, one VII-inch rifle, six 42-pounders, fifteen 32s, and eleven 24s; total in the fort, sixty-two. Just outside of and below the main work, covering the approach to it, was a water battery carrying one X-inch and two VIII-inch columbiads, and two rifled 32-pounders.[4] Of the guns in Jackson, the flanking howitzers and half a dozen of the 24- and 32-pounders could, from their position, have had little or no share in the battle with the fleet. The number and calibre of the guns have been thus minutely stated because it can scarcely fail to cause surprise that so many of them were so small. Of 109 in the two works, 56 were 24-pounders. The truth is that the Confederacy was very badly off for cannon, and the authorities in Richmond had their minds firmly made up that the great and dangerous attack was to come from above. General Lovell, commanding the department, begged hard for heavy cannon, but to no avail; not only were all available sent north, but constant drafts were made upon the supplies he himself had. New Orleans, the central point which he was called on to defend, was approachable, not only by the Mississippi, but through a dozen bayous which, from Pearl River on the east to the Atchafalaya Bayou on the west, gave access to firm ground above Forts St. Philip and Jackson, and even above the city. Works already existing to cover these approaches had to be armed, and new works in some cases erected, constituting, in connection with St. Philip and Jackson, an exterior line intended to block approach from the sea. A second, or interior, line of works extended from the river, about four miles below New Orleans, to the swamps on either hand, and was carried on the east side round to Lake Ponchartrain in rear of the city. These were for defence from a land attack by troops that might have penetrated through any of the water approaches; and a similar line was constructed above the city. The interior works below the city, where they touched the river on the right bank, were known as the McGehee, and on the left bank as the Chalmette line of batteries. The latter was the scene of Jackson's defeat of the English in 1815. All these works needed guns. All could not be supplied; but the necessity of providing as many as possible taxed the general's resources. In March, 1862, when it was determined to abandon Pensacola, he asked for some of the X-inch columbiads that were there, but all that could be spared from the north were sent to Mobile, where the commanding officer refused to give them up. In addition to other calls, Lovell had to spare some guns for the vessels purchased for the navy on Lake Ponchartrain and for the River Defence Fleet. General Duncan had general charge of all the works of the exterior line, and was of course present at Plaquemine Bend during the attack. Colonel Higgins was in command of both the forts, with headquarters at Jackson, Captain Squires being in immediate command of St. Philip. Auxiliary to the forts there were four vessels of the Confederate Navy, two belonging to the State of Louisiana, and six of the River Defence Fleet. The latter were commanded by a Captain Stephenson, who entirely refused to obey the orders of Commander Mitchell, the senior naval officer, while professing a willingness to co-operate. The constitution of this force has already been described. There were also above, or near, the forts five unarmed steamers and tugs, only one of which, the tug Mosher, needs to be named. The naval vessels were the Louisiana, sixteen guns; McRae, seven guns, six light 32-pounders and one IX-inch shell-gun; Jackson, two 32-pounders; and the ram Manassas, now carrying one 32-pounder carronade firing right ahead. Since her exploit at the Head of the Passes in the previous October, the Manassas had been bought by the Confederate Government, docked and repaired. She now had no prow, the iron of the hull only being carried round the stem. Her engines and speed were as poor as before. Lieutenant Warley was still in command. The State vessels were the Governor Moore and General Quitman, the former carrying two rifled 32s, and the latter two smooth-bores of the same calibre; these were sea-going steamers, whose bows were shod with iron like those of the River Defence Fleet and their engines protected with cotton. The Moore was commanded by Beverley Kennon, a trained naval officer, but not then in the Confederate Navy; the Quitman's captain, Grant, was of the same class as the commanders of the River Defence Fleet. The Manassas had some power as a ram, and the Moore, by her admirable handling, showed how much an able man can do with poor instruments, but the only one of the above that might really have endangered the success of the Union fleet was the Louisiana. This was an iron-clad vessel of type resembling the Benton, with armor strong enough to resist two XI-inch shells of the fleet that struck her at short range. Her armament was two VII-inch rifles, three IX-inch and four VIII-inch shell-guns, and seven VI-inch rifles. With this heavy battery she might have been very dangerous, but Farragut's movements had been pushed on with such rapidity that the Confederates had not been able to finish her. At the last moment she was shoved off from the city on Sunday afternoon, four days before the fight, with workmen still on board. When her great centre stern wheel revolved, the water came in through the seams of the planking, flooding the battery deck, but her engines were not powerful enough to manage her, and she had to be towed down by two tugs to a berth just above Fort St. Philip, where she remained without power of movement till after the fight. When ready, the fleet began moving slowly up the river, under the pilotage of members of the Coast Survey, who, already partly familiar with the ground, were to push their triangulation up to the forts themselves and establish the position of the mortars with mathematical precision; a service they performed with courage and accuracy. The work of the surveyors was carried on under the guns of the forts and exposed to the fire of riflemen lurking in the bushes, who were not wholly, though they were mostly, kept in check by the gunboats patrolling the river. On the 16th the fleet anchored just below the intended position of the mortar-boats on the west bank of the stream. The day following was spent in perfecting the arrangements, and by the morning of the 18th two divisions of mortar-boats were anchored in line ahead, under cover of the wood on the right bank, each one dressed up and down her masts with bushes, which blended indistinguishably with the foliage of the trees. Light lines were run as springs from the inshore bows and quarters; the exact bearing and distance of Fort Jackson was furnished to each commander, and at 10 A.M. the bombardment began. The van of the fourteen schooners was at this moment 2,950 yards, the rear 3,980 yards from Fort Jackson, to which the mortar attack was confined; an occasional shell only being sent into St. Philip. The remaining six schooners, called the second division, from the seniority of its commanding officer, were anchored on the opposite side, 3,900 yards below Jackson. Here they were able to see how their shell were falling, an advantage not possessed by those on the other shore; but there were no trees to cover them. An attempt to disguise them was made by covering their hulls with reeds and willows, but was only partly successful; and as the enemy's fire, which began in reply as soon as the mortars opened, had become very rapid and accurate, the gunboats of the main squadron moved up to support those of the flotilla and draw off part of it. Before noon two of the leading schooners in this division were struck by heavy shot and were dropped down 300 yards. The whole flotilla continued firing until 6 P.M., when they ceased by signal. That night the second division was moved across the river and took position with the others. Until five o'clock the firing was sustained and rapid from both forts. At that time the citadel and out-houses of Jackson were in flames, and the magazine in great danger; so the enemy's fire ceased. All the mortars opened again on the morning of the 19th and continued until noon, after which the firing was maintained by divisions, two resting while the third worked. Thus, about 168 shell were fired every four hours, or nearly one a minute. At 10 A.M. of the 19th one schooner was struck by a shot, which passed out through her bottom, sinking her. This was the only vessel of the flotilla thus destroyed. Although Jackson was invisible from the decks of the mortar-boats and the direction given by sights fixed to the mastheads, the firing was so accurate and annoying as to attract a constant angry return from the fort. To draw off and divide this one of the corvettes and two or three of the gunboats took daily guard duty at the head of the line, from 9 A.M. one day to the same hour the next. The small vessels advancing under cover of the trees on the west bank would emerge suddenly, fire one or two shots drifting in the stream, and then retire; the constant motion rendering the aim of the fort uncertain. Nevertheless some ugly hits were received by different ships. Every night the enemy sent down fire-rafts, but these, though occasioning annoyance to the fleet, were productive of no serious damage beyond collisions arising from them. They were generally awkwardly started, and the special mistake was made of sending only one at a time, instead of a number, to increase the confusion and embarrassment of the ships. The crews in their boats towed them ashore, or the light steamers ran alongside and put them out with their hose. Mortar-firing, however good, would not reduce the forts, nor lay New Orleans at the mercy of the fleet. It was necessary to pass above. Neither the flag-officer on the one hand, nor the leaders of the enemy on the other had any serious doubt that the ships could go by if there were no obstructions; but the obstructions were there. As originally laid these had been most formidable. Cypress trees, forty feet long and four to five feet in diameter, were laid longitudinally in the river, about three feet apart to allow a water-way. Suspended from the lower side of these logs by heavy iron staples were two 2½-inch iron cables, stretching from one side of the river to the other. To give the framework of trunks greater rigidity, large timbers, six by four inches, were pinned down on the upper sides. The cables were secured on the left bank to trees; on the right bank, where there were no trees, to great anchors buried in the ground. Between the two ends the raft was held up against the current by twenty-five or thirty 3,000-pound anchors, with sixty fathoms of chain on each. This raft, placed early in the winter, showed signs of giving in February, when the spring-floods came sweeping enormous masses of drift upon it, and by the 10th of March the cables had snapped, leaving about a third of the river open. Colonel Higgins was then directed to restore it. He found it had broken from both sides, and attempted to replace it by sections, but the current, then running four knots an hour, made it impossible to hold so heavy a structure in a depth of one hundred and thirty feet and in a bottom of shifting sand, which gave no sufficient holding ground for the anchors. Seven or eight heavily built schooners, of about two hundred tons, were then seized and placed in a line across the river in the position of the raft. Each schooner lay with two anchors down and sixty fathoms of cable on each; the masts were unstepped and, with the rigging, allowed to drift astern to foul the screws of vessels attempting to pass. Two or three 1-inch chains were stretched across from schooner to schooner, and from them to sections of the old raft remaining near either shore. Such was the general character of the obstructions before the fleet. The current, and collisions with their own vessels, had somewhat disarranged the apparatus, but it was essentially in this condition when the bombardment began. It was formidable, not on account of its intrinsic strength, but because of the swift current down and the slowness of the ships below, which, together, would prevent them from striking it a blow of sufficient power to break through. If they failed thus to force their way they would be held under the fire of the forts, powerless to advance. It is believed that, in a discussion about removing the obstructions, Lieutenant Caldwell, commanding the Itasca, volunteered to attempt it with another vessel, and suggested taking out the masts of the two. The Itasca and the Pinola, Lieutenant-Commanding Crosby, were assigned to the duty, and Fleet-Captain Bell given command of both; a rather unnecessary step, considering the age and character of the commanders of the vessels. To handle two vessels in such an enterprise, necessarily undertaken on a dark night, is not easy, and it is a hardship to a commander to be virtually superseded in his own ship at such a time. This was also felt in assigning divisional commanders for the night attack only, when they could not possibly manage more than one ship and simply overshadowed the captain of the vessel. On the afternoon of the 20th, the Itasca and Pinola each went alongside one of the sloops, where their lower masts were taken out, and, with the rigging, sent ashore. At 10 P.M. Captain Bell went aboard both and addressed the officers and crews about the importance of the duty before them. He remained on board the Pinola and the two vessels then got underway, the Pinola leading. All the mortar-boats now opened together, having at times nine shells in the air at once, to keep down the fire of Jackson in case of discovery, although the two gunboats showed for little, being very deep in the water. As they drew near the obstructions two rockets were thrown up by the enemy, whose fire opened briskly; but the masts being out, it was not easy to distinguish the vessels from the hulks. The Pinola struck the third from the eastern shore and her men jumped on board. The intention was to explode two charges of powder with a slow match over the chains, and a torpedo by electricity under the bows of the hulk, a petard operator being on board. The charges were placed, and the Pinola cast off. The operator claims that he asked Bell to drop astern by a hawser, but that instead of so doing, he let go and backed the engines. Be this as it may, the ship went rapidly astern, the operator did not or could not reel off rapidly enough, and the wires broke. This hulk therefore remained in place, for the timed fuzes did not act. The Itasca ran alongside the second hulk from the east shore and threw a grapnel on board, which caught firmly in the rail; but through the strength of the current the rail gave way and the Itasca, taking a sheer to starboard, drifted astern with her head toward the bank. As quickly as possible she turned round, steamed up again and boarded the hulk nearest the east shore on its port, or off-shore side, and this time held on, keeping the engine turning slowly and the helm aport to ease the strain on the grapnel. Captain Caldwell, Acting-Masters Amos Johnson and Edmund Jones, with parties of seamen, jumped on board with powder-cans and fuzes; but, as they were looking for the chains, it was found that they were secured at the bows, by lashing or otherwise, to the hulk's anchor chain, the end of the latter being led in through the hawse-pipe, around the windlass and bitted. When its windings had been followed up and understood, Captain Caldwell was told that the chain could be slipped. He then contemplated firing the hulk, but while the materials for doing so were sought for, the chain was slipped without orders. The vessels went adrift, and, as the Itasca's helm was to port and the engines going ahead, they turned inshore and grounded hard and fast a short distance below, within easy range of both forts. A boat was at once sent to the Pinola, which was steaming up to try again, and she came to her consort's assistance. Two lines were successfully run to the Itasca, but she had grounded so hard that both parted, though the second was an 11-inch hawser. The Pinola now drifted so far down, and was so long in returning, that the Itasca thought herself deserted; and the executive officer, Lieutenant George B. Bacon, was despatched to the Hartford for a more powerful vessel. The hour for the moon to rise was also fast approaching and the fate of the Itasca seemed very doubtful. The Pinola, however, came back, having in her absence broken out a 13-inch hawser, the end of which was passed to the grounded vessel. The third trial was happy and the Pinola dragged the Itasca off, at the same time swinging her head up the river. Lieutenant Caldwell, who was on the bridge, when he saw his ship afloat, instead of returning at once, steadied her head up stream and went ahead fast with the engines. The Itasca moved on, not indeed swiftly, but firmly toward and above the line of hulks, hugging the eastern bank. When well above Caldwell gave the order, "Starboard;" the little vessel whirled quickly round and steered straight for the chains. Carrying the full force of the current with her and going at the top of her own speed, she passed between the third hulk, which the Pinola had grappled, and the fourth. As her stem met the chain she slid bodily up, rising three or four feet from the water, and dragging down the anchors of the hulks on either side; then the chains snapped, the Itasca went through, and the channel of the river was free. The following morning the hulks were found to be greatly shifted from their previous positions. The second from the east shore remained in place, but the third had dragged down and was now astern of the second, as though hanging to it. The hulk nearest the west shore was also unmoved, but the other three had dragged down and were lying more or less below, apparently in a quartering direction from the first. A broad open space intervened between the two groups. The value of Caldwell's work was well summed up by General M.L. Smith, the Confederate Engineer of the Department: "The forts, in my judgment, were impregnable so long as they were in free and open communication with the city. This communication was not endangered while the obstruction existed. The conclusion, then, is briefly this: While the obstruction existed the city was safe; when it was swept away, as the defences then existed, it was in the enemy's power." The bombardment continued on the 21st, 22d, and 23d with undiminished vigor, but without noteworthy incident in the fleet. The testimony of the Confederate officers, alike in the forts and afloat, is unanimous as to the singular accuracy of the mortar fire. A large proportion of the shells fell within the walls of Jackson. The damage done to the masonry was not irreparable, but the quarters and citadel, as already stated, were burned down and the magazine endangered. The garrison were compelled to live in the casemates, which were partially flooded from the high state of the river and the cutting of the levee by shells. Much of the bedding and clothing were lost by the fire, thus adding to the privations and discomfort. On the 21st Jackson was in need of extensive repairs almost everywhere, and the officers in command hoped that the Louisiana, which had come down the night before, would be able to keep down the mortar fire, at least in part. When it was found she had no motive power they asked that she should take position below the obstructions on the St. Philip side, where she would be under the guns of the forts, but able to reach the schooners. If she could not be a ship of war, at least let her be a floating battery. Mitchell declined for several reasons. If a mortar-shell fell vertically on the decks of the Louisiana it would go through her bottom and sink her; the mechanics were still busy on board and could not work to advantage under fire; the ports were too small to give elevation to the guns, and so they could not reach the mortars. If this last were correct no other reason was needed; but as the nearest schooner was but 3,000 yards from Jackson, it seems likely he deceived himself, as he certainly did in believing "on credible information" that a rifled gun on the parapet of Jackson, of the same calibre as that of the Louisiana, had not been able to reach. Three schooners had been struck, one at the distance of 4,000 yards, during the first two days of the bombardment, not only by rifled, but by VIII-and X-inch spherical projectiles; and the second division had been compelled to shift its position. Looking only to the Louisiana, the decision of the naval officers was natural enough; but considering that time pressed, that after five days' bombardment the fleet must soon attack, that it was improbable, if New Orleans fell, that the Louisiana's engines could be made efficient and she herself anything but a movable battery, the refusal to make the desired effort looks like caring for a part, at the sacrifice of the whole, of the defence. On the last day Mitchell had repeated warnings that the attack would soon come off, and was again asked to take a position to enfilade the schooners, so that the cannoneers of Jackson might be able to stand to their guns. Mitchell sent back word that he hoped to move in twenty-four hours, and received from Higgins, himself an old seaman and naval officer, the ominous rejoinder: "Tell Captain Mitchell that there will be no tomorrow for New Orleans, unless he immediately takes up the position assigned to him with the Louisiana."[5] That same day, all arrangements of the fleet being completed, the orders to be ready to attack the following night were issued. Every preparation that had occurred to the minds of the officers as tending to increase the chance of passing uninjured had been made. The chain cables of the sheet anchors had been secured up and down the sides of the vessels, abreast the engines, to resist the impact of projectiles. This was general throughout the squadron, though the Mississippi, on account of her side-wheels, had to place them inside instead of out; and each commander further protected those vital parts from shots coming in forward or aft, with hammocks, bags of coal, or sand, or ashes, or whatever else came to hand. The outside paint was daubed over with the yellow Mississippi mud, as being less easily seen at night; while, on the other hand, the gun-carriages and decks were whitewashed, throwing into plainer view the dark color of their equipment lying around. On some ships splinter nettings were rigged inside the bulwarks, and found of advantage in stopping the flight of larger fragments struck out by shot. Three more of the gunboats, following the example of the Pinola and Itasca, had their lower masts removed and moored to the shore. Of the four that kept them in three had their masts wounded in the fight, proving the advantage of this precaution. Thus prepared, and stripped of every spare spar, rope, and boat, in the lightest fighting trim, the ships stood ready for the night's work. The flag-officer had at first intended to advance to the attack in two columns abreast, each engaging the fort on its own side and that only. On second thought, considering that in the darkness and smoke vessels in parallel columns would be more likely to foul the hulks on either side, or else each other, and that the fleet might so be thrown into confusion, he changed his plan and directed that the starboard column should advance first, its rear vessel to be followed by the leader of the port column; thus bringing the whole fleet into single line ahead. To help this formation, after dark on the 23d, the eight vessels of the starboard column moved over from the west bank and anchored in line ahead on the other side, the Cayuga, bearing the divisional flag of Captain Theodorus Bailey, in advance. Their orders remained to engage St. Philip on the right hand, and not to use their port batteries. The signal to weigh was to be two vertical red lights. Meanwhile, during the days that had gone by since breaking the line of hulks, some officers of the fleet had thought they could see the water rippling over a chain between the two groups; and, although the flag-officer himself could not make it out, the success of the attack so depended upon having a clear thoroughfare, that he decided to have a second examination. Lieutenant Caldwell asked to do this in person, as his work was in question. Toward nightfall of the 23d, the Hartford sent a fast twelve-oared boat to the Itasca. Caldwell and Acting-Master Edmund Jones went in the boat, which was manned from the Itasca's crew, and after holding on by the leading mortar-schooner till dark, the party started ahead. Fearing that pickets and sharpshooters on either shore might stop them, they had to pull up in the middle of the river against the heavy current, without availing themselves of the inshore eddy. Before they came up with the chain, a fire was kindled on the eastern bank throwing a broad belt of light athwart the stream. To pull across this in plain view seemed madness, so the boat was headed to the opposite side and crawled up to within a hundred yards of the hulks. Then holding on to the bushes, out of the glare of the fire, and hearing the voices of the enemy in the water battery, the party surveyed the situation. Though tangled chains hung from the bows of the outer and lower hulk it seemed perfectly plain that none reached across the river, but, after some hesitation about running the risk merely to clear up a point as to which he had himself no doubt, the necessity of satisfying others determined Caldwell; and by his orders the cutter struck boldly out and into the light. Crossing it unobserved, or else taken for a Confederate boat by any who may have seen, the party reached the outer hulk on the west side. Pausing for a moment under its shelter they then pulled up stream, abreast the inshore hulk, and Jones dropped from the bow a deep-sea lead with ten fathoms of line. The boat was then allowed to drift with the current, and the line held in the hand gave no sign of fouling anything. Then they pulled up a second time and again dropped down close to the hulk on the east shore with like favorable result; showing conclusively that, to a depth of sixty feet, nothing existed to bar the passage of the fleet. The cutter then flew on her return with a favoring current, signalling all clear at 11 P.M. At 2 A.M. the flag-ship hoisted the appointed signal and the starboard column weighed, the heavy vessels taking a long while to purchase their anchors, owing to the force of the current. At 3.30 the Cayuga, leading, passed through the booms, the enemy waiting for the ships to come fairly into his power. In regular order followed the Pensacola, Mississippi, Oneida, Varuna, Katahdin, Kineo, Wissahickon, the Confederate fire beginning as the Pensacola passed through the breach. The Varuna, Cayuga, and Katahdin steamed rapidly on, the one heavy gun of the gunboats being ill-adapted to cope with those in the works; but the heavy ships, keeping line inside the gunboats, moved slowly by, fighting deliberately and stopping from time to time to deliver their broadsides with greater effect. [Illustration: Battle of New Orleans.] The Pensacola, following the Cayuga closely and keeping a little on her starboard quarter, stopped when near Fort St. Philip, pouring in her heavy broadside, before which the gunners of its barbette battery could not stand but fled to cover; then as the big ship moved slowly on, the enemy returned to their guns and again opened fire. The Pensacola again stopped, and again drove the cannoneers from their pieces, the crew of the ship and the gunners in the fort cursing each other back and forth in the close encounter. As the ship drew away and turned toward the mid-river, so that her guns no longer bore, the enemy manned theirs again and riddled her with a quartering fire as she moved off. At about this time the ram Manassas charged her, but, by a skilful movement of the helm, Lieutenant Roe, who was conning the Pensacola, avoided the thrust. The ram received the ship's starboard broadside and then continued down, running the gauntlet of the Union fleet, whose shot penetrated her sides as though they were pasteboard. The Mississippi, following the Pensacola and disdaining to pass behind her guns, was reduced to a very low rate of speed. As she came up with and engaged Fort St. Philip, the Manassas charged at her, striking on the port side a little forward of the mizzen-mast, at the same time firing her one gun. The effect on the ship at the time was to list her about one degree and cause a jar like that of taking the ground, but the blow, glancing, only gave a wound seven feet long and four inches deep, cutting off the heads of fifty copper bolts as clean as though done in a machine. Soon after, moving slowly along the face of the fort, the current of the river caught the Mississippi on her starboard bow and carried her over to the Fort Jackson side. The Oneida, having shifted her port guns to the starboard side, followed the Mississippi. She shared in the delay caused by the Pensacola's deliberate passage until the Mississippi's sheer gave her the chance to move ahead. She then steamed quickly up, hugging the east bank, where the eddy current favored her advance. As she passed close under the muzzles of St. Philip's guns she fired rapidly canister and shrapnel, the fire from the fort passing for the most part harmlessly over the ship and the heads of her crew. The two rear gunboats, the Kineo and Wissahickon, were both delayed in passing; the Kineo by a collision with the Brooklyn, the two vessels meeting between the hulks, and the Wissahickon by fouling the obstructions. The difficulty of finding the breach was already felt, and became more and more puzzling as the vessels were nearer the rear. The Wissahickon was one of the last that succeeded in getting through. The port column was under way in time to follow close in the wake of its predecessor; indeed, it seems certain that, in impatience to be off, or from some other reason, the leading ships of this division doubled on the rear ships of the van. By the report of the captain of the Hartford, which led, that ship was engaged only twenty minutes after the enemy opened on the leading vessels of the starboard column. She steered in near to Jackson, but a fire raft coming down on her caused her to sheer across the river, where she took the ground close under St. Philip; the raft lying on her port quarter, against which it was pushed by the tug Mosher,[6] a small affair of thirty-five tons, unarmed, with a crew of half a dozen men commanded by a man named Sherman. On that eventful night, when so many hundreds of brave men, each busy in his own sphere, were plying their work of death, surely no one deed of more desperate courage was done than that of this little band. The assault threatened the very life of the big ship, and was made in the bright light of the fire under the muzzles of her guns. These were turned on the puny foe, which received a shot in her boilers and sunk. It is believed that the crew lost their lives, but the Hartford had caught fire and was ablaze, the flames darting up the rigging and bursting through the ports; but the discipline of her crew prevailed over the fury of the element, while they were still receiving and returning the blows of their human antagonists in both forts; then working herself clear, the Hartford passed from under their fire. The Brooklyn and Richmond followed the Hartford, and behind them the gunboat division Sciota, Iroquois, Pinola, Kennebec, Itasca, and Winona, Fleet-Captain Bell having his divisional flag flying on board the Sciota. By this the enemy had better range, and at the same time the smoke of the battle was settling down upon the face of the river. The good fortune which carried through all the vessels of the leading column therefore failed the rear. The Brooklyn lost sight of her next ahead and, as she was passing through the hulks, using both broadsides as they would bear, came violently into collision with the Kineo, next to the last ship of the starboard column--another indication that the two columns were lapping. The gunboat heeled violently over and nearly drove ashore; but the two vessels then went clear, the Brooklyn fouling the booms of the eastern hulks, breaking through them but losing her way. This caused her to fall off broadside to the stream, in which position she received a heavy fire from St. Philip. Getting clear and her head once more up river, the Manassas, which had been lying unseen close to the east bank, came butting into the starboard gangway. The blow was delivered with slight momentum against the chain armor, and appeared at the time to have done little damage; but subsequent examination showed that the Brooklyn's side was stove in about six feet below the water-line, the prow having entered between the frames and crushed both inner and outer planking. A little more would have sunk her, and, as it was, a covering of heavy plank had to be bolted over the wound for a length of twenty-five feet before she was allowed to go outside. At the same time that the Manassas rammed she fired her single gun, the shot lodging in the sand bags protecting the steam-drum. Groping on by the flash of the guns and the light of the burning rafts, the Brooklyn, just clearing a thirteen-foot shoal, found herself close under St. Philip, from whose exposed barbette guns the gunners fled at her withering fire, as they had from that of the Pensacola. The Richmond, a slow ship at all times, was detained by her boilers foaming, and was much separated from her leaders. Still she engaged Fort Jackson and passed through the fire with small loss. The little Sciota followed with equal good fortune, having but two men wounded. The Pinola, which had taken her place next to the Iroquois, was not so fortunate. She engaged first Fort Jackson, from whose fire she received little injury. Then she passed over to the other side within one hundred and fifty yards of St. Philip, from which she at first escaped with equal impunity; but coming then within the light of the fire-rafts, and the greater part of the squadron having passed, the enemy were able to play upon her with little to mar their aim. She was struck fourteen times, and lost three killed and eight wounded, the heaviest list of casualties among the gunboats. The Iroquois, which was on picket duty, fell into her station behind the Sciota as the fleet went by. After passing through the obstructions, and when already some distance up the stream, as the current round the bend was throwing her bow off and setting her over on the east bank, the order "starboard" was given to the wheel. As too often happens, this was understood as "stop her," and the engines were stopped while the wheel was not moved. In consequence of this mistake the Iroquois, then a very fast ship, shot over to the east (at this point more precisely the north) bank, past the guns of St. Philip, and brought up against the ironclad steamer Louisiana that was lying against the levee a short distance above the fort. This powerful, though immovable, vessel at once opened her ports and gave the Iroquois every gun that would bear, and at the same time a number of her people ran on deck as though to repel what seemed to be an attempt to board. This gave the Iroquois an opportunity of returning the murderous fire she had received, which she did with effect. Some of the guns of the Louisiana had been double-shotted, the second shot being in two cases found sticking in the hole made by the first. This unfortunate collision made the loss of the Iroquois amount to 8 killed and 24 wounded, in proportion to her complement the heaviest of the whole fleet. It was as she slowly drew away that Commander Porter noted her as "lingering," standing out in full relief against the light of the burning rafts; then she went her way, the last to pass, and the fight was won. The three gunboats at the rear of the second column failed to get by. The Itasca, on coming abreast of Fort Jackson, was pierced by several shot, one of them entering the boiler. The steam issuing in a dense cloud drove every one up from below, and the vessel deprived of her motive power, drifted helplessly down the stream. The Winona following her, fouled the obstructions, and before she could get clear the Itasca backed on board of her. After a half hour's delay she proceeded under a heavy fire, at first from Jackson. Thinking the burning raft, in whose light the Pinola suffered, to be on that side of the river, she tried to pass on the St. Philip side, receiving the fire of the latter fort at less than point-blank range. Shooting over to the other side again, so thick was the smoke that the ship got close to shore, and her head had to be turned down stream to avoid running on it. By this time day had broken, and the Winona, standing out against the morning sky, under the fire of both forts, and with no other vessel to distract their attention, was forced to retire. The Kennebec also fouled the rafts and was unable to get by before the day dawned. The steamers of the mortar flotilla, and the sailing sloop Portsmouth, as soon as the flag-ship had lifted her anchor, moved up into the station which had been assigned them to cover the passage of the fleet, about five hundred yards from Jackson, in position to enfilade the water battery commanding the approach to the fort. The vessels kept their place, firing shrapnel and shell, until the last of the fleet was seen to pass the forts. They then retired, the mortar-schooners at the same time ceasing from the shelling, which had been carried on throughout the engagement. An hour and a quarter had elapsed from the time that the Cayuga passed the obstructions. The fleet, arriving above the forts, fell in with the Confederate flotilla, but in the absence of the Louisiana the other Confederate steamers were no match for their antagonists. The Cayuga indeed, dashing forward at a rate which left her but fifteen minutes under the fire of the forts, found herself when above them in hot quarters; and in a not unequal match rendered a good account of three assailants. The Varuna, passing with yet greater rapidity, steamed through with her guns trained as far ahead as they could be, and delivered her fire as opportunity offered. She soon passed beyond them, unsupported, and continued up the river, coming close upon a steamer called the Doubloon, in which were General Lovell and some of his staff, who narrowly escaped being captured. After the Varuna came the Governor Moore, which had been down among the Union fleet, receiving there the fire of the Oneida and Pinola. Finding the berth too hot for him, and catching sight of the Varuna thus separated from her fleet, Kennon hoisted the same lights as the latter vessel and followed on up. The lights deceived the Varuna and also the Confederate steamer Jackson, which had been up the river on duty and was at quarantine as the two others drew near. Taking them for enemies the Jackson opened a long-range fire on the two impartially, one of her shots wounding the fore-mast of the Moore; she then steamed hastily away to New Orleans, where she was destroyed by her commander. The only other vessel in sight was the Stonewall Jackson[7] of the River Defence Fleet, carrying one gun. She was behind the two, trying to escape unseen to New Orleans. Kennon now opened fire, hoping that the Jackson, undeceived, would turn back to help him, but she kept on her upward course; the Varuna, however, was no longer in ignorance. Finding that the height of the Moore's forecastle out of water and the position of the bow gun would not let it be depressed enough to fire with effect, Kennon resorted to the old-time heroic treatment for such defects; loading the gun with percussion shell he fired it through the bows of his own ship, and used the hole thus made for a port. The next shot raked the Varuna's deck, killing three and wounding nine of the crew. Boggs then put his helm hard aport, bringing his starboard battery to bear and doubtless expecting that the enemy would follow his motion to avoid being raked, but Kennon knew too well his own broadside weakness, and keeping straight on ran into the Varuna before her head could be gotten off again. The powerful battery of the Union vessel, sweeping from stem to stem, killed or wounded a large part of the enemy's crew; but her own fate was sealed, her frame being too light for such an encounter. The Moore having rammed again then hauled off, believing the Varuna to be in a sinking condition, and tried to continue up stream, but with difficulty, having lost her wheel-ropes. The Stonewall Jackson, now coming up, turned also upon the Varuna and rammed her on the port side, receiving a broadside in return. The Union vessel then shoved her bow into the east bank and sank to her top-gallant forecastle. The Varuna's advance had been so rapid that there seems to have been some uncertainty in the minds of Captains Bailey and Lee of the Cayuga and Oneida as to where she was. It being yet dark they were very properly inclined to wait for the rest of the fleet to come up. In a few moments, however, the Oneida moved slowly ahead as far as quarantine, whence the Varuna and her enemies were made out. The Oneida then went ahead at full speed. When she came up the Varuna was already ashore, her two opponents trying to escape, but in vain. The Stonewall Jackson ran ashore without offering resistance, on the right bank nearly opposite the Varuna; the Moore on the left bank, some distance above, where her captain set her on fire, but received the broadsides of the Oneida and Pensacola with his colors still flying, and so was taken. The Cayuga followed the Oneida, but more slowly, and about five miles above the fort came upon a Confederate camp upon the right bank of the river. She opened with canister, and in a few moments the troops, a part of the Chalmette regiment, surrendered. After ramming the Brooklyn, the Manassas had quietly followed the Union fleet, but when she came near them the Mississippi turned upon her. It was impossible to oppose her three hundred and eighty-four tons to the big enemy coming down upon her, so her commander dodged the blow and ran her ashore, the crew escaping over the bows, while the Mississippi poured in two of her broadsides, leaving her a wreck. Soon after, she slipped off the bank and drifted down past the forts in flames. At 8 A.M. she passed the mortar-fleet and an effort was made to secure her, but before it could be done she faintly exploded and sank. The Iroquois, steaming up through the mêlee, saw a Confederate gunboat lying close in to the east bank. Having slowed down as she drew near the enemy, some one on board the latter shouted, "Don't fire, we surrender." This was doubtless unauthorized, for as the ship passed on, the Confederate, which proved to be the McRae, discharged a broadside of grape-shot and langrage, part of the latter being copper slugs, which were found on the Iroquois's decks in quantities after the action. The fire was promptly returned with XI-inch canister and 32-pounder shot. The McRae's loss was very heavy, among the number being her commander, Thomas B. Huger, who was mortally wounded. This gentleman had been an officer of reputation in the United States Navy, his last service having been as first-lieutenant of the very ship with which he now came into collision. This was but a few months before, under the same commission, the present being, in fact, her first cruise; and the other officers and crew were, with few exceptions, the same as those previously under his orders. There is no other very particular mention of the McRae, but the Confederate army officers, who were not much pleased with their navy in general, spoke of her fighting gallantly among the Union ships. As for the General Quitman and the River Defence Fleet, there seems to have been but one opinion among the Confederate officers, both army and navy, as to their bad behavior before and during the fight.[8] They did not escape punishment, for their enemies were among them before they could get away. The Oneida came upon one crossing from the right to the left bank, and rammed her; but it is not possible to recover the adventures and incidents that befell each. Certainly none of them rammed a Union vessel; and it seems not unfair to say that they gave way in disorder, like any other irregular force before a determined onslaught, made a feeble effort to get off, and then ran their boats ashore and fired them. They had but one chance, and that a desperate one, to bear down with reckless speed on the oncoming ships and ram them. Failing to do this, and beginning to falter, the ships came among them like dogs among a flock of sheep, willing enough to spare, had they understood the weakness of their foes, but thinking themselves to be in conflict with formidable iron-clad rams, an impression the Confederates had carefully fostered. When the day broke, nine of the enemy's vessels were to be seen destroyed. The Louisiana remained in her berth, while the McRae, and the Defiance of the River Defence Squadron, had taken refuge under the guns of the forts. The two first had lost their commanders by the fire of the fleet. During the three days that followed, their presence was a cause of anxiety to Commander Porter, who was ignorant of the Louisiana's disabled condition. The Union fleet anchored for the day at quarantine, five miles above the forts. The following morning, leaving the Kineo and Wissahickon to protect, if necessary, the landing of General Butler's troops, they got under way again in the original order of two columns, not, however, very strictly observed, and went on up the river. As they advanced, burning ships and steamers were passed, evidences of the panic which had seized the city, whose confidence had been undisturbed up to the moment of the successful passage of the forts. Four miles below New Orleans, the Chalmette and McGehee batteries were encountered, mounting five and nine guns. The Cayuga, still leading and steaming too rapidly ahead, underwent their fire for some time unsupported by her consorts, the Hartford approaching at full speed under a raking fire, to which she could only reply with two bow guns. When her broadside came to bear, she slowed down, porting her helm; then having fired, before she could reload, the Brooklyn, compelled to pass or run into her, sheered inside, between her and the works. The successive broadsides of these two heavy ships drove the enemy from their guns. At about the same moment the Pensacola engaged the batteries on the east bank, and the other vessels coming up in rapid succession, the works were quickly silenced. The attack of the fleet upon the forts and its successful passage has been fitly called the battle of New Orleans, for the fate of the city was there decided. Enclosed between the swamps and the Mississippi, its only outlet by land was by a narrow neck, in parts not over three-quarters of a mile wide, running close by the river, which was at this time full to the tops of the levees, so that the guns of the fleet commanded both the narrow exit and the streets of the city. Even had there been the means of defence, there was not food for more than a few days. At noon of the 25th, the fleet anchored before the city, where everything was in confusion. Up and down the levee coal, cotton, steamboats, ships, were ablaze, and it was not without trouble that the fleet avoided sharing the calamity. Among the shipping thus destroyed was the Mississippi, an ironclad much more powerful than the Louisiana. She was nearing completion, and had been launched six days, when Farragut came before the city. His rapid movements and the neglect of those in charge to provide tow-boats stopped her from being taken to the Yazoo, where she might yet have been an ugly foe for the fleet. This and the fate of the Louisiana are striking instances of the value of promptness in war. Nor was this the only fruit snatched by Farragut's quickness. There is very strong reason to believe that the fall of New Orleans nipped the purpose of the French emperor, who had held out hopes of recognizing the Confederacy and even of declaring that he would not respect the blockade if the city held out. Captain Bailey was sent ashore to demand the surrender, and that the United States flag should be hoisted upon the public buildings. The rage and mortification of the excitable Creoles was openly manifested by insult and abuse, and the service was not unattended with danger. The troops, however, being withdrawn by the military commander, the mayor, with some natural grandiloquence, announced his submission to the inevitable, and Captain Bailey hoisted the flag on the mint. The next day it was hauled down by a party of four citizens; in consequence of which act, the flag-officer, on the 29th, sent ashore a battalion of 250 marines, accompanied by a howitzer battery in charge of two midshipmen, the whole under command of the fleet-captain. By them the flags were rehoisted and the buildings guarded, until General Butler arrived on the evening of May 1st, when the city was turned over to his care. Meanwhile Commander Porter remained in command below the forts. The morning after the passage of the fleet he sent a demand for their surrender, which was refused. Learning that the Louisiana and some other boats had escaped the general destruction, and not aware of their real condition, he began to take measures for the safety of his mortar-schooners. They were sent down the river to Pilot Town, with the Portsmouth as convoy, and with orders to fit for sea. Six were sent off at once to the rear of Fort Jackson, to blockade the bayous that ramify through that low land; while the Miami and Sachem were sent in the other direction, behind St. Philip, to assist the troops to land. On the 27th, Porter, having received official information of the fall of the city, notified Colonel Higgins of the fact, and again demanded the surrender, offering favorable conditions. Meanwhile insubordination was rife in the garrison, which found itself hemmed in on all sides. At midnight of the 27th, the troops rose, seized the guard and posterns, reversed the field pieces commanding the gates, and began to spike the guns. Many of them left the fort with their arms; and the rest, except one company of planters, firmly refused to fight any longer. The men were largely foreigners, and with little interest in the Secession cause; but they also probably saw that continued resistance and hardship could not result in ultimate success. The water-way above and below being in the hands of the hostile navy, all communication was cut off by the nature of the country and the state of the river; there could therefore be but one issue to a prolonged contest. The crime of the men was heinous, but it only hastened the end. To avoid a humiliating disaster, General Duncan accepted the offered terms on the 28th. The officers were permitted to retain their side arms, and the troops composing the garrison to depart, on parole not to serve till exchanged. At 2.30 P.M. the forts were formally delivered to the navy, and the United States flag once more hoisted over them. The Confederate naval officers were not parties to the capitulation, which was drawn up and signed on board Porter's flag-ship, the Harriet Lane. While the representatives were seated in her cabin, flags of truce flying from her masthead and from the forts, the Louisiana was fired by her commander and came drifting down the river in flames. Her guns discharged themselves as the heat reached their charges, and when she came abreast Fort St. Philip she blew up, killing a Confederate soldier and nearly killing Captain McIntosh, her former commander, who was lying there mortally wounded. This act caused great indignation at the time among the United States officers present. Commander Mitchell afterward gave explanations which were accepted as satisfactory by Mr. Welles, the Secretary of the Navy. He said that the Louisiana was secured to the opposite shore from the fleet, three-quarters of a mile above, and that an attempt had been made to drown the magazine. As proof of good faith he had sent a lieutenant to notify Porter of the probable failure of that attempt. It remains, however, a curious want of foresight in a naval man not to anticipate that the hempen fasts, which alone secured her, would be destroyed, and that the vessel thus cast loose would drift down with the stream. Conceding fully the mutual independence of army and navy, it is yet objectionable that while one is treating under flag of truce, the other should be sending down burning vessels, whether carelessly or maliciously, upon an unsuspecting enemy. When taken possession of, Fort Jackson was found to have suffered greatly. The ground inside and out was plowed by the falling shell; the levee had been cut in many places, letting water into the fort; the casemates were shattered, guns dismounted and gun-carriages destroyed; all the buildings within the walls had been burned. Yet it was far from being reduced to an indefensible condition by six days' bombardment, could it have continued to receive supplies and reinforcements. The loss of the garrison had been 14 killed and 39 wounded. The question of the efficacy of mortar-firing was raised in this as in other instances. Granting its inability to compel the surrender, it remains certain that Fort Jackson, though the stronger work, inflicted much less damage upon the passing fleet than did St. Philip. The direct testimony of Commander De Camp of the Iroquois, and an examination of the injuries received by the ships, when clearly specified, shows this. As both posts had been under one commander, it may be inferred that the difference in execution was due partly to the exhaustion of the garrison, and partly to the constant fire of the mortar flotilla during the time of the passage; both effects of the bombardment. The exterior line of the defences of New Orleans being thus pierced in its central and strongest point, the remaining works--Forts Pike and Macomb guarding the approaches by way of Lake Pontchartrain, Livingston at Barrataria Bay, Berwick at Berwick Bay, and others of less importance--constituting that line were hastily abandoned. Such guns as could be saved, with others from various quarters, were hurried away to Vicksburg, which had already been selected as the next point for defence, and its fortifications begun. The whole delta of the Mississippi was thus opened to the advance of the Union forces. This was followed a few days later by the evacuation of Pensacola, for which the enemy had been preparing since the end of February, when the disaster at Donelson had made it necessary to strip other points of troops. The heavy guns had been removed, though not to New Orleans. The defenceless condition of the place was partly known to the officer commanding at Fort Pickens, but no one could spare him force enough to test it. At the time of its final abandonment, Commander Porter, who after the surrender of the forts had proceeded to Mobile with the steamers of the mortar flotilla, was lying off that bar. Seeing a brilliant light in the direction of Pensacola at 2 A.M. on the 10th of May, he stood for the entrance, arriving at daylight. The army and navy took possession the same day, and this fine harbor was now again available as a naval station for the United States. After New Orleans had been occupied by the army, Farragut sent seven vessels, under the command of Captain Craven of the Brooklyn, up the river. Baton Rouge and Natchez surrendered when summoned; but at Vicksburg, on the 22d of May, Commander S.P. Lee was met with a refusal. On the 9th of June the gunboats Wissahickon and Itasca, being sent down to look after some earthworks which the Confederates were reported to be throwing up at Grand Gulf, found there a battery of rifle guns completed, and were pretty roughly handled in the encounter which followed. On the 18th of June the Brooklyn and Richmond anchored below Vicksburg, and shortly after the flag-officer came in person with the Hartford, accompanied by Commander Porter with the steamers and seventeen schooners of the mortar flotilla. The flag-officer did not think it possible to reduce the place without a land force, but the orders of the Department were peremptory that the Mississippi should be cleared. From Vicksburg to Memphis the high land did not touch the river on the east bank, and Memphis with all above it had now fallen. Vicksburg at that time stood, the sole seriously defended point. The condition of the fleet was at this time a cause of serious concern to the flag-officer. The hulls had been much injured by the enemy's fire, and by frequent collisions in the lower river, due to the rapid current and the alarms of fire-rafts. The engines, hastily built for the gunboats, and worn in other ships by a cruise now nearing its usual end, were in need of extensive repairs. The maintenance of the coal-supply for a large squadron, five hundred miles up a crooked river in a hostile country, was in itself no small anxiety; involving as it did carriage of the coal against the current, the provision of convoys to protect the supply vessels against guerillas, and the employment of pilots; few of whom were to be found, as they naturally favored the enemy, and had gone away. The river was drawing near the time of lowest water, and the flag-ship herself got aground under very critical circumstances, having had to take out her coal and shot, and had even begun on her guns, two of which were out when she floated off. The term of enlistment of many of the crews had ended and they were clamoring for their discharge, and the unhealthy climate had already caused much illness. It was evident from the very first that Vicksburg could only be taken and held by a land force, but the Government in Washington were urgent and Farragut determined to run by the batteries. This was the first attempt; but there were afterward so many similar dashes over the same spot, by fleets or single vessels, that the scene demands a brief description. [Illustration: Battle at Vicksburg.] Vicksburg is four hundred miles above New Orleans, four hundred below Memphis. The river, after pursuing its irregular course for the latter distance through the alluvial bottom lands, turns to the northeast five miles before reaching the Vicksburg bluffs. When it encounters them it sweeps abruptly round, continuing its course southwest, parallel to the first reach; leaving between the two a narrow tongue of low land, from three-quarters to one mile wide. The bluffs at their greatest elevation, just below the point where the river first touches them, are two hundred and sixty feet high; not perpendicular, but sloping down close to the water, their nearness to which continues, with diminishing elevation, for two miles, where the town of Vicksburg is reached. They then gradually recede, their height at the same time decreasing by degrees to one hundred and fifty feet. The position was by nature the strongest on the river. The height of the banks, with the narrowness and peculiar winding of the stream, placed the batteries on the hill-sides above the reach of guns on shipboard. At the time of Farragut's first attack, though not nearly so strongly and regularly fortified as afterward, there were in position twenty six[9] guns, viz.: two X-inch, one IX-inch, four VIII-inch, five 42- and two 24-pounder smooth-bores, and seven 32-, two 24-, one 18-, and two 12-pounder rifled guns. Of these, one IX-inch, three VIII-inch, and the 18-pounder rifle were planted at the highest point of the bluffs above the town, in the bend, where they had a raking fire upon the ships before and after they passed their front. Just above these the four 24-pounders were placed.[10] Half a mile below the town was a water battery,[11] about fifty feet above the river, mounting two rifled 32s, and four 42s. The eleven other guns were placed along the crest of the hills below the town, scattered over a distance of a mile or more, so that it was hard for the ships to make out their exact position. The distance from end to end of the siege batteries was about three miles, and as the current was running at the rate of three knots, while the speed of the fleet was not over eight, three-quarters of an hour at least was needed for each ship to pass by the front of the works. The upper batteries followed them for at least twenty minutes longer. Besides the siege guns, field batteries in the town, and moving from place to place, took part in the action; and a heavy fire was kept up on the vessels from the rifle-pits near the turn. On the 26th and 27th of June the schooners were placed in position, nine on the east and eight on the west bank. Bomb practice began on the 26th and was continued through the 27th. On the evening of the latter day Commander Porter notified the admiral that he was ready to cover the passage of the fleet. At 2 A.M. of the 28th the signal was made, and at three the fleet was under way. The vessels advanced in two columns, the Richmond, Hartford, and Brooklyn in the order named, forming the starboard column, with intervals between them long enough to allow two gunboats to fire through. The port column was composed of the Iroquois, the leading ship, and the Oneida, ahead of the Richmond on her port bow, the Wissahickon and Sciota between the Richmond and the Hartford, the Winona and Pinola between the flag-ship and the Brooklyn, and in the rear, on the port quarter of the Brooklyn, the Kennebec and the Katahdin. At four o'clock the mortars opened fire, and at the same moment the enemy, the vessels of the fleet replying as their guns bore. As the Hartford passed, the steamers of the mortar flotilla, Octorara, Miami, Jackson, Westfield, Clifton, Harriet Lane, and Owasco, moved up on her starboard quarter, engaging under way the water battery, at a distance of twelve hundred to fifteen hundred yards, and maintaining this position till the fleet had passed. The leading vessels, as far as and including the Pinola, continued on, silencing the batteries when fairly exposed to their broadsides, but suffering more or less severely before and after. The prescribed order was not accurately observed, the lack of good pilots leading the ships to hug the bank on the town side, where the shore was known to be bold, and throwing them into line ahead; the distances also lengthened out somewhat, which lessened the mutual support. The flag-ship moved slowly, and even stopped for a time to wait for the vessels in the rear; seeing which, Captain Palmer, of the Iroquois, who had reached the turn, also stopped his ship, and let her drift down close to the Hartford to draw a part of the enemy's fire, and to reinforce that of the flag-officer. The upper batteries, like all the others, were silent while the ships lay in front of them; but as soon as the Hartford and Iroquois moved up they returned to their guns, and followed the rear of the fleet with a spiteful fire till out of range. The cannonade of the enemy could at no time have been said to be discontinued along the line. The Brooklyn, with the two gunboats following, stopped when above the mortar-steamers, and engaged the batteries within range at a great disadvantage; those ahead having a more or less raking fire upon them. The three remained there for two hours and then retired, the remainder of the fleet having passed on beyond and anchored above, at 6 A.M. Having thus obeyed his orders, the flag-officer reported that the forts had been passed and could be passed again as often as necessary, a pledge frequently redeemed afterward; but he added, "it will not be easy to do more than silence the batteries for a time." The feat had been performed with the steady gallantry that characterized all the similar attempts on the river. Notwithstanding the swift adverse current, the full power of the vessels was not exerted. The loss was 15 killed and 30 wounded, eight of the former being among the crew of the Clifton, which received a shot in her boiler, scalding all but one of the forward powder division. The Confederates reported that none of their guns had been injured, and they mention no casualties. The action of the three commanders that failed to pass was severely censured by the flag-officer; nor is it surprising that he should have felt annoyed at finding his fleet separated, with the enemy's batteries between them. It seems clear, however, that the smoke was for a time so thick as to prevent the Brooklyn from seeing that the flag-ship had kept on, while the language of the flag-officer's written order governing the engagement was explicit. It read thus: "When the vessels reach the bend of the river, should the enemy continue the action, the ships and Iroquois and Oneida will stop their engines and drop down the river again, keeping up the fire until directed otherwise." In view of these facts, Captain Craven was certainly justified in maintaining his position until he saw that the flag-ship had passed; then it may be doubtful whether the flag-officer's action had not countermanded his orders. The question will be differently answered by different persons; probably the greater number of officers would reply that the next two hours, spent in a stationary position under the batteries, would have been better employed in running by and rejoining the fleet. The error of judgment, if it was one, was bitterly paid for in the mortification caused to a skilful and gallant officer by the censure of the most distinguished seaman of the war. Above Vicksburg the flag-officer communicated with one of the rams under Lieutenant-Colonel Ellet, who undertook to forward his communications to Davis and Halleck. The ships were then anchored. On the 1st of July Davis's fleet arrived. On the 9th an order was received from Washington for Commander Porter to proceed to Hampton Roads with twelve mortar-schooners. The next morning he sailed in the Octorara with the schooners in company. On the way down he not only had experience of the increasing difficulty of navigation from the falling of the water, but also his active mind ascertained the extent of the traffic by way of the Red River, and its worth to the Confederacy; as also the subsidiary value of the Atchafalaya Bayou, which, extending through the delta of the Mississippi from the Red River to the Gulf, was then an open highway for the introduction of foreign supplies, as well as the transport of native products. The object and scope of the next year's campaign are plainly indicated in a letter of his addressed to Farragut during his trip down the river. It was unfortunate that an attempt was not made to hold at once the bluffs below the point where those two highways meet, and blockade them both, instead of wasting time at Vicksburg when there was not then strength enough to hold on. FOOTNOTES: [2] For particulars of batteries, see Appendix. [3] For detailed account of these batteries, see Appendix. [4] These threw projectiles weighing from sixty to eighty pounds. [5] Mitchell's conduct was approved by a Naval Court of Inquiry. Higgins, who was most emphatic in his condemnation, could not appear as a witness, the War Department not being willing to spare him from his duties. The difference was one of judgment and, perhaps, of temperament. From Higgins's character it is likely that, had he commanded the naval forces, the Louisiana would either have done more work or come to a different end. As the old proverb says, "He would have made a spoon or spoiled the horn." [6] As this feat has been usually ascribed to the Manassas, it may be well to say that the statement in the text rests on the testimony of the commander of the ram, as well as other evidence. [7] There were two Jacksons, the naval steamer Jackson and the River Defence boat Stonewall Jackson. [8] Colonel Lovell of the Confederate army, who was ordnance and disbursing officer of the River Defence Fleet, and had been twelve years an officer in the United States Navy, testified there was no organization, no discipline, and little or no drill of the crews. He offered to employ a naval officer to drill them, but it does not appear that the offer was accepted. He also testified that he had examined the Ellet ram, Queen of the West, and considered most of the River Defence boats better fitted for their work. The night before the fight, one of them, with Grant, captain of the Quitman, went on board the Manassas, and there told Warley that they were under nobody's orders but those of the Secretary of War, and they were there to show naval officers how to fight. There is plenty of evidence to the same effect. It was impossible to do anything with them. [9] Quarterly Return of the ordnance officer of the post, June 30, 1862. [10] The writer is inclined to think these were not ready on June 28th, but were the _new_ battery mentioned in Union and Confederate reports of July 15th. [11] This, known to the fleet as the hospital battery, was commanded by Captain Todd, a brother-in-law of President Lincoln. CHAPTER IV. THE RECOIL FROM VICKSBURG. The position now occupied by the combined fleets of Farragut and Davis was from three to four miles below the mouth of the Yazoo River, near the neck of the long tongue of land opposite Vicksburg. The armed vessels were anchored on the east side, the transports tied up to the opposite bank. It was known that up the Yazoo was an ironclad ram, similar to one that had been building at Memphis when the capture of that city led to its destruction. The one now in the Yazoo, called the Arkansas, had been taken away barely in time to escape the same fate, and, being yet unfinished, had been towed to her present position. She was about 180 feet long by 30 feet beam, of from 800 to 1,000 tons burden, with a casemate resembling that of other river ironclads, excepting that the ends only were inclined, the sides being in continuation of the sides of the vessel. The deck carrying the guns was about six feet above water. The armor was of railroad iron dovetailed together, the rails running up and down on the inclined ends and horizontally along the sides. The iron thus arranged formed nearly a solid mass, about three inches thick, heavily backed with timber; and in the casemate between the ports there was a further backing of compressed cotton bales firmly braced. The cotton was covered within by a light sheathing of wood, as a guard against fire. Her battery of ten guns was disposed as follows: in the bow, two heavy VIII-inch columbiads; in the stern, two 6.4-inch rifles; and in broadside two 6.4-inch rifles, two 32-pounder smooth-bores and two IX-inch Dahlgren shell-guns. The hull proper was light and poorly built. She had twin screws, but the engines were too light, and were moreover badly constructed, and therefore continually breaking down. Owing to this defect, she sometimes went on shore, and the commanding officer could not feel sure of her obeying his will at any moment. Besides her battery she had a formidable ram under water. She was at this time commanded by Commander Isaac N. Brown, formerly of the United States Navy, and had a complement of trained officers. Notwithstanding the reports of her power, but little apprehension had been felt in the Union fleet, but still a reconnoissance was ordered for the 15th of July. The vessels sent were the Carondelet, Commander Walke, the Tyler, Lieutenant-Commanding Gwin, and the Queen of the West of the ram fleet; they carried with them a number of sharpshooters from the army. The Yazoo having been entered early in the morning, the Arkansas was met unexpectedly about six miles from the mouth. At this time the ram and the Tyler were over a mile ahead of the Carondelet, the Tyler leading. The latter, having no prow and being unarmored, was wholly unfit to contend with the approaching enemy; she therefore retreated down stream toward the Carondelet. The latter also turned and began a running fight down stream. The move was not judicious, for she thus exposed her weakest part, the unarmored stern, to the fire of the enemy, and directed her own weakest battery, two 32-pounders, against him. Besides, when two vessels are approaching on parallel courses, the one that wishes to avoid the ram may perhaps do so by a movement of the helm, as the Pensacola avoided the Manassas at the forts; but when the slower ship, as the Carondelet was, has presented her stern to the enemy, she has thrown up the game, barring some fortunate accident. The aggregate weight of metal discharged by each ironclad from all its guns was nearly the same,[12] but the Arkansas had a decided advantage in penetrative power by her four 6.4-inch rifles. Her sides, and probably her bow, were decidedly stronger than those of her opponent; but whatever the relative advantages or disadvantages under other circumstances, the Carondelet had now to fight her fight with two 32-pounders opposed to two VIII-inch shell-guns, throwing shell of 53 pounds and solid shot of 64, and with her unarmored stern opposed to the armored bow of the ram. The Tyler took and kept her place on the port bow of the Carondelet; as for the Queen of the West, she had fled out of sight. "We had an exceedingly good thing," wrote one of the Arkansas' officers, and for a long time, Walke's report says one hour, they kept it. During that time, however, a shot entered the pilot-house, injuring Commander Brown, mortally wounding one pilot and disabling another. The loss of the latter, who was pilot for the Yazoo, was seriously felt as the Arkansas came up and the order was given to ram; for the Carondelet was hugging the left bank, and as the enemy was drawing thirteen feet, the water was dangerously shoal. She accordingly abandoned the attempt and sheered off, passing so close that, from the decks of the Tyler, the two seemed to touch. Both fired their broadsides in passing. After this moment the accounts are not to be reconciled. Captain Walke, of the Carondelet, says that he continued the action broadside to broadside for some minutes, till the Arkansas drew ahead, and then followed her with his bow guns until, his wheel-ropes being cut, he ran into the bank, while the ram continued down the river with her colors shot away. The colors of the Carondelet, he says, waved undisturbed throughout the fight. On the other hand, Captain Brown, of the Arkansas, states explicitly that there were no colors flying on board the Carondelet, that all opposition to his fire had ceased, and was not resumed as the ram pursued the other vessels; the Arkansas' flag-staff was shot away. The loss of the Carondelet was 4 killed and 6 wounded; that of the Arkansas cannot well be separated from her casualties during the same day, but seems to have been confined to the pilot and one other man killed. The ram now followed the Tyler, which had kept up her fire and remained within range, losing many of her people killed and wounded. The enemy was seen to be pumping a heavy stream of water both in the Yazoo and the Mississippi, and her smoke-stack had been so pierced by shot as to reduce her speed to a little over a knot an hour, at which rate, aided by a favoring current, she passed through the two fleets. Having no faith in her coming down, the vessels were found wholly unprepared to attack; only one, the ram General Bragg, had steam, and her commander unfortunately waited for orders to act in such an emergency. "Every man has one chance," Farragut is reported to have said; "he has had his and lost it." The chance was unique, for a successful thrust would have spared two admirals the necessity of admitting a disaster caused by over-security. The retreating Tyler was sighted first, and gave definite information of what the firing that had been heard meant, and the Arkansas soon followed. She fought her way boldly through, passing between the vessels of war and the transports, firing and receiving the fire of each as she went by, most of the projectiles bounding harmlessly from her sides; but two XI-inch shells came through, killing many and setting on fire the cotton backing. On the other hand, the Lancaster, of the ram fleet, which made a move toward her, got a shot in the mud-receiver which disabled her, scalding many of her people; two of them fatally. The whole affair with the fleets lasted but a few minutes, and the Arkansas, having passed out of range, found refuge under the Vicksburg batteries. The two flag-officers were much mortified at the success of this daring act, due as it was to the unprepared state of the fleets; and Farragut instantly determined to follow her down and attempt to destroy her as he ran by. The execution of the plan was appointed for late in the afternoon, at which time Davis moved down his squadron and engaged the upper batteries as a diversion. Owing to difficulties in taking position, however, it was dark by the time the fleet reached the town, and the ram, anticipating the move, had shifted her berth as soon as the waning light enabled her to do so without being seen. She could not therefore be made out; which was the more unfortunate because, although only pierced twice in the morning, her plating on the exposed side had been much loosened by the battering she received. One XI-inch shot only found her as the fleet went by, and that killed and wounded several of her people. All Farragut's fleet, accompanied by the ram Sumter,[13] detached for this service by Flag-Officer Davis, passed down in safety; the total loss in the action with the Arkansas and in the second passage of the batteries being but 5 killed and 16 wounded. None of this fleet ever returned above Vicksburg again. The Upper Mississippi flotilla in the same encounter had 13 killed, 34 wounded, and 10 missing. The greater part of this loss fell on the Carondelet and the Tyler in the running fight; the former having 4 killed and 10 wounded, besides two who, when a shot of the enemy caused steam to escape, jumped overboard and were drowned. The Tyler lost 8 killed and 16 wounded. The commanding officer of the Arkansas reported his loss as 10 killed and 15 badly wounded. The ram now lay at the bend of the river between two forts. On the 22d of July, Flag-Officer Davis sent down to attack her the ironclad Essex, Commander W.D. Porter, with the ram Queen of the West, Lieutenant-Colonel Ellet. They started shortly after dawn, the Benton, Cincinnati, and Louisville covering them by an attack upon the upper batteries. As the Essex neared the Arkansas the bow fasts of the latter were slacked and the starboard screw turned, so that her head swung off, presenting her sharp stem and beak to the broad square bow of the assailant. The latter could not afford to take such an offer, and, being very clumsy, could not recover herself after being foiled in her first aim. She accordingly ran by, grazing the enemy's side, and was carried ashore astern of him, in which critical position she remained for ten minutes under a heavy fire; then, backing and swinging clear, she ran down the river under fire of all the batteries, but was not struck. When Porter saw that he would be unable to ram, he fired into the Arkansas' bows, at fifty yards distance, three solid IX-inch shot, one of which penetrated and raked her decks, killing 7 and wounding 6 of her small crew, which then numbered only 41; the rest having been taken away as she was not fit for immediate service. The Queen of the West rammed, doing some injury, but not of a vital kind. She then turned her head up stream and rejoined the upper fleet, receiving much damage from the batteries as she went back. Two days later, Farragut's fleet and the troops on the point opposite Vicksburg, under the command of General Williams, went down the river; Farragut going to New Orleans and Williams to Baton Rouge. This move was made necessary by the falling of the river and the increasing sickliness of the climate. Porter, on his passage down a fortnight before, had expressed the opinion, from his experience, that if the heavy ships did not come down soon they would have to remain till next season. But the health of the men, who had now been three months up the river, was the most powerful cause for the change. On the 25th of July forty per cent. of the crews of the upper flotilla were on the sick list. The troops, who being ashore were more exposed, had but 800 fit for duty out of a total of 3,200. Two weeks before the Brooklyn had 68 down out of 300. These were almost all sick with climatic diseases, and the cases were increasing in number and intensity. The Confederates now having possession of the point opposite Vicksburg, Davis moved his fleet to the mouth of the Yazoo, and finally to Helena. The growing boldness of the enemy along the banks of the Mississippi made the river very unsafe, and supply and transport vessels, unless convoyed by an armed steamer, were often attacked. One had been sunk, and the enemy was reported to be establishing batteries along the shores. These could be easily silenced, but to keep them under required a number of gunboats, so that the communications were seriously threatened. The fleet was also very short-handed, needing five hundred men to fill the existing vacancies. Under these circumstances Flag-Officer Davis decided to withdraw to Helena, between which point and Vicksburg there was no high land on which the enemy could permanently establish himself and give trouble. By these various movements the ironclad Essex and the ram Sumter, now permanently separated from the up-river fleet, remained charged with the care of the river below Vicksburg; their nearest support being the Katahdin and Kineo at Baton Rouge. On the 5th of August the Confederates under the command of Breckenridge made an attack upon General Williams's forces at Baton Rouge. The Arkansas, with two small gunboats, had left Vicksburg on the 3d to co-operate with the movement. The Union naval force present consisted of the Essex, Sumter, Cayuga, Kineo, and Katahdin. The attack was in superior force, but was gallantly met, the Union forces gradually contracting their lines, while the gunboats Katahdin and Kineo opened fire as soon as General Williams signalled to them that they could do so without injuring their own troops. No Confederate gunboats came, and the attack was repelled; Williams, however, falling at the head of his men. The Arkansas had been prevented from arriving in time by the failure of her machinery, which kept breaking down. After her last stop, when the order to go ahead was given, one engine obeyed while the other refused. This threw her head into the bank and her stern swung down stream. While in this position the Essex came in sight below. Powerless to move, resistance was useless; and her commander, Lieutenant Stevens, set her on fire as soon as the Essex opened, the crew escaping unhurt to the shore. Shortly afterward she blew up. Though destroyed by her own officers the act was due to the presence of the vessel that had gallantly attacked her under the guns of Vicksburg, and lain in wait for her ever since. Thus perished the most formidable Confederate ironclad that had yet been equipped on the Mississippi. By the withdrawal of the upper and lower squadrons, with the troops under General Williams, the Mississippi River, from Vicksburg to Port Hudson, was left in the undisputed control of the Confederates. The latter were not idle during the ensuing months, but by strengthening their works at the two ends of the line, endeavored to assure their control of this section of the river, thus separating the Union forces at either end, maintaining their communication with the Western States, and enjoying the resources of the rich country drained by the Red River, which empties into the Mississippi in this portion of its course. On the 16th of August, ten days after the gallant repulse of the Confederate attack, the garrison was withdrawn from Baton Rouge to New Orleans, thus abandoning the last of the bluffs above the city; the Confederates, however, did not attempt to occupy in force lower than Port Hudson. Above Vicksburg, Helena on the west side was in Union hands, and the lower division of the Mississippi flotilla patrolled the river; but Memphis continued to be the lowest point held on the east bank. The intercourse between the Confederates on the two sides, from Memphis to Vicksburg, though much impaired, could not be looked upon as broken up. Bands of guerillas infested the banks, firing upon unarmed vessels, compelling them to stop and then plundering them. There was cause for suspecting that in some cases the attack was only a pretext for stopping, and that the vessels had been despatched by parties in sympathy with the Confederates, intending that the freight should fall into their hands. Severe retaliatory measures upon guerilla warfare were instituted by the naval vessels. Flag-Officer Davis and General Curtis also arranged that combined naval and military expeditions should scour the banks of the Mississippi from Helena to Vicksburg, until a healthier season permitted the resumption of more active hostilities. One such left Helena on the 14th of August, composed of the Benton, Mound City, and General Bragg, with the Ellett rams Monarch, Samson, and Lioness, and a land force under Colonel Woods. Lieutenant-Commanding Phelps commanded the naval force. The expedition landed at several points, capturing a steamer with a quantity of ammunition and dispersing parties of the enemy, and proceeded as far as the Yazoo River. Entering this, they took a newly erected battery twenty miles from the mouth, bursting the guns and destroying the work. Going on thirty miles farther, the rams were sent twenty miles up the Big Sunflower, one of the principal tributaries of the Yazoo. The expedition returned after an absence of eleven days, having destroyed property to the amount of nearly half a million. The lull during the autumn months was marked by similar activity on the Tennessee and Cumberland, for which a squadron of light vessels was specially prepared. During the same period the transfer of the flotilla from the army to the navy was made, taking effect on the 1st of October, 1862. From this time the flotilla was officially styled the Mississippi Squadron. During the rest of the summer and the autumn months Admiral Farragut's attention was mainly devoted to the seaboard of his extensive command. The sickly season, the low stage of the river, and the condition of his squadron, with the impossibility of obtaining decisive results without the co-operation of the army, constrained him to this course. Leaving a small force before New Orleans, he himself went to Pensacola, while the other vessels of the squadron were dispersed on blockading duty. Pursuing the general policy of the Government, point after point was seized, and the blockade maintained by ships lying in the harbors themselves. On the 15th of October, Farragut reported that Galveston, Corpus Christi, and Sabine Pass, with the adjacent waters, were in possession of the fleet, without bloodshed and almost without firing a shot. Later on, December 4th, he wrote in a private letter that he now held the whole coast except Mobile; but, as so often happens in life, the congratulation had scarcely passed his lips when a reverse followed. On the 1st of January, 1863, a combined attack was made upon the land and naval forces in Galveston Bay by the Confederate army and some cottonclad steamers filled with sharpshooters, resulting in the capture of the garrison, the destruction of the Westfield by her own officers, and the surrender of the Harriet Lane after her captain and executive officer had been killed at their posts. The other vessels then abandoned the blockade. This affair, which caused great indignation in the admiral, was followed by the capture of the sailing vessels Morning Light and Velocity off Sabine Pass, also by cottonclad steamers which came out on a calm day. Both Sabine Pass and Galveston thenceforth remained in the enemy's hands. An expedition sent to attempt the recovery of the latter failed in its object and lost the Hatteras, an iron side-wheel steamer bought from the merchant service and carrying a light battery. She was sent at night to speak a strange sail, which proved to be the Confederate steamer Alabama, and was sunk in a few moments. The disproportion of force was too great to carry any discredit with this misfortune, but it, combined with the others and with yet greater disasters in other theatres of the War, gave a gloomy coloring to the opening of the year 1863, whose course in the Gulf and on the Mississippi was to see the great triumphs of the Union arms. The military department of the Gulf had passed from General Butler to General Banks on the 17th of December, shortly before these events took place. It was by Banks that the troops were sent to Galveston, and under his orders Baton Rouge also was reoccupied at once. These movements were followed toward the middle of January by an expedition up the Bayou Teche, in which the gunboats Calhoun, Estrella, and Kinsman took part. The enterprise was successful in destroying the Confederate steamer Cotton, which was preparing for service; but Lieutenant-Commander Buchanan, senior officer of the gunboats, was killed. FOOTNOTES: [12] The Carondelet, by returns made to the Navy Department in the following month, August, had four VIII-inch guns, six 32-pounders, and three rifles--one 30, one 50, and one 70-pound. Assuming her rifles to have been in the bows, the weight and distribution of battery would have been-- Carondelet. Arkansas. Bow 150 106 Broadside 170 165 Stern 64 120 --- --- 384 391 The Arkansas' battery, as given, depends upon independent and agreeing statements of two of her division officers. A third differs very slightly. [13] Commanded by Lieutenant Henry Erben. CHAPTER V. THE MISSISSIPPI OPENED. Flag-Officer Davis had been relieved in command of the Mississippi flotilla on the 15th of October, by Commander David D. Porter, holding the local rank of acting rear-admiral. The new commander was detained in Cairo for two months, organizing and equipping his squadron, which had been largely increased. A division of vessels was still stationed at Helena, patrolling the lower river, under the command of Captain Henry Walke. During the fall of 1862 and the following winter, two new types of vessels were added to the squadron. The first, familiarly called tinclads, but officially light-draughts, were river stern-wheel steamers purchased for the service after the suggestion of Flag-Officer Davis, and covered all round to a height of eleven feet with iron from half to three-quarters of an inch thick, which made them proof against musketry. The protection around the boilers was increased to resist the light projectiles of field artillery. They quartered their crew comfortably, and could on a pinch, for an expedition, carry 200 men. The usual battery for these vessels was six or eight 24-pound brass howitzers, four on each side, with sometimes two light rifled guns in the bows. This armament was of little use against works of any strength, but with canister or shrapnel could keep off the riflemen, and meet on equal terms the field artillery brought against them on the banks of the narrow streams, often thickly timbered or covered with underbrush, into which they were called to penetrate and engage in that kind of warfare significantly called bushwhacking. For this service their light draught, not exceeding three feet when deep, and diminishing to eighteen or twenty inches when light, peculiarly fitted them; but they were also useful in connection with the operations of the larger vessels, and some of them generally went along as a kind of light force fitted for raids and skirmishing. The other vessels, which were not completed till later, were of an entirely different kind, being intended to supply a class of fighting ships of superior power, armor, and speed to those which had fought their way down to Vicksburg from Cairo. The fighting power of the Confederates had increased, and the successes of the Union arms, by diminishing the extent of their line to be defended, had enabled them to concentrate their men and guns. The defences of Vicksburg, both on the Mississippi and Yazoo, had become greatly stronger. The new armored vessels that were ready for some part of the coming operations were the Lafayette, Tuscumbia, Indianola, Choctaw, and Chillicothe. Of these the Tuscumbia, of 565 tons, the Indianola, of 442, and the Chillicothe, of 303, were specially built for the Government at Cincinnati. They were side-wheel, flat-bottomed boats, without keels; the wheels being carried well aft, three-fourths of the entire length from the bow, and acting independently of each other to facilitate turning in close quarters. The Indianola and Tuscumbia had also two screw propellers. On the forward deck there was a rectangular casemate, twenty-two feet long in each vessel, but of differing widths, as the vessels were of different size. Thus that of the Tuscumbia was sixty-two feet wide, that of the Chillicothe only forty-two. The sides of the casemate sloped at an angle of thirty degrees from the perpendicular, and they, as well as the hull before the wheels, were plated with two-or three-inch iron, according to the locality; the heaviest plating being on the forward end of the casemate. In the Tuscumbia this forward plating was six inches thick. The casemates were pierced with ports for all their guns at the forward end only; on each beam one port, and two aft. The ports were closed with two three-inch iron shutters which slid back on tracks on either side. In these casemates the Tuscumbia carried three XI-inch guns, the Indianola and Chillicothe each two XI-inch. In the two larger vessels there was also, between the wheels, a stern casemate seventeen feet long, built of thick oak, not armored on the forward end, but having two-inch plating aft and one-inch on each side. In this stern casemate, pointing aft and capable of being trained four points (45°) on each quarter, the Tuscumbia carried two 100-pound rifles, and the Indianola two IX-inch guns. The hulls inside and abaft the wheels, and the decks, except inside the main casemate, were plated, but more lightly than the forward parts. In the Tuscumbia and Indianola, iron bulwarks, half an inch thick and pierced with loop-holes for musketry, extended all round the boats, except against the wheelhouses; they were so arranged as to let down on deck when desired. When ready for service, with guns and stores on board, these boats drew from five to seven feet of water; but they were so weakly built as to be dangerous and comparatively inefficient vessels, quickly "disabled," as is apt to be the case with such preparations for war as are postponed to the time of its outbreak. The contingency of civil war on our inland waters was not indeed to be anticipated nor prepared for; but what was the history of the ocean navy, on whose hasty creation such harmful boasts and confidence were and are based? They served their turn, for that enemy had no seamen, no navy, and few mechanics; but they were then swept from the list, rotten and broken down before their time. At this day nearly every ship that can carry the United States flag was built before the war or long after it. The Lafayette and Choctaw, of one thousand tons each, were purchased by the Government and converted into ironclad gunboats with rams. Built deliberately, they were strong and serviceable vessels, but not able to carry as much armor as had originally been intended. They were side-wheel steamers, the wheels acting independently, but had no screws. The Choctaw had a forward turret with inclined sides and curved top, armored with two inches of iron on twenty-four inches of oak, except on the after end and crown, where the iron was only one inch. Just forward of the wheels was a thwartship casemate containing two 24-pound howitzers pointing forward and intended to sweep the decks if boarders should get possession. Over this casemate was the pilot-house, conical, with two inches of iron on twenty-four of oak. From turret to wheelhouses the sides were inclined like casemates and covered with one-inch iron, as was the upper deck. Abaft the wheels there was another thwartship casemate, sides and ends also sloping, in which were two 30-pound Parrott rifles training from aft to four points on the quarter. It had been at first proposed to carry in the forward casemate two guns on a turn-table; but as this did not work, four stationary guns were placed, three IX-inch and one 100-pound rifle, two of which pointed ahead and one on each beam. The Lafayette had a sloping casemate carried across the deck forward, and as far aft as the wheels, covered in the lower part with one inch of iron over one inch of indiarubber; the upper part of the bulwarks had three-quarter-inch plating, and the deck half-inch. She carried two XI-inch bow guns, four IX-inch in broadside but well forward, two 24-pound brass howitzers, and two 100-pound stern guns. The draught of these two boats was about nine feet. Besides these vessels may be mentioned the Black Hawk, a fine steamer, unarmored, but with a battery of mixed guns, which had been remodelled inside and fitted as a schoolship with accommodations for five hundred officers and men. She carried also syphon-pumps capable of raising any vessel that might sink. The old ram Sampson had been fitted as a floating smithery. The two accompanied the fleet, the former taking her place often in battle and serving as a swift flag-ship on occasions. Active operations again began toward the end of November, when the rivers were rising from the autumnal rains. The great object of the combined Union forces was the reduction of Vicksburg, upon which the authorities at Washington preferred to move by way of the river, as it gave, under the convoy of the navy, an easy line of communication not liable to serious interruptions. The Confederate line of which Vicksburg was the centre then faced the river, the right resting on Haines's Bluff, a strongly fortified position twelve miles away, near to and commanding the Yazoo; while the left was on the Mississippi at Grand Gulf, sixty miles below Vicksburg by the stream, though not over thirty by land. The place, in the end, was reduced much in the same way as Island No. 10; the troops landing above it on the opposite bank, and marching down to a point below the works. The naval vessels then ran by the batteries and protected the crossing of the army to the east bank. A short, sharp campaign in the rear of the city shut the Confederates up in their works, and the Union troops were able to again secure their communications with the river above the town. There were, however, grave risks in this proceeding from the time that the army abandoned its water-base, adding to its line of communication thirty miles of bad roads on the river bank, and then throwing itself into the enemy's country, leaving the river behind it. It was therefore preferred first to make every effort to turn the position from the north, through the Yazoo country. [Illustration: MISSISSIPPI VALLEY--HELENA TO VICKSBURG.] The Yazoo Valley is a district of oval form, two hundred miles long by sixty wide, extending from a short distance below Memphis to Vicksburg, where the hills which form its eastern boundary again reach the Mississippi. The land is alluvial and, when not protected by levees, subject to overflow in ordinary rises of the river, with the exception of a long narrow strip fifteen miles from and parallel to the eastern border. It is intersected by numerous bayous and receives many streams from the hills, all of which, from the conformation of the ground, find their way first to the Yazoo River, and by it to the Mississippi. The Yazoo is first called, in the northern portion of the basin, the Cold Water, then the Tallahatchie, and, after receiving the Yallabusha from the east, the Yazoo. In the latter part of its course it is a large stream with an average width of three hundred yards, and navigable always, for vessels drawing three feet of water, as far as Greenwood, a distance of two hundred and forty miles. It flows in a southerly direction along the eastern side of the basin, between the hills and the narrow strip of dry land before mentioned, receiving the streams from the former, which it does not touch except at Yazoo City, eighty miles from its mouth. After passing Yazoo City the river makes several successive bends to the west, and then begins to receive the various bayous which have been pursuing their own southerly course on the other side of the strip of dry land, the principal one of which is the Big Sunflower. At the present day the Yazoo enters the Mississippi eight miles above Vicksburg, but formerly did so by another bed, now a blind lead known as the Old River, which diverges from the existing channel about six miles above its mouth. Neither rivers nor bayous are the simple streams thus described. Separating at times into two or more branches which meet again lower down, having perhaps undergone further subdivisions in the meanwhile, connected one with the other by lateral bayous, they form a system of watercourses, acquaintance with which confers the same advantage as local knowledge of a wild and desolate country. Opposite Helena, in the natural state of the ground is a large bayou called Yazoo Pass, leading from the Mississippi to the Cold Water, by which access was formerly had to Yazoo City; but before the war it had been closed by the continuation of the levees across its mouth. When not under cultivation, the land and the banks of the streams are covered with a thick growth of timber. Where the troops or gunboats penetrated, it was found that there was abundance of live stock, stores of cotton, and rich harvests of grain. The streams carried on their waters many steamers, the number of which had been increased by those that fled from New Orleans when the city fell; and at Yazoo City the Confederates had established a navy yard, where at least three powerful war vessels were being built for the river service. The first step by the navy was undertaken early in December, when the autumn rains had caused the rivers to rise. Admiral Porter issued orders, dated November 21st, to Captain Walke to enter the Yazoo with all his gunboats, except the Benton and General Bragg left at Helena, and to destroy any batteries that he could. The object was to get possession of as much of the river as possible and keep it clear for General McClernand, who was to land and make the first attempt on Vicksburg by that way. In accordance with his orders, Walke, on arriving off the mouth of the river, sent two light-draught gunboats, the Signal and Marmora, which made a reconnoissance twenty miles up, where they fell in with a number of torpedoes, one of which exploded near them. Having received their report, Captain Walke determined, as the river was rising, to send them up again with two of the heavy boats, the Cairo and Pittsburg, to cover them while they lifted the torpedoes. The ram Queen of the West also went with them. These vessels left the main body at 8 A.M., December 12th. When the torpedoes were reached they began removing them, the two light-draughts in advance, the ram next, the two heavy boats bringing up the rear. While thus engaged the Marmora began firing musketry, and Lieutenant-Commander Selfridge, in the Cairo, pushed ahead to support her. It was found that she was firing at an object floating in the water, which turned out to be a torpedo that had already been exploded. The Marmora was then ordered to proceed slowly again, the Cairo following; but before the latter had gone her length two sharp explosions occurred in quick succession, one under the bow and one under the stern, the former so severe as to lift the guns from the deck. The ship was at once shoved into the bank, and hawsers run out to keep her from slipping off into deep water; but all was useless. She filled and sank in twelve minutes, going down in a depth of six fathoms, the tops of her chimneys alone remaining visible. The work of destroying the torpedoes was continued after the accident, in which no lives were lost. Thus, at the very beginning of operations, the flotilla was deprived of one of its best vessels, the first to go of the original seven. The torpedoes by which the Cairo was sunk were merely demijohns filled with powder and ignited by a common friction primer rigidly secured inside. To the primer was fastened a wire passing through a water-tight cork of gutta percha and plaster of Paris. The first very primitive idea was to explode them by pulling from the shore, and it is possible that the first to go off near the light-draughts was thus fired. The matter was then taken in hand by a Confederate naval officer, who arranged them in pairs, anchored twenty feet apart, the wire leading from the primer of one to that of the other. Torpedoes had hardly yet come to be looked on as a respectable mode of warfare, especially by seamen, and the officer who laid these, and was looking on when the Cairo went down, describes himself as feeling much as a schoolboy might whose practical joke had taken a more serious shape than he expected. The work of removing the torpedoes was continued by the boats under Lieutenant-Commander John G. Walker, of the Baron de Kalb, formerly the St. Louis. Two landing-places were at the same time secured. After the arrival of the admiral the work went on still more vigorously from the 23d to the 26th of December. A bend in the river was then reached, which brought the vessels under fire of the forts on Drumgoold's Bluff. Every step of the ground so far gained had been won under a constant fire of musketry, which the armored portion of the light-draught gunboats resisted, but their upper works were badly cut up. The batteries of the enemy being now only twelve hundred yards off, the flag-ship Benton took position to cover the lighter vessels, having to tie up to the bank because the wind blowing up stream checked the current and threw her across it. She remained in this position for two hours, receiving the enemy's fire and being struck thirty times, but without serious injury. Unfortunately her captain, Lieutenant-Commander William Gwin, a valuable officer, who had distinguished himself at Shiloh and in the fight with the Arkansas, was mortally wounded; having, in his anxiety to see how effective was the fire of the vessels, left the armored pilot-house, saying, with a noble rashness, that the captain's place was on his quarterdeck. The army, 32,000 strong, under General W.T. Sherman, had arrived on the 26th, and landed on the low ground above the old mouth of the Yazoo, the gunboats occupying the sweep of river around them for a length of eight miles. Heavy rains had set in, making the ground almost impassable and causing the water to rise. After various preliminary operations the troops assaulted the works on the hills in front on the 29th, but the attack failed entirely. Sherman considered the works too strong to justify its renewal at the same point, but determined to hold his ground and make a night assault with 10,000 men higher up the river, upon the right of the Confederate works at Haines's Bluff, where the navy could get near enough to try and silence the batteries. Colonel Charles Rivers Ellet,[14] of the ram fleet, volunteered to go ahead with the ram Lioness and attempt to blow up a raft which was laid across the stream. Everything was ready on the night of the 31st, but a dense fog setting in prevented the movement. The continued rains now rendered the position of the army dangerous, and it was re-embarked on the 2d of January. The enemy apparently did not discover the movement till it was nearly finished, when they sent down three regiments with field pieces to attack the transports, a movement quickly checked by the fire of the gunboats. When Sherman's army was embarked, the transports moved out into the Mississippi and anchored five miles above Vicksburg, where General McClernand joined and assumed the chief command. Soon after his arrival he determined upon a movement against Fort Hindman, on the Arkansas River, fifty miles from its mouth. This point, better known as Arkansas Post, commanded the approach to Little Rock, the capital of Arkansas, but was specially obnoxious to the Union forces at this time, as being the base from which frequent small expeditions were sent out to embarrass their communications by the line of the Mississippi, from which it was but fifteen miles distant in a straight line. A few days before, the capture of the Blue Wing, a transport loaded with valuable stores, had emphasized the necessity of destroying a work that occupied such a menacing position upon the flank and rear of the projected movement against Vicksburg. The admiral detailed the three ironclads, De Kalb, Louisville, and Cincinnati, and all the light-draught gunboats to accompany the expedition; the gunboats, on account of their low speed, being taken in tow by the transports. Passing by the mouth of the Arkansas, to keep the enemy as long as possible uncertain as to the real object of the movement, the fleet entered the White River and from the latter passed through the cut-off which unites it with the Arkansas. On the 9th of January the army landed about four miles below the fort. This was a square bastioned work of three hundred feet on the side, standing on ground elevated above the reach of floods on the left bank, at the head of a horse-shoe bend. It had three casemates, one in the curtain facing the approach up the bend, and one in the face of the northeast and southeast bastions looking in the same direction. In each bastion casemate was a IX-inch, and in that of the curtain an VIII-inch shell-gun. These were the special antagonists of the navy, but besides them there were four rifled and four smooth-bore light pieces on the platform of the fort, and six similar pieces in a line of rifle-pits exterior to and above it. Some trenches had been dug a mile and a half below the fort, but they were untenable in presence of the gunboats, which enfiladed and shelled them out. While the army was moving round to the rear of the fort the admiral sent up the ironclads to try the range, and afterward the light-draught Rattler to clear out the rifle-pits, which was done at 5.30 P.M. Hearing from General McClernand that the troops were ready, the Louisville, Lieutenant-Commander Owen; De Kalb, Lieutenant-Commander Walker, and Cincinnati, Lieutenant Bache, advanced to within four hundred yards of the work and opened fire; the Louisville in the centre, the De Kalb on the right and the Cincinnati on the left, each having one of the enemy's casemate guns assigned to it. The vessels fought bows on, three guns each; the odds being thus three guns afloat to one in casemate on shore, leaving the advantage by the old calculation, four to one, rather with the fort, without counting the light pieces in the latter. When the ironclads were hotly engaged the admiral brought up the light-draught vessels, with the Black Hawk and Lexington, to throw in shrapnel and light rifled shell. Later, when the battery was pretty well silenced, the Rattler, Lieutenant-Commander Watson Smith, was ordered to pass the fort and enfilade it, which he did in handsome style, suffering a good deal from the enemy's fire; when above, however, he became entangled in snags and was obliged to return. No assault was made this day by the army. The following day, at 1.30 P.M., the army again being reported ready, the attack was renewed in the same order by the navy, the artillery on shore in rear of the fort opening at the same time. The guns opposed to the fleet were silenced by 4 P.M., when the Rattler and Glide, with the ram Monarch, Colonel Ellet, pushed by the fort and went up the river, destroying a ferry ten miles above, so that not over thirty or forty of the enemy escaped by it. At 4.30 P.M., when the army had worked its way close to the intrenchments and orders had been issued for a general assault, but before it could be made, white flags were displayed on the face of the works. The commanding officer of the fort, Colonel Dunnington, formerly an officer in the United States Navy, surrendered to Admiral Porter; General Churchill, commanding the troops, to General McClernand. The total number of Confederate troops taken was 5,000. It was impossible that the work of the navy could be done more thoroughly than in this instance. Every gun opposed to it was either destroyed or dismounted, and the casemates were knocked to pieces, the fire of the X-inch guns of the De Kalb being in the opinion of the enemy most injurious. In performing this service the vessels did not come off scatheless. The De Kalb had one 32-pounder gun dismounted and one X-inch destroyed, besides undergoing severe damage to the hull. The other vessels were repeatedly struck, but none were rendered unfit for immediate service. The armor was found to protect them well, the injuries to the crew being by shot entering the ports. The casualties, confined to the Louisville and De Kalb, were 6 killed and 25 wounded. The next morning, January 12th, the admiral despatched the De Kalb and Cincinnati, under Lieutenant-Commander Walker, to the White River; transports and troops, under General Gorman, accompanying. St. Charles was reached at 11 A.M. of the 14th, and found to be evacuated; the garrison, having left on the evening of the 12th, in the Blue Wing, taking with them two VIII-inch guns and a field battery. Leaving the Cincinnati here, the De Kalb with the troops pushed on to Duvall's Bluff, fifty miles further up, where is the crossing of the railroad to Little Rock, on the Arkansas River. The transports were left four miles below, while the De Kalb steamed up to the bluff, arriving there at 3 P.M. of the 16th. She was close on the heels of the Blue Wing, which got away fifteen minutes before her arrival, but the two VIII-inch guns were seized in the act of being loaded on the cars for Little Rock. At this point of his progress, the orders issued by General Grant for the return of McClernand's forces to before Vicksburg were received. The dépôt buildings and captured rolling stock having been destroyed, the gunboats and transports rejoined the main body in the Mississippi. The naval vessels, on the 24th of January, lay off the mouth of the Yazoo, and from there to the neck of land opposite Vicksburg, where the army under Grant's orders was disembarking. A few days before Porter had been obliged to withdraw the gunboats, because the coal supply of the fleet was exhausted. During their absence eleven Confederate transports that had been employed on the river between Vicksburg and Port Hudson went up the Yazoo for supplies, and were there caught by the unexpected return of the squadron, a serious embarrassment to the enemy. At this time the vessels of the squadron near Vicksburg, or within easy reach, were: The Benton, Cincinnati, De Kalb, Louisville, Mound City, Pittsburg, and Chillicothe, ironclads; Rattler, Glide, Linden, Signal, Romeo, Juliet, Forest Rose, Marmora, light-draughts; the Tyler and Black Hawk, wooden armed steamers; Queen of the West, Monarch, Switzerland, Lioness, rams. During the following month the Carondelet and Indianola, ironclads, joined the fleet. The heavy vessels remained near the army and the principal scene of operations, but some of these lighter vessels and rams, with others farther up, were scattered at intervals along the river from Island No. 10 downward, cruising up and down, keeping off guerillas, preventing contraband traffic, and convoying transports and supply boats; in a word, keeping open the communications of the army. A small squadron of five light-draughts performed the same service constantly in the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers. General Grant arrived on the 30th of January. The army were busy digging on the canal across the neck, which had been begun the previous summer, and the various plans as yet discussed had mainly reference to turning the right flank of the Confederates. Meantime there was no hindrance to the complete control of the river between Vicksburg and Port Hudson by the enemy, who continued their traffic across it and by the Red River unmolested. Porter, therefore, determined to send some vessels below. The batteries were much stronger than when Farragut had last passed, but the importance of the step justified the risk. Once below, the possession of the west bank by the Union troops gave a safe base to which to retreat. The honor of leading in such an enterprise was given to Colonel Charles R. Ellet, of the ram fleet, a man of tried daring. Many considerations pointed to the rams being the fittest to make such an attempt. They had greater speed, were well able to cope with any vessel they were likely to meet, their greater height gave them more command of the levees, and they were not needed to fight batteries, which the heavier boats might be. The Queen of the West was chosen and prepared with two thicknesses of cotton bales. Her commander received minute orders as to his undertaking, and was directed to proceed by night, under low speed until near the town, or discovered, to ram a steamer called the Vicksburg lying at the wharf, at the same time firing turpentine balls into her, and then to pass on down under the guns of the army. She started on what was to prove a chequered career at 4.30 A.M. of the 2d of February. Unfortunately it was found that a recent change in the arrangement of her wheel kept her from being steered as nicely as was needful, and the delay to remedy this defect brought daylight upon her as she rounded the point. A heavy fire opened at once, but still she went straight on, receiving three shots before she reached the Vicksburg. Rounding to partly, she succeeded in ramming, and at the same time firing the enemy with her turpentine balls. Just then two shells from the Confederate batteries passed through her cotton armor, one of them setting it on fire near the starboard wheel, while the discharge of her own bow guns produced the same effect forward. The flames spread rapidly, and the dense smoke was suffocating the men in the engine-room. Seeing that, if he delayed longer in order to ram again, he would probably lose his vessel, Ellet turned her head down stream and arrived safely abreast the army below. The fire was subdued by cutting her burning bales adrift and throwing them overboard. In this gallant affair the Queen of the West was struck twelve times by heavy shot, besides undergoing a steady fire from the Confederate sharpshooters. One of her guns was dismounted, but the other harm was trifling, and none of her company were hurt. The Vicksburg was badly injured. The ram was at once sent down the river, starting at 1 P.M. of the same day. At Warrenton, just below Vicksburg, she encountered two batteries, which fired upon without hurting her. The following day, when fifteen miles below the mouth of the Red River, she captured two Confederate steamers, one of which was loaded down with provisions for the army; and when returning up stream, a third, similarly loaded, was taken coming out of the Red River. The coal supply running short, it became necessary to burn them. A quantity of meal on a wharf, awaiting transportation, was also destroyed, and seven Confederate officers captured. The Queen returned from this raid on the 5th. On the night of the 7th a barge, with coal enough to last nearly a month, was set adrift from the fleet above and floated safely by the batteries to the ram. Having filled up, she took the barge in tow and again went down the river on the 10th, accompanied by the De Soto, a small ferryboat which the army had seized below and turned over to the navy; she was partly protected with iron and cotton. At 10.15 P.M. of the 12th the admiral sent down the ironclad steamer Indianola, Lieutenant-Commander George Brown. Taking with her two coal barges, she proceeded slowly and quietly, and was not discovered till she had passed the upper batteries. When the first gun was fired, she started ahead full speed, and, though under fire for twenty minutes longer, was not struck. With justifiable elation the admiral could now write: "This gives us complete control of the Mississippi, except at Vicksburg and Port Hudson. We have now below two XI-inch guns, two IX-inch, two 30-pounder rifles, six 12-pounders, and three vessels." Yet, with the same mockery of human foresight that followed Farragut's satisfaction when he felt he controlled the whole Gulf coast, on the same day that these lines were penned two of the three passed out of Union hands, and the third had but a few days' career before her. The Queen of the West went down the Mississippi, destroying skiffs and flatboats whenever found, as far as the Red River, which was reached on the morning of the 12th. Going up the Red River to the point where the Atchafalaya Bayou branches off on its way to the Gulf, the De Soto and barge were secured there, while the Queen went down the bayou destroying Confederate Government property. In performing this service one of her officers was wounded by a party of guerillas. Returning to the De Soto, the two started up Red River. On the morning of the 14th a transport, called the Era No. 5, was captured with two Confederate officers. Hearing that there were three large boats lying, with steam down, at Gordon's Landing, thirty miles higher up (about seventy-five miles from the mouth of the river), Colonel Ellet decided to attempt their capture. On rounding the bluff above which they were lying, the Queen was fired upon by a battery of four 32-pounders. Orders were immediately given to back down behind the bluff, but by some mishap she ran aground on the right side, in plain view of the battery, within easy range and powerless for offence. Here she received several shots, one of which, cutting the steam-pipe, stopped the engines, that had been backing vigorously. Nothing further in the way of escape was tried, and the commanding officer was deterred from setting fire to the ship by the impossibility of removing the wounded officer. The Queen and the De Soto each had but one boat, and in the panic that followed the explosion a party took possession of the Queen's and made off with it to the De Soto, under the pretext of hurrying that vessel up to the assistance of her consort; so the remainder of the ship's company, including her commander, made their escape to the other steamer on cotton bales. The De Soto sent up her yawl, which took off one load, getting away just before the Confederates boarded their prize. The De Soto now started on a hurried retreat down the river, but running into the bank she lost her rudder. Deprived of the power of directing her motions, she was allowed to drift with the stream, picking up, from time to time, a fugitive on a bale, and was rejoined by her yawl about ten miles lower down. Shortly after this the parties fell in with the prize of the morning, when the De Soto was burned and the hasty flight continued in the Era. The following morning the Mississippi was reached, and the day after, the 16th, they met the Indianola eight miles below Natchez. The Queen of the West had thus passed practically unhurt into Confederate hands, the manner of her loss giving another instance of how lack of heed in going into action is apt to be followed by a precipitate withdrawal from it and unnecessary disaster. Colonel Ellet's only reason for not burning the Queen was that he could not remove one of her officers, who had been wounded the day before. If he had transferred him to the De Soto before going under the battery with the Queen, the fighting ship, this difficulty would not have existed. No one seems to have been hurt, by the Union and Confederate reports, and it is hard to avoid the conclusion that Ellet's rashness in exposing his vessel, though he knew the Indianola was to be sent down, was not atoned for by sticking to her until he had destroyed her. The accidents were of a kind most likely to happen, and very simple appliances that might have been all ready would have ensured her burning. It is to be remembered, however, that Colonel Ellet was at this time not twenty years old. On receiving the news of the disaster, Lieutenant-Commander Brown decided to go down as far as the mouth of the Red River. The same day was met off Ellis's Cliff the Confederate gunboat Webb, which had been lying at Alexandria and had started in hot pursuit of the fugitives from the Queen of the West. Upon making out the Indianola, which she had not expected, the Webb at once turned, and having greater speed easily escaped; the Indianola following down to the mouth of the Red River. Here she anchored and remained three days, while the Era, on the 18th, returned to the neck below Vicksburg. Brown now learned that the Queen of the West had not been so much injured as her late commander had thought, and that a combined attack would probably be made by her and the Webb upon the Indianola. Two cottonclad boats were also in preparation by the Confederates for the same purpose. In view of these facts he determined to go up the Mississippi and get cotton, with which better to protect the Indianola against boarders by filling up the gangways between the casemates and the wheels. By the time this was done, having as yet met no other vessel of the squadron, though he had hoped for reinforcements when the loss of the Queen became known, he had reached the decision to return and communicate with the admiral. With two barges alongside, the progress of the Indianola against the current was slow--too slow, for the swift rams of the enemy were already on her track; but although Brown had kept the bunkers of the Indianola full, he confidently expected to meet another boat which would need the coal, and was unwilling to sink it. The smoke of the pursuers had been seen throughout the day, and at 9.30 P.M. of the 24th four steamers were made out. These were the rams Queen and Webb, the former in charge of Captain McCloskey, the latter of Captain Pierce; Major J.L. Brent, of General Taylor's staff, having command of this part of the expedition, which was fitted out in Alexandria and accompanied by a tender called the Grand Era. These had been joined before leaving the Red River by the cottonclad steamer Batey from Port Hudson, carrying 250 riflemen under Lieutenant-Colonel Brand, whose rank entitled him to command the whole. The enemy used the advantage of their greatly superior speed to choose the night for attacking, that the Indianola might not fire with the certainty of clear sight. They first saw her near Palmyra Island, a little above New Carthage, and were themselves made out at the same instant. The Indianola at once went to quarters and cleared for action, continuing up stream till her preparations were made; then she turned and stood down. The channel above Palmyra Island at that time hugged the eastern shore, crossing to the western just above the island, and the Indianola seems to have been in this place when the enemy coming up describes her as "with her head quartering across and down river," presenting the port bow to their approach. The order of advance was with the Queen leading, the Webb five hundred yards astern, and the two other boats lashed together some distance in the rear. The Queen dashed up, firing her light pieces to no purpose when one hundred and fifty yards off, and endeavored to ram the Indianola abaft the port wheel; but the latter, backing, received the blow on the barge, through which the enemy's sharp bow passed but without injuring her opponent. The barge went adrift and sunk. The Webb followed, and, the Indianola standing for her at full speed, the two came together bows on with a crash that knocked down most of their crews. The Webb's bow was cut in for a distance of eight feet, extending from two feet above the water-line to the keelson, but as she was filled in solid for more than eight feet she did not sink. The Indianola received no damage. A third blow was delivered on the starboard side by the Webb, in what manner does not appear precisely, with the effect of crushing the other barge, leaving it hanging by the lashings, which were then cut adrift. The Webb passed up following the Queen. The latter, having gained sufficient distance, turned and charged down, but as the Indianola was turning up at the same moment the blow on the starboard bow glanced, the vessels rasping by each other; and as the Queen cleared the stern of her enemy, the latter planted two IX-inch shot successfully, killing 2 and wounding 4 of her crew and disabling two guns. During all this time the Indianola kept firing her guns whenever they could be made to bear, but, as the enemy had calculated, the darkness of the night prevented them from doing as much execution as they otherwise would. The rams also kept up a constant firing with their musketry and light guns. In the uncertain light it was very difficult to watch the two assailants through the peep-holes in the pilot-house of the gunboat, but yet a fifth blow was received forward of the wheels without injury. At last, however, the Queen was able to strike just abaft the starboard wheel-house, crushing the wheel, disabling the starboard rudder, and starting a number of leaks abaft the shaft. The starboard engine was thus useless and the Indianola helpless to avoid the onset of the Webb, which struck her fair in the stern, starting the timbers and starboard rudder-box so that the water poured in in large volumes. This settled the fight, and Brent reported to Colonel Brand that the enemy was disabled. The Batey then dashed up to board, but the Indianola, after delaying a few moments in mid river, till the water had risen nearly to the grate-bars, to assure her sinking, had run her bows into the west bank, and surrendered as soon as the cottonclads came alongside. The enemy, finding that she must sink and not willing that this should happen on the side where the Union army was, made fast at once two steamers and towed her down and over to the east bank, where she sank in ten feet of water near the plantation of the President of the Confederacy. The loss of the Indianola was 1 killed, 1 wounded, and 7 missing. The latter probably got ashore on the west bank, for 3 were captured there the following day and more than one got through to Porter's squadron. The loss of the enemy was officially stated at 3 killed and 5 wounded, but a Confederate officer admitted to the commander of the Indianola that it was much greater. This ended Porter's sanguine hopes of blockading the river by detached vessels while he kept the body of the fleet above. After being harassed and stirred up during three weeks, the Confederates again found themselves masters of the line from Vicksburg to Port Hudson for a few days longer, and with two Union vessels in their hands, one of which was serviceable, while the other, badly damaged and partly sunk, it is true, had still her armament intact and was possibly not beyond repair. Their possession of the Indianola, however, was of short duration. The second day after the capture, a detail of 100 men with a lieutenant was sent to try and save her, by the army officer commanding near by, while the Queen of the West went up to Warrenton, to act as picket for the fleet, and with despatches to General Stevenson, commanding at Vicksburg, asking for pumps and other help. In a short time, the Queen returned in great haste and reported a gunboat approaching. All the vessels that had behaved so gallantly two nights before got under way in a panic and went hurriedly down, leaving the working party and the lieutenant. The gunboat did not come nearer than two miles and a half, and seemed very apprehensive of an attack herself, sticking close to the bank. The lieutenant stood his ground for one day; but then finding himself deserted by his own fleet, which by this time was up Red River, and the gunboat still lying, terrible though inert, just above him, he, the next evening, laid the two XI-inch guns muzzle to muzzle, and so fired them. One was burst, the other apparently only kicked over. He next threw overboard two field pieces he had with him, made an attempt to blow up the vessel, which resulted in destroying the forward casemate and burning most of the wreck above water, and then fled with his command. The gunboat which caused all this consternation with such happy results to the Union fleet was a mock monitor, built upon the hull of an old coal barge, with pork barrels piled to resemble smoke-stacks, through which poured volumes of smoke from mud furnaces. She went down swiftly with the current, passing the Vicksburg batteries just before daylight, and drawing from them a furious cannonade. As day broke she drifted into the lower end of the canal, and was again sent down stream by the amused Union soldiers, who as little as the admiral dreamed of the good service the dummy was to do. Such was the end of the Indianola, a striking instance of the moral power of the gunboats. The Queen of the West was subsequently sent through the Bayou Atchafalaya to Grand Lake, and there destroyed two months later by the gunboats of the Gulf Squadron. When the news of these reverses reached New Orleans, Admiral Farragut, who had for some time contemplated a movement up the river, felt that the time was come. On the 12th of March he was at Baton Rouge, where he inspected the ships of the squadron the next day; and then moved up to near Profit's Island, seven miles below the bend on which Port Hudson is situated. On the 14th, early, the vessels again weighed and anchored at the head of the island, where the admiral communicated with Commander Caldwell, of the Essex, who for some time had occupied this station with a half dozen mortar-schooners. As one ascends the river to Port Hudson, the course pursued is nearly due north; then it takes a sharp turn to the west-southwest for a distance of one or two miles. The little town of Port Hudson is on the east bank just below the bend. The bluffs on which the batteries were placed begin at the bend, extending for a mile and a half down the river, and are from eighty to one hundred feet high. From the opposite bank, at and just below the point, a dangerous shoal spot makes out. At the time of the passage of the fleet there were mounted in battery nineteen heavy guns,[15] viz.: two X-inch and two VIII-inch columbiads; two 42-, two 32-, and three 24-pound smooth-bores; and eight rifles, varying from 80- to 50-pounders. The object of the admiral was simply to pass the batteries with his fleet, so as to blockade the river above. The vessels he had with him were the Hartford (flag-ship), twenty-four guns, Captain James S. Palmer; Monongahela, ten guns, Captain J.P. McKinstry; Mississippi, seventeen guns, Captain Melancton Smith; Richmond, twenty-four guns, Commander James Alden; Genesee, eight guns, Commander William H. Macomb; Albatross, six guns, Lieutenant-Commander John E. Hart; Kineo, six[16] guns, Lieutenant-Commander John Watters. The larger ships, except the Mississippi, were directed to take a gunboat on the port side, securing her well aft, so as to leave as much of the port battery as possible clear. Each was to keep a little to starboard of her next ahead, so as to be free to use her bow guns as soon as possible with the least danger from premature explosions of projectiles. In accordance with this order, the Hartford took the Albatross, the Monongahela, the Kineo, and the Richmond the Genesee; the Richmond being the slowest ship and the Genesee the most powerful gunboat. The ships were prepared as at the passage of the lower forts, and in the Hartford the admiral had placed his pilot in the mizzen-top, where he could see more clearly, and had arranged a speaking-tube thence to the deck. The Essex and Sachem were not to attempt the passage, but with some mortar-boats to engage the lower batteries to cover the movement. Shortly before 10 P.M. the ships weighed and advanced in the following order: Hartford, Richmond, Monongahela, Mississippi. At eleven, as they drew near the batteries, the lowest of which the Hartford had already passed, the enemy threw up rockets and opened their fire. Prudence, and the fact of the best water being on the starboard hand, led the ships to hug the east shore of the river, passing so close under the Confederate guns that the speech of the gunners and troops could be distinguished. Along the shore, at the foot of the bluffs, powerful reflecting lamps, like those used on locomotives, had been placed, to show the ships to the enemy as they passed; and for the same purpose large fires, already stacked on the opposite point, were lit. The fire of the fleet and from the shore soon raised a smoke which made these precautions useless, while it involved the ships in a danger greater than any from the enemy's guns. Settling down upon the water, in a still damp atmosphere, it soon hid everything from the eyes of the pilots. The flag-ship, leading, had the advantage of pushing often ahead of her own smoke; but those who followed ran into it and incurred a perplexity which increased from van to rear. At the bend of the river the current caught the Hartford on her port bow, sweeping her round with her head toward the batteries and nearly on shore, her stem touching the ground slightly; but by her own efforts and the assistance of the Albatross she was backed clear. Then, the Albatross backing and the Hartford going ahead strong with the engines, her head was fairly pointed up the stream, and she passed by without serious injury. Deceived possibly by the report of the howitzers in her top, which were nearly on their own level, the Confederates did not depress their guns sufficiently to hit her as often as they did the ships that followed her. One killed and two wounded is her report; and one marine fell overboard, his cries for help being heard on board the other ships as they passed by, unable to save him. The Richmond, with the Genesee alongside, following the Hartford, had reached the last battery and was about to make the turn when a plunging shot entering about four feet above the berth-deck, passed through a barricade of clothes-bags and hawsers into the engine-room, upsetting the starboard safety-valve; then glancing a little upward, it displaced the port safety-valve weight and twisted the lever, leaving the valve partly opened. The steam escaped so rapidly as to reduce the pressure at once to nine pounds, while filling the fire-room and berth-deck. Deprived thus of her motive force, it was found that the Genesee was not able to drag both vessels up against the strong current then running. Commander Alden was therefore compelled to turn down stream, and after some narrow escapes from the fire of his own fleet, was soon carried by the gunboat out of range. The two vessels lost 3 killed and 15 wounded; among the latter the first lieutenant of the Richmond, A. Boyd Cummings, mortally. The Monongahela and Kineo were third in line. While under the fire of the principal batteries, musketry opened upon them from the west bank, which was soon silenced by shrapnel and grape from the Kineo. A few moments later a chance shot lodged between the stern-post and rudder-post of the gunboat, wedging the rudder and making it completely useless. The density of the smoke, complained of by all the officers of the fleet that night, caused the pilots to miss their way; and the larger ship took the ground on the spit opposite the town. The Kineo, not touching, with the way she had tore clear of her fasts, and, ranging a short distance ahead, grounded also. Both vessels received considerable though not serious damage from the violence of the separation. The Kineo was soon able to back clear and, though disabled, managed to get a hawser from the Monongahela and pull that ship off after she had been twenty-five minutes aground. The latter then went ahead again, while the Kineo, unable to steer properly, drifted down stream out of range. While aground a shot came in, cutting away the bridge under Captain McKinstry's feet, and throwing him to the deck below; the fall incapacitated him from remaining at his station, and Lieutenant-Commander N.W. Thomas took command of the Monongahela. Meanwhile the Mississippi had passed, unseen and unseeing, in the smoke, and had herself grounded a little farther up near the head of the spit. She was observed to be on fire as the Monongahela again drew near the bend, and at the same moment the latter vessel's engines ceased to move, a crank-pin being heated. Thus unmanageable she drifted down within thirty yards of the batteries, and had to anchor below. Her loss was 6 killed and 21 wounded; the Kineo, though repeatedly struck, had no one hurt. The Mississippi had passed the lower batteries and had reached the bend, going fast, when she struck, heeling at once three streaks to port. The engines were reversed and backed to the full extent of their power, and the port battery run in to bring the ship on an even keel. After working for thirty-five minutes it was found impossible to get her off. The port battery and pivot gun were then ordered to be thrown overboard, but before that was done Captain Smith decided that the ship would have to be abandoned, as three batteries had her range and were hulling her constantly. The sick and wounded were brought up, and three small boats, all that were left, were employed in landing the crew. The fire of the starboard battery had been kept up until this time, but now ceased. The ship was then set on fire in the forward store-room; but before the fire had gained sufficient headway, three shot entering there let in water and put it out. She was then fired in four different places aft, and as soon as it was sure that she would be destroyed, the captain and first lieutenant left her, passing down to the Richmond in safety. The Mississippi remained aground till 3 A.M., when she floated off and drifted down the river, passing the other ships without injuring them. At 5.30, being then some distance below, she blew up, thus meeting the same fate that had befallen her sister ship, the Missouri, twenty years before, in the harbor of Gibraltar. From the circumstances of the case the exact number of killed and wounded of the Mississippi could not be ascertained. Upon mustering the ship's company after the action, 64 were found missing out of a total of 297. Of these 25 were believed to have been killed. It is sufficiently apparent, from the above accounts of the experiences of each vessel, that the failure of the greater part of the fleet to pass was principally due to other circumstances than the Confederate fire. The darkness of the night, the stillness of the air, which permitted the smoke to settle undisturbed, the intricacy of the navigation, the rapidity of the current, then running at the rate of five knots, the poor speed of the ships, not over eight knots, were known beforehand, and were greater elements of danger than the simple fire of the enemy. To these is to be added the difficulty of making the turn, with the swift current of the river round the bend tending to throw the ship bodily on to the hostile shore before she could be brought to head in the new direction. The Hartford and her consort alone reached this final trial, and were by it nearly involved in the common disaster. Nearly, but not quite; and the success of the two vessels, though it placed them in a trying and hazardous position, ensured the attainment of the object for which the risk had been run. The Red River was blockaded, not again to be open to the Confederates during the war; and though nearly four months were still to elapse before the Mississippi would be freely used throughout its length by Union vessels, it slipped finally from the control of the enemy as Farragut with his two ships passed from under the batteries at Port Hudson. The morning after the action the flag-ship dropped down nearly within range of the enemy, to communicate, if possible, by signal with the fleet below, but they could not be seen from her mast-heads; therefore after firing three guns, as before concerted with General Banks, the admiral went on up the river. The following morning he anchored off the mouth of the Red River, remaining twenty-four hours; and then went on to below Vicksburg to communicate with Porter, arriving there on the 20th. On the way the ships engaged a battery of four rifled pieces at Grand Gulf, losing 2 men killed and 6 wounded, but met with no other opposition. Porter was absent in Deer Creek, one of the bayous emptying into the Yazoo, when Farragut's messenger arrived, but communication was held with General Grant, Captain Walke, the senior naval officer present, and General A.W. Ellet, commanding the ram flotilla. Farragut, deprived of the greater part of his own fleet, was very desirous of getting reinforcements from above; asking specially for an ironclad and a couple of rams to assist him in maintaining the blockade of Red River and to patrol the Mississippi. In the absence of Porter he was not willing to urge his request upon the subordinate officers present, but General Ellet assumed the responsibility of sending down two rams, without waiting to hear from the admiral, of whose concurrence he expressed himself as feeling assured; an opinion apparently shared by the others present at the consultation. It would seem, however, that Porter did not think the rams actually sent fit to be separated from a machine-shop by enemies' batteries; and his ironclads could not be spared from the work yet to be done above. The rams Switzerland and Lancaster, the former under command of Colonel Charles E. Ellet, late of the Queen of the West, the latter under Lieutenant-Colonel John A. Ellet, were detailed for this duty and started during the night of the 24th, but so late that they did not get by before the sun had risen. The batteries opened upon them between 5.30 and 6 A.M. of the 25th. The Lancaster, an old and rotten boat, received a shell in her boilers; and her hull was so shattered by the explosion that she went to pieces and sank, the officers and crew escaping on cotton bales. The Switzerland was hulled repeatedly and received two shots in her boilers; but being a stronger boat survived her injuries and drifted down safely to her destination, where a week's labor put her again in fighting condition. The recklessness of the daring family whose name is so associated with the ram fleet had thus caused the loss of two of them, and led Porter to caution Farragut to keep the one now with him always under his own eye. Soon after the coming of General Grant, while the army was digging canals at two or three different points, with the view of opening new waterways from above to below Vicksburg, Admiral Porter had suggested that by cutting the levee across the old Yazoo Pass, six miles below Helena, access might be had to the Yazoo above Haines's Bluff and Vicksburg turned by that route. Grant ordered the cutting, and Porter sent the light-draught Forest Rose to stand by to enter when open. There are two entrances from the Mississippi to the pass, the upper one direct, the lower one turning to the left and running parallel to the course of the river. Just within their junction the levee, built in 1856, crosses the pass, which is here only seventy-five feet wide between the timber on either side. At the distance of a mile from the great river the pass enters the northern end of Moon Lake, a crescent-shaped sheet of water, probably an old bed of the Mississippi. The lake is seven or eight miles long and from eight hundred to a thousand yards wide, with a uniform depth enough to float the largest steamboats. Two or three plantations were then on the east shore, but the rest was unbroken forest, quiet and isolated, abounding in game as the waters did in fish. The pass issues again half way down the eastern side, through an opening so shut in with trees that it can scarcely be seen a hundred yards away, and pursues a tortuous course of twelve or fourteen miles to the Coldwater River, the upper portion of the Yazoo. In this part of the route, which never exceeds one hundred feet in width and often narrows to seventy-five or less, the forest of cyprus and sycamore trees, mingled with great cottonwoods and thickly twining wild grape-vines, formed a perfect arch overhead, shutting out the rays of the sun; and, though generally high enough to allow the tall smoke-stacks to pass underneath, sometimes grazed their tops and again swept them down to the deck as the swift current bore the vessels along. Digging on the levee was begun on the 2d of February, under the direction of Lieutenant-Colonel James H. Wilson, of the Engineers. At this time the difference of level between the water inside and out of the levee was eight and a half feet. At seven the next evening, the digging having gone far enough, a mine was exploded and the water rushed in. By eleven the opening was forty yards wide and the water pouring in like a cataract, tearing aways logs, trees, and great masses of earth with the utmost ease. Owing to the vast tract of country to be flooded before the waters could attain their level, it was not possible to enter for four or five days; during that time they were spreading north and south and east, driving the wild animals from their lairs and the reptiles to take refuge in the trees. Meanwhile news of the project had reached the Confederates, who, though they could have little idea of the magnitude of the force which intended to penetrate where few but flat-boats had gone before, had taken the easy precaution of felling large trees across the stream. On the 10th Colonel Wilson had passed through Moon Lake and into the pass beyond. Then it took three days of constant labor to get through five miles of felled timber and drifted wood. Some of the trees reached quite across the stream, and were four feet in diameter. To add to the difficulties of the pioneers, the country all around was overflowed, except a mere strip a few inches out of water on the very bank. Still they persevered, and the way was opened through to the Coldwater. Porter detailed for this expedition the ironclads Chillicothe, Lieutenant-Commander James P. Foster, and De Kalb, Lieutenant-Commander John G. Walker; light-draught steamers Rattler, Marmora, Signal, Romeo, Petrel, and Forest Rose; rams Lioness and Fulton; the whole being under Lieutenant-Commander Watson Smith, of the Rattler. The expedition went through Yazoo Pass, meeting many obstructions and difficulties, despite the work of Wilson's corps. Three and a half days were consumed in making the twelve miles from the lake to the Coldwater; for, though the current ran swiftly--five or six miles an hour--the low, overhanging trees threatened the chimneys, and big projecting limbs would come sweeping and crashing along the light upper works, making a wreck of anything they met. The great stern-wheels were constantly backing, and a small boat lay on either quarter in readiness to run a line to the trees to check the way of the vessels and to ease them round the sharp bends, which were so frequent it was impossible to see ahead or astern one hundred yards in any part of the route. Huge rafts of driftwood still remained to be dislodged. On the 28th of February the vessels entered the Coldwater. Here the stream was wider and the current slacker, the trees rarely meeting overhead; but the channel was nearly as crooked, and accidents almost as frequent. Six days were consumed in advancing thirty miles through an almost unbroken wilderness. The stream widened and the country became more promising in the lower part of the Coldwater and the upper part of the Tallahatchie, into which the vessels steamed on the evening of the 6th in a sorely damaged condition. The Petrel had lost her wheel and was wholly disabled; both smoke-stacks of the Romeo were gone; the Chillicothe had run upon the stump of a tree and started a plank in her bottom, which was now kept in place by being shored down from the beams of the deck above; and though none, except the Petrel, were unfit for fighting, all had suffered greatly in hull and upper works. The transports, which had joined with 6,000 troops, were yet more roughly handled. The lower part of the Tallahatchie again became narrow and crooked, and for forty or fifty miles no break appeared in a wild and forbidding wilderness until they began to draw near Fort Pemberton, when the stream grew to a fair size. Tokens of the enemy now were seen in burning piles of cotton, and a Confederate steamer, which was picking up what she could, was so closely pressed as to be burned by her crew. The position of the Confederates had been chosen but a few days before, and the works were only partially up. The Tallahatchie here sweeps sharply to the east, and then returns again, forming a horseshoe bend thirteen miles long, the two parts of the stream approaching each other so closely that the neck of the enclosed peninsula is less than a quarter of a mile wide. It is in this bend that the Yallabusha enters, the river then taking the name of Yazoo; so that the works erected across the neck were said to be between the Tallahatchie and Yazoo, though the stream is one. The fort, which was called Pemberton, was built of cotton and earth; in front of it was a deep slough, and on its right flank the river was barricaded by a raft and the hull of the ocean steamer Star of the West, which, after drawing the first shots fired in the war, when the batteries in Charleston stopped her from reinforcing Fort Sumter in January, 1861, had passed by some chance to New Orleans, where she was seized by the Government of Louisiana when that State seceded. When Farragut took New Orleans, she, with many river steamers, was taken to the Yazoo, and now met her end sunk in the swollen waters of a Southern creek. The cannon mounted in the works were one six-and-a-half-inch rifled gun, three 20-pounder Parrott rifles, and some field pieces, among which was a Whitworth rifle. Lieutenant F.E. Shepperd, of the Confederate Navy, who had been busy felling trees in the upper river, was put in charge of these pieces because none of the army officers present, except General Loring, were familiar with the use of great guns. The heavy rifle, the main reliance of the fort, was only got into position by blocking it up from the ground, no other appliances being at hand; and as there was not enough blocking, the attempt had nearly failed. It was in place barely in time to meet the gunboats. The Chillicothe, at 10 A.M. of the 11th of March, steamed round the bend above and engaged the battery. She was twice struck on the turret, being materially injured, and withdrew to fortify with cotton bales. At 4.25 P.M. she again went into action, at a distance of eight hundred yards, with the De Kalb, but after firing four times, a shell from the Confederate battery struck in the muzzle of the port XI-inch just as the loaders had entered a shell and were stripping the patch from the fuze; both projectiles exploded, killing 2 and wounding 11 of the gun's crew, besides injuring the gun. The Chillicothe was then withdrawn, after receiving another shot, which killed one of her ship's company, and showing her unfitness for action through scamped work put upon her. The stream was so narrow that two vessels could with difficulty act, and therefore a 30-pound rifled gun was landed from the Rattler on the 13th and an VIII-inch from the De Kalb on the 15th. The action was renewed again on the 13th, by both ironclads at 10.45 A.M., at a distance of eight hundred yards, and was severe until 2 P.M., when the Chillicothe was forced to retire, her ammunition running short. The De Kalb remained in position until dark, firing every fifteen minutes, but receiving no reply from the enemy. In this day's fight the fort was much damaged, the earth covering and bales being knocked away and the cotton set on fire in many places. None of the guns were dismounted, but the large rifle was struck on the side of the muzzle. The greater part of the powder was in a powder-boat a mile away in the Yazoo, but small supplies for the immediate service of the battery were kept in temporary receptacles in the fort. One of these was struck by a shot and the cotton bale covering it knocked off; before it could be replaced a bursting shell exploded the powder, killing and wounding a number of the garrison. On the 16th another attack was made by the two boats, but the Chillicothe was disabled in a few minutes and both were withdrawn. The difficulty of handling when fighting down stream prevented the vessels from getting that nearness to the enemy which is so essential in an attack by ships upon fortifications. Besides the damage sustained by the Chillicothe, the De Kalb was much cut up, losing ten gun-deck beams and having the wheel-house and steerage badly knocked to pieces, but was not rendered unfit for service as the Chillicothe was. The latter lost 4 killed and 16 wounded; the De Kalb 3 killed and 3 wounded. On the 17th, the troops being unable to land because the country was overflowed and the ships unable to silence the fort, the expedition fell back. On the 22d General Quimby and his command was met coming down, and at his desire the whole expedition returned to Fort Pemberton; but after remaining twelve days longer without effect the attempt was finally abandoned. Though thus inconclusive, the attempt by Yazoo Pass has an interest of its own from the unique character of the difficulties encountered by the ships. Although forewarned, the enemy were taken unawares, and there is reason to believe, as we have seen, that had a little more feverish energy been displayed the vessels might have got possession of Fort Pemberton before its guns were mounted. As it was, by the Confederate reports, "notwithstanding every exertion the enemy found us but poorly prepared to receive him." There was no other favorable position for defensive works down to Yazoo City. While the result of the Yazoo Pass expedition was uncertain and the vessels still before Fort Pemberton, an enterprise of similar character was undertaken by Admiral Porter in person, having for its object to reach the Yazoo below Yazoo City but far above the works at Haines's Bluff. The proposed route was from the Yazoo up Steele's Bayou, through Black Bayou to Deer Creek, and thence by Rolling Fork, a crooked stream of about four miles, to the Big Sunflower, whence the way was open and easy to the Yazoo River. Fort Pemberton would then be taken between two divisions of the fleet, and must fall; while the numerous steamers scattered through the streams of the Yazoo country would be at the mercy of the gunboats. After a short preliminary reconnoissance as far as Black Bayou, which indicated that the enterprise was feasible, though arduous, and having received encouraging accounts of the remainder of the route, the admiral started on the 16th of March with five ironclads: the Louisville, Lieutenant-Commander E.K. Owen; Cincinnati, Lieutenant George M. Bache; Carondelet, Lieutenant J.M. Murphy; Mound City, Lieutenant Byron Wilson; Pittsburg, Lieutenant W.B. Hoel; four mortars, and four tugs. All went well till Black Bayou was reached. This is about four miles long, narrow, and very crooked, and was then filled with trees. Here the crews had to go to work, dragging the trees up by the roots, or pushing them over with the ironclads, and cutting away the heavy overhanging branches. Having done this the ironclads were able to force their way through the bushes and trees which lined the banks and clung closely to the bows and sides of the vessels, but the way remained impracticable for transports and wooden boats. In twenty-four hours the ironclads had gotten through these four miles to Hill's plantation, at the junction of Black Bayou and Deer Creek. General W.T. Sherman had been directed to support the movement with one division of his corps and a body of pioneers. The number of steamers fit for the bayou navigation being limited, the division was landed on the east bank of the Mississippi and crossed by land to Steele's Bayou, which there approaches to within a mile of the river. The pioneers followed the admiral up Black Bayou, and when the gunboats entered Deer Creek remained to further clear the bayou. On the 20th the work had progressed so that two transports entered as far as a mile and a half below Hill's, where was the first piece of dry land between that point and the mouth of the Yazoo, the country generally being under water. Meanwhile the admiral had pushed on up Deer Creek, where the water was deep but the channel narrow, crooked, and filled with young willows, which bound the boats and made progress very difficult. The bends were sharp, and much trouble was experienced in heaving the vessels around them, while the banks were lined with heavy trees and overhanging branches that would tear down the chimneys and demolish boats and light woodwork. Still they worked on, making from half a mile to a mile an hour. The enemy, notwithstanding what had been done at Yazoo Pass, were taken by surprise, not having believed that even gunboats would try to penetrate by those marshy, willowy ditches. On the night of the 17th, Colonel Ferguson, commanding the district, first received word at his headquarters on Deer Creek, forty miles above Rolling Fork, that the gunboats had entered the creek. He at once hurried a battalion of sharpshooters and some artillery on board a steamer and hastened down to Rolling Fork, being so lucky as to get there before the vessels, on the afternoon of the 19th. A small detached body of cavalry were ahead of him, and, acting on their own account, had begun to cut down trees across the stream. Anticipating this, the admiral had sent Lieutenant Murphy ahead in a tug and he had come up in time to stop the felling of the first; but the horsemen galloped across country faster than the tug could force her way through the channel and at last got down a large tree, which arrested the tug till the rest of the force came up. Then the slaves, with muskets to their breasts, were compelled to ply their axes to stop the advance of those to whom they looked for freedom. The situation was critical, and the crews turned to with a will, working night and day to clear away these obstacles, without sleep and snatching their food. They were now five or six miles from Rolling Fork, and hearing that the enemy were landing, Lieutenant Murphy was sent forward with 300 men and two howitzers to hold the stream until the gunboats could cover it with their guns; which he did, occupying an Indian mound sixty feet high. After working all night and the next day, the 19th, the squadron had hewed its way by sundown to within eight hundred yards of Rolling Fork. They rested that night, and the morning of the 20th again started to work through the willows, but the lithe trees resisted all their efforts to push through, and had either to be pulled up one by one or cut off under water, both tedious processes. Meanwhile Ferguson, having collected 800 men and six pieces of artillery, attacked Murphy's little body of men, who had to be recalled. At three in the afternoon Featherstone's brigade, with a section of artillery, arrived from Vicksburg to reinforce the enemy, and toward sundown opened a sharp fire upon the gunboats from a distance. Though this was easily silenced by the vessels, the difficulty of throwing out working parties in the presence of the enemy's force was apparent. Word was at once sent to Sherman of the state of things, and reached him at 3 A.M. of the 21st; but before that time the admiral, learning that some of the enemy had reached his rear and had begun felling trees behind him to prevent his retreat, had decided to withdraw. Advance through Rolling Fork was no longer possible, it having been so obstructed that two or three days' labor would have been needed to clear it, even if unopposed. Having but ten or twelve feet to spare on either side it was impossible to turn the boats, so the rudders were unshipped and they began that night to back down, rebounding from tree to tree on either bank as they struck them. The country from Rolling Fork to Black Bayou was mostly a chain of plantations, in which the trees at few points came down to the bank of the stream thickly enough to afford cover for troops in numbers; but yet there was shelter for sharpshooters at such a distance as enabled them to pick off any of the crews that exposed themselves. The guns were three feet below the levee, depriving them of much of their power to annoy the assailants. At 4 P.M. of the 21st, however, Colonel Giles A. Smith, of Sherman's command, arrived with 800 men; Sherman, as soon as he heard of the admiral's dilemma, having sent every man he had by the east bank of Deer Creek, remaining himself alone at Hill's until nightfall. Three steamboat loads of troops then arrived below, and were conducted by him, with lighted candles, through two and a half miles of dense cane-brake to the plantation. When Smith reached the vessels, they had been stopped for an hour or two by a coal barge sunk across the creek, and were kept from sending out working parties by the enemy's sharpshooters. Smith now took charge of the banks, being reinforced with 150 men and two howitzers from the fleet, and before midnight the barge was blown up. The retreat continued next day, the boats backing, and the Louisville, which was the farthest down, clearing away the obstructions while the troops kept the enemy from molesting the workers. Owing to the number of trees to be removed, only six miles had been gained by 3 P.M., at which hour a large body of the enemy were seen passing by, along the edge of the woods, and taking position about a mile ahead of the advance of the troops. The gunboats opened upon them, and at this time General Sherman himself opportunely came up with his reinforcements and drove the Confederates well back to the north and rear of the squadron, thus finally freeing it from a very anxious and critical dilemma. On the 24th Hill's plantation was reached, and the vessels returned without further adventure to the mouth of the Yazoo, where Porter communicated with Farragut, who still remained near the lower end of the canal. On the 29th and 30th it blew a gale of wind from the north, during which the steamer Vicksburg, that had been rammed two months before by the Queen of the West, broke adrift from her moorings at the city, and went ashore on the bank opposite the Hartford. Upon examination it was found that her machinery had been removed, and before any further action had been taken by Farragut, the Confederates sent down and burned her. Meanwhile coal from the army and provisions from the upper squadrons were floated down in barges, and on the 31st, having waited for the completion of the repairs on the Switzerland, the admiral got under way, with the Albatross and the ram in company, and went down the river. At Grand Gulf the batteries again opened on the ships, striking the Switzerland twice and the Hartford once; the latter losing one man killed. On the evening of April 1st the little squadron reached Red River, having destroyed on its passage down a large number of skiffs and flat-boats, available for the transport of stores across the Mississippi from the western country, on which Vicksburg now mainly depended for supplies. In their isolated condition, and occupying a position so obnoxious to the enemy, there was reason to expect a repetition on a larger scale of the attack made upon the Indianola. The Hartford was specially prepared for such a meeting. The lower yards were lowered down to the rail and the stream-chain, lashed to the bowsprit end, was carried aft, clove-hitched to the yard-arms and brought in again at the warping chocks. This barrier, while it remained intact, would keep an assailant fifteen to twenty feet from the ship; then, if it were passed, as a further protection against boarders, hawsers were stretched along fore and aft by the lower rigging, thirty feet above the deck, carrying a heavy boarding netting which extended from that height to the ship's rail. The hammock-cloths were kept triced up, and the poop-deck and topgallant-forecastle, which were flush with the rail of the ship, were barricaded with hammocks and sails. For protection against rams large cypress logs were slung around the vessel, a foot above the water line. During the time they were thus alone the guns' crews always slept by the guns and the ship was kept in a constant state of preparation for instant action. On the 6th Farragut went down again to Port Hudson, anxious for news about his other ships, from which he had now been for three weeks separated, and desiring to communicate with General Banks. The ordinary methods of signalling having failed to attain these objects, the admiral's secretary, Mr. Gabaudan, volunteered to pass Port Hudson in a skiff by night. The boat was covered with twigs, arranged to resemble one of the floating trees not uncommon in the Mississippi. At a quarter past eight on the evening of the 7th Mr. Gabaudan stepped into his ark, and lying down in the bottom of it, with a paddle and revolver by his side, was committed to the current. This bore him safely by; but once grazing the shore, the sentinels were heard commenting on the size of the log, and a boat put out to make an examination. Fortunately the men were contented with a glance, which satisfied them that the object was what it seemed; and Gabaudan's safe arrival was signalled from the vessels below at 10 P.M. The next morning the admiral returned to Red River and caught two steamers outside, one of which managed to get in again; but the other was captured, and with her a Confederate commissary, who was making arrangements for crossing a large number of cattle from the West at various points. Red River was effectually closed, but the smallness of his force made it necessary to keep them all together, in case of attack, and though intercourse across the Mississippi was seriously impaired, it was not wholly checked. On the 15th the admiral again returned to the bend above Port Hudson, and communicated by signal with the Richmond, which had come up in accordance with instructions transmitted through Mr. Gabaudan. This officer at the same time returned to the ship, under protection of an escort, overland, there being no regular Confederate force on the right bank. Meanwhile General Grant had been maturing his plans for the movement by which Vicksburg was eventually reduced. The bayou expeditions had failed, and with them every hope of turning the enemy's right flank. The idea had been entertained of opening a water route by cutting a channel from the west bank of the Mississippi, seventy-five miles above Vicksburg, to Lake Providence, from which there was communication by bayous to the Tensas, Wachita, and Red Rivers, and so to the Mississippi below Vicksburg. Yet another water-way by bayous was contemplated from Milliken's Bend, twenty miles above, through the Tensas, to New Carthage, thirty miles below, Vicksburg. Work was done upon both these routes by the army; but the rapid falling of the river toward the middle of April at once made them less desirable and the roads on the west bank passable. Three army corps had already moved, one after the other, beginning on the 29th of March, toward New Carthage on the west bank; but though not over twenty miles by land in a straight line, the condition of the country from broken levees and bad roads made necessary a circuit of thirty-five miles to reach this point. As soon as the movement was definitely decided upon, Admiral Porter made his preparations for running the batteries of Vicksburg with the greater portion of his fleet. To assure a supply of fuel below, the vessels detailed for the duty took each a coal barge on the starboard side, leaving the port guns, which would bear upon the batteries, clear for firing. There being no intention to engage the enemy except for the purpose of covering the passage, every precaution was taken to avoid being seen or heard. All lights were extinguished, ports carefully covered, and the fires well lighted before starting, so as to show, if possible, no smoke; while to lessen the noise, the steam, as with the Carondelet at Island No. 10, was to exhaust into the wheel, and the vessels were to proceed at low speed. To avoid collisions, fifty yards were prescribed as the interval to be observed, and each boat was to keep a little to one side of its next ahead, so that, in case of the latter stopping, the follower would be able to pass without change of course. The sterns of the vessels--their weakest part--were to be specially protected against raking shots, which was done by piling wet bales of hay and slinging heavy logs near the water line. At a quarter past nine of the night of April 16th, the fleet destined for this service got under way from the mouth of the Yazoo River, the flag-ship Benton, sixteen guns,[17] Lieutenant-Commander James A. Greer, leading, and the other vessels in the following order: Lafayette, eight guns, Captain Henry Walke; Louisville, twelve guns, Lieutenant-Commander Elias K. Owen; Mound City, fourteen guns, Lieutenant Byron Wilson; Pittsburg, thirteen guns, Lieutenant W.R. Hoel; Carondelet, eleven guns, Lieutenant J. McLeod Murphy; Tuscumbia, five guns, Lieutenant-Commander James W. Shirk. The Lafayette carried with her, lashed to the other side of her coal barge, the ram General Price, Lieutenant S.E. Woodworth, which had continued in the service after being taken from the Confederates at Memphis. After the Carondelet, between her and the Tuscumbia, came three army transports, the Silver Wave, Henry Clay, and Forest Queen, unprotected except by bales of hay and cotton round the boilers. They carried stores, but no troops. A month later, and probably at this time also, the river batteries before which the fleet was to pass contained thirty-one pieces of heavy artillery and thirteen of light.[18] Among them were eight X-inch, one IX-inch, and one VIII-inch columbiad, smooth-bore guns; and eleven rifled guns of a calibre of 6.5 inches and upward. At 11.10 P.M., the fleet then moving at a speed scarcely exceeding the drift of the current, a musketry fire began from the upper batteries of the enemy. At 11.16 the great guns began, slowly at first, but soon more rapidly. A few moments later a large fire was lit on the point, bringing the vessels, as they passed before it, into bold relief, and serving to confuse, to some extent, the pilots of the fleet. Each ship as she brought her guns to bear on rounding the point, opened her fire, first from the bow and then from the port battery. The engagement thus soon became general and animated. The confusion of the scene was increased by the eddying currents of the river, which, catching the slowly moving steamers, now on the bow, now on the quarter, swung them round with their broadside to the stream, or even threw the bow up river again. Unable to see through the smoke and perplexed by the light of the fire, the majority of the vessels, thus cut around, made a full turn in the stream under the guns of the enemy, and one, at least, went round twice. The flag-ship Benton, though heavily struck, passed through without special adventure escaping this involuntary wheel. The Lafayette, in the smoke, found her nose nearly on shore on the enemy's side, and her coal barge received a shell in the bow which reduced it to a sinking condition. The Louisville, next astern, coming up, fouled the Lafayette's consort, the General Price; which, being already badly cut up by shot and shell, cast off her fasts and made the rest of the journey alone. The Lafayette then let go her barge and went down without further adventure. The Louisville also lost her barge, apparently, at this time, but picked it up again while still under fire. The Mound City following came down upon the three vessels thus sported with by the current and the difficulties of the night, and to avoid a like disaster passed them by. The Pittsburg came next in her appointed station; like the Mound City, she escaped the pranks of the eddy, and both vessels, steaming leisurely on, used their guns with good effect; receiving, while passing the burning pile ashore, several shot from the enemy. The Pittsburg was struck on the quarter, where the logs alone prevented the shot from entering the magazine. The Carondelet met with no other mishap than making an involuntary circle in the river. The Tuscumbia remained in rear of the transports, which had a hard time. Either swung by the eddy, or daunted by the tremendous fire which they were certainly ill-fitted to resist, two of them at one time pointed up stream. The Tuscumbia stopped, prepared to compel their passage down; but force was not needed. The Henry Clay caught fire, was burnt and sank; the other resumed her course. When rounding the point, the Tuscumbia touched, and as she backed off fouled the Forest Queen, causing great hurrahs among the enemy. The vessels soon got apart, but the transport had a shot through her steam-pipe; so the Tuscumbia stuck to her, the two drifting down together until out of range, when the gunboat towed the other ashore. The Tuscumbia had a shot in the bows under water, starting seven planks and causing her to leak badly. Though repeatedly hulled, the armed vessels received no injury unfitting them for instant service, and of their crews lost only 13 wounded. By three o'clock in the morning they were all anchored twelve miles above New Carthage, ready to co-operate with the movements of the army. Encouraged by the comparative success of the transports on the 16th, Grant directed six more to run the batteries, which was done on the night of the 22d. One got a shot under water, and sank after getting by; the others were more or less damaged, but were repaired by the orders of Admiral Porter. Still the number was so limited, in proportion to the amount of transportation required, that the general decided to move the troops by land to Hard Times Landing, twenty-five miles below New Carthage by the course of the river. The ships of war and transports followed, the latter carrying as many men as they could. Five miles below Hard Times, on the opposite shore, is Grand Gulf, where a battery had fired upon Farragut, both on his passage to Vicksburg and return from there, after the fight at Port Hudson. The Confederates had begun to strengthen the works immediately after that time to prevent him from going by with impunity; but as he considered his task limited to the blockade of the Red River and the Mississippi below, to which alone his force was adequate, he had not again come within their range. Immediately above Grand Gulf is the mouth of the Big Black River, a considerable stream, by which supplies from the Red River country were transported to the interior of the Confederacy on the east of the Mississippi. Eight hundred yards below the mouth of the Big Black is the Point of Rocks, rising about seventy-five feet above the river at its then height. On this was the upper battery, mounting, at the time of attack, two VII-inch rifles, one VIII-inch smooth-bore, and a 30-pound rifled gun on wheels. A line of rifle-pits and a covered way led from there to the lower fort, three-quarters of a mile farther down, in which were mounted one 100-pound rifle, one VIII-inch smooth-bore, and two 32-pounders. There were in addition five light rifled guns, 10-and 20-pounders, in different parts of the works. The Point of Rocks battery was close over the river, but the bluffs below receded so as to leave a narrow strip of land, three to four hundred yards wide, along the water and in front of the lower fort. All the fortifications were earthworks. [Illustration: Battle at Grand Gulf.] The intention was to silence the works by the fleet, after which the army was to cross in transports, under cover of the gunboats, and carry the place by storm. The orders prescribing the manner of attack were issued by the admiral on the 27th. On the 29th, at 7 A.M., the fleet got under way, the Pittsburg leading; her commander, Lieutenant Hoel, a volunteer officer, being himself a pilot for the Mississippi, obtained the honor of leading through his local knowledge. The Louisville, Carondelet, and Mound City followed in the order named, firing upon the upper fort so long as their guns bore, but passing by it to attack the lower work, which was allotted to them. The Pittsburg rounded to as she reached her station, keeping up her fire all the time, and took position close into the bank with her head up stream. The Louisville, following the Pittsburg's motions, passed her, rounded to and took her station immediately astern. The Carondelet and Mound City successively performed the same manoeuvre. All four then went into close action with the lower fort, at the same time directing any of their guns that would bear upon other points of the works. The remaining vessels, Lafayette, Tuscumbia, and flag-ship Benton, followed the first four, but rounded to above the town to engage the upper fort; the Lafayette taking position at first in an eddy of the river, and using her two stern guns, 100-pound rifles. The Benton and Tuscumbia fought their bow and starboard guns; all the vessels keeping under way during the engagement, and being at times baffled by the eddies in the stream. At eleven o'clock, the admiral signalled the Lafayette to change her position to the lower battery, which she did. About eleven, a shot came into the Benton's pilot-house, wounding the pilot and shattering the wheel. The vessel was for a moment unmanageable, got into an eddy, and was carried down three-quarters of a mile before she could again be brought under control; but her place was promptly supplied by the Pittsburg, which had just moved up with that division of the fleet, the lower fort being silenced. The whole squadron now concentrated its fire upon the Point of Rocks battery, keeping under way, and from the difficulties of the stream and the eddying current, at varying ranges. The Lafayette took again her position in the eddy to the north of the battery. Half an hour after noon, the Tuscumbia's port engine was disabled, and being unable to stem the stream with her screws, she was compelled to drop down below Grand Gulf. The action was continued vigorously until 1 P.M., when the enemy's fire, which had not been silenced in the upper fort, slackened materially. The admiral then passed up the river to consult with Grant, who had seen the fight from the deck of a tug and realized, as did Porter, that the works had proved themselves too high and too strong to be taken from the water side. He therefore decided to land the troops, who were already on board the transports waiting to cross, and march down to the point immediately below Grand Gulf, while Porter signalled his ships to withdraw, which they did, after an action lasting four hours and a quarter, tying up again to the landing at Hard Times. The limitation to the power of the vessels was very clearly shown here, as at Fort Donelson; the advantage given by commanding height could not be overcome by them. On a level, as at Fort Henry, or with slight advantage of command against them, as at Arkansas Post, the chances were that they would at close quarters win by disabling or silencing the guns; but when it came to a question of elevation the guns on shore were too much sheltered. Even so, it may be looked upon as an unusual misfortune that after tearing the works to pieces as they did, no gun of the Confederates was seriously injured. On the other hand, though the gunboats were roughly handled, it could be claimed for them, too, that they were not silenced, and that, like the earthworks, they were not, with one exception, seriously injured. The loss of the fleet was: the Benton, 7 killed and 19 wounded; Tuscumbia, 5 killed and 24 wounded; Pittsburg, 6 killed and 13 wounded. The Lafayette had one man wounded, while the remaining vessels lost none. In the afternoon the Confederates were observed to be repairing their works, so the Lafayette was ordered down to stop them. She soon drove off the working parties, and then kept up a steady fire at five-minute intervals against the upper battery until 8 P.M., getting no reply from a work which had responded so vigorously in the morning. That evening the fleet got under way at 8 P.M., the Benton leading, followed by the other gunboats and the transports, the Lafayette joining as they reached her station. The armed vessels again engaged the batteries and the transports slipped safely by under cover of this attack, receiving no injury; in fact, being struck not more than two or three times. As soon as they had passed, the gunboats followed, and tied up again on the Louisiana shore, four miles below Grand Gulf. One life only was lost in the night action, on board the Mound City. At daylight the following morning the work of carrying the army across the Mississippi to Bruinsburg began, the gunboats as well as the transports aiding in the operation. The same day, April 30th, a feigned attack was made at Haines's Bluff by the vessels of the squadron remaining above Vicksburg, under Lieutenant-Commander K.R. Breese, in conjunction with the Fifteenth Army Corps, under General W.T. Sherman. The object of General Grant in ordering this demonstration was to hinder the Confederates at Vicksburg from sending heavy reinforcements to Grand Gulf to oppose the troops on their first landing. The expedition was most successful in attaining this end, but the vessels were very roughly handled, having been much exposed with the wish to make the attack appear as real as possible. The Choctaw, Lieutenant-Commander F.M. Ramsay, was struck as often as forty-six times. Despite the heavy fire of the enemy, no serious casualties occurred on board the fleet in an action which lasted three hours, from 11 A.M. to 2 P.M. The demonstration was continued during the following day, but at 8 P.M. General Sherman withdrew his troops to the other side of the Mississippi, taking up his march to join the main body of the army; and the vessels returned to their anchorage off the mouth of the Yazoo. On the morning of the 3d Porter advanced upon Grand Gulf with his fleet below, intending to attack if the enemy were still there; but the place was found to be evacuated, as had been expected, the march of the army inland having rendered it untenable. The earthworks were torn to pieces by the fire of the fleet, and Colonel Wade, the commandant, had been killed; but the guns were still in position, except two 32-pounders in the lower battery, which were dismounted and broken. A large quantity of ammunition was also obtained, showing that lack of it was not the cause of the fire slackening on the 29th of April. The same day General Grant arrived, and made the necessary arrangements for transferring his base of supplies to Grand Gulf instead of Bruinsburg. On the day that Porter ran by the batteries of Vicksburg, April 16th, Farragut, having received his secretary and the despatches brought by him, went back from Port Hudson to the mouth of the Red River. During the next fortnight he kept up the blockade of the Mississippi between those two points, twice catching stores crossing in flat-boats, besides destroying a number of boats along the river and a large quantity of commissary stores at Bayou Sara. Besides cutting off Port Hudson from the west bank of the Mississippi, his presence in this position prevented reinforcements from that place being sent by the Red River, as they otherwise might have been, to the Confederate General Taylor, who was now being pressed by Banks toward Alexandria. Farragut had also in view blockading the Black River, a tributary of the Red, which enters it from the north and northwest about thirty miles from the Mississippi and by which it was reported that reinforcements to Taylor were expected to arrive from Arkansas. These military movements in Western Louisiana were due to the operations of General Banks, who had abandoned the demonstration made from Baton Rouge against Port Hudson, at the time Farragut passed, and resumed his operations by the Bayous Teche and Atchafalaya. This expedition was accompanied by four light gunboats, the Calhoun, Clifton, Arizona, and Estrella, under the command of Lieutenant-Commander A.P. Cooke, of the latter vessel. The land forces reached Opelousas near the Teche, sixty miles from Alexandria, on the 20th of April; and the same day the gunboats took Butte-à-la-Rose, on the Atchafalaya, sixty miles from Brashear City, a fortified place, mounting two heavy guns. Banks continued his advance upon Alexandria, and the gunboats pushed on through the Atchafalaya for the mouth of the Red River. On the evening of the 1st of May the Arizona arrived where the Hartford was then lying, bringing with her despatches from Banks to Farragut, asking his co-operation against Alexandria. The Estrella coming a few hours later, the admiral sent the two, with the Albatross, under Lieutenant-Commander John E. Hart, senior officer, up the Red River on the 3d. The little detachment reached the mouth of the Black River that afternoon, and there learned that none of the Confederate reinforcements expected by that stream had as yet passed. At sunset they anchored thirteen miles below Gordon's Landing. The next day, at 5 A.M., they again went up the stream, reaching, at 8.40, the bluff and bend which had been the scene of the capture of the Queen of the West ten weeks before. When the Albatross, which was leading, looked out from behind the bluff her people saw a battery with three casemates, now called Fort De Russey, commanding the river, covering two river steamers with steam up; alongside one of these was a flat-boat loaded with a heavy gun, believed to be one of those taken from the Indianola. Below the battery was a heavy raft, stretching across the stream and secured by chains to both banks. The Albatross went at once into action at a distance of five hundred yards, having, at that distance, to deal not only with the battery but with sharpshooters sheltered behind cotton barricades on board the steamers. The ship was much embarrassed by the eddies and the intricacy of the channel, touching several times; but the fight was maintained for forty minutes, after which she withdrew, having been hulled eleven times, her spars and rigging seriously injured, and having lost two men killed and four wounded. The force was too small to grapple successfully with the work, so Lieutenant-Commander Hart gave the order to return. On the way down the vessels met Admiral Porter, who had delayed at Grand Gulf no longer than was necessary to take possession. Leaving there at noon of the day of its occupation he reached the mouth of the Red River on the 4th, and communicated with Farragut. The next day he went up the Red River, taking with him, besides the flag-ship Benton, the Lafayette, Pittsburg, and Price. The ram Switzerland, which Farragut no longer needed, and the tug Ivy accompanied him. When he fell in with Hart's expedition, Porter took the Estrella and Arizona in addition to his own force, leaving the Albatross to rejoin Farragut alone. On the 5th, toward sundown, Fort De Russey was reached, but found to be abandoned and the guns removed, except one 64-pounder. Losing no time in destroying the abandoned works, the squadron pushed on at once for Alexandria; a passage through the raft being opened by the Price's ram. The Arizona having speed was sent ahead to surprise any steamer that might be at the town, where she arrived the evening of the 6th, the rest of the vessels coming up the following morning. Most of the Confederate public property had been already removed to Shreveport, three hundred and fifty miles farther up, in the northwest corner of Louisiana, where the gunboats in that stage of the river could not follow. General Banks arrived on the evening of the 7th from Opelousas. As the river was beginning to fall, Porter went down again on the 8th with all the vessels but the Lafayette, Captain Walke, who was left at Alexandria to co-operate with the army. The Benton stopped for a short time at Fort De Russey, while a detached expedition, consisting of the Price, Switzerland, Pittsburg, and Arizona was sent up the Black River. They got as far as Harrisonburg, seventy miles up, where were found batteries on high hills too heavy for the force, which was recalled after communicating with the admiral, having succeeded in destroying $300,000 worth of the enemy's provisions. The Switzerland, Estrella, and Arizona were now sent up to Captain Walke at Alexandria, and the admiral returned to Grand Gulf on the 13th. The Black River expedition was in itself of no great consequence; but, taken in connection with others of the same character through these waters, after the fall of Vicksburg, and the expected reinforcements of Taylor by the same route, it illustrates the facilities for rapidly traversing the enemy's country afforded by the navigable streams, and the part played by them in the conduct of the war by either party. Farragut now felt that his personal presence was no longer required above Port Hudson, and returned to New Orleans by one of the bayous; leaving Commodore Palmer with the Hartford, Albatross, Estrella, and Arizona to maintain the blockade above until Porter was ready to assume the entire charge. The Hartford, however, did not come down till after the surrender of Port Hudson, two months later. After the capture of Alexandria and the dispersal of the enemy in that quarter, General Banks moved down with his army to Simmesport, on the Atchafalaya Bayou, five miles from the Red River, and thence across the Mississippi at Bayou Sara, five or six miles above Port Hudson. General Augur of his command at the same time moved up from Baton Rouge. The two bodies met on the 23d of May, and Port Hudson was immediately invested. An assault was made on the 27th, but proved unsuccessful, and the army settled down to a regular siege. A battery of four IX-inch shell-guns from the navy was efficiently served throughout the siege by a detachment of seamen from the Richmond and Essex under Lieutenant-Commander Edward Terry, executive officer of the former vessel. The Essex, Commander Caldwell, and the half dozen mortar-schooners under his orders maintained a constant bombardment and succession of artillery fights with the river batteries of the enemy, being exposed to the fire of four VIII-and X-inch columbiads and two heavy rifles. Between the 23d of May and 26th of June Caldwell estimated that one thousand shot and shell had been fired at him from these guns. During these daily engagements the Essex was hulled twenty-three times, besides being frequently struck above her decks, and had received severe injury. The mortar-schooners also came in for their share of hard knocks, and their captains were all specially commended both by Caldwell and Farragut. On the 15th of May Porter went to the Yazoo and there awaited news from the army. On the 18th heavy firing in the rear of the city assured him of Grant's approach. That afternoon the advance of Sherman's corps came in below Snyder's Bluff, between the city and Haines's Bluff. The works at the latter point had been abandoned the evening before on the approach of the army; a small party only being left to destroy or remove whatever they could. Upon the appearance of the troops the admiral sent up a force of gunboats under Lieutenant-Commander K.R. Breese, whereupon the party ran off, leaving everything in good order. The works mounted fourteen heavy guns, VIII-and X-inch smooth-bores, and VII½-inch rifles; the carriages of these were burned, as were the Confederate encampments, and the magazines blown up. Porter now received letters from Grant, Sherman, and Steele, informing him of the entire success of the campaign in the rear of Vicksburg, and asking that provisions might be sent up, the army having lived off the country almost entirely during a fortnight of constant marching and fighting. Lieutenant-Commander J.G. Walker in the De Kalb was sent up to Yazoo City with sufficient force to destroy the enemy's property which he might find, and the gunboats below Vicksburg were moved up to fire on the hill batteries, an annoyance to the garrison which they kept up off and on during the night. On the 19th six mortar-boats were got into position, with orders to fire night and day as rapidly as possible. Grant, having completed the investment of Vicksburg, sent word on the evening of the 21st that he intended to make a general assault upon the enemy's works at 10 A.M. the following day, and asked that the fleet might shell the batteries from 9.30 to 10.30. Porter complied by keeping up his mortar fire all night and sending up the gunboats to shell the water batteries, and other places where he thought the enemy might find rest. At 7 A.M. the next day the Mound City, followed at eight by the Benton, Tuscumbia, and Carondelot, moved up abreast the lower end of the canal, opening upon the hill batteries; then they attacked the water batteries, the duel between them and the ships at a range of four hundred and fifty yards being maintained incessantly for two hours. The Tuscumbia proved, as before, too weak to withstand such close action and had to drop down. The admiral wrote that this was the hottest fire that the gunboats had yet endured, but the water batteries having little elevation, the ships contended on more even terms than at Grand Gulf, and fighting bows on, received little damage. The fire was maintained for an hour longer than Grant had asked, when the vessels dropped out of range, having lost only a few wounded. The assault of the army was not successful and regular siege operations were begun. Vicksburg and Port Hudson, the two extremes of the Confederate line, were thus formally invested by the 27th of May. On that day, Porter, having received a request from Grant and Sherman to try whether the enemy had moved from the batteries the guns on their extreme left, as they had from many of the other hill batteries, sent down the gunboat Cincinnati, Lieutenant George M. Bache, to draw their fire if still there; and, if possible, to enfilade the enemy's rifle-pits in that quarter and drive them out. The Cincinnati started from the upper division of the squadron at 7 A.M.; the vessels of the lower division, Price, Benton, Mound City, and Carondelet, steaming up at the same time to cover her movement by engaging the lower batteries, which might have played upon her. General Sherman took a position upon a hill at the extreme right of the Union lines, overlooking the river, so as to see the affair and take advantage of any success gained by the Cincinnati's attack. The gunboat, protected as usual by logs and hay, came within range shortly after nine o'clock, and the enemy began firing rapidly from all their batteries, the guns whose position had been doubted proving to be in their old place. When abreast the position assigned her for enfilading the rifle-pits the Cincinnati rounded to, and as she did so a shot pierced her side and entered the shell-room, capsizing nearly all the boxes on one side of the alley. As she came to with her head up stream, another ball entered the shell-room below the water-line, and a third pierced her stern, always the weakest part of these vessels, going into the magazine, also below the water-line, flooding it instantly and causing the vessel to fill rapidly. A heavy shot drove through the pilot-house, and shortly afterward the starboard tiller was carried away. The plunging fire of many big guns, concentrated on a single vessel, wrought great injury in a short time; penetrating her light deck, five of her guns were disabled by it. All three flag-staffs were shot away, carrying the colors down with them; upon which, a quartermaster, Frank Bois by name, went out and nailed a flag to the stump that was left of the forward staff. Finding the vessel must sink, Lieutenant Bache kept running up stream, hugging the east bank to be as far as possible out of the enemy's range, and about ten minutes before she went down sheered in, ran out a hawser, and a plank by which the wounded were landed. Unfortunately the men who went ashore with the hawser did not secure it properly, the boat began drifting out into the stream, and the officers and crew had to swim for their lives. She sank in three fathoms of water within range of the enemy's batteries, the second to go down of the seven first built. The loss was 5 killed, 14 wounded, and 15 missing; supposed to have been drowned. The detached expedition to Yazoo City, under Lieutenant-Commander Walker, had returned on the evening of the 23d. On the approach of the vessels, the Confederates had set fire to the navy yard and three steamers on the stocks building for ships of war, one a very large vessel, 310 feet long by 70 feet beam and intended to carry 4½-inch plating. All that had not been destroyed or removed by the enemy the gunboats finished, the loss being estimated at two million dollars. An attack was made upon the gunboats at a bend of the river by a small force of riflemen with three field pieces, but was repelled without trouble, one man only being killed and eight slightly wounded. The morning after their return the same vessels were again sent up. One of the light-draughts, the Signal, met with the curious accident of knocking down her smoke-stacks, an incident which again illustrates the peculiar character of this bayou warfare. Sending her back, and leaving his own vessel, the De Kalb, to follow as rapidly as possible, Walker pushed on with the Forest Rose, Linden, and Petrel to within fifteen miles of Fort Pemberton, by which the Yazoo Pass expedition had been baffled. Here four fine steamers had been sunk on a bar, stopping farther progress. Having no means of raising them, they were fired and burned to the water's edge. The vessels then passed down the Yazoo, burning a large saw-mill twenty-five miles above Yazoo City, till they came to the Big Sunflower River. They ascended this stream one hundred and eighty miles, branch expeditions being sent into the bayous that enter it, destroying or causing the destruction of four more steamers. Transportation on the Yazoo by the Confederates was now broken up below Fort Pemberton, while above it a few steamers only remained. From this time until the surrender of Vicksburg little occurred to vary the routine siege operations. Thirteen heavy cannon, from IX-inch to 32-pounders, were landed from the fleet to take their place in the siege batteries, in charge, at different points of the lines, of Lieutenant-Commander T.O. Selfridge, and Acting-Masters C.B. Dahlgren and J.F. Reed; and as many officers and men as could be spared were sent with them. Three heavy guns, a X-inch, IX-inch, and 100-pound rifle, under the command of Lieutenant-Commander F.M. Ramsay, of the Choctaw, were placed in scows close to the point opposite the town, but where they were protected by the bank, enfilading the batteries and rifle-pits on the enemy's left, against which the Cincinnati had made her unsuccessful attack. The gunboats below were constantly under fire and the mortars steadily shelling. On the 19th of June Grant notified the admiral that he intended to open a general bombardment at 4 A.M. the following day and continue it till 10 A.M. The lower division, the scow battery, and the mortars joined in this, shelling the hill batteries and the city, but no reply was made by the enemy from the water front. The great service of the navy during the siege was keeping open the communications, which were entirely by the river from the time that Sherman's corps reached Snyder's Bluff. The danger of Vicksburg thrilled from the heart of the Confederacy through every nerve to its extremities. It was felt that its fall would carry down Port Hudson also, leave the Mississippi open, and hopelessly sever the East and West. Every man, therefore, that could be moved was in motion, and though the enemy had no vessel on the river, the banks on either side swarmed with guerillas, moving rapidly from spot to spot, rarely attempting to attack any body of troops, but falling back into the interior and dispersing when followed up. Provided with numerous field pieces, they sought to cut off the transports carrying reinforcements and the steamers carrying supplies. The tortuous course of the stream in many places enabled those who knew the ground to move rapidly across the country and attack the same vessel a second time if she escaped the first assault. On several occasions batteries were built, and a large force attempted the destruction of transports. From these dangers the navy was the only, as it was the best protection. The long line from Cairo to Vicksburg was patrolled by the smaller class of gunboats, and, thanks to their skilful distribution and the activity and courage of the individual commanders, no serious interruption of travel occurred. One steamer only was badly disabled and a few men killed or wounded. On the 4th of July, 1863, Vicksburg surrendered, and on the 9th the garrison of Port Hudson also laid down its arms. The Mississippi was now open from Cairo to the Gulf, and the merchant steamboat Imperial, leaving St. Louis on the 8th, reached New Orleans on the 10th of this month without molestation. The Navy Department now directed that the command of the river as far down as New Orleans should be assumed by Porter, Farragut to confine himself henceforth to the coast operations and blockade. Toward the end of July the two admirals met in New Orleans, and, the transfer having been made, Farragut sailed on the 1st of August for the North to enjoy a short respite from his labors. Porter then returned to Cairo, where he at once divided the long line of waterways under his command into eight districts,[19] of which six were on the Mississippi. The seventh extended on the Ohio from Cairo to the Tennessee, and thence through the course of the latter river, while the eighth embraced the upper Ohio and the Valley of the Cumberland. Each district had its own commander, who was responsible to the admiral, but was not to interfere with another unless in case of great need. For the present all was quiet, but there were already rumors of trouble to come when the enemy should recover from the stunning blows he had just received. FOOTNOTES: [14] A son of Colonel Charles Ellet, Jr., the first commander of the ram fleet. [15] Confederate Return of March 27, 1863. A large number of field pieces, reported to be as many as 35, took part in the action of the 15th. [16] Of these, four were 24-pounder brass howitzers, usually not counted in ships' batteries. [17] For particulars of batteries of Mississippi Squadron of 1662 and 1863, see Appendix. [18] Report of Colonel Higgins, C.S.A., commanding the river batteries. [19] The number of districts was afterward increased to ten. CHAPTER VI. MINOR OCCURRENCES IN 1863. On the 4th of July, the same day that Vicksburg surrendered, an attack was made upon Helena, in Arkansas, by the Confederates in force. The garrison at the same time numbered 4,000 men, the enemy were variously estimated at from 9,000 to 15,000. Having attacked the centre of the position, the Confederates carried the rifle-pits and a battery upon the hills, in rear of the town, which commanded all the other defensive works as well as the town itself. They then began pushing masses of troops down the hill, while their sharpshooters were picking off the artillerists in the main fort, called Fort Curtis. Guns had also been placed in commanding positions near the river, both above and below the town, and opened fire upon the line of defensive works across the river bottom, there about a thousand yards in width. Lieutenant-Commander Pritchett, of the Tyler, seeing how the assault was about to be made, placed his vessel in front of the town, so that her broadside played upon the enemy descending the hills, while their artillery above and below were exposed to her bow and stern guns. From this advantageous position the Tyler opened fire, and to her powerful battery and the judgment with which it was used must be mainly attributed the success of the day; for though the garrison fought with great gallantry and tenacity, they were outnumbered two to one. The enemy were driven back with great slaughter. General Prentiss, commanding the post, took occasion to acknowledge, in the fullest and most generous manner, Pritchett's care in previously acquainting himself with the character of the ground, as well as the assistance afterward rendered by him in the fight. Four hundred of the enemy were buried on the field and 1,100 were made prisoners. While Grant was occupied at Vicksburg and Banks at Port Hudson, General Taylor, commanding the Confederate forces in West Louisiana, had concentrated, on the morning of the 6th of June, a force of three brigades at Richmond, about ten miles from Milliken's Bend and twenty from Young's Point. At Milliken's there was a brigade of negro troops, with a few companies of the Twenty-third Iowa white regiment, in all 1,100 men; and at Young's a few scattered detachments, numbering 500 or 600. Taylor determined to try a surprise of both points, having also a vague hope of communicating with Vicksburg, or causing some diversion in its favor. At sundown of the 6th one brigade was moved toward Milliken's, and one toward Young's Point, the third taking a position in reserve six miles from Richmond. The force directed against Young's Point blundered on its way, got there in broad daylight, and, finding a gunboat present, retired without making any serious attempt. The other brigade, commanded by McCulloch, reached its destination about 3 A.M. of the 7th, drove in the pickets and advanced with determination upon the Union lines. The latter were gradually forced back of the levee, the Iowa regiment fighting with great steadiness, and the negroes behaving well individually; but they lacked organization and knowledge of their weapons. Accordingly when the enemy, who were much superior in numbers, charged the levee and came hand to hand, the colored troops, after a few moments of desperate struggle, broke and fled under the bank of the river. Nothing saved them from destruction but the presence of the Choctaw, which at 3.30 A.M. had opened her fire and was now able to maintain it without fear of injuring her friends. The Confederates could not, or would not face it, and withdrew at 8.30 A.M. What the fate of these black troops would have been had the Confederates come upon them in the flush of a successful charge seems somewhat doubtful, in view of Taylor's suggestive remark that "_unfortunately_ some fifty of them had been taken prisoners." Immediately after the surrender of Vicksburg, Porter followed up the discomfiture of the Confederates by a series of raids into the interior of the country through its natural water-ways. Lieutenant-Commander Walker was again sent up to Yazoo City, this time in company with a force of troops numbering 5,000, under Major-General Herron. During the month that had passed since Walker's last visit, the enemy had been fortifying the place, and the batteries were found ready to receive the vessels. General Herron was then notified, and when his men were landed, a combined attack was made by the army and navy. The Confederates made but slight resistance and soon fled, abandoning everything. Six heavy guns and one vessel fell into the Union hands, and four fine steamers wore destroyed by the enemy. Unfortunately, while the De Kalb was moving slowly along she struck a torpedo, which exploded under her bow and sunk her. As she went down another exploded under her stern, shattering it badly. This gunboat, which at first was called the St. Louis, was the third to be lost of the seven. The Cincinnati was afterward raised; but the De Kalb was so shattered as to make it useless to repair her. At this same time Lieutenant-Commander Selfridge, with a force of light-draught gunboats, entered the Red River, turned out of it into the Black, and from the latter again into the Tensas; following one of the routes by which Grant had thought to move his army below Vicksburg. This water-line runs parallel with the Mississippi. Selfridge succeeded in reaching the head of navigation, Tensas Lake and Bayou Macon, thirty miles above Vicksburg, and only five or six from the Mississippi. The expedition was divided at a tributary of the Black, called Little Red River; two going up it, while two continued up the Tensas. Afterward it went up the Washita as far as Harrisonburg, where the batteries stopped them. Four steamers were destroyed, together with a quantity of ammunition and provisions. A few weeks later, in August, Lieutenant Bache, late of the Cincinnati, went up the White River with three gunboats, the Lexington, Cricket, and Marmora. At a second Little Red River, a narrow and crooked tributary of the White, the Cricket was sent off to look for two steamers said to be hidden there. Bache himself went on to Augusta, thirty miles further up the White, where he got certain news of the movements of the Confederate army in Arkansas; thus attaining one of his chief objects. He now returned to the mouth of the Little Red, and, leaving the Marmora there, went up himself to see how the Cricket had fared. The little vessel was met coming down; bringing with her the two steamers, but having lost one man killed and eight wounded in a brush with sharpshooters. On their return the three vessels were waylaid at every available point by musketry, but met with no loss. They had gone two hundred and fifty miles up the White, and forty up the Little Red River. During a great part of 1863, Tennessee and Kentucky, beyond the lines of the Union army, were a prey not only to raids by detached bodies of the enemy's army, but also to the operations of guerillas and light irregular forces. The ruling feeling of the country favored the Confederate cause, so that every hamlet and farm-house gave a refuge to these marauders, while at the same time the known existence of some Union feeling made it hard for officers to judge, in all cases, whether punishment should fall on the places where the attacks were made. The country between the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers early in the year harbored many of these irregular bodies, having a certain loose organization and a number of field-pieces. The distance between the two streams in the lower part of their course being small, they were able to move from the banks of one to the other with ease. It was necessary, therefore, to keep these rivers patrolled by a force of gunboats; which, though forming part of Porter's fleet, were under the immediate orders of Captain Alexander M. Pennock, commanding the naval station at Cairo. West of the rivers, between them and the great river, the western parts of Kentucky and Tennessee and the northern part of Mississippi were under control of the Union troops, though inroads of guerillas were not unknown. Nashville was held by the Union forces; but the Confederates were not far away at Shelbyville and Tullahoma. The fights between the gunboats and the hostile parties on these rivers do not individually possess much importance, but have an interest in showing the unending and essential work performed by the navy in keeping the communications open, aiding isolated garrisons, and checking the growth of the guerilla war. On the 30th of January Lieutenant-Commander S.L. Phelps, having been sent by Captain Pennock in the Lexington to make a special examination of the condition of affairs on the Cumberland River, reported that, a transport having been fired upon twenty miles above Clarksville, he had landed and burned a storehouse used as a resort by the enemy. As he returned the vessel was attacked with some Parrott rifles and struck three times; but the heavy guns of the Lexington drove the enemy off. Going down to Clarksville he met there a fleet of thirty-one steamers, having many barges in tow, convoyed by three light-draught gunboats. These he joined, and the enemy having tested the power of the Lexington, did not fire a shot between Clarksville and Nashville. As a result of his enquiries he thought that no transport should be allowed to go without convoy higher than Fort Henry or Donelson, situated on either river on the line separating Kentucky and Tennessee. The Lexington was therefore detained, and for a time added to the flotilla on those rivers. Four days later, Lieutenant-Commander Le Roy Fitch, in active charge of the two rivers, was going up the Cumberland with a fleet of transports, convoyed by the Lexington and five light-draughts. When twenty-four miles below Dover, the town on the west bank near which Fort Donelson was situated, he met a steamer bearing a message from Colonel Harding, commanding the post, to the effect that his pickets had been driven in and that he was attacked in force. Fitch at once left the convoy and pushed ahead as fast as he could. A short distance below the town he met a second steamer with the news that Harding was surrounded. At 8 P.M. he arrived, and found the Union forces not only surrounded by overwhelming forces but out of ammunition. The enemy, not thinking about gunboats, had posted the main body of his troops in a graveyard at the west end of the town, the left wing resting in a ravine that led down to the river, thus enabling the vessels to rake that portion of his line. The gunboats opened fire simultaneously up the ravine, into the graveyard and upon the valley beyond. Taken wholly by surprise, the Confederates did not return a shot, but decamped in haste. Leaving two boats to maintain the fire through the ravine, Fitch hastened up with the other four to shell the main road, which, after leaving the upper end of the town, follows nearly the bank of the stream for some distance. The attacking force in this case was 4,500 strong, composed of regular Confederate troops under Generals Wheeler, Forrest, and Wharton. By 11 P.M. they had disappeared, leaving 140 dead. The garrison, which numbered only 800, had defended itself gallantly against this overwhelming force since noon, but was _in extremis_ when the gunboats arrived. On the 27th of March, Fitch was at Fort Hindman, on the Tennessee, where he took on board a force of 150 soldiers and went up the river. On reaching Savanna he heard of a cotton-mill four miles back being run for the Confederate army. The troops and a force of sailors were landed and took the mill, although a regiment of the enemy's cavalry was but two or three miles away. Finding no sure proof of its working for the army, they did not destroy the building, but removed some of the essential parts of the machinery. Going on to Chickasaw, south of the Tennessee line, as the water was too low for the Lexington, he sent on two light-draughts as far as Florence, where they shelled a camp of the enemy. The rapid falling of the river obliged them to return. On the way a quantity of food and live stock belonging to a noted abettor of guerilla warfare were seized. Having returned to the mouth of the Cumberland to coal, Fitch received a telegram on the 3d of April that a convoy had been attacked at Palmyra, thirty miles above Dover, and the gunboat St. Clair disabled. He at once got under way, took five light-draughts besides his own vessel, the Lexington, and went up the river. When he reached Palmyra he burned every house in the town, as a punishment for the firing on unarmed vessels and harboring guerillas. A quick movement followed against a body of the enemy higher up the stream, but they had notice of his approach, and had disappeared. On the 24th a steamer was fired upon in the Tennessee, and three men badly wounded. Fitch went at once to the scene, but the enemy were off. On the 26th, cruising up the river, he found the vessels of General Ellet, commanding what was now called the Marine Brigade, fighting a battery and body of infantry 700 strong. Fitch joined in, and the enemy were of course repulsed. The Marine Brigade landed and pursued the enemy some distance, finding their commander mortally wounded. On the 26th of May Lieutenant-Commander Phelps, with the Covington and two other gunboats, was at Hamburg, on the Tennessee, a few miles from the Mississippi State line. Here he ferried across 1,500 cavalry and four light field-pieces from Corinth, in Mississippi, under Colonel Cornyn. This little body made a forced march upon Florence, forty miles distant, in rear of the left of the Confederate army at Columbia, captured the place and destroyed a large amount of property, including three cotton-mills. An attempt was made by the enemy to cut this force off on its return to the boats, but without success. Early in July a very daring raid was made by General J.H. Morgan of the Confederate army into the States of Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio. Crossing the Ohio River at Brandenburg, he moved in an easterly direction through the southern part of Indiana and Ohio, burning bridges, tearing up railroads, destroying public property, capturing small bodies of troops, and causing general consternation. Fitch heard of him, and at once started up the river with his lightest vessels to cut off the retreat of the raiders. Leaving some boats to patrol the river below, he himself, in the Moose, came up with them on the 19th, at a ford a mile and a half above Buffington Island, and two hundred and fifty miles east of Cincinnati. The retreating enemy had placed two field-pieces in position, but the Moose's battery of 24-pound howitzers drove them off with shell and shrapnel. The troops in pursuit had come up, so the Confederates, finding their retreat stopped, broke and ran up the stream in headlong flight, leaving their wounded and dismounted men behind. The Moose followed, keeping always on their right flank, and stopping two other efforts made to cross. Only when the water became too shoal for even his little paddle steamer of one hundred and sixty tons to go on, did Fitch stop the chase, which had led him five hundred miles from his usual station. His efforts and their useful results were cordially acknowledged by Generals Burnside and Cox, at Cincinnati. During the siege of Port Hudson the enemy on the west bank of the Mississippi made several demonstrations against Donaldsonville and Plaquemine, with a view to disturbing General Banks's communications; threatening also New Orleans, which was not well prepared for defence. Farragut stationed the Princess Royal, Commander Woolsey, at Donaldsonville; the Winona, Lieutenant-Commander Weaver, above at Plaquemine, and the Kineo, Lieutenant-Commander Watters, some distance below. The Confederates attacked the fort at Donaldsonville in force at midnight of June 27th. The Princess Royal kept under way above the fort, engaging the assailants, the Winona arriving at 4 A.M. and joining with her. The Kineo also came up from below, but not in time to take part. The storming party of the enemy succeeded in getting into the fort, but the supports broke and fled under the fire of the gunboats, leaving the advance, numbering 120, prisoners in the hands of the garrison. On the 7th of July, as the Monongahela was coming up the river, some field batteries of the enemy attacked her, and her commander, Abner Read, an officer of distinguished activity and courage, was mortally wounded. Her other loss was 1 killed and 4 wounded; among the latter being Captain Thornton A. Jenkins, on his way to assume command of the Richmond and of the naval forces off Port Hudson. CHAPTER VII. TEXAS AND THE RED RIVER. Upon the fall of Vicksburg and Port Hudson two objects in the Southwest were presented to the consideration of the Government at Washington--Mobile and Texas. General Banks, commanding the Department of the Gulf, was anxious to proceed against the former; a desire fully shared by the navy, which knew that sooner or later it must be called upon to attack that seaport, and that each day of delay made its defences stronger. Considerations of general policy, connected with the action of France in Mexico and the apparent unfriendly attitude of the Emperor Napoleon III. toward the United States, decided otherwise. On the 10th of June, 1863, just a month before the fall of the strongholds of the Mississippi, the French army entered the city of Mexico. On the 24th of July General Banks was instructed to make immediate preparations for an expedition to Texas. This was speedily followed by other urgent orders to occupy some point or points of Texan territory, doubtless as an indication that the course of interference begun in the weaker republic would not be permitted to extend to lands over which the United States claimed authority, though actually in revolt. The expectation that France would thus attempt to interfere was far from lacking foundation, and was shared, with apprehension, by the Confederate Government. A year before, M. Theron, a French consul in Texas, acting in his official capacity, had addressed a letter to the Governor of the State, suggesting that the re-establishment of the old republic of Texas, in other words, the secession of the State from the Confederacy, might be well for his "beloved adopted country;" and ended by saying that the Governor's answer would be a guide to him in his political correspondence with the government he represented. In consequence of this letter, M. Theron and the French consul at Richmond, who had also been meddling with Texan affairs, were ordered to leave the Confederate States. The object evidently was to set up an independent republic between the new empire in Mexico and whichever power, Union or Confederacy, should triumph in the Civil War. The Commander-in-Chief, General Halleck, expressed his own preference for a movement by the Red River to Shreveport, in the northwest corner of Louisiana, and the military occupation from that point of northern Texas, but left the decision as to taking that line of operation, or some other, to General Banks. The latter, for various reasons, principally the great distance of Shreveport, seven hundred miles from New Orleans, and the low state of the Red River, which entirely precluded water transportation, chose to operate by the sea-coast, and took as the first point of attack Sabine Pass and city, three hundred miles from Southwest Pass, where the river Sabine, separating the States of Louisiana and Texas, enters the Gulf. If he could make good his footing here at once, he hoped to be able to advance on Beaumont, the nearest point on the railroad, and thence on Houston, the capital and railway centre of the State, which is less than one hundred miles from Sabine City, before the enemy could be ready to repel him. Owing to lack of transportation, all the troops for the destined operations could not go forward at once. The first division of 4,000, under Major-General Franklin, sailed from New Orleans on the 5th of September. Commodore Henry H. Bell, commanding the Western Gulf Squadron in the absence of Farragut, detailed the gunboats Clifton, Sachem, Arizona, and Granite City to accompany the expedition, Lieutenant Frederick Crocker of the Clifton being senior officer. With the exception of the Clifton they were all of very light armament, but were the only available vessels of sufficiently small draught, the naval-built gunboats of the Cayuga class drawing too much water to cross the bar. The transports arrived off the Pass on the morning of the 7th, the gunboats coming in the same evening. The next morning at eight the Clifton, followed soon after by the other gunboats and the transports, crossed the bar and anchored inside about two miles from the fort. At 3.30 P.M. the Clifton, Sachem, and Arizona advanced to attack the works. At four the Sachem received a shot in her boilers and was at once enveloped in steam. A few minutes later the Clifton grounded and also was struck in the boilers, but kept up her fire for twenty or thirty minutes longer; then both the disabled vessels hauled down their flags. The army now abandoned the expedition, and the transports with the remaining gunboats withdrew during the night. In this unfortunate affair the Clifton lost 10 killed and 9 wounded, the Sachem 7 killed, the wounded not being given. There were 39 missing from the two vessels, many of whom were drowned. The hopes of success being dependent upon a surprise, this route was now abandoned. Banks entertained for a little while the idea of advancing from Berwick Bay by land, crossing the Sabine at Niblett's Bluff; but the length of the communication and difficulty of the country deterred him. The Red River Route would not be available before the spring rise. To carry out the wish of the Government he next determined to land at the extreme end of the Texas coast line, near the Rio Grande, and work his way to the eastward. A force of 3,500 men, under General Dana, was organized for this expedition, which sailed from New Orleans on the 26th of October, Banks himself going with it. The transports were convoyed by the ships-of-war Monongahela, Owasco, and Virginia, Captain James H. Strong of the Monongahela being senior officer. The fleet was somewhat scattered by a norther on the 30th, but on the 2d of November a landing was made on Brazos Island at the mouth of the Rio Grande. The next day another detachment was put on shore on the main-land, and Brownsville, thirty miles from the mouth of the river, was occupied on the 6th. Leaving a garrison here, the troops were again embarked on the 16th and carried one hundred and twenty miles up the coast to Corpus Christi, at the southern end of Mustang Island, where they landed and marched to the upper end of the island, a distance of twenty-two miles. Here was a small work, mounting three guns, which was shelled by the Monongahela and surrendered on the approach of the army. The troops now crossed the Aransas Pass and moved upon Pass Cavallo, the entrance to Matagorda Bay. There was here an extensive work called Fort Esperanza, which the army invested; but on the 30th the enemy withdrew by the peninsula connecting with the main-land, thus leaving the control of the bay in the hands of the Union forces. The light gunboats Granite City and Estrella were sent inside. So far all had gone well and easily; the enemy had offered little resistance and the United States flag had been raised in Texas. Now, however, Banks found powerful works confronting him at the mouth of the Brazos River and at Galveston. To reduce these he felt it necessary to turn into the interior and come upon them in the rear, but the forces of the enemy were such as to deter him from the attempt unless he could receive reinforcements. Halleck had looked with evident distrust upon this whole movement, by which a small force had been separated from the main body by the width of Louisiana and Texas, with the enemy's army between the two, and the reinforcements were not forthcoming; but recurring to his favorite plan of operating by the Red River and Shreveport, without giving positive orders to adopt it, the inducement was held out that, if that line were taken up, Steele's army in Arkansas and such forces as Sherman could detach should be directed to the same object. The co-operation of the Mississippi squadron was also promised. It was necessary, however, that this proposed expedition should be taken in hand and carried through promptly, because both Banks's own troops and Sherman's would be needed in time to take part in the spring and summer campaigns east of the Mississippi; while at the same time the movement could not begin until the Red River should rise enough to permit the passage of the gunboats and heavy transports over the falls above Alexandria, which would not ordinarily be before the month of March. The two months of January and February were spent in inactivity in the Department of the Gulf, but frequent communications were held between the three generals whose forces were to take part in the movement. On the 1st of March Sherman came to New Orleans to confer with Banks, and it was then arranged that he should send 10,000 men under a good commander, who should meet Porter at the mouth of the Red River, ascend the Black, and strike a hard blow at Harrisonburg, if possible, and at all events be at Alexandria on the 17th of March. Banks on his part was to reach there at the same date, marching his army from Franklin by way of Opelousas, and to conduct his movement on Shreveport with such celerity as to enable the detachment from Sherman's corps to get back to the Mississippi in thirty days from the time they entered the Red River. General Steele was directed by Grant to move toward Shreveport from Little Rock, a step to which he was averse, and his movements seem to have had little, if any, effect upon the fortunes of the expedition. Having finished his business, Sherman went back at once, resisting the urgent invitation of General Banks, whose military duties seem to have been somewhat hampered by civil calls, to remain over the 4th of March and participate in the inauguration of a civil government for Louisiana, in which the Anvil Chorus was to be played by all the bands in the Army of the Gulf, the church bells rung, and cannons fired by electricity. General Franklin, who was to command the army advancing from Franklin by Opelousas, did not receive his orders to move till the 10th, which was too late to reach Alexandria, one hundred and seventy-five miles away, by the 17th. Moreover, the troops which had been recalled from the Texas coast, leaving only garrisons at Brownsville and Matagorda, had just arrived at Berwick Bay and were without transportation; while the cavalry had not come up from New Orleans. The force got away on the 13th and 14th and reached Alexandria on the 25th and 26th. Meanwhile, Sherman, having none but military duties to embarrass him, was in Vicksburg on the 6th, and at once issued his orders to General A.J. Smith, who was to command the corps detached up the Red river. On the 11th Smith was at the mouth of the River, where he met Porter, who had been there since the 2d, and had with him the following vessels: Essex, Commander Robert Townsend; Eastport, Lieutenant-Commander S.L. Phelps; Black Hawk, Lieutenant-Commander K.R. Breese; Lafayette, Lieutenant-Commander J.P. Foster; Benton, Lieutenant-Commander J.A. Greer; Louisville, Lieutenant-Commander E.K. Owen; Carondelet, Lieutenant-Commander J.G. Mitchell; Osage, Lieutenant-Commander T.O. Selfridge; Ouachita, Lieutenant-Commander Byron Wilson; Lexington, Lieutenant G.M. Bache; Chillicothe, Lieutenant S.P. Couthouy; Pittsburg, Lieutenant W.B. Hoel; Mound City, Lieutenant A.R. Langthorne; Neosho, Lieutenant Samuel Howard; Ozark, Lieutenant G.W. Browne; Fort Hindman, Lieutenant John Pearce; Cricket, Master H.H. Gorringe; Gazelle, Master Charles Thatcher. Most of these vessels will be recognized as old acquaintances. The last three were light-draughts, the Cricket and Gazelle being but little over 200 tons. The Ouachita was a paddle-wheel steamer, carrying in broadside, on two docks, a numerous battery of howitzers, eighteen 24-pounders and sixteen 12-pounders (one of the latter being rifled); and besides these, five 30-pounder rifles as bow and stern guns. The Ozark, Osage, and Neosho, were ironclads of very light draught, having a single turret clad with 6-inch armor in which were mounted two XI-inch guns. They were moved by stern paddle-wheels covered with an iron house, of ¾-inch plates, which was higher than the turret, and from a broadside view looked like a gigantic beehive. The Essex did not go farther than the mouth of the river. Early on the morning of March 12th the gunboats started up, the transports following. There was just enough water to allow the larger boats to pass. The transports, with the Benton, Pittsburg, Louisville, Mound City, Carondelet, Chillicothe, Ouachita, Lexington, and Gazelle turned off into the Atchafalaya, the admiral accompanying this part of his squadron; while Lieutenant-Commander Phelps with the other vessels continued up the Red River to remove obstructions, which the enemy had planted across the stream eight miles below Fort de Russy. The army landed at Simmesport on the 13th, taking possession there of the camping-ground of the enemy, who retreated on Fort de Russy. The next day at daylight they were pursued, and Smith's corps, after a march of twenty-eight miles, in which it was delayed two hours to build a bridge, reached the fort in time to assault and take it before sundown. The Confederate General Walker had withdrawn the main body of his troops, leaving only 300 men, who could offer but slight resistance. Eight heavy guns and two field-pieces were taken. The detachment of vessels under Lieutenant-Commander Phelps were at first delayed by the difficulty of piloting the Lafayette and Choctaw, long vessels of heavy draft, through the narrow and crooked river. The 13th thus wore away slowly, and on the 14th they reached the obstructions. Two rows of piles had been driven across the channel, braced, and tied together; immediately below them was a raft well secured to either bank and made of logs which did not float. Finally a great many trees had been cut and floated down upon the piles from above. The Fort Hindman removed a portion of the raft, and then the Eastport got to work on the piles, dragging out some and starting others by ramming. By four o'clock in the afternoon a large enough gap had been made, and the Eastport, followed by the Hindman, Osage, and Cricket, hastened up the river. Rapid artillery firing was heard as they drew near the works, but being ignorant of the position of the Union troops, few shots were fired for fear of injuring them. The slight engagement was ended by the surrender, a few moments after the boats came up. An order from the admiral to push on at once to Alexandria was delayed five hours in transmission. When it was received, the fastest vessels, the Ouachita and Lexington, were sent on, followed by the Eastport, but got there just as the last of the Confederate transports passed over the Falls. One of them grounded and was burnt. These advance vessels reached Alexandria on the evening of the 15th, the admiral with the rest on the 16th; at which time there had also come up from 7,000 to 8,000 of Smith's corps, the remainder being left at Fort de Russy. Alexandria was the highest point reached by the fleet the May before. Shreveport, the object of the present expedition, is three hundred and forty miles farther up the Red River. It was the principal dépôt of the Confederates west of the Mississippi, had some machine-shops and dockyards, and was fortified by a line of works of from two to three miles radius, commanding the opposite bank. Between the two places the river, which gets its name from the color of its water, flows through a fertile and populous country, the banks in many places being high, following in a very crooked channel a general southeasterly direction. In this portion of its course it has a width of seven hundred to eight hundred feet, and at low water a depth of four feet. The slope from Shreveport to Alexandria at high water is a little over a hundred feet, but immediately above the latter place there are two small rapids, called the Falls of Alexandria, which interrupt navigation when the water is low. The annual rise begins in the early winter, and from December to June the river is in fair boating condition for its usual traffic; but water enough for the gunboats and transports to pass the Falls could not be expected before the spring rise in March. The river, however, can never be confidently trusted. For twenty years before 1864 it had only once failed to rise, in 1855; but this year it was exceptionally backward, and so caused much embarrassment to the fleet. General Banks came in on the 26th of March and the last of Franklin's corps on the 28th. Smith's command was then moved on to Bayou Rapides, twenty-one miles above Alexandria. The slow rise of the river was still detaining the vessels. There was water enough for the lighter draughts, but, as the enemy was reported to have some ironclad vessels not far above, the Admiral was unwilling to let them go up until one of the heavier gunboats had passed. The Eastport was therefore sent up first, being delayed two or three days on the rocks of the rapids, and at last hauled over by main force. She at once passed ahead of Smith's corps. The Mound City, Carondelet, Pittsburg, Louisville, Chillicothe, Ozark, Osage, Neosho, Lexington, and Hindman also went above the Falls, as did some thirty transports. At this time the Marine Brigade, which was now under the army and formed part of Smith's command, was summoned back to Vicksburg, taking 3,000 men from the expedition. The river continuing to rise slowly, it was thought best to keep two lines of transports, one above and one below the Falls, and to transship stores around them. This made it necessary to establish a garrison at Alexandria, which further reduced the force for the field. Banks's own army marched by land to Natchitoches, eighty miles distant, arriving there on the 2d and 3d of April; but Smith's command went forward on transports convoyed by the gunboats and reached Grand Ecore, four miles from Natchitoches, on the 3d. Here it landed, except one division of 2,000 men under General T. Kilby Smith, who took charge of the transports, now numbering twenty-six, many of them large boats. These Smith was directed to take to the mouth of Loggy Bayou, opposite Springfield, where it was expected he would again communicate with the army. So far the water had been good, the boats having a foot to spare; but as the river was rising very slowly, the admiral would not take his heavy boats any higher. Leaving Lieutenant-Commander Phelps in command at Grand Ecore, with instructions to watch the water carefully and not be caught above a certain bar, a mile lower down, Porter went ahead with the Cricket, Hindman, Lexington, Osage, Neosho, Chillicothe, and the transports, on the 7th of April. The army marched out on the 6th and 7th, directed upon Mansfield. The way led through a thickly wooded country by a single road, which was in many places too narrow to admit of two wagons passing. On the night of the 7th Banks reached Pleasant Hill, where Franklin then was; the cavalry division, numbering 3,300 mounted infantry, being eight miles in advance, Smith's command fifteen miles in the rear. The next day the advance was resumed, and, at about fifteen miles from Pleasant Hill, the cavalry, which had been reinforced by a brigade of infantry, became heavily engaged with a force largely outnumbering it. After being pushed back some little distance, this advanced corps finally gave way in confusion. Banks had now been some time on the field. At 4.15 P.M. Franklin came up, and, seeing how the affair was going, sent word back to General Emory of his corps, to form line of battle at a place he named, two miles in the rear. The enemy came on rapidly, and as the cavalry train of one hundred and fifty wagons and some eighteen or twenty pieces of artillery were close in rear of the discomfited troops, it was not possible, in the narrow road, to turn and save them. Emory, advancing rapidly in accordance with his orders, met flying down the road a crowd of disorganized cavalry, wagons, ambulances, and loose animals, through which his division had to force its way, using violence to do so. As the enemy's bullets began to drop among them, the division reached a suitable position for deploying, called by Banks Pleasant Grove, three miles in rear of the first action. Here the line was formed, and the enemy, seemingly not expecting to meet any opposition, were received when within a hundred yards by a vigorous fire, before which they gave way in about fifteen minutes. By this time it was dark, and toward midnight the command fell back to Pleasant Hill, where it was joined by A.J. Smith's corps. The following day, at 5 P.M., the enemy again attacked at Pleasant Hill, but were repulsed so decidedly that the result was considered a victory by the Union forces, and by the Confederates themselves a serious check; but for various reasons Banks thought best to fall back again to Grand Ecore. The retreat was continued that night, and on the night of the 11th the army reached Grand Ecore, where it threw up intrenchments and remained ten days. As yet there was no intention of retreating farther. Meanwhile the navy and transports had pressed hopefully up the river. The navigation was very bad, the river crooked and narrow, the water low and beginning to fall, the bottom full of snags and stumps, and the sides bristling with cypress logs and sharp, hard timbers. Still, the distance, one hundred and ten miles, was made in the time appointed, and Springfield Landing reached on the afternoon of the 10th. Here the enemy had sunk a large steamer across the channel, her bow resting on one shore and her stern on the other, while the body amidships was broken down by a quantity of bricks and mud loaded upon her. Porter and Kilby Smith were consulting how to get rid of this obstacle, when they heard of the disaster and retreat of the army. Smith was ordered by Banks to return, and there was no reason for Porter to do otherwise. The following day they fell back to Coushattee Chute, and the enemy began the harassment which they kept up throughout the descent to, and even below, Alexandria. The first day, however, the admiral was able to keep them for the most part in check, though from the high banks they could fire down on the decks almost with impunity. The main body of the enemy was on the southern bank, but on the north there was also a force under a General Liddell, numbering, with Harrison's cavalry, perhaps 2,500 men. On the 12th a severe and singular fight took place. At four in the afternoon the Hastings, transport, on which Kilby Smith was, having disabled her wheel, had run into the right bank for repairs. At the same moment the Alice Vivian, a heavy transport, with four hundred cavalry horses, was aground in the middle of the stream; as was the gunboat Osage, Lieutenant-Commander Selfridge. Two other transports were alongside the Vivian, and a third alongside the Osage, trying to move them. Another transport, called the Rob Roy, having on her decks four siege guns, had just come down and was near the Osage. The Lexington, gunboat, Lieutenant Bache, was near the northern shore, but afloat. The vessels being thus situated, a sudden attack was made from the right bank by 2,000 of the enemy's infantry and four field pieces. The gunboats, the Rob Roy with her siege guns, and two field pieces on the other transports all replied, the Hastings, of course, casting off from her dangerous neighborhood. This curious contest lasted for nearly two hours, the Confederate sharpshooters sheltering themselves behind the trees, the soldiers on board the transports behind bales of hay. There could be but one issue to so ill-considered an attack, and the enemy, after losing 700 men, were driven off; their commander, General Thomas Green, a Texan, being among the slain. The large loss is accounted for by the fact that besides the two thousand actually engaged there were five thousand more some distance back, who shared in the punishment. The following day an attack was made from the north bank, but no more from the south before reaching Grand Ecore on the 14th and 15th. The admiral himself, being concerned for the safety of his heavy vessels in the falling river, hurried there on the 13th, and on his arrival reported the condition of things above to Banks, who sent out a force to clear the banks of guerillas as far as where the transports lay. Lieutenant-Commander Phelps had already moved all the vessels below the bar at Grand Ecore, but had recalled four to cover the army when it returned. The admiral now sent them all below to move slowly toward Alexandria. His position was one of great perplexity. The river ought to be rising, but was actually falling; there was danger if he delayed that he might lose some of the boats, but on the other hand he felt it would be a stain upon the navy to look too closely to its own safety, and it was still possible that the river might take a favorable turn. He had decided to keep four of the light-draughts above the bar till the very last moment, remaining with them himself, when he received news that the Eastport had been sunk by a torpedo eight miles below. The accident happened on the 15th, the vessel having been previously detained on the bar nearly twenty-four hours. The admiral left Lieutenant-Commander Selfridge in charge at Grand Ecore and at once went to the scene, where he found the Eastport in shoal water but sunk to her gun-deck, the water on one side being over it. The Lexington and a towboat were alongside helping to pump her out. Giving orders that she should be lightened, he kept on down to Alexandria to start two pump-boats up to her and to look after the affairs of the squadron both along the Red River and in the Mississippi. On his return, two days later, he found her with her battery and ammunition out and the pump-boats alongside. By this time it was known that the army would not advance again, and that Banks was anxious to get back to Alexandria. The officers and crew of the Eastport worked night and day to relieve her, and on the 21st she was again afloat, with fires started, but as yet they had not been able to come at the leak. That day she made twenty miles, but at night grounded on a bar, to get over which took all the 22d. Four or five miles farther down she again grounded, and another day was spent in getting her off. Two or three times more she was gotten clear and made a few more miles down the river by dint of extreme effort; but at last, on the 26th, she grounded on some logs fifty miles below the scene of the accident, in a position evidently hopeless. Selfridge's division of light ironclads had been compelled by the falling water to drop below the bar at Grand Ecore, and, as they were there of no further use to the army, had continued down to Alexandria, except the Hindman, which was kept by the Eastport. On the 22d the army evacuated Grand Ecore and marched for Alexandria. On this retreat the advance and rear-guard had constant skirmishing with the enemy. At Cane River the Confederates had taken position to dispute the crossing, and the advance had a serious fight to drive them off. The rear-guard also had one or two quite sharp encounters, but the army reached Alexandria without serious loss on the 26th. The Eastport and Fort Hindman were now in a very serious position, aground in a hostile river, their own army sixty miles away, and between it and them the enemy lining the banks of the river. The admiral, having seen the rest of his fleet in safety, returned to the crippled boat, taking with him only two tinclads, the Cricket and Juliet; but the Osage and Neosho were ordered to move up forty miles, near the mouth of Cane River, so as to be in readiness to render assistance. On the 26th, the commander of the Eastport, whose calmness and hopefulness had won the admiral's admiration and led him to linger longer than was perhaps prudent, in the attempt to save the vessel, was obliged to admit that there was no hope. The river was falling steadily, the pilots said there was already too little water for her draught on the bars below, and the crew were worn out with six days of incessant labor. The attempt was made to remove her plating, but it was not possible to do so soon enough. Orders were therefore given to transfer the ship's company to the Fort Hindman, whose captain, Lieutenant Pearce, had worked like her own to save her, and to blow the Eastport up. Eight barrels of powder were placed under her forward casemate, a like number in the stern, and others about the machinery, trains were laid fore and aft, and at 1.45 P.M. Phelps himself lit the match and left the vessel. He had barely time to reach the Hindman before the explosions took place in rapid succession; then the flames burst out and the vessel was soon consumed. The three remaining gunboats and the two pump-boats now began a hazardous retreat down the river. Just as the preparations for blowing up the Eastport were completed, a rush was made by twelve hundred men from the right bank to board the Cricket, which was tied up. Her captain, Gorringe, backed clear, and opening upon them with grape and canister, supported by a cross fire from the other boats, the attack was quickly repelled. They were not again molested until they had gone twenty miles farther, to about five miles above the mouth of Cane River. Here they came in sight of a party of the enemy, with eighteen pieces of artillery, drawn up on the right bank. At this time the Cricket was leading with the admiral's flag; the Juliet following, lashed to one pump-boat; the Hindman in the rear. The Cricket opened at once, and the enemy replied. Gorringe stopped his vessel, meaning to fight and cover those astern, but the admiral directed him to move ahead. Before headway was gained the enemy was pouring in a pelting shower of shot and shell, the two broadside guns' crews were swept away, one gun disabled, and at the same instant the chief engineer was killed, and all but one of the men in the fire-room wounded. In these brief moments the Juliet was also disabled by a shot in her machinery, the rudder of the pump-boat lashed to her was struck, and the boiler of the other was exploded. The captain of the latter, with almost the entire ship's company, numbering two hundred,[20] were scalded to death, while the boat, enveloped in steam, drifted down and lodged against the bank under the enemy's battery, remaining in their power. The pilot of the boat towing the Juliet abandoned the wheel-house--an act unparalleled among a class of men whose steadiness and devotion under the exposure of their calling elicited the highest praise from Porter and others; the crew also tried to cut the hawsers, but were stopped by Watson, the captain of the gunboat. A junior pilot named Maitland, with great bravery and presence of mind, jumped to the wheel and headed the two boats up river. This confusion in the centre of the line prevented the Hindman from covering the admiral as Phelps wished, but he now got below the Juliet and engaged the enemy till she was out of range. Meanwhile the admiral had found the pilot of the Cricket to be among the wounded, and taking charge of the vessel himself, ran by the battery under the heaviest fire[21] he ever experienced. When below he turned and engaged the batteries in the rear, but seeing that the Hindman and the others were not coming by he continued down to the point where he expected to meet the Osage and Neosho. In this truly desperate fight the Cricket, a little boat of one hundred and fifty-six tons, was struck thirty-eight times in five minutes, and lost 25 killed and wounded, half her crew. Soon after passing below she ran aground and remained fast for three hours, so that it was dark when she reached the Osage, lying opposite another battery of the enemy, which she had been engaging during the day. During that night the vessels still above were busy repairing damages and getting ready for the perils of the next day. Fearing the enemy might obstruct the channel by sinking the captured pump-boat across it, a shell was fired at her from time to time. The repairs were made before noon, but the Juliet being still crippled, the Hindman took her alongside, and so headed down for the batteries. Before going far the Juliet struck a snag, which made it necessary to go back and stop the leak. Then they started again, the remaining pump-boat following. When within five hundred yards the enemy opened a well-sustained fire, and a shot passed through the pilot-house of the Hindman, cutting the wheel-ropes. This made the vessel unmanageable, and the two falling off broadside to the stream drifted down under fire, striking now one shore and now the other but happily going clear. The guns under these circumstances could not be used very effectively, and the pump-boat suffered the more from the enemy's fire. Maitland was still piloting her, and when nearly opposite the batteries he was wounded in both legs by a shell. He dropped on his knees, unable to handle the wheel, and the boat ran into the bank on the enemy's side. Another shell struck the pilot-house, wounding him again in several places, and a third cut away a bell-rope and the speaking-tube. Rallying a little, Maitland now got hold of and rang another bell and had the boat backed across the river. The crew attempted to escape, but were all taken prisoners, the captain and one other having been killed. In the two days encounters the Juliet was hit nearly as often as the Cricket and lost 15 killed and wounded; the Hindman, though repeatedly struck and much cut up, only 3 killed and 5 wounded. The fire of the enemy's sharpshooters was very annoying for some miles farther down, but twelve miles below the batteries they met the Neosho going up to their assistance. The main interest of the retreat of the squadron centres in the Eastport and her plucky little consorts, but the other vessels had had their own troubles in getting down the river. The obstacles to be overcome are described as enough to appal the stoutest heart by the admiral, who certainly was not a man of faint heart. Guns had to be removed and the vessels jumped over sand-bars and logs, but the squadron arrived in time to prevent any attack on the reserve stores before the main body of the army came up. At Alexandria the worst of their troubles awaited them, threatening to make all that had yet been done vain. The river, which ordinarily remains high till June, had not only failed to reach its usual height but had so fallen that they could not pass the rapids. General W.T. Sherman, who had lived at Alexandria before the war, thought twelve feet necessary before going up, a depth usually found from March to June. At the very least seven were needed by the gunboats to go down, and on the 30th of April of this year there were actually only three feet four inches. The danger was the greatest that had yet befallen the fleet, and seemingly hopeless. A year before, in the Yazoo bayous, the position had been most critical, but there the peril came from the hand of man and was met and repelled by other men. Here Nature herself had turned against them, forsaking her usual course to do them harm. Ten gunboats and two tugs were thus imprisoned in a country soon to pass into the enemy's hands by the retreat of the army. Desperate as the case seemed, relief came. Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Bailey, of the Fourth Wisconsin Volunteers, was at this time acting as Chief Engineer of the Nineteenth Army Corps, General Franklin's. He was a man who had had much experience on the watercourses of the Northwestern country, and had learned to use dams to overcome obstacles arising from shallow water in variable streams. The year before he had applied this knowledge to free two transport steamers, which had been taken when Port Hudson fell, from their confinement in Thompson's Creek, where the falling water had left them sunk in the sand. As the army fell back, and during its stay at Grand Ecore, he had heard rumors about the scant water at the Falls, and the thought had taken hold of his mind that he might now build a dam on a greater scale and to a more vital purpose than ever before. His idea, first broached to General Franklin, was through him conveyed to Banks and Porter, and generally through the army. Franklin, himself an engineer, thought well of it, and so did some others; but most doubted, and many jeered. The enemy themselves, when they became aware of it, laughed, and their pickets and prisoners alike cried scoffingly, "How about that dam?" But Bailey had the faith that moves mountains, and he was moreover happy in finding at his hands the fittest tools for the work. Among the troops in the far Southwest were two or three regiments from Maine, the northeasternmost of all the States. These had been woodmen and lumbermen from their youth, among their native forests, and a regiment of them now turned trained and willing arms upon the great trees on the north shore of the Red River; and there were many others who, on a smaller scale and in different scenes, had experience in the kind of work now to be done. Time was pressing, and from two to three thousand men were at once set to work on the 1st of May. The Falls are about a mile in length, filled with rugged rocks which, at this low water, were bare or nearly so, the water rushing down around, or over, them with great swiftness. At the point below, where the dam was to be built, the river is 758 feet wide, and the current was then between nine and ten miles an hour. From the north bank was built what was called the "tree dam," formed of large trees laid with the current, the branches interlocking, the trunks down stream and cross-tied with heavy timber; upon this was thrown brush, brick, and stone, and the weight of water as it rose bound the fabric more closely down upon the bottom of the river. From the other bank, where the bottom was more stony and trees less plenty, great cribs were pushed out, sunk and filled with stone and brick--the stone brought down the river in flat-boats, the bricks obtained by pulling down deserted brick buildings. On this side, a mile away, was a large sugar-house; this was torn down and the whole building, machinery, and kettles went to ballast the dam. Between the cribs and the tree dam a length of 150 feet was filled by four large coal barges, loaded with brick and sunk. This great work was completed in eight working days, and even on the eighth, three of the lighter vessels, the Osage, Neosho, and Fort Hindman, were able to pass the upper falls and wait just above the dam for the chance to pass; but the heavier vessels had yet to delay for a further rise. In the meantime the vessels were being lightened by their crews. Nearly all the guns, ammunition, provisions, chain cables, anchors, and everything that could affect the draught, were taken out and hauled round in wagons below the falls. The iron plating was taken off the Ozark, and the sides of our old friends the Eads gunboats, the four survivors of which were here, as ever where danger was. This iron, for want of wagons, could not be hauled round, so the boats ran up the river and dumped it overboard in a five-fathom hole, where the shifting sand would soon swallow it up. Iron plating was then too scarce and valuable to the Confederates to let it fall into their hands. Eleven old 32-pounders were also burst and sunk. The dam was finished, the water rising, and three boats below, when, between 7 and 10 A.M. of the 9th, the pressure became so great as to sweep away two of the barges in midstream and the pent-up water poured through. Admiral Porter rode round to the upper falls and ordered the Lexington to pass them at once and try to go through the dam without a stop. Her steam was ready and she went ahead, passing scantly over the rapids, the water falling all the time; then she steered straight for the opening, where the furious rushing of the waters seemed to threaten her with destruction. She entered the gap, which was but 66 feet wide, with a full head of steam, pitched down the roaring torrent, made two or three heavy rolls, hung for a moment on the rocks below, and then, sweeping into deep water with the current, rounded to at the bank, safe. One great cheer rose from the throats of the thousands looking on, who had before been hushed into painful silence, awaiting the issue with beating hearts. The Neosho followed, but stopping her engine as she drew near the opening, was carried helplessly through; for a moment her low hull disappeared in the water, but she escaped with a hole in her bottom, which was soon repaired. The Hindman and Osage came through without touching. The work on the dam had been done almost wholly by the soldiers, who had worked both day and night, often up to their waists and even to their necks in the water, showing throughout the utmost cheerfulness and good humor. The partial success, that followed the first disappointment of the break, was enough to make such men again go to work with good will. Bailey decided not to try again, with his limited time and materials, to sustain the whole weight of water with one dam; and so, leaving the gap untouched, went on to build two wing-dams on the upper falls. These, extending from either shore toward the middle of the river and inclining slightly down stream, took part of the weight, causing a rise of 1 foot 2 inches, and shed the water from either side into the channel between them. Three days were needed to build these, one a crib-and the other a tree-dam, and a bracket-dam a little lower down to help guide the current. The rise due to the main dam when breached was 5 feet 4½ inches, so that the entire gain in depth by this admirable engineering work was 6 feet 6½ inches. On the 11th the Mound City, Carondelet, and Pittsburg came over the upper falls, but with trouble, the channel being very crooked and scarcely wide enough. The next day the remaining boats, Ozark, Louisville, and Chillicothe, with the two tugs, also came down to the upper dam, and during that and the following day they all passed through the gap, with hatches closely nailed down and every precaution taken against accident. No mishap befell them beyond the unshipping of rudders, and the loss of one man swept from the deck of a tug. The two barges which had been carried out at the first break of the dam stuck just below and at right angles to it, and there staid throughout, affording an excellent cushion on the left side of the shoot. What had been a calamity proved thus a benefit. The boats having taken on board their guns and stores as fast as they came below, that work was completed, even by the last comers, on the 13th, and all then steamed down the river with the transports in company. The water had become very low in the lower part, but providentially a rise of the Mississippi sent up so much back-water that no stoppage happened. [Illustration: Red River Dam.] For the valuable services rendered to the fleet in this hour of great danger, Lieutenant-Colonel Bailey was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general and received the thanks of Congress. The stone cribs of the dam have long since been swept away, but the tree-dam has remained until this day, doubtless acquiring new strength from year to year by the washing of the river. Its position has forced the channel over to the south shore, encroaching seriously upon the solid land, especially when the water is high. A very large part of the front of Alexandria, at the upper suburb, has thus been washed away, and the caving still continues. While the fleet and army were at Alexandria, the enemy had passed round the city and appeared on the banks below, where they made the passage of light steamers very dangerous. Two light-draught gunboats, the Covington and Signal, were thus lost to the service. They had gone down convoying a transport called the Warner. The Warner was put in advance, the gunboats following in line ahead. The enemy began with heavy musketry and two field pieces, by which the Warner's rudders were disabled; she continued on a short distance till a bend was reached, and here, being unable to make the turn, she went ashore, blocking also the channel to the two armed vessels. A heavy force of infantry with artillery now opened on the three, the gunboats replying for three hours, when the Warner hoisted a white flag. Lieutenant Lord of the Covington still kept up his fire and sent to burn the transport; but learning from the colonel in charge that there were nearly 125 killed and wounded on board he desisted. Soon after this the Signal was disabled. The Covington then rounded to and took the others in tow up stream, but her own rudders were disabled and the Signal went adrift. The latter then anchored, and the Covington running to the left bank tied up with her head up stream. In this position the action was continued with the enemy, reinforced now by the first battery which had been brought down, till the steam-drum was penetrated and a shot entering the boilers let out all the water; the ammunition gave out and several guns were disabled, one officer and several men being killed. Lord set the vessel on fire and escaped with the crew to the banks. On mustering, 9 officers and 23 men were found out of a crew of 76. Most of those who reached the banks escaped through the woods to Alexandria. The Covington was riddled, having received some fifty shots. The disabled Signal was fought with equal obstinacy by her commander, Lieutenant Morgan, but after the destruction of the Covington was surrendered, not burned; it being found impossible to remove the wounded under the fire of the enemy. The army marched out of Alexandria on the 14th toward Simmesport, which they reached on the 16th. Having no regular pontoon train, the Atchafalaya, which is here about six hundred yards wide, was crossed by a bridge of transport steamers moored side by side; an idea of Colonel Bailey's. The crossing was made on the 20th, and on that same day General Banks was relieved by General Canby, who had been ordered to command the Department of the West Mississippi, with headquarters at New Orleans. A.J. Smith's corps embarked and went up the river, and the expedition was over. The disastrous ending and the lateness of the season made it impracticable to carry out Grant's previous plan of moving on Mobile with force sufficient to insure its capture. After the Red River expedition little is left to say, in a work of this scope, of the operations of the Mississippi Squadron during the rest of the war. Admiral Porter was relieved during the summer, leaving Captain Pennock in temporary charge. Acting Rear-Admiral S.P. Lee took the command on the 1st of November. The task and actions of the squadron were of the same general character as those described in Chapter VI. Guerillas and light detached bodies of the enemy continued to hover on the banks of the Mississippi, White, Arkansas, Tennessee, and Cumberland Rivers. The Red River was simply blockaded, not occupied, and much of the Yazoo Valley, having no present importance, had been abandoned to the enemy. The gunboats scattered throughout those waters were constantly patrolling and convoying, and often in action. The main operations of the army being now far east of the Mississippi, the work and exposure of the boats became greater. Masked batteries of field pieces were frequently sprung upon them, or upon unarmed steamers passing up and down; in either case the nearest gunboat must hasten and engage it. Weak isolated posts were suddenly attacked; a gunboat, usually not far off, must go to the rescue. Reconnoissances into the enemy's country, as the Yazoo Valley, were to be made, or troops carried in transports from point to point; gunboats went along with their heavy yet manageable artillery, feeling doubtful places with their shells and clearing out batteries or sharpshooters when found. The service was not as easy as it sounds. It would be wrong to infer that their power was always and at once recognized. Often they were outnumbered in guns, and a chance shot in a boiler or awkward turn of a wheel, throwing the vessel aground, caused its loss. Even when victorious they were often hardly used. The limits of this book will permit the telling of but two or three stories. In the latter part of June, 1864, General Steele, commanding the Union troops in Arkansas, wished to move some round in transports from Duval's Bluff on the White River to the Arkansas, hoping to reach Little Rock in this way. One attempt was made, but, the enemy being met in force on the Arkansas, the transports were turned back. Lieutenant Bache assured him that the trip could not be made, but as the General thought otherwise, he consented to try again and left the Bluff with a large convoy on the 24th, having with him of armed vessels the Tyler, his own, the Naumkeag and Fawn. The two latter were tinclads, the first an unarmored boat. When about twenty miles down, two men were picked up, part of the crew of the light-draught Queen City, which had been captured by the Confederates five hours before. It was then nine o'clock. Bache at once turned the transports back and went ahead fast himself to take or destroy the lost boat before her guns could be removed. Before reaching Clarendon two reports were heard, which came from the Queen City, blown up by the enemy when the others were known to be coming. The three boats formed line ahead, the Tyler leading, Naumkeag second, and Fawn third, their broadsides loaded with half-second shrapnel and canister. As they drew near, the enemy opened with seven field pieces and some two thousand infantry and put one of their first shots through the pilot-house of the Tyler, the vessels being then able to reply only with an occasional shell from their bow guns. As they came nearly abreast they slowed down and steamed by, firing their guns rapidly. When under the batteries the Fawn received a shot through her pilot-house, killing the pilot and carrying away the bell gear, at the same time ringing the engine-room bell, causing the engineers to stop the boat under fire. Some little delay ensued in fixing the bells, the paymaster took the wheel, and the Fawn, having another shot in the pilot-house, passed on. As soon as the Tyler and Naumkeag were below they turned and steamed up again, delivering a deliberate fire as they passed, in the midst of which the enemy ran off, leaving behind them most of their captures, including a light gun taken from the Queen City. The boats were struck twenty-five times, and lost 3 killed and 15 wounded. The Queen City had been taken by surprise, and her engines disabled at the first fire. She lost 2 killed and 8 wounded, including her commander; and, while many of her crew escaped to the opposite bank, many were taken prisoners. The main course of the war in the West having now drifted away from the Mississippi Valley to the region south and southeast of Nashville, embracing Southern and Eastern Tennessee and the northern parts of Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, the convoy and gunboat service on the Tennessee and Cumberland assumed new importance. An eleventh division was formed on the upper waters of the Tennessee, above Muscle Shoals, under the command of Lieutenant Moreau Forrest; Lieutenant-Commander Shirk had the lower river, and Fitch still controlled the Cumberland. When Hood, after the fall of Atlanta, began his movement toward Tennessee in the latter part of October, General Forrest, the active Confederate cavalry leader, who had been stationed at Corinth with his outposts at Eastport and on the Tennessee River, moved north along the west bank, and with seventeen regiments of cavalry and nine pieces of artillery appeared on the 28th before Fort Heiman, an earthwork about seventy-five miles from Paducah. Here he captured two transports and a light-draught called the Undine. On the 2nd of November he had established batteries on the west bank both above and below Johnsonville, one of the Union army's bases of supplies and a railway terminus, thus blockading the water approach and isolating there eight transports, with barges, and three light-draughts, the Key West, Elfin, and Tawah. Nevertheless, the three boats went down and engaged the lower battery, and though they found it too strong for them they retook one of the transports. Meantime Shirk had telegraphed the Admiral and Fitch, and the latter came to his assistance with three of the Cumberland River light-draughts. Going on up the Tennessee Fitch picked up three other light-draughts, and on the morning of the 4th approached the lower battery from below, Lieutenant King, the senior officer above, coming down at the same time. The enemy then set fire to the Undine, but the channel was so narrow and intricate that Fitch did not feel justified in attempting to take his boats up, and King was not able to run by. Fitch, whose judgment and courage were well proved, said that the three blocked gunboats were fought desperately and well handled, but that they could not meet successfully the heavy rifled batteries then opposed to them in such a channel. All three were repeatedly struck and had several of their guns disabled. They then retired to the fort, where the enemy opened on them in the afternoon with a battery on the opposite shore. After firing away nearly all their ammunition, and being further disabled, Lieutenant King, fearing that they might fall into the enemy's hands, burnt them with the transports. The place was relieved by General Schofield twenty-four hours later, so that if King had patiently held on a little longer his pluck and skill would have been rewarded by saving his vessels. At about the same time, October 28th, General Granger being closely pressed in Decatur, Alabama, above the Muscle Shoals, the light-draught General Thomas, of the Eleventh Division, under the command of Acting-Master Gilbert Morton, at great risk got up in time to render valuable service in repelling the attack. The Union forces continued to fall back upon Nashville before the advance of Hood, who appeared before the city on the 2d of December, and by the 4th had established his lines round the south side. His left wing struck the river at a point four miles below by land, but eighteen by the stream, where they captured two steamers and established a battery. Fitch, receiving word of this at 9 P.M., at once went down with the Carondelet and four light-draughts to attack them. The boats moved quietly, showing no lights, the Carondelet and Fairplay being ordered to run below, giving the enemy grape and canister as they passed in front, and then to round to and continue the fight up stream, Fitch intending to remain above with the other boats. The Carondelet began firing when midway between the upper and lower batteries, and the enemy replied at once with heavy musketry along the whole line and with his field pieces. The river at this place is but eighty yards wide, but the enemy, though keeping up a hot fire, fortunately aimed high, and the boats escaped without loss in an action lasting eighty minutes. The two steamers were retaken and the enemy removed their batteries; but they were shortly reestablished. On the 6th Fitch again engaged them with the Neosho and Carondelet, desiring to pass a convoy below, but the position was so well chosen, behind spurs of hills and at a good height above the river, that only one boat could engage them at one time and then could not elevate her guns to reach the top without throwing over the enemy. The Neosho remained under a heavy fire, at thirty yards distance, for two and a half hours, being struck over a hundred times and having everything perishable on decks demolished; but the enemy could not be driven away. The river being thus blockaded the only open communication for the city was the Louisville Railroad, and during the rest of the time the gunboats, patrolling the Cumberland above and below, prevented the enemy's cavalry from crossing and cutting it. When Thomas made his attack of the 15th, which resulted in the entire defeat and disorganization of Hood's army, Fitch, at his wish, went down and engaged the attention of the batteries below until a force of cavalry detached for that special purpose came down upon their rear. These guns were taken and the flotilla then dropped down to the scene of its previous fights and engaged till dark such batteries as it could see. The routed and disorganized army of the enemy were pressed as closely as the roads allowed down to the Tennessee, where Lieutenant Forrest of the Eleventh District aided in cutting off stragglers. Admiral Lee, who was at once notified, pressed up the river with gunboats and supply steamers as far as the shoals; but the low state of the river prevented his crossing them. The destruction of boats and flats along the river, however, did much to prevent stragglers from crossing and rejoining their army. This was the last of the very important services of the Mississippi Squadron. Five months later, in June, 1865, its officers received the surrender of a small naval force still held by the Confederates in the Red River. Our old friend, the ram Webb, which had heretofore escaped capture, ran out of the Red River in April with a load of cotton and made a bold dash for the sea. She succeeded in getting by several vessels before suspected, and even passed New Orleans; but the telegraph was faster than she, and before reaching the forts she was headed off by the Richmond, run ashore, and burned. On the 14th of August, 1865, Admiral Lee was relieved and the Mississippi Squadron, as an organization, ceased to be. The vessels whose careers we have followed, and whose names have become familiar, were gradually sold, and, like most of their officers, returned to peaceful life. FOOTNOTES: [20] These were mostly slaves who were running from their masters. [21] Colonel Brent, Taylor's Chief of Artillery, reported that there were only four Confederate pieces, two 12-pounders and two howitzers, in this attack; instead of eighteen, as stated by Porter. Brent was not present, and Captain Cornay, commanding the battery, was killed. The pilot Maitland, who was captured the next day, states, in a separate report made two months later, that he heard among the enemy that the number was eighteen. Phelps, who, like the admiral, was hardened to fire, speaks of them as numerous. The reader must decide for himself the probability of four smooth-bore light pieces striking one small boat thirty-eight times in five minutes, besides badly disabling three others. CHAPTER VIII. MOBILE. Admiral Farragut resumed the command of his squadron on January 18th, 1864. His wish was to attack at once the defences of Mobile before the Confederates had finished the ironclads they were building; but troops were needed for the reduction of the forts, and the Red River expedition had diverted those that might have been available. The city of Mobile is thirty miles from the Gulf, at the head of a great bay of the same name. The width of the bay varies from fifteen miles at the lower end to six at the upper; the depth throughout the greater part is from twelve to fourteen feet, shelving gently near the shores, but at the lower end there is a deep hole extending from the mouth north-northwest for six miles, with an average width of two and a half. In this the depth is from twenty to twenty-four feet. The principal entrance is from the Gulf direct, between Mobile Point, a long low projection from the mainland, on the east, and Dauphin Island on the west, the latter being one of the chain which bounds Mississippi Sound. The distance between these points is nearly three miles, but from Dauphin Island a bank of hard sand makes out under water both east and south, defining one side of the main ship channel, which closely skirts Mobile Point, and narrowing it to a little less than two thousand yards. Near the southeast point of this bank there rise two small islands, called Sand Islands, distant three miles from Mobile Point. The channel on the other side is bounded by a similar sand bank running seaward from the Point, the two approaching so that at Sand Islands they are not more than seven hundred and fifty yards apart. Vessels of very light draught could also enter the bay from Mississippi Sound, but it was not practicable for the fleet. The entrance from the Gulf was guarded by two works, Fort Morgan on Mobile Point and Fort Gaines on Dauphin Island. The approach by Mississippi Sound was covered by Fort Powell, a small earthwork on Tower Island, commanding the channel which gave the most water, known as Grant's Pass. Gaines was too far distant from the main ship channel to count for much in the plans of the fleet. It was a pentagonal work mounting in barbette[22] three X-inch columbiads, five 32-, two 24-, and two 18-pounder smooth-bore guns, and four rifled 32-pounders; besides these it had eleven 24-pounder howitzers, siege and for flank defence. In Fort Powell there were[23] one X-inch, two VII-inch and one 32-pounder smooth-bore and two VII-inch Brooke rifles; these bore on the sound and channels, but the rear of the fort toward the bay was yet unfinished and nearly unarmed. The third and principal work, Fort Morgan, was much more formidable. It was five sided, and built to carry guns both in barbette and casemates; but when seized by the Confederates the embrasures of the curtains facing the channel were masked and a heavy exterior water battery was thrown up before the northwest curtain. The armament at this time cannot be given with absolute certainty.[24] The official reports of the United States engineer and ordnance officers, made after the surrender, differ materially, but from a comparison between them and other statements the following estimate has been made: Main fort seven X-inch, three VIII-inch and twenty-two 32-pounder smooth-bore guns,[25] and two VIII-inch, two 6.5-inch and four 5.82-inch rifles.[26] In the water battery there were four X-inch and one VIII-inch columbiads and two 6.5-inch rifles.[27] Of the above, ten X-inch, three VIII-inch, sixteen 32-pounders and all the rifles, except one of 5.82 calibre, bore upon the channel. There were also twenty flanking 24-pounder howitzers and two or three light rifles, which were useless against the fleet from their position. Such were the shore defences. In the waters of the bay there was a little Confederate squadron under Admiral Franklin Buchanan, made up of the ram Tennessee and three small paddle-wheel gunboats, the Morgan, Gaines, and Selma, commanded respectively by Commander George W. Harrison, and Lieutenants J.W. Bennett and P.U. Murphy. They were unarmored, excepting around the boilers. The Selma was an open-deck river steamer with heavy hog frames; the two others had been built for the Confederate Government, but were poorly put together. The batteries were: Morgan, two VII-inch rifles and four 32-pounders; Gaines, one VIII-inch rifle and five 32-pounders; Selma, one VI-inch rifle, two IX-inch, and one VIII-inch smooth-bore shell-guns. Though these lightly built vessels played a very important part for some minutes, and from a favorable position did much harm to the Union fleet in the subsequent engagement, they counted for nothing in the calculations of Farragut. There were besides these a few other so-called ironclads near the city; but they took no part in the fight in the bay, and little, if any, in the operations before the fall of Mobile itself in the spring of 1865. The Tennessee was different. This was the most powerful ironclad built, from the keel up, by the Confederacy, and both the energy shown in overcoming difficulties and the workmanship put upon her were most creditable to her builders. The work was begun at Selma, on the Alabama River, one hundred and fifty miles from Mobile, in the spring of 1863, when the timber was yet standing in the forests, and much of what was to be her plating was still ore in the mines. The hull was launched the following winter and towed to Mobile, where the plating had already been sent from the rolling mills of Atlanta. Her length on deck was 209 feet, beam 48 feet, and when loaded, with her guns on board, she drew 14 feet. The battery was carried in a casemate, equidistant from the bow and stern, whose inside dimensions were 79 feet in length by 29 feet in width. The framing was of yellow pine beams, 13 inches thick, placed close together vertically and planked on the outside, first with 5½ inches of yellow pine, laid horizontally, and then 4 inches of oak laid up and down. Both sides and ends were inclined at an angle of forty-five degrees, and over the outside planking was placed the armor, 6 inches thick, in thin plates of 2 inches each, on the forward end, and elsewhere 5 inches thick. Within, the yellow pine frames were sheathed with 2½ inches of oak. The plating throughout was fastened with bolts 1¼ inch in diameter, going entirely through and set up with nuts and washers inside. Her gunners were thus sheltered by a thickness of five or six inches of iron, backed by twenty-five inches of wood. The outside deck was plated with two-inch iron. The sides of the casemate, or, as the Confederates called it, the shield, were carried down to two feet below the water-line and then reversed at the same angle, so as to meet the hull again six to seven feet below water. The knuckle thus formed, projecting ten feet beyond the base of the casemate, and apparently filled in solid, afforded a substantial protection from an enemy's prow to the hull, which was not less than eight feet within it. It was covered with four inches of iron, and being continued round the bows, became there a beak or ram. The pilot-house was made by carrying part of the forward end of the shield up three feet higher than the rest. The casemate was covered with heavy iron gratings, through whose holes the smoke could rise freely, and it was pierced with ten ports, three in each end and two on each side. The vessel carried, however, only six guns; one VII-1/8-inch rifle at each end and two VI-inch rifles on each broadside. These were Brooke guns, made in the Confederacy; they threw 110-pound and 90-pound solid shot. The ports were closed with iron sliding shutters, five inches thick; a bad arrangement, as it turned out. Though thus powerfully built, armored, and armed, the Tennessee must have been a very exasperating vessel to her commander. She had two grave defects; the first, perhaps unavoidable from the slender resources of the Confederacy, was lack of speed. Her engines were not built for her, but taken from a high-pressure river steamboat, and though on her trial trip she realized about eight knots, six seems to be all that could usually be got from her. She was driven by a screw, the shaft being connected by gearing with the engines. The other defect was an oversight, yet a culpable one; her steering chains, instead of being led under her armored deck, were over it, exposed to an enemy's fire. She was therefore a ram that could only by a favorable chance overtake her prey, and was likely at any moment to lose the power of directing her thrust. Such as she was the Tennessee was ready for service early in March, 1864, when Commander J.D. Johnston was ordered as her captain. She was taken from the city, through one of the arms of the Alabama, to the mud flats which reach to a point twenty miles down the bay, and are called Dog River Bar. The least depth of water to be traversed was nine feet, but throughout the whole distance the fourteen feet necessary to float the vessel could not be counted upon. She was carried over on camels, which are large floats made to fit the hull below the water line, and fastened to it, on either side, by heavy chains passing around them and under the keel, while the camels are filled with water. When the water was pumped out the buoyancy of the camels lifted the ram five feet, reducing her draught enough to let her go over the bar. Two months were taken up in building and placing the camels, during all which time Farragut was begging either for ironclads or for co-operation by the land forces, in reducing the forts. In either case he was willing to enter the bay, but he did not like to run the risk of getting inside with his wooden ships crippled, the forts intact in his rear, and the enemy's ironclads to contend with as well. Neither assistance was given, and he was therefore compelled to look on while the Tennessee was moved from a position in which she could do no harm to one in which she became the principal menace to the attacking fleet. On the 18th of May she was finally towed across and anchored in the lower bay six miles from the entrance. That night the camels were removed, steam raised, and everything made ready to cross the outer bar and attack the fleet; but when the anchor was weighed the ship was found to be hard aground. The intended attack was given up, and when the tide rose enough to float her, she was moved down to Fort Morgan, near which she remained from that time. The preparations for defence of the enemy were not confined to the forts and the ships. From the point of Dauphin Island a line of pile obstructions extended across the sand bank, in the direction of Fort Morgan, blocking the passage of any light vessels that might try to pass that way. Where the piles ended, near the edge of the bank, a triple line of torpedoes in échelon began, extending across the main ship channel to a red buoy, distant two hundred and twenty-six yards from the water battery under Fort Morgan. This narrow passage, not much exceeding one hundred yards from the beach, was left open for blockade-runners, and through it the admiral intended his fleet to pass; for the reports of refugees and the examinations made by officers of the fleet who dared at night to push their search thus close under the enemy's guns, alike affirmed that there at least no torpedoes were. The torpedoes planted in this part of the defences of Mobile were principally of two kinds, both of the class known as floating torpedoes. One was made of an ordinary barrel, lager-beer kegs being preferred, pitched inside and out and with wooden cones secured to the two ends to keep it from tumbling over. The barrel was filled with powder and furnished with several, generally five, sensitive primers, placed near together in that part of the bilge which was to float uppermost. The primers were exploded by a vessel striking them and communicated their flame to the charge. The other torpedo was made of tin, in the form of a truncated cone, the upper diameter being the greater. It was divided into two parts, the upper being an air-chamber and the lower containing the charge. On top was a cast-iron cap so secured that a slight blow, like that from a passing vessel, would knock it off. The cap was fast to a trigger, and as it fell, its weight pulled the trigger and exploded the charge. In July, 1864, there were planted forty-six of the former and one hundred and thirty-four of the latter kind. Besides these which exploded on contact there are said to have been several electrical torpedoes. The first six months of 1864 wore away in the monotonous routine of the blockade, broken only by an attack upon Fort Powell, made from Mississippi Sound by the admiral with the light-draught vessels. These could not get nearer than four thousand yards, but at the time, February 28th, Sherman was on his raid into Mississippi and the attack was believed to be of service as a diversion. During this half of the year none but wooden vessels lay before Mobile. Toward the end of July the co-operation of Canby's forces was assured and the monitor ironclads began to arrive. The root idea from which the monitor type of ironclads grew was a raft carrying a fort; their hulls, therefore, floated low in the water, the deck being but a foot or two above it. Upon the deck were one or more circular turrets, made of one-inch rolled wrought-iron plates, the whole thickness depending upon the number of these thin plates bolted together. The decks, and the hulls to some distance below the water-line, were also armored, but less heavily. In the turret two guns were mounted, of a size varying with the size of the vessel. They could be moved in and out, but the aim from side to side was changed by turning the whole turret, which revolved on a central spindle. After firing, the ports were turned away from the enemy and the unbroken iron toward him, until the guns were reloaded. Above and concentric with the turret was another circular structure, of much less diameter and similarly armored. This, called the pilot-house, contained the steering-wheel, and was the station in battle of the captain, helmsman, and pilot if there were one. It was stationary, not sharing the revolving motion of the gun-turret, and could be entered only by a hole opening down into the latter, the top being closed by iron plates, which had been given greater thickness since a shot in one instance had struck and broken them, killing the captain of the vessel. Narrow horizontal slits were cut in the armor of the pilot-house, through which the captain peered, as through the bars of a helmet, to see his enemy and direct the course of his ship. The gun-turret could be entered or left by the hull below, which contained the living rooms of the officers and crew and all the usual and necessary arrangements of a ship of war, or by the gun-ports, which were large enough for a man to pass through. In action the hatches were down, and ordinarily the only exit from the hull below was through the turret and its ports. Four of these vessels were sent to Farragut after many askings and months of delay; two from the Atlantic coast, the Tecumseh and Manhattan, having ten-inch armor on their turrets, and two from the Mississippi River, the Chickasaw and Winnebago, with eight-and-a-half-inch armor. The former carried two XV-inch guns in one turret; the latter four XI-inch guns in two turrets. They were all screw ships, but the exigencies of the Mississippi service calling for light draught, those built for it had four screws of small diameter, two on each quarter. The speed of the monitors was poor and, as they had iron hulls, varied much as their bottoms were clean or foul. From a comparison of differing statements it may be taken at from five to seven knots. During these six months, though the admiral paid frequent visits to the fleet off Mobile, the immediate direction of affairs was left to the divisional commander, Captain Thornton A. Jenkins, of the Richmond. In the last week of July, however, Farragut took charge in person, and sent the Richmond, and others of the blockading force that were to attempt the entry of the bay, to Pensacola to complete their preparations. The Manhattan had arrived on the 20th and the Chickasaw came in from New Orleans on the 1st of August. These, with the Winnebago, were anchored under the lee of Sand Island; but the Tecumseh did not get down until the Richmond, with the others, returned on the night of the 4th; and it was only by the untiring efforts of her commander and Captain Jenkins that she was ready even then. With her, and the return of the blockaders, the admiral's force was complete. The understanding with General Granger, in immediate command of the troops, was that he should land on the 4th on Dauphin Island and invest Gaines, as he had not men enough to attack both forts at once. The admiral was to pass Morgan and enter the bay the same morning. Granger landed, but Farragut could not fulfil his part of the bargain, because so many of his ships were still away. The delay, though he chafed under it, was in the end an advantage, as the enemy used that last day of his control of the water to throw more troops into Gaines, who were all taken two days later. In forming his plan of attack the admiral wanted two favors from nature; a westerly wind to blow the smoke from the fleet and toward Morgan, and a flood-tide. In regular summer weather the wind from sunrise till eight o'clock is light from the southward and then hauls gradually round to the west and northwest, growing in strength as it does so. The tide was a matter of calculation, if no exceptional wind modified its direction. The admiral wished it flood for two reasons: first, because, as he intended to go in at any cost, it would help a crippled ship into the harbor; and secondly, he had noticed that the primers of the barrel-torpedoes were close together on top, and thought it likely that when the flood-tide straightened out their mooring-lines the tops would be turned away from the approaching ships. As at New Orleans, the preparations were left very much to the commanders of ships. A general order directed spare spars and boats to be landed, the machinery protected, and splinter-nettings placed. As the fleet was to pass between the eastern buoy and the beach, or two hundred yards from Morgan, little was feared from Gaines, which would be over two miles away; the preparations[28] were therefore made mainly on the starboard side, and port guns were shifted over till all the ports were full. The boats were lowered and towed on the port side. The admiral himself and the captain of the Brooklyn preferred to go in with their topsail yards across; but the Richmond and Lackawanna sent down their topmasts, and the other vessels seem to have done the same. [Illustration: BATTLE OF MOBILE BAY.] In the order of battle the wooden ships, as at Port Hudson, were to be lashed in couples, the lighter vessels on the off hand; the four monitors in a column inshore and abreast of the leading ships, the Tecumseh, which led, slightly in advance of the van of the other column. The admiral had intended to lead the latter himself in the Hartford, but the representations of many officers led him to yield his own judgment so far as to let the Brooklyn, whose captain earnestly wished it, go ahead of him. The order of attack, as it stood at last, was as follows: MONITORS--STARBOARD COLUMN. Tecumseh 1,034 tons, 2[29] guns, Commander T.A.M. Craven. Manhattan 1,034 tons, 2 guns, Commander J.W.A. Nicholson. Winnebago 970 tons, 4 guns, Commander Thomas H. Stevens. Chickasaw 970 tons, 4 guns, Lieut.-Com'r George H. Perkins. WOODEN SHIPS--PORT COLUMN. {Brooklyn 2,070 tons, 24 guns, Captain James Alden. {Octorara 829 tons, 6 guns, Lieut.-Com'r Chas. H. Greene. {Hartford 1,900 tons, 21 guns, {Rear-Admiral David G. Farragut, { {Captain Percival Drayton. {Metacomet 974 tons, 6 guns, Lieut.-Com'r Jas. B. Jouett. {Richmond 1,929 tons, 20 guns, Captain Thornton A. Jenkins. {Port Royal 805 tons, 6 guns, Lieut.-Com'r Bancroft Gherardi. {Lackawanna 1,533 tons, 8 guns, Captain John B. Marchand. {Seminole 801 tons, 8 guns, Commander Edward Donaldson. {Monongahela 1,378 tons, 8 guns, Commander James H. Strong. {Kennebec 507 tons, 5 guns, Lieut.-Com'r Wm. P. McCann. {Ossipee 1,240 tons, 11 guns, Commander William B. Le Roy. {Itasca 507 tons, 5 guns, Lieut.-Com'r George Brown. {Oneida 1,032 tons, 9 guns, Commander J.R.M. Mullany. {Galena 738 tons, 10 guns, Lieut.-Com'r Clark H. Wells. The Octorara, Metacomet, and Port Royal were side-wheel double-enders; the others were screw ships. All had been built for the naval service. The evening before the action it was raining hard, but toward midnight stopped and became clear, hot, and calm. The preparations were all made and the vessels lay quietly at their anchors; the wooden ships outside, the monitors behind Sand Island. Later a light air sprung up from the southwest, thus fulfilling the admiral's wish. He was not well, sleeping restlessly, and about three in the morning sent his steward to find out how the wind was. When he learned it was southwest, he said: "Then we will go in this morning." Soon after, the hands were turned up and hammocks stowed. Between 4 and 5 o'clock the lighter vessels came alongside and were lashed to their consorts. At 5.30 the signal was made to get under way and the Brooklyn weighed at once, the other vessels following in order, the monitors at the same time standing out from their anchorage. The fleet steamed slowly in to the bar, to allow its members to take and keep their stations, the crews in the meantime going to quarters and clearing for action. At 6.10 the bar was crossed by the flag-ship, and by 6.30 the order for battle was fairly formed and the monitors taking their stations; in doing which a slight delay occurred. At this time all the ships hoisted the United States flag at the peak and the three mastheads, and the Tecumseh fired the first two shots at the fort. At five minutes before seven the fleet went ahead again, and at five minutes past the fort opened upon the Brooklyn, the leading ship, which answered at once with her bow rifle, and immediately afterward the action became general along the line between the fort, the monitors (except the Tecumseh), and the bow guns of the fleet; at the same time the enemy's gunboats moved out from behind Morgan and formed in line ahead, east and west, across the channel just inside the lines of torpedoes. From this position they had a raking fire upon the fleet, which was confined to a nearly north course (north by east), until it had passed the fort and the buoy. At half-past seven the leading ships had their broadsides bearing fairly on the works, and while they maintained that position their heavy fire so kept down the enemy's that the latter did little harm. The Tecumseh, after firing the two first guns, as stated above, had turned her turret from the enemy and loaded again with steel shot and the heaviest charge[30] of powder. Intent only upon the Tennessee, she steamed quietly on, regardless of the fort, a little ahead of the Brooklyn, the other monitors following her closely. As they drew near the buoy, Craven from the pilot-house of his ship saw it so nearly in line with the beach that he turned to his pilot and said, "It is impossible that the admiral means us to go inside that buoy; I cannot turn my ship." At the same moment the Tennessee, which till that time had lain to the eastward of the buoy, went ahead to the westward of it, and Craven, either fearing she would got away from him or moved by the seeming narrowness of the open way, gave the order "Starboard" and pushed the Tecumseh straight at the enemy. She had gone but a few yards and the lockstring was already taut in the hands of an officer of the enemy's ship, Lieutenant Wharton, waiting to fire as they touched, when one or more torpedoes exploded under her. She lurched from side to side, careened violently over, and went down head foremost, her screw plainly visible in the air for a moment to the enemy, that waited for her, not two hundred yards off, on the other side of the fatal line. It was then that Craven did one of those deeds that should be always linked with the doer's name, as Sidney's is with the cup of cold water. The pilot and he instinctively made for the narrow opening leading to the turret below. Craven drew back: "After you, pilot," he said. There was no afterward for him; the pilot was saved, but he went down with his ship. When the Tecumseh sank, the Brooklyn was about three hundred yards astern of her and a little outside; the Hartford between one and two hundred yards from the Brooklyn, on her port quarter; the Richmond about the same distance from the Hartford and in the Brooklyn's wake. The Winnebago, the second astern of the Tecumseh, was five hundred yards from her, and the Manhattan in her station, two hundred yards ahead of the Winnebago; both, however, skirting the beach and steering to pass inside of the buoy, as they had been ordered. The sunken vessel was therefore well on their port bow. Unmoved by the fate of their leader, the three remaining ironclads steamed on in line ahead, steadily but very slowly, being specially directed to occupy the attention of the guns ashore, that were raking the approaching ships. As they passed, the admiration of the officers of the flag-ship and Metacomet was aroused by the sight of Commander Stevens, of the Winnebago, walking quietly, giving his orders, from turret to turret of his unwieldy vessel, directly under the enemy's guns. Five minutes later were seen from the Brooklyn certain objects in the water ahead, which were taken at the moment for buoys to torpedoes. The ship and her consort were stopped and then began to back, coming down upon the next astern; at the same time their bows fell off toward the fort and they soon lay nearly athwart the channel. The Hartford's engines were at once stopped, but, as she held her way and drifted on with the flood-tide, her bow approached dangerously near the Brooklyn's stern and the Richmond was close behind; fortunately the rest of the fleet had opened out somewhat. While the vessels were thus close the admiral hailed to know what was the matter. "Torpedoes ahead," was the reply. Farragut, who did not go heedlessly into action, had reckoned on torpedoes and counted the cost. Without any seeming hesitation, though in the story of his life it appears that for a moment he felt overcome till he could throw himself on a Power greater than his own, he ordered his own ship and his consort ahead, at the same time making the signal "Close order." From the position of the Brooklyn it was no longer possible to pass inside, and accordingly, backing the Metacomet and going ahead with the flagship, their heads were turned to the westward and they passed outside of the fatal buoy, about five hundred yards from the fort. As they went over the line the torpedo cases were heard knocking against the bottom of the ship and the primers snapping,[31] but none of the torpedoes themselves exploded and the Hartford went safely through. Yet, in the midst of Farragut's grave anxieties about the great issues touching his fleet, the drowning men on board the Tecumseh had not been forgotten, and, while still fettered by the Brooklyn's action, he hailed Captain Jouett, of the Metacomet,[32] to know if he had not a boat that he could send to save them. Jouett, having seen the disaster, and not having the other cares on his mind, had by a few instants forestalled the admiral, and the boat was about leaving the port quarter of the Metacomet, in charge of Ensign H.C. Nields, an officer of the Volunteer Navy. She pulled round under the Hartford's stern and broadside, across the bows of the Brooklyn, toward the wreck, where she saved the pilot, John Collins, and nine of the ship's company. While on his way Nields, who was but a lad, did one of those acts, simple in intention, which appeal strongly to the feelings and imagination and indicate the calm self-possession of the doer. He was steering the boat himself, and his captain, who was watching, saw him, after pulling some fifty yards, look up and back to see if the flag was flying; missing it, he stooped down, took it out of the cover in which it is habitually kept and shipped it, unfurled, in its place in the boat before the eyes of friends and foes. His heroic and merciful errand was not accomplished without the greatest risk, greater than he himself knew; for not only did he pass under the continued and furious fire of the fort and the fleet, but the ensign of the forecastle division of the Hartford, seeing the boat without a flag and knowing nothing of its object, but having torpedoes uppermost in his mind, connected its presence with them, trained one of his hundred-pounders upon it,[33] and was about to pull the lockstring when one of the ship's company caught his arm, saying: "For God's sake, don't fire! it is one of our own boats!" The Hartford had passed on when Nields had picked up the survivors, and, after putting them aboard the Winnebago, he pulled down to the Oneida, where he served during the rest of the action. Two officers and five men had also escaped in one of the Tecumseh's boats, which was towing alongside, and four swam to the fort, where they were made prisoners; so that twenty-one were saved out of a complement of over one hundred souls. Meanwhile the Brooklyn was lying bows on to the fort, undergoing a raking fire and backing down upon the starboard bow of the Richmond, whose engines were stopped, but the vessel drifting up with the young flood-tide. Her captain, seeing a collision in such critical circumstances imminent, gave the order to back hard both his own ship and her consort; fearing that, if the four became entangled, not only would they suffer damage themselves, but, if sunk by the fire of the fort, would block the channel to the rest of the squadron. As she backed, the Richmond's bow fell off to port, bringing her starboard broadside fairly toward the fort and batteries, on which she kept up a steady and rapid fire, at a distance of from three hundred to one hundred and fifty yards, driving the enemy out of the water-battery and silencing it; being at the same time wrapped in a cloud of smoke which hid her hull and rose above her lower mast-heads. As her topmasts were down, the ship was thus so completely hidden that Buchanan, the Confederate admiral, who had had her captain under him as a midshipman in days long gone by, and again as first lieutenant of a corvette during the war with Mexico, asked after the surrender: "What became of Jenkins? I saw his vessel go handsomely into action and then lost sight of her entirely." While thus backing and fighting the ship was in great danger of getting aground, having at times less than a foot of water under her keel; but her commander thought the situation so critical as to necessitate the risk. During the same time the Brooklyn, from her unfortunate position, was unable to use any but her bow guns, and, even when her hull was obscured by the smoke of the battle, her position was shown to the gunners of the fort by her tall spars towering above. These moments of anxiety were ended when she brought her head once more in the right direction and steamed on; the Richmond followed with the other ships of the port column, which had closed up and joined in the action during the delay. Their fire, with the monitors', kept down that of the fort until the bulk of the fleet had gone by, but when the heavier ships were out of range the enemy returned to their guns and severely punished the rear of the line; the last ship, the Oneida, receiving a VII-inch rifle shell, which passed through her chain armor and into the starboard boiler, where it burst, the larger part of the watch of firemen being scalded by the escaping steam. About the same moment a similar projectile burst in the cabin, cutting both wheel-ropes, while her forward XI-inch gun and one of the VIII-inch were disabled. In this condition the Oneida was pulled past the forts by her consort, the Galena. As the Hartford advanced over the line of torpedoes the three smaller gunboats of the enemy took their position on her starboard bow and ahead, whence they kept up a raking and most galling fire, to which the Hartford, confined to the direction of the channel, could only reply with her bow guns, one of which was speedily disabled by a shell bursting under it. As the flag-ship advanced they retreated, keeping their distance and range about the same, from one thousand to seven hundred yards, and fighting mainly the stern guns. At no period of the action did she suffer as now, and the quarters of her forward division became a slaughter-pen; a single shot killing ten and wounding five men, while the splinters and shreds of bodies were hurled aft and on to the decks of her consort. The greater part of the ship's company had never been in action, but so admirable was their spirit and discipline that no wavering was seen, nor was there any confusion even in reorganizing the more than decimated crews of the guns. The Tennessee meantime waited for her, Buchanan having set his heart on sinking the enemy's admiral, but as the ram stood down the Hartford put her helm to starboard and, having the greater speed, avoided the thrust without difficulty. Two shots were fired by the ram at the same moment at such short range that it seemed wonderful they missed. The Tennessee then followed up the bay till her opponent was about a mile from his own fleet, when for some reason she gave up the pursuit and turned to meet the other wooden ships, which were advancing in close order, the Brooklyn still leading. The Tennessee stood for the latter vessel, as though intending to ram, but sheered off and went by on her starboard side, at less than one hundred yards, firing two shots, which struck and went through and through, and receiving the contents of the Brooklyn's guns in return. She passed on down the line to the Richmond, which was ready with her broadside and a party of musketeers, who kept up a brisk fire into the ram's ports. Whether the aim was thus disordered or there was not time to lay the guns properly after reloading, the two shots flew high and no harm was done. The Tennessee passed the next ship, the Lackawanna, also on the starboard side, but then made a determined sheer toward the line as though certainly intending to ram. Captain Strong of the Monongahela seeing this, headed for her, putting his helm to port and then shifting it so as to strike at right angles, but the Monongahela could not get her full speed, from having the gunboat Kennebec in tow alongside; she therefore struck the ram somewhat glancing and on her port quarter. The blow threw the Tennessee's stern around and she passed close along the port side of the Kennebec, injuring the planking on the latter's bow and leaving one of her boats and its iron davit with the gunboat as a memento of the collision. As she went by she fired a shell which entered the berth-deck and exploded, seriously wounding an officer and four men. The Ossipee, which was on the port quarter of the Monongahela when the collision took place, seeing how the ram was heading, also put her helm to port following the Monongahela's motion; but when the ram swung round under the blow she righted it and the Tennessee passed between the two, giving the Ossipee two shots, which entered nearly together below the spar-deck abreast the forward pivot gun. The ram then passed on the starboard side of the crippled Oneida, about a hundred yards off, and tried to fire her broadside; but the primers snapped several times, and she only succeeded in getting off one gun, the shot from which hit the after XI-inch pivot, which had just been fired at and struck her. She then passed under the Oneida's stern, delivering a raking fire, and severely wounding Commander Mullany, who lost an arm. At this moment the Union iron-clads which, in obedience to their orders, had delayed before the fort, occupying its guns until the fleet had passed, drew near the rear wooden ships and opened their fire on the Tennessee. As the enemy passed under the stern of the Oneida the Winnebago came up and took position between the two, upon which the crew of the crippled ship, who were expecting to be rammed, leaped upon the rail and cheered Commander Stevens, lately their own captain,[34] he having left them but a few days before. About the time that the Tennessee gave up her pursuit of the Hartford, the flag ship reached the point where she was able to keep away a little to the westward. As she did so her starboard broadside came to bear and the Confederate gunboats edged off, though still keeping up a hot fire from their stern guns. A shot soon struck the Gaines under the port counter below water, and a shell striking soon after near the same place on the starboard side exploded, also below water, and started a heavy leak in the magazine. At this time the admiral directed the Metacomet to cast off and chase the gunboats, specially cautioning her commander to let none of them escape to Mobile; and a signal to the same effect was made to the lighter vessels in the rear. Jouett, who had been impatiently waiting, cut his fasts, backed clear, and pressed hard after the three, who retreated up the bay. The Gaines had to haul off toward Morgan at 8.30, the leak increasing rapidly, but the other two kept on still. The Metacomet, not being able to fire straight ahead, yawed once or twice to discharge her bow gun; but finding she lost too much ground by this discontinued it, though the enemy were still keeping up a harassing fire. The chase led her into shoal water, the leadsman in the chains reporting a foot less than the ship drew. The executive officer, having verified the sounding, reported it to the captain, who, intent simply upon carrying out his orders, and seeing that the bottom was a soft ooze, replied: "Call the man in; he is only intimidating me with his soundings." Soon after this a heavy squall accompanied by rain and dense mist came up, and during it the Morgan, which was on the starboard bow of the Metacomet, first got aground, and then getting off ran down to the southeastward toward Fort Morgan. The Selma kept straight on, as did the Metacomet; and when the squall lifted the latter found herself ahead and on the starboard bow of her chase. One shot was fired, killing the executive officer and some of the crew of the Selma, and then the latter hauled down her flag, having lost five killed and ten wounded. The other Union gunboats being far in the rear and embarrassed by the mist did not succeed in cutting off the others--both of which escaped under Fort Morgan. The Gaines being wholly disabled was burnt; the Morgan made good her escape to Mobile the same night. After passing down the Union line, Buchanan said to his flag-captain, it being then about half-past eight: "Follow them up, Johnston, we can't let them off that way." Five minutes later the Hartford anchored four miles from Morgan, and the crew were sent to breakfast. Captain Drayton went up on the poop and said to the admiral: "What we have done has been well done, sir; but it all counts for nothing so long as the Tennessee is there under the guns of Morgan." "I know it," said the admiral, "and as soon as the people have had their breakfasts I am going for her."[35] Buchanan by his move thus played directly into Farragut's hands. From some difficulty in the ground it was found necessary to bring the head of the Tennessee round toward Morgan, and this, with the length of time occupied in the manoeuvre and the improbability of her attacking the whole fleet by daylight, caused the admiral to think that she had retired under the guns of the fort. He was soon undeceived. At ten minutes before nine, when the crew had hardly got seated at their breakfast, the Tennessee was reported approaching. The mess-gear was hustled aside, and the flag-ship at once got under way, as did the other vessels that had anchored, and signal was made to the monitors to destroy the ram and to the Monongahela, Lackawanna, and Ossipee to ram the enemy's principal vessel. These ships took ground to carry out their orders, and when the Tennessee was about four hundred yards from the fleet the Monongahela struck her fairly amidships on the starboard side. Just before the blow the ram fired two shells, which passed through her enemy's berth-deck, one exploding and wounding an officer and two men. She then passed on the starboard side of the Monongahela and received a broadside at the distance of ten yards, but without harm. The Lackawanna followed, striking a square blow on the port side at the after end of the casemate. The Tennessee listed over heavily and swung round, so that the two vessels lay alongside head and stern, the port sides touching; but as the Lackawanna's battery had been mostly shifted to the starboard side to engage the fort she had only one IX-inch gun available, the shot from which struck one of the enemy's port shutters driving fragments into the casemates. The Lackawanna then kept away, making a circuit to ram again. She had her stem cut and crushed from three feet above the water-line to five below, causing some leakage, and the Monongahela had her iron prow carried away and the butt ends of the planking started on both bows; but the only damage caused to the Tennessee, protected by her sponsons, was a leak at the rate of about six inches an hour. The flag-ship now approached to ram, also on the port side; but the Tennessee turned toward her so that the bluff of the port bow in each ship took the blow. The Hartford's anchor was hanging from the hawse-pipe, there not having been time to cat it, and acted as a fender, being doubled up under the blow, and the two vessels rasped by, the port sides touching. Most of the Hartford's battery was also on the starboard side, but there were still seven IX-inch guns which sent out their solid shot with their heaviest charge of powder; yet at a distance of ten feet they did the Tennessee no harm. The primers of the latter again failed her, being heard by the flagship's people to snap unsuccessfully several times; one gun finally went off, and the shell exploding on the berth-deck killed and wounded an officer and several men. This was the last shot fired by the Tennessee. The Hartford put her helm to starboard and made a circle to ram again, but in mid career the Lackawanna ran into her, striking near the person of the admiral, who had a narrow escape from being killed, and cutting the flag-ship down to within two feet of the water. Meanwhile the monitors had come up. The Manhattan had lost the use of one of her XV-inch guns early in the day by a fragment of iron which dropped into the vent and could not be got out; she was therefore able to fire only six of her heavy shot, one of which broke through the port side of the casemate leaving on the inside an undetached mass of oak and pine splinters. The Winnebago's turrets could not be turned, so the guns could only be trained by moving the helm and her fire was necessarily slow. The Chickasaw was more fortunate; her smoke-stack had been pierced several times by the fort, so that her speed had run down and she had not yet reached the anchorage when the Tennessee came up, but by heaping tallow and coal-tar on the furnaces steam was raised rapidly and she closed with the enemy immediately after the Hartford rammed and fired. Passing by her port side and firing as she did so, she took position under her stern, dogging her steadily during the remainder of the fight, never over fifty yards distant, and at times almost touching, keeping up an unremitting fire with her four XI-inch guns.[36] The bow and stern port shutters of the Tennessee were now jammed, so that those guns could not be used. Soon her smoke-stack came down and the smoke rising from its stump poured through the gratings on to the gun-deck, where the thermometer now stood at 120°. At about the same time the tiller-chains were shot away from their exposed position over the after-deck. Losing thus the power of directing her movements, the Tennessee headed aimlessly down the bay, followed always by the unrelenting Chickasaw, under the pounding of whose heavy guns the after-end of the shield was now seen, by those within, to be perceptibly vibrating. The Manhattan and Winnebago were also at work, and the Hartford, Ossipee, and other vessels were seeking their chance to ram again. During this time Buchanan, who was superintending in person the working of the battery, sent for a machinist to back out the pin of a jammed port shutter; while the man was at work a shot struck just outside where he was sitting, the concussion crushing him so that the remains had to be shovelled into buckets. At the same moment the admiral received a wound from an iron splinter, breaking his leg. The command then fell upon Captain Johnston, who endured the hammering, powerless to reply, for twenty minutes longer; then, after consultation with the admiral, he hauled down the flag which was hoisted on a boat-hook thrust through the grating. As it had before been shot away the fire of the fleet did not stop, and Johnston accordingly went on the roof and showed a white flag. As he stood there the Ossipee was approaching at full speed to ram on the starboard side, passing the sluggish Winnebago, whose captain, still outside his turret, exchanged greetings with his more fortunate competitor. Her helm was put over and engines backed at once, but it was too late to avoid the collision. As they came together her captain appeared on the forecastle and, along with the blow, Johnston received a genial greeting from the most genial of men: "Hallo, Johnston, old fellow! how are you? This is the United States Steamer Ossipee. I'll send a boat alongside for you. Le Roy, don't you know me?" The boat was sent and the United States flag hoisted on board the Tennessee at ten o'clock.[37] The fight had lasted a little over an hour. The loss of the Tennessee was 2 killed and 10 wounded, that of the Union fleet, from the forts and the enemy's squadron, 52 killed and 170 wounded.[38] Besides the loss of the smoke-stack and steering-gear, the injuries to the casemate of the ram were very severe. On the after-side nearly all the plating was found to be started, the after gun-carriage was disabled and there were distinct marks of nine XI-inch solid shot having struck within a few square feet of that port. The only shot that penetrated the casing was the one XV-inch from the Manhattan. Three port shutters were so damaged as to stop the firing of the guns. The Chickasaw, which had so persistently stuck to the ram, now took her in tow and anchored her near the flag-ship. At half-past two of the same afternoon the Chickasaw again got under way and stood down to Fort Powell, engaging it for an hour at a distance of three hundred and fifty yards. The fort had been built to resist an attack from the sound and was not yet ready to meet one coming like this from the rear. That same night it was evacuated and blown up. On the 6th the Chickasaw went down and shelled Fort Gaines, and the following day it was surrendered. Fort Morgan still held out. The army under General Granger was transferred from Dauphin Island to Mobile Point and a siege train, sent from New Orleans, was landed three miles in rear of the fort on the 17th. In the meantime batteries had been constructed; and thirty-four guns had been put in position, with everything ready for opening, on the evening of Saturday the 20th. On Monday the 22d, at daylight, the bombardment began from the batteries, the three monitors, and the ships outside as well as inside the bar. On the 23d the fort surrendered. Mobile as a port for blockade-running was thus sealed by the fleet holding the bay; but the gigantic struggle going on in Virginia, Tennessee, and Georgia hindered for the time any attempt to reduce the city. That would have withdrawn from more important fields a large force for a secondary object, which was put off till the following spring. In the meantime Admiral Farragut went north in December, leaving Commodore Palmer in command of the squadron till the following February, when he was relieved by Acting Rear-Admiral H.K. Thatcher. Palmer, however, stayed by his own wish until the city fell. Several streams having a common origin and communicating with one another enter the head of the bay. Of these the chief and most western is the Mobile River, formed by the junction of the Alabama and Tombigbee. It empties by two principal branches, of which the western keeps the name Mobile, the eastern one being called Spanish River; the city of Mobile is on the west bank of the former. On the east side of the bay the Tensaw[39] enters, also by two mouths, of which the western keeps the name and the eastern is called the Blakely River. The Tensaw and Spanish Rivers have a common mouth about a mile from the city. It is therefore practicable to go from the Mobile to Spanish River, and thence to the Tensaw and Blakely without entering the bay. The works around the city inland were very strong, but it was not approached from that side. General Canby, commanding the Army of the West Mississippi, began to move against it in March 1865. One corps marched from Fort Morgan up the east side of the bay to a small stream called Fish River, where a landing was secured; the remainder of the army were then brought to this point in transports. At the same time a column under General Steele left Pensacola, directing its march upon Blakely, a point near the mouth of the Blakely River on the east bank. A short distance below Blakely was Spanish Fort, upon the defence of which the fate of the city turned. The gunboats had not hitherto crossed Dog River Bar, partly on account of the low water and partly because of the torpedoes, which were known to be thickly sowed thereabouts. It now became necessary for the navy to cut off the communication of the fort with Mobile by water, while the army invested it by land. On the 27th of March the fleet moved up and the bar was safely crossed by the double-ender Octorara, Lieutenant Commander W.W. Low; and the ironclads, Kickapoo, Lieutenant-Commander M.P. Jones; Osage, Lieutenant-Commander William M. Gamble; Milwaukee, Lieutenant-Commander James H. Gillis; Winnebago, Lieutenant-Commander W.A. Kirkland; and Chickasaw, Lieutenant-Commander George H. Perkins. They opened that day on the enemy's works, which were invested by the army the same night. Before and after crossing, the bay had been thoroughly swept for torpedoes, and it was hoped that all had been found; but, unfortunately, they had not. On the 28th the Winnebago and Milwaukee moved up toward Spanish Fort, shelling a transport lying there from a distance of two miles. As the enemy's works were throwing far over, they were ordered to return to the rest of the fleet when the transport moved off. The Milwaukee dropped down with the current, keeping her head up stream, and had come within two hundred yards of the fleet when she struck a torpedo, on her port side forty feet from the stern. She sank abaft in three minutes, but her bow did not fill for nearly an hour. No one was hurt or drowned by this accident. The next day, the Winnebago having dragged in a fresh breeze too near the Osage, the latter weighed and moved a short distance ahead. Just as she was about to drop her anchor, a torpedo exploded under the bow and she began to sink, filling almost immediately. Of her crew 5 were killed and 11 wounded by the explosion, but none were drowned. The place where this happened had been thoroughly swept and the torpedo was thought to be one that had gone, or been sent, adrift from above. The two vessels were in twelve feet water, so that the tops of the turrets remained in sight. Lieutenant-Commander Gillis, after the loss of his vessel, took command of a naval battery in the siege and did good service. On the 1st of April the light-draught steamer Rodolph, having on board apparatus for raising the Milwaukee, was coming near the fleet when she too struck a torpedo, which exploded thirty feet abaft her stem and caused her to sink rapidly, killing 4 and wounding 11 of the crew. The siege lasted until the evening of the 8th of April, when Spanish Fort surrendered. Up to the last the enemy sent down torpedoes, and that night eighteen were taken from Blakely River. Commander Pierce Crosby, of the Metacomet, at once began sweeping above, and so successfully that on the 10th the Octorara and ironclads were able to move abreast Spanish Fort and shell two earthworks, called Huger and Tracy, some distance above. These were abandoned on the evening of the 11th, when the fleet took possession. Commander Crosby again went on with the work of lifting torpedoes, removing in all over one hundred and fifty. The way being thus cleared, on the 12th Commander Palmer with the Octorara and ironclads moved up the Blakely to the point where it branches off from the Tensaw, and down the latter stream, coming out about a mile from Mobile, within easy shelling distance. At the same time Admiral Thatcher, with the gunboats and 8,000 troops under General Granger, crossed the head of the bay to attack the city, which was immediately given up; the Confederate troops having already withdrawn. The vessels of the enemy, which had taken little part in the defence, had gone up the Tombigbee. The navy at once began to remove the obstructions in the main ship channel and lift the torpedoes, which were numerous. While doing the latter duty, two tugs, the Ida and Althea, and a launch of the ironclad Cincinnati were blown up. By these accidents 8 were killed and 5 wounded. The gunboat Sciota was also sunk in the same manner on the 14th of April, the explosion breaking the spar deck beams and doing much other damage. Her loss was 6 killed and 5 wounded. The rebellion was now breaking up. Lee had laid down his arms on the 9th, and Johnston on the 24th of April. On the 4th of May General Richard Taylor surrendered the army in the Department of Alabama and Mississippi to General Canby; and the same day Commodore Farrand delivered the vessels under his command in the waters of Alabama to Admiral Thatcher, the officers and crews being paroled. Sabine Pass and Galveston, which had never been retaken after their loss early in 1863, were given up on the 25th of May and the 2d of June. In July, 1865, the East and West Gulf Squadrons were merged into one under Admiral Thatcher. Reasons of public policy caused this arrangement to continue until May, 1867, when the attempt of the French emperor to establish an imperial government in Mexico having been given up, the Gulf Squadron as a distinct organization ceased to be. Thus ended the last of the separate fleets which the Civil War had called into existence. The old cruising ground of the Home Squadron again became a single command under the name, which it still retains, of the North Atlantic Squadron. FOOTNOTES: [22] Report of the United States Ordnance Officer of Department, dated October, 1864. [23] Report of the United States Ordnance Officer of Department, dated October, 1864. [24] See Appendix. [25] Of these guns twelve 32-pounders were at the southwest angle of the covered way. This is believed by the writer to be the battery known to the fleet as the lighthouse battery. [26] 24-pounder smooth-bore guns rifled. [27] In a paper read in 1868, before the Essayons Club, at Willett's Point, N.Y., by Captain A.H. Burnham, U.S. Engineers, it is stated that there were three VII-and VIII-inch rifles in this battery. If this is correct, they had probably been moved from the barbette of the main work. [28] The Richmond, while at Pensacola, built a regular barricade of sand-bags, extending from the port bow round the starboard side to the port quarter, and from the berth to the spar-dock. Three thousand bags of sand were used for this defence which was in places several feet thick. [29] For particulars of batteries, see Appendix. [30] Sixty pounds; one hundred pounds have since been used in these guns. [31] The evidence for this singular and striking incident is, both in quality and quantity, such as puts the fact beyond doubt. The same sounds were heard on board the Richmond. The tin torpedoes were poorly lacquered and corroded rapidly under the sea-water. There is good reason to believe that those which sunk the Tecumseh had been planted but two or three days before. A story recently current in the South, that she was sunk by a torpedo carried at her own bow, is wholly without foundation. [32] Farragut was in the port main rigging of the Hartford, Jouett on the starboard wheel-house of his ship, so that there were but a few feet between them. [33] This was told the writer by the officer himself. [34] Commander Stevens had given up the command of the Oneida at the request and in favor of Commander Mullany, whose own ship was not fitted for such an engagement, and who had heretofore been less fortunate than his friend in having opportunities for distinction thrown in his way by the war. Stevens, being an old ironclad captain, took the command of the Winnebago, which was vacant. [35] This was said in the hearing of Lieutenant-Commander (now Captain) Kimberley, the executive officer of the Hartford. Commodore Foxhall A. Parker (Battle of Mobile Bay) mentions that Farragut had written in a note-book after the engagement: "Had Buchanan remained under the fort, I should have attacked him _as soon as it became dark_ with the three monitors." The statements are easily reconciled, the latter representing the second thought. [36] Lieutenant-Commander Perkins and the executive officer of the Chickasaw, Volunteer Lieutenant William Hamilton, were going North from other ships on leave of absence, the latter on sick leave, but had offered their services for the battle. The fire of the Chickasaw was the most damaging to the Tennessee. In her engagement with the ram she fired fifty-two XI-inch solid shot, almost all into the stern, where the greatest injury was done. The Metacomet went to Pensacola that night under a flag of truce with the wounded from the fleet and the Tennessee, and was taken out by the pilot of the latter. He asked Captain Jouett who commanded the monitor that got under the ram's stern, adding: "D----n him! he stuck to us like a leech; we could not get away from him. It was he who cut away the steering gear, jammed the stern port shutters, and wounded Admiral Buchanan." [37] It is not easy to fix the exact times of particular occurrences from the notes taken in the heat of action by different observers, with watches not necessarily running together; yet a certain measure of duration of the exciting events between 7 and 10 A.M. in this battle seems desirable. From a careful comparison of the logs and reports the following table of times has been compiled: Fort Morgan opened 7.07 A.M. Brooklyn opened with bow guns 7.10 A.M. Fleet generally with bow guns 7.15 A.M. Fleet generally with broadside guns 7.30-7.50 A.M. Tecumseh sunk 7.45 A.M. Hartford took the lead 7.52 A.M. Hartford casts off Metacomet 8.05 A.M. At this time the rest of the fleet were about a mile astern of the flag-ship, crossing the lines of torpedoes, and the Tennessee turned to attack them. Tennessee passed rear ship (Oneida) 8.20 A.M. Hartford anchored 8.35 A.M. Tennessee sighted coming up 8.50 A.M. Monongahela rammed 9.25 A.M. Lackawanna rammed 9.30 A.M. Hartford 9.35 A.M. Tennessee surrendered 10.00 A.M. [38] Killed. Wounded. Hartford 25 28 Brooklyn 11 43 Lackawanna 4 35 Oneida 8 30 Monongahela 0 6 Metacomet 1 2 Ossipee 1 7 Richmond 0 2 Galena 0 1 Octorara 1 10 Kennebec 1 6 [39] The Tensaw branches off from the Alabama thirty miles up, and the whole really forms a bayou, or delta, system. APPENDIX. BATTERIES (EXCEPT HOWITZERS) OF VESSELS AT NEW ORLEANS, APRIL, 1862. -------------------+----+----+----+-----+----+----+----+----+----+----+ |XI- |X- |IX- |VIII-|32- |100-|80- |50- |30- |20- | |in. |in. |in. |in. |pdr.|pdr.|pdr.|pdr.|pdr.|pdr.| NAMES | sm.-bore. | rifled. | -------------------+----+----+----+-----+----+----+----+----+----+----+ Hartford | | | 22 | | | | | | | 2 | Brooklyn | | | 20 | | | | 1 | | 1 | | Richmond | | | 22 | | | | 1 | | 1 | | Pensacola | 1 | | 20 | | | 1 | 1 | | | | Mississippi | | 1 | | 15 | | | | | | 1 | Oneida | 2 | | | | 4 | | | | 3 | | Iroquois | 2 | | | | 4 | | | 1 | | | Varuna | | | | 8 | | | | | 2 | | Cayuga[40] | 1 | | | | | | | | 1 | | Clifton | | | 2 | | 4 | | | | 1 | | Jackson[41] | | 1 | 1 | | 4 | | | | | | Westfield | | | 1 | 4 | | 1 | | | | | Harriet Lane | | | 3 | | | | | | | | Miami | | | 2 | | | 1 | 1 | | 1 | | -------------------+----+----+----+-----+----+----+----+----+----+----+ BATTERIES (EXCEPT HOWITZERS) OF VESSELS[42] AT PORT HUDSON, MARCH, 1863. -------------------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+ | XI- | X- | IX- | 32- | 150- | 100- | 30- | | in. | in. | in. | pdr. | pdr. | pdr. | pdr. | NAMES | smooth-bore. | rifled. | -------------------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+ Monongahela | 2 | | | 5 | 1 | | | Genesee | | 1 | 4 | | | 2 | | Albatross | | | | 4 | | | 1 | -------------------+-----+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+ BATTERIES (EXCEPT HOWITZERS) OF VESSELS AT MOBILE, AUGUST, 1864. ---------------+----+----+----+----+-----+----+----+----+----+----+----+ |XV- |XI- |X- |IX- |32- |150-|100-|60- |50- |30- |20- | |in. |in. |in. |in. |pdr. |pdr.|pdr.|pdr.|pdr.|pdr.|pdr.| NAMES | sm.-bore. | rifled. | ---------------+----+----+----+----+-----+----+----+----+----+----+----+ Tecumseh | 2 | | | | | | | | | | | Manhattan | 2 | | | | | | | | | | | Winnebago | | 4 | | | | | | | | | | Chickasaw | | 4 | | | | | | | | | | Hartford | | | | 18 | | | 2 | | | 1 | | Brooklyn | | | | 20 | | | 2 | 2 | | | | Richmond | | | | 18 | | | 1 | | | 1 | | Lackawanna | | 2 | | 4 | | 1 | | | 1 | | | Monongahela | | 2 | | | 5 | 1 | | | | | | Ossipee | | 1 | | | 6 | | 1 | | | 3 | | Oneida | | 2 | | | 4 | | | | | 3 | | Galena | | | | 8 | | | 1 | | | 1 | | Seminole | | 1 | | | 6 | | | | | 1 | | Port Royal | | | 1 | 2 | | | 1 | | 2 | | | Metacomet | | | | 4 | | | 2 | | | | | Octorara | | | | 3 | 2 | | 1 | | | | | Itasca | | 1 | | | 2 | | | | | | 2 | Kennebec | | 1 | | | 2 | | | | | | 2 | ---------------+----+----+----+----+-----+----+----+----+----+----+----+ BATTERIES (EXCEPT HOWITZERS) OF MISSISSIPPI SQUADRON, AUGUST[43], 1862. -------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+ | | | | | Army | | | | | | | | 42's | | | | X- | IX- | VIII-| 32- | 70- | 50- | 30- | | in. | in. | in. | pdr. | pdr. | pdr. | pdr. | NAMES | smooth-bore. | rifled. | -------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+ Benton | | 2 | | 8 | 4 | 2 | | Cairo | | | 3 | 6 | 3 | | 1 | Carondelet | | | 4 | 6 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Cincinnati | | | 3 | 6 | 2 | | 2 | Louisville | | | 3 | 6 | 2 | | 2 | Mound City | | | 3 | 6 | 2 | 1 | 1 | Pittsburg | | | 3 | 6 | 2 | | 2 | St. Louis | | | 3 | 6 | 2 | | 2 | Essex* | 1 | 3 | | 1 | | 2 | | Conestoga | | | | 4 | | | | Lexington | | | 4 | 1 | | | 2 | Tyler | | | 6 | | | | 3 | Eastport* | | | | 4 | | 2 | 2 | Gen. Bragg* | | | | 1 | | | 1 | Sumter* | | | | 2 | | | | Price* | | | | | | | | Little Rebel | | | | | | | 1 | -------------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+ * Rams. BATTERIES (EXCEPT HOWITZERS) OF MISSISSIPPI SQUADRON, JANUARY, 1863. ---------------+----+----+-----+-------+-----+----+----+----+----+----+ | | | | |32- | | | | | | |XI- |IX- |VIII-|42- |pdr. |100-|80- |50- |30- |20- | |in. |in. |in. |pdr. |sm.- |pdr.|pdr.|pdr.|pdr.|pdr.| NAMES | sm.-bore. |rifled.|bore.| rifled. | ---------------+----+----+-----+-------+-----+----+----+----+----+----+ Benton | | 8 | | | 4 | 2 | | 2 | | | Cairo | | | 3 | 1 | 6 | | | | 1 | | Carondelet | | 3 | 4 | 1 | 1 | | | 1 | 1 | | Cincinnati | | 3 | 2 | | 6 | | | | 2 | | De Kalb[44] | | | 4 | | 12 | | | | | 2 | Louisville | | 2 | 2 | | 6 | | | | 2 | | Mound City | | 3 | 3 | | 3 | | 2 | | 3 | | Pittsburg | | 2 | 3 | | 6 | | | | 2 | | Tuscumbia | 3 | | | | | 2 | | | | | Indianola | 2 | 2 | | | | | | | | | Choctaw | | 3 | | | | 1 | | | 2 | | Lafayette | 2 | 4 | | | | 2 | | | | | Chillicothe | 2 | | | | | | | | | | Black Hawk | | | | | 4 | | | | 2 | | ---------------+----+----+-----+-------+-----+----+----+----+----+----+ RETURNS OF THE ARMAMENT OF FORT MORGAN, MOBILE HARBOR. -----------------------------+--------+--------+-----------+------------- | | |Confederate| Report of |January,|January,| return, |U.S. Ordnance | 1863. | 1864. | January, | Officer, | | | 1864. | October, | | | | 1864. -----------------------------+--------+--------+-----------+------------- X-inch Columbiad | 5 | 7 | 5 | 7 VIII-inch Columbiad | 5 | 1 | 1 | 3[44] 32-pounder smooth-bore | 30 | 18 | 16 | 11 24-pounder smooth-bore | 4 | | 4 | VIII-inch rifle | | 2 | 2 | 2 VII-inch rifle | 1 | | | 2 6.5-inch rifle | 3 | 4 | 7 | 7 5.82-inch rifle | | 4 | 3 | 30-pounder rifle, R.P.P. | 1 | | | 1 24-pounder rifle (Dahlgren) | | | | 1 Whitworth (calibre 2.71) | 1 | | | 1 -- Rifles (calibre not given)| 2 | | | | | | | WATER BATTERY | | | | X-inch | 4 }| |{Not |} VIII-inch | 1 }|Not |{separately|}Not 6.5-inch rifle | 2 }|given. |{given. |}mentioned. -----------------------------+--------+--------+-----------+------------ The return for January, 1863, is taken from a captured Confederate plan showing position of the guns at that date, concerning which Captain M.D. McAlester, U.S. Engineers, says that he found some changes, but not material, when he inspected the works within a week after the surrender, and while nothing had yet been disturbed. January, 1864, is from reports of deserters to officers of United States fleets verified by reconnoissances from tugs on clear days and by reports of spies. The indications seem to be that the lighter guns were partially withdrawn, perhaps for the landward defences of Mobile, and their place supplied by heavier and rifled guns. The estimate in the text gives for all the forts one hundred cannon, including flank howitzers. General Grant's report as Commander-in-Chief, December, 1864, says one hundred and four pieces of artillery were taken; there were a few field pieces. FOOTNOTES: [40] Batteries of Katahdin, Kennebec, Kineo, Owasco, Pinola, Sciota, Winona, and Wissahickon were the same as of Cayuga. The Itasca had a X-inch instead of XI-inch. [41] The Jackson carried also one VI-inch Sawyer rifle. [42] The other vessels not having been North are assumed to have had the same batteries as in the preceding April. [43] The batteries in January, 1862, are given in the text, pp. 16-17. [44] The De Kalb's battery was changed before the end of the month. See p. 122. [45] Two of these are inventoried as "smooth-bore Brooke, double-banded," which seems unlikely. * * * * * INDEX. Alabama, the, 108 Albatross, the, 134 et seq., 152, 165 et seq. Alden, Commander James, 54, 134, 136, 229 Alexandria, dam built at, 203 et seq. Alice Vivian, the, U.S. transport, 197 Althea, the, 249 Apalachicola, Fla., 3 Arkansas Post (Fort Hindman), 120, 161 Arkansas, the, Confederate ram, 98 et seq.; destruction of, 105, 119 Arizona, the, 164, 166 et seq., 187 Augur, General, 167 Averett, Lieutenant, 35 Bache, Lieutenant George M., 121, 147, 170, 178, 191, 197, 212 Bacon, Lieutenant George B., 68 Bailey, Captain Theodorus, 53, 72, 82, 86 et seq. Bailey, Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph, builds a dam at Alexandria, 204 et seq., 207; promoted to Brigadier-General, 209, 211 Baldwin, Lieutenant Charles H., 56 Banks, General, succeeds Butler in Gulf Department, 109, 139, 153; toward Alexandria, 164 et seq., 176, 183; sent to Texas, 185 et seq., 194 et seq.; on the Red River, 198 et seq., 204; relieved by Canby, 211 Baron de Kalb, the, see De Kalb. Batey, the, Confederate steamer, 129, 131 Baton Rouge, La., surrender of, 90, 104 et seq., 109 Batteries: Chalmette, the, 60, 83, 85; McGehee, the, 60, 85 Beauregard's evacuation of Memphis, 47 Bell, Captain H.H., 54, 66, 77, 187 Belmont, Mo., Union victory at, 19, 21 Bennett, Lieutenant J.W., 220 Benton, the, Union gunboat, 15; before Island No. 10, 31, 42, 44 et seq., 47 et seq., 51, 103, 107, 116, 123, 155 et seq., 160 et seq., 166, 169 et seq., 191 Black Hawk, the, U.S. steamer, 114, 121, 123, 191 Blake, Lieutenant, 5 Blockade, purpose of, 3 et seq. Blodgett, Lieutenant, of the Conestoga, 50 Blue Wing, the, U.S. transport, 120, 122 Boggs, Commander Charles S., 54, 82 Bois, Frank, 170 Bowling Green, Ky., 21 Brand, Lieutenant-Colonel, 129, 131 Breckenridge, General, commands an attack on Baton Rouge, 105 et seq. Breese, Lieutenant-Commander K.R., 163, 168, 191 Brent, Major J.L. (afterward Colonel), 129, 131, 201 (note) et seq. Brooklyn, U.S. sloop, 53 et seq., 76 et seq., 83, 85, 90, 94 et seq., 104, 228 et seq., 237, 244 (note) Brown, Commander Isaac N., 99 et seq. Brown, Lieutenant-Commander George, of the Indianola, 126, 128 et seq., 229 Browne, Lieutenant G.W., 191 Bryant, Lieutenant N.C., of the Cairo, 42 Buchanan, Admiral Franklin, 220, 235 et seq., 239 et seq.; wounded, 242 et seq. Buchanan, Lieutenant-Commander, 109 Buell, Major-General, 37 et seq. Burnham, Captain A.H., 220 (note) Burnside, General, 183 Butler, General B.F., at New Orleans, 85, 87; succeeded by General Banks in Department of Gulf, 109 Cairo, Ill., 9 et seq. Cairo, the, Union gunboat, 14, 42, 48, 117 Caldwell, Lieutenant C.H.B., 54, 66 et seq.; before New Orleans, 72 et seq., 133, 168 Calhoun, the, Confederate gunboat, 40, 109, 164 Canal, cut by Pope, 31; around Vicksburg, 141 Canby, General, commands Department of West Mississippi, 211, 225, 246, 249 Carondelet, the, Union gunboat, 14, 21, 24; before Donelson, 26 et seq.; her passage to New Madrid in thunder-storm, 32 et seq., 36, 42, 44 et seq., 48, 51; fights with the Arkansas, 99 et seq.; losses on, 102, 123, 147, 154 et seq., 157, 160, 168, 170, 191, 194, 207, 215 et seq. Cayuga, U.S. gunboat, 53 et seq., 72 et seq., 80, 82 et seq., 85, 105 Chickasaw, the, 226 et seq., 229, 242 et seq., 245, 247 Chillicothe, the U.S. vessel, 111 et seq., 123, 142 et seq., 145 et seq., 191, 194 et seq., 207 Choctaw, the, U.S. vessel, 111, 113, 163, 172, 177, 192 Churchill, General, surrenders to McClernand, 122 Cincinnati, the, Union gunboat, 14, 21 et seq., 42 et seq., 103, 120 et seq., 147; loss of, 170, 172, 177 et seq., 249 Clifton, the, U.S. gunboat, 55 et seq., 95 et seq., 164, 187 Collins, John, 233 Colorado, flag-ship, 5, 53, 57 Columbus, Ky., fortified by Confederates, 11, 18, 21; fall of, 28 et seq. Conestoga, the, Union gunboat, 12, 18, 21, 27, 50 Confederate navy, commanded by Hollins, 40; fourteen river steamboats seized for, 41 et seq.; spirited attack by, 43 et seq.; ten vessels before New Orleans, 60 et seq.; condemnation of, 84 et seq. Cooke, Commander A.P., 164 Cornay, Captain, 202 (note) Cornyu, Colonel, 182 Corpus Christi, Texas, 108 Cotton, the, Confederate steamer, 109 Couthony, Lieutenant S.P., 191 Covington, the, 182, 209 et seq. Cox, General, 183 Craven, Captain Thomas T., 54; commands a fleet from New Orleans, 90, 96; heroic death of, 231 Craven, Commander T.A.M., 229 Cricket, the, 178, 191 et seq., 195, 199 et seq. Crocker, Lieutenant Frederick, 187 Crosby, Lieutenant Pierce, 54, 66, 248 Cummings, A. Boyd, 136 Curtis, General, 49, 107 Dahlgren, Acting-Master C.B., 172 Dana, General, 188 Davis, Captain Charles H., 40, 47, 49; made flag-officer, 51; in the Yazoo, 97 et seq.; follows the Arkansas, 102 et seq.; arranges an expedition, 107; relieved in command, 110 Davis, Jefferson, 131 De Camp, Commander John, 54, 89 Defiance, the, Confederate vessel, 85 DeKalb, the, U.S. ironclad, 118, 120 et seq., 142, 145 et seq., 169, 171, 177. See the St. Louis. De Soto, the, 126 et seq. Donaldson, Lieutenant Edward, 54, 229 Donelson, Fort, see Fort Donelson. Doubloon, the, Confederate steamer, 81 Dove, Commander, of the Louisville, 27 Drayton, Captain Percival, 229, 240 Duncan, General, 60, 88 Dunnington, Colonel, surrenders to Admiral Porter, 122 Eads, James B., 12 Eastport, the, Confederate gunboat, 24 et seq., 191 et seq., 198 et seq., 203 Elfin, the, 214 Ellet, Colonel Charles, jr., 46 et seq., 119 (note) Ellet, Colonel Charles Rivers, 119, 124 et seq.; rashness of, 127 et seq., 140 Ellet, Lieutenant-Colonel A.W., of the Monarch, 48, 97, 103, 122; reckless daring of, 140 Ellet, Lieutenant-Colonel John A., 140 Emory, General, 195 Enoch Train, the, Confederate ram, 5 et seq. Era No. 5, the, 127 et seq. Erben, Lieutenant Henry, 42 Essex, the, 15, 21; disaster to, 23 et seq., 103, 105, 133, 135, 167 et seq., 190 Estrella, the, 109, 164 et seq., 188 Fairplay, the, 215 Farragut, Flag-Officer David G., commands the Western Gulf Blockading Squadron, 8, 35 et seq.; before New Orleans, 40, 42; at Vicksburg, 51 et seq., 54, 62; prompt action of, 86, 90 et seq.; in the Yazoo, 97 et seq., 101 et seq.; on the Gulf, 107 et seq., 124, 126; moves up the river, 133 et seq.; his advice respecting the Ellet family, 139 et seq., 144; Porter communicates with, 151 et seq., 158; in the Red River, 164 et seq.; returns to Gulf, 174, 183, 187; resumes command, 218, 221; begs for co-operation, 223, 226 et seq.; in action, 232 et seq.; his attack on the Tennessee, 240 et seq.; goes North, 246 Fawn, the, 212 et seq. Featherstone, brigade of, 149 Ferguson, Colonel, 148 et seq. Fitch, Colonel, 50 Fitch, Lieutenant-Commander Le Roy, 180 et seq., 213 et seq. Foote, Flag-Officer A.H., 15 et seq.; his views on manning ships, 17 et seq.; promotion of, 20 et seq.; returns to Cairo, 24 et seq.; wounded, 28, 31, 35 et seq.; at Fort Pillow, 39 et seq. Forest Queen, the, 155, 157 Forest Rose, the, 123, 141 et seq., 171 Forrest, General, 181, 214 Forrest, Lieutenant Moreau, 213, 216 Fort Donelson, Ky., 23; plan of attack on, 25 et seq., 90, 161, 180 Fort Henry, Ky., expedition against, 21 et seq., 161, 180 Fort Hindman, see Arkansas Post. Fort Hindman, the, 191 et seq., 194 et seq., 199 et seq., 206 et seq. Fort Jackson, 58 et seq., 63, 66, 69 et seq., 76, 78 et seq., 87, 89 Fort McRae, 8 Fort Pickens, 8 Fort Pillow, 31, 39 et seq.; force at, 42 et seq., 45 Fort St. Philip, 58, 60, 62 et seq., 69, 72, 75 et seq., 78 et seq., 87 et seq. Fort Sumter, 144 Foster, Lieutenant-Commander Joseph P., 142, 191 Franklin, General, 187, 190, 194 et seq., 204 Fremont, General, 17 et seq. Fry, Captain Joseph, 50 Fulton, the, U.S. ram, 143 Gabaudau, Mr., 153 Gaines, the, Confederate gunboat, 220, 239 Galena, the, 229, 236, 244 (note) Galveston, Tex., 3, 8; disaster at, 108 et seq., 188, 249 Gamble, Lieutenant-Commander William M., 247 Gazelle, the, 191 General Beauregard, the, Confederate ram, 47 et seq. General Bragg, the, Confederate ram, 43, 47; capture of, 49, 101, 107, 116 General Lovell, the, Confederate ram, 47 et seq. General Price, the, Confederate ram, 44, 47 et seq., 155 et seq., 166, 170 General Quitman, the, Confederate vessel, 61, 84 General Rusk, Confederate steamer, 8 General Sumter, the, Confederate ram, 44, 47; capture of, 49, 102, 105 General Thompson, the, Confederate ram, 47; destruction of, 49 General Van Dorn, the, Confederate ram, 44, 47, 49 Genesee, the, 134 et seq. Gherardi, Lieutenant-Commander Bancroft, 229 Gillis, Lieutenant-Commander James H., 247 Gilmore, Theodore, 33 Glide, the, 122 et seq. Gorman, General, 122 Gorringe, Master H.H., 191, 200 Governor Moore, the, Confederate vessel, 61, 81 et seq. Grand Era, the, Confederate tender, 129 Grand Gulf, 11, 163 et seq. Granger, General, 34, 215, 227, 245, 248 Granite City, the, 187 et seq. Grant, Captain of the General Quitman, 61, 84 (note) Grant, General U.S., commands military district about Cairo, 18 et seq.; at Fort Donelson, 25 et seq.; at Pittsburg Landing, 36 et seq.; at Vicksburg, 123 et seq., 139; orders the levee cut, 141, 153, 157, 161; at Grand Gulf, 163, 168 et seq., 172, 176, 178; directions to Steele, 190, 211 Greene, Lieutenant-Commander Charles H., 229 Greene, General Thomas, 197 Greer, Lieutenant-Commander James A., 155, 191 Gregory, Acting-Master, 43 Guest, Lieutenant John, 56 Gunboats, contract for seven, given to Eads, 12 et seq.; delay in equipping for lack of money, 15 Gwin, Lieutenant, of the Tyler, 21; invaluable service at Pittsburg Landing, 28 et seq., 37 et seq.; in the Yazoo, 99; mortally wounded, 118 et seq. Haines's Bluff, 119, 148 Halleck, General, his orders unsatisfactory to Captain Foote, 16 et seq., 25; orders to Foote, 28; withdraws Pope's forces from Fort Pillow, 40, 49, 91, 186, 189 Hamilton, Lieutenant William, 242 (note) Harding, Colonel, 180 Hart, Lieutenant-Commander, John E., 134, 165 et seq. Harrell, Lieutenant A.D., 56 Harriet Lane, the, U.S. gunboat, 55 et seq., 88, 94 et seq., 108 Harrison, cavalry of, 197 Harrison, Commander George W., 220 Harrison, Lieutenant Napoleon B., 54 Hartford, the, U.S. flag-ship, 52 et seq., 68, 72, 77, 85, 90, 134 et seq., 139, 151 et seq., 165, 228 et seq., 231 et seq., 236, 238 et seq. Hastings, the, U.S. transport, 197 Hatteras, the, 108 Helena, Ark., 49 et seq., 110, 116 Henry Clay, the, 155, 157 Henry, Fort, see Fort Henry. Herron, General, 177 Hickman, Ky., fortified by Confederates, 11, 18, 29 et seq. Higgins, Colonel, 60, 65; condemns Mitchell's course, 70 et seq., 87, 155 (note) Hill, plantation of, 148, 150 et seq. Hoel, Lieutenant William R., 33, 147, 155, 160, 191 Hollins, Commodore George N., 7, 35; commands Confederate navy, 40 et seq. Hood, General, 213, 215 et seq. Hospital fleet, at Pilot Town, 57 Howard, Lieutenant Samuel, 191 Huger, Thomas B., mortally wounded, 83 Hurlburt, General, 37; report of, 39 Ida, the, 249 Illinois, her devotion to the Union, 9 Illinois, regiment of: Forty-second, 32 Imperial, the, 173 Indianola, the, U.S. vessel, 111 et seq., 123, 126, 128 et seq., 152, 165 Iowa, regiment of: Twenty-third, 176 Iroquois, the, U.S. corvette, 54, 77 et seq., 83, 89, 94 et seq. Island No. 10, 28 et seq., 31 et seq.; surrender of, 34; disappearance of, 36, 39 et seq., 124 Itasca, the, U.S. gunboat, 54, 66 et seq., 71 et seq., 77, 79, et seq., 90, 229 Ivy, the, Confederate gunboat, 40, 166 Jackson, Fort, see Fort Jackson. Jackson, the, Confederate gunboat, 40, 61, 81 Jackson, the, U.S. gunboat, 55 et seq., 95 Jenkins, Captain Thornton A., 184, 227, 229, 235 Johnson, Acting-Master Amos, 67 Johnson, Master J.V., 32 Johnston, Commander J.D., 223, 239; surrenders, 243 et seq., 249 Jones, Acting-Master Edmund, 67, 72 et seq. Jones, Lieutenant-Commander M.P., 247 Jouett, Lieutenant James E., burns schooner Royal Yacht, 8, 229, 233, 239, 242 (note) Juliet, the, 123, 199, 201 et seq. Katahdin, the, U.S. gunboat, 54, 73, 95, 105 Kennebec, U.S. gunboat, 54, 77, 80, 95, 229, 237, 244 (note) Kennon, Beverley, of the Governor Moore, 61; encounter with the Varuna, 81 et seq. Kentucky, neutrality of, 17 Key West, description of, 1 Key West, the, 214 Kickapoo, the, 247 Kilby, Commander A.H., 42, 50 Kimberley, Captain, 240 (note) Kineo, U.S. gunboat, 54, 73, 76 et seq., 85, 105, 134 et seq., 183 King, Lieutenant, 214 et seq. Kinsman, the, 109 Kirkland, Lieutenant-Commander W.A., 247 Lackawanna, the, 228 et seq., 237, 240 et seq., 244 (note) Lafayette, the, U.S. vessel, 111, 113, 155 et seq., 160 et seq., 166, 191 et seq. Lancaster, the, 102, 140 Langthorne, Lieutenant A.R., 191 Lee, Admiral S. Phillips, 54, 82, 90, 211, 216 et seq. Lee, General Robert E., 249 Le Roy, Commander William E., 229, 243 et seq. Lexington, the, Union gunboat, 12, 18 et seq., 24, 28, 37 et seq., 50, 121, 178 et seq., 191, 193 et seq., 197 et seq., 206 Liddell, General, 197 Lincoln, President A., 94 (note) Linden, the, 123, 171 Lioness, the, U.S. ram, 107, 119, 123, 143 Little Rebel, the, 47; taken into Union fleet, 49 Livingston, the, Confederate gunboat, 40 Lord, Lieutenant, 210 Loring, General, 145 Louisiana, the, Confederate vessel, 61, 69 et seq., 79 et seq., 85 et seq., 88 Louisville, the, Union gunboat, 14; injury sustained by, 27, 51, 103, 120 et seq., 147, 151, 155 et seq., 160, 191, 194, 207 Lovell, Colonel, 84 (note) Lovell, General, 41 et seq.; at New Orleans, 59 et seq., 81 Low, Lieutenant-Commander W.W., 247 McCann, Lieutenant-Commander William P., 229 McClernand, General, 20, 116; at Vicksburg, 120 et seq. McCloskey, Captain, 129 McCulloch, General, 176 McGunnegle, Lieutenant, 46 (note), 48, 50 McIntosh, Captain, 88 McKean, Flag-Officer W.W., succeeds Mervine, 5; commands an indecisive affair in Pensacola Bay, 8; at Ship Island, 52 McKinstry, Captain J.P., 134, 137 Macomb, Commander William H., 134 McRae, Fort, see Fort McRae. McRae, the, Confederate gunboat, 40, 61, 83 et seq. Maitland, pilot, 201 et seq. Manassas, the, Confederate ram, 61, 75, 78, 83, 84 (note), 100 Manhattan, the, 226 et seq., 229, 232, 242 et seq., 245 Marchand, Captain John B., 229 Marmora, the, U.S. gunboat, 117, 123, 142, 178 Maurepas, the, Confederate gunboat, 40 Memphis, Tenn., 47 et seq.; surrender of, 49 Mervine, Flag-Officer William, 4 et seq. Metacomet, the, 229, 232 et seq., 238 et seq., 242 (note), 244 (note), 248 Mexico, Gulf of, 1 et seq. Miami, the, U.S. gunboat, 55 et seq., 87, 95 Milwaukee, the, 247 et seq. Mississippi, doubtful allegiance of, 9 Mississippi River, Government's object in entering, 3; Union humiliation in, 5 et seq.; description of, 9 et seq.; importance of controlling, 11 et seq.; successes on, 23 et seq.; encounter between gunboats on, 43; Confederate rams, 43 et seq.; Confederate fleet conquered, 49 et seq.; naval forces from Gulf and upper river meet in, 51; obstructions in, 64 et seq.; cleared by Caldwell, 68 et seq.; unhealthiness of, 104; controlled by Confederates from Vicksburg to Port Hudson, 106; change of commanders in, 110; successes and disasters in, 125 et seq.; open from Cairo to Gulf, 173 Mississippi, the, tonnage of, 54, 71, 73 et seq., 76, 83, 86, 134, 137 et seq. Missouri, doubtful allegiance of, 9 Missouri, the, U.S. ship, 138 Mitchell, Commander, 61, 69 et seq., 88 Mitchell, Lieutenant-Commander J.G., 191 Mobile, Ala., 3, 218 et seq. Monarch, Union ram, 48 et seq., 107, 122 et seq. Monongahela, the, 134 et seq., 184, 188, 229, 237, 240 et seq., 244 (note) Montgomery, Captain, 41 et seq., 47 Moose, the, 183 Morgan, General J.H., daring raid of, 182 Morgan, Lieutenant, 210 Morgan, the, Confederate gunboat, 220, 239 Morning Light, the, 108 Morris, Captain H.W., 54 Morton, Acting-Master Gilbert, 215 Mosher, the, Confederate tug, 61, 76 Mound City, the, Union gunboat, 14 et seq., 42, 44 et seq.; catastrophe to, 50, 107, 123, 147, 155 et seq., 160, 162, 168, 170, 191, 194, 207 Mullany, Commander J.R.M., 229, 238 Murphy, Lieutenant J.M., 147, 149, 155 Murphy, Lieutenant P.M., 220 Napoleon III., unfriendly attitude toward the United States, 185, 249 Natchez, surrender of, 90 Naumkeag, the, 212 et seq. Naval, operations, extent of, 1 Nelson, General, 37 et seq. Neosho, the, 191, 194 et seq., 200, 202 et seq., 206 et seq., 216 New Madrid, Mo., 20; taken by Pope, 30 et seq. New Orleans, 2, 59 et seq.; bombardment of, 69 et seq.; surrender of, 86 et seq. Niagara, the, 8 Nichols, Lieutenant Ed. T., 54 Nicholson, Commander J.W.A., 229 Nields, Ensign H.C., 233 et seq. Octorara, the, U.S. steamer, 95, 97, 229, 244 (note), 247 et seq. Oneida, the, U.S. corvette, 54, 73, 76, 81 et seq., 94, 96, 229, 234 et seq., 238, 244 (note) Osage, the, 191 et seq., 194 et seq., 197, 199, 202, 206 et seq., 247 Ossipee, the, 229, 237, 240, 243 et seq. Ouachita, the, 191, 193 Owasco, the, U.S. gunboat, 55, 95, 188 Owen, Lieutenant-Commander E.K., 121, 147, 155, 191 Ozark, the, 191, 194, 206 et seq. Paducah, Ky., seized by Grant, 18, 21 Palmer, Captain James S., of the Iroquois, 95; of the Hartford, 134 Palmer, Commodore of the Hartford, 167; left in command, 246, 248 Parker, Commodore Foxhall A., 240 (note) Paulding, Lieutenant, of the St. Louis, 21; before Donelson, 27 Pearce, Lieutenant John, 191, 200 Pendergrast, Flag-Officer G.J., commands Home Squadron, 4 Pennock, Captain Alexander M., 179, 211 Pensacola Navy Yard, 3, 5, 8, 52, 60, 90, 107, 227 et seq., 242 (note), 246 Pensacola, the, U.S. vessel, 52 et seq., 73, 75, et seq., 78, 85, 100 (note) Perkins, Lieutenant-Commander George H., 229, 242 (note), 247 Petrel, the, U.S. steamer, 142 et seq., 171 Phelps, Lieutenant-Commander S.L., of the Conestoga, 18, 21, 24 et seq., 28; of the Benton, 42; commands an expedition from Helena, 107, 179, 182; at Grand Ecore, 195, 198, 200 et seq. Pickens, Fort, see Fort Pickens. Pierce, Captain, 129 Pillow, Fort, see Fort Pillow. Pinola, the, U.S. gunboat, 54, 66 et seq., 71, 77 et seq., 80 et seq., 95 Pittsburg Landing, 36 et seq. Pittsburg, the, Union gunboat, 15, 27, 34, 42, 44, 117, 123, 147, 155, 157, 160 et seq., 166, 191, 194, 207 Point of Rocks, 158, 161 Polk, the, Confederate gunboat, 40 Ponchartrain, the, Confederate gunboat, 40, 50 Pope, General, at New Madrid, 30 et seq., 34, 36; at Fort Pillow, 39 et seq. Porter, Admiral David D., 53, 79, 85, 87; relieves Captain Davis, 110; his orders to Walke, 116; Colonel Dunnington surrenders to, 122 et seq.; success and disasters in Mississippi, 126 et seq.; hopes frustrated, 132, 139 et seq.; undertakes to reach the Yazoo, 147 et seq.; before Vicksburg, 154, 158, 161; at Grand Gulf, 163, 165 et seq.; assumes command of river, 174; inaugurates raids, 177, 179, 189 et seq.; in the Red River, 194 et seq., 200 et seq., 204; at Red River Dam, 206; relieved by Porter, 211 Porter, Commander William D., 15, 21, 23, 88, 90 et seq., 94; ordered to Hampton Roads, 97, 103 et seq. Port Hudson, 11, 173 Port Royal, the, 229 Portsmouth, the, U.S. sloop, 80, 87 Preble, Lieutenant George H., 54 Preble, the, sailing sloop, 5, 7 Prentiss, General, 176 Princess Royal, the, 183 Pritchett, Lieutenant-Commander, 175 et seq. Queen City, the, 212 et seq. Queen of the West, Union ram, 48, et seq., 84 (note); "lives to fight another day," 99 et seq., 103 et seq., 117, 123 et seq., 140, 151, 165 Ramsay, Lieutenant-Commander F.M., 163, 172 Ransom, Lieutenant George M., 54 Rattler, the, 121 et seq., 142 et seq., 145 Read, Abner, 184 Reed, Acting-Master J.F., 172 Reynolds, Master, 44 Richmond, steam sloop, 5 et seq., 54, 77, 90, 94 et seq., 134 et seq., 138, 153, 167, 217, 227 et seq., 232 et seq., 237, 244 (note) River Defence Fleet, 42 et seq., 47, 49, 60 et seq., 81, 84 et seq. Roberts, Colonel, 32 Rob Roy, the, 197 Rodgers, Commander John, 12; relieved by Captain Foote, 16 Rodolph, the, 248 Roe, Lieutenant, 75 Royal Yacht, Confederate schooner, 8 Romeo, the, 123, 142 et seq. Russell, Lieutenant J.H., 5, 54 Sabine Pass, 106 Sachem, the, U.S. schooner, 87, 187 St. Charles, 50 et seq. St. Clair, the, 181 St. Louis, the, Union gunboat, 15, 21; injury sustained by, 27, 42, 45, 48, 50 et seq., 118, 177. See the DeKalb. St. Philip, Fort, see Fort St. Philip. Samson, the, U.S. ram, 107, 114 Santee, U.S. frigate, 7 et seq., 42 Schofield, General, 215 Sciota, the, U.S. gunboat, 54, 77 et seq., 95, 249 Selfridge, Lieutenant-Commander, 117, 172, 177 et seq., 191, 197 et seq. Selma, the, Confederate gunboat, 220, 239 Seminole, the, 229 Shepperd, Lieutenant, F.E., 145 Sherman, General W.T., at Haines's Bluff, 119; directed to support Porter, 148, 150 et seq., 163, 168, 170, 173; confers with Banks, 189 et seq.; at Alexandria, 203, 225 Sherman, of the tug Mosher, 77 Shirk, Lieutenant J.W., of the Lexington, 21; gallant service at Pittsburg Landing, 37 et seq.; at Memphis, 50, 155, 213 et seq. Ship Island, 52 Signal, the, U.S. gunboat, 117, 123, 142, 171, 207, 210 Silver Wave, the, U.S. transport, 155 Smith, Colonel Giles A., 150 Smith, Commander Melancton, 54, 134, 138 Smith, General A.G., 190, 192 et seq., 211 Smith, General M.L., 69 Smith, General T. Kilby, 194, 196 et seq. Smithland, Ky., seized by Grant, 18 Smith, Lieutenant Albert N., 54 Smith, Lieutenant-Commander Watson, 121, 143 Sproston, Lieutenant, 5 Squadron, Atlantic, 4, 249 Squadron, East Gulf, 8, 249 Squadron, Home, 4, 249 Squadron, Mississippi, 55, 107, 211, 216 et seq. Squadron, Western Gulf Blockading, 8, 52, 187, 249 Squadron, West India, 4 Squires, Captain, 60 Star of the West, the, 144 Steele, General, 168, 189 et seq., 212, 246 Stembel, Commander, of the Lexington, 18 et seq., 21; of the Cincinnati, 42; dangerously shot, 44 Stephenson, Captain, 61 Stevens, Commander Thomas H., 229, 232, 238 Stevens, Lieutenant, 105 Stevenson, General, 132 Stonewall Jackson, the, Confederate vessel, 81 et seq. Stringham, Flag-Officer, commands Atlantic Squadron, 4 Strong, Captain James H., 188, 229, 237 Sumter, Fort, see Fort Sumter. Switzerland, the, Union ram, 49, 123, 140, 151 et seq., 166 et seq. Tallahassee, Fla., 3 Tawah, the, 214 Taylor, General Richard, 129, 164, 167; engages a negro brigade, 176 et seq., 249 Tecumseh, the, 226 et seq., 244 (note) Tennessee, the, Confederate ram, 220 et seq., 231, 236 et seq., 240 et seq. Terry, Lieutenant-Commander Edward, 167 Thatcher, Master Charles, 191 Thatcher, Rear-Admiral H.K., 246, 248 et seq. Theron, Monsieur, French Consul in Texas, 185 et seq. Thomas, General, 216 Thomas, Lieutenant-Commander N.W., 137 Thompson, Lieutenant E., of the Pittsburg, 27, 42 Tilghman, General, surrenders Fort Henry to Union fleet, 23 Tinclads, description of, 110 Tiptonville, Tenn., 29 et seq., 35 Todd, Captain, 94 (note) Torpedoes, 117, 224 Townsend, Captain, 41 Townsend, Commander Robert, 190 Tuscumbia, the, U.S. vessel, 111 et seq., 155, 157, 160 et seq., 168 Tyler, the, Union gunboat, 12, 19 et seq., 24, 27 et seq., 37 et seq., 99 et seq., 123, 175, 212 et seq. Undine, the, 214 United States Navy, anomalous position of, 17, 20 et seq.; seventeen vessels in, and their tonnage, 54; six gunboats, 55 et seq.; tinclads, 110 et seq. Varuna, U.S. corvette, 54 et seq., 73, 81 et seq. Velocity, the, 108 Vicksburg, Miss., 11, 51, 90 et seq.; description, 93 et seq.; surrender of, 173 Vicksburg, the, 125, 151 Vincennes, the, sailing-sloop, 5 et seq. Virginia, the, 188 Virginius, the, Confederate steamer, 50 Wade, Colonel, 163 Wainwright, Commander Richard, 54 Wainwright, Lieutenant Jonathan M., of the Harriet Lane, 56 Walke, Commander Henry, of the Tyler, 19 et seq.; commands the Carondelet, 26; his gallant passage down the river, 32 et seq., 42; in the Yazoo, 99 et seq.; at Helena, 110; in the Yazoo, 116 et seq., 139, 155; at Alexandria, 166 et seq. Walker, General, 192 Walker, Lieutenant-Commander John G., 118, 121 et seq., 142, 169, 171; sent to Yazoo City, 177 Warley, Lieutenant A.F., commands the Enoch Train, 5, 61, 84 (note) Warner, the, 209 et seq. Water Witch, the, steamer, 5, 7 Watson, captain, 201 Watters, Lieutenant-Commander John, 134, 183 Weaver, Lieutenant-Commander, 183 Webb, the, Confederate gunboat, 128 et seq., 217 Welles, Secretary of Navy, 88 Wells, Lieutenant-Commander Clark H., 229 Westfield, the, U.S. gunboat, 55 et seq., 95, 108 Wharton, General, 181 Wharton, Lieutenant, 231 Wheeler, General, 181 Williams, General, at Baton Rouge 104 et seq. Wilson, Charles, 33 Wilson, Lieutenant Byron, of the Mound City, 147, 155, 191 Wilson, Lieutenant-Colonel James H., 142 et seq. Winona, the, U.S. gunboat, 54, 77, 80, 95, 183 Winnebago, the, 220 et seq., 229, 232, 234, 238, 242 et seq., 247 Winslow, Lieutenant Francis, holds his ground in Water Witch, 7 Wisconsin, regiment of: Fourth, 204 Wissahickon, the, U.S. gunboat, 54, 73, 76, 85, 90, 95 Woods, Colonel, 107 Woodworth, Lieutenant Selim E., 56, 155 et seq. Woolsey, Commander, 183 Yankee, the, Confederate gunboat, 18 Yazoo Valley, description of, 115 et seq., 141 et seq. * * * * * =THE NAVY IN THE CIVIL WAR.= The work of the Navy in the Suppression of the Rebellion was certainly not less remarkable then that of the Army. The same forces which developed from our volunteers some of the finest bodies of soldiers in military history, were shown quite as wonderfully in the quick growth--almost creation--of a Navy, which was to cope, for the first time, with the problems of modern warfare. The facts that the Civil War was the first great conflict in which steam was the motive power of ships; that it was marked by the introduction of the ironclad; and that it saw, for the first time, the attempt to blockade such a vast length of hostile coast--will make it an epoch for the technical student everywhere. For Americans, whose traditions of powers at sea are among their strongest, this side of the four years struggle has an interest fully equal to the other--perhaps even with the added element of romance that always belongs to sea fighting. But while the Army has been fortunate in the number and character of those who have contributed to its written history, the Navy has been comparatively without annalists. During a recent course of publications on the military operations of the war, the publishers were in constant receipt of letters pointing out this fact, and expressing the wish that a complete naval history of the four years might be written by competent hands. This testimony was hardly needed to suggest the want; but it was a strong encouragement to ask the co-operation of naval officers in supplying it. An effort made in this direction resulted in the cordial adoption and carrying out of plans by which Messrs. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS are enabled to publish a work of the highest authority and interest, covering this entire field, in the following three volumes, giving the whole narrative of Naval Operations from 1861 to 1865. =_I.--The Blockade and the Cruisers._= By Professor J. RUSSELL SOLEY, U.S. Navy. =_II.--The Atlantic Coast._= By Rear-Admiral DANIEL AMMEN, U.S. Navy. =_III.--The Gulf and Inland Waters._= By Commander A.T. MAHAN, U.S. Navy. The Volumes are uniform in size with the Series of "Campaigns of the Civil War," and contain maps and diagrams prepared under the direction of the authors. =_Price per volume, $1.00._= CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS, 743 AND 745 Broadway, NEW YORK. MESSRS. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS publish, under the general title of THE CAMPAIGNS OF THE CIVIL WAR, A Series of volumes, contributed by a number of leading actors in and students of the great conflict of 1861-'65, with a view to bringing together, for the first time, a full and authoritative military history of the suppression of the Rebellion. The final and exhaustive form of this great narrative, in which every doubt shall be settled and every detail covered, may be a possibility only of the future. But it is a matter for surprise that twenty years after the beginning of the Rebellion, and when a whole generation has grown up needing such knowledge, there is no authority which is at the same time of the highest rank, intelligible and trustworthy, and to which a reader can turn for any general view of the field. The many reports, regimental histories, memoirs, and other materials of value for special passages, require, for their intelligent reading, an ability to combine and proportion them which the ordinary reader does not possess. There have been no attempts at general histories which have supplied this satisfactorily to any large part of the public. Undoubtedly there has been no such narrative as would be especially welcome to men of the new generation, and would be valued by a very great class of readers;--and there has seemed to be great danger that the time would be allowed to pass when it would be possible to give to such a work the vividness and accuracy that come from personal recollection. These facts led to the conception of the present work. From every department of the Government, from the officers of the army, and from a great number of custodians of records and special information everywhere, both authors and publishers have received every aid that could be asked in this undertaking; and in announcing the issue of the work the publishers take this occasion to convey the thanks which the authors have had individual opportunities to express elsewhere. The volumes are duodecimos of about 250 pages each, illustrated by maps and plans prepared under the direction of the authors. The price of each volume is $1.00. * * * * * _The following volumes are now ready_: _=I.--The Outbreak of Rebellion.=_ By JOHN G. NICOLAY, Esq., Private Secretary to President Lincoln; late Consul-General to France, etc. A preliminary volume, describing the opening of the war, and covering the period from the election of Lincoln to the end of the first battle of Bull Run. =_II.--From Fort Henry to Corinth._= By the Hon. M.F. FORCE, Justice of the Superior Court, Cincinnati; late Brigadier-General and Bvt. Maj. Gen'l, U.S.V., commanding First Division, 17th Corps; in 1862, Lieut. Colonel of the 20th Ohio, commanding the regiment at Shiloh; Treasurer of the Society of the Army of the Tennessee. The narrative of events in the West from the Summer of 1861 to May, 1862; covering the capture of Fts. Henry and Donelson, the Battle of Shiloh, etc., etc. =_III.--The Peninsula._= By ALEXANDER S. WEBB, LL.D., President of the College of the City of New York: Assistant Chief of Artillery, Army of the Potomac, 1861-'62; Inspector General Fifth Army Corps; General commanding 2d Div., 2d Corps; Major General Assigned, and Chief of Staff, Army of the Potomac. The history of McClellan's Peninsula Campaign, from his appointment to the end of the Seven Days' Fight. =_IV.--The Army under Pope._= By JOHN C. ROPES. Esq., of the Military Historical Society of Massachusetts, the Massachusetts Historical Society, etc. From the appointment of Pope to command the Army of Virginia, to the appointment of McClellan to the general command in September, 1862. =_V.--The Antietam and Fredericksburg._= By FRANCIS WINTHROP PALFREY, Bvt. Brigadier Gen'l, U.S.V., and formerly Colonel 20th Mass. Infantry; Lieut. Col. of the 20th Massachusetts at the Battle of the Antietam; Member of the Military Historical Society of Massachusetts, of the Massachusetts Historical Society, etc. From the appointment of McClellan to the general command, September, 1862, to the end of the battle of Fredericksburg. =_VI.--Chancellorsville and Gettysburg._= By ABNER DOUBLEDAY, Bvt. Maj. Gen'l, U.S.A., and Maj. Gen'l, U.S.V.; commanding the First Corps at Gettysburg, etc. From the appointment of Hooker, through the campaigns of Chancellorsville and Gettysburg, to the retreat of Lee after the latter battle. =_VII.--The Army of the Cumberland._= By HENRY M. CIST, Brevet Brig. Gen'l U.S.V.; A.A.G. on the staff of Major Gen'l Rosecrans, and afterwards on that of Major Gen'l Thomas; Corresponding Secretary of the Society of the Army of the Cumberland. From the formation of the Army of the Cumberland to the end of the battles at Chattanooga, November, 1863. _=VIII.--The Mississippi.=_ By FRANCIS VINTON GREENE, Lieut. of Engineers, U.S. Army; late Military Attaché to the U.S. Legation in St. Petersburg; Author of "The Russian Army and its Campaigns in Turkey in 1877-78," and of "Army Life in Russia." An account of the operations--especially at Vicksburg and Port Hudson--by which the Mississippi River and its shores were restored to the control of the Union. _=IX.--Atlanta.=_ By the Hon. JACOB D. COX, Ex-Governor of Ohio; late Secretary of the Interior of the United States; Major General U.S.V., commanding Twenty-third Corps during the campaigns of Atlanta and the Carolinas, etc., etc. From Sherman's first advance into Georgia in May, 1864, to the beginning of the March to the Sea. _=X.--The March to the Sea--Franklin and Nashville.=_ By the Hon. JACOB D. COX. From the beginning of the March to the Sea to the surrender of Johnston--including also the operations of Thomas in Tennessee. _=XI.--The Shenandoah Valley in 1864. The Campaign of Sheridan.=_ By GEORGE E. POND, Esq., Associate Editor of the _Army and Navy Journal_. _=XII.--The Virginia Campaign of '64 and '65. The Army of the Potomac and the Army of the James.=_ By ANDREW A. HUMPHREYS, Brigadier General and Bvt. Major General, U.S.A.; late Chief of Engineers; Chief of Staff, Army of the Potomac, 1863-64; commanding Second Corps, 1864-'65, etc., etc. _=Statistical Record of the Armies of the United States.=_ By FREDERICK PHISTERER, late Captain U.S.A. This Record includes the figures of the quotas and men actually furnished by all States; a list of all organizations mustered into the U.S. service; the strength of the army at various periods; its organization in armies, corps, etc.; the divisions of the country into departments, etc.; chronological list of all engagements, with the losses in each; tabulated statements of all losses in the war, with the causes of death, etc.; full lists of all general officers, and an immense amount of other valuable statistical matter relating to the War. The complete Set, thirteen volumes, in a box. Price, $12.50 Single volumes, 1.00 _The above books for sale by all booksellers, or will be sent, post-paid, upon receipt of price, by_ CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS, PUBLISHERS, 743 AND 745 BROADWAY, NEW YORK. * * * * * +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | Typographical errors corrected in text: | | | | Page 23: befel replaced with befell | | Page 113: vesssels replaced with vessels | | Page 263: Lieutenant-Commanding replaced with | | Lieutenant-Commander | | Page 264: Lieutenant-Commanding replaced with | | Lieutenant-Commander | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * 
22431	----	[Illustration: "Dave caught at the knife-wrist." _Frontispiece_] Dave Darrin on Mediterranean Service OR With Dan Dalzell on European Duty By H. IRVING HANCOCK Author of "Dave Darrin at Vera Cruz," "Dave Darrin's South American Cruise," The West Point Series, The Annapolis Series, The Boys of the Army Series, Etc., etc. Illustrated P H I L A D E L P H I A HENRY ALTEMUS COMPANY COPYRIGHT, 1919, BY HOWARD E. ALTEMUS CONTENTS PAGE CHAPTER I--GREEN HAT, THE TROUBLE-STARTER 11 Dave Darrin and Dan Dalzell, while ashore at Gibraltar, have an exciting experience with a spy and stir up a deep mystery. CHAPTER II--DAN'S THIRTY-THREE-DOLLAR GUESS 27 Admiral Timworth solves the mystery for the ensigns and amazes them very much. CHAPTER III--THE STARTLER AT MONTE CARLO 43 Danny turns a trick on a brother officer. Ashore at Monte Carlo the young ensigns find the makings of future trouble. CHAPTER IV--MR. GREEN HAT'S NEW RÔLE 55 Dave loses a human trail and saves a human life. Then the plot begins to thicken. CHAPTER V--DANNY GRIN FIGHTS A SMILE 70 Mr. Green Hat sets a trap at the gambling resort, into which Ensign Dalzell smilingly walks. CHAPTER VI--DAVE RUNS INTO A REAL THRILL 78 A desperate plot to involve his country heard by Dave Darrin, who acts swiftly on the information he has obtained. CHAPTER VII--THE ADMIRAL UNLOADS HIS MIND 87 Called before the Admiral, the young officers make their report. The former sends a wireless to Washington, later summoning the ensigns to his quarters for secret orders. CHAPTER VIII--ON LIVELY SPECIAL DUTY 96 A delicate international situation is explained to Dave and Danny, who are then ordered ashore at Naples on a special and perilous mission. CHAPTER IX--M. DALNY PLANS A TRAGEDY 102 Darrin meets one of the men he is looking for. As a result of that meeting he and Dan are sentenced to death. CHAPTER X--TREACHERY HAS THE FLOOR 116 Enticed away for a drive, the Naval officers find themselves in a disreputable section of Naples and on the threshold of a tragedy. CHAPTER XI--HEMMED IN BY THE BRAVOS 124 Dave and Dan are attacked by a mob of Sicilian bravos and fight a desperate battle to save their own lives. CHAPTER XII--EVIL EYES ON SAILORMAN RUNKLE 132 The young officers now discover the real reason for the attempt on their lives, but, though they do not know it, fresh perils await them. CHAPTER XIII--ORDERS CHANGE IN A MINUTE 138 Able Seaman Runkle, bearing an important communication from Darrin to the Captain of the U. S. S. "Hudson," gets into serious difficulties. CHAPTER XIV--DAN HAS VERY "COLD FEET" 151 Beset by spies, the two young officers set out on a long journey after an exciting start, later finding that they have been guilty of a grave oversight. CHAPTER XV--AT THE AMERICAN EMBASSY 161 Dave and Danny arrive in Paris, where they are the guests of the American Ambassador. Darrin trails an international plotter and makes an important discovery. CHAPTER XVI--"SEEING" THE PARIS APACHES 179 The young ensign, after picking up a valuable clew, is attacked by savage Paris Apaches, who, angered by his defense, determine to take his life. CHAPTER XVII--DAVE'S GUESS AT THE BIG PLOT 189 The details of a plan to involve the United States in war with England are unfolded to his Admiral by Ensign Dave. CHAPTER XVIII--SURIGNY'S NEXT MOVE 198 English and American officers join hands and one gets a remarkable message from an international plotter as the trail grows hot. CHAPTER XIX--TRUTH, OR FRENCH ROMANCE 207 Dave meets an acquaintance and listens to an astounding confession. CHAPTER XX--THE ALLIES CLEAR FOR ACTION 213 "A submarine will sink the British battleship to-night," is the startling information imparted by Dave to his companions. CHAPTER XXI--MAKING STERN WORK OF IT 223 The young American Naval officer in command of a boarding party on the plotter's yacht, is neatly trapped. CHAPTER XXII--AFTER THE PEST OF THE SEAS 233 Ensign Darrin and his crew on the Navy launch make an exciting discovery after accomplishing a brilliant capture. CHAPTER XXIII--THE PUZZLE OF THE DEEP 240 While engaged in a thrilling chase after an undersea boat the launch's company find the tables unexpectedly turned on them. CHAPTER XXIV--CONCLUSION 249 The pursuit comes to a stirring finish, with Able Seaman Runkle's reputation saved and Ensign Darrin highly honored. DAVE DARRIN ON MEDITERRANEAN SERVICE CHAPTER I GREEN HAT, THE TROUBLE-STARTER "Dan," whispered Dave Darrin, Ensign, United States Navy, to his chum and brother officer, "do you see that fellow with the green Alpine hat and the green vest?" "Yes," nodded Dan Dalzell. "Watch him." "Why?" "He's a powerful brute, and it looks as though he's spoiling for a fight." "You are not going to oblige him, are you?" asked Dalzell in a whisper, betraying surprise. "Nothing like it," Darrin responded disgustedly. "Danny Grin, don't you credit me with more sense than that? Do you imagine I'd engage in a fight in a place like this?" "Then why are you interested in what the fellow might do?" demanded Ensign Dan. "Because I think there is going to be a lively time here. That fellow under the Alpine hat is equal to at least four of these spindling Spanish waiters. There is going to be trouble within four minutes, or I'm a poor guesser." "Just let Mr. Green Hat start something," chuckled Ensign Dalzell in an undertone. "There are plenty of stalwart British soldiers here, and 'Tommy Atkins' never has been known to be averse to a good fair fight. The soldiers will wipe up the floor with him. Then there is the provost guard, patrolling the streets of Gibraltar. If Mr. Green Hat grows too noisy the provost guard will gather him in." "And might also gather us in, if the provost officer thought us intelligent witnesses," muttered Darrin. "That would be all right, too," grinned Dan. "There is bound to be a British army officer in command of the provost guard. As soon as we handed him cards showing us to be American naval officers he'd raise his cap to us, and that would be the end of it." "I don't like to be present at rows in a place of this kind," Ensign Darrin insisted. "Then we'd better be going," proposed Ensign Dalzell. The place was Gibraltar, and the time nine o'clock in the evening. The two friends were seated well back in one of the several Spanish vaudeville theatres that flourish more or less in the city on the Great Rock, even in such times as this period of the great European War. The theatre was not a low place, or it would not have been permitted to exist in Gibraltar, which, even in peace times, is under the strictest military rule, made much more strict at the beginning of the great war. The performance was an ordinary one and rather dull. At the moment three Spanish women occupied the stage, going rather hopelessly through the steps of an aimless dance, while three musicians ground out the music for the dancers. The next number, as announced on a card that hung at one side of the stage, was to be a pantomime. One particularly unpleasant feature only was to be noted in the place. Wines and liquors were served to those who chose to order them, Spanish waiters passing up and down the aisles in search of custom. Mr. Green Hat, to the knowledge of Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell, had been a much too frequent customer. He was now arguing with two waiters about an alleged mistake in the changing of the money he had handed one of them. From angry remonstrance Mr. Green Hat was now resorting to abusive language. "I'd like to implant a wallop under that rowdy's chin," muttered Dan Dalzell, as he started to rise. "Don't try it," warned Ensign Dave, as he, too, rose. Just then the lightning struck; the storm broke. With an angry bellow, Mr. Green Hat leaped to his feet, knocking down one of the waiters. Four others rushed to the spot. The five promptly assailed Mr. Green Hat, and were swiftly reinforced by the one who had been floored. But the stalwart, active brawler proved to be too much for the combined force of the waiters. As if they had been so many reeds, Mr. Green Hat brushed them aside with his fists. "Grab the bloomin' rotter and throw 'im h'out!" bellowed a "Tommy Atkins," as the British soldier is collectively known. A new note, in a decidedly American tone of protest, rose above the uproar. "How dare you? What do you mean, fellow?" demanded a young man in a gray traveling suit, glaring up from the floor, to which he, an unoffending occupant of an aisle seat, had suddenly been hurled. It was too much for Dan Dalzell, who promptly attempted to seize Mr. Green Hat as that individual, with the momentum of a steam roller, rushed up the aisle. Dalzell reached out a hand to grip Mr. Green Hat by the collar. All too promptly a heavy fist smote Dan in the chest, knocking him back into the arms of Dave Darrin. Dave himself could not act quickly enough to avenge the blow that had been dealt his chum, because Dan's body blocked the way. Four or five British soldiers at the rear of the little theatre tried to intercept Mr. Green Hat as he dashed up the aisle. Three of the "Messrs. Atkins" went to the floor, under the seats, while the others were brushed aside, and Mr. Green Hat reached the street. "Stop that thief!" roared the young man in the gray suit. "He has robbed me!" By this time Dalzell was again on his feet and out in the aisle. He sprinted for the street, followed closely by Dave Darrin. The young man in the gray suit, his face pallid, plunged after the young naval officers. "You're an American, aren't you?" called Dave, over his shoulder. "Yes," answered he of the gray suit, "and in official life at Washington, too. That scoundrel has robbed me of something of value to the United States government." That was enough for Darrin and Dalzell. Though the charge might prove to be false, it was enough to cancel Dave's scruples against fighting. Out into the street ahead of them ran a waiter, who had taken no part in the scrimmage, waving his arms and shouting: "_Esta dirección!_" ("This way!") "_Sigue andando!_" ("Keep right on!") roared Danny Grin, darting down the street at a hard pace. But a moment later both naval officers, followed by the young man in gray and the waiter, came to a halt, for, directly ahead of them, on the well-lighted street, suddenly appeared a patrol detachment of the British provost guard. "Did you stop the fellow who ran this way, sir?" hailed Ensign Darrin, as he recognized the uniform of the British infantry officer in command of the detachment. "We didn't see any man running this way," replied the British lieutenant, smartly returning the salute that Ensign Darrin had given him. "Didn't _see_ any fellow running?" repeated three Americans, in tones of bewilderment. "We were chasing a thief, sir," Darrin continued, "and this waiter told us that the fugitive ran this way." "I--I thought he did," stammered the waiter in Spanish, though it was now plain that he understood English. In deep disgust and with dawning suspicion, Dave Darrin glared at the waiter until that fellow changed color and trembled slightly. Dave was now certain that the waiter, probably by previous arrangement, had shielded the escape of Mr. Green Hat. Turning to the English officer, Dave quickly recounted what had happened. At the same time he introduced himself and Dan as American naval officers, and both tendered their cards. "And you, sir? Who are you, and what did you lose?" inquired the British officer, turning to the young man in the gray suit. "May I answer that question to an officer of my own country?" appealed the young man in the gray suit. "Yes," assented the British officer, after keenly regarding the stranger who claimed to have been robbed. "Will you step a few yards down the street with me?" urged the unknown American, addressing Dave. "Certainly," Darrin nodded, for he saw insistent appeal in the stranger's gaze. "Mr. Darrin," began the stranger, using the name he had heard Dave announce in the introductions to the Britisher, "do you really belong to the American Navy?" "I do, indeed," Darrin answered. "I am attached to the battleship 'Hudson,' now lying in this harbor." "Then I will introduce myself," continued the young man in the gray suit. "My name is George Cushing. Do you recognize the meaning of this?" "This" proved to be a small gold badge, revealed by Cushing as he turned back the lapel of his coat. It was a badge worn by men belonging to a special branch of the secret service of the American Department of State. The members of this special service are usually found, if found at all, on duty in foreign countries. "I know the badge, Mr. Cushing," nodded Dave Darrin. "Now, what have you to tell me?" "That big man with the green hat must have started that fight with the waiters in the theatre to cover his intended attack on me," Cushing replied. "At the moment of knocking me down, he snatched from my coat pocket and made off with a most important document." "Then you almost deserved to lose it, sir," replied Darrin sternly, "as a punishment for wasting your time in such a place as that theatre." "I must see the American admiral as soon as possible," urged Cushing, ignoring Darrin's reproof. "But first of all, I must ask you to pass me safely by that provost guard, or I might be detained at a time when I cannot afford to lose a single instant. You will vouch for me, won't you, Mr. Darrin? Here are my formal credentials," continued Cushing, producing and unfolding a wallet that contained properly sealed and signed credentials from the American Department of State. "The paper that was stolen from you did not in any way relate to the defenses and fortifications here at Gibraltar, did it?" Dave asked. "Not in the least," Cushing replied promptly. "You give me your word of honor for that?" Dave asked bluntly. "Do you believe I'd waste my time on such rubbish as that?" demanded Cushing, scornfully. "Why, every civilized government on earth possesses accurate plans of the fortifications at Gibraltar! I give you my word of honor, Mr. Darrin, that the paper stolen from me did not in any way relate to the Gibraltar fortifications." "Then I'll do my best to get you by the provost guard," Ensign Darrin promised, turning to lead the way back. "Sir," Dave announced to Lieutenant Abercrombie, commanding the provost guard detachment, "I beg to report, on what I regard as the best of authority, that there is no reason why my countryman, Mr. Cushing, should be detained by you." "Then that of which he claims to have been robbed is nothing that could officially interest me?" pressed the British officer. "I am certain that the matter could not interest a British officer, except in his desire to see a thief caught," Ensign Darrin vouched. "That is all, then," replied Lieutenant Abercrombie. "Gentlemen, you are at liberty to proceed on your way." In the meantime the Spanish waiter had slipped back to the theatre. Dave and Dan saluted, the Englishman doing the same. Then Lieutenant Abercrombie gave each of these brothers in arms a hearty handclasp. The men of the provost guard parted to allow the three Americans to pass on their way. "And now where do you wish to go, Mr. Cushing?" Dave inquired, after they had passed the British provost guard. "I suppose you expect me to search for the thief," rejoined the man from the State Department. "But that would now be worse than a waste of time. Gibraltar, quaint Moorish city that it is, is so full of holes in the wall that it would be impossible to find the thief, for he will not venture out again to-night. The best thing I can do will be to go straight to the American admiral, and you gentlemen, I imagine, can take me there." "A launch will put off from the mole for the flagship at ten o'clock," Dave informed him. "We may as well go down to the mole and wait." Twice, on the way, after leaving the more crowded parts of the city behind, the three were challenged by English sentries invisible in the darkness. "Who goes there?" came the sentry's hail in each instance. "Officers from the American flagship," Darrin answered for the party. "Pass on, gentlemen," came the response out of the darkness. At all times strict watch over all comers outside the British army service is kept at Gibraltar, and after dark this vigilance is doubled. "On a moonless night like this, one would imagine that Gibraltar, save for the few blocks of 'city,' held few human beings," murmured Dan, as the three continued on at a quiet walk toward the water front. "One gets the impression that there are but a few sentries, sprinkled here and there, yet we know there are thousands of British soldiers scattered over this rock." "Hardly scattered," smiled Dave Darrin. "Except for the guard, men and officers are alike in barracks, and many of the barracks are at rather long distances from the fortifications." Nor are the fortifications to be found along the water front. Back on the great hill of rock are gun embrasures, often cut into the face of the rock itself. Back of the embrasures are galleries cut through the stone, and here, in time of siege, the soldiers would stand behind the huge guns. Gibraltar's harbor is small, though large enough to hold a great fleet. In the days when cannon had shorter range than now, a British fleet might have hidden in the harbor and been secure against all the fleets of the world, for the guns of the huge fortress could have sunk the combined navies of the world, had they attempted to enter the harbor. In these modern days Gibraltar is not so secure, for the heights of Algeciras, in Spain, are only about seven miles away. If Spain were at war with Great Britain, or if any other power took the heights of Algeciras from Spain, guns could be mounted on those heights that would dominate the harbor of Gibraltar. None the less, as long as war exists and the huge stone height of Gibraltar remains, the impression of strong military force will abide with the rock. Down at the mole a British sentry stopped the trio. Near him stood a corporal and three other soldiers. "American officers and a friend," replied Ensign Darrin, when halted by this sentry. Then the trio advanced when ordered. Lieutenant Totten, from the 'Hudson,' stepped forward, peered at Darrin and Dalzell, and said to the corporal: "I recognize these gentlemen as officers of ours." "And the friend?" inquired the corporal. "The friend is an American citizen who has business with Admiral Timworth," Dave stated. "Then it is all right," Lieutenant Totten assured the corporal. Whereupon the British corporal permitted Cushing to step out on the mole with his companions, Darrin and Dalzell. "Which is the flagship launch?" asked Darrin. "The rearmost," answered Lieutenant Totten. "Ours is the only launch here. The two other launches belong to the warships of other powers." Cushing, while this brief conversation was going on, had walked rapidly along the mole until he reached the farthest launch. "I want you!" he shouted, bending over suddenly. He had found and seized by the coat collar the man with the green hat. Dave and Dan rushed to the spot, hardly knowing what they could do, as they did not want to see the representative of the American State Department lack for backing. "Pull Cushing away from that fellow," ordered Totten. "Is that an official order?" Dave flashed back, in a whisper. "It is," nodded Totten, and faded back into the blackness of the night. Dave bounded forward. He saw that the launch was one belonging to some liner or merchant ship in the harbor. Three or four men belonging in that launch had leaped to the rescue of Mr. Green Hat. Dave, with one tug, tore Cushing away. Mr. Green Hat fell back in the launch. Two sailors belonging to that craft cast off the lines at bow and stern, and the launch glided out into the harbor. "Why didn't you help me, instead of putting the double cross on me?" Cushing demanded, angrily. "I had my reasons," Ensign Darrin replied, briefly. "They must have been good ones," muttered Cushing. "All aboard for the flagship!" announced Lieutenant Totten, in a quiet tone. "Come along, if you're going out with us," Darrin urged Cushing. The passengers for the flagship launch were speedily aboard. Other officers were there who had been ashore for the evening. As the launch was cast off she glided almost noiselessly across the smooth water of the harbor, followed closely by the shifting rays of a British searchlight on shore. Ever since the great European war had started searchlights stationed on shore had followed the movements of every craft in the harbor at night. Beyond, the flagship's few lights glowed brightly. In a few minutes the party was alongside. Dave and Dan, after saluting the officer of the deck, and reporting their presence on board, went at once to Dave's quarters. "There was a good deal of a mix-up, somewhere," Dan announced, at once. "Why should Totten order you to drag Cushing away from Mr. Green Hat, when that rascal had robbed Cushing of valuable government papers?" "It's too big a puzzle for me," Ensign Darrin admitted, promptly. "But Lieutenant Totten is my superior officer, and the responsibility belongs to him." For a few minutes the two chums chatted. Dalzell was about to say good night and go to his own quarters, when an orderly rapped at the door, then entered, saluting. "The admiral's compliments, gentlemen," said the messenger. "The admiral wishes to see Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell at once." "Our compliments, and we will report at once," Dave answered. Both young officers were now in uniform, for Dan had left his in Dave's quarters before going ashore, and the chums had changed their clothes while chatting. It now remained only for Dave to reach for his sword and fasten it on, then draw on white gloves, while Dalzell went to his quarters, next door, and did the same. "What can be in the wind?" whispered Dan. "This is the first time that Admiral Timworth has ever expressed any desire to see us. Can it be that we bungled in some way with the Cushing business?" "I'm not going to waste any time in guessing," replied Ensign Darrin, as they stepped briskly along, "when I'm going to have the answer presented to me so soon." Then they halted before the entrance to the admiral's quarters, to learn if it would be agreeable for the admiral to receive them at once. CHAPTER II DAN'S THIRTY-THREE-DOLLAR GUESS As the two young officers entered the admiral's quarters the curtains were closed behind them by the marine orderly. Admiral Timworth was seated at his desk. Beside him was Captain Allen, commanding officer of the battleship "Hudson," flagship of the Mediterranean Squadron. Lieutenant Totten and Cushing were also present. "Good evening, gentlemen," was Admiral Timworth's greeting, after salutes had been exchanged. "Accidentally, you became spectators this evening, at a little drama connected with both the diplomatic and the secret service of your country." The admiral paused, but both young officers remained respectfully at attention, making no response, as none was needed. "You are aware," continued the admiral, "that Mr. Cushing was knocked down and robbed of an important government paper. Now, it happens that this paper was the key to a code employed by the State and Navy Departments in communicating with naval commanders abroad." This time Dave actually started. The loss of such a code would be vitally important. The State and Navy Departments almost invariably communicate with naval commanders by means of a secret code, which can be read only by commanders possessing the key. Thus, when cablegrams are sent from stations in foreign countries, their import can be understood only by the officers to whom the communications are addressed. "That strikes you as a most serious loss, does it not?" asked Admiral Timworth, smiling. "Why, yes, sir; so it would seem," Dave answered, bowing. "The code that was stolen to-night," laughed the admiral, "will be of but little value to the government into whose hands it may fall. The code in question was one that was used in the year 1880, and has not been employed since. Nor is it likely ever to be employed again." Captain Allen joined in the admiral's laugh. "We had every reason," continued the admiral, "to believe that an attempt would be made to steal that code ere Mr. Cushing delivered it to me. In fact, our government allowed it to be rather widely known that Mr. Cushing had left Washington to turn over to me a code. So, of course, Mr. Cushing has been followed. As a matter of fact, the code that we have been using for the last six months has not been changed. I was delighted when I learned that Cushing had been assaulted and robbed. Mr. Cushing himself took the loss seriously, for he did not know, until he came aboard a few moments ago, that the United States government had hoped he _would_ be robbed. Lieutenant Totten was sent ashore, ostensibly to look after the launch, but in reality, to learn, if possible, whether Cushing's assailant put off in the launch of another power, and if so, which power. Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell, you noted, did you not, the nationality of the launch in which Mr. Cushing's assailant escaped?" "I did not, sir," Dave replied. "It was not a naval launch, and therefore did not belong to any ships belonging to the Entente Allies' naval vessels in port here." "Then, gentlemen," continued Admiral Timworth, his voice in tones of formal command, "you will not at any time mention this matter to any one unless so directed by me. I have had just one object in sending for you and giving you this order. For some time our Government has known that secret efforts are being made to discredit us with the allied powers of Europe. I feel rather certain that this fleet, while in the Mediterranean, will be closely watched by plotters serving one of the Central European powers, or else acting on their own account in the hope of being able to succeed and then claim reward from that government. Keep your eyes open. You may meet other spies and have reason to suspect them to be such. Do not be fooled by the apparent nationality of any man's name. A spy uses many names in his course around the world. Few international spies ever use their own names. The man in the green hat, who assaulted Mr. Cushing to-night, is one of the cleverest of his kind, and perhaps the most able with whom we shall have to contend. The fellow's name is supposed to be Emil Gortchky. At one time or another he has served as spy for nearly every government in Europe. He is a daring, dangerous, and wholly unscrupulous fellow. Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell, I sent for you in order to tell you these things, and to add that if, during this cruise, you run across the fellow at any point, you are to report the fact to me promptly. Of course you will understand that the seal of official secrecy attaches to all that I have said. That is all, gentlemen. Good evening." Saluting, Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell promptly withdrew. They were still a good deal puzzled. "I'll come to your quarters in a minute, if I may," murmured Danny Grin, as he reached the door of his own cabin. "I want you to come," Dave answered dryly. So, in another minute, Dan Dalzell, minus sword and gloves, bobbed into Dave's room. "Now, what do you make out of all we have heard and seen?" breathed Dalzell tensely. "Just what the admiral told us," answered Darrin. "Nothing more?" pressed Dan. Dave was thoughtful for a few moments before he replied: "Danny, boy, we have our orders from the commander of the fleet. If we encounter Mr. Green Hat anywhere in the future, we are to report the fact. That is the extent of our instructions, and I think we shall do very well not to think too much about the matter, but to be ready, at all times, to follow our orders." "I was in hope that you could evolve something more romantic than that," returned Dalzell disappointedly. "It is very likely," went on Dave judicially, "that we have already had as large a hand in the affair as we are going to have. I doubt if we shall hear anything more of Mr. Green Hat; even if we hear of his further deeds, we are not likely to have any personal part in them." "I'm disappointed," Dan admitted, rising. "I'm going to bed now, for I have to be up at half-past three, to turn out on watch at eight bells. You, lucky dog, have no watch to stand until after breakfast. Good night, Dave!" "Good night; and don't dream of Mr. Green Hat," smiled Darrin. "You'll never see him again." In that prediction Ensign Darrin was destined to find himself fearfully wide of the mark. Mr. Green Hat was not to be so easily dropped from the future calculations of the youngest naval officers on the "Hudson." None of our readers require any introduction to Dave Darrin and Dan Dalzell, ofttimes known as "Danny Grin." These two fast friends in the naval service were members of "Dick & Co.," a famous sextette of schoolboys in Gridley. Dick Prescott, Greg Holmes, Dave Darrin, Dan Dalzell, Tom Reade and Harry Hazelton first appeared in the pages of "THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL BOYS SERIES," in which volumes were described the early lives of these young American schoolboys. We found the six boys again in the pages of the "HIGH SCHOOL BOYS SERIES," in the volumes of which the athletic triumphs of Dick & Co. were vividly set forth. In the "HIGH SCHOOL BOYS' VACATION SERIES" were recounted their further adventures. At the conclusion of their high school careers the six chums separated to seek different fields of endeavor. Dick Prescott and Greg Holmes secured appointments as cadets at the United States Military Academy at West Point, as narrated in the "WEST POINT SERIES." Dave Darrin and Dan Dalzell were nominated as midshipmen to the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis, and all that befell them there is set forth in the "ANNAPOLIS SERIES." The great things that happened to Tom Reade and Harry Hazelton are told in the volumes of the "YOUNG ENGINEERS SERIES." Dick Prescott's and Greg Holmes' adventures in the Army, after graduation from West Point, are set forth in the volumes of the "BOYS OF THE ARMY SERIES." The "DAVE DARRIN SERIES" is devoted to the lives of Dave Darrin and Dan Dalzell as naval officers, after their graduation from the Naval Academy. We now find them serving as ensigns, this being the lowest rank among commissioned officers of the United States Navy. The first volume of this series, published under the title, "DAVE DARRIN AT VERA CRUZ," tells the story of Dave's and Dan's initial active service in the United States Navy. That our two young ensigns took an exciting part in the fighting there is known to all our readers. For some time after the taking of Vera Cruz by the United States forces and the arrival of Regular Army regiments, Dave and Dan continued to serve with constant credit aboard the "Long Island," stationed at Vera Cruz. Then followed their detachment from the "Long Island," and their return to the United States. They were then ordered to duty with the Mediterranean Squadron, aboard the flagship "Hudson." We already know what befell them on their arrival at their first port of call, the British fortress of Gibraltar, and in the quaint old Moorish city of the same name, which stands between the fortress and the harbor. * * * * * Dan soon took his leave of his chum, going to his own quarters for a short sleep before going on duty at eight bells in the morning. Dave, having opportunity to sleep until shortly before breakfast, sat for some minutes pondering over his strange meeting with Mr. Green Hat, whom he now knew as Emil Gortchky, a notorious international spy. Still puzzling, Darrin turned out the light and dropped into his berth. Once there the habit of the service came strongly upon him. He was between the sheets to sleep, so, with a final sigh, he shut out thoughts of Mr. Green Hat, of the admiral's remarks, and of the whole train of events of the evening. Within a hundred and twenty seconds he was sound asleep. It was an orderly going the rounds in the early morning who spoke to Ensign Darrin and awakened him. "Is the ship under way?" asked Dave, rolling over and opening his eyes. "Aye, aye, sir," responded the orderly, who then wheeled and departed. Dave was quickly out of his berth, and dressed in time to join the gathering throng of the "Hudson's" officers in the ward-room, where every officer, except the captain, takes his meals. "Have you heard the port for which we're bound, Danny?" Darrin asked his chum. "Not a word," replied Dalzell, shaking his head. "Perhaps we shall find out at breakfast," commented Dave. A minute later the signal came for the officers to seat themselves. Then, after orders had been given to the attentive Filipino boys, who served as mess attendants, a buzz of conversation ran around the table. Soon the heavy, booming voice of Lieutenant Commander Metson was heard as he asked Commander Dawson, the executive officer: "Sir, are we privileged to ask our port of destination?" This is a question often put to the executive officer of a war vessel, for ninety-nine times out of a hundred he knows the answer. He _may_ smile and reply: "I do not know." Sometimes the executive officer, who is the captain's confidential man, has good reasons for not divulging the destination of the ship. In that case his denial of knowledge is understood to be only a courteous statement that he does not deem it discreet to name the port of destination. But in this instance Commander Dawson smiled and replied: "I will not make any secret of our destination so far as I know it. We are bound for some port on the Riviera. It may be Nice, or perhaps Monte Carlo. I am informed that the admiral has not yet decided definitely. I shall be quite ready to tell you, Mr. Metson, as soon as I know." "Thank you, sir," courteously acknowledged the lieutenant commander. During this interval the buzz of conversation had died down. It soon began again. "The Riviera!" exclaimed Ensign Dalzell jubilantly, though in a low tone intended mainly for his chum's ear. "I have always wanted to see that busy little strip of beach." The Riviera, as will be seen by reference to a map of Southern Europe, is a narrow strip of land, between the mountains and the sea, running around the Gulf of Genoa. One of the most important watering places on this long strip of beach is Nice, on French soil, where multitudes of health and pleasure seekers flock annually. The mild, nearly tropical climate of this place in winter makes Nice one of the most attractive resorts along the Riviera. Only a few miles distant from Nice is the principality of Monte Carlo, an independent state under a prince who is absolute ruler of his tiny country. Monaco is but two and a quarter miles long, while its width varies from a hundred and sixty-five yards to eleven hundred yards. Yet this "toy country" is large enough to contain three towns of fair size. The most noted town, Monte Carlo, stands mainly on a cliff, and is the location of the most notorious gambling resort in the world, the "Casino." "I wonder," suggested one of the younger officers, in a rumbling voice, "if our Government feels that we officers have more money than we need, and so is sending us to a place where we can get rid of it by gambling. What do you say, Darrin?" "Monte Carlo is one of the noted spots of the world," Dave responded slowly, "and I shall be glad to see a place of which I have heard and read so much. But I shall not gamble at Monte Carlo. I can make better use of my money and of my character." "Bravo!" agreed Totten. "How long is that strip of beach, the Riviera?" asked one officer of Lieutenant Commander Wales, the navigating officer. "From Nice to Genoa, which is what is commonly understood as the real Riviera," replied the navigating officer; "the distance is one hundred and sixteen miles. But, beyond Genoa, on the other side, the beach continues for fifty-six miles to Spezia. On the strip from Genoa to Spezia the shore is so rocky that it has been found necessary to construct eighty-odd tunnels through the headlands for the railway that runs the whole length of the Riviera." Most of the talk, during that breakfast hour, was about the Riviera, and much of that had to do with Monte Carlo. "For years I've wanted very particularly to see that town of Monte Carlo," Danny Grin confessed. "Not to gamble, I hope," replied Dave. "Millions for sight-seeing, but not a cent for gambling," Dalzell paraphrased lightly. "Gentlemen," warned Mr. Wales, "don't be too certain that you'll see Monte Carlo on this cruise. Often the weather is too rough for a landing in that vicinity." "And in that case?" queried Lieutenant Totten. "In that case," replied Wales, "the usual rule is for the ship to go on to anchorage in the harbor at Genoa." "Any one know whether the barometer is talking about a storm?" Dalzell asked. "That's a foolish question," remarked Lieutenant Barnes grouchily. "Hello!" said Danny Grin, turning half around and eyeing the last speaker. "You here?" "As usual," nodded Barnes gruffly. "What was that you said about a foolish question?" demanded Dan. "I was referring to your habit of asking foolish questions," retorted Barnes. "Do I ask any more of them than you do?" Dalzell retorted, a bit gruffly. "You do," Barnes declared, "and that's one of them." "If I thought I asked more foolish questions than you do, sir," Dan rejoined, laying down his coffee cup, "I'd--" Here Dalzell paused. "What would you do?" Barnes insisted. "On second thought," Dan went on gravely, "I don't believe I'll tell you. It was something desperate that I was thinking of." "Then drop the idea, Dalzell," scoffed Lieutenant Barnes lightly. "You're hardly the fellow we'd look to for desperate deeds." "Oh, am I not?" demanded Dan, for once a bit miffed. Several of the officers glanced up apprehensively. From necessity, life in the ward-room is an oppressively close one at best. A feud between two officers of the mess is enough to make all hands uncomfortable much of the time. "Cut it, Barnes," ordered the officer sitting on the right-hand side of Lieutenant Barnes. "Don't start any argument." "Gentlemen," broke in the paymaster, anxious to change the topic of conversation, "have you gone so far with your meal that a little bad news won't spoil your appetites?" Most of those present nodded, smilingly. "Then," continued the paymaster, "I wish to bring up a matter that has been discussed here before. You all know that in some way, owing to the carelessness of some one, there is an unexplained shortage of thirty-three dollars in our mess-fund. You appointed Totten and myself a committee to look into the matter. We now beg to report that the thirty-three dollars cannot be accounted for. What is your pleasure in the matter?" "I would call it very simple," replied Lieutenant Commander Wales. "Why not levy an assessment upon the members of this mess sufficient to make up the thirty-three dollars? It will amount to very little apiece." That way of remedying the shortage would have been agreed to promptly, had not Lieutenant Barnes cut in eagerly: "I've a better plan for making up the shortage. One man can pay it all, as a penalty, and there will be a lot of fun in deciding which member has to pay the penalty." "What's the idea, Mr. Barnes?" asked the executive officer. "It's simple enough," Barnes went on, grinning. "Let us set apart the dinner hour on Tuesday evening, say. Every time this mess gets together we hear a lot of foolish questions asked. Now, on Tuesday evening, if any member of this mess asks a question that he can't answer himself, let it be agreed that he pay into the mess a fine of thirty-three dollars to cover the shortage." "It won't work," objected Totten. "Every officer at this table will be on his guard not to ask any questions at all." "In that case," proposed Barnes, "let the rule hold over on each successive Tuesday evening until the victim is found and has paid his fine." "It sounds like sport," agreed Dave Darrin. "It will be sport to see the victim 'stung' and made to pay up," grinned Dan Dalzell. "And I think I know, already," contended Lieutenant Barnes, "which officer will pay that shortage." "Are you looking at me with any particular significance?" demanded Danny Grin. "I am," Barnes admitted. "Oh, well, then, we shall see what we shall see," quoth Dalzell, his color rising. The scheme for fixing the thirty-three-dollar penalty was quickly agreed upon. In fact, the plan had in it many of the exciting elements of a challenge. Darrin left the mess to go on duty. Dan found him presently. "Say," murmured Danny Grin, in an aside, "do you think Barnes will be very angry when he pays over that thirty-three dollars?" "I haven't yet heard that he is to pay it," Dave answered quietly. "But he _is_," Dalzell asserted. "How's that?" "I'm going to make it my business," Dan went on, "to see that Barnes is the victim of the very scheme that he proposed. He will ask a question that he can't answer, and he'll do it when Tuesday evening comes around." "Don't be too sure of that," Dave warned him. "Barnes may not be exactly the most amiable officer aboard, but at least he's a very keen chap. If you are forming any plans for making Barnes pay, look out, Dan, that your scheme doesn't recoil upon yourself!" "Wait and see," Dalzell insisted. "I tell you, Barnes is going to pay that thirty-three dollars into the mess treasury!" CHAPTER III THE STARTLER AT MONTE CARLO The frowning crags of Monaco confronted the United States battleship "Hudson." Here and there the rocky eminences were broken by tiny strips of white beach. In comparison with the crags the great, floating fighting machine looked like a pigmy, indeed. It was toward evening, and the day was Tuesday. Darrin and Dalzell, both off duty for the time being, strolled along the battleship's quarter-deck, gazing shoreward. "It's almost too bad that the times are so civilized," murmured Danny Grin. "That little toy principality would make an ideal pirates' nest." "I fancy Monaco has done duty enough in that line in the past centuries," smiled Darrin. "I have been reading up a bit on the history of Monaco. Piracy flourished here as late as the fourteenth century. Even rather late in the eighteenth century every ship passing close to this port had to pay toll. And to-day, through its vast gambling establishments, visited by thousands every week, Monaco reaches out and still takes its toll from all the world." "It won't take any from me," smiled Dalzell. "That is because you're a disciplined human being, and you've too much character and honesty to gamble," Darrin went on. "But think, with a pitying sigh, of the thousands of poor wretches who journey to Monaco, enter the Casino at Monte Carlo, part with their money and their honor, and then pass into one of the gardens, there to blow their brains out. "We shall get a glimpse of the place to-night," Dave continued. "I will admit that I have a good deal of curiosity to see it. So I am glad that we have shore leave effective after dinner. Still, we shan't see anything like the crowd or the picture that we might see if Europe were at peace." "This is Tuesday night," Dan warned his chum. "Yes; the night to avoid dangerous questions at mess," Dave smiled. "Dan, are you still going to try to catch Barnes?" "Watch me," winked Dalzell. "Look out, Dan! Such a trap may be set at both ends." But Dalzell winked once more, then allowed his mouth to expand in that contortion which had won him the nick name of "Danny Grin." Dave soon forgot Dalzell's threat of trouble for the evening. It had passed out of his mind by the time that Ensign Darrin entered the ward-room. Yet soon after the officers had seated themselves the executive officer announced: "In the interest of fair play to all I deem it best to warn you, gentlemen, that to-night is the night when the first gentleman who asks a question that he cannot himself answer is liable to a penalty of thirty-three dollars to make up the deficit in the mess treasury." There were nods and grins, and shakings of heads. Not an officer present had any idea that _he_ could be caught and made to pay the penalty. As the meal progressed Lieutenant Commander Wales finally turned to one of the Filipino waiters and inquired: "Is there any of the rare roast beef left?" "Don't you know yourself, Wales?" demanded Totten quickly. "Why, er--no-o," admitted Mr. Wales, looking much puzzled. "Why should I?" "Then haven't you asked a question that you can't answer?" demanded Totten mischievously. "That's hardly a fair catch, is it?" demanded the navigating officer, looking annoyed. "It is not a fair catch," broke in the executive officer incisively. "Any gentleman here has a perfect right to ask the waiter questions about the food supply without taking chances of being subjected to a penalty." "I bow to the decision, sir," replied Lieutenant Totten. "I merely wished to have the question settled." Some of those present breathed more easily; others yet dreaded to become victims of a penalty proposition that many now regretted having voted for. As the dessert came on Dan Dalzell turned to Dave. "Darrin," he said, "can you tell me why it is that a woodchuck never leaves any dirt heaped up around the edge of his hole?" Dave reflected, looking puzzled for a moment. Then he shook his head as he answered: "Dalzell, I'm afraid I don't know why." "Of course _you_ know why, Dalzell," broke in Lieutenant Barnes warningly. "Perhaps I do know," Dan replied, nodding his head slowly. "However, perhaps some other gentleman would like the chance of answering the question." Instantly a dozen at least of the officers became interested in answering the question. To each reply or guess, however, Dalzell shook his head. "If everyone who wants it has had a try at the answer," suggested the executive officer, "then we will call upon Mr. Dalzell to inform us why a woodchuck, in digging his hole, leaves no dirt piled up around the entrance." There was silence while Dan replied easily: "It's perfectly simple. Instead of beginning at the surface of the ground and digging downward, the woodchuck begins at the bottom of the hole and digs up toward the light and air." As Dalzell offered this explanation he faced Lieutenant Barnes, who was eying him scoffingly. When Dan had finished his explanation there was a puzzled silence for an instant. But Dan's half-leer irritated Lieutenant Barnes. Then came the explosion. "Shaw!" snorted Barnes. "That's an explanation that doesn't explain anything. It's a fool answer. How does the woodchuck, if he digs up from the bottom of the hole, ever manage to get to the bottom of the hole to make his start there?" "Oh, well," answered Dan slowly, "that's your question, Mr. Barnes." "My question?" retorted the lieutenant. "What do you mean?" "If I understand aright," Dan went on, "you asked how the woodchuck manages to get to the bottom of the hole before he begins to dig." "That's right," nodded the lieutenant, stiffly. "That's just the idea," Dan grinned. "I am calling upon you to answer the question that you just asked. You must tell us how the woodchuck manages to get to the bottom of the hole in order to start digging upward." It required perhaps two seconds for the joke to dawn on the other officers at the long mess table. Then an explosion of laughter sounded, and every eye was turned toward Lieutenant Barnes. "That isn't fair!" roared the lieutenant, leaping to his feet. "That was a trap! It wasn't a fair catch." Barnes's face was very red. His voice quivered with indignation. But Dan Dalzell was smiling coolly as he retorted: "I'll leave it to the mess if Barnes hasn't asked a question that he can't answer." "You're caught, Barnes!" roared half a dozen voices, and more laughter followed. "You asked a question, Barnes, and you can't answer it," came from others. "That thirty-three dollars will come in handy," called another. "Pay up like a man, Barnes." "That's right. Pay up! You're caught." The lieutenant's face grew redder, but he sat down and tried to control his wrath. "It doesn't seem like a fairly incurred penalty," declared Barnes, as soon as he could make himself heard, "but of course I'll abide by the decision of the mess." "Then I move," suggested Wales, "that we leave the question to a committee of three to decide whether Mr. Barnes has been properly caught in the fine that he himself was the one to propose. For committee I would suggest the executive officer, the paymaster and the chaplain." Informally that suggestion was quickly adopted. The three officers named withdrew to a corner of the ward-room, where they conversed in low tones, after which they returned to their seats. "Gentlemen," announced the executive officer, "the committee has discussed the problem submitted to it, and the members of the committee are unanimously agreed that Mr. Barnes fairly and fully incurred the penalty that he himself suggested the other morning." Barnes snorted, but was quick to recover sufficiently to bow in the direction of the executive officer. "Then I accept the decision, sir," announced the lieutenant huskily. "At the close of the meal I will pay thirty-three dollars into the mess treasury." Barnes tried to look comfortable, but he refused to glance in the direction of Danny Grin. "Did I catch him?" whispered Dalzell to his chum. "You did," Dave agreed quickly. "Barnes must feel pretty sore over the way his plan turned out." There was much laughter during the rest of the meal, and Barnes had to stand for much chaffing, which he bore with a somewhat sullen look. As the officers rose none offered to leave the ward-room. All stood by waiting to see Barnes hand thirty-three dollars to the paymaster. "Here is the money," announced Barnes, handing a little wad of bills to the paymaster. "Count it, Pay!" piped a voice from the rear of the crowd, but it was not Dan who spoke. Lieutenant Barnes had the grace to leave the ward-room without stamping, but in the nearest passageway he encountered Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell. "I suppose you are chuckling over the way I dropped right into your trap," snapped Barnes to Dan. "But do you call it a fair kind of trap?" "What was the committee's decision on the subject?" inquired Dan, softly. "Oh, I'll admit that the decision went against me," answered the lieutenant, scowling. "How will you like it if I promise to pay you back fully for that trick? Are you willing that I should?" "If your mind is set on paying me back," Danny Grin responded, "then my willingness would have very little to do with your conduct. But I am willing to make you a promise, sir." "What is that?" asked the lieutenant, quite testily. "If you attempt to pay me back, sir, and succeed, I'll agree to take my medicine with an appearance of greater good humor than you displayed a few minutes ago." "Huh!" sniffed Mr. Barnes. "Danny boy," broke in Dave, "I don't want to spoil a pleasant conversation, but I would like to remind you that, if we are to make much of our evening ashore, we shall do well to change to 'cits' at once. The launch leaves the side in fifteen minutes." "You'll excuse me, won't you, sir?" begged Dalzell, favoring the lieutenant with an extremely pleasant smile. The chums went to their respective cabins, where they quickly made the change from uniform to citizen's dress, commonly called "cits." Promptly the launch left the "Hudson's" side, but both young ensigns were aboard. At least a dozen other officers and a score of seamen were also aboard the launch, which was to return for forty more seamen who held the coveted shore leave. Yet the reader is not to suppose that either officers or men were going ashore with any notion of gambling. An American naval officer, with his status of "officer and gentleman," would risk a severe rebuke from his commanding officer if he were to seat himself to play in any gambling resort. As for the enlisted men, the "jackies," they are not of the same piece of cloth as the jovial, carousing seamen of the old-time Navy. The "jackies" of to-day are nearly all extremely youthful; they are clean-cut, able, ambitious young fellows, much more inclined to study than to waste their time in improper resorts. So, while most of the officers and men now going ashore were likely to drop in at the Casino, for the sake of seeing the sights there, it was not in the least to be feared that any would engage in the gambling games. When the launch landed in the little harbor, drivers of automobiles and carriages clamored for fares. "Are we going to ride up to the Casino?" Dan asked his chum. "If you'd rather," Dave assented. "But, unless you feel tired, let us stroll along and see every bit of the way." "These natives are all jabbering French," complained Dalzell, as the chums set out to walk over the steep, well-worn roads, "but it isn't the kind of French we were taught at Annapolis." "Can't you understand them?" asked Dave. "Hardly a word." "If you have to talk with any of the natives," Dave advised, "speak your French slowly, and ask the person you're addressing to do the same." Though the way was steep, it was not a long road. Dave and Dan soon reached the upper, rocky plain, edged by cliffs, on which the Casino and some of the hotels and other buildings stand. "If it weren't for the gambling," murmured Dan to his friend, "I'd call this a beautiful enough spot to live and die in." "As it is, a good many men and women manage to die here," Darrin returned gravely. The Casino was surrounded by beautiful gardens, in which were many rare tropical trees and shrubs. From the Casino came the sound of orchestral music. Throngs moved about on the verandas; couples or little groups strolled through the gardens. Inside, the play had hardly begun. Gambling does not reach its frantic height until midnight. "We shall feel out of place," mused Dave aloud. "Dan, we really should have known better than to come here in anything but evening dress. You see that every one else is in full regalia." "Perhaps we'd better keep on the edge of the crowd," responded Danny Grin. "There is enough to be seen here, for one evening, without entering the Casino." Though Dave intended to enter the Casino later, he decided, for the present, to take in the full beauty of the night in the gardens. There were electric lights everywhere, which outshone the brilliance of the moon. "Hello!" whispered Dan, suddenly. "There's an old friend of ours." "Who?" "Mr. Green Hat," Dan whispered impressively. Instantly Dave Darrin became intensely interested, though he had no intimation of what this second meeting portended. That Mr. Green Hat was destined to play a highly tragic rôle in his life, Darrin, of course, had no inkling at that moment. "There he is!" whispered Dalzell, pointing, as the chums stood screened by a flowering bush. "We'll watch that rascal!" Dave proposed promptly. "I wonder if he has followed the 'Hudson' here with a view to attempting more mischief against our Government. Whatever his game is, I am going to take a peep at the inside of it if a chance comes my way!" CHAPTER IV MR. GREEN HAT'S NEW RÔLE Mr. Green Hat, on this occasion, had discarded the article of headwear that had given him that nickname with the young ensigns. Instead, Gortchky wore an opera hat, with evening dress of the most fashionable description. On his broad white expanse of vest there glittered a foreign decoration. Though he walked alone, and affected an air of indifference to his surroundings, Darrin was of the impression that the spy was looking alertly for some one. "Of course it may happen," said Dave to his friend, "that the fellow is foolish enough to come here for the purpose of throwing away at the gaming tables the money he earns by his questionable services to some plotting international ring. Yet that seems hardly likely, either, for Gortchky must be a man of tremendous energy, to render the thrilling services that are demanded of a spy or an international trouble-maker." Now the two chums left the place where they had been standing behind the bush, to stroll along slowly, all the while keeping Gortchky in sight. Dave nudged his chum as, at a turn in the path, the spy came face to face with a woman clad in a beautiful evening gown. Raising his hat, and making a courteous bow to the woman, who returned the greeting, Gortchky exchanged half a dozen sentences with her. Then the pair separated, though not before Dave and Dan had obtained, under the electric light, a good view of the young woman's face. Her dark beauty, her height and grace, gave her a queenly air. Stepping into another path, Dave and Dan were soon on the trail of Gortchky once more, without having been obliged to pass the young woman face to face. "I wonder if she's a 'spy-ess'?" murmured Dan. "It is just as well to be suspicious of any one whom Gortchky appears to know well," Dave answered, slowly, in a low voice. "I beg pardon, sir," broke in a sailor from the "Hudson," stepping forward and saluting the officers. "May I speak with you, sir?" It was Dan to whom he spoke, and it was Dan who answered: "Certainly, Martin." [Illustration: "The spy came face to face with a woman."] Martin was one of the gun-pointers in Dalzell's division. "Linton, one of our men, has been hurt, and rather badly, by falling off a boulder that he climbed not far from here, sir. I thought I would ask the ensign what to do with Linton." "How badly is he hurt?" asked Ensign Dalzell. "I think his right leg is broken, sir. Colby is with him, and I came in search of you, sir, as I was certain I saw you here." "Is Linton far from here?" asked Dalzell. "Less than a quarter of a mile, sir." "Lead the way, Martin, and I'll follow you. Dave, you'll excuse me for a little while, won't you?" "Certainly," nodded Ensign Darrin. Dave wished to remain where he was, in order to keep an eye over Gortchky's movements, and Dan knew it. So the chums parted for the present. "Now, I'll see if I can pick up Gortchky again," reflected Ensign Darrin. "He appears to have given me the slip." Dave went ahead, more briskly than he had been moving before, in the hope of sighting the spy. Out of the Casino had staggered a young man, despair written on his face, hopelessness in his very air. Plunging into the garden this stranger made his way hastily through it, keeping on until he came to the field where pigeon shoots are held from time to time. Dave, at the edge of the garden, saw the young man step past the shrubbery and go on into the darkness beyond. Under the last rays of light Ensign Darrin saw something glitter in the stranger's hand. "That fellow has just drawn a revolver!" flashed through Darrin's mind. "Now, what mischief can he be up to?" Led onward by some fascination that he did not understand, the young naval officer followed. In his excitement and desperation the man did not notice that he was being followed. Halting under the heavy foliage of a tree, the stranger glanced down at the weapon in his hand and shuddered. This foolish young man, haunting the gambling tables until he had ruined himself, and seeing nothing now ahead of him in life, was bent upon self-destruction. Sometimes there are several such suicides at Monte Carlo in a single week. If unprovided with other means for ending his life, the suicide sometimes hurls himself over the edge of one of the steep cliffs. Suicides, of course, have a depressing effect on other players, so those in authority at the Casino take every means of hushing up these tragedies as effectively as possible. "There is really nothing left in life," muttered the young man huskily, as he stared at the weapon in his hand. He spoke in French, but Darrin heard and understood him. Then the desperate one raised the weapon, pointing the muzzle at his head. At that instant there was a quick step out of the darkness, and Dave reached the stranger. The latter, startled, drew back, but not in time to prevent Darrin's grip of steel from resting on his right wrist. Wrench! Dave had the pistol in his own hands, at the same time murmuring: "You will pardon me, I trust." Ensign Darrin broke the weapon open at the breach. From the chamber he removed the cartridges, dropping them into his pocket. With another swift movement Dave flung the pistol so far that it dropped over the edge of a cliff. "You will pardon me, I trust, sir, for throwing your property away in that fashion," Dave apologized, in the best French he could summon. "Since it is the very last item of my property that was left to me, perhaps it can matter but little that I am deprived of it," said the stranger, smiling wanly. "The cliff is still left to me, however. I can easily follow the pistol." "But you are not going to jump over the cliff," Darrin assured him energetically. "And why are you so certain of that?" demanded the stranger. Dave looked keenly at his companion before he replied: "Because, sir, your face is that of a man--not of a coward. Suicide is the act of a coward. It is the resort of one who frankly admits that his troubles are greater than he has the manhood to bear. Now, you have, when one regards you closely, the look of a man and a gentleman." "Thank you for your good opinion, sir," replied the stranger, bowing. "I will say that I was born a gentleman." "And you still are one, and a man, as well as a gentleman," Dave continued, gently. "Therefore, you are not afraid to face life." "What is there left to me to make life worth living?" queried the stranger. "Why should you have the least desire to die?" Dave countered. "I have lost all my money." "That is a very slight matter," Darrin argued. "Lost all your money, have you? Why, my dear fellow, there's a lot more in the world." "But none of the money now in the world is mine," urged the desperate one. "Then make a part of the world's money yours," the young naval officer retorted, smilingly. "I have never worked," replied the stranger stiffly. "Why not?" Dave pressed. "I never had need to." "But now you have the need, and working for money will bring some novelty into your life," the young ensign insisted. "Did I not tell you that I was born a gentleman?" inquired the young man, raising his eyebrows. "A gentleman never works!" "Some gentlemen don't," Dave admitted. "But they are the wrong kind of gentlemen." "If I mistake not," quizzed the stranger keenly, "you are a gentleman, yourself." "I trust that I am," Dave responded gravely. "Then do you work?" "More hours a day than any laborer does," Darrin answered promptly. "I am a naval officer." "Ah, but that is a career of honor--of glory!" cried the stranger. "And so is any honest job of work that a man takes up in earnest and carries through to the best of his ability," Dave Darrin returned with warmth. "But you see, sir," argued the stranger, though now he was smiling, "you have been trained to a profession. I never was so trained." "You are young?" "Twenty-four." "Then you are young enough to change your mind and recognize the dignity of labor," Darrin continued. "You are also young enough and, unless I mistake you, bright enough to win a very good place in life for yourself. And you are man enough, now you have had time to think it over, to see the wickedness of destroying yourself. Man, _make_ yourself instead." "I'll do it! I will make myself!" promised the stranger, with a new outburst of emotion. "And you will never again allow yourself to become so downcast that you will seek to destroy yourself?" "Never!" "I am satisfied," Dave said gravely. "You are a man of honor, and therefore are incapable of breaking your word. Your hand!" Their hands met in ardent clasp. Then Darrin took out his card case, tendering his card to the stranger. Instantly the young man produced his own card case, and extended a bit of pasteboard, murmuring: "I am M. le Comte de Surigny, of Lyons, France." It was too dark to read the cards there, but Dave gave his own name, and again the young men shook hands. "But I am forgetting my comrade," Dave cried suddenly. "He was to return in a few minutes, and will not know where to find me." "And I have detained you, with my own wretched affairs!" cried the young count reproachfully. "I must not trespass upon your time another second." "Why not walk along with me and meet my friend?" Dave suggested. "With pleasure." Dave and the young French count stepped along briskly until they came to the spot where Dalzell had left his chum. Two or three minutes later Dan hove into sight. Dan and the Count of Surigny were introduced, and some chat followed. Then the Count frankly told of the service that Darrin had just rendered him. "That is Dave!" glowed Dan. "He's always around in time to be of use to some one." In the distance a shot rang out--only one. The Count of Surigny shuddered. "You understand, do you not?" he asked. "I am afraid so," Dave sadly responded. As they stood there four men with a litter hurried past toward the place whence the sound of the shot had come. "The police of Monte Carlo," murmured the Count of Surigny. Presently, at a distance, the three onlookers beheld the four men and the litter moving stealthily along, but not toward the Casino. The litter was occupied by a still form over which a cover had been thrown. "You have shown me the way of true courage!" murmured the Count of Surigny, laying an affectionate hand on Ensign Darrin's shoulder. The chums and their new acquaintance strolled along for a few moments. Then the Count suddenly exclaimed: "But I am intruding, and must leave you." "You surely are not intruding," Dave told him. "We are delighted with your company." "Wholly so," Dan added. But the Count felt himself to be an interloper, and so insisted on shaking hands again and taking his departure. "I shall see or write you presently," said the Count. He had already obtained the fleet address, and knew, in addition, that he could write at any time through the Navy Department at Washington. "Will he make good?" asked Danny Grin wistfully, as he peered after the departing form. "It's an even chance," Dave replied. "Either that young man will go steadily up, or else he will go rapidly down. It is sometimes a terrible thing to be born a gentleman--in the European sense. Few of the Count's friends will appreciate him if he starts in upon a career of effort. But, even though he goes down, he will struggle bravely at the outset. Of that I feel certain." "I wonder what has become of Gortchky?" remarked Ensign Dalzell. That industrious spy, however, was no longer the pursued; he had become the pursuer. From a little distance Gortchky had espied Dave and the Count chatting, and had witnessed the introduction to Dalzell. A man of Mr. Green Hat's experience with the world did not need many glances to assure himself that the Count had lost his last franc at the gambling table. Gortchky was not at Monte Carlo without abundant assistance. So, as the Count, head down, and reflecting hard, strolled along one of the paths, a man bumped into him violently. "Ten thousand pardons, Monsieur!" cried the bumper, in a tone of great embarrassment. "It was stupid of me. I--" "Have no uneasiness, my friend," smiled the Count. "It was I who was stupid. I should have looked where I was going." Courteous bows were exchanged, and the two separated. But the man who had bumped into the Count now carried inside his sleeve the Count's empty wallet, which was adorned with the crest of Surigny. This wallet was promptly delivered to another. Five minutes later, as the Count strolled along, Emil Gortchky called out behind him: "Monsieur! Pardon me, but I think you must have dropped your wallet." "If I have, the loss is trifling indeed," smiled the Count, turning. Gortchky held out the wallet, then struck a match. By the flame the Count beheld his own crest. "Yes, it is mine," replied the Count, "and I thank you for your kindness." "Will Monsieur do me the kindness, before I leave him, to make sure that the contents of the wallet are intact?" urged Gortchky. "It will take but an instant," laughed the Count of Surigny. "See! I will show you that the contents are intact!" As he spoke he opened the wallet. A packet of paper dropped to the ground. In astonishment the Count bent over to pick up the packet. M. Gortchky struck another match. "Let us go nearer to an electric light, that you may count your money at your ease, Monsieur," suggested Gortchky. Like one in a daze the Count moved along with Gortchky. When sufficiently in the light, Surigny, with an expression of astonishment, found that he was the possessor of thirty twenty-franc notes. "I did not know that I had this!" cried the Count. "How did I come to overlook it?" "It is but a trifle to a man of your fortune," cried M. Gortchky gayly. "It is all I have in the world!" sighed the young man. "And I am still amazed that I possess so much." "Poor?" asked Gortchky, in a voice vibrating with sympathy. "And you so young, and a gentleman of old family! Monsieur, it may be that this is a happy meeting. Perhaps I may be able to offer you the employment that befits a gentleman." Then Gortchky lowered his voice, almost whispering: "For I am in the diplomatic service, and have need of just such an attaché as you would make. Young, a gentleman, and of charming manners! Your intellect, too, I am sure, is one that would fit you for eminence in the diplomatic service." "The mere mention of the diplomatic service attracts me," confessed M. le Comte wistfully. "Then you shall have your fling at it!" promised M. Gortchky. "But enough of this. You shall talk it over with me to-morrow. Diplomacy, you know, is all gamble, and the gambler makes the best diplomat in the world. For to-night, Monsieur, you shall enjoy yourself! If I know anything of gaming fate, then you are due to reap a harvest of thousands with your few francs to-night. I can see it in your face that your luck is about to turn. An evening of calm, quiet play, Monsieur, and in the morning you and I will arrange for your entrance into the diplomatic world. _Faites votre jeux!_ (Make your wagers.) Wealth to-night, and a career to-morrow! Come! To the Casino!" CHAPTER V DANNY GRIN FIGHTS A SMILE Side by side Dave and Dan strolled through the vast main salon of the Casino. Here at tables were groups of men and women. Each player hoped to quit the tables that night richer by thousands. Most of them were doomed to leave poorer, as chance is always in favor of the gambling institution and always against the player. "It's a mad scene," murmured Dan, in a low voice. "You are looking on now at an exhibition of what is probably the worst, and therefore the most dangerous, human vice," Dave replied. "Bad as drunkenness is, gambling is worse." "What is at the bottom of the gambling mania?" Dan asked thoughtfully. "Greed," Dave responded promptly. "The desire to possess property, and to acquire it without working for it." "Some of these poor men and women look as if they were working hard indeed," muttered Dan, in almost a tone of sympathy. "They are not working so much as suffering," Dave rejoined. "Study their faces, Danny boy. Can't you see greed sticking out all over these countenances? Look at the hectic flush in most of the faces. And--look at that man!" A short, stout man sprang up from a table, his face ghastly pale and distorted as though with terror. His eyes were wild and staring. He chattered incoherently as he hastened away with tottering steps. Then his hands gripped his hair, as though about to tear it from his head. A few of the players in this international congress of greed glanced at the unfortunate man, who probably had just beggared himself, shrugged their shoulders, and turned their fascinated eyes back to the gambling table. One woman, young and charming, reached up to her throat, unfastening and tossing on the table a costly diamond necklace and pendant. "Now," she laughed hysterically, "I may go on playing for another hour." The Casino's representative in charge at that table smiled and shook his head. "We accept only money, madame," he said, with a grave bow. "But I have no more money--with me," flashed back the young woman, her cheeks burning feverishly. "I regret, madame," insisted the Casino's man. Then an attendant, at a barely perceptible sign from the _croupier_, as the man in charge of the table is called, stepped up behind the young woman, bent over her and murmured: "If you care to leave the table for a few minutes, madame, there are those close at hand who will advance you money on your necklace." The young woman pouted at first. In another instant there was a suppressed shout at the table. A player had just won four thousand francs. "I must have money!" cried the young woman, springing from her chair. "This is destined to be my lucky night, and I must have money!" As though he had been waiting for his prey, the attendant was quickly by the woman's side. Bowing, he offered his arm. The man, attendant though he was, was garbed in evening dress. Without a blush the woman moved away on this attendant's arm. "Shall we move on?" asked Dan. "Not just yet," urged Darrin, in an undertone. "I am interested in the further fate of that foolish young woman." Within five minutes she had returned. Her former seat had been reserved for her; the young woman dropped into it. "You have enough money now?" asked the woman at her left. "I have money," pouted the pretty young woman, "but be warned by me. The pawnbrokers at Monte Carlo are robbers. The fellow would advance me only six thousand francs, whereas my husband paid a hundred thousand for that necklace." A moment later the young woman was absorbed in the wild frenzy of play. "And that attendant undoubtedly gets a handsome commission from the pawnbroker," murmured Darrin in his chum's ear. "Greed here is in the very air; none can escape it who lingers." "How much have you lost, Darrin?" called a bantering voice in Dave's ear. The speaker was Lieutenant Totten. "About as much, I imagine, as you have, sir," was Darrin's smiling answer. "Meaning that you now have as much money as when you entered the place?" answered the lieutenant, banteringly. "Exactly," returned Darrin. "I have only to study the faces here to know better than to risk even a franc-piece at one of these tables." "And you, Dalzell?" inquired Totten. "I haven't any French money, anyway," grinned Dan. "Not at all necessary to have French money," laughed Totten. "Any kind of real money is good here--as long as it lasts. Every nation on earth is represented here to-night, and the attendants know the current exchange rate for any kind of good money that is coined or printed. Look closely about you and you will see other things that are worth nothing. There are men here, some of them limping, others showing the pallor of illness, who are undoubtedly French, English or Italian officers, injured at the front and sent home to hospitals. Being still unfitted to return to their soldier duties at the front, they are passing time here and indulging in their mania for gambling. And here, too, you will see wealthy French, Italian, English or Russian civilians who have returned to Monte Carlo to gamble, though later on they are pretty certain to be held up to contempt at home for gambling money away here instead of buying government war bonds at home." "You have been here before?" Dave asked. "Oh, yes," nodded Totten, "and as I do not play, and would not do so in any circumstances, this place has not much interest for me." "I can hardly imagine," said Ensign Darrin, gravely, "that I shall ever bother to pay a second visit here." "It's a good deal of a bore," yawned Lieutenant Totten, behind his hand. "I am glad to note that most of the people here look like Europeans. I should hate to believe that many Americans could be foolish enough to come here." At that moment a stout, red-faced man rose from a table near by, his voice booming as he laughed: "I have lost only sixteen thousand francs. I shall be sure to come back and have my revenge. In Chicago my signature is good at any time for a million dollars--for five million francs!" Many eyes, followed this speaker wistfully. With such wealth as his how many months of frenzied pleasure they might have at Monte Carlo! "One American idiot, at least," muttered Totten, in disgust. "Or else he's a liar or braggart." Madly the play went on, the faces of the players growing more flushed as the hour grew later. Totten moved along with a bored air. "I guess he's going," said Dan. "I don't blame him for being tired of the place. It's like a human menagerie." "We'll go, then," agreed Dave. "Surely I have seen enough of the Casino. I shall never care to revisit it." "Ah, here you are, my dear fellows!" exclaimed a musical voice. "And the Countess Ripoli has asked me to present you to her. She is eager to know if you American officers are as wonderful as I have told her." The speaker was Dandelli, a handsome, boyish-looking, frank-faced young Italian naval officer with whom Darrin and Dalzell had become acquainted at Gibraltar. The Countess Ripoli, to whom Dandelli now presented the two young ensigns, was a woman in the full flower of her beauty at twenty-five or so. Tall, willowy, with a perfect air, her wonderful eyes, in which there was a touch of Moorish fire, were calculated to set a young man's heart to beating responses to her mood. Attired in the latest mode of Paris, and wearing only enough jewels to enhance her great beauty, the Countess chose to be most gracious to the young ensigns. Dave thought her a charming young woman; Dan Dalzell nearly lost his head. From a distance Emil Gortchky looked on, a quiet smile gleaming in his eyes. "Dandelli is a fool, who will do any pretty woman's bidding," mused the spy. "Madame Ripoli can play with him. Also I believe she will surely ensnare for me at least one of the Americans. Which, I wonder? But then why should I care which? The Ripoli knows how to manage such affairs far better than I do." For the Countess was another of the many dangerous tools with which Mr. Green Hat plied his wicked trade. If the Countess, as unscrupulous as Gortchky himself, could ensnare either of these young officers with her fascinations, he was likely to be that much the weaker, and a readier prey for the trap that Emil Gortchky was arranging. "Dandelli," murmured the Countess sweetly, in French, "you will wish, I know, to talk with your dear friend, Mr. Darrin, so I must look to Mr. Dalzell to offer me his arm." Dan was ready, with a bow, to offer the Countess Ripoli his arm, and to escort her in the direction which she indicated. It was to one of the verandas that the Countess led the way. As she chatted she laughed and looked up at Dan with her most engaging expression. There were other promenaders on the veranda, though not many, for the furious fascination of gambling tables kept nearly all the frequenters of the place inside. "You have played to-night?" asked the Countess, again glancing sweetly up into the young naval officer's face. "Not to-night," Dan replied. "But you will doubtless play later?" she insisted. "I haven't gambled to-night, nor shall I gamble on any other night," Dan replied pleasantly. "But why?" demanded the Countess, looking puzzled. "Gambling does not fit in with my idea of honesty," replied Dalzell quite bluntly. CHAPTER VI DAVE RUNS INTO A REAL THRILL "I do not understand," murmured the Countess. "I know that the European idea of gambling is very different from that entertained by most people in my country," Dan went on pleasantly. "To the greater number of Americans, gambling is a method of getting other people's money away from them without working for it." "And that is why you term it dishonest?" asked the Countess. "Yes," replied Dan frankly. "And, in addition, it is a wicked waste of time that could be put to so many good uses." Countess Ripoli shrugged her fine shoulders, and looked up once more at the young officer. But Dan was smiling back coolly at her. "You have not a flattering idea of the Europeans?" she asked. "Quite to the contrary," Dan assured her. "Yet you think we are both weak and dishonest, because we use our time to poor advantage and because so many of us find Monte Carlo delightful?" she pressed him. "Not all Europeans frequent Monte Carlo," Dalzell answered. "May I ask my new American friend why _he_ should waste his time here?" laughed the Countess. "I do not believe I have exactly wasted my time," Dan replied. "A naval officer, or any other American, may well spend some of his time here in gaining a better knowledge of human nature. Surely, there is much of human nature to be seen here, even though it be not one of the better sides." "What is the bad trait, or the vice, that one beholds most at Monte Carlo?" the Countess asked. "Greed," Dan rejoined promptly. "And dishonesty?" "Much of that vice, no doubt," Dan continued. "To-night there must be many a man here who is throwing away money that his family needs, yet he will never tell his wife that he lost his money over a table at Monte Carlo. Again, there must be many a woman here throwing away money in large sums, and she, very likely, will never tell her husband the truth. Let us say that, in both sexes, there are a hundred persons here to-night who will be dishonest toward their life partners afterward. And then, perhaps, many a young bachelor, who, betrothed to some good woman, is learning his first lessons in greed and deceit. And some young girls, too, who are perhaps learning the wrong lessons in life. I know of one very young man here who tried to blow out his brains to-night. For the sake of a few hours, or perhaps a few weeks, over the gaming tables of Monte Carlo, he had thrown away everything that made life worth living. Any man who gambles bids good-by to the finer things of life." Dan's slow, halting French made the Countess listen very attentively, that she might understand just what he said. She puckered her brow thoughtfully, then suddenly glanced up, laughing with all the witchery at her command. "Then, my dear American," she said insinuatingly, "I fear that you are going to refuse me a very great favor." "I hope not," Dan replied, gallantly. "There is," pursued the Countess, "such a thing as luck. Often a prophecy of that luck is to be seen in one's face. I see such luck written in your face now. Since you will not play for yourself, I had hoped that you would be willing to let me have the benefit of a little of the luck that is so plainly written on your face. I had hoped, up to this instant, that you would consent to play as my proxy." The Countess was looking at him in a way that would have melted many a man into agreeing to her wishes, but Dan answered promptly: "I regret, Countess, to be compelled to refuse your request, but I would not play for myself, nor for anyone else." "If you so detest Monte Carlo and its pursuits," replied the Countess with a pout, "I cannot understand why you are here." "There was something useful to be gained from witnessing the sights here, but I have seen as much as I wish," Dalzell went on, "and now I am ready to leave. I am returning to my ship as soon as Darrin is ready to go." "And he, also, is tired of Monte Carlo?" asked Countess Ripoli. "Darrin's views are much the same as my own," Dan responded quietly. Countess Ripoli bit her lip, then surveyed Dalzell with a sidelong look which she did not believe he saw, but Dan, trained in habits of observation, had missed nothing. "Will you take me back to the tables?" asked the Countess suddenly. "With pleasure," bowed Dan. Lightly resting a hand on his arm the Countess guided Dalzell rather than walked with him. Back into the largest salon they moved. Dan's eye roved about in search of Darrin, but that young ensign was not in sight. * * * * * At that very moment, in fact, Dave Darrin was very much concerned in a matter upon which he had stumbled. A few moments before his quick eye had espied Emil Gortchky crossing the room at a distance. Gortchky paused barely more than a few seconds to say a few words to a white-bearded, rather distinguished-looking foreigner. The older man returned Gortchky's look, then smiled slightly and moved on. It was a trivial incident, but it was sufficient to set Dave's mind to working swiftly, on account of what he already knew about Mr. Green Hat. For a few moments longer Ensign Darrin stood where he was; then, tiring of the scene, and wondering what had become of Danny Grin, he moved out upon one of the verandas, strolling slowly along. Reaching a darker part of the veranda, where a clump of small potted trees formed a toy grove, Dave paused, looking past the trees out upon the vague glimpses to be had of the Mediterranean by night. There, in the near distance, gleamed the lights of the "Hudson." Darrin's face glowed with pride in the ship and in the Nation that stood behind her. Almost unconsciously he stepped inside the little grove. For a few minutes longer his gaze rested on the sea. Then, hearing voices faintly, he turned to see if Dalzell were approaching. Instead, it was the white-bearded foreigner, the murmur of whose voice had reached him. With him was another man, younger, black-haired, and with a face that somehow made the beholder think of an eagle. The two men were engaged in close, low-voiced conversation. "I'd better step into view," reflected Darrin, "so that they may not talk of private matters in my hearing." Just then a chuckle escaped the younger of the pair, and with it Dave distinguished the word, "American." It was the sneering intonation given the word that made Dave Darrin start slightly. "Those men are discussing my country," muttered the young ensign, swiftly, "and one of them at least is well acquainted with that spy, Gortchky. Perhaps I shall do better to remain where I am." Nor had Dave long to deliberate on this point, for the pair now neared the grove. They were speaking French, and in undertones, but Dave's ear was quick for that tongue, and he caught the words: "England's friendship is important to America at the present moment, and it is very freely given, too. The English believe in their Yankee cousins." "When the English lose a naval ship or two at Malta or elsewhere, and learn that it is the Americans who sink their ships, and then lie about it, will the English love for America be as great?" laughed the younger man. "The English will be furious," smiled the white-bearded man, "and they will never learn the truth, either. For a hundred years to come Great Britain will hate the United States with the fiercest hatred." "It is a desperate trick, but a clever one," declared the younger man, admiringly. "Nor will there be any way for either England or America to learn the truth. The whole world will know that the Yankees destroyed two British ships with all on board. It will probably bring the two countries to actual war. No matter though England is at present engaged in a huge war, the sentiment of her people would force her to take the United States on, too." Ensign Dave Darrin, overhearing that conversation, and well knowing that he was listening to more than vaporing, felt his face blanch. He steeled himself to rigid posture as he felt himself trembling slightly. Farther down the veranda strolled the French-speaking pair, then wheeled out of sight. In a twinkling Dave strode silently, swiftly toward the salon that he had left. As he stepped into the brighter light, with admirable control, he slowed down to a sauntering stroll, looking smilingly about as though his whole mind were on the scenes of gambling before him. A moment or two later Darrin's eyes caught sight of Dan Dalzell, as that young officer bowed the Countess Ripoli to a seat. In vain did the Countess use her prettiest smiles to hold Danny Grin by her side as she played. Dalzell had been schooled at Annapolis and in the Navy itself, and knew how to take his leave gracefully, which he did, followed by the pouts of the Countess. As soon as she saw that the ensign's back was turned, a very unpleasant frown crossed her beautiful face. Dave continued his stroll until he met Dan at a point where none stood near them. "Keep on smiling, Dan," urged Dave, in an undertone. "Don't let that grin leave your face. But it's back to the ship for us on the double-quick! I may be dreaming, but I think I have found out the meaning of Mr. Green Hat's strange activities. I believe there is a plot on foot to bring England and our country into war with each other. One thing is certain. It's my duty to get back on board as fast as possible. I must tell the admiral what I have overheard." Dan did not forget the injunction to keep on smiling. He proved so excellent an actor that he laughed heartily as Dave Darrin finished his few but thrilling words. "Tiresome here, isn't it?" murmured Dan, aloud. "We might as well go back on board ship." CHAPTER VII THE ADMIRAL UNLOADS HIS MIND Reporting their coming aboard to the officer of the deck, Dave and Dan hastened to their respective quarters. While Ensign Dalzell performed a "lightning change" from "cits" to uniform, Dave first seated himself at his desk, where he wrote a note hurriedly. This done, he passed the word for an orderly, who promptly appeared. "Take this note to the Captain," ordered Darrin. "Aye, aye, sir," said the messenger. Dave then hastened to make the necessary change in his own apparel. So quickly did he act, that he had his uniform on and was buttoning his blouse when the messenger returned. "The Captain will see Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell immediately," reported the orderly. Returning the orderly's salute, Dave buckled on his sword belt, hung on his sword, drew on his white gloves, and started. He found his chum ready. Together the young officers reported at the Captain's quarters. Captain Allen was already seated at his desk. "Orderly!" called the commanding officer briskly. "Aye, aye, sir." "Guard the door and report that I am engaged." "Aye, aye, sir." In an instant Captain Allen, who had briefly greeted his youngest officers, turned to them. "Your note, Mr. Darrin, stated that you had a matter to report to me of such importance that you did not believe I would wish to lose a moment in hearing what Mr. Dalzell and yourself could tell me." "That is the case, sir," Dave bowed. "Have I your permission to proceed, sir?" "Yes. You may take seats, if you wish." Bowing their thanks, the young officers remained on their feet. Ensign Dave plunged at once into the narration of what had befallen them ashore. Captain Allen listened to the tale without comment, but when Dave related what he had overheard the two men say when passing the imitation grove on the darkest part of the Casino veranda, the commanding officer sprang to his feet. "Mr. Darrin," he demanded, "are you positive of the words that you have just repeated?" "I am, sir. In a matter of such importance I was careful to record every word in my mind just as it was uttered." "Then I must communicate with the Admiral at once," continued Captain Allen, seating himself again. "Even if the Admiral be abed I consider this a subject of enough importance to call him." Taking down the receiver of the telephone that led direct to the fleet commander's quarters, the Captain sent in a call to the Admiral's quarters. Soon there came a response. "This is the Captain speaking, Admiral," announced the "Hudson's" commanding officer. "Although the hour is late, sir, I request permission to report to you on a matter of importance." "I will see you, Captain, in five minutes." "Thank you, sir. I request permission to bring two officers with me." "Permission is granted, Captain." "Thank you, sir." Hanging up the transmitter, Captain Allen sank back in his chair. "Is there anything else, gentlemen, that you wish to say to me before we go to the Admiral?" "I think I have told you all, sir," Dave replied. "And I, too," Dalzell added. Keeping his eye on the clock, Captain Allen presently arose, girded on his sword, parted the curtains, and led the way. "If I am wanted, Orderly, I shall be in the Admiral's quarters." "Aye, aye, sir." The three officers then filed rapidly along the deck, presented themselves at the Admiral's quarters, and were admitted. Admiral Timworth was standing at the rear of his cabin when the subordinate officers entered. He came quickly forward, instructed his orderly to guard the door, then turned to his visitors. "I believe it will be best, with your permission, sir," began Captain Allen, "to let Mr. Darrin make his report to you." "Mr. Darrin will proceed, then." So Dave repeated the story he had told the Captain. Admiral Timworth listened until the recital had been finished, and then asked several questions. "It does not sound like a hoax," commented Admiral Timworth, at last. "Yet it is impossible for me to conceive how two British battleships are to be sunk near Malta, or near anywhere else, and Americans blamed for the act. Captain Allen, can you imagine any way in which such a thing might be effected?" "I cannot, sir." "The subject must be given careful thought," declared the Admiral. "By the way, Mr. Darrin, do you think you could identify those two men who talked of the proposed destruction of the British battleships?" "I am positive that I could do so, sir," Dave rejoined, "provided they were not disguised." "Then you may meet them again, as we shall stop at various Mediterranean ports. If you do, sir, I wish you to report to me anything that you may find out about them. Mr. Dalzell did not see them, did he?" "I may have passed them, sir," Dan replied, "but I would not know them, if meeting them, as the men whom Mr. Darrin mentions." "Then, Captain, you will see to it," directed the Admiral, "that Mr. Dalzell has shore leave whenever Mr. Darrin does. The two young men will go ashore together so that Mr. Darrin, if opportunity presents, may indicate the plotters to Mr. Dalzell." The Captain and the young officers bowed their understanding of this order. "The presence of Gortchky here, taken with what Mr. Darrin overheard those men talking about, and coupled with what took place on the mole at Gibraltar, leads me to believe that some foreign government has plans for involving the United States government in serious complications," resumed the Admiral, after a pause. "Gortchky is not in charge of any very extensive plot. He is simply a tool of greater minds, and it may easily be that the pair whom Mr. Darrin overheard are those who are directing Gortchky in some really big and dangerous scheme. By the way, gentlemen, was either of you introduced to any young or charming woman ashore?" "We were both presented to the Countess Ripoli, sir," Darrin answered, at once. "And at the Countess's request, I took a little turn with her on one of the verandas, sir," Dan added. "Tell me all about the Countess and your meeting with her, Mr. Dalzell," Admiral Timworth directed. So Dan plunged at once into a narration of his chat with the Countess, to which Admiral Timworth listened attentively. "Ripoli?" he mused aloud, at last. "I do not recall the name as that of a supposed secret service agent. Ripoli? Let me see." From a drawer of his desk the Admiral drew out an indexed book. He turned over, presumably, to the letter "R," then scanned the writing on several pages. "She has not been reported to me as a suspected secret service agent of any country," said the fleet commander, aloud. "Yet she may very likely be a spy in the service of some ring of international trouble-makers. I will enter her name now, though I cannot place anything positive against it." "If either of us should meet the Countess Ripoli again, sir," queried Dan, "have you any orders, sir, in that event?" "If you do meet her," replied the admiral, "do not be too distant with her, and do not let her see that she is in any sense under suspicion. Just treat her as you would any charming woman whom you might meet socially. However, should you meet her again, you may report the fact to me. I shall doubtless have some further instructions for you, gentlemen, but that is all for the present. Captain, you will remain." Formally saluting their superiors, Dave and Dan withdrew and returned to Dave's quarters. For half an hour Dan remained chatting with Dave, then went to his own quarters. By daylight the "Hudson" was under way again, bound for Naples. Dan and Dave were called to stand their watches, and life on the battleship went on as usual. It was but an hour after daylight when Admiral Timworth, who had remained up the rest of the night with Flag Lieutenant Simpson, sent a long message to the Navy Department at Washington. The message crackled out over the "Hudson's" wireless aerials, and was soon afterward received in Washington at the huge naval wireless station there. "Good night, Simpson," said the Admiral, when his flag lieutenant reported that the message was in the hands of the wireless operator. "Shall I leave any instructions for your being called, sir?" asked Lieutenant Simpson. "Have me called at ten o'clock, unless a reply from the Navy Department should arrive earlier. In that case have me called at once." The flag lieutenant is the personal aide of the fleet commander. If the Admiral received an interesting reply from the Navy Department during the voyage to Naples, he at least concealed the fact from Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell. Ensigns, however, are quite accustomed to reserve on the part of admirals. It was one o'clock one sunny afternoon when the "Hudson" entered the Bay of Naples. Her anchorage having already been assigned by wireless by the port authorities at Naples, the "Hudson" came to anchor close to the "Kennebec" and "Lowell" of the Mediterranean Fleet. Admiral Timworth now had three war vessels under his own eyes. At four bells (two o'clock) an orderly called at Dan's and Dave's quarters, with orders to report to the Admiral at once. When the two young ensigns reached the Admiral's quarters they found Lieutenant Simpson there also. "Be seated, gentlemen," directed the Admiral. For a few moments Admiral Timworth shuffled papers on his desk, glancing briefly at some of them. "Now, gentlemen," said the Admiral, wheeling about in his chair and looking impressively at Darrin and Dalzell, "it seems to me I had better preface my remarks by giving you some idea of the Fleet's unusual and special mission in the Mediterranean. That may lead you to a better comprehension of why a certain foreign power should wish to create, between Great Britain and the United States, a situation that would probably call for war between the two greatest nations of the world." CHAPTER VIII ON LIVELY SPECIAL DUTY "In the first place," resumed the Admiral, "you must know that relations between Great Britain and the United States are, and for some time have been, of an especially cordial nature. Throughout the great war Great Britain has been compelled to buy a large part of her food and munitions in the United States. Except for her being able to do so she would have been forced out of the war and the Entente Allies would have been defeated. There are Englishmen who will make you feel that the saving force of the United States is greatly appreciated in England, just as there are other Englishmen who will remark stupidly that the United States as a seller, has had a great opportunity to grow rich at England's expense. "There can be no doubt that thinking Englishmen are prepared to go to almost any extent to cultivate and keep the friendship of the United States, just as duller-witted Englishmen declare that the United States depends upon England for existence. "During the present war Great Britain has felt compelled to impose certain blockade restrictions upon our commerce with neutral powers in Europe. This has hampered our commerce to some extent, and there are many in the United States who feel deep resentment, and favor taking any steps necessary to compel England to abandon her interference with our merchant marine. Some Englishmen take an almost insolent attitude in the matter, while others beg us to believe that England hinders some of our commerce only in order to preserve her own national life. In other words, if she did not carefully regulate the world's trade with, for instance, Denmark and Holland, those countries would sell much of their importations to Germany, whereby the duration of the war would be prolonged by reason of help obtained by Germany in that manner. "As you can readily understand, the situation is full of delicate points, and many sensibilities are wounded. There have been times when only a spark was needed to kindle a serious blaze of mutual wrath between Great Britain and the United States. And you may be sure there are some governments in this world that would be delighted to see feelings of deep hostility engendered between Britons and Americans. "At present, however, there seems to be not the slightest cloud over the relations between Great Britain and our country. "Now, Mr. Darrin, you have obtained clues to a startling plot that has for its object the causing of distrust between the two greatest nations. If one or more British warships should be sunk, by some means that we do not at present know, and if the blame could be plausibly laid against Americans, there would be hot-tempered talk in England and a lot of indignant retort from our country. It would seem preposterous that any Englishman could suspect the American government of destroying British warships, and just as absurd to think that Americans could take such a charge seriously. Yet in the relations between nations the absurd thing often does happen. Should England lose any warships it would seem that only Germany or Austria could be blamed, yet it might be possible for plotters to manage the thing so successfully, and with so much cleverness, that the United States would really seem to be proven to be the guilty party. Our duty as officers of the Navy can be performed only by frustrating the hideous plot altogether. "So, Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell, while we are at Naples you will spend as much of your time as possible on shore. You will go about everywhere, as though to see the sights of the city and as if bent on getting your fill of pleasure. Unless under pressing need you will not be extravagant in your expenditures, but will conduct yourselves as though sight-seeing within the limits of your modest pay as ensigns. You will, however, not be put to any expense in the matter, as all your expenditures will be returned to you out of an emergency fund in my hands. "Your object in going ashore will be to report if you see Gortchky in Naples. I feel rather certain that the fellow is already there. You, Mr. Darrin, will also keep your eyes wide open for a sight of either or both of that pair whom you overheard talking at Monte Carlo. You will also note and report if you find the Countess Ripoli in Naples." "And if we meet her and if she speaks to us, sir?" asked Dalzell. "What if she even wishes to entertain us, or to claim our escort?" "Do whatever you can to please the Countess," replied the Admiral, promptly. "Be agreeable to her in any way that does not interfere with other and more important duties to which I have assigned you." Judging by a sign from the fleet commander that the interview was now at an end, Dave and Dan rose, standing at attention. "Perhaps I have given you a wrong impression in one particular," Admiral Timworth continued. "I do not wish you to understand, gentlemen, that I have intimated that any power, or any combination of powers, has directly ordered any act that would lead to the sinking of British warships. Governments, even the worst, do not act in that way. The thing which the power I have in mind may have done is to give certain secret agents a free hand to bring about war between England and the United States. Undoubtedly, the secret agents at the bottom of this conspiracy have been left free to choose their own methods. Thus the foreign government interested in this conspiracy could feel that it did not _order_ the commission of a crime, no matter what might happen as the result. Now, gentlemen, have you any questions to ask?" "None, sir," Dave Darrin responded immediately. "None, sir," echoed Dalzell. "Then you may go," rejoined Admiral Timworth, rising and returning the parting salutes of the young officers. * * * * * It was presently noised about among the ship's company that Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell had been ordered ashore on special duty. "How did you work it?" Lieutenant Barnes irritably demanded of Danny Grin. "Why? Do you want to work a trick yourself?" asked Dalzell, unsympathetically. "No such luck for me," growled Barnes. "While in port I am ordered to take charge of shifting stores below decks." "Fine!" approved Dan. "And I wish I had you for junior officer on that detail," growled Barnes. "If I get tired of staying ashore," Danny Grin proposed genially, "I'll make humble petition to be assigned as junior on your detail." CHAPTER IX M. DALNY PLANS A TRAGEDY "Say, I wonder if these people call this a square deal," muttered Danny Grin, as he surveyed the dish that the waiter had just left for him. "I called for ham and eggs and potatoes, and the fellow has brought me chicken and this dish of vegetables that none but a native could name." "Call the waiter back and ask him to explain his mistake," Ensign Darrin suggested, smilingly. "I can't talk their lingo," returned Dalzell plaintively. "Nor can I speak much of it, either," admitted Dave. "Can you speak any Italian?" "Only a little, and very badly at that." "Where did you learn Italian?" demanded Danny Grin. "From an Italian-American cook on board our ship," Darrin explained. "Whew! You must have done that while I was asleep," Dalzell complained. "I don't know enough Italian to carry me very far," laughed Darrin. "Perhaps between two and three hundred useful words, and some of the parts of a few verbs. Let me see just what you thought you were ordering." Dan held out a somewhat soiled bill of fare on which the names of the dishes were printed in Italian and English. "I tried to pronounce the Italian words right," Dan went on, with a grimace. "Let me hear you read the words over again," Dave begged. Dan did so, his comrade's smile deepening. "Dan," said Dave dryly, "you speak Italian as though it were French. Italian is too delicate a language for that treatment." "But what am I to do about this chicken?" Danny Grin persisted. "Eat it," suggested Darrin, "and use some of your time ashore in getting closer to the Italian language." Dave was served with just what he had ordered for a pleasing meal--an omelet, spaghetti and Neapolitan tomatoes, with dessert to follow. "I'm no great admirer of chicken, and I did want ham," sighed Dan, as he glanced enviously at his chum's dainty food. Nevertheless Ensign Dalzell ate his meal with an air of resignation that greatly amused Dave Darrin. The restaurant was one of the largest and handsomest to be found along that great thoroughfare of Naples, the Riviera di Chiaja. The place would seat perhaps four hundred guests. At this hour of the day there were about half that number of persons present, many of whom were Americans. The chums had succeeded in obtaining a small table by themselves, close to an open window that overlooked the sidewalk. Watching the throngs that passed, both on foot and in carriages of many types, the young naval officers felt certain that at no other point could they obtain as good a general view of the city of Naples. Many well-to-do Italians were afoot, having sold their carriages and automobiles in order to buy the war bonds of their country. As there were several Italian warships in port, sailors from these craft were ashore and mingling with the throng. Soldiers home on sick leave from the Austrian frontier were to be seen. Other men, who looked like mere lads, wore new army uniforms proudly. These latter were the present year's recruits, lately called to the colors and drilling for the work that lay ahead of them, work in deadly earnest against hated Austria. All that went on before the café was interesting enough. It was not, however, until near the end of the meal that anything happened of personal interest to Dave and Dan. Then there was a quick step behind them, next a voice cried gaily: "My dear Monsieur Darrin, who could have expected to see you here?" "Any one who knew that my ship is in the harbor might have expected to see me here," replied Dave, rising and smiling. "How do you do, Monsieur le Comte?" It was indeed the Count of Surigny, and that dapper, well-set-up young Frenchman was nattily dressed, smiling, and with an unmistakable air of prosperity about him. Dan had also risen. Then as the three seated themselves Dave inquired what refreshment his friend of Monte Carlo would allow them the pleasure of ordering for him. The Count asked only for a cup of coffee, after which the chat went merrily on. "My dear Darrin, I rejoice to be able to tell you that I have determined never again to visit Monte Carlo," said the Count. "Moreover, I am prosperous and happy. Ah, what a debt of gratitude I owe you! I know you must be wondering why I am not serving my country in the trenches." "I knew you must have some good reason for not serving in the French army at such a time," Dave replied. "I tried to enter the army," Surigny replied, "but the surgeons refused to pass me. One of my eyes is too weak, and there is, besides, some little irregularity in the action of my heart that would make it impossible for me to endure the hardships of a soldier. So, despite my protests and entreaties, the surgeons have refused to accept me for military service." "Is it permitted to ask if you have found employment?" Dave inquired. "I have found employment of a sort," the Count rattled on, without a shade of embarrassment. "It might be questioned if I am worth the remuneration which I receive, but at least I am happy. I am permitted to serve a friend in some little matters of a personal nature." That answer was enough to prevent Dave from making any further inquiries as to the Count's new means of a livelihood. "It gives me the greatest happiness to be able to see you again, and to hear your voice," continued the Count. "I am here in Naples only as a matter of accident, and it may be that my stay here will be short. I was at a table in the rear with a friend when I espied you sitting here. Is it permitted that I bring my friend over and present him?" "We shall be delighted to meet any friend of yours, Surigny," Dave replied pleasantly. "Then I shall bring him here at once," replied the Frenchman, lightly, rising and moving rapidly away. "I wonder what line of work the Count can be in now," mused Dalzell, aloud. "It would appear to be something that pays him very well and allows him to travel. I wonder if the friend he is to introduce to us is the one that employs him." "We shall know that if Count Surigny chooses to inform us," smiled Dave. Then their talk ceased, for they heard the Count's voice in conversation with some one as he came up behind them. "My dear Monsieur Darrin," cried the Count, "I am honored in being able to present to you Monsieur Dalny." Ensign Darrin rose, wheeled and thrust out his hand. Then his eyes turned to the newcomer's face. Nor could the young naval officer repress a slight start, for M. Dalny was unmistakably one of the two men whom he had overheard on the veranda of the Casino at Monte Carlo. "Monsieur Darrin," replied M. Dalny, accepting Dave's hand, "I feel that I am indeed honored in being able to meet one who, I understand, has been such a friend to my friend the Count of Surigny. I shall hope to see much of you." Dalny was then introduced to Dalzell, after which, at Dave's invitation, the newcomers seated themselves. Fresh coffee was ordered. But Dave Darrin's head was now in a good deal of a whirl. As to the identity of M. Dalny, there could be no mistake whatever. And here was the Count of Surigny, evidently in the friendship of this plotter against the American Navy. It was not unlikely that the Count, too, was in the employ of this enemy of the United States. "What can this whole thing mean, and does Surigny _know_ that he is working against the peace and honor of my country?" Dave asked himself, his pulses throbbing. "Are you to be here long at Naples, Monsieur Darrin?" Dalny soon asked in his most velvet-like tones. "I really haven't the least idea, Monsieur Dalny," Dave replied truthfully, forcing a smile. "I am not deep in the confidence of Admiral Timworth." "I thought it very likely," purred Monsieur Dalny, "that you might have heard from your officers as to how many days of shore liberty are likely to be granted your sailors." "Oh, probably we shall--" began Dan, who found the French conversation easy to understand in this instance. But the slightest of signs from Darrin was sufficient to check Dalzell's intended statement. So Danny Grin merely finished: "Probably we shall hear soon how long our stay here is to be." "Are you interested, Monsieur Dalny, in the length of our stay here?" queried Ensign Dave, gazing carelessly into the eyes of the stranger. "Oh, it is but a matter of idle curiosity to me," replied the other, shrugging his shoulders amiably. "Just as you understand it would be a matter of a little curiosity, my dear Monsieur Darrin, to know whether the American fleet now in the harbor here will keep together for the next few weeks, and what ports you will visit. But I imagine that you have, as yet, no information on such points." Dave did not reply to M. Dalny's remarks, who, however, did not appear to notice the omission. Drawing forth a long cigar and lighting it, Dalny puffed away, seeming to prefer, after that, to listen to the conversation of the others. "Who can this Monsieur Dalny be?" Dave asked himself, racking his brain. "And of what nationality? The word 'Monsieur' is French in itself, though Dalny is hardly a French name. Perhaps it makes little difference, though, for men who sell their time and services as I am afraid this Dalny fellow is doing, are quite likely to masquerade under assumed names." Presently M. Dalny excused himself for a few moments. Sauntering toward the rear of the restaurant, he stepped into a side passage, then made a quick entrance into a private room, the door of which he instantly locked. He now crossed the room and stood before the solitary diner in that room. "My dear Mender!" cried Dalny. "Your face betrays interest, Dalny," remarked the other, who was the older of the pair whom Dave had heard on the Casino veranda. "And I am interested," continued Dalny, in a low tone. "I have met the two young officers from the American flagship." "That is what you are here to do," smiled Monsieur Mender. "The fellow Darrin refuses me any information about the movements of the American fleet." "That was perhaps to be expected," answered Mender reflectively. "But I fear matters are worse than that," Dalny went on hurriedly. "Explain yourself, Dalny." "Darrin did not see my face until he rose to greet me, when Surigny introduced us," continued Dalny. "Then he started, slightly, yet most plainly. Monsieur Mender, that young American naval officer knows something about us." "Not very likely, Dalny." "Then he at least suspects something." "Why should he?" "Monsieur Mender," hurried on Dalny, "you recall that evening on the Casino veranda at Monte Carlo? You and I, as we approached a little grove of potted trees, talked rather more incautiously than we should have done." "It was an indiscretion, true," nodded the white-haired Mender thoughtfully. "And, afterwards, as you know, I told you I thought I heard someone move behind those little trees." "And so--?" "I suspect, Monsieur Mender, that it was Ensign Darrin, of the battleship 'Hudson,' who stood behind those trees, and who overheard us." "I wish I knew if such were the case," replied M. Mender huskily, his face paling with anxiety. "If Darrin overheard our talk, he doubtless reported it to his superior officers," declared Dalny. "Unquestionably--if he really heard," admitted Mender. "Then that pair of young officers, for they are close friends, must have been sent ashore to see if they could get track of the numerous party whom you direct, my dear Monsieur Mender." "You believe that the two young American officers are ashore in Naples as spies upon us?" questioned Mender, his tone cold and deadly. "It would seem so," Dalny answered readily. "In that case--" began Mender, slowly, then paused. "In that case--what?" demanded Dalny, after waiting a few moments while his chief reflected. "It would mean that the Italian authorities, as soon as informed of what is suspected against us, would send out their keenest men to locate us, and then we should be arrested." "What could be done to us?" queried Dalny. "In these war days not very much evidence is required against men who are accused of being spies, my excellent Dalny. We might or we might not be accorded a trial, but one thing is quite sure; we would be shot to death on the charge of being spies." As he pronounced these significant words Mender shrugged his shoulders. His manner was cool, one would have said almost unconcerned. "You are right," agreed the younger plotter. "The Italians, like all the other peoples engaged in this war, hate spies bitterly, and would be quick to mete out death to us." "It would be desirable," Mender proceeded, "to prevent the young officers from going back aboard their ship." "How?" asked Dalny, bluntly. Mender laughed, cold-bloodedly, in a low tone. "In Naples," he explained, "there are, as you know, my dear Dalny, hundreds of bravos, some of whom are the most desperate fellows in the world--men who would stick at nothing to earn a few _lira_. And they will ask no awkward questions as to which country they serve in aiding us." "Then you would have Darrin and Dalzell seized, by night, by some of these bravos, and carried away to a secure place where they could be confined until your plans have been carried through?" inquired Dalny, thoughtfully. "It is always dangerous to have banditti seize men and hide them away, especially in a country that is engaged in war," replied Mender, slowly. "Now, if, in one of the narrow, dark streets of Old Naples, these young Americans were settled by a few quiet thrusts with the blade, their bodies might then be dropped into a sewer. The bodies might not be found for weeks. On the other hand, captives, no matter how securely hidden, may find means to escape, and all our care in the matter would go for naught. Besides, these Sicilian bravos of Naples much prefer to settle a man with one or two quick thrusts with a narrow blade, and then--But what is the matter, Dalny? Does the use of the knife terrify you?" "No!" replied Dalny, huskily. "I was merely thinking that, if a man like either Darrin or Dalzell escaped from a knife, after seeing its flash, and if he suspected me of being behind the attempt, either young man would be likely to lay hold of me and snap my spine." "If you are fearful of the chances and of the possible consequences, Dalny," replied Mender coldly, "you may withdraw." "No, no, no!" protested Dalny quickly. "You are my chief, Monsieur Mender, and whatever you wish I shall do." Mender puffed for a few moments at a Russian cigarette, before he again spoke. "Dalny," he said, "you may be sure I do not distrust either your loyalty or your courage. Go back to your Americans. Detain them as long as needful at the table, no matter by what arts. Within twenty minutes I shall have a leader of Neapolitan bravos here, and I shall have a plan to unfold to him. Then he will go and post his men. You will receive instructions from me that you cannot mistake. You are right in fearing Darrin and Dalzell. We can afford to take no chances. That pair of young American officers shall have no chance of reporting our presence in Naples to their superior officers. Sooner than permit the least risk of interference with our plans I shall remove them from our way." "Darrin and Dalzell are to be killed, then?" asked Dalny hoarsely. "They shall be snuffed out," replied Mender, flicking the ash from his cigarette. "Go, Dalny, and do your part as far as you have heard it from me. I will attend to the rest. Do not be uneasy." Dalny made a low bow before his cold-blooded chief, then left the private room, returning to Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell, whose death, under the knives of cowardly treachery, he must do his best to help bring about! CHAPTER X TREACHERY HAS THE FLOOR "You will not have much time for sight-seeing, I am afraid," Count Surigny was saying, as Monsieur Dalny soft-footedly returned to the table. "I do not know how much time we shall have," Dave answered. "If you have but little time, then it will be most unfortunate," spoke Dalny softly, with his engaging smile. "Naples is vastly rich in things that are worth while seeing." "We are not likely to have the time to see many of them," Darrin answered. "That is most unfortunate," replied the Count, in a regretful tone. "Yet there is a way to partly overcome that misfortune," suggested Mr. Dalny. "How, Monsieur?" inquired Darrin, turning his gaze on the face of the international plotter. "Why, secure a good guide, engage a carriage drawn by good horses, and then move from point to point as fast as possible," replied Dalny. "I know Naples well. Perhaps I can offer my services for, say, this evening." "Are the public places of interest likely to be open in the evening?" questioned Dave. "Not the museums," admitted M. Dalny. "But there are many other things to be seen. Naples has several beautiful parks. Some of them contain notable statues. These parks are the nightly resort of all classes of the Italian community, who are always worth observing. Then, too, there are many curious glimpses to be had of the night life of the underworld of Naples. In a word, Monsieur Darrin, there are enough night sights, of one kind and another, to fill profitably a month in Naples. And, as I know the city, you may command me. I will be your guide. Shall we go to-night?" "Where could we go, with the most advantage in the matter of sight-seeing?" Dave asked. "Out toward Vomero," suggested young Count Surigny. "Too fashionable, and very dull," replied Dalny, with a shake of his head. "Then where?" asked Dan. But Dalny's reply was lost to him, for at that moment Darrin, holding a rolled napkin at one side of the table, and below the level of the table top, waved it slowly back and forth. Dan was the only one of the party at the table who could see the moving napkin. By this simple wig-wag signal device Dave Darrin sent to his chum the silent message: "Dalny is one of the plotters I overheard on the Casino veranda. Think he suspects us. Follow my lead." The instant that the message ended Dan glanced slowly around him, then upward at the ceiling. Soon Dalny's interest in the table talk waned for outside on the sidewalk he caught sight of a young Neapolitan dandy, standing on the curb, his back turned to the restaurant as he swung a jaunty little cane. The motions of that cane spelled out a message that only Dalny, of all the party at the table, could read. And that message read: "Get carriage, take Americans for drive at dark. Finally, direct driver to turn into the Strada di Mara. Leave carriage with Americans when urged by shop-keeper." That was the whole message. It was plain enough, however, to instruct Dalny as fully as he needed to be directed. The scoundrel, as he watched the swinging movements of the cane, looked out into the street between half-closed eyelids, slowly puffing out rings of smoke from his long cigar. "We are becoming dull, good friends," laughed Dalny presently, glancing at the others. "Suppose we order more coffee." "No more for me, thank you," protested Dave. "But you have had hardly any coffee," Dalny declared. "I am ready to admit that I can't keep up with the average American in drinking coffee," Dave replied. "But you will have more, my dear Dalzell," urged Dalny. Dan, who was inwardly agitated over the information he had received secretly from his chum, looked at Dalny almost with a start. In Dan's soul there was loathing for this foreigner with the engaging smile. "I do not believe I can stand any more coffee," confessed Dan. "So you and I, Surigny, must drink all the coffee at this table," said Dalny, with a shrug of his shoulders. "I can drink a little more," replied the Count. The day was now rapidly waning, bringing on a balminess of evening such as is found in few places other than Naples. The streets were becoming crowded with pedestrians. "Waiter," called Dalny, "you will be good enough to secure for us a carriage with good horses. Get it as quickly as you can." But the waiter, perceiving a signal from Dalny, knew that the carriage must not arrive too soon. In the meantime Dave scanned the bill that had been presented for the meal, then laid a banknote on the bill. The waiter, returning, attended to the paying of the bill and received his "tip" from the change that he brought back. The party lingered at the table to wait for the arrival of the carriage that was intended to convey Dave Darrin and Dan Dalzell to their death. "My dear Count," said Dalny presently, "I regret much that the appointment which you told me you had for this evening will prevent you from going with us. Can you not manage to break the appointment without doing injustice to others?" Taking his cue from the manner in which the question was put, the Comte of Surigny replied: "It would delight me beyond measure to be one of the party to-night, but it is impossible. My appointment cannot be set aside." The restaurant was brilliantly lighted, and the street lights had begun to flash out as the carriage arrived. "Now, for a night of real sight-seeing!" cried Dalny, rising eagerly. "My dear Americans, I promise you something such as you have never before experienced!" "I am heartily sorry that you are prevented from going with us, Surigny," declared Dave, holding out his hand to the young Frenchman. "I shall pray for better fortune next time," smiled the Count, rather sadly. "We are all desolate that you cannot go with us, Surigny," declared Dalny, also holding out his hand. Dan, too, shook hands with Surigny. Then the international plotter led the two Americans to the carriage awaiting outside. After the Count of Surigny had waved his hand to the party and had walked away, Dalny placed Dave and Dan on the rear seat of the barouche, while he himself sat facing them. A few words in Italian from Dalny, and the horses started. For half an hour the driver took his fares past ordinary sights. "But we are not much interested, driver," cried Dalny, turning at last to the man who held the lines. "We are bored with this dullness, when Naples holds so much that may be seen by night. Take us through the Strada di Mara." So the driver headed his horses toward the eastern, or older, part of the city. The Strada di Mara leads through one of the most thickly populated sections of Naples, and a part of the street extends up a steep hillside. "You see how poor the people are here," said Dalny, as the horses slowed down to a walk. "We shall come soon, however, to a more interesting part of the street. Crime lurks here, also; not the more desperate crimes though. The Strada di Mara, in one part, is the resort of thieves who wish to dispose of their petty plunder by turning it into cash. And, as strange merchandise is dealt in here, the shops offer a variety of wares. We will presently look into one or two of the shops." "What on earth can Dalny be driving at?" wondered young Ensign Darrin. "Can he think that we would enter such shops, and buy the plunder that thieves have sold there?" At the next street corner an Italian lad with a sweet voice began to sing. Danny Grin noticed that most of the people in this steep, narrow alley, that was by courtesy called a street, were now going indoors. Only a man here and there remained outside. "That's curious," thought Dan to himself. "Don't these people like music, that a street singer should drive them inside?" When the carriage had passed on to the next block a man came out of a shop and waved his hand to the driver, who promptly reined in his horses. "Gentlemen," urged the shop-keeper, in English, "be kind enough to step inside and look at some of the bargains I am offering." Dave, who understood, whispered to Dalny: "It can hardly be worth while to get out and look at what is probably stolen goods." "On the contrary," rejoined Dalny, "this man is likely to show us some things that will help me in explaining the interesting points of Naples to you. Come!" Opening the door of the carriage, the international plotter stepped out, leading the way. Of course Dave and Dan followed him. It now turned out that the Italian's shop was some doors farther up along this block. As he led the way, and Dalny and the Americans followed, neither young officer observed that the driver had turned his horses around and was driving away. At the same time, the few men now on the sidewalk of this block started to close in on the little party. Tragedy was stepping across the threshold! CHAPTER XI HEMMED IN BY THE BRAVOS Suddenly out of a doorway lurched a big Sicilian, seemingly intoxicated. He lurched against Dave, then drew back, scowling fiercely at the young ensign. "Your mistake, sir," spoke Darrin, purposely using English. Dave would have passed, but now the fellow placed himself squarely in Darrin's way. "You have struck me!" snarled the Sicilian in his own language. "Why?" Then, uttering a peculiar cry, the man, with a movement of wonderful swiftness, drew a knife. In the dim light that blade flashed like subdued fire. "One, two, three--out!" gritted Dave Darrin, leaping forward. Striking up the fellow's arm, Dave caught at the knife-wrist. He twisted it savagely and the weapon clattered to the rough pavement. Bump! Dave struck the fellow hard between the eyes, sending him to earth, where he lay still. Dan, now keenly alert, discovered that the pretended shop-keeper had also drawn a knife. "To quarters!" yelled Danny Grin. "Back to back!" shouted Dave, placing his shoulders close to his chum's. "Dan, we must fight for our lives. The lives of all these cattle are not worth a scratch on our bodies! Down 'em!" "We'll make ten-pins of 'em," hissed Dalzell. And Monsieur Dalny? That honorable gentleman was now scuttling down the street to safety. The fight that followed was a mixture of boxing, football tactics and sheer Yankee grit that Dave and Dan now employed as they faced more than half a dozen scoundrels armed with the long, thin knives of the bravos of Naples. Bump! Ensign Darrin struck up the arm of the first scoundrel to reach for him. In a twinkling Dave had broken that rascal's right wrist, forcing the fellow to drop his weapon. Like a flash Dave caught his victim up, holding him overhead and sending the bravo, heels first, into the face of another scoundrel. The man, struck by this human missile, went to earth dazed, and with a broken jaw to boot. Dalzell, too, was proving the stuff that was in him. Dodging a descending hand that held a knife, then landing a smashing blow over the fellow's heart, Dan sent him to earth. At that instant a knife would have gone through Danny Grin's ribs had not Dalzell let one of his feet fly with such speed and skill as to break another bravo's shin-bone. Crouching low, Dave received still another assailant. Seizing him below the knees, then rising, he hurled the ruffian over backward on his head, the fall nearly snapping the owner's spine at the neck and leaving him unconscious. Two more men were quickly downed, and seemed inclined to stay there. The young ensigns had not received a scratch so far, which was due as much to luck as to their own skill. Now a wail of terror rose on the air. Two of the bravos took fairly to their heels. The rest wavered, then gave way, glaring with sullen looks at these young Americans who could fight so terribly without weapons. "Come on!" urged Dave, in a low voice. "Let's get out of here! There is no credit in staying here and taking on more fighting. Let's hurry while the hurrying is good." Only one of the bravos was ahead of them as the young naval officers began their sprint. That fellow was trying to get out of harm's way, but hearing pursuit at his heels, the frightened fellow halted suddenly, wheeled and struck out with his knife at Ensign Darrin. Dave dodged, then landed both fists against the ruffian's ribs, knocking the fellow clean through a window with a great crashing of glass. "Hustle!" muttered Dalzell, as he halted to wait for his chum. "There may be a hundred more of these fellows who can be called out on a single block." But there was no pursuit. The bravos had had enough. Afterwards it was a matter of local report that two of the rascals handled by Darrin and Dalzell all but died of their injuries. The Strada di Mara contained no bravos reckless enough to follow these incredible Americans on this wild night of trouble. Still sprinting, Dave, with Dan at his heels, overhauled a running figure. Dave shot out his right hand, gathering in, by the coat collar, Monsieur Dalny. "My friend," uttered Dave grimly, as he halted the fugitive, "this does not appear to be one of your best fighting nights." "I--I--I--" stammered M. Dalny, his face white. "I--I--" "So you said before," Dave retorted dryly. "Let it go at that." "Do you mean to charge that I ran away?" demanded Dalny, with a show of injured dignity. "Certainly not," retorted Dave, ironically. "You were merely trying to show two scared Americans the shortest way back to a safe part of Naples." "It's not safe here," whispered Dalny, trembling. "We are almost certain to be followed by an enraged mob. Let us use discretion." The word "discretion" recalled Darrin to the fact that he must not be too rough with the fellow through whom he hoped to learn something of great interest to Admiral Timworth. "You are right, Monsieur Dalny," agreed the young ensign. "Let us waste little time in getting away from this part of Naples." No walk could have been too brisk, just then, for Dalny. He was not a coward in all things, but he felt a deadly terror of cold steel. In addition, this international plotter had, just then, a lively conviction that friends of the men whom these American officers had handled so roughly might, if they overtook him, feel a decided thirst for vengeance upon the man who had led such giants against the bravos of the Strada di Mara. "Why are you looking back so often?" Dave asked, as the three gained the next corner. "To see if we are pursued," confessed Dalny. "That is prudent," Darrin smiled, "yet hardly necessary." "What do you mean?" asked the international plotter. [Illustration: "Dave shot out his right hand."] "Because," explained Dan, grinning, "the only bravos who have any reason to be afraid of us to-night are those who might get in front of us. Those who keep behind us will have every chance to get away unharmed." "You are a droll pair," muttered Dalny. "And, unless I am greatly in error, my fine fellow, you led us into that trap for the purpose of having something bad happen to us," muttered Dave, but he kept the words behind his teeth, for he did not care, as yet, to come to an open quarrel with this fellow. Before long the three reached one of the broader, well-lighted thoroughfares. Here they engaged a driver and carriage, and were soon once more in the Riviera di Chiaja. As they passed one of the larger buildings, Mender, looking down upon the avenue through the blinds of a window of a room at the hotel, saw the three as they drove past an arc light. "What can be the matter with that simpleton Dalny?" muttered the arch-plotter. "Did he, at the last moment, fail in the courage necessary to lead the Americans into the trap that I had baited for them?" Ten minutes later Dalny, closeted with his chief, was relating to that astounded leader the story of what had happened in the Strada di Mara. "I cannot understand it," muttered Mender. "No more can I," rejoined Dalny. "The Americans are demons when it comes to fighting." "At some point, my good Dalny, you must have bungled the affair." "Why not say that the fault must have been with your choice of bravos?" jeered the subordinate. "Why did you pick out alleged bravos who would allow themselves to be put to flight by unarmed men?" "I must wait until I have a fuller report of this night's misadventure," declared Mender. "I dare say that, within a few hours, I shall have more exact information." In this belief Mender was quite right. Before daylight he was visited by the leader of the bravos of the Strada di Mara, who announced that he must be paid two thousand _lira_ (about four hundred dollars) as extra money to be divided among his outraged followers. In the case that this extra money was not forthcoming, declared the leader of the bravos, Mender and his friends might find Naples much too dangerous a city for them. CHAPTER XII EVIL EYES ON SAILORMAN RUNKLE In the center of a huge room in the Hotel dell' Orso, overlooking the Chiaja, Dave Darrin and Dalzell came to a halt. Below they had just left Dalny in the carriage, and had come straight up to their room, which they had engaged when first they came ashore. They had not, as one might suspect, overlooked the opportunity of finding whither Dalny drove after leaving them. For a short, broad-shouldered young man, Able Seaman Runkle, U. S. S. "Hudson," had been on the lookout for them on the sidewalk. Runkle, by special order of Captain Allen, U. S. N., was not in uniform, but in civilian attire. In another carriage Able Seaman Runkle, at Dave's order, followed the conveyance that took Dalny back to the appointed meeting place with Mender. The sailorman's carriage did not, of course, stop when Dalny's vehicle did, but kept slowly on. "Shadowing" is often a two-edged tool. When Runkle returned to his post he, in turn, was followed by the same dandy who had done the cane signaling late in the afternoon. "That fellow Dalny is almost too bad medicine for me to swallow," Dan muttered with a wry smile. "Of course he is a liar and a villain," Dave returned seriously. "But when a man is wanted to do the foulest kind of work, I suppose it must be rather hard to find a gentleman to volunteer. Probably Dalny's employers feel that they are fortunate enough in being able to obtain the services of a fellow who _looks_ like a gentleman." "He led us into that trap to have us assassinated," Dan declared hotly. "Or else to have us so badly cut up that we would feel, in the future, more like minding our own business," suggested Ensign Dave with a smile. "We got out of it all right that time," Dan went on bluntly, "but I don't want any more such experiences. The next time we might not have luck quite so much on our side." "What puzzles me," Dave continued, wrinkling his brows, "is why Dalny or any of his crowd should want us stabbed." "They wanted us killed," Dan insisted. "Nothing short of killing us would have satisfied those bravos if they had succeeded in getting us at their mercy. Yet why should our death be desired?" "For only one reason," Dave answered, the truth coming to him in a flash. "Dalny is here in Naples, for which reason his white-haired fellow-plotter is probably here, too. We were sent ashore to find out if they are here. When Dalny shook hands with us this afternoon he perceived that I recognized him as one whose remarks I undoubtedly had overheard at Monte Carlo. He then concluded that I had been sent ashore to find out if he were here. He knew, or suspected, that I would report my information to the Admiral. Hence the determination to kill me, and, since you are with me, to kill you also. Our bodies would have been hidden, and the Admiral would have been able only to guess why we did not return to the ship. Dan, what hurts me most is the practical certainty that the Count of Surigny is now with that band of international cut-throats. I had hope for a nobler future for the Count, and also I am disappointed to find him working for my enemies. He must hate me fearfully because I thwarted his one-time purpose to commit suicide!" "I wouldn't have believed the Count could be so bad," Dan mused. "Yet the proof appears to be against him." "Why, of course he's one of their band," Dave continued. "It's a fearful thing to say, but it is plain that I saved only an ingrate and a rogue from the crime of suicide. However, Dan, we are losing time. I must begin my report to Captain Allen." At that instant there came a slight scratching sound at the door. Tiptoeing to the door, Dalzell opened it far enough to admit Seaman Runkle, who, as soon as the door had been closed and locked, promptly saluted both young officers. "What is your report, Runkle?" Dave demanded. "Your party in the carriage, sir, dismissed the rig at this address," reported the sailorman, handing Ensign Darrin a slip of paper. "You did well," Dave answered. "Find a seat, Runkle, until I have written a note which you are to take aboard to Captain Allen." Within fifteen minutes the letter was completed. It was not a long document, but gave, in brief form, a summary of the adventures and discoveries of the two ensigns since coming ashore. "You will take this aboard, Runkle," Dave directed, "and you will see that it reaches Captain Allen, even though he has turned in and has to be awakened. You will tell the officer of the deck, with my compliments, that such orders were given me by Captain Allen. Now, Runkle, don't let anything interfere with your speedy return to the ship. Also remember that you may be followed, and that Naples is a bad town in which to be trailed at night." "I'm not afraid of the bad people of Naples, sir," rejoined the sailorman, with a quiet smile. "Do you expect me to return to you, sir?" "That will be as Captain Allen directs." "Very good, sir. Good night, sir." Able Seaman Runkle was shown out by Ensign Dalzell, who locked the door of the room after the departing sailorman. In the meantime a spy who had followed Runkle back to the Hotel dell' Orso had telephoned, in a foreign language little understood in Naples, the information concerning that sailorman's reporting to his officers, and had added the suggestion that very likely the sailor would be sent out to the fleet with a written report. "I think it highly probable that the sailor _will_ be sent with a written report," agreed Mender, at the other end of the telephone wire. "And if the sailor does try to get out to the fleet?" insinuated the spy. "If the man leaves the hotel to go to the water front," commanded Mender, in a voice ringing with energy and passion, "see to it that he is laid low and that the letter is taken from him. At any cost I must have turned over to me any written report that Ensign Darrin tries to send to his commanding officer. Nor am I through with Darrin himself!" CHAPTER XIII ORDERS CHANGE IN A MINUTE "Hullo! What does that fellow want?" Able seaman Runkle was within a block of the mole where the "Hudson's" launch was due to cast off at half-past ten o'clock, but he halted in his tracks. From a doorway, a little nearer to the mole, a head was thrust out slightly as its owner surveyed the sailorman. Then the man stepped out of the doorway to the sidewalk. He was a big fellow, with something of the slouch and swagger that are to be observed in the tough the world over. Now this stranger stood quite still, sharply regarding the pausing sailorman. "If there are less than six of that breed ahead of me," muttered Runkle, staring ahead once more, "then it doesn't make any real difference." Two more men slipped out of dark recesses further on, while, an instant later, Runkle became aware that two men, who had not been visible a few moments before, were now closing up behind him. "I wonder what these chaps think they're going to do," mused Runkle, his sailor heart quaking not at all, though he scented fight in the air. "Hullo!" Now a sixth man stepped out from a doorway just at his side. With a lusty push this sixth man sent Runkle out into the street. "Where are your manners, my man?" demanded Seaman Runkle, returning to the sidewalk. "And what do you mean by that?" Suddenly the muzzle of a revolver gleamed in Runkle's face, but the sailor did not betray any sign of fright. "Put that down!" ordered Runkle sharply, at the same time making a gesture to indicate his command. A reply was volubly given in Italian, of which Runkle understood not a word. In the few seconds that this was happening the five other swarthy men began to close in on the sailor. Runkle lost no time in discovering that fact. A gesture from the man with the pistol showed that he expected Runkle to hold up his hands. "You'd rather see my mitts aloft, eh?" asked the sailor, in a mocking voice. "All right, then!" Up went the sailor's hands, as high as he could raise them. A gleam of satisfaction shone in the eyes behind the revolver, but that look instantly changed to one of pain. For Runkle, while holding his hands high, also raised one of his feet. That foot went up swiftly, and high enough to land against the lower edge of the bravo's pistol wrist. In a jiffy the wrist was broken and the pistol came clattering to the pavement. "Much obliged," offered Runkle, snatching up the weapon. Then he raised his voice to yell: "If there are shipmates within hail let 'em hurry here to keep Jack Runkle from killing a few rattlesnakes!" Just in time to escape the points of two knives, Seaman Runkle backed against a stucco wall, thrusting out the revolver and his able left fist. The first two men who leaped at him went down under the impact of that fist. A third received a scalp wound from the butt of the revolver. Any court would have exonerated the sailorman for killing his assailants, but Dave's messenger was much too good-natured to kill while there was another path to safety. That kindliness undid Runkle's defense. As a man rushed him on each side a third bravo dropped low in front of him and seized the seaman's legs, upsetting him. "Foul tackle, with a dozen to one!" growled Runkle, as he felt himself going down. Still he laid about, freeing his feet and using them while he plied his left fist and struck out with the revolver. Even now he did not want to press the trigger of the weapon, which was soon snatched away from him. With hoarse cries, several of the bravos now held the sailor so that he could barely squirm. Swiftly moving fingers roamed rapidly through his pockets. Then one of the cowardly assailants snatched out of one of Runkle's pockets a letter, muttering a few words to his companions. Striking a match the thief glanced at the address on the envelope. Even if he knew no English he could discern that the envelope was addressed to Captain Allen of the "Hudson." With another quick word the thief vanished through a doorway. Up from the enraged sailor leaped those who had been holding him down. "Sheer off there! Belay! belay!" growled several hoarse voices. Rushing up, cat-footed, came a dozen or more fresh-faced, husky young jackies from the fleet. "Come on, mates! The maccaroni-eaters are sneaking away!" yelled the foremost of the rescue party, that had come from the mole in answer to Runkle's call. Only two of the Italians were slow enough to be overtaken and manhandled by the jackies. The rest of the assailants vanished swiftly into nearby houses, the doors to which were instantly closed and bolted. For perhaps twenty seconds the two captured bravos were badly used. Then, thoroughly cowed, they were allowed to slip away. "What happened to you, shipmate?" demanded one of the rescuers. "Enough!" growled Runkle. "They got my money." "Much?" "All I had." "Tough luck," declared one of the sailors. "The chap who has your money surely got away before we could reach him." "I've got to get aboard the flagship as soon as I can," exclaimed Able Seaman Runkle ruefully. "The launch leaves in ten minutes, mate," volunteered another. "Those of us who are going aboard will now do well to get back to the mole." So Jack Runkle departed with his rescuers, but his eyes flashed the vengeance he would take should he meet his despoiler again. On the way out to the flagship Runkle sat silent and out of the run of talk that was going on around him. Going up over the side of the "Hudson," Runkle reported himself on board, and then added to the officer of the watch, Lieutenant Totten: "I've a message for the Captain, sir, and have orders to report to him immediately on coming aboard." "Orders from an officer of this ship?" "Yes, sir." "I'll send an orderly to see if the Captain is still awake," replied Lieutenant Totten. "I beg your pardon, sir," Runkle persisted, "but I have orders to say that Captain Allen, by his own request, is to be called, if necessary, sir, in order to hear my message." "Very good," nodded Lieutenant Totten, and turned to an orderly, sending him to Captain Allen's quarters. "The Captain will see Seaman Runkle at once," the orderly reported a few moments later. Saluting Lieutenant Totten, Runkle turned and hastily presented himself before the door of the Captain's quarters. "You have something to report, Runkle?" questioned Captain Allen, seating himself at his desk. "Yes, sir. Ensign Darrin gave me a letter to bring to you, sir. It may interest you, sir, to know that on my way back to the ship I was attacked near the mole by a mob of cut-throats. One of them held me up with a revolver, but I got it away from him. Then they all attacked me, and soon had me down, sir. One of the rascals took all my money and a letter addressed to you." "Took Ensign Darrin's letter away from you?" demanded Captain Allen, looking, as he felt, a good deal disturbed. "No, sir; not Ensign Darrin's letter, sir," replied Able Seaman Runkle, with just a shadow of a grin. "It was a letter addressed to you, but I have reason to believe, sir, that Ensign Darrin's letter is still safe. If you'll permit me, sir, I'll look for the ensign's letter where I placed it, after leaving the ensign and before quitting the hotel." Captain Allen at once nodded his permission. Runkle partly undressed, then explored the place where he had concealed Dave's letter. "What was the other letter addressed to me that was taken away from you, Runkle?" questioned the captain, while the search was going on. "It wasn't really a letter, sir," the sailorman replied, this time with a very broad grin. "It was just an envelope addressed to you, and filled with blank paper." "Who addressed that envelope?" "I did, sir." "And why?" "Because I thought that Ensign Darrin's letter might be important, and I had an idea that some skulking sneaks might try to take it away from me." Then Runkle, having put his clothing in order, stepped towards Captain Allen, holding out an envelope. "I think, sir, you'll find that this is Ensign Darrin's letter, and that it's just as he gave it to me, sir." Captain Allen hastily broke the seal, took out the enclosure, and read rapidly, a frown gathering on his face all the while. "Runkle," cried the Captain, springing up and placing a hand on the sailorman's shoulder, "did Ensign Darrin suggest to you the ruse that fooled your assailants?" "No, sir." "You did it on your own initiative?" "I--I did it out of my own head, sir, if that means the same thing," replied the puzzled sailor slowly. "It does mean the same thing," continued Captain Allen, "and, Runkle, I'm proud of you. That's a good headpiece you have on your shoulders, and I shall make note of it on your record. You have shown good judgment. You have a head fitted to meet difficulties. You may look for promotion in the near future." "Have I your permission, sir, to ask if that was Ensign Darrin's letter and if it was in good order?" asked Runkle. "It was, my man, thanks to your intelligent and courageous performance of duty. Runkle, how much money did the bravos take from you?" "Eighteen dollars in real money, sir, and about two dollars in _lira_ money." Sailors sometimes call the Italian money "lira money," because the lire, which is worth about the same as the French _franc_, or twenty cents, is the common unit of Italian currency. "Lira" is the plural of "lire." "I am afraid you don't like the Italian money very well, Runkle," smiled Captain Allen. "I don't, sir, and I don't like the people of this country any better. Not after the beating I got to-night." "That wasn't the fault of the Italian people, Runkle," declared the Captain. "Toughs in New York would use you at least as badly as did the bravos ashore to-night. The Italian people themselves are very friendly to us, and the government does all in its power to show its friendship for our country. If I were to send ashore complaint of your being attacked to-night the police would dragnet the city in an effort to find the men who attacked you, and, if found, it would go hard with them. But for reasons that I cannot explain to you, no complaint will be made. I do not wish the Italian police to know what took place to-night. As to the money that you lost, I will have you make affidavit before the paymaster, to-morrow, and will see that the money is repaid to you. Runkle, you may tell your mates anything you like about the fight, but do not mention the fact to any one, that you bore with you and were searched by bravos for a letter from Ensign Darrin." "Very good, sir." "That is all, Runkle. You may go, but remember that I have you in mind as a man of good and quick judgment, and as one who has the courage to carry his duty through in the face of any obstacles." "Thank you, sir." Saluting, the sailorman left the Captain's quarters. A minute later Captain Allen sent an orderly to the Admiral. Three minutes later Admiral Timworth received the commanding officer of the flagship. Quickly Captain Allen placed Dave's letter in his superior officer's hands. "This is live news, indeed," cried the Admiral, as he laid the letter down. "Darrin and Dalzell are doing clever work." "But their work is suspected, sir, as the letter shows. Moreover, the fellow spies of Gortchky and Dalny are shadowing our two young officers ashore, for the messenger who brought this letter was attacked by bravos. Our messenger was robbed of his money and of a faked letter with which the sailor had provided himself." Captain Allen then repeated Runkle's story. "You have Runkle slated for promotion, of course?" asked Admiral Timworth. "Certainly, sir." "A man like Runkle, if he keeps to his present promise, should go as high in the Navy as it is possible for an enlisted man to go," declared the Admiral. "But, Captain, the organization and desperation of our country's enemies worry me. It is plain that some very desperate scheme is afoot for making trouble between England and our country. That would drag us in against all of the Entente Allies if the success of the plot should involve us in war with England at this time. The proposed sinking of a British warship is the inkling we have had, but the real scheme may be something else. The first clue of all that we had, even before Darrin and Dalzell came aboard at Gibraltar, came from the American Embassy at Paris. Our Ambassador, under orders from Washington, has our secret service at work there, which keeps our government directly in touch with many of the doings of international plotters. It seems to me highly important that Ensign Darrin should be detached long enough from this ship to be sent to Paris, where he should repeat to our Ambassador all that he knows, and give close descriptions of the spies with whom he has come in contact. Having made his report, Darrin can return to the ship at Genoa, which will be our next port of call in these waters." "Would you send Mr. Darrin alone, sir?" asked Captain Allen. "He might be trailed and again attacked. Would it not be far better for Ensign Dalzell to go with him?" "Yes, and perhaps it may be as well for Runkle to go, too, as their orderly," replied the Admiral, after a moment's hesitation. "There is a train leaving for Paris at four in the morning. Where is Lieutenant Totten?" "He will be off watch in an hour, sir." "Let Lieutenant Totten go ashore to carry my written instructions to Ensign Darrin. I will enclose the necessary funds in an envelope with my instructions. Totten, on his return to the ship, will be able to assure me that the communication reached Ensign Darrin safely, and that Darrin, after reading my instructions, which will be brief, tore up and burned my letter." "Shall I send Runkle ashore in uniform or in citizen's dress?" asked Captain Allen. "In citizen's clothes, as before," replied Admiral Timworth. "I will call my flag lieutenant. Kindly see that the paymaster is sent to me, Captain." Fifteen minutes later the Admiral's letter of instruction had been signed, and a substantial amount of money enclosed. On coming off deck duty at eight bells, midnight, Lieutenant Totten was instructed to order a launch alongside. Then, with the bulky envelope in an inner pocket, and accompanied by Seaman Runkle, Totten went over the side. A few minutes later the launch delivered them at the mole, then glided out into the bay. "I hope we shan't run into a gang of hoodlums again," said the sailorman respectfully. "I have my revolver with me," smiled the lieutenant. "The Italian police would feel grateful if I sank its six bullets into six bravos of Naples." CHAPTER XIV DAN HAS VERY "COLD FEET" Rap-tap! That sound brought Dave Darrin out of a sound sleep. Dan slumbered on. "Who's there at this hour of the night?" asked Dave, through the door, in the best Italian he could muster. "From the 'Hudson,'" came the answer, in a voice so low that Dave did not recognize it. "One minute, then." Dave slipped back, shaking his chum to rouse him, then drew the curtains around Dalzell's bed. In record time Dave drew on his own shirt, slipped into trousers, put on collar, cuffs and tie, and followed this with coat and vest. Then he stepped to the door, opening it. Repressing his natural cry of astonishment, Dave silently admitted his visitors, next closed and locked the door. "Orders from the Admiral," said Lieutenant Totten, in an undertone, and passed over the envelope. Stepping under the light which he had hastily turned on, Darrin read his orders. "Read this, Dan," said Dave, passing the letter of instructions to his chum, who was now also fully dressed. "Then I will read it once more, after which we will burn it." "Suits me," commented Dan, when he had finished and was passing back the letter. "I've always wanted to see Paris." "You won't see much of it this time," smiled Ensign Dave. "This is business, and nothing else." Then Dave tore the letter into strips. Taking these to the open fireplace he set fire to them. All three officers watched until the letter had been completely burned. "And now," Dave continued, "I will mix this charred paper thoroughly with the ashes that, fortunately, are left in the grate." When he had finished, the mixing had been done so well that they would be keen eyes, indeed, that could note the presence of minute particles of burned paper in the grate's contents. His next act was to telephone the hotel clerk to send up a time-table. "We have plenty of time, yet," smiled Darrin, glancing at his watch, after he had finished consulting the time-table. "It won't be the height of comfort to travel to Paris without baggage. However, when we get there we can buy anything that we may need." "It will be great to shop in Paris," cried Dan, his eyes gleaming. "Don't get the idea that we are going to do any running about in Paris," Dave warned his chum. "Not even if we have some idle time there?" "Not even then," Dave answered. "I am very sure that neither the Admiral nor the Ambassador would wish us to show ourselves much at the French capital. We might thereby attract the attention of spies." "That is true," agreed Lieutenant Totten. Business being now attended to, Dave and Dan had time to finish dressing comfortably. Then followed a period of waiting. Later the hotel clerk was asked to summon an automobile. In this the Paris-bound party, including Runkle, left the hotel, Totten accompanying them. No sooner, however, had the American party left the hotel than an Italian, crouching in the shadow of a building further along on the same block, whispered to his companion: "Telephone Signor Dalny for instructions." Within three minutes a second automobile rolled up to the hotel. "To the railway station first, on the chance of finding the Americans there," the spy called to the driver. Dave's party did not have long to wait at the station. Totten remained with them to the last, however, that he might be able to report a safe start to the Admiral. "Don't look, sir, but coming up behind you, I am certain, is a fellow I saw on the street outside the hotel just before we started," reported Seaman Runkle. "Then we are being trailed," Dave said. Not until the time came for starting did Lieutenant Totten shake hands hurriedly with his brother officers and leave them, though he still stood near the train. Dave and Dan sprang into their compartment in one of the cars, Able Seaman Runkle following more slowly. "There's that spy fellow getting on the running-board further down the train, sir," whispered Runkle. "I expected him," answered Dave dryly. "Would you like to lose him, sir?" "Off the train altogether, do you mean, Runkle?" "Yes, sir." "Can you put him off without hurting him?" "I think I can get him off, sir, without even scraping one of his knuckles." "You're at liberty to try, Runkle, if you are sure you won't injure the man." As the guard came along, locking the doors, Runkle leaped down to the ground. "Help, Mr. Totten, help!" called the seaman in a low voice that none the less reached the ears of the departing lieutenant. Then Runkle moved directly up to the spy leering into his face and making insulting signs that caused the fellow to flush red. "You're no good--savvy?" insisted Runkle in a low tone, making more faces and gestures. So quickly was it done that the now thoroughly insulted spy, though he did not understand English, leaped at Runkle in a rage. "He's going to try to rob me, sir!" cried Runkle, not very effectively dodging the blows that the fellow aimed at him. "Here, what are you up to?" demanded Totten, also in English, as he reached out to grab the spy's collar. In that strong grip the spy writhed, but could not escape. "Thank you, sir," cried Runkle, with an unmistakable wink, after which he raced for the car and the compartment in which the two young ensigns waited. "Lieutenant Totten is holding on to the chap, sir," announced Runkle gleefully. "He won't let him go until the train's out, either." Holding the unlocked door open a crack, Dan Dalzell watched as the train pulled away from the station. "Totten has him, and is explaining to a policeman," Dalzell chuckled. "That spy doesn't travel with us this trip." "What's the odds?" asked Darrin, after a pause. "Dalny must belong to a big and clever organization. He can wire ahead to spies who will board the train later on and follow us into Paris." "Then, with your leave, sir, I'll keep my eye open for spies until we're back aboard the flagship," suggested Runkle. "Very good, so long as you break neither laws nor bones, Runkle," Dave laughed. The Americans had the compartment to themselves. Had all been in uniform Runkle would not have been likely to travel in the same compartment with the young officers, but in citizen's dress much of discipline could be waived for greater safety. Though Dan Dalzell did not now have much hope of sight-seeing in Paris, he was able, after dozing until daylight, to gaze interestedly out upon the country through which he was traveling. Able Seaman Runkle was another absorbed window-gazer. As for Ensign Dave Darrin, while he caught many interesting glimpses of the scenery, his mind was mainly on the question of how the international plotters were planning to break the friendship between the two strongest nations on earth. By what means could these plotters sink a British ship, and yet make it appear to be the work of Americans? Hundreds of miles had been traveled, and one day had swung far on into another before a plausible answer came to Darrin's mind. Then Dave fairly jumped--the thing that Admiral Timworth so dreaded now looked quite easy. "What's the matter?" asked Dan, staring at his chum. "Why?" countered Dave. "You jumped so hard," Dan replied. "I was thinking." "Stop it!" advised Danny Grin. "A little harder thinking than that might wreck the train." Dalzell enjoyed every hour of the journey. In the daylight hours he was busy "taking in" all the country through which the train passed. In the evening hours, Dan was outside on the platform, at every station, to watch the crowds, large or small. As for Seaman Runkle, that splendid lad was absorbed, almost to the point of gloom, in watching at every station for a sign of a spy on the train with them. Before they reached the French-Italian frontier Dave realized, with a start, that Admiral Timworth had failed to provide them with such credentials as would probably be called for in crossing the Italian-French frontier, and that they had forgotten to ask for such papers. However, at the frontier stop their friend Dandelli, the Italian naval officer, in uniform, almost ran into them. He was glad to vouch for the pair to the French and Italian guards at that point, and, after some hesitation, Dave and Dan were allowed to proceed into France. "But be careful to have proper papers when returning, if you come this way," Dandelli smilingly warned them. It was seven o'clock on the second morning after leaving Naples when the express reached Paris. Hardly had the train stopped when Darrin and Dalzell were out and moving through the station. Seaman Runkle kept at a distance behind them, his sharp eyes searching for any signs of spies. But Runkle was able to make no report of success when he stepped into the taxicab in which his superior officers sat. Danny Grin was again busy with his eyes as the taxicab darted through the beautiful streets of the French capital. "What are you laughing at?" Dave asked suddenly, noting that Dan's grin was even wider than usual. "Paris strikes me that way--that's all I can tell you," drawled Dan. "Do you consider Paris a joke?" demanded Darrin. "Of course not. But Paris has the name of being such a gay town--in peace times, of course. But at this early hour the city looks actually gray to me. If the look of the city doesn't improve, later in the day, I can't understand how any one can feel like being gay." "Paris and the world have managed well enough, in the past, to combine for gayety," Dave replied. "Just now, of course, with all the men thinking of war, and so many women wearing black for dear ones they've lost at the front, the city can't show much of its former gayety. Paris is going through her ordeal of fire. These are dark days for good old France!" Suddenly Dan's face fell grave. "Now, what's the matter?" quizzed Darrin. "I've just had a horrible thought," Dan confessed. "You haven't been concealing from me, have you, the fact that, though you had no frontier passport you have a letter or some form of credentials to the American Ambassador?" "I haven't anything of the sort," Dave rejoined, he, too, now looking grave. "A fine lay-out this is, then," growled Danny Grin. "Here we are, going to the American Ambassador on a matter of the utmost delicacy. We are going to tell him and ask him some of the secrets of the United States government, and we haven't a scrap of paper to introduce us. Do you realize what we'll get? The Johnny-run-quick! We'll get the balluster slide, the ice-pitcher greeting! Dave, we're going to land hard on the sidewalk right in front of the Embassy. And then some frog-eating, Johnny Crapaud policeman will gather us in as disorderly persons! Fine!" CHAPTER XV AT THE AMERICAN EMBASSY As the taxicab dashed around a corner Dave raised his cap. "Well, this must be our destination," he announced. "I've just saluted Old Glory as it flutters over the building." The taxicab came to a stop before a handsome building. On each side of the posts of the gateway stood a brass shield on which was the inscription: "Embassy of the United States of America." Very gravely Dan and Runkle followed Dave, each raising his hat to the Flag as soon as his feet touched the sidewalk. "There's a carriage entrance below," said Dave, "but we'll take the plain way and walk in." Paying and dismissing the taxicab driver, Dave led the way to the entrance. "A naval party to see the Ambassador, at his convenience, on business," Dave announced to the attendant at the door. They were shown to an anteroom near the door, where they were soon joined by a Mr. Lupton, who introduced himself as Second Secretary to the Embassy. "The ambassador, Mr. Caine, will not be here before nine o'clock," announced Mr. Lupton. "I know that you are expected. You have not breakfasted?" "No," Dave confessed. "Then I will ask you to let me be host. Before I lead the way I will ring for some one to see that your sailorman is well taken care of." Five minutes later Darrin and Dalzell were seated at a small breakfast table with Mr. Lupton. "Just before reaching here," began Dave, "it occurred to Mr. Dalzell and myself that we have, beyond our card-cases, no means of identification. Can you tell us how Mr. Caine will be sure that he is talking with the right persons?" "I believe that will be arranged all right," smiled Mr. Lupton. "I, too, have taken you gentlemen on trust, but presently, I believe, we are going to be satisfied." Two minutes later there stalked into the room a tall, handsome young man whose navy uniform set off his good figure to great advantage. "Jetson?" exclaimed Dave, rising. "The same," smiled the newcomer, advancing and holding out his hand. He and Dave shook hands heartily, after which Dan came in for a similar greeting. Readers of the Annapolis series will recall Jetson as being a fellow member of the Brigade of Midshipmen with Darrin and Dalzell at the U. S. Naval Academy. At one time, there, Dave and Jetson had not been good friends, but Dave had, at the very great risk of his own life, saved Jetson from drowning. Now, the two young officers were on excellent terms. "I understand, now, what was darkness to me before," murmured Dave, after Jetson had seated himself at table. "Admiral Timworth knew that you were here, Jetson, and able to identify us." "I have been here for three months," explained Jetson, smiling, "doing some work to assist the naval attaché of this Embassy, Commander Tupper. I have had three months of the hardest work in this old capital, but now, confound it, my work here has ended and I'm ordered to join my ship. The bridge and the quarter-deck are places of boredom to a fellow who has seen what I've seen here. Why, I've even made two trips up to the front--one of them to Verdun." "Lucky dog!" cried Danny Grin, with feeling. "So you've seen some of the big fighting!" "It may be well to state that I know fully the business on which you are ordered here," Jetson continued, "so you may mention it freely before me if you are so inclined." "Then can you tell me," Dave asked, "if it is known how our enemies propose to sink a British warship and make it appear to be the work of someone in the American Navy?" "I cannot," Jetson replied. "In fact, it was only on receipt of a wireless from near Monte Carlo that the Ambassador had any knowledge that the international plotters intended to attempt the destruction of a British warship as a means for creating bad feeling between the two countries. The whole plot seems foolishly improbable to me." "It doesn't seem so to me, any longer," rejoined Dave. "Then you must know some thing that I haven't heard about," murmured Jetson curiously. "Mr. Darrin," broke in Mr. Lupton, "I will be the Ambassador's authority for you to speak as freely of the matter as you choose." Dave and Dan thereupon told all that had befallen them at Monte Carlo and at Naples. "But still," Jetson broke in perplexedly, "how is the sinking of a British warship to be brought about with safety to the plotters, and how is the crime to be laid at the door of the American Navy?" "I wish to speak to the Ambassador on that point before I mention it to any one else," Dave answered. "Have you told Dalzell?" pressed Jetson. "I have not." "He certainly hasn't," complained Danny Grin sadly. "Dave always tells me after he has told every one else." "Danny boy," Dave rebuked him, "where do you hope to go after you die?" "Paris," Dalzell answered promptly. Breakfast lasted until word came that the Ambassador was ready to receive the two young officers from the flagship of the Mediterranean Fleet. Then Jetson left his friends. Mr. Caine, to whom Mr. Lupton presently introduced the ensigns, was a man in his fifties, rather bald, and with a decided stoop in his shoulders. At home he was a manufacturer of barbed wire, and his business, as Danny later suggested, had perhaps helped to give him some of his keenness and sharpness. He was slenderly fashioned, and reminded one, at first, of a professor in a minor college. It was when the Ambassador transacted business that some of his sterling qualities came out. He was recognized as being one of the cleverest and ablest of American diplomats. "I am glad to meet you, gentlemen," said the Ambassador, shaking hands with Dave and Dan and then motioning them to seats, which an attendant placed for them. "Mr. Lupton, you have doubtless had Jetson's assurance that these young men are the persons they claim to be?" "Yes, sir," Lupton rejoined. "Then tell me all you can of this matter," urged Mr. Caine. At a look from Second Secretary Lupton, the attendant withdrew from the room. Dave and Dan were soon deep in the narration of events in which they participated at Monte Carlo and at Naples. "I know the young Comte of Surigny," remarked Mr. Caine, "and I am deeply disappointed to learn that he is among our foes, and in such a mean capacity as the one in which he must be employed. The young man comes from one of the most ancient families in France, though he has never been well-to-do, for his ancestors attended to the insuring of his poverty. The gambling streak has run through several generations of the family." Then Dave and Dan continued with their story, Ambassador Caine paying close attention to all they said. "Gortchky is expected in Paris soon," announced the Ambassador presently. "Is he, sir?" Darrin asked quickly. "Would it be indiscreet for me to ask if you know why he is coming here?" "I have nothing more definite than suspicion," replied Mr. Caine. "Paris, which has one of the best detective systems of the world, is also noted as being the principal headquarters for conspiracies against governments. Not only do the anarchists and nihilists look upon Paris as their Mecca; but other scoundrels working out nefarious plans for wicked governments also meet here to lay their dastardly plots. Gortchky may be coming here to secure new agents to take the place of those already known to the Americans who are watching him and his men; or he may be coming here to hold a conference with the men higher up, who are directing his scoundrelly work against the peace of England and America." "I take it, sir, that your secret service men will make every effort to find out what Gortchky does in Paris, and for what real purpose he is here, and--" Here Ensign Dave Darrin broke off abruptly, coloring deeply. "I beg your pardon, sir," he apologized hurriedly. "I had no right to ask you such a question." "I have no objection to answering you," said the Ambassador seriously. "Of course my men will make every effort to find out what Gortchky is up to here, if he comes to Paris, but I do not know how well they will succeed. In the game of making trouble between nations Emil Gortchky is an old and wary bird. It may very likely be that the fellow is coming to Paris only to try to draw my secret service men into the worst kind of a wild-goose chase leading only to clues that are worse than worthless. Gortchky, in other words, may be on his way to Paris only to draw our attention away from vital moves about to be made elsewhere by other members of his rascally band. Of course, on due complaint, we could have him arrested as a spy, and it would go hard with him here in Paris before a military court. But in that case there are others in the band of plotters whom we do not know and cannot locate. So, for very good reasons, we prefer to have Gortchky at large." "I would like immensely to see Gortchky in Paris," Dave muttered. "Perhaps you will have your wish," replied Mr. Caine, with an odd smile. Soon after that the interview came to an end, but Dave and Dan remained in the Embassy building through the day. An attendant was sent out to get them what they needed in linen and other small items. Dinner was to be served at seven o'clock, and, as Mr. Caine did not wish the presence of the young officers from the Mediterranean Fleet in his house to be known, it was arranged that they should dine in a smaller room alone with Mr. Lupton. At six, however, the Ambassador sent in haste for Dave to come to his office. "That invitation doesn't seem to include me," remarked Dalzell, rather ruefully, as he glanced up from a book he was reading in the Embassy library. "I'm afraid it doesn't," Dave returned. Mr. Caine was at his office desk, holding a telegram sheet in his hand. "Gortchky is expected in town at 7.30 this evening, Mr. Darrin," announced the Ambassador. "Is there anything that I can do in this matter, sir?" Darrin asked, after a pause. "You may go and watch for Gortchky, if you think it possible to do so without his detecting you," Mr. Caine replied slowly. "The opportunity would delight me beyond measure," Dave rejoined quickly. "I suppose I had better take a taxicab that I may be ready to give effective chase in case Emil Gortchky uses that kind of transportation." "I can supply you with a taxicab and with a chauffeur who can be trusted," replied the Ambassador. "The driver I have in mind is a highly intelligent fellow who has many times been employed by me. And you can dismiss him at any point, or retain him as long as you wish. The bill for the taxicab charges will be sent to the Embassy. How soon do you wish to have this taxicab here?" "Perhaps I should have it at once," Dave replied. "Gortchky would know me in these clothes at first glance, so it would be advantageous if I arranged to disguise myself. On the streets, as we came here, I noticed not a few young men wearing baggy suits of clothes of most un-American cut. They wore also flowing neckties, and some of them had blue eyeglasses. There are so many of these young men about that one more would hardly attract Gortchky's attention. That style of dress would make a good disguise for me." "The young men you describe are largely students and artists," replied the Ambassador. "A disguise of that kind would be less conspicuous than any other." "Then, sir, if the chauffeur can come here soon, he will have time to take me to stores where I can get the articles of apparel I need, and I shall still have plenty of time to meet Emil Gortchky if he reaches Paris this evening. I will go and tell Mr. Dalzell about Gortchky being expected to arrive here to-night." "Tell Mr. Dalzell, if you wish, but you had better not take him with you," replied Mr. Caine. "Two young men would attract more attention than one. I am approving of your undertaking this because, to date, you have learned more about this conspiracy than any three of the secret service men whom I have at my orders." Dave hurried away to Dan, who was highly disappointed at being left out of the evening's work. "But I have the joke on you, anyway," Danny Grin suddenly declared. "How so?" asked Dave. "I shall have my dinner," laughed Dalzell; "you won't have any." "I could forget my meals for three whole days to stay on the trail of Gortchky," Dave answered, simply. Then he hurried out, for the arrival of the taxicab was now announced. Darrin had a minute's conversation with the chauffeur, after which he entered the car. One thing the young ensign quickly discovered, and that was that on the smooth pavements of Paris, and in the well-ordered traffic, taxicabs travel at a high rate of speed. Within five minutes he had been set down at the door of a shop in which he found it possible to buy every item of his disguise, even to shoes, for Darrin suddenly remembered that his footwear was plainly American. In fifteen minutes more Dave Darrin emerged from the store. In one hand he carried his discarded clothing, packed in a new bag, which he turned over to the chauffeur for safe keeping. All of his money, except a small sum, he had left behind at the Embassy. If any policeman had seen him enter the shop and come out again presenting so changed an appearance, and if for that reason the policeman should question him under the impression that Darrin might be a spy, Dave decided that he would rely upon his chauffeur to declare that he had been hired at the American Embassy. That statement would remove suspicion. "You had better kill time for a few minutes," Dave explained to the chauffeur, who understood English. "It is not desirable to reach the railway station earlier than 7.20." Accordingly the young ensign enjoyed a brief, rapid panoramic view of a considerable part of Paris. The driver, accustomed to taking Americans about who were strangers in the city, frequently turned his head to offer information as to the places or points of interest that they were passing. "It's a shame that Danny boy isn't here to enjoy all this," Dave told himself. "Even this way of seeing Paris would be a great treat to him." Almost to the second of 7.20 the taxicab drew up as one of a long line of similar vehicles under the bright lights of the railway station. Alighting, Ensign Darrin, feeling rather well concealed in his disguise, and looking out through his blue-lensed eyeglasses, strolled about, careful not to saunter into the most brilliantly lighted spots. Presently he heard a train enter the station. A thin stream of passengers filtered out. Dave promptly shifted his position and watched the arrivals, who later came out in a more compact throng. And there was Emil Gortchky, at last, with no more marked hand luggage than a light cane, which he swung jauntily. "I hope you don't look my way, my fine bird!" uttered Ensign Darrin under his breath. "But if you do, your observation won't do you much good." A hand beckoned from a taxicab. Emil Gortchky, who had been on the lookout, sauntered over to the vehicle and clasped the hand of M. le Comte de Surigny. "Surigny, the ungrateful!" uttered Dave disgustedly to himself. "I induced you to spare your own worthless life, and then when you found life sweet once more, you turned against me! I hope you did not notice me as you sat in that cab." By this time Dave was at the side step of his own taxicab. A few words to the chauffeur, and he entered. Surigny's cab drew out of the line, gliding away. The one in which Dave sat gave chase at a cautious distance. Soon the speed of the leading cab increased, and the pursuing one followed at the same speed. After a considerable run both cabs turned into the broad, well-lighted Boulevard Haussman. For some blocks both cabs ran along. Then the one ahead turned in before an imposing-looking building with a gleaming white marble front. "The Grand Prix Club," explained Dave's chauffeur, glancing back as he stopped on the other side of the boulevard some distance to the rear. It was the Count of Surigny who left the cab, which then started forward. "Is there gambling going on in that club?" asked Darrin, as his man started the car forward again. "Naturally," replied the chauffeur, shrugging his shoulders. "It is easy to understand, then," Dave muttered to himself. "Poor Surigny is no longer his own master in anything, for he is a slave to the gambling craze that ruins so many lives. Gortchky furnishes the young man with money for gambling--lends it to him, of course, and thus keeps the Count desperately in his debt. And so the young Count has to do, when required, the bidding of the scoundrel who gloats over the helplessness of his dupe. Poor Surigny!" Into less handsome avenues and streets the taxicabs now turned. Then a distinctly shabby looking part of Paris was unfolded to the gaze of the young naval officer. "The Rue d'Ansin," announced the chauffeur, at last. "A bad street?" Dave inquired. "Yes." "The haunt of criminals?" "Criminals are seen here," the chauffeur explained, "but their real lurking places are in some of the alleys, farther along, that lead off from the Rue d'Ansin. Late at night, monsieur, it is better to ride through this street than to be afoot on the sidewalk!" "Is it the part of Paris where one would come to meet or to confer with desperate criminals?" Dave asked. "Many of the Apaches live hereabouts," replied the chauffeur, with another shrug. Dave had read of these dangerous thugs, the so-called "Apaches," native toughs of Paris, who commit many bold robberies on the streets by night, and even, sometimes, by day, and who seldom hesitate to kill a victim or a policeman if murder will render their own escape sure. To an observer the Apache appears to be equally without fear and without conscience. The Apache is many degrees more dangerous than his more cowardly cousin, the "gun-man" of New York. "I hope you will not have to take to the streets here, Monsieur," said the chauffeur. "If I have to do that, I am not afraid to take a chance," Darrin answered, imitating the Frenchman's shrug with his own broad shoulders. Ahead, Gortchky's taxicab was slowing down, and the pursuing vehicle did the same. Dave peered about to see if some one were waiting to be taken up by Gortchky, but, instead, Gortchky descended. "Drive close to the curb on the other side of the street," whispered Darrin. "Merely slow down so that I may slip to the sidewalk. Then go ahead, waiting for me around the corner two blocks away." "One block away would be better, Monsieur," urged the chauffeur. "Make it two," Dave insisted crisply. Stepping out on the running board, Dave leaned well forward, thus making it possible to close the door of his car as it slowed down. Then, as Dave stepped to the sidewalk, the taxicab moved forward more rapidly. Searching in an inner pocket, Emil Gortchky, down the street on the other side, did not look up, and apparently did not observe the maneuver on the part of Dave's chauffeur. Dave slipped quickly into a darkened doorway, from which he could watch the international spy with little danger of being observed. Taking out a little packet of papers, and moving toward a street lamp, Gortchky selected one of the papers, thrusting the rest back into his pocket. As he did so, one white bit fluttered to the sidewalk. Reading under the street lamp the paper he had selected, Gortchky put that particular paper in another pocket. Then he turned abruptly, plunging into the depths of an alley-like street. Sauntering slowly across the street, in order not to attract too much attention from other passers on the badly lighted Rue d'Ansin, Ensign Darrin, his gaze glued to that piece of paper, soon reached it and picked it up. "For that scoundrel to drop this paper, of all others that he had in his pocket!" gasped Dave Darrin, as, under the street light, he took in its nature. Then he paled, for this paper seemed to confirm absolutely the young ensign's suspicion as to the way in which the British battleship was to be destroyed. All in a twinkling Dave's pallor vanished, for he had something else to think about. On the alley-like side street a quick step was heard that Darrin recognized. It was that of Emil Gortchky, hastily returning to find the paper that he had dropped in the heart of Apache Land! CHAPTER XVI "SEEING" THE PARIS APACHES Like a flash Darrin thrust the paper into one of his own pockets. Then he turned, darting into a near-by doorway dark enough to conceal him from Gortchky's eyes, if he should look in that direction. "I've no reason for fearing an encounter with Gortchky, unless he knows how to summon the murderous Apaches to his aid," Dave told himself as he pressed back as far as he could into his hiding place. "I don't want Gortchky, however, to know I'm watching him, and I don't want to lose this precious paper any more than he does." Touching the door accidentally with the hand that rested behind his back, Dave was delighted to feel it swing slightly open. In another instant he had backed into a corridor, softly closing the door after him. "Now Gortchky won't find me, and I'm all right, unless I am discovered by one of the occupants of this house, and turned over to the police as a burglar!" thought the young naval officer exultantly. Gortchky's step, now slower, went by the door, which Dave had left ajar by only the tiniest crack. "I cannot have lost that paper here, after all," Dave heard the international spy mutter in a low voice. "Certainly it has not been picked up, for I came back almost instantly, and there was no one near. It is not likely that I shall ever see that important little bit of paper again." Yet for a few moments longer Dave heard the international spy moving about as though still searching. Then the fellow's footsteps died out as he went around the corner. "I'll wait a few minutes before I step out," Darrin decided. "Gortchky may only be laying a trap, and even at this instant he may be peering around the corner to see if any one steps out of one of these doorways." Waiting for what seemed to be a long time, but what was actually only a few minutes, the young ensign stepped out to the sidewalk again. There were a few people on his own side of the block, and the sight of any one leaving a house was not likely to arouse curiosity in the minds of the denizens of that neighborhood. As Dave neared the next corner, however, four rough-looking fellows came out of a little café. Their bearing was full of swagger. These young men, in dress half student and half laborer, with caps pulled down over their eyes and gaily-knotted handkerchiefs around their necks, displayed the shifting, cunning look that is found in the hoodlum everywhere. As they reached the sidewalk, moving with the noiseless step peculiar to the Apache, they heard Darrin briskly coming along. Halting, they regarded him closely as he neared them. "They look like hard characters," Dave told himself. "However, if I mind my business, I guess they'll mind theirs." It was not to be. One of the Apaches, the tallest and slimmest of the lot, regarded Darrin with more curiosity than did any of the others. "Ho!" he cried. "See how stiffly our little student carries himself! He must have been to see his sweetheart, and feels proud of himself." "He has the stride of a banker," jeered another. "I wonder if he has his bank with him." Dave's ear, quickly attuned to the French tongue, caught and understood the words. "Let me see what you look like," urged the slim fellow, reaching out and plucking from Darrin's nose the blue eye glasses just as Dave was passing the group. That gesture and the act were so insulting that Ensign Darrin could not keep back the flash that leaped into his eyes. He halted, regarding the Apache steadily. "Why, bless me! He's an American!" cried the Apache. "All Americans are rich, you know. My friend, have you a few sous for a group of poor workingmen?" Dave essayed to pass on. As he did so, a foot was thrust out. Dave saw the movement and leaped over the foot to avoid being tripped. "At him!" hissed the slim Apache. "Let us shake out his pockets." Dave sprang forward, although he knew that he could not hope to run away. Instead, he leaped to a wall, placing his back against it. There he halted, glaring defiantly at his assailants, his fists up and ready for instant action. "Sail in! Trim him!" snarled the slim one. "If our little American shows fight--kill him!" The first who reached Dave reeled back with a broken nose, for Darrin's first was hard. "Stick the pig!" cried the leader, meaning that the young officer was to be stabbed. Not one of the four had a knife, it seemed. As they surrounded him, the one with the injured nose having returned to the fray, that slim Apache drew out a sandbag, long and narrow, shaped like a sausage, made of canvas and filled with sand. This is one of the most deadly weapons in the world. "Let us see what soothing medicine will do!" he jeered. In an instant all four had brought sandbags to light, and all closed in upon the desperate American. "Come on, you cowards!" roared Dave, forgetting his French and lapsing back into English. "If I go out I'll take one of you with me." Trying to tantalize their victim, the Apaches made thrusts at Ensign Dave, and then leaped nimbly back. It was their hope that he would spring forward at them and thus leave his rear unguarded. It is easiest to use the sandbag on a victim from behind, though the tactics now employed were favorites with the Apaches. Dave had sense enough to divine the nature of their trick. Unless the police arrived promptly he expected to be killed by these jeering scoundrels, but he was determined to sell his life dearly enough. Suddenly the young naval officer saw his chance and used it. One of his dancing tormentors got in too close. Darrin's right foot shot up and out, landing across the Apache's knee-cap. Uttering a howl of rage and pain, the fellow all but crawled back. "Kill the American," he howled. "Don't play with him." Instantly the three remaining assailants worked in closer, yet with all the caution of their wily natures. "Rush me!" taunted Dave, again in English. "Don't be so afraid. If you mean to kill me why don't you show courage enough to do it? Come on, you sneaks!" Though the Apaches could not understand what the young ensign said to them, they knew the drift of his jeering words. Their faces contorted with rage, they struck at him, Dave's arms working like piston rods in his efforts to ward off their blows. Close to the wall, slipping along on tip-toe came a tall figure. Then suddenly a newcomer leaped into the picture. Biff! smash! Struck from behind in the neck, two of the Apaches pitched forward, going to earth. Dave Darrin, with a feint, followed up with a swinging right-hand uppercut, laid the last of the Apaches low, for the fellow sitting in a doorway, nursing his knee and cursing, no longer counted. "Quick! Out of here!" ordered the newcomer, seizing Dave by the arm and starting him along. "Jetson!" gasped Ensign Darrin, looking into the face of his rescuer. "Yes," answered his brother officer. "Hurry along!" "Jetson, you've saved my life this time. That pack of wolves would have killed me in spite of my best defense." "We're not out of trouble yet," retorted Jetson, fairly pushing Darrin along. "Those Apaches will revive in a few seconds." "Pooh! Together, Jetson, we could thrash half a dozen of their kind, and find it only exercise." "But, my boy, don't you realize that there are more than three or four Apaches around the Rue d'Ansin? The alarm will sound, and a score more will rush up. These rascals are sure death, Darry, if they get at you in sufficient numbers! The Parisians fear them. You don't see a single citizen on the street now. Look! Every one of them flew to cover as soon as the Apaches moved into action. If bystanders interfered, or even watched, they too would have to reckon with these Apaches. Now, Darry, you're no coward, and neither am I, but if you're wise you will imitate me by taking to your heels." Still holding Dave's arm lightly, Jetson sprinted along to the next corner. "To the right," whispered Dave. "I've a taxicab here." More than halfway down the block they saw the car at the curb. The chauffeur, when Dave called, stepped from a doorway in which he had taken refuge. "The Apaches!" gasped the driver. "Hustle!" urged Dave. "Come on, Jetson." As the two young naval officers sprang into the car, the driver leaped to his own seat. Pressing the self-starter, the chauffeur soon had his machine gliding along. Nor did he go back, either, by way of the Rue d'Ansin. Not until he was four blocks away from the scene did the man ask for his orders. "Back to the Embassy," Dave instructed him. Then he remembered his comrade's swift, fine rescue. "Jetson," he asked, "did you know it was I who was menaced by the Apaches?" "I did not," replied his brother officer. "But I heard enough, at a distance, to know that an American was in trouble. In Paris that is sufficient for me. Darry, I am delighted that I happened along in time." "You saved my life, Jetson, and at the risk of your own. If you had missed one of the Apaches, or had lost your balance, your career would have been ended right there, along with mine." "You risked your life for me, Darry, back in the old Annapolis days, so we are even," answered Jetson gently. "However, we won't keep books on the subject of brotherly aid. All I can say, Darry, is that I am glad I chose this night to call on an artist who lives in dingy quarters half a mile beyond where I found you. And I am also glad that I did not accept his invitation to supper, or I should have come along too late to serve you." As soon as the machine had left them at the Embassy, Darrin sought out Mr. Lupton. "May I see Mr. Caine at once?" asked the young officer. "You have seen Gortchky, then?" "Yes, and I have found what I consider positive proof as to the plans of Gortchky's crew." "I think Mr. Caine can be seen," replied Lupton. Ensign Darrin was soon with the American Ambassador, who nodded to Lupton to leave the room. "Here, sir," began Darrin, "is a bit of paper that Gortchky dropped and which I picked up." Mr. Caine scanned the paper. "I do not see anything so very remarkable about it," he replied. Dave whispered a few words in his ear. "Is that true?" asked the Ambassador, displaying sudden agitation. "Yes, sir." "Then I believe you are right, Darrin," gasped the Ambassador, sinking back into his chair, his face paling slightly. "Oh the villains!" "Then you believe, sir, that I have really discovered the plot?" asked Dave, who looked only a whit less agitated. "If what you have just told me is true, then it must be that you have made a correct guess." "Will you send word by wireless to Admiral Timworth, then, sir?" "I dare not trust such news, even to the cipher, which the international gang thought they had filched, and which they did not get," replied Mr. Caine. "I believe that the wisest course will be for you to take the midnight train to Genoa." "Then I shall take this paper with me?" "Yes, Mr. Darrin, for the Admiral is far more capable than I of estimating it at its true worth. It is a matter for a naval man to comprehend and decide." The Ambassador did not neglect to provide the young ensign with documents, approved by the French Foreign Office, that would take them safely over the border into Italy on their return trip. CHAPTER XVII DAVE'S GUESS AT THE BIG PLOT "Friends tell me that in being in the Navy I have such a grand chance to see the world," grumbled Dan Dalzell, as the launch headed for the anchorage of the American warships. "I went to Paris and had two short taxicab rides through the city. That was all I saw of Paris. Then a long railway journey, and I reached Genoa. I spent twenty-eight minutes in Genoa, and boarded this launch. Oh, I'm seeing the world at a great rate! By the time I'm an admiral I shall know nearly as much of the world as I did when I studied geography in the Central Grammar School of Gridley." "Don't be a kicker, Danny boy," smiled Dave. "And just think! When you get home, if any one asks you if you've been in Paris, you can say 'Yes.' Should any one ask you if you've seen Genoa, you can hold up your head and declare that you have." "But my friends will ask me to tell them about those towns," complained Dalzell. "Read them up in the guide books," advised Jetson, who was of the party. "I've known a lot of Navy officers who got their knowledge of foreign places in that way." Dave and Dan had had but a fleeting glimpse of the fine city that now lay astern of them. Hundreds of sailormen and scores of officers, on sight-seeing bent, had been ashore for two days. But now the recall to the fleet had come. All save Darrin, Dalzell and Jetson, with Seaman Runkle, who was now up forward on the launch, were already aboard their respective ships. The Admiral waited only for the coming of this launch before he gave the sailing order. Jetson was assigned to the battleship "Allegheny," a craft only a trifle smaller than the massive "Hudson." The three brother officers and Runkle had traveled by express from Paris to Genoa, and had come through without incident. At last even the watchful Runkle was convinced that they had eluded all spies. "Boatswain's Mate," said Dave, "as this launch belongs to the flagship, it will be better to take Mr. Jetson, first, over to his ship." "Aye, aye, sir," responded the man in charge of the launch. Twenty minutes later Dave Darrin found himself leading his own party up over the side of the "Hudson." "Captain Allen wishes to see Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell at once," announced Lieutenant Cranston, the officer of the deck. "You will report to the Captain without further instructions." "Very good, sir," Dave answered, saluting. Exactly ten minutes later the two young ensigns were ushered into the presence of their commanding officer. "Admiral Timworth has been notified by wireless from Paris that you have important communications to make to him," began the Captain. "I will not waste your time or the Admiral's in questioning you here. You will come with me to the fleet commander's quarters. The Admiral is awaiting you." Admiral Thomas Timworth, seated at his desk, and with his flag lieutenant standing by, greeted his callers with exceeding briskness. "Gentlemen," he said, "time presses, and we must dispense with formalities. Ensign Darrin, I am advised by the Ambassador at Paris of the importance of your news, but he does not tell me what the news is." "Its importance, sir, depends on whether the evidence I have to present supports the guess I have made as to the nature of the plot that has been planned against the peace and safety of Great Britain and our own country." As Dave spoke he produced from an inner pocket the sheet of paper dropped by Gortchky, that he had picked up in the Rue d'Ansin. "This piece of paper, sir," Darrin continued, passing it to the fleet commander, "is one that I _saw_ Emil Gortchky drop from a packet of several papers that he took from his pocket at night on one of the worst streets in the slums of Paris." Admiral Timworth scanned the paper, then read it aloud. It was a receipted bill, made out in the name of one unknown to those present, though perhaps an alias for Gortchky himself. The bill was for a shipment of storage batteries. At the bottom of the sheet was a filled-in certificate signed by a French government official, to the effect that the batteries had been shipped into Italy "for laboratory purposes of scientific research." Just below this statement was an official Italian certificate of approval, showing that the batteries had been admitted into Italy. In time of war, with the frontier guarded tenfold more vigilantly than in ordinary times, such certificates are vitally necessary to make shipments from France into Italy possible. "In other words, sir," Dave went on eagerly, when the fleet commander scanned his face closely, "it needed some very clever underhand work, very plausibly managed, to make it possible to buy those batteries in France and to secure their admittance into Italy." "Why?" quizzed Admiral Timworth, as though he did not know the answer himself. "Because, sir," Dave went on keenly, full of professional knowledge of the subject, "these batteries are the best that the French make for use aboard submarines." "True," nodded the fleet commander. "What then?" "Why, sir, by the use of the cleverest kind of lying that spies can do, Gortchky and his associates have hoodwinked the French and Italian governments into believing that the batteries are to be lawfully used for research purposes, when, as a matter of fact, they are to be used aboard a submarine which the plotters intend to use for destroying a British battleship." "We will admit, then," said Admiral Timworth, as a poser, "that the plotters have probably gotten into Italy storage batteries that can be used serviceably on a submarine. But where and how can the plotters have obtained the submarine craft itself? Or, if they haven't got it yet, how are they to obtain one? For submarines are not sold in open market, and it would be difficult to steal one." "I cannot answer that, as yet, sir," Dave admitted gravely. "And such storage batteries might be used for purposes of scientific research," continued the fleet commander. "Yes, sir; but the habits of the buyers should be considered, should they not? Gortchky and his associates can be hardly believed to be interested in science. On the other hand, they are arch plotters, which would lead us to suppose that they have bought these batteries to further a plot. Outside of scientific work the batteries would not be likely to be used anywhere except on board a submarine. Storage batteries of different size and pattern are used for industrial purposes, but those described in this bill are used on board submarines." "Your reasoning is plausible, Darrin, and probably correct, too," nodded Admiral Timworth. "Besides which, sir," Dave pressed home, "if we admit that the plotters have conspired to sink a British battleship at Malta, the easiest way in war-time, when unidentified strangers cannot get aboard a warship, would be to effect the sinking by means of a submarine's torpedo. And, if this be the plan of the plotters, then the crime is likely to be attempted only when there are British and American war craft, and none others, in the Grand Harbor of Malta." "Yet surely the plotters must know that, between good friends like Britain and America, it would take more than the mere sinking of a British ship to make the English suspect us, as a nation, of being involved in such a dastardly plot." "Our country couldn't be suspected, as a government or a nation, of being guilty of such a wicked deed," Dave answered. "But Englishman and Frenchmen might very easily believe that the torpedoing was the work of a group of officers and men in our Navy who hated England enough to strike her below the belt. With the British ship sunk, sir, and with none to suspect but the Americans, there is no telling to what heights British passion might rise. The British are feeling the tension of the great war severely, sir." "There is one flaw in your reasoning, Mr. Darrin," Admiral Timworth replied. "We will admit that the torpedoing happens at a time when only American and British war craft are visible in Grand Harbor. Why would it not be wholly reasonable for the British to suppose that the torpedoing was the work of a German submarine that had sneaked into the harbor of Malta under the surface of the water?" "That occurred to me, sir," Dave admitted, "and at first I couldn't find the answer, but at last I did." "I shall be glad to hear that answer." "The submarine, let us suppose, sir, discharges one torpedo with such accuracy as to sink the British battleship. Why could not another torpedo be fired immediately, which would not strike, but would rise to the surface and be afterwards identified when found as an American torpedo? For a torpedo that does not strike and explode can be so adjusted that it will afterwards sink or rise and float. And this torpedo that rises can be of American pattern." "But where would the plotters secure an American torpedo?" demanded Admiral Timworth. "The plotters, if they had a secret factory, could make some torpedoes of the American type, provided they had obtained the services of a draftsman and workmen familiar with the American torpedo." "That could be accomplished, in this wicked old world of ours," nodded Admiral Timworth, after an interval of deep thought. "I won't declare that I think it really has been done. Yet your various reports to me, Mr. Darrin, convince me that plotters really intend to sink a British battleship and lay the blame at our country's door. And such a deed might really provoke English clamor for war with our country." In the Admiral's quarters a long silence followed. At length the fleet commander looked up. "Captain Allen," he asked, "what do you think of Mr. Darrin's surmise?" "It looks probable to me," said the "Hudson's" commanding officer promptly. "It looks likely to me, also," sighed Admiral Timworth. Then the famous old sea-dog brought his clenched fist down on his desk with a bang. "Malta shall be our next stop," he declared. "We shall see whether any band of plotters can put such a plot through while we are watching! All mankind would shudder at such a tragedy. All the world would side with England and condemn the United States and her Navy! Gentlemen, I now believe that Mr. Darrin has revealed the details of a plan that will be tried. We must prevent it, gentlemen! We shall prevent it--or some of us will lose our lives in the effort to stop it! Darrin, you shall have your chance in helping us to stop it. Mr. Dalzell, you, too, shall have your chance! And now--Malta." CHAPTER XVIII SURIGNY'S NEXT MOVE In the Grand Harbor, overlooked by the town and fortress of Valetta, on the island of Malta, there lay at anchor the British dreadnaught "Albion," the cruiser "Wrexham" and the gunboat "Spite." Less than half a mile away lay the American battleships "Hudson" and "Allegheny" and the cruiser "Newton." It was early evening now. During the day, soon after the arrival of the American craft, the usual visits of courtesy had been exchanged between the two fleets. Admiral Barkham, of His Majesty's Navy, received a most disagreeable shock while in conference in Admiral Timworth's quarters. In other words, he had been accurately informed of all that was so far known to the American fleet commander. "But it is impossible," declared Admiral Barkham. "Quite impossible!" "It would seem so," replied Admiral Timworth. "Yet the outcome will be the best proof in the matter. Sir, with your help, I propose to catch that submarine, should she appear in these waters." "She will not appear," declared the Englishman. "I am convinced that such a thing is impossible. Only madmen would undertake to accomplish such a horrible thing. True, we have enemies who employ submarines in this war, but they do not dare to use them in attacking battleships. Nor would plotters without the backing of a government dare try it." Then Admiral Timworth caused Ensigns Darrin and Dalzell to be summoned. They came. Admiral Barkham listened to their story, his gaze all the time fixed on their earnest faces. It was impossible to doubt the word of two such intelligent young officers. Admiral Barkham found his doubts vanishing. He was prepared to admit that such a crime as he had heard discussed might be in course of planning. "Of course I know the fellow Gortchky," admitted Admiral Barkham, "and also that trouble-breeder, Dalny. Yet this is something amazingly more desperate than they have ever attempted before. I now admit, sir," turning to Admiral Timworth, "that there is good reason to suppose that such a plot may be afoot." "The 'Maine' was sunk in Havana Harbor," rejoined the American Admiral, dryly. "That incident sent two nations to war. Might not something like the 'Maine' affair be attempted here in Valetta Harbor?" Sitting with bowed head the British admiral looked most uncomfortable. "At all events," he said, "it is certainly a matter of duty for the officers of both fleets to be on the lookout, and for them to work in concert. Yet I still find it all but impossible to believe what my judgment tells me might be possible." "You are going to advise the officers of your fleet, then?" asked Admiral Timworth. "I think so," replied the Englishman slowly. "In the American fleet," said Admiral Timworth, "very few officers will be told outside of those who are going to be charged with keeping a lookout for the submarine." At a sign Dave and Dan withdrew, leaving the two fleet commanders in earnest conversation. "It's hard for an Englishman to conceive of such a crime as being possible, isn't it?" asked Dan, with a melancholy grin. "Perhaps it's to the honor of his manhood that he cannot believe in it," Dave answered gently, as the chums sat in the latter's quarters. Dave and Dan had been excused from ship duty on account of other duties that were likely to be assigned to them at any time. [Illustration: "Admiral Barkham listened to their story."] Half an hour after the chums left the Admiral's quarters an orderly summoned them to Captain Allen's office. "Both admirals are convinced," said Captain Allen, when Dave and Dan had reported, "that the crime, if it is to be attempted, will be tried at night. As there are still a few hours before dark Admiral Timworth wishes you to take one of the launches and go alongside the British flagship. There will you find three or four young British officers ready to join you. You will all go ashore in Valetta and remain there until nearly dark. You will circulate about the town, as sight-seers usually do. While ashore you will keep your eyes open for glimpses of the Gortchky-Dalny plotters and their subordinates, whom you may find there. Admiral Timworth particularly desires to know whether any of that unsavory crew have reached Malta." The launch being ready alongside, Dave and Dan, both in uniform, went at once over the side. They were soon alongside the "Albion," and a voice from deck invited them aboard. There the officer of the deck introduced them to four young English officers. Three minutes later the party went aboard the launch, and headed toward shore. Outside of the forts and garrison buildings the town is a small one, though at this time there were several places of amusement open on two of the principal streets. Through these places the party strolled, seemingly bent only on having a good time. "Have you seen any of the bally spies?" murmured one of the young English officers, Whyte by name. "Not a sign of one," Dave answered in a low tone. "What if they're not here?" persisted Whyte. "It may be that none of them will show up at Malta," Darrin answered. "Or it may be that those who do come will come only on that submarine we are looking for." "I would like to meet one of those plotters," grumbled Dorcliffe, another of the English party and the possessor of a bulky frame and broad shoulders. "What would you do?" asked Dave smilingly. "I believe I'd jolly well choke the breath out of him!" asserted Mr. Dorcliffe. "That would betray the fact that we know the gang and the work that they're planning," Dave returned. "Would it?" asked Mr. Dorcliffe, looking thoughtful. "Oh, I say! It's bally hard work to contend with such bounders. Why can't all men fight in the open?" "Real men do," Dave answered. "The fellows we are trying to run down are not real men. Beings who can do wholesale murder for pay are bad beyond the comprehension of honest men." "But we're not finding any one that we want to see," complained Sutton, another of the English party. "I didn't expect to find that crew on parade," Dave replied, "and I think it extremely likely that none of them is now in Valetta or on the Island of Malta." Then all fell silent, for the leaders of the party had turned in at one of the cafés most frequented by visitors. There were but few people at the tables. Glancing across the room Dave felt a sudden throb of astonishment and disgust. Hastily rising from a table was a young man who averted his face. "There's the Count of Surigny!" whispered Dave to Whyte. An instant later a door at the side of the room closed almost noiselessly, with the young French nobleman on the other side of it. "Did you see that fellow?" Dave demanded, hoarsely. "We did," came the acknowledgment of Dave's group. "That is Surigny," Darrin informed them. "He is the fellow whom I saved from suicide at Monte Carlo, and now he is in the ranks of the men who have planned the worst crime of the twentieth century. Surigny is now where his follies have placed him--associated with the vilest creatures who disgrace the name of Man!" The party had seated themselves at a table where beverages and refreshments are served. A tireless Italian soprano and a Russian tenor were grinding out some of the stock music of the place. Two dancers were waiting to follow them. The naval officers looked bored. They were not in this café for pleasure, but strictly for business--that of national honor. A waiter strolled leisurely into the room, looked about, then approached the table at which the American and English officers were seated. Dropping a towel at Dave's side, the waiter bent over to pick it up, at the same time slyly pressing into Dave's hand a piece of paper. Holding it under the table and glancing at it, Dave found it carried a brief message in French. Translated, it read: "For vital reasons, I beg you to follow the waiter, who can be trusted, and come to me at once. Come alone and secretly. Honor depends upon your compliance! S." "Surigny!" muttered Ensign Darrin, disgustedly, under his breath. "That impossible scoundrel! He has sold himself to those plotters, and now would betray me. The wretch!" Yet, after a moment's thought, Dave decided to see the man. Bending over, Dave whispered to Dan the message contained in the note. "Are you going?" quivered Dan, his eyes flashing indignation. "Yes." "And I?" "You will remain here, Dan. Tell the others if you can do so without being overheard. Make my excuses after I have left you." Then, his head erect, his heart pumping indignantly, Dave Darrin rose and sought the waiter, who lingered at the end of the room. CHAPTER XIX TRUTH, OR FRENCH ROMANCE "You know what is expected of you?" Dave asked the waiter, in an undertone. "Yes, Master," replied the man, a Maltese who spoke English with an odd accent. "Then I will follow you," Darrin added. At the heels of the waiter Dave went through a narrow corridor, then climbed a flight of stairs. Pausing before a door, the waiter knocked softly, four times. "_Entrez, s'il vous plaît_" ("Come in, if you please"), a voice answered. Throwing open the door, the waiter bowed and swiftly departed. Ensign Dave Darrin stepped inside, closed the door, and found himself face to face with the Count of Surigny. That young Frenchman, his face unwontedly pale, searched Dave's face with his eyes. "You are not glad to see me," he said at last. "Do I show it?" inquired Darrin, his face without expression. "You are not glad to see me," Surigny went on rather sadly. "Then it is because you suspect." "Suspect--what?" Dave demanded, to gain time. "You know the company that I have been keeping," the young Count continued. "Has it been the wrong kind of company for a gentleman to keep?" Ensign Darrin asked coldly. "You know!" cried the Count bitterly. "Then," asked Dave, "is it indiscreet for me to ask why you have permitted yourself to associate with such company?" "I doubt if you would believe me," replied Surigny, wincing. "Is there any good reason why I should believe you?" Dave returned, studying the Frenchman's face. "Perhaps none so good as the fact that I am a gentleman," the Count of Surigny answered more boldly. "The word of a gentleman is always sacred." "May I ask to what this talk is leading?" "I hardly know how to proceed with you," complained the young Frenchman. "Once you did me a great service. You taught me to live and that to die by my own hand was cowardice. Monsieur, you taught me how to be a man." "And you have remembered the lesson?" Dave inquired, with the same expressionless face. "I at least know," the Frenchman returned, "that a man should remember and serve his friends." "Then you have been serving me?" "I have been working hard, swallowing insult and stifling my sense of decency as far as possible, in order that I might serve you and prove myself worthy to be your friend," replied Surigny, with such earnestness that Darrin now found himself staring in open-eyed astonishment at the young nobleman. "Perhaps you are going to try to offer me particulars of how you have been preparing to serve me," Dave said with a shrug. "Monsieur," cried the Frenchman, as if in sudden desperation, "are you prepared to accept my word as you would wish your own to be accepted?" "Wouldn't that be asking considerable of a comparative stranger?" "Then answer me upon your own honor, Monsieur Darrin," the Count of Surigny appealed eagerly. "Do you consider me a gentleman or--a rascal?" Ensign Dave opened his lips, then paused. He was now asked to speak on his own honor. His pallor giving way to a deep flush, Surigny suddenly opened his lips to speak again. "Monsieur Darrin," he urged, his voice quavering, "do me the honor to look in my eyes. Study me from the viewpoint of an honest man. Tell me whether you will believe what I have to say to you. Do not be too quick. Take time to think." As Dave found himself gazing into the depths of the other's eyes, and as he studied that appealing look, he felt his contempt for Surigny rapidly slipping away. "Now, speak!" begged M. le Comte de Surigny. "Will you believe what I am about to tell you, as one man of honor speaks to another?" For an instant Ensign Dave hesitated. Then he answered quickly: "Yes; I will believe you, Monsieur le Comte." "In doing so, do you feel the slightest hesitation?" "Naturally," rejoined Darrin, a slight smile parting his lips, "I am assailed by some doubts as to whether I am wise in doing so, but I will believe what you have to say to me. I prefer to believe you to be, of your own choice, a man of honor." Surigny uttered a cry of delight. Then he went on: "Perhaps, Monsieur Darrin, you will even be willing to set me the example in truthfulness by telling me whether you know of the plot of those with whom I have had the shame of being associated." "You will doubtless recall, Monsieur le Comte, since it was said only a moment ago, that I promised only to believe what you might have to say to me. I did not promise to tell you anything." Indeed, at this point, Ensign Dave was perilously near to breaking his word as to believing Surigny. It looked to him as if the Frenchman were "fencing" in order to extract information. "Well, then," exclaimed Surigny, with a gesture of disappointment, "I will tell you that which I feel I must. Listen, then. With Gortchky, Mender, Dalny and others, I have been engaged in a plan to cause a British warship to be sunk in the harbor yonder, and under circumstances such as to make it appear as the work of you Americans. Did you know that, Monsieur?" "Go on," urged Dave Darrin. "At first," murmured the Count, coming closer, "I believed Gortchky's statement that I was being engaged in secret diplomatic service. When I learned the truth, I was deeply involved with the miserable crew. Also, I was very much in debt, for Gortchky was ever a willing lender. "There came a day, Monsieur, when there dawned on me the vileness of the wicked plot in which I had become engaged. For a few hours I felt that to destroy myself was the only way in which I could retrieve my honor. But the lesson you had taught served me well in those hours of need. Then the thought of you, an officer in the American Navy, brought a new resolve into my mind. No pledges that I had ignorantly made to such scoundrels could bind me. I was not their slave. Pledges to do anything that could bring dishonor upon one are not binding on a man of honor. I did not even feel a sense of debt to Gortchky, for he had used the money with evil intentions. From the moment of these realizations I had but one object in view. I would go on taking such money as I needed, and with no thought of the debt; and I would serve these monsters with such seeming fidelity that I could at last find my way open to serving _you_ fully, Monsieur Darrin. I pause for an instant. Do you believe all that I have just told you, my friend?" "Yes," answered Dave. The next second he caught himself wondering if, through that "yes," he had unintentionally lied. CHAPTER XX THE ALLIES CLEAR FOR ACTION "I left Naples for this island on an east-bound liner," continued the Count of Surigny. "Not until within an hour of sailing did I know the whole of the terrible story that now spoils my sleep at night and haunts me by day. Monsieur Darrin, if you have scented any dreadful plot, at least I do not believe you know just what it is." Once more the young Frenchman paused. Dave, however, having regained his expressionless facial appearance, only said: "Go on, Monsieur le Comte." "Then I have but to tell you what the plot is," resumed Surigny. "Gortchky, Mender, Dalny and others knew that the American fleet would stop at Malta, because American fleets in these waters always do stop at Malta. They knew also that a British fleet often remains here for months at a time. So these arch scoundrels knew to a certainty that the 'Hudson' of your Navy would be here in due course of time. In a word, every plan has been made for sinking a British battleship here at Malta under circumstances which will make it appear to be plainly the work of a group of American naval men." Darrin, still silent, steadily eyed the Frenchman. "You do not start!" uttered Surigny, in amazement. "Then it must be because you already know of the plot!" "Go on, please," urged Dave quietly. "The plan must have been made long ago," the Frenchman continued, "for, before August, 1914, before the great war started, though just when I do not know, Gortchky and the others, or their superiors, had a submarine completed at Trieste. It was supposed to be a secret order placed for the Turkish government. The craft was not a large one. Gortchky and some associates took the submarine out for trial themselves. Days later they returned, reporting that the underseas craft had foundered, but that they had escaped to land in a collapsible boat. Most of the payments on the submersible had already been made. Gortchky paid the balance without protest, and the matter was all but forgotten. "I do not know what reason Gortchky had given the builder, if indeed he offered any explanation, but the tubes in the submarine had been made of the right dimensions and fitted with the right mechanism to fire the American torpedo. And a man whom I judge to have been a German spy in America before the war--a German who had served as draftsman in the employ of an American munitions firm--was at Trieste to furnish the design for both the torpedo tubes and for the four American torpedoes that the Trieste firm also supplied. "You will have divined, of course, Monsieur Darrin," Surigny continued, "that the submarine was not lost, but concealed at a point somewhere along the shores of the Mediterranean until wanted. So far ahead do some enemies plot! Where the submarine has remained during the interval I do not know, but I do know that, submerged only deep enough for concealment, she has been towed to these waters recently by relays of fishing boats manned by Maltese traitors to Britain. Ah, those rascally Maltese! They know no country and they laugh at patriotism. They worship only the dollar, and are ever ready to sell themselves! And the submarine will endeavor to sink the British battleship to-night!" "To-night!" gasped Darrin, now thoroughly aroused. "To-night," Surigny nodded, sadly, his face ghastly pale. "Even the yacht that carries the plotters is here." "These are hardly the times," Dave remarked, "when it would seem to any naval commander a plausible thing for a yacht to cruise in the submarine-infested Mediterranean. And, if the plotters are using and directing the movements of a yacht, I am unable to see how they could obtain clearance papers from any port." "Oh, the yacht's sailing papers are correct," Surigny declared, eagerly. "The yacht has Russian registry and is supposed to be sold to Japanese buyers to be put in trade between the United States and Japan, carrying materials from which the Japanese make Russian munitions of war. So you will see how plausible it is to be engaged in transferring a Russian yacht to Japanese registry at this time." "Humph!" grunted Darrin. "It seems a stupid thing, indeed, for any Japanese shipping firm to buy a low, narrow craft, like the typical yacht, to convert her into a freighter." "Ah, but the yacht is neither low nor narrow," replied Surigny. "She is a craft of some three thousand tons, broad of beam and with plenty of freeboard." "What flag does she fly?" Dave asked. "That I do not know," was the Count's answer. "It may be that she does not fly any. Two of her passengers are reported to be a Russian prince and a Japanese marquis. But Monsieur Mender is not a Russian at all, and no more a prince than he is a Russian. As for the Japanese, he is merely a Filipino, once a mess attendant in your Navy, and now a deserter, for he hates your country." "When will the yacht reach these waters?" Dave inquired. "As I have said, she is here already, or as near as she will come," the Frenchman continued. "At noon she was at anchorage in the channel between the islands of Comino and Gozo. It is known as the North Channel." "I know the spot," said Dave, nodding. "Comino is the little island that is used as a quarantine station. Monsieur le Comte, do you know anything more, of importance, that you have not already told me?" "Monsieur Darrin, I believe that nothing of importance has been left out of my narrative. But you believe me? You will now accept my hand?" "Yes," Dave burst out, extending his hand almost impulsively. M. le Comte Surigny seized it delightedly. "Ah, it is good, it is grand!" cried the young Frenchman, "after such associates as I have had for weeks, to find myself again fit for the confidence and the friendship of a gentleman!" "But what will become of you?" asked Dave, a feeling of regret suddenly assailing him. "What will become of you, my dear Surigny? Is it likely that the plotters, if they be foiled, will suspect you? Is it likely that they would seek your life as a forfeit?" "What is my life?" laughed the Frenchman gayly. "I have never valued it highly, but now, when I have won back my self-respect, a blow in the dark would be but a mark of honor. If they wish to kill me, let them. It would be a glorious death, in the cause of honor!" Dave glanced out of the window, then gave a start of alarm. "Time is passing," he murmured. "I must take my information where it will be of the most service. And you, Surigny, may I take the liberty, without waiting to ask our Admiral's leave, of inviting you to accept the hospitality of the flagship? Will you come on board with me?" "Afterward," replied the Frenchman. "Afterward, when the truth of what I have told you is recognized." "Where will you stay for the present, then?" "Where I am now," smiled the Count. Dave took one long step forward, again gripping Count Surigny's right hand with both his own hands. "Surigny, I am under more obligations than I can ever repay. Few men with the instinct of a gentleman could have endured, for weeks, having to associate with and serve such rascals as this grewsome crew. You have, indeed, proved yourself noble, and I deeply regret that I have ever allowed myself to distrust and dislike you." "Let us say no more," begged the Count. "After the chase is over--and may you win the game--you will find me here, reveling in the thought that I have been able to warn you so completely." Had it not been that he again remembered how late it was growing, Ensign Darrin would have remained longer with this now bright-faced Frenchman. As it was, Dave tore himself away from Surigny, and lost no time in rejoining his party below. As Dave stepped to the table, Lieutenant Whyte, of the British Navy, raised his eyebrows in slight interrogation. None spoke. "I don't know," smiled Darrin, "how it goes with you gentlemen of England, but I am sure Dalzell will agree with me that it is time to get back to our ship." "It is," Dalzell affirmed, taking the cue. The score was settled, after which the party left the hotel. Dave stepped to Whyte's side. Through the streets of the little town the party passed quickly by twos, gayly chatting. Once they were clear of the streets and near the mole Dave began: "Mr. Whyte, the moment for action is at hand. Surigny sent for me, and I believe he has told me the truth. He felt under obligations, and, when invited, joined the international plotters in order to find out how he could serve me. He has told me that a yacht bearing the supervising plotters is now anchored in North Channel, and that the submarine is concealed somewhere under neighboring waters. It is the intention of the plotters to attempt to sink one of your ships to-night." "Do you believe the fellow?" demanded Whyte in a shocked tone. "At first I found it hard to believe him," Dave admitted, "but now I believe that he told me the truth." "And if he has not?" questioned the British officer. "In any event, Whyte, the yacht must be watched. However, your Admiral Barkham will have to decide what action shall be taken." "Do you know whether others of the crew, besides Surigny, are in Valetta?" Whyte asked. "I did not ask Surigny," Dave rejoined. "Indeed, it is not important to know. What we must do is to catch the submarine; the conspirators may wait for subsequent overhauling." At Darrin's signal the launch from the flagship promptly put off. Darrin ordered that the English officers be put aboard their own ship first. As the launch drew alongside the "Albion" Dave added: "Mr. Whyte, I shall wait until you ascertain whether your Admiral has any message to send to Admiral Timworth. That, of course, would be after hearing your report." For ten minutes the "Hudson's" launch lay alongside the "Albion." Then Mr. Whyte appeared, coming nimbly down the gangway and stepping into the launch. "With Admiral Barkham's compliments, I am to carry a message to Admiral Timworth," Whyte announced. "I am also to inquire whether your Captain desires a conference with Admiral Timworth before I deliver my message." Dave conducted the English officer aboard the American flagship. Captain Allen soon received them. He heard Ensign Darrin's report, then telephoned to Admiral Timworth for permission to bring to his quarters the English admiral's representative, together with his own youngest officers. Admiral Timworth received them, listening attentively to the report that Dave had to make of his conversation with the Count of Surigny. "Do you believe that the Frenchman was telling the truth?" the fleet commander inquired. Dave answered in the affirmative. "Does your message from Admiral Barkham concern the Frenchman's report?" inquired Admiral Timworth, turning to Whyte, who had kept modestly in the background. "It does, sir," Lieutenant Whyte answered, stepping forward. "Admiral Barkham's compliments, sir, and he has used the wireless to the quarantine station on Comino Island. Such a yacht as the Count of Surigny described is at anchor in North Channel, and is reported to have a Russian prince and a Japanese nobleman on board. So Admiral Barkham gives at least that much credence to the Frenchman's story." Whyte paused a moment, that Admiral Timworth might speak, if he chose, then continued: "Admiral Barkham imagines, sir, that you would like to have a share in searching the yacht and in guarding against submarine attack. To that end, sir, he signaled to the military governor at Malta and secured the latter's assent to a plan of having the American naval forces co-operate with us in running down the plot." "Of course we shall be glad to aid," declared Admiral Timworth, heartily, "and we are much complimented over being invited to help you in British waters." CHAPTER XXI MAKING STERN WORK OF IT Lieutenant Whyte then unfolded, briefly, the plan of Admiral Barkham for procedure against the yacht and the submarine. To these plans Admiral Timworth quickly agreed. "We have four large launches on the flagship," the fleet commander stated. "Three of these shall be put over the side, officered and manned and ready for instant service." "Admiral Barkham also suggests, sir, that, during the night, the officers in command of your launches run without lights, when possible, for secrecy," Whyte continued. "How many launches will Admiral Barkham put in service?" Admiral Timworth inquired. "Three, sir," responded Whyte. "Who will be the ranking officer in your fleet of launches?" "I believe I am to be, sir," Lieutenant Whyte replied, bowing. "Very good," nodded Admiral Timworth. "It would not be courteous, in British waters, Mr. Whyte, for me to appoint an officer who would rank yourself, so I shall ask Captain Allen to designate Ensign Darrin as ranking officer in our launch fleet. Ensign Dalzell will naturally command another of the launches. Who will command the third, Captain?" "Ensign Phillips," replied Captain Allen. The courtesy of appointing an ensign to head the American launch fleet lay in the fact that an ensign is one grade lower in the service than a junior lieutenant. When naval forces of different nations act together the ranking officer, no matter what country he represents, is in command. Had Admiral Timworth put his launch fleet in charge of a lieutenant commander, for instance, then the British launches, too, would have been under the command of the American officer. As it was, Lieutenant Whyte would be ranking and commanding officer in the combined launch fleet. This was both right and courteous, as Malta is an English possession, and the waters near by are British waters. Plans were briefly discussed, yet with the thoroughness that is given to all naval operations. Lieutenant Whyte departed, and Ensign Phillips was sent for. Admiral Timworth and Captain Allen charged the young officers with their duties, upon the successful performance of which so much depended. "Remember, gentlemen," was Captain Allen's final word, "that, in line with what the Admiral has stated, you are merely to co-operate with, and act under the orders of, the British ranking officer. Yet, if occasion arise, you will display all needed initiative in attaining the objective, which is the capture of the scoundrelly plotters and the seizure of the submarine before it can work any mischief. You will even sink the submarine by ramming, if no other course be open to stop her wicked work." Each of the flagship's launches was equipped with a searchlight. While the council was going on in the Admiral's quarters the electricians of the ship were busy overhauling these searchlights and making sure that all were in perfect working order. From the British flagship came a prearranged signal to the effect that Lieutenant Whyte was about to put off. Dave's launch crew comprised, besides machinists and the quartermaster, twenty-four sailors and eight marines. A one-pound rapid-fire gun was mounted in the bow, and a machine gun amidships. "Send your men over the side, Ensign Darrin," Captain Allen ordered, as he took Dave's hand. "Go, and keep in mind, every second, how much your work means to-night." "Aye, aye, sir," Dave answered. When the word was passed, Dave's launch party was marched out on deck and sent down over the side. Dave Darrin took his place in the stern, standing by to receive any further instructions that might be shouted down to him. "Cast off and clear!" called down the executive officer. Dan Dalzell, whose launch party was not to clear until a later hour, waved a hand at his chum. Dave waved back in general salute. At the same time Lieutenant Whyte put off from the "Albion" and sped onward to meet the American craft. "We are to sail in company to North Channel," called Whyte. "Very good, sir," Dave answered, saluting. With three hundred feet of clear water between them, the launches moved rapidly along. The distance to the middle of North Channel was about fifteen miles. Time and speed had been so calculated that the yacht should not be able to sight them by daylight. After dark the two launches were to maneuver more closely together, and Whyte, who knew the North Channel, was to be pilot for both craft until it came time to use their searchlights. Over in the west the sun went down. Darkness soon came on. Neither launch displayed even running lights. One had a sense of groping his way, yet the launches dashed along at full speed. Dave Darrin was now in the bow, with the signalman at his side, who would turn on the searchlight when so ordered. With his night glasses at his eyes, Ensign Dave could tell when the British launch veered sharply to port or starboard, and thus was able to steer his own course accordingly. Twelve minutes later a brief ray shot from the Englishman's searchlight. It was the signal. "Turn on your light," Dave ordered to the man at his side. "Swing it until you pick up the North Channel. Then pick up and hold a yacht--" Ensign Darrin followed with the best description he had of the strange yacht. Less than a minute later the lights on both navy launches had picked up the strange yacht, well over in the Channel. Dave studied her through his glass. "That's the craft," Darrin muttered to himself. "My, but she looks her part! While she isn't large for a freighter, she's well calculated for that class of work." "Your best speed ahead, sir!" shouted Whyte, through a megaphone. "Board the yacht on her starboard quarter. Quick work, sir!" "Very good, sir!" Dave called back. Then he stepped swiftly amidships to the engineers. "Get every inch of speed to be had out of the engines, my man." Next, to the helmsman: "Quartermaster, steer straight ahead and make that yacht's starboard quarter!" As Dave turned, he found his own face within three inches of Seaman Runkle's glowing countenance. "Runkle," Dave smiled, "we are fond of the Englishmen. Their commanding officer called for our best speed, and we're going to show it." "Aye, aye, sir!" grinned Runkle. "When any foreigner asks for the best we have in speed, he's likely to see it, sir." Already the "Hudson's" launch had drawn smartly ahead of the British craft, and the distance between them grew steadily, though the Englishman was doing his best to keep up in the race. Under the yacht's stern dashed the launch, and brought up smartly under the starboard quarter, laying alongside. "Hullo, there! Vat you call wrong?" demanded a voice in broken English from the yacht's rail. "Naval party coming aboard, sir," Dave responded courteously. "Take a line!" "I vill not!" came the defiant answer. "All the same, then," Dave answered lightly. "Bow, there! Make fast with grapple. Stern, do the same!" Two lines were thrown, each with a grappling hook on the end. These caught on the yacht's rail. Three or four sailormen, one after the other, climbed the grappling lines. Two rope ladders were swiftly rigged over the side, by the Americans on the yacht's deck. Dave Darrin was quickly on board, with twenty of his seamen and all his marines, by the time that the English launch rounded in alongside the port quarter. "You? Vat you mean?" demanded a short, swarthy-faced man, evidently captain of the yacht, as he peered at Dave's party. "You are American sailors!" "Right," Darrin nodded. "And dese are British vaters!" "No matter," Dave smiled back at the blustering fellow. "Here come the Englishmen." For he had sent four of his men to catch and make fast the lines from the British launch, and now the British jack-tars, taking their beating in the race good-humoredly, were piling on board. "Captain," cried Lieutenant Whyte, striding forward, "I represent Admiral Barkham, ranking officer of His Majesty's Navy in these waters. I have the Admiral's orders to search this craft." "You search him for vat, sir?" demanded the skipper. "My orders are secret, sir. The search will begin at once. Ensign Darrin, if you will leave your marines to hold the deck, we will use all our seamen and yours below." "Very good, sir," Dave replied, saluting. "You do not wish any one allowed to leave the yacht, do you, Lieutenant?" "Not without my permission or yours, Ensign." Dave accordingly gave the order to the corporal in charge of his marine party. In another minute American and English tars were swarming below decks on the yacht. On deck and in the wheel house Darrin had not seen more than four men of the yacht's crew, besides the skipper. "There do not seem to be any men below," Dave muttered, as he explored the yacht between decks. "I wonder if that skipper gets along with four deck hands in addition to his engine-room and steward forces." His men in squads, under petty officers, worked rapidly. Dave Darrin moved more slowly, passing on into the dining cabin and the social hall of the yacht, which were below decks. Adjoining the social hall were several cabins. Dave threw open the doors of the first few he came to, finding in them no signs of occupation. Then a steward, smiling and bowing, appeared and asked him in French: "Do you seek any one here?" "You have a Prince aboard?" Dave asked. "Even so." "And a Japanese nobleman?" "We have." "I wish to see them." "Both are resting at present," the steward expostulated. "I must see them immediately," Dave insisted. "It is hardly possible, sir," protested the steward. "It is not to be expected that I can disturb such august guests." "Steward, do you wish me to summon my men and have these cabin doors battered down?" "Do not do that!" urged the steward in alarm. "Wait! I have pass-keys. Which would you see first?" "The Prince, by all means." "I will admit you to his room, Monsieur, and next silently slip away. But be good enough to let the Prince believe that he left his door unlocked. This way, monsieur." Finishing his whispered speech, the steward glided ahead. He unlocked a cabin door, opening it but a crack. Dave stepped softly inside. Instantly the door was pulled shut and locked. Through transoms on opposite sides of the cabin Mender and Dalny showed their evil faces, as each trained on the young naval officer an ugly-looking naval revolver. CHAPTER XXII AFTER THE PEST OF THE SEAS "Make a sound, and you feed the fishes, my fine young naval dandy!" hissed Dalny. "Pooh!" retorted Dave, contemptuously. "Order your steward to unlock that door, or I shall be put to the trouble of smashing it down with my shoulder." "And be shot in the back while you are doing it," jeered Mender. "I haven't had the honor of meeting you before, but I take it that you are the bogus Russian Prince," laughed Dave. "Just now, though, you look much more like an apprentice to the Black Hand." "You should be saying your prayers, instead of talking impudence," sneered Dalny. "As for this cardboard Prince, words fail me," mocked Dave, still speaking in French, "but as for you, Dalny, I have already tested your courage, and know it to be worthless. You are a coward, and would not dare to use that revolver, knowing, as you must, that my men are aboard and would tear you to pieces. Go ahead and shoot, if you dare. I am going to break my way out of this cabin, and then I shall arrest both of you." "Is there no way of compromising?" begged Dalny, his evil face paling, "In exchange for your life, Monsieur Darrin, can you not offer us a chance for escape?" "One brave man down!" laughed Ensign Dave. "That was spoken like the coward that you are, Dalny." Darrin turned to break down the door. He knew that he was taking chances, for the sham Prince might be a man cast in a braver mould than Dalny, and, in his desperation, might shoot at the back that Dave so recklessly presented. At the third lunge from Darrin's sturdy shoulder, the door snapped open at the lock. The young naval officer stepped out into the social hall. There was no sign of the steward. "Seaman here!" Dave bawled lustily. He was obliged to repeat the summons twice before a hearty "Aye, aye, sir!" was heard in the distance. Then Jack Runkle showed his jovial face at the top of the companionway. Catching sight of his officer, Runkle bounded down the steps and came up on a run, saluting. "Runkle, go to the corporal of marines and ask him to send two men here. Then stand by." "Aye, aye, sir." Runkle was off like a shot on his errand and soon returned with two marines. "Now, men," Dave directed, pointing to the doors, "batter them down. That door, first." As the men aligned themselves for the assault, Darrin, mindful that the sham Prince was armed and might prove ugly, stood by with his revolver drawn. Bang! crash! The door was down. "It will be wise to surrender to superior force," Darrin called sternly. "We shall shoot to kill at any sign of resistance." As the words were uttered in French the marines did not understand, but they advanced unhesitatingly on Mender, disarmed him and led him outside the room. "Take care of him, Runkle," ordered Dave. "Now, marines, that other door!" Down came the barrier, and Dalny, shaking and white, was brought out to keep Mender company. "Break down every door that's locked," was Darrin's next order. Within five minutes a little, quaking brown man was secured and led out. All the locked cabins had now been entered. "You're the Japanese marquis, are you?" Dave jeered. "Do you find, Marquis, that it pays any better than being a Filipino mess attendant?" The Filipino hung his head without answering. "Take these prisoners to the corporal of marines, and ask him to iron them and watch them closely," Dave directed. "Runkle, do you know where Lieutenant Whyte is?" "In the hold, sir, or was." "Follow me, then, and we'll see if we can find him." Down in the main cargo hold forward, Dave and Runkle came upon Whyte and a party of English and American sailormen. "Ah, there you are, Mr. Darrin," called Whyte. "We've been making a jolly big search through the hold, but, except for ship's supplies, it appears to contain nothing very interesting. However, we shall have time to examine it further later on. And you?" "I have three prisoners," Dave explained, and told who and what they were. "Take them with you, Ensign, if you have room on your launch," Whyte directed. "I will now take my men above and post a guard, so that you may withdraw your own guard and get under way at once." "We have done well so far," Dave answered, as he gripped the English officer's hand. "I pray that we may be permitted to do as well all through the night." Runkle was sent through the craft to recall all of the American sailors. When Dave reached the deck he found that the entire crew of the yacht, including the engine-room force and the stewards, had been rounded up and driven to the deck. "Over the side," directed Darrin, as his men, recalled, gathered near him. He followed, but went over last of all. Orders for casting off and shoving clear were instantly given. "Keep the engines up to their best performance all the way," was Dave's order. "Boatswain's mate, watch sharp for the courses, as I may change frequently." "Aye, aye, sir." Heading out of North Channel, Dave drove back for Valetta, keeping about a mile off the coast. After making a few knots, he came abreast of another British launch that lay further to seaward. With lantern signals the Englishman asked: "Is the submarine supposed to be loose?" "Yes," Dave had his signalman reply. "Where?" "Don't know." "I'm here to warn incoming ships against entering Grand Harbor to-night," the Englishman wound up. "Are you seeking the submarine?" "Yes," Dave had flashed back. "Good luck to you!" came heartily from the English launch. "Thank you," was Darrin's final response. The searchlight of Dave's launch was swinging busily from side to side, searching every bit of the water's surface that could be reached. "If the submarine comes up, Runkle, you may be the first to sight her," Dave smiled to that seaman, who stood beside him. "Aye, aye, sir; if I sight that craft I won't be mean enough to keep my news to myself." "I wonder where Dalzell is," thought Dave. "What is he doing in this night's work?" As for Ensign Dave, his every nerve was keyed to its highest pitch. Outwardly he was wholly calm, but he felt all the responsibility that rested upon him to-night, as did every other officer who commanded a launch from either fleet. Searchlight and naked vision were not enough. Almost constantly Darrin had his night glass at his eyes. Suddenly, as the light shifted over the water, Dave thought he caught sight of something unusual. "Steady with that light there, signalman," he commanded suddenly. "Back slowly to port with the beam." Darrin forced himself to be calm. "Steady," he called, again. "Hold the light on anything you see, signalman." "Aye, aye, sir; I _do_ see something," replied the man who was manipulating the searchlight. That he did see the mysterious something was proved by the manner in which he kept the light upon it. That on which Darrin now trained his night glass was a marked rippling on the water, half a mile away, and farther seaward. A landsman would have missed it altogether. Yet that rippling on the sea's surface was clearly different from the motion of the water near by. "It might be a school of large fish," Dave mused aloud, in Runkle's hearing, "though at night they are likely to rest. Runkle, and you, men, keep your eyes peeled to see if you can make out fish leaping out of the water." The ripple continued, unbroken at any point. Moreover, it moved at uniform speed, and in a line nearly parallel with the coast. Gradually the launch gained on that ripple. Dave could not turn his fascinated gaze away from the sight. "I think I know what that is, sir," broke in Seaman Runkle, after three minutes of watching. "I am sure that I _do_, Runkle," Dave Darrin returned. "It's a submarine, for some reason just barely submerged. That line of ripple is the wake left by her periscope." As if to confirm the young naval officer's words, the ripple parted. As the line on the water broke, the periscope came fully into view, and the turret showed above water, continuing to rise until the deck was awash. "There's the pest of the seas!" cried an excited voice. Every man on the launch was now straining his eyes for a better look at the submarine, barely a quarter of a mile away. CHAPTER XXIII THE PUZZLE OF THE DEEP "Coxswain!" shouted Dave. "Aye, aye, sir." "Send up three blue rockets!" "Aye, aye, sir." One after another the rockets ascended, bursting high overhead and slowly falling. From Grand Harbor, several miles distant, a rocket ascended and burst, showing red. Darrin's signal had been seen and answered. Both fleets now knew that one of the launches had sighted the submarine craft. The three blue rockets had been the signal agreed upon in advance. Runkle was at the gun. Ensign Darrin gave him the range. "I wish we had a four-inch gun in the bow," Dave muttered wistfully, "but we'll have to do the best we can with the one-pounder. Ready! Fire!" Even before the command to fire had been uttered the craft ahead had begun to submerge. As the brisk, snappy report of the little piece sounded, and a faint puff of smoke left her muzzle, Runkle's head bobbed up to watch the result of his shot. "Forward of her turret by about a foot!" Runkle muttered in disgusted criticism of his own shooting. A sailor had thrown the breech open, while a second swabbed the bore through and the first fitted in a fresh shell, closing the breech with a snap. Runkle seemed to sight and fire almost in the same instant, and, as before, straightened up to watch the accuracy of his shot by the splash of water on the other side of the craft. The launch's searchlight held a steady glare on the mark. "Nearer by a few inches, sir," Runkle called over his shoulder while the men with him swabbed and loaded. Again Runkle fired. "The shell must have passed aft of the turret by about six inches," remarked Darrin, catching through his glass a glimpse of the splash of water where the little shell struck the waves. "I'll do better, or drown myself, sir," growled Runkle. "Quick! She is submerging rapidly," commanded Darrin. Bang! An instant after the report a smothered exclamation came from the unhappy gunner. The submarine had safely submerged. Not even her periscope was above water now. "If the turret had been four inches nearer the sky you'd have put it out of commission," declared Ensign Darrin. "Rotten work," growled Runkle in disgust. "It's night shooting, my man," Dave answered. "Good work just the same." Runkle had an excellent gunnery record, and Darrin did not like to see that fine fellow fretting when he had done his best. None the less it was highly important to send that submarine to the bottom and quickly at that. "We've got to go by bubbles, now," Darrin declared. "She isn't likely to show her eye again." Had he gotten the launch close enough to observe the bubbles it is possible that the young ensign could have followed the enemy trail. Twice or thrice Dave believed that he had picked up glimpses of bubbles with the searchlight, but at last, with a sigh, he gave orders to shut off speed and drift. Inaction became wellnigh insupportable after a few moments and Darrin called for slow speed ahead. "There she is again" he cried. "There's her periscope. The scoundrel is standing out to sea." Over the starboard quarter the searchlight signals of two other launches were observed. "What's taking place?" came the signaled question from one. "Fired a few shots at a vanishing turret, but missed," Dave ordered signaled back. "Enemy standing out to sea. Am following." "Will follow also," flashed back the answer. "And one of their gunners will bag the game at the first chance," groaned Runkle. "The jinx is sitting tight on my chest to-night!" "It might be, if there were any such animal as a jinx," laughed Darrin. "Your missing was just plain bad luck, Runkle. Your shooting was good." "The periscope is being pulled inboard, sir," called one of the seamen who stood by with Runkle. "I see it. There she goes, under again," Dave answered. The Navy launch was dashing full speed ahead. But with no clue to follow, Darrin passed some anxious seconds. Should he follow on the course he had been taking, or should he shut off speed? In the dark there was a good chance that the submarine commander, if so minded, would be able to double and head back for shore. Land lights were still visible from his position. Dave turned to estimate their distance. "About six knots off shore," he concluded, half aloud. "Sir?" questioned the corporal of marines, thinking the ensign was addressing him. "I was just telling myself that we're about six knots off shore." "Yes, sir," replied the corporal, saluting. "Listen to me, you men who are near enough to hear. Your understanding of what is in my mind may help you the better to work with me on this job. Two launches are keeping with us, over the starboard, and I judge the nearer one to be about four knots off. Coxswain, use the lantern signal and ask who commands." Soon Hardy discovered that, in order to make his signal visible at that distance, he would have to stand higher. Springing to the forward deck his signal was instantly understood on the other craft. Dave, who had jumped up beside him, read the answer: "Ensign Dalzell." "I was sure of it," Dave smiled. "Coxswain, order number 2 launch to come up on parallel course, standing off half-mile to starboard of us." "Order understood," was flashed back from Dalzell's launch. Bit by bit Dan overhauled, at last taking the position indicated. Darrin's launch was moving at slow speed now, for he did not care to run out of sight of land, thus leaving the way clear for the submarine to double on him and put back toward Grand Harbor. "Why doesn't the fellow take a chance on torpedoing us?" was signaled from Dalzell's launch. "He has only three," was Darrin's reply. That was brief, but Danny Grin understood, as Dave had intended he should, that the submarine was believed to be equipped with only three torpedoes. Evidently the enemy still hoped for a chance to sink a British battleship. Suddenly he discovered that for which he sought, and in the same instant a seaman called, as the rays of the searchlight shifted: "Periscope two points off the port bow, sir." "Right!" clicked Ensign Darrin. "May I fire, sir?" begged Runkle, bending over his piece. "Yes, try it. Pretty long shot, though." Before Runkle could aim and discharge his piece a swift, red flash shot from the bow of the number 2 launch commanded by Danny Grin. Runkle fired a second later, but the periscope still stood as if mocking the eager gunners. "I'm glad somebody else missed," growled Runkle, who was becoming exasperated. He was doing himself injustice, though, for each time he had fired, his mark, considering the distance, had been small, and the searchlight was no peer of daylight in aiding a gunner. Ensign Darrin admitted to himself that he was stumped. He ordered the course changed, with speed ahead, his purpose being to scan the water for the bubbled trail left by the underseas craft. But by the time that he judged himself to be going over the recently observed position of the submersible the searchlight revealed no bubbles. The third launch now coming in close, Dave, by signal, ordered Ensign Sutton of the British forces to go slowly inshore. He too was to watch for bubbles, as well as to be alert for a re-appearance of the enemy craft. The longer the suspense lasted, the more uneasy Darrin became. "There she is, sir!" called a low but penetrating voice from the stern watch. "Three points off the stern to port, sir." So quickly did the helmsman bring the launch about that she heeled and shipped a volume of water. Darrin, as he leaped upon the forward deck, ordered the sailor manning the searchlight to shut off. "Don't turn it on again without orders. I believe I can follow the pest with my glass if she will only keep her conning tower above water. Signalman, send my order to the other launches not to use their searchlights without first asking permission." By this time Darrin, standing on the forward deck, had the submarine's turret, or as much of it as showed, in the field of his night-glass. Not more than a foot of it showed above water, and, even through the glass, at a distance of nearly half a mile, it would hardly have been discernible without the aid of the searchlight, had it not been for the white wake left by the turret in its course through the water. "May I try a shot now, sir?" begged Runkle, "I'm certain I can hit the turret this time." "If you could do it surely, you'd be the best shot in the Navy," smiled Darrin. "I'm not going to use the searchlight unless I have to, and it would be almost impossible to make a hit in the dark without it. The pest is headed shoreward, and I want to creep up close from the rear, if possible." Dissatisfied, Runkle none the less saluted and turned back to his gun. "Keep a close sight on the sneak," Dave called after him. "When you hear me call 'Ready!' you will complete your aim and fire without further orders." An order transmitted to the man standing by the engine sent the launch plunging ahead at increased speed. Of a sudden the pursuit assumed a new aspect. The submarine suddenly veered around to port, and then headed straight toward the launch. "Now's our chance!" glowed a seaman, excitedly. "Yes," retorted another strained voice. "Our chance for death!" The same thought came into the minds of many on the launch. The submarine, it seemed, was about to discharge a torpedo at the pursuer. "Starboard!" commanded Darrin. "Keep her bow to port of us!" Seaman Jack Runkle strained his ears for the solitary word from Ensign Darrin that would be so welcome. "Will he ever give that order?" fumed the impatient sailor at the breech of the one-pounder. CHAPTER XXIV CONCLUSION "Stand by, gunner!" warned Darrin. "Aye, aye, sir!" came from the man at the one-pounder. The crew had ceased to be on tension, for it had dawned upon them that, as the two craft were approaching each other almost head on, there was hardly a chance that a torpedo could be made to register. "Ready!" Darrin ordered. There was a sharp bark from the throat of the one-pounder. Smash! A cheer went up from the watching seamen. The shot hit the mark. But the two men with Runkle were cleaning and loading for still another shot at the conning tower. "Any more, sir?" inquired Runkle, with a grin, after firing and landing a second shot in the submarine's superstructure. "Not unless ordered," Darrin answered, crisply. "If that fellow dives now he'll go below and stay there for good." Instead of diving, however, the top of the submarine's conning tower was seen to rise higher and higher above the water. "She's rising, but she's lost her steerage way, sir," announced the corporal of marines. "The helmsman was undoubtedly killed by the first or second shot," suggested Dave. "It looks as if the survivors mean to surrender, but we'll watch out for tricks." He gave the order for slow speed ahead, soon reducing it to mere headway. "Marines prepare to board," ordered the ensign, as the launch came up close to the now unmanageable submarine, whose deck showed a bit more than awash. It called for fine work on the part of the quartermaster to set his launch alongside without crushing it. Gauging closely with his eye, Ensign Darrin called out: "Ready to board! Board!" Making the first leap himself, Dave landed on both feet on the slippery deck of the undersea boat, the marines following eagerly and quickly. "Lay off and wait!" Dave called back to the quartermaster. Then he stepped closer to the conning tower, through which two holes had been drilled by the two registering one-pound shells. "Open up, you fellows down there!" Dave called, briskly. "And don't attempt any tricks." Inside he heard shuffling movements, but there was no evidence of intent to obey his order. So he called again, but this time spoke in French, believing that order might be more easily understood by those inside the submarine. "Don't shoot! I'll come up and open," answered a voice in broken French, strongly tinged with Maltese accent. After a few moments the hatch was raised. Then, one after another, eight or ten of Darrin's crew went below. "No more men below," ordered Dave, who then followed his men in. It was a miserable spectacle that met his eyes. A heavy body lay face downward in a pool of blood on the steel deck. "Who was this?" demanded Dave of the other four men who crouched to one side in fear and trembling. "Gortchky," answered one of the quartette sullenly. There could be little danger of mistaking the dead man. Though no feature of the face had been preserved, every line in that odious body stood out clearly in Dave Darrin's mind. It was, indeed, all that was left of Emil Gortchky. Mr. Green Hat would never again steal the secrets of nor plot trouble between nations! "An able man, even if a wicked one," said Dave slowly, uncovering in the presence of Death. The body of Emil Gortchky was allowed to remain where it lay. The other four men of the submarine crew, one of whom was proved later to be an expert submarine commander and a deserter from the Swedish navy, were taken up to the platform deck, and thence transferred to the launch, where they were put beside Mender, Dalny, the badly-scared Filipino, and the other prisoners removed from the yacht. In the meantime, Dan Dalzell had ranged up alongside, followed by Sutton of His Majesty's Navy. Both of these young officers went aboard the submarine and below deck for a look. Rocket signals had informed those on anxious watch in Grand Harbor of the capture of the submarine. Congratulations had been signaled back. Just as the dawn broke, watchers in the waters near Valetta saw Dave Darrin's launch enter the harbor, the submarine limping along in tow. Early as the hour was, a band was lined up on the quarter deck of the "Albion." When Darrin's boat was within six cable-lengths, the band broke out exultingly into the strains of "See the Conquering Hero Comes!" Probably no naval officer so young as Dave Darrin had ever been so signally honored by a foreign naval commander as was Dave Darrin then. The submarine was anchored on a spot indicated by the port authorities of Valetta. Then Dave Darrin shaped his course for the "Hudson." From hundreds of men, lined up on the decks of the flagship, rose lusty cheers. "Bully boy, Darrin!" shouted a group of officers from the quarter-deck. "Ensign Darrin," cried Admiral Timworth, striding forth from his quarters and grasping the young ensign by the hand. "I offer you my heartiest congratulations! For reward you shall have anything within my power to grant." "Sir, I know what I want most at present," Ensign Darrin replied, gravely. "What?" asked the Admiral, quickly. "A nap, a bath, clean clothing and a breakfast, sir." "But later on, Mr. Darrin?" "At Port Said, sir, I shall ask Captain Allen to grant me, if it does not interfere with duty, three days ashore to meet my wife, whom I expect to find there when the fleet arrives." For, as readers of the Boys of the Army Series are aware, Dave and his High School sweetheart, Belle Meade, were wedded immediately at the end of some border troubles in which Dave and Dick Prescott were involved on the Mexican border. Despite, or perhaps on account of, the stirring experiences through which he had passed, Darrin was asleep five minutes after his head touched the pillow. Danny Grin, who had been in only at the finish, lay awake for an hour before slumber visited him. All that was left of Emil Gortchky was dropped into an unmarked, unhonored grave at Malta. Mender, Dalny and the Filipino were condemned by a British court-martial to be shot, a sentence that was soon after carried out. As for the master and crew of the yacht, they persisted to the end in strenuously denying any guilty knowledge of the real intentions of the plotters. They escaped the death sentence, but, as their conduct was none the less of a guilty nature, the master of the yacht received a sentence of twenty years in prison, while his subordinate officers and the members of the crew were imprisoned for ten years each. On information supplied to the Italian government Countess Ripoli was arrested. She was not an Italian woman, but had married an Italian nobleman who had died, after which she had turned to spy work. She was locked up and held for trial at Rome, but died of a fever before the day of her trial arrived. The minor spies and the thugs employed by Gortchky and Dalny, unless they have since fallen into trouble with their own local police, have, of course, gone unpunished. George Cushing, the secret service agent, is now on duty in the Panama Canal Zone. M. le Comte de Surigny was a happy man when Dave visited him ashore on the day following the capture of the submarine. Surigny is now in Paris, the valued friend of a noted advocate, in whose offices he is studying law. An inheritance of comfortable proportions has since come to the Count, but he has determined upon a career of hard work. He is a strong, fine character in these days, and is proving, to the full, the manhood that Dave Darrin awakened in him. The fleet remained a week at Port Said, Egypt. Dave had three happy days ashore with Mrs. Belle Darrin, and Danny Grin was often to be found in their company. Jack Runkle received his promised rating, becoming a boatswain's mate. He is now industriously climbing the ladder of promotion. It is reluctantly, indeed, that we take leave of Dave Darrin in this volume, but we shall meet him and Danny Grin again, and very soon, in the pages of the next volume of this series, which will be published under the title, "DAVE DARRIN'S SOUTH AMERICAN CRUISE; or, Two Innocent Young Naval Tools of an Infamous Conspiracy." In this absorbing story Dave Darrin and Dan Dalzell are shown at their best as faithful and loyal officers of Uncle Sam's Navy. THE END HENRY ALTEMUS COMPANY'S Best and Least Expensive Books for Boys and Girls * * * * * The Motor Boat Club Series By H. IRVING HANCOCK The keynote of these books is manliness. The stories are wonderfully entertaining, and they are at the same time sound and wholesome. 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Cloth, Illustrated Price, per Volume, 50c. * * * * * The Automobile Girls Series By LAURA DENT CRANE No girl's library--no family book-case can be considered at all complete unless it contains these sparkling twentieth-century books. 1 THE AUTOMOBILE GIRLS AT NEWPORT; Or, Watching the Summer Parade.--2 THE AUTOMOBILE GIRLS IN THE BERKSHIRES; Or, The Ghost of Lost Man's Trail.--3 THE AUTOMOBILE GIRLS ALONG THE HUDSON; Or, Fighting Fire in Sleepy Hollow.--4 THE AUTOMOBILE GIRLS AT CHICAGO; Or, Winning Out Against Heavy Odds.--5 THE AUTOMOBILE GIRLS AT PALM BEACH; Or, Proving Their Mettle Under Southern Skies.--6 THE AUTOMOBILE GIRLS AT WASHINGTON; Or, Checkmating the Plots of Foreign Spies. Cloth, Illustrated Price, per Volume, 50c. * * * * * Transcriber's Notes: Punctuation normalised. Page 35, "hunderd" changed to "hundred" (a hundred he) Page 89, paragraph break inserted between the following two lines: "I will see you, Captain, in five minutes." "Thank you, sir. I request permission to bring Page 130, word "to" inserted into text (happen to us) Page 192, "vigilant" changed to "vigilantly" (tenfold more vigilantly) The Boys of Steel Series, word "a" inserted into text (presents a vivid picture) Text uses both someone/some one and anyone/any one. 
17547	----	Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations. See 17547-h.htm or 17547-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/7/5/4/17547/17547-h/17547-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/7/5/4/17547/17547-h.zip) THE NAVY AS A FIGHTING MACHINE by REAR ADMIRAL BRADLEY A. FISKE U. S. Navy Former Aid for Operations of the Fleet; President of the U. S. Naval Institute; Gold Medallist of the U. S. Naval Institute and The Franklin Institute of Pennsylvania Author of "Electricity in Theory and Practice," "War Time in Manila," Etc. With Map PREFACE What is the navy for? Of what parts should it be composed? What principles should be followed in designing, preparing, and operating it in order to get the maximum return for the money expended? To answer these questions clearly and without technical language is the object of the book. BRADLEY A. FISKE. U. S. NAVAL WAR COLLEGE, NEWPORT, R. I., September 3, 1916. CONTENTS PART I GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS CHAPTER I. WAR AND THE NATIONS II. NAVAL A, B, C III. NAVAL POWER IV. NAVAL PREPAREDNESS V. NAVAL DEFENSE VI. NAVAL POLICY PART II NAVAL STRATEGY VII. GENERAL PRINCIPLES VIII. DESIGNING THE MACHINE IX. PREPARING THE ACTIVE FLEET X. RESERVES AND SHORE STATIONS XI. NAVAL BASES XII. OPERATING THE MACHINE STRATEGIC MAP OF THE ATLANTIC AND PACIFIC OCEANS *** Chapters III and VII were published originally in _The U. S. Naval Institute_; chapters I, II, IV, V, and VII in _The North American Review_. PART I GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS CHAPTER I WAR AND THE NATIONS Because the question is widely discussed, whether peace throughout the world may be attained by the friendly co-operation of many nations, and because a nation's attitude toward this question may determine its future prosperity or ruin, it may be well to note what has been the trend of the nations hitherto, and whether any forces exist that may reasonably be expected to change that trend. We may then be able to induce from facts the law which that trend obeys, and make a reasonable deduction as to whether or not the world is moving toward peace. If we do this we shall follow the inductive method of modern science, and avoid the error (with its perilous results) of first assuming the law and then deducing conclusions from it. Men have always been divided into organizations, the first organization being the family. As time went on families were formed into tribes, for self-protection. The underlying cause for the organization was always a desire for strength; sometimes for defense, sometimes for offense, usually for both. At times tribes joined in alliance with other tribes to attain a common end, the alliance being brought about by peaceful agreement, and usually ceasing after the end had been attained, or missed, or when tribal jealousies forbade further common effort. Sometimes tribes joined to form one larger tribe; the union being either forced on a weaker by a stronger tribe, or caused by a desire to secure a strength greater and more lasting than mere alliance can insure. In the same way, and apparently according to similar laws, sovereign states or nations were formed from tribes; and in later years, by the union of separate states. The states or nations have become larger and larger as time has gone on; greater numbers, not only of people but of peoples, living in the same general localities and having hereditary ties, joining to form a nation. Though the forms of government of these states or nations are numerous, and though the conceptions of people as to the purposes and functions of the state vary greatly, we find that one characteristic of a state has always prevailed among all the states and nations of the world--the existence of an armed military force, placed under the control of its government; the purpose of this armed force being to enable the government not only to carry on its administration of internal matters, but also to exert itself externally against the armed force of another state. This armed force has been a prominent factor in the life of every sovereign state and independent tribe, from history's beginning, and is no less a factor now. No instance can be found of a sovereign state without its appropriate armed force, to guard its sovereignty, and preserve that freedom from external control, without which freedom it ceases to exist as a sovereign state. The armed force has always been a matter of very great expense. It has always required the anxious care of the government and the people. The men comprising it have always been subjected to restraint and discipline, compelled to undergo hardships and dangers greater than those of civil life, and developed by a training highly specialized and exacting. The armed force in every state has had not only continuous existence always, but continuous, potential readiness, if not continuous employment; and the greatest changes in the mutual relations of nations have been brought about by the victory of the armed force of one state over the armed force of another state. This does not mean that the fundamental causes of the changes have been physical, for they have been psychological, and have been so profound and so complex as to defy analysis; but it does mean that the actual and immediate instrument producing the changes has been physical force; that physical force and physical courage acting in conjunction, of which conjunction war is the ultimate expression, have always been the most potent instruments in the dealings of nations with each other. Is there any change toward peaceful methods now? No, on the contrary; war is recognized as the most potent method still; the prominence of military matters is greater than ever before; at no time in the past has interest in war been so keen as at the present, or the expenditure of blood and money been so prodigal; at no time before has war so thoroughly engaged the intellect and energy of mankind. In other words, the trend of the nations has been toward a clearer recognition of the efficacy of military power, and an increasing use of the instrumentality of war. This does not mean that the trend of the nations has been regular; for, on the contrary, it has been spasmodic. If one hundred photographs of the map of Europe could be taken, each photograph representing in colors the various countries as they appeared upon the map at one hundred different times, and if those hundred photographs could be put on films and shown as a moving-picture on a screen, the result would resemble the shifting colored pieces in a kaleidoscope. Boundaries advanced and receded, then advanced again; tribes and nations moved their homes from place to place; empires, kingdoms, principalities, duchies, and republics flourished brilliantly for a while, and then went out; many peoples struggled for an autonomous existence, but hardly a dozen acquired enough territory or mustered a sufficiently numerous population to warrant their being called "great nations." Of those that were great nations, only three have endured as great nations for eight hundred years; and the three that have so endured are the three greatest in Europe now--the French, the British, and the German. Some of the ancient empires continued for long periods. The history of practical, laborious, and patient China is fairly complete and clear for more than two thousand years before our era; and of dreamy, philosophic India for almost as long, though in far less authentic form. Egypt existed as a nation, highly military, artistic, and industrious, as her monuments show, for perhaps four thousand years; when she was forced by the barbarians of Persia into a condition of dependence, from which she has never yet emerged. The time of her greatness in the arts and sciences of peace was the time of her greatest military power; and her decline in the arts and sciences of peace accompanied her decline in those of war. Assyria, with her two capitals, Babylon and Nineveh, flourished splendidly for about six centuries, and was then subdued by the Persians under Cyrus, after the usual decline. The little kingdom of the Hebrews, hardy and warlike under Saul and David, luxurious and effeminate under Solomon, lasted but little more than a hundred years. Persia, rising rapidly by military means from the barbarian state, lived a brilliant life of conquest, cultivated but little those arts of peace that hold in check the passions of a successful military nation, yielded rapidly to the seductions of luxury, and fell abruptly before the Macedonian Alexander, lasting less than two hundred and fifty years. Macedonia, trained under Philip, rose to great military power under Alexander, conquered in twelve years the ten most wealthy and populous countries of the world--nearly the whole known world; but fell to pieces almost instantly when Alexander died. The cities of Greece enjoyed a rare pre-eminence both in the arts and sciences of peace and in military power, but only for about one hundred and fifty years: falling at last before the superior military force of Macedon, after neglecting the practice of the military arts, and devoting themselves to art, learning, and philosophy. Rome as a great nation lasted about five hundred years; and the last three centuries of her life after the death of Commodus, about 192 A. D., illustrate curiously the fact that, even if a people be immoral, cruel, and base in many ways, their existence as an independent state may be continued long, if military requirements be understood, and if the military forces be preserved from the influence of the effeminacy of the nation as a whole. In Rome, the army was able to maintain a condition of considerable manliness, relatively to the people at large, and thus preserve internal order and keep the barbarians at bay for nearly three hundred years; and at the same time exert a powerful and frequently deciding influence in the government. But the effeminacy of the people, especially of those in the higher ranks, made them the creatures of the army that protected them. In some cases, the Emperor himself was selected by the army, or by the Pretorian Guard in Rome; and sometimes the guard removed an Emperor of whom it disapproved by the simple expedient of killing him. After the fall of the Western Empire in 476, when Rome was taken by Odoacer, a condition of confusion, approaching anarchy, prevailed throughout Europe, until Charlemagne founded his empire, about 800 A. D., except that Constantinople was able to stand up against all outside assaults and hold the Eastern Empire together. Charlemagne's empire united under one government nearly all of what is now France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Belgium, and Holland. The means employed by Charlemagne to found his empire were wholly military, though means other than military were instituted to preserve it. He endeavored by just government, wise laws, and the encouragement of religion and of education of all kinds to form a united people. The time was not ripe, however; and Charlemagne's empire fell apart soon after Charlemagne expired. The rapid rise and spread of the Mohammedan religion was made possible by the enthusiasm with which Mahomet imbued his followers, but the actual founding of the Arabian Empire was due wholly to military conquest, achieved by the fanatic Mussulmans who lived after him. After a little more than a hundred years, the empire was divided into two caliphates. Brilliant and luxurious courts were thereafter held by caliphs at Bagdad and Cordova, with results similar to those in Egypt, Persia, Assyria, and Rome; the people becoming effeminate, employed warriors to protect them, and the warriors became their masters. Then, effeminacy spreading even to the warriors, strength to resist internal disorders as well as external assaults gradually faded, and both caliphates fell. From the death of Charlemagne until the fall of Constantinople, in 1453, the three principal nations of Europe were those of France, Germany, and England. Until that time, and dating from a time shortly before the fall of Rome, Europe was in perpetual turmoil--owing not only to conflicts between nations, but to conflicts between the Church of Rome and the civil power of the Kings and Emperors, to conflicts among the feudal lords, and to conflicts between the sovereigns and the feudal lords. The power of the Roman Church was beneficent in checking a too arrogant and military tendency, and was the main factor in preventing an utter lapse back to barbarism. The end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of what are usually called "Modern Times" found only four great countries in the world--France, Germany, Spain, and England. Of these Spain dropped out in the latter part of the sixteenth century. The other three countries still stand, though none of them lies within exactly the same boundaries as when modern times began; and Austria, which was a part of Germany then, is now--with Hungary--a separate state and nation. This very brief survey of history shows that every great nation has started from a small beginning and risen sometimes gradually, sometimes rapidly to greatness; and then fallen, sometimes gradually, sometimes rapidly, to mediocrity, dependence, or extinction; that the instrument which has effected the rise has always been military power, usually exerted by armies on the land, sometimes by navies on the sea; and that the instrument which has effected the actual fall has always been the military power of an adversary. In other words, _the immediate instrument that has decided the rise and the fall of nations has been military power_. That this should have been so need not surprise us, since nations have always been composed of human beings, influenced by the same hopes and fears and governed by the same laws of human nature. And as the most potent influence that could be brought to bear upon a man was a threat against his life, and as it was the province of military power to threaten life, it was unavoidable that military power should be the most potent influence that could be brought to bear upon a nation. The history of the world has been in the main a history of war and a narrative of wars. No matter how far back we go, the same horrible but stimulating story meets our eyes. In ancient days, when every weapon was rude, and manipulated by one man only, the injury a single weapon could do was small, the time required for preparation was but brief, and the time required for recuperation after war was also brief. At that time, military power was almost the sole element in the longevity of a tribe, or clan, or nation; and the warriors were the most important men among the people. But as civilization increased, the life not only of individuals but of nations became more complex, and warriors had to dispute with statesmen, diplomatists, poets, historians, and artists of various types, the title to pre-eminence. Yet even in savage tribes and even in the conduct of savage wars, the value of wisdom and cunning was perceived, and the stimulating aid of the poet and the orator was secured. The relative value of men of war and men of peace depended during each period on the conditions prevailing then--in war, warriors held the stage; in peace, statesmen and artists had their day. Naturally, during periods when war was the normal condition, the warrior was the normal pillar of the state. In how great a proportion of the time that history describes, war was the normal condition and peace the abnormal, few realize now in our country, because of the aloofness of the present generation from even the memory of war. Our last great war ended in 1865; and since then only the light and transient touch of the Spanish War has been laid upon us. Even that war ended seventeen years ago and since then only the distant rumblings of battles in foreign lands have been borne across the ocean to our ears. These rumblings have disturbed us very little. Feeling secure behind the 3,000-mile barrier of the ocean, we have lent an almost incredulous ear to the story that they tell and the menace that they bear; though the story of the influence of successful and unsuccessful wars upon the rise and fall of nations is told so harshly and so loudly that, in order not to hear it, one must tightly stop his ears. That war has not been the only factor, however, in the longevity of nations is obviously true; and it is also true that nations which have developed the warlike arts alone have never even approximated greatness. In all complex matters, in all processes of nature and human nature, many elements are present, and many factors combine to produce a given result. Man is a very complex individual, and the more highly he is developed the more complex he becomes. A savage is mainly an animal; but the civilized and highly educated man is an animal on whose elemental nature have been superposed very highly organized mental, moral, and spiritual natures. Yet even a savage of the most primitive or warlike character has an instinctive desire for rest and softness and beauty, and loves a primitive music; and even the most highly refined and educated gentleman raises his head a little higher, and draws his breath a little deeper, when war draws near. Thus in the breast of every man are two opposing forces; one urging him to the action and excitement of war, the other to the comparative inaction and tranquillity of peace. On the side that urges war, we see hate, ambition, courage, energy, and strength; on the side that urges peace we see love, contentment, cowardice, indolence, and weakness. We see arrayed for war the forceful faults and virtues; for peace the gentle faults and virtues. Both the forceful and the gentle qualities tend to longevity in certain ways and tend to its prevention in other ways; but history clearly shows that the _forceful qualities have tended more to the longevity of nations than the gentle_. If ever two nations, or two tribes, have found themselves contiguous, one forceful and the other not, the forceful one has usually, if not always, obtained the mastery over the other, and therefore has outlived it. If any cow and any lion have found themselves alone together, the lion has outlived the cow. It is true that the mere fact of being a lion has not insured long life, and that the mere fact of being a cow has not precluded it; and some warlike tribes and nations have not lived so long as tribes and nations of softer fibre. This seems to have been due, however, either to the environments in which the two have lived, or to the fact that the softer nation has had available some forces that the other did not have. The native Indians of North America were more warlike than the colonists from Europe that landed on their shores; but the Indians were armed with spears and arrows, and the colonists with guns. Now, those guns were the product of the arts of peace; no nation that had pursued a warlike life exclusively could have produced them or invented the powder that discharged them. This fact indicates what a thousand other facts of history also indicate, that civilization and the peaceful arts contribute to the longevity of nations--not only by promoting personal comfort, and by removing causes of internal strife, and thus enabling large bodies of people to dwell together happily, but also by increasing their military power. Every nation which has achieved greatness has cultivated assiduously both the arts of peace and the arts of war. Every nation which has long maintained that greatness has done so by maintaining the policy by which she acquired it. _Every nation that has attained and then lost greatness, has lost it by losing the proper balance between the military and the peaceful arts; never by exalting unduly the military, but always by neglecting them, and thereby becoming vulnerable to attack_. In other words, the history of every great nation that has declined shows three periods, the rise, the table-land of greatness, and the decline. During the rise, the military arts hold sway; on the table-land, the arts of peace and war are fairly balanced; during the decline the peaceful arts hold sway. _Facilis descensus Averni_. The rise is accomplished by expending energy, for which accomplishment the possession of energy is the first necessity; the height of the table-land attained represents the amount of energy expended; the length of time that the nation maintains itself upon this table-land, before starting on the inevitable descent therefrom, represents her staying power and constitutes her longevity as a great nation. How long shall any nation stay upon the table-land? As long as she continues to adapt her life wisely to her environment; as long as she continues to be as wise as she was while climbing up; for while climbing, she had not only to exert force, she had also to guide the force with wisdom. So we see that, in the ascent, a nation has to use both force and wisdom; on the table-land, wisdom; in the decline, neither. Among the nations of antiquity one might suppose that, because of the slowness of transportation and communication, and the feebleness of weapons compared with those of modern days, much longer periods of time would be required for the rise of any nation, and also a longer period before her descent began. Yet the vast empire of Alexander lasted hardly a day after he expired, and the Grecian cities maintained their greatness but a century and a half; while Great Britain, France, and Germany have been great nations for nearly a thousand years. Why have they endured longer than the others? The answer is hard to find; because many causes, and some of them obscure, have contributed to the result. But, as we observe the kind of constitution and the mode of life of long-lived people, in order to ascertain what kind of constitution and mode of life conduce to longevity in people, so perhaps we may logically do the same with nations. Observing the constitution and mode of life of the British, French, and German nations, we are struck at once with the fact that those peoples have been by constitution active, ambitious, intelligent, and brave; and that they have observed in their national life a skilfully balanced relation between the arts of peace and the arts of war; neglecting neither and allowing neither to wax great at the expense of the other. In all those countries the _first_ aim has been protection from both external attack and internal disorder. Protection from external attack has been gained by military force and highly trained diplomacy; protection from internal disorder has been gained _first_ by military force, and _second_ by wise laws, just courts, and the encouragement of religion and of those arts and sciences that lead to comfort and happiness in living. China may attract the attention of some as an instance of longevity; but is China a nation in the usual meaning of the word? Certainly, she is not a great nation. It is true that no other nation has actually conquered her of late; but this has been largely by reason of her remoteness from the active world, and because other nations imposed their will upon her, without meeting any resistance that required the use of war to overcome. And even China has not lived a wholly peaceful life, despite the non-military character of her people. Her whole history was one of wars, like that of other nations, until the middle of the fourteenth century of our era. Since then, she has had four wars, in all of which she has been whipped: one in the seventeenth century when the country was successfully invaded, and the native dynasty was overthrown by the Tartars of Manchuria; one in 1840, when Great Britain compelled her to cede Hong-Kong and to open five ports to foreign commerce, through which ports opium could be introduced; one in 1860, with Great Britain and France, that resulted in the capture of Pekin; and one with Japan in 1894. Since that time (as well as before) China has been the scene of revolutions and wide-spread disturbances, so that, even though a peace-loving and non-resisting nation, peace has not reigned within her borders. The last dynasty was overthrown in 1912. Since then a feeble republic has dragged on a precarious existence, interrupted by the very short reign of Yuan Shih K'ai. This brief consideration of the trend of people up to the present time seems to show that, owing to the nature of man himself, especially to the nature of large "crowds" of men, the direction in which nations have been moving hitherto has not been toward increasing the prevalence of peace, but rather toward increasing the methods, instruments, and areas of war; furthermore, that this direction of movement has been necessary, in order to achieve and to maintain prosperity in any nation. This being the case, what forces exist that may reasonably be expected to change that trend? Three main forces are usually mentioned: Civilization, Commerce, Christianity. Before considering these it may be well to note Newton's first law of motion, that every body will continue in a state of rest or of uniform motion in a straight line unless acted on by some external force; for though this law was affirmed of material bodies, yet its applicability to large groups of men is striking and suggestive. Not only do human beings have the physical attributes of weight and inertia like other material bodies, but their mental organism, while of a higher order than the physical, is as powerfully affected by external forces. And though it is true that psychology has not yet secured her Newton, and that no one has yet formulated a law that expresses exactly the action of the minds and spirits of men under the influence of certain mental and moral stimuli or forces, yet we know that our minds and spirits are influenced by fear, hope, ambition, hate, and so forth, in ways that are fairly well understood and toward results that often can be predicted in advance. Our whole theory of government and our laws of business and every-day life are founded on the belief that men are the same to-day as they were yesterday, and that they will be the same to-morrow. The whole science of psychology is based on the observed and recorded actions of the human organism under the influence of certain external stimuli or forces, and starts from the assumption that this organism has definite and permanent characteristics. If this is not so--if the behavior of men in the past has not been governed by actual laws which will also govern their behavior in the future--then our laws of government are built on error, and the teachings of psychology are foolish. This does not mean that any man will necessarily act in the same way to-morrow as he did yesterday, when subjected to the influence of the same threat, inducement, or temptation; because, without grappling the thorny question of free will, we realize that a man's action is never the result of only one stimulus and motive, but is the resultant of many; and we have no reason to expect that he will act in the same way when subjected to the same stimulus, unless we know that the internal and external conditions pertaining to him are also the same. Furthermore, even if we cannot predict what a certain individual will do, when exposed to a certain external influence, because of some differences in his mental and physical condition, on one occasion in comparison with another, yet when we consider large groups of men, we know that individual peculiarities, permanent and temporary, balance each other in great measure; that the average condition of a group of men is less changeable than that of one man, and that the degree of permanency of condition increases with the number of men in the group. From this we may reasonably conclude that, if we know the character of a man--or a group of men--and if we know also the line of action which he--or they-have followed in the past, we shall be able to predict his--or their--line of action in the future with considerable accuracy; and that the accuracy will increase with the number of men in the group, and the length of time during which they have followed the known line of action. Le Bon says: "Every race carries in its mental constitution the laws of its destiny." Therefore, the line of action that the entire human race has followed during the centuries of the past is a good index--or at least the best index that we have--to its line of action during the centuries of the future. Now, men have been on this earth for many years; and history and psychology teach us that in their intercourse with each other, their conduct has been caused by a combination of many forces, among which are certain powerful forces that tend to create strife. The strongest by far of these forces is the _ego_ in man himself, a quality divinely implanted which makes a man in a measure self-protecting. This ego prompts a man not only to seek pleasure and avoid trouble for himself, but also to gain superiority, and, if possible, the mastery over his fellow men. Men being placed in life in close juxtaposition to each other, the struggles of each man to advance his own interests produce rivalries, jealousies, and conflicts. Similarly with nations. Nations have been composed for the most part of people having an heredity more or less common to them all, so that they are bound together as great clans. From this it has resulted that nations have been jealous of each other and have combated each other. They have been doing this since history began, and are doing it as much as ever now. In fact, mankind have been in existence for so many centuries, and their physical, moral, mental, and spiritual characteristics were so evidently implanted in them by the Almighty, that it seems difficult to see how any one, except the Almighty himself, can change these characteristics and their resulting conduct. It is a common saying that a man cannot lift himself over the fence by his boot straps, though he can jump over the fence, if it is not too high. This saying recognizes the fact that "a material system can do no work on itself"; but needs external aid. When a man pulls upward on his boot straps, the upward force that he exerts is exactly balanced by the downward reaction exerted by his boot straps; but when he jumps, the downward thrust of his legs causes an equal reaction of the earth, which exerts a direct force upward upon the man; and it is this external force that moves him over the fence. It is this external force, the reaction of the earth or air or water, which moves every animal that walks, or bird that flies, or fish that swims. It is the will of the Almighty, acting through the various stimuli of nature, that causes the desire to walk, and all the emotions and actions of men. If He shall cause any new force to act on men, their line of conduct will surely change. But if He does not--how can it change, or be changed; how can the human race turn about, by means of its own power only, and move in a direction the reverse from that in which it has been moving throughout all the centuries of the past? These considerations seem to indicate that nations, regarded in their relation toward each other, will go on in the direction in which they have been going unless acted upon by some external force. Will civilization, commerce, or Christianity impart that force? Inasmuch as civilization is merely a condition in which men live, and an expression of their history, character and aims, it is difficult to see how it could of itself act as an external force, or cause an external force to act. "Institutions and laws," says Le Bon, again, "are the outward manifestation of our character, the expression of its needs. Being its outcome, institutions and laws cannot change this character." Even if the civilization of a given nation may have been brought about in some degree by forces external to that nation, yet it is clear that we must regard that civilization rather as the result of those forces than as a force itself. Besides, civilization has never yet made the relations of nations with each other more unselfish, civilized nations now and in the past, despite their veneer of courtesy, being fully as jealous of each other as the most savage tribes. That this should be so seems natural; because civilization has resulted mainly from the attempts of individuals and groups to enhance the pleasures and diminish the ills of life, and therefore cannot tend to unselfishness in either individuals or nations. Civilization in the past has not operated to soften the relations of nations with each other, so why should it do so now? Is not modern civilization, with its attendant complexities, rivalries, and jealousies, provocative of quarrels rather than the reverse? In what respect is modern civilization better than past civilization, except in material conveniences due to material improvements in the mechanic arts? Are we any more artistic, strong, or beautiful than the Greeks in their palmy days? Are we braver than the Spartans, more honest than the Chinese, more spiritual than the Hindoos, more religious than the Puritans? Is not the superior civilization of the present day a mechanical civilization pure and simple? And has not the invention of electrical and mechanical appliances, with the resulting insuring of communication and transportation, and the improvements in instruments of destruction, advantaged the great nations more than the weaker ones, and increased the temptation to great nations to use force rather than decreased it? Do not civilization's improvements in weapons of destruction augment the effectiveness of warlike methods, as compared with the peaceful methods of argument and persuasion? Diplomacy is an agency of civilization that was invented to avoid war, to enable nations to accommodate themselves to each other without going to war; but, practically, diplomacy seems to have caused almost as many wars as it has averted. And even if it be granted that the influence of diplomacy has been in the main for peace rather than for war, we know that diplomacy has been in use for centuries, that its resources are well understood, and that they have all been tried out many times; and therefore we ought to realize clearly that diplomacy cannot introduce any new force into international politics now, or exert, an influence for peace that will be more potent in the future than the influence that it has exerted in the past. These considerations seem to show that we cannot reasonably expect civilization to divert nations from the path they have followed hitherto. Can commerce impart the external force necessary to divert nations from that path? Since commerce bears exactly the same relation to nations now as in times past, and since it is an agency within mankind itself, it is difficult to see how it can act as an external force, or cause an external force to be applied. Of course, commercial interests are often opposed to national interests, and improvements in speed and sureness of communication and transportation increase the size and power of commercial organizations. But the same factors increase the power of governments and the solidarity of nations. At no time in the past has there been more national feeling in nations than now. Even the loosely held provinces of China are forming a Chinese nation. Despite the fundamental commercialism of the age, national spirit is growing more intense, the present war being the main intensifying cause. It is true that the interests of commerce are in many ways antagonistic to those of war. But, on the other hand, of all the causes that occasion war the economic causes are the greatest. For no thing will men fight more savagely than for money; for no thing have men fought more savagely than for money; and the greater the rivalry, the more the man's life becomes devoted to it, and the more fiercely he will fight to get or keep it. Surely of all the means by which we hope to avoid war, the most hopeless by far is commerce. The greatest of all hopes is in Christianity, because of its inculcation of love and kindliness, its obvious influence on the individual in cultivating unselfishness and other peaceful virtues, and the fact that it is an inspiration from on high, and therefore a force external to mankind. But let us look the facts solemnly in the face that the Christian religion has now been in effect for nearly two thousand years; that the nations now warring are Christian nations, in the very foremost rank of Christendom; that never in history has there been so much bloodshed in such wide-spread areas and so much hate, and that we see no signs that Christianity is employing any influence that she has not been employing for nearly two thousand years. If we look for the influence of Christianity, we can find it in the daily lives of people, in the family, in business, in politics, and in military bodies; everywhere, in fact, in Christian countries, so long as we keep inside of any organization the members of which feel bound together. This we must all admit, even the heathen know it; but where do we see any evidence of the sweetening effect of Christianity in the dealings of one organization with another with which it has no special bonds of friendship? Christianity is invoked in every warring nation now to stimulate the patriotic spirit of the nation and intensify the hate of the crowd against the enemy; and even if we think that such invoking is a perversion of religious influence to unrighteous ends, we must admit the fact that the Christian religion itself is at this moment being made to exert a powerful influence--not toward peace but toward war! And this should not amaze us; for where does the Bible say or intimate that love among nations will ever be brought about? The Saviour said: "I bring not peace but a sword." So what reasonable hope does even Christianity give us that war between nations will cease? And even if it did give reasonable hope, let us realize that between reasonable hope and reasonable expectation there is a great gulf fixed. Therefore, we seem forced to the conclusion that the world will move in the future in the same direction as in the past; that nations will become larger and larger and fewer and fewer, the immediate instrument of international changes being war; and that certain nations will become very powerful and nearly dominate the earth in turn, as Persia, Greece, Rome, Spain, France, and Great Britain have done--and as some other country soon may do. Fortunately, or perhaps unfortunately, a certain law of decadence seems to have prevailed, because of which every nation, after acquiring great power, has in turn succumbed to the enervating effects which seem inseparable from it, and become the victim of some newer nation that has made strenuous preparations for long years, in secret, and finally pounced upon her as a lion on its prey. Were it not for this tendency to decadence, we should expect that the nations of the earth would ultimately be divided into two great nations, and that these would contend for the mastery in a world-wide struggle. But if the present rate of invention and development continues, improvements in the mechanic arts will probably cause such increase in the power of weapons of destruction, and in the swiftness and sureness of transportation and communication, that some _monster of efficiency_ will have time to acquire world mastery before her period of decadence sets in. In this event, wars will be of a magnitude besides which the present struggle will seem pygmy; and will rage over the surface of the earth, for the gaining and retaining of the mastery of the world. CHAPTER II NAVAL A, B, C In order to realize what principles govern the use of navies, let us first consider what navies have to do and get history's data as to what navies in the past have done. It would obviously be impossible to recount here all the doings of navies. But neither is it necessary; for the reason that, throughout the long periods of time in which history records them, their activities have nearly always been the same. In all cases in which navies have been used for war there was the preliminary dispute, often long-continued, between two peoples or their rulers, and at last the decision of the dispute by force. In all cases the decision went to the side that could exert the most force at the critical times and places. The fact that the causes of war have been civil, and not military, demands consideration, for the reason that some people, confusing cause and effect, incline to the belief that armies and navies are the cause of war, and that they are to be blamed for its horrors. History clearly declares the contrary, and shows that the only rôle of armies and navies has been to wage wars, and, by waging, to finish them. It may be well here, in order to clear away a possible preconception by the reader, to try and dispel the illusion that army and navy officers are eager for war, in order that they may get promotion. This idea has been exploited by people opposed to the development of the army and navy, and has been received with so much credulity that it seriously handicaps the endeavors of officers to get an unbiassed hearing. But surely the foolishness of such an idea would promptly disappear from the brain of any one if he would remind himself that simply because a man joins the army or navy he does not cease to be a human being, with the same emotions of fear as other men, the same sensitiveness to pain, the same dread of death, and the same horror of leaving his family unsupported after his death. It is true that men in armies and navies are educated to dare death if need be; but the present writer has been through two wars, has been well acquainted with army and navy officers for forty-five years, and knows positively that, barring exceptions, they do not desire war at all. Without going into an obviously impossible discussion of all naval wars, it may be instructive to consider briefly the four naval wars in which the United States has engaged. The first was the War of the American Revolution. This war is instructive to those who contend that the United States is so far from Europe as to be safe from attack by a European fleet; because the intervening distance was frequently traversed then by British and French fleets of frail, slow, sailing ships, which were vital factors in the war. Without the British war-ships, the British could not have landed and supported their troops. Without the French war-ships the French could not have landed and supported their troops, who, under Rochambeau, were also under Washington, and gave him the assistance that he wofully needed, to achieve by arms our independence. The War of 1812 is instructive from the fact that, though the actions of our naval ships produced little material effect, the skill, daring, and success with which they were fought convinced Europeans of the high character and consequent noble destiny of the American people. The British were so superior in sea strength, however, that they were able to send their fleet across the ocean and land a force on the shores of Chesapeake Bay. This force marched to Washington, attacked the city, and burned the Capitol and other public buildings, with little inconvenience to itself. The War of the Rebellion is instructive because it shows how two earnest peoples, each believing themselves right, can be forced, by the very sincerity of their convictions, to wage war against each other; and because it shows how unpreparedness for war, with its accompanying ignorance of the best way in which to wage it, causes undue duration of a war and therefore needless suffering. If the North had not closed its eyes so resolutely to the fact of the coming struggle, it would have noted beforehand that the main weakness of the Confederacy lay in its dependence on revenue from cotton and its inability to provide a navy that could prevent a blockade of its coasts; and the North would have early instituted a blockade so tight that the Confederacy would have been forced to yield much sooner than it did. The North would have made naval operations the main effort, instead of the auxiliary effort; and would have substituted for much of the protracted and bloody warfare of the land the quickly decisive and comparatively merciful warfare of the sea. In the Spanish War the friction between the United States and Spain was altogether about Cuba. No serious thought of the invasion of either country was entertained, no invasion was attempted, and the only land engagements were some minor engagements in Cuba and the Philippines. The critical operations were purely naval. In the first of these, Commodore Dewey's squadron destroyed the entire Far Eastern squadron of the Spanish in Manila Bay; in the second, Admiral Sampson's squadron destroyed the entire Atlantic squadron of the Spanish near Santiago de Cuba. The two naval victories compelled Spain to make terms of peace practically as the United States wished. Attention is invited to the fact that this war was not a war of conquest, was not a war of aggression, was not a war of invasion, was not a war carried on by either side for any base purpose; but was in its intention and its results for the benefit of mankind. The Russo-Japanese War was due to conflicting national policies. While each side accused the other of selfish ends, it is not apparent to a disinterested observer that either was unduly selfish in its policy, or was doing more than every country ought to advance the interests and promote the welfare of its people. Russia naturally had a great deal of interest in Manchuria, and felt that she had a right to expand through the uncivilized regions of Manchuria, especially since she needed a satisfactory outlet to the sea. In other words, the interests of Russia were in the line of its expanding to the eastward. But Japan's interests were precisely the reverse of Russia's--that is, Japan's interests demanded that Russia should not do those things that Russia wanted to do. Japan felt that Russia's movement toward the East was bringing her entirely too close to Japan. Russia was too powerful a country, and too aggressive, to be trusted so close. Japan had the same feeling toward Russia that any man might have on seeing another man, heavily armed, gradually coming closer to him in the night. Japan especially wished that Russia should have no foothold in Corea, feeling, as she expressed it, that the point of Corea under Russian power would be a dagger directed at the heart of Japan. This feeling about Corea was the same feeling that every country has about land near her; it has a marked resemblance to the feeling that the United States has embodied in Monroe Doctrine. After several years of negotiation in which Japan and Russia endeavored to secure their respective aims by diplomacy, diplomacy was finally abandoned and the sword taken up instead. Japan, _because of the superior foresight of her statesmen_, was the first to realize that diplomacy must fail, was the first to realize that she must prepare for war, was the first to begin adequate preparation for war, was the first to complete preparation for war, was the first to strike, and in consequence was the victor. Yet Russia was a very much larger, richer, more populous country than Japan. Russia sent large forces of soldiers to Manchuria by the trans-Siberian railroad, and Japan sent large forces there by transports across the Sea of Japan. Japan could not prevent the passage of soldiers by the railroad, but Russia could prevent the passage of transports across the Japan Sea, provided her fleet could overcome the Japanese fleet and get command of the sea. Russia had a considerable fleet in the Far East; but she had so underestimated the naval ability of the Japanese, that the Russian fleet proved unequal to the task; and the Japanese gradually reduced it to almost nothing, with very little loss to themselves. Russia then sent out another fleet. The Japanese met this fleet on the 27th of May, 1904, near the Island of Tsushima, between Corea and Japan. The battle was decided in about an hour. The Japanese sank practically all the Russian ships before the battle was entirely finished, with comparatively small loss to Japan. This battle was carried on 12,000 miles by sea route from Saint Petersburg. No invasion of Russia or Japan was contemplated, or attempted, and yet the naval battle decided the issue of the war completely, and was followed by a treaty of peace very shortly afterward. These wars show us, as do all wars in which navies have engaged, that the function of a navy is not only to defend the coast in the sense of preventing an enemy from landing on it, but also to exert force far distant from the coast. The study of war has taught its students for many centuries that a merely passive defense will finally be broken down, and that the most effective defense is the "offensive-defensive." Perhaps the clearest case of a correct offensive-defensive is Nelson's defense of England, which he carried on in the Mediterranean, in the West Indies, and wherever the enemy fleet might be, finally defeating Napoleon's plan for invading England--not by waiting off the coast of England, but by attacking and crippling Napoleon's fleet off the Spanish coast near Trafalgar. The idea held by many people that the defense of a country can be effected by simply preventing the invasion of its coasts, is a little like the notion of uneducated people that a disease can be cured by suppressing its symptoms. For even a successful defense of a coast against invasion by a hostile force cannot remove the inimical influence to a country's commerce and welfare which that hostile force exerts, any more than palliatives can cure dyspepsia. Every intelligent physician knows that the only way to cure a disease is to remove its cause; and every intelligent military or naval man knows that history teaches that the only way in which a country can defend itself successfully against an enemy is to defeat the armed force of that enemy--be it a force of soldiers on the land, or a force of war-ships on the sea. In naval parlance, "our objective is the enemy's fleet." If the duty of a navy be merely to prevent the actual invasion of its country's coasts, a great mistake has been made by Great Britain, France, and other countries in spending so much money on their navies, and in giving so much attention to the education and training of their officers and enlisted men. To prevent actual invasion would be comparatively an easy task, one that could be performed by rows of forts along the coast, supplemented by mines and submarines. If that is the only kind of defense required, navies are hardly needed. The army in each country could man the forts and operate the mines, and a special corps of the army could even operate the submarines, which (if their only office is to prevent actual invasion) need hardly leave the "three-mile limit" that skirts the coasts. If the people of any country do not care to have dealings outside; if the nation is willing to be in the position of a man who is safe so long as he stays in the house, but is afraid to go outdoors, the problem of national defense is easy. But if the people desire to prevent interference with what our Constitution calls "the general welfare," the problem becomes exceedingly complex and exceedingly grave--more complex and grave than any other problem that they have. If they desire that their ships shall be free to sail the seas, and their citizens to carry on business and to travel in other lands; and if they desire that their merchants shall be able to export their wares and their farmers their grain, also that the people shall be able to import the things they wish from foreign countries, then they must be able to exert actual physical force on the ocean at any point where vessels carrying their exports and imports may be threatened. Naval ships are the only means for doing this. The possibility that an armed force sent to a given point at sea might have to fight an enemy force, brought about first the sending of more than one vessel, and later--as the mechanic arts progressed--the increasing of the size of individual vessels, and later still the development of novel types. There are two main reasons for building a small number of large ships rather than a large number of small ships. The first reason is that large ships are much more steady, reliable, safe, and fast than small ships. The second reason is that, when designed for any given speed, the large ships have more space available for whatever is to be carried; one 15-knot ship of 20,000 tons normal displacement, for instance, has about one and a half times as much space available for cargo, guns, and what-not, as four 15-knot ships of 5,000 tons each. These two reasons apply to merchant ships as well as naval ships. A third reason applies to naval vessels only, and is that a few large ships can be handled much better together than a large number of small ships, and embody that "concentration of force" which it is the endeavor of strategy and tactics to secure. A fourth reason is the obvious one that large ships can carry larger guns than small ships. The distinctly military (naval) purpose for which a war-ship is designed necessitates, first, that in addition to her ability to go rapidly and surely from place to place, she be able to exert physical force against an enemy ship or fort, and, second, that she have protection against the fire of guns and torpedoes from enemy ships and forts, against bombs dropped from aircraft, and against mines. This means that a man-of-war, intended to exert the maximum of physical force against an enemy and to be able to withstand the maximum of punishment, must have guns and torpedoes for offense, and must have armor and cellular division of the hull for defense; the armor to keep out the enemy's shells, and the cellular division of the hull to prevent the admission of more water than can fill one water-tight compartment in case the ship is hit. It must be admitted here that, at the present moment, torpedoes hold such large charges of explosive that the cellular division of ships does not adequately protect them. This means that a contest has been going on between torpedo-makers and naval constructors like the contest between armor-makers and gunmakers, and that just now the torpedo-makers are in the lead. For this reason a battleship needs other protection than that imparted by its cellular subdivision. This is given by its "torpedo defense battery" of minor guns of about 5-inch calibre. By reason of the great vulnerability of all ships to attack below the water-line, the torpedo was invented and developed. In its original form, the torpedo was motionless in the water, either anchored to the ground, or floating on the surface, and was in fact what now is called a "mine." But forty-eight years ago an Englishman named Whitehead invented the automobile, auto-steering, torpedo, which still bears his name. This torpedo is used in all the navies, and is launched on its mission from battleships, battle cruisers, destroyers, submarines, and other craft of various kinds. Most torpedoes are to be found in destroyers--long, fast, frail vessels, averaging about 700 tons displacement, that are intended to dash at enemy ships at night, or under other favorable conditions, launch their torpedoes, and hurry away. The torpedo is "a weapon of opportunity." It has had a long, slow fight for its existence; but its success during the present war has established it firmly in naval warfare. The submarine has followed the destroyer, and some people think will supplant it; though its relatively slow speed prevents those dashes that are the destroyer's rôle. The submarine is, however, a kind of destroyer that is submersible, in which the necessities of submersibility preclude great speed. The submarine was designed to accomplish a clear and definite purpose--a secret under-water attack on an enemy's ship in the vicinity. It has succeeded so well in its limited mission that some intelligent people declare that we need submarines only--ignoring the fact that, even if submarines could successfully prevent actual invasion, they could not carry on operations at a distance from their base of supplies. It is true that submarines may be made so large that they can steam at great speed from place to place, as capital ships steam now, carry large supplies of fuel and food, house their crews hygienically, and need no "mother ship" or tender. But if submarines achieve such size, they will be more expensive to build and run than battleships--and will be, in fact, submersible battleships. In other words, the submarine cannot displace the battleship, but may be developed and evolved into a new and highly specialized type of battleship. The necessity for operating at long distances from a base carries with it the necessity for supplying more fuel than even a battleship can carry; and this means that colliers must be provided. In most countries, the merchant service is so large that colliers can be taken from it, but in the United States no adequate merchant marine exists, and so it is found necessary to build navy colliers and have them in the fleet. The necessity for continuously supplying food and ammunition to the fleet necessitates supply ships and ammunition ships; but the problem of supplying food and ammunition is not so difficult as that of supplying fuel, for the reason that they are consumed more slowly. In order to take care of the sick and wounded, and prevent them from hampering the activities of the well, hospital ships are needed. Hospital ships should, of course, be designed for that purpose before being constructed; but usually hospital ships were originally passenger ships, and were adapted to hospital uses later. The menace of the destroyer--owing to the sea-worthiness which this type has now achieved, and to the great range which the torpedo has acquired--has brought about the necessity of providing external protection to the battleships; and this is supplied by a "screen" of cruisers and destroyers, whose duty is to keep enemy destroyers and (so far as is practicable) the submarines at a safe distance. We now see why a fleet must be composed of various types of vessels. At the present moment, the battleship is the primary, or paramount type, the others secondary, because the battleship is the type that can exert the most force, stand the hardest punishment, steam the farthest in all kinds of weather, and in general, serve her country the best. Of course, "battleship" is merely a name, and some think not a very good name, to indicate a ship that can take the part in battle that used to be taken by the "ship of the line." The reason for its primacy is fundamental: its displacement or total weight--the same reason that assured the primacy of the ship of the line. For displacement rules the waves; if "Britannia rules the waves," it is simply because Britannia has more displacement than any other Power. The fleet needs to have a means of knowing where the enemy is, how many ships he has, what is their character, the direction in which they are steaming, and their speed. To accomplish this purpose, "scouts" are needed--fast ships, that can steam far in all kinds of weather and send wireless messages across great distances. So far as their scout duties go, such vessels need no guns whatever, and no torpedoes; but because the enemy will see the scout as soon as the scout sees the enemy, and because the enemy will try to drive away the scout by gun and torpedo fire, the scouts must be armed. And this necessity is reinforced by the necessity of driving off an enemy's scouts. In foreign navies the need for getting information in defiance of an enemy's attempts to prevent it, and to drive off the armed scouts of an enemy, has been one of the prime reasons for developing "battle cruisers," that combine the speed of the destroyer with the long steaming radius of the battleship, a battery almost as strong, and a very considerable protection by armor. The aeroplane and the air-ship are recent accessions to the list of fighting craft. Their rôle in naval warfare cannot yet be defined, because the machines themselves have not yet reached an advanced stage of development, and their probable performance cannot be forecast. There is no doubt, however, in the minds of naval men that the rôle of aircraft is to be important and distinguished. CHAPTER III NAVAL POWER Mahan proved that sea power has exercised a determining influence on history. He proved that sea power has been necessary for commercial success in peace and military success in war. He proved that, while many wars have culminated with the victory of some army, the victory of some navy had been the previous essential. He proved that the immediate cause of success had often resulted inevitably from another cause, less apparent because more profound; that the operations of the navy had previously brought affairs up to the "mate in four moves," and that the final victory of the army was the resulting "checkmate." Before Mahan proved his doctrine, it was felt in a general way that sea power was necessary to the prosperity and security of a nation. Mahan was not the first to have this idea, for it had been in the minds of some men, and in the policy of one nation, for more than a century. Neither was Mahan the first to put forth the idea in writing; but he was the first to make an absolute demonstration of the truth. Newton was not the first man to know, or to say, that things near the earth tend to fall to the earth; but he was the first to formulate and prove the doctrine of universal gravitation. In the same way, all through history, we find that a few master minds have been able to group what had theretofore seemed unrelated phenomena, and deduce from them certain laws. In this way they substituted reasoning for speculation, fact for fancy, wisdom for opportunism, and became the guides of the human race. The effect of the acceptance of Mahan's doctrine was felt at once. Realizing that the influence of sea power was a fact, comprehending Great Britain's secret, after Mahan had disclosed it, certain other great nations of the world, especially Germany, immediately started with confidence and vigor upon the increase of their own sea power, and pushed it to a degree before unparalleled; with a result that must have been amazing to the man who, more than any other, was responsible for it. Since the words "sea power," or their translation, is a recognized phrase the world over, and since the power of sea power is greater than ever before, and is still increasing, it may be profitable to consider sea power as an entity, and to inquire what are its leading characteristics, and in what it mainly consists. There is no trouble in defining what the sea is, but there is a good deal of trouble in defining what power is. If we look in a dictionary, we shall find a good many definitions of power; so many as to show that there are many different kinds of power, and that when we read of "power," it is necessary to know what kind of power is meant. Clearly "sea power" means power on the sea. But what kind of power? There are two large classes into which power may be divided, passive and active. Certainly we seem justified, at the start, in declaring that the power meant by Mahan was not passive, but active. Should this be granted, we cannot be far from right if we go a step further, and declare that sea power means ability to do something on the sea. If we ask what the something is that sea power has ability to do, we at once perceive that sea power may be divided into two parts, commercial power and naval power. The power exerted by commercial sea power is clearly that exerted by the merchant service, and is mainly the power of acquiring money. It is true that the merchant service has the power of rendering certain services in war, especially the power of providing auxiliary vessels, and of furnishing men accustomed to the sea; but as time goes on the power contributable by the merchant service must steadily decrease, because of the relatively increasing power of the naval service, and the rapidly increasing difference between the characteristics of ships and men suitable for the merchant service and those suitable for the naval service. But even in the past, while the importance of the merchant service was considerable in the ways just outlined, it may perhaps be questioned whether it formed an element of _sea power_, in the sense in which Mahan discussed sea power. The power of every country depends on all the sources of its wealth: on its agriculture, on its manufacturing activities, and even more directly on the money derived from exports. But these sources of wealth and all sources of wealth, including the merchant service, can hardly be said to be elements of power themselves, but rather to be elements for whose protection power is required. In fact, apart from its usefulness in furnishing auxiliaries, it seems certain that the merchant service has been an element of _weakness_. The need for navies arose from the weakness of merchant ships and the corresponding necessity for assuring them safe voyages and proper treatment even in time of peace; while in time of war they have always been an anxious care, and have needed and received the protection of fighting ships that have been taken away from the fleet to act as convoys. If commercial sea power was not the power meant by Mahan, then he must have meant naval power. And if one reads the pages of history with patient discrimination, the conviction must grow on him that what really constituted the sea power which had so great an influence on history, was _naval_ power; not the power of simply ships upon the sea, but the power of a navy composed of ships able to fight, manned by men trained to fight, under the command of captains skilled to fight, and led by admirals determined to fight. Trafalgar was not won by the merchant service; nor Mobile, Manila, or Tsushima. If sea power be essentially naval power, it may be interesting to inquire: In what does naval power consist and what are its principal characteristics? If one looks at a fleet of war-ships on the sea, he will be impressed consciously or unconsciously with the idea of power. If he is impressed consciously, he will see that the fleet represents power in the broadest sense--power active and power passive; power to do and power to endure; power to exert force and power to resist it. If he goes further and analyzes the reasons for this impression of power, he will see that it is not merely a mental suggestion, but a realization of the actual existence of tremendous mechanical power, under complete direction and control. In mechanics we get a definition of power, which, like all definitions in mechanics, is clear, definite, and correct. In mechanics, power is the rate at which mechanical work is performed. It is ability to do something in a certain definite time. Now this definition gives us a clear idea of the way in which a navy directly represents power, because the power which a navy exerts is, primarily, mechanical; and any other power which it exerts is secondary and derived wholly from its mechanical power. The power of a gun is due wholly to the mechanical energy of its projectile, which enables it to penetrate a resisting body; and the power of a moving ship is due wholly to the mechanical energy of the burning coal within its furnaces. It may be objected that it is not reasonable to consider a ship's energy of motion as an element of naval power, in the mechanical sense in which we have been using the word "power," for the reason that it could be exerted only by the use of her ram, an infrequent use. To this it may be answered that energy is energy, no matter to what purpose it is applied; that a given projectile going at a given speed has a certain energy, whether it strikes its target or misses it; and that a battleship going at a certain speed must necessarily have a certain definite energy, no matter whether it is devoted to ramming another ship or to carrying itself and its contents from one place to another. Besides the mechanical power exerted by the mere motion of the ship, and often superior to it, there is the power of her guns and torpedoes. Perhaps the most important single invention ever made was the invention of gunpowder. Why? Because it put into the hands of man a tremendous force, compressed into a very small volume, which he could use instantaneously or refrain from using at his will. Its first use was in war; and in war has been its main employment ever since. War gives the best field for the activity of gunpowder, because in war, we always wish to exert a great force at a definite point at a given instant; usually in order to _penetrate_ the bodies of men, or some defensive work that protects them. Gunpowder is the principal agent used in war up to the present date. It is used by both armies and navies, but navies use it in larger masses, fired in more powerful guns. Of course this does not mean that it would be impossible to send a lot of powder to a fort, more than a fleet could carry, and fire it; but it does mean that history shows that forts have rarely been called upon to fire much powder, that their lives have been serene, and that most of the powder fired on shore has been fired by infantry using muskets--though a good deal has been fired by field and siege artillery. Leaving forts out of consideration and searching for something else in which to use gunpowder on a large scale, we come to siege-pieces, field-pieces, and muskets. Disregarding siege-pieces and field-pieces, for the reason that the great variety of types makes it difficult to compare them with navy guns, we come to muskets. Now the musket is an extremely formidable weapon, and has, perhaps, been the greatest single contributor to the victory of civilization over barbarism, and order over anarchy, that has ever existed up to the present time. But the enormous advances in engineering, including ordnance, during the last fifty years, have reduced enormously the relative value of the musket. Remembering that energy, or the ability to do work, is expressed by the formula: E=1/2 MV^2, remembering that the projectile of the modern 12-inch gun starts at about 2,900 f. s. velocity and weighs 867 pounds, while the bullet of a musket weighs only 150 grains and starts with a velocity of 2,700 feet per second, we see that the energy of the 12-inch projectile is about 47,000 times that of the bullet on leaving the muzzle. But after the bullet has gone, say 5,000 yards, its energy has fallen to zero, while the energy of the 12-inch projectile is nearly the same as when it started. While it would be truthful, therefore, to say that the energy of the 12-inch gun within 5,000 yards is greater than that of 47,000 muskets, it would also be truthful to say that outside of 5,000 yards, millions of muskets would not be equal to one 12-inch gun. Not only is the 12-inch gun a weapon incomparably great, compared with the musket, but when placed in a naval ship, it possesses a portability which, while not an attribute of the gun itself, is an attribute of the combination of gun and ship, and a distinct attribute of naval power. A 12-inch gun placed in a fort may be just as good as a like gun placed in a ship, but it has no power to exert its power usefully unless some enemy comes where the gun can hit it. And when one searches the annals of history for the records of whatever fighting forts have done, he finds that they have been able to do very little. But a 12-inch gun placed in a man-of-war can be taken where it is needed, and recent history shows that naval 12-inch guns, modern though they are, have already done effective work in war. Not only are 12-inch guns powerful and portable, but modern mechanical science has succeeded in so placing them in our ships that they can be handled with a precision, quickness, and delicacy that have no superior in any other branch of engineering. While granting the difficulty of an exact comparison, I feel no hesitation in affirming that the greatest triumph of the engineering art in handling heavy masses is to be found in the turret of a battleship. Here again, and even inside of 5,000 yards, we find the superiority of the great gun over the musket, as evidenced by its accuracy in use. No soldier can fire his musket, even on a steady platform, himself and target stationary, and the range known perfectly, as accurately as a gun-pointer can fire a 12-inch gun; and if gun and target be moving, and the wind be blowing, and the range only approximately known, as is always the case in practice, the advantage of the big gun in accuracy becomes incomparable. But it is not only the big projectile itself which has energy, for this projectile carries a large charge of high explosive, which exploding some miles away from where it started, exerts a power inherent in itself, that was exhibited with frightful effect at the battles of Tsushima and the Skagerak. This brings us to the auto-torpedo, a weapon recently perfected; in fact not perfected yet. Here is another power that science has put into the hands of naval men in addition to those she had already put there. The auto-torpedo, launched in security from below the water-line of the battleship, or from a destroyer or submarine, can be directed in a straight line over a distance and with a speed that are constantly increasing with the improvement of the weapon. At the present moment, a speed of 27 knots over 10,000 yards can be depended on, with a probability that on striking an enemy's ship below the water-line it will disable that ship, if not sink her. There seems no doubt that, in a very few years, the systematic experiments now being applied to the development of the torpedo will result in a weapon which can hardly be called inferior to the 12-inch or even 16-inch gun and will probably surpass it. _Controllability_.--If one watches a fleet of ships moving on the sea, he gets an impression of tremendous power. But if he watches Niagara, or a thunder-storm, he also gets an impression of tremendous power. But the tremendous power of Niagara, or the thunder-storm, is a power that belongs to Niagara or the thunder-storm, and not to man. Man cannot control the power of Niagara or the thunder-storm; but he can control the power of a fleet. Speaking, then, from the standpoint of the human being, one may say that the fleet has the element of controllability, while Niagara and the thunder-storm have not. One man can make the fleet go faster or slower or stop; he can increase its power of motion or decrease it at his will; he can reduce it to zero. He cannot do so with the forces of nature. _Directability_.--Not only can one man control the power of the fleet, he can also direct it; that is, can turn it to the right or the left as much as he wishes. But one man cannot change the direction of motion of Niagara or the lightning-bolt. _Power, Controllability, and Directability_.--We may say, then, that a fleet combines the three elements of mechanical power, controllability, and directability. _The Unit of Military Power_.--This is an enormous power that has come into the hands of the naval nations; but it has come so newly that we do not appreciate it yet. One reason why we do not and cannot appreciate it correctly is that no units have been established by which to measure it. To supply this deficiency, the author begs leave to point out that, since the military power of every nation has until recently been its army, of which the unit has been the soldier, whose power has rested wholly in his musket, the musket has actually been the unit of military power. In all history, the statement of the number of men in each army has been put forward by historians as giving the most accurate idea of their fighting value; and in modern times, nearly all of these men have been armed with muskets only. It has been said already that the main reason why the invention of gunpowder was so important was that it put into the hands of man a tremendous mechanical power compressed into a very small space, which man could use or not use at his will. This idea may be expressed by saying that gunpowder combines power and great controllability. But it was soon discovered that this gunpowder, put into a tube with a bullet in front of it, could discharge that bullet in any given direction. A musket was the result, and it combined the three requisites of a weapon--mechanical power, controllability, and directability. While the loaded gun is perhaps the clearest example of the combination of the three factors we are speaking of, the moving ship supplies the next best example. It has very much greater mechanical power; and in proportion to its mass, almost as much controllability and directability. The control and direction of a moving ship are very wonderful things; but the very ease with which they are exercised makes us overlook the magnitude of the achievement and the perfection of the means employed. It may seem absurd to speak of one man controlling and directing a great ship, but that is pretty nearly what happens sometimes; for sometimes the man at the wheel is the only man on board doing anything at all; and he is absolutely directing the entire ship. At such times (doubtless they are rare and short) the man at the wheel on board, say the _Vaterland_, is directing unassisted by any human being a mass of 65,000 tons, which is going through the water at a speed of 24 knots, or 27 miles, an hour, nearly as fast as the average passenger-train. In fact, it would be very easy to arrange on board the _Vaterland_ that this should actually happen; that everybody should take a rest for a few minutes, coal-passers, water-tenders, oilers, engineers, and the people on deck. And while such an act might have no particular value, _per se_, and prove nothing important, yet, nevertheless, a brief reflection on the possibility may be interesting, and lead us to see clearly into the essential nature of what is here called "directability." The man at the wheel on board the _Vaterland_, so long as the fires burn and the oil continues to lubricate the engines, has a power in his hands that is almost inconceivable. The ship that he is handling weighs more than the 870,000 men that comprise the standing army of Germany. Now can anybody imagine the entire standing army of Germany being carried along at 27 miles an hour and turned almost instantly to the right or left by one man? The standing army of Germany is supposed to be the most directable organization in the world; but could the Emperor of Germany move that army at a speed of 27 miles an hour and turn it as a whole (not its separate units) through 90 degrees in three minutes? The _Vaterland_ being a merchant ship and not fully representing naval power, perhaps it might be better to take, say, the _Pennsylvania_. The weight is about half that of the _Vaterland_, that is, it is nearly twice the weight of the men of the British standing army; and the usual speed is about, say, 15 knots. But in addition to all the power of the ship, as a ship, or an energy greater than that of 275,000 muskets, she has the power of all the guns, twelve 14-inch guns, and twenty-two 5-inch guns, whose projectiles, not including the torpedoes fired from four torpedo-tubes, have an energy at the muzzle equal to 750,000 muskets, seven-eighths of all the muskets in the German standing army. Now any one who has seen a battleship at battle practice knows that all the various tremendous forces are under excellent direction and control. And while it cannot be strictly said that they are absolutely under the direction and control of the captain, while it must be admitted that no one man can really direct so many rapidly moving things, yet it is certainly well within the truth to say that the ship and all it contains are very much more under the control of her captain than the German standing army is under the control of the Kaiser. The captain, acting through the helmsman, chief engineer, gunnery officer, and executive officer, can get very excellent information as to what is going on, and can have his orders carried out with very little delay; but the mere space occupied by an army of 870,000 men, and the unavoidable dispersion of its units prevent any such exact control. In other words, the captain of the _Pennsylvania_ wields a weapon more mechanically powerful than all the muskets of the German standing army: and his control of it is more absolute than is the Kaiser's control of that army. _Mechanism vs. Men_.--Now what is the essential reason for the efficient direction exercised by the helmsman of the _Pennsylvania_, and the relative impotency of generals? Is it not that the helmsman acts through the medium of mechanism, while the generals act through the medium of men? A ship is not only made of rigid metal, but all her parts are fastened together with the utmost rigidity; while the parts of an army are men, who are held together by no means whatever except that which discipline gives, and the men themselves are far from rigid. In the nature of things it is impossible that an army should be directed as perfectly as a ship. The rudder of a ship is a mechanical appliance that can be depended upon to control the direction of the ship absolutely, while an army has no such a thing as a rudder, or anything to take its place. Again, the rudder is only a few hundred feet from the helmsman, and the communication between them, including the steering-engine itself, is a strong reliable mechanism that has no counterpart in the army. The control of the main engines of a ship is almost as absolute as the control of the rudder; and the main engines are not only much more powerful than the legs of soldiers, but they act together in much greater harmony. _Inherent Power of a Battleship_.--Possibly the declaration may be accepted now that a battleship of 30,000 tons, such as the navies are building now, with, say, twelve 14-inch guns is a greater example of power, under the absolute direction and control than anything else existing; and that the main reason is the concentration of a tremendous amount of mechanical energy in a very small space, all made available by certain properties of water. Nothing like a ship can be made to run on shore; but if an automobile could be constructed, carrying twelve 14-inch guns, twenty-two 5-inch guns, and four torpedo-tubes, of the size of the _Pennsylvania_, and with her armor, able to run over the land in any direction at 20 knots, propelled by engines of 31,000 horse-power, it could whip an army of a million men just as quickly as it could get hold of its component parts. Such a machine could start at one end of an army and go through to the other like a mowing-machine through a field of wheat; and knock down all the buildings in New York afterward, smash all the cars, break down all the bridges, and sink all the shipping. _Inherent Power of a Fleet_.--An idea of the power exertable by a fleet of modern ships may be derived from the following comparison. When Sherman made his wonderful march to the sea from Atlanta to Savannah, he made a march whose details are historically known, which was unopposed, which was over a flat country, in good weather, and without the aid of railroad-trains. It was a march, pure and simple; and inasmuch as men are the same now as they were then, it gives excellent data of the way in which purely military or army power can move from one place to another, _while still preserving its character and exercising its functions_. Similarly, when Admiral Schroeder, in November, 1910, went from the east coast of the United States to the English Channel, his march was unopposed, its details are known, and it gave an excellent illustration of how naval power can move from one place to another, _while still preserving its character and exercising its functions_. Now General Sherman was a man of world-wide fame, and so were some of his generals, and Sherman's fame will last for centuries. Compared with Sherman, Admiral Schroeder was obscure; and compared with Sherman's officers, Admiral Schroeder's were obscure. Sherman's soldiers, privates and all, were made glorious for the rest of their lives by having been in Sherman's march to the sea, while Admiral Schroeder's sailors achieved no glory at all. So, the next paragraph is not intended to detract in the slightest from Sherman and his army, but simply to point out the change in conditions that mechanical progress has brought about. The statement of comparison is simply that when General Sherman marched from Atlanta to the sea his army composed 62,000 men, and it took him twenty-five days to go about 230 land miles or 200 sea miles; and when Admiral Schroeder went from our coast to Europe he had 16 ships, and he made the trip of more than 3,000 sea miles in less than fourteen days. Disregarding twenty-eight 5-inch guns, two hundred and fifty-two 3-inch guns, and a lot of smaller guns, and disregarding all the torpedoes, Admiral Schroeder took eighty-four 12-inch guns, ninety-six 8-inch guns, eighty-eight 7-inch guns, and forty-eight 6-inch guns, _all mounted and available_; which, assuming the power of the modern musket as a unit, equalled more than 5,000,000 modern muskets. Such an enormous transfer of absolute, definite, available power would be impossible on land, simply because no means has been devised to accomplish it. Such a transfer on land would be the transfer of ninety times as many soldiers as Sherman had (even supposing they had modern muskets) over fifteen times the distance and at thirty times the speed; and as the work done in going from one place to another varies practically as the square of the speed, a transfer on land equivalent in magnitude and speed to Schroeder's would be a performance 90 x 15 x 30^2= 1,215,000 times as great as Sherman's. This may seem absurd, and perhaps it is; but why? The comparison is not between the qualities of the men or between the results achieved. Great results often are brought about by very small forces, as when some state of equilibrium is disturbed, and vice versa. The comparison attempted is simply between the _power_ of a certain army and the power of a certain fleet. And while it is true that, for some purposes, such as overcoming small resistance, great power may not be as efficacious as feeble power or even gentleness, yet, nevertheless, it must be clear that, for the overcoming of _great_ resistance quickly great power must be applied. The existence of a certain power is quite independent of the desirability of using it. The existence of the power is all the writer wishes to insist upon at present; the question of its employment will be considered later. Not only is the power of a fleet immeasurably greater than that of an army, but it must always be so, from the very nature of things. The speed of an army, _while exercising the functions of an army_, and the power of a musket, while exercising its functions as a weapon of one soldier, cannot change much from what they were when Sherman went marching through Georgia. But, thanks to mechanical science, there is no limit in sight to the power to which a fleet may attain. The power of a navy is of recent growth, but it is increasing and is going to continue to increase. Every advance of civilization will advance the navy. Every new discovery and invention will directly or indirectly serve it. The navy, more than any other thing, will give opportunity for mechanism and to mechanism. Far beyond any possible imagination of to-day, it will become the highest expression of the Genius of Mechanism, and the embodiment of its spirit. The amount of money now being spent by the United States on its navy is so great that the expenditure can be justified only on the basis that great naval power is essential to the country. Is it essential, and if so, why? _Primary Use for a Navy_.--To answer this wisely, it may be well to remind ourselves that the principal object of all the vocations of men is directly or indirectly the acquiring of money. Money, of course, is not wealth; but it is a thing which can be so easily exchanged for wealth, that it is the thing which most people work for. Of course, at bottom, the most important work is the getting of food out of the ground; but inasmuch as people like to congregate together in cities, the thing taken out of the ground in one place must be transported to other places; and inasmuch as every person wants every kind of thing that he can get, a tremendous system of interchange, through the medium of money, has been brought about, which is called "trade." For the protection of property and life, and in order that trade may exist at all, an enormous amount of human machinery is employed which we call "government." This government is based on innumerable laws, but these laws would be of no avail unless they were carried out; and every nation in the world has found that employment of a great deal of force is necessary in order that they shall be carried out. This force is mainly exercised by the police of the cities; but many instances have occurred in the history of every country where the authority of the police has had to be supported by the army of the national government. There is no nation in the world, and there never has been one, in which the enforcement of the necessary laws for the protection of the lives, property, and trade of the people has not depended ultimately on the army; and the reason why the army could enforce the laws was simply the fact that the army had the power to inflict suffering and death. As long as a maritime country carried on trade within its own borders exclusively, as long as it lived within itself, so long as its people did not go to countries oversea, a navy was not necessary. But when a maritime country is not contented to live within its own borders, then a navy becomes essential to guard its people and their possessions on the highways of the sea; to enforce, not municipal or national law, as an army does, but international law. Now the desire of the people of a country to extend their trade beyond the seas seems in some ways not always a conscious desire, not a deliberate intent, but to be an effort of self-protection, or largely an effort of expansion; for getting room or employment. As the people of a country become civilized, labor-saving devices multiply; and where one man by means of a machine can do the work of a hundred, ninety-nine men may be thrown out of employment; out of a hundred men who till the soil, only one man may be selected and ninety-nine men have to seek other employment. Where shall it be gotten? Evidently it must be gotten in some employment which may be called "artificial," such as working in a shop of some kind, or doing some manufacturing work. But so long as a people live unto themselves only, each nation can practically make and use all the machinery needed within its borders, and still not employ all the idle hands; and when the population becomes dense, employment must be sought in making goods to sell beyond the sea. The return comes back, sometimes in money, sometimes in the products of the soil and the mine and the manufactures of foreign lands. In this way every nation becomes like a great business firm. It exports (that is, sells,) certain things, and it imports (that is, buys,) certain things; and if it sells more than it buys it is making money; if it buys more than it sells it is spending money. This is usually expressed by saying that the "balance of trade" is in its favor or against it. In a country like the United States, or any other great nation, the amount of exporting and importing, of buying and selling almost every conceivable article under the sun, is carried on in the millions and millions of dollars; and so perfect has the organization for doing this business become in every great country, that the products of the most distant countries can be bought in almost every village; and any important event in any country produces a perceptible effect wherever the mail and telegraph go. The organization for effecting this in every country is so excellent and so wonderful, that it is like a machine. In fact, it is a machine, and with all the faults of a machine. Now one of the faults of a machine, a fault which increases in importance with the complexity of the machine, is the enormous disturbance which may be produced by a cause seemingly trivial. That such is the case with the machine which the commerce of every great nation comprises, every-day experience confirms. So long as the steamers come and go with scheduled regularity, so long will the money come in at the proper intervals and be distributed through the various channels; so long will the people live the lives to which they are habituated; so long will order reign. But suppose the coming and going of all the steamers were suddenly stopped by a blockade. While it may be true that, in a country like the United States, no foreign trade is really necessary; while it may be true that the people of the United States would be just as happy, though not so rich, if they had no foreign trade--yet the sudden stoppage of foreign trade would not bring about a condition such as would have existed if we had never had any foreign trade, but would bring about a chaotic condition which cannot fitly be described by a feebler word than "horrible." The whole machinery of every-day life would be disabled. Hundreds of thousands of people would be thrown out of employment, and the whole momentum of the rapidly moving enormous mass of American daily life would receive a violent shock which would strain to its elastic limit every part of the entire machine. It would take a large book to describe what would ensue from the sudden stoppage of the trade of the United States with countries over the sea. Such a book would besides be largely imaginative; because in our history such a condition has never yet arisen. Although wars have happened in the past in which there has been a blockade of our coast more or less complete, peace has been declared before the suffering produced had become very acute; and furthermore the conditions of furious trade which now exist have never existed before. Disasters would ensue, apart from the actual loss of money, owing simply to the sudden change. In a railroad-train standing still or moving at a uniform speed, the passengers are comfortable; but if that same train is suddenly brought to rest when going at a high speed, say by collision, the consequences are horrible in the extreme, and the horror is caused _simply by the suddenness of the change_. The same is true all through nature and human nature. Any sudden change in the velocity of any mass has its exact counterpart in any sudden change in the conditions of living of any man or woman, or any sudden change in the conditions under which any organization must carry on its business. The difficulty is not with individuals only, or with the organizations themselves, and does not rest solely on the personal inability of people to accommodate themselves to the losing of certain conveniences or luxuries; but it is an inertia which resists even the strenuous efforts of individuals and organizations to meet new situations promptly, and to grapple effectively with new problems. Every organization, no matter how small, is conducted according to some system, and that system is based upon certain more or less permanent conditions, which, if suddenly changed, make the system inapplicable. The larger the organization and the more complex it is, the more will it be deranged by any change of external conditions and the longer time will it take to adapt itself to them. The sudden stoppage of our sea trade, including our coasting trade, by even a partial blockade of our ports, would change practically all the conditions under which we live. There is hardly a single organization in the country which would not be affected by it. And, as every organization would know that every other organization would be affected, but to a degree which could not possibly be determined, because there would be no precedent, it cannot be an exaggeration to declare that the blockading of our principal ports would, entirely apart from direct loss of money and other commodities, produce a state of confusion, out of which order could not possibly be evolved except by the raising of the blockade. In addition to the confusion brought about, there would, of course, be the direct loss of money and non-receipt of imported things; but what would probably be the very worst thing of all would be the numbers of men thrown out of employment by the loss of foreign markets. _So long as a country can keep its people in employment, so long the people will live in comparative order_. But when there are many unemployed men in a country, not only do their families lose the means of subsistence, but the very fact of the men being unemployed leads them into mischief. Should the ports of any great commercial nation be suddenly closed, the greatest danger to the country would not be from the enemy outside, but from the unemployed people inside, unless the government gave them employment, by enlisting them in an enormous, improvised army. It will be seen, therefore, that the blockading of the principal ports of any purely commercial country would be a disaster so great that there could not be a greater one except actual invasion. Another disaster might be the total destruction of its fleet by the enemy's fleet; but the only _direct_ result of this would be that the people of the country would have fewer ships to support and fewer men to pay. The loss of the fleet and the men would not _per se_ be any loss whatever to the country, but rather a gain. The loss of the fleet, however, would make it possible for the enemy's fleet to blockade our ports later, and thus bring about the horrors of which we have spoken. While it is true that an absolute blockade of any port might be practically impossible at the present day, while it is true that submarines and torpedo-boats might compel blockading ships to keep at such distance from ports that many loopholes of escape would be open to blockade runners, yet it may be pointed out that even a partial blockade, even a blockade that made it risky for vessels to try to break it, would have a very deleterious effect upon the prosperity of the country and of every man, woman, and child within it. A blockade like this was that maintained during the greater part of the Civil War by the Northern States against the Southern States. This blockade, while not perfect, while it was such as to permit many vessels to pass both ways, was nevertheless so effective that it made it impossible for the Southern States to be prosperous, or to have any reasonable hope of ever being prosperous. And while it would be an exaggeration to state that the navy itself, unaided by the army, could have brought the South to terms; while it would be an exaggeration to state that all the land battles fought in the Civil War were unnecessary, that all the bloodshed and all the ruin of harvests and of homesteads were unnecessary, nevertheless it does seem that so long as the navy maintained the blockade which it did maintain, the people of the South would have been prevented from achieving enough prosperity to carry on an independent government; so that their revolt would have failed. The South, not being able to raise the blockade by means of their navy, might have tried to do so by sending an army into the Northern States, to whip the Northerners on their own ground; but this would clearly have been impossible. The sentences above are not written with the intention of minimizing the services rendered by the army in the Civil War, or of detracting from the glory of the gallant officers and men who composed it, or of subtracting one jot or tittle from a grateful appreciation of their hardships and bloodshed; neither do they dare to question the wisdom of the statesmen who directed that the war should be fought mainly by the army. Their sole intention is to point out that, if a meagre naval force could produce so great an effect against a country _mainly agricultural_, a very powerful naval force, blockading effectively the principal ports of a _manufacturing country_, would have an effect so great that it can hardly be estimated. It is plainly to be seen that the effect of a blockade against a purely commercial country by a modern navy would be incomparably greater now than it was fifty years ago, for two very important reasons. One reason is that the progress of modern engineering has made navies very much more powerful than they were fifty years ago; and the other reason is that the same cause has made countries very much more vulnerable to blockade, because it has made so many millions of people dependent upon manufacturing industries and the export of manufactured things, and forced them to live an artificial life. While the United States, for instance, does not depend for its daily bread on the regular coming of wheat from over the sea, yet millions of its people do depend, though indirectly, upon the money from the export of manufactured things; for with countries, as with people, habits are formed both of system and of mode of life, which it is dangerous suddenly to break; so that a country soon becomes as dependent upon outside commerce as a man does upon outside air, and a people suddenly deprived of a vigorous outside commerce would seem to be smothered almost like a man deprived of outside air. A rough idea of the possible effect of a blockade of our coast may be gathered from the fact that our exports last year were valued at more than $2,000,000,000; which means that goods to this amount were sold, for which a return was received, either in money or its equivalent, most of it, ultimately, as wages for labor. Of course no blockade could stop all of this; but it does not seem impossible that it could stop half of it, if our fleet were destroyed by the enemy. Supposing that this half were divided equally among all the people in the United States, it would mean that each man, woman, and child would lose about $10 in one year. If the loss could be so divided up, perhaps no very great calamity would ensue. But, of course, no such division could be made, with the result that a great many people, especially poor people, earning wages by the day, would lose more than they could stand. Suppose, for instance, that a number of people earning about $900 a year, by employment in export enterprises, were the people upon whom the actual loss eventually fell by their being thrown out of employment. This would mean that more than a million people--men, women, and children--would be actually deprived of the means of living. It seems clear that such a thing would be a national disaster, for any loss of money to one man always means a loss of money or its equivalent to other men besides. For instance: suppose A owes $20 to B, B owes $20 to C, C owes $20 to D, D owes $20 to E, E owes $20 to F, F owes $20 to G, G owes $20 to H, H owes $20 to I, and I to J. If A is able to pay B, and does so, then B pays C, and so on, and everybody is happy. But suppose that A for some reason, say a blockade, fails to receive some money that he expected; then A cannot pay B, B cannot pay C, and so on; with the result, that not only does J lose his $20, but nine men are put in debt $20 which they cannot pay; with the further result that A is dunned by H, B is dunned by C, and so on, producing a condition of distress which would seem to be out of all proportion to a mere lack of $20, but which would, nevertheless, be the actual result. So in this country of 100,000,000 people, the sudden loss of $1,000,000,000 a year would produce a distress seemingly out of all proportion to that sum of money, because the individual loss of every loser would be felt by everybody else. Since to a great manufacturing nation, like ours, the greatest danger from outside (except actual invasion) would seem to be the sudden stoppage of her oversea trade by blockade, we seem warranted in concluding that, since _the only possible means of preventing a blockade is a navy_, the primary use for our navy is to prevent blockade. This does not mean that a fleet's place is on its own coast, because a blockade might be better prevented by having the fleet elsewhere; in fact it is quite certain that its place is not on the coast as a rule, but at whatever point is the best with relation to the enemy's fleet, until the enemy's fleet is destroyed. In fact, since the defensive and the offensive are so inseparably connected that it is hard sometimes to tell where one begins and the other ends, the best position for our fleet might be on the enemy's coast. It may be objected that the coast of the United States is so long that it would be impossible to blockade it. Perhaps, but that is not necessary: it would suffice to blockade Boston, Newport, New York, the Delaware, the Chesapeake, and the Gulf, say with forty ships. And we must remember that blockade running would be much more difficult now than in the Civil War, because of the increased power and accuracy of modern gunnery and the advent of the search-light, wireless telegraph, and aeroplane. It may also be objected that the blockading of even a defenseless coast would cost the blockading country a good deal of money, by reason of the loss of trade with that country. True; but war is always expensive, and the blockade would be very much more expensive to the blockaded country; and though it might hold out a long while, it would be compelled to yield in the end, not only because of the blockade itself but because of the pressure of neutral countries; and the longer it held out, the greater the indemnity it would have to pay. The expense of blockading would therefore be merely a profitable investment. The author is aware that actual invasion of a country from the sea would be a greater disaster than blockade, and that defense against invasion has often been urged in Great Britain as a reason for a great navy; so that the primary reason for a navy might be said to be defense against invasion. But why should an enemy take the trouble to invade us? Blockade is easier and cheaper, and can accomplish almost everything that an enemy desires, especially if it be enlivened by the occasional dropping of thousand-pound shells into Wall Street and the navy-yard. While, however, the _primary_ use of naval power seems to be to prevent blockade, a navy, like any other weapon, may be put to any other uses which circumstances indicate. For instance, the Northerners in the Civil War used the navy not to prevent blockade, but to make blockade; the Japanese used the navy to cover the transportation of their armies to Manchuria and Corea; and Great Britain has always used her navy to protect her trade routes. A general statement of the various uses of a navy has been put into the phrase "command of the sea." Of course, the probability of getting "command of the sea," or of desiring to get it is dependent on the existence of a state of war, and there are some who believe that the probability of our becoming involved in a war with a great naval nation is too slight to warrant the expense of money and labor needed to prepare the necessary naval power. So it may be well to consider what is the degree of probability. This degree of probability cannot be determined as accurately as the probabilities of fire, death, or other things against which insurance companies insure us; for the reason that wars have been much less frequent than fires, deaths, etc., while the causes that make and prevent them are much more numerous and obscure. It seems clear, however, that, as between two countries of equal wealth, the probability of war varies with the disparity between their navies, and unless other nations are involved, is practically zero, when their navies are equal in power; and that, other factors being equal, the _greatest probability of war is between two countries, of which one is the more wealthy and the other the more powerful_. In reckoning the probability of war, we must realize that _the most pregnant cause of war is the combination of conflicting interests with disparity in power_. And we must also realize that it is not enough to consider the situation as it is now: that it is necessary to look at least ten years ahead, because it would take the United States that length of time to prepare a navy powerful enough to fight our possible foes with reasonable assurance of success. Ten years, however, is not really far enough ahead to look, for the simple reason that, while we could get a great many ships ready in ten years, we could not get the entire navy ready as will be explained later. If, for instance, some change in policies or in interests should make war with Great Britain probable within ten years, we could not possibly build a navy that could prevent our being beaten, and blockaded, and forced to pay an enormous indemnity. Is there _no_ probability of this? Perhaps there is no great probability; but there certainly is a possibility. In fact, it might be a very wise act for Great Britain, seeing us gradually surpassing her, to go to war with us before it is too late, and crush us. It has often been said that Great Britain could not afford to go to war with us, because so many of her commercial interests would suffer. Of course, they would suffer for a while; but so do the commercial interests of competing railroads when they begin to cut rates. Cutting rates is war--commercial war: but it is often carried on, nevertheless, and at tremendous cost. Just now, Great Britain does not wish to crush us; but it is certain that she can. It is certain that the richest country in the world lies defenseless against the most powerful; and that we could not alter this condition in ten years, even if we started to build an adequate navy now. Yet even if the degree of probability of war with Great Britain, within say ten years, seems so small that we need not consider her, are there no other great Powers with whom the degree of probability of war is great enough to make it wise for us to consider them? Before answering this question, let us realize clearly that one of the strongest reasons that leads a country to abstain from war, even to seek relief from wrongs, actual or imagined, is a doubt of success; and that that reason disappears if another country, sufficiently powerful to assure success, is ready to help her, either by joining openly with her, or by seeking war herself at the same time with the same country. As we all know, cases like this have happened in the past. Great Britain knows it; and the main secret of her wealth is that she has always been strong enough to fight any two countries. It is plain that a coalition of two countries against us is possible now. The United States is regarded with feelings of extreme irritation by the two most warlike nations in the world, one on our eastern side and the other on the western. War with either one would call for all the energies of the country, and the issue would be doubtful. But if either country should consider itself compelled to declare war, the other, if free at the time, might see her opportunity to declare war simultaneously. The result would be the same as if we fought Great Britain, except that our Pacific coast would be blockaded besides the Atlantic, and we should have to pay indemnity to two countries instead of to one country. A coalition between these two countries would be an ideal arrangement, because it would enable each country to force us to grant the conditions it desires, and secure a large indemnity besides. Would Great Britain interfere in our behalf? This can be answered by the man so wise that he knows what the international situation and the commercial situation will be ten years hence. Let him speak. WILL THE IMPORTANCE OF NAVAL POWER INCREASE OR DECREASE? It is clear that the importance to a country of a navy varies with two things--the value of that country's foreign trade and the probability of war. It is also clear that, other things being equal, the probability of a country becoming involved in war varies as the value of her foreign trade; because the causes of friction and the money at stake vary in that proportion. Therefore, _the importance to a country of her navy varies as the square of the value of her foreign trade_. In order to answer the question, therefore, we must first consider whether foreign trade--sea trade--is going to increase or decrease. As to the United States alone, the value of our exports is about ten times what it was fifty years ago, and it promises to increase. But the United States is only one country, and perhaps her increase in foreign trade has been due to conditions past or passing. So what is the outlook for the future, both for the United States and other countries? Will other countries seek foreign trade? Yes. The recent commercial progress of Germany, Argentina, and Japan, shows the growing recognition by civilized and enterprising countries of the benefits of foreign trade, and of the facilities for attaining it which are now given by the advent of large, swift, modern steamers; steamers which are becoming larger and swifter and safer every year, more and more adapted for ocean trade. For not only have the writings of Mahan brought about an increase in the sea power of every great country; but this increase has so aroused the attention of the engineering professions that the improvement of ships, engines, and other sea material has gone ahead faster than all the other engineering arts. The reason why the engineering arts that are connected with the sea have gone ahead more rapidly than any other arts is simply that they are given wider opportunity and a greater scope. It is inherent in the very nature of things that it is easier to transport things by water than by land; that water transportation lends itself in a higher degree to the exercise of engineering skill, to the attainment of great results. The underlying reason for this difference seems to be that it is not possible to make any vehicle to travel on land appreciably larger than the present automobile, unless it run on rails; whereas the floating power of water is such that vehicles can be made, and are made, as large as 65,000 tons. The _Mauretania_, of 45,000 tons displacement, has been running for eight years, larger vessels are even now running and vessels larger still will undoubtedly be run; for the larger the ships, the less they cost per ton of carrying power, the faster they go, and the safer they are. Sea commerce thus gives to engineers, scientists, and inventors, as well as to commercial men, that gift of the gods--opportunity. The number of ships that now traverse the ocean and the larger bodies of water communicating with it aggregate millions of tons, and their number and individual tonnage are constantly increasing. These vessels cruise among all the important seaports of the world, and form a system of intercommunication almost as complete as the system of railroads in the United States. They bring distant ports of the world very close together, and make possible that ready interchange of material products, and that facility of personal intercourse which it is one of the aims of civilization to bring about. From a commercial point of view, London is nearer to New York than San Francisco, and more intimately allied with her. The evident result of all this is to make the people of the world one large community, in which, though many nationalities are numbered, many tongues are spoken, many degrees of civilization and wealth are found, yet, of all, the main instincts are the same: the same passions, the same appetites, the same desire for personal advantage. Not only does this admirable system of intercommunication bring all parts of the world very closely together, but it tends to produce in all a certain similarity in those characteristics and habits of thought that pertain to the material things of life. We are all imitative, and therefore we tend to imitate each other; but the inferior is more apt to imitate the superior than vice versa. Particularly are we prone to imitate those actions and qualities by which others have attained material success. So it is to be expected, it is already a fact, that the methods whereby a few great nations attained success are already being imitated by other nations. Japan has imitated so well that in some ways she has already surpassed her models. With such an example before her, should we be surprised that China has also become inoculated with the virus of commercial and political ambitions? It cannot be many years before she will be in the running with the rest of us, with 400,000,000 of people to do the work; people of intelligence, patience, endurance, and docility; people with everything to gain and nothing to lose; with the secret of how to succeed already taught by other nations, which she can learn from an open book. If Japan has learned our secret and mastered it in fifty years, will China not be able to do it in less than fifty years? Before we answer this question, let us realize clearly that China is much nearer to us in civilization than Japan was fifty years ago; that China has Japan's example to guide her, and also that any degree of civilization which was acquired by us in say one hundred years will not require half that time for another nation merely to learn. The same is true of all branches of knowledge; the knowledge of the laws of nature which it took Newton many years to acquire may now be mastered by any college student in two months. And let us not forget, besides, that almost the only difficult element of civilization which other people need to acquire, in order to enter into that world-wide competition which is characteristic of the time we live in, is "engineering" broadly considered. Doubtless there are other things to learn besides; but it is not apparent that any other things have contributed largely to the so-called new civilization of Japan. Perhaps Japan has advanced enough in Christianity to account for her advance in material power, but if so she keeps very quiet about it. It may be, also, that the relations of the government to the governed people of Japan are on a higher plane than they used to be, but on a plane not yet so high as in our own country; but has any one ever seen this claimed or even stated? It may be that the people of Japan are more kindly, brave, courteous, and patriotic than they were, and that their improvement has been due to their imitating us in these matters; but this is not the belief of many who have been in Japan. One thing, however, is absolutely sure; and that is that Japan's advance has been simultaneous with her acquirement of the engineering arts, especially as applied to military and naval matters and the merchant marine. But even supposing that China does not take part in the world-wide race for wealth, we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that Great Britain, Germany, France, Italy, Japan, Argentina, and the United States, besides others like Sweden, Norway, Belgium, Holland, Spain, and Portugal, are in the race already; and that several in South America bid fair to enter soon. Not only do we see many contestants, whose numbers and ardor are increasing, but we see, also, the cause of this increasing. The cause is not only a clearer appreciation of the benefits to be derived from commerce across the water under conditions that exist now; it is also a growing appreciation of the possibilities of commerce under conditions that will exist later with countries whose resources are almost entirely undeveloped. For four hundred years, we of the United States, have been developing the land within our borders, and the task has been enormous. At one time it promised to be the work of centuries; and with the mechanical appliances of even one hundred years ago, it would have taken a thousand years to do what we have already done. Mechanical appliances of all kinds, especially of transportation and agriculture, have made possible what would, otherwise, have been impossible; and mechanical appliances will do the same things in Tierra del Fuego and Zululand. Mechanism, working on land and sea, is opening up the resources of the world. And now, another allied art, that of chemistry, more especially biology, is in process of removing one of the remaining obstacles to full development, by making active life possible, and even pleasant, in the tropics. It is predicted by some enthusiasts that, in the near future, it will be healthier and pleasanter to live in the tropics, and even do hard work there, than in the temperate zone. When this day comes, and it may be soon, the development of the riches of lands within the tropics will begin in earnest, and wealth undreamed of now be realized. The opening of the undeveloped countries means a continuing increase of wealth to the nations that take advantage of the opportunity, and a corresponding backsliding to those nations that fail. It means over all the ocean an increasing number of steamers. It means the continuing increase of manufacturing in manufacturing countries, and the increasing enjoyment in them of the good things of all the world. It means in the undeveloped countries an increasing use of the conveniences and luxuries of civilization and an increasing possession of money or its equivalent. It means, throughout all the world, an increase of what we call "Wealth." In discussing a subject so great as sea trade, while it may be considered presumptuous to look fifty years ahead, it can hardly be denied that we ought at least to try to look that far ahead. To look fifty years ahead, is, after all, not taking in a greater interval of time than fifty years back; and it certainly seems reasonable to conclude that, if a certain line of progress has been going on for fifty years in a perfectly straight line, and with a vigor which is increasing very fast and shows no sign of change, the same general line of progress will probably keep up for another fifty years. If we try to realize what this means, we shall probably fail completely and become dazed by the prospect. We cannot possibly picture accurately or even clearly to ourselves any definite conditions of fifty years hence; but we certainly are warranted in concluding that by the end of fifty years, practically all of the countries of the world, including Africa, will be open to trade from one end to the other; that the volume of trade will be at least ten times as great as it is now; that the means of communication over the water and through the air will be very much better than now; and that there will be scores of appliances, methods, and processes in general use of which we have, as yet, no inkling, and cannot even imagine. Now let us call to mind the accepted proverb that "Competition is the life of trade," and this will make us see that, accompanying this stupendous trade, extending over, and into, every corner of the world, there will be stupendous competition, involving in a vast and complicated net, every red-blooded nation of the earth. We seem safe in concluding, therefore, that the importance of naval power will increase. A great deal is said and written nowadays about the ability of arbitration to make wars unnecessary, and a good deal also about the possibility of an agreement among the nations, whereby armaments may be limited to forces adequate to insure that every nation shall be compelled to abide by the decision of the others in any disputed case. In view of the number, the earnestness, and the prominence of many of the men interested in this cause; in view of the number of arbitration treaties that have been already signed; in view of the fact that arbitration among nations will simply establish a law among them like the law in any civilized country; in view of the fact that individuals in their dealings with each other sometimes surrender certain of their claims, and even rights, for the common good; in view of the fact that nations, like all business firms, like to cut down expenses, and in further view of the fact that a navy is not directly, but only indirectly, a contributor to a nation's prosperity, it seems probable that arbitration will be more and more used among the nations, and that armaments may be limited by agreement. It is clear, however, that the practical difficulties in the way of making the absolute agreement required are enormous, and that the most enthusiastic advocates of the plan do not expect that the actual limitation of armaments will become a fact for many years. After the necessary preliminaries shall have been arranged, and the conference takes place which shall settle what armament each nation may have, it is plain that it will be to the interest of each nation to keep down the armament of every other nation, and to be allowed as much as possible itself. In this way, the operation of making the agreement will be somewhat like the forming of a trust among several companies, and the advantage will lie with that nation which is the most powerful. For this reason it would seem a part of wisdom for each country to enter the conference with as large a navy as possible. Therefore, the probability of an approaching agreement among the nations as to limitation of armaments, instead of being a reason for abating our exertions toward establishing a powerful navy, is really a conclusive reason for redoubling them. This brings us to the important question, "how powerful should our navy be?" This may seem a question impossible to answer. Of course it is impossible to answer it in terms of ships and guns; but an approximate estimate may be reached by considering the case of a man playing poker who holds a royal straight flush. Such a man would be a fool if he did not back his hand to the limit and get all the benefit possible from it. So will the United States, if she fails to back her hand to the limit, recognizing the fact that in the grand game now going on for the stakes of the commercial supremacy of the world, she holds the best hand. She has the largest and most numerous seaports, the most enterprising and inventive people, and the most wealth with which to force to success all the various necessary undertakings. This does not mean that the United States ought, as a matter either of ethics or of policy, to build a great navy in order to take unjust advantage of weaker nations; but it does mean that she ought to build a navy great enough to save her from being shorn of her wealth and glory by simple force, as France was shorn in 1871. It is often said that the reason for Great Britain's having so powerful a navy is that she is so situated geographically that, without a powerful navy to protect her trade, the people would starve. While this statement may be true, the inference usually drawn is fallacious: the inference that if Great Britain were not so situated, she would not have so great a navy. Why would she not? It is certain that that "tight little island" has attained a world-wide power, and a wealth per capita greater than those of any other country; that her power and wealth, as compared with her home area, are so much greater than those of any other country as to stagger the understanding; that she could not have done what she has done without her navy; that she has never hesitated to use her navy to assist her trade, and yet that she has never used her navy to keep her people from starving. In fact, the insistence on the anti-starvation theory is absurd. Has any country ever fought until the people as a mass were starving? Has starving anything to do with the matter? Does not a nation give up fighting just as soon as it sees that further fighting would do more harm than good? A general or an admiral, in charge of a detached force, must fight sometimes even at tremendous loss and after all hope of local success has fled, in order to hold a position, the long holding of which is essential to the success of the whole strategic plan; but what country keeps up a war until its people are about to starve? Did Spain do so in our last war? Did Russia fear that Japan would force the people of her vast territory into starvation? No--starvation has nothing to do with the case. If some discovery were made by which Great Britain could grow enough to support all her people, she would keep her great navy nevertheless--simply because she has found it to be a good investment. The anti-starvation theory--the theory that one does things simply to keep from starving--does apply to some tropical savages, but not to the Anglo-Saxon. Long after starvation has been provided against, long after wealth has been secured, we still toil on. What are we toiling for? The same thing that Great Britain maintains her navy for--wealth and power. The real reason for Great Britain's having a powerful navy applies with exact equality to the United States. Now that Great Britain has proved how great a navy is best for her, we can see at once how great a navy is best for us. That is--since Great Britain and the United States are the wealthiest countries in the world, and since the probability of war between any two countries is least when their navies are equal in power--the maximum good would be attained by making the United States navy exactly equal to the British navy. CHAPTER IV NAVAL PREPAREDNESS In a preceding chapter I endeavored to show why it is that the necessities of the naval defense of a country have caused the gradual development of different types of vessels, each having its distinctive work. If those different types operated in separate localities they would lose that mutual support which it is the aim of organization to secure, and each separate group could be destroyed in turn by the combined groups of an enemy. For this reason, the types or groups are combined in one large fleet, and an admiral is placed in command. The command of a fleet is the highest effort of the naval art. Its success in time of war demands in the admiral himself a high order of mind and nerve and body; and it demands in all the personnel, from the highest to the lowest, such a measure of trained ability and character that each shall be able to discharge with skill and courage the duties of his station. In order that the material fleet shall be efficient as a whole, each material unit must be efficient as a unit. Each ship must be materially sound; each pump, valve, cylinder, gun, carriage, torpedo, and individual appliance, no matter how small, must be in condition to perform its expected task. The complexity of a fleet baffles any mental effort, by even those most familiar with it, to grasp it fully. Each dreadnaught, battle cruiser, destroyer, submarine, collier, tender, hospital ship, scout, supply ship, and what-not, is a machine in itself, and is filled with scores--in some cases, hundreds--of highly specialized machines, operated by steam, oil, air, electricity, and water. A superdreadnaught is a machine which, including the machines inside of her, costs $15,000,000; a battle cruiser more. The personnel is nearly as complicated as the material. Not only are there all the various ranks of commissioned officers in the line, medical corps, pay corps, marine corps, etc., but there are ten kinds of warrant officers besides; while in the enlisted personnel there are ninety-one different "ratings" in the navy, and thirteen in the marine corps, besides temporary ratings, such as gun-pointer, gun-trainer, gun-captain, etc. Each rank and rating carries its rigidly prescribed duties, as well as its distinctive uniform and pay. That such a multitudinous host of types and individuals, both material and personnel, can be actually combined in one unit fleet, and that fleet operated as a mobile directable organism by its admiral, is a high achievement of the human intellect. How is it done? By discipline, by training, by knowledge, by energy, by devotion, by will; by the exercise of those mental, moral, and spiritual faculties that may be grouped under the one term "mind": the same power that co-ordinates and controls a still more complex machine, the organism of the human body. Despite its relative crudeness, a fleet possesses, more fully than any other fruit of man's endeavor, the characteristics of an organism, defined by Webster as "an individual constituted to carry on the activities of life by means of parts or organs more or less separate in function, but mutually dependent." And though it must be true that no fleet can approximate the perfection of nature's organisms, nevertheless there is an analogy which may help us to see how a complex fleet of complex vessels has been slowly evolved from the simple galley fleets of earlier days; how its various parts may be mutually dependent yet severally independent; and how all must be made to work as one vast unit, and directed as one vast unit by the controlling mind toward "the end in view." The common idea is that an army consists of a number of soldiers, and a navy of a number of ships. This idea is due to a failure to realize that soldiers and ships are merely instruments, and that they are useless instruments unless directed by a trained intelligence: that the first essential in an army and the first essential in a navy is mind, which first correctly estimates the situation, then makes wise plans to meet it, then carries out those plans; which organizes the men and designs the ships, and then directs the physical power exertable by the men and the ships toward "the end in view." Owing to the enormous mechanical power made available in ships by the floating properties of water, machinery is more used by navies than by armies; but this does not mean that machinery can take the place of men more successfully in navies than in armies, except in the sense that navies can use more mechanical power. The abundant use of machines and instruments in navies does not mean that machinery and instruments can take the place of trained intelligence--but exactly the reverse. Under the guidance of trained intelligence, a machine or instrument can perform wonders. But it is not the machinery that does the wonders; it is the trained intelligence that devised the instrument or machine, and the trained intelligence that operates it. Let the trained intelligence err, or sleep, and note the results that follow. The _Titanic_, a mass of 40,000 tons, moving through the water at 20 knots an hour, a marvel of the science and skill of man, crashes into an iceberg, because the trained intelligence directing her errs--and is reduced at once to an inert mass of iron and brass. The mighty fleet of Russia meets the Japanese fleet in Tsushima Straits; and because the trained intelligence that directed its movements seriously erred, in an engagement decided in less than an hour, is stripped of its power and glory, and transformed into a disorganized aggregation of separate ships--some sunk, some sinking, some in flight. The Japanese fleet, on the other hand, because it is directed with an intelligence more highly trained than that which directs the Russian fleet, and because, in consequence, the officers and enlisted men perform their various duties not only in the actual battle, but in preparation for it, with a skill greater than that used in the Russian fleet, suffers but little damage in the fight--though the advantage in number and size of ships is slightly with the Russians. As a consequence of that battle, the war between Russia and Japan was decided in favor of Japan, and terms of peace were soon agreed upon. Russia lost practically all the ships that took part in the battle, and several thousand of her officers and sailors--and _she lost the whole object for which she went to war_. The difference between the Russian and Japanese fleets that gave the victory to the Japanese was a difference in trained intelligence and in the relative degrees of preparedness which that difference caused. During the actual battle, the intelligence was that of the officers and men in the respective fleets, in managing the two fleets, the ships themselves, and the guns, engines, and machines of all kinds that those ships contained. It is this factor--trained intelligence--that has decided most of the battles of history, and the course that nations thereafter followed. Battles have usually been fought between forces not very different in point of numbers and material, for the reason that a force which knew itself to be weaker than another would not fight unless compelled to fight; and in cases where two forces of widely differing strength have fought, the situation has usually been brought about directly by a superior intelligence. In fact, one of the most frequent and important endeavors of strategy and tactics--used triumphantly by Napoleon--has always been such a handling of one's forces as to be superior to the enemy at the point of contact--to "get the mostest men there the firstest," as General Forrest is said to have expressed it. The effect of superior-trained intelligence is greatest "at the top," but it can accomplish little unless a fine intelligence permeates the whole. A fine intelligence at the top will so direct the men below, will so select men for the various posts, and will so co-ordinate their efforts, that the organization will resemble a veritable organism: all the various organs fulfilling separately yet accurately their allotted functions; all the fire-control parties, all the gun crews, all the torpedo crews, all the engineer forces properly organized and drilled; all the hulls of the vessels, all the guns, all the torpedoes, all the multifarious engines, machines, and instruments in good material condition and correctly adjusted for use. But it is not only in the actual battle that fine intelligence is required; it is required long before the battle and far distant from the scene--in the "admiralty" at home. The Japanese fleet set out fully manned with a highly trained, enthusiastic, and confident personnel; the Russian fleet set out manned with a poorly trained and discouraged personnel, only too well aware of their defects. The issue at Tsushima was decided before the respective fleets left their respective homes--though that issue was not then known to mortals. The battle emphasized, but did not prove, what had been proved a hundred times before: the paramount importance of preparedness; that _when two forces fight--the actual battle merely secures the decision as to the relative values of two completed machines, and their degrees of preparedness for use_. Preparedness of material is not, of course, so important as preparedness of personnel, because if the personnel is prepared, they will inevitably prepare the material. And the preparedness must pervade all grades: for while it is true that the preparedness of those in high command is more important than the preparedness of those in minor posts, yet there is no post so lowly that its good or its ill performance will not be a factor in the net result. An unskilful oiler may cause a hot bearing that will slow down a battleship, and put out of order the column of a squadron; a signalman's mistake may throw a fleet into confusion. Perfect preparedness of personnel and material is essential because events follow each other so rapidly in war that no preparation can be made after it has begun. To fight is the most intense work a man can do; and a war is nothing but a fight. No matter how great or how small a war may be, no war can lose the essential qualities of a fight, or (save in the treatment of prisoners) be more brutal or less brutal when fought between two little savage tribes, than when fought between two colossal groups of Christian nations, civilized to the highest point. War is the acme of the endeavor of man. Each side determines that it will win at all costs and at all hazards; that nobody's comfort, happiness, or safety shall receive the slightest consideration; that everybody's strength and courage must be worked to the limit by night as well as by day, and that there must be no rest and no yielding to any softening influence whatever; that the whole strength and mind of the nation, and of every individual in it, must be devoted, and must be sacrificed, if need be, to the cause at stake. In war, a navy's primary duty has usually been to protect the coast and trade routes of its country; and in order to do this, it has had to be able to oppose to an attacking fleet a defending fleet more militarily effective. If it were less effective, even if no invasion were attempted, the attacking fleet could cripple or destroy the defending fleet and then institute a blockade. In modern times an effective blockade, or at least a hostile patrol of trade routes, could be held hundreds of miles from the coast, where the menace of submarines would be negligible; and this blockade would stop practically all import and export trade. This would compel the country to live exclusively on its own resources, and renounce intercourse with the outside world. Some countries could exist a long time under these conditions. But they would exist merely, and the condition of mere existence would never end until they sued for peace; because, even if new warships were constructed with which to beat off the enemy, each new and untrained ship would be sunk or captured shortly after putting out to sea as, on June 1, 1813, in Massachusetts Bay, the American frigate _Chesapeake_ was captured and nearly half her crew were killed and wounded in fifteen minutes by a ship almost identical in the material qualities of size and armament--the better-trained British frigate _Shannon_. For these reasons, every nation that has acquired and has long retained prosperity, has realized that every country liable to be attacked by any navy must either be defended by some powerful country, or else must keep a navy ready to repel the attack successfully. To do this, the defending navy must be ready when the attack comes; because if not ready then, it will never have time to get ready. In regard to our own country, much stress is laid by some intelligent people--who forget the _Chesapeake_ and _Shannon_--on the 3,000 miles of water stretching between the United States and Europe. This 3,000 miles is, of course, a factor of importance, but it is not a prohibition, because it can be traversed with great surety and quickness--with much greater surety and quickness, for instance, than the 12,000 miles traversed by the Russian fleet, in 1904, in steaming from Russia to Japan. The 3,000 miles that separate the United States from Europe can be traversed by a fleet more powerful than ours in from two to three weeks; and the fleet would probably arrive on our shores in good condition, and manned by full crews of well-trained officers and men, habituated to their duties by recent practice and thoroughly ready to fight, as the _Shannon_ was. We could not meet this fleet successfully unless we met it with a fleet more militarily effective; and we could not do this unless we had in the regular service and the reserve a personnel of officers and men sufficiently numerous to man immediately all the vessels that would be needed, and to man in addition all the shore stations, which would have to be expanded to a war basis. The officers and enlisted men, of course, would have to be at least as well trained as the corresponding personnel in the attacking fleet, and have as recent and thorough practice in their respective duties; for otherwise, no matter how brave and devoted they might be, the fate of the American fleet would be the fate of the _Chesapeake_. In order to be ready when war breaks, the first essential is a plan for preparation. Preparation is divided naturally into two parts: first, preparation of sufficient material and personnel; second, preparation of plans for the conduct of the war after it has begun. These two parts are both considered in what are technically called "War Plans." Preparation for war has always been known to be essential. Lack of preparation has never been due to lack of knowledge, but always to neglect. The difference between the wise and the foolish virgins was not a difference in knowledge but a difference in character. The difference between Alexander's little army and the tremendous army of Darius was not so much in numbers as in preparedness. Trained under Philip of Macedon for many years, organized for conquest and aggression, prepared to meet any situation that might arise, Philip's army carried Philip's son from victory to victory, and made him the master of the world. Cæsar was great in peace as well as war, but it was by Cæsar's army that Cæsar's greatness was established; and it was a thoroughness of preparation unknown before that made Cæsar's army great. Napoleon's successes were built on the splendid preparation of a mind transcendently fitted to grasp both principles and details, and on the comparatively unprepared state of his opponents. The Great Elector began in 1640 a course of laborious and scientific preparation which committed all Prussia, as well as the army, to acquiring what now we call "efficiency." As this plan developed, especially under the Elector's grandson King Frederick William, the next King found himself, as Alexander had done, the chief of an army more highly prepared for war than any other. By means of that army he made himself Frederick the Great, and raised Prussia from a minor position to the first rank of European Powers. Pursuing Frederick William's system of progressive preparation, Prussia continued her prosperous course till William I defeated Austria, then France, and founded the German Empire. This does not mean that the only result of developing national efficiency to its highest point is to secure success in war--in fact, we know that it is not. But it does mean that the same quality--efficiency--which tends to prosperity in peace tends also to victory in war. Preparing for war was a simple thing in the olden days compared with preparing now, for the reason that the implements of war are much more numerous and complicated than they used to be, especially in navies. A navy is not ready unless all preparations and plans have been made, tested, and kept up to date, to insure that all of the vessels of every kind and all the shore stations will be in material condition, fully equipped and manned by a sufficient and efficient personnel of officers and crews, in time to meet the enemy on advantageous terms, and unless the central authority has already decided what it will do, when any probable emergency shall arise. This was the condition of the German army in 1870. This was also the condition of the British navy, when war broke out in August, 1914; the British navy was ready; and therefore it was able to assume command of the sea at once, drive its enemy's commerce from the ocean, and imprison its fleets in sheltered ports. In all countries the peace establishment of the army and navy is smaller than the war establishment, for reasons of economy, upon the assumption that there will be enough time after war is declared to get on a war basis before the enemy can strike. But since 1870, all the military nations have realized that the vital struggle of a war takes place _before_ a shot is fired; that _the factors that decide which nation shall be the victor and which the vanquished are determined before the war begins_; that they are simply "functions" of preparedness. Germany was ready not only for war but for victory, because her troops were so much better trained, organized, and equipped than those of France, and her war plans so much more complete, that she was able to lay France prostrate, before the enormous resources of that country in men and material could rally in her defense. The relative conditions in which two opposing forces will enter a war, and their relative performances afterward, will depend upon the relative excellence of the war plans made for them, and the thoroughness with which the plans are tested before war breaks. So it is not difficult to see why all the great armies have patterned after Germany, and organized special bodies of officers for the preparation and execution of War plans; and why it is that they endeavor to secure for that peculiar duty the most thorough and industrious of their officers. Owing to the nature of war itself, the principles of warfare apply in their essentials to navies as well as to armies; and so the navies have patterned after the armies and made plans whereby they can get ready to fight in fleet organization on the ocean with the greatest possible effectiveness in the shortest possible time. During peace times every navy is maintained on a "peace basis"; only such ships and other material being kept in full commission, and only such a number of officers and enlisted men being actively employed, as the appropriations allotted by the government permit. Those ships and other material that are not actually in commission are maintained in reserve, a condition of partial readiness, of which several degrees are recognized, in which a reduced number of officers and men are kept on board, and the various structures and apparatus are kept in as high a degree of readiness as circumstances will permit. In order to man in time of war these vessels in reserve, and insure a sufficient personnel in the active fleet, a "naval reserve" is organized in each country, composed of officers and men who have had experience in the regular navy. They are compelled to undergo a specific amount of training each year, to keep themselves in readiness at all times to answer the call for active service on short notice, and to maintain such communication with the government as will make it easy to locate any man at any moment. The act of getting ready, the passing from a state of peace to a state of readiness for fighting, is called "mobilization." Mobilization plans are an important element in war plans, but the details of any mobilization plan are of such a confidential nature that it would not be proper to discuss them in public print. There can be no impropriety, however, in making the general statement that in all navies the endeavor is made to keep the mobilization plans continually up to date, and to have them prepared in such detail that every officer and enlisted man in active service, the retired list, the naval reserve, and the naval militia, will become instantly available for a predetermined duty, and that every shore station and every necessary vessel will be ready to take part. The plans prescribe methods in very great detail whereby the ships and other vessels in reserve can be quickly put into commission with full crews of officers and men, all their various equipments, fuel, and ammunition put on board, and the vessels themselves sent out to sea to join the fleet. In addition, plans are made whereby certain auxiliaries can be fitted out at once and put into commission--such as supply ships, ammunition ships, transports, colliers, mine ships, hospital ships, etc. The mass of detailed plans, orders, and instructions is stupendous and bewildering. Years of study, trial, and rectification are required to get them into such condition that the plans can be put into immediate and effective use when war breaks out. The work must be done, however, and with the utmost thoroughness, _before_ war breaks out; otherwise it will never be done, if an active enemy is about, because he will strike at once--and then it will be too late. In most of the great naval countries the work of mobilizing the fleet is comparatively easy, for the reason that the coast-line is short and is not far from any part of the interior, enabling reserves to live in fairly close touch with the coast and with naval affairs, and so near the coast that they can get quickly to any port. But the conditions in the United States are more difficult than those in any other country, because of the enormous stretch of our coast, the great average distance from any place in our country to the coast, the difficulty of getting a naval reserve that could be of practical use (owing to the ease with which young men can make a comfortable living on land), and the perilous slowness of the nation as a whole to realize the necessity for preparedness. As an offset to this, we have the 3,000 miles of ocean between us and Europe, and the 5,000 miles between us and Asia; and on account of this we may to a certain extent discount the danger of attack and the preparedness required to meet it. But our discount should be reasonable and reasoned out, and certainly not excessive. Fortunately the problem of how much time we should allow for mobilizing and joining the fleet is easy, as a moment's thought will show us that it must be simply the two weeks needed for a fleet to come from Europe to America; for we must realize that the report of the sailing of the hostile fleet would be the first news we should get of any hostile preparation or intent. The general situation in which every isolated naval nation stands regarding other nations is not complicated, but very plain. Each nation has, as possible opponents in its policy, certain countries. The naval forces of those countries and the time in which they can be made ready are known with sufficient accuracy for practical purposes. If any isolated naval nation wishes to carry out a policy which any of those countries will forcibly oppose she must either build a navy equal to that of the other country, or else be prepared to abandon any attempt to force her policies. Stating the question in another way, she can carry out only such policies as do not require for their enforcement a navy stronger than she has. It is true that diplomacy and the jealousies of foreign powers unite to make possible the averting of war during long periods of time. Diplomacy averted war with Germany for forty-three years, but it could not continue to avert war eternally. War finally broke out with a violence unparalleled in history, and possessing a magnitude proportional to the duration of the preceding peace. "Long coming long last, short notice soon past" is a sailor's maxim about storms; and it seems not inapplicable to wars. Certain it is that the frequent wars of savage tribes are far less terrible than the infrequent wars of enlightened powers. This indicates that, even though a nation may be able to avert war for a long time, war will come some day, in a form which the present war foreshadows; and it suggests the possibility that the longer the war is averted, the more tremendous it will be, the greater the relative unpreparedness of a slothful nation, and the sharper her punishment when war finally breaks upon her. CHAPTER V NAVAL DEFENSE There has never been a time since Cain slew Abel when men have not been compelled to devote a considerable part of their energies to self-defense. In the early ages, before large organizations existed or the mechanic arts had made much progress, defense was mostly defense of life itself. As time went on, and people amassed goods and chattels, and organized in groups and tribes, it came to include the defense of property--not only the property of individuals, but also of the tribe and the land it occupied. Still later, defense carne to include good name or reputation, when it was realized that the reputation, even of an organization, could not be destroyed without doing it an injury. At the present day, owing to the complexity of nations and other organizations, and to the long time during which many of them have existed, the question of defense has become extremely difficult. The places in which defense has been brought to its highest excellence are the large cities of the civilized countries; for there we see that defense of the life, property, and reputation of every individual has been carefully provided for. This has been made possible by the intimate intermingling of the people, the absence of racial rivalries, and the fact that the interests of all are identical in the matter of defense of life, property, and reputation; since, no matter how bad any individual may be, he wishes that others shall be good, in order that he himself may be safe. The defense of reputation has two aspects: the practical and the sentimental. The practical aspect regards the defense of that element of reputation which affects ability to "make a living"; while the sentimental aspect is concerned with the purely personal reputation of the individual, or with the reputation of an organization or a nation. The sentimental aspect is much more important, especially in enlightened nations, than is realized by some who have not thought much about it; for there is, fortunately, in every decent man a craving for the esteem and even the affection of his fellow men; and a knowledge that, no matter how wealthy or powerful he may be, he cannot be happy if he knows that he is despised. The fact that individuals organize to acquire the strength of united effort brings about, among organizations, a spirit of competition like that among individuals. It is more intense, however, because no man alone can get up the enthusiasms that ten men acting together can get up, and ten men cannot get up as much as a thousand. The longer any organization is maintained, the sharper this spirit of rivalry grows to be, owing to the feeling of clanship that propinquity and material interests evoke. Its acme is found in those organizations called nations, that have lived together, nourished from the same soil, for generations; where the same loves and jealousies and hates that they now feel were felt by their fathers and their grandfathers and great-grandfathers for centuries back. Among a people possessing the potentialities of national solidarity and greatness this feeling waxes, into a self-sacrificing devotion to the nation and to the land that bore them. That there should be such a thing is sometimes deplored; because patriotism, like all human qualities, has its bad side and its unfortunate effects. If it were not for patriotism there would probably be no war, and the greatest suffering that the world endures would thus be obviated. But if it were not for patriotism there would be no competition among nations; and in any one nation there would be no national spirit, no endeavor on the part of every man to do his part toward making her strong, efficient, and of good repute or toward making the people individually prosperous and happy. In the same way, on a smaller scale, many people deplore the necessity of competition among organizations, saying that it is ruthless and selfish; that it stamps out the individual; that it makes every man a mere cog in a money-getting machine; that it brings about strife, hatred, jealousies, and sometimes murders; that, if it were not for competition, all men would live together in peace. This may be so; but if it were not for competition there would probably be little of that strenuous, endeavor without which no effective progress in advancing the welfare of men has ever yet been made. Of course, it may be that what we call "progress" has really not advanced the welfare of men; that the savage in Samoa is as happy as the millionaire in New York; that knowledge itself is not an unmixed benefit; and if we accept this view, we may logically declare that competition, progress, and patriotism are all disadvantages. But who will go so far? It seems to be a fact that we cannot get something for nothing: that every plus has its minus, every joy its pain; that if men succeed in passing beyond the savage state, and in overcoming the forces of nature, so that they can live in houses with every modern luxury and convenience, they must pay for it by a condition of competition that causes personal jealousies among individuals, commercial wars among organizations, physical wars among nations. Yet the instinctive desire of every one is for peace and comfort, for the maximum of good with the minimum of exertion; and therefore the normal person dislikes to see interjected into human life the abominable confusion of war. From this it comes about that every nation, even if it consciously brings about a war, always endeavors to make it appear that the other party is the aggressor. For this reason in every country the army and navy are said to be for the "defense" of the country. No nation, no matter how aggressive its policy may secretly be, openly declares that it intends to provoke aggression. This does not mean that any nation ever deliberately raises an army and navy for aggression, and then consciously deceives the world in regard to its intention; for men are so constituted as to feel more or less unconsciously that their interests and desires are proper and those of their opponent wrong; and every nation is so firmly persuaded of the righteousness of its own policies as to feel that any country which exhibits antagonism toward these policies is trying to provoke a fight. Now these policies, especially after a nation has adhered to them for long, seem vital in her eyes, and they usually are so. To Great Britain, whose major policy is that she must be mistress of the seas, it is vital that she should be. Her people are surrounded by the ocean, and unless they are willing simply to eke out an agricultural existence, it is essential that she should be able to manufacture articles, send them out in ships to all parts of the world, and receive in return money and the products of other lands. In order that she may be able to do this, she must feel sure that no power on earth can restrain the peaceful sailing to and fro of her exporting and importing ships. This assurance can be had only through physical force; it can be exerted only by a navy. Germany has been gradually coming into the same position, and the same clear comprehension, owing to the increase of her population, the growth of their desire for wealth, and their realization of the control by Great Britain and the United States of large areas of the surface of the earth. Germany's determination to break down, at least in part, that overpowering command of the sea which Great Britain wields has been the result. The ensuing rapid growth and excellence of Germany's navy and merchant marine brought Germany and England into sharp competition. Military and naval men have seen for years that these competing nations would have to go to war some day in "self-defense." In the minds of some people the idea of what constitutes "defense" is rather hazy, and "defense" is deemed almost synonymous with "resistance." Perhaps the clearest idea of what constitutes "defense" is given in a sentence in Webster's Dictionary, that reads: "The inmates of a fortress are _defended_ by its guns, _protected_ by its walls, and _guarded_ against surprise by sentries." The distinction is important, and the partially aggressive character of defense it indicates is exemplified in all walks of human and brute life. Any animal, no matter how peaceably inclined, will turn on his aggressor--unless, indeed, he runs away. No one ever saw any brute oppose a merely passive resistance to attack. Every man recognizes in himself an instinct to hit back if he is hit. If it be an instinct, it must have been implanted in us for a reason; and the reason is not hard to find in the universal law of self-protection, which cannot be satisfied with the ineffectual method of mere parrying or resisting. Naval defense, like military defense, therefore, is not passive defense only, but contains an element of "offense" as well. When the defense contains in large measure the element of offense, it is said in military parlance to be "offensive-defensive"; and the most effective defensive is this offensive-defensive. When a defending force throws off its defensive attitude entirely and advances boldly to attack, it is said to have "assumed the offensive"; but even this assumption, especially if it be temporary--as when a beleaguered garrison makes a sortie--does not rob the situation of its defensive character. For these reasons the dividing line between offense and defense is very vague; and it is made more vague through a realization by all military people that the offense has certain decided advantages over the defense (unless the defense has the advantage of position); so that when strained relations between two nations come, each is so fearful that the other will take the offensive first, when the two nations are near each other, that it is apt to take the offensive first--in real _self-defense!_ A striking illustration is the action of certain European Powers in the latter part of July, 1914. In addition to the sincere convictions of either party, there is also apt to be considerable yielding to the temptation to persuade the world that the other party is the aggressor, merely to get the sympathy that usually goes to the innocent victim--the support of what Bismarck called "the imponderables." Few wars have been frankly "offensive," like the conquests of Alexander, Cæsar, and Pizarro, at least in modern times; each side has usually claimed (and often sincerely believed) that its action was demanded in self-defense and that its cause was just. To some in the United States naval defense means merely defense against invasion. This notion is of recent growth, and certainly was not held by the framers of our Constitution. Section 8 of Article I defines the powers of Congress; and although eight of the eighteen paragraphs deal exclusively with measures of defense on sea and land, only one of those paragraphs (the fifteenth) deals with invasion. The, first paragraph reads: The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, _to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States_; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. The juxtaposition of the words "common defense" and "general welfare" in this admirably written paragraph could hardly have been accidental, or have been due to any other cause than a juxtaposition of those ideas in the minds of the Constitution's framers. And what more natural connection can there be between any two ideas than between those of common defense and general welfare, since the general welfare of no country has ever continued long unless it was defended. Now the general welfare of every maritime power has always been intimately concerned with its sea-borne commerce. It is only by means of sea-borne commerce, for instance, that Americans can live in the way Americans wish to live. "General welfare" means more than mere existence. A mere existence is the life a savage lives. Furthermore, the general welfare of a country requires the safety of its exported and imported goods while on the sea, and includes the right of its citizens to travel with safety in every land, to buy and sell in foreign ports, to feel a proper measure of self-respect and national respect wherever they may go, and to command from the people of the lands they visit a proper recognition of their claims to justice. Naval defense may, therefore, be said to consist of three parts: 1st--Defense of the coast against bombardment and invasion. 2d--Defense of the trade routes traversed by ships carrying the exports and imports of the country. 3d--Defense of the national policy, including defense of the nation's reputation, honor, and prestige. Of these, defense of the coast against bombardment and invasion is the easiest, and defense of the national policy the most difficult; because in preventing bombardment and invasion the defender has the strategical advantage of being nearer home than the adversary; while in the defense of a country's policy, a naval force may have to "assume the offensive," and go even to the far distant coasts of the enemy--as the Russian fleet went to Tsushima, where it met its death. In that part of naval defense which is concerned with trade routes, the strategical advantage must go, in general, to that side which is the nearer to the locality where the decisive battle may occur. In laying down a policy of naval defense, however, it is not necessary to consider these three parts separately, because no nation can ever tell whether in the distant future its naval defense will have to be used directly for any one of the three, or for all. In general terms, it may be stated that in nearly all naval wars the fleet has been used more for the defense of the nation's policy than for the actual defense of the coasts or the trade routes. This does not mean that there has never been a bombardment or invasion, or that the defense of trade routes may not have been the cause of the war itself; but it does mean that in actual wars bombardment or invasion has been rare, the capture of merchant vessels has played a minor part, and the deciding events have been battles between two fleets, that were often far from the land of either. Owing to the fact that within modern times most of the important countries of the world have been those of continental Europe, with frontiers contiguous, and in fact identical, the defense of a country has been largely committed to the army, and most of the wars have been on land. The country standing in exception to this has been Great Britain, whose isolated and insular situation demanded a defense that was strictly naval. The tremendous advance in recent times of the engineering arts, by which ships became larger and faster, and able to carry more powerful and accurate guns than ever before, has enhanced the value of naval power and enabled Great Britain to reach all over the surface of the earth, and become more powerful than any continental nation. Thus she has made out of the very weakness of her position a paramount tower of strength. Naval defense was taken up systematically in Great Britain in the eighth century by King Offa, to whom is credited the maxim, "He who would be secure on land must be supreme at sea"; but it must have dropped to a low ebb by 1066, for William of Normandy landed in England unopposed. Since that time Great Britain's naval defense, committed to her navy, has increased steadily in effectiveness and power, keeping pace with the increase in the national interests it defended, and utilizing all the growing resources of wealth and science which the world afforded. Until the present crisis, Great Britain's naval defense did its most important work during Napoleon's time, when Great Britain's standing, like the standing of every other European nation, was subjected to a strain that it could hardly bear. So keenly, however, did the nation and the nation's great leader, Pitt, realize the situation that the most strenuous measures were adopted to keep the navy up, press-gangs even visiting the houses of subjects of the King, taking men out and putting them by force on board his Majesty's ships. But the British navy, even more than the British army, brought Great Britain safe out of the Napoleonic danger, and made the British the paramount nation of the world. Since then Great Britain has waxed more and more powerful, her avowed policy being that her navy should be equal to any other two; realizing that her aloofness in point of national characteristics and policy from all other nations made it possible that a coalition of at least two great nations might be pitted against her at a time when she could not get an ally. Accompanying the growth of the British navy has been the establishment of British foreign trade, British colonies, and British bases from which the navy could work, and the general making of a network of British commerce and British power over the surface of the earth. No other nation has ever dominated so large a part of the surface of the globe as has Great Britain during the last two centuries; and she has done it by means of her naval power. This naval power has been, in the language of Great Britain, for the "imperial defense"; not for coast defense alone, but for the defense of all the imperial interests, commercial and political, and even the imperial prestige. And this defense of prestige, it may here be remarked, is not a vainglorious defense, not an exhibition of a swaggering, swashbuckling spirit, but a recognition of the fact that the minds of men are so constituted that the prestige of an individual, an organization, or a nation has a practical value and is an actual force. No government that appreciates its responsibilities will willingly risk the prestige of the nation which it governs, because it knows that any weakening of it will be followed by a weakening of influence and a consequent increase of difficulty in attaining some "end in view." The greatness of the British navy, compared with that of the British army and the other elements of Great Britain's government, has taken on magnified dimensions during the last half century. So long as war-ships used sails as their principal motive power, so long were they forced to employ methods of construction and equipment that forbade the efficient employment of high-power guns, the attainment of great speed, and the use of instruments of precision; so long, in other words, was their military effectiveness prevented from increasing greatly. But when the British navy decided to abandon sail power altogether and propel their ships by steam, a new phase was entered upon, in which every resource of the engineering arts and the physical sciences was called into requisition; and now, on board a dreadnaught, battle cruiser, destroyer, or submarine, can be found the highest examples of mechanical and electrical art and science. Every material resource which the brain and wealth of man can compass is enlisted in her naval defense; and in order to take advantage of the rapidity and certainty of movement they afford for operating fleets and ships, there has been a great advance in methods of operation, or, in military parlance, "staff work." To assist this work, the radio, the cable, and even the humble typewriter have contributed their essential share, with the result that to Great Britain's naval defense there has been devoted an extraordinary degree of efficiency, continuous effort, a more varied activity, and a larger expenditure of money than to any other object of man's activity. The United States navy, to which is committed the naval defense of the United States, has followed the same lines as the British; and its task, while in some ways easier, is in other ways more difficult. Perhaps the chief reason why the naval defense of Great Britain is so difficult is the extreme closeness of her borders to the borders of her possible foes--for the English Channel is only twenty-three miles across from Dover to Calais. And yet the very narrowness of the Channel there lends a certain element of assistance to the defender of either coast against an enemy like Germany, because it enables the defender, by simply protecting that narrow area, to prevent an enemy from passing to the sea or from it, except by going around the British Isles. But while it is interesting thus to compare the tasks of two navies by comparing the lengths of coast line, populations, wealth, and areas of their countries, or their distances from possible antagonists, such comparisons are really misleading; for the reason that all nations are on a par in regard to the paramount element of national defense, which is defense of national policy. It was as important to Belgium as it was to Germany to maintain the national policy, and the army of Belgium was approximately as strong as that of Germany in proportion to her wealth, area, and population; but nevertheless the Belgium army was routed, and Belgium was conquered by the German army. Much has been written to prove that the sole reason for the possession of the paramount navy by Great Britain is that the soil of Great Britain cannot support her people. In an essay, entitled "Naval Power," which I contributed to the _United States Naval Institute_ in 1911, the fallacy of this was shown; and it was pointed out that even if Great Britain grew more than enough to feed her people, life could be made unendurable to the 60,000,000 living there (or to the people in any civilized and isolated country) by an effective blockading fleet. _The question of how great a navy any country needs depends, not on the size, but on the policies of that country, and on the navies of the countries that may oppose those policies_. The navy that a country needs is a navy that can defend its policies, both offensively and defensively. If, for instance, the United States does not wish to enforce any policy that Great Britain would oppose, or to oppose any policy that Great Britain would enforce, then we may leave her navy out of consideration. But if we decide that we must maintain a certain policy which a certain country may oppose, then we must have a navy at least equal to hers; because we do not know whether we should have to meet that navy near our coast, or near hers, or far away from both. For the reason, furthermore, that a war with a European Power might occur at a period of strained relations with some Asiatic Power, we must realize the temptation to that Asiatic Power to seize the opportunity and attack us on the Pacific side, knowing that we should need all our navy on the Atlantic side. This seems to mean that in order to have an effective naval defense (since we are precluded by our policy from having European allies and no South American country could give us any effective naval help) we must have on each ocean a fleet as strong as that of any nation on that ocean against whose wishes we may have to enforce a policy--or against whose policy we may have to oppose resistance. The essential requirement of any defense is that it shall be adequate; because an inadequate defense will be broken down, while the attack will retain a large proportion of its original strength. In the _United States Naval Institute_, in 1905, the present writer showed, by means of a series of tables, how, when two forces fight, the force which is originally the more powerful will become gradually more powerful, relatively to the weaker, as the fight goes on. That, for instance, if two forces start with the relative powers of 10 and 8, the weaker force will be reduced so much more rapidly than the stronger that when it has been reduced to zero the stronger force will have a value of 5.69. The values mentioned indicated the actual fighting strength--strength made up of all the factors--material, physical, and psychic--that constituted it. Of course, none of these factors can ever be accurately compared; but nevertheless the tables seemed to prove that in a contest between two forces whose total strengths are as 10 and 8 one force will be reduced to zero, while the other will be reduced not quite one-half. One of the lessons drawn was "the folly of ineffectual resistance." Doubtless a clearer lesson would have been "the folly of ineffectual preparedness"; because, when the decision as to resistance or non-resistance is forced upon a nation, the matter is so urgent, the military, political, and international conditions so complex, and the excitement probably so intense, that a wise decision is very difficult to reach; whereas the question of what constitutes effectual preparedness is simple, and needs merely to be approached with calm nerves and an open mind. Inasmuch as the psychic element in defense is the strongest single element, it is apparent that if the decision is reached to prepare an effectual defense the nation must be absolutely united, and must appreciate at its full value the debilitating influence of opposition to the measure; for, no matter how much money a nation may expend, no matter how many lives it may sacrifice, its defense cannot have an efficiency proportional to the effort if a considerable number of its citizens are permitted to oppose it. In our own country there has been so much talking and writing recently about defense, that there is danger of the question coming to be considered academic; though no question is more practical, no question is more urgent. _Defense must defend_. CHAPTER VI NAVAL POLICY Every country that has a satisfactory navy has acquired it as the result of a far-seeing naval policy, not of opportunism or of chance. The country has first studied the question thoroughly, then decided what it ought to do, then decided how to do it. Naval policy has to deal with three elements: material, personnel, and operations, which, though separate, are mutually dependent. A clear comprehension of their actual relations and relative weights can be obtained only by thorough study; but without that comprehension no wise naval policy can be formulated, and therefore no satisfactory navy can be established. The most obvious thing about a navy is its material: the ponderous battleships, the picturesque destroyers, the submarines, the intricate engines of multifarious types, the radio, the signal-flags, the torpedo that costs $8,000, the gun that can sink a ship 10 miles away. The United States navy ever since its beginning in 1775 has excelled in its material; the ships have always been good, and in many cases they have surpassed those of similar kind in other navies. This has been due to the strong common sense of the American people, their engineering skill, and their inventive genius. The first war-ship to move under steam was the American ship _Demologos_, sometimes called the _Fulton the First_, constructed in 1813; the first electric torpedoes were American; the first submarine to do effective work in war was American; the first turret ship, the _Monitor_, was American; the first warship to use a screw propeller was the _Princeton_, an American; the naval telescope-sight was American. American ships now are not only well constructed, but all their equipments are of the best; and to-day the American battleship is the finest and most powerful vessel of her class in the world. Our personnel, too, has always been good. The American seaman has always excelled, and so has the American gunner. No ships have ever been better handled than the American ships; no naval battles in history have been conducted with more skill and daring than those of American ships; no exploits in history surpass those of Cushing, Hobson, and Decatur. In operations, however, in the handling of the navy as a whole, we have never excelled; though no better individual fleet leaders shine in the pages of all history than Farragut and Dewey. The strategical operating of our material and personnel has not been in accordance with carefully laid plans, but has been left largely to the inspiration of the commander on the spot, both in peace and in war. Material has suffered from lack of a naval policy, but only quantitatively, because material is a subject that the people understand. Personnel has suffered more, because the people fail to realize the amount of training needed to make a personnel competent to perform their tasks successfully, in competition with the highly trained men of other navies. But operations have suffered incomparably more than material and personnel; because naturally the people do not comprehend the supreme importance of being ready, when war breaks out, to operate the material and personnel skilfully against an active enemy, in accordance with well-prepared strategic plans; nor do they realize how difficult and long would be the task of preparing and testing out those plans. Therefore, they fail to provide the necessary administrative machinery.[*] [Footnote *: Since this was written, the Congress has so enlarged the scope of the Office of Chief of Naval Operations as to make it a General Staff.] In fact, the kind and amount of machinery needed to conduct operations skilfully and quickly cannot be decided wisely until the country adopts some naval policy; and in naval policy the United States must be admitted to have lagged behind almost every other civilized country. Spurred as we were to exertion by the coming of the Revolutionary War, we constructed hastily, though with skill, the splendid ships that did service in that war. But after the war, interest in the navy waned; and if it had not been for the enormous tribute demanded by the pirates of the Barbary coast from our government, and a realization of the fact that not only was it cheaper to build ships and fight the pirates than to pay the tribute, but paying the tribute was a disgraceful act, our navy would have run down even more than it did. Yet even with this warning, 1812 found our navy in a desperate condition. Rallying to the emergency, though too late to accomplish much practical result, we built a number of excellent ships, against the votes of many highly influential men in Congress. These ships did gallant service, and redeemed the reputation of Americans from the oft-repeated charge of being cowards and merely commercial men, though they were too few to prevent the blockade which British squadrons maintained on our Atlantic coast. After the war, the navy was again allowed to deteriorate; and although our ships were excellent, and the officers and men were excellent, and although the war with Mexico supplied some stimulation, the War of the Rebellion caught us in a very bad predicament. The country rose to this emergency too slowly, as before; but the enemy were even less prepared than we, so that during the four years of the Civil War we were able to construct, man, and buy several hundred ships of various kinds; with the result that, at the end of the war, our navy, if not quite so powerful as Great Britain's, was at least very close to it, and with a recent experience in actual war which the British navy did not possess. After that war, the same story was repeated. The people convinced themselves that they would never again be forced to go to war; that they had seen the folly of it, and the misery of it, and would devote themselves thereafter to the delightful pursuits of peace. Gradually the fighting ships of the ironclad class were allowed to go to pieces; gradually even the larger ships of the wooden sailing class fell into disrepair; gradually the idea of war faded from the minds even of naval officers; gradually squadrons and fleets, as such, were broken up, and our ships were to be found scattered singly over all the seas, and swinging idly at their anchors in pleasant ports. Fortunately, Admiral Luce and a very few other officers had learned the salient lessons of war during the Rebellion, and sturdily stood up against the decadent tendency of the times. Against much opposition, Luce succeeded in founding the Naval War College at Newport, where the study of war as an art in itself was to be prosecuted, and in enlisting Captain Mahan in the work. In a few years Mahan gave to the world that epochal book, "The Influence of Sea Power upon History" (embodying his lectures before the War College), which stirred the nations of Europe to such a realization of the significance of naval history, and such a comprehension of the efficacy of naval power, that they entered upon a determined competition for acquiring naval power, which continues to this day. Meanwhile, a little before 1880, the people became aroused to the fact that though the country was growing richer, their navy was becoming weaker, while the navies of certain European countries were becoming stronger. So they began in 1880 the construction of what was then called "the new navy." The construction of the new ships was undertaken upon the lines of the ships then building abroad, which were in startling contrast with the useless old-fashioned American ships which then were flying our flag. The construction of the material of the navy has progressed since then, but spasmodically. At every session of Congress tremendous efforts have been made by people desiring an adequate navy, and tremendous resistance has been made by people who believed that we required no navy, or at least only a little navy. The country at large has taken a bystander's interest in the contest, not knowing much about the pros and cons, but feeling in an indolent fashion that we needed some navy, though not much. The result has been, not a reasonable policy, but a succession of unreasonable compromises between the aims of the extremists on both sides. Great Britain, on the other hand, has always regarded the navy question as one of the most difficult and important before the country, and has adopted, and for centuries has maintained, a definite naval policy. This does not mean that she has followed a rigid naval policy; for a naval policy, to be efficient, must be able to accommodate itself quickly to rapid changes in international situations, and to meet sudden dangers from even unexpected quarters--as the comparatively recent experience of Great Britain shows. At the beginning of this century the British navy was at the height of its splendor and self-confidence. Britannia ruled the waves, and Britannia's ships and squadrons enforced Britannia's policies in every sea. The next most powerful navy was that of France; but it was not nearly so large, and seemed to be no more efficient, in proportion to its size. Owing to Britain's wise and continuing policy, and the excellence of the British sailor and his ships, the British navy proudly and almost tranquilly held virtual command of all the seas. But shortly after this century began, British officers discerned a new and disturbing element gradually developing on the horizon. The first thing which roused their attention to it was the unexpected attack of the Japanese torpedo-boats on the Russian squadron in Port Arthur. No war had been declared, and the Russian squadron was riding peacefully at anchor. The suddenness of the attack, and the distinct though incomplete success which it achieved, startled the British into a realization of the fact that there had been introduced into warfare on the sea methods and tactics requiring _a higher order of preparation_ than had ever before been known; that the scientific methods which the Germans employed so effectively on land in 1870 had been adapted by the Japanese to naval warfare, and would necessitate the introduction into naval policies of _speedier methods_ than had hitherto been needed. Another event which had happened shortly before showed that naval policies would have to be modified, if they were to utilize recent advances in scientific methods. This event was the unprecedented success at target practice of H. M. S. _Terrible_, commanded by Captain Sir Percy Scott, which proved that by a long and strenuous training and the adoption of instruments of precision, it was possible to attain a skill in naval gunnery never attained before. Up to this moment the British navy had almost despised gunnery. Inheriting the traditions brought down from Howe, Rodney, and Nelson, permeated with the ideals of the "blue-water school," proud of being British seamen, proud of the pure white of their ships, enamoured of the stimulating breeziness of the quarterdeck and bridge, imbued with almost a contempt for such mathematical sciences as were not directly used in practical navigation, British naval officers exalted seamanship as the acme of their art, and took little interest in gunnery. All the battles of the past had been won by dash and seamanship and dogged persistence. Ships had always fought close alongside each other. No science had ever won any naval battle of the past, so why should they bother with science now--and why should they bother with target practice, except just enough to insure that the battery was in order, and that the men were not afraid of their guns? Besides, target practice dirtied the ship--a sacrilege to the British naval officer. But the events of the war between Japan and Russia, especially the naval battles of Port Arthur, August 10, 1904, and the Sea of Japan, May 27, 1905, riveted their attention on the fact that something more than seamanship and navigation and clean ships would be needed, if the British navy was to maintain its proud supremacy on the sea; for in these battles, overwhelming victories were won purely by superior skill in gunnery, strategy, and tactics. To these causes of awakening was added one still greater, but of like import--the rapid rise of the German navy from a position of comparative unimportance to one which threatened the British navy itself. The fact became gradually evident to British officers that the German navy was proceeding along the same lines as had proceeded the German army. Realizing the efficiency of the German Government, noting the public declarations of the German Emperor, observing the excellence of the German ships, the skill of the German naval officers, and the extraordinary energy which the German people were devoting to the improvement of the German navy--the British navy took alarm. So did the other navies. Beginning about 1904, Great Britain set to work with energy to reform her naval policy. Roused to action by the sense of coming danger, she augmented the size and number of vessels of all types; increased the personnel of all classes, regular and reserve; scrapped all obsolete craft; built (secretly) the epochal _Dreadnaught_, and modernized in all particulars the British navy. In every great movement one man always stands pre-eminent. The man in this case was Admiral Sir John Fisher, first sea lord of the admiralty, afterward Lord Fisher. Fisher brought about vital changes in the organization, methods, and even the spirit of the navy. He depleted the overgrown foreign squadrons, concentrated the British force in powerful fleets near home, established the War College, inculcated the study of strategy and tactics, appointed Sir Percy Scott as inspector of target practice, put the whole weight of his influence on the side of gunnery and efficiency, placed officers in high command who had the military idea as distinguished from the idea of the "blue-water school," and imbued the entire service with the avowed idea that they must get ready to fight to the death, not the French navy, with its easy-going methods, but the German navy, allied perhaps with some other. At the admiralty he introduced methods analogous to those of the General Staff, to maintain the navy ready for instant service at all times, to prepare and keep up to date mobilization plans in the utmost detail, and to arrange plans for the conduct of war in such wise that after a war should break out, all the various probable situations would have been studied out in advance. The work required at the admiralty, and still more in the fleet--night and day and in all weathers--taxed mental and physical endurance to the limit; but the result was complete success; for when war broke out on the 1st of August, 1914, the British navy was absolutely ready. Many complaints have appeared in print about the unreadiness of Great Britain; but no one who knows anything of the facts supposes that these criticisms include Great Britain's navy. The United States navy in the early part of this century occupied, relatively to others, a very ill-defined position; but the increased interest taken in it by our people after the Spanish War, combined with the destruction of the flower of the Russian fleet in the Russo-Japanese War, and the crushing blow inflicted on the French navy by the maladministration of Camille Pelletan, resulted in placing our navy, about three years ago, in a position second only to Great Britain's--a position which it recently has lost. Owing to a common origin and language, our navy has always followed the British navy, though at a somewhat respectful distance; and while it is true that in point of mechanical inventions we are ahead, in seamanship, navigation, and engineering on a par, and in gunnery and tactics not far behind, yet we must admit that in policy and in policy's first cousin, strategy, we are very far in the rear. There are many reasons why this should be, the first being that the British navy has nearly always lived under more stimulating conditions than we, because the probability of war has seemed greater, and because the United States has underestimated what reasonable probability there has been, and failed to realize how tremendously difficult would be the task of getting ready for it. Owing to the present war, our people have gradually come to see that they must get more ships and other material; but they realize this as only a measure of urgency, and not as a matter of policy. If the emergency passes us by in safety, the people may see in this fact only a confirmation of their notion that war can be postponed _ad infinitum_, and may therefore fail to take due precautions for the future. If so, when we at last become involved in a sudden war, we shall be as unprepared as now; and, relatively to some aggressive nation which, foreseeing this, may purposely prepare itself, we shall be more unprepared. A curious phase of the navy question in our country is the fact that very few people, even the most extreme partisans for or against a large navy, have ever studied it as a problem and endeavored to arrive at a correct solution. Few have realized that it is a problem, in the strictest sense of the word; and that unless one approaches it as such his conclusions cannot be correct except by accident. In Germany, on the other hand, and equally in Japan, the question has been taken up as a concrete problem, just as definite as a problem in engineering. They have used for solving it the method called "The Estimate of the Situation," originated by the German General Staff, which is now adopted in all the armies and navies of civilized countries for the solution of military problems. Previous to the adoption of this method the general procedure had been such as is now common in civil life, when a number of people forming a group desire to make a decision as to what they will do in any given contingency. The usual procedure is for some one to suggest that a certain thing be done, then for somebody else to suggest that something else be done, and so on; and then finally for the group to make a decision which is virtually a compromise. This procedure is faulty, and the decisions resulting are apt to be unwise; because it is quite possible that some very important factors may be overlooked, and equally possible that some other factors be given undue weight. Furthermore, a measure advocated by a man who has the persuasive and emotional abilities of the orator is more apt to be favorably considered than a measure advocated by a man not possessing those abilities. In the "Estimate of the Situation" method, on the other hand, the orator has no opportunity, because the procedure is simply an accurate process of reasoning. It is divided into four parts. The first part consists of a careful study of the "mission," ending in a clear determination of what the "mission" really is--that is, _what is the thing which it is desired to do?_ The second part consists of a careful study, and eventually a clear comprehension, of the difficulties in the way; the third part consists of a careful study, and eventually a clear comprehension, of what facilities are available with which to overcome the difficulties; the fourth part consists of a careful study of the mission, difficulties and facilities, in their mutual relations, and a "decision" as to what should therefore be done. Military and naval people are so thoroughly convinced of the value of this method that they always employ it when making important decisions, writing down the various factors and the successive steps in regular order and in complete detail. In this country, while naval and military people use this method in their comparatively minor problems, the country at large does not use it in deciding the major problem--that is, in deciding how much navy they want, and of what composition. They do not take even the first step toward formulating a naval policy, because they do not study the "mission" of the navy--that is, _they do not study the international and national situations and their bearing on the need for a navy_. Yet until they do this they will not be in a sufficiently informed condition of mind to determine what the "mission" is--that is, what they wish the navy to be able to do--because, before they can formulate the mission they must resolve what foreign navy or navies that mission must include. If they decide that the mission of the navy is to guard our coast and trade routes against the hostile efforts of Liberia the resulting naval policy will be simple and inexpensive; while if they conclude that the mission of our navy is to guard our coast and trade routes against the hostile acts of _any_ navy the resulting naval policy will be so difficult and costly as to tax the brain and wealth of the country to a degree that will depend on _the length of time that will elapse before the date at which the navy must be ready to fulfil that mission_. This factor reminds us of another factor: _the minimum time in which the navy can get ready to fulfil a given mission_ (for instance, to protect us against any navy); and we cannot decide the mission correctly without taking this factor into account. For example, it would be foolish to decide that the mission of our navy is to protect us _now_ against any navy, including the greatest, when it would take us at least twenty years to develop and train a navy to accomplish that task; and it would be equally foolish to decide that the mission is to protect us against any navy _except_ the greatest, because such a decision could rest on no other ground than present improbability of conflict with the greatest navy, or improbability for the very few years ahead (say two or three) which we poor mortals can forecast. This reasoning seems to indicate that the first step in formulating a naval policy for the United States is to realize that any conclusion as to which navies should be included in the mission of our navy must not exclude any navy about whose peaceful conduct toward us we can entertain a reasonable doubt, _during the period of time which we would require to get ready to meet her_. For instance, inasmuch as it would take us at least twenty years to get ready to protect ourselves against the hostile efforts of the British navy, we cannot exclude even that navy from a consideration of the mission of our own, unless we entertain no doubt of the peaceful attitude of that navy toward us for at least that twenty years. Clearly, the problem is not only very important but very difficult--perhaps the most difficult single problem before the country; and for this reason, naval officers have long marvelled that the leading minds of the country do not undertake it. Perhaps one reason is that they do not know how difficult it is: that they do not realize the extraordinary complexity of modern ships and engines, and the trained skill required to handle them; that they do not realize what Great Britain now realizes, that we must prepare for one of the most stupendous struggles ever carried on; that we must have a personnel both of officers and enlisted men trained to the highest point, because they will have to meet officers and enlisted men trained to the highest point; that the training must be such that the skill produced can be exercised by night and day, in cold and heat, in storm and calm, under circumstances of the utmost possible difficulty and danger; that, while it takes four years to build a ship and get her into the fleet as an effective unit, it takes much longer to train an enlisted petty officer as he should be trained, and a lifetime to train officers of the upper grades. Perhaps also our leading minds do not realize the intellectual requirements of the higher realms of the naval art, or comprehend what the examples of Alexander, Cæsar, Napoleon, Nelson, and Farragut prove: that, _in the real crises of a nation's life her most valuable asset is the trained skill in strategy that directs the movements of her forces_. Further than this, they may not realize that the greater the danger which they must avert, the earlier they must begin to prepare for it, because the more work in preparation will have to be performed; and yet realization of this truth is absolutely vital, as is also realization of the fact that we have no military power as our ally, and therefore must be ready to meet alone a hostile attack (though perhaps in the far-distant future) from _any_ foreign power. To see that this is true it is merely necessary to note the facts of history, and observe how nations that have long been on terms of friendship have suddenly found themselves at war with each other; and how countries which have always been hostile have found themselves fighting side by side. In the present war, Great Britain is allied with the two countries toward which, more than toward any other, she has been hostile; and she is fighting the country to which, more than any other, she is bound by ties of consanguinity and common interests. The history of war is so filled with alternations of peace and war between every pair of contiguous countries as to suggest the thought that the mere fact of two countries having interests that are common is a reason why their respective shares in those interests may conflict; that countries which have no common interests have nothing to fight about; that it is only for things in which two nations are interested, and which both desire, that those two nations fight. If our estimate of the situation should lead us to the decision that we must prepare our navy in such a way that, say twenty years hence, it will be able to protect the country against any enemy, we shall then instinctively adopt a policy. The fact of having ahead of us a definite, difficult thing to do, will at once take us out of the region of guesswork, and force us into logical methods. We shall realize the problem in its entirety; we shall see the relation of one part to another, and of all the parts to the whole; we shall realize that the deepest study of the wisest men must be devoted to it, as it is in all maritime countries except our own. The very difficulties of the problem, the very scope and greatness of it, the fact that national failure or national success will hinge on the way we solve it, will call into action the profoundest minds in all the nation. We shall realize that, more than any other problem before the country, this problem is urgent; because in no other problem have we so much lost time to make up for, and in no other work of the government are we so far behind the great nations that we may have to contend against. Great Britain was startled into a correct estimate of the situation ten years ago, and at once directed perhaps the best of her ability to meet it. Certain it is that no other department of the British Government is in such good condition as the navy; in no other department has the problem been so thoroughly understood, and so conscientiously worked out, or the success been so triumphant. The underlying reason for this is not so much the individual courage and ability of the officers and men, or even their skill in handling their ships and squadrons, as the fact that Great Britain has followed a definite naval policy; so that the British nation has had a perfectly clear realization of what it wishes the navy to do, and the navy has had a perfectly clear realization of how to do it. The United States has not yet made a correct estimate of the naval situation; she has not yet reached the point that Great Britain reached ten years ago. Great Britain apprehended the danger, and took action before it was too late. Shall the United States take action now or wait until it is too late? PART II NAVAL STRATEGY CHAPTER VII GENERAL PRINCIPLES Strategy is difficult of definition; but though many definitions have been made, and though they do not agree together very well, yet all agree that strategy is concerned with the preparation of military forces for war and for operating them in war--while tactics is the immediate instrument for handling them in battle. Strategy thinks out a situation beforehand, and decides what preparations as to material, personnel, and operations should be made. Many books have been written on strategy, meaning strategy as applied to armies, but very few books have been written on naval strategy. The obvious reasons are that armies in the past have been much larger and more important than navies; that naval men have only recently had the appliances on board ship for writing on an extensive scale; and that the nature of their occupation has been such that continuous application of the kind needed for thinking out principles and expounding them in books, has only recently been possible. Most of the few existing books on naval strategy deal with it historically, by describing and explaining the naval campaigns of the past and such land campaigns as illustrate principles that apply to sea and land alike. Perhaps the best books are those of Darrieus and Mahan. Until about fifty years ago, it was only by experience in actual war, supplemented by laborious study of the campaigns of the great commanders, and the reading of books on strategy which pointed out and expounded the principles involved in them, that one could arrive at any clear idea of strategy. But wars have fortunately been so infrequent, the information about them has often been so conflicting, and so many results have been due to chance, that, in default of experience, the mere reading of books did not lead to very satisfactory results, except in the case of geniuses; and therefore war problems and war games were devised, in which the various factors of material and personnel were represented, and made as true to life as possible. The _tactical_ games resulting, which naval strategists now play, employ models of the various craft used in war, such as battleships, submarines, etc., and are governed by rules that regulate the movements of those craft on a sort of big chess-board, several feet square, that represents an area of water several miles square. The _strategic_ games and problems are based on principles similar to those on which the tactical games are based, in the sense that actual operations are carried on in miniature; but naturally, the strategical operations cover several hundred miles, and sometimes thousands. The aim of both the tactical and the strategic games is to determine as closely as possible the laws that decide victory or defeat; and therefore, for any country, the material, personnel and operations it should employ. Naturally the results obtained are not quite so convincing as those of actual war or battle; but they are more convincing than can be attained in any other way, as yet devised, especially as many of the operations of the game-board that turn out well in games are tried out afterward by the fleet in peace maneuvers. War games and problems may be compared to the drawings that an architect makes of a house which some one wants to build; the plans and drawings are not so realistic as a real house, but they are better than anything else; and, like the war games, they can be altered and realtered until the best result seems to have been attained, considering the amount of money allowed and other practical conditions. The idea of devising war games and war problems seems to have originated with Von Moltke; certainly it was first put in practice by his direction. Shortly after he became chief of the General Staff of the Prussian army in 1857, he set to work to carry out the ideas which he had had in mind for several years, while occupying minor posts, but which he had not had the power to enforce. It seems to have become clear to his mind that, if a chess-player acquired skill, not only by playing actual games and by studying actual games played by masters, but also by working out hypothetical chess problems, it ought to be possible to devise a system whereby army officers could supplement their necessarily meagre experience of actual war, and their necessarily limited opportunities for studying with full knowledge the actual campaigns of great strategists, by working out hypothetical, tactical, and strategic problems. Von Moltke succeeded in devising such a system and in putting it into successful operation. Hypothetical problems were prepared, in which enemy forces were confronted with each other under given circumstances of weather, terrain, and distances, each force with its objective known only to itself: for instance, you are in command of such and such a force at such and such a place; you have received orders to accomplish such and such a purpose; you receive information that the enemy, comprising such and such troops, was at a certain time at a certain place, and marching in a certain direction. What do you do? Classes of army officers were formed, and compelled to work out the problems exactly as boys at school were compelled to work out problems in arithmetic. The skill of individual officers in solving the problems was noted and recorded; and the problems themselves, as time went on and experience was gained, were made more and more to conform to probable situations in future wars with Austria, France, and other countries, actual maps being used, and the exact nature and magnitude of every factor in each problem being precisely stated. By such work, the pupils (officers) acquired the same kind of skill in solving strategic and tactical problems that a boy acquires in solving problems in arithmetic--a skill in handling the instruments employed. Now the skill acquired in solving any kind of problem, like the skill developed in any art, such as baseball, fencing, or piano-playing, does not give a man skill merely in doing a thing identically like a thing he has done before: such a skill would be useless, for the reason that identical conditions almost never recur, and identical problems are never presented. Similar conditions often recur, however, and similar problems are often presented; and familiarity with any class of conditions or problems imparts skill in meeting any condition or any problem that comes within that class. If, for instance, a man memorizes the sums made by adding together any two of the digits, he is equipped to master any problem of addition; and if he will practise at adding numbers together, he will gradually acquire a certain ability of mind whereby he can add together a long row of figures placed in a sequence he never saw before, and having a sum he never attained before. Or a pianist, having acquired the mastery of the technic of the keyboard and the ability to read music, can sit down before a piano he never sat at before and play off instantly a piece of music he never saw before. Doubtless Moltke had ideas of this kind in mind when his plans for educating strategists and tacticians by problems on paper and by games were ridiculed by the unimaginative, and resisted by the indolent; and certainly no man was ever proved right more gloriously than Moltke. In the war with Austria in 1866, the Prussian army defeated the Austrian at Sadowa or Königgrätz in nineteen days after the declaration of war. In the war with France in 1870, the Prussian army routed the French and received the surrender of Napoleon III in seven weeks and two days, not because of superior courage or experience in war, but by more scientific strategy. As Henderson says: "Even the French generals of divisions and brigades had had more actual experience (in war) than those who led the German army corps. Compared with the German rank and file, a great part of their non-commissioned officers and men were veterans, and veterans who had seen much service. Their chief officers were practically familiar with the methods of moving, supplying, and maneuvering large masses of troops; their marshals were valiant and successful soldiers. And yet the history of modern warfare records no defeats so swift and complete as those of Königgrätz and Sedan. The great host of Austria was shattered in seven weeks; the French Imperial army was destroyed in seven weeks and three days; and to all intents and purposes the resistance they had offered was not much more effective than that of a respectable militia. But both the Austrian and the French armies were organized and trained under the old system. Courage, experience, and professional pride they possessed in abundance. Man for man, in all virile qualities, neither officers nor men were inferior to their foes. But one thing their generals lacked, and that was education for war. Strategy was almost a sealed book to them." Also, "Moltke committed no mistake. Long before war had been declared every possible precaution had been made. And these included much more than arrangements for rapid mobilization, the assembly of superior numbers completely organized, and the establishment of magazines. The enemy's numbers, armaments, readiness, and efficiency had been submitted to a most searching examination. Every possible movement that might be made, however unlikely, had been foreseen; every possible danger that might arise, however remote, discussed and guarded against"; also, "That the Prussian system should be imitated, and her army deprived of its monopoly of high efficiency, was naturally inevitable. Every European state has to-day its college, its intelligence department, its schools of instruction, and its course of field maneuvers and field firing." Strategy may be divided into two parts, war strategy and preparation strategy; and of these two, preparation strategy is by far the more important. War strategy deals with the laying out of plans of campaign after war has begun, and the handling of forces until they come into contact with the enemy, when tactics takes those forces in its charge. It deals with actual situations, arranges for the provisioning, fuelling, and moving of actual forces, contests the field against an actual enemy, the size and power of which are fairly well known--and the intentions of which are sometimes known and sometimes not. The work of the strategist in war is arduous, pressing, definite, and exciting; and results are apt to follow decisions quickly. He plays the greatest and oldest game the world has ever known, with the most elaborate instruments, and for the largest stakes. In most wars, the antagonists have been so nearly equal in point of personnel and material that the result has seemed to be decided by the relative degrees of skill of the strategists on both sides. This has been the verdict of history; and victorious commanders in all times and in all lands have achieved rarer glories, and been crowned with higher honors, than any other men. Preparation strategy deals with the laying out of plans for supposititious wars and the handling of supposititious forces against supposititious enemies; and arranges for the construction, equipment, mobilization, provisioning, fuelling, and moving of supposititious fleets and armies. War strategy is vivid, stimulating and resultful; preparation strategy is dull, plodding, and--for the strategist himself--apparently resultless. Yet war strategy is merely the child of preparation strategy. The weapons that war strategy uses, preparation strategy put into its hands. The fundamental plans, the strength and composition of the forces, the training of officers and men, the collection of the necessary material of all kinds, the arrangements for supplies and munitions of all sorts--the very principles on which war strategy conducts its operations--are the fruit of the tedious work of preparation strategy. Alexander reaps the benefit of the preliminary labors of his father, Philip; William is made German Emperor by the toil of Moltke. The work of laying out a supposititious campaign, involving supposititious operations against a supposititious enemy, requires of the strategist a thorough estimate of the situation, including a careful estimate of the forces of the enemy, in material and personnel, and of the strategy that will probably govern his operations--whether he will act on the defensive, or assume the offensive; if he is to act on the defensive, how and where will he base his forces, how far will he operate away from his own shores? And if he is to act on the offensive, what direction will his operations take; will he secure an advance base; and if so, where? And as the character of the enemy's operations will depend on the personnel of the enemy General Staff and of the high commanders afloat, who comprise the personnel, and what are their characteristics? To decide these questions correctly requires considerable acquaintance with the enemy country, its navy and its policy, a full knowledge of the strategy, personnel, and material of that navy, and a sound conception of strategy itself. But to decide the questions correctly is essential, because the decision will form the basis of the future plans. Naturally, as the plan is entirely supposititious and is to take effect at some indefinite time in the future, all the factors that will be in existence at that time cannot be foretold exactly, and therefore must be estimated. This will necessitate several alternate hypotheses; and a war plan including mobilization and operations must be made out, based on each hypothesis. For instance, on the hypothesis that the enemy will take the offensive, one set of plans will have to be prepared on the basis that we shall also take the offensive, and another on the basis that circumstances may be such at that time as to make it wise for us to resort to the defensive; while on the hypothesis that the enemy is to remain on the defensive, a set of plans very different from the other two as to both mobilization and operations must be devised. Each set of the plans just suggested may also have to be divided into two or more parts. On the basis that the enemy will remain on the defensive, for instance, the circumstances when the hour for action comes, such as the fact of his being quite unprepared, may indicate the advisability of an attack on him as sudden as it can be made; while, on the other hand, circumstances such as the fact of his being thoroughly prepared may render it necessary for us to send a larger force than we could get ready quickly, especially if the enemy coast be far away, and may therefore indicate the advisability of deliberate movements, and even a protracted delay before starting. But no matter what plan is to be followed, a detailed plan for every probable contingency must be prepared; and it must be elaborated in such detail that it can be put into operation instantly when the fateful instant comes; because the enemy will put his plans into operation at the same time we do, and the one whose plans are executed first will take a long step toward victory. Not only must the plans provide some means whereby the plans themselves shall get into full operation instantly when war breaks; other plans must also provide that all the acts which those plans contemplate must be performed. Not only must the plans provide that all the prearranged orders for putting the _Kearsarge_ into full commission shall be instantly sent by mail, telegraph, and telephone to the proper officials, but other plans must also provide means whereby the officers and men shall actually march on board the _Kearsarge_, her ensign and commission pennant be displayed, all the fuel, ammunition, provisions, and equipment be on board and the _Kearsarge_ sail at once, and join the commander-in-chief at sea. Doubtless the most complicated and comprehensive plans are those for sending a large expedition on an offensive mission to a far-distant coast, especially if that coast be guarded by an efficient navy, if it have outlying islands that would afford good bases for her destroyers and submarines, and if there are not good harbors which our fleet could seize as advance bases, from which to prosecute its future operations. The complexity of the task of planning such an expedition, taking due account, but not exaggerated account, of all the factors, favorable and adverse, is appalling; but the task must be undertaken and accomplished. The most tedious part is the logistics--the arrangements for supplying the fleet on the way and in the distant theatre of operations with the necessary provisions, equipment, and ammunition and, above all, the fuel. The average superdreadnaught consumes about 460 tons of coal per day at full speed, and about 108 tons at 10 knots; and coal or other fuel for all the dreadnaughts, battle cruisers, cruisers of various classes, scouts, destroyers, submarines, ships, aircraft of different kinds, hospital ships, ammunition ships, transports, and the fuel ships themselves, must be provided by means that _must not fail_. While the work of planning an offensive movement to a distant coast is the most tedious and complex, the work of planning a defensive measure against a sudden attack on the coast needs the most concentration of effort; for whatever the plans require to be done must be done at once. This necessitates that the orders to be issued must be as few as possible; that they be as concise and clear as possible; that the things to be done be as few and as simple as possible, and that all possible foresight be exercised to prevent any confusion or misunderstanding, or any necessity on the part of any one for requesting more instructions. When the fateful instant comes, the final command to mobilize puts into execution whichever of the plans already made is to be followed; and for this reason it is clear that the various plans must be kept separate from each other, and each set of plans must include all the various orders that must be signed for carrying it into effect, including the particular word or phrase that directs the execution of that particular set of plans. It is the story that the final order to the British navy in the early part of August, 1914, was the word "Go." All the units went immediately, understandingly, unitedly; and the greatest machine the world has ever known was almost instantly in operation at full speed. No such stupendous feat, physically considered, had ever been done before. The mobilization of the Prussian army in 1870 and of the German army about August 1, 1914, were as great performances mentally and strategically, but not physically, by reason of the relative feebleness of the forces set in motion. This relative feebleness was due, of course, to the insignificance of muskets compared to navy guns, of railway-trains compared to battleships, etc.--an insignificance far from being neutralized by the greater number of the units, for one 14-inch shell has an energy equal to that of about 60,000 muskets, and no army contains anything approximating the powerfulness of a battleship. Not only, however, must the strategist make plans in peace for preparations that culminate in mobilization, and simply insure that the navy shall be ready in material and personnel when war breaks; he must also make plans for operating the navy strategically afterward, along each of the various lines of direction that the war may take. In other words, the work of preparation strategy in making war plans may be divided into two parts--mobilization and operation. The plans of mobilization deal naturally with all the activities concerned, material and personnel, and endeavor to arrange a passing from a state of peace to a state of war in the quickest possible time, and with the least chance of errors and omissions. A considerable degree of imagination is required, an almost infinite patience, and a perfect willingness to work indefinitely without any reasonable expectation of getting tangible results. A more hopeless task can hardly be given any man or body of men than that of working out plans, general and detailed, day after day, for contingencies that will probably never happen, and to guard against dangers that will probably never come; preparing tables, diagrams, and schedules which are almost certainly doomed to rest forever in the sepulchre of the confidential files. Yet this work is basic. Perhaps it is for that reason, that it is obscure and dull; basic work is apt to be so. The spectacular success of an individual in any walk of life is often but the crowning of the unrecognized, and often utterly unknown work--of other men. Strategy is not a science only; it is an art as well; and although the art cannot be practised in its perfection until after the science is well comprehended, yet the art of strategy was born before the science was. This is true of all those departments of man's activity that are divided into sciences and arts, such as music, surgery, government, navigation, gunnery, painting, sculpture, and the rest; because the fundamental facts--say of music--cannot even attract attention until some music has been produced by the art of some musician, crude though that art may be; and the art cannot advance very far until scientific methods have been applied, and the principles that govern the production of good music have been found. The unskilled navigators of the distant past pushed their frail craft only short distances from the land, guided by art and not by science; for no science of navigation then existed. But the knowledge gradually gained, passing first from adept to pupil by word of mouth, and afterward recorded on the written and then the printed page, resulted first in the realization of the fact that various apparently unrelated phenomena were based on the same underlying principles; and resulted later in the perception, and still later in the definite expression, of those underlying principles. Using these principles, the navigator expanded the limits of his art. Soon we see Columbus, superbly bold, crossing the unknown ocean; and Magellan piercing the southern tip of the American continent by the straits that now bear his name. But of all the arts and sciences, the art and science that are the oldest and the most important; that have caused the greatest expenditure of labor, blood, and money; that have been the immediate instruments of more changes and greater changes in the history of the world than any other, are the art and the science of strategy. Until the time of Moltke the art of strategy, like most arts, was more in evidence than the science. In fact, science of any kind is a comparatively recent product, owing largely to the more exact operations of the mind brought about by the birth of the science of measurement, and the ensuing birth and development of the mechanic arts. Before Moltke's time campaigns were won by wise preparation and skilful execution, as they are now; but the strategical skill was acquired by a general or admiral almost wholly by his own exertions in war, and by studying the campaigns of the great commanders, and reflecting upon them with an intensity that so embedded their lessons in his subjective mind that they became a part of him, and actions in conformity with those lessons became afterward almost automatic. Alexander and Napoleon are perhaps the best illustrations of this passionate grasping of military principles; for though both had been educated from childhood in military matters, the science of strategy was almost non-existent in concrete form, and both men were far too young to have been able to devote much time or labor to it. But each was a genius of the highest type, and reached decisions at once immediate and wise, not by inspiration, but by mental efforts of a pertinacity and concentratedness impossible to ordinary men. It was because Von Moltke realized this, realized the folly of depending on ability to get geniuses on demand, and realized further the value of ascertaining the principles of strategy, and then expressing them so clearly that ordinary men could grasp and use them, that he conceived and carried into execution his plan; whereby not only actual battles could be analyzed, and the causes of victory and defeat in each battle laid bare to students, but also hypothetical wars and battles could be fought by means of problems given. The first result of a course of study of such wars and battles, and practice with such problems, was a skill in decision a little like that developed in any competitive game, say tennis, whist, chess, poker, boxing, and the like--whereby any action of your adversary brings an instantaneous and almost automatic reply from you, that you could not have made so skilfully and quickly before you had practised at the game; and yet the exact move of your adversary, under the same conditions, you had never seen before. Of course, this skill was a development, not of the science, but of the art, as mere skill always is; but as skill developed, the best methods for obtaining skill were noted; and the principles governing the attainment of success gradually unveiled themselves, and were formulated into a science. Naturally, strategy is not an exact science like mathematics, physics, or engineering--at least not now. Whether it ever will be cannot be foretold. The reason that strategy (like medicine and most other sciences concerning human beings) is not an exact science is simply because it involves too many unknown quantities--quantities of which our knowledge is too vague to permit of our applying exact methods to them, in the way in which we apply exact methods to the comparatively well-known quantities and elements in the so-called "exact sciences." But a science may be a science even if it is not an exact science; we may know certain important principles sufficiently well to use them scientifically, even if we do not know them with sufficient exactness to permit us to use them as confidently as we should like. We may know, for instance, that it is folly to divide a military force in the presence of an active enemy into such small forces, and at such distances apart, as to let the enemy defeat each small force, one after the other, even if we do not know exactly how far it would be safe to separate two forces of a given size, in the presence of an enemy of a given power. It is well to know a fact in general terms, even if we do not know it in precise terms: it is well to know in general terms that we must not take prussic acid, even if we do not know exactly how much is needed to kill. So the studies and problems instituted by Von Moltke, and copied in all the armies and navies of the world, have brought about a science of strategy which is real, even though not exact, and which dwells in the mind of each trained strategist, as the high tribunal to which all his questions are referred and by whose decisions he is guided; just as the principles of medicine are the guide alike of the humblest and the most illustrious practitioner, wherever the beneficent art of medicine is practised. It is clear that, in order to be skilful in strategy (in fact, in any intellectual art), not only must a man have its scientific principles firmly imprinted on his mind, but he must make its practice so thoroughly familiar to his mental muscles that he can use strategy as a _trained_ soldier uses his musket--automatically. Inasmuch as any man requires years of study and practice--say, of chess--in order to play chess well enough to compete successfully with professional chess-players, it seems to follow that any man must require years of study and practice of the more complicated game of strategy, in order to play strategy well enough to compete successfully with professional strategists. The game of chess looks easy to a beginner; in fact, the kind of game that he thinks chess to be is easy. But after he has learned the moves, he finds the intricacies of the game developing more rapidly than he can master them, and discovers that chess is a game which some men spend their lifetime studying. The full realization of this fact, however, does not come to him until after defeats by better players have forced into his consciousness the almost infinite number of combinations possible, the difficulty of deciding on the correct move at any juncture, and the consequences that follow after wrong moves. So with strategy. The ease and certainty with which orders can be transmitted and received, the precision with which large forces can be quickly despatched from place to place, and the tremendous power exertable by those forces, tend to blind the mind to the fact that transferring any force to any place is merely making a "move," and that the other player can make moves, too. If a man were never to be pitted in strategy against another player, either in games or in actual war, the "infinite variety" of strategy would never be disclosed to his intelligence; and after learning how to make the moves, he might feel willing to tackle any one. Illustrations of this tendency by people of great self-confidence are numerous in history, and have not been missing even in the present war, though none have been reported in this country as occurring on the Teuton side. There has always been a tendency on the part of a ruling class to seize opportunities for military glory, and the ambition has often been disproportioned to the accompanying ability and knowledge--sometimes on the part of a King, prince, or man of high nobility, sometimes on the part of a minister, sometimes on the part of an army or navy man, who has been indebted to political or social influence for his place. But within the past fifty years, especially since the establishment of the General Staff in Prussia and the studies of Von Moltke, the overshadowing importance of strategy has been understood, the necessity of comprehending its principles and practising its technic has been appreciated, and attempts to practise strategy by persons inexpert in strategy have been deprecated. The game of strategy, while resembling in many ways the game of chess, differs from it, of course, in the obvious element of personal danger. It also differs from it in an equally important but less obvious way--its relation to the instruments employed; for in chess those instruments (pieces) are of a number and character fixed by the rules of the game; whereas in strategy the number and character of the instruments (ships, etc.) employed are determined by strategy itself, assisted by engineering. Germany realizes this, and therefore has established and followed a system whereby the character of the various material and personnel units of the navy, and even the number of them (under the restrictions of the money alloted), are decided by a body of men who are highly trained in strategy and engineering. There is an intimate connection between policy and strategy, and therefore between naval policy and naval strategy; and while it is difficult to draw the line exactly which separates policy and strategy, it may be said in general that policy is the concern of the government, and strategy is the concern of the navy and army, to be employed by them to carry out the policy. As naval policy and naval strategy are so intimately connected in their essence, it is apparent that the naval policy of a country and its naval strategy should be intimately connected in fact; for the policy cannot be properly carried out if the strategy that tries to execute it is not good, or if the policy requires more naval force or skill than the navy can bring to bear; and the strategy cannot be good if it is called upon to execute a policy impossible to execute, or if the exact end in view of the policy is not distinctly known. Some of the greatest mistakes that have been made by governments have been made because of a lack of co-ordination between the government and its navy, so that the policy and the strategy could not work together. We see an illustration of this throughout the history of France, whose civil and naval authorities have not worked harmoniously together, whose naval strategy has apparently been opportunistic and short-sighted, and whose navy in consequence has not been so successful as the large sums of money spent upon it might lead one to expect. Across the English Channel we see a totally different state of things. In Great Britain the development of the navy has been going on for more than twelve hundred years, ever since King Offa declared that "he who would be secure at home must be supreme at sea." For about eight hundred years thereafter the development was carried on energetically, but in an opportunistic fashion, following the requirements of the hour. In 1632, however, the Board of Admiralty was established; and with occasional interruptions, especially prior to 1708, the board has continued in existence ever since. A coherent policy of development has thereby been assured, and a wisdom of strategy established which more than any other single factor has made Great Britain the mistress of the seas, and almost the mistress of the world. The wisdom of her strategy has been due largely to the fact of the close touch maintained between the civil government, including Parliament, and the navy; for by its very constitution the Board of Admiralty includes some of the highest officers of Parliament, the cabinet, and the navy. Its presiding officer is a member of the cabinet, and also member of Parliament; four of the officers are naval officers, high in rank, character, and attainments; and the junior civil lord is a civilian versed in naval matters. All the orders for great movements of the fleets and ships are directed by this board and signed by its secretary, the board, by a fiction of the law, being considered an individual replacing the lord high admiral--which it did, in 1632. The board is supposed to meet every day with all the members present, the vote of each member carrying as much weight as that of any other member. Naturally, the first lord of the admiralty being a cabinet officer and a member of Parliament, has a far greater influence on broad questions than any other member; and the first sea lord being the person of the most experience in naval matters, has the most weight on strictly naval questions. Theoretically, however, neither of these gentlemen can carry a measure opposed to the others; and any member, even a junior, has equal opportunity with the others to bring up and discuss any question and to attempt to procure its passage by the full board; but in 1869 the first lord at that time, Mr. Childers, brought about a change whereby the first lord was made personally responsible to the government. This vastly increased the power of the first lord, relatively to the others. Two other navies, the German and the Japanese, which with the British, are the most efficient navies in the world, have systems somewhat different from the British. In Germany and Japan the Emperor is the head of the navy, and there is no civilian between him and it. In Germany there is no minister of marine, unless the Emperor himself may be said to be the minister, which he practically is; and the navy is divided into three parts, each under an admiral. The three parts are the General Staff, which deals with war plans and fundamental questions; the naval cabinet, which deals with matters of personnel; and the administrative section, which has to do with questions of material, including money, and the getting of money from Parliament. In Japan the minister of marine is by law a naval officer, and under him is a chief of staff, also a naval officer. The minister of marine has the direction of the navy as a whole, but the ideas of the chief of staff are supposed to be carried out in matters that are strictly naval. The Japanese naval officer has a higher regard for the office of chief of staff than for that of minister of marine, because it is given for professional excellence only. It might seem at first sight that in Germany and Japan there would be danger of a lack of co-ordination between the civil and the naval authorities, and a tendency for the navy to become unduly self-assertive. Of course, one reason why there is no such danger is that the governments of those countries are controlled by men who, though civilians, have great knowledge of international affairs, and of military and naval subjects; another reason is that the navy is so vital a matter, accurate knowledge about it is so general, and interest in it so wide-spread and intense, that there is no great gulf fixed between naval people and civilians. Still another reason is the fact that in each country the Emperor is trained in military and naval duties as well as in civil duties, and therefore can effect in his own person the co-ordination of the civil and the naval authority: that is, of policy and strategy. Such automatic and complete co-ordination is desirable not only in preventing the unnatural barrier between the civil and the military authority which exists in some countries such as ours, but in lightening the labors and enlightening the deliberations of the strategists. If, for instance, a bold policy is to be enforced, and a large sum of money allotted for material and personnel, the strategists will be led to recommendations different from those to which they would be led if a cautious policy were to be pursued, and a small sum of money to be allotted. Germany did not turn her eyes seriously toward the navy until the Emperor William II read Mahan's book, "The Influence of Sea Power upon History." Previous to that epochal event, Germany had relied on her army to protect her interests and enforce her rights, being led thereto by the facts of her history and the shortness of her coast-line. But the strategically trained mind of William grasped at once the situation laid bare by Mahan; and his military training led him to quick decision and prompt action. The necessary machinery was soon set in motion, with the amazing result that in twenty years the German navy became the second in power and perhaps the first in efficiency in the world. Was this feat accomplished by prodigal expenditures in building vessels and other material of all kinds, and enlisting and commissioning a large number of officers and men? No, the expense was less than that of building our navy, even if a liberal allowance be made for the relative cheapness of things in Germany; and the mere enlisting and commissioning of officers and men was the simplest part of the undertaking. How was it accomplished? In the simplest way imaginable: by following Moltke's plan of solving hypothetical war problems, and adapting the military war game (_Kriegspiel_) to naval forces; playing numberless war games, and deciding from those games the naval strategy best adapted to Germany's needs--not only in matters of general principle, not only as to tactics, training, education, co-operation with the army, and the size of fleet required to carry out the policy of the nation--but also as to the composition of the fleet, relative proportions of vessels of the various types, and the characteristics of each type. Nothing was left to chance; nothing was decided by guessing; no one man's dictum was accepted. The whole problem was attacked in its entirety, and a general solution found; and after this, the various divisions and subdivisions of the problem were attacked and solved, in obedience to the same principles, in accordance with the results obtained at _Kriegspiel_. If a very large and complicated engine of new pattern is to be built by any engineering company, no casting of the smallest kind is made until general plans have been outlined, detailed plans prepared from these, and then "working plans" made for the workmen. From the working plans, the workmen construct the various parts; sometimes in number several hundred. Finally, the whole intricate machine is put together, and the motive power applied. Then all the parts, great and small, begin their allotted tasks, each part perfectly adapted to its work, not too large and not too small; all working together in apparent confusion, but in obedience to law--fulfilling exactly the will of the designing engineer. So, the vast and new machine of the German navy was designed in the drafting-room of the _Kriegspiel_; and though it has been gradually strengthened and enlarged since then, each strengthening piece and each addition has been designed in accordance with the original plan, and has therefore harmonized with the original machine. Thus the navy has expanded smoothly, symmetrically, purposefully. No other result was to be expected: the strategy having been correct, the result was correct also. Perhaps one contributing factor to the success of the German navy has been her staff of officers highly trained in strategy by _Kriegspiel_, that insures not only sound advice in general, but also insures that at any time, night or day, a body of competent officers shall be ready at the admiralty to decide what action should be taken, whenever any new situation is reported. This factor is most important; because in naval and military operations, even in time of peace, but especially in war, events follow each other so rapidly, and momentous crises develop so suddenly, that the demand for action that shall be both wise and instantaneous is imperative. The chess-player can linger long over his decisions, because his opponent cannot make his next move meanwhile; but in warfare no such rule or condition can exist. In war, time is as vital a factor as any other: and the strategist, who, like Napoleon, can think faster and decide more quickly and accurately than his antagonist is, _ceteris paribus_, sure to win; and even if _ceteris_ are not quite _paribus_, his superior quickness and correctness will overcome great handicaps in material and personnel, as the lives of all the great strategists in history, especially Alexander and Napoleon, prove convincingly. To bring a preponderating force to bear at a given point ahead of the enemy--to move the maximum of force with the maximum of celerity--has always been the aim of strategy: and probably it always will be, for the science of strategy rests on principles, and principles never change. Thus while we see in Great Britain's navy an example of the effect of a strategy continuous and wise, conducted for three hundred years, we see in the Japanese and German navies equally good examples of a strategy equally wise, but of brief duration, which started with the example of the British navy, and took advantage of it. The German and Japanese navies did not follow the British navy slavishly, however; for the national military character of their people required the introduction and control of more military and precise methods than those of the primarily sailor navy of Great Britain. We see, therefore, a curious similarity between the German and Japanese navies, and very clear evidence in each of the engrafting of purely military ideals on maritime ideas. And we see not only this, we see the reaction on the British navy itself of the ideals of the German and the Japanese, and a decided change during the last ten years from the principles of "the blue-water school"; as evidenced mainly by the institution of a Naval War College, including a war staff, the employment at the admiralty of General Staff methods, though without the name; and the introduction into naval methods, especially naval gunnery, of mathematical procedures. Previous to the Japanese-Russian War, ten years ago, the strategy of the British navy may be characterized as physical rather than mental, depending on a superior number of ships and men; those ships and men being of a very high grade individually, and bound together by a discipline at once strict and sympathetic. All the personnel from the highest admiral to the humblest sailor prided themselves on being "British seamen," comrades of the sea, on whom their country placed her ultimate reliance. Maneuvers on a large scale were held, target practice was carried on with regularity--and navy ships carried the banner of Saint George over every sea, and displayed it in every port. Tactics and seamanship filled the busy days with drills of many kinds; but strategy, though not quite forgotten, did not command so large a portion of the officers' time and study as it did in Germany and Japan. The rapid success of the Germans and Japanese, however, in building up their navies, as instanced by the evident efficiency of the German fleet almost under the nose of England, and the triumph of the Japanese fleet in Tsushima Strait startled the British navy out of her conservatism, and caused her to proceed at full speed toward the modernization of her strategy. With the quick decision followed by quick action that characterizes the seaman everywhere, the British instituted a series of reforms, and prosecuted their efforts with such wisdom and such vigor, that, in the brief space of ten years, the British navy has been almost revolutionized. As in all such movements, the principal delay was in bringing about the necessary mental changes; the mental changes having been accomplished, the material changes followed automatically. The change whereby the German and Japanese navies became preceptors to their preceptor is like changes that occur in every-day life, and is one of many illustrations of how a young and vigorous individual or organization, endowed with proper energy and mentality, can appropriate whatever is valuable for its purposes from its elders, and reject whatever those elders have had fastened on them by circumstances or tradition, and develop a superior existence. It is a little like the advantage which a comparatively new city like Washington has over an old city like Boston, in being started after it was planned, instead of being started haphazard, without being planned at all. The United States navy was started not like the city of Washington, but like the city of Boston. It was modelled on the British navy; but since the United States has never taken an interest in its navy at all comparable with that taken by Great Britain in its navy, and since our navy has been built up by successive impulses from Congress and not in accordance with a basic plan, the lack of harmoniousness among its various parts reminds one of Boston rather than of Washington. Owing to the engineering and inventive genius of our people and the information we got from Europe, inferiority has not occurred in the units of the material: in fact, in some ways our material is perhaps the best of all. Neither has inferiority been evidenced in the personnel, as individuals; for the excellent physique and the mental alertness of the American have shown themselves in the navy as well as in other walks of life. In strategy, however, it must be admitted that we have little reason to be proud. We do very well in the elementary parts of the naval profession. In navigation, seamanship, gunnery, and that part of international law that concerns the navy we are as good as any. But of the higher branches, especially of strategy, we have little clear conception. How can we have? Strategy is one of the most complex arts the world contains; the masters in that art have borne such names as Alexander, Cæsar, Nelson, and Napoleon. Naval strategy is naval chess, in which battleships and other craft take the place of queens and other pieces. But it is a more complicated game than chess, for the reason that not only are there more kinds of "pieces," but the element of time exerts a powerful influence in strategy while it does not even exist in chess. The time element has the effect not only of complicating every situation, but also of compelling intense concentration of mind, in order to make decisions quickly; and often it forces decisions without adequate time for consideration, under circumstances of the utmost excitement, discomfort, and personal peril. One dislikes intensely to criticise his own country, even to himself. But when a naval officer is studying--as he should continually do--what must be done, in order to protect his country from attack by some foreign foe, it would be criminal folly for him to estimate the situation otherwise than honestly; and to do this, it is necessary to try to see where his country is weak and where strong, relatively to the possible foes in question. If we do this, and compare the strategical methods employed by--say Germany and us--we are forced to admit that the German methods are better adapted to producing economically a navy fitted to contend successfully in war against an enemy. In Germany the development of the navy has been strictly along the lines of a method carefully devised beforehand; in our country no method whatever is apparent, at least no logical method. Congress, and Congress alone, decides what vessels and other craft shall be built, how many officers and men shall wear the uniform. It is true that they consult the report of the secretary of the navy, and ask the opinions of some naval officers; and it is true that the secretary of the navy gets the opinions of certain naval officers including the General Board, before making his report. But both the secretary and Congress estimate the situation from their own points of view, and place their own value on the advice of naval officers. And the advice of these naval officers is not so valuable, possibly, as it might be; for the reason that it is really irresponsible, since the advisers themselves know that it will not be taken very seriously. The difference between the advice of men held responsible for the results of following their advice, and the advice of men not so held responsible, is well recognized, and is discussed fully in the reports of the Moody and the Swift Boards on the organization of the Navy Department. Furthermore, our officers do not have the machinery of the _Kriegspiel_ to help them. It is true that at the Naval War College, a war-game apparatus is installed and that war games are played, and war problems solved; but the officers there are very properly engaged in the regular work of a war college, in educating officers in the principles of warfare, and have little time for other work. It is also true that the war games and problems there do lead occasionally to recommendations by the War College to the General Board as to various matters; but the connection between the conclusions of the War College and the decisions of Congress via the General Board and the secretary of the navy is so fragile and discontinuous, that it may truthfully be said that the influence of the war games at our War College has but a faint resemblance to the determining force of the _Kriegspiel_ in Berlin. It is often said that Germany is an empire and the United States a republic, and that _therefore_ the military methods of Germany cannot be employed here. The inference is not necessarily correct, however, as is shown by the excellence of the army of France; for, France, although a republic, insists that military strategy only shall control and direct the army. The American Congress can do the same with the American navy. Whether Congress shall so decide or not, the decision will undoubtedly be wise; and we of the navy will do our utmost to make the navy all it should be. In this connection, it should be noted that: 1. Germany has been following a certain strategic system regarding the navy; we a system different from that of any other navy, which has been used now for about one hundred and forty years. Both systems have been in operation for a time sufficiently long to warrant our comparing them, by comparing the results they have achieved. 2. The German navy has been in existence a much shorter time than the American navy, belongs to a much less populous and wealthy country, and yet is not only about 30 per cent larger in material, and more than 100 per cent larger in trained personnel, but if we judge by maneuvers carried on in both peace and war, is much better in organization, morale, and capacity for doing naval work upon the ocean. We do not, of course, know what Germany has been doing since the war began on August 1, 1914; but all accounts show that Germany, like all the other belligerent Powers, has been adding units of material and personnel to her navy much more rapidly than they have been destroyed; as well as perfecting her strategy, under the influence of the war's stimulus. Leaving out of consideration, however, what she may have been doing since the war began, and neglecting any unauthenticated accounts of her status before it started, we know positively that in 1913 the maneuvers of the German fleet were executed by a force of 21 battleships, 3 battle cruisers, 5 small cruisers, 6 flotillas of destroyers (that is 66 seagoing torpedo vessels), 11 submarines, an airship, a number of aeroplanes and special service ships, and 22 mine-sweepers--all in one fleet, all under one admiral, and maneuvered as a unit. _This was nearly three years ago, and we have never come anywhere near such a performance_. In January, 1916, the United States Atlantic fleet, capable as to both material and personnel of going to sea and maneuvering together, consisted of 15 battleships and 23 destroyers, 2 mine-depot ships, and 1 mine-training ship, and 4 tugs fitted as mine-sweepers--with no submarines, no aircraft of any kind, no scouts (unless the _Chester_ be so considered, which was cruising alone off the coast of Liberia, and the _Birmingham_, which was flag-ship to the destroyer flotilla). This was the only fleet that we had ready to fight in January, 1916; because, although more battleships could have been put into commission, this could have been done only by putting out of commission certain smaller vessels, such as cruisers and gunboats; and the battleships would have had to be put into commission very hurriedly, filled up with men fresh from other ships, and no more ready to fight in the fleet against an enemy (whose ships were fully manned with well-trained officers and men, accustomed to the details of their respective ships, and acquainted with each other) than the _Chesapeake_ was ready to fight the _Shannon_. 3. In case our system is not so good as that of--say Germany--or of any other country having a system equally excellent, we shall _never_ be able to contend successfully against that navy, under equal strategic conditions, unless we have an excess over her in numbers of personnel and material sufficient to counteract our inferiority in efficiency. The efficiency of a navy or an army is exactly what the strategic system makes it. Eleven thousand Greeks under Miltiades, highly efficient and thoroughly trained, defeated 100,000 Persians at Marathon. A Greek fleet under Themistocies defeated and almost destroyed a much larger Persian fleet at Salamis. With an army of less than 35,000 men, but highly trained by Philip of Macedon, his father, Alexander, in only twelve years conquered ten of the most wealthy and populous countries of the world. Cæsar, Alaric, Attila, Charlemagne, and all the great military men from the greatest antiquity down to the present moment have trained and organized bodies of soldiers and sailors, under systems suited to the times, and then waged successful war on peoples less militarily efficient. Cortez conquered Mexico, and Pizarro conquered Peru; the British, French, and Spanish subdued the Indians of North America, and during the latter half of the nineteenth century nearly all the land in the world that was "unoccupied" by Europeans or their descendants was taken in possession by European Powers. Great Britain is now mistress of about one-quarter of the land and the population of the globe. Russia, France, Germany, and the United States govern most of the remainder. These results were brought about almost solely by the exercise of military force:--and of this force, physical courage was not a determining element, because it was just as evident in the conquered as in the conquerors. The determining element was strategy that (under the behest of policy) prepared the military and naval forces in material and personnel before they were used, and directed their operations, while they were being used. Of all the single factors that have actually and directly made the history of the world, the most important factor has been strategy. CHAPTER VIII DESIGNING THE MACHINE The most important element connected with a navy is the strategy which directs it, in accordance with which all its plans are laid--plans for preparation before war and plans for operations during war. Strategy is to a navy what mind is to a man. It determines its character, its composition, its aims; and so far as external conditions will permit, the results which it accomplishes. It is possible for certain features connected with a navy to be good, even if the strategy directing it be faulty; or for those features to be faulty, even if the strategy directing it be good. Experience has shown, however, that, in any organization the influence of the men at the top, and the effect of the policy they adopt, is so great that the whole organization will in the main be good or bad according to the kind of men that control it, and the methods they employ. The better the discipline of the organization, the more completely the quality of the management will influence the whole, and the more essential it becomes that good methods be employed. Good discipline means concentration of the effort of the organization; and the more concentrated any effort is, the more necessary that it be directed aright. The simplest illustration of this is seen in naval gunnery; for there the effect of good fire-control is to limit the dispersion of the various shots fired, relatively to each other; to make a number of shots fired simultaneously to bunch closely together, that is to concentrate; getting away from the shotgun effect, and approximating the effect of a single shot. Obviously, if the fire-control and the skill of the gunners are so great that the shots fall very close together, the chance of hitting the target is less than if the shots did not fall close together, if the range at which the guns are fired is incorrect. A mathematical formula showing the most effective dispersion for a given error in range was published in the _Naval Institute_ by Lieutenant-Commander B. A. Long, U. S. N., in December, 1912. So, we see that if the strategy directing a navy is incorrect, we can accomplish little by improving the discipline, and may do harm; when unwise orders have been given in the past, those orders have sometimes been disobeyed with beneficial effect. Neither would it avail much to improve the details of the material or personnel, or to spend much money; for there is no benefit to be derived from building fine ships, if they are to be captured by the enemy. If the Russian fleet sent to Tsushima had been weaker than it was, the loss to Russia would have been less. Inasmuch as strategy, however, includes all the means taken to make a navy effective, it is obvious that a good strategical direction will be more likely to result in good discipline and good material than would a poor strategy. But this is not necessarily so, for the reason that a strategy may be in the main faulty, and yet be good in certain ways--especially in attention to details, for which a high degree of mentality is not required. In the same way, an individual who is short-sighted and imperfectly educated may be a most excellent and useful member of society, provided he is not permitted to use power in matters beyond his vision. An illustration of how an incorrect point of view does not necessarily injure, but may even benefit in details is shown by certain militia regiments, which are able to surpass some regiments of the regular army in many details of the drill, and in general precision of movement. In fact, a very wise strategical direction has as one of its most important functions the division of study and labor among various lines of action, and in deciding which lines are important and which not: and for this reason may--and often does--limit labor, and therefore perfection of result, along lines which a less wise strategy would not limit. Illustrations of the casting aside of rigid and difficult forms of drill during the past fifty years in armies, and the substitution of more easy methods are numerous. This does not indicate, however, that a wise strategy may not encourage rigid forms of drill, for the army which is directed with the greatest strategical skill is the German, and no army has more precise methods, not only of procedure, but of drill. The Prussian army of Frederick William which Frederick the Great inherited was not more rigidly drilled in some particulars than the German army of to-day, fought by Frederick the Great's great-great-great-grandnephew, William II. So we see that a wise and far-sighted strategy does not necessarily either frown on or encourage attention to details; it merely regulates it, deciding in each case and for each purpose what degree of attention to detail is best. The most obvious work of naval strategy, and therefore the work that impresses people most, is in directing naval forces against an enemy in war. But it is clear that before this can be done effectively strategy must first have made plans of preparation in time of peace; and it is equally clear that, previous to this, strategy must first determine the units of the force and their relation to each other: it must, in other words, design the machine. Evidently, therefore, _the work of strategy is three-fold: first, to design the machine; second, to prepare it for war; and, third, to direct its operations during war_. A navy being a machine composed of human and material parts, it is clear that the work of designing it correctly should take account of all the parts at the outset; and not only this--the whole design should be completed before any parts are made and put together if the best results are to be obtained. This is the practice in making material machines in manufacturing establishments--and no other practice there could be successfully pursued. It is the outcome of the experience of tens of thousands of men for many years--and the result of the expenditure of tons of money. This remark as to manufacturing establishments does not include the development of new ideas, for which experimentation or original research is needed; because it is sometimes necessary, when venturing into untrodden fields, to test out by mere trial and error certain parts or features before determining enough of their details to warrant incorporating them in the drawing of the whole machine. Similarly, some experiments must be made in the methods, organization, and material of the naval machine; but in this, case, as in the case of manufacturing establishments, the experimental work, no matter how promising or alluring, must be recognized as of unproved and doubtful value; and no scheme, plan, or doctrine must be incorporated in the naval machine, or allowed to pose as otherwise than experimental, until successful trials shall have put it beyond the experimental stage. The naval machine consists obviously of two parts, the personnel and the material; these two parts being independent, and yet mutually dependent, like the parts of any other organism. Obviously, the parts are mutually dependent not only in the quantitative sense that the more numerous the material parts the more numerous must be the personnel to operate them, but also in the qualitative sense that the various kinds of material determine the various kinds of personnel that must be provided to operate them with success. Gunners are needed to handle guns, and engineers to handle engines. In this respect, personnel follows material. In the galley days only two kinds of personnel were needed--sailors to handle the galleys (most of these being men merely to pull on oars)--and soldiers to fight, when the galleys got alongside of the enemy. Ship organization remained in a condition of great simplicity until our Civil War; for the main effort was to handle the ships by means of their sails, the handling of the simple battery being a very easy matter. Every ship was much like every other ship, except in size; and in every ship the organization was simple and based mostly on the necessities of handling the ship by sails. The first important change from this condition followed the departure of the Confederate ironclad _Virginia_ (_Merrimac_) carrying 10 guns and 300 men from the Norfolk Navy Yard on the 8th of March, 1862, and her sinking hardly two hours afterward the Union sloop of war _Cumberland_, carrying 24 guns and 376 men; and then destroying by fire the Union frigate _Congress_, carrying 50 guns and 434 men. The second step was taken on the following day, when the Union _Monitor_, 2 guns and 49 men, defeated the _Merrimac_. These two actions on two successive days are the most memorable naval actions in history from the standpoint of naval construction and naval ordnance, and perhaps of naval strategy; because they instituted a new era--the era of mechanism in naval war. The next step was the successful attack by the Confederate "fish-torpedo boat" _David_, on the Union ironclad _Housatonic_ in Charleston harbor on February 17, 1864; and the next was the sinking of the Confederate ironclad _Albemarle_ by a spar torpedo carried on a little steam-launch commanded by Lieutenant W. B. Cushing, U. S. N., on October 27, 1864. These four epochal events in our Civil War demonstrated the possibilities of mechanism in naval warfare, and led the way to the use of the highly specialized and scientific instruments that have played so important a part in the present war. During the half-century that has intervened since the _Monitor_ and _Merrimac_ ushered in the modern era, since the five brave crews of the _David_ lost their lives, and since Cushing made his amazing victory, a contest between the sailor and the scientist has been going on, as to which shall be deemed the ultimate master of the sea. As in many contests, the decision has gone unqualifiedly to neither; for he who sails the sea and braves its tempests, must be in heart and character a sailor--and yet he who fights the scientific war-craft of the present day cannot be merely a sailor, like him of the olden kind, but must be what the _New York Times_, a few years ago, laughingly declared to be a combination quite unthinkable, "a scientific person and a sailor." Each year since the fateful 8th of March, 1862, has seen some addition to the fighting machinery of navies. Some appliances have been developed gradually from their first beginnings, and are to-day substantially what they were at first--but of course improved; among these are the turret, the automobile torpedo, the telescope-sight, the submarine, and the gyrocompass. Many other appliances found favor for a while and then, having demonstrated the value of what they attempted and did perform, were gradually supplemented by improved devices, doing the same thing, but in better ways; in this class are many forms of interior-communication apparatus, especially electrical. Still other appliances are adaptations to ship and naval life of devices used in civil life--such as the telephone, electric light, and radio. Each of these appliances has required for its successful use the educating of men to use it, and frequently the creation and organization of entirely new branches of the service; an illustration is the radio corps in each of our large ships. At the present time the attitude of officers and of the department itself is so much more favorable to new appliances that a clear probability of a new device being valuable is a sufficient stimulus to bring about the education of men to use it; but a very few years ago many devices were lost to us because they were considered "not adapted naval use." Now we endeavor to adapt them. The present complexity of our material is therefore reflected in the complexity of the organization of our personnel; and as it is the demands of material that regulate the kind of personnel, and as a machine must be designed and built before men can learn to use it, it follows that our personnel must lag behind our material--that our material as material must be better than our personnel as personnel. It may be answered that all our material is first invented, then designed, and then constructed by men; that men create our material appliances (though not the matter of which they are composed), that the created cannot be better than the creator; and that therefore it is impossible for our material to be better than our personnel. But to this objection it may be pointed out that only a very small proportion of our personnel are employed in creating; that most of them are engaged merely in using the material with whatever degree of skill they possess, and that, if a man uses an instrument with perfect skill, he then succeeds merely in getting out of that instrument all that there is in it. A soldier's musket, for instance, is a very perfect tool--very accurate, very powerful, very rapid; and no marksman in the world is so skilful that he can shoot the musket with all the accuracy and speed of which the gun itself is capable. This indicates that the personnel of a navy is harder to handle than the material, and that therefore the most effort is required to be expended on the personnel. The strength of any system depends on the strength of its weakest part; in any organism, human or material, effort is best expended on the weak points rather than on the strong. Recognition of this principle is easy, but carrying out the principle in practice is most difficult. One reason is the difficulty of seeing always where the weak spot is; but a greater difficulty is due to the fact that the principle as above stated must be modified by the consideration that things which are important need attention more than things that are unimportant. A weak point in any organism deserves attention more than a strong point of the same order of importance, or than a strong point in the same class; but not, necessarily more than a strong point of a higher order of importance, or a strong point in another class. It may be more beneficial, for instance, to drill an ineffective turret crew than to try to reduce friction in a training gear already nearly frictionless; or it may be more beneficial to overcome the faults of a mediocre gun-pointer than to develop still more highly the skill already great of another gun-pointer; but, on the other hand, it may be less beneficial to drill boat crews at boat-sailing, even if they need it, than to drill them at landing as armed forces on the beach, though they may do that pretty well; or it may be better not to have boat drill at all and to get under way for fleet drill, even though the ships are very expert at it. It is true that in any endeavor where many things are to be done, as in a navy, it is important that nothing be neglected; and yet, under the superintendence of any one, there are some things the doing of which requires priority over other things. The allotting of the scientifically correct amount of time, energy, and attention to each of the various things claiming one's attention is one of the most difficult, and yet one of the most important problems before any man. It requires an accurate sense of proportion. Naturally the problem increases in complexity and importance the higher the position, and the greater the number of elements involved--being more difficult and important for instance in the office of the commander-in-chief of a fleet, whose time and attention have to be divided among multitudinous matters, than in that of captain of a single ship. For this reason, _the higher one is in position, the more imperative it is that he understand all elements involved, and estimate properly their various weights_. The success or non-success of a man in high authority depends largely on how his sense of proportion leads him to allot his time. But a matter fully as important as the allotment of time and attention to the consideration of various matters by the various members of the personnel is the allotment of money for the various items, especially of the material; for, after all, every navy department or admiralty must arrange its demands for ships, guns, men, etc., with reference to the total amount of money which the nation will allot. For this purpose, only one good means of solution has thus far been devised--the game-board. The game-board, naturally, tries out only the units that maneuver on the ocean; it does not try out the mechanism inside those units, because they can be tried out best by engineering methods. The province of the game-board is merely to try out on a very small scale, under proper conventions or agreements, things that could not be tried out otherwise, except at great expense, and very slowly; to afford a medium, half-way between actual trials with big ships and mere unaided reasoning, for arriving at correct conclusions. When the game-board is not used, people conferring on naval problems can do so only by forming pictures in their own minds, endeavoring to describe those pictures to the others (in which endeavor they rarely perfectly succeed) while at the same time, trying to see the pictures that are in the minds of the others--and then comparing all the pictures. The difficulty of doing this is shown by a little paragraph in "The Autocrat of the Breakfast Table," in which Dr. Holmes points out that when John and Thomas are talking, there are really six persons present--the real John, the person John thinks himself to be, the person Thomas thinks him to be, the real Thomas, the person Thomas thinks himself to be, and the person John thinks him to be. The conditions surrounding John and Thomas are those of the simplest kind, and the conversation between them of the most uncomplicated character. But when--not two people but--say a dozen or more, are considering highly complicated questions, such as the House Naval Committee discuss when officers are called to testify before them, no two of the twenty congressmen can form the same mental picture when an officer uses the word--say "fleet." The reason is simply that very few of the congressmen hearing that word have ever seen a fleet; none of them know exactly what it is, and every one forms a picture which is partly the result of all his previous education and experience; which are different from the previous education and experience of every other congressman on the committee. Furthermore, no one of the officers uses words exactly as the other officers do; and the English language is too vague (or rather the usual interpretation put on words is too vague) to assure us that even ordinary words are mutually understood. For instance, the question is asked: "Do you consider it probable that such or such a thing would happen?" Now what does the questioner mean by "probable," and what does the officer think he means? Mathematically, the meaning of "probable" is that there is more than 50 per cent of chance that the thing would happen; but who in ordinary conversation uses that word in that way? That this is not an academic point is shown by the fact that if the answer is "no" the usual inference from the answer is that there is no need for guarding against the contingency. Yet such an inference, if the word "probable" were used correctly by both the questioner and the answerer, would be utterly unjustified, because the necessity for taking precautions against a danger depends not so much on its probability or improbability, as on the degree of its probability; and to an equal degree on the greatness of the danger that impends. If the occurrence of a small mishap has a probability say of even 75 per cent, there may be little necessity of guarding against it; while if the danger of total destruction has a probability as low as even 1 per cent, we should guard against it sedulously. The more complicated the question, the more elements involved, the more difficult it is to settle it wisely by mere discussion. The effort of the imagination of each person must be directed not so much to getting a correct mental picture of what the words employed describe, as to getting a correct picture of what the person using the words desires them to describe. Any person who has had experience in discussions of this character knows what an effort this is, even if he is talking with persons whom he has known for years, and with whose mental and lingual characteristics he is well acquainted: and he also knows how much more difficult it is when he is talking with persons whom he knows but slightly. It may here be pointed out how greatly the imaginations of men differ, and how little account is taken of this difference in every-day life. In poetry and fiction imagination is recognized; and it is also recognized to some extent in painting, inventing, and, in general, in "the arts." But in ordinary life, the difference among men in imagination is almost never noticed. Yet a French proverb is "point d'imagination, point de grand general"; and Napoleon indicated a danger from untrained imagination in his celebrated warning to his generals not to make "pictures" to themselves of difficulties and disasters. The difference in imagination among men is shown clearly by the difference--and often the differences--between inventors and engineers, and the scarcity of men who are both inventors and engineers. Ericsson repudiated the suggestion that he was an inventor, and stoutly and always declared he was an engineer. This was at a time, not very long ago, when it was hardly respectable to be an inventor; when, even though men admitted that some inventors had done valuable work, the work was supposed to be largely a chance shot of a more or less crazy man. Yet Ericsson was an inventor--though he was an engineer. So were Sir William Thompson (afterward Lord Kelvin), Helmholtz, Westinghouse, and a very few others; so are Edison and Sperry. Many inventors, however, live in their imaginations mainly--some almost wholly. Like Pegasus, they do not like to be fastened to a plough or anything else material. Facts, figures, and blue-prints fill their souls with loathing, and bright generalities delight them. The engineer, on the other hand, is a man of brass and iron and logarithms; in imagination he is blind, in flexibility he resembles reinforced concrete. He is the antipodes of the inventor; he despises the inventor, and the inventor hates him. Fortunately, however, there is a little bit of the inventor in most engineers, and a trace of the engineer in most inventors; while in some inventors there is a good deal of the engineer. And once in a while we meet a man who carries both natures in his brain. That man does marvels. Despite the great gulf normally fixed, however, between the engineer and the inventor, most of the definite progress of the world for the past one hundred years has been done by the co-ordination of the two; a co-ordination accomplished by "the man of business." Now the inventor and engineer type do not exist only in the world of engineering and mechanics, though it is in that world that they are the most clearly recognized; for they exist in all walks of life. In literature, inventors write novels; in business life, they project railroads; in strategy, they map out new lines of effort. In literature, the engineer writes cyclopædias; in business, he makes the projected railroads a success; in strategy, he works out logistics and does the quantitative work. In that part of strategy of which we are now thinking--the designing of the naval machine--the inventor and the engineer clearly have two separate lines of work: one line the conceiving, and the other line the constructing, of strategic and tactical methods, and of material instruments to carry out those methods. Clearly, these two lines of work while independent are mutually dependent; and, if properly carried out are mutually assistant. The coworking of the inventor and the engineer is a little like that coworking of theory and practice, which has been the principal factor in bringing about the present amazing condition of human society commonly called "Modern Civilization." The shortcomings of human speech are most evident in discussing complicated matters; and for this reason speech is supplemented in the engineering arts by drawings of different kinds. No man ever lived who could describe a complicated machine accurately to a listener, unless that machine differed but little from a machine with which the listener was acquainted. But hand a drawing of even a very complicated machine to a man who knows its language--and the whole nature of the object is laid bare to him; not only its general plan and purpose, but its details, with all their dimensions and even the approximate weights. So, when the forces representing a complicated naval situation are placed upon the game-board, all the elements of the problem appear clearly and correctly to each person; the imagination has little work to do, and the chance for misunderstanding is almost negligible. Of course, this does not mean that the game-board can decide questions with absolute finality. It cannot do this; but that is only because conditions are represented with only approximate realism, because the rules of the game may not be quite correct, and because sufficient correct data cannot be procured. The difficulties of securing absolute realism are of course insuperable, and the difficulties of getting absolutely correct data are very great. The more, however, this work is prosecuted, the more clearly its difficulties will be indicated, and therefore the more effectively the remedies can be provided. The more the game-board is used both on ship and shore, the more ease will be found in getting correct data for it, and the more correctly conclusions can then be deduced. These remarks, while intended for tactical games, seem to apply to strategical games as well; for both the tactical and the strategical games are simply endeavors to represent actual or probable situations and occurrences in miniature, by arbitrary symbols, in accordance with well-understood conventions. War games and war problems have not yet been accepted by some; for some regard them as games pure and simple and as academic, theoretical, and unpractical. It may be admitted that they are academic and theoretical; but so is the science of gunnery, and so is the science of navigation. In some ways, however, the lessons of the game-board are better guides to future work than "practical" and actual happenings of single battles: for in single battles everything is possible, and some things happen that were highly improbable and were really the result of accident. After nearly every recent war there has been a strong move made toward the adoption of some weapon, or some method, that has attained success in that war. For instance, after our Civil War, many monitors were built, and the spar torpedo was installed in all our ships; after the battle of Lissa, the ram was exploited as the great weapon of the future; the Japanese War established the heavily armed and armored battleships on a secure foundation; and the early days of the present war caused a great rush toward the submarine. Yet, in most cases, the success was a single success or a very few successes, and was a little like the throw of a die, in the sense that the result was caused in great measure by accident; that is, by causes beyond the control of man, or by conditions that would probably not recur. The game calls our attention to the influence of chance in war, and to the desirability of our recognizing that influence and endeavoring to eliminate it, when reasoning out the desirability or undesirability of a certain weapon or a certain method. Of course, every thoughtful person realizes that few effects in life are due to one cause only, and that most effects are due to a combination of many causes; so that, if any weapon or method succeeds or fails, it is illogical to infer from that one fact that the weapon or method is good or bad. A common illustration is the well-known fact that a marksman may hit the target when his aim is too high or too low, provided that he has erroneously set his sight enough too low or too high to compensate; whereas if he had made only one error instead of two, he would have missed. "Two wrongs cannot make a right," but two errors can compensate each other, and often do. The theory of the Probability of Errors recognizes this. In fact, if it were not true that some errors are plus and some minus, all errors in gunnery (in fact in everything) would be additive to each other, and we should live in a world of error. The partial advantage of the game-board over the occurrences of actual war, for the purpose of studying strategy, lies largely in its ability to permit a number of trials very quickly; the trials starting either with identical situations, or with certain changes in conditions. Of course, the game-board has the tremendous disadvantage that it presents only a picture, and does not show a real performance; but the more it is used, and the more fleets and game-boards work together, the more accurate the picture will become, and the more correctly we shall learn to read it. One limitation of the game-board is that it can represent weather conditions only imperfectly--and this is a serious limitation that mayor may not be remedied as time goes on. The theory of the game-board is in fact in advance of the mechanism, and is waiting for some bright inventive genius for the remedy. Until this happens, the imagination must do the best it can, and the effect of a certain kind of weather under the other conditions prevailing will have to be agreed upon by the contestants. The term "war game" is perhaps unfortunate, for the reason that it does not convey a true idea of what a "war game" is. The term conveys the idea of a competitive exercise, carried on for sport; whereas the idea underlying the exercise is of the most serious kind, and has no element of sport about it, except the element that competition gives. A war game may be simply a game of sport--and sometimes it is so played; but the intention is to determine some doubtful point of strategy or tactics, and the competitive element is simply to impart realism, and to stimulate interest. When two officers, or two bodies of officers, find themselves on different sides of a certain question, they sometimes "put it on the game-board," to see which side is right. This statement applies most obviously to tactical games; but it applies to strategic games as well; for both are inventions designed to represent in miniature the movements of two opposing forces. The main difference between strategic and tactical games is the difference in size. Naturally, the actual means employed are different, but only so different as the relative areas of movement necessitate. In the strategic games, the opposing forces are far apart, and do not see each other; in the tactical games, they operate within each other's range of vision. War games when played for the purpose of determining the value of types of craft and vessels of all kinds, may take on almost an infinite variety of forms; for the combinations of craft of different kinds and sizes, and in different numbers, considered in connection with the various possible combinations of weather, climate, and possible enemy forces, are so numerous as to defy computation. In practice, however, and in a definite problem, the number of factors can be kept down by assuming average conditions of weather, using the fairly well-known enemy force that would appear in practice, and playing games in which the only important variable is the kind of vessel in question. For instance, in the endeavor to ascertain the value of the battle cruiser, games can be played in which battle cruisers are only on one side, or in which they are more numerous, or faster or more powerful on one side than on the other. Naturally, the games cannot be as valuable practically as they otherwise would be, unless they consider the amount of money available. For instance, if games are played to ascertain the most effective number and kinds of craft for which to ask appropriations from Congress at next session, the solution, unless a money limit were fixed, would be impossible. In other words, the amount of money to be expended must be one of the known or assumed factors in the problem. As this amount can never be known, it must be assumed; and, in order that the whole value of the games may not be lost, in case the amount assumed were incorrect, it is necessary to assume a number of possible sums, the upper limit being above the probable amount to be received, and the lower limit below it, and then work out the answer to the problem, under each assumption. Of course, this procedure would be laborious, but most procedures are that bring about the best results. Suppose that such a procedure were followed for, say, a year, and that a number of plans, all worked out, were presented to Congress when it met: plan No. 1, for instance, consisting of such and such craft showing (according to the results of the games) the best programme, if $100,000,000 were to be appropriated for the increase of the navy; plan No. 2, if $90,000,000 were to be appropriated; plan No. 3, if $80,000,000 were to be appropriated, and so on. Each plan being concisely and clearly stated, and accompanied by drawings, sketches, and descriptions, Congress could easily and quickly decide which plan it would adopt. This scheme would have the obvious advantage over the present scheme that the professional questions would be decided by professional men, while the financial question would be decided by Congress, which alone has the power to decide it. At present, the laymen on the House Naval Committee spend laborious days interrogating singly, and on different days, various naval officers, who naturally do not always agree. Finally, the House Naval Committee decides on a programme and recommends it to the House. The House discusses it most seriously (the professional points more seriously than the financial point), and decides on something. Then the Senate Committee, using the House decision as a basis, recommends something to the Senate, and the Senate then decides on something more or less like what the Senate Committee recommends. Then the whole question is decided by a Conference Committee of three senators and three members of the House. It is to be noted that this committee decides not only how much money the country shall spend on the navy, but also what kinds of vessels navy officers shall use to fight in the country's defense; how many officers there shall be, and how they shall be divided among the various grades! Attention is requested here to the _ease_ with which a decision can be made, _provided one does not take into account all of the factors of a problem, or if he is not thoroughly acquainted with them_; and attention is also requested to the _impossibility_ of making a _wise_ decision (except by chance) unless one understands _all_ the factors, takes _all_ into consideration, and then combines them _all_, assigning to each its proper weight. From one point of view, every problem in life is like a problem in mathematics; for if all the factors are added, subtracted, multiplied, and divided correctly (that is, if they are combined correctly), and if correct values are assigned to them, the correct answer is inevitable. In most of the problems of life, however, certainly in the problems of strategy, we do not know all of the factors, and cannot assign them their exactly proper weights; and therefore we rarely get the absolutely correct answer. The best that any man can do is to estimate the factors as accurately as he can, judge as correctly as he can their interaction on each other, and then make his own conclusion or decision. When a man can do this well in the ordinary affairs of life, he is said to be "a man of good judgment"; when he can do it well in a certain line of work--say investments in real estate--he is said to have good judgment in real estate. The use of the word "judgment" here is excellent, because it expresses the act of a judge, who listens patiently to all the evidence in a case and then gives his decision. And the act of the judge, and the act of any man in coming carefully to any decision, consist mainly in estimating the relative values of all the factors, and their relations to each other ("sizing them up" is the expressive slang), and then perceiving with more or less correctness what the answer is. Some men do not have good judgment; some men highly educated, brilliant, and well-meaning, seem never to get quite the correct answer to any problem in life. They are said to be unsuccessful and no one knows why. Perhaps they lack that instinctive sense of proportion that some men have--a sense as real as an "ear for music"; or perhaps they lack a willingness or a capability to think about a situation with sufficient intentness to force a clear picture of the situation with all its various features upon the mental retina. The ability to make a mental picture, be it of a machine, of any group of material objects, such as the various units of a fleet organized as such, or of any other situation, varies with different men; but like every other kind of ability, it can be strengthened by practice, and assisted by appropriate means. In the engineering arts, the practice is gotten by observing and remembering actual machines; and the assistance is given by drawings of different kinds. In strategy, the practice is given by observing and remembering the movements of actual fleets; and the assistance by means of drawings of different kinds, and by war problems, and the game-board. The game-board represents a number of successive pictures, and is not very different in principle from moving-pictures. In fact, the suggestion has been made repeatedly for several years and is now in process of development that the various situations in tactical games might advantageously be photographed on films and afterward projected in rapid succession on a screen. One of the curious limitations of the naval game board, both in tactical and strategic games, is that it takes no account of personnel; that it assumes that all the various units are manned by crews that are adequate both in numbers and in training. Of course, it would be impracticable to test say the relative values of kinds of vessels, unless all the factors of the problem were the same, except the two factors that were competing. Therefore the limitation mentioned is not mentioned as a criticism, but simply to point out that the game-board, in common with most of the other means of discussion in naval matters, has gradually led people to think of naval matters in terms of material units only. That such an unfortunate state of affairs has come to pass can be verified by reading almost any paper, even professional, that speaks about navies; for one will be confronted at once with the statement that such and such a navy consists of such and such ships, etc. Since when has a navy consisted of brass and iron? Since when has the mind and character of man taken a place subordinate to matter? At what time did the change occur whereby the instrument employed dominated the human being who employed it? That this is not an academic point, or an unimportant thing to bear in mind is evidenced by countless facts in history. In order not to tire the reader, mention will be made of only one fact, the well-known fight between the American frigate _Chesapeake_, and the British frigate _Shannon_ to which I have already referred. These two ships were almost identical in size and in the number and kinds of guns, and in the number of officers and crew, and the battle was fought on June 1, 1813, in Massachusetts Bay, under circumstances of weather and other conditions that gave no advantage to either. If material and numbers of personnel were the only factors in the fight, the fight would have continued very long and ended in a draw. Did these things occur? No, the _Chesapeake_ was captured in a little less than fifteen minutes after the first gun was fired, and nearly half her crew were killed or wounded! It would be tiresome to recount all the battles both on sea and land, in which smaller forces defeated forces numerically greater; but it may not be possible by any other means to force the fact on the attention--even sometimes of naval officers--that material vessels, guns, etc., are merely instruments, and that the work gotten out of any instrument depends not only on the instrument itself, but on the skill with which it is employed. Usually, when thinking or speaking of the power of any instrument (or means or method or organization) we mean the power of which it is capable; that is, the result which it can produce, _if used with_ 100 _per cent of skill_. Possibly, we are subconsciously aware that we assume perfect skill; but whether we are or not, we have become so accustomed to the tacit acceptance of the phrase, "other things being equal," that we have come to forget that other things may not be equal at all; and that they certainly will not be on the day of trial, if we forget or undervalue those other things, while our antagonist does not. Let us always remember, then, that the effective work gotten out of any means or instrument is the product of the maximum capability of the means or instrument and the skill with which it is used; that, for instance, if two fleets fight, which are numerically equal in material and personnel, but in which the skill of the personnel of the A fleet is twice as great as the skill of the personnel of the B fleet, the A fleet will be twice as powerful as the B fleet. It may be objected that it would be absurd to assume the skill of the personnel in one fleet as twice as great as that of the personnel in the other fleet, but it can easily be shown that even so great a disproportion is not impossible, provided the skill in one fleet is very great. The value of superior skill naturally becomes important where the difficulties are great. A very simple illustration is in firing a gun; for even if the skill of one marksman be greater than that of another, it will be unimportant, if the target is so large and so close that even the inferior marksman can hit it at each shot. The probability of hitting a target--so far as overs and shorts are concerned (or deviations to the left and right)--varies with the fraction _a/y_, where _a_ is the half height (or width) of the target, and _y_ is the mean error. The greater the size of the target, and the less the mean error, the greater the probability of hitting. The size of the two targets being fixed, therefore, the smaller the mean error the greater the probability of hitting. The probability of hitting, however (as can be seen by the formula), does not increase greatly with the decrease of error, except in cases where _a/y_ is small, where the mean error is large relatively to the width or height of the target. For instance, if _a/y_ is .1 in one case, and .2 in another case, the probability is practically double in the second case; whereas, if _a/y_ is 1 in one case, and 2 in another, the probability increases only 55 per cent; while if it is 2 in one case and 4 in the other, the probability of hitting increases only 12 per cent. This means that if two antagonists engage, the more skilful should, and doubtless will, engage under difficult conditions, where _y_ is considerable relatively to _a_; for instance, at long range. Suppose that he engages at such a range that he can make 10 per cent of hits--that is, make 90 per cent of misses; and that his misses relatively to the enemy's is as 90 to 95--so that the enemy makes 95 per cent of misses. This does not seem to be (in fact it is not) an extreme case: and yet _A_ will hit _B_ twice as often as _B_ will hit _A_. In other words, the effective skill of _A_ will be twice that of _B_. This illustrates the effect of training--because all that training in handling any instrument can do is to attain as closely as possible to the maximum output of the instrument; and as the maximum output is attained only when the instrument is handled exactly as it should be handled, and as every departure is therefore an error in handling, we see that the effect of training is merely to diminish errors. That this illustration, drawn from gunnery, is applicable in general terms to strategy seems clear, for the reason that in every strategical situation, no matter how simple or how complex, there is, and can be only one _best_ thing to do; so that the statement of any strategic situation, if followed by a question as to what is the best thing to do, becomes a problem, to which the answer is--_the best thing to do_. Of course, in most strategic problems, there are so many factors almost unknown, and so many factors only imperfectly known, that we can rarely ascertain mathematically what is the best thing to do. Nevertheless, there must be a best thing to do, even if we never ascertain exactly what it is. Now in arriving at the decision as to the best thing to do, one estimates the weight of each factor and its bearing on the whole. If one estimates each factor correctly, that is, if he makes no errors in any estimate, and if he makes no error in summing up, he will make an absolutely correct decision; and any departure from correctness in decision can result from no other cause than from errors in his various estimates and in their final summation. In other words, skill in strategy is to be attained by the same process as is skill in other arts: by eliminating errors. So, when we take the decisions of the game-board and the war problem, we must not allow ourselves to forget that there has been a tacit assumption that the numbers and the skill of the personnel have been equal on the two sides; and we must supplement our decision as to the best material to be employed by another decision as to how we shall see to it that the assumption of equality of personnel shall be realized in fact--or rather that it shall be realized in fact that our personnel shall get the maximum of effectiveness out of the material. In designing the machine, therefore, we are confronted with the curious fact that, in general, we must design the various material parts before designing the personnel parts that are to operate them. The most obvious characteristic of the personnel parts is that the number of personnel parts shall be sufficient to operate the material parts. To ascertain the number of personnel parts, the only means is actual trial; though naturally, if we have previously ascertained the number of men needed to operate any kind of mechanism, say a certain kind and size of gun, we can estimate quite accurately the number needed to operate a similar gun, even if it differ somewhat from the other gun. After the gun is tried, however, we may have to change our original estimate, not only because the estimate may have been in error, but because the requirement of operating the gun may have changed. For instance, the requirements of fire-control have within very recent years compelled the addition of a considerable number of men to the complements of battleships. Now the need of supplying enough men to operate successfully any instrument or mechanism is absolute, for the reasons that the number of things to be done is fixed, and that an insufficient number of men in the ratio for instance of 9 to 8 may mean a falling off in the output of the machine much greater than in the ratio of 9 to 8. A simple illustration may be taken from the baseball game; for it is obvious that the output of a baseball team, in competition with other teams, would fall off in a much greater ratio than of 9 to 8, by leaving out one member of the nine. Another illustration, or rather an analogy, may be found in machinery made of rigid metal--say a steam-engine; for the omission of almost any part in an engine would entirely stop its operation. Not only, however, must we see that the number of personnel parts is sufficient, we must see that they are correctly divided among the various material parts; otherwise there will be too many in one place and too few in another; and while it is better to have too many men than too few, too many men prevent the attainment of the maximum effect. The effect of having too few men, however, is not merely in limiting the effectiveness of the output of the machine; for, if carried to a considerable degree, it prevents due care of the material parts themselves, and causes those material parts to deteriorate. This deterioration may take the form of actual wasting away as by rust; but even if the deterioration does not advance so far as actual wastage, it may easily, and often does, advance to the stage where, although not evidenced by visible rust or by any other indication, so long as the mechanism is not operated at its normal rate, it declares itself very clearly as soon as the mechanism is tried in service. For this reason, all mechanicians realize that it is better for every mechanism not to lie idle, but to be used considerably, though, of course, without being forced unduly. Not only also must the personnel be sufficient in number and correctly divided, it must be organized in such manner that the personnel itself will have the characteristics of a machine, in the sense that each unit will be so placed relatively to the hope of reward and the fear of punishment, that he will do his allotted tasks industriously; that he will have the place in the organization for which his character and abilities fit him, and that he will be given such duties and exercises as will fit him more and more for his position, and more and more for advancement to positions higher. Not only this, we must exercise foresight in the endeavor that the material parts and the personnel parts shall be ready at the same time, so that neither will have to wait for the other; and to insure the immediate availability when war breaks out, of sufficient trained personnel to man and fight effectively all the material units that we shall need to use. This raises the question: "What units shall we need?" The government itself must, of course, decide this matter; but it may be pointed out that if in any considerable war every unit we possess should not be utilized, the navy could not do as effective work as it otherwise could do. In the present war, the belligerents have not only utilized all the units that they had, they have built very many more, using the utmost possible diligence and despatch. In case we should be drawn into war with any considerable naval nation, all history and all reasoning show that we must do the same. Few considerable wars have been waged except with the greatest energy on each side; for each side knows that the scale may be turned by a trifling preponderance on one side; and that if the scale once be turned, it will be practically impossible ever to restore the balance. Every advantage gained makes one side relatively weaker to the other than it was before, and increases the chance that the same side will gain another advantage; gains and losses are cumulative in their effect. For this reason, it is essential, if we are to wage war successfully, that we start right, and send each unit immediately out to service, manned with a highly trained and skilful personnel; because that is what our foe will do. The Germans meet the difficulty of keeping their personnel abreast of their material very wisely. They utilize the winter months, when naval operations are almost impossible, for reorganizing and rearranging their personnel; so that when spring comes, they are ready in all their ships to start the spring drilling on a systematic plan. The crews being already organized, and the scheme of drills well understood, the work of getting the recruits versed in their relatively simple tasks and the more experienced men skilled in their new positions is quickly accomplished, and the fleet is soon ready for the spring maneuvers. The fundamental requirement of any organization of men is that it shall approach as closely as possible the characteristics of an organism, in which all the parts, though independent, are mutually dependent, each part doing its appropriate work without interfering with any other, but on the contrary assisting it. The most complex organization in the world is that of a navy, due primarily to the great variety of mechanisms in it, and secondarily to the great variety of trained bodies of men for handling those mechanisms. This variety extends from the highest posts to the lowest; and to make such varied organizations work together to a common end is one of the greatest achievements of civilized man. How it is accomplished is not clear at first view. It is not hard to see how a company of soldiers, drawn up in line, can be made to move as one body by order of the captain. But how in a battleship carrying a thousand men does the coal-passer in the fire-room do as the captain on the bridge desires? It may be objected that he does not--that the captain has no wishes regarding the doings of any coal-passer--that all the captain is concerned with is the doings of the ship as a whole. True, in a way; and yet if the various coal-passers, firemen, quartermasters, _et al_., do not do as the captain wishes, the ship as a whole will not. The secret of the success achieved seems to lie in the knitting together of all the personnel parts by invisible wires of common understanding, analogous to the visible wires that connect the helmsman with the steering-engine. In the case of any small body of men, say the force in one fire-room, the connecting wire joining each man to the petty officer in charge of that fire-room is almost visible, because the petty officer is familiar, by experience, with the work of each man; for he has done that work himself, knows just how it should be done, and knows how to instruct each man. But the more complicated the organization is, the more invisible are the communicating wires that tie the men together, and yet the more important it is that those wires shall tie them; it is even more important, for instance, that the wires connecting the chief engineer with all his force shall operate than that the wires in any one fire-room shall operate. And yet not only are there more wires, but the wires themselves that connect the chief engineer to all the men below him, are longer and more subject to derangement, than the wires that connect the petty officer of one fire-room to the individuals under him. The chief engineer, of course, is not tied directly to his coal-passers, but to men close to himself; close not only in actual distance, but in experience, knowledge, and sympathy; men who speak the same languages as he does, who understand what he means when he speaks, and who speak to him in ways he understands. These men immediately under him are similarly tied to their immediate subordinates by wires of knowledge, experience, and sympathy--these to their immediate subordinates, and so on. The same statement applies to the captain in his relations with the chief engineer. The captain may not be an experienced engineer himself; but he is familiar enough with engineering, with its difficulties, its possibilities, and its aims, to converse with the chief engineer in language which both clearly understand. The same principles seem to apply throughout the whole range of the personnel: so that, no matter how large the organization of any navy may be, there is--there must be, if good work is to be done--a network of invisible wires, uniting all together, by a strong yet flexible bond of sympathy. And has the material of the navy no connection with this bond? Who knows! Brass and steel are said to be lifeless matter. But does any naval man believe this wholly? Does any man feel that those battleships, and cruisers, and destroyers, and submarines are lifeless which he himself--with his own eyes--has seen darting swiftly, precisely, powerfully on perfect lines and curves, changing their relative positions through complicated maneuvers without accident or mistake? Can we really believe that they take no part and feel no pride in those magnificent pageants on the ocean? From the earliest times, men have personified ships, calling a ship "he" or "she," and giving ships the names of people, and of states; and is not a ship with its crew a living thing, as much as the body of a man? The body of a man is in part composed of bones and muscles, and other parts, as truly things of matter as are the hull and engines of a ship. It is only the spirit of life that makes a man alive, and permits the members of his body, like the members of a ship, to perform their appointed tasks. But even if this notion seems fanciful and absurd, we must admit that as surely as the mind and brain and nerves and the material elements of a man must be designed and made to work in harmony together, so surely must all the parts of any ship, and all the parts of any navy, parts of material and parts of personnel, be designed and made to work in harmony together; obedient to the controlling mind, and sympathetically indoctrinated with the wish and the will to do as that mind desires. CHAPTER IX PREPARING THE ACTIVE FLEET John Clerk, of Eldin, Scotland, never went to sea, and yet he devised a scheme of naval tactics, by following which the British Admiral Rodney gained his victory over the French fleet between Dominica and Guadeloupe in April, 1782. Clerk devised his system by the simple plan of thinking intently about naval actions in the large, disregarding such details as guns, rigging, masts, and weather, and concentrating on the movements of the fleets themselves, and the doings of the units of which those fleets were made. He assisted his mental processes by little models of ships, which he carried in his pockets, and which he could, and did, arrange on any convenient table, when he desired to study a problem, or to make a convert. He was enabled by this simple and inexpensive device to see the special problems of fleet tactics more clearly than he could have done by observing battles on board of any ships; for his attention in the ships would have been distracted by the exciting events occurring, by the noise and danger, and by the impossibility of seeing the whole because of the nearness of some of the parts. The amazing result was that he formed a clearer concept of naval tactics than any admiral of his time, finally overcame the natural prejudice of the British navy, and actually induced Rodney to stake on the suggestion of a non-military civilian his own reputation and the issue of a great sea fight. Furthermore, the issue was crowned with success. Nothing could be simpler than Clerk's method. It was, of course, applied to tactics, but similar methods are now applied to strategy; for strategy and tactics, as already pointed out, are based on similar principles, and differ mainly in the fact that strategy is larger, covers more space, occupies more time, and involves a greater number of quantities. Most of the books on naval strategy go into the subject historically, and analyze naval campaigns, and also describe those measures of foresight whereby nations, notably Great Britain, have established bases all over the world and built up great naval establishments. These books lay bare the reasons for the large successes that good naval strategy has attained, both in peace and war, and constitute nearly all there is of the science of naval strategy. These books and this method of treating naval strategy are valuable beyond measure; but officers find considerable difficulty sometimes in applying the principles set forth to present problems, because of the paucity of data, the remoteness in time and distance of many of the episodes described, and the consequent difficulty of making due allowance for them. Now, no study of naval strategy can be thoroughly satisfactory to a naval officer unless it assists him practically to decide what should be done in order to make the naval forces of his country, including himself, better in whatever will conduce to victory in the next war. Therefore, at the various war colleges, although the student is given books on strategy to study, the major part of the training is given by the applicatory method, an extension of Clerk's, in which the student applies his own skill to solving war problems, makes his own estimate of the situation, solves each problem in his own way (his solution being afterward criticised by the staff), and then takes part in the games in which the solutions presented are tried out. This procedure recognizes the fact that in any human art and science--say medicine, music, or navigation--it is the art and not the science by which one gets results; that the science is merely the foundation on which the art reposes, and that it is by practice of the art and not by knowledge of the science that skill is gained. This does not mean, of course, that we do not need as much knowledge of the science of naval strategy as we can get; for the reason that the naval profession is a growing profession, which necessitates that we keep the application of the principles of its strategy abreast of the improvements of the times, especially in mechanisms; which necessitates, in turn, that we know what those principles are. The applicatory method bears somewhat the same relation to the method of studying books and hearing lectures that exercises in practical navigation bear to the study of the theory. There is one difference, however, as applied to strategy and navigation, which is that the science of navigation is clearly stated in precise rules and formulæ, and the problems in practical navigation are solved by assigning values to quantities like _a, b, c, d_, etc., in the formulæ, and working out the results by mathematics; whereas in strategy, no exact science exists, there are no formulæ, and even the number of assured facts and principles is small. For this reason the art of strategy is more extensive and significant relatively to its science than is the art of navigation to its science. It is a defect of the historical system that it tends to make men do as people in the past have done--to make them work by rule. Clerk's method took no note of what had been done before, but confined itself to working out what should be done at the moment (that is, by what we now call the "applicatory method"), taking account of conditions as they are. By combining the two methods, as all war colleges do now, officers get the good results of both. In the studies and exercises at the war colleges, note is taken of the great events that have gone by, and of the great problems now presented; by studying the historical events, and by solving war problems of the present, a certain knowledge of the science of naval strategy, and a certain skill in the art are gained. The studies and the problems naturally are of war situations. Yet every war situation was the result of measures taken in time of peace. If these measures had been unwise on the part of one side--say Blue--in the design of certain craft, or the adoption, or failure of adoption, of certain plans, then Blue's strategic situation in the war would be more unfavorable than it would have been if the measures had been wise. This proves that it is not only in war that strategy should be consulted; that strategy should be made to perform important services in peace as well; that strategic considerations should be the guide to all measures great and small, that not only the major operations in war, but also the minor preparations in peace, should be conducted in accordance with the principles of strategy, and conform to its requirements. By this means, and by this means only, does a system of preparation seem possible in which all shall prepare with the same end in view, and in which, therefore, the best results will be secured in the least time and with the least labor. The naval machine having been designed, the various parts having been furnished by the administrative agencies directing personnel and material, and the consumable stores having been provided by the agencies of supply (all under the guidance and control of strategy, and in accordance with the calculations of logistics), the next step is the same as that with any other machine--to prepare the machine to do its work. The work that strategy has to do in accomplishing the preparation is only in planning; but this planning is not limited to general planning, for it extends to planning every procedure of training and administration, no matter how great or how small. It plans the mobilization of the navy as a whole, the exercises of the fleet, the training of officers and men to insure that the plans for mobilization and fleet exercises shall be efficiently carried out, the exercises of the various craft, and of the various mechanisms of all kinds in those craft, and even the drills of the officers and men, that insure that the various craft and mechanisms shall be handled well. This does not mean that strategy concerns itself directly with the training of mess cooks and coal-passers; and it may be admitted that such training is only under strategy's general guidance. It may be admitted, also, that a considerable part of the training of men in using mechanisms is caused by the requirements of the mechanism itself; that practically the same training is needed for a water-tender in the merchant service as for a water-tender in the navy. Nevertheless, we must either declare that the training of mechanicians in the nary has no relation to the demands of preparation of the navy for war, or else admit that the training comes under the broad dominion of strategy. To admit this does not mean at all that the training of a naval radio electrician is not directed in its details almost wholly by electrical engineering requirements; it merely means that the training must be such as to fulfil the requirements of strategy, for otherwise it would have no value. No matter how well trained a man might be in radio work, his work would be useless for naval purposes, if not made useful by being adapted to naval requirements. The fact that strategy controls the training of radio electricians through the medium of electrical means is only one illustration of another important fact, which is that in all its operations strategy directs the methods by which results are to be attained, and utilizes whatever means, even technical means, are the most effective and appropriate. The naval machine having been designed as to both personnel and material, strategy has nothing to do with the material in preparing the machine for use, because the material parts are already prepared, and it is the work of engineering to keep those material parts in a state of continual preparedness. It must be noted, however, that the naval machine differs from most material machines in that its various parts, material as well as personnel, are continually being replaced by newer parts, and added to by parts of novel kinds. Strategy must be consulted, of course, in designing the characteristics of the newer and the novel parts; but this work properly belongs in the designing stage, and not in the preparation stage. Strategy's work, therefore, in preparing the naval machine for work consists wholly in preparing the personnel. This preparing may be divided into two parts--preparing the existing fleet already mobilized and preparing the rest of the navy. _Preparing the Fleet_.--The fleet itself is always ready. This does not mean that, in time of profound peace, every ship in the fleet has all its men on board, its chain hove short, and its engines ready to turn over at a moment's notice; but it does mean that this condition is always approximated in whatever degree the necessities of the moment exact. Normally, it is not necessary to keep all the men on board; but whenever, or if ever, it becomes so necessary, the men can be kept on board and everything made ready for instant use. It is perfectly correct, therefore, to say that, so far as it may be necessary, a fleet in active commission is always ready. _Training_.--Before this state of readiness can be attained, however, a great deal of training has to be carried out; and this training must naturally be designed and prosecuted solely to attain this end. Unless this end be held constantly in view, and unless the methods of training be adapted to attain it, the training cannot possibly be effective. To go from any point to another point, one must proceed in the correct direction. If he proceeds in another direction, he will miss the point. The training of the fleet naturally must be in doing the things which the fleet would have to do in war. To decide what things these will probably be, resort must be had to the teachings of history, especially the most recent history, and to the teachings of the war problem, the chart maneuver, and the game-board. The part of the personnel which it is the most important to train is, of course, the commander-in-chief himself; and no reason is apparent for supposing that his training should be conducted on principles different from those that control the training of every other person in the fleet. Men being the same in general, their qualities differing only in degree, it is logical to conclude that, if a gun-pointer or coxswain is best trained by being made first to understand the principles that underlie the correct performance of his work, and then by being given a good deal of practice in performing it, a commander-in-chief, or a captain, engineer, or gunner, can be best trained under a similar plan. Knowledge and practice have always been the most effective means of acquiring skill, and probably will continue to be the best for some time to come. Owing to the fact that navies have been in existence for many years, the general qualifications of efficient naval officers are fairly well known; and they have always been the same in the most important particulars, though the recent coming of scientific apparatus has made available and valuable certain types of men not especially valuable before this scientific apparatus appeared. In all navies, and equally in all armies, the qualification that has been the most important has been character. To insure, or rather to do the utmost toward insuring, proper character in its officers, all countries for many years have educated certain young men of the country to be officers in the army and navy, and they have educated young men for no other service. If knowledge were the prime requirement, special training for young men would not be needed; the various educational institutions could supply young men highly educated; and if the government were to take each year a certain number of graduates who could pass certain examinations, the educational institutions would be glad to educate young men to pass them. In securing young men of proper education and physique, little difficulty would be found. Special schools could even give sufficient instruction in military and maritime subjects to enable young men to become useful in minor positions on shipboard and in camp, after a brief experience there. In fact, for some of the positions in the army and navy, such as those in the medical corps and others, military or naval training is not needed, or exacted. The truth of these remarks is not so obvious now as it was some years ago, and it has never been so obvious in navies as in armies; because education in the use of the numerous special appliances used in ships could be given less readily by private instruction than in the use of the simpler appliances used in armies. But even now, and even in the navy, the course given at Annapolis is usually termed a "training" rather than an education. Yet even education, educators tell us, is more a matter of training than a matter of imparting knowledge. This indicates that even for the duties of civil life, the paramount aim of educators is so to train the characters of young men as to fit them for good citizenship. We may assume, therefore, that the primary aim of governments in preparing young men for the army and navy is to develop character along the line needed for useful work in those services. What is that line? Probably nine officers in ten would answer this question with the words, "the line of duty." This does not mean that officers are the only people who should be trained to follow the line of duty; but it does mean that, in military and naval schools, the training is more devoted to this than in other schools, except, of course, those schools that train young men for the priesthood or other departments of the religious life. The analogy between the clerical and the military professions in this regard has been pointed out many times; but perhaps the closeness with which the medical profession approximates both in its adherence to the line of duty has not been appreciated as fully as it should be. _Duty_.--The reason for the predominance of the idea of duty over any other in naval training is due, of course, to a realization of the fact that more can be accomplished by officers having a strict sense of duty though otherwise lacking, than by officers having any or all the other qualifications, but lacking the sense of duty. As an extreme instance of the doubtful value of highly trained officers who lack the sense of duty, we need but to point to those traitors who, in the past, have turned their powers in the hour of need against the cause they were engaged to fight for. One cannot pursue the path of duty when that path becomes difficult or disagreeable unless the sense of duty is so strong as to resist the temptation to leave the path. To train a man to be strong in this way, we train his character. There are several ways in which a man is tempted to leave the line of duty; of these perhaps the most important are danger, sloth, and love of pleasure. No human being is perfectly strong along any of these lines; and some are most tempted by danger, some by sloth, and some by love of pleasure. Sloth and the love of pleasure do not act as hinderances to efficiency in the naval profession any more than they do in other callings. There is no profession, business, or vocation, in which a man's efficiency does not depend largely on his power of resistance to the allurement of sloth and pleasure. In all walks of life, including the usual routine of the naval life, these two factors are the main stumbling-blocks to the success of any man. That is, they are the main stumbling-blocks that training can remove or lessen; the main stumbling-blocks in the way of his attaining that degree of efficiency for which his mental and physical abilities themselves would fit him. Natural abilities are not here considered; we are considering merely what training can do to develop men as they are for the naval life. _Courage_.--Danger is the special influence to divert a man from duty's line that is distinctive of the army and the navy; and therefore to secure ability to overcome this influence is the distinct effort of military training. To train a young man for the army, the training naturally is directed toward minimizing the influence of one class of dangers; while to train a young man for the navy, the training must be directed toward minimizing the influence of another class. Of course training toward courage in any line develops courage in other lines; but nevertheless a naval training does not enable a man to ride a plunging cavalry horse with equanimity; nor does training as a cavalryman wholly fit a man to brave the dangers of the deep in a submarine. Thirty years ago, the present writer showed Commander Royal Bird Bradford, U. S. N., the wonders of the U. S. S. _Atlanta_, the first ship of what Americans then called "The New Navy." When I showed Bradford the conning-tower, I remarked that many captains who had visited the _Atlanta_ had said that they would not go into the conning-tower in battle. To this Bradford replied: "The captain who would not go into the conning-tower in battle would be very brave, but he'd be a d----d fool." The obvious truth of this remark, the intimate connection which it suggested between courage and folly, and the fact often noted in life that to be brave is often to be foolish, contrasted with the fact that in all history the virtue of courage in men has been more lauded than any other virtue, suggests that a brief inquiry into the nature and influence of courage may be interesting. The definitions of courage found in the dictionary are most unsatisfactory, except that they say that the word "courage" comes from the Latin "cor," the heart; showing that it is deemed a moral quality, rather than physical or mental. Yet the deeds of courage that history and fiction tell, have been deeds of what we call "physical courage," in which heroes and heroines have braved death and physical suffering. Far in the background are deeds of "moral courage," though many wise men have told us that "moral courage" is a quality higher than "physical courage," and more important. It is a little difficult to make a clear picture of courage that is physical, as distinguished from courage that is moral; or moral as distinguished from physical. Courage seems to be a quality so clearly marked as to be hardly qualifiable by any adjective except an adjective indicating degree--such as "great" or "little"; but if any other adjective may be applied to it, the adjective "moral" seems to be the only one. For courage, no matter how or why displayed, is from its very essence, moral. Strictly speaking, how can there be any courage except moral courage? If a man braves death or physical suffering, the quality that enables him to brave it is certainly not physical; certainly it does not pertain to the physical body. The "first law of nature" impels him to escape or yield; and it impels him with a powerful force. If this force be not successfully resisted, the man will yield. Now the act of resisting a temptation to escape a physical danger is due to a more or less conscious desire to preserve one's self-respect and the respect of one's fellow men; and therefore, the best way in which to train a man to be brave is to cultivate his self-respect and a desire to have the respect of his fellow men; and to foster the idea that he will lose both if he acts in a cowardly way. Naturally, some men are more apt to be cowards as regards physical dangers than are others; and men differ greatly in this way. Men of rugged physique, dull imagination, and sluggish nerves are not so prone to fear of physical danger, especially danger far ahead in the future, as are men of delicate physique, keen imagination, and highly strung nervous system; and yet men of the latter class sometimes surpass men of the former class when the danger actually arrives--they seem to have prepared themselves for it, when men of the former class seem in a measure to be taken by surprise. It is the attainment of physical courage, or courage to defy a threat of physical injury, that military training aims at. That it has done so successfully in the past, the history of the valiant deeds of sailors and soldiers bears superabundant witness. This courage has been brought out because it was essential. Courage is to a man what strength is to structural materials. No matter how physically strong and mentally equipped a man may be; no matter how perfectly designed and constructed an engine may be, neither the man nor the engine will "stand up to the work," unless the courage in the one case, and the strength of the materials in the other case, are adequate to the stress. While perfect courage would enable a man to approach certain death with equanimity, all that is usually demanded of a man is that he shall dare to risk death, if need be. To do this successfully, a great assistance is a knowledge that even if things look bad, the danger is not so great as it appears. Therefore, training confronts men frequently with situations that look dangerous, but which skill and coolness can avert. In this way, the pupil becomes familiar with the face of danger, and learns that it is not so terrible as it seems. Nothing else makes a man so brave regarding a certain danger as to have met that danger successfully before. This statement must be qualified with the remark that in some cases a danger, although passed successfully, has been known to do a harm to the nervous system from which it never has recovered. This is especially the case if it was accompanied with a great and sudden noise and the evidence of great injury to others. In cases like this, the shock probably comes too abruptly to enable the man to prepare himself to receive it. The efficacy of a little preparation, even preparation lasting but a few seconds, is worthy of remark. Two theories connecting fear and trembling may be noted here: one that a person trembles because he fears; the other, and later, that trembling is automatic, and that a person fears _because he trembles_. But the influence of fear is not only to tempt a man to turn his back on duty and seek safety in flight, for it affects him in many degrees short of this. Sometimes, in fact usually, it prevents the accurate operation of the mind in greater or less degree. Here again training comes to the rescue, by so habituating a man to do his work in a certain way (loading a gun for instance) that he will do it automatically, and yet correctly, when his mind is almost paralyzed for a time. A very few men are so constituted that danger is a stimulus to not only their physical but their mental functions; so that they never think quite so quickly and so clearly as when in great danger. Such men are born commanders. Discussion of such an abstract thing as courage may seem out of place in a discussion of "Naval Strategy"; but while it is true that naval strategy is largely concerned with mental operations, while courage is a moral or spiritual quality, yet strategy concerns itself with the securing of all means to victory, and of these means courage is more important than any other one thing. One plan or one system of training may be better than another; but they differ only in degree, and if one plan fails another may be substituted; but if courage be found lacking, there is no substitute on earth. Now, if courage is to be inculcated by some system of training, surely it is not amiss to devote a few minutes to an analysis of the nature of courage, to seek what light we can get as to the best methods of training to employ. _Responsibility_.--There is one form of courage which most men are never called upon to use, and that is willingness to take responsibility. Most men are never confronted with a situation requiring them to take it. To naval men, however, the necessity comes often, even to naval men in the lower grades; for they are often confronted with situations in which they can accept or evade responsibility. That courage is needed, no one can doubt who has had experience. To accept responsibility, however, is not always best either for the individual or for the cause; often it were better to lay the responsibility on higher authority, by asking for instructions. But the same remark is true of all uses of courage; it is not always best to be brave, either for the individual or for the cause. Both the individual and the cause can often be better served by Prudence than by her big brother Courage. When, however, the conditions require courage in any form, such as willingness to accept responsibility, the man in charge of the situation at the moment must use courage, or--fail. In such cases the decision rests with the man himself. He cannot shift it to another's shoulders, even if he would. Even if he decides and acts on the advice of others, the responsibility remains with him. _From the Top Down, or from the Bottom Up?_--There are two directions in which to approach the subject of training the personnel--from the top down, and from the bottom up. The latter is the easier way; is it the better? The latter is the easier way, because it is quicker and requires less knowledge. In training a turret crew in this way, for instance, one does not have to consider much outside of the turret itself. The ammunition can be sent up and down, and the guns can be loaded, pointed, and fired with just as much quickness and accuracy as is humanly practicable, without much reference to the ship itself, the fleet, or the navy. In fact, knowledge of outside requirements hinders in some ways rather than advances training of this kind. Knowledge, for instance, of the requirements of actual battle is a distinct brake on many of the activities of mere target practice. But while it is easier to train in this way all the various bodies of men that must be trained, it is obvious that by training them wholly without reference to the requirements of the fleet as a whole, the best result that we could expect would be a number of bodies of men, each body well trained as a unit, but the combined units not trained at all as component elements of the whole. The result would be a little like what one would expect from the efforts of an orchestra at playing a selection which the whole orchestra had never played before together, but of which each member of the orchestra had previously learned his part, and played it according to his own ideas, without consulting the orchestra leader. By approaching the subject from the other direction, however, that is, from the top, the training of each organization within the fleet is arranged with reference to the work of the fleet as a whole, the various features of the drills of each organization being indicated by the conditions developed by that work. If this plan be carried out, a longer time will be required to drill the various bodies of men; but when it has been accomplished, those bodies will be drilled, not only as separate bodies, but as sympathetic elements of the whole. Of course the desirability of drilling separate divisions of a fleet, ana separate ships, turret crews, fire-control parties, and what-not, in accordance with the requirements of fleet work does not prevent them from drilling by themselves as often as they wish--any more than the necessity of drilling in the orchestra prevents a trombone player from practising on his instrument as much as the police will let him. Thus the fact of keeping a fleet together does more than merely give opportunity for acquiring skill in handling the fleet itself, and in handling the various ships so that they will work together as parts of the fleet machine; because it shows each of the various smaller units within the ships themselves how to direct its training. For this reason, the idea so often suggested of keeping the fleet normally broken up into smaller parts, those parts close enough together to unite before an enemy could strike, is most objectionable. It is impossible to keep the fleet together all the time, because of needed repairs, needed relaxation, and the necessity for individual drills that enable a captain or division commander to strengthen his weak points; but nevertheless since the "mission" of training is to attain fighting efficiency in the fleet as a whole, rather than to attain fighting efficiency in the various parts; and since it can be attained only by drilling the fleet as a whole, the decision to keep the fleet united as much as practicable seems inevitably to follow. Besides, the statement cannot be successfully controverted that difficult things are usually not so well done as easy things, that drills of large organizations are more difficult than drills of small organizations, and that in every fleet the drills that are done the worst are the drills of the fleet as a whole. How could anything else be expected, when one considers how much more often, for instance, a turret crew is exercised at loading than the fleet is exercised at the difficult movement of changing the "line of bearing"? The older officers remember that for many years we carried on drills at what we called "fleet tactics," though we knew they were only tactical drills. They were excellent in the same sense as that in which the drill of the manual of arms was excellent, or the squad exercises given to recruits. They were necessary; but beyond the elementary purpose of training in ship handling in fleet movements, they had no "end in view"; they were planned with a limited horizon, they were planned from the bottom. _General Staff_.--In order to direct the drills of a fleet toward some worthy end, that end itself must be clearly seen; and in order that it may be clearly seen, it first must be discovered. The end does not exist as a bright mark in the sky, but as the answer to a difficult problem; it cannot be found by guessing or by speculating or by groping in the dark. Strategy says that the best way in which to find it is by the "estimate of the situation" method. Owing to the fact that the commander-in-chief and all his personnel are, by the nature of the conditions surrounding them, on executive duty, the working out of the end in view of any extensive drills seems the task of the Navy Department; while the task of attaining it seems to belong to the commander-in-chief. Owing to the present stage of electrical progress, the Navy Department has better means of ascertaining the whole naval situation than has the commander-in-chief, and if officers (General Staff) be stationed at the department to receive and digest all the information received, and decide on the best procedure in each contingency as it arises, the Navy Department can then give the commander-in-chief the information he requires and general instructions how to proceed. This does not mean that the department would "interfere" with the commander-in-chief, but simply that it would assist him. The area of discretion of the commander-in-chief should not be invaded; for if it be invaded, not only may orders be given without knowledge of certain facts in the commander-in-chief's possession, but the commander-in-chief will have his difficulties increased by the very people who are trying to help him. He may be forced into disobeying orders, a most disturbing thing to have to do; and he will surely be placed in a position of continuous doubt as to what is expected of him. Of course, it must be realized that the difficulties of co-operating with a commander-in-chief at sea, by means of even the most expert General Staff, are of the highest order. It is hard to imagine any task more difficult. It must be accomplished, however, or else there will be danger all the time that the commander-in-chief will act as he would not act if he had all the information that the department had. This suggests at once that the proper office of the department is merely to give the commander-in-chief information and let him act on his own judgment. True in a measure; but the commander-in-chief must be given some instructions, even if they be general, for the reason that the commander-in-chief is merely an instrument for enforcing a certain policy. Clearly, he must know what the policy is, what the department desires; and the mere statement of the department's desires is of itself an order. If it is admitted that the commander-in-chief is to carry out the orders of the department, it remains merely to decide in how great detail those orders ought to be. No general answer can be given to the question: "In what detail shall the orders be?" The general statement can be made, however, that the instructions should be confined as closely as practicable to a statement of the department's desires, and that this statement should be as clear as possible. If, for instance, the only desire of the department is that the enemy's fleet shall be defeated, no amplification of this statement is required. But if the department should desire, for reasons best known to itself, that the enemy should be defeated by the use of a certain method, then that should be stated also. Maybe it would not be wise for the department to state the method the employment of which is desired; maybe the commander-in-chief would be the best judge of the method to be employed. But maybe circumstances of governmental policy dictate the employment of a certain method, even if militarily it is not the best; and maybe also the department might prefer that method by reason of information recently received, which it does not have time to communicate in full. Now, if it is desirable for the department to give the commander-in-chief instructions, running the risk of invading his "area of discretion," and of doing other disadvantageous things, it is obvious that the department should be thoroughly equipped for doing it successfully. This means that the department should be provided not only with the most efficient radio apparatus that can be secured, manned, of course, by the most skilful operators, but also with a body of officers capable of handling that particular part of the Navy Department's work which is the concentrated essence of all its work, the actual handling of the naval forces. The usual name given to such a body of officers is "General Staff." Such bodies of officers have been developed in navies in recent years, by a desire to take advantage of electrical appliances which greatly increase the accuracy and rapidity of communication over long distances. In days not long ago, before communication by radio was developed, commanders on the spot were in possession of much more information about events in their vicinity, compared with the Navy Department, than they are now; and the difficulties and uncertainties of communication made it necessary to leave much more to their discretion and initiative. The President of the United States can now by telephone talk to the commander-in-chief, when he is in home waters, and every day sees some improvement in this line. This facility of communication carries with it, of course, the danger of "interfering," one of the most frequent causes of trouble in the past, in conducting the operations of both armies and fleets--a danger very real, very insidious, and very important. The very ease with which interference can be made, the trained instinct of the subordinate to follow the wishes of his superior if he can, the temptation to the superior to wield personally some military power and get some military glory, conspire to bring about interference. This is only an illustration, however, of the well-known fact that every power can be used for evil as well as for good, and is not a valid argument against developing to the utmost the communication between the department and the fleet. It is, however, a very valid argument against developing it unless there be developed simultaneously some means like a "safety device" for preventing or at least discouraging its misuse. The means devised is the General Staff; and in some countries like Germany it seems to work so well that (unless our information is incorrect) the Emperor himself does not interfere. He gives the machine a certain problem to work out, and he accepts the answer as the answer which has a greater probability of being correct than any answer he could get by other means. _Training of the Staff_.--Now, if there is to be at the Navy Department a body of men who will work out and recommend what instructions should be given to the commander-in-chief, it seems obvious that that body of men should be thoroughly trained. In the German army the training of men to do this work (General Staff work) is given only to officers specially selected. Certain young officers who promise well are sent to the war college. Those who show aptitude and industry are then put tentatively into the General Staff. Those who show marked fitness in their tentative employment are then put into the General Staff, which is as truly a special corps as is our construction corps. How closely this system is followed with the General Staff in the German navy, the present writer does not know exactly; but his information is that the system in the navy is copied (though with certain modifications) after the system in the army. How can the General Staff at the Navy Department be trained? In the same way as that in which officers at the war college are trained: by study and by solving war problems by tactical and strategical games. The training would naturally be more extended, as it would be a postgraduate course. There is a difference to be noted between games like war games in which the mental powers are trained, and games like billiards, in which the nerves and muscles receive practically all the training; and the difference refers mainly to the memory. Games of cards are a little like war games; and many books on games of cards have been written, expounding the principles on which they rest and giving rules to follow. These books may be said to embody a science of card-playing. No such book on naval strategy has appeared; and the obvious reason is that only a few rules of naval strategy have been formulated. Staff training, therefore, cannot be given wholly by studying books; but possibly the scheme suggested to the department by the writer, when he was Aid for Operations, may be developed into a sort of illustrative literature, which can assist the memory. By this scheme, a body of officers at the Navy Department would occupy their time wholly in studying war problems by devising and playing strategical and tactical games ashore and afloat. After each problem had been solved to the satisfaction of the staff, each distinctive situation in the approved solution would be photographed in as small a space as practicable, preferably on a moving-picture film. In the solution of problem 99; for instance, there might be 50 situations and therefore 50 photographs. These photographs, shown in appropriate succession, would furnish information analogous to the information imparted to a chess student by the statement of the successive moves in those games of chess that one sees sometimes in books on chess and in newspapers. Now if the film photographs were so arranged that the moves in the approved solution of, say, problem 99 could be thrown on a screen, as slowly and as quickly as desired, and if the film records of a few hundred such games could be conveniently arranged, a very wide range of situations that would probably come up in war would be portrayed; and the moves made in handling those situations would form valuable precedents for action, whenever situations approximating them should come up in war. It must be borne in mind that in actual life, our only real guide to wise action in any contingency that may arise is a memory, more or less consciously realized, of how a similar contingency has been met, successfully or unsuccessfully, in the past. Perhaps most of us do not realize that it is not so much experience that guides us as our memory of experiences. Therefore in the training of both officers and enlisted men in strategy, tactics, seamanship, gunnery, engineering, and the rest, the memory of how they, or some one else, did this well and that badly (even if the memory be hardly conscious) is the immediate agency for bringing about improvement. Imagine now a strategical system of training for the navy, in which a body of highly trained officers at the department will continuously regulate the exercises of the fleet, guided by the revelations of the _Kriegspiel:_ the commander-in-chief will direct the activities of the main divisions of the fleet, carrying out the department's scheme; the commander of each division will regulate the activities of the units of his command in accordance with the fleet scheme; the officer in command of each unit of each division will regulate the activities of each unit in his ship, destroyer, submarine, or other craft in accordance with the division scheme; and every suborganization, in every ship, destroyer, or other craft will regulate likewise the activities of its members; so that the navy will resemble a vast and efficient organism, all the parts leagued together by a common understanding and a common purpose; mutually dependent, mutually assisting, sympathetically obedient to the controlling mind that directs them toward the "end in view." It must be obvious, however, that in order that the navy shall be like an organism, its brain (the General Staff) must not be a thing apart, but must be of it, and bound to every part by ties of sympathy and understanding. It would be possible to have a staff excellent in many ways, and yet so out of touch with the fleet and its practical requirements that co-ordination between the two would not exist. Analogous conditions are sometimes seen in people suffering from a certain class of nervous ailments; the mind seems unimpaired, but co-ordination between the brain and certain muscles is almost wholly lacking. To prevent such a condition, therefore, the staff must be kept in touch with the fleet; and it must also permit the fleet to keep in touch with the staff, by arranging that, accompanying the system of training, there shall be a system of education which will insure that the general plan will be understood throughout the fleet; and that the means undertaken to execute it will be made sufficiently clear to enable each person to receive the assistance of his own intelligence. No man can do his best work in the dark. Darkness is of itself depressing; while light, if not too intense, stimulates the activities of every living thing. This does not mean that every mess attendant in the fleet should be put into possession of the war plans of the commander-in-chief, that he should be given any more information than he can assimilate and digest, or than he needs, to do his work the best. Just how much information to impart, and just how much to withhold are quantitative questions, which can be decided wisely by only those persons who know what their quantitative values are. This is an important matter, and should be dealt with as such by the staff itself. To get the maximum work out of every man is the aim of training; to get the maximum work that shall be effective in attaining the end in view, training must be directed by strategy, because strategy alone has a clear knowledge of what is the end in view. _Stimuli_.--Some men are so slothful that exertion of any kind is abhorrent to them; but these men are few, and are very few indeed among a lot of healthy and normal men such as fill a navy. An office boy, lazy beyond belief in the work he is engaged to do, will go through the most violent exertions at a baseball game; and a darky who prefers a soft resting-place in the shade of an umbrageous tree to laboring in the fields will be stirred to wild enthusiasm by a game of "craps." Now why are the office boy and the darky stimulated by these games? By the elements of competition, chance, and possible danger they bring out and the excitement thereby engendered. Training, therefore introduces these elements into drills as much as it can. Competition alone does not suffice, otherwise all men would play chess; competition and chance combined are not enough, or gentlemen would not need the danger of losing money to make card games interesting; but any game that brings in all three elements will rouse the utmost interest and activity of which a man is capable. Games involving these three elements are known by many names; one name is "poker," another name is "business," and another name is "politics." There are many other games besides, but the greatest of all is strategy. Now in the endeavor to prepare a fleet by training, no lack of means for exciting interest will be found; in fact no other training offers so many and so great a variety of means for introducing the elements of competition, chance, and danger. The problem is how best to employ them. To do this successfully, it must be realized, of course, that the greatest single factor in exciting interest is the personal factor, since comparatively few men can get much interested in a matter that is impersonal; a boy is more interested in watching a baseball game in which he knows some of the players than in watching a game between teams neither of which he has ever seen; and the men in any ship are more interested in the competition between their ship and some other than between any other two; feeling that _esprit de corps_ by reason of which every individual in every organization personifies the organization as a living thing of which he himself is part. _Strategic Problems_.--The training of the fleet, then, can best be done under the direction of a trained staff, that staff generously employing all the resources of competition, chance, and danger. The obvious way to do this is to give out to the fleet for solution a continual succession of strategic problems, which the entire fleet will be engaged in solving, and which will be the starting-point for all the drills of the fleet and in the fleet. (Some officers prefer the word "maneuver" to "problem.") The arranging of a continual series of war problems, or maneuvers to be worked out in the fleet by "games," will call for an amount of strategical skill second only to the skill needed for operations in war, will deal with similar factors and be founded on similar principles. Naturally, the war problems, before being sent to the fleet for solving, would be solved first by the staff, using strategical and tactical games, and other appropriate means; and inasmuch as the scheme of education and training is for the benefit of the staff itself, as well as for the benefit of the fleet, certain members of the staff would go out with the fleet to note in what ways, each problem sent down was defective, in what ways good--and in what ways it could be modified with benefit. The successive situations and solutions, made first by the staff and subsequently by the fleet, can then be photographed and made part of the history of war problems, for the library of the staff. In laying out the war problems, the staff will be guided naturally by the ends in view--first to work out solutions of strategic, logistic, and tactical situations in future wars, and second to give opportunity to the various divisions, ships, turret crews, engineers' forces, etc., for drills that will train them to meet probable contingencies in future wars. This double end will not be so difficult of attainment as might at first sight seem, for the reason that the solution of any problem which represents a situation actually probable will automatically provide all the minor situations necessary to drill the various bodies; and the more inherently probable a situation is, the more probable will be the situations in which the various flag-officers, captains, quartermasters, engineers' forces, turret crews, etc., will find themselves. Of course, the prime difficulty in devising realistic problems is the fact that in war our whole fleet would be employed together against an enemy fleet; and as the staff cannot supply an enemy fleet, it must either imagine an enemy fleet, divert a small part of our fleet to represent an enemy fleet, or else divide our fleet into two approximately equal parts, one "red," and one "blue." _First Scheme_.--The first scheme has its usefulness in working out the actual handling of the fleet as a whole; and considering the purposes of strategy only, is the most important, though, of course, "contacts" with the enemy cannot be simulated. From the standpoint of fleet tactical drill, and the standpoint of that part of strategy which arranges for handling large tactical situations with success, it is useful, since it provides for the tactical handling of the entire fleet. This certainly is important; for if the personnel are to be so trained that the actual fleet shall be handled with maximum effectiveness in battle, training in handling that actual fleet must frequently be had; the fleet is a machine, and no machine is complete if any of its parts is lacking. It may be objected that it is not necessary for the staff at the department to devise such training, because drills of the entire fleet can be devised and carried out by the commander-in-chief; in fact that that is what he is for. This, of course, is partly true; and it is not the idea of the author that the staff in the department should interfere with any scheme of drills that the commander-in-chief desires to devise and carry out; but it is his idea that the staff should arrange problems to be worked out by the fleet, in which the tactical handling of the fleet should be subordinate to, and carried out for, a strategic purpose. A very simple drill would be the mere transfer of the fleet to a distant point, when in supposititious danger from an enemy, employing by day and night the scouting and screening operations that such a trip would demand. Another drill would be the massing of previously separated forces at a given place and time; still another would be the despatching of certain parts of the fleet to certain points at certain times. The problems need not be quite so simple as these, however; for they can include all the operations of a fleet under its commander-in-chief up to actual contact; the commander-in-chief being given only such information as the approximate position, speed, and course of the enemy at a given time, with orders to intercept him with his whole force; or he may be given information that the enemy has divided his force, that certain parts were at certain places going in certain directions at certain speeds at certain times, and he may be directed to intercept those supposititious parts; that is, to get such parts of his fleet as he may think best to certain places at certain times. Of the strategic value to the staff of the practical solutions of this class of problems by the fleet, there can be little question; and the records made if kept up to date, would give data in future wars for future staffs, of what the whole fleet, and parts of it acting with the fleet, can reasonably be expected to accomplish, especially from the standpoint of logistics. And it has the advantage of dealing with only one thing; the actual handling of the actual fleet, uncomplicated by other matters, such as interference by an enemy. For the reason, however, that it leaves out of consideration the effects of scouting and of contacts with the enemy, it is incomplete. _Second Scheme_.--To remedy this incompleteness, resort may be had to the device of detaching a few vessels from the fleet and making each represent a force of the enemy; one destroyer, for instance, to represent a division, four destroyers four divisions, etc. This scheme has the advantage that all the capital ships can be handled together, and that, say three-quarters of the destroyers can be handled without much artificiality on the assumption that four-fourths are so handled; while for merely strategic purposes four destroyers, properly separated, can represent four divisions of destroyers very truthfully. This scheme is useful not only strategically but tactically; for the reasons that the contacts made are actual and visible, and that all the personnel on each side are put to doing things much like those they would do in war. The scheme is extremely flexible besides; for the number of ways in which the fleet can be divided is very great, and the number of operations that can be simulated with considerable accuracy is therefore very great also. The training given to the personnel of the fleet is obviously more varied, interesting, and valuable, than in the first scheme; and the records of the solutions (games played) will form instructive documents in the offices of the staff, concerning situations which the first scheme could not bring out. These records, naturally, will not be so simple as those under the first scheme, because many factors will enter in, some of which will bring up debatable points. For when actual contact occurs, but only "constructive" hits by torpedo and gun are made, much room for difference of opinion will occur, and many decisions will be disputed. To decide disputed questions must, of course, rest with the staff; but those questions must be decided, and if correct deductions from the games are to be made, the decisions must be correct. To achieve correctness in decision the members of the staff must be highly trained. To devise and develop a good scheme of staff training, several years may be required. _Third Scheme_.--The third kind of game is that in which the fleet is divided into two parts, fairly equal in each of the various elements, battleships, battle cruisers, destroyers, submarines, aircraft, etc. This scheme gives opportunity for more realistic situations than the other two, since each side operates and sees vessels and formations similar to those that it would operate and see in war; and it gives opportunity for games which combine both strategical and tactical operations and situations to a greater degree than do the other two schemes. Its only weakness is the fact that the entire fleet is not operated as a unit; not even a large fraction, but only about one-half. Like each of the other two schemes, however, it has its distinctive field of usefulness. Its main advantage is its realism--the fact that two powerful naval forces, each composed of all the elements of a naval force, seek each other out; or else one evades and the other seeks; and then finally they fight a fairly realistic battle; or else one successfully evades the other; or else minor actions occur between detachments, and no major result occurs; just as happens in war. Strategically, this scheme is less valuable than the other two; tactically, more so. For the experience and the records of the staff this scheme is less valuable than the other two, but for the training of the fleet it is more so. Of course, the division of games for staff and fleet training into three general schemes is arbitrary, and not wholly correct; for no such division really exists, and in practice it would not be observed. The thought of the writer is merely to point out that, in a general way, the schemes may be divided into three classes, and to show the convenience of doing so--or at least of recognizing that there are three general kinds of games, and that each kind has its advantages and likewise its disadvantages. In our navy, only three strategic problems or maneuvers, devised at the department, have been worked out at sea--one in May, and one in October, 1915, and one in August, 1916: all belonged in the second category. They were devised by the General Board and the War College, as we had no staff. The solving of the problems by the commander-in-chief aroused the greatest interest not only in the fleet, but in the Navy Department, in fact, throughout the entire navy, and to a surprising degree throughout the country, especially among the people on the Atlantic coast. Discussions of the utmost value were aroused and carried on, and a degree of co-operation between the department, the War College, and the fleet, never attained before, was realized. If a routine could be devised whereby such problems could be solved by practical games, say once a month, and the results analyzed and recorded in moving-picture form by the staff in Washington, we could see our way in a few years' time to a degree of efficiency in strategy which now we cannot even picture. It would automatically indoctrinate the navy and produce a sympathetic understanding and a common aim, which would permeate the personnel and make the navy a veritable organism. It would attain the utmost attainable by any method now known. Attention is respectfully invited to the fact that at the present time naval strategy is mainly an art; that it will probably continue so for many years; that whether a science of naval strategy will ever be formulated need not now concern us deeply, and that the art of naval strategy, like every other art, needs practice for its successful use. Naval strategy is so vague a term that most of us have got to looking on it as some mystic art, requiring a peculiar and unusual quality of mind to master; but there are many things to indicate that a high degree of skill in it can be attained by the same means as can a high degree of skill in playing--say golf: by hard work; and not only by hard work, but by doing the same thing--or similar things--repeatedly. Now most of us realize that any largely manual art, such as the technic of the piano, needs frequent repetition of muscular actions, in order to train the muscles; but few of us realize how fully this is true of mental arts, such as working arithmetical or strategical problems, though we know how easy it is to "get rusty" in navigation. Our mental muscles and whatever nerves co-ordinate them with our minds seem to need fully as much practice for their skilful use as do our physical muscles; and so to attain skill in strategy, we must practise at it. This means that all hands must practise at it--not only the staff in their secret sanctuary, not only the commander-in-chief, not only the division commanders, but, in their respective parts, the captains, the lieutenants, the ensigns, the warrant officers, the petty officers, and the youngest recruits. To get this practice, the department, through the staff, must furnish the ideas, and the commander-in-chief the tools. Then, day after day, month after month, and year after year, in port and at sea, by night and by day, the ideas assisted by the tools will be supplying a continuous stimulus to the minds of all. This stimulus, properly directed through the appropriate channels and devoted to wise purposes, will reach the mess attendant, the coal-passer, and the recruit, as well as those in positions more responsible (though not more honorable); and as the harmony of operation of the whole increases, as skill in each task increases, and as a perception of the strategic _why_ for the performance of each task increases, the knowledge will be borne in on all that in useful occupation is to be found the truest happiness; that only uninterested work at any task is drudgery; that interest in work brings skill, that skill brings pleasure in exerting it; and that the greater the number of men engaged together, and the more wise the system under which they work, the greater will be the happiness of each man, and the higher the efficiency of the whole. CHAPTER X RESERVES AND SHORE STATIONS In the preceding chapter it was pointed out that the work of preparing the naval machine for use could be divided into two parts: preparing the existing fleet and preparing the rest of the navy. The "rest of the navy" consists of the Navy Department itself, the naval stations, the reserve ships and men, and also the ships and men that must be brought in from civil life. As the department is the agency for preparing the naval stations, the reserves, and the men and ships brought in from civil life, it is clear that the work of preparing the department will automatically prepare the others. The work of preparing any Navy Department necessitates the preparation and execution of plans, whereby the department itself and all the rest of the navy will be able to pass instantly from a peace footing to a war footing; will be able to pass instantly from a status of leisurely handling and supplying the existing fleet by means of the offices, bureaus, and naval stations, to the status of handling with the greatest possible despatch a force which will be not only much larger, but also much less disciplined and coherent. In time of peace a Navy Department which is properly administered for times of peace, as most Navy Departments are, can, by means of its bureaus, naval stations, offices, etc., handle the existing fleet, and also these bureaus, naval stations, offices, etc., by labors which for the most part are matters of routine. The department opens for business at a certain time in the morning and closes at a certain time in the afternoon. During office hours the various officials and their clerks fill a few busy hours with not very strenuous labor, and then depart, leaving their cares behind them. The naval stations are conducted on similar principles; and even the doings of the fleet become in a measure matters of routine. All the ordinary business of life tends to routine, in order that men may so arrange their time, that they may have regular hours for work, recreation, and sleep, and be able to make engagements for the future. But when war breaks out, all routine is instantly abolished. The element of surprise, which each side strives to interject into its operations, is inherently a foe to routine. In a routine life, expected things occur--it is the office of routine to arrange that expected things shall occur, and at expected times; in a routine life one is always prepared to see a certain thing happen at a certain time. Surprise breaks in on all this, and makes unexpected things occur, and therefore finds men unprepared. It is the office of surprise to catch men unprepared. Appreciating this, and appreciating the value of starting a war by achieving some great success, and of preventing the enemy from so doing, military countries in recent years have advanced more and more their preparations for war, even in time of the profoundest peace, in order that, when war breaks out, they may be prepared either to take the offensive at once, or to repel an offensive at once. With whatever forces a nation expects or desires to fight in a war, no matter whether it will begin on the offensive or begin on the defensive, the value to the nation of those forces will depend on how soon they are gotten ready. In a navy, the active fleet may be considered always ready; but the personnel and the craft of various kinds that must be added to it cannot be added to it as quickly as is desirable--because it is desirable that they should be added immediately, which is impossible. It is not in the nature of things that they should get ready as quickly as a fleet that has been kept ready always; but it is essential that the handicap to the operations of the active fleet, due to the tardiness of its additions, should be kept as small as possible. In other words, whatever additions are to be made to the active fleet should be made as quickly as possible. When the additions are made to the fleet (reserve ships and men, ships and men from civil life, etc.) it is clear that those ships and men should at that time be ready for effective work. If the ships are not in condition for effective work by reason of being out of order, or by reason of the ships from civil life not having been altered to suit their new requirements, or by reason of the men not being thoroughly drilled for their new tasks, considerable time will have to be lost by the necessity of getting the ships and the men into proper condition--or else warlike operations will have to be entered into while unprepared, and the classic _Chesapeake-Shannon_ tragedy re-enacted. Therefore, the endeavor must be strongly made to have ready always all the ships and men that are to be added to the fleet; the ships equipped for their duties in the fleet, and the men drilled for their future tasks. The matter of getting ready the navy ships that are in reserve is largely a matter of getting the men to man them, as the ships themselves are kept in repair, and so in a state of readiness, materially speaking. At least this is the theory; and the successful application of the theory, when tested in practice, depends greatly on how large a proportion of the full complements has been kept on board, and on the amount and nature of the cruising which the vessels in reserve have done. The ideal conditions cannot be reached, unless the full complements have been kept on board, and the ships required to make frequent cruises. Of course, such a condition is never met in reserve ships; there would be no reason for putting ships in reserve if they were to be so handled. The more closely, however, a ship is kept in that condition of readiness, the more quickly she can be made absolutely ready in her material condition. Unless one realizes how and why ships deteriorate in material, it is surprising to see how many faults develop, when ships in reserve, that are apparently in good condition, are put into active service. Trouble is not found, of course, with the stationary parts, like the bottoms, and sides, and decks, so much as with the moving parts, especially the parts that have to move and be steam and gas tight at the same time--the parts found mainly in the steam engineering and ordnance departments. Defects in the moving parts, especially in the joints, are not apt to be found out until they are moved, and often not until they are moved under the pressure and with the speeds required in service. Now "in service" usually means in service in time of peace; but the service for which those ships are kept in reserve is war service, and the requirements of war service are much more rigorous than those of peace service. Objection may be made to this statement by remarking that engines turn around and guns are fired just the same in war as in peace, and that therefore the requirements are identical. True in a measure; but vessels and guns are apt to be forced more in war than in peace; and even if they were not, vessels in time of peace are gotten ready with a considerable degree of deliberation, are manned by well-trained men, and are sent to sea under circumstances which permit of gradually working up to full service requirements. But when reserve vessels are mobilized and sent into service for war, everything is done with the utmost haste; and the men, being hurriedly put on board, cannot possibly be as well trained and as ready to do skilful work as men sent on board in peace time; and when reserve vessels get to sea they may be required immediately to perform the most exacting service. For all these reasons, it is highly desirable--it is essential to adequate preparation--that vessels should be kept in a state of material readiness that is practically perfect. Every vessel on board of which defects in material develop after she shall have been put into service, when war breaks out, will be a liability instead of an asset. She will be able to render no effective service, and she will require the expenditure of energy by officers and men, and possibly the assistance of other vessels, when their services are needed for other work. But the problem of how to keep reserve vessels in a state of material readiness is easier than the problem of how to keep the reserve men in a state of personnel readiness, which will insure their reporting on board of the reserve ships quickly enough and with adequate training. This problem is so difficult, and its solution is so important, that in Great Britain, France, Germany, Japan, and doubtless other navies, men are compelled to go into the reserves, and to remain in for several years after completing their periods of service in the regular navy. In this way, no breaking away from the navy occurs until after reserve service has been completed, and every man who enlists remains in the navy and is subject to its discipline until his reserve period has been passed. Thus the question of the reserve is a question that has been answered in those countries, and is therefore no longer a question in them. If battleship _A_ in any of those countries is to be mobilized, the government knows just who are to go on board and when; and knows that every man has recently served in the regular navy, has been kept in training ever since he left it, and that he is competent to perform the duties of his allotted station in battleship _A_. The problem of getting into service the ships that are to be gotten from the merchant service is more difficult, and is perhaps of more importance; that is, it is more important to get into the service some vessels from the merchant service than some reserve ships; more important, for instance, to get colliers to serve the fleet with coal than to commission some antiquated cruisers. Naturally, the number and kinds of ships that need to be provided will depend on the nature of the war--whether, for instance, a very large force is to be sent to the other side of the world, to meet a powerful fleet there, or whether a sudden attack on our Atlantic coast is to be repelled. The difference, however, is largely numerical; so that if the plans provide for a sufficient number to take part in the distant expedition, it will be easy to get the appropriate number to meet a coast attack. To receive an attack upon the coast, however, provision must be made for vessels and men not needed on an expedition across the seas--that is, for vessels and men that will defend the coast itself from raids and similar expeditions. The work of preparing all that part of the naval machine which in time of peace is separate from the active fleet is purely one of logistics; it is that part of the preparation which calculates what ways and means are needed, and then supplies those ways and means. Logistics, having been told by strategy what strategy plans to do, calculates how many and what kinds of vessels, men, guns, torpedoes, fuel, food, hospital service, ammunition, etc., are needed to make possible the fulfilling of those plans; and then proceeds to provide what it has calculated must be provided. This does not mean that strategy should hold itself aloof from logistics and make arbitrary demands upon it; for such a procedure would result in making demands that logistics could not supply; or, through an underestimate of what logistics can supply, in refraining from demanding as much as could be supplied. Logistics, of course, does provide what strategy wants, in so far as it can; but in order that satisfactory results may be obtained, the fullest co-operation between strategy and logistics is essential; and to this end frequent conferences are required between the officers representing both. The logistic work of expanding the naval forces to a war basis may evidently be divided into two parts: the adding of vessels and other craft appropriately equipped and manned to the active fleet, and the establishment of a coast-defense force, which will be distributed along the coast and divided among the most important commercial and strategic centres. _Adding to the Fleet_.--Naturally, the additions to the fleet will depend on the service for which the fleet is intended; that is, on the plans of strategy. If the navy were to be gotten ready for a definite undertaking, then the additions to carry out that undertaking could be calculated and prepared; and of course this condition does come up immediately before any war occurs. But in addition to these preparations which are to be made at the last moment (many of which cannot be made until the last moment), the staff must prepare in the leisure of profound peace for several different contingencies. Inasmuch as many of the additions will be needed, no matter with what country the war may come; and inasmuch as the same general kind of additions will be made, it is clear that there must underlie all the various plans one general plan, to which modifications must be made to adapt it to special conditions. And as, no matter whether we are to take the offensive or the defensive, no matter whether the fleet is to go far away or stay near our coast, the matter of additions to it is mainly a matter of degree (whether for instance ten extra colliers are needed or a hundred), it seems clear that the general plan should be the one demanding the greatest additions, so that the modifications to adapt it to special cases would consist merely in making subtractions from it. To carry out this plan, strategy must make a sufficiently grave estimate of the situation; and logistics must make calculations to supply the most difficult demands that the estimate of the situation indicates as reasonable, and then arrange the means to provide what the calculations show. If one has provided a little more than is necessary, it is much easier to leave out something later than it is to add more, if one has not provided enough; and one's natural indolence then acts on the side of safety, since it tends to persuade one not to leave off too much; whereas in the opposite case, it tends to assure him that it is not really necessary to take the trouble to provide what it might be hard to get. _The Estimate of the Situation.--In no field of strategical work is an accurate estimate of the situation more clearly necessary than when it is to form the basis for the precise calculations of logistics_. General strategical plans require a vividness of imagination and a boldness of conception that find no field for exercise in logistics; and tactics requires a quickness of decision and a forcefulness of execution that neither strategy nor logistics need; but neither strategy nor tactics calls for the mathematical exactness that logistics must have, or be of no avail. Yet there will be no use in working out the mathematically correct means to produce certain result, if the real nature of the desired result is underrated; there will be no use in working out laboriously how many ships and tons of coal and oil are needed, if the estimate of the situation, to meet which those ships and coal and oil are needed, is inadequate. The first step, therefore, in providing for the expansion of the navy for war, is to estimate the situation correctly. The greatest difficulty in doing this arises from a species of moral cowardice, which tempts a man to underestimate its dangers, and therefore the means required to meet them. _Probably no single cause of defeat in war has been so pregnant with disaster as this failure to make a sufficiently grave estimate of the situation_. Sometimes the failure seems due more to carelessness than to cowardice; Napoleon's disastrous underestimate of the difficulties of his projected Russian campaign seems more due to carelessness than to cowardice; but this may be due to a difficulty of associating cowardice with Napoleon. But is it not equally difficult to associate carelessness with Napoleon? What professional calculator, what lawyer's clerk was ever more careful than Napoleon was, when dealing with problems of war? Who was ever more attentive to details, who more industrious, who more untiring? And yet Napoleon's plans for his Russian campaign were inadequate to an amazing degree, and the inadequacy was the cause of his disaster. But whether the cause was carelessness or moral cowardice on his part, the fact remains that he did not estimate the situation with sufficient care, and make due plans to meet it. This unwillingness to look a difficult situation in the face one can see frequently in daily life. Great difficulties seem to appall some people. They hate so much to believe a disaster possible, they fear so much to let themselves or others realize that a danger is impending, they are so afraid that other people will think them "nervous," and they shrink so from recommending measures that would cause great exertions or great expenditures, that they are very prone to believe and say that there is no especial danger, and that whatever danger there may be, can be obviated by measures that are easy and cheap to carry out. If we yield to this feeling, we are guilty of moral cowardice, and we vitiate all the results of all our labors. We _must_ make a correct estimate of the situation--or rather we must estimate the situation to be as grave as it is--or our preparations will be of no avail. If we estimate the situation too gravely, we may spend more money and time on our preparations than is quite needed, and our preparations may be more than adequate. It may be that the preparations which Prussia made before 1870 for war with France were more than adequate. In fact, it looks as if they were, in view of the extreme quickness with which she conquered France. But does any military writer condemn Prussia for having made assurance too sure? _The Value of Superadequate Preparation_.--No, on the contrary. The very reasons that make adequate preparation valuable make superadequate preparation even more valuable. The reason is very clear, as is shown by the table on page 284 illustrating the progressive wasting of fighting forces, which the writer published in the _U. S. Naval Institute_ in an essay called "American Naval Policy," in April, 1905.[*] [Footnote *: I have recently been informed that Lieutenant (now Commander) J. V. Chase, U. S. N., arrived at practically the same results in 1902 by an application of the calculus; and that he submitted them to the U. S. Naval War College in a paper headed, "Sea Fights: A Mathematical Investigation of the Effect of Superiority of Force in."--B. A. F.] TABLE I ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- | |Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.| | | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | |----------------------------------------------------------------------------| |Value of offensive power A|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000| | at beginning B|1000| 900| 800| 700| 600| 500| 400| 300| 200| 100| |Damage done in 1st A| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| | period B| 100| 90| 80| 70| 60| 50| 40| 30| 20| 10| |Value of offensive power A| 900| 910| 920| 930| 940| 950| 960| 970| 980| 990| | at end of 1st period B| 900| 800| 700| 600| 500| 400| 300| 200| 100| 0| |Damage done in 2nd A| 90| 91| 92| 93| 94| 95| 96| 97| 98| | | period B| 90| 80| 70| 60| 50| 40| 30| 20| 10| | |Value of offensive power A| 810| 830| 850| 870| 890| 910| 930| 950| 970| | | at end of 2nd period B| 810| 709| 608| 507| 406| 305| 204| 103| 2| | |Damage done in 3rd A| 81| 83| 85| 87| 89| 91| 93| 95| | | | period B| 81| 71| 61| 51| 41| 31| 20| 10| | | |Value of offensive power A| 729| 759| 789| 819| 849| 879| 910| 940| | | | at end of 3rd period B| 729| 626| 523| 420| 317| 214| 111| 8| | | |Damage done in 4th A| 73| 76| 79| 82| 85| 88| 91| | | | | period B| 73| 63| 52| 42| 32| 21| 11| | | | |Value of offensive power A| 656| 696| 737| 777| 817| 858| 899| | | | | at end of 4th period B| 656| 550| 444| 338| 232| 126| 20| | | | |Damage done in 5th A| 65| 70| 74| 78| 82| 86| | | | | | period B| 65| 55| 44| 34| 23| 13| | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 591| 641| 693| 743| 794| 845| | | | | | at end of 5th period B| 591| 480| 370| 260| 150| 40| | | | | |Damage done in 6th A| 59| 64| 69| 74| 79| 85| | | | | | period B| 59| 48| 37| 26| 15| 4| | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 532| 593| 656| 717| 779| | | | | | | at end of 6th period B| 532| 416| 301| 186| 71| | | | | | |Damage done in 7th A| 53| 59| 66| 72| 78| | | | | | | period B| 53| 42| 30| 19| 7| | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 479| 551| 626| 698| 772| | | | | | | at end of 7th period B| 479| 357| 235| 114| 0| | | | | | |Damage done in 8th A| 48| 55| 63| 70| | | | | | | | period B| 48| 36| 24| 11| | | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 431| 515| 602| 687| | | | | | | | at end of 8th period B| 431| 302| 172| 44| | | | | | | |Damage done in 9th A| 43| 52| 60| 69| | | | | | | | period B| 43| 30| 17| 4| | | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 388| 485| 585| 683| | | | | | | | at end of 9th period B| 388| 250| 112| 0| | | | | | | |Damage done in 10th A| 39| 49| 59| | | | | | | | | period B| 39| 25| 11| | | | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 349| 460| 574| | | | | | | | | at end of 10th period B| 349| 201| 53| | | | | | | | |Damage done in 11th A| 35| 46| 57| | | | | | | | | period B| 35| 20| 5| | | | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 314| 440| 569| | | | | | | | | at end of 11th period B| 314| 155| 0| | | | | | | | |Damage done in 12th A| 31| 44| | | | | | | | | | period B| 31| 16| | | | | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 283| 426| | | | | | | | | | at end of 12th period B| 283| 111| | | | | | | | | | | |etc.| | | | | | | | | |Total damage done by A| 717| 789| 800| 700| 600| 500| 400| 300| 200| 100| | B| 717| 574| 431| 317| 228| 159| 101| 60| 30| 10| ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- These tables grew out of an attempt to ascertain how the values of two contending forces change as the fight goes on. The offensive power of the stronger force is placed in the beginning at 1,000 in each case, and the offensive power of the weaker force at 900, 800, 700, 600, 500, 400, 300, 200, and 100. These values are, of course, wholly arbitrary, and some may say imaginary; but, as they are intended merely to show the comparative strength of the two forces, they are a logical measure, because numerical; there is always some numerical factor that expresses the comparative value of two contending forces, even though we never know what that numerical factor is. Two forces with offensive powers of 1,000 and 900 respectively may mean 1,000 men opposed to 900 men of equal average individual fighting value, commanded by officers of equal fighting ability; or it may mean 10 ships opposed to 9 like ships, manned by officers and men of equal numbers and ability; or it may mean two forces of equal strength, as regards number of men, ships, and guns, but commanded by officers whose relative ability is as 1,000 to 900. It may be objected here that it is ridiculous so to compare officers, because the ability of officers cannot be so mathematically tabulated. This, of course, is true; but the fact that we are unable so to compare officers is no reason for supposing that the abilities of officers, especially officers of high position, do not affect quantitatively the fighting value of the forces they command; and the intention in mentioning this factor is simply to show that the relative values of the forces, as indicated in these tables, are supposed to include all the factors that go to make them up. Another convention, made in these tables, is that every fighting force is able to inflict a damage in a given time that is proportional to the force itself; that a force of 1,000, for instance, can do twice as much damage in a given time as a force of 500 can; also that a force can do an amount of damage under given conditions that is proportional to the time in which it is at work; that it can do twice as much damage in two hours, for instance, as in one hour, _provided the conditions for doing damage remain the same_. Another convention follows from these two conventions, and it is that there is a period of time in which a given force can destroy a force equal, say, to one-tenth of itself under certain conditions; that there is some period of time, for instance, in which, under given conditions, 1,000 men can disable 100 men, or 10 ships disable 1 ship, or 10 guns silence 1 gun. In the conflicts supposed to be indicated in these tables, this period is the one used. It will be plain that it is not necessary to know how long this period is, and also that it depends upon the conditions of the fight. In Table I, it is supposed that the chance of hitting and the penetrability are the same to each contestant. In other words, it is assumed that the _effective targets_ presented by the two forces are alike in the sense that, if the two targets are hit at the same instant by like projectiles, equal injuries will be done. In other words, if each contestant at a given instant fires, say a 12-inch shell, the injury done to one will be the same as that done to the other; not proportionately but quantitatively. For instance, if one force has 10 ships and the other has 9 like ships, all the ships being so far apart that a shot aimed at one ship will probably not hit another, the conditions supposed in Table I, column 2, are satisfied; the chances of hitting are identical for both contestants, and so is the damage done at every hit. Table I supposes that the chance of hitting and damaging does not change until the target is destroyed. As the desire of the author is now to show the advantage of having a superadequate force, the following table has been calculated to show the effect of forces of different size in fighting an enemy of known and therefore constant size: TABLE II ----------------------------------------------------------------------- | |Col. 1|Col. 2|Col. 3| |--------------------------------------------------|------|------|------| |Value of offensive power at beginning. A | 1100 | 1500 | 2000 | | B | 1000 | 1000 | 1000 | |Damage done in 1st period by A | 110 | 150 | 200 | | B | 100 | 100 | 100 | |Value of offensive power at end of 1st period A | 1000 | 1400 | 1900 | | B | 890 | 850 | 800 | |Damage done in 2nd period by A | 100 | 140 | 190 | | B | 89 | 85 | 80 | |Value of offensive power at end of 2nd period A | 911 | 1315 | 1820 | | B | 790 | 710 | 610 | |Damage done in 3rd period by A | 91 | 131 | 182 | | B | 79 | 71 | 61 | |Value of offensive power at end of 3rd period A | 832 | 1244 | 1759 | | B | 699 | 579 | 422 | |Damage done in 4th period by A | 83 | 124 | 176 | | B | 70 | 58 | 43 | |Value of offensive power at end of 4th period A | 762 | 1186 | 1716 | | B | 616 | 455 | 252 | |Damage done in 5th period by A | 76 | 119 | 172 | | B | 62 | 46 | 25 | |Value of offensive power at end of 5th period A | 700 | 1140 | 1691 | | B | 540 | 336 | 80 | |Damage done in 6th period by A | 70 | 114 | 169 | | B | 54 | 34 | 8 | |Value of offensive power at end of 6th period A | 646 | 1106 | 1683 | | B | 470 | 222 | 0 | |Damage done in 7th period by A | 65 | 110 | | | B | 47 | 22 | | |Value of offensive power at end of 7th period A | 599 | 1084 | | | B | 405 | 112 | | |Damage done in 8th period by A | 60 | 108 | | | B | 41 | 11 | | |Value of offensive power at end of 8th period A | 558 | 1073 | | | B | 345 | 4 | | |Damage done in 9th period by A | 56 | 4 | | | B | 35 | 0 | | |Value of offensive power at end of 9th period A | 523 | 1073 | | | B | 289 | 0 | | |Damage done in 10th period by A | 53 | | | | B | 29 | | | |Value of offensive power at end of 10th period A | 494 | | | | B | 236 | | | |Damage done in 11th period by A | 49 | | | | B | 24 | | | |Value of offensive power at end of 11th period A | 470 | | | | B | 187 | | | | | | | | |Value of offensive power at end of 16th period A | 422 | | | | B | 0 | | | ----------------------------------------------------------------------- It will be noted that if our force is superior to the enemy's in the ratio of 1,100 to 1,000, the fight will last longer than if it is superior in the ratio of 1,500 to 1,000, in the proportion of 16 to 9; and that if it is superior in the ratio of 1,100 to 1,000 the fight will last longer than if it is superior in the ratio of 2 to 1, in the proportion of 16 to 6. We also see that we should, after reducing the enemy to 0, have forces represented by 422, 1,073, and 1,683, respectively, and suffer losses represented by 678, 427, and 317, respectively. Now the difference in fighting forces cannot be measured in units of material and personnel only, though they furnish the most accurate general guide. Two other factors of great importance enter, the factors of skill and morale. Skill is perhaps more of an active agent, and morale is perhaps more of a passive agent, like the endurance of man or the strength of material; and yet in some battles morale has been a more important factor in attaining victory than even skill. It is not vital to this discussion which is the more important; but it is vital to realize clearly that skill and morale are not to be forgotten, when we calculate how many and what kinds of material and personnel units we must provide for a war; and inasmuch as we cannot weigh morale and skill, or even be sure in most cases as to which side will possess them in the superior degree, we are forced in prudence to assume that the enemy may possess them in a superior degree, and that therefore we should secure superadequacy in units of personnel and material; not so much to win victory with the minimum of loss to ourselves, as simply to avert disaster. The present war shows us that the factors of skill and morale, while independent of each other, are closely linked together, and react upon each other. Nothing establishes a good morale more than does the knowledge of exceeding skill; and nothing promotes skill more than does an enthusiastic and firm morale. But superadequateness of preparation has a value greater than in merely insuring victory with minimum loss to ourselves, in case war comes, because it exerts the most potent of all influences in preventing war, since it warns an enemy against attacking. At the present day, the laws of victory and defeat are so well understood, and the miseries resulting from defeat are so thoroughly realized, that no civilized country will voluntarily go to war, except for extraneous reasons, if it realizes that the chances of success are small. And as the cumulative consequences of defeats are also realized, and as no country is apt to assume that the morale and skill of its forces are measurably greater than those of a probable antagonist, no country and no alliance is apt to provoke war with a nation whose armed forces are superior in number of units of personnel and material; unless, of course, the nation is markedly inferior in morale and skill, as the Persians were to the legions of Alexander. It is often insisted that superadequacy in armed force tends to war instead of peace, by inducing a country to make war itself; that the very principles which deter a weak country from attacking a strong country tend to make a strong country attack a weak one. There is some truth in this, of course, and history shows many cases of strong countries deliberately attacking weak ones for the purpose of conquest. Analysis of wars, however, in which strong countries have done this, shows that as a rule, the "strong" country was one which was strong in a military sense only; and that the "weak" country was a country which was weak only militarily, but which was potentially strong in that it was possessed of wealth in land and goods. Most of the great conquests of history were made by such "strong" over such "weak" countries. Such were notably those wars by which Persia, Assyria, Egypt, Greece, Rome, and Spain gained their pre-eminence; and such were the wars by which they later fell. Such were the wars of Ghenghis Khan, Tamerlane, Mahomet, and Napoleon; such were the wars by which most tribes grew to be great nations, and by which as nations they subsequently fell. No greater cause of war has ever existed than a disproportion between countries or tribes of such a character that one was rich and weak, while the other was strong and poor. Nations are much like individuals--and not very good individuals. Highwaymen who are poor and strong organize and drill for the purpose of attacking people who are rich and weak; and while one would shrink from declaring that nations which are poor and strong do the same, it may nevertheless be stated that they have often been accused of doing so, and that some wars are explainable on that ground and on none other. The wars of Cæsar in Gaul and Britain do not seem to fall in this category, and yet they really do; for Rome was poor in Julius Cæsar's day; and while Gaul and Britain were not rich in goods, they were rich in land, and Rome craved land. Of course, there have been wars which were not due to deliberate attacks by poor and strong countries on rich and weak countries; wars like our wars of the Revolution, and with Mexico, our War of the Rebellion, and our Spanish War, and many others in which various nations have engaged. The causes of many wars have been so numerous and so complex that the true cause is hard to state; but it may be stated in general that wars in which countries that were both rich and strong, as Great Britain and France are now, have deliberately initiated an aggressive war are few and far apart. The reason seems to be that countries which are rich tend to become not militaristic and aggressive, but effeminate and pacific. The access of luxury, the refinements of living that the useful and the delightful arts produce, and the influence of women, tend to wean men from the hardships of military life, and to engender a distaste for the confusion, bloodshed, and "horrors" of war. For this reason, the rich countries have shown little tendency to aggression, but a very considerable tendency to invite aggression. Physical fighting among nations bears some resemblance to physical fighting among men, in that rich nations and rich men are apt to abstain from it, unless they are attacked; or unless they think they are attacked, or will be. The fact of being rich has the double influence of removing a great inducement to go to war, and of causing a distaste for it. For all of the reasons given above, it would seem advisable when making an "estimate of the situation," in preparation for war, to estimate it as gravely as reasonable probability will permit. The tendency of human nature is to estimate it too lightly; but in matters of possible war, "madness lies that way." This seems to mean that in preparing plans for additions to the fleet for war, we should estimate for the worst condition that is reasonably probable. In the United States, this means that we should estimate for a sudden attack by a powerful fleet on our Atlantic coast; and, as such an attack would occasion a tremendous temptation to any foe in Asia to make a simultaneous attack in the Pacific, we must estimate also for sending a large fleet at the same time on a cruise across the Pacific Ocean. This clearly means that our estimate must include putting into the Atlantic and Pacific all the naval vessels that we have, fully manned with fully drilled crews; and adding besides all the vessels from civil life that will be needed. The vessels taken from civil life will be mostly from the merchant service, and will be for such auxiliary duties as those of hospital ships, supply ships, fuel ships, and ammunition ships, with some to do duty as scouts. For the purposes of the United States, therefore, the office of naval strategy in planning additions to our fleet for war, is to make a grave estimate of the naval requirements in both the Atlantic and the Pacific; to divide the total actual and prospective naval force between the Atlantic and the Pacific in such a way as shall seem the wisest; to assign duties in general to each force; and then to turn over to logistics the task of making the quantitative calculations, and of performing the various acts, which will be necessary to carry out the decisions made. Objection may be made to the phrase just used--"to divide the total force," because it is an axiom with some that one must never divide his total force; and the idea of dividing our fleet, by assigning part to the Atlantic and part to the Pacific, has been condemned by many officers, the present writer among them. This is an illustration of how frequently phrases are used to express briefly ideas which could not be expressed fully without careful qualifications and explanations that would necessitate many words; and it shows how carefully one must be on his guard, lest he put technical phrases to unintended uses, and attach incorrect meanings to them. As a brief technical statement, we may say, "never divide your force"; but when we say this, we make a condensed statement of a principle, and expect it to be regarded as such, and not as a full statement. The full statement would be: "In the presence of an active enemy, do not so divide your force that the enemy could attack each division in detail with a superior force." Napoleon was a past master in the art of overwhelming separate portions of an enemy's force, and he understood better than any one else of his time the value of concentration. And yet a favorite plan of his was to detach a small part of his force, to hold a superior force of the enemy in check for--say a day--while he whipped another force of the enemy with his main body. He then turned and chastised the part which had been held in check by the small detachment, and prevented from coming to the relief of the force that he attacked first. When we say, then, that strategy directs how our naval force should be divided between the Atlantic and the Pacific, this does not mean that strategy should so divide it that both divisions would be confronted with forces larger than themselves. It may mean, however, that strategy, in order that the force in one ocean shall be sufficient, may be compelled to reduce the force in the other ocean almost to zero. Some may say that, unless we are sure that our force--say in the Atlantic--is superadequate, we ought to reduce the force in the Pacific to actual zero. Maybe contingencies might arise for which such a division would be the wisest; but usually such a condition exists that one force is so large that the addition to it of certain small units would increase the force only microscopically; whereas those small units would be of material value elsewhere--say in protecting harbors from the raids of small cruisers. Practically speaking, therefore, strategy would divide our naval force into Atlantic and Pacific fleets, but those fleets might be very unequal in size, owing to the vastly greater commercial and national interests on our Atlantic coast, and the greater remoteness of probable enemies on our Pacific coast. In estimating the work to be done by the U. S. Atlantic fleet, three general objects suggest themselves: 1. To repel an attack made directly on our Atlantic continental coast. 2. To repel an expedition striving to establish a base in the Caribbean, preliminary to an attack on our Atlantic continental coast or on the Panama Canal. 3. To make an expedition to a distant point, to prevent the occupation of territory by a foreign government in the south Atlantic or the Pacific. _First Object_.--To repel an attack made directly on the Atlantic coast, the plan must provide for getting the needed additions to the fleet with the utmost despatch. Owing to the keen appreciation by European nations of the value of secrecy and despatch, any attack contemplated by one of them on our Atlantic coast would be prepared behind the curtain, and nothing about its preparation would be allowed to be reported to the outside world until after the attacking force had actually sailed. For the force to reach our shores, not more than two weeks would be needed, even if the fleet stopped at mid-Atlantic islands to lay in fuel. It is very doubtful if the fact of stopping there would be allowed to be reported, as the commander-in-chief could easily take steps to prevent it. It is possible that merchant steamers might meet the fleet, and report the fact by radio, but it is not at all certain. A great proportion of the steamers met would willingly obey an order not to report it, or even to have their radio apparatus deranged; either because of national sympathy, or because the captain was "insulted with a very considerable bribe." The probability, therefore, would be that we should hear of the departure of the fleet from Europe, and then hear nothing more about it until it was met by our scouts. This reasoning shows that to carry out the plans of strategy, logistics would have to provide plans and means to execute those plans, whereby our existing fleet, plus all the additions which strategy demanded, would be waiting at whatever points on the ocean strategy might indicate, before the coming enemy would reach those points. In other words, logistics must make and execute such plans that all the fleet which strategy demands will be at the selected points in less than two weeks from the time the enemy leaves the shores of Europe. Of course, the conditions will not necessarily be such that strategy will demand that all our reserve ships, especially the oldest ships, shall go out to sea with the active fleet, ready to engage in battle. Maybe some of them will be found to be so slow and equipped with such short-range guns, that they would be an embarrassment to the commander-in-chief, instead of an assistance. Unless it is clear, however, that any ship, especially a battleship, _would be an embarrassment_, her place is clearly with the fighting fleet. The issue of the battle cannot be known in advance; and as everything will depend upon that issue, no effort and no instrument should be spared that can assist in gaining victory. And even if the older ships might not be of material assistance in the early stages of a battle, they would do no harm because they could be kept out of the way, if need be. In case either side gains a conclusive victory at once, the older ships will do neither good nor harm; but in case a decisive result is not at once attained, and both sides are severely damaged, the old ships, held in reserve, may then come in fresh and whole, like the reserve in land engagements, and add a fighting force which at that time will be most important and may be decisive. Probably some of the ships will be too old, however, to fill places of any value in the active fleet. These should be fully manned and equipped, however, for there will be many fields of usefulness for them. One field will be in assisting the land defenses, in protecting the mouths of harbors and mine-fields, in defending submarine bases, and acting as station ships in the coast-defense system. _Second Object_.--To repel an enemy expedition, striving to establish a base in the Caribbean, preparation would have to be made for as prompt a mobilization as possible; for although the threat of invasion of our coast would not carry with it the idea of such early execution as would a direct attack on New York, yet the actual establishment of a base so near our shores would give such advantages to a hostile nation for a future invasion, that measures to prevent it should be undertaken with the utmost possible thoroughness and despatch; because the operation of establishing a base involves many elements of difficulty that an active defender can hinder by aeroplane attacks, etc.; whereas, after a base has once been established and equipped with appropriate defenses, attacks upon it are much less productive of results. The endeavor to establish a base and the opposing effort to prevent it, will offer many opportunities for excellent work on both sides. Practically all the elements of naval force will be engaged, and events on the largest possible scale may be expected. The operations will naturally be more extended both in time and distance than in the case of a direct attack upon our coast, and therefore the task of logistics will be greater. Actual battle between large forces; minor engagements among aircraft, scouts, submarines, and destroyers; attacks on the train of the invader--even conflicts on shore--will be among the probabilities. _Third Object_.--To send a large expedition to carry out naval operations in far distant waters--in the south Atlantic, for instance, to prevent the extension of a monarchical government in South America, or in the western Pacific to defend our possessions there--calls for plans involving more logistical calculation and execution, but permitting a more leisurely procedure. The distances to be traversed are so great, the lack of bases is so distinct and so difficult to remedy, and the impossibility of arriving in time to prevent the seizing of land by any hostile expedition is so evident, that they combine to necessitate great thoroughness of preparation and only such a measure of despatch as can be secured without endangering thoroughness. Whether the projected expedition shall include troops, the conditions at the time must dictate. Troops with their transports will much complicate and increase the difficulties of the problem, and they may or may not be needed. The critical results can be accomplished by naval operations only; since nothing can be accomplished if the naval part of the expedition fails to secure the command of the sea; and the troops cannot be landed until it has been secured, unless the fact of securing it can safely be relied on in advance. For these reasons, the troops may be held back until the command of the sea has been secured, and then sent out as an independent enterprise. This would seem the more prudent procedure in most cases, since one successful night attack on a group of transports by an active enemy might destroy it altogether. But whether a military expedition should accompany the fleet, or follow a few hundred miles behind, or delay starting until command of the sea has been achieved, it is obvious that the logistic calculations and executive measures for sending a modern fleet to a very distant place, and sustaining it there for an indefinite period, must be of the highest order of difficulty. The difficulty will be reduced in cases where there is a great probability of being able to secure a base which would be able to receive large numbers of deep-draft ships in protected waters, to repair ships of all classes that might be wounded in battle, and to store and supply great quantities of ammunition, food, and fuel. No expedition of such magnitude has ever yet been made--though some of the expeditions of ancient times, such as the naval expedition of Persia against Greece, B. C. 480, and the despatch of the Spanish Armada in more recent days, may have been as difficult, considering the meagreness of the material and engineering resources of those epochs. But even if no military force accompanies the expedition, the enormous quantities of fuel, supplies, ammunition, medical stores, etc., that will be required, especially fuel; the world-wide interest that will be centred on the expedition; the international importance attaching to it; and the unspeakable necessity that the plans shall underestimate no difficulty and overlook no factor, point with a long and steady finger at the necessity of attacking this problem promptly and very seriously, and of detailing the officers and constructing the administrative machinery needed to make the calculations and to execute the measures that the calculations show to be required. _Static Defense of the Coast_.--But besides the mobile fleet which is a nation's principal concern, strategy requires that for certain points on the coast, where large national and commercial interests are centred, arrangements shall be made for what may be termed a "static defense," by vessels, mine-fields, submarines, aircraft, etc., assigned as permanent parts of the defense of these points, analogous to forts on the land. The naval activities of this species of defense will centre on the mine-fields which it is a great part of their duty to defend. To guard these, and to get timely information of the coming of any hostile force or raiding expedition, strategy says we must get our eyes and ears well out from the land. To do this, water craft and aircraft of various kinds are needed; and they must be not only sufficiently numerous over each area to scout the waters thoroughly, but they must be adapted to their purpose, manned by adequate and skilful crews, and organized so as to act effectively together. The work of this patrol system is not to be restricted, however, to getting and transmitting information. Certain of the craft must be armed sufficiently to drive off hostile craft, trying to drag or countermine the defensive mine-fields; some must be able to add to the defensive mine-fields by planting mines, and some must be able to pilot friendly ships through the defensive mine-fields; others still must be able to countermine, drag, and sweep for any offensive mines that the enemy may plant. Vessels for this patrol work do not have to be very large; in fact, for much of the work in the mine-fields, it were better if they were small, by reason of the ability of small vessels to turn in restricted spaces. It would seem that for the patrol service, the vessels of the Revenue Marine and Lighthouse Service (coast guard) are ideally adapted; but, of course, there are only a few in total. These would have to be supplemented by small craft of many kinds, such as tugs, fast motor-boats, fishing-boats, and trawlers. To find men competent to man such vessels and do the kind of work required would not be so difficult as to get men competent to man the more distinctive fighting ships. Good merchant sailors, fishermen, and tugboat men would fit into the work with considerable ease, and in quite a short time. Strategy declares, however, that a coast guard may be needed a very short time after war breaks out; and that the vessels and the men, with all the necessary equipment and all the necessary organization and training, should be put into actual operation beforehand. Not only the fleet, however, but all the bureaus and offices of the Navy Department, all the navy-yards, and an the radio stations, recruiting stations, hydrographic offices, training stations, and agencies for securing information from foreign countries, will have to pass instantly from a peace basis to a war basis. To do these things quickly and correctly many preliminaries must be arranged; but if the General Staff prepares good plans beforehand, arranges measures which will insure that the plans shall be promptly carried out, and holds a few mobilization drills to test them, the various bureaus and offices in the department can do the rest. If the fires have all been lighted, the engine gotten ready, and the boilers filled in time, the engineer may open the throttle confidently, when the critical time arrives, for the engine will surely do its part. But if the proper plans have not been made and executed, the sudden outbreak of war, in which any country becomes involved with a powerful naval country, will create confusion on a scale larger than any that the world has ever seen, and compared with which pandemonium would be a Quaker meeting. A realization of facts will come to that country, and especially to the naval authorities, that will overwhelm them with the consciousness of their inability to meet the crisis marching toward them with swift but unhurried tread--confident, determined, unescapable. Fear of national danger and the sense of shame, hopelessness and helplessness will combine to produce psychological effects so keen that even panic will be possible. Officers in high places at sea and on shore will send telegrams of inquiry and suggestion; civilians in public and private station will do the same. No fitting answers can be given, because there will be no time for reflection and deliberation. The fact that it would be impossible to get the various additions to the fleet and the patrol services ready in time, and the consciousness that it would be useless to do any less, will tend to bring on a desperate resolve to accept the situation and let the enemy do his worst. The actual result, however, will probably be like the result of similar situations in the past; that is, some course of action will be hastily decided on, not in the reasoned-out belief that it can accomplish much, but with the feeling that action of any kind will relieve the nervous tension of the public by giving an outlet for mental and physical exertion and will, besides, lend itself to self-encouragement, and create a feeling that proper and effective measures are being taken. Such conditions, though on a much smaller scale, are familiar to naval officers and are suggested by the supposititious order "somebody do something"; and we frequently see people placed in situations in which they do not know what to do, and so they do--not nothing, but anything; though it would often be wiser to do nothing than to do the thing they do do. Many of the inane remarks that people make are due to their finding themselves in situations in which they do not know what to say, but in which they feel impelled to say "something." Now what kind of "something" would be done under the stimulus of the outbreak of a war for which a country had not laid its plans? Can any worse situation be imagined--except the situation that would follow when the enemy arrived? The parable of the wise and foolish virgins suggests the situation, both in the foolishness of the unpreparedness and in the despair when the consequent disaster is seen approaching. In nearly all navies and armies, until the recent enormous increase in all kinds of material took place, the work of getting a navy ready for war in personnel and material was comparatively simple. This does not mean that it was easier then than now; because the facilities for construction, transportation, communication, and accounting were much less than now; but it does mean that the actual number of articles to be handled was much less, and the number of kinds of articles was also much less; and it also means that the various mechanical improvements, while they have facilitated construction, transportation, communication, and accounting, have done so for every nation; so that none of the competing navies have had their labors expedited or made less. On the contrary, the very means devised and developed for expediting work is of the nature of an instrument; and in order to use that instrument successfully, one has to study it and practise with it; so that the necessity for studying and practising with the instrument has added a new and difficult procedure to those before existing. Fifty years ago the various mechanisms of naval warfare were few, and those few simple. In our Navy Department the work of supplying those mechanisms was divided among several bureaus, and each bureau was given the duty and the accompanying power of supplying its particular quota. The rapid multiplication, during the past fifty years, of new mechanisms, and new kinds of mechanisms; the increased expense of those mechanisms compared with that of former mechanisms; the increased size and power of vessels, guns, and engines; the increased size and complexity of the utilities in navy-yards for handling them; the necessity for providing and using means and methods for despatching the resulting "business" speedily, and for guarding against mistakes in handling the multiplicity of details--the increase, in brief, in the number, size, and kinds of things that have to be done in preparation, has brought about not only more labor in doing those things by the various bureaus assigned to do them, but has brought about even more imperiously the demand for means whereby the central authority shall be assured that each bureau is doing its work. And it has brought about more imperiously still a demand that a clear conception shall be formed first of what must be done, and second of the maximum time that can be allowed for doing it. Clearly, the forming of a correct conception should not be expected of men not trained to form it; clearly, for instance, mere knowledge of electricity and mere skill in using electrical instruments cannot enable a man to devise radio apparatus for naval use; a certain amount of knowledge of purely naval and nautical matters is needed in addition. Clearly, the concept as to the kind of performance to be required of radio apparatus is not to be expected of a mere technician, but is to be expected of a strategist--and equally the ability to design, construct, and supply the apparatus is not to be expected of a strategist, but it is to be expected of a technician. A like remark may be made concerning any mechanism--say a gun, a torpedo, or an instrument, or a vessel of any kind. The strategist, by studying the requirements of probable war, concludes that a certain kind of thing is needed; and the technician supplies it, or does so to the best of his ability. The statement thus far made indicates a division of work into two sharply defined departments; and, theoretically, such a division does exist. This does not mean, however, that the strategist and the technician should work independently of each other. Such a procedure would result in the strategist demanding things the technician could not supply, and in the technician supplying things the strategist did not want, under a mistaken impression as to what the strategist wanted. The fullest and most intimate understanding and co-operation must exist between the strategist and the technician, as it must equally between the architect and the builder of a house. From an appreciation of such facts as these, every great Navy Department, except that of the United States, has developed a General Staff, which studies what should be done to prepare for passing from a state of peace to a state of war; which informs the minister at the head of the department what things should be done, and is given power to provide that the various bureaus and offices shall be able to do them when war breaks. This is the scheme which all the navy departments, except the American, have devised, to meet the sudden and violent shock of the outbreak of a modern war. _No other means has yet been devised_, and no other means is even forecasted. The means is extremely simple in principle, but complex beyond the reach of an ordinary imagination in detail. It consists simply in writing down a digest of all the various things that are to be done, dividing the task of doing them among the various bureaus and offices that are authorized by law to do them, and then seeing that the bureaus shall be able to do them in the time allowed. The best way of ascertaining if the bureaus are able to do them is to mobilize--to put into commission and send out to sea all the craft that will be needed, fully equipped with a trained personnel and with a well-conditioned material; and then direct the commander-in-chief to solve a definite strategic problem--say to defend the coast against a hypothetical enemy fleet--the solution including tactical games by day and night. Before attempting the solution of a strategic problem by an entire naval force, however, it is usual to hold mobilization exercises of a character less complete, in the same way that any course of training begins with drills that are easy and progresses to drills that are difficult. The simplest of all the preparative drills--if drills they correctly can be called--is the periodical reporting, once a month, or once a quarter, by each bureau and office, of its state of readiness; the report to be in such detail as experience shows to be the best. In the days when each bureau's preparation consisted of comparatively few things to do, the chief of that bureau could be relied on to do the things required to be done by his bureau; and his oral assurance to the secretary that--say all the ships had enough ammunition, or that adequate provision had been made for coal, or that there were enough enlisted men--would fulfil all requirements. But in the past fifty years, the requirements have increased a hundredfold, while the human mind has remained just as it was. So it has seemed necessary to institute a system of periodical preparation reports, to examine them carefully, and to use all possible vigilance, lest any item be forgotten or any work done by two bureaus that ought to be done by only one. Who should examine the reports? Naturally the same persons as decide what should be done. The same studies and deliberations that fit a person to decide what is needed, fit him to inspect the product that is offered to supply the need; not only to see if it comes up to the specifications, but also to decide whether or not any observed omission is really important; to decide whether, in view of certain practical difficulties, the specifications may be modified; and also to decide whether certain improvements suggested by any bureau should or should not be adopted. This procedure may seem to put the strategy officers "over" the technical officers, to put a lieutenant-commander on the General Staff "over" a rear admiral who is chief of bureau; but such an idea seems hardly justified. In any well-designed organization relative degrees of official superiority are functions of rank, and of nothing else; superiority in rank must, of course, be recognized, for the reason that when on duty together the junior must obey the senior. But even this superiority is purely official; it is a matter of position, and not a matter of honor. All the honor that is connected with any position is not by reason of the position itself, but by reason of the honorable service which a man must have rendered in order to attain it, and which he must continue to render in order to maintain it. So, in a Navy Department, the General Staff officers cannot be "over" the bureau officers, unless by law or regulation certain of the staff are made to rank over certain bureau officers. A procedure like this would seem to be unnecessary, except in the case of the chief of staff himself, who might, for the purpose of prompt administration, be placed by law over the bureau chiefs. The importance of the question, however, does not rest on a personal basis, but a national basis. It makes no difference to the nation whether Smith is put above Jones, or Jones above Smith; and in all discussions of national matters it is essential to bear in mind clearly not only that national questions must not be obscured by the interjection of the personal element, but also that great vigilance is needed to prevent it. For the reason that questions of the salaries of government officials have been settled in advance, questions of personal prestige and authority are more apt to intrude themselves among them than among men in civil life, whose main object is to "make a living"--and as good a living as they can. In the long struggle that has gone on in the United States Navy Department between the advocates and the opponents of a General Staff, the personal element has clouded the question--perhaps more than any other element. Not only in the department itself, but in Congress, the question of how much personal "power" the General Staff would have has been discussed interminably--as though the personal element were of any importance whatever. Such an attitude toward "power" is not remarkable when held by civilians, but it is remarkable when held by men who have had a military or naval training. Of course, there is an instinct in all men to crave power; but it is not recognized as an instinct wholly worthy. It is associated in most men's minds with a desire for material possessions, such as money or political position, and not with such aspirations as a desire for honor. In other words, a strong desire for wealth or power, while natural and pardonable, is considered a little sordid; while a desire for honor, or for opportunity to do good service, is held to be commendable. So, when public officials, either military or civilian, condemn a measure because it will give somebody "power," the reason given seems to be incomplete, unless a further reason is given which states the harm that would be done by conferring the "power." Military and naval men exercise "power" from the beginning of their careers until their careers are closed; and they exercise it under the sane and restraining influence of responsibility; without which influence, the exercise of power is unjustifiable, and under which influence the exercise of power is a burden--and oftentimes a heavy one. That men trained as military men are trained, should aspire to power for power's own sake, is a little hard to understand--unless it be confessed that the person desiring the power appreciates its pleasing features more than its responsibilities, and regards its duties more lightly than its glories. Few men, even those who shoulder responsibility the most courageously, desire responsibility for its own sake--and so the fact of a man ardently desiring "power" seems a good reason for withholding power from him. And what is "power," in the sense in which officials, both military and civilian, use the word? Is it ability to do good service, or is it ability to bestow favors in order that favors may be received, to give orders to others coupled with authority to enforce obedience, or to take revenge for injuries received or fancied? Of course, "power" is ability to do all these things, good and bad. But if a man desires power simply to do good service, and if he holds a highly conscientious view of the accompanying duties and responsibilities, will he crave "power" as much as some men seem to do? It seems fundamental, then, that any strategic plan for preparing the Navy Department for war should be framed with a strong endeavor to leave out the personal element, and should regard national usefulness only. If this be done successfully, and if good selections be made of the personnel to do it, it will be found that the members of the personnel will think no more about their "power" than does an officer of the deck while handling a battleship in fleet formation during his four hours on the bridge. In preparing the department for war, one would be in danger of being overwhelmed by the enormousness and the complexity of the task, unless he bore in mind continuously that _it is only when we get into details that any matter becomes complex_; and therefore that if we can get a clear idea of the whole subject, the principles that underlie it, and the major divisions into which it naturally is divided, we can then make those divisions and afterward subdivide those divisions, and later divide the subdivisions; so that the whole subject will seem to fall apart as a fowl does under the hands of a skilful carver. The divisions and subdivisions of the subject having been made, the remaining task, while onerous, will be largely a matter of copying and of filling in blank forms. As all navy departments have means regulated by law such that the actual executive work of recruiting, constructing, and supplying the necessary personnel and material shall be done by certain bureaus and offices, strategy does not need executive power, except for forcing the bureaus and offices to do the necessary work--should such forcing become necessary. Strategy being the art of being a general (_strategos_), one cannot conceive of it as bereft of executive power, since we cannot conceive of a general exercising generalship without having executive power. It is true that strategy occupies itself mainly with planning--but so does a general; and it is also true that strategy itself does not make the soldiers march, but neither does a general; it is the colonels and captains and corporals who make the soldiers march. The general plans the campaign and arranges the marches, the halts, the bivouacs, provisions, ammunition, etc., through his logistical officers, and they give the executive officers general instructions as to how to carry out the general's plans. Strategy without executive functions would be like a mind that could think, but was imprisoned in a body which was paralyzed. Of course, strategy should have executive functions for the purposes of strategy only; under the guidance of policy and to execute policy's behests. Policy is the employer, and strategy the employee. CHAPTER XI NAVAL BASES The nature of naval operations necessitates the expenditure of fuel, ammunition, and supplies; wear and tear of machinery; fatigue of personnel; and a gradual fouling of the bottoms of the ships. In case actual battles mark the operations, the expenditure of stored-up energy of all kinds is very great indeed, and includes not only damage done to personnel and material by the various agencies of destruction, but actual loss of vessels. To furnish the means of supplying and replenishing the stored-up energy required for naval operations is the office of naval bases. A naval base capable of doing this for a large fleet must be a very great establishment. In such a naval base, one must be able to build, dock, and repair vessels of all kinds, and the mechanisms needed in those vessels; anchor a large fleet in safety behind adequate military and naval protection; supply enough fuel, ammunition, and supplies for all purposes, and accommodate large reserves of material and personnel. Inasmuch as a naval base is purely a means for expending energy for military purposes, and has no other cause for its existence, it is clear that it cannot be self-supporting. For this reason it is highly desirable that a naval base shall be near a great city, especially if that city be a large commercial and manufacturing centre. It is true that many large naval bases, such as Malta and Gibraltar are not near great cities; and it is true that most large naval bases have no facilities for building ships. But it is also true that few large naval bases fulfil all the requirements of a perfect naval base; in fact it is true that none do. The most obvious requirement of a naval base is a large sheet of sheltered water, in which colliers and oil-carriers may lie and give coal and oil to fighting craft, and in which those fighting craft may lie tranquilly at anchor, and carry on the simple and yet necessary repairs and adjustments to machinery that every cruising vessel needs at intervals. Without the ability to fuel and repair, no fleet could continue long at work, any more than a man could do so, without food and the repairs which nature carries on in sleep. The coming of oil fuel and the consequent ease of fuelling, the practicability even of fuelling in moderate weather when actually at sea, subtract partially one of the reasons for naval bases; but they leave the other reasons still existent, especially the reasons connected with machinery repairs. The principal repair, and the one most difficult to furnish, is that given by docking in suitable docks. The size and expense of docks capable of carrying dreadnaughts and battle cruisers are so great, and their vulnerability to fire from ships and from aircraft is so extreme, that the matter of dry-docks is perhaps the most troublesome single matter connected with a naval base. The necessity of anchorage areas for submarines is a requirement of naval bases that has only recently been felt; and the present war shows a still newer requirement in suitable grounds for aircraft. The speed of aircraft, however, is so great that little delay or embarrassment would result if the camp for aircraft were not at the base itself. Instead of the camp being on Culebra, for instance, it might well be on Porto Rico. The extreme delicacy of aircraft, however, and the necessity for quick attention in case of injuries, especially injuries to the engine, demand a suitable base even more imperiously than do ships and other rugged things. That the vessels anchored in the base should be protected from the fire of ships at sea and from guns on neighboring shores is clear. Therefore, even if a base be hidden from the sea and far from it as is the harbor of Santiago, it must be protected by guns, or mines, or both; the guns being nearer to the enemy than are the ships in the waters of the base. An island having high bluffs, where large guns can be installed, and approached by gradually shoaling waters in which mines can be anchored, with deeper water outside in which submarines can operate, is desirable from this point of view. Ability to store and protect large quantities of provisions is essential, and especially in the case of ammunition and high explosives. For storing the latter, a hilly terrain has advantages, since tunnels can be run horizontally into hills, where explosives can lie safe from attack, even attack from aircraft dropping bombs above them. Naturally, the country that has led the world in the matter of naval bases is Great Britain; and the world at large has hardly yet risen to a realization of the enduring work that she has been quietly doing for two hundred years, in establishing and fortifying commodious resting-places for her war-ships and merchant ships in all the seas. While other nations have been devoting themselves to arranging and developing the interiors of their countries, Great Britain has searched all the oceans, has explored all the coasts, has established colonies and trading stations everywhere, and formed a network of intimate commercial relations which covers the world and radiates from London. To protect her commercial stations and her merchant ships from unfair dealings in time of peace, and from capture in time of war, and to threaten all rivals with defeat should they resort to war, Great Britain has built up the greatest navy in the world. And as this navy pervades the world, and as her merchant ships dot every sea and display Great Britain's ensign in every port, Great Britain has not failed to provide for their safety and support a series of naval stations that belt the globe. Bases are of many kinds, and may be divided into many classes. An evident ground for division is that of locality in relation to the home country. Looked at from this point of view, we may divide naval bases into two classes, home bases and distant bases. _Home Bases_.--A home base is, as its name implies, a base situated in the home country. The most usual type of the home naval base is the navy-yard, though few navy-yards can meet all the requirements of a naval base. The New York navy-yard, for instance, which is our most important yard, lacks three of the most vital attributes of a naval base, in that it has no means for receiving and protecting a large fleet, it cannot be approached by large ships except at high tide, and it could not receive a seriously injured battleship at any time, because the channel leading to it is too shallow. Home bases that approach perfection were evidenced after the battle off the Skagerak; for the wounded ships of both sides took refuge after the battle in protected bases, where they were repaired and refitted, and resupplied with fighting men and fuel. These bases seem to have been so located, so protected, and so equipped, as to do exactly what bases are desired to do; they were "bases of operations" in the best sense. The fleets of the opposing sides started from those bases as nearly ready as human means and foresight could devise, returned to them for refreshment after the operations had been concluded, and, during the operations, were based upon those bases. If the bases of either fleet had been improperly located, or inadequately protected or equipped, that fleet would not have been so completely ready for battle as, in fact, it was; and it could not have gone to its base for shelter and repairs so quickly and so surely as, in fact, it did. Many illustrations can be found in history of the necessity for naval bases; but the illustration given by this battle of May 31 is of itself so perfect and convincing, that it seems hardly necessary or even desirable to bring forward any others. The fact of the nearness to each other of the bases of the two contending fleets--the nearness of Germany and Great Britain in other words--coupled with the nearness of the battle itself to the bases, and the fact that both fleets retired shortly afterward to the bases, bring out in clear relief the efficacy of bases; but nevertheless their efficacy would have been even more strongly shown if the battle had been near to the bases of the more powerful fleet, but far from the bases of the other fleet--as was the case at the battle, near Tsushima, in the Japan Sea. Of course the weaker fleet in the North Sea battle would not have been drawn into battle under such conditions, because it would not have had a safe refuge to retreat to. It was the proximity of an adequate naval base, that could be approached through protected waters only, which justified the weaker fleet in dashing out and taking advantage of what seemed to be an opportunity. Similarly, if the Russian fleet in the Japan Sea had had a base near by, from which it had issued ready in all ways, and to which it could have retired as soon as the battle began to go against it, the Russian disaster might not have occurred, and full command of the sea by the Japanese might have been prevented. But there being no base or harbor of refuge, disaster succeeded disaster in a cumulative fashion, and the Russian fleet was annihilated in deep water. If a naval base were lacking to the more powerful fleet, as was the case in the battle of Manila, the effect would in many cases be but slight--as at Manila. If, however, the more powerful fleet were badly injured, the absence of a base would be keenly felt and might entail disaster in the future, even though the more powerful fleet were actually victorious. The Japanese fleet was practically victorious at the battle of August 10, near Port Arthur; but if it had not been able to refit and repair at a naval base, it would have met the Russian fleet later with much less probability of success. Mahan states that the three main requirements in a naval base are position, resources, and strength; and of these he considers that position is the most important; largely because resources and strength can be artificially supplied, while position is the gift of nature, and cannot be moved or changed. Mahan's arguments seem to suggest that the bases he had in mind were bases distant from home, not home bases; since reference is continually made by him to the distance and direction of bases from important strategic points of actual or possible enemies. His arguments do not seem to apply with equal force to home bases, for the reason that home bases are intended primarily as bases from which operations are to start; secondarily as bases to which fleets may return, and only remotely as bases during operations; whereas, distant bases are intended as points from which operations may continually be carried on, during the actual prosecution of a war. The position of a home base, for instance, as referred to any enemy's coasts or bases, is relatively unimportant, compared with its ability to fit out a fleet; while, on the other hand, the position of distant bases, such as Hong-Kong, Malta, or Gibraltar, relatively to the coasts of an enemy, is vital in the extreme. It is the positions of these three bases that make them so valuable to their holders; placed at points of less strategic value, the importance of those bases would be strategically less. Home bases are valuable mainly by reason of their resources. This does not mean that position is an unimportant factor; it does not mean, for instance, that a naval base would be valuable if situated in the Adirondack Mountains, no matter how great resources it might have. It does mean, however, that the "position" that is important for a home base is the position that the base holds relatively to large home commercial centres and to the open sea. New York, for instance, could be made an excellent naval base, mainly because of the enormous resources that it has and its nearness to the ocean. Philadelphia, likewise, could be made valuable, though Philadelphia's position relatively to deep water is far from good. "Position," as used in this sense, is different from the "position" meant by Mahan, who used the word in its strategic sense. The position of Philadelphia relatively to deep water could be changed by simply deepening the channel of the Delaware; but no human power could change the strategic position of Malta or Gibraltar. Yet for even home bases, position, resources, and strength must be combined to get a satisfactory result; the "position" not being related to foreign naval bases, however, but to large industrial establishments, mainly in order that working men of various classes may be secured when needed. The requirements of work on naval craft are so discontinuous that steady employment can be provided for comparatively few men only; so that a sort of reservoir is needed, close at hand, which can be drawn up when men are needed, and into which men can be put back, whenever the need for them has ceased. And the same commercial and industrial conditions that assure a supply of skilled workers, assure a supply of provisions and all kinds of material as well. _Distant Bases_.--Distant bases have two fields of usefulness which are distinct, though one implies the other; one field being merely that of supplying a fleet and offering a refuge in distress, and the other field being that of contributing thereby to offensive and defensive operations. No matter in which light we regard a distant naval base, it is clear that position, resources, and strength must be the principal factors; but as soon as we concentrate our attention on the operations that may be based upon it, we come to realize how strong a factor position, that is strategic position, is. The base itself is an inert collection of inert materials; these materials can be useful to the operations of a fleet that bases on it; but if the fleet is operating in the Pacific, a base in the Atlantic is not immediately valuable to it, no matter what strength and resources the base may have. The functions of a home base are therefore those that the name "home" implies; to start the fleet out on its mission, to receive it on its return, and to offer rest, refuge, and succor in times of accident and distress. The functions of a distant base concern more nearly the operations of a prolonged campaign. A distant base is more difficult to construct as a rule; largely because the fact of its distance renders engineering operations difficult and because the very excellence of its position as an outpost makes it vulnerable to direct attack and often to a concentration of attacks coming from different directions. If naval operations are to be conducted at considerable distance from home, say in the Caribbean Sea, distant bases are necessary, since without them, the fleet will operate under a serious handicap. Under some conditions, a fleet operating in the Caribbean without a base there, against an enemy that had established a satisfactory base, might have its normal fighting efficiency reduced 50 per cent, or even more. A fleet is not a motionless fort, whose strength lies only in its ability to fire guns and withstand punishment; a fleet is a very live personality, whose ability to fight well--like a pugilist's--depends largely on its ability to move quickly and accurately, and to think quickly and accurately. The best pugilists are not usually the strongest men, though physical strength is an important factor; the best pugilists are men who are quick as well as strong, who see an advantage or a danger quickly, and whose eyes, nerves, and muscles act together swiftly and harmoniously. A modern fleet, filled with high-grade machinery of all kinds, manned by highly trained men to operate it, and commanded by officers fit to be intrusted with such responsibilities, is a highly developed and sensitive organism--and, like all highly developed and sensitive organisms, exists in a state of what may be called "unstable equilibrium." As pointed out in previous pages, the high skill needed to perform well any very difficult task can be gained only by great practice in overcoming difficulties and eliminating errors of many kinds; and when the difficulties are manifold and great, a comparatively small increase or decrease in the overcoming of them makes a great difference in the results attained. An interesting though possibly not very correct analogy is to be seen in the case of a polished surface; for we readily note that the more highly polished the surface is, the more easily it is sullied. Another analogy may be found in the performance of a great pianist or violinist; for a very small failure in his skill for even an instant will produce a painful feeling that could not be produced by a much greater failure in an ordinary performer. Another analogy is to be found in the case of a ship that is going at the upper limit of her speed; for a very minor failure of any part of her machinery will produce a much greater slowing than it would if her speed were slower. Perhaps apologies are in order for dwelling so long on what may seem to some an academic question, but it does not seem to the writer to be academic at all. Certainly, the "condition" of a pugilist, or a fleet, about to fight, is not an academic consideration; and if it is not, no matter which affects this condition can rightfully be considered academic. The whole usefulness of bases is due to their ability to put fleets into good fighting condition and to maintain them in it; and it seems a very proper and useful thing to note that the more highly trained a fleet is, and the more highly organized the various appliances the fleet contains, the more difference results from a falling off in the condition of its personnel and material. This shows the advantage of having a base as close to the place where a fight is going to happen as may be possible. This does not mean, of course, that a fleet should remain for long periods within its base; because a fleet, like any other practiser of any art, needs constant practice. It merely means that the closer the base is to the scene of the operations or the actual battle, the better "tuned up" the personnel and material will be. It also means that this consideration is of the highest practical importance. _Advanced Bases_.--The extreme desirability of having a base near the scene of operations, even if the base be only temporarily held, has led to the use of what are called "advanced bases." An excellent and modern illustration of an advanced base is the base which the Japanese established at the Elliot Islands about sixty miles from Port Arthur, which the Japanese were besieging. The Russian fleet could issue from their base at Port Arthur whenever the Russians wished, and return to it at will. While inside, until the Japanese had landed and attacked them from the land side, the Russians could make their preparations in security and leisure, and then go out. The Japanese fleet, on the other hand, until they had established their base, were forced to remain under way at sea, and to accept action at the will of the Russians; so that, although Port Arthur was besieged, the advantages of the offensive, to some extent, resided with the Russians. The establishment of the base did not, of course, change the situation wholly; but it permitted a very considerable relaxation of vigilance and mental strain on the part of the Japanese, and a considerable easement of the motive power of their ships. Naturally, the Japanese made arrangements whereby their heavy ships could remain in comparative tranquillity near the base, while destroyers and scouts of various kinds kept touch with Port Arthur, and notified the base by wireless of any probable sortie by the Russian fleet. The temporary advanced base at the Elliot Islands was, as temporary advanced bases always must be, quite incomplete in every way as compared with the permanent bases at home. It fulfilled its mission, however, and was in fact as good a base as really was required. The strategic ability of the Japanese was indicated quite early in the war by the promptness and skill with which they established this base. Of course, all advanced bases are distant bases, but the words usually imply temporariness, as does in fact the word "advance." An instance of an advanced base that has been far from temporary is the island of Jamaica, and another is the island of Bermuda; another is Malta, and still another is Gibraltar. These bases form stepping-stones, by which Great Britain's navy may go by easy stages from one position to another, stopping at a base when desired, or going beyond it without stopping, secure in the knowledge that the base is "under her lee" in case of accident or distress. Viewed from the standpoint of operations in an actual war, the strategic value of a certain position for a base is important, no matter whether the operations are offensive or defensive; and the same factors that make a position good for defensive operations make it good for offensive operations also. For instance, if we wish to send a fleet on a hostile expedition to a distant point, it is well to have a base on a salient as far out as practicable from the coast, in order that the fleet may be able to start, full of fuel and supplies, from a place near the distant point; and equally, if we are to receive an attack upon the coast, it is well to have a base far out, in order to embarrass the transit of the enemy toward our coast, by the threat--first against his flank, and later against his rear and his communications. Naval bases looked at from this point of view resemble those forts that European nations place along their frontiers. It is true that any base placed at a salient has the weakness of all salients, in that fire can be concentrated on it from several directions; and a naval base has the added disadvantage of a more difficult withdrawal, if attacked by an overwhelming force, and a longer line of communications that has to be protected. But this weakness all distant bases have, from the fact that they are distant; and, naturally, the more distant they are, the more difficult it is to support them, because the longer are their lines of communications. Distant naval bases, therefore, are vulnerable in a high degree; they are vulnerable both to direct attack and to an attack on their lines of communications; and the factors that help a base in one way injure it in another. If a naval base is placed on a rock, or a rugged little island that holds nothing else, and on which a hostile army could not land, it is very safe from land attack; whereas, if it is placed on a large and fertile island, on which an invading army could easily land, it is extremely vulnerable to land attack. But, on the other hand, the naval base on the inaccessible island could be starved out by simply breaking its lines of communications, while the naval base on the large and fertile island might be able to survive indefinitely, even though the communications were wholly ruptured. The establishment of any permanent distant naval base is a matter of great expense, even if the natural conditions are favorable. But favorable conditions have rarely existed; and the expense of establishing such bases as Malta, Gibraltar, and Heligoland has been tremendous. An important consideration has been the fact that, unless the base were made so strong that it could not be taken, it might be better not to attempt to fortify it, on the theory that it would be better to let a poor naval base fall into the hands of the enemy than a good one. To this reasoning, the answer is usually made that no base can be made absolutely impregnable, and that sufficient defense will be provided if it makes the task and cost of capturing the base greater than the base is worth. This means simply that the more valuable the base is, the more money should be spent in defending it; and that _it is worse than useless to defend it by any means that is obviously too small, in proportion to its value_. It often happens that the places that have the best position are weak in strength and resources; a notable instance is Gibraltar, another is Culebra, and the most notable of all is Guam. None of these places is fortunate in either resources or natural strength, though Gibraltar was strong for the artillery of the time when the base was established there. In fact, it is hard to think of any place that combines in itself the three advantages of a fine strategical position, large resources, and great strength. The three attributes seem almost incompatible; for how can a base far distant from its home be well placed with reference to attacking the lines of communication of any enemy intending to attack the home coast, and yet have its own lines of communications safe? How can it have a sheet of water, just deep enough but not too deep to anchor a large fleet in, with all of its auxiliaries extensive enough to accommodate all the vessels and far enough from the sea to be safe from gun-fire, and yet be on an island so small and so rugged, that an enemy could not land troops near the base and capture it from the land side, as the Japanese captured Port Arthur? The natural strategic advantages of a large and sheltered sheet of water seem to entail the disadvantages of a large island, or a continent. There seems only one way in which to solve the problem of where and how to establish a permanent naval base at a distant point, and that is the way in which the world's preceptor--Great Britain--has solved it; and the solution is to select a place that has already the advantage of position, and then add to it the artificial advantages of resources and military strength. This brief statement makes the matter seem a little too simple; and so it will have to be modified by adding that the mere fact of a place having a fine position is not quite sufficient, because the place must be of such a character that it is capable of having resources and strength added to it; a sharp pinnacle rock in the middle of the Mediterranean, for instance, might have a fine strategic position, and yet be unavailable as a naval base. Even here, however, we must pause to note that energy and will could do much toward making even a pinnacle rock a naval base; for we see the gigantic fortress of Heligoland erected on what was little but a shoal; and we see the diminutive water areas of Malta and Gibraltar made to hold in safety the war-ships of the greatest navy in the world. Despite the paramount importance of strategic position, we must not forget that a naval base should have sufficient military strength to be able to hold out for a long time against hostile operations, as many bases, notably Gibraltar and Port Arthur, have done, without the assistance of the fleet. The German base at Kiao-chau held out for more than two months in 1914, without any external aid. During all the time of siege, even if surrender is ultimately to occur, the enemy's forces are prevented from being utilized elsewhere. This condition was clearly shown during the siege of Port Arthur, because the large force of Japanese troops required to conduct the siege were urgently needed in Manchuria--to which region they were sent as soon as Port Arthur fell. From this point of view, naval bases again look much like fortresses on the land; fortresses like Metz and Strasburg, that had to be subdued before an enemy could safely pass them. _Strategic Position of Distant Bases_.--Since the strategic position of an outlying naval base is the principal factor that goes to make its value, it may be well to consider what elements make a strategic position good. To make the problem clear, let us take a concrete case, that of our own country, and consider what elements would constitute a good strategic position for a naval base of the United States, leaving out of consideration for the moment any questions of resources and military strength. In the case of a war with a nation that had only one naval home base, it is clear that the best position for our distant base would be one as close to the enemy's base as possible; because, if placed there, our fleet, if it were the more powerful, could do more to injure the enemy's fleet, or prevent its going out, than if placed at any point more distant from the enemy's base; and if it were less powerful, it could do more to cut the enemy's communications, because it could attack them at or near their source. A poor position would be one far away from both countries, and far away from the line joining them. In the case of a war between this country and Norway, for instance, a very poor position for a naval base would be a spot near--say Juan Fernandez--in the south Pacific. In case the enemy country has two home bases of equal importance, the best position for our base clearly would be one equidistant from them, and as near to each as practicable. If the distance from our base to a point half-way between the two bases is shorter than is the distance to it from either base, then a fleet at our base could probably prevent the junction of two forces issuing from those two bases--assuming, of course, that we had a proper system of scouting. Our fleet would be able to operate on what are often called "interior lines"--a technical expression that has great efficacy in confusing a simple matter. It is also assumed that our fleet is considerably stronger than either of the two separated enemy forces; otherwise our case would be hopeless. If the two home bases of the enemy are unequal in importance, it would seem that our base should be nearer to the important base than to the other. More strictly speaking, it should be nearer to the base from which the larger force may be expected to come out. If the enemy country have three or more bases, from which parts of a fleet may be expected to come out, the question seems a little more complex; but nevertheless, since the first duty of our fleet would probably be to prevent junctions or a junction, of the separated parts of the enemy's fleet, the best position for our home base would be at a point about equally distant from them all, and as close to them as possible. In the wars between Great Britain and France in the early part of the nineteenth century, the base of the British fleet for operations on the western and northern coasts of France was as close to the enemy home bases as practicable--though the base was England itself. For operations on France's southern coast, the base was at Gibraltar, or some Mediterranean island. That any country should be able to hold a distant base close to the home base of a possible naval enemy might seem impossible, if we did not know that Great Britain holds Bermuda and Jamaica near to our own coast, and Hong-Kong actually inside of China, all far away from Britain; besides Malta and Gibraltar in the Mediterranean, nearer to the coasts of sometime enemies than to her own. That the United States should own a base far from her own coasts, and near those of other countries, might seem improbable, were it not for the fact that Guam is such a base, and is so situated. It is true that Guam is not strictly a naval base, because it is not so equipped or fortified; but we are thinking now of position only. In case the enemy country has several home bases, and it is impossible to have our distant base so near to them as to prevent the junction of parts of a fleet issuing from them, the value of the base is less than it otherwise would be. In this case, which is the one in which our country is actually concerned, because of its great distance from other countries, its value becomes merely the usual value attaching to a naval base; and the fact that the entire enemy fleet can operate as a unit, that it can divide into separate forces at will near its own shores, or send out detachments to prey on the long line of communications stretching from our distant base to that base's home, necessitates that the base be fortified in the strongest possible way, and provided with large amounts of supplies. Its principal function in war would be to shorten the long trip that our vessels would have to make without refreshment, and therefore the length of their lines of communications, and to enable our vessels to arrive in enemy's waters in better condition of readiness for battle than would otherwise be the case. We have thus far considered the best position for an advanced naval base, in the case of operations against one country only. It seems clear that, if we are to consider operations against two countries separately, and at different times, we should be led to conclude that the case of each country should be decided individually; in the case of wars with Norway and Portugal, for instance, the best places for our two bases would be as close to the home bases of those countries as possible; and even in the case of fighting two simultaneously, the conclusion would be the same, if the two countries were in widely different directions from us--as are Switzerland and China. If we consider the case of war against two contiguous countries simultaneously, however, it would seem better to have one base, situated similarly toward the home bases of the two countries as toward two different home bases in one country--since the two countries would be, in effect, allies; and their fleets would act in reality like separated portions of one fleet. As the United States possesses no island on the Atlantic side which is nearer to foreign countries than to our own, and as our interests for the immediate future lie mostly on the Atlantic side, it may be well now to apply the general principles just considered to the question of where is a naval base most urgently needed under actual conditions. Imagining a war between us and some one European naval Power, and imagining a war also between us and two or three allied European naval Powers, and realizing the length of our Atlantic and Gulf coasts, extending from Maine to Panama, a glance at the map shows us that, apart from the home naval bases on our continental coasts, the position on American soil which is the closest to European bases is on the little island of Culebra, which occupies a salient in the northeastern end of the Caribbean Sea.[*] [Footnote *: The acquisition by the United States of the island of Saint Thomas, about 20 miles east of Culebra, if accomplished, will extend the salient just so much farther toward Europe.] The only reason an enemy would have for entering the Caribbean would be an intention to attack the Panama Canal region, or an intention to establish an advanced base, from which he could conduct more or less deliberate siege of our Atlantic coast and cities. In either case, our fleet would be seriously handicapped if it had no adequate base in the Caribbean; because its line of communications north would be exposed to the enemy's operations at all times; and seriously wounded American ships would have little chance of getting repairs; little chance even of making successfully the long trip to Norfolk or New York. In case the enemy fleet should start from Europe fully prepared in every way, we should be in ignorance of its intended destination; and as the enemy fleet would be stronger than ours (otherwise it would not start) it would doubtless be able to destroy our undefended station at Guantanamo, seize some suitable place in the West Indies, say the Bay of Samana, and then establish a base there, unless we had first seized and fortified all suitable localities; and the United States would then find itself in the anomalous position of being confronted near its own coasts with an enemy fleet well based for war, while her own fleet would not be based at all. Not only would the enemy fleet be superior in power, but it would possess the strategical advantage, though far from its own shores. The situation, therefore, about a month after the foreign fleet left Europe, would be that the Caribbean Sea would contain a hostile fleet which was not only superior to ours in power, but was securely resting on a base; while ours had no base south of Norfolk, the other side of Hatteras. Our fleet would be in a position similar to that of the Russian fleet when it rushed to its destruction in Tsushirna Straits, though not in so great a degree; because it would have had more recent docking and refitting in our home ports, and the personnel would be fresher. In case, however, we had a naval base strongly fortified and thoroughly equipped, at a salient in the Caribbean region, say at Culebra, and if our fleet were based upon it, a hostile fleet, even if it were considerably superior to our own, would hesitate to pass it and enter the Caribbean, by reason of the continuous threat that the fleet would exert on its communications. Even if the hostile fleet should pass Culebra, and establish a base farther on, an American force based on Culebra would continue to exert this threat on the communications between the hostile base and its mother country. An American base--say at Guantanamo--would be very effective in embarrassing hostile operations _west_ of Guantanamo, because it would be on the flank of the line of communications extending from Europe; but it would be comparatively ineffective in embarrassing operations east of it, since the hostile line of communications would be protected from it by the interposition of its own main body; this interposition necessitating the despatch of defending forces around that main body. The coming hostile force would push before it all resistance, and leave the sea free for the passage of its auxiliaries and supplies. A defending force, operating from Guantanamo, in endeavoring to prevent a hostile fleet from establishing a base to the _eastward_ of it, would act much less effectively than a force operating from Culebra. Not only would the force from Guantanamo have to pass around the main body to attack the train; it would again have to pass around the main body to get back to Guantanamo; whereas a force operating from Culebra could make a direct attack upon the enemy's train, and then a direct retreat to Culebra. This comparison assumes, as has been said, that the matter of resources and strength are not in question; that is, that they are equal in our two supposition bases. But, as in practice they would not be equal, the practical point to consider is how much strength and resources can compensate for inferiority of position, and how much position must be insisted on. Of course, no correct quantitative answer can be given, except by accident. The problem, unfortunately, cannot be solved by mathematics, for the simple reason that no quantitative values can be assigned to the various factors, and because no mathematical formula now exists that expresses their relations to each other. It may be pointed out, however, that if a position be good, strength and resources can be artificially supplied; and that the cost of doing this, even on a tremendous scale, is relatively small compared to the cost of the fleet which the base will support, and in distress protect. In other words, we may be able to form an estimate of the relative values of bases, say at Guantanamo and Culebra, even if we cannot ascribe arithmetical values to each, and compare arithmetically those arithmetical values. If, for instance, we see that a fleet costing $500,000,000, would, if it operated from a base at Culebra, be 10 per cent more effective than if it operated from Guantanamo, and that it would cost $20,000,000 more to make a strong base there than to make an equally strong one at Guantanamo, we should conclude that, since 10 per cent of $500,000,000 is $50,000,000, it would be wise to spend that $20,000,000, even if we had to forego the building of one battlesbip. We should come to the same conclusion, if we realized that no matter what their comparative values might be, a base at one place would not meet our necessities, and a base at the other place would. If a base at Guantanamo would not meet our necessities in case of an invasion of the Caribbean by a naval fleet superior to ours, then it seems idle to discuss the value of Guantanamo relative to some other place, no matter how good the position of Guantanamo may be, and no matter how nearly it may approximate to adequacy. There is no real usefulness in having a naval base anywhere, unless that naval base can accomplish the purpose for which it is desired. A naval base is desired for purposes of war, and for no other purpose whatever; and to decide on a position for a base without keeping this fact clearly in view, is to act on an underestimate of the situation, the folly of which has been pointed out in previous pages. We may conclude, then, that in deciding on the place for a distant permanent naval base, on which the operations of a whole fleet are to base for war, we should select the best site available, even if military strength and resources may have to be added to it artificially--unless in the case of any site considered the difficulties of adding them are insuperable. The last sentence may seem like shirking the whole question, because it does not state what "insuperable" means; so it may be well to add that in modern days few engineering difficulties are insuperable, as the existence of the fortress at Heligoland shows. If the submarine and the mine did not exist, the difficulties would be greater than they actually are; because guns alone, no matter how carefully mounted and protected, could hardly be expected to keep off indefinitely the attack of a heavy fleet, or even to save from injury the fighting and auxiliary vessels anchored in its waters. But the submarine and mine combine to keep fighting ships at distances greater than those over which ship's guns can fire, and reduce the amount of fortification required on shore. One of the principal sources of expense in establishing bases at some points would be that of dredging out harbors sufficiently extensive, while harbors sufficiently extensive are provided already by nature in such localities as Samana. But, as pointed out before, harbors on large islands can be taken from the land side, as was Port Arthur; and adequate protection from land attack is, in many cases, almost impossible if the enemy has command of the sea, as a superior hostile fleet would have in the Caribbean; while the hills and waters of Culebra and Vieques Sound could long defy not only actual invasion, but any fleet attack. This brings us face to face with the fact that it may be less expensive to establish and protect a naval base situated on a little island, even if an artificial harbor has to be constructed, than to establish and protect a base on a large island, even if the base on the large island has a large natural harbor and can be more easily defended against bombardment from the sea. It would be cheaper, for instance, to protect a base on Culebra than one at Guantanamo, or even Samana, if the enemy commanded the sea; and cheaper to protect a base on the forbidding rocks of Polillo or Guam than on the large and fertile island of Luzon, with its extensive gulfs and bays, in many of which a fleet in command of the sea could land its force; because protecting a base on a large island would require covering a very large area, and perhaps a long extent of coast. Aircraft may exercise an important influence on the choice of the position of a base, perhaps in the direction of choosing a base on a large island rather than on a small one; since the great speed of aircraft tends to lessen the importance of having the base out a great distance from home--so far as purposes of scouting are concerned. It seems probable also that aircraft will soon be recognized as inherently adapted to preventing the landing of hostile troops, by dropping bombs on the troops, while they are in process of disembarkation, while proceeding in small boats to the shore, and while in the act of landing on the beach, with their guns, ammunition, supplies, horses, and impedimenta of various kinds. _Co-operating Bases_.--Discussion of the relative values of positions for bases, say in the Caribbean, should not blind our eyes to the fact, however, that no nation is prevented from establishing as many bases as it needs, wherever its flag may float; that the United States, for instance, is not debarred from establishing permanent naval bases at both Guantanamo and Culebra, should such a procedure seem desirable. The fact that each locality has advantages that the other does not have, suggests the idea that two bases, placed in those localities, would form a powerful combination. In fact, the great value of the position of Culebra being its distance toward the enemy, which necessitates a great distance away from our continental coast, and a long line of communications from that coast suggest an intermediate base as a support and stepping-stone. Analogous cases are seen in all the countries of Europe, in the fortresses that are behind their boundary-lines--the fortresses existing less as individuals than as supporting members of a comprehensive scheme. Two bases, one at Guantanamo and one at Culebra, would in time of war in the Caribbean, add a value to our fleet that might make the difference between defeat and victory. The effective work that a fleet can do is a function of the material condition of the ships themselves, and of the physical and mental condition of the personnel that man them. Fighting is the most strenuous work that men can do; it calls for the last ounce of strength, the last effort of the intellect, the last struggle of the will; it searches out every physical imperfection in men, in ships, in engines, in joints, in valves. Surprise has sometimes been expressed at the quickness with which the Japanese defeated the Russians at Tsushima; but would any one express surprise if a pugilist, fresh from rest, quickly defeated another pugilist who, exhausted from long travelling, staggered hopelessly into the ring? And how would the betting be before a football match, if it were known that one of the teams would enjoy a rest of twenty-four hours before the game, whereas the other team would walk from the railroad to the ball grounds after a trip across the continent? These analogies may seem forced--but are they? A living animal requires hours of rest and refreshment, in order that the tissues expended in action may be repaired by the internal mechanism of the body, and the food consumed be supplied from some external source. A fleet is in exactly the same category, even when operating in times of peace: and in time of war it needs, in addition, a station in which injuries may be repaired--a station analogous to that of the hospital for wounded men. In the Caribbean it would seem necessary to successful operations, therefore, to have two bases, one say at Guantanamo and one at Culebra; the one at Culebra to be the principal base, and the one at Guantanamo the auxiliary. Culebra, by reason of the great work to be accomplished, and the engineering difficulties to be encountered, cannot be gotten ready for several years. Reliance, meanwhile, will have to be placed on Guantanamo; and as the coming of any war is not usually very long foretold, the urgency of fortifying Guantanamo stands out in clear relief. The mutual relations of Guantanamo and Culebra are much like the mutual relations of Pearl Harbor in Hawaii and Guam--and so are the joint relations of each pair to the mother country. Culebra and Guam are the potential bases of the United States farthest away from the coast in the Atlantic and the Pacific respectively; and the nearest to countries in Europe and Asia with any one of which, of course, war will be always possible, and sometimes probable. Each is a small and rugged island, admitting of tremendous military strengthening by guns, fortifications, mines, and submarines, but connected to the motherland by a long line of communications. The line of communications of Culebra would, of course, be safer than that of Guam, because it is shorter than would be the line of an enemy attacking it; whereas, the line of communications of Guam would be longer. Guantanamo and Pearl Harbor are both stations about half-way from the home country to Culebra and Guam respectively; and though greater danger to our vital and commercial interests exists in the Atlantic than in the Pacific, Pearl Harbor has been fortified, and Guantanamo has not--and neither has Culebra. This sentence is not intended as a criticism of the government for fortifying Pearl Harbor. The Hawaiian Islands occupy the most valuable strategic position in the Pacific, and Pearl Harbor is the most important strategic place in the Hawaiian Islands; and it ought to have been strengthened many years ago, and to a greater degree even than is contemplated now. But the sentence is intended as a protest against our continued inertness in failing to establish any suitable naval bases whatever, especially in the Caribbean. _Distant Base in the Philippines_.--The difficulty of finding suitable positions for bases is exemplified in the Philippines, for no suitable island is to be found there, except some that are within the archipelago itself; and these are so placed that, to reach them, our fleet would have to go through long reaches of water, ideally suited for destroyer and submarine attack. A possible exception is the island of Polillo, twenty miles east of the eastern coast of Luzon; and in many ways Polillo seems ideal. The practical difficulties are so great, however, the status of the islands in our national policy is so ill defined, and the futility of strengthening it, unless Guam be adequately strengthened also, is so apparent, that the question has been hardly even mooted. Polillo made impregnable, with Guam defenseless, supported by an undefended line of communications several thousand miles long to the main country, would in case of war with an active Asiatic power be reduced to the zero of effectiveness in whatever was the length of time in which its accumulated stores would be exhausted. This sentence may be modified by saying that the time might be lengthened by the occasional arrival of supply ships and colliers that might come by way of the Mediterranean, or the Cape of Good Hope, or any other route which approached the Philippines from the southward; and it is possible that, in the unfortunate event of a war between us and some Asiatic power, our relations with European countries might be such as to make the use by us of such routes feasible and safe. In view, however, of the conditions of island possession in the Pacific as they actually are, and because of the rapid and abrupt changes that characterize international relations, the probability of being able to use such routes seems too small to receive grave consideration. _Other Bases in the Pacific_.--The Pacific Ocean is so vast, and the interests of the United States there will some day be so great, that the question of establishing naval bases, in addition to bases at Pearl Harbor, the Philippines, and Guam, will soon demand attention. The localities that are the most obvious are the Panama Canal Zone and the Samoan Islands in the south, and the Aleutian Islands in the north. A moderately far-seeing policy regarding the Pacific, and a moderately far-seeing strategy for carrying out the policy, would dictate the establishment and adequate protection of bases in both the southern and the northern regions; so that our fleet could operate without undue handicap over the long distances required. The same principles that govern the selection of positions and the establishment of bases in the Atlantic apply in the Pacific; the same requirements that a base shall be near where the fleet will conduct its operations--no matter whether those operations be offensive or defensive, no matter whether they concern direct attack or a threat against communications. * * * * * In view of the great value of naval bases, one may be pardoned perhaps for a feeling of surprise that the United States has no real naval base, home or distant. Our large navy-yards are our nearest approximation to real bases. The yards at Norfolk and Bremerton seem to combine the three factors of position, strength, and resources better than do any other stations; though both are surpassed in resources by New York, Philadelphia, and Boston. Bremerton has the greatest natural military strength of all our stations; in fact, it is naturally very strong indeed, because of the length and nature of the waterway leading to it from the sea and the ease with which it could be denied. Norfolk is fortunate in its nearness to Chesapeake Bay and Lynn Haven Roads, and the ease with which the entrance to the Chesapeake from seaward could be defended; but the fact that it is only 18 miles from the Atlantic coast-line makes it more vulnerable than Bremerton to the attack of troops landed by an enemy fleet. The yard at Mare Island, near San Francisco, is faultily placed as regards deep water; but dredging could rectify this. The Panama Canal Zone has great facilities for repairs, docking, and supplies; but it must be adequately fortified in order to be a trustworthy base in the case of operations in its vicinity. New York, by reason of its enormous wealth of every kind, its steamer terminals, and its excessively vulnerable position, within gunshot of ships out in the deep water (a position without parallel in the large cities of the world) must, of course, be protected. The cheapest way to protect it is to do so locally, by means of fortifications, and other shore defenses. The only other means would be by a fleet permanently kept near New York, a measure that would be expensive beyond reason. In case the enemy should inform us that he would reach the vicinity of New York at a certain time, and in case he should fulfil his promise, the fact that New York was properly strengthened would not be very important; since our fleet would go there, and the whole war would be settled by one "stand-up fight." But wars are not so conducted and never have been. From the oldest times till now, and even among savage tribes, finesse has always been employed, in addition to actual force--more perhaps by the weaker than by the stronger side, but very considerably also by the stronger. A coming enemy would endeavor to keep his objective a close secret, and even to mislead us; so that our fleet would have to take a position out at sea, perhaps far away, which would leave our bases open to attack by the enemy fleet or at least exposed to raids. The most effective local defense of a naval base is a combination of mine-fields and heavy guns, which also give protection to which the wounded vessels can retire, as the German vessels did after the North Sea battle. Unless such protection be provided, swift destroyers can complete the work that guns began, as the Japanese destroyers did, after the artillery battle at Tsushima. In addition to their value in defending navy-yards from raids, and in giving wounded ships a refuge, the military strengthening of home bases, if such home bases are wisely placed near large commercial centres, prevents actual destruction of those commercial centres themselves, in case an attack is made upon them, either in the absence of the defending fleet, or after that fleet may have been destroyed. The line of engineering advance during recent years, although it has greatly increased the offensive power of war-ships, has increased even more greatly the defensive power of land works. For this reason, it is perfectly possible to defend successfully almost any land position against attack by ships; and it is so easy, that not to do so, is, in the case of large commercial centres, a neglectfulness of the extremest character. One important reason, therefore, for placing a permanent home base near a large commercial centre is the fact that the fortification of one is also the fortification of the other. Assuming that New York is to be defended locally, we can state at once that the New York naval station can easily be made to be a permanent naval base of the highest order, and of the most efficient type. In fact, it can be made into a naval base better than any other now in the world, because of the large sheets of water tributary to it in New York Bay, Hudson River, and Long Island Sound; the proximity of the sea; the untold resources in money, supplies, and men that it could on demand produce, and the ease with which it could be defended. To make such a base, it would be necessary to fortify the vicinity of Coney Island and the entrances from the ocean to the Lower Bay, and Long Island Sound; to deepen the channel to the navy-yard, and to make clear and safe the waterway from the East River to Long Island Sound. It would be necessary also to enlarge the navy-yard; and to this end, to buy back the land adjoining it, which the government most unwisely sold to private parties about twenty-five years ago. Owing to the position of Block Island, relatively to the lines of communication of a hostile force coming from Europe to attack our eastern coast, and because of the sheltered waters held within it, suitable for small craft, the advisability of establishing a small naval base there is apparent. With a suitable base there and another on Martha's Vineyard, and the present canal from Massachusetts Bay to Buzzards Bay sufficiently enlarged, the whole coast from Boston to New York, including Narragansett Bay, could be made to form one naval base which would have three exits. Our own ships could pass from one point to another, and concentrate at will near Sandy Hook, Block Island, or Massachusetts Bay; and, which is equally important, the establishment of an enemy base near New York would be made almost, if not quite, impossible. In case of an attack on our eastern coast, made directly from Europe, which could be accomplished easily during the calm months of the summer, the degree of efficiency shown by the bases at Norfolk, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston would influence vitally the condition in which our fleet would go to battle. Owing to the traditional policy, or rather lack of policy, of the United States, and the consequent unreadiness of our preparations, we may reasonably assume that war will find us in such a condition that the utmost haste will be necessary to get our whole naval force out to sea in time to prevent the enemy from making an actual bombardment of our shores. We have no reason to suppose that the ships actually cruising in our active fleet will not be ready; we have every reason to believe that they will be ready. But it is inconceivable that we should not try to oppose such an attack with all the naval force that we could muster; which means that we should try to send out many ships from our home bases to join the active fleet at sea. The ease with which the passage of an enemy's fleet up the Delaware or Chesapeake could be prevented, in case any means of national defense whatever be attempted, compared with the difficulty of defending New York, and combined with the greater damage that an enemy could inflict on New York, mark the vicinity of New York as the probable objective of any determined naval attack upon our coast; no matter whether that attack be made directly from Europe, or indirectly from Europe by way of the Caribbean. To meet such an attack, various parts of the fleet would have to issue from their bases; even parts of the active fleet would probably have had to go to their home ports for some needed repairs or supplies. The first thought of an attacking fleet would naturally be to prevent our ships from getting out, as it was the thought of Nelson and other British commanders to prevent the issuing of forces from the ports of France. But in view of the great distance from Europe to our coast, and the impossibility of preventing the knowledge reaching us of the departure of the fleet (unless indeed all the powers of Europe combined to prevent it), it seems probable that no such issuing could be prevented, and that a very considerable American force would have time to take its station out at sea, prepared to meet the coming foe. The home bases if properly prepared would exert a powerful effect on a battle near them by equipping the fleet adequately and promptly, and also by preventing a possible defeat from becoming a disaster, by receiving wounded ships before they sank. The wounded ships of the enemy, on the other hand, would have no base near by, and only those inconsiderably injured could probably be gotten home. CHAPTER XII OPERATING THE MACHINE The naval machine, including the various vessels of all kinds, the bases and the personnel, having been designed, put together, and prepared for its appointed task of conducting war, and the appointed task having at last been laid upon it, how shall the machine be operated--how shall it be made successfully to perform its task? In order to answer this correctly, we must first see clearly what is its task. _War_.--War may be said to be the act of two nations or two sets of nations, by means of which each tries to get its way by physical force. The peaceful methods of diplomacy having been exhausted, arguments and threats having been tried in vain, both parties resort to the oldest and yet the latest court; the same court as that to which resort the lions of the desert, the big and little fishes of the sea, the fowls of the air, and even the blades of grass that battle for the sunshine. The vastness of the issue decided by war, the fact that from its decision there is no appeal, the greatness of the forces that nations can produce, the length of experience of war extending through 8,000 wars, and during more than three thousand years of recorded history, the enormous literature of the subject, and the fact that more brain power, energy, and character have been devoted to war than to any other fruit of man's endeavor--combine to give to the conduct of war an importance that no other subject can possess. The thing that each side brings forward against the other side is force; "that which moves or tends to move matter." In all ages, it has been directed primarily against the physical bodies of individual men, threatening each individual man with suffering and death. It appeals to the primal instinct of men, self-preservation, and is the _ultima ratio regum_, the last argument of kings--and not only of kings, but of all other living things as well. The first feeling aroused by the threat against life, or physical well-being, is fear; and, therefore, the first force with which to oppose the threat is a force of the same spiritual nature as fear, but opposite in direction. This force is called in the English language "courage." Without courage every man and every nation would be at the mercy of every man or nation that made a threat against it. The inherent necessity for courage is thus apparent; and the reason is therefore apparent, for the fact that in every nation and tribe physical courage has been esteemed the greatest virtue in a man. In Latin, we know, the word _virtus_ meant courage, and also virtue--showing that the Romans held the two qualities to be identical or similar. In discussing the operations of war, little is usually said of courage. The reason, however, is not that its value is unrecognized, but that its existence is assumed; in the same way as that in which all the other faculties among the men are assumed, such as physical health, ability to march, etc. Movements to inspire fear, however, actions to break down the morale, are of frequent use; because, if the morale of the opposing side is broken down, its power of resistance is destroyed. In the operations, therefore, of two contending parties, force is opposed by force. If the forces on both sides could be concentrated at a single point, and exerted in opposite directions, the result would be decided in an instant. Such an arrangement has never yet been brought about; though fairly close approximations have been made, when two parties have selected two champions who have fought for them--the victory going by agreement to the side whose champion became the victor. Barring such rare occasions, contests in war have usually been between two forces spread over considerable areas of land or water; and the contest has usually been decided by the defeat of one of the two. If in any individual combat, all the forces possessed by both sides had been engaged, and if either force had been annihilated, the entire war between the two parties would have been decided. This was nearly the case in the naval battle off Tsushima between the Russian and Japanese fleets--and the treaty of peace was signed soon after. Usually, however, neither party to the quarrel has had all its forces on the field in any one battle, and neither force in the battle has been annihilated. Usually, only partial forces have been engaged, and only partial victories have been won; with the result that wars between contending nations have usually consisted of a series of battles, with intervals of rest between. If two opposing forces in any battle were exactly equal in fighting power, neither side in any battle would gain a victory, the two sides would inflict identical amounts of damage on each other, and the two sides would end the battle still equal in force. At rare intervals, such conditions have been approximated; but usually one side has had more fighting power than the other, and has inflicted more damage of various kinds than it has received, with the result that it attained an advantage more or less important over the other, and with the further result that the original disproportion between the two forces was increased. The increase may not necessarily have been due to a greater number of killed and wounded or even to a greater loss of material, such as guns or ships; there may have been no increase in inequality in either of these ways, for the increase in inequality may have consisted in the fact that the weaker force was driven to a position less advantageous to it for conducting operations in the future. But whatever the nature of the advantage gained by the stronger side, the result has been that the weaker side has come out of the battle relatively weaker than it was before. For this reason, it is highly desirable to each side to win each battle. This does not mean that the loss of any one battle by either party to a war means that the party losing that battle will necessarily lose the war; for many battles may be fought by such small portions of the whole nations' forces, or be lost by such small margins that the loss of one battle, or even several battles, may be retrieved; in fact, in few wars have the victories been all on one side. It does mean, however, that each lost battle is a backward step; and that for this reason the effort must be that no battle shall be lost. _Strategy and Tactics_.--Now, to win battles, two things combine, strategy and tactics. The strategy of each side tries to arrange matters so that the forces on its side shall enter each battle with the greatest chance of victory; tactics tries to handle the forces with which it enters a battle in such a way that its side shall gain the victory. Strategy prepares for battles; tactics fights them. The tactics of any battle must be in the hands of the commanders-in-chief on both sides. Any other arrangement is inconceivable; but the strategy controlling the series of battles in any war cannot now be committed to them solely; though it was usually committed to them until lately. In the days when Alexander went to war, or even when Napoleon and Nelson went to war, twenty-one centuries later, no telegraph by sea and land made swift communication possible; and the commanders on the spot were the only ones in possession of enough information about the contending forces to decide what measures should be taken. Even in those days, however, the capitals of the countries engaged in war, by reason of their knowledge of what was passing in the way of policy, exerted an influence on the strategy of the forces on both sea and land; Cæsar, for instance, was embarrassed in many of his operations by the Roman Senate, and it was for this reason that he crossed the Rubicon and passed from Gaul into Italy. When William I and Napoleon III went to war in 1870, however, Von Moltke had foreseen the effects of the telegraph and of rapid-mail communications, in giving to the headquarters of the army information of a much greater scope and reliability than had previously been the case, and had established a General Staff which had elaborated plans whereby not only would the commanders-in-chief in the field have the assistance of information compiled at headquarters, but whereby the general nature of the operations of a war, especially those operations at the outset on which the future conduct of the war would largely depend, would be decided and laid down in advance and during times of peace. The reason for the rapid victory of the Prussians over the French in 1870 was that the Prussians were better prepared in almost every way; especially in the most important thing--the war plans. Now, these war plans could not, of course, be of such a kind that they would foresee every contingency and prescribe the conduct to be followed, so that a commander in the field could turn to page 221 of volume 755, and get directions as to what he ought to do; nor could they furnish the chief of staff, Von Moltke, with printed recommendations which he should offer to the King. In other words, the war plans could be only plans and, like all plans for future action, could be only tentative, and capable of being modified by events as they should come to pass. They were only plans of preparation, not plans of operation. Yet there were plans of preparation for operations; plans prepared in accordance with the principles of strategy, and based on information as to the enemy's resources, skill, point of view, and probable intentions. They formed the general guide for future operations. Since 1870, the invention and practical development of the wireless telegraph, and especially its development for use over very great distances, has modified the relations of commanders on the spot to home headquarters, and especially of naval commanders to their navy departments. The wireless telegraph, under circumstances in which it operates successfully, annihilates distance so far as communication is concerned, though it does not annihilate distance so far as transportation is concerned. It improves the sending and receiving of news and instructions, both for the commander at sea and for his department at home; but it does it more effectively for the department than for the man at sea, because of the superior facilities for large and numerous apparatus that shore stations have, and their greater freedom from interruptions of all kinds. This condition tends to place the strategical handling of all the naval machine, including the active fleet itself, more in the hands of the department or admiralty, and less in the hands of the commander-in-chief: and this tendency is confirmed by the superior means for discussion and reflection, and for trial by war games, that exist in admiralties, compared with those that exist in ships. The general result is to limit the commander-in-chief more and more in strategical matters: to confine his work more and more to tactics. Such a condition seems reasonable in many ways. The government decides on a policy, and tells the Navy Department to carry it out, employing the executive offices and bureaus to that end, under the guidance of strategy. Strategy devotes itself during peace to designing and preparing the naval machine, and in war to operating it, utilizing both in war and peace the bureaus and offices and the fleet itself. And in the same way as that in which the bureaus and offices perform the calculations and executive functions of logistics, for furnishing the necessary material of all kinds, the fleet performs those of tactics. From this point of view, strategy plans and guides all the acts of navies, delegating one part of the practical work needed to carry out those plans to logistics, and the other part to tactics. Operating the naval machine in war means practically operating the active fleet in such a way as to cause victories to occur, to cause the fleet to enter each battle under as favorable conditions as practicable, and to operate the other activities of the navy in such a way that the fleet will be efficiently and promptly supplied with all its needs. Strategy employs tactics and logistics to bring these things to pass; but this does not mean that strategy stands apart and simply gives logistics and tactics tasks to do. The three agencies are too mutually dependent for any such procedure and require for their successful working, both individually and together, the most thorough mutual understanding and support. _Flanking, T-ing, etc._--It being a fact that no nation can put a force upon the sea that is concentrated at one point; it being a fact that every naval force must be spread over a considerable area and made up of various parts, and that the efficacy of the various parts in exerting force upon a definite enemy depends on the unity of action of the various parts, it results that the most effective way in which to attack any naval force is not to attack all the parts at once, thus enabling all to reply, but to attack the force in such a way that all the parts cannot reply. If we attack a ship for instance, that can fire 10 guns on a broadside and only 4 guns ahead, it is clear that we can do better by attacking from ahead than from either side. Similarly, if 10 ships are in a column, steaming one behind the other, each ship being able to fire 10 guns from either side and only 4 ahead, the 10 ships can fire 100 guns on either side and only 4 ahead; and therefore it would be better to attack the column from ahead (to "T" it), than to attack it from either side. It is curious to note how widely this simple illustration can be made to apply to both strategy and tactics; how the effort of each is to dispose our force so toward the enemy's force that we can use our weapons more effectively than he can use his. An extreme illustration might be made by imagining 1,000 soldiers standing in line and unable to face except to the front; in which case it is clear that, no matter how perfectly they might be armed, or how quickly and accurately they could fire, one man standing on the flank, or behind them, could kill one soldier after the other, until all the 1,000 were killed, and be in no danger himself. In case of attacking a ship or a column of ships from ahead, or of attacking a line of soldiers on the flank, the effectiveness of the method of attack lies in the fact that a number of the weapons that are present in the force attacked cannot be used in reply. [Illustration: Fig. 1] _Concentration and Isolation_.--The value of "concentration" is often insisted on, but the author desires to call attention to a misunderstanding on this point, to which he called attention in an essay in 1905. To the author, it seems that concentration is a means and not an end, and that the end is what he called "isolation" in the essay. If a man concentrates his mind on any subject, the advantage he gains is that he prevents other subjects from obstructing the application of his mental powers to that subject; he pushes to one side and isolates all other subjects. In this particular activity it does not matter whether we call his act "concentration" or "isolation" because the whole operation goes on inside of his own skull, and concentration on one subject automatically produces isolation or elimination of all others. But when concentration is attempted on external objects, the case is very different, for concentration may not produce isolation at all. For instance, if 4 ships in column _A_ concentrate their fire on the leading ship in column _B_, the other 3 ships in column _B_ are not isolated, and can fire on the ships of column _A_, even more effectively than if column _A_ was not concentrated on the leading ship of _B_, because they are undisturbed by being fired at. If, however, the 4 ships of _A_ "flank" or "T" the ships of column _B_, as shown in Fig. 2, and concentrate on the leader of B, they thereby isolate the other ships, and practically nullify their ability to fire at _A_. [Illustration: Fig. 2] This effect is approximated by an approximate "T-ing" or "flanking," such as is shown in Fig. 3; because the average distance from the ships of _A_ to the leading ship in _B_ is less than the average distance from the ships in _B_ to any ship in _A_; and because the direction of fire from each ship in _A_ is more nearly abeam than is the direction of fire from the ships of _B_. These positions are very difficult to gain, even if _A_'s speed is considerably greater than _B's_; since all _B_ has to do to prevent it is to head to the right, unless shoals or other dangers such as enemy battleships, _C_, are on that side, co-operating with _A_. [Illustration: Fig. 3] An interesting position is that shown in Fig. 4, which may be assumed by _A_, either for flight, or to get the advantage in torpedo fire. The advantage is that the _A_ ships are running away from torpedoes fired by _B_, while _B_ is running into torpedoes fired by _A_. This advantage is not great if the distance between _A_ and _B_ is so little that _B's_ torpedoes can reach _A_. But if _A_ is able to make this distance equal to the entire range over which _B's_ torpedoes can run, or near it, _B's_ torpedoes cannot reach _A_ at all. [Illustration: Fig. 4] A similar advantage, though in a modified degree, is that shown as possessed by _A_ in Fig. 5. Due to the direction of movement of the _A_ and _B_ fleets, it is easier for _A's_ torpedoes to reach _B_, than for _B's_ torpedoes to reach _A_. [Illustration: Fig. 5] Positions of advantage are usually gained by superior speed. One of the main reasons for the development of the battle cruiser has been the fact that her high speed and great offensive power enable her to gain positions of advantage and utilize them. The _A_ positions shown in the figures are attainable by battle cruisers against battleships, and are very effective. A procedure analogous to that of flanking is one in which part of a force is attacked when it is separated from the rest of the force, and cannot be supported by it--in that some of the weapons of one force cannot be used. The effect is similar in the two cases, but the events leading up to the two conditions may be quite different. In the former case, that of being flanked, or T'd, the force caught at a disadvantage was together, and was able to operate effectively as one force against a force located in a given direction; but was attacked by a force located in another direction; while in the latter case, the force was divided, and one part was caught, while distant from and entirely unsupported by the other part. The former condition is more likely to result from tactical operations, and the latter from strategical operations--and yet, especially in land operations, the flanking of one force may be brought about by the carefully planned strategical combinations of the other force; and catching one part of the enemy's force unsupported by the other parts may take place during the tactical maneuvers of an actual or a simulated battle. In naval operations, the catching of separated parts of an enemy's force is a more frequent attempt and accomplishment than is that of getting a position where a column of ships can be attacked from ahead or astern. It seldom happens, with the great number of vessels of all kinds which compose a modern fleet, that it is practicable to keep the various parts together, or that it would be desirable to do so. The closest approximation to keeping a large naval force together, is keeping them in column; because in that formation, the ships can be made simply to "follow the leader" without signal, and act like one long, flexible body. But the vessels of a modern fleet would make a column many miles long--a column of 20 battleships alone would be 5 miles long, and the addition of the various cruisers, destroyers, and other vessels, would make a column so long that it would be unwieldy; and if its ends were attacked, the other vessels could not come to their relief. Besides, the duties of battleships, battle cruisers, scouts, destroyers, and submarines, are distinct--with the result that, as in land operations, bodies of the various types operate separately and apart from those of other types. Not only, also, do the various types operate separately, but often the necessities of a case demand that a certain number--say of battleships--be sent away from the main body on some mission; or that a certain number of destroyers be sent away from the main body of destroyers. Any such diversion entails a danger that is sometimes great, and sometimes small; but such diversions and risks cannot be avoided, and should not be avoided when they are necessary, any more than a man should avoid going out of doors, though that act always entails some danger. Suppose, for instance, that in the operations of a war carried on in the Caribbean, the Navy Department should get trustworthy information that the enemy had detailed 3 battle cruisers to speed north and bombard New York. The department would probably have to detach a force from the fleet and send it north, to prevent the bombardment. Yet not only would the force so sent be in danger until it returned of an attack by a superior force, but the main body from which it was detached would be thereby weakened; furthermore, the information might have been incorrect--it might have been originated and given out by the enemy, in the hope that it would cause such a diversion of force. Every operation in war entails a risk more or less great; and if no risks were to be taken, it would be better not to go to war. It is true that some wars have been undertaken in which the preponderance of force was so great that there was very little doubt of the actual outcome, and very little risk taken by one of the two parties. Such wars, however, have been very few; and they were hardly wars in the usual sense, any more than the beating of a little boy by a big boy could properly be called a "fight." Reference may again be made here to Table I on next page, which shows the way in which fights between unequal forces proceed, and the advantage of fighting the separated parts of an enemy rather than the united force. We can see this clearly if we note that, if two forces each aggregating 1,000 were in each other's vicinity, and if the entire force _A_ was able to engage half of _B_, or 500, it would whip half of _B_, and have 841 remaining, with which to engage the other half (500) of _B_. Reference to the end of the third period in this table shows also that if a force of 789 engages a force of 523, it will have 569 left, after the other has been reduced to zero. So, a force of 1,000 that engages two forces of 500 separately, will have more than 500 left, after the others have both been reduced to zero: whereas, if it engages both, when they are united, both sides will be gradually reduced to zero, remaining equal all the time. TABLE I ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- | |Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.|Col.| | | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | |----------------------------------------------------------------------------| |Value of offensive power A|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000|1000| | at beginning B|1000| 900| 800| 700| 600| 500| 400| 300| 200| 100| |Damage done in 1st A| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| 100| | period B| 100| 90| 80| 70| 60| 50| 40| 30| 20| 10| |Value of offensive power A| 900| 910| 920| 930| 940| 950| 960| 970| 980| 990| | at end of 1st period B| 900| 800| 700| 600| 500| 400| 300| 200| 100| 0| |Damage done in 2nd A| 90| 91| 92| 93| 94| 95| 96| 97| 98| | | period B| 90| 80| 70| 60| 50| 40| 30| 20| 10| | |Value of offensive power A| 810| 830| 850| 870| 890| 910| 930| 950| 970| | | at end of 2nd period B| 810| 709| 608| 507| 406| 305| 204| 103| 2| | |Damage done in 3rd A| 81| 83| 85| 87| 89| 91| 93| 95| | | | period B| 81| 71| 61| 51| 41| 31| 20| 10| | | |Value of offensive power A| 729| 759| 789| 819| 849| 879| 910| 940| | | | at end of 3rd period B| 729| 626| 523| 420| 317| 214| 111| 8| | | |Damage done in 4th A| 73| 76| 79| 82| 85| 88| 91| | | | | period B| 73| 63| 52| 42| 32| 21| 11| | | | |Value of offensive power A| 656| 696| 737| 777| 817| 858| 899| | | | | at end of 4th period B| 656| 550| 444| 338| 232| 126| 20| | | | |Damage done in 5th A| 65| 70| 74| 78| 82| 86| | | | | | period B| 65| 55| 44| 34| 23| 13| | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 591| 641| 693| 743| 794| 845| | | | | | at end of 5th period B| 591| 480| 370| 260| 150| 40| | | | | |Damage done in 6th A| 59| 64| 69| 74| 79| 85| | | | | | period B| 59| 48| 37| 26| 15| 4| | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 532| 593| 656| 717| 779| 841| | | | | | at end of 6th period B| 532| 416| 301| 186| 71| 0| | | | | |Damage done in 7th A| 53| 59| 66| 72| 78| | | | | | | period B| 53| 42| 30| 19| 7| | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 479| 551| 626| 698| 772| | | | | | | at end of 7th period B| 479| 357| 235| 114| 0| | | | | | |Damage done in 8th A| 48| 55| 63| 70| | | | | | | | period B| 48| 36| 24| 11| | | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 431| 515| 602| 687| | | | | | | | at end of 8th period B| 431| 302| 172| 44| | | | | | | |Damage done in 9th A| 43| 52| 60| 69| | | | | | | | period B| 43| 30| 17| 4| | | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 388| 485| 585| 683| | | | | | | | at end of 9th period B| 388| 250| 112| 0| | | | | | | |Damage done in 10th A| 39| 49| 59| | | | | | | | | period B| 39| 25| 11| | | | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 349| 460| 574| | | | | | | | | at end of 10th period B| 349| 201| 53| | | | | | | | |Damage done in 11th A| 35| 46| 57| | | | | | | | | period B| 35| 20| 5| | | | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 314| 440| 569| | | | | | | | | at end of 11th period B| 314| 155| 0| | | | | | | | |Damage done in 12th A| 31| 44| | | | | | | | | | period B| 31| 16| | | | | | | | | |Value of offensive power A| 283| 426| | | | | | | | | | at end of 12th period B| 283| 111| | | | | | | | | | | |etc.| | | | | | | | | |Total damage done by A| 717| 789| 800| 700| 600| 500| 400| 300| 200| 100| | B| 717| 574| 431| 317| 228| 159| 101| 60| 30| 10| ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- It is interesting to note how this simple fact is the key to most of the operations of strategy and tactics; how--the mechanical tools in the way of ships and guns and torpedoes having been supplied--the key to their successful use is simply to take advantage of all opportunities of isolating one part of the enemy's force from the rest, and then attacking one of the parts with a force superior to it. Opportunities lacking, one must, of course, try to create opportunities by inducing the enemy to detach some part of his force, under circumstances such that you can attack it, or the weakened main body, with a superior force. Naturally, one must try to prevent a similar procedure by the enemy. This does not mean that the sole effort of naval operations is finesse in either strategy or tactics; sometimes the sole effort is to force a pitched battle by the side that feels superior, and to avoid a pitched battle by the side that feels inferior. Before the actual inferiority or superiority has been ascertained, however, the strategy of each commander is to bring about a situation in which his force shall have the advantage. The advantage having been gained and recognized (or an advantage existing and being recognized), strategy insists on forcing a battle, for the reason that _every contest weakens the loser more than it does the winner_. This does not mean that it is always wise to engage a weaker force that is temporarily separated from its main body. It is readily understandable, for instance, that it would be unwise in two cases: 1. A case in which the weaker force were so little weaker, and were part of a force so much larger than the total of the smaller force, that the gain as between the two forces actually engaged would not be great enough to compensate for the loss entailed. For instance, a reference to Table I shows that an _A_ force of 1,000 engaging a _B_ force of 800 would have 569 left when _B_ was reduced to zero. This is impressive: but if the _B_ force of 800 were part of a total _B_ force of 2,000, in other words if there were an _A_ force of 1,200 near at hand, _B_ would have 569 left with which to oppose 1,200, a proportion a little less advantageous than the proportion he started with--1,000 to 2,000. 2. A case by which the _B_ force may have divided with the express purpose of luring _A_ to attack; arrangements having been made whereby the inferior _B_ force would simply hold the _A_ force until the whole _B_ force could come to its assistance; arrangements having been also made that this would be accomplished before the detached part of _B_ should get very badly damaged. Attention is invited to Table III, which is a continuation of Table I. It represents what would happen if a force of 1,000 should fight separately two forces, one of 800 and the other of 200. In column 1, _A_ is supposed to have engaged the 200 first, and so to have become reduced to 970, and to engage 800 afterward. In column 2, _A_ is supposed to have engaged 800 first, thereby becoming reduced to 569, and then to engage the 200 force. The table indicates that it makes no difference whether _A_ engages the stronger or the weaker force first. Column 3 shows that a force of 841, the part remaining after a force of 1,000 had annihilated a force of 500, would have 653 left after annihilating a second force of 500. Taken in connection with columns 1 and 2, this indicates that it is easier to defeat two separated _equal_ forces than two separated _unequal_ forces of the same aggregate value; that the weakest way in which to divide a force is into _equal_ parts. This fact is mathematically demonstrated by Mr. F. W. Lanchester in a recent book called "Air Craft in Warfare." TABLE III ------------------------------------------------------------------- | |Col. 1|Col. 2|Col. 3| |---------------------------------------------|------|------|------| |Value of offensive at beginning A| 970 | 569 | 841 | | B| 800 | 200 | 500 | |Damage done in 1st period by A| 97 | 57 | 84 | | B| 80 | 20 | 50 | |Value of offensive power at end 1st period A| 890 | 549 | 791 | | B| 703 | 143 | 416 | |Damage done in 2d period by A| 89 | 55 | 79 | | B| 70 | 14 | 42 | |Value of offensive power at end 2d period A| 820 | 535 | 749 | | B| 614 | 88 | 337 | |Damage done in 3d period by A| 82 | 54 | 75 | | B| 61 | 0 | 34 | |Value of offensive power at end 3d period A| 759 | 526 | 715 | | B| 532 | 32 | 262 | |Damage done in 4th period by A| 76 | 53 | 72 | | B| 53 | 3 | 26 | |Value of offensive power at end 4th period A| 706 | 523 | 689 | | B| 456 | 0 | 190 | |Damage done in 5th period by A| 71 | | 69 | | B| 46 | | 10 | |Value of offensive power at end 5th period A| 660 | | 670 | | B| 385 | | 121 | |Damage done in 6th period by A| 66 | | 67 | | B| 39 | | 12 | |Value of offensive power at end 6th period A| 621 | | 658 | | B| 319 | | 54 | |Damage done in 7th period by A| 62 | | 66 | | B| 32 | | 5 | |Value of offensive power at end 7th period A| 589 | | 653 | | B| 257 | | 0 | |Damage done in 8th period by A| 59 | | | | B| 26 | | | |Value of offensive power at end 8th period A| 563 | | | | B| 198 | | | |Damage done in 9th period by A| 56 | | | | B| 20 | | | |Value of offensive power at end 9th period A| 543 | | | | B| 142 | | | |Damage done in 10th period by A| 54 | | | | B| 14 | | | |Value of offensive power at end 10th period A| 529 | | | | B| 88 | | | |Damage done in 11th period by A| 53 | | | | B| 9 | | | |Value of offensive power at end 11th period A| 520 | | | | B| 35 | | | |Damage done in 12th period by A| 52 | | | | B| 4 | | | |Value of offensive power at end 12th period A| 516 | | | | B| 0 | | | ------------------------------------------------------------------ The main advantage of superior speed in naval operations is the ability it gives to secure tactical positions of advantage, and to make desirable strategic dispositions; ability, for instance, to T or flank an enemy force, and to prevent the enemy from T-ing or flanking; also to catch separated parts of an enemy fleet before they can unite, while retaining the ability to divide one's own force without undue risk. For these purposes, speed is an element of the highest value; but the high price that it costs in gun power or armor protection--or both--and the fact that speed cannot always be counted on by reason of possible engine breakdowns and foul bottoms, result in giving to war-ships a lower speed than otherwise they would have. Owing to the fact that, for any given horse-power put into a ship, the speed attainable increases with her length; and owing to the further fact that the weight that any ship can carry increases more rapidly than the displacement (weight of the ship complete), the best combination of gun power, armor protection, and speed is attainable in the largest ship. In other words, the larger the ship, the more power it can carry in proportion to its size, and the more quickly that power can be placed where it can do the most good. _Strategic Operations_.--These may be divided into two classes, offensive and defensive. The two classes are distinct; and yet there is no sharp dividing-line between them any more than there is between two contiguous colors in the spectrum. Defensive operations of the kind described by a popular interpretation of the word "defense" would be operations limited to warding off or escaping the enemy's attack, and would be just as efficacious as the passive warding off of the blows of fists. Such a defense can never succeed, for the reason that the recipient is reduced progressively in power of resistance as the attacks follow each other, while the attacker remains in unimpaired vigor, except for the gently depressing influence of fatigue. Reference to Table I will render this point clear, if we make the progressive reductions of the power of one contestant, and no reductions of the power of the other contestant. Defensive operations, therefore, include "hitting back"; that is, a certain measure of offensive operations, intended to weaken the ability of the enemy to do damage. In fact, no operations are more aggressively offensive, or more productive of damage to the enemy's personnel and material, than operations that are carried on in order to defend something. No animal is so aggressively belligerent as a female "defending" her young. Offensive and defensive operations are nevertheless quite different, especially in two particulars, one being the use of the initiative or attack, and the other the distance to the home. In offensive operations, the attack is made; in defensive operations, the attack is resisted; and even if the resistance takes an aggressive character, and drives the original attacker back to the place he started from, yet the side which has made the original attack has carried on offensive operations, and the other side defensive. Offensive operations are, as a rule, carried on farther from home than defensive operations. If _A_ is carrying on offensive operations against _B_, _A_ is usually farther away from his home than _B_ is from his home. We see from this that the offensive has the advantage of the initiative, of making an attack for which the enemy may be unprepared, and has the disadvantage of being far from its home bases; whereas the defensive has the disadvantage of not knowing when or where or whence an attack is to come, and the advantage of the support of various kinds given by home bases. In other words, the offensive has the advantage except in so far as it is impaired by unfavorable conditions. For this reason, every military nation at the outset of war desires to be able to assume the offensive; and only refrains from the offensive from motives of prudence or because, in a particular case, the distance between the adversaries is so great, that the lack of bases would be of greater weight than the advantage of the initiative--or because the situations of the contending parties would be such that the side accepting the defensive rôle and staying near home, might be able to carry on aggressive attacks better than could the other. An illustration of a mistake in taking the offensive, and the wisdom of the other side in accepting the defensive, may be seen in Napoleon's expedition against Russia; for the Russians were able to repel his attack completely, and then to assume a terrible offensive against his retreating, disorganized, and starving army. Another illustration was the expedition made by a weak Spanish fleet under Cervera to the Caribbean in 1898. Another illustration was that of the Russians in the war of 1904; the practical disadvantages under which the Russian fleet operated at Tsushima were too great to be balanced by the advantage of the attack; especially as the situation was such that the Japanese were able to foretell with enough accuracy for practical purposes the place where the attack would be delivered, and the time. Operations on the sea, like operations on the land, consist in opposing force to force, in making thrusts and making parries. If two men or two ships contend in a duel, or if two parallel columns--say of ten ships each--are drawn up abreast each other, the result will depend mainly on the hitting and enduring powers of the combatants; the conditions of the "stand-up fight" are realized, and there is little opportunity for strategy to exert itself. But if any country--say the United States--finds herself involved in war with--say a powerful naval Power or Powers of Europe, and the realization of the fact comes with the suddenness that characterized the coming of war in August, 1914, and we hear the same day that a fleet of battleships, battle cruisers, destroyers, submarines, aircraft, and auxiliaries has left the enemy's country, followed by a fleet of transports carrying troops--there will be immediate need for strategy of the most skilful kind; and this need will continue until either the United States or her enemy has been made to acknowledge herself beaten, and to sue for peace. As such a war will be mainly naval, and as naval wars are characterized by great concentration of force, by each side getting practically all its naval force into the contest, by each side staking its all on the issue of perhaps a single battle (as the Russians and Japanese did at Tsushima) one fleet or the other will be practically annihilated, and its country will be exposed naked to the enemy. The first effort on hearing of the departure of the hostile fleet will be, of course, to get our fleet out to sea, reinforced as much as practicable, by our reserve ships; and to get the coast-guard on their patrol stations. As we should not know the destination of the enemy, we should either have to assume a destination and send our fleet to that place (leaving the other places undefended) or else send our fleet out to sea to some position from which it would despatch scouts in different directions to intercept the enemy, in order that our fleet might meet it and prevent its farther advance. Of course, the latter procedure could not be carried out reasonably, unless we had a great enough number of trained scouts to make the interception of the enemy fleet probable; because otherwise the probabilities would be that an enemy having the battle cruisers and scouts that European navies have, would succeed in evading our fleet and landing a force upon our shores; and it could not be carried out reasonably either, if we knew that our fleet was markedly inferior to the coming fleet; because to send out our fleet to meet a much more powerful one in actual battle would be to commit national suicide by the most expeditious method. In case the departure of the enemy fleet occurred in the stormy months of the winter, we might feel warranted in guessing that its immediate destination was the Caribbean; yet if our fleet were in the Caribbean at the time, and if our coast lacked shore defenses as at present, we might argue that the enemy would take the opportunity to make a direct descent upon our coast, seize a base--say on the eastern end of Long Island--and march directly on New York. It would be very difficult to plan the development of a line of scouts in such a way that the scouts would intercept an attack directed at some unknown point between Boston and the West Indies, perhaps in the southern part of the West Indies--say Margarita Island. In fact, it would be impossible; with the result that, unless we intercepted it by simple good luck, the enemy would succeed in landing a force on our eastern coast, or else in the seizing of a base in the West Indies or the southern part of the Caribbean Sea. Either one of these acts, successfully performed by an enemy, would give him an advantage; that is, it would make his position relatively to ours better than it was before. It would have the same effect, therefore, as winning a battle; in fact it would constitute the winning of a battle--not a physical battle but a strategic battle. It may be objected that, unless we knew our fleet to be more powerful it would be wiser and more comfortable for all concerned to withdraw our ships to the shelter of their bases, and let the enemy do his worst--on the theory that he could not do anything else so ruinous to us as to sink our fleet. There is of course considerable reasonableness in this point of view; and strategy declares the unwisdom of engaging in battles that are sure to be lost. It must be remembered, however, that the coming fleet will operate at a considerable strategic disadvantage, owing to the necessity for guarding the "train" of auxiliary ships that will come with it, holding fuel and supplies of various kinds; that this handicap will offset a considerable advantage in offensive strength; and that the handicap will be still greater if the enemy fleet have near it a flotilla of transports carrying troops. It must be remembered also that in all probability, we should not have detailed information as to the number of vessels coming, and should not really know whether it was superior to ours or not: though we should be justified in assuming that the coming fleet believed itself to be superior to ours in actual fighting power. Absence of trustworthy information on such points is usual in warfare, and is one of the elements that is the most difficult to handle. The Navy Department would be more able to form a correct estimate on this point than the commander-in-chief until such time as our scouts might come into absolute contact with the enemy's main body; but, until then, all that the department and fleet would know would be that a large hostile force had left Europe. They would not know its size or destination. Clearly, the first thing we should need would be information. To get this after war has broken out, the only means is scouts. _Scouting and Screening_.--Scouts are needed by every navy; but they are most needed by a navy that has a very long coast-line to protect. If the great commercial centres and the positions that an enemy would desire for advanced bases along the coast, have local defenses adequate to keep off a hostile fleet for, say, two weeks, the urgency of scouts is not quite so absolute; since, even if the hostile fleet evades our scouts and our fleet, and reaches our shores, our fleet will have two weeks in which to get to the place attacked. But if the coast is not only long but also unguarded by shore defenses, the urgency is of the highest order. If we knew our fleet to be the weaker, but if we did not believe it to be so much the weaker as to force it to seek safety in flight, our natural plan would be that of Napoleon's in Italy in 1797--to keep our force together, and to hurl it against detached parts of the enemy's force, whenever possible. This plan might not be difficult of execution, if the enemy were accompanied by his train of auxiliary and supply ships; since such ships are vulnerable to almost any kind of attack, have almost no means of defense whatever, and therefore require that a part of the fighting force of the main body be detached to guard them. Whether the enemy would have his train quite close to him, or a day's steaming behind, say 240 miles, we should not, of course, know. How could we ascertain? If the enemy came along with no scouts ahead, and if we happened to have some scouts located along his line of advance, these scouts faster than his ships, and so heavily armed as not to fear to venture near, our scouts might proceed along the flank of the enemy in daylight, pass along his rear, go entirely around him, and then report to our commander-in-chief by wireless telegraph exactly what craft of all kinds comprised the force, what formation they were in, the direction in which they were steaming, and the speed. Such information would be highly appreciated by our commander-in-chief, as it would enable him to decide what he had better do. If, for instance, the scouts reported that the enemy fleet were steaming at a speed of 10 knots an hour, and that the train was proceeding behind the fighting fleet without any guards of any kind around them, our commander-in-chief might decide to keep just out of sight until after dark, and then rush in with all his force of heavy ships and torpedo craft, and destroy the train entirely. But suppose the enemy fleet should advance with a "screen" consisting of a line 10 miles long of, say, 50 destroyers, 50 miles ahead of the main body; followed by a line of, say, 10 battle cruisers, 25 miles behind the destroyers; and with destroyers and battle cruisers on each flank--say, 20 miles distant from the main body. How could our scouts find out anything whatever about the size, composition, and formation of the enemy--even of his speed and direction of advance? The purpose of the "screen" is to prevent our ascertaining these things; and each individual part of the screen will do its best to carry out that purpose. All the vessels of the screen and of the main body will be equipped with wireless-telegraph apparatus and a secret code, by means of which instant communication will be continuously held, the purport of which cannot be understood by our ships. Any endeavor of any of our scouts to "penetrate the screen" will be instantly met by the screen itself, out of sight of the enemy's main body; and the screen cannot be penetrated in the daytime, unless we can defeat those members of the screen that try to hold us off. Now, inasmuch as all the considerable naval Powers of Europe have many battle cruisers, and we have no battle cruisers whatever, and no scouts of any kind, except three inefficient ones (the _Birmingham_, _Chester_, and _Salem_) the degree of success that we should have penetrating the screen in the daytime can be estimated by any lawyer, merchant, or schoolboy. The Laws of successful scouting and of the use of "search curves" have been worked out mathematically, and they are used to find an enemy of which one has certain information; but they are also used by the enemy to avoid being found, and they aid the enemy that is sought almost as much as they aid the seeker. And the sought has the advantage that the use of force, if force can be employed, breaks up the application of the mathematics of the seeker. It is true that two main bodies of two fleets may stumble against each other in the night-time, or in a fog or heavy mist. To prevent this possible occurrence, or to prevent a night attack by destroyers, no sure means has yet been found except examination before dark of a very large area around the fleet that is sought; but the area is too great for a search rigid enough to give complete security, and will probably be so until swift aircraft can scout over long distances at sea. Accepting for the minute the convention that the main body of each side goes at the cruising speed of 10 knots, and that darkness lasts 12 hours, each side will go 120 miles in darkness; and if the two main bodies happen to be going directly toward each other they will approach 240 miles in the darkness of one night. Therefore, a coming fleet, in order to feel entirely safe, would in daylight have to inspect by its scouts a circle of 120 miles radius. To insure safety against destroyer attack, the area would have to be much greater on account of the greater speed of destroyers. [Illustration] Unless our defending fleet knew with reasonable sureness, however, the location, speed, and direction of motion of the coming fleet, so that it could make its dispositions for attack, it would hardly desire to meet the enemy at night, unless it were confident that it would meet the train and not the main fleet or the destroyers. Night attacks, both on sea and land, are desirable, if the attacker can inflict surprise on the attacked, and not be surprised himself. In the darkness a flotilla of destroyers may make an attack on the various vulnerable colliers and supply vessels of a fleet, or even on the main body, and achieve a marked success, because that is the rôle they are trained to play. But the tremendous power and accuracy of battleships cannot be utilized or made available in darkness; and therefore a commander-in-chief, anxious to defeat by superior skill a coming fleet larger than his own, would hardly throw away all chance of using skill by risking his main body in a night encounter. Every operation planned by strategy is supposed to result from the "decision" which follows the estimate of the situation; even if in some simple or urgent cases, the decision is not laboriously worked out, but is almost unconscious and even automatic. Now, it is hardly conceivable that any estimate of the situation would be followed by a decision to go ahead and trust to luck, except in very desperate circumstances. In such circumstances, when hope is almost gone, a desperate blow, even in the dark, may save a situation--as a lucky hand at cards may redeem a gambler's fortune at even the last moment. But strategy is opposed to taking desperate measures; and pugilists and even gamblers recognize the fact that when a man becomes "desperate," his judgment is bad, and his chances of success are almost zero. While it is possible, therefore, that the main bodies of hostile fleets may come together in the night, we may assume that it will not be as part of any planned operations, and therefore not within the scope of this discussion; and that any combat which may result will be one in which strategy will play no part, and in which even tactics will yield first place to chance. But while our defending fleet will have to base most of its decisions on guesses, the coming fleet, on the other hand, having accepted the strategical disadvantage of leaving its base far in rear, will advance with all the advantage of the offensive, especially in knowing where it intends to go and what it desires to do. Coming over on a definite mission it will have been able to know what preparations to make; and as the naval Powers of Europe understand the need of co-ordination between policy and strategy, the fleet will doubtless have had time to make those preparations; it will not have started, in fact, and war will not have been declared, until all those preparations have been made. We may assume that the coming fleet will come across with all possible precautions for protecting itself against detection by the defender's scouts, and therefore against an unexpected attack, by night or by day. It cannot receive an unexpected attack unless surprised; and how can it be surprised, if it has more scouts, faster scouts, and more powerfully armed scouts than the defending fleet has? The possession of the more powerful scouts, however, will be valuable to the enemy, not only for forming a screen as a protection against enemy scouts, but also for scouting and thereby getting information for itself. A numerous squadron of scouts of different kinds, sent out ahead and on each flank would see any of our scouts that saw them; and the scouts that were the more powerful would force the weaker scouts back to the arms of their own main body, toward which the more powerful scouts would, of course, advance. The weaker scouts, therefore, would have no value whatever as a screen, save in retarding the advance of the stronger scouts, and in delaying their getting information. If the coming fleet is more powerful than the defending fleet, and has a more numerous and powerful scouting force, it will, therefore, be able to push back the defending fleet, whether an actual battle occurs or not; and it will be able to bring over, also, a large invading force in transports if its fighting superiority be great enough. Furthermore, if we have not fortified and protected the places which the enemy would wish to seize and use as advanced naval bases, the enemy will be able to seize them, and will doubtless do so. Of course, this is so obvious as to seem hardly worth declaring; and yet some people hesitate even to admit it, and thereby they assume a passive condition of moral cowardice; for they know that a strong force has always overcome a weaker force that opposed it in war; and that it always will do so, until force ceases to be force. They know that force is that which moves, or tends to move, matter; and that the greater the force, the more surely it will move matter, or anything that opposes it. If, however, we establish naval bases near our valuable commercial and strategic ports, both on our coast and in the Caribbean, and if we fortify them so that an enemy could not take them quickly, the condition of the enemy fleet will be much less happy; because it will have to remain out on the ocean, where fuelling and repairing are very difficult, and where it will be exposed, day and night, especially at night, to attack by destroyers and submarines; and in case necessity demands the occasional division of the force, it must beware of attacks on the separated portions of the fleet. The condition of a large fleet under way on an enemy's coast is one requiring much patience and endurance, and one in which the number of vessels is liable to be continuously reduced by the guerilla warfare of the defenders. In the case of our attempting offensive operations against the distant coast of an enemy, we would be in the same position as a foreign enemy would be in when attacking our coast, in that our chances of success would be excellent if our fleet were considerably superior to the defending fleet in fighting power, and in the number and strength of scouts, and if the enemy coast possessed numerous undefended bays and islands which we could seize as bases. But even if the superiority of our fleet in fighting power and scouts was considerably greater than the enemy's our ultimate success would be doubtful, if the enemy's coast and islands were so protected by guns and mines and submarines that we could not get a base near the scene of operations. It is true that the British were able to maintain blockades of the French coast during many weary months without any base nearer than England--a place far away to ships whose only motive power was sails; but destroyers and submarines and mines did not then exist, and these agencies are much more valuable to the defender than to the blockader who has no base at hand. Our operations without a base on a distant enemy coast would be apt to degenerate into warding off a continual series of more or less minor attacks by the minor craft of the defender. The commander of our fleet would be constrained to keep his fighting force pretty close together, thus restricting his initiative; lest the entire enemy fleet catch a detached part out of supporting distance of the main body, and annihilate it with little loss to themselves. We could probably shut off most of the enemy's sea-borne commerce; and the war would become one of endurance between our fleet, on the one hand, and the economic forces and the morale of the enemy country on the other hand. In the case of operations carried on far away from the bases of both fleets, operations like those that the French and British carried on in the West Indies, the commanders-in-chief will naturally be much less directed by the admiralties at home than will a commander-in-chief operating near home; and the strategical advantage, as affected by the proximity of bases, and by the possession of the better chance for the initiative, will be reduced to its minimum. Of course, the victory will go to the more powerful force; but so many factors go to make up power, that it may be difficult to determine which is the more powerful, until after victory itself shall have decided it. Supposing the skill to be equal on both sides, the victory will go to the side that possesses the most numerous and powerful vessels of all kinds. But unless there is a very great disproportion, it may be difficult to determine which side has the more powerful ships, even though we may know which side has the more numerous. It is extremely difficult to compare even two single war-ships because we do not know the relative values of their factors. Suppose two ships, for instance, to be equal in all ways, except that one ship has ten 14-inch guns, and the other has twelve 12-inch guns of higher initial velocity. Which is the more powerful ship? Suppose one ship has more armor, another more speed. Formulæ designed to assign numerical values to fighting ships have been laboriously worked out, notably by Constructor Otto Kretschmer of the German navy; but the results cannot be accepted as anything except very able approximations. Furthermore, if ship _A_ could whip ship _B_ under some conditions, _B_ could whip _A_ under other conditions. An extreme illustration would be battleship _A_ engaged with submarine _B_ at close quarters; _B_ being on the surface in one case, and submerged in the other case. _Aircraft_.--The influence of aircraft on naval operations is to be very great indeed, but in directions and by amounts that it would not be wise to attempt to predict. The most obvious influence will be in distant scouting, for which the great speed of aircraft will make them peculiarly adapted, as was demonstrated in the battle near the Skagerak. It is the belief of the author, however, that the time is close at hand when aeroplanes and dirigibles of large size will be capable of offensive operations of the highest order, including the launching of automobile torpedoes of the Whitehead type. _Skill_.--The question of skill bears a relation to the question of the material power directed by it that is very vital, but very elusive. If, for instance, ship _C_, firing ten 12-inch guns on a side, fights ship _D_, firing five like guns on a side, the advantage would seem to be with _C_; but it would not be if each gun on _D_ made three hits, while each gun on _C_ made one hit; a relative performance not at all impossible or unprecedented. Similarily, if the head of the admiralty of the _E_ fleet were a very skilful strategist, and the head of the admiralty of the _F_ fleet were not, and if the various admirals, captains, lieutenants, engineers, and gunners of the _E_ fleet were highly skilled, and those of the _F_ fleet were not, the _E_ fleet might be victorious, even if materially it were much the smaller in material and personnel. In case the head of the admiralty of the _E_ fleet were the more skilful, while the officers of the _F_ fleet were, on the average, more skilful than those of the _E_ fleet, it would be impossible to weigh the difference between them; but as a rough statement, it may be said that if the head of the admiralty of either fleet is more skilful than the other, his officers will probably be more skilful than the officers of the other; so pervasive is the influence of the chief. The effectiveness of modern ships and guns and engines and torpedoes, when used with perfect skill, is so great that we tend unconsciously to assume the perfect skill, and think of naval power in terms of material units only. Yet daily life is full of reminders that when two men or two bodies of men contend, the result depends in large though varying measure on their relative degrees of skill. Whenever one thinks of using skill, he includes in his thought the thing in the handling of which the skill is employed. One can hardly conceive of using skill except in handling something of the general nature of an instrument, even if the skill is employed in handling something which is not usually called an instrument. For instance, if a man handles an organization with the intent thereby to produce a certain result, the organization is the instrument whereby he attempts to produce the result. If a man exercises perfect skill, he achieves with his instrument 100 per cent of its possible effect. If he exercises imperfect skill, he achieves a smaller percentage of its possible effect. To analyze the effectiveness of skill, let us coin the phrase, "effective skill," and agree that, if a man produces 100 per cent of the possible, his effective skill is 100 per cent, and, in general, that a man's effective skill in using any instrument is expressed by the percentage he achieves of what the instrument can accomplish; that, for instance, if a gun is fired at a given range under given conditions, and 10 per cent hits are made in a given time, then the effective skill employed is 10 per cent. From this standpoint we see that imperfect skill is largely concerned with errors. If a man uses, say, a gun, with perfect skill, he commits no error in handling the gun; and the smaller the sum total of errors which he commits in handling the gun, the greater his effective skill and the greater the number of hits. The word "errors," as here used, does not simply mean errors of commission, but means errors of omission as well. If a man, in firing a gun, fails to press the button or trigger when his sights are on, he makes an error just as truly as the man does who presses the button or trigger when the sights are not on. Suppose that, in firing a gun, under given conditions of range, etc., the effective skill employed is 10 per cent. This means that 10 per cent of hits are made. But it means another thing equally important--it means that 90 per cent of misses are made. To what are these misses due? Clearly they are due to errors made, not necessarily by the man who fires the gun, but by all the people concerned. If the correct sight-bar range were given to the gun, and if the gun were correctly laid and the pointer pressed the button at precisely the right instant, the shot would hit the target, practically speaking. But, in actual practice, the range-finder makes an error, the spotter makes an error, the plotting-room makes an error, the sight-setter makes an error, and the gun-pointer makes an error. The sum total of all of these errors results in 90 per cent of misses. Suppose that by careful training these errors are reduced in the relation of 9 to 8, so that instead of there being 90 per cent of misses there are only 80 per cent. This does not seem a very difficult thing for training to accomplish, but note the result: the hits are increased from 10 per cent to 20 per cent. In other words, by a decrease in errors in the relation of 9 to 8, the effective skill and the hits are doubled. Conversely, if the errors increased in the ratio of 9 to 10, the misses would increase from 90 per cent to 100 per cent, and the hits would be reduced from 10 per cent to 0. Suppose now that the conditions are so very difficult that only 1 per cent of hits is made, or 99 per cent of misses, and that by training the misses are reduced from 99 per cent to 98 per cent. Clearly, by a decrease of errors of hardly more than 1 per cent the effective skill and the hits are doubled. Conversely, if the errors increased in the ratio of 99 to 100, the misses would increase from 99 per cent to 100 per cent, and the hits would be reduced from 1 per cent to 0. But suppose that the conditions are so easy that 90 per cent of hits are made and only 10 per cent of misses. Clearly, if the errors were divided by 10, so that only 1 per cent of misses was made, instead of 10 per cent, the number of hits would increase only 9 per cent, from 90 per cent to 99 per cent. Of course, this is merely an arithmetical way of expressing the ancient truths that skill becomes more and more important as the difficulties of handling an instrument increase; and that, no matter how effective an instrument may be when used with perfect skill, the actual result obtained in practice is only the product of its possible performance and the effective skill with which it is used. Applying this idea to naval matters, we see why the very maximum of skill is required in our war mechanisms and war organizations, in their almost infinite variety and complexity. The war mechanisms and war organizations of the military nations are capable of enormous results, but only when they are used with enormous skill. There are no other instruments or organizations that need so much skill to handle them, because of the difficulties attending their use and the issues at stake. Their development has been a process long and painful. On no other things has so much money been spent; to perfect no other things have so many lives been sacrificed; on no other things, excepting possibly religion, have so many books been written; to no other things has the strenuous exertion of so many minds been devoted; in operating no other things has such a combination of talent and genius and power of will and spirit been employed. A battleship is an instrument requiring skill to handle well, considered both as a mechanism and as an organization. Its effective handling calls for skill not only on the part of the captain, but on the part of all hands. The finest dreadnaught is ineffective if manned by an ineffective crew. The number and complexity of the mechanisms on board are so great as to stagger the imagination; and the circumstances of modern warfare are so difficult that, as between two forces evenly matched as to material, a comparatively slight advantage in errors made will turn the scale in favor of the more skilful. A difference in errors, for instance, in the relation of 9 to 8, under the conditions mentioned above, between two fleets having an equal number of similar ships, would give one side twice as many hits as the other in any given length of time. In March, 1905, the writer published an essay in the _Proceedings of the U. S. Naval Institute_ called "American Naval Policy," in which the effect of initial superiority in gun-fire was shown in tables. One table showed that an initial advantage of only 10 per cent secured an overwhelming victory by an accumulative effect. Now a difference of 10 per cent in hits, under conditions in which the hits were about 10 per cent of the maximum, would mean, roughly speaking, the difference between 10 hits and 9 hits in a given length of time, or a difference between 90 misses and 91 misses; a difference in errors made of a little more than 1 per cent. The conclusion to be drawn is too obvious to be stated. Perhaps the conclusion is not broadly new; but possibly the idea is new that so small a difference in errors made will, under conditions of sufficient difficulty, produce such a tremendous difference in results. Now, a division is more complex and more difficult to handle perfectly than is a battleship; a squadron more so than a division; a fleet more so than a squadron; a navy more so than a fleet. _Necessity for Knowledge of the Naval Machine_.--There is no machine or tool so simple that knowledge of it is not needed in order to use it skilfully. This does not mean that intimate knowledge of the details of construction of a machine is necessary in order to operate it; it does not mean, for instance, that a sharp-shooter must have a profound knowledge of the metallurgy of the metal of which his gun is mainly made, or of the laws of chemistry and physics that apply to powder, or of the laws of ballistics that govern the flight of the bullet to its target. But it does mean that any skilful handler of any machine must know how to use it; that a sharpshooter, for instance, must know how to use his machine--the gun. Of course, a sharpshooter's skill is exercised in operating under very limited conditions, the conditions of shooting; and it does not include necessarily the maintenance of his gun in good condition. The operating of some machines, however, includes the maintenance of those machines; and a simple illustration is that of operating an automobile. An automobile is constructed to be operated at considerable distances from home; and a man whose knowledge and skill were limited to steering, stopping, starting, and backing the car--who had no knowledge of its details of construction and could not repair a trifling injury--would have very little value as a chauffeur. A like remark might truthfully be made about the operation of any complex machine; and the more complex the machine, the more aptly the remark would apply. The chief engineer of any electric plant, of any municipal water-works, of any railroad, of any steamship must have the most profound and intimate knowledge of the details of construction and the method of operation of the machine committed to his charge. Recognition of this fact by the engineering profession is so complete and perfect as to be almost unconscious; and no man whose reasoning faculties had been trained by the exact methods of engineering could forget it for a moment. The whole structure of that noble science rests on facts that have been demonstrated to be facts, and the art rests on actions springing from those facts; and neither the science nor the art would now exist, if machines created by engineering skill had been committed to the charge of men unskilled. It is obvious that the more complicated in construction any machine is, the more time and study are needed to understand it fully; and that the more complicated its method of operation is, the more practice is needed in order to attain skill in operating it. The more simple the method of operation, the more closely a machine approaches automatism; but even automatic machines are automatic only in so far as their internal mechanisms are concerned; and the fact of their being automatic does not eliminate the necessity for skill in using them. An automatic gun, for instance, no matter how perfectly automatically it discharges bullets, may be fired at an advancing enemy skilfully or unskilfully, effectively or ineffectively. In operating some machines, such as a soldier's rifle, or a billiard cue, the number of mental, nervous, and muscular operations is apparently very few; yet every physician knows that the number is very great indeed, and the operations extremely complex--complex beyond the knowledge of the psychologist, physicist, chemist, and biologist. The operation of more complex mechanisms, such as automobiles, seems to be more difficult, because the operator has more different kinds of things to do. Yet that it is really more difficult may be doubted for two reasons; one being that each single operation is of a more simple nature, and the other reason being that we know that a much higher degree of skill is possessed by a great billiardist than by an automobile chauffeur. Of course, the reason of this may be that competition among billiardists has been much more keen than among chauffeurs; but even if this be true, it reminds us that _the difficulty of operating any machine depends on the degree of skill exacted_. It also reminds us that, if a machine is to be operated in competition with another machine, the skill of the operator should be as great as it can be made. The steaming competitions that have been carried on in our navy for several years are examples on a large scale of competitive trials of skill in operating machines. These machines are very powerful, very complex, very important; and that supreme skill shall be used in operating them is very important too. For this reason, every man in the engineering department of every ship, from the chief engineer himself to the youngest coal-passer, is made to pass an examination of some kind, in order that no man may be put into any position for which he is unfit, and no man advanced to any position until he has shown himself qualified for it, both by performance in the grade from which he seeks to rise, and by passing a professional examination as to the duties in the grade to which he desires to rise. The same principles apply to all machines; and the common sense of mankind appreciates them, even if the machines are of the human type. A captain of a company of soldiers, in all armies and in all times, has been trained to handle a specific human machine; so has the captain of a football team, so has the rector of a church. The training that each person receives gives him such a subconscious sense of the weights and uses of the various parts of the machine, that he handles them almost automatically--and not only automatically but instantly. The captain on the bridge, when an emergency confronts him, gives the appropriate order instantly. Now the word "machine" conveys to the minds of most of us the image of an engine made of metal, the parts of which are moved by some force, such as the expansive force of steam. But machines were in use long before the steam-engine came, and one of the earliest known to man was man himself--the most perfect machine known to him now, and one of the most complicated and misused; for who of us does not know of some human machine of the most excellent type, that has been ruined by the ignorance or negligence of the man to whose care it was committed? A machine is in its essence an aggregation of many parts, so related to each other and to some external influence, that the parts can be made to operate together, to attain some desired end or object. From this point of view, which the author believes to be correct, a baseball team is a machine, so is a political party, so is any organization. Before the days of civilization, machines were few in type; but as civilization progressed, the necessity for organizations of many kinds grew up, and organizations of many kinds appeared. Then the necessity for knowledge of how to operate those organizations brought about certain professions, first that of the military, second that of the priesthood, and later those of the law, medicine, engineering, etc. As time has gone on, the preparation required for these professions, especially the progressive professions, has become increasingly difficult and increasingly demanded; and the members of the professions have become increasingly strict in their requirements of candidates for membership. Now the profession that is the most strict of all, that demands the greatest variety of qualifications, and the earliest apprenticeship, is the military. The military profession serves on both the land and the sea, in armies and navies; and while both the land and the sea branches are exacting in their demands, the sea or naval branch is the more exacting of the two; by reason of the fact that the naval profession is the more esoteric, the more apart from the others, the more peculiar. In all the naval countries, suitable youths are taken in hand by their governments, and initiated into the "mysteries" of the naval profession--mysteries that would always remain mysteries to them, if their initiation were begun too late in life. Many instances are known of men who obtained great excellence in professions which they entered late in life; but not one instance in the case of a man who entered the naval profession late in life. And though some civilian heads of navies have shown great mental capacity, and after--say three years'--incumbency have shown a comprehension of naval matters greater than might have been expected, none has made a record of performance like those of the naval ministers of Germany and Japan; or of Admiral Barham, as first lord of the admiralty, or Sir John Fisher as first sea lord, in England. A navy is so evidently a machine that the expression "naval machine" has often been applied to it. It is a machine that, both in peace and in war, must be handled by one man, no matter how many assistants he may have. If a machine cannot be made to obey the will of one man, it is not one machine. If two men are needed, at least two machines are to be operated; if three men are needed there are at least three machines, etc. One fleet is handled by one man, called the commander-in-chief. If there are two commanders-in-chief, there are two fleets; and these two fleets may act in conjunction, in opposition, or without reference to each other. The fact of a machine being operated by one man does not, however, prevent the machine from comprising several machines, operated by several men. A vessel of war, for instance, is operated as a unit by one man; the words "vessel of war," meaning not only the inert hull, but all the parts of personnel and material that make a vessel of war. The captain does not handle each individual machine or man; but he operates the mechanism and the personnel, by means of which all the machines and men are made to perform their tasks. Now the naval machine is composed of many machines, but the machines that have to be "operated" in war, using the word "operated" in the usual military sense, are only the active fleet, the bureaus and offices and the bases; including in the bases any navy-yards within them. Using the word "operated" still more technically, the only thing to be operated in war is the fleet: but the head of the Navy Department must also so direct the logistical efforts of the bureaus and offices and bases, that the fleet shall be given the material in fuel, supplies, and ammunition with which to conduct those operations. Like the chief engineer of a ship, he must both operate and maintain the machine. The fleet itself is a complex machine, even in time of peace. In war time it is more so, for the reason that many additions are made to the fleet when war breaks out; and these additions, being largely of craft and men held in reserve, or brought in hurriedly from civil life, cannot be so efficient or so reliable as are the parts of the fleet that existed in time of peace. The active fleet consists of battleships, battle cruisers, cruisers of various speeds and sizes, destroyers, submarines, and aircraft. The fleet is under the immediate command of its commander-in-chief, just as the New York naval station is under the command of its commandant; but the commander-in-chief of the fleet is just as strictly under the command of the head of the admiralty or Navy Department as is the commandant. The commander-in-chief is the principal part of the naval machine that is operated in war; and the ultimate success of the naval machine in war depends largely on the amount and degree of understanding that exists between the commander-in-chief and the head of the Navy Department. That goodwill and kindly feeling should exist between them may be assumed, since both have the same object in view; but that real understanding should exist between them is more difficult to assume, especially if they have been trained in different schools and have not known each other until late in life. In the latter case, misunderstandings are apt to arise, as time goes on; and if they do, the most cordial good feeling may change into mutual distrust and suspicion, and even hatred. To see that such things have happened in the past, we do not have to look further back in history than the records of our own Civil War, especially the records of the mutual relations of the head of the War Department and some generals. That a situation equally grave did not exist between the head of the Navy Department and any of the admirals may be attributed to the fact that the number of naval defeats was less than the number of defeats on land, to the lesser number of persons in the navy, and to the smaller number of operations. Perhaps a still greater reason was the greater confidence shown by civilians in their ability to handle troops, compared with their confidence in their ability to handle fleets. Even between the Navy Department and the officers, however, mutual respect and understanding can hardly be said to have existed. This did not prevent the ultimate triumph of the Union navy; but that could hardly have been prevented by any means, since the Union navy was so much superior to the Confederate. _Co-operation between the Navy Department and the Fleet_.--In any war with a powerful navy, into which the U. S. navy may enter, the question of co-operation between the department and the fleet will be the most important factor in the portentous situation that will face us. We shall be confronted with the necessity of handling the most complex and powerful machine known to man with the utmost possible skill; and any lack of understanding between the fleet and the department, and any slowness of apprehension or of action by the department, may cause a national disaster. One of the most important dangers to be guarded against will be loss of time. In naval operations the speed of movement of the forces is so great that crises develop and pass with a rapidity unexampled formerly; so that delays of any kind, or due to any causes, must be prevented if that be possible. If a swordsman directs a thrust at the heart, the thrust must be parried--_in time_. [Illustration: STRATEGIC MAP OF THE ATLANTIC AND PACIFIC OCEANS.] 
18676	----	Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations. See 18676-h.htm or 18676-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/8/6/7/18676/18676-h/18676-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/8/6/7/18676/18676-h.zip) America In The War OUR NAVY IN THE WAR by LAWRENCE PERRY Illustrated New York Charles Scribner's Sons 1919 Copyright, 1918, by Charles Scribner's Sons Published October, 1918 [Illustration: _From a photograph by C.R. Eagle._ ATLANTIC FLEET STEAMING IN LINE OF BEARING.] THIS BOOK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED TO THE HON. JOSEPHUS DANIELS A NEWSPAPER MAN WHO BROUGHT TO HIS TASK AS SECRETARY OF THE NAVY THOSE GREAT QUALITIES OF MIND AND CHARACTER WHICH FITTED HIM TO MEET WITH SUCH SIGNAL SUCCESS THE IMMENSE PROBLEMS WHICH THE WAR IMPOSED UPON HIS OFFICE. TO HIS FAR-SEEING VISION, HIS BREADTH OF VIEW, HIS FREEDOM FROM ALL BIAS, HIS JUDGMENT OF MEN AND OF AFFAIRS, AND TO THE STERN COURAGE OF HIS CONVICTIONS ARE DUE TO-DAY THE MAINTENANCE OF THOSE HIGH TRADITIONS OF THE UNITED STATES NAVY OF WHICH AMERICANS HAVE EVER BEEN PROUD. CONTENTS FOREWORD CHAPTER I First Experience of Our Navy with the German U-Boat--Arrival of Captain Hans Rose and the U-53 at Newport--Experiences of the German Sailors in an American Port--Destruction of Merchantman by U-53 off Nantucket--Our Destroyers to the Rescue--Scenes in Newport--German Rejoicing--The Navy Prepares for War CHAPTER II Our Navy Arms American Merchant Vessels--Death of our First Bluejacket on Service in the War Zone--Vice-Admiral Sims--We Take Over Patrol of Waters of Western Hemisphere--The Naval Advisory Board of Inventions--Work of this Body--Our Battleships the Largest in the World--Widespread Operations CHAPTER III First Hostile Contact Between the Navy and the Germans--Armed Guards on Merchant Vessels--"Campana" First to Sail--Daniels Refuses Offer of Money Awards to Men Who Sink Submarines--"Mongolia" Shows Germany How the Yankee Sailorman Bites--Fight of the "Silvershell"--Heroism of Gunners on Merchant Ships--Sinking of the "Antilles"--Experiences of Voyagers CHAPTER IV Destroyers on Guard--Preparations of Flotilla to Cross the Ocean--Meeting the "Adriatic"---Flotilla Arrives in Queenstown-- Reception by British Commander and Populace--"We are Ready Now, Sir"--Arrival of the Famous Captain Evans on the American Flag-Ship--Our Navy a Warm-Weather Navy--Loss of the "Vacuum" CHAPTER V British and American Destroyers Operating Hand in Hand--Arrival of Naval Collier "Jupiter"--Successful Trip of Transports Bearing United States Soldiers Convoyed by Naval Vessels--Attack on Transports Warded Off by Destroyers--Secretary Baker Thanks Secretary Daniels--Visit to our Destroyer Base--Attitude of Officers Toward Men--Genesis of the Submarine--The Confederate Submarine "Hunley" CHAPTER VI On a German Submarine--Fight with a Destroyer--Periscope Hit--Record of the Submarine in this War--Dawning Failure of the Undersea Boat--Figures Issued by the British Admiralty--Proof of Decline--Our Navy's Part in this Achievement CHAPTER VII How the Submarine is being Fought--Destroyers the Great Menace--But Nets, Too, Have Played Their Part--Many Other Devices--German Officers Tell of Experience on a Submarine Caught in a Net--Chasers Play Their Part--The Depth-Bomb--Trawler Tricks--A Camouflaged Schooner Which Turned Out To Be a Tartar--Airplanes--German Submarine Men in Playful Mood CHAPTER VIII Perils and Triumphs of Submarine-Hunting--The Loss of our First War-Ship, The Converted Gunboat "Alcedo"--Bravery of Crew--"Cassin" Struck by Torpedo, But Remains in the Fight--Loss of the "Jacob Jones"--Sinking of the "San Diego"--Destroyers "Nicholson" and "Fanning" Capture a Submarine, Which Sinks--Crew of Germans Brought Into Port--The Policy of Silence in Regard to Submarine-Sinkings CHAPTER IX Our Battleship Fleet--Great Workshop of War--Preparations for Foreign Service--On a Battleship During a Submarine Attack--The Wireless That Went Wrong--The Torpedo That Missed--Attack on Submarine Bases of Doubtful Expediency--When the German Fleet Comes Out--Establishment of Station in the Azores CHAPTER X Great Atlantic Ferry Company, Incorporated, But Unlimited--Feat of the Navy in Repairing the Steamships Belonging to German Lines Which Were Interned at Beginning of War in 1914--Welding and Patching--Triumph of Our Navy With the "Vaterland"--Her Condition--Knots Added to Her Speed--Damage to Motive Power and How It Was Remedied--Famous German Liners Brought Under Our Flag CHAPTER XI Camouflage--American System of Low Visibility and the British Dazzle System--Americans Worked Out Principles of Color in Light and Color in Pigment--British Sought Merely to Confuse the Eye--British System Applied to Some of Our Transports CHAPTER XII The Naval Flying Corps--What The Navy Department Has Accomplished And Is Accomplishing in the Way of Air-Fighting--Experience of a Naval Ensign Adrift in the English Channel--Seaplanes and Flying Boats--Schools of Instruction--Instances of Heroism CHAPTER XIII Organization Of The Naval Reserve Classes--Taking Over of Yachts For Naval Service--Work Among The Reserves Stationed at Various Naval Centres--Walter Camp's Achievement CHAPTER XIV The United States Marine Corps--First Military Branch Of The National Service To Be Sanctioned By Congress--Leaving For The War--Service Of The Marines in Various Parts of the Globe--Details of Expansion of Corps--Their Present Service All Over The World CHAPTER XV Scope Of The Navy's Work In Various Particulars--Food--Fuel--Naval Consulting Board--Projectile Factory--Expenditures--Increase Of Personnel CHAPTER XVI The beginning of the end--Reports in London that submarines were withdrawing to their bases to head a battle movement on the part of the German Fleet--How the plan was foiled--The surrender of the German Fleet to the combined British and American Squadrons--Departure of the American Squadron--What might have happened had the German vessels come out to fight CHAPTER XVII Lessons of the War--The Submarine Not Really a Submarine--French Term for Undersea Fighter--The Success of the Convoy Against Submersibles--U-Boats Not Successful Against Surface Fighters--Their Shortcomings--What the Submarine Needs to be a Vital Factor in Sea Power--Their Showing Against Convoyed Craft--Record of Our Navy in Convoying and Protecting Convoys Secretary Daniels's Report ILLUSTRATIONS Atlantic Fleet steaming in line of bearing Portraits of Josephus Daniels, Secretary of the Navy, Rear-Admiral Leigh C. Palmer, Vice-Admiral William S. Sims, Admiral Henry T. Mayo, Rear-Admiral Albert Gleaves, Admiral William S. Benson Position of ships in a convoy A U.S. submarine at full speed on the surface of the water A submarine-chaser A torpedo-destroyer Repairing a damaged cylinder of a German ship for federal service Scene at an aviation station somewhere in America, showing fifteen seaplanes on beach departing and arriving Captain's inspection at Naval Training Station, Newport, R.I. American Marines who took part in the Marne offensive on parade in Paris, July 4, 1918 OUR NAVY IN THE WAR FOREWORD Gently rolling and heaving on the surge of a summer sea lay a mighty fleet of war-vessels. There were the capital ships of the Atlantic Fleet, grim dreadnoughts with their superimposed turrets, their bristling broadsides, their basket-masts--veritable islands of steel. There were colliers, hospital-ships, destroyers, patrol-vessels--in all, a tremendous demonstration of our sea power. Launches were dashing hither and thither across the restless blue waters, signal-flags were flashing from mast and stay and the wind, catching the sepia reek from many a funnel, whipped it across a league of sea. On the deck of the largest battleship were gathered the officers of the fleet not only, but nearly every officer on active duty in home waters. All eyes were turned shoreward and presently as a sharp succession of shots rang out a sleek, narrow craft with gracefully turned bow came out from the horizon and advanced swiftly toward the flag-ship. It was the President's yacht, the _Mayflower_, with the President of the United States on board. As the yacht swung to a launch was dropped overside, the gangway lowered and Woodrow Wilson stepped down to the little craft, bobbing on the waves. There was no salute, no pomp, no official circumstance, nor anything in the way of ceremony. The President did not want that. What he did want was to meet the officers of our navy and give them a heart-to-heart talk. He did just that. At the time it was early summer in 1917. In the preceding April a declaration that Germany had been waging war upon the United States had been made in Congress; war resolutions had been passed and signed by the President. This on April 6. On April 7 the Navy Department had put into effect plans that had already been formulated. Much had been done when the President boarded the flag-ship of the Atlantic Fleet that early summer afternoon. Some of our destroyers were already at work in foreign waters, but the bulk of our fighting force was at home, preparing for conflict. And it was this time that the President chose to meet those upon whom the nation relied to check the submarine and to protect our shores against the evil devices of the enemy. "He went," wrote a narrator of this historic function, "directly to the business in hand. And the business in hand was telling the officers of the navy of the United States that the submarine had to be beaten and that they had to do it. He talked--well, it must still remain a secret, but if you have ever heard a football coach talk to his team between the halves; if you ever heard a captain tell his men what he expected of them as they stripped for action; if you ever knew what the fighting spirit of Woodrow Wilson really is when it is on fire--then you can visualize the whole scene. He wanted not merely as good a record from our navy as other navies had, he wanted a better record. He wanted action, not merely from the gold-braided admirals, but from the ensigns, too; and he wanted every mind turned to the solution of the submarine question, and regardless of rank and distinction he wanted all to work and fight for the common object--victory. "Somebody suggested to the President later that the speech be published. He declined. Most of it wasn't said to be published. It was a direct talk from the Commander-in-chief of the navy to his men. It was inspiration itself. The officers cheered and went away across the seas. And there they have been in action ever since, giving an account of themselves that has already won the admiration of their allies and the involuntary respect of their foes." It was under such auspices as these that the United States Navy went forth to war. No one ever doubted the spirit of our fighters of the sea. Through all the years, from the time when John Paul Jones bearded enemy ships in their own waters, when _Old Ironsides_ belched forth her well-directed broadsides in many a victorious encounter; when Decatur showed the pirates of Tripoli that they had a new power with which to deal; when Farragut damned the torpedoes in Mobile Bay, and Dewey did likewise in Manila Bay; when Sampson and Schley triumphed at Santiago, and Hobson accepted the seemingly fatal chance under the guns of Morro Castle--through all the years, I say, and through all that they have brought in the way of armed strife, the nation never for one moment has ever doubted the United States Navy. And neither did Woodrow Wilson doubt. He knew his men. But he wanted to look them all in the eye and tell them that he knew their mettle, knew what they could do, and held no thought of their failure. Every fighting man fights the better for an incident of this sort. Week by week since that time there has come to us from out the grim North Sea, from the Mediterranean and the broad Atlantic abundant testimony, many a story of individual and collective heroism, of ships that have waged gallant fights, of Americans who have lived gallantly, who have died gloriously--and above all there has come to us the gratifying record of reduced submarine losses, as to which there is abundant testimony--notably from the great maritime and naval power of the world--Great Britain--that our navy has played a vital part in the diminution of the undersea terror. Less than a year after President Wilson boarded the flag-ship of the Atlantic Fleet our navy had more than 150 naval vessels--battleships, cruisers, submarines and tenders, gunboats, coast-guard cutters, converted yachts, tugs, and numerous vessels of other types for special purposes--in European waters. Serving on these vessels were nearly 40,000 men, more than half the strength of our navy before we entered the war--and this number did not include the personnel of troop-ships, supply-vessels, armed guards for merchantmen, signal-men, wireless operators and the like, who go into the war zone on recurrent trips. Submarines have been fought and sunk or captured--how many, a wise naval policy bids absolute silence. Our antisubmarine activities now cover in war areas alone over 1,000,000 square miles of sea. In a six-months period one detachment of destroyers steamed over 1,000,000 of miles in the war zone, attacked 81 submarines, escorted 717 single vessels, participated in 86 convoys, and spent one hundred and fifty days at sea. There have been mistakes, of course; there have been delays which have tried the patience not only of the country, but of the Navy Department. But they were inevitable under the high pressure of affairs as they suddenly set in when we went to war. But in looking back over the year and a half of conflict, considering the hundreds of thousands of soldiers that our navy has conducted in safety across the infested Atlantic, and the feats which our fighters have performed in action, in stormy seas, in rescue work and in the long, weary grind of daily routine, no American has cause for aught but pride in the work our navy has done. There has been more than a sixfold increase in naval man power and about a fourfold increase in the number of ships in service. When present plans have been carried out--and all projects are proceeding swiftly--the United States will probably rank second to Britain among naval Powers of the world. Training facilities have increased on a stupendous scale; we have now various specialized schools for seamen and officers; our industrial yards have grown beyond dreams and the production of ordnance and munitions proceeds on a vast scale, while in other directions things have been accomplished by the Navy Department which will not be known until the war is over and the records are open for all to read. But in the meantime history has been making and facts have been marked which give every American pride. Praise from the source of all things maritime is praise indeed, and what greater commendation--better than anything that might be spoken or written--could be desired than the action of Admiral Sir David Beatty, commander-in-chief of the Grand Fleet, who, receiving a report not so many months ago that the German High Seas Fleet was out, awarded the post of honor in the consolidated fleet of British and American war-vessels which went forth to meet the Germans to a division of American battleships. This chivalrous compliment on the part of the British commander was no doubt designed as a signal act of courtesy, but more, it was born of the confidence of a man who has seen our navy, who had had the most complete opportunities for studying it and, as a consequence, knew what it could do. There is nothing of chauvinism in the statement that, so far as the submarine is concerned, our navy has played a most helpful part in diminishing its ravages, that our fighting ships have aided very materially in the marked reduction in sinkings of merchantmen as compared to the number destroyed in the corresponding period before we entered the war, and in the no less notable increase in the number of submarines captured or sunk. These facts have not only been made clear by official Navy Department statements, but have been attested to by many British and French Admiralty and Government authorities and naval commanders. "You doubtless know," wrote Admiral Sims to the Secretary of the Navy some time ago, "that all of the Allies here with whom I am associated are very much impressed by the efforts now being made by the United States Navy Department to oppose the submarine and protect merchant shipping. I am very glad to report that our forces are more than coming up to expectations." Admiral Sims was modest. Let us quote the message sent by Admiral Sir Lewis Bayly, commander-in-chief of the British naval forces on the Irish coast, on the anniversary of the arrival of our first destroyer flotilla at Queenstown: "On the anniversary of the arrival of the first United States men-of-war at Queenstown I wish to express my deep gratitude to the United States officers and ratings for the skill, energy, and unfailing good nature which they all have consistently shown and which qualities have so materially assisted in the war by enabling ships of the Allied Powers to cross the ocean in comparative freedom. To command you is an honor, to work with you is a pleasure, to know you is to know the best traits of the Anglo-Saxon race." And to Secretary Daniels, Sir Eric Geddes, first lord of the British Admiralty, wrote in part: "As you know, we all of us here have great admiration for your officers and men and for the splendid help they are giving in European waters. Further, we find Admiral Sims invaluable in counsel and in co-operation." American naval aid has been of the greatest help to the British Fleet, wrote Archibald Hurd, the naval expert, in the _Daily Telegraph_, London. "When the war is over," he said, "the nation will form some conception of the extent of the debt which we owe the American Navy for the manner in which it has co-operated, not only in connection with the convoy system, but in fighting the submarines. If the naval position is improving to-day, as it is, it is due to the fact that the British and American fleets are working in closest accord, supported by an immense body of skilled workers on both sides of the Atlantic, who are turning out destroyers and other crafts for dealing with the submarines as well as mines and bombs. The Germans can have a battle whenever they want it. The strength of the Grand Fleet has been well maintained. Some of the finest battleships of the United States Navy are now associated with it. They are not only splendid fighting-ships, but they are well officered and manned." Here is what Lord Reading, the British Ambassador to the United States said in the course of an address at the Yale 1918 Commencement: "Let me say to you on behalf of the British people what a debt of gratitude we owe to your navy for its co-operation with us. There is no finer spectacle to be seen at present than that complete and cordial co-operation which is existing between your fleet and ours. They work as one. I always think to myself and hope that the co-operation of our fleets, of our navies, is the harbinger of what is to come in the future when the war is over, of that which will still continue then. Magnificent is their work, and I glory always in the thought that an American admiral has taken charge of the British Fleet and the British policy, and that when the plans are formed for an attack that American admiral is given the place of honor in our fleet, because we feel that it is his due at this moment." And finally, there is the testimony of Admiral Sir Rosslyn Wemyss, first sea lord of the British, concerning our effective aid, testimony, by the way, which enlightens us to some extent upon British and American methods of co-operation. "On the broad lines of strategic policy," he said, "complete unanimity exists. Admiral Benson and Admiral Mayo have both visited us and studied our naval plans. No officers could have exhibited keener appreciation of the naval situation. I find it difficult to express the gratitude of the British service to these officers and to Admiral Sims for the support they have given us. I am not exaggerating, or camouflaging, to borrow a word of the moment. Our relations could not be more cordial. The day-to-day procedure is of the simplest. Every morning I hold conference with the principal officers of the naval staff, and Admiral Sims is present as the representative of the United States Fleet, joining freely in the discussion of the various subjects which arise. I need not add that I keenly appreciate his help. At sea the same spirit of cordial co-operation exists--extremely cordial. I should like to say we have, fortunately, a common language and common traditions, which have done much to assist us in working together. "The American officers and men are first-rate. It is impossible to pay too high a tribute to the manner in which they settled down to this job of submarine hunting, and to the intelligence, resource, and courage which they have exhibited. They came on the scene at the opportune moment. Our men had been in the mill for many weary months. Possibly the American people, so far removed from the main theatre of the war, can hardly appreciate what it meant when these American officers and men crossed the Atlantic. They have been splendid, simply splendid. I have seen a number of the destroyers and conversed with a large number of officers. I also have had many reports and am not speaking of the aid the United States has rendered without full knowledge. "Not only are the vessels well constructed and the officers and men thoroughly competent, but the organization is admirable. It was no slight matter for so many ships to come 3,000 miles across the Atlantic to fight in European waters. The decision raised several complicated problems in connection with supplies, but those problems have been surmounted with success. There has never been anything like it before in the history of naval warfare, and the development of the steam-engine has rendered such co-operation more difficult than ever before, because the modern man-of-war is dependent on a constant stream of supplies of fuel, stores, food, and other things, and is need of frequent repairs." In addition to doing signally effective work in hunting down the submarine, and in protecting ocean commerce, our war-ships have relieved England and France of the necessity of looking out for raiders and submarines in South Atlantic waters: we have sent to the Grand Fleet, among other craft, a squadron of dreadnoughts and superdreadnoughts whose aggregate gun-power will tell whenever the German sea-fighters decide to risk battle in the North Sea; war-ships are convoying transports laden with thousands of men--more than a million and a half fighting men will be on French and English soil before these words are read--escorting ocean liners and convoying merchant vessels, while in divers other ways the navy of this country is playing its dominant part in the fight against German ruthlessness. When the Emergency Fleet Corporation announced its programme of building ships the Navy Department at once began its preparations for providing armed guards for these vessels as soon as they were commissioned for transatlantic service. Thousands of men were placed in training for this purpose and detailed instructions were prepared and issued to the Shipping Board and to all ship-building companies to enable them to prepare their vessels while building with gun-emplacements, armed-guard quarters, and the like, so that when the vessels were completed there would be as little delay as possible in furnishing them. In all details relating to the protection of these merchant vessels the navy has played a most vital part and not least of the laurels accruing to this department of the government war service for work in the present struggle have been those won by naval gun crews on cargo-laden ships. The administrative work in connecting many vessels of this class is a not inconsiderable of itself. The romance of the armed merchantmen affords material for many a vivid page, and when in its proper place in this volume it is set forth somewhat in detail the reader will grasp--if he has not already done so through perusal of the daily press--the fact that all the glory of naval service in this war has not resided within the turrets of the dreadnought nor on the deck of destroyer or patrol-vessel. The navy organized and has operated the large transport service required to take our soldiers overseas. At this writing not a single transport has been lost on the way to France, and but three have been sunk returning. Transports bound for France have been attacked by submarines time and again, and, in fact, our first transport convoy was unsuccessfully assailed, as has been the case with other convoys throughout the past twelve months. In the case of the _Tuscania_, sunk by a torpedo while eastbound with American soldiers, that vessel was under British convoy, a fact which implies no discredit upon the British Navy, since it is beyond the powers of human ingenuity so to protect the ocean lanes as to warrant assurance that a vessel, however well convoyed, shall be totally immune from the lurking submarine. Again, it should be remembered, that the British have taken about sixty per cent of our expeditionary forces across the ocean. In the line of expanding ship-building facilities the Navy Department has in the past year carried on vigorously a stupendous policy of increased shipyard capacity, which upon completion will see this country able to have in course of construction on the ways at one time sixteen war-vessels of which seven will be battleships. In January, 1917, three months before we went to war, the Navy Department's facilities for ship-building were: Boston, one auxiliary vessel; New York, one battleship; Philadelphia, one auxiliary; Norfolk, one destroyer; Charleston, one gunboat; Mare Island, one battleship and one destroyer. At the present time the Brooklyn Navy Yard has a way for the building of dreadnoughts, and one for the building of battleships. At Philadelphia two ways are being built for large battleships and battle-cruisers. Norfolk, in addition to her one way for destroyers, will soon have a way for battleships. Charleston will have five ways for destroyers. The navy-yard at Puget Sound will soon have a way for one battleship. The building plans include not only the construction of ways, but also machine, electrical, structural, forge, and pattern shops in addition to foundries, storehouses, railroad-tracks, and power-plants. This increase in building capacity will enable the government through enhanced repair facilities to handle all repair and building work for the fleet as well as such for the new merchant marine. Three naval docks which will be capable of handling the largest ships in the world are approaching completion while private companies are building similar docks under encouragement of the government in the shape of annual guarantees of dockage. An idea of what has been accomplished with respect to ship-building is gained through the statement of Secretary Daniels, June 2, that his department had established a new world's record for rapid ship construction by the launching of the torpedo-boat destroyer _Ward_, at the Mare Island Navy Yard, California, seventeen and a half days after the keel was laid. The previous record was established shortly before that date at Camden, New Jersey, where the freighter _Tuckahoe_ was launched twenty-seven days and three hours after the laying of the keel. In 1898, twenty years ago, the first sixteen destroyers were authorized for the United States Navy. These were less than half the size of our present destroyers, and yet their average time from the laying of the keels to launching was almost exactly two years. During the ten years prior to our entrance into the present war Congress authorized an average of five or six destroyers a year. The records show that in the construction of these the average time on the ways was almost exactly eleven months, the total time of construction being about two years. [Illustration: REAR-ADMIRAL LEIGH C. PALMER.] [Illustration: VICE-ADMIRAL WILLIAM S. SIMS.] [Illustration: JOSEPHUS DANIELS, SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.] [Illustration: ADMIRAL HENRY T. MAYO.] [Illustration: ADMIRAL WILLIAM S. BENSON.] [Illustration: REAR-ADMIRAL ALBERT GLEAVES.] The average time on the ways of the numerous destroyers launched in 1917-18, is but little over five months, this being somewhat less than half the average time under peace conditions. As many as 400 men were employed in work on the _Ward_, and in preparing to establish the record as much structural work as possible was prepared in advance, ready for erection and assembling before the keel was laid. While this achievement will no doubt remain unmatched for some time, it will none the less stand significant as marking a condition that is general in naval construction throughout the country, this applying to battleships and other craft as well as to destroyers. In short, under the constructive leadership of Josephus Daniels, the navy is doing its enormous bit in a convincing manner. It took the personnel of the navy--that is, the commissioned personnel--a long time to discover the real character and personality of Mr. Daniels. It is not too much to say that many of them were hostile to his administration. But the war proved him for what he was. With administrative capacity of his own, sound judgment, and a clear brain, he was big enough to know that there were many things that had better be left to the highly trained technicians under his command. And so in large measure he delegated many actual tasks of administration to the most competent officers in the navy, officers selected for special tasks without fear or favor. Mr. Daniels will receive, as he is now receiving, credit for their work; but he in turn is earnest in his desire so to speak and act, that this credit will be duly and properly shared by those entitled thereto. He has disregarded seniority and other departmental, not to say political factors, in choosing the right men to head the various bureaus of the Navy Department and the various units of the fleet. He has favored the young officer, and to-day it is not too much to say that youth holds the power in the navy; but, on the other hand, he has been quick to recognize and to employ in high places the qualities that reside in officers who with years of experience, combine enduring zest and broad points of view, In all, Secretary Daniels exemplifies the spirit of the American Navy--and the spirit of our navy is altogether consonant with our national tradition--to get into the fight and keep fighting. He has been the sponsor for a naval increase which sees our active roster increased from 56,000 men in April, 1917, to more than 400,000 at the present time, and our fighting ships increased, as already pointed out, fourfold. And while our vessels and our fighting men are playing their part on the high seas the counsel of our trained technical experts is eagerly sought and constantly employed by the admiralties of the Allied nations. When the naval history of this war is given to the world in freest detail we shall know just how much our officers have had to do with the strategy of operations adopted by all the Entente navies. It is not violating either ethics or confidence, however, to say that our influence in this respect has been very potent and that the names of Admiral William S. Benson, chief of operations, Vice-Admiral William S. Sims, Admiral Henry T. Mayo, and Rear-Admiral Albert Gleaves are already names that are to be reckoned with abroad as at home. As for incidents reflecting gloriously upon the morale of our officers and men, the navy has already its growing share. There is the destroyer _Cassin_ struck by a torpedo and seriously crippled, but refusing to return to port as long as there appeared to be a chance of engaging the submarine that had attacked her. There is Lieutenant Clarence C. Thomas, commander of the gun crew on the oil-ship _Vacuum_. When the ship was sunk he cheered his freezing men tossing on an icy sea in an open boat far from land, until he at length perished, his last words those of encouragement. There is Lieutenant S.F. Kalk, who swam from raft to raft encouraging and directing the survivors of the destroyer _Jacob Jones_ after a torpedo had sent that vessel to the bottom. There are those two gunners on the transport _Antilles_ who stood serving their gun until the ship sank and carried them down. There is the freighter _Silver-Shell_ whose gun crew fought and sank the submarine that attacked the ship, and the gun crews of the _Moreni_, the _Campana_, and the _J.L. Luckenback_--indomitable heroes all. There is Osmond Kelly Ingram, who saved the _Cassin_ and lost his life. There is the glorious page contributed to our naval annals, by the officers and crew of the _San Diego_. History indeed is in the making--history that Americans are proud to read. In all that has been written in this foreword the design has been merely to sketch, to outline some of the larger achievements of the United States Navy in this war. In chapters to come our navy's course from peace into war will be followed as closely as the restrictions of a wise censorship will permit. CHAPTER I First Experience of Our Navy with the German U-Boat--Arrival of Captain Hans Rose and the U-53 at Newport--Experiences of the German Sailors in an American Port--Destruction of Merchantman by U-53 off Nantucket--Our Destroyers to the Rescue--Scenes in Newport--German Rejoicing--The Navy Prepares for War How many of us who love the sea and have followed it to greater or less extent in the way of business or pleasure have in the past echoed those famous lines of Rudyard Kipling: "'Good-bye Romance!' the skipper said. He vanished with the coal we burn." And how often since the setting in of the grim years beginning with August of 1914 have we had occasion to appreciate the fact that of all the romance of the past ages the like to that which has been spread upon the pages of history in the past four years was never written nor imagined. Week after week there has come to us from out the veil of the maritime spaces incidents dramatic, mysterious, romantic, tragic, hideous. Great transatlantic greyhounds whose names evoke so many memories of holiday jaunts across the great ocean slip out of port and are seen no more of men. Vessels arrive at the ports of the seven seas with tales of wanton murder, of hairbreadth escapes. Boat crews drift for days at the mercy of the seas and are finally rescued or perish man by man. The square-rigged ship once more rears its towering masts and yards above the funnels of merchant shipping; schooners brave the deep seas which never before dared leave the coastwise zones; and the sands of the West Indies have been robbed of abandoned hulks to the end that the diminishing craft of the seas be replaced. And with all there are stories of gallantry, of sea rescues, of moving incidents wherein there is nothing but good to tell of the human animal. Would that it were all so. But it is not. The ruthlessness of the German rears itself like a sordid shadow against the background of Anglo-Saxon and Latin gallantry and heroism--a diminishing shadow, thank God, and thank, also, the navy of Great Britain and of the United States. For more than two years and a half of sea tragedy the men of our navy played the part of lookers-on. Closely following the sequence of events with the interest of men of science, there was a variety of opinion as to the desirability of our playing a part in the epic struggle on the salt water. There were officers who considered that we were well out of it; there were more who felt that our part in the struggle which the Allied nations were waging should be borne without delay. But whatever existed in the way of opinion there was no lack of unanimity in the minute study which our commissioned officers gave to the problems in naval warfare and related interests which were constantly arising in European waters. It was not, however, until October of 1916 that the American Navy came into very close relationship with the submarine activities of the German Admiralty. The morning of October 7 of that year was one of those days for which Newport is famous--a tangy breeze sweeping over the gorse-clad cliffs and dunes that mark the environment of Bateman's Point the old yellow light-ship which keeps watch and ward over the Brenton reefs rising and falling on a cobalt sea. From out of the seaward mists there came shortly before ten o'clock a low-lying craft which was instantly picked out by the men of the light-ship as a submarine, an American submarine. There is a station for them in Newport Harbor, and submersible boats of our navy are to be found there at all times. But as the men watched they picked up on the staff at the stern of the incoming craft the Royal German ensign. A German submarine! Be assured that enough interest in German craft of the sort had been aroused in the two years and eight months of war to insure the visitor that welcome which is born of intense interest. The submarine, the U-53, held over toward Beaver Tail and then swung into the narrow harbor entrance, finally coming to anchor off Goat Island. The commander, Captain Hans Rose, went ashore in a skiff and paid an official visit first to Rear-Admiral Austin M. Knight, commander of the Newport Naval District, and then to Rear-Admiral Albert Gleaves, chief of our destroyer flotilla. Subsequent testimony of that German commander was that the American naval officers appeared somewhat embarrassed at the visit, suggesting men who were confronted by a situation which they were not certain how to handle. The statement of the German officer had a humorous sound and may have been humorously intended. In any event. Admiral Knight and Admiral Gleaves were very polite, and in due course paid the Germans the courtesy of a return visit, And while the submarine lay in the harbor the crew came ashore and were treated to beer by the American sailors, while crowds of curious were admitted aboard the submersible and shown about with the most open courtesy. Captain Rose said he had come to deliver a letter to Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador, but such a mission seemed so trivial that rumor as to the real intentions of the craft was rife throughout the entire country. There were suspicions that she had put in for fuel, or ammunition, or supplies. But nothing to justify these thoughts occurred. The U-53 hung around through the daylight hours, and at sunset, with a farewell salute, put to sea. Did our naval officers think this was the last of her? Possibly, but probably not. They knew enough of the Germans to realize, or to suspect, that their minds held little thought those days of social amenities and that such calls as were made upon neutrals contained motives which, while hidden, were none the less definite. The night brought forth nothing, however, and the Navy Department was beginning to feel that perhaps after all the U-53 was well on her way to Germany, when early the following morning there came to the radio-station at Newport an indignant message from Captain Smith of the Hawaiian-American liner _Kansan_. He asked to know why he had been stopped and questioned by a German submarine which had halted him in the vicinity of the Nantucket light-ship at 5.30 o'clock that morning. He added that after he had convinced the submarine commander as to the nationality of his ship, he was permitted to proceed. This looked like business, and Newport became certain of this when shortly after noon came a radio containing advices as to the sinking of the steamship _West Point_ off Nantucket. Then at intervals up to midnight came other messages telling of the sinking of other vessels until the victims of the undersea craft numbered four British, a Dutch, and a Scandinavian vessel, one of them, the Halifax liner _Stephana_, a passenger-vessel, with Americans on board. Reports of vessels torpedoed, of open boats containing survivors afloat on the sea, followed one another swiftly until not only Newport but the entire country was aroused. Admiral Knight and Admiral Gleaves, who had been keeping the Navy Department at Washington in touch with every phase of the situation, beginning with the arrival of the U-53 the preceding day, lost no time in sending destroyers forth to the rescue, while already there was the cheering word that the destroyer _Batch_ was on the scene and engaged in rescue work. The departure of the destroyers was a spectacle that brought thousands of men, women, and children of Newport to the points of vantage along the shore or to small craft of all sorts in which they kept as close to the destroyers, preparing for their seaward flight, as they could. It was Sunday, a day when crowds were at leisure, but it was also a day when many of the officers and crew of the flotilla were on shore-leave. They were summoned from all points, however, and within a short time after the first call for help had been received the _Jarvis_, with Lieutenant L. P. Davis in command, was speeding to sea at the rate ordered by Admiral Gleaves, thirty-one knots an hour. Inside half an hour the other destroyers shot out to sea at the same speed as the _Jarvis_ while the spectators cheered them, and such as were in small boats followed until the speeding craft had disappeared. There was the _Drayton_--Lieutenant Bagley, who later was to know the venom of the German submarine--the _Ericson_, Lieutenant-Commander W. S. Miller; the _O'Brien_, Lieutenant-Commander C. E. Courtney; the _Benham_, Lieutenant-Commander J. B. Gay; the _Cassin_, Lieutenant-Commander Vernon; the _McCall_, Lieutenant Stewart; the _Porter_, Lieutenant-Commander W. K. Wortman; the _Fanning_, Lieutenant Austin; the _Paulding_, Lieutenant Douglas Howard; the _Winslow_, Lieutenant-Commander Nichols; the _Alwyn_, Lieutenant-Commander John C. Fremont; the _Cushing_, Lieutenant Kettinger; the _Cummings_, Lieutenant-Commander G. F. Neal; the _Conyngham_, Lieutenant-Commander A. W. Johnson, and the-mother ship, _Melville_, Commander H. B. Price. Soon after the destroyers had passed into the Atlantic there came a wireless message saying that twenty of the crew of the British steamship _Strathdean_ had been taken on board the Nantucket light-ship. Admiral Gleaves directed the movement of his destroyers from the radio-room on the flag-ship. He figured that the run was about a hundred miles. There was a heavy sea running and a strong southwest wind. There was a mist on the ocean. It was explained by the naval authorities that the destroyers were sent out purely on a mission of rescue, and nothing was said as to any instructions regarding the enforcement of international law. None the less it was assumed, and may now be assumed, that something was said to the destroyer commanders with regard to the three-mile limit. But as to that we know no more to-day than at the time. Suffice to say that the destroyers arrived in time not only to wander about the ocean seeking survivors in the light of a beautiful hunter's moon, but in time to witness the torpedoing of at least two merchantmen; the submarine commander, it is said, advising our war-ship commanders to move to certain locations so as not to be hit by his shells and torpedoes. Eventually the destroyer flotilla returned with their loads of survivors and with complete details of the operations of the U-53 and, according to belief, of another submarine not designated. It appeared that the Germans were scrupulous in observing our neutrality, that their operations were conducted without the three-mile limit, and that opportunities were given crews and passengers to leave the doomed ships. There was nothing our destroyer commanders could do. Even the most hot-headed commander must have felt the steel withes of neutral obligation which held him inactive while the submarine plied its deadly work. There was, of course, nothing else to do--except to carry on the humanitarian work of rescuing victims of the U boat or boats, as the case might have been. Later, it was given to many of the craft which set forth that October afternoon to engage in their service to humanity, to cross the seas and to meet the submarine where it lurked in the Irish Sea, the North Sea, the English Channel, and the Mediterranean. One of them, the _Cassin_ was later to be struck--but not sunk--by a torpedo off the coast of England, while the _Fanning_, in company with the _Nicholson_, had full opportunity of paying off the score which most naval officers felt had been incurred when the U-53 and her alleged companion invaded American waters and sullied them with the foul deeds that had so long stained the clean seas of Europe. German diplomats were enthusiastic over the exploits of their craft. "The U-53 and other German submarines, if there are others," said a member of the German Embassy at Washington, "is engaged in doing to the commerce of the Allies just what the British tried to do to the _Deutschland_ when she left America. (The submarine _Deutschland_, engaged in commercial enterprise, had visited the United States some time previously.) It is a plain case of what is sometimes known as commerce-raiding. It is being done by submarines, that is all. Warfare, such as that which has been conducted in the Mediterranean, has been brought across the Atlantic. It should be easy to destroy more of the overseas commerce of the Allies, which is principally with America, near where it originates." Here was a veiled threat--not so veiled either--which was no doubt marked in Washington. President Wilson received the news of the sinkings in silence, but plainly government authorities were worried over the situation. New problems were erected and the future was filled with possibilities of a multifarious nature. Thus, within twenty-four hours it was demonstrated that the war was not 3,000 miles away from us, but close to our shores. The implied threat that it would be a simple matter for submarines to cross the Atlantic and deal with us as they were dealing with France and England and other Entente nations--not to say harmless neutrals such as Holland and Scandinavia--was not lost upon the citizens of this country. But, as usual, German judgment in the matter of psychology was astray. The threat had no effect in the way of _Schrecklichkeit_, but rather it steeled us to a future which began to appear inevitable. And deep under the surface affairs began to move in the Navy Department. No doubt, too, the conviction began to grow upon the government that the policy of dealing fairly by Germany was not appreciated, and that when the exigencies of the war situation seemed to require it, our ships would be sent to the bottom as cheerfully as those of other neutrals such as Holland, Norway, and Sweden, as well as other countries who unfortunately were not in the position to guard their neutrality with some show of dignity that we were in. Subsequent events proved how true this feeling was. For not six months later the German policy of sea aggression had brought us to the point where it was not possible for us to remain out of the conflict against the pirate nation. It was in the following April that we went to war, and our first act was to send forth a destroyer flotilla to engage the U-boat in its hunting-ground, Among that flotilla, as said, were many of the craft which had rescued survivors of the Nantucket affair. They were ready and their officers were ready, nay, eager. They swept across a stormy Atlantic like unleashed hounds, and when the British commander received them at Queenstown, and asked the American commanders when they would be ready to take their places with the British destroyers, the answer came quickly: "We are ready now." And they were--allowing for the cleaning of a few hulls and the effecting of minor repairs to one or two of the vessels. Other destroyers remained here, of course, while a fringe of submarine-chasers and swift, armed yachts converted into government patrol-vessels were guarding our coast the day after the President signed the war resolution. But more than a year and a half was to elapse before our waters were again to know the submarine menace. Just why the Germans waited may not be known. Probably they had all they could attend to in foreign waters. In any event it was not until June, 1918, that a coastwise schooner captain was both surprised and indignant when a shot from a craft which he took to be an American submarine went across his bows. It was not an American submarine; it was a German submersible and that schooner was sent to the bottom, followed by other wind-jammers and the Porto Rico liner _Carolina_. Thus, what in the original instance was a test journey in the interests of German submarine activity--the visit of the U-53 in October, 1916--as well as a threat to this country bore its fruit in the development of that test trip, and in the fulfilment of that threat. At this writing the coastwise marauder, or marauders, are still off our shores, and clouds of navy craft are seeking to destroy them. We are far better equipped for such service than we were when Captain Hans Rose came here in his submarine, and it is divulging no secret information to say that this and further invasions of our home waters will be dealt with bravely and rigorously without the necessity of subtracting from the number of war-vessels that are engaged with Allied fighters in maintaining commerce upon the waters of Europe. But this is getting a bit further ahead than I intended to go at this juncture. The primary point is that with the visit of Captain Hans Rose in his undersea boat, with her depredations off our coast, the Navy Department, saying nothing to outsiders, came to accept the idea of war as something more than a possible contingency. Debates in Congress were characterized by an increasing pointedness, and stories of sea murders increased rather than diminished. And not infrequently there were Americans on board those ships. At length came the sinking of American merchantmen and the final decision by our government to place armed guards on all merchant vessels carrying our flag. It was then that the Navy Department was called upon to take the first open steps against the German sea menace--steps rife with grim possibilities, since it operated to bring our seamen gunners into actual conflict with the German naval forces. There could be little doubt, therefore, that war would follow in inevitable course. CHAPTER II Our Navy Arms American Merchant Vessels--Death of our First Bluejacket on Service in the War Zone--Vice-Admiral Sims--We Take Over Patrol of Waters of Western Hemisphere--The Naval Advisory Board of Inventions--Work of this Body--Our Battleships the Largest in the World--Widespread Operations Announcement was made on March 12, 1917, that American merchantmen would be armed for protection against submarine attacks, and hundreds of guns of proper calibers were required for the purpose. These were taken from the vessels of the fleet and, of course, had to be replaced as soon as possible. Work was expeditiously carried forward, and hardly had the order for armed guards been issued than the American freighter _Campana_ was sent to Europe well-laden with cargo and prepared to make matters interesting for any submarine that saw fit to attack by the then prevailing method of shell-fire. Other vessels soon followed, and the country witnessed the anomalous condition of the navy in war service in the European war zone before war was declared. The navy, in fact, had its first death in service before we went to war, when on April 1, John Espolucci, of Washington, D.C., one of the armed guard of the steamship _Aztec_, was killed in the course of events attending the destruction of that vessel by a submarine. By this time active hostilities had seemed inevitable and before the sinking of the _Aztec_ the Navy Department had sent Admiral William S. Sims abroad to get in touch with the British and French Admiralties for the purpose of discussing the most effective participation of our war-ships in the conflict. Later, when war was actually declared, Sims was promoted to vice-admiral, and made commander of the United States naval forces operating in European waters. No better man for this post could have been selected. A graduate of the Naval Academy in the class of 1880, his career in the navy had been one sequence of brilliant achievement. As naval attaché at Paris and Petrograd, in the course of his distinguished service he had ample opportunities for the study of European naval conditions, and later he was intrusted with the important duty of developing gunnery practice and marksmanship in our battle-fleet. The immense value of his work in this respect is an open book. His instincts were wholly scientific, and with neither fear nor favor he carried forward our record for marksmanship until it was second to that of no navy in the world. The one mark upon his record is an indiscreet speech made in London, before the European War occurred, in which he stated that blood was thicker than water, and that at the necessary moment the navies of the United States and of Great Britain would be found joined in brotherly co-operation. England liked that speech a lot, but Germany did not, and Washington was rather embarrassed. Beginning, however, with April of 1917, that speech delivered several years previously was recalled as perfectly proper, pat, and apropos. There can be no doubt that his constructive advice, suggestion, and criticism were of enormous benefit to the British and the French, and by the same token exceedingly harmful to the murderous submarine campaign of Germany, As evidence of the regard in which the admiralty of Great Britain held this American officer, witness the fact that upon one occasion when the British commander-in-chief of naval operations on the Irish coast was compelled to leave his command for a period, Admiral Sims was nominated by the admiralty to serve as chief of the combined forces until the British commander returned. But this mission of Admiral Sims, and the eventual despatch of submarine flotillas to the war zone, were but two phases of the enormous problem which confronted the Navy Department upon the outbreak of hostilities. There was first of all the task of organizing and operating the large transport system required to carry our share of troops overseas for foreign service. Within a month after the President had announced that troops would be sent to Europe the first contingent had been organized, and all its units were safely landed in France before the 4th of July. These included a force of marines under Colonel (now Brigadier-General) Charles A. Doyen, which is serving in the army under Major-General Pershing. Since that time a constant stream of troops and supplies has poured across the Atlantic under naval control and supervision, the presiding officer in charge of transport being Rear-Admiral Albert Gleaves. Then, again, the United States took over control of most of the patrol of the western Atlantic. Our thousands of miles of coast had to be guarded against enemy attack and protected against German raiders. A squadron under command of Admiral William B. Caperton was sent to South America and received with the utmost enthusiasm at Rio de Janeiro, at Montevideo and Buenos Aires, which cities were visited on invitation from the governments of Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina. After Brazil's entrance into the war the Brazilian Navy co-operated with our vessels in the patrol of South American waters. The taking over of some 800 craft of various kinds, and their conversion into types needed, provided the navy with the large number of vessels required for transports, patrol service, submarine-chasers, mine-sweepers, mine-layers, tugs, and other auxiliaries. The repair of the 109 German ships whose machinery had been damaged by their crews--details of which will be treated in a subsequent chapter--added more than 700,000 tons to our available naval and merchant tonnage, and provided for the navy a number of huge transports which have been in service for nearly a year. Hundreds of submarine-chasers have now been built, and a number of destroyers and other craft completed and placed in service. The first merchant ship to be armed was the oil-tanker _Campana_; guns manned by navy men were on board when she sailed for Europe, March 12, 1917. The big American passenger-liners _St. Paul_ and _New York_ were armed on March 16 of that year, and the Red Star liner _Kroonland_ and the _Mongolia_ on March 19. And continuously up to the present writing merchant ships as they have become available have been armed and provided with navy gun crews. Since the arming of the _Campana_ more than 1,300 vessels have been furnished with batteries, ammunition, spare parts, and auxiliaries. But of equal importance, greater importance history may decree it, was Secretary Daniels's action in 1915 of appointing the Naval Advisory Board of Inventions. That was looking ahead with a vengeance. The idea was to make available the latent inventive genius of the country to improve the navy. The plan adopted by Secretary Daniels for selecting this extraordinary board included a request to the eleven great engineering and scientific societies of the country to select by popular election two members to represent their society on the board. Results were immediately gratifying. Nominations were forthcoming at once, and in September of 1915 the board, which came popularly to be known as the Inventions Board, met in Washington for organization. Thomas A. Edison was selected by the Secretary of the Navy as chairman of the board, and the other members were elected as follows: From the American Chemical Society: W. R. Whitney, director of Research Laboratory, General Electric Company, where he has been the moving spirit in the perfection of metallic electric-lamp filaments and the development of wrought tungsten. L. H. Baekeland, founder of the Nepera Chemical Company and inventor of photographic paper. From the American Institute of Electrical Engineers: Frank Julian Sprague, consulting engineer for Sprague, Otis, and General Electric Companies and concerned in the establishment of the first electrical trolley systems in this country. B. G. Lamme, chief engineer of the Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company and a prolific inventor. From the American Mathematical Society: Robert Simpson Woodward, president of the Carnegie Institution and an authority on astronomy, geography, and mathematical physics. Arthur Gordon Webster, professor of physics at Clark University and an authority on sound, its production and measurement. From the American Society of Civil Engineers: Andrew Murray Hunt, consulting engineer, experienced in the development of hydro-electric, steam, and gas plants. Alfred Craven, chief engineer of Public Service Commission, New York, and formerly division engineer in charge of construction work on Croton aqueduct and reservoirs. From the American Aeronautical Society: Mathew Bacon Sellers, director of Technical Board of the American Aeronautical Society and the first to determine dynamic wind-pressure on arched surfaces by means of "wind funnel." Hudson Maxim, ordnance and explosive expert, maker of the first smokeless powder adopted by the United States Government. The Inventors' Guild: Peter Cooper Hewitt, inventor of electric lamp, appliances to enable direct-current apparatus to be used with alternating-current circuits, and devices for telephones and aircraft. Thomas Robbins, president of Robbins Conveying Belt Company and inventor of many devices for conveying coal and ore. From American Society of Automobile Engineers: Andrew L. Riker, vice-president of Locomobile Company, electrical and mechanical engineer and inventor of many automobile devices. Howard E. Coffin, vice-president of Hudson Motor Car Company and active in the development of internal-combustion engines. From the American Institute of Mining Engineers: William Laurence Saunders, chairman of the Board of Directors of the Ingersoll-Rand Company and inventor of many devices for subaqueous and rock drilling. Benjamin Bowditch Thayer, president of the Anaconda Copper Mining Company and an authority on explosives. From the American Electro Chemical Society: Joseph William Richards, professor of Electro-Chemistry at Lehigh and author of numerous works on electrometallurgy. Lawrence Addicks, consulting engineer for Phelps, Dodge and Company and authority on the metallurgy of copper. American Society of Mechanical Engineers: William Leroy Emmet, engineer with the General Electric Company. He designed and perfected the development of the Curtis Turbine and was the first serious promoter of electric propulsion for ships. Spencer Miller, inventor of ship-coaling apparatus and the breeches-buoy device used in rescues from shipwrecks. From the American Society of Aeronautic Engineers: Henry Alexander Wise Wood, engineer and manufacturer of printing-machinery and student of naval aeronautics. Elmer Ambrose Sperry, founder of Sperry Electric Company, designer of electric appliances and gyroscope stabilizer for ships and airplanes. Just what service this board has performed is in the keeping of the government. But that it has been a distinguished service we may not doubt. Seated in their headquarters at Washington, their minds centred upon the various problems of the sea which the war brought forth, they have unquestionably exerted a constructive influence no less vital than that played by the officers and men of the navy on the fighting front. Only one announcement ever came from this board, and that was when William L. Saunders gave forth the statement that a means of combating the submarine had been devised. This early in the war. Doubt as to the strict accuracy of the statement came from other members of the Inventions Board, and then the whole matter was hushed. Mr. Saunders said nothing more and neither did his colleagues. But whether emanating from the lucubrations of Mr. Edison's board, or wherever devised, we know that the American Navy has applied many inventions to the work of combating the under-sea pirate. A type of depth-bomb was developed and applied. This is one of the most efficient methods of beating the submarine that has yet been found. Explosive charges are fitted with a mechanism designed to explode the charge at a predetermined depth below the surface of the sea. The force of the explosion of a depth charge dropped close to a submarine is sufficient to disable if not sink it, and American boats have been fitted with various interesting means of getting these bombs into the water. Smoke-producing apparatus was developed to enable a vessel to conceal herself behind a smoke-screen when attacked by submarines and thus escape. Several types of screen have been invented and applied in accordance with the character of the vessel. After a study of the various types of mines in existence, there was produced an American mine believed to involve all the excellent points of mines of whatever nationality, while another extraordinary invention was the non-ricochet projectile. The ordinary pointed projectile striking the water almost horizontally is deflected and ricochets. A special type of shell which did not glance off the surface of the ocean was developed early in 1917 and supplied to all vessels sailing in the war zone. The first year of the war saw also the development of the seaplane, with the adaption to this vehicle of the air a nonrecoil gun, which permits the use of comparatively large calibers, and of the Lewis gun. This year saw also the completion of the latest type of naval 16-inch gun, throwing a projectile weighing 2,100 pounds. Our newest battleships will mount them. In this connection it is interesting to note that broadside weights have tripled in the short space of twenty years; that the total weight of steel thrown by a single broadside of the _Pennsylvania_ to-day is 17,508 pounds, while the total weight thrown from the broadside of the _Oregon_ of Spanish-American War fame was 5,600 pounds. The navy also went in vigorously for aviation and has done exceedingly well. After the expansion of private plants had been provided for, the navy decided to operate a factory of its own, and a great building 400 by 400 feet was erected in Philadelphia in 110 days at a cost of $700,000. Contracts involving approximately $1,600,000 have been made which will more than treble the capacity of this plant. In addition to work of this sort and services including scores of specialized activities, such as medical development, ordnance and munitions manufacture, building of yards, docks, and all sorts of accessory facilities, the navy before the war had been a month under way had given contracts for the construction of several hundred submarine-chasers, having a length of 110 feet and driven by three 220-horse-power gasoline-engines, to thirty-one private firms and six navy-yards. All of these craft are now in service, and have done splendidly both in meeting stormy seas and in running down the submarines. While the British prefer a smaller type of submarine-chaser, they have no criticism of ours. Many of these 110-footers, built of wood, crossed the ocean in weather which did considerable damage to larger craft, and yet were practically unscathed. The French are using many of them. Another larger type of chaser, corresponding to the destroyer, is the patrol-boat of the _Eagle_ class built at the plant of Henry Ford in Detroit. The most recent battleships laid down by the navy are the largest ever attempted. The biggest British battleship of which we have knowledge displaces 27,500 tons; the largest German, 28,448 metric tons (28,000 American tons), while the largest Japanese battleship displaces 30,600 tons. These may be compared with our _Arizona_ and _Pennsylvania_, 31,400 tons; _Idaho_, _Mississippi_, and _New Mexico_, 32,000 tons; _California_ and _Tennessee_ 32,300 tons, _Colorado_, _Washington_, _Maryland_, and _West Virginia_, 32,600 tons, while six new battleships authorized early in the present year are designed to be 41,500 tons. Our new battle-cruisers of 35,000 tons and 35 knots speed will be the swiftest in the world, having a speed equal to the latest and fastest destroyers. They will also be the largest in the world with the exception of the four British battle-cruisers of the _Hood_ class, which are 41,200 tons. On April 1, 1917, the total number of civilian employees in the nine principal navy-yards was 29,708. On March 1, 1918, the total number of employees in the same yards was 58,026. The total number of mechanics now employed at all navy yards and stations throughout the country is more than 66,000. The Navy Powder Factory at Indianapolis, Ind., manufactures powder of the highest grade for use in the big guns; it employs 1,000 men and covers a square mile. Additional buildings and machinery, together with a new generating-plant, are now being installed. The torpedo-station at Newport, a large plant where torpedoes are manufactured, has been greatly enlarged and its facilities in the way of production radically increased. Numerous ammunition-plants throughout the country prepare the powder charge, load and fuse the shell, handle high explosives, and ship the ammunition to vessels in the naval service. Among recent additions to facilities is an automatic mine-loading plant of great capacity and new design. Schools of various sorts, ranging from those devoted to the teaching of wireless telegraphy to cooking, were established in various parts of the country, and from them a constant grist of highly specialized men are being sent to the ships and to stations. In these, and in numerous ways not here mentioned, the Navy Department signalized its entrance into the war. While many new fields had to be entered--with sequential results in way of mistakes and delays--there were more fields, all important, wherein constructive preparation before we entered the war were revealed when the time came to look for practical results. CHAPTER III First Hostile Contact Between the Navy and the Germans--Armed Guards on Merchant Vessels--"Campana" First to Sail--Daniels Refuses Offer of Money Awards to Men Who Sink Submarines--"Mongolia" Shows Germany How the Yankee Sailorman Bites--Fight of the "Silvershell"--Heroism of Gunners on Merchant Ships--Sinking of the "Antilles"--Experiences of Voyagers In the way of direct hostile contact between the Navy Department and Germany we find the first steps taken in the placing of armed naval-guards on American merchantmen. While this was authorized by the government before war was declared, it was recognized as a step that would almost inevitably lead to our taking our part in the European conflict and the nation, as a consequence, prepared its mind for such an outcome of our new sea policy. Germany had announced her policy of unrestricted submarine warfare in February, 1917, and on February 10 of that month two American steamships, the _Orleans_ and the _Rochester_, left port for France in defiance of the German warning. Both vessels were unarmed and both arrived safely on the other side--the _Rochester_ was subsequently sunk--but their sailing without any means of defense against attack aroused the nation and spurred Congress to action. On March 12 the first armed American merchantman, the _Campana_, left port with a gun mounted astern, and a crew of qualified naval marksmen to man it. In the following October Secretary Daniels announced that his department had found guns and crews for every one of our merchant vessels designated for armament and that the guards consisted of from sixteen to thirty-two men under command of commissioned or chief petty officers of the navy. When the work of finding guns for vessels was begun the navy had few pieces that were available. While there were many fine gunners in the naval force, there were not a sufficient number of them to enable the quick arming of merchantmen without handicapping the war-ships. So every battleship in the navy was converted into a school of fire to train men for the duty, and the naval ordnance plants entered upon the work of turning out guns qualified for service on merchant craft. There were guns in stock, as a matter of fact, but the number was insufficient for the purpose in hand because, before the submarine developed a new sort of sea warfare, it was not the policy of the nations to arm merchant vessels other than those used as naval auxiliaries. But, as already said, so expeditiously were affairs carried on that some six months after the decision to equip our freighters and passenger-liners with means of protection we had the sailors and the guns necessary to meet all demands. The following telegraphic correspondence, between two St. Louis business men and the Secretary of the Navy, gives a very fair idea of the spirit in which the citizens of this country accepted the decision of the government to arm our merchant marine: "St. Louis, Mo., April 11, 1917. "_Hon. Josephus Daniels, Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D.C._ "We will pay $500 to the captain and crew of the first American merchant ship to destroy a hostile submarine after this date. Money will be paid on award by your office." "BENJAMIN GRATZ "ANDERSON GRATZ." To which Mr. Daniels replied as follows: "I thank you for the spirit which prompted your offer. It is my distinct feeling that money rewards for such bravery is not in keeping with the spirit of our day." And neither it was. The American naval men were intent upon duty and their duty was merely to protect the dignity as well as the safety of our sea-borne commerce. The mercenary element was absent and that Mr. Daniels did well to emphasize this fact was the conviction of the navy as well as of the entire country; while, at the same time, as the secretary said, the spirit underlying the offer was appreciated. In the meantime the German Government--which no doubt had not expected such drastic action on the part of the United States--was profoundly disturbed, and it was stated that crews of American merchantmen who ventured to fire upon German submarines before a state of war existed between the two countries must expect to meet the fate of the British merchant captain, Charles Fryatt, who as will be recalled, was tried and executed in Germany for attempting to ram the German submarine 7-33 with his vessel, the Great Eastern Railway steamship, _Brussels_, in July of 1916. This warning set forth in the _Neueste Nachrichten_, of Munich, is so ingenious that the reader interested in Teutonic psychology will no doubt be interested in the perusal thereof. "We assume," the newspaper said, "that President Wilson realizes the fate to which he is subjecting his artillerymen. According to the German prize laws it is unneutral support of the enemy if a neutral ship takes part in hostilities. If such a ship opposes the prize-court then it must be treated as an enemy ship. The prize rules specify as to the crews of such ships. If, without being attached to the forces of the enemy, they take part in hostilities or make forcible resistance, they may be treated according to the usages of war. If President Wilson, knowing these provisions of international law, proceeds to arm American merchantmen he must assume responsibility for the eventuality that American seamen will meet the fate of Captain Fryatt." All of which did not appear to frighten our government one bit. We set ourselves to the task of equipping our merchant craft with seamen-gunners and guns, and it was not long--April 25, in fact--before an incident occurred that brought forth a chuckle from Colonel Roosevelt, a chuckle accompanied by the historic remark: "Thank heaven! Americans have at last begun to hit. We have been altogether too long at the receiving end of this war that Germany has been waging upon us." This ebullition was occasioned by the report of the first real American blow of the war when, late in April, 1917, the crack American freighter _Mongolia_ showed the German Navy that the time had arrived when the long, strong arm of Uncle Sam was reaching out a brawny fist over the troubled waters of the Atlantic. The _Mongolia_ had left an American port after war had been declared, and she was guarded by a 6-inch gun, with a crew of seamen-gunners under command of Lieutenant Bruce Ware. Captain Emery Rice commanded the freighter, and the voyage across the Atlantic had proceeded without incident until the port of destination, an English port, lay just twenty-four hours away. In other words, the _Mongolia_ was in the war zone. The sea was untroubled, and the gun crew gathered at their stations and the lookouts on mast and deck were beginning to believe that the trip would end as uneventfully as it had begun. No doubt there was some disappointment in this thought; for, strange as it may seem, our armed freighters were rather inclined to hunt out the submarines than to dodge them. It has been the frequent testimony that our armed guards are always spoiling for fight, not seeking to avoid It. At all events, the freighter steamed through the light mists of the April afternoon--it was the anniversary of the battle of Lexington--and Captain Rice, who had been five days in his clothes, and Lieutenant Ware of the navy and his nineteen men, serving the two 4-inch forward guns and the 6-inch stern piece, casting their eyes over the vast stretch of water when at 5.30 o'clock the gruff voice of the first mate, who had been peering over the dodger rail of the bridge rumbled over the vessel. "Submarine. Two points off the port bow." There it was, sure enough, a periscope at least, practically dead ahead, her position with relation to the _Mongolia_ being such that the vessel offered a narrow target, a target hardly worth the wasting of a valuable torpedo. No, the submarine was either waiting for a broadside expanse or else was intent upon a gun-fight. Lieutenant Ware and his seamen were ready. In compliance to a sharply spoken order the three guns were turned upon the periscope. But quick as the gunners were, the submarine was quicker, and as the guns were brought to bear the periscope sank gently out of sight. Captain Rice almost pulled the engine-room signal telegraph-lever out by its roots in bringing the ship to full speed toward the spot where the periscope had last been seen, his idea of course, being to ram the lurking craft. For two minutes nothing was seen and then a shout from one of the lookouts heralded the reappearance of the submersible, this time a thousand yards to port, the _Mongolia_ offering to the Germans a fair broadside expanse of hull. Lieutenant Ware's voice arose and the next instant the 6-inch piece spoke. That periscope went into splinters; a direct hit. Watchers on the freighter saw the shell strike its mark fairly. A great geyser arose from the sea, and when it died there were evidences of commotion beneath the surface. Then gradually foam and oil spread upon the gentle waves. There was no doubt about the hit. Lieutenant Ware knew before the shell struck that the aim had been accurate. There was no guess-work about it. It was a case of pure mathematics. The whole affair was over in two minutes. The vessel did not stop to reconnoitre, but steamed away at full speed, sending ahead wireless reports of the fight against the undersea craft. The British naval officers who came bounding across the waters on their destroyers were extremely complimentary in their praise, and when the _Mongolia_ returned to New York there was a dinner in honor of Lieutenant Ware, an expression of the lingering emotions which had fired the nation when word of the incident was cabled to this country. Since that fight the Germans, enraged, seem to have marked the _Mongolia_; for in succeeding months she was set upon repeatedly by the submarine flotilla, seeking revenge for her temerity in sending one of their number to the bottom. But she is still afloat and ready for anything that comes out of the sea. None the less, the government began to feel that it would be wiser not to mention the names of ships engaged with submarines, and thus when the next good fight occurred the name of the vessel engaged was not given. Aside from hoping thus to keep a vessel from being marked it had been the experience of the British Government that when Germans had identified captured sailors as having belonged to vessels that had sunk or damaged submarines they subjected them to unusual severity. Our navy wished to avoid this in the case of our men. However, the name of the vessel which engaged in a fight on May 30, was given out the day after the Washington report by the French Ministry of Marine. It was the _Silvershell_, commanded by Captain Tom Charlton with a gun crew commanded by William J. Clark, a warrant-officer from the battleship _Arkansas_. The battle occurred on May 30, in the Mediterranean and in addition to strength added by an efficient gun crew, whose commander, Clark, had been a turret captain on the _Arkansas_, the _Silvershell_ was an extremely fast ship. As a consequence, when the submarine poked her nose out of the Mediterranean blue, expecting easy prey, she found confronting her a man's-size battle. In all sixty shots were exchanged, and the submarine not only beaten off, but sunk with the twenty-first shot fired from the _Silvershell_. It was a great fight, and Clark was recommended for promotion. While the government jealously guarded details of this and subsequent fights, the country had adequate food for pride in such announcements from the Navy Department as that of July 26, when certain gun-crew officers were cited for promotion and an outline of reasons therefor set forth. There was Andrew Copassaki, chief boatswain's mate, for instance, who was transferred from the battleship _Arkansas_ to take charge of the gun crew of the steamship _Moreni_. He commanded this crew when the _Moreni_ was sunk by a German submarine on the morning of June 12. This gun crew put up a fight on the deck of that sinking vessel which was so gallant as to elicit words of praise from the commander of the attacking submarine. Copassaki, when the ship was in flames, from shellfire, rushed through the fire to the forward gun and continued to serve it against the submarine until the gun was put completely out of commission. This gallant hero was born in Greece, and had been in the navy twenty years. Then there was Harry Waterhouse, a chief turret captain, transferred from the dreadnought _New York_ to command the armed crew of the _Petrolite_ which was sunk by a U-boat on June 10. The vessel sank so rapidly after being torpedoed that the guns could not be used. The navy men, however, under the command of Waterhouse, assisted in getting out the boats and lowering them and getting the crew to safety, to a man--although the _Petrolite_ went over on her beam ends in less than a minute. No member of the armed guard left the sinking vessel until ordered to do so by Waterhouse. These are but a few of the instances of signal gallantry which have filled the records of our navy since we entered the war. And while our merchant crews were thus at work the navy was busy sending soldiers to the other side. Not a mishap had occurred on the eastbound traffic--and at this writing none has yet occurred--but on October 17, the transport _Antilles_, which had made several safe journeys with soldiers destined for General Pershing's expeditionary forces, was torpedoed and sunk when homeward bound with a loss of 70 lives out of 237 men on board. The transport was sunk while under the convoy of American naval patrol-vessels, and she had on board the usual armed gun crew. Not only was the _Antilles_ the first American Army transport to be lost in the present war, but she was the first vessel under American convoy to be successfully attacked. She was well out to sea at the time and the convoy of protecting vessels was smaller for this reason, and for the fact that she was westbound, carrying no troops. The submarine was never seen and neither was the torpedo. There has been rumor that the explosion that sank her came from the inside, but so far as any one knows this is merely port gossip of such nature as arises when vessels are lost. Our second transport to be lost was the _President Lincoln_, taken over from the Germans when war was declared. She, too, was eastbound, well out to sea, and the loss of life was small. The third was the _Covington_, formerly the German liner _Cincinnati_, which was torpedoed in the early summer of this year while on her way to an American port. Life on merchantmen, freighters, liners, and the like, crossing the Atlantic, has been fraught with peril and with excitement ever since we went into the war. Even with armed guards there are of course all sorts of chances of disaster, chances frequently realized; but, on the other hand, in a great majority of cases the vessels of the transatlantic passenger service have crossed to and fro, giving their passengers all the thrills of an exciting situation without subjecting them to anything more serious. Let me quote in part a letter from a Princeton man, Pleasants Pennington, who was a passenger on the French transatlantic liner _Rochambeau_, on one of its trips late in 1917. "What about the submarines? They haven't put in an appearance yet. We haven't worried about them because we only got into the war zone last night; but I may have more to write about before we get into Bordeaux on Wednesday or Thursday. There are several people on board--especially ladies of the idle rich--who have been much concerned about the safety of the ship and incidentally their own skins.... The Frenchmen, the officers of the ship and especially the captain (his name is Joam) take a very philosophic view of the situation, and shrug their shoulders with Gallic fatalism. If they shall be torpedoed--_tant pis!_ But why worry?... I had a talk with our captain the second day out, and he seemed to have made a pretty thorough study of tactics for avoiding submarines. He said they did not go more than 800 miles from land, and that the best protection is to go fast and keep one's eyes open. The _Rochambeau_ had two beautiful new 6-inch guns mounted on the stern and a 3-inch gun in the bow.... As near as I can gather, our tactics seem to be to keep a lookout ahead and trust to getting a shot at any submarine that shows its head before it can launch a torpedo. I believe torpedoes are not accurate at over a mile, and the speed of a submarine is only nine knots while ours is nineteen.... I think the most distinctive feature of war-time travel is the fact that the boat must be perfectly dark at night to an outside observer. This rule is observed on the entire voyage, and results in heavy iron shutters being bolted on all port-holes and windows as soon as dusk falls so that the entire atmosphere of the cabins, smoking-room, reading-rooms, etc., becomes very vile in a surprisingly short time after dark.... We now sleep on deck and are very comfortable. The deck is crowded at night with people of different ages, sexes, and nationalities, sleeping in the most charming confusion and proximity." Well, the _Rochambeau_ arrived without untoward incident as she had done so often before and has done since. Another letter is that of a Yale senior, enlisted in the navy and one of the crew of a transport. "We looked very formidable as we steamed out of the harbor. An armored cruiser led the way and on either side a torpedo destroyer.... We proceed very cautiously. After sunset all lights go out. There is no smoking anywhere on board and not a light even in the stateroom. Then if we look out we see the other ships of the convoy--we hug one another closely--just stumbling through the water like phantom shapes--and that's the weirdest sight I have ever seen.... To-day we are having gun practice on board the transport--trial shots for the subs and the cruiser experimenting with balloon observers. Such are our interests.... Last night I had a wonderful experience. It was delightful--one of those that tickle my masculine pride. I was detailed in charge of a watch in the forward crow's-nest--a basket-like affair on the very top of the foremast about 150 feet from the water.... From the nest you get a wonderful view--a real bird's-eye view--for the men walking on the deck appear as pigmies, and the boats following in our trail look like dories. Our duty is to watch with powerful glasses for any traces of periscopes, and we are connected up with telephones to the gunners who are always ready for the 'call' and eager for action. This is only the first of the thrilling experiences which I expect, or, rather, hope to have." But that convoy arrived safely, too. The convoy, by the way, was largely an American idea, a departure from the policy of protecting a single vessel. A group of craft about to cross, sometimes as many as a score or more, are sent forth together under adequate protection of destroyers and cruisers. At night towing-disks are dropped astern. These are white and enable the rearward vessels to keep their distance with relation to those steaming ahead. The destroyers circle in and about the convoyed craft, which, in the meantime, are describing zigzag courses in order that submarines may not be able to calculate their gun or torpedo fire with any degree of accuracy. The destroyers shoot in front of bows and around sterns with impunity, leaving in their trail a phosphorescent wake. Sometimes in the case of a fast liner the destroyers, what with the high speed of the craft they are protecting and the uncertain course, narrowly escape disaster. As a matter of fact, one of them, the American destroyer _Chauncey_, was lost in this manner. But she is the only one. Here is a letter from a Yale man, a sailor, which contains rather a tragic story, the loss of the transport _Tuscania_ under British convoy: "I could see a lighthouse here and there on the Irish and Scotch shores, and though I knew there were plenty of ships about not one was to be seen. (It was night, of course). All at once I saw a dull flare and a moment after a heavy boom. Then about half a mile away the _Tuscania_ stood out in the glare of all the lights suddenly turned on. I could see her painted funnels and the sides clear and distinct against the dark. Another boom and the lights and the ship herself vanished. The next instant lights and rockets began to go up, red and white, and from their position I knew they must be from the _Tuscania_ and that she was falling out of the convoy. Then came a crash of guns and a heavier shock that told of depth-bombs and the blaze of a destroyer's search-lights--gone again in an instant--and then absolute silence." The sinking of the _Antilles_ was followed--October 25, 1917--by an announcement that thereafter bluejackets would man and naval officers command all transports. Up to that time, while there had been naval guards on the transports, the crews and officers of ships had been civilians. It was believed that highly disciplined naval men would be more effective than the constantly shifting crews of civilians. So it has proved. CHAPTER IV Destroyers on Guard--Preparations of Flotilla to Cross the Ocean--Meeting the "Adriatic"---Flotilla Arrives in Queenstown-- Reception by British Commander and Populace--"We are Ready Now, Sir"--Arrival of the Famous Captain Evans on the American Flag-Ship--Our Navy a Warm-Weather Navy--Loss of the "Vacuum" When we entered the war the Navy Department had one definite idea concerning its duty with regard to the submarine. It was felt that it was more necessary to deal drastically with this situation than to meet it merely by building a large fleet of cargo-carrying vessels in the hope that a sufficient number of them would escape the U-boats to insure the carrying of adequate food and supplies to France and the British Isles. The view was taken that, while the ship-building programme was being carried out--there was of course no idea of not furthering the policy embodied in the plea of the British statesman for ships, ships and yet more ships--means should be taken of driving the submarine from the seas. We held the attitude that the nation which had given to the world a weapon so formidable as the undersea fighter had within it the ability to devise a means of combating it successfully. And, as a matter of fact, long before we went into the conflict the Navy Department had not ignored consideration of ways and means in this respect. As a consequence, when the British and French War Commissions arrived in this country they found our naval officers bristling with ideas, some of them apparently so feasible that the British naval representatives were both pleased and astonished. We do not know all that passed between the Americans and the British with regard to the submarine, but this we do know: that the British went back to England with a greater respect for our powers of constructive thought than they had when they reached this country. Among some of the early suggestions was the sowing of contact mines in waters through which the submarines would be obliged to pass in leaving and entering their bases. Then there was the scheme of protecting vessels in groups, and other excellent ideas which were soon put into effect. Immediately after the signing of the war resolution by President Wilson the Navy Department proceeded to put various plans into execution. At 9.30 o'clock one warm April night commanders of various destroyers in service along the coast received orders to proceed at daylight to the home navy-yards and fit out with all despatch for distant service. None of the officers knew what was ahead, not definitely, that is; but all knew that the future held action of vital sort and with all steam the venomous gray destroyers were soon darting up and down the coast toward their various navy-yards, at Boston, New York, and elsewhere. Arriving here, the vessels went at once into dry dock while a force of men who were in waiting proceeded to clean and paint the hulls, while stores and provisions to last three months were assembled. In a few days the flotilla set forth. No commander knew where he was going. Instructions were to proceed to a point fifty miles east of Cape Cod, and there to open sealed instructions. One may imagine the thoughts of the officers and crews of the sea-fighters--which above all other craft had signally demonstrated the fact that they and they alone were qualified to bring the fear of God, as the navy saying is, to the Germans--as they ploughed through the seas to the point where orders might be opened and the way ahead made clear. "And when," said a destroyer commander, speaking of that trip, "I got to the designated point at midnight, I opened my orders and found that we were to make for Queenstown. You may be sure I breathed a fervent cheer, for I had been itching for a crack at the sub ever since certain events off Nantucket the preceding fall." The flotilla took ten days in making the journey, the time thus consumed being due to a southeast gale which accompanied the boats for the first seven days of the journey. There were various incidents, but nothing of the dramatic save the picking up and escorting of the big British liner _Adriatic_, and later the meeting 300 miles off the Irish coast of the brave little British destroyer _Mary Rose_, which had been sent out to meet the Americans. The _Mary Rose_, by the way, was sunk three months later by a German raider. The commander of the _Mary Rose_ assured the Americans that they would be welcome and that their co-operation would be highly appreciated. One may fancy so. Things were looking exceedingly black about that time. In the previous three weeks submarines had sunk 152 British merchant vessels, and patrol-vessels each day were bringing in survivors of the various victims. It was a situation which could not go on if the British cause were not to be very seriously injured. The question of supplies, food, munitions, and the like, for which both France and England were relying upon the United States to furnish, was looming vitally. This country had the things to send, all cargoes, of all sorts. But to send them to the war zone and then have them lost was a heart-breaking situation for every one concerned. One thus is able to imagine the emotions with which the British at Queenstown received our flotilla when it came in from the sea on the morning of May 13. Motion pictures of this eventful arrival have been shown in this country, with the result that we who were not there have an impression of a crowded waterfront, of American flags flying everywhere, of the American commander leaving his vessel and going ashore to call upon the British commander Admiral Sir Lewis Bayly and the Honorable Wesley Frost, the American Consul at Queenstown. The destroyers had steamed into the harbor in a long line and with great precision came to a stop at the designated moorings. All this, as said, we have seen on the film, as we have seen the British and American officers going through the motions of formal felicitation. What was said, however, came to us through another medium. Admiral Bayly, after the formal ceremony of greeting was ended, said with British directness: "When will you be ready for business?" The reply was prompt: "We can start at once, sir." Admiral Bayly did not attempt to conceal his surprise, but he made no comment until after he had completed a tour of the various American craft. Then he turned to the American commander: "You were right about being prepared." "Yes," returned the American; "we made preparations in the course of the trip over. That is why we are ready." "Very good," smiled the British commander. "You are a fine body of men and your boats look just as fit." As a matter of fact, while all equipment was found to be in excellent condition and the men ready and eager to go out after submarines, it was deemed best to send one or two of the craft to dry dock to have their hulls inspected and, if necessary, shorn of all barnacles or other marine growth that might have become attached to the plating on the journey across. In the meantime had occurred a very pretty incident which is now one of the stock stories in the ward-rooms of British and American sea-fighters in European waters. It seems that not long before the destroyers were due to arrive Captain Edward R. G. R. Evans, C.B., who was second in command of the Scott Antarctic Expedition, came up the Thames on board his battered destroyer, the _Broke_. Now, the _Broke_ on the night of April 20, off Dover, had been engaged in an action which stands as one of the glorious achievements at arms in the annals of sea-fighting. The _Broke_ that night was attacked by six German destroyers and, after a battle characterized by bulwark rasping against bulwark, by boarding-parties, hand-to-hand fighting, and all the elements that make the pages of Mayne Reid thrilling, defeated the six destroyers and proceeded to port with flags flying. With all this in mind the admiralty decided to pay the Americans the distinguished compliment of attaching Captain Evans to the American flag-ship as a sort of liaison officer. So when the American flotilla was reported, the British hero set forth and in good time boarded the flag-ship of the flotilla. He was accompanied by a young aide, and both were received with all courtesy by the American commander. But the British aide could see that the American had not associated his visitor with the man whose laurels were still fresh not only as an explorer but as a fighter. There was talk of quarters for Captain Evans, and the American commander seemed doubtful just where to put his guest. Finally he sent the British officer below with a lieutenant to see what could be done. When the two had disappeared Evans's aide turned to the American commander. "I don't think," he said, flushing rather diffidently, "that you quite grasped just who you have on board," and then with great distinctness he added: "He is R. G. R. Evans. He--" There came an exclamation from the American, and stepping forward he seized the young officer by the shoulders. "Do you mean to say that he is Evans of the _Broke_?" he cried. As the Briton nodded and was about to speak, the American leaped from his side, made the companion-ladder, and fairly tumbled below, Approaching Captain Evans, he said: "Captain Evans, my apologies; I didn't quite place you at first. I merely wish to tell you now not to worry about quarters. I say this because you are going to have my bunk--and I--I am going to sleep on the floor." And here is a little incident which occurred when the destroyers picked up and escorted the _Adriatic_ of the White Star Line. As may be imagined, the Americans on board were delighted to see a destroyer with an American flag darting about the great vessel like a porpoise, while the British appreciated to the full the significance of the occasion--so much so that the following message was formulated and wirelessed to the destroyer: "British passengers on board a steamship bound for a British port under the protection of an American torpedo-boat destroyer send their hearty greetings to her commander and her officers and crew and desire to express their keen appreciation of this practical co-operation between the government and people of the United States and the British Empire who are now fighting together for the freedom of the seas." One may imagine with what emotions the officers and men of the American war-ship, bound for duty in enemy seas and at the very outset having a great greyhound intrusted to their care, received this glowing despatch. There were many functions attending the arrival of the Americans at Queenstown, aside from those already set forth. Many of the seamen were granted shore-leave and were immediately captured by the townspeople, who took them to their homes and entertained most lavishly. They were the first American naval men that the Queenstowners had seen at close quarters in years, and the bluejackets were bombarded with questions. And while the jackies were thus being treated the American officers made a memorable visit to Cork. They journeyed up the River Lee in an admiral's barge accompanied by Captain Evans. At the Cork custom-house they were met by distinguished military officers, by the lord-lieutenant of the county, and by the lord mayor of Cork. It was a most memorable occasion, and when they returned they found the British and American seamen on such good terms that the two bodies had already tried each other out in friendly fisticuffs, the net results being common respect one for the other. Announcement of the arrival of the American vessels was made by the British Admiralty, the American Navy Department, with a modest reticence which ever since has been characteristic, saying nothing until the time came to confirm the admiralty's statement. In doing this Secretary Daniels announced that as a matter of fact an American flotilla of destroyers had arrived at an English port on May 4, and the vessels thereof engaged in the work of submarine hunting in both the Atlantic and in co-operation with the French in the Mediterranean. About the same time it was stated that a body of naval aviators, the first American fighting-men to serve from the shore, had been landed in England. Soon after this announcement came another from Washington, giving an interchange of wireless amenities between Vice-Admiral Sir David Beatty, commander of the British Grand Fleet, to Rear-Admiral Henry T. Mayo, commanding the United States Atlantic Fleet: "The Grand Fleet rejoices that the Atlantic Fleet will share in preserving the liberties of the world and maintaining the chivalry of the sea." And Admiral Mayo's reply: "The United States Atlantic Fleet appreciates the message from the British Fleet, and welcomes opportunities for work with the British Fleet for the freedom of the seas." In confirming the British announcement of the arrival of the flotilla at Queenstown, Secretary Daniels said: "It has been the purpose of the United States Navy to give the largest measure of assistance to other countries at war with Germany that is consistent with the full and complete protection of our own coast and territorial waters." Within a week after the arrival of our flotilla at Queenstown, the vessels thereof ranging the seas side by side with the British, submarine losses showed a marked reduction, and it was even more marked the second week of our co-operation. It was also stated that more submarines had been sunk in the week of May 12 than in the previous month. In preparing for co-operation with the British destroyers, the American officers received lectures on the subject of effective submarine fighting, while depth-bombs and appliances for releasing them were supplied to the American boats, and all surplus gear and appurtenances of various sorts were taken from the American vessels and stored ashore. It was noted as a curious fact that the United States Navy had really been a warm-weather navy. The ships were sent south in winter for drills and target practice, usually in Guantanamo Bay; in the spring they engaged in manoeuvres off the Virginia Capes, and in summer went to Newport, Provincetown, and other New England points. Again, life in a destroyer on the wintry Atlantic was not the most comfortable life in the world. There were cold fogs, icy winds and fearful storms in the war zone, and the thin steel hulls of the destroyers offered little in the way of creature comforts. This fact perhaps gave color to the report from Queenstown that our men were prepared in every respect save that of clothing, a statement that was indignantly refuted by the Navy Department, and a list of the garments furnished the sailors was submitted. It was an adequate list and quite effectually silenced further rumors on that score. As a matter of fact, no complaint ever came from the jackies themselves. They had sea-boots, pea-jackets, short, heavy double-breasted overcoats, knitted watch-caps, heavy woollen socks, jerseys, extra jackets of lambskin wool, oil-skins, and navy uniform suits--a complete outfit surely. In the meantime the young women, elderly women, too, of the country were busily engaged in knitting helmets, sweaters, mittens, and the like. Some of the girls, more romantic than others, inserted their names and addresses in the articles they sent to the sailors. Here is a little _jeu d'esprit_ that one girl received from a sailor of Admiral Sims's command: "Some sox; some fit! I used one for a helmet. And one for a mitt. I hope I shall meet you When I've done my bit. But who in the devil Taught you to knit?" The reader may be sure that other, many other, more appreciative messages were sent to the devoted young women of the country, and that in many cases interesting correspondence was opened. On May 25, 1917, Admiral Sims cabled to Secretary Daniels that Berlin knew of American plans for sending our destroyers to Europe four days before the vessels arrived at Queenstown, and that twelve mines had been placed across the entrance to the harbor the day before the destroyer flotilla reached their destination. The activity of British mine-sweepers prevented whatever might have occurred. This gave rise to considerable discussion in this country as to German spies here, and as an instance of their work in keeping in touch with naval affairs the following story was told in naval circles: When the oil-ship _Vacuum_, with Lieutenant Thomas and a naval gun crew on board, sailed from this country, the captain had instructions where to pick up British destroyers at a certain point off the Irish coast. The _Vacuum_ arrived at the designated spot, and before the war-ships arrived a submarine appeared out of the water. "I see," said the German commander, appearing out of the conning-tower, "that you kept your appointment." And then the _Vacuum_ was sent to the bottom. Later, under the convoy system, submarines began to be very wary in the matter of triumphant conversations with officers of merchantmen. In fact, this appears to have been the last interchange of the sort. Working with the British, the American destroyers patrolled the seas six days at a stretch, each craft being assigned to a certain area, as far out as three hundred miles off shore. Returning to port, the destroyers would lie at their moorings two and three days. Later the time in port was reduced. But it depended upon conditions. The orders to the Americans were: first, destroy submarines; second, escort and convoy merchant ships; third, save lives. And in all three respects the Americans from the very outset have so conducted themselves and their craft as to earn the highest encomiums from the Entente admiralties. The Americans entered very heartily into their work, and developed ideas of their own, some of which the British were very glad to adopt. Between the men of the two navies there has been the best sort of feeling. CHAPTER V British and American Destroyers Operating Hand in Hand--Arrival of Naval Collier "Jupiter"--Successful Trip of Transports Bearing United States Soldiers Convoyed by Naval Vessels--Attack on Transports Warded Off by Destroyers--Secretary Baker Thanks Secretary Daniels--Visit to our Destroyer Base--Attitude of Officers Toward Men--Genesis of the Submarine--The Confederate Submarine "Hunley" A correspondent who visited the British base on the Irish coast a month after the arrival of the Americans, found the two fleets operating hand in hand and doing effective work. With the boats out four and five, and then in port coaling and loading supplies two and three days, the seamen were getting practically half a day shore-leave every week. The seamen endured the routine grind of patrol and convoy work, accepting it as the price to be paid for the occasional fights with submarines. An assignment to convoy a liner from home is regarded as a choice morsel, and the boats that get the job are looked upon as favored craft. The transatlantic passengers invariably make a fuss over the Americans, and the interchange of amenities gives our sailors concrete evidence of how their work is regarded in this country. On June 6, 1917, Secretary Daniels, with warrantable pride, announced the arrival in a French port of the naval collier _Jupiter_, with 10,500 tons of wheat and other supplies. The _Jupiter_ is nearly as large as a battleship, and stands out of the water like a church. Nevertheless, the collier, completely armed and well able to take care of herself, made the trip without convoy. She was the first electrically propelled vessel of large size ever built, and her performance was so good that it led to the adoption of the electric drive for all our new battleships and cruisers. In the meantime, with our destroyers working valiantly in the fight against the submarines, Admiral Sims, their commander, had made himself indispensable to the British Admiralty, whose high regard was manifested on June 19, when, as already noted, he was appointed to take charge of operations of the Allied naval forces in Irish waters while the British commander-in-chief was absent for a short period. Washington had given wide powers to Admiral Sims to the end that he might be in a position to meet any emergency that might arise. While much of his time was spent in Paris and London, his home was at the Irish base, a fine old mansion 300 feet above the town, with beautiful lawns and gardens, having been turned over to him. In June of 1917, June 4, it was announced in Washington that an American squadron had arrived in South American waters in accordance with the plan of relieving British and French cruisers of patrol duty in waters of the western hemisphere, merely one more instance of the scope of the plans which the Navy Department had formulated when we entered the war. On June 25 came word that the first American convoy (transports with American troops), under direction of Rear-Admiral Albert M. Gleaves, commander of our convoy system, had arrived safely at a port in France. On July 3 the last units of ships with supplies and horses reached its destination. The expedition was divided into contingents, each contingent including troop-ships and an escort of sea-fighters. An ocean rendezvous with American destroyers operating in European waters was arranged, and carried out in minutest detail. The convoy did not cross the seas without incident. In the newspapers of July 4 the country was electrified by a statement issued by the Creel bureau of a rather thrilling combat between war-ships attached to the convoy and German submarines, in which the U-boat was badly worsted. Details were given, and all in all the whole affair as presented was calculated to give the utmost unction to American pride. Next day, however, came a despatch from the American flotilla base in British waters which set forth that the story of the attack as published in the United States was inaccurate. There was no submarine attack, said the report, and no submarine was seen. One destroyer did drop a depth-bomb, but this was merely by way of precaution. Quite a stir followed, and it was not until Secretary Daniels some time later published facts as set forth in a cipher message from Admiral Gleaves that the country realized that, while the original account was somewhat overdrawn, there was substantial ground for the belief that several transports had had narrow escapes. To a correspondent who was on one of the transports we are indebted for the following narrative of the attack: [Illustration: POSITION OF SHIPS IN A CONVOY.] "It was past midnight. The flotilla was sweeping through a calm sea miles from the point of debarkation, and tense nerves were beginning to relax. The sky was cloudy and the moon obscured, but the phosphorescence of water common in these latitudes at this season marked the prow and wake of the advancing ships with lines of smoky flame. It was this, perhaps, that saved us from disaster--this and the keenness of American eyes, and the straightness of American shooting. From the high-flung superstructure of a big ship one of the eager lookouts noted an unwonted line of shining foam on the port bow. In a second he realized that here at last was the reality of peril. It could be nothing else than the periscope of a submarine. The Germans were not less swift in action. Almost at the moment that the alarm was given a gleaming line of bubbles, scarcely twenty feet from the bow of one of the transports wherein thousands were sleeping, announced the torpedo with its fatal burden of explosive. Then 'hell broke loose.' Firing every gun available, the big ship swung on a wide circle out of line to the left. A smaller war-ship slipped into the place of the big fighter, driving shells into the sea. Whether any landed or not may not be said. The Germans fired three, if not four, torpedoes. It was God's mercy that they all went astray among so many of our ships. The whole business lasted only a minute and a half. I know, because one of those Easterners from somewhere up in Maine coolly timed the mix-up with his stop-watch. But believe me, it added more than that time to my life. The second attack occurred next morning. Every living soul on the transports had been thrilled by the news of the night's events, and from early hours the decks were lined with amateur lookouts. The morning was fine, and a light breeze rippled up wavelets that twinkled in the sunlight. Suddenly about 10.30 o'clock there came a wild yell from one of the leading transports. Though the jackies affect to dispute it, I was assured that it was from a far-sighted youngster from Arizona, who first descried and then announced the deadly line of bubbles. No periscope was visible this time, and for the first moment those on the bridges of the destroyers were incredulous. Then the unmistakable bubble lines clean across the bows put the certainty of danger beyond question. Once again fortune favored us. The submarine was in front instead of in the deadliest position on the flank toward the rear. Perhaps the U-boat commander was rattled by the magnitude of his opportunity. Perhaps one of his excited pirates let go too soon. Anyway, it is agreed by experts that he would have been far more dangerous had he waited unseen until part of the flotilla at least had passed beyond him. "Dearly did the Germans pay for their error. Like a striking rattlesnake, one of our destroyers darted between a couple of transports. Her nose was so deep in the sea as to be almost buried, while a great wave at the stern threw a shower of spray on the soldiers massed at the transport's bow. That destroyer ran right along the line of bubbles like a hound following a trail, and when it came to the spot where the commander estimated the submarine must be lurking, he released a depth-bomb. A column of smoke and foam rose fifty feet in the air, and the destroyer herself rose half out of the water under the shock of the explosion. It is said that in the midst of the column of water were seen fragments of steel and wood, and oil also was reported on the water. This meant that at least one submarine had paid the supreme price for the spread of kultur on the high seas." As in all thrilling incidents of the sort, there was a note of comedy. It was supplied by a negro roustabout on one of the large transports. This darky throughout the trip had been very fearful of submarines, and when the actual moment of danger came he acted upon a predetermined course, and shinned up the mainmast as though Old Nick himself were at his heels. When the excitement was over an officer called up to him: "Hello, up there; come down. It's all over." "Me come down," came the voice from on high. "Mistah officah, I ain't nevah gwine to come down; no suh. De place fo man is on de dry land, yas suh. Ocean wa'nt nevah made for man; de ocean's fo fishes, dat's all. I'm gwine to stay up heah until I see de land. Den I'se gwine to jump." History fails to record how long he remained in his retreat. Probably until he became hungry. This, then, appears to be what happened to our first convoy. That there was an attack upon the convoy by submarines in force, as set forth in the original statement from Washington, now seems altogether unlikely, and whether our destroyers sunk one or more of the undersea assailants is a matter of opinion. It does, however, seem likely that the one waging the second attack was accounted for. The War Department was not slow to recognize the effectiveness with which our navy had transported the first oversea expedition to France as the following message from Secretary of War Newton D. Baker to Secretary Daniels will show. "War Department, "Washington, July 3. "Word has just come to the War Department that the last ships conveying Gen. Pershing's expeditionary force arrived safely to-day. As you know, the Navy Department assumed the responsibility for the safety of these ships on the sea and through the danger zone. The ships themselves and their convoys were in the hands of the navy, and now that they have arrived and carried without the loss of a man our soldiers who are first to represent America in the battle for Democracy, I beg leave to tender to you, to the admiral, and to the navy the hearty thanks of the War Department and of the army. This splendid achievement is an auspicious beginning, and it has been characterized throughout by the most cordial and effective co-operation between the two military services. "Cordially yours, "NEWTON D. BAKER." In the meantime Americans living in England had organized to do everything in their power to make the lives of the seamen of the destroyer fleet comfortable. Plans were at once formulated and work begun on a club, the United States Naval Men's Club at the American base. This club, which is now completed, contains dormitories, shower-baths, a canteen, and a billiard room with two pool-tables. There is an auditorium for moving-picture shows and other entertainments, reading-rooms, and in fact everything that would tend to make the men feel at home and divert their leisure hours. A correspondent for the Associated Press, who visited the club when it was completed, has testified to its great attractiveness, and from his pen also has come the most effective description of our destroyers as they return to their base from duty in the North Sea. One destroyer which he inspected had had the good fortune to be able to bring back the crews of two torpedoed merchantmen. The mariners were picked up on the fourth day out, and had the unique experience of joining in a lookout for their undoers before the destroyer returned to its base. Despite her battles with heavy seas and high winds, the destroyer was as fit as any of her sister craft lying at anchor near by. Her brass-work glistened in the sunshine, and her decks were as clean as a good housewife's kitchen. The crew, a majority of them mere boys, were going about their work with every manifestation of contentment. "They are," observed the commander, "the most alert sailors in the world." The destroyer carried five 4-inch guns, the type most used on destroyers. Ten feet behind the guns were cases of shells, each shell weighing sixty pounds. When firing upon a submarine the shells are passed by hand to the gunners--no small task when the sea is heavy. At the gun the gunner is equipped with a head-gear, like that worn by telephone girls, through which he receives sighting directions from the officer on the bridge. Speaking-tubes also convey messages from the bridge to the gunners. These "voice-tubes," as they are called, run to all the guns, but take the most circuitous routes, running way below deck in order that damage by shell-fire to the upper part of the vessel might not affect communication from the bridge to the gunners. On different parts of the deck were three canvas-covered boxes, each containing six loaded rifles, eighteen in all. These were for use against boarding-parties. The vessel also contained numerous torpedo-tubes, always loaded. The destroyer registered about a thousand tons, and carried a crew of ninety-five men, who were reported as "a great happy family." The commanding officer said that there was surprisingly little homesickness among the men, many of whom had never before been so far from their native land. "We invite questions and suggestions from our men," said one of the officers to the correspondent. "We want them to feel that no one is ever too old to learn." The seamen sleep on berths suspended from the steel walls of the destroyers, berths which, when not in use, can be closed very much after the manner of a folding bed. When "submarined" crews are rescued the sailors willingly give up their comfortable berths and do everything else in their power to make the shipwrecked mariners comfortable. The men receive their mail from home uncensored. It arrives about every ten days in bags sealed in the United States. Their own letters, however, are censored, not only by an officer aboard ship, but by a British censor. However, there has been little or no complaint by the men on the ground of being unable to say what they wish to their loved ones. "The men," wrote an officer recently, "look upon submarine-hunting as a great game. The only time they are discontented is when a situation which looks like an approaching fight resolves itself into nothing. The seas of the war zone are, of course, filled with all sorts of flotsam and jetsam, and very often that which appears to be a periscope is nothing of the sort. But when a real one comes--then the men accept it as a reward." In view of all that has been said thus far and remains to be said concerning the submarine, it might be well to digress for a moment and devote the remainder of this chapter to a consideration of the undersea fighter, its genesis, what it now is, and what it has accomplished. We all know that the submarine was given to the world by an American inventor--that is to say, the submarine in very much the form that we know it to-day, the effective, practical submarine. The writer recalls witnessing experiments more than twenty years ago on the Holland submarine--the first modern submarine type--and he recalls how closely it was guarded in the early days of 1898, when it lay at Elizabethport and the Spanish war-ship _Viscaya_, Captain Eulate, lay in our harbor. This was a month or so after the destruction of the battleship _Maine_ in Havana Harbor, and threats against the Spanish had led, among other precautions, to an armed guard about the _Holland_ lest some excitable person take her out and do damage to the _Viscaya_. There was no real danger, of course, that this would happen; it merely tends to show the state of public mind. Well, in any event, the _Holland_, and improved undersea craft subsequently developed, converted the seemingly impossible into the actual. To an Englishman, William Bourne, a seaman-gunner must be credited the first concrete exposition of the possibilities of an undersea fighter. His book, "Inventions or Devices," published in 1578, contains a comprehensive description of the essential characteristics of the undersea boat as they are applied to-day. From the days of the sixteenth century on down through the years to the present time, submarine construction and navigation have passed through various stages of development. Captain Thomas A. Kearney, U.S.N., in an interesting monograph published through the United States Naval Institute at Annapolis, says that of the early American inventors, particular mention should be made of the work of David Bushnell and Robert Fulton, both of whom have been termed the "father of the submarine." Bushnell's boat, completed in 1775-6, was much in advance of anything in its class at the time. The boat, which was, of course, water-tight, was sufficiently commodious to contain the operator and a sufficient amount of air to support him for thirty minutes. Water was admitted into a tank for the purpose of descending and two brass force-pumps ejected the water when the operator wished to rise. Propulsion was by an oar astern, working as the propeller of a vessel works to-day. Practically Bushnell in one attempt to destroy a British war-ship in the Hudson River was able to get under the British frigate _Eagle_ without detection, but was unable to attach the mine which the boat carried. Fulton's inventive genius directed toward a submarine took tangible shape in 1800 when the French Government built the _Nautilus_ in accordance with his plans. Both France and the United States carried on experimental work with Fulton's designs, under his personal supervision, but there is no record of any marked achievement. The first submarine within the memory of men living to-day, the first practical, albeit crude, undersea boat, was the _H. L. Hunley_, built at Mobile, Ala., under the auspices of the Confederate Navy and brought from that port to Charleston on flat cars for the purpose of trying to break the blockade of that port by Federal war-ships. The _Hunley_ was about forty feet long, six in diameter, and shaped like a cigar. Its motive power came from seven men turning cranks attached to the propeller-shaft. When working their hardest these men could drive the boat at a speed of about four miles an hour. Several attempts to use the _Hunley_ were unsuccessful, each time it sank, drowning its crew of from eight to ten men. These experiments, which were carried on in shallow water at Charleston, mark one of the bright pages in our seafaring annals, as crew after crew went into the boat facing practically certain death to the end that the craft might be made effective. Each time the vessel sank she was raised, the dead crew taken out, and a new experiment with a new crew made. In all thirty-three men were sacrificed before it was finally decided that the boat could make her way out to the blockading line. It was on the night of February 17, 1864, that the _Hunley_ set out on her last journey. The vessel submerged, reached the side of the United States steamship _Housatonic_, and successfully exploded a mine against the hull of the Federal war-ship, sending her to the bottom. But in the explosion the submersible herself was sunk and all on board were lost. The commander of the expedition was Lieutenant George E. Dixon, of Alabama, who with his crew well appreciated their danger. It is supposed that the _Hunley_ was drawn down in the suction of the sinking war-ship; she could not arise from the vortex, and that was the last of her and of her brave crew. The North was tremendously excited over the incident and the South elated, but no other ship was attacked from beneath the water in the course of the war. Holland's boat, built in 1877, was the first to use a gas-engine as a propulsive medium, but it was not until the final adoption of the gas-engine for surface work, followed later by the internal-combustion gasoline-engine and the use of electric storage-battery for subsurface work, as well as the invention of the periscope and various other devices, that the submarine was developed to a present state of effectiveness, which sees it crossing the Atlantic from Germany, operating off our shores and returning to Germany without being obliged to put into port; which, also, sees it capable of navigating under water at a speed of from seven to nine knots, with torpedoes ready for use in the tubes and guns of effective caliber mounted on deck. It has, indeed, been asserted that the airplane and the submarine have relegated the battleship to the limbo of desuetude: but as to that the continued control of the seas by Great Britain with her immense battle-fleet, supplemented by our tremendous engines of war, certainly argues for no such theory. What the future may bring forth in the way of submarines, armored and of great size, no man may say. But at present the submarine, while tremendously effective, has not done away with the battleship as a mighty element in the theory of sea power. As to life on a submersible, let us construct from material which has come to us from various sources in the past three years a little story which will give a better knowledge of the workings of the German undersea boat than many pages of technical description would do. An undertaking of the sort will be the more valuable because we of the Allies are inclined to consider the submarine problem only in relation to our side of the case, whereas the fact is that the submarine operates under great difficulties and dangers, and in an ever-increasing degree leaves port never to be heard from again. We may, then, begin the following chapter with a scene in Kiel, Zeebrugge, or any German submarine base. CHAPTER VI On a German Submarine--Fight with a Destroyer--Periscope Hit--Record of the Submarine in this War--Dawning Failure of the Undersea Boat--Figures Issued by the British Admiralty--Proof of Decline--Our Navy's Part in this Achievement A first lieutenant with acting rank of commander takes the order in the gray dawn of a February day. The hulk of an old corvette with the Iron Cross of 1870 on her stubby foremast is his quarters in port, and on the corvette's deck he is presently saluted by his first engineer and the officer of the watch. On the pier the crew of the U-47-1/2 await him. At their feet the narrow gray submarine lies alongside, straining a little at her cables. "Well, we've got our orders at last," begins the commander, addressing his crew of thirty, and the crew look solemn. For this is the U-47-1/2's first experience of active service. She has done nothing save trial trips hitherto and has just been overhauled for her first fighting cruise. Her commander snaps out a number of orders. Provisions are to be taken "up to the neck." Fresh water is to be put aboard, and engine-room supplies to be supplemented. A mere plank is the gangway to the little vessel. As the commander, followed by his officers, comes aboard, a sailor hands to each of the officers a ball of cotton waste, the one article aboard a submarine which never leaves an officer's hands. For of all oily, grimy, greasy places the inside of the submarine is supreme. The steel walls, the doors, the companion-ladders all sweat oil, and the hands must be wiped dry at every touch. Through a narrow hole aft the commander descends by a straight iron ladder into a misty region whose only light comes from electric glow-lamps. The air reeks with the smell of oil. Here is the engine-room and, stifling as the atmosphere is with the hatches up, it is as nothing compared to what the men have to breathe when everything is hermetically sealed. Here are slung hammocks, where men of one engine-watch sleep while their comrades move about the humming, purring apartment, bumping the sleepers with their heads and elbows. But little things like that do not make for wakefulness on a submarine. The apartment or vault is about ten feet long; standing in the middle, a man by stretching out his arms may easily have his fingers in contact with the steel walls on either side. Overhead is a network of wires, while all about there is a maze of levers, throttles, wheels, and various mechanical appliances that are the dismay of all but the mind specially trained in submarine operation. The commander very minutely inspects everything; a flaw will mean a long sleep on the bottom, thirty men dead. Everything is tested. Then, satisfied, the commander creeps through a hole into the central control-station, where the chief engineer is at his post. The engineer is an extraordinary individual; the life of the boat and its effectiveness are in his care. There must be lightning repairs when anything goes wrong on an undersea craft, and in all respects the chief's touch must be that of a magician. Exchanging a word or two with the chief engineer, the commander continues his way to the torpedo-chamber where the deadly "silverfish," as the Germans have named the hideous projectiles, lie. Perhaps he may stroke their gleaming backs lovingly; one may not account for the loves of a submarine commander. The second-in-command, in charge of the armament, joins him in the torpedo-room and receives final instructions regarding the torpedo and the stowing of other explosives. Forward is another narrow steel chamber, and next to it is a place like a cupboard where the cook has just room to stand in front of his doll-house galley-stove. It is an electric cooker, of course. Housewives who operate kitchenettes in Manhattan will appreciate the amount of room which the cook has. And, by the way, this being a German submarine, the oily odors, the smell of grease, and the like are complicated by an all-pervading smell of cabbage and coffee. Two little cabins, the size of a clothes-chest, accommodate the deck and engine-rooms officers--two in each. Then there is a little box-cabin for the commander. As the sun rises higher the commander goes into his cabin and soon after emerges on deck. His coat and trousers are of black leather lined with wool, a protection against oil, cold, and wet weather. The crew are at their stations. "Machines clear," comes a voice from the control-station. "Clear ship," comes the order from the bridge, followed by "Cast off." The cables hiss through the water and slap on the landing-stage; the sound of purring fills the submarine which glides slowly into open water. Into the bay comes another U-boat. Stories of her feat in sinking a steamship loaded with mutton for England has preceded her. There has been loss of life connected with that sinking, but this makes no difference to the Teutonic mind, and the officer of the U-47-1/2 shouts his congratulations. Now the submarine is out in the open sea, the waves are heavy and the vessel rolls uncomfortably. The craft, it may be remarked, is not the craft for a pleasant sea-voyage. The two officers hanging onto the rails turn their eyes seaward. The weather increases in severity. The officers are lashed to the bridge. There they must stay; while the boat plies the surface the bridge must not be left by the commander and his assistant. Sometimes they remain thus on duty two and three days. Food is carried to them and they eat it as they stand. It may be that the commander is trying to balance a plate of heavy German soup in his hand as a cry comes from a lookout. "Smoke on the horizon, off the port bow, sir." The commander withdraws from his food, shouts an order and an electric alarm sounds inside the hull. The ship buzzes with activity. The guns on deck are hastily housed. Bridge appurtenances are housed also, and sailors dive down through the deck-holes. The commander follows. Water begins to gurgle into the ballast-tanks while the crew seal every opening. Down goes the U-47-1/2 until only her periscope shows, a periscope painted sea-green and white--camouflaged. The eyes of the watch-officer are glued to the periscope. "She is a Dutchman, sir," he says at length. The commander steps to the periscope and takes a look. The Dutchman has no wireless and is bound for some continental port. It is not wise to sink every Dutch boat one meets--although German submarines have sunk a sufficient number of them, in all conscience. At all events, the steamship goes in peace and the submarine comes to the surface. The commander is glad, because electric power must be used when the vessel is moving under water and there must be no waste of this essential element. So the submarine proceeds on her way, wallowing and tumbling through the heavy graybacks of the North Sea. At length after fifty-four hours the necessity of sleep becomes apparent. The ballast-tanks are filled and the craft slowly descends to the sandy bottom of the sea. It is desirable that the crew go to sleep as quickly as possible, because when men are asleep they use less of the priceless supply of oxygen which is consumed when the boat is under water. However, the commander allows the men from half an hour to an hour for music and singing. The phonograph is turned on and there on the bottom of the North Sea the latest songs of Berlin are ground out while the crew sit about, perhaps joining in the choruses--they sang more in the early days of the war than they do to-day--while the officers sit around their mess-table and indulge in a few social words before they retire. In the morning water from the tanks is expelled and the boat rises to greet a smiling sea. Also to greet a grim destroyer. The war-ship sees her as she comes up from a distance of perhaps a mile away. All steam is crowded on while the leaden-gray fighter--the one craft that the submarine fears--makes for her prey. Sharp orders ring through the U-boat. The tanks are again filled, and while the commander storms and ejaculates, everything is made tight and the vessel sinks beneath the surface. The electric-motors are started and the submarine proceeds under water in a direction previously determined, reckoned in relation to the course of the approaching destroyer. Presently comes a dull explosion. The destroyer arriving over the spot where the undersea boat was last seen, has dropped a depth-bomb, which has exploded under the surface at a predetermined depth. The submarine commander grins. The bomb was too far away to do damage, although the craft has trembled under the shock. There comes another shock, this time not so palpable. Eventually all is quiet. For an hour the submarine proceeds blindly under water, and then cautiously her periscope is thrust above the surface. Nothing in sight. Orders sound through the vessel and she rises to the surface. She could have remained below, running under full headway, for six hours before coming to the surface. So the day goes on. Toward nightfall smoke again is seen on the horizon. It proves to be a large freighter ladened, apparently, with cattle. Two destroyers are frisking about her, crossing her bow, cutting around her stern. The steamship herself is zigzagging, rendering accurate calculations as to her course uncertain. By this time, of course, the submarine has submerged. The watch-officer and the commander stand by the periscope, watching the approaching craft. The periscope may not be left up too long; the watchers on the destroyers and on the deck of the vessel, which is armed, are likely to spy it at any time. So the periscope is alternately run down and run up. The submarine has moved so that the steamship will pass her so as to present a broadside. Up comes the periscope for one last look. The observer sees a puff of smoke from the deck of a destroyer and a quick splash of water obscures the view momentarily. "They have seen us and are firing." But the steamship is now within a mile, within fairly accurate torpedo range. An order rolls into the torpedo-room and the crew prepare for firing. In the meantime a shower of shells explode about the periscope. There comes a sudden vagueness on the glass into which the observer has been gazing. "The periscope has been hit." Thoughts of launching the torpedo vanish. Safety first is now the dominant emotion. Additional water flows into the tanks and the craft begins to settle. But as she does so there is a sudden flood of water into the control-room; a hoarse cry goes up from the crew. The officers draw their revolvers. Evidently the injured periscope has caused a leak. Before anything can be done there is a tremendous grinding, rending explosion; the thin steel walls contract under the force of the released energy. Above them the destroyer crew gazing eagerly at the geyser-like volume of water arising from the sea descry pieces of metal, dark objects of all sorts. The sea quiets and up from the depths arise clouds of oil, spreading slowly over the waves. The U-47-1/2 has joined many a nobler craft upon the wastes of subaqueous depths. But not always has the outcome of a submarine attack been so fortunate for us. There have been thousands of instances--many more of them in the past than at present, fortunately--where the U-boat returned to her base with a murderous story to tell. While it is certain that when the totals for the present year are compiled an engaging tale of reduced submarine effectiveness will be told; yet--as the British Government has announced--any effort to minimize what the submarine has done would work chiefly toward the slowing up of our ship-building and other activities designed to combat directly and indirectly the lethal activities of the submarine. And from a naval standpoint it is also essential that the effectiveness of the undersea craft be fully understood. It was on January 31, 1917, that the German Government suddenly cast aside its peace overtures and astonished the world by presenting to the United States Government a note to the effect that from February 1 sea traffic would be stopped with every available weapon and without further notice in certain specified zones. The decree applied to both enemy and neutral vessels, although the United States was to be permitted to sail one steamship a week in each direction, using Falmouth as the port of arrival and departure. On February 3 President Wilson appeared before Congress and announced that he had severed diplomatic relations with Germany on the ground that the imperial government had deliberately withdrawn its solemn assurances in regard to its method of conducting warfare against merchant vessels. Two months later, April 6, as already noted, Congress declared that a state of war with Germany existed. The German people were led to believe that an aggregate of 1,000,000 tons of shipping would be destroyed each month and that the wastage would bring England to her knees in six months and lead to peace. The six months went by, but the promises of the German Government were not fulfilled. Instead the submarine war brought the United States into the struggle and this, in the words of Philipp Scheidemann, leader of the German majority Socialists, has been "the most noticeable result." None the less, the submarine, used ruthlessly, without restrictions, proved itself to be an unrivalled weapon of destruction, difficult to combat by reason of its ability to stalk and surprise its quarry, while remaining to all intents and purposes invisible. It has taken heavy toll of ships and men, and has caused privation among the peoples of the Entente nations; it is still unconquered, but month by month of the present year its destructiveness has been impaired until now there may be little doubt that the number of submarines destroyed every month exceeds the number of new submarines built, while the production of ship tonnage in England and the United States greatly outweighs the losses. In other words, the submarine, as an element in the settling of the war in a manner favorable to Germany, has steadily lost influence, and, while it is not now a negligible factor, it is, at least, a minor one and growing more so. Secret figures of the British Admiralty on submarine losses and world ship-building issued in March, 1918, show that from the outbreak of war, in August, 1914, to the end of 1917, the loss was 11,827,080 tons. Adding the losses up to April of the present year--when the submarine sinkings began to show a markedly decreased ratio--and we get a total of 13,252,692 tons. The world's tonnage construction in the four years 1914-17 was 6,809,080 tons. The new construction in England and the United States for the first quarter of 1918 was 687,221 tons, giving a total from the beginning of the war to April 1 of 1918, 7,750,000 tons built outside of the Central Powers since the beginning of the war, with a final deficit of about 5,500,000 tons. Of this deficit the year 1917 alone accounted for 3,716,000 tons. [Illustration: _From a photograph copyright by Enrique Midler_. A U. S. SUBMARINE AT FULL SPEED ON THE SURFACE OF THE WATER.] From the last quarter of 1917, however, the margin between construction and loss has been narrowing steadily. In the first quarter of 1918 the construction in Great Britain and America alone was over 687,000 tons and the losses for the whole world were 1,123,510 tons. Here is a deficit for three months--the first three months of the present year--of 436,000 tons, or an annual average of 1,750,000 tons, which is a deficit one-half less than that of the black year of 1917. When figures at the end of the present year are revealed we may find that we have reckoned too little upon the ship-building activity of both England and the United States, in which event the deficit may prove to be even less. But in any event the dry figures as set forth are worth perusal inasmuch as they point not only to the deadly effectiveness of the submarine in the first year of unrestricted activity, but show how valiantly the Allied sea power has dealt with a seemingly hopeless situation in the present year. In the House of Commons not long ago a definite statement that the trend of the submarine war was favorable to the Allies was made. The one specific item given was that from January 1 to April 30, 1917, the number of unsuccessful attacks upon British steamships was 172, a weekly average of 10. Last year in the ten weeks from the end of February to the end of April there were 175 unsuccessful attacks, or a weekly average of 18. This statement was not exactly illuminating. For of itself a decline in the weekly number of unsuccessful attacks would imply an increase in the effectiveness of the U-boat--which we know is not so. What the House of Commons statement really meant, of course, was that the number of _successful_ attacks had been declining as well as the number of unsuccessful attacks--or, in other words, that the German sea effort as a whole was declining. The U-boats are not hitting out as freely as they did a year ago. This argues that there are fewer of them than there were in 1917. For actual tonnage losses we have the word of the French Minister of Marine that the sinkings for April, 1918, were 268,000 tons, whereas in April of the previous year they were 800,000 tons, an appalling total. "The most conclusive evidence we have seen of the failure of the enemy's submarine campaign is the huge American army now in France, and the hundreds of thousands of tons of stores brought across the Atlantic," said James Wilson, chairman of the American labor delegation, upon his return to England last May from a visit to France and to the American army. "Less than twelve months have passed since General Pershing arrived in France with 50 men. The developments that have taken place since seem little short of miraculous." Georges Leygues, Minister of Marine of France, in testifying before the Chamber of Deputies in May said that in November of 1917 losses through the submarine fell below 400,000 tons, and since has diminished continuously. He said that the number of submarines destroyed had increased progressively since January of the present year in such proportion that the effectiveness of enemy squadrons cannot be maintained at the minimum required by the German Government. The number of U-boats destroyed in January, February, and March was far greater in each month than the number constructed in those months. In February and April the number of submarines destroyed was three less than the total destroyed in the previous three months. These results, the minister declared, were due to the methodical character of the war against submarines, to the close co-ordination of the Allied navies; to the intrepidity and spirit animating the officers and crews of the naval and aerial squadrons, to the intensification of the use of old methods and to the employment of new ones. We may lay to ourselves the unction that the reduced effectiveness of the submarine coincided with the entrance of our naval forces into the war. This is taking nothing from the French, British, and Italian navies; as a matter of truth, it would be gross injustice to ignore the fact that the large share of the great task has been handled through the immense resources of the British. But the co-ordinated effort which began with the arrival of our vessels on the other side, the utter freedom with which Secretary Daniels placed our resources at the service of the British was inspiring in its moral influences throughout the Entente nations, while practically there may be no doubt that our craft have played their fair share in the activities that have seen the steady decline of deadliness on the part of the U-boat. We may now consider the methods which our navy in collaboration with Allied sea power have employed in this combat for the freedom of the seas. CHAPTER VII How the Submarine is being Fought--Destroyers the Great Menace--But Nets, Too, Have Played Their Part--Many Other Devices--German Officers Tell of Experience on a Submarine Caught in a Net--Chasers Play Their Part--The Depth-Bomb--Trawler Tricks--A Camouflaged Schooner Which Turned Out To Be a Tartar--Airplanes--German Submarine Men in Playful Mood When the submarines first began their attacks upon British war-ships and merchant vessels the admiralty was faced by a state of affairs which had been dealt with more or less in the abstract, the only practical lessons at hand being those of the Russo-Japanese War, which conflict, as a matter of fact, left rather an unbalanced showing so far as the undersea boat and the surface craft were concerned; in other words, the submersible had by all odds the advantage. But England tackled the problem with bulldog energy, utilizing to that end not only her immense destroyer fleet, but a myriad of high-speed wooden boats, many of which were built in this country. They were called submarine-chasers, and while the destroyer and the seaplane, as one of the most effective weapons against the submarine, came to the fore, the chaser is employed in large numbers by England, France, and the United States. The great usefulness of the destroyer lay not only in patrolling the seas in search of the U-boats, but of serving in convoys, protecting passenger and freight vessels, and in rescuing crews of vessels that had been sunk. There may be other methods of reducing Germany's sum total of submarines which are equally--if not more--effective than the destroyer; but, if so, we have not been made aware of that fact. Certain it is, however, that aside from the destroyer, steel nets, fake fishing and merchant sailing vessels, seaplanes and chasers have played their important part in the fight, while such a minor expedient as blinding the eye of the periscope by oil spread on the waters has not been without avail. The United States Navy appears to have figured chiefly through its destroyer fleet. It has been stated that half the number of sailors who were in the navy when we entered the war were sent to European waters. The system of training them involves a number of training-bases in Europe constantly filling up from American drafts. Each new destroyer that steams to Europe from our shores in due course sends back some of her men to form a nucleus for the crew of another new destroyer turning up in American waters. Their places are taken by drafts from the training-bases in Europe. The destroyer referred to as turning up in this country makes up her complement from the battleships and other naval units here. The training-bases in this country are established at Newport, Chicago, San Francisco, and Pelham Bay, N.Y. Here the men have many months' instruction. As their training approaches completion they are sent where needed, and thus the work of creating an immense army of trained seamen qualified for any sort of a task proceeds with mechanical precision. Submarine hunting is very popular with our young jackies, and great is their satisfaction when some submarine falls victim to their vigilance, their courage, and their unerring eyes. "But," said a young sea officer not long ago, "the submarine is a difficult bird to catch. He holds the advantage over the surface craft. He always sees you first. Even when he is on the surface he is nearly awash, and when submerged only his periscope appears above the water. The submarine is not after animals of our breed--destroyers--and when he can he avoids them. We may go several weeks without putting an eye upon a single U-boat. When we do there is action, I can tell you. We start for him at full speed, opening up with all our guns in the hope of getting in a shot before he is able to submerge. But you may believe he doesn't take long to get below the surface. Anyway, the sub doesn't mind gun-fire much. They are afraid of depth charges--bombs which are regulated so that they will explode at any depth we wish. They contain two or three hundred pounds of high explosive, and all patrol vessels and destroyers carry them on deck and astern. When we see a submarine submerge we try to find his wake. Finding it, we run over it and drop a bomb. The explosion can be felt under water for a distance of several miles, but we have to get within ninety feet of the hull to damage it. This damage may or may not cause the undersea boat to sink. Inside of ninety feet, though, there isn't much doubt about the sinking. "Patrol duty is a grind. The sea where we work is filled with wreckage for a distance of 300 miles off shore, and you can take almost any floating object for a periscope. Yes, we shoot at everything; ours is not a business in which to take chances. Convoy work is more interesting and more exciting than the round of patrol. The advantage of the convoy over the picking up and escorting of a merchantman by a patrol-boat is that in the convoy from six to ten destroyers can protect from ten to thirty merchantmen, while under the patrol system one destroyer watches one merchant craft. Convoy trips take our destroyers away from their base from six to eight days, and they are all trying days, especially so in dirty weather. On convoy duty no officer, and no man, has his clothes off from start to finish. Too many things may happen to warrant any sort of unpreparedness. Constant readiness is the watch-word. "At night difficulty and danger increase, chiefly because of the increased danger of collision. Collisions sometimes occur--what with the absence of lights, the zigzag course of the ships of the convoy, and the speed with which we travel. But as a rule the accidents are of the scraping variety, and all thus is usually well. The convoy is purely a defensive measure. The patrol is the offensive; in this the destroyers and other craft go out and look for the U-boats, the idea being to hound them out of the seas." Then there are netting operations in which our sailors have played some part. The netting most often used is made of stout galvanized wire with a 15-foot mesh. This is cut into lengths of 170 feet, with a depth of 45 feet. On top of this great net are lashed immense blocks of wood for buoys. Two oil-burning destroyers take the netting, and hanging it between them as deep down in the water as it will go, are ready to seine the 'silverfish.' The range of a submarine's periscope is little over a mile in any sort of sea. Vessels that are belching clouds of smoke may be picked up at distances of from three to five miles, but no more. In other words, watchful eyes gazing through binoculars may see a periscope as far as that periscope sees. The destroyers, bearing their net between them, then pick up a distant periscope. They chart the submarine's direction (this may be told by the direction in which the periscope is cutting the water) and calculate her speed. Then they steam to a point directly ahead of the submarine, and the lashings are cut away from the net. While it thus floats in the submarine's path the destroyers speed away out of eye-shot. In a large majority of cases it is claimed the submarine runs into that net, or one like it. Results are a probable disarrangement of her machinery and her balance upset. She may be thrown over on her back. If she comes up she goes down again for good and all with a hole shot in her hull; if not, it is just as well, a shell has been saved. Submarines occasionally escape by changing their course after the nets have been set; but there appears to have been no instance of the destroyers themselves having been picked up by the periscope. This because they set pretty nearly as low as a submarine, and with their oil-burning propulsion give forth no telltale cloud of smoke. Other nets are hung from hollow glass balls, which the periscope cannot pick up against the sea water. These nets are set in profusion in the English Channel, the North Sea, or wherever submarines lurk, and they are tended just as the North River shad fishermen tend their nets. When a destroyer, making the rounds, sees that a glass ball has disappeared, there is more than presumptive evidence that something very valuable has been netted. Naval Lieutenant Weddingen, of the German submarine U-17, has related the following experience with the British net system. The U-17 had left her base early in the morning and had passed into the North Sea, the boat being under water with periscope awash. "I looked through the periscope," said Weddingen, "and could see a red buoy behind my boat. When, ten minutes later, I looked I saw the buoy again, still at the same distance behind us. I steered to the right and then to the left, but the buoy kept on following us. I descended deeply into the water, but still saw the buoy floating on the surface above us. At last I discovered that we had caught the chain of the buoy and that we were dragging it along with us. "At the same time, also, I saw through the periscope that a strange small steamer was steering a course directly behind us and the buoy. At this time my sounding apparatus indicated that a screw steamer was in the vicinity. Observation revealed that five enemy torpedo-boats were approaching from the north. I increased the speed of the boat in the expectation of being able to attack one of them. The five torpedo-boats arranged themselves in a circle. I sank still deeper and got ready for eventualities. "At this juncture my boat began to roll in a most incomprehensible manner. We began to rise and sink alternately. The steering-gear apparently was out of order. Soon afterward I discovered that we had encountered a wire netting and were hopelessly entangled in it. We had, in fact, got into the net of one of the hunters surrounding us. "For an hour and a half the netting carried us with it, and although I made every effort to get clear of it, it seemed impossible. There was nothing to do but increase the weight in the submarine as much as possible so that I might try to break the netting. Fortunately, when we had started I had pumped in from five to six tons of water, filling all the tanks. I increased the weight of the boat to the utmost, and suddenly we felt a shock and were clear of the netting. I then descended as deeply in the water as I could, the manometer showing thirty metres. We remained under water for eighteen hours. When I wanted to ascertain where we were I noticed that my compass was out of order. For a time I steered by the green color of the water, but at last I had to get rid of the ballast in order to rise. I then discovered that the manometer continued to register the same depth, and was also out of order. "I had, therefore, to be very careful not to rise too high and thus attract the attention of the torpedo-boats. Slowly the periscope rose above the surface, and I could see the enemy in front of me, and toward the left the east coast of England. I tried to turn to starboard, but the rudder did not work. In consequence, I had to sink again to the bottom of the sea, where I remained for six hours, at the end of which time I had succeeded in putting the compass in order, and also in repairing the steering-gear. But upon rising this time, we were detected by a torpedo-boat, which made straight for us, forcing me to descend again." (This apparently was before depth-bombs came into use.) "I remained submerged for two hours, then turned slowly outward, and at a distance of some fifty metres from the leading enemy craft, passed toward the open sea. At 9 o'clock in the evening we were able to rise and proceed in safety." Here is a human document, is it not? It is the experience of the tarpon at the undersea end of the line, or, in human terms, the hidden drama of man against man, drama of the sort made possible by the ingenuity of this modern age. Submarine-chasers are shallow craft, capable of a speed of thirty-five miles an hour or more, mounting guns fore and aft. Some of our chasers measure more than 200 feet over all (_Eagle_ class), while others measure 110 feet. The British, as already said, like the 80-footer, although using all sizes. Well, in any event, the chaser cruises about looking for surface waves. Now, the surface wave is the path marked by a submarine on the surface of the water. Even when she is fifty feet below the surface she leaves this palpable pathway up above. And few submarines travel at a depth of sixty feet. Then besides this track there are air-bubbles and spots of oil, all confirming the presence beneath the water of the U-boat. So thereafter the chaser simply follows that surface wave until the submarine comes to the surface, as she must do sooner or later to get her bearings and look about for prey. When she does come up--she goes down for good. The hunt of the chaser has been aided in the past year or so by the depth-bomb, which did not exist in the first two and a half years of war. Equipped with this, she need not necessarily follow a surface wave all day; she simply drops the bomb down through this wave; at least she does under certain conditions. [Illustration: _From a photograph by Brown Brothers_. A SUBMARINE-CHASER.] [Illustration; _From a photograph by Brown Brothers_. A TORPEDO-DESTROYER.] This depth-bomb, by the way, is a wonderful invention, and with its perfection began the great decrease in submarine losses. The bomb is cylindrical and has in the top a well in which is fitted a small propeller. As the water comes in contact with the propeller the sinking motion causes it to revolve. As it revolves it screws down a detonator which comes in contact with the charge at ten, fifteen, twenty, or forty or more feet as designated by the hand of an indicator on the bomb. The hand of this indicator is, of course, set by the officer before the bomb is released either from a gun or from tracks along the deck. Then there have been a number of tricks; some of them Yankee tricks, some of them the creatures of the equally fruitful British tar. One day in the North Sea a British patrol-vessel came across a trawler. It resembled the ordinary British trawler, but there were points of difference, points that interested the inquisitive--and suspicious--commander of the war-vessel. Chiefly there were a lot of stores upon her deck. She flew the Norwegian flag, and her skipper said he was neutral. But the British commander decided to take a chance. He arrested the crew, placed them in irons, and manned the trawler with a crew of French and English navy men. The trawler hovered about in the same locality for three days, and then one morning, lo and behold, a periscope popped up close alongside. Seeing the waters clear of enemy ships, the U-boat came to the surface and frisked blithely up to the trawler. She was greeted by a shower of machine-gun bullets, and surrendered without ado. There was really nothing else for the surprised skipper to do. For when he had last seen that trawler she was the parent ship of the submarine flotilla operating in that vicinity. In all, before the week was over, that trawler had captured six submarines without the loss of a life, and no one injured. Thereafter the parent-ship trawler was seized whenever the British could capture one, and the same expedient was tried. But after a time the Germans became wary of approaching parent-ships until they were convinced that their parenthood was more real than assumed. Then one day after the Americans arrived a three-masted schooner was commandeered. They put a deck-load of lumber on her; at least it was an apparent deck-load. It was really a mask for a broadside of 3-pounder guns, different sections of the deck-load swinging open to admit of free play of the guns, as levers were pulled. The schooner, commanded by a Maine skipper and his crew, was turned loose in the North Sea. Astern towed a dingy; from the taffrail flew the American flag. Before long out popped a submarine. Aha! A lumber-laden vessel--American! The German commander, grinning broadly, stepped into a gig with a bombing crew; torpedoes were not wasted on sailing-vessels. "Get into your dingy," he cried, motioning toward the craft dangling astern. The Maine skipper, in his red underclothes, besought, and then cursed--while the German grinned the more broadly. Finally, however, the irate--sic--skipper and his crew of five clambered into their dingy as ordered by the commander of the submarine. And then! No sooner had the schooner crew cleared the wind-jammer than the deck-load of lumber resolved itself into a series of doors, and out of each door protruded a gun. It was the last of that submarine, of course. The schooner got five submarines before another submarine happened to witness the destruction of a companion craft. Next day when the schooner approached a submarine the undersea boat let drive with a torpedo, and the joyous days of that particular wind-jammer were at an end. But thereafter the Germans seldom tried to bomb a sailing craft. Airplanes have played their important part in the work of our navy in combating the submarine. Seaplanes are sent on patrol from regular bases or from the deck of a parent-vessel, a steamship of large size. Flying at a height of 10,000 feet, an airplane operator can see the shadow of a submarine proceeding beneath the surface. Thus viewing his prey, the aviator descends and drops a depth-bomb into the water. Our airmen have already won great commendation from the British Admiralty and aerial commanders. Whatever may have been the delays in airplane production in this country, the American Navy has not been at fault, and Secretary Daniels's young men went into British seaplanes when American planes were not at hand. From British Admiralty sources have come many tales of the skill and courage of the American aviators. There was one recent instance noted of an American pilot scouting for submarines who spotted a periscope. He dropped a bomb a few feet astern and a few feet ahead of that periscope, both bombs falling perfectly in line with the objective. He circled and then dropped a bomb in the centre of a disturbance in the water. Up came oil in great quantities. Another American pilot managed the rare feat of dropping a bomb precisely upon the centre of the deck of a submarine, and had the unhappy experience of seeing it fail to explode--as recently happened in the submarine fight off Cape Cod, near Chatham. In hunting for the submarines the American destroyers have patrolled an area as wide as that bounded roughly by the great V formed by New York, Detroit, and Knoxville, Tenn. And while patrolling they have become skilled in the use of the depth charges, in establishing smoke screens so as to hide vessels of a convoy from the periscope eye, and in marksmanship. One gun crew not long ago saw the spar of a sunken ship which they at first took to be a periscope. They shattered that spar at a distance of 2,000 yards--more than a mile. Filled with the enthusiasm of each new encounter with the enemy, the Americans have not been slow to build upon their experience, devising more effective methods against the next affray. For example, two officers working on designs for new destroyers have introduced many new ideas gained from their experiences in submarine-hunting. Suggestions relating to improved gun-fire and the like are always arising from the men of the fleet, and often they are accepted and applied. A new appliance--I don't know by whom invented--is an improved microphone, by which the revolutions of a propeller are not only heard, but the direction also is indicated, while the force of the under-water sound-waves are translated on an indicator in terms of proximity. The great drawback to this is that the submarines are also equipped with microphones of the sort--or at least are said to be. It is usually a grim business on both sides; but occasionally a bit of humor comes out of the seas. A case in point was the message received almost every night by an American destroyer in European waters. The radiogram said: "My position is ---- degrees north, and ---- degrees west. Come and get me; I am waiting for you." "HANS ROSE." Now Hans Rose was the name of the German submarine commander who visited Newport, October, 1917, as we have already narrated. Twice the destroyer proceeded swiftly to the location, but never did Hans Rose keep his appointment. If he had the American sailors would not have given Captain Rose's crew beer upon that occasion, as they did when Rose and his U-boat dropped into Newport harbor. Then there is a submarine commander known throughout the American flotilla as "Kelly." He commands a mine-laying submarine, which pays frequent visits to the district patrolled by the American destroyers. When he has finished his task of distributing his mines where they will do the most harm, he generally devotes a few minutes to a prank of some sort. Sometimes, it is a note flying from a buoy, scribbled in schoolboy English, and addressed to his American enemy. On other occasions Kelly and his men leave the submarine and saunter along a desolate stretch of Irish shore-line, always leaving behind them a placard or other memento of their visit. But the most hazardous exploit, according to gossip of American forecastles, was a visit which Kelly made to Dublin, remaining, it is said, for two days at one of the principal hotels, and later rejoining his boat somewhere on the west coast. His latest feat was to visit an Irish village and plant the German flag on a rise of land above the town. One may imagine how the Irish fisherfolk, who have suffered from mines, treated this flag and how ardently they wished that flag were the body of Kelly. But Kelly and his less humorously inclined commanders have been having a diminishing stock of enjoyment at the expense of the Allied navies in the past year. Senator Swanson, acting chairman of the Naval Committee in Congress, said on June 6, after a conference with Secretary Daniels and his assistants, that the naval forces of the Entente Powers had destroyed 60 per cent of all German submarines constructed, and that they had cut the shipping losses in half. Lloyd George in his great speech last July, said that 150 submarines had been sunk since war began and of this number 75 were sunk in the past 12 months. Truly an extraordinary showing. CHAPTER VIII Perils and Triumphs of Submarine-Hunting--The Loss of our First War-Ship, The Converted Gunboat "Alcedo"--Bravery of Crew--"Cassin" Struck by Torpedo, But Remains in the Fight--Loss of the "Jacob Jones"--Sinking of the "San Diego"--Destroyers "Nicholson" and "Fanning" Capture a Submarine, Which Sinks--Crew of Germans Brought Into Port--The Policy of Silence in Regard to Submarine-Sinkings But as in the pursuit of dangerous game there is always liable to be two angles to any experience--or say, rather, a reverse angle, such as the hunted turning hunter--so in the matter of our fight against the submarine there are instances--not many, happily--where the U-boat has been able to deal its deadly blow first. The first of our war-ships to be sunk by a submarine was the naval patrol gun-boat _Alcedo_, which was torpedoed shortly before 2 o'clock on the morning of November 5, 1917, almost exactly seven months after we entered the war. She was formerly G. W. Childs Drexel's yacht _Alcedo_, and Anthony J. Drexel Paul, an officer in the Naval Reserve, was on her at the time. The vessel was the flag-ship of one of the patrol-flotillas, and for months had performed splendid service in the North Sea. The torpedo that sunk the vessel came without warning, and so true was the aim that the war-ship went down in four minutes, carrying with her one officer and twenty of the crew. Commander William T. Conn, U.S.N., who commanded the vessel, in telling later of the experience, paid a high testimonial to the coolness and bravery of the crew. Eighty per cent of the men were reserves, but regulars could have left no better record of courage and precision. "Here," said Commander Conn, "is a story that indicates the kind of men we have in the navy. I had a young lad in my crew, a yeoman, and one day I sent for him and told him that if we were ever torpedoed he was to save the muster-roll, so that when it was all over it would be possible to check up and find who had been saved. Well, the _Alcedo_ was torpedoed at 2 o'clock one morning, and in four minutes she disappeared forever. Hours afterward, when we were waiting to be picked up, I saw my yeoman, and I said: "'Son, where is my muster-roll?' "'Here it is,' he replied, as he reached inside his shirt and pulled it out.... And that same boy, in the terrible minutes that followed the loss of our ship, found a broken buoy. He was holding on to it when he saw one of our hospital stewards, who was about to give in. He struggled to the side of the steward and with one hand held him above the water while with the other he clung to the buoy. He held on until both were saved." While the _Alcedo_ was the first war-vessel to be sunk by a submarine, the first war-ship to be stricken in torpedo attack was the destroyer _Cassin_, one of the vessels that raced out of Newport to rescue the victims of the ravages of the German U-boat off Nantucket, in October, 1916. The _Cassin_ was on patrol duty and had sighted a submarine about four miles away. The destroyer, in accordance with custom, headed for the spot, and had about reached it when the skipper, Commander Walter H. Vernon, sighted a torpedo running at high speed near the surface, and about 400 yards away. The missile was headed straight for the midship section of the war-ship. Realizing the situation, the commanding officer rang for the emergency full speed ahead on both engines, put the rudder hard over, and was just clear of the torpedo's course when it broached on the water, turned sharply and headed for the stern of the vessel. Here stood Osmond Kelly Ingram, gunner's mate, at his gun. He saw that if the torpedo struck at the stern it would, aside from working initial damage, cause the explosion of munitions stored on the after deck. Thereupon, knowing that the torpedo was going to strike about where he stood, he ran to the pile of munitions and tumbled them into the sea. The explosion occurred as he was at work, and he was blown into the ocean and lost. But he had not died in vain, for the secondary explosion that he feared was averted by his act of supreme sacrifice. Fortunately, only one engine was disabled by the explosion, and the destroyer was thus permitted to remain under way. She zigzagged to and fro, hoping to get a chance at her assailant, and in about an hour the German submarine commander decided that it was a good time to come to the surface for a better look at the destroyer. As the conning-tower came into view the _Cassin's_ gunners delivered four shots, two of which fell so close to the U-boat that she submerged and was not seen again. In the meantime the crew, with splendid team-work, set about repairing the damage and attending to the five men who were wounded, none seriously. After a while British war-ships came up and the _Cassin_ returned to port. Admiral Sims mentioned Commander Vernon and his officers in despatches to Secretary Daniels, and more than a score of the seamen were cited for coolness and efficiency. Our second war-ship definitely known to be sunk by the German submarines was the destroyer _Jacob Jones_, which was struck at 4.12 o'clock on the afternoon of December 6, last. The destroyer was on patrol, and nothing was known of the proximity of the submarine until the torpedo hit the vessel. The _Jacob Jones_, which was commanded by Lieutenant-Commander David Worth Bagley, a brother-in-law of Secretary Daniels and brother of Ensign Worth Bagley, who was killed on the torpedo-boat _Winslow_ in the fight at Cardenas in the Spanish-American War, went down in seventeen minutes after she was struck. Gunner Harry R. Hood was killed by the explosion, but the remainder of the company got safely overside in rafts and boats. The submarine appeared after the sinking and took one of the survivors aboard as a prisoner. Lieutenant-Commander Bagley, with five others, landed in a small boat on the Scilly Islands while other survivors reached shore in various ways. The _Jacob Jones_ was regarded by superstitious navy men as something of a Jonah, she having figured in one or two incidents involving German spies while in this country. The first and to date the only American war-ship lost in American waters as a result of submarine attack was the armored cruiser _San Diego_--formerly the _California_--which was sunk by a mine off Point o' Woods on the Long Island coast on the morning of July 19, 1918. Facts associated with the disaster, involving the loss of some fifty lives, are illuminated with the light of supreme heroism, gallantry, and utter devotion. In no single instance was there failure on the part of officers or crew to meet the unexpected test in a manner quite in accordance with the most glorious annals of the United States Navy. Point will perhaps be given to this if we picture Captain Harley H. Christie pushing his way about the welter of wreckage in a barrel, reorganizing some 800 of his men, who were floating about on every conceivable sort of object, into the disciplined unit that they had comprised before they were ordered overside to take their chances in the ocean. Or again, taking the enlisted-man aspect of the situation, there was the full-throated query of a husky seaman, clinging to a hatch as the _San Diego_ disappeared: "Where's the captain?" Then a chorus of voices from the water: "There he is! See his old bald head! God bless it! Three cheers for the skip!" There they all were, some 800 men, survivors of a company numbering thirteen-odd hundred, in the water, out of sight of land, not a ship in sight--and twelve life-boats among them, cheering, singing, exchanging badinage and words of good hope. The _San Diego_, which was one of the crack shooting-ships of the navy, and had made seven round trips to France in convoy work without ever having seen a submarine, was on her way from the Portsmouth, N.H., navy-yard, where she had been completely overhauled in dry-dock and coaled, to New York, where her crew were to have had short liberty, preliminary to another voyage to France. She carried a heavy deck-load of lumber which she was to take to France for the Marine Corps. She had in her bunkers some 3,000 tons of coal. On the morning of July 19, the cruiser, shortly after 11 o'clock, had reached a point about seven miles southeast of Point o' Woods. The sun was shining brilliantly, but the coast-line was veiled in a heavy haze. There was a fair ground-swell running, but no sea. The _San Diego_ was ploughing along at a fifteen-knot clip, not pursuing the zigzag course which it is customary for vessels to follow in enemy-infested waters. No submarine warning had been issued, and, as the vessel was only seven miles offshore, there may be no doubt that the officers of the war-ship did not consider the trip as any more hazardous than the hundreds of journeys she had made along our coast from port to port. The crew were engaged in the usual routine, with the added labor of getting the vessel ship-shape after the grimy operation of coaling at Portsmouth. The explosion came without warning at 11.15 o'clock. It was extremely heavy, accompanied by a rending and grinding of metal and by the explosion of the after-powder magazine, which destroyed the quarter-deck and sent the mainmast, with wireless attached, crashing overboard. The torpedo, or whatever it was, wrecked the engine-room, demolished the boilers, and put the electric dynamos out of order. The thunderous explosion was followed immediately by the insistent whine of bugles and the clanging of alarm-bells, calling the crew to battle-stations. And the crew went quietly, without the slightest disorder. Down in the bunkers, four decks below, was an officer, with a party of seamen, setting things to rights after the coaling. As the explosion occurred and the vessel heeled, these men, as though instinctively, formed into a line, and then without excitement or hurry climbed the four upright steel ladders to the deck, the officer, of course, following last of all. On deck the 6-inch starboard and port batteries were blazing away, not only at objects that might turn out to be periscopes or submarines, but in order to call assistance; for the wireless was out of commission, and there was not a sail or a hull in sight. After a few minutes, the bugles sounded the order "Prepare to abandon ship." This applied to every one but the gun crews, who had to remain at their stations for at least five minutes after the process of abandonment was put into operation. The post of one of the gun-crew officers was in the fighting-top of the basket-mast forward, his duty being that of spotter of his crew. As he hurried along the deck to his station the crew lined up along the port rail with life-preservers and were jumping into the sea as ordered. There were comrades who had been killed or maimed by the shifting deck-load of lumber; there were comrades who, in jumping into the sea, had struck their heads against the steel hull, breaking their necks, and yet there the rest stood in line, waiting for the orders that would send them overboard. "Isn't this a crime," laughed one of the seamen, "just after I had got on my liberty blues and was all set for the high spots in New York!" "Gripes! My cigarettes are all wet! Who's got a dry one?" "Look out there, kid; be careful you don't get your feet wet." Twelve life-boats were overside, set adrift in the usual manner to be filled after the men were in the water. Then, of course, the sea was littered with lumber and all sorts of debris which would keep a man afloat. While the abandonment of the ship was under way, the officer who had been in the bunkers, and whose station was in the fighting-top, hurried upward to his post. The port guns were still being served, but their muzzles were inclining ever downward toward the water. In his battle-station this officer directed the firing of the port guns until their muzzles dipped beneath the surface of the sea. There were three officers with him in the fighting-top and three seamen. Below they saw the perfect order which obtained, the men stepping into the sea in ranks, laughing and cheering. Presently this officer sent one of the seamen down the mast to get life-belts for the group of men in the spotting-station. By the time he returned the bugles were ordering the total abandonment of the vessel. So the little group made their way, not to the deck, which was now straight up and down, but to the starboard side of the hull, upon which they could walk, the vessel then being practically on her beam ends. Trapped at their stations on the port side were members of the 6-inch port battery. One of them was seen by a comrade just before rising waters shut him from view. The sinking man nodded and waved his hand. "Good-by, Al," he said. As the officer who had been in the fighting-top jumped clear into the sea, the vessel began to go down, now by the head. Slowly the stern rose, and as it did so, he says, the propellers came into view, and perched on one of the blades was a devil-may-care American seaman, waving his hat and shouting. The vessel, the officer says, disappeared at 11.30 o'clock, fifteen minutes after the explosion occurred. There was some suction as the _San Diego_ disappeared, but not enough, according to the calculation of the survivors with whom I talked, to draw men to their death. In the course of another hour, Captain Christie had collected as many of his officers as he could, and the work of apportioning the survivors to the twelve boats and to pieces of flotsam was carried on with naval precision. One man, clinging to a grating, called out that he had cramps. A comrade in one of the boats thereupon said the sailor could have his place. He leaped into the sea and the man with cramps was assisted into the boat. While this was going on a seaplane from the Bay Shore station passed over the heads of the men in the water. The seamen did not think they had been seen, but they had been, and the aviator, flying to Point o' Woods, landed and used the coast-guard telephone to apprise the Fire Island coast-guards of the disaster. From this station word was sent broadcast by wireless. In the meantime, Captain Christie had picked two crews of the strongest seamen and had them placed in No. 1 and No. 2 life-boats. These men were ordered to row south-west to Fire Island and summon assistance. In one boat thirteen men were placed; in the other fourteen. As the captain got the boat-crews arranged, his barrel began to get waterlogged and became rather precarious as a support; whereupon a floating seaman pushed his way through the water with a ladder. "Here, sir," he said, "try this." Thus it was that Captain Christie transferred to a new flag-ship. The boat-crews left the scene of the disaster at 12.35, and they rowed in fifteen-minute relays from that hour until quarter past three. Before they had gone four miles merchant ships were rushing to the spot, as set forth in the wireless warning. These merchantmen got all of the men afloat in the water--or a vast majority of them--and took them to the naval station at Hoboken. At the time of the disaster and for twenty-four hours thereafter there was some doubt whether or not the _San Diego_ had been lost through contact with a mine, or was struck by a torpedo launched from a submarine. Submarine activities off Cape Cod the following Sunday, however, gave proof that the undersea boats had made their second hostile visit to our shores. But later belief was that the cruiser was sunk by a mine planted by the submarine. One of our most illustrious exploits, indeed, occurred hardly a fortnight before the loss of the _Jones_, when two destroyers, the _Nicholson_ and _Fanning_, steamed into their base with flags flying and German prisoners on their decks. It was a clear November afternoon, and the destroyer _Fanning_ was following her appointed route through the waters of the North Sea. Off to starboard the destroyer _Nicholson_ was plunging on her way, throwing clouds of black smoke across the horizon. Near by was a merchant vessel, and the destroyers were engaged in taking her through the dangerous waters to safety. The air was so clear that minutest objects on the horizon were easily picked up by the questing binoculars of the men on watch. Suddenly came a cry from one of the forward lookouts: "Periscope, two points off the starboard bow!" The call sounded from stem to stern, and instantly the alarm to general quarters was sounded while the helm was thrown hard over. The signalman bent over his flag-locker and, in compliance with the order of the commander, bent flags onto the halyards, giving the location of the submarine to the _Nicholson_, while heliograph flashes from the bridge summoned her to joint attack. The waters were smooth, with a long swell, and the lookout had seen a scant eighteen inches of periscope, which had vanished immediately it fell under his vision. Undoubtedly the observer at the other end of the submarine's periscope had seen the _Fanning_ at about the same time the presence of the undersea craft was detected. It had appeared about 400 yards from the destroyer's course. In less time than it takes to tell, the _Fanning_, with throttles suddenly opened, plunged into the waters where the periscope had last been seen. And at the proper moment the commander, standing tensely on the bridge, released a depth-bomb from its fixed place. The explosive, 300 pounds in weight, sank with a gentle splash into the rolling wake of the destroyer and, at the depth as regulated before the bomb was released, it exploded with a terrific report. Up from the ocean rose a towering column of water. It hung in the air for a moment like a geyser, and then gradually fell back to the level of the sea. A score of voices proclaimed the appearance of oil floating upon the water. Oil is sometimes released by a submarine to throw an attacking destroyer off the scent; but this time there were bubbles, too. That was quite significant. Then while the _Fanning_ circled the spot wherein the explosion had occurred, the _Nicholson_ stormed up, cut across the supposed lurking-place of the submarine, and released one of her depth charges. She, too, circled about the mass of boiling, oil-laden water. For several minutes the two destroyers wheeled in and out like hawks awaiting their prey, and then suddenly there was a cry as a disturbance was noted almost directly between the two craft. The rush of water grew in volume until, as the men of the destroyers watched with all the ardor of fishermen landing trout, the U-boat came to the surface like a dead whale. But the Americans were cautious. While stricken the undersea craft might show fight. So with guns and torpedo-tubes trained upon the submarine, they waited. But there was no fight in that boat. The depth charges had done their work thoroughly. While the visible portion of the hull appeared to have been uninjured, it was perfectly clear that the vessel was not under perfect control. Her ballast-tanks were damaged, which accounted for a bad list. The explosions of the depth-bombs had hurled her to the bottom, where she retained sufficient buoyancy to catapult to the surface. As the conning-tower came into sight the _Nicholson_ fired three shots from her stern gun. The U-boat then seemed to right herself, making fair speed ahead. The _Fanning_ headed in toward her, firing from the bow gun. After the third shot the crew of the German vessel came up on deck, their hands upraised. While approaching the craft both the destroyers kept their guns trained for instant use, but, as it turned out, precautions were unnecessary. Lines were thrown aboard the submersible and were made fast; but the U-boat, either stricken mortally or scuttled by her crew, began to settle. Lines were hastily cast off, and the boat sought her long rest upon the bottom of a sea to which no doubt she had sent many harmless vessels. The crew of the U-boat, all of whom had life-preservers about their waists, leaped into the water and swam to the _Fanning_; most of them were exhausted when they reached the destroyer's side. As the submarine sank, five or six men were caught in the wireless gear and carried below the surface before they disentangled themselves. Ten of the men were so weak that it was necessary to pass lines under their arms to haul them aboard. One man was in such a state that he could not even hold the line that was thrown to him. Chief Pharmacist's Mate Elzer Howell and Coxswain Francis G. Connor thereupon jumped overboard and made a line fast to the German. But he died a few minutes after he was hauled aboard. Once aboard, the prisoners were regaled with hot coffee and sandwiches, and so little did they mind the change to a new environment that, according to official Navy Department report, they began to sing. They were fitted with warm clothes supplied by the American sailors, and in other ways made to feel that, pirates though they were, and murderers as well, the American seafaring man knew how to be magnanimous. The submarine bore no number nor other distinguishing marks, but her life-belts were marked on one side "Kaiser," and on the other "Gott." The _Fanning_ steamed to port at high speed, and at the base transferred the prisoners under guard, who as they left the destroyer gave three lusty hochs for the _Fanning's_ men. Then the _Fanning_ put out to sea a few miles, and after the young American commander had read the burial service, the body of the German seaman who had died was committed to the depths. The commander of the _Fanning_ was Lieutenant A. S. Carpender, a Jerseyman, who in his report gave particular praise to Lieutenant Walter Henry, officer of the deck, and to Coxswain Loomis, who first sighted the submarine. This was by no means the first time a submarine had been sunk by an American destroyer, but in accordance with the British policy, the Americans had withheld all information of the sort. However, this was such a good story, and the capture of prisoners so unusual, that by agreement between the Navy Department and the British Admiralty, the salient details of this encounter were given to the public. The idea of secrecy was devised by the British at the very outset, the purpose being to make the waging of submarine warfare doubly objectionable to the men of the German Navy. It is bad enough to be lost in a naval engagement, but at least the names of the ships involved and the valor of the crews, both friend and enemy, are noted. But under the British system, a submarine leaves port, and if she is sunk by a patrol-vessel or other war-ship, that fact is never made known. The Germans know simply that still another submarine has entered the great void. It adds a sinister element to an occupation sufficiently sinister in all its details. There may be no doubt that the policy of silence has had its effect upon the German morale. That crews have mutinied on the high seas is undoubted, while we know of several mutinies involving hundreds of men that have occurred in German ports--all because of objections to submarine service. It is even said that submarine service is now one of the penalties for sailors who have offended against the German naval regulations, and there are stories of submarines decked with flowers as they leave port, a symbol, of course, of men who go out not expecting to return--all for the glory of the man known throughout the American Navy as "Kaiser Bill." It is thus unlikely that such success as might--or may--attend the efforts of our coast-patrol vessels to dispose of the submarines which come here will not be published unless the highly colored complexion of facts warrants it. One may imagine that service in a submarine so far from home is not alluring, and still less so when submarines sent to the waters of this hemisphere are heard from nevermore. Just how unpopular the service has been may be adduced from chance remarks of German submarine prisoners who come to this country from time to time. The men of the U-boat sunk by the _Fanning_ made no effort to conceal their satisfaction at their change of quarters, while Germans in other cases have told their British captors that they were glad they had been taken. There is the story of the storekeeper of the German submarine which sunk several vessels off our coast last June. He said he had formerly served on a German liner plying between Hoboken and Hamburg, and his great regret was that he had not remained in this country when he had a chance. Life on a submarine, he said, was a dog's life. Even under peace conditions this is so. The men are cramped for room, in the first place. In a storm the vessel, if on the surface, is thrown almost end over end, while the movement of stormy waves affects a boat even thirty feet below the water-level. Cooking is very often out of the question, and the men must live on canned viands. They have not even the excitement of witnessing such encounters as the vessel may have. Three men only, the operating officers, look through the periscope; the others have their stations and their various duties to perform. If a vessel is sunk they know it through information conveyed by their officers. There was a story current in Washington before we entered the war, of a sailor, a German sailor who had had nearly a year of steady service on a submarine. He was a faithful man, and as he was about to go ashore on a long leave, his commanding officer asked what he could do for him. "Only one thing," was the reply. "Let me have one look through the periscope." In the past year the Allies have been employing their own submarines in the war against the German undersea peril. This has been made possible by the perfection of the listening device before referred to by which the presence of a submarine and other details may be made known. But it is a dangerous business at best, and not largely employed, if only for the reason that patrol-vessels are not always likely to distinguish between friend and foe. We have in mind the tragic instance of the American cruiser which fired upon a submarine in the Mediterranean, killing two men, only to find that the vessel was an Italian undersea boat. Of course our deepest regrets were immediately forthcoming, and were accepted by the Italian Government in like spirit. CHAPTER IX Our Battleship Fleet--Great Workshop of War--Preparations for Foreign Service--On a Battleship During a Submarine Attack--The Wireless That Went Wrong--The Torpedo That Missed--Attack on Submarine Bases of Doubtful Expediency--When the German Fleet Comes Out--Establishment of Station in the Azores When the German fleet of battleships and battle-cruisers sallies forth into the North Sea for a final fight against the British Grand Fleet, they will find American dreadnoughts and superdreadnoughts ready and eager to lend the material weight of their assistance to the Allied cause. A substantial number of our capital ships, under command of Rear-Admiral Hugh Rodman, are with the Grand Fleet, and have been for some months. Both in Washington and in London a German sea offensive on a grand scale has long been regarded as a possibility, and the admiralty authorities at the Entente capitals are anxious for the supreme test, and confident concerning its outcome. We have already noted Admiral Beatty's action in assigning American battleships to the place of honor in the line of sea-fighters which went forth to meet a reported German attack some time ago. It was a false report, but the honor done our naval fighters stands. The expansion of the United States Navy has also included an enormous increase in our battleships and battle-cruisers; definite details are withheld, but it is not too much to say that we are thoroughly equipped to assist Great Britain very vitally in this respect. In the summer of 1917 Secretary Daniels announced that the Atlantic Fleet--our Grand Fleet--had been reorganized into two divisions, officially known as "forces." Battleship Force One had as commander Vice-Admiral Albert W. Grant, and Battleship Force Two was commanded by Vice-Admiral DeWitt Coffman. Admiral Henry T. Mayo remained as commander-in-chief. "There are," said Secretary Daniels in announcing the new arrangement--July 18, 1917--"as many battleships in commission as we ever had before; in fact, every battleship we have is in commission. The whole purpose of the new organization is to keep our battleship fleet in as perfect condition as possible, to put it in the highest state of efficiency and readiness for action." Eventually an appreciable number of our best fighters were sent to the Grand Fleet--which, however, is by no means to be understood as implying that our own coasts are unprotected. Not at all. The Navy Department has a view-point which embraces all possible angles, and nothing in the way of precaution has been overlooked. At the same time it has been the theory of Secretary Daniels that the way to beat the submarine and the German Navy in general was to go to the base of things, "to the neck of the bottle," and this as much as anything--more, in sooth--accounts for the hundreds of war-ships of various sorts that now fly our flag in the war zone. The orders dividing the fleet into two "forces" and despatching a representation of our greatest fighters to the North Sea was preceded by a period of preparation the like of which this country--perhaps the world--never saw. The Atlantic Fleet was, indeed, converted into a huge workshop of war, turning out its finished products--fighting men. A visitor to the fleet, writing under date of May 14, expressed amazement at the amount of well-ordered activity which characterized a day on every one of the battleships. Here were men being trained for armed-guard service on merchantmen, groups of neophytes on the after deck undergoing instruction on the loading-machines; farther along a group of qualified gunners were shattering a target with their 5-inch gun. Other groups were hidden in the turrets with their long 14 and 12 inch guns, three or two to a turret. Signal-flags were whipping the air aloft--classes in signalling; while from engine-room and fighting-tops each battleship hummed with the activities of masters and pupils teaching and learning every phase of the complicated calling of the modern navy man. And there were days when the great fleet put to sea for target practice and for battle manoeuvres, the turrets and broadsides belching forth their tons upon tons of steel and the observers aloft sending down their messages of commendation for shots well aimed. It is the statement of those in a position to know that never were jackies so quick to learn as those of our war-time personnel. Whether the fact of war is an incentive or whether American boys are adapted, through a life of competitive sport, quickly to grasp the sailorman's trade, the truth remains that in a very short space the boy who has never seen a ship develops swiftly into a bluejacket, rolling, swaggering, but none the less deft, precise, and indomitable. "They come into the navy to fight," said one of the officers of the fleet, "and they want to get into the thick of it. We turn out qualified gun crews in three months--and that is going some." A large majority of the new men of the fleet come from farms, especially from the Middle West. More than 90 per cent of the seamen are native-born, and on any ship may be heard the Southern drawl, the picturesque vernacular of the lower East or West side of New York City, the twang of New England, the rising intonation of the Western Pennsylvanian, and that indescribable vocal cadence that comes only from west of Chicago. Not only gunners were developed, but engineers, electricians, cooks, bakers--what-not? They are still being developed on our home ships, but in the meantime the fruits of what was done in the time dating from our entrance into the war to the present summer are to be noted chiefly in the North Sea, where our vessels lie waiting with their sisters of the British Fleet for the appearance of the German armada. Let us transfer ourselves for the time being from the general to the particular: in other words, to the deck of a great American dreadnought, which, together with others of her type, has been detached from the Atlantic Fleet and assigned to duty with Admiral Beatty's great company of battleships and battle-cruisers. This battleship has entered the war zone, en route to a certain rendezvous, whence all the American units will proceed to their ultimate destination in company. It is night. It is a black night. The stars are viewless and the ocean through which the great steel hull is rushing, with only a slight hiss where the sharp cutwater parts the waves, is merely a part of the same gloom. Aloft and on deck the battleship is a part of the night. Below deck all is dark save perchance a thin, knife-like ray emanating from a battle-lantern. The lookouts, straining their eyes into the black for long, arduous stretches, are relieved and half-blind and dizzy they grope along the deck to their hammocks, stumbling over the prostrate forms of men sleeping beside the 5-inch guns, exchanging elbow thrusts with those of the gun crews who are on watch. The trip this far has been a constant succession of drills and instruction in the art of submarine fighting--all to the tune of general alarm and torpedo defense bells. And the while preparations for sighting the enemy have never been minimized. They involved precautions not dissimilar to those on board a destroyer or other patrol-vessel, but were of course conducted on a vastly greater scale. As suggesting an outline of measures of watchfulness, we may regard this battleship as the centre of a pie, with special watches detailed to cover their given slice of this pie. These slices are called water sectors, and each sector, or slice, extends at a given angle from the course of the ship out to the horizon. Of course as the vessel is constantly moving at a rapid rate, the centre of the pie shifts, too. In this way every foot of water within the great circle of the horizon is under constant supervision night and day by a small army of lookouts, armed with binoculars and gun telescopes. And so our battleship goes on through the night. On the bridge all is quiet. Officers move to and fro with padded footfalls, and the throb of the great engines is felt rather than heard. The wind begins to change, and presently the captain glancing out the door of the chart-house clucks his chagrin. For the night has begun to reveal itself, thanks, or rather, no thanks, to the moon, which has torn away from a shrouding mass of clouds and sends its rays down upon the waters of the sea. It had been a fine night to dodge the lurking submarine, but now the silver light of the moon, falling upon the leaden side of the battleship, converts her into a fine target. "Nature is certainly good to the Germans," chuckles an officer to a companion, taking care that the captain does not hear. "Yes," comes the sententious reply. The lookouts grow more rigid, for whereas formerly they could see nothing, objects on the water are now pencilled out in luminous relief. Deep down below the water there is a listening "ear"--a submarine telephone device through which a submarine betrays its presence; any sound the undersea boat makes, the beating of the propellers, for instance, is heard by this ear, and in turn by the ear of the man who holds the receiver. Presently the man who is on detector watch grows tense. He listens attentively and then stands immobile for a moment or so. Then he steps to a telephone and a bell rings in the chart-house where the captain and his navigating and watch officers are working out the courses and positions. "I hear a submarine signalling, sir," comes the voice from the depths to the captain who stands by the desk with the receiver at his ear. "What signal?" barks the skipper. "MQ repeated several times. Sounds as if one boat was calling another." (The sailor referred to the practice which submarines have of sending subaqueous signals to one another, signals which are frequently caught by listening war-ships of the Allies.) The captain orders the detector man to miss nothing, and then a general alarm (to quarters) is passed through the great vessel by word of mouth. This is no time for the clanging of bells and the like. The lookouts are advised as to the situation. "I hope we're not steaming into a nest." The captain frowns and picks up the telephone. "Anything more?" he asks. "Still getting signals, sir; same as before; same direction and distance." Down to the bridge through a speaking-tube, running from the top of the forward basket-mast comes a weird voice. "Bright light, port bow, sir. Distance about 4,000 yards." (Pause.) "Light growing dim. Very dim now." From other lookouts come confirmatory words. "Dim light; port bow." "The light has gone." "It's a sub, of course," murmurs an officer. "No craft but a submarine would carry a night light on her periscope. She must be signalling." A thrill goes through the battleship. In a minute the big steel fighter may be lying on her side, stricken; or there may be the opportunity for a fair fight. The captain sends an officer below to the detector and changes the course of the ship. Every one awaits developments, tensely. The wireless operator enters the chart-house. "I can't get your message to the ---- (another battleship), sir. I can't raise her. Been trying for ten minutes." The officer who has been below at the detector comes up and hears the plight of the wireless man. He smiles. "In exactly five minutes," he says, "you signal again." The radio man goes to his room and the officer descends to the detector. In precisely five minutes he hears the signal which had bothered the man on detector watch. He hurries to the bridge with the solution of the incident. The wireless had become disconnected and its signals had come in contact with the detector. So there was no submarine. Everything serene. The battleship settles down to her night routine. The dark wears into dawn, and the early morning, with the dusk, is the favorite hunting-time of the submarine, for the reason that then a periscope, while seeing clearly, is not itself easily to be discerned. The lookouts, straining their eyes out over the steely surge, pick up what appears to be a spar. But no. The water is rushing on either side of it like a mill race. A periscope. There is a hurry of feet on the bridge. The navigating officer seizes the engine-room telegraph and signals full speed ahead. While the ship groans and lists under the sudden turn at high speed, the ammunition-hoists drone as they bring powder and shell up to gun and turret. From the range-finding and plotting-stations come orders to the sight-setters, and in an instant there is a stupendous roar as every gun on the port side sends forth its steel messenger. Again and again comes the broadside, while the ocean for acres about the periscope boils with the steel rain. It is much too hot for the submarine which sinks so that the periscope is invisible. From the plotting-stations come orders for a change of range, and on the sea a mile or so away rise huge geysers which pause for a moment, glistening in the light of the new sun, and then fall in spray to the waves, whence they were lifted by the hurtling projectiles. The shells do not ricochet. "Where they hit they dig," to quote a navy man. This is one of the inventions of the war, the non-ricochet shell. One may easily imagine how greatly superior are the shells that dig to those that strike the water and then glance. Then comes the cry: "Torpedo!" All see it, a white streak upon the water, circling from the outer rim of shell-fire on a wide arc, so as to allow for the speed of the battleship. With a hiss the venomous projectile dashes past the bow, perhaps thirty yards away. Had not the battleship swung about on a new course as soon as the vigilant lookout descried the advancing torpedo, it would have been a fair hit amidships. As it was, the explosive went harmlessly on its way through the open sea. A short cheer from the crew marks the miss, and the firing increases in intensity. The battleship so turns that her bow is in the direction of the submarine, presenting, thus, a mark which may be hit only through a lucky shot, since the submarine is a mile away. Accurate shooting even at a mile is expected of torpedo-men when the mark is a broadside, but hitting a "bow-on" object is a different matter. Two more torpedoes zip past, and then over the seas comes bounding a destroyer, smoke bellying from her funnels. She is over the probable hiding-place of the submarine, and a great explosion and a high column of water tell those on the battleship that she has released a depth-bomb. Suddenly a signal flutters to the stay of the destroyer. The crew of the battleship cheer. There is no more to fear from that submarine, for oil is slowly spreading itself over the surface of the ocean--oil and pieces of wreckage. The dawn establishes itself fully. The battleship resumes her course toward the appointed rendezvous. Our navy has always held the idea that the Germans could be routed out from their submarine bases, has believed that, after all, that is the one sure way of ridding the seas of the Kaiser's pirates for good. It may be assumed that the recent attacks of the British upon Ostend and Zeebrugge, as a cover to blocking the canal entrances through sinking old war-ships, were highly approved by Vice-Admiral Sims. Secretary Daniels has considered the advisability of direct methods in dealing with the German Navy. No doubt the temptation has been great, if only because of the fact that with the British and American and French navies combined, we have a force which could stand an appreciable amount of destruction and yet be in a position to cope with the German fleet. Yet, of course, that is taking chances. And: "It is all very well to say 'damn the torpedoes,'" said Secretary Daniels, in discussing this point, "but a navy cannot invite annihilation by going into mined harbors, and ships can do little or nothing against coast fortifications equipped with 14-inch guns. Experience at Gallipoli emphasizes this fact. And yet"--here the secretary became cryptic--"there is more than one way to kill a cat. No place is impregnable. Nothing is impossible." The British showed how damage might be dealt naval bases supposedly secure under the guns of fortifications, but something more than a sally will be necessary to smoke out the German fleet, or to root out the nests of submarines along the coast of Belgium. Again, there is the theory that eventually the Germans will come out and give battle. There is a psychological backing for this assumption, for the irksomeness of being penned up wears and wears until it is not to be borne. At least this seems to have been the case in blockades in past wars, notably the dash of Admiral Cervera's squadron from Santiago Harbor. But when the Germans come it will be no such forlorn hope as that--at least not according to the German expectation; what they expect, however, and what they may get are contingencies lying wide apart. In connection with our far-flung naval policy the establishment of a naval base on the Azores Islands was announced last spring. The arrangement was made with the full consent of Portugal, and the design was the protection of the Atlantic trade routes to southern Europe. Guns have already been landed on the island, and fortifications are now in process of construction. The station, besides being used as a naval base for American submarines, destroyers, and other small craft, will serve as an important homing-station for our airplanes, a number of which have already been assembled there. The establishment of this station greatly simplifies the task of protecting the great trade routes, not only to southern Europe and the Mediterranean, but also returning traffic to South American and southern Gulf ports in the United States. CHAPTER X Great Atlantic Ferry Company, Incorporated, But Unlimited--Feat of the Navy in Repairing the Steamships Belonging to German Lines Which Were Interned at Beginning of War in 1914--Welding and Patching--Triumph of Our Navy With the "Vaterland"--Her Condition--Knots Added to Her Speed--Damage to Motive Power and How It Was Remedied--Famous German Liners Brought Under Our Flag In an address delivered not long ago, Admiral Gleaves, commander-in-chief of the United States Cruiser and Transport Force, referred to "The Great Atlantic Ferry Company, Incorporated, but Unlimited." He referred to our transport fleet, of course, a fleet which, under naval supervision and naval operation, has safely transported more than a million of our soldiers to France. When the history of the war finally comes to be written, our success in the handling of oversea transportation will not be the least bright among the pages of that absorbing history. When the European nations first went to war in 1914 I happened to be at the Newport Naval Training Station, and I asked an officer what would happen if we went into the war. "Not much," he said. "We would stand on our shores and the Germans on theirs and make faces at each other." Events have proved that he was not looking into the future wisely, not taking into account the enormous energy and get-things-doneness of Secretary Daniels and his coadjutors. Not only did the Navy Department send our destroyer fleet to the war zone--the Allied officers, believing co-operation of the sort not feasible, had neither requested nor expected this--but performed many other extraordinary feats, among them the equipping of transports to carry our men to France, and the conduct of the service when they were ready. We had only a fair number of American steamships adapted for the purpose, but lying in our ports were interned German and Austrian vessels aggregating many hundreds of thousands of tons. From 1914 until we entered the war commuters on North River ferry-boats seemed never weary of gazing at the steamships lying in the great North German Lloyd and Hamburg-American line piers in Hoboken. There was a small forest of masts and funnels appearing above the pier sheds, while many a graceful stern protruded out beyond the pier lines into the river. Among them was the great _Vaterland_, the largest vessel in the world, and the outward and visible expression of that peaceful maritime rivalry between Great Britain and the German Empire, which in the transatlantic lanes as in the waters of all the seven seas had interested followers of shipping for so many years. There was, so far as passenger traffic was concerned, the rivalry for the blue ribbon of the sea--the swiftest ocean carrier, a fight that was waged between Great Britain and Germany from the placid eighties to the nineties, when the Germans brought out the _Deutschland_, and later the _Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse_, the _Kaiser Wilhelm II_--all champions--whose laurels were to be snatched away by the _Mauretania_ and the _Lusitania_--the two speed queens--when war ended competition of the sort. But the contest in speed had, to an extent, been superseded by the rivalry of size, a struggle begun by the White Star Line when the great _Oceanic_ slipped past quarantine in the early 1900's, and carried on by that line, by the Atlantic Transport Line, and by the German companies with unceasing vigor. Great carrying capacity and fair speed were the desiderata, and the studious Germans were quick to see that it was a far more profitable battle to wage, since speed meant merely advertising, with a more or less slight preponderance in the flow of passenger patronage to the line which owned the latest crack greyhound, whereas size meant ability to carry greater cargoes, and thus enhanced earning capacity. So great hulls were the order of the years preceding 1914. There came the new _Baltic_, the new _Cymric_, the new _Adriatic_ of the White Star Line, and for the Germans there came the _Amerika_ and other craft of that type. Finally there was the _Titanic_ and her ill-fated maiden voyage; the Cunarder _Aquitania_, and the _Vaterland_, and the _Imperator_, which bore the German ensign. These facts, presented not altogether in chronological order, are necessary to give the reader an idea of the manner in which the Americans were taking back seats in the unceasing fight for commercial maritime supremacy. It is quite likely, so far back was our seat, that the Germans held little respect for our ability, either to man or to fit the immense number of German vessels in our harbors. In truth, the events that followed our entrance into the war showed just how supreme the contempt of the Germans was for our knowledge of things nautical. We are about to record just how erroneous that attitude of the Germans was, but wish first to point out that they had failed to take into consideration the fact that at Annapolis is situated a school of the sea that asks nothing of any similar school in the world, and that they had also failed to note that, while we had not gone in heavily for shipping, we have been rather effective in other lines which in event of emergency might be brought to bear upon the problem of correcting such deficiencies as might exist in our store of modern nautical tradition. Well, while the German waged their unrestricted warfare on the sea, those German vessels lay at Hoboken and at other ports of the country, gathering the rust and barnacles of disuse. Then one day Congress spoke definitely, and the next morning North River ferry voyagers saw lying off the German docks a torpedo-boat destroyer flying the American flag. Some days later the American flag floated over the taffrails of the _Vaterland_, the _Kaiser Wilhelm II_, and other Teutonic craft. Their employment in the way of providing transportation of our soldiers, of course, was contemplated. In fact, the accession to our marine of such a large number of hulls seemed to provide for us all the necessary means which otherwise we would have lacked. But not so fast. When our officers began to look over these German craft they found that they were in a woful condition, not so much because of disuse as because of direct damage done to them by the German crews who had been attached to the ships ever since they were laid up in 1914. There is evidence in Washington that the German central authorities issued an order for the destruction of these ships which was to be effective on or about February 1, 1917--simultaneous, in other words. with the date set for unrestricted warfare. There is not the slightest doubt that the purpose of the order was to cause to be inflicted damage so serious to vital parts of the machinery of all German vessels in our ports, that no ship could be operated within a period of time ranging from eight months to two years, if at all. But the Germans miscalculated, as already set forth. We took over the 109 German vessels in April, and by December 30 of that year, 1917, all damage done to them had been repaired and were in service, adding more than 500,000 tons gross to our transport and cargo fleets. In general the destructive work of the German crews consisted of ruin which they hoped and believed would necessitate the shipping of new machinery to substitute for that which was battered down or damaged by drilling or by dismantlement. To have obtained new machinery, as a matter of fact, would have entailed a mighty long process. First, new machinery would have had to be designed, then made, and finally installed. These would have been all right if time was unlimited. But it was not; it was, on the other hand, extremely limited. The army wished to send troops abroad, the Allies were pleading for men, and the only way to get them over in time to do anything was to do quick repair jobs on the damaged vessels. But how? Investigation revealed how thorough the work of the German seamen--now enjoying themselves in internment camps--had been. Their destructive campaign had been under headway for two months, and they had thus plenty of time in which to do all sorts of harm, ranging from the plugging of steam-pipes to the demolition of boilers by dry firing. The Shipping Board experts were the first to go over the German craft, and as a result of their survey it was announced that a great deal of new machinery would have to be provided, and that a fair estimate of the work of remedying the damage inflicted would be eighteen months. But this was too long, altogether so. The officers of the Navy Bureau of Steam Engineering took a hand, and finally decided that it would be possible to clear the ships for service by Christmas of that year. (As a matter of record, the last of the 109 ships was ordered into service on Thanksgiving Day.) To accomplish the purposes they had in mind, the Navy Department engaged the services of all available machinery welders and patchers, many of whom were voluntarily offered by the great railroad companies. Most of the time that was required was due not so much to actual repair work as to the devious and tedious task of dismantling all machinery from bow to stern of every ship in order to make certain that every bit of damage was discovered and repaired. In this way all chance of overlooking some act of concealed mutilation was obviated. [Illustration: _From a photograph copyright by International Film Service._ REPAIRING A DAMAGED CYLINDER OF A GERMAN SHIP FOR FEDERAL SERVICE.] It would appear that explosives were not used in the process of demolition by the Germans, but at the time the engineers could not be sure of this, and as a consequence as they worked they were conscious of the danger of hidden charges which might become operative when the machinery was put to the test, or even while the work of dismantling and inspection was being carried on. There were, however, discovered, as a result of this rigid investigation of every mechanical detail, many artful cases of pipe-plugging, of steel nuts and bolts concealed in delicate mechanical parts, of ground glass in oil-pipes and bearings, of indicators that were so adjusted as to give inaccurate readings, of fire-extinguishers filled with gasoline--in fact, the manifold deceits which the Germans practised would make a chapter of themselves. Suffice to say, that through painstaking investigation every trick was discovered and corrected. On each vessel there was no boiler that was not threaded through every pipe for evidence of plugging, no mechanism of any sort that was not completely dismantled, inspected, and reassembled. On one ship the engineers chanced to find a written record of the damage inflicted. In every other case the search for evidence of sabotage was blind. This memorandum in the case of the one ship was evidently left on board through an oversight, and written in German, was a veritable guide-book for our engineers. In order that the reader may have some idea of the sort of damage done, the following extracts from that memorandum of destructiveness is herewith presented: "Starboard and port high pressure cylinders with valve chest; upper exhaust outlet flange broken off. (Cannot be repaired.)" "Starboard and port second intermediate valve chest; steam inlet flange broken off, (Cannot be repaired.)" "First intermediate pressure starboard exhaust pipes of exhaust line to second intermediate pressure flange broken off. (Cannot be repaired.)" "Starboard and port low pressure exhaust pipe damaged. (Cannot be repaired.)" Naval officers are pleased to recall that every single one of these supposedly irreparable injuries was not only repaired, but speedily repaired. Patching and welding were the answer to the problem they presented. Both these valuable methods had never been employed in marine engineering, although they had been used by the railroads for some fifteen years. There are three methods; or, rather, three methods were employed: electric welding, oxyacetylene welding, and ordinary mechanical patching. After repairs were effected tests of the machinery were first made at the docks with the ships lashed to the piers, the propellers being driven at low speed. Later each vessel was taken to sea for vigorous trial tests, and everything was found to be perfectly satisfactory. Indeed, it has been asserted that several knots were added to the best speed that the _Vaterland_--renamed _Leviathan_--ever made. Of course the crew of the _Vaterland_ had spared no pains in fixing that great ship so that she could not be used; even so they had less to do than the engine forces of other craft, for the reason that the vessel was in extremely bad repair as she was. As a consequence, she was one of the German ships that were least mutilated. When repairs were completed and it was time for her trial trip, her commander, a young American naval officer, was ordered to test the big craft in every way, to utilize every pound of steam pressure, and to try her out to the limit. For, if there was anything wrong with the vessel, the navy wished to know it before she fared forth with troops on board. The _Leviathan_ stood the test. And to-day we all know what a great part she has played in carrying our soldiers to France. She is in fact, a far better boat than on her maiden trip, for our engineers were surprised to find how sloppily she had been built in certain respects. In preparing her for sea the engineers found it necessary to overhaul, partially redesign and reconstruct many important parts of the _Leviathan's_ engines. As in her case, the most serious typical damage was done by breaking the cylinders, valve-chests, circulating pumps, steam and exhaust units in main engines; dry-firing boilers, and thus melting the tubes and distorting furnaces, together with easily detectable instances of a minor character, such as cutting piston and connecting rods and stays with hack saws, smashing engine-room telegraph systems, and removing and destroying parts which the Germans believed could not be duplicated. Then there was sabotage well concealed: rod stays in boilers were broken off, but nuts were fastened on exposed surfaces for purposes of deception; threads of bolts were destroyed, the bolts being replaced with but one or two threads to hold them, and thus calculated to give way under pressure. Piles of shavings and inflammable material with cans of kerosene near suggested the intention to burn the vessels, intentions thwarted by our watchfulness, while the absence of explosives has been accounted for purely on the ground of the risk which the crews would have run in attempting to purchase explosive materials in the open market. No great amount of damage was done to the furnishings or ordinary ship's fittings. Destructiveness was similar in character throughout all the vessels and involved only important parts of the propulsive mechanism or other operating machinery. We have spoken of the investigation of the vessels by Shipping Board engineers. They were appointed by the board not only to make a survey, but to superintend repairs. The collector of the port of New York also named a board of engineers (railroad engineers) to investigate the damage done the German ships, and to recommend repairs through the agency of welding. The railroad men, after due study, believed that their art could be applied to as great advantage on ships as upon locomotives. The Shipping Board engineers recommended, on the other hand, the renewal of all badly damaged cylinders. The railroad engineers, on the other hand, set forth their opinion that all damaged cylinders could be reclaimed and made as good as new. As a result of this difference of opinion, nothing was done until the larger German craft were turned over to the Navy Department to be fitted as transports, in July of 1917. It was then decided to use welding and patching on the vessels. In no cases were the repairs to the propulsive machinery delayed beyond the time necessary to equip these ships as transports. Electric and acetylene welding is not a complicated art in the hands of skilled men; for patching a hole, or filling the cavity of a great crack in a cylinder, say by electric welding, may be compared to a similar operation in dental surgery. Returning to the _Leviathan's_ faulty German construction, be it said that the opinion of the navy engineers who overhauled her, was that inferior engineering had been practised in her construction. There are on this craft four turbine engines ahead, and four astern, on four shafts. All the head engines were in good shape, but all the astern engines were damaged. But the main part of the damage had resulted more to faulty operation of the engines than to malicious damage. Cracks were found in the casing of the starboard high-pressure backing turbine, cracks of size so great as to make it certain that this engine had not been used in the last run of that vessel on transatlantic service in 1914. There was discovered on the _Vaterland_, or _Leviathan_, documentary evidence to prove this, and it also appeared from this paper that on her last trip to this country the vessel had not averaged twenty knots. It may be that the German ship-builders had hurried too swiftly in their strenuous efforts to produce a bigger, if not a better, steamship than the British could turn out. Forty-six of the _Vaterland's_ boilers showed evidence of poor handling. They were not fitted with the proper sort of internal feed-pipes. All these defects, defects original with the steamship, were repaired by the Americans. In addition, evidences of minor attempts to disable the _Vaterland_ were found, such, for instance, as holes bored in sections of suction-pipes, the holes having been puttied and thus concealed. Things of the sort afforded ample reason for a thorough overhaul of the vast mass of machinery aboard the steamship. But eventually she was ready for her test and her performance on a trial trip to southern waters showed how skilful had been the remedial measures applied. Aboard the _Leviathan_ as other big German liners, such as the _Amerika_, _President Grant_, _President Lincoln_, (recently sunk by a German torpedo while bound for this country from France), the _George Washington_, and other vessels fitted as troop and hospital ships, and the like, naval crews were placed, and naval officers, of course, in command. They have proved their mettle, all. They have shown, further, that when we get ready to take our place, after the war, among the nations that go in heavily for things maritime, we shall not be among the last, either in point of resourcefulness or intrepidity. Civilian sailormen who have sailed on vessels commanded by naval officers have been inclined to smile over the minutia of navy discipline and have expressed doubt whether the naval men would find a certain rigidity any more useful in a given situation than the civilian seamen would find a looser ordered system. We can but base judgment on facts, and among the facts that have come under the writer's observation, was the difficulty which the German officers of the _Vaterland_ encountered in taking their vessel into her dock in the North River. The very last time they attempted it the great hulk got crosswise in the current in the middle of the stream, and caused all sorts of trouble. Our naval officers, however, made no difficulty at all in snapping the steamship into her pier. She steams up the Hudson on the New York side, makes a big turn, and lo! she is safely alongside her pier. Any seafaring man will tell you that this implies seamanly ability. Following is a list of the larger German ships which were repaired by the navy engineers, with the names under which they now sail: FORMER NAME PRESENT NAME _Amerika_.................._America_. _Andromeda_................_Bath_. _Barbarossa_..............._Mercury_. _Breslau_.................._Bridgeport_. _Cincinnati_..............._Covington_[1] (sunk). _Frieda Lenhardt_.........._Astoria_. _Friedrich der Grosse_....._Huron_. _Geier_...................._Schurz_. _George Washington_........name retained. _Grosser Kurfurst_........._Aeolus_. _Grunewald_................_Gen. G. W. Goethals_. _Hamburg_.................._Powhattan_. _Hermes_...................name retained. _Hohenfelde_..............._Long Beach_. _Kiel_....................._Camden_. _Kaiser Wilhelm I_........._Agamemnon_. _Koenig Wilhelm II_........_Madawaska_. _Kronprinz Wilhelm_........_Von Steuben_. _Kronprezessin Cecelie_...._Mount Vernon_. _Liebenfels_..............._Houston_. _Locksun_.................._Gulfport_. _Neckar_..................._Antigone_. _Nicaria_.................._Pensacola_. _Odenwald_................._Newport News_. _President_................_Kuttery_. _President Grant_..........name retained. _President Lincoln_........name retained (sunk). _Prinzess Irene_..........._Pocahontas_. _Prinz Eitel Friedrich_...._DeKalb_. _Rhein_...................._Susquehanna_. _Rudolph Blumberg_........._Beaufort_ _Saxonia_.................._Savannah_. _Staatsskretar_............_Samoa_. _Vaterland_................_Leviathan_. _Vogensen_................._Quincy_. [Footnote 1: Is not this rather a reflection upon a perfectly good American city?] CHAPTER XI Camouflage--American System of Low Visibility and the British Dazzle System--Americans Worked Out Principles of Color in Light and Color in Pigment--British Sought Merely to Confuse the Eye--British System Applied to Some of Our Transports While our naval vessels, that is to say war-ships, have adhered to the lead-gray war paint, the Navy Department has not declined to follow the lead of the merchant marine of this country and Great Britain in applying the art of camouflage to some of its transports, notably to the _Leviathan_, which, painted by an English camoufleur, Wilkinson, fairly revels in color designed to confuse the eyes of those who would attack her. A great deal has been written about land camouflage, but not so much about the same art as practised on ships. Originally, the purpose was the same--concealment and general low visibility--at least it was so far as the Americans were concerned. The British, on the other hand, employed camouflage with a view to distorting objects and fatiguing the eye, thus seriously affecting range-finding. The British system was known as the "dazzle system," and was opposed to the American idea of so painting a vessel as to cause it to merge into its background. The American camouflage is based on scientific principles which embody so much in the way of chromatic paradox as to warrant setting forth rather fully, even though at the present time, for good and sufficient reasons relating to German methods of locating vessels, the Americans have more or less abandoned their ideas of low visibility and taken up with the dazzle idea. A mural painter of New York, William Andrew Mackay, who had long experimented in the chemistry of color (he is now a member of the staff of navy camoufleurs), had applied a process of low visibility to naval vessels long before war broke out in Europe. The basis of his theory of camouflage was that red, green, and violet, in terms of light, make gray; they don't in pigment. The Mackay scheme of invisibility will be easily grasped by the reader if we take the example of the rainbow. The phenomenon of the rainbow, then, teaches us that what we know to be white light, or daylight, is composed of rays of various colors. If an object, say the hull of a vessel at sea, prevents these rays from coming to the eye, that hull, or other object, is of course clearly defined, the reason being that the iron mass shuts out the light-rays behind it. Mr. Mackay discovered that by applying to the sides of a ship paint representing the three light-rays shut out by the vessel's hull--red, green, and violet--the hull is less visible than a similar body painted In solid color. In a series of experiments made under the supervision of the Navy Department after we entered the war an oil-tanker ship was so successfully painted in imitation of the color-rays of light that, at three miles, the tanker seemed to melt into the horizon. The effect was noted in the morning, at noon, and in the evening. In the case of various big liners, more than 500 feet long, no accurate range could be made for shelling at from three to five miles--the usual shelling distance--while at eight miles the vessels melted into the ocean-mists. But the first trials of the system were conducted at Newport, in 1913, in conjunction with Lieutenant Kenneth Whiting, of the submarine flotilla. After a period experiments were continued at the Brooklyn Navy Yard. In 1915 Commander J. O. Fisher, U.S.N., painted the periscope of his submarine--the K-6--with the colors of the spectrum. Mr. Mackay got in touch with this officer and explained the work he had done with Lieutenant Whiting. Fisher, deeply interested, invited the painter to deliver a series of lectures to the officers of the submarine flotilla at the Brooklyn Navy Yard. With the aid of a Maxwell disk--a wheel upon which colored cardboard is placed and then revolved--he demonstrated the difference between paint and light, as set forth in a book on the chemistry of color by the late Ogden N. Rood, of Columbia. He showed, for example, that yellow and blue in light make white, while yellow and blue in pigment make green. The bird colored blue and yellow will be a dull gray at a distance of 100 feet, and will blend perfectly against the dull gray of a tree-trunk at, perhaps, a less distance. The parrot of red, green, and violet plumage turns gray at 100 feet or more, the eye at that distance losing the ability to separate the three color-sensations. It is upon this principle, then, that ships painted in several varieties of tints and shades form combinations under different lights that cause them to waver and melt into the sea and sky. They _seem_ to melt, to be more explicit, because the craft so painted is surrounded by tints and shades that are similar to those employed in painting the craft. Vessels thus painted, as seen at their docks, present a curious aspect. At their water-lines, and running upward for perhaps twenty feet, are green wave-lines, and above, a dappled effect of red, green, and violet, which involve not only the upper portions of the hull, but the life-boats, masts, and funnels. This, then, as said, was the American idea as first applied by Mr. Mackay, and which would have been greatly amplified had not listening devices been so perfected as to render it unnecessary for the Germans to see until their quarry was so near, say a mile or two, that no expedient in the way of low visibility would serve. It was then that our navy, which had been following experiments in camouflage, accepted the dazzle system for some of its transports, while retaining the leaden war-paint for other transports and for fighting craft. The dazzle system as applied on the _Leviathan_ and other vessels under jurisdiction of the navy, has for its idea the disruption of outline and deception as to the true course a vessel is following. The writer saw the _Leviathan_ under way shortly after she was camouflaged, and at a distance of two miles it was utterly impossible to tell whether she was coming or going; and the observer could not tell whether she had three funnels or six, or only one. It was noted that as her distance from the observer became greater the vessel assumed a variety of effects. Once it seemed as though both bow and stern had dropped off, and finally the big craft suggested in the morning haze nothing so much as a cathedral set in the middle of the bay. Effects of this sort are produced by vertical stripes of black and white at bow and stern, by long, horizontal lines of black and blue, and by patches of various hues. One funnel is gray, another blue and white, another all blue. There can be no question that the sum total of effect offends the eye and dazes the senses. Submarines have been known to make errors of eight degrees in delivering torpedoes at dazzle boats even at close range. In addition to camouflage experiments on one of our great inland lakes, the Navy Department also investigated other ideas relating to the self-protection of craft at sea. Among these was a device by which a vessel zigzags automatically as she proceeds on her ocean course. The advantage of such an invention when the war zone is filled with submarines waiting for a chance for pot shots at craft is obvious. The Navy Department, in short, has neglected nothing that would tend to enhance the safety of our ships on the sea, and many valuable schemes have been applied. But when all is said and done these defensive elements are and, it seems, must remain subsidiary to the protection as applied from without, the protection of swift destroyers with their depth-bombs, their great speed, and their ability quickly to manoeuvre. CHAPTER XII The Naval Flying Corps--What The Navy Department Has Accomplished And Is Accomplishing in the Way of Air-Fighting--Experience of a Naval Ensign Adrift in the English Channel--Seaplanes and Flying Boats--Schools of Instruction--Instances of Heroism In writing of aviation in the navy an incident which befell one of our naval airmen in the English Channel seems to demand primary consideration, not alone because of the dramatic nature of the event, but because it sets forth clearly the nature of the work upon which our flying men of the navy entered as soon as the United States took hostile action against Germany. Our navy aviators, in fact, were the first force of American fighters to land upon European soil after war was declared. Here is the story as told by Ensign E. A. Stone, United States Naval Reserve, after he was rescued from the Channel, where with a companion he had clung for eighty hours without food and drink to the under-side of a capsized seaplane pontoon. "I left our station in a British seaplane as pilot, with Sublieutenant Moore of the Royal Naval Air Service as observer, at 9 o'clock in the morning. Our duty was to convoy patrols. When two hours out, having met our ships coming from the westward, we thought we sighted a periscope ahead, and turned off in pursuit. We lost our course. Our engine dropped dead, and at 11.30 o'clock forced us to land on the surface of a rough sea. We had no kite nor radio to call for assistance, so we released our two carrier-pigeons. We tied a message with our position and the word 'Sinking' on each. The first, the blue-barred one, flew straight off and reached home. But the other, which was white-checked, lit on our machine and would not budge until Moore threw our navigation clock at him, which probably upset him so that he failed us. "Heavy seas smashed our tail-planes, which kept settling. I saw that they were pulling the machine down by the rear, turning her over. We tore the tail-fabric to lessen the impact of the waves. It wasn't any use. The tail-flat was smashed and its box filled with water. "This increased the downward leverage and raised her perpendicularly in the air. At 2.30 P.M. we capsized. We climbed up the nose and 'over the top' to the under-side of the pontoons. Our emergency ration had been in the observer's seat at the back, but we had been so busy trying to repair the motor and save ourselves from turning over that we didn't remember this until too late. When I crawled aft for food Moore saw that I was only helping the machine to capsize. He yelled to me to come back and I did, just in time to save myself from being carried down with the tail and drowned. "From then on for nearly four days, until picked up by a trawler, we were continually soaked and lashed by seas, and with nothing to eat or drink. We had nothing to cling to, and so to keep from being washed overboard we got upon the same pontoon and hugged our arms about each other's bodies for the whole time. We suffered from thirst. I had a craving for canned peaches. Twice a drizzle came on, wetting the pontoon. We turned on our stomachs and lapped up the moisture, but the paint came off, with salt, and nauseated us. Our limbs grew numb. From time to time the wreckage from torpedoed ships would pass. Two full biscuit-tins came close enough to swim for, but by then in our weakened state we knew that we would drown if we tried to get them. We did haul in a third tin and broke it open; it was filled with tobacco. "Every day we saw convoys in the distance and vainly waved our handkerchiefs. We had no signal-lights to use at night. Our watches stopped, and we lost all track of time. We realized how easy it was for a submarine out there to escape being spotted. On Sunday night we spied a masthead light and shouted. The ship heard and began to circle us. We saw her port light. Then when the crew were visible on the deck of the vessel, she suddenly put out her lights and turned away. "'She thinks we are Huns,' said Moore. "'I hope she does,' said I. 'Then they'll send patrol-boats out to get us. 'We couldn't be worse off if we were Germans.' "But no rescue came. The next afternoon a seaplane came from the east. It was flying only 800 feet overhead, aiming down the Channel. It seemed impossible that she could not sight us for the air was perfectly clear. She passed straight above without making any signal, flew two miles beyond, and then came back on her course. "'Her observer must be sending wireless about us,' I said. "'Yes, that is why we get no recognition,' said Moore, 'and now she's decided to go back and report.' "But that plane hadn't even seen us. Our spirits fell. We had been afraid of two things, being picked up by a neutral and interned, or captured by an enemy submarine. Now we even hoped that the enemy--that anything---would get us, to end it all. "We sighted a trawler about 6 P.M. on Tuesday. She had been chasing a submarine, and so did not seem to take us very seriously at first. We waved at her half an hour before she changed her course. We were both too weak to stand up and signal. We could only rise on our knees. Moore's hands were too swollen to hold a handkerchief, but I had kept my gloves on and was able to do so. The trawler moved warily around us, but finally threw a life-preserver at the end of a line, I yelled that we were too weak to grasp it. She finally hove to, lowered a boat, and lifted us aboard. Then we collapsed. "I remember asking for a drink and getting water. The skipper would let us take only sips, but he left a bottle alongside me and I drained it. He gave us biscuits, but we couldn't chew or swallow them. We felt no pain until our clothing was ripped off and blood rushed into our swollen legs and arms. Moore lost six toes from gangrene in the hospital. My feet turned black, but decay did not set in." When the pigeon released by Stone and Moore returned to the base every machine from that seaplane-station, as well as from a station on the French coast, was sent out to search for the missing seaplane, while destroyers and patrol-vessels were notified to be on the lookout. Which shows, after all, how difficult the job of detecting such small objects as submarines is. Stone had enlisted as a seaman, and was trained in aviation. On December 11, 1917, he was detached from the air-station at Hampton Roads and ordered to France for duty, arriving there January 21, 1918. In February he was ordered to report to the commander of the United States naval forces at London for patrol duty in England. Which shows the way the Navy Department worked in with the French and British Admiralties, using either our own planes or those of our allies. When the navy's plans concerning the American Naval Flying Corps are completed, it will have an air service of fully 125,000 men, of which 10,000 will be aviators. There will be 10 ground men for every aviator. Observers, inspectors and specialists of various sorts will fill out the total. These seaplanes are of immense value in the war zones. They leave bases for regular patrol duty, watching the ocean carefully, and locating submersibles at a great height. Once a submarine is thus located the seaplane descends to the surface and notifies vessels of the patrol-fleet of the location of the craft, or in cases when the undersea craft is on or near the surface, the aviator will drop bombs upon the vessel. Seaplanes are also sent from the decks of naval vessels to scout the waters through which a fleet may be travelling, while large vessels serving as parent-ships for the smaller seaplanes--from which they fly and to which they return--ply the infested waters. The service is a valuable one, and a thrilling one, and only the best types of men were selected by the Navy Department to engage in it. In 1917 Congress appropriated $67,733,000 for aviation for the navy, a sum which permitted the department to proceed on an extensive scale. And right here it may be said that the navy has fared much better than the army in the progressive development of air service. Within a year the flying personnel of the navy had grown to be twenty times greater than it was when we went to war, and where a year ago we had one training-school, we now have forty naval aviation-schools. The navy has not only strained every nerve to turn out aviators and to produce airplanes, but the development of improved types of planes has not been overlooked, and we now have abroad several fine types of seaplane as well as airplane. The seaplane is merely an airplane with pontoons, It starts from the ground or from the deck of a vessel. Then there is the flying-boat, developed under naval auspices. This boat takes wing from the water, and is regarded as the most desirable form of aircraft for sea purposes. It is a triumphant instance of our ingenuity, and is built in two sizes, both effective under the peculiar conditions which may dictate the use either of one or the other. The navy has also developed a catapult arrangement for launching seaplanes from the decks of war-ships. This is a moving wooden platform, carrying the seaplane, which runs along a track over the ship's deck. The platform drops into the sea, and the seaplane proceeds on its course through the air. [Illustration: _Copyright by Committee on Public Information_. SCENE AT AN AVIATION STATION SOMEWHERE IN AMERICA, SHOWING FIFTEEN SEAPLANES ON BEACH DEPARTING AND ARRIVING.] The progress of the navy was so great in arranging for the home coast-defense aerial service that Secretary Daniels agreed to establish air coast-patrol stations in Europe, and it was not long before our naval aviators were rendering signal service both along the French and the British coasts. There is the understanding that the United States has already taken the lead in naval aviation, not in quantity, to be sure, but in quality and efficiency, as to which the presence of foreign experts studying our new improvements may be regarded as confirmatory evidence. The Navy Department now has an aircraft factory of its own at Philadelphia, and there flying-boats are now being turned out. Also, five private plants throughout the country are working on navy aircraft exclusively. The Aircraft Board, which succeeded the Aircraft Production Board, is made up in three parts: a third from the navy, a third from the army, and a third civilian. This board is under the joint direction of the Secretaries of War and the Navy. The naval flying-schools are located at Pensacola, Fla., Miami, Fla., Hampton Roads, Va., Bay Shore, L.I., and San Diego, Cal. Some of the aviators are drawn from the regular naval forces, but the great majority are of the reserves, young men from civil life, college men and the like, who have the physical qualifications and the nerve to fly and fight above tumultuous waters. The men training in the naval aviation-schools are enrolled as Second Class Seamen in the Coast Defense Reserve. Their status is similar to that of the midshipmen at Annapolis. Surviving the arduous course of training, they receive commissions as ensigns; if they do not survive they are honorably discharged, being free, of course, to enlist in other branches of service. The courses last about six months, the first period of study being in a ground school, where the cadets study navigation, rigging, gunnery, and other technical naval subjects. Thence the pupil goes to a flight-school, where he learns to pilot a machine. Here, if he comes through, the young cadet is commissioned as an ensign. All pilots in the Naval Reserve Flying Corps hold commissions, but not all of the pilots in the regular navy are commissioned officers, a few rating as chief petty officers. The men who act as observers--who accompany the pilots on their trips, taking photographs, dropping bombs and the like--are not commissioned. They are selected from men already in the service, regular seamen, marines, reserves, or volunteers. Of course, these men have their opportunities of becoming pilots. The United States seaplanes carry extremely destructive weapons, which will not be described until after the war. The Germans, it may be assumed, know something about them. The spirit of our naval pilots, both students and qualified graduates, is of the highest, and foreign naval officers have been quick to express their appreciation of their services. When Ensign Curtis Read was shot down in February, 1918, while flying over the French coast, his funeral was attended by many British army and navy officers, and by representatives of both branches of the French service. Besides the company of American sailors there were squads of French and British seamen, who marched in honor of the young officer. The city of Dunkirk presented a beautiful wreath of flowers. "Nothing," wrote Ensign Artemus Gates, captain-elect of Yale's 1917 football eleven, and a comrade of Read's in France, to the young officer's mother, "could be more impressive than to see a French general, an admiral, British staff-officers, and many other officers of the two nations paying homage." The death of Ensign Stephen Potter, who was killed in a battle with seven German airplanes in the North Sea on April 25, 1918, followed a glorious fight which will live in our naval annals. Potter was the first of our naval pilots to bring down a German airplane, and indeed may have been the first American, fighting under the United States flag, to do this. His triumph was attained on March 19, 1918. Between that time and his death he had engaged in several fights against German airmen, causing them to flee. And in this country our course of training has been marked by many notable examples of heroism and devotion, none more so than the act of Ensign Walker Weed, who, after his plane had fallen in flames at Cape May, N.J., and he had got loose from his seat and was safe, returned to the burning machine and worked amid the flames until he had rescued a cadet who was pinned in the wreckage. It cost Weed his life, and the man he rescued died after lingering some days; but the act is none the less glorious because the gallant young officer gave his life in vain. Related to the aviation service, to the extent at least that they observe from an aerial post, are the balloon men of the navy, officers who go aloft with great gas-bags, which, when not in use, are carried on the decks of the larger war-ships engaged in work. From the baskets of these sausage-shaped balloons the observers, armed with telescopes and binoculars, the ocean and the ships of the convoy lying like a map below, sweep the surface of the water for lurking submarines and enemy raiders. The balloons are attached to the war-ships, and are towed along through the air. Just how effective this expedient is, is known only to the Navy Department, but the fact that it is retained argues for its usefulness. Convoyed merchant vessels steam in a wedge or V-shaped formation. At the apex is a destroyer, following which is an armored cruiser of the _Colorado_ or _Tennessee_ type. Astern of the cruiser is another destroyer, which tows the captive balloon at the end of a very light but strong steel wire. This balloon-towing destroyer really forms the point of the wedge formation. Behind it are placed the two diverging lines of merchant ships, which follow one another, not bow to stern, but in a sort of echelon position. Down through the centre of the wedge is a line of armed trawlers, while armed vessels steam outside the V. Somewhat astern of the convoy is another destroyer, which tows another captive balloon. As a final means of protection, destroyers fly about on each wing of The convoy. CHAPTER XIII Organization Of The Naval Reserve Classes--Taking Over of Yachts For Naval Service--Work Among The Reserves Stationed at Various Naval Centres--Walter Camp's Achievement In expanding the navy to meet war conditions, the regular personnel was increased, naval militia units of various States were taken into the service under the classification National Naval Volunteers, and volunteers were accepted in the following classes: _Fleet Naval Reserve_, made up of those who had received naval training and had volunteered for four years. _Naval Auxiliary Reserve_, made up of seafaring men who had had experience on merchant ships. _Naval Coast Defense Reserve_, made up of citizens of the United States whose technical and practical education made them fitted for navy-yard work, patrol, and the like. _Volunteer Naval Reserve_, made up of men who had volunteered, bringing into service their own boats. And finally, the _Naval Reserve Flying Corps_. It is from these classes that have come the men to put our navy on a war footing; for while the reserve classifications brought thousands and hundreds of thousands of men into the service, the permanent enlisted strength was kept at the specified figure, 87,000, until last June, when Congress increased the allowance to 131,485. This action was regarded as one of the most important taken since the country entered the war, inasmuch as it gave notice to the world that the United States in the future intends to have a fleet that will measure up to her prominent position in the world's affairs. It means, too, that the number of commissioned officers would be increased from 3,700, as at present arranged, to some 5,500, which will no doubt mean an opportunity for officers who are now in war service in the various reserve organizations. When we entered the war, a decision to send a number of our destroyers to France imposed upon the Navy Department the necessity of protecting our own coast from possible submarine attack. We had retained destroyers in this country, of course, and our battle and cruiser fleet was here; but a large number of mosquito craft, submarine-chasers, patrol-boats, and the like were urgently demanded. Several hundred fine yachts were offered to the Navy Department under various conditions, and in the Third (New York) District alone some 350 pleasure craft adapted for conversion into war-vessels, were taken over. Some of these were sent overseas to join the patrol-fleet, more were kept here. Besides being used for patrol-work, yachts were wanted for mine-sweepers, harbor patrol-boats, despatch-boats, mine-layers, and parent-ships. They were and are manned almost exclusively by the Naval Reserves, and operated along the Atlantic coast under the direction of officers commanding the following districts: First Naval District, Boston; Second Naval District, Newport, R.I.; Third Naval District, New York City; Fourth Naval District, Philadelphia; Fifth Naval District, Norfolk, Va. Hundreds of sailors, fishermen, seafaring men generally, and yachtsmen joined the Naval Coast Defense Reserve, which proved to be an extremely popular branch of the service with college men. Most of the reserves of this class--there were nearly 40,000 of them--were required for the coast-patrol fleet, and they had enlisted for service in home waters. But when the need for oversea service arose the reserves made no objection at all to manning transports and doing duty on patrol, mine-laying, mine-sweeping, and other craft engaged in duty in the war zone. In the course of taking over yachts by the Navy Department, Franklin D. Roosevelt, who has been so efficient and untiring in his capacity as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, charged that yachtsmen were not helping the government, and were holding their craft for high prices. Probably this was the case in enough instances to make Mr. Roosevelt impatient, but it would seem that the large body of yacht-owners did their best, not only donating their yachts to the government or selling them at a fair price, but by themselves enlisting in the service. There were yachtsmen who, in addition to giving their boats, defrayed the cost of maintenance. Great craft such as G. W. C. Drexel's _Alcedo_ (already noted as sunk by a torpedo), A. Curtiss James's _Aloha_, J. C. and A. N. Brady's _Atlantic_, A. C. Burrage's _Aztec_, I. T. Bush's _Christabel_, H. A. Loughlin's _Corona_, J. P. Morgan's _Corsair_, Robert T. Graves's _Emeline_, E. P. and J. W. Alker's _Florence_, Edgar Palmer's _Guinevere_, George F. Baker, Jr.'s _Wacouta_, W. L. Harkness's _Cythera_, Robert Goelet's _Nahma_, J. G. Bennett's _Lysistrata_, John Borden's _Kanawha_, Henry Walter's _Narada_, Howard Gould's _Niagara_, Horace G. Dodge's _Nokomis_, Vincent Astor's _Noma_, Mrs. E. H. Harriman's _Sultana_, Morton F. Plant's _Vanadis_, P. W. Rouss's _Winchester, Aphrodite_, the O. H. Payne estate; F. G. Bourne's _Alberta_, and Edward Harkness's _Wakiva_--these great yachts among other steam-driven palaces, passed into the hands of the Navy Department in one way or another, and have performed valiant service. Some of them, indeed, have ended their careers violently in service. The government ripped out the costly interiors and converted these panelled floating abodes of the wealthy into serviceable fighters, and no doubt will retain those that survive when the war is ended. There were instances where the owners of yachts and the Navy Department could not agree on prices to be paid. The naval authorities finally suggested that the owners should name one representative, and the Navy Department another, and terms thus agreed upon. It was not, however, until the Department appointed a special board, whose duty was to secure suitable boats without further delay, that affairs began to proceed smoothly. The first move was to have the International Mercantile Marine Company's shipping experts act as agents of the special board, and from that time on there was no further trouble. The Mercantile Marine experts not only brought about the transfer of yachts to the navy, but superintended alterations above and below deck, arming, outfitting, coaling, painting, and provisioning the converted war-ships. While this was in progress the Navy Department was having built a fleet of submarine-chasers of the 110-foot class, which, together with the yachts taken over, offered abundant opportunities for oversea service, which the sailors enrolled in the Coast Defense Division were not slow to accept after they were requested to transfer their enrollment from Class 4 to Class 2, under which classification they were eligible to be sent abroad. Thus thousands of young men who had enlisted for coast-patrol duty, were sent aboard transports, submarine-chasers, and war-ships generally, for service in the European war zones. And with this constant outflow of trained men from the various naval training-stations of the country, the influx of newly enlisted reserves into these schools gives assurance that the Navy Department will never be embarrassed for lack of material wherewith to man its boats. And there is the likelihood that as our new merchant vessels are launched and put into commission, they will be manned by reserves from the navy training-schools with officers furnished by the Deck School at Pelham Bay and the Engineers' School at Hoboken. The government, of course, is in complete control of the merchant marine; but in our present condition many American ships have to be manned by aliens. It will be surprising if this state of affairs will not be corrected as swiftly as the Navy Department is able to do so, and thus we may expect to see our young seamen diverted in ever-increasing numbers to merchant vessels, the precise degree, of course, to be dependent upon the needs of the fighting vessels. Young officers, no doubt, will receive commands, and in general a thriving mercantile marine will be in readiness for operation when war ends. Our naval training-stations are models of businesslike precision and well-ordered proficiency. Herein are taught everything from bread-baking and cooking to engineering, gunnery, and other maritime accomplishments. Long before we had entered the war a determination had been reached by individuals and organizations external to the Navy--and Army--Departments, to bring to the naval stations as many and as complete comforts and conveniences of civilization as possible. Almost immediately after the American declaration of war, the purposes of the authors of this scheme were presented to Congress, and permission for them to carry out their mission was given through the formation of the sister commissions, the Army and the Navy Commissions on Training Camp Activities. Although entirely separate in their work--one dealing entirely with the men in the army, the other with those in the navy camps--the same authority on organized humanitarian effort, Raymond B. Fosdick of New York City, one of the original group with whom the plan originated, was chosen chairman of both. Each commission's work was divided among departments or subcommissions. In the Navy Commission, one group, the Library Department, supplied the enlisted men of the navy stations, as far as possible, with books, another with lectures, another with music, vocal and instrumental, another with theatrical entertainments, including moving-pictures, and another subcommission directed the recreational sport. Mr. Walter Camp, for thirty years the moving spirit, organizer, adviser, and athletic strategist of Yale, was chosen chairman of the Athletic Department, with the title General Commissioner of Athletics for the United States Navy. Taking up his task in midsummer, 1917, three months after declaration of war by the United States, Mr. Camp at once brought his ability, experience, and versatility into play in organizing recreational sport in the navy stations. By this time every naval district was fast filling with its quota of enlisted men, and the plan of the Navy Department to place an even hundred thousand men in the stations before the close of the year was well along toward completion. Swept from college, counting-room, professional office, and factory, often from homes of luxury and elegance, to the naval stations, where, in many cases arrangements to house them were far from complete, the young men of the navy found themselves surrounded by conditions to which they pluckily and patiently reconciled themselves, but which could not do otherwise than provoke restlessness and discomfort. [Illustration: _From a photograph copyright by International Film Service_. CAPTAIN'S INSPECTION AT NAVAL TRAINING STATION, NEWPORT, R.I.] Under these conditions the work of the Navy Commission was particularly timely and important, and that of Mr. Camp was of conspicuous value through the physical training and mental stimulus which it provided for patriotic, yet half homesick young Americans, from whom not only material comfort and luxury, but entertainment of all kinds, including recreational sport, had been taken. Mr. Camp defined the scope of the Athletic Department of the Commission as follows, in taking up his duties: "Our problem is to provide athletics for the men in order to duplicate as nearly as possible the home environment, produce physical fitness with high vitality, and in this we feel that we shall have the most generous and whole-souled co-operation from the Y.M.C.A., the Knights of Columbus, the War Camp Community Service, and all the agencies that are established in and about the camps." Launching the movement to "duplicate home conditions" in recreational sport, Mr. Camp appointed athletic directors in the largest districts during the fall, and in every one the programme of seasonal sport was carried out, comparable in extent and quality with that which every enlisted man in the stations would have enjoyed as participant or spectator in his native city or town, school or college, had he not entered military service. The athletic directors who were chosen were, in every case, experienced organizers of all-round sports, and several of them were former college coaches or star athletes. In the First District at Boston, George V. Brown, for thirteen years athletic organizer for the Boston Athletic Association, was named; in the Second at Newport, Doctor William T. Bull, the former Yale football coach and medical examiner; in the Third, Frank S. Bergin, a former Princeton football-player; in the Fourth, at League Island, Franklin T. McCracken, an athletic organizer of Philadelphia; and at the Cape May Station Harry T. McGrath, of Philadelphia, an all-round athlete. In the Fifth District, Doctor Charles M. Wharton, of Philadelphia, a prominent neurologist and University of Pennsylvania football coach, took charge late in the fall, resigning in April, 1918, to become field-secretary of the Navy Commission on Training Camp Activities, and being succeeded by Louis A. Young, of Philadelphia, a former University of Pennsylvania football-player, captain, and all-round athlete. In the Sixth District, at Charleston, S.C., Walter D. Powell, a former University of Wisconsin football-player, and later athletic director at Western Reserve University, was placed in charge of the programme, and at the Great Lakes Station, Herman P. Olcott, who had been football coach at Yale and athletic director at the University of Kansas, began his work in October. Arthur C. Woodward, formerly interscholastic athletic organizer in Washington, was placed in charge of the Puget Sound Station in Bremerton; and Elmer C. Henderson, athletic director in Seattle high schools, was appointed to the Seattle Station. David J. Yates, of New York City, an all-round athlete and athletic supervisor, was appointed director at Pensacola, combining the work of athletic organization with the physical training of the aviators in that station. Intensely practical and stimulating as well as picturesque and almost fascinating programmes in their attractiveness were carried out during the fall at the larger stations. The Newport football eleven, captained by "Cupid" Black, the former Yale gridiron star, and containing such all-American players as Schlachter, of Syracuse; Hite, of Kentucky; Barrett, of Cornell; and Gerrish, of Dartmouth; the Boston team, including in its membership Casey, Enright, and Murray, of Harvard; the League Island eleven, captained by Eddie Mahan, the former Harvard all-round player; and the Great Lakes team, largely composed of representative Western gridiron stars, played a series of games on the fields of the East and the Middle West, which lifted, temporarily, the curtain which seemed to have fallen on the college football heroes when they passed into naval service, and allowed the sport-loving public of America to again see them in athletic action. During the winter the value of the athletic department of the Commission on Training-Camp Activities to the Navy became clearer as the indoor programmes, which were organized by Commissioner Camp and his lieutenants, the athletic directors, were carried out. Boxing, wrestling, swimming, hockey, basket-ball, and other athletic instructors were appointed to develop every kind of indoor sport until there were no nights when, in the large auditoriums of the navy stations, some programme of winter sport was not being given for the entertainment of the thousands of young men in camp. Mass sports were favored, the general rule being laid down that the chief value of every game lay in accordance with its ability to attract a larger or a smaller number of participants or spectators. Among the sports which were tried, boxing proved its value as the chief. Attracting crowds limited only by the size of the auditoriums, the boxing-bouts which were held, usually semi-weekly in all the stations, were a most diverting feature of winter life in camp. One reason for their popularity can be directly traced to their enforced use in the physical training of the stations. Lending themselves ideally to mass instruction, the boxing exercises were taught to classes usually numbering between 150 and 200 persons, and the fact that every marine studied boxing contributed to the size and the interest of the crowds that packed the ringsides at the frequent bouts. The teaching of boxing was also emphasized for its life-saving value in a military sense. The maxim is taught that "every move of the boxer is a corresponding move by the bayonet-fighter." Thus, the "jab" corresponds to the "lunge," and the "counter" to the "parry." To illustrate this boxing instruction, and to apply it to bayonet-drill, a set of admirable moving-pictures was made, such clever pugilists as Johnnie Kilbane, Bennie Leonard, Kid McCoy, and Jim Corbett posing for the boxing, and Captain Donovan, the eminent English bayonet instructor, for the bayonet films, which were exhibited for instruction purposes in every navy station. Boxing tournaments, station championships, and army-navy championship bouts were given with crowded houses everywhere. Early in the winter Commissioner Camp gave directions for standardized sets of instruction in both boxing and wrestling, and as a result, in every camp in the country the groups of navy men were taught the same methods of rudimentary boxing for their value in a military sense, as well as their value as recreational sports. Soon after the thousands of young men began gathering in the navy camps, the discovery was made that not half the number was able to swim. For men destined for sea life, this was a vital handicap, and early in the spring of 1918 a campaign was launched to increase the number of swimming instructors and the facilities which were available for the instruction of the young men both in sea and river, as well as in pools and tanks, and it was decided to hold station tournaments, races, and all varieties of swimming events during the season, in conjunction with such individual instruction as it was necessary to give novices in the art of swimming. Rowing was developed during the season of 1918 to the extent which was made possible by the presence of cutters in the different stations. Wherever possible, crews were coached in the rudiments of rowing by old oarsmen. Racing between the cutter crews in whatever station was ordered for every available date, and sometimes as many as twenty boats were lined up abreast, and were shot away for the brushes between the cutter crews in some of the larger stations, furnishing a variety of sport comparable only with the brilliant scenes at the inter-collegiate races over the Thames course at New London, or the Hudson at Poughkeepsie. As football reigned supreme in the fall programme of recreational sport, and boxing in the winter, baseball furnished the greatest solace for the men of the navy marooned from city and college games. Scattered through the stations were former major and minor league and college players in abundance, and nines, vying in their intrinsic strength with major-league champions, were organized in every station. Jack Barry in the Boston District, "Toots" Schultz in the Newport, Phil Choinard in the Great Lakes, Davy Robertson in the Norfolk, Jack Hoey in the Charleston, and Paul Strand in the Seattle Districts, were a few of the stars of national reputation who headed the teams. More valuable, however, to the true purpose of the organization of recreational sports than the individual stars and the district teams were the leagues which were formed in the respective stations, for they kept every naval base engrossed in a wholesome athletic interest, and furnished natural relaxation from the exacting drill and drudgery of every-day routine. Track athletic stars of college and amateur athletic organizations were scattered through every station, and the organization of track meets was begun as soon as the men of the navy reached the camps. In October, 1917, before some 15,000 people, the track men of the Boston Station took part in games on Boston Common, a track carnival was held in the Harvard Stadium a month later, and in every station of the country track tournaments were held during the season of 1918. For April 19, the anniversary of the battle of Lexington, a patriotic team relay race was ordered for every station in the country by Commissioner Camp. In the First District the route lay over the historic Marathon course from Ashland into Boston, and most of the teams represented either the army cantonment at Camp Devens or the First Naval District. In most instances the races were run from an army to a navy camp, messages being carried from the commanding officer in one to the similar officer in the other. Secretary Daniels of the navy witnessed the First District event. In most cases the races were conducted as a feature and auxiliary in the Third Liberty Loan campaign, which was nearing its height, and proved a valuable factor in promoting the success of the drive. It is believed that this is the first national race which was ever held in every section of the United States at the request of one individual, and it was appropriate that the first of a series of such athletic events should be of a purely patriotic scope and a part of the national military service. Closely related to the work of Commissioner Camp in the naval stations was his successful attempt to secure for the aviators the use of skilful flight surgeons and college trainers to safeguard the physical condition of the airmen. At the annual conference of the National Collegiate Association, which was held in New York City in December, 1917, Mr. Camp called attention to the fact that the conditioning of the aviators was similar to that of college athletes, and was just as vital; and, inasmuch as the physical safety of football-players and other college athletic contestants was successfully guaranteed by experienced trainers, he recommended that several of the best be selected from leading American universities to go to the aviation-fields and take charge of the conditioning of the fliers. Two months later, recommendation was made by the aviation department that from ten to fifteen such trainers be named by Mr. Camp to go at once to the aviation-stations and pass judgment on the condition of the fliers before they were allowed to leave the ground. An unusually large number of deaths took place in the United States during practise flights of the aviators early in the spring of 1918, and in May the government authorized the appointment of an adequate number of college trainers to carry out the work of conditioning the airmen. Before this time reports of conditions in England and France established the fact that more deaths of aviators had been caused by the flight of the airmen when in poor physical condition than by any defect in the flying-machine. In all, Mr. Camp's work has been adequately recognized by the Navy Department as of the greatest benefit, and the constant stream of testimony from the reserve seamen attached to the various stations that "there is no place like the navy," is, in some part due to the activities of this veteran Yale athlete and his associates. CHAPTER XIV The United States Marine Corps--First Military Branch Of The National Service To Be Sanctioned By Congress--Leaving For The War--Service Of The Marines in Various Parts of the Globe--Details of Expansion of Corps--Their Present Service All Over The World When orders came for some 2,700 United States marines to go to France there was little circumstance, or general fuss and feathers, at the League Island Navy Yard, in Philadelphia. The Marine Corps, which is under control of the Navy Department, was quite used to such things. Through all the years when trouble had occurred in our island possessions, in the West Indies, Central America, or where not, it was the marines who received orders to start out and settle things. As a consequence, orders to go to France were merely in the line of the customary day's work. Thus the only ceremony characterizing the departure of Colonel Charles A. Doyen and his men from the navy-yard at Philadelphia, was a brief speech by Major-General George Barnett, commandant of the corps, to the officers of the field and staff of the overseas outfit, and to the company officers. No colors were unfurled. No reporters or press photographers were present. The regimental bandsmen went to war with their instruments cased and rifles over their shoulders. On the navy-yard parade-ground a sailor baseball nine from one of the battleships was at practice. The marines slipped away so quietly that the ball-players did not know until afterward that they had missed seeing the departure of 2,700 men bound for the battle-front. At 2.30 o'clock that afternoon the baseball-players had the parade-ground to themselves, and no one was in sight on the street in front of the home of the post commander of marines but a small boy in rompers, playing with a fox-terrier. A few seconds later the head of a column of soldiers of the sea, clad in khaki, and in heavy marching order, swung into that brick-paved street. The major-general commandant and a group of officers from headquarters took up posts on the turf of the parkway beside the curb. A sergeant of marines, in khaki, came running across the parade-ground, set up a motion-picture camera, and began to crank. Another sergeant was snapping "stills" as the column came to a halt and faced about toward the group of officers. The company officers of the battalion stepped out in front of Major-General Barnett and saluted. Then the general spoke for a few minutes in an every-day, conversational tone. He told the men that he trusted them, that he knew they would uphold the honor and high traditions of the corps when fighting in France under General Pershing. The officers saluted and stepped back to their places. The battalion stood at rigid attention for a moment. Then with a snap, rifles jumped to shoulders, squads swung into column formation, and the line passed swiftly down the street to the gate of the navy-yard. No cheering crowd greeted the marines as they emerged from the gateway, and only a few persons saw them board a train of day-coaches for a near-by port. The sun-browned fighting men, all veterans of campaigning in Hayti and Santo Domingo, waved their campaign hats from the windows and the train moved away. Half an hour later another battalion marched briskly down the same street from the end of a tree-lined vista, and formed on the parade-ground. The bluejacket nine was still at baseball practice, but the marines were at the far end of the field, too distant to attract particular attention. A third battalion formed and stacked arms in front of the barracks. Presently, without so much as a bugle-note for warning, the two battalions formed, picked up their arms, and defiled out of sight, back of a screen of shade-trees. A quarter of an hour later a rumor came to the bluejacket ball-players that the marines were boarding ship. The jacky beside the home plate dropped his bat and ran toward the street, his team-mates close behind him. They were too late to catch even a glimpse of the rear-guard. The marines, just as swiftly and quietly as if they were on their way to Hayti, Santo Domingo, Vera Cruz, or Nicaragua, had departed. We all know what they did and what subsequent regiments of marines sent to the front has done. Their fighting in the region of Torcy in the German drive of last June, when the Teutonic shock troops got a reverse shock from the marines, has already become a part of our brightest fighting tradition. The marines are fighters, have always been so--but it took their participation in this war to bring them prominently before the public. "Who and what are the marines?" was the question frequently asked when the communiques began to retail their exploits. Ideas were very hazy concerning them, and indeed, while we all are by this time quite familiar with what they can do, there are many of us even now who do not quite know what they are. [Illustration: _From a photograph copyright by International Film Service._ AMERICAN MARINES WHO TOOK PART IN THE MARNE OFFENSIVE ON PARADE IN PARIS, JULY 4, 1918.] Be it said, then, that the United States Marine Corps was authorized by the Continental Congress on November 10, 1775, and therefore has the distinction of being the oldest military branch in the United States service. The corps served valiantly throughout the Revolutionary War, and was disbanded at the close of the war, April 11, 1782. But the corps was reorganized and permanently established July 11, 1798. From that day to this, its officers have been zealous participants in every expedition and action in which the navy has engaged, and in many trying campaigns they have won distinction with their brethren of the army. Their motto is _Semper Fidelis_, and ever have they lived up to it in war and in peace. The marines serve both on land and sea. They are trained, clothed, and equipped very much as are soldiers of the land forces. In their preliminary instruction on shore, at navy-yards and naval-stations, they are instructed and drilled in the duties of infantry soldiers, field-artillery men, and as machine-gun companies. In preparation for their duties as landing-parties from ships of the navy, for expeditionary duty, and as defenders of naval advance bases, they are further trained in the use of portable search-lights, the wireless telegraph, the heliograph, and the various other methods of signalling. They study range-finding; erection, operation, and maintenance of telegraph and telephone lines; planting of land and submarine mines; handling of torpedoes; erection and demolition of bridges; building of roads; knotting and splicing of ropes; handling of heavy weights; fitting of gun-gear and the various methods of slinging and transporting ordnance, and the mounting in suitable shore positions of guns of 3, 5, and 6 inch caliber. In their service on battleships and cruisers, the marines form a part of the ship's complement for battle, manning the 6-inch, 5-inch, 3-inch, and 6-pounder guns of the intermediate and secondary batteries. They are trained and fully equipped for instant service as landing-parties for duty on shore. Great mobility and facilities for quick action are required of the marines, and they must be kept in readiness to move at a moment's notice and be prepared for service in any climate. They have seen service in Egypt, Algiers, Tripoli, Mexico, China, Japan, Korea, Cuba, Porto Rico, Panama, Nicaragua, Santo Domingo, Formosa, Sumatra, Hawaii, Samoa, Guam, Alaska, and the Philippine Islands. Lieutenant P. N. O'Bannon, of the Marine Corps, hoisted the first American flag ever flown over a fortress of the Old World when Derne, a Tripolitan stronghold, was taken by assault on April 27, 1805. The first regulars who entered the fortress of Chapultepec, in Mexico City, when it was taken by storm on September 13, 1847, were marines, under command of Major Levi Twigg. Under command of Robert E. Lee, later commanding the Confederate Army, marines captured John Brown at Harper's Ferry, in 1859. A battalion of marines under Captain John L. Broome, occupied New Orleans upon its surrender, and hoisted the American flag on the custom house, April 29, 1862. A battalion of marines, 646 officers and men, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel R. W. Huntington, was the first American force that landed in Cuba in 1898, when it established a base for Admiral Sampson's fleet at Guantanamo, holding their position against Spanish regulars who were said to number 7,000. The United States Marines of the battleship _Oregon_, Captain John T. Myers commanding, were the first American troops to enter Peking just before the Boxer insurrection broke out in 1900. Lieutenant-Colonel Neville's marines were the first ashore at Vera Cruz in April, 1914. It will thus be seen that the Marine Corps of the navy is a highly useful organization, and that it has played a large part in carrying our flag to the fore in all our wars. Until 1883 officers in the corps were appointed from civil life. Beginning with that year, all vacancies were filled from graduates of the Naval Academy at Annapolis. This practice continued until 1898, when the increase in the corps was so rapid that the Academy could not furnish a sufficient number of officers. Since then, until 1915, appointments were made from civil life and by promotion from the ranks. In 1915 vacancies again began to be filled from Annapolis, but the entrance of our country into the war brought about the award of commissions on a broader scale. To-day, serving with the marines in France are a number of young officers who, a year or two ago, were well-known college athletes, such men as Eddie Mahan, of Harvard; Billy Moore, of Princeton; Harry LeGore, of Yale; Albert Baston, of Minnesota, and many other gridiron and diamond heroes, who were attracted to this branch of the service by the opportunities offered for quick action. There is a Marine Officers' School at Norfolk, to which young men appointed second lieutenants from civil life are sent for two years' intensive study before being assigned to regular duty. The course covers general subjects, and also all military branches, such as engineering, topography, gunnery, electricity, signalling, torpedo operation, and the like. In the case of college men appointed lieutenants for war service, the majority had just been graduated or were seniors in their respective institutions; as a consequence, little time was lost in the study of general subjects, the idea being to concentrate upon military subjects. In short, the Plattsburg idea was put into effect, with what results may be judged by the words of high praise which have been said concerning the marine subalterns in France. Since war began the corps has grown from a total of 13,266 enlisted men and 426 officers to a present strength of 38,629 enlisted men and 1,389 officers. The increase in enlisted men has been through voluntary enlistment; in one instance a college battalion enlisted as a whole. The personnel represents all classes of the community; college and business men, athletes, mechanics, laborers, and in one instance a former Congressman, who, although slightly over the usual age, attained the rank of second lieutenant through his devotion to duty and application. The recruit depots at Port Royal, S.C., and Mare Island, Cal., have proved equal to the demands made upon them, and here the preliminary training of the mass of recruits has been accomplished. No detail of the training of a soldier has been neglected, and on the transfer of these new men to the concentration camp at Quantico, Va., the majority has worn the insignia of expert rifleman, sharpshooter, or marksman. Here at Quantico the men have completed their course of intensive training in the new organizations formed at that post for service overseas. Five regiments of infantry, with their attendant replacement units, have been organized in addition to a brigade of artillery, since the creation of this new post, in June, 1917. Besides the brigade of marines in France, it is necessary to maintain forces of marines in Santo Domingo, Hayti, the Virgin Islands, Guam, Cuba, China, the Philippines, Porto Rico, and Honolulu, while there is a small detachment in London. The fleet of battleships and cruisers absorbs a goodly percentage of the present force, while at the same time it has been necessary to supply men to augment the garrisons of the navy-yards, naval ammunition depots, radio-stations, and other posts of the country. CHAPTER XV Scope Of The Navy's Work In Various Particulars--Food--Fuel--Naval Consulting Board--Projectile Factory--Expenditures--Increase Of Personnel In the way of progress in naval construction or appliance, it is not the opinion of our naval technicians that the war from its inception to the present time has developed any hitherto unknown feature. Guns and ships, to be sure, have increased in size, and details of the submarine and airplane have vastly improved these weapons of offense, but substantially no weapon hitherto known has been discredited by use in this war, and even all classes of war-ships built before the war have withstood the test of new conditions as to their usefulness along the lines for which they were originally designed. Germany has not improved the submarine, except in detail. Undersea craft of that country which have been recently captured show little deviation from the original lines of the submarine as used in the German Navy four years ago. They are larger--the new ones, that is--but the principle of their construction is fundamental, and the development not unnatural. Our modern submarine-chasers are merely a modified form of the torpedo-boat destroyer. The depth-bomb was known before it was employed as one of the most effective weapons against the submarine. Naval authorities join in defending the big battleship which has come into action but little in the course of the war thus far. There is to be considered, however, the moral effect of Great Britain's big fleet, which has maintained control of the seas for four years. Similarly our American fleet is regarded as the first and decisive line of defense on our shores. Battleships, it is true, do not figure frequently in the official communiques, but none the less they are playing their part. Battleships are absolutely a necessary and vital element to every nation at war. They constitute the last great line of defense, and in this war they have succeeded in keeping the seas practically free of enemy menace save under the water. In this final chapter may be included various details, facts, and figures which are necessary as giving further point to the enormous scope of the war activities of the Navy Department. In 1916, then, the officers and enlisted men of the regular navy and the Marine Corps totalled 82,738. In March, 1918, the strength of the naval forces, including regular navy, marines, naval reserve force, national naval volunteers, and coast guard, was 349,997, and at this writing is more than 400,000. The total expenditures of the navy from the date of its establishment in 1794 to 1916, inclusive, were $3,367,160,591.77, only about $34,000,000 in excess of the appropriations real and pending since August 26, 1916. For the specific purposes of new construction appropriations totalling $295,000,000 have been made. On April 1, 1917, there were building 15 battleships, 6 battle cruisers, 7 scout cruisers, 27 destroyers, 61 submarines, 2 fuel ships, 1 supply ship, 1 transport, 1 gunboat, 1 hospital ship, and 1 ammunition ship. Since that date contracts have been placed for 949 vessels, including 100 submarine-chasers for co-belligerent nations. The Board of Construction and Repair has also prepared in co-operation with the Shipping Board, a number of preliminary designs of simplified merchant vessels, varying in length from 400 to 800 feet. In June of 1917, 180 acres of land were secured at South Charleston, W. Va., for a projectile plant, which is now in operation. An armor-plate factory will be constructed. In one plant manufacturing steel forgings the output was increased 300 per cent within two months after government managers were installed. The expansion of the naval establishment has necessitated a great increase in facilities for the assembling, housing, and distribution of stores, and these needs have been largely met at Boston, Philadelphia, and Hampton Roads by large emergency and permanent constructions. In the Commissary Department the effort has been to see that the naval forces continue to be what the surgeon-general has stated they are: the "best fed body of men in the world." Sailors are no poison squad, and all efforts to try upon the officers and seamen of the force any experimental or test food have been rigorously suppressed. The high cost of living has been reflected in the cost of the navy ration, but the price has been met. There were clothing shortages during the early weeks of the war, but prompt and efficient action by the Bureau of Supplies and Accounts has remedied all this. Fuel for the navy has been handled by means of allotments placed with the principal operators in coal-producing States, the prices being fixed by the Fuel Administrator. The navy's stocks of fuel have been maintained to capacity, and shipments have been made to the fleet within the time required in all cases. Fuel oil has been obtained in similar manner at the prices fixed by the Federal Trade Commission. The Medical Department of the navy passed quietly from a peace to a war footing on April 6, 1917, and has since continued to give adequate and satisfactory service. With the completion of a hospital ship now building, the navy will have four hospital ships as against one when war began. Prior to the war there were about 375 medical officers on duty. There are to-day 1,675 medical officers in active service, and 200 more on reserve. Where 30 dental surgeons were formerly employed there are now 245. The number of female nurses has increased from 160 to 880. The President at the outbreak of war directed the Navy Department to take over such radio-stations as might be required for naval communications, all others being closed. Fifty-three commercial radio-stations were thus taken into the Naval Communication Service. Because of duplications, twenty-eight of these stations were closed. Thousands of small amateur radio-stations were closed. At present no radio communication is permitted on United States territory (not including Alaska), except through stations operated by the Navy Communication Department or by the War Department, With the need of operators apparent, a school for preliminary training in radio-telegraphy was established in each naval district, and when the need for a central final training-school developed, Harvard University offered the use of buildings, laboratories, and dormitories for this purpose. The offer was accepted, and now the naval-radio school at Harvard is one of the largest educational institutions in the country. There is another final training-school at Mare Island, Cal. The navy supplies the operators for the rapidly increasing number of war vessels, and has undertaken to supply radio operators for all merchant vessels in transatlantic service. At Harvard and Mare Island the radio students are put through four months' courses, which embraces not only radio-telegraphy and allied subjects, but military training. Some 500,000 men have been undergoing courses at these two schools alone. When war occurred the Coast Guard was transferred from the Treasury Department to the Navy Department, and the personnel now consists of 227 officers and 4,683 warrant officers and enlisted men. In the work of examining and considering the great volume of ideas and devices and inventions submitted from the public, the Naval Consulting Board has rendered a signal service. Beginning March, 1917, the Navy Department was overwhelmed with correspondence so great that it was almost impossible to sort it. Letters, plans, and models were received at the rate of from 5 to 700 a day. Within a year upward of 60,000 letters, many including detailed plans, some accompanied by models, have been examined and acted upon. To do this work a greatly enlarged office force in the Navy Department was necessary, and offices were established in New York and San Francisco. While a comparatively small number of inventions have been adopted--some of them of considerable value--the majority has fallen into the class of having been already known, and either put into use or discarded after practical test. And thus the Navy Department is carrying on its share of the war, a share significant at the very outset as one of our most important weapons in the establishment of the causes for which the United States entered the great conflict. CHAPTER XVI The beginning of the end--Reports in London that submarines were withdrawing to their bases to head a battle movement on the part of the German Fleet--How the plan was foiled--The surrender of the German Fleet to the combined British and American Squadrons--Departure of the American Squadron--What might have happened had the German vessels come out to fight In the early fall of 1913 an American naval officer, who enjoyed to a peculiar degree the confidence of certain officers of the British Admiralty, was attending to duties of an extremely confidential nature in London when one morning he was accosted by a friend, an officer high in the councils of His Majesty's Navy. "M----," he said, "I have rather an important bit of news. Within a few weeks--in fact, we cannot quite tell how soon--there is going to be the greatest naval engagement the world has ever seen. We are ready for them, though, and we shall win." The American was naturally curious, and in reply to his questions the Briton went on to say that from certain intelligence quarters word had come that the trend of German U-boats back to their bases--which had been noted for a week or so--contained a grim meaning. It meant, in fine, the emergence of the German fleet, headed by the submarines, prepared for a final battle to establish the question of sea power. One may imagine the tenseness that reigned at the Admiralty, and the code messages that flew back and forth between London and the flag-ship of the British and American battle fleet. As it happened, the German sea fighters never sallied forth in battle array, their final appearance being less warlike. But they would have come, it transpired later, had not the sailors of the fleet intercepted messages from German officers to their families, bidding a last good-by. They never expected to return from this last fight. But the seamen were of a different mind from their officers. They declined to go forth to a losing battle, and they struck. This, then, appears to be the reason why the German battleships and armored cruisers and the like did not come forth to battle--at least this is one of the stories told in navy circles. With the events that followed the cessation of hostilities on November 11 almost every American is familiar. The armistice of that date demanded that Germany give her entire fleet to the keeping of England. For a discussion of the surrender the German light cruiser _Koenigsberg_ brought representatives from the Soldiers' and Sailors' Council, which was then in nominal control of the German fleet, into the Firth of Forth. Admiral Beatty refused to deal with these representatives, and insisted that all arrangements be made through some flag-officer of the imperial fleet. Thereupon Admiral von Reuter, the commanding German officer, went aboard the _Queen Elizabeth_, and there arranged with Admiral Beatty and his flag-officers for the surrender. At dinner the German officers dined at one table, the British at another. After more discussion the _Koenigsberg_ departed for Kiel about ten that night. The commander-in-chief then issued an order to all his ships, prescribing the entire details of the surrender. The American battle squadron got under way about 4 A.M. November 21, 1918, and steamed from the Forth bridge out of the Firth into the North Sea. The entire Grand Fleet was here concentrated, formed in two long parallel lines steaming due east six miles apart, our American squadron being the second one in the northern line. By that time the Sixth Battle Squadron was composed of the _New York_, _Texas_, _Wyoming_, _Arkansas_, and _Florida_, the _Delaware_ having returned home. Our ships were led by the _New York_. About 9 A.M. the men crowding the decks sighted some smoke coming dead ahead out of the mist, and in a short time the German battle-cruisers were plainly seen leading the other German ships in their last trip at sea under their own flag. They were not flying battle-flags. At this time every one of the Anglo-American ships was at her battle station, turrets were fully manned, and all preparations made for treachery at the last minute. The German line, led by the _Seydlitz_, steamed slowly between the Allied lines, keeping perfect station, and when their flag-ship came abreast of the _Queen Elizabeth_ the signal was given for the whole Grand Fleet to make a turn of 180 degrees, and return into port with the humiliated enemy. The appearance of the enemy ships was very good. There is no doubt they were magnificent fighting ships, and that in action they would have acquitted themselves gallantly. Lieutenant W. A. Kirk, U.S.N., who witnessed the surrender from a point of vantage on the bridge of the battleship _New York_, standing just behind Admiral Rodman and Admiral Sims, said that it was exceedingly difficult at the time to grasp the significance of their surrender and feel duly impressed, as there was a lack of show or emotion of any kind. "The whole affair," he added, "was run exactly according to prearranged schedule, and was only another proof of the quiet, businesslike, efficient way the Royal Navy does things." Continuing, he said: "We proceeded into port in this formation, our lines gradually converging as we approached the entrance of the Firth of Forth. After reaching a point a short distance in the Firth the German ships dropped anchor, and Admiral Beatty on his flag-ship stood by to inspect them. As we passed within 500 yards of the enemy ships on our way to anchorage, we gave the British Admiral three rousing cheers. He returned them by waving his hat to Admiral Rodman. About three that afternoon Admiral Beatty sent his famous message, 'The German flag will be hauled down at sunset to-day, and will not be flown again until further orders.' The German ships a few days later, and after more inspection, were convoyed to their port of internment, Scapa Flow." The American battleships remained with the Grand Fleet for about two weeks after the surrender, and then departed, amid many felicitations and interchange of compliments, to Portland, where they joined the vessels assembled to escort President Wilson into Brest. This done, the American sea-fighters lay for a day in Brest, and then, spreading 600-foot homeward-bound pennants to the breezes, the armada headed for the United States, where at the port of New York the men of the fleet paraded down Fifth Avenue, to the appreciative acclaim of tens upon tens of thousands of enthusiastic patriots who lined Fifth Avenue. Had the German fleet come out for battle a large percentage of it would unquestionably have been destroyed, and yet it is the theory of naval officers that some units, perhaps the swift cruisers, would in the very nature of the fighting (sea battles are fought upon the lines of two great arcs) have succeeded in shaking themselves loose, to the consequent detriment of our freight and transport traffic. Cruisers speeding free upon the face of the broad ocean are difficult to corner, and a great amount of damage might have been inflicted on the Allies before all were finally hunted down. As it was, the enemy fleet remained at its base, and in the end came forth peacefully, as has been described. Had the war gone on, had the German craft not appeared for battle, a plan to smother their base through the medium of clouds of bombing airplanes would unquestionably have been put into effect at a good and proper time. And at the same juncture, no doubt, our Sixth Squadron would have joined with the Grand Fleet in an attack upon Heligoland, plans for which are still in existence. In the waning months of the war it had become increasingly clear that the submarine as a weapon to decide the war was ineffective. Not only were the Allied destroyers and chasers, armed with their depth-bombs, waging a successful fight against the undersea boats, but other methods were beginning to have their effect. Chief among these were our mine-laying exploits, by which, in October of 1918, was established a mine-barrage across the North Sea, which proved a tremendous handicap to the German U-boats. Captain Reginald R. Belknap, U.S.N., commanding Mine Squadron I of the Atlantic Fleet, which operated in European waters, has compiled an interesting account of the important part played by the United States mine-laying squadron in planting mines in the North Sea. From the time the United States joined in the war, he says, our Navy Department urged strong measures, essentially offensive, to hem in the enemy bases, so that fewer submarines might get out, or, if already out, get back. A new American invention came to the notice of the Bureau of Ordnance, where its possibilities were quickly perceived. A few quiet but searching experiments developed it into a mine of more promising effectiveness than any ever used before, especially against submarines. This gave the United States Navy the definite means to offer an anti-submarine barrage, on the German coast or elsewhere, and the result was the northern mine-barrage in the North Sea, stretching from the Orkneys 280 miles to Norway, which the Secretary of the Navy's annual report characterizes as "the outstanding anti-submarine offensive product of of the year." Manufacture of the mines in this country--they were of the non-sweepable variety--had been going on since December, 1917. The many parts were constructed by the thousands by numerous different contractors, who delivered them at Norfolk, where the mine spheres were charged with 300 pounds of TNT, and loaded into steamers, managed by the Naval Overseas Transport Service. It required twenty-four steamers, running constantly, to keep the ten mine-planters supplied with mines. Only one fell a victim to a submarine. Our mine squadron arrived at Inverness May 26, 1918, and twelve days later started on its first mine-planting "excursion." On this excursion, June 7, the squadron planted a mine field 47 miles long, containing 3,400 mines, in three hours and thirty-six minutes. One ship emptied herself of 675 mines without a single break, 1 mine every eleven and one-half seconds through more than two hours, the longest series ever planted anywhere. On the seventh excursion, August 26, the commander of the mine force, Rear-Admiral Strauss, U.S.N., went out, and on the next, by the American and British squadrons together, he was in command of them both, on the _San Francisco_. The mine field on this occasion closed the western end of the barrier off the Orkneys, making it complete across. Of the ninth excursion Rear-Admiral Clinton-Baker, R.N., was in command. Altogether the American squadron made fifteen excursions, the British squadron eleven, and when the barrage was finished, at the end of October, 70,100 mines in all had been planted in it, of which 56,570 were American. The barrier stretched from off the northern Orkney Islands, 230 miles, to the coast of Norway, near Bergen. Its width averaged 25 miles, nowhere less than 15 miles--more than an hour's run for a submarine. The barrage began to yield results early in July, and from time to time reports would come of submarines damaged or disappearing. It may never be known definitely how many actually did come to grief there, but the best information gives a probable ten before the middle of October, with a final total of seventeen or more. In addition the squadron should be credited with two submarines lost in the field of British mines laid by the U.S.S. _Baltimore_, off the Irish coast. In summing up the work of the navy throughout the war one month after the armistice had been signed, Secretary Daniels paid the highest tribute to the widely recognized efficiency of Vice-Admiral Sims; he had also superlative praise for Rear-Admiral Rodman, who commanded our battleships attached to the Grand Fleet; for Vice-Admiral Wilson, commanding our forces in French waters; for Rear-Admiral Niblack, our Mediterranean commander, Rear-Admiral Dunn in the Azores, and Rear-Admiral Strauss in charge of mining operations. When the fighting ended our force in European waters comprised 338 vessels, with 75,000 men and officers, a force larger than the entire navy before the war. The navy, in its operations, covered the widest scope in its history; naval men served on nearly 2,000 craft that plied the waters, on submarines, and in aviation, while on land, marines and sailors helped to hold strategic points. The regiments of marines shared with the magnificent army their part of the hard-won victory; wonderfully trained gun-crews of sailors manned the monster 14-inch guns--which marked a new departure in land warfare--while naval officers and men in all parts of the world did their full part in the operations which mark the heroic year of accomplishment. While the destroyers led in the anti-submarine warfare, the 406 submarine chasers, of which 335 were despatched abroad, should have credit for efficient aid, also the American submarines sent to foreign waters. The transportation of 2,000,000 American troops 3,000 miles overseas, with the loss of only a few hundred lives, and without the loss of a single American troopship on the way to France, was an unparalleled achievement. From a small beginning this fleet expanded to 24 cruisers and 42 transports, manned by 3,000 officers and 41,000 men, these being augmented by 4 French men-of-war and 13 foreign merchant vessels, a grand total of 83 ships. In spite of the constant menace of submarines, only 3 of these troopships were lost--the _Antilles_, _Lincoln_, and _Covington_. All were sunk on the homeward voyage. Four naval vessels were lost as a result of submarine activity--the destroyer _Jacob Jones_, the converted yacht _Alcedo_, the coast-guard cutter _Tampa_, sunk with all on board, and the cruiser _San Diego_, sunk in home waters by striking an enemy mine. The loss of the collier _Cyclops_, bound for South America, whose disappearance is one of the unsolved mysteries of the seas, will probably never be explained. The notable achievements in naval ordnance, especially the work of the 14-inch naval guns on railway mounts on the western front, which hurled shells far behind the German lines, have received adequate recognition from Allied authorities. These mounts were designed and completed in four months. The land battery of these naval guns was manned exclusively by bluejackets, under command of Rear-Admiral C. P. Plunkett, and work of the Bureau of Ordnance was conducted by Admiral Early, the chief of the bureau, one of our "ablest and fittest" officers. CHAPTER XVII Lessons Of The War--The Submarine Not Really a Submarine--French Term For Undersea Fighter--The Success of the Convoy Against Submersibles--U-Boats Not Successful Against Surface Fighters--Their Shortcomings--What The Submarine Needs To Be A Vital Factor In Sea Power--Their Showing Against Convoyed Craft--Record Of Our Navy In Convoying And Protecting Convoys--Secretary Daniel's Report Naval scientists learned much as a result of this war, but contrary to popular theory the events of the four and a half years strengthened belief in the battleship as the deciding element in sea power. The submarine was frightful, and did a vast amount of harm, but not so much as one might think. Against surface fighters it was not remarkably effective; indeed the war proved that the submarine's only good chance against a battleship or cruiser was to lurk along some lane which the big surface craft was known to be following, and strike her quickly in the dark. Within effective torpedo range a periscope, day or night, is visible to keen-eyed watchers, and all told not a dozen British and American sea fighters, of whatever class, were sunk as a result of submarine attack. In the battle of Heligoland Bight early in the war, as a matter of fact, a squadron of British battleships passed right through a nest of submarines and were not harmed. The most spectacular submarine success, the sinking of the three fine cruisers, _Aboukir_ and _Cressy_ and _Hawke_, was the result of an attack delivered upon unsuspecting craft, which were lying at anchor, or at all events under deliberate headway. The American Navy, as already pointed out, lost the _Jacob Jones_, a destroyer, the coast cutter _Tampa_, and the _Alcedo_, together with one or two smaller craft, but that is all. It will surprise many when the statement is made that, of all the Atlantic convoys, east or west bound, in the four years of the war, aggregating a gross tonnage of some eighty-odd millions, only 654,288 tons were lost through submarine attack, considerably less than 1 per cent of the total tonnage crossing the war zone during the war--0.83 per cent, to be exact. Here are some specific figures: Atlantic convoys between July 26, 1917, and October 15, 1918, a total of 1,027 convoys, comprising 14,968 ships east and west bound, were carried with a loss of 118 ships--0.79 of 1 per cent. For all seas, 85,772 vessels, 433 lost--0.51 per cent. It really boils down to the fact that the greatest feat of the submarine was in its success in _slowing up oversea freight traffic and in keeping neutral freighters in port_. In this respect the submarine most certainly was dangerously pernicious. But as a positive agency, as said, the undersea craft was not a decisive factor in the war. All of which, most naturally, is a graphic commentary upon the inadequacy of the submarine as a check to the manifestations of sea power. In truth, there is a vast deal of popular misconception about the submarine, a name which is really a misnomer. The French are more precise in their term, a submersible; for, as a matter of fact, the submarine, or submersible, is in essence a surface craft which is able to descend beneath the water, proceeding thus for a limited time. The amount of time which a submersible may run beneath the waves depends upon her speed. The best of the German undersea boats, it has been estimated, could not remain under more than three hours at high speed. They then had to come up, as the navy saying has it, for "more juice." To be more explicit, a submersible has a mechanical process, a combination motor and dynamo between the engine, which drives the boat when it is on the surface, and the thrust block through which the shaft runs to the propeller. This motor-dynamo, serving as a motor, drives the boat when she is beneath the water. When the electric power is exhausted the boat comes to the surface, the motor is disconnected from the shaft and is run as a dynamo generating power. Twelve hours are required in which to produce the amount of electricity required for use when the vessel next submerges. Thus, a great proportion of the time the submarine is a surface craft. Again, there are important defects in the lead battery system, which was generally used in the war. First of all, they are very heavy, and secondly the sulphuric acid in the containers is liable to escape--in fact, does escape--when the boat rolls heavily. Sulphuric acid mingling with salt water in the bilges produces a chlorine gas, which, as every one knows, is most deadly. Not only this: the acid eats out the steel plates of a hull. There is talk of using dry batteries, but these are heavy, too, and there are evils arising from their use which have made the lead batteries, objectionable though they may be, preferable in a great majority of cases. The British have a type of submersible propelled on the surface by steam. The Peace Conference at this writing is talking of the advisability of eliminating the submarine as a weapon of war. Whether by the time this is read such action will have been taken, the fact remains that before the submarine could hope to approach in formidability the surface fighter, she will have to experience a development which at the present time has not been attained. The vital need seems to be a single propulsive agency for progress on the surface and when submerged. An interesting table showing the success of the convoy system is herewith presented: ---------------------------------------------------------------------- | Convoy Atlantic convoys |No. of |No. of mer-|Losses in| P.C. | | Homeward |convoys|chant ships| convoy | | |-----------------------------|-------|-----------|---------|--------| | North Atlantic | 306 | 5,416 | 40 | 0.74 | | Gibraltar | 133 | 1,979 | 30 | 1.5 | | West African ports | 105 | 944 | 6 | 0.64 | | Rio de Janeiro | 22 | 307 | 1 | 0.32 | | | ----- | --------- | ------- | ------ | | Total | 566 | 8,646 | 77 | 0.89 | | | | | | | | Outward | | | | | | Various sailings from | | | | | | British ports | 508 | 7,110 | 45 | 0.63 | | | | | | | | Other convoys | | | | | | Scandinavian (old system) | ... | 6,475 | 75 | 1.15 | | Scandinavian (new system) | ... | 3,923 | 16 | 0.41 | | French coal trade | ... | 37,221 | 53 | 0.14 | | Local Mediterranean | ... | 10,275 | 127 | 1.24 | | East Coast | ... | 12,122 | 40 | 0.33 | | | ----- | --------- | ------- | ------ | | Grand total | ... | 85,772 | 433 | 0.51 | |====================================================================| | STATEMENT OF SHIPS IN ORGANIZED ATLANTIC CONVOYS | | July 26, 1917-October 5, 1918 | | SHIPS | |--------------------------------------------------------------------| | | Homeward | Outward | Total | | | bound | bound | | |-----------------------------|-----------|-----------|--------------| | Convoys | 539 | 488 | 1,027 | | Ships convoyed | 8,194 | 6,774 | 14,968 | | Casualties | 74 | 44 | 118 | | Per cent of casualties | 0.9 | 0.65 | 0.79 | |====================================================================| | TONNAGES | |--------------------------------------------------------------------| | | (GROSS DEADWEIGHT) | | |--------------------------------------| | | Homeward | Outward | Total | | | bound | bound | | |-----------------------------|-----------|-----------|--------------| | Convoyed | 59,062,200| 47,491,950| 106,554,150 | | Lost | 510,600| 378,100| 888,700 | | Per cent of losses | 0.86| 0.8| 0.83 | | |--------------------------------------| | | (GROSS TONNAGE) | | |--------------------------------------| | Convoyed | 43,196,740| 33,860,491| 77,057,231 | | Lost | 364,842| 289,446| 654,288 | | Per cent of losses | 0.84| 0.85| 0.85 | ---------------------------------------------------------------------- Fifteen cargo ships with a deadweight tonnage of 103,692, were lost during 1918 by the Naval Overseas Transportation Service. The removal of the ban of secrecy, vital during the war as a protection to vessels and their crews, discloses that 6 ships, aggregating 42,627 tons, were destroyed by enemy activity, 5 vessels, representing a tonnage of 44,071 tons, were sunk in collisions, and 4 vessels, totalling 16,994 tons, were destroyed by fire and explosion. Seventy-two ships were originally assigned to this service late in 1917, and when the armistice was signed, November 11, 1918, the cargo fleet numbered 453 vessels, including 106 ships ready to be taken over. Crews of naval cargo ships faced many perils, including the menace of an unseen foe, the danger of collision, and the liability to death by accidents from inflammable cargoes. Not only were these crews confronted with the normal perils of the sea, says the report, but they faced destruction from torpedo, collision, and other unforeseen accidents that might cause fire in inflammable cargoes. It took brave men to steam week in and week out through submarine and mine infested waters at eight knots an hour in a ship loaded with several thousand tons of depth charges, TNT, or poison gas, not knowing what minute the entire vessel was going to be blown to matchwood. It is on record that a convoy of fifty ships from New York was disintegrated by a violent storm in mid-Atlantic, and that only two of the number reached France under convoy. "Every ship for herself," the forty-eight others by luck, pluck, and constant vigil, all finally dropped their anchors in the protected harbors of their destination. The value of a cargo ship is realized when it is known that under existing war conditions each ship cost to operate $100 every hour. Good, bad, and indifferent ships, old or new, fast or slow, were transformed into serviceable craft. The personnel of the Naval Overseas Transportation Service at the time of the armistice included 5,000 officers and 45,000 enlisted men. The world has been so deeply occupied with figures and facts relating to the havoc by the German submarine that little thought has been centred upon the work of the Allied submersibles. Yet in the way of accounting for war-ships one may fancy that they rivalled the Teutonic craft. Details may be given of the part which British submarines played during the war. This service destroyed 2 battleships, 2 armed cruisers, 2 light cruisers, 7 destroyers, 5 gunboats, 20 submarines, and 5 armed auxiliary vessels. In addition 3 battleships and 1 light cruiser were torpedoed, but reached port badly damaged. One Zeppelin also got back to port badly damaged after having been attacked by a submarine. Other enemy craft destroyed by British submarines were 14 transports, 6 ammunition and supply ships, 2 store ships, 53 steamships, and 197 sailing ships. In no case was a merchant ship sunk at sight. Care was taken to see that the crews of all vessels got safely away. In addition to carrying out their attacks on enemy war-craft, the submarines played an important part in convoy work. In the third year of the war one of the British submarine commanders carried out 24 cruises, totalling 22,000 miles, which probably constitutes a record for any submarine. In the first and second years of the war 7 British submarine commanders carried out a total of 120 cruises, extending for 350 days, all of which were actually spent in the enemy theatre. Our submarines, too, acquitted themselves nobly on the other side, and when the story of the navy's activities is finally presented by Mr. Daniels, we shall have in our possession details not now to be printed. We may, however, say that battles, submarine against submarine, have not been unknown in the war zone; the fact that in addition to moving ahead or astern the submarine has also the power of dodging up and down complicated these fights in many interesting ways. There has been, too, a great deal of misapprehension concerning the relative showing of the United States and Great Britain in conveying our soldiers to the theatre of war. At one time in the war, it is true, the British were carrying considerably more than half of our soldiers, but in the latter stages our transport service made gigantic strides, so that now the total of percentages is such as to enlist our pride. According to figures issued from the office of Admiral Gleaves, in charge of oversea transport for our navy, of the 2,079,880 American troops transported overseas, 46-1/2 per cent were carried in _American ships, manned by Americans_; 48-1/2 per cent in British vessels, and the small balance in French and Italian craft. Of the total strength of the naval escort guarding these convoys the _United States furnished 82-3/4 per cent_, Great Britain 14-1/2 per cent, and France 2-1/8 per cent. Figures giving some idea of the records attained by convoys carrying our soldiers may now be presented, and they are immensely interesting. In the three months of July, August, and September of 1918, 7 American soldiers with equipment arrived every minute of the day and night in England or France. The banner month was July, when 317,000 American soldiers were safely landed. In September, 311,219 American troops, 4,000 American sailors, and 5,000 Canadians were successfully transported across the Atlantic. The largest single convoy of this month carried to France 31,108, and to England 28,873. Of the troops transported in this month American vessels carried 121,547; British vessels 175,721, and French 13,951. All in all, in patrol, in convoy duty, in actual combat, our navy in the war accomplished with utter precision a stupendous task, a task of multifarious phases--all performed in that clean-cut, vigorous, courageous, painstaking, large-minded way which we, throughout ail the years, have been proud to regard as typical of the American Navy. SECRETARY DANIELS'S REPORT OF THE ACTIVITIES OF THE NAVY IN THE WAR[1] [Footnote 1: Josephus Daniels, Secretary of the Navy, issued an official report on December 8, 1918, in which he presented the following full account of the work of the navy during the war.] The operations of our navy during the world war have covered the widest scope in its history. Our naval forces have operated in European waters from the Mediterranean to the White Sea. At Corfu, Gibraltar, along the French Bay of Biscay ports, at the English Channel ports, on the Irish Coast, in the North Sea, at Murmansk and Archangel our naval forces have been stationed and have done creditable work. Their performance will probably form the most interesting and exciting portion of the naval history of this war, and it is the duty which has been most eagerly sought by all of the personnel, but owing to the character of the operations which our navy has been called upon to take part in it has not been possible for all of our naval forces, much as they desired it, to engage in operations at the front, and a large part of our work has been conducted quietly, but none the less effectively, in other areas. This service, while not so brilliant, has still been necessary, and without it our forces at the front could not have carried on the successful campaign that they did. Naval men have served on nearly 2,000 craft that plied the waters, on submarines, and in aviation, where men of vision and courage prevent surprise attacks and fight with new-found weapons. On the land, marines and sailors have helped to hold strategic points, regiments of marines have shared with the army their part of the hard-won victory, and a wonderfully trained gun crew of sailors has manned the monster 14-inch guns which marked a new departure in land warfare. In diplomacy, in investigation at home and in all parts of the world by naval officers and civilian agents, in protecting plants and labor from spies and enemies, in promoting new industrial organizations and enlarging older ones to meet war needs, in stimulating production of needed naval craft--these are some of the outstanding operations which mark the heroic year of accomplishment. FIGHTING CRAFT The employment of the fighting craft of the navy may be summed up as follows: 1. Escorting troop and cargo convoys and other special vessels. 2. Carrying out offensive and defensive measures against enemy submarines in the Western Atlantic. 3. Assignment to duty and the despatch abroad of naval vessels for operations in the war zone in conjunction with the naval forces of our allies. 4. Assignment to duty and operation of naval vessels to increase the force in home waters. Despatch abroad of miscellaneous craft for the army. 5. Protection of these craft en route. 6. Protection of vessels engaged in coastwise trade. 7. Salvaging and assisting vessels in distress, whether from maritime causes or from the operations of the enemy. 8. Protection of oil supplies from the Gulf. In order to carry out successfully and speedily all these duties large increases in personnel, in ships of all classes and in the instrumentalities needed for their production and service were demanded. Briefly, then, it may be stated that on the day war was declared the enlistment and enrollment of the navy numbered 65,777 men. On the day Germany signed the armistice it had increased to 497,030 men and women, for it became necessary to enroll capable and patriotic women as yeomen to meet the sudden expansion and enlarged duties imposed by war conditions. This expansion has been progressive. In 1912 there were 3,094 officers and 47,515 enlisted men; by July 1, 1916, the number had grown to 4,293 officers and 54,234 enlisted men, and again in that year to 68,700 in all. In granting the increase Congress authorized the President in his discretion to augment that force to 87,800. Immediately on the outbreak of the war the navy was recruited to that strength, but it was found that under the provisions of our laws there were not sufficient officers in the upper grades of the navy to do the war work. At the same time the lessons of the war showed it was impossible to have the combatant ships of the navy ready for instant war service unless the ships had their full personnel on board and that personnel was highly trained. In addition to this permanent strength recourse was had to the development of the existing reserves and to the creation of a new force. NAVAL VOLUNTEERS Up to 1913 the only organization that made any pretense of training men for the navy was the Naval Militia, and that was under State control, with practically no Federal supervision. As the militia seemed to offer the only means of producing a trained reserve, steps were at once taken to put it on a sound basis, and on February 16, 1914, a real Naval Militia under Federal control was created, provision being made for its organization and training in peace, as well as its utilization in war. As with all organized militia, the Naval Militia, even with the law of 1914, could not, under the Constitution, be called into service as such except for limited duties, such as to repel invasion. It could not be used outside the territorial limits of the United States. It is evident, then, that with such restrictions militia could hardly meet the requirements of the navy in a foreign war, and to overcome this difficulty the "National Naval Volunteers" were created in August, 1916. Under this act members of Naval Militia organizations were authorized to volunteer for "any emergency," of which emergency the President was to be the judge. Other laws included the same measure, provided for a reserve force, for the automatic increase of officer personnel in each corps to correspond with increases in enlisted men, and for the Naval Flying Corps, special engineering officers, and the Naval Dental and Dental Reserve Corps. It also provided for taking over the lighthouse and other departmental divisions by the navy in time of war. Briefly, then, on July 1, 1917, three months after the declaration of war, the number of officers had increased to 8,038--4,694 regulars, 3,344 reserves--and the number of enlisted men to 171,133--128,666 regulars, 32,379 reserves, 10,088 National Naval Volunteers. The increase since that time is as follows: April 1, 1918 Officers Men Regular Navy Permanent 5,441 198,224 Temporary 2,519 ....... Reserves 10,625 85,475 Total 18,585 283,699 November 9, 1918 Permanent 5,656 206,684 Temporary 4,833 ....... Reserves 21,985 290,346 Total 32,474 497,030 THE NAVY THAT FLIES The expansion of aviation in the navy has been of gratifying proportions and effectiveness. On July 1, 1917, naval aviation was still in its infancy. At that time there were only 45 naval aviators. There were officers of the navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard who had been given special training in and were attached to aviation. There were approximately 200 student officers under training, and about 1,250 enlisted men attached to the Aviation Service. These enlisted men were assigned to the three naval air stations in this country then in commission. Pensacola, Fla., had about 1,000 men, Bay Shore, Long Island, N.Y., had about 100, and Squantum, Mass., which was abandoned in the fall of 1917, had about 150 men. On July 1, 1918, there were 823 naval aviators, approximately 2,052 student officers, and 400 ground officers attached to naval aviation. In addition, there were more than 7,300 trained mechanics, and more than 5,400 mechanics in training. The total enlisted and commissioned personnel at this time was about 30,000. THE SHIPS On the day war was declared 197 ships were in commission. To-day there are 2,003. In addition to furnishing all these ships with trained officers and men, the duty of supplying crews and officers of the growing merchant marine was undertaken by the navy. There has not been a day when the demand for men for these ships has not been supplied--how fit they were all the world attests--and after manning the merchant ships there has not been a time when provision was not made for the constantly increasing number of ships taken over by the navy. During the year the energy available for new construction was concentrated mainly upon vessels to deal with the submarine menace. Three hundred and fifty-five of the 110-foot wooden submarine chasers were completed during the year. Fifty of these were taken over by France and 50 more for France were ordered during the year and have been completed since July 1, 1918. Forty-two more were ordered about the end of the fiscal year, delivery to begin in November and be completed in January. Extraordinary measures were taken with reference to destroyers. By the summer of 1917 destroyer orders had been placed which not only absorbed all available capacity for more than a year, but required a material expansion of existing facilities. There were under construction, or on order, in round figures, 100 of the thirty-five-knot type. During the year, including orders placed at navy yards, the following have been contracted for: Four battleships, 1 battle cruiser, 2 fuel ships, 1 transport, 1 gunboat, 1 ammunition ship, 223 destroyers, 58 submarines, 112 fabricated patrol vessels (including 12 for the Italian Government), 92 submarine chasers (including 50 for the French Government), 51 mine-sweepers, 25 seagoing tugs and 46 harbor tugs, besides a large number of lighters, barges, and other auxiliary harbor craft. In addition to this, contracts have been placed for 12 large fuel ships in conjunction with the Emergency Fleet Corporation. Ships launched during the year and up to October 1, 1918, include 1 gunboat, 93 destroyers, 29 submarines, 26 mine-sweepers, 4 fabricated patrol vessels, and 2 seagoing tugs. It is noteworthy that in the first nine months of 1918 there were launched no less than 83 destroyers of 98,281 tons aggregate normal displacement, as compared with 62 destroyers of 58,285 tons during the entire nine years next preceding January 1, 1918. There have been added to the navy during the fiscal year and including the three months up to October 1, 1918, 2 battleships, 36 destroyers, 28 submarines, 355 submarine chasers, 13 mine-sweepers and 2 seagoing tugs. There have also been added to the operating naval forces by purchase, charter, etc., many hundred vessels of commercial type, including all classes from former German transatlantic liners to harbor tugboats and motorboats for auxiliary purposes. Last year the construction of capital ships and large vessels generally had been to some extent suspended. Work continued upon vessels which had already made material progress toward completion, but was practically suspended upon those which had just been begun, or whose keels had not yet been laid. The act of July 1, 1918, required work to be actually begun upon the remaining vessels of the three-year programme within a year. This has all been planned and no difficulty in complying with the requirements of the act and pushing rapidly the construction of the vessels in question is anticipated. Advantage has been taken of the delay to introduce into the designs of the vessels which had not been laid down numerous improvements based upon war experience. WORK OVERSEAS War was declared on April 6, 1917. On the 4th of May a division of destroyers was in European waters. By January 1, 1918, there were 113 United States naval ships across, and in October, 1918, the total had reached 338 ships of all classes. At the present time there are 5,000 officers and 70,000 enlisted men of the navy serving in Europe, this total being greater than the full strength of the navy when the United States entered the war. The destroyers upon their first arrival were based on Queenstown, which has been the base of the operations of these best fighters of the submarines during the war. Every facility possible was provided for the comfort and recreation of the officers and men engaged in this most rigorous service. During July and August, 1918, 3,444,012 tons of shipping were escorted to and from France by American escort vessels; of the above amount 1,577,735 tons were escorted in and 1,864,677 tons were escorted out of French ports. Of the tonnage escorted into French ports during this time only 16,988 tons, or .009 per cent, were lost through enemy action, and of the tonnage escorted out from French ports only 27,858, or .013 per cent, were lost through the same cause. During the same period, July and August of this year, 259,604 American troops were escorted to France by United States escort vessels without the loss of a single man through enemy action. The particulars in the above paragraph refer to United States naval forces operating in the war zone from French ports. During the same time--July and August--destroyers based on British ports supplied 75 per cent of the escorts for 318 ships, totalling 2,752,908 tons, and including the escort of vessels carrying 137,283 United States troops. The destroyers on this duty were at sea an average of 67 per cent of the time, and were under way for a period of about 16,000 hours, steaming approximately an aggregate of 260,000 miles. There were no losses due to enemy action. The history of the convoy operations in which our naval forces have taken part, due to which we have been able so successfully to transport such a large number of our military forces abroad, and so many supplies for the army, is a chapter in itself. It is probably our major operation in this war, and will in the future stand as a monument to both the army and the navy as the greatest and most difficult troop transporting effort which has ever been conducted across seas. (The Secretary says the convoy system was "suggested by President Wilson." He continues:) This entire force, under command of Rear-Admiral Albert Gleaves, whose ability and resource have been tested and established in this great service in co-operation with the destroyer flotilla operating abroad, has developed an anti-submarine convoy and escort system the results of which have surpassed even the most sanguine expectations. TROOPS CARRIED OVERSEAS American and British ships have carried over 2,000,000 American troops overseas. The United States did not possess enough ships to carry over our troops as rapidly as they were ready to sail or as quickly as they were needed in France. Great Britain furnished, under contract with the War Department, many ships and safely transported many American troops, the numbers having increased greatly in the spring and summer. A few troops were carried over by other allied ships. The actual number transported in British ships was more than a million. Up to November 1, 1918, of the total number of United States troops in Europe, 924,578 made passage in United States naval convoys under escort of United States cruisers and destroyers. Since November 1, 1917, there have been 289 sailings of naval transports from American ports. In these operations of the cruiser and transport force of the Atlantic fleet not one eastbound American transport has been torpedoed or damaged by the enemy and only three were sunk on the return voyage. Our destroyers and patrol vessels, in addition to convoy duty, have waged an unceasing offensive warfare against the submarines. In spite of all this, our naval losses have been gratifyingly small. Only three American troopships--the _Antilles_, the _President Lincoln_, and the _Covington_--were sunk on the return voyage. Only three fighting ships have been lost as a result of enemy action--the patrol ship _Alcedo_, a converted yacht, sunk off the coast of France November 5, 1917; the torpedoboat destroyer _Jacob Jones_, sunk off the British coast December 6, 1917, and the cruiser _San Diego_, sunk near Fire Island, off the New York coast, on July 19, 1918, by striking a mine supposedly set adrift by a German submarine. The transport _Finland_ and the destroyer _Cassin_, which were torpedoed, reached port and were soon repaired and placed back in service. The transport _Mount Vernon_, struck by a torpedo on September 5 last, proceeded to port under its own steam and was repaired. The most serious loss of life due to enemy activity was the loss of the Coast Guard cutter _Tampa_, with all on board, in Bristol Channel, England, on the night of September 26, 1918. The _Tampa_, which was doing escort duty, had gone ahead of the convoy. Vessels following heard an explosion, but when they reached the vicinity there were only bits of floating wreckage to show where the ship had gone down. Not one of the 111 officers and men of her crew was rescued, and, though it is believed she was sunk by a torpedo from an enemy submarine, the exact manner in which the vessel met its fate may never be known. OTHER POINTS SUMMARIZED Secretary Daniels records many other achievements of ships and personnel, including those of the naval overseas transportation service. Of the latter he says in substance: In ten months the transportation service grew from 10 ships to a fleet of 321 cargo-carrying ships, aggregating a deadweight tonnage of 2,800,000, and numerically equalling the combined Cunard, Hamburg-American, and North German Lloyd lines at the outbreak of the war. Of this number 227 ships were mainly in operation. From the Emergency Fleet Corporation the navy has taken over for operation 94 new vessels, aggregating 700,000 deadweight tons. On March 21, 1918, by order of the President 101 Dutch merchant vessels were taken over by the Navy Department pending their allocation to the various vital trades of this country, and 26 of these vessels are now a part of the naval overseas fleet. This vast fleet of cargo vessels has been officered and manned through enrollment of the seagoing personnel of the American merchant marine, officers and men of the United States Navy, and the assignment after training of graduates of technical schools and training schools, developed by the navy since the United States entered the war. There are required for the operation of this fleet at the present time 5,000 officers and 29,000 enlisted men, and adequate arrangements for future needs of personnel have been provided. The navy has risen to the exacting demands imposed upon it by the war, and it will certainly be a source of pride to the American people to know that within ten months of the time that this new force was created, in spite of the many obstacles in the way of its accomplishment, an American naval vessel, manned by an American naval crew, left an American port on the average of every five hours, carrying subsistence and equipment so vital to the American Expeditionary Force. One of the agencies adopted during the war for more efficient naval administration is the organization and development of naval districts. Secretary Daniels, in other passages of the foregoing report, declares that the record made abroad by the United States Navy, in co-operation with the navies of Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan, is without precedent in allied warfare. He pays a high tribute to the efficiency of Admiral Sims, Commander-in-Chief of American naval forces in European waters; of Rear-Admiral Rodman, in command of the American battleships with the British fleet; of Vice-Admiral Wilson, in France; Rear-Admiral Niblack, in the Mediterranean; of Rear-Admiral Dunn, in the Azores; of Rear-Admiral Strauss, in charge of mining operations, and other officers in charge of various special activities. The report tells of notable achievements in ordnance, especially the work of the 14-inch naval guns on railway mounts on the western front, which hurled shells far behind the German lines, these mounts being designed and completed in four months. The land battery of these naval guns was manned exclusively by bluejackets under command of Rear-Admiral C. P. Plunkett. The work of the Bureau of Ordnance is praised, and Admiral Earle, the Chief of the bureau, is declared "one of the ablest and fittest officers." An account is given of the mine barrage in the North Sea, one of the outstanding anti-submarine offensive projects of the year, thus closing the North Sea, and for which 100,000 mines were manufactured and 85,000 shipped abroad. A special mine-loading plant, with a capacity of more than 1,000 mines a day, was established by the Navy Department. A star shell was developed which, when fired in the vicinity of an enemy fleet, would light it up, make ships visible, and render them easy targets without disclosing the position of our own ships at night. The Bureau of Ordnance, under the direction of Rear-Admiral Earle, is stated to have met and conquered the critical shortage of high explosives which threatened to prolong the time of preparation necessary for America to smash the German military forces; this was done by the invention of TNX, a high explosive, to take the place of TNT, the change being sufficient to increase the available supply of explosives in this country to some 30,000,000 pounds. In the future, it is stated, American dreadnoughts and battle cruisers will be armed with 16-inch guns, making these the heaviest armed vessels in the world. Depth-charges are stated to be the most effective antisubmarine weapons. American vessels were adequately armed with this new weapon. A new type was developed and a new gun, known as the "Y" gun, was designed and built especially for firing depth-charges. THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE MARINE CORPS BY JOSEPHUS DANIELS SECRETARY OF THE NAVY The United States Marine Corps, the efficient fighting, building, and landing force of the navy, has won imperishable glory in the fulfilment of its latest duties upon the battlefields of France, where the marines, fighting for the time under General Pershing as a part of the victorious American Army, have written a story of valor and sacrifice that will live in the brightest annals of the war. With heroism that nothing could daunt, the Marine Corps played a vital role in stemming the German rush on Paris, and in later days aided in the beginning of the great offensive, the freeing of Rheims, and participated in the hard fighting in Champagne, which had as its object the throwing back of the Prussian armies in the vicinity of Cambrai and St. Quentin. With only 8,000 men engaged in the fiercest battles, the Marine Corps casualties numbered 69 officers and 1,531 enlisted men dead and 78 officers and 2,435 enlisted men wounded seriously enough to be officially reported by cablegram, to which number should be added not a few whose wounds did not incapacitate them for further fighting. However, with a casualty list that numbers nearly half the original 8,000 men who entered battle, the official reports account for only 57 United States marines who have been captured by the enemy. This includes those who were wounded far in advance of their lines and who fell into the hands of Germans while unable to resist. Memorial Day shall henceforth have a greater, deeper significance for America, for it was on that day, May 30, 1918, that our country really received its first call to battle--the battle in which American troops had the honor of stopping the German drive on Paris, throwing back the Prussian hordes in attack after attack, and beginning the retreat which lasted until imperial Germany was beaten to its knees and its emissaries appealing for an armistice under the flag of truce. And to the United States marines, fighting side by side with equally brave and equally courageous men in the American Army, to that faithful sea and land force of the navy, fell the honor of taking over the lines where the blow of the Prussian would strike the hardest, the line that was nearest Paris and where, should a breach occur, all would be lost. The world knows to-day that the United States marines held that line; that they blocked the advance that was rolling on toward Paris at a rate of six or seven miles a day; that they met the attack in American fashion and with American heroism; that marines and soldiers of the American Army threw back the crack guard divisions of Germany, broke their advance, and then, attacking, drove them back in the beginning of a retreat that was not to end until the "cease firing" signal sounded for the end of the world's greatest war. ADVANCING TO BATTLE Having reached their destination early on the morning of June 2, they disembarked, stiff and tired after a journey of more than seventy-two miles, but as they formed their lines and marched onward in the direction of the line they were to hold they were determined and cheerful. That evening the first field message from the 4th Brigade to Major-General Omar Bundy, commanding the 2d Division, went forward: Second Battalion, 6th Marines, in line from Le Thiolet through Clarembauts Woods to Triangle to Lucy. Instructed to hold line. First Battalion, 6th Marines, going into line from Lucy through Hill 142. Third Battalion in support at La Voie du Chatel, which is also the post command of the 6th Marines. Sixth Machine Gun Battalion distributed at line. Meanwhile the 5th Regiment was moving into line, machine guns were advancing, and the artillery taking its position. That night the men and officers of the marines slept in the open, many of them in a field that was green with unharvested wheat, awaiting the time when they should be summoned to battle. The next day at 5 o'clock, the afternoon of June 2, began the battle of Château-Thierry, with the Americans holding the line against the most vicious wedge of the German advance. BATTLE OF CHATE�U-THIERRY The advance of the Germans was across a wheat field driving at Hill 165 and advancing in smooth columns. The United States marines, trained to keen observation upon the rifle range, nearly every one of them wearing a marksman's medal or, better, that of the sharpshooter or expert rifleman, did not wait for those gray-clad hordes to advance nearer. Calmly they set their sights and aimed with the same precision that they had shown upon the rifle ranges at Paris Island, Mare Island, and Quantico. Incessantly their rifles cracked, and with their fire came the support of the artillery. The machine-gun fire, incessant also, began to make its inroads upon the advancing forces. Closer and closer the shrapnel burst to its targets. Caught in a seething wave of machine-gun fire, of scattering shrapnel, of accurate rifle fire, the Germans found themselves in a position in which further advance could only mean absolute suicide. The lines hesitated. They stopped. They broke for cover, while the marines raked the woods and ravines in which they had taken refuge with machine-gun and rifle to prevent their making another attempt to advance by infiltrating through. Above, a French airplane was checking up on the artillery fire. Surprised by the fact that men should deliberately set their sights, adjust their range, and then fire deliberately at an advancing foe, each man picking his target, instead of firing merely in the direction of the enemy, the aviator signalled below: "Bravo!" In the rear that word was echoed again and again. The German drive on Paris had been stopped. IN BELLEAU WOOD For the next few days the fighting took on the character of pushing forth outposts and determining the strength of the enemy. Now, the fighting had changed. The Germans, mystified that they should have run against a stone wall of defense just when they believed that their advance would be easiest, had halted, amazed; then prepared to defend the positions they had won with all the stubbornness possible. In the black recesses of Belleau Wood the Germans had established nest after nest of machine guns. There in the jungle of matted underbrush, of vines, of heavy foliage, they had placed themselves in positions they believed impregnable. And this meant that unless they could be routed, unless they could be thrown back, the breaking of the attack of June 2 would mean nothing. There would come another drive and another. The battle of Château-Thierry was therefore not won and could not be won until Belleau Wood had been cleared of the enemy. It was June 6 that the attack of the American troops began against that wood and its adjacent surroundings, with the wood itself and the towns of Torcy and Bouresches forming the objectives. At 5 o'clock the attack came, and there began the tremendous sacrifices which the Marine Corps gladly suffered that the German fighters might be thrown back. FOUGHT IN AMERICAN FASHION The marines fought strictly according to American methods--a rush, a halt, a rush again, in four-wave formation, the rear waves taking over the work of those who had fallen before them, passing over the bodies of their dead comrades and plunging ahead, until they, too, should be torn to bits. But behind those waves were more waves, and the attack went on. "Men fell like flies," the expression is that of an officer writing from the field. Companies that had entered the battle 250 strong dwindled to 50 and 60, with a Sergeant in command; but the attack did not falter. At 9.45 o'clock that night Bouresches was taken by Lieutenant James F. Robertson and twenty-odd men of his platoon; these soon were joined by two reinforcing platoons. Then came the enemy counter-attacks, but the marines held. In Belleau Wood the fighting had been literally from tree to tree, stronghold to stronghold; and it was a fight which must last for weeks before its accomplishment in victory. Belleau Wood was a jungle, its every rocky formation containing a German machine-gun nest, almost impossible to reach by artillery or grenade fire. There was only one way to wipe out these nests--by the bayonet. And by this method were they wiped out, for United States marines, bare-chested, shouting their battle-cry of "E-e-e-e-e y-a-a-h-h-h yip!" charged straight into the murderous fire from those guns, and won! Out of the number that charged, in more than one instance, only one would reach the stronghold. There, with his bayonet as his only weapon, he would either kill or capture the defenders of the nest, and then swinging the gun about in its position, turn it against the remaining German positions in the forest. Such was the character of the fighting in Belleau Wood; fighting which continued until July 6, when after a short relief the invincible Americans finally were taken back to the rest billet for recuperation. HELD THE LINE FOR DAYS In all the history of the Marine Corps there is no such battle as that one in Belleau Wood. Fighting day and night without relief, without sleep, often without water, and for days without hot rations, the marines met and defeated the best divisions that Germany could throw into the line. The heroism and doggedness of that battle are unparalleled. Time after time officers seeing their lines cut to pieces, seeing their men so dog-tired that they even fell asleep under shellfire, hearing their wounded calling for the water they were unable to supply, seeing men fight on after they had been wounded and until they dropped unconscious; time after time officers seeing these things, believing that the very limit of human endurance had been reached, would send back messages to their post command that their men were exhausted. But in answer to this would come the word that the line must hold, and, if possible, those lines must attack. And the lines obeyed. Without water, without food, without rest, they went forward--and forward every time to victory. Companies had been so torn and lacerated by losses that they were hardly platoons, but they held their lines and advanced them. In more than one case companies lost every officer, leaving a Sergeant and sometimes a Corporal to command, and the advance continued. After thirteen days in this inferno of fire a captured German officer told with his dying breath of a fresh division of Germans that was about to be thrown into the battle to attempt to wrest from the marines that part of the wood they had gained. The marines, who for days had been fighting only on their sheer nerve, who had been worn out from nights of sleeplessness, from lack of rations, from terrific shell and machine-gun fire, straightened their lines and prepared for the attack. It came--as the dying German officer had predicted. At 2 o'clock on the morning of June 13 it was launched by the Germans along the whole front. Without regard for men, the enemy hurled his forces against Bouresches and the Bois de Belleau, and sought to win back what had been taken from Germany by the Americans. The orders were that these positions must be taken at all costs; that the utmost losses in men must be endured that the Bois de Belleau and Bouresches might fall again into German hands. But the depleted lines of the marines held; the men who had fought on their nerve alone for days once more showed the mettle of which they were made. With their backs to the trees and boulders of the Bois de Belleau, with their sole shelter the scattered ruins of Bouresches, the thinning lines of the marines repelled the attack and crashed back the new division which had sought to wrest the position from them. And so it went. Day after day, night after night, while time after time messages like the following travelled to the post command: Losses heavy. Difficult to get runners through. Some have never returned. Morale excellent, but troops about all in. Men exhausted. Exhausted, but holding on. And they continued to hold on in spite of every difficulty. Advancing their lines slowly day by day, the marines finally prepared their positions to such an extent that the last rush for the possession of the wood could be made. Then, on June 24, following a tremendous barrage, the struggle began. The barrage literally tore the woods to pieces, but even its immensity could not wipe out all the nests that remained, the emplacements that were behind almost every clump of bushes, every jagged, rough group of boulders. But those that remained were wiped out by the American method of the rush and the bayonet, and in the days that followed every foot of Belleau Wood was cleared of the enemy and held by the frayed lines of the Americans. It was, therefore, with the feeling of work well done that the depleted lines of the marines were relieved in July, that they might be filled with replacements and made ready for a grand offensive in the vicinity of Soissons, July 18. And In recognition of their sacrifice and bravery this praise was forthcoming from the French: Army Headquarters, June 30, 1918. In view of the brilliant conduct of the Fourth Brigade of the Second United States Division, which in a spirited fight took Bouresches and the important strong point of Bois de Belleau, stubbornly defended by a large enemy force, the General commanding the Sixth Army orders that henceforth, in all official papers, the Bois de Belleau shall be named "Bois de la Brigade de Marine." Division General Degoutte, _Commanding Sixth Army_. On July 18 the marines were again called into action in the vicinity of Soissons, near Tigny and Vierzy. In the face of a murderous fire from concentrated machine guns, which contested every foot of their advance, the United States marines moved forward until the severity of their casualties necessitated that they dig in and hold the positions they had gained. Here, again, their valor called forth official praise. Then came the battle for the St. Mihiel salient. On the night of September 11 the 2d Division took over a line running from Remenauville to Limey, and on the night of September 14 and the morning of September 15 attacked, with two days' objectives ahead of them. Overcoming the enemy resistance, they romped through to the Rupt de Mad, a small river, crossed it on stone bridges, occupied Thiaucourt, the first day's objective, scaled the heights just beyond it, pushed on to a line running from the Zammes-Joulney Ridges to the Binvaux Forest, and there rested, with the second day's objectives occupied by 2.50 o'clock of the first day. The casualties of the division were about 1,000, of which 134 were killed. Of these, about half were marines. The captures in which the marines participated were 80 German officers, 3,200 men, ninety-odd cannon, and vast stores. But even further honors were to befall the fighting, landing, and building force, of which the navy is justly proud. In the early part of October it became necessary for the Allies to capture the bald, jagged ridge twenty miles due east of Rheims, known as Blanc Mont Ridge. Here the armies of Germany and the Allies had clashed more than once, and attempt after attempt had been made to wrest it from German hands. It was a keystone of the German defense, the fall of which would have a far-reaching effect upon the enemy armies. To the glory of the United States marines, let it be said that they were again a part of that splendid 2d Division which swept forward in the attack which freed Blanc Mont Ridge from German hands, pushed its way down the slopes, and occupied the level around just beyond, thus assuring a victory, the full import of which can best be judged by the order of General Lejeune, following the battle: France, Oct. 11, 1918. Officers And Men Of The 2d Division: It is beyond my power of expression to describe fitly my admiration for your heroism. You attacked magnificently and you seized Blanc Mont Ridge, the keystone of the arch constituting the enemy's main position. You advanced beyond the ridge, breaking the enemy's lines, and you held the ground gained with a tenacity which is unsurpassed in the annals of war. As a direct result of your victory, the German armies east and west of Rheims are in full retreat, and by drawing on yourselves several German divisions from other parts of the front you greatly assisted the victorious advance of the allied armies between Cambrai and St. Quentin. Your heroism and the heroism of our comrades who died on the battlefield will live in history forever, and will be emulated by the young men of our country for generations to come. To be able to say when this war is finished, "I belonged to the 2d Division; I fought with it at the battle of Blanc Mont Ridge," will be the highest honor that can come to any man. John A. Lejeune. Major-General, United States Marine Corps, Commanding. Thus it is that the United States marines have fulfilled the glorious traditions of their corps in this their latest duty as the "soldiers who go to sea." Their sharpshooting--and in one regiment 93 per cent of the men wear the medal of a marksman, a sharpshooter, or an expert rifle-man--has amazed soldiers of European armies, accustomed merely to shooting in the general direction of the enemy. Under the fiercest fire they have calmly adjusted their sights, aimed for their man, and killed him, and in bayonet attacks their advance on machine-gun nests has been irresistible. In the official citation lists more than one American marine is credited with taking an enemy machine-gun single-handed, bayoneting its crew, and then turning the gun against the foe. In one battle alone, that of Belleau Wood, the citation lists bear the names of fully 500 United States marines who so distinguished themselves in battle as to call forth the official commendation of their superior officers. More than faithful in every emergency, accepting hardships with admirable morale, proud of the honor of taking their place as shock troops for the American legions, they have fulfilled every glorious tradition of their corps, and they have given to the world a list of heroes whose names will go down to all history. _To Secretary Daniels's narrative may be added a brief account of the terms in which the French official journal cited the 4th American Brigade under Brigadier-General Harbord on December 8._ The brigade comprised the 5th Regiment of marines, under Colonel (now Brigadier-General) Wendel C. Veille; the 6th marines, under Colonel (now Brigadier-General) Albertus A. Catlin, and the 6th Machine Gun Battalion, under Major Edward B. Cole. The citation says the brigade, in full battle array, was thrown on a front which the enemy was attacking violently and at once proved itself a unit of the finest quality. It crushed the enemy attack on an important point of the position, and then undertook a series of offensive operations: "During these operations, thanks to the brilliant courage, vigor, dash, and tenacity of its men, who refused to be disheartened by fatigue or losses; thanks to the activity and energy of the officers, and thanks to the personal action of Brigadier-General Harbord, the efforts of the brigade were crowned with success, realizing after twelve days of incessant struggle an important advance over the most difficult of terrain and the capture of two support points of the highest importance, Bouresches village and the fortified wood of Belleau." 
23036	----	at http://www.eBookForge.net [Illustration: "Unbolt the door!" _Frontispiece_] Dave Darrin After The Mine Layers OR Hitting the Enemy a Hard Naval Blow By H. IRVING HANCOCK Author of "Dave Darrin at Vera Cruz," "Dave Darrin on Mediterranean Service," "Dave Darrin's South American Cruise," "Dave Darrin on the Asiatic Station," "Dave Darrin and the German Submarines," etc., etc. Illustrated P H I L A D E L P H I A HENRY ALTEMUS COMPANY COPYRIGHT, 1919, BY HOWARD E. ALTEMUS CONTENTS CHAPTER I--WEIGHING ANCHOR FOR THE GREAT CRUISE 11 Dan is a business man. Sea orders in a jiffy. Anchors a-weigh. The mine-sweepers at work. In the torpedo's path. The Hun that slipped away. An indignant neutral skipper. "You vill do vat ve you tell--yes!" CHAPTER II--"THE ACCURSED POWER OF GOLD!" 30 Dave dares Fate. A new "boss." Secret of the after-hold. Dave is disgusted. "Vat? Can't proof it you?" Sweeping for more evidence. The prize crew. The vanishing periscope. CHAPTER III--A FIGHT OF THE GOOD OLD KIND 41 A fair hit. Distant firing. A real sea fight. The "Grigsby" turns tail. "Circle!" At deadly close quarters. Dan Dalzell scores. A stern chase. With the wounded. CHAPTER IV--WHAT A FLOATING MINE DID 55 The liner in trouble. The flash of a mine. True to his trust. Seaman Streeter is busy. A deaf jacky. Not present or accounted for. Rescue work. Dan protests. Dave sets the pace. Out for sterner work. CHAPTER V--EYES THAT LOOKED DOWN FROM THE AIR 63 Why the flash was seen. The "blimp" sighted. A question out of the air. New help. The sea hornet. A narrow squeak. "Laid an egg in your path." Blimp and limp. Seaman Hedgeby enjoys himself. "British hot air," and Dave gets a pal's share indeed. The story of a capture. In deadly peril. CHAPTER VI--IN THE TEETH OF THE CHANNEL GALE 78 Dave turns real helper. "I thought we were goners!" Making the grapple again. The day's work of a mine-sweeper. In a boiling sea. Life lines up. "Commanding officer overboard!" CHAPTER VII--IN THE HOUR OF DESPAIR 84 The vanishing destroyer. Hope, then despair. The meeting of searchlights. Fighting pluck. The rope from somewhere. Looped! "Ugh!" The big sleep. The "Rigsdak." A cowboy Dane. CHAPTER VIII--DAVE MEETS THE FATE OF THE SEA 95 From the pages of the Arabian Nights. Mr. and Mrs. Launce. The shattering jar. To the boats! No enemy in sight. The gray tower. The hail and a bad time of it. Dave stands revealed. A German prisoner at last! CHAPTER IX--THREATS TO A PRISONER 103 What the Danes "got." The chorus of terror. The ober-lieutenant talks. The inquisition. Talk of courtesy. Dave turns stiff. "Where have I heard that name before?" "Things will go badly with you when you arrive in Germany!" CHAPTER X--LIKE THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH 109 Captain Kennor is polite. A look-in at the periscope. "Yankee meat." Dave is tricky. Shots and a threatened ramming. "You idiot!" Dave plays for his own finish. CHAPTER XI--A VICTIM OF COURTESY 115 What of the woman? Mrs. Launce speaks for herself. The game of cross-bluff. An invitation bluntly refused. The turn of the prisoners. On the surface. "You are eager for death." The mystery of the Launces. "You are the Countess of Denby!" "Save your denials for use before a German court." Dave invited on deck. "You are a good boaster." Something to interest him. CHAPTER XII--GERMAN BRUTALITY AT ITS WORST 126 Radio direct to Germany. Could any woman love this fellow? Dave expresses thanks to the enemy. "My card." The same as confession. "A pleasant evening for four!" The wild brutes of the sea. CHAPTER XIII--FACING THE PLANNED DEATH 135 The dropping platform. Adrift! Captain Kennor, sea scout. A splendid inspiration. A bully for safety. The tantalizing craft. A glow-worm of the waves. And then--! Like a dream. A bad report. CHAPTER XIV--DAVE PLEDGES HIS WORD FOR RESULTS 146 Just hospital. A treat for Dave's eyes. Days of bliss. "You little patriot!" Back to duty. "The Germans are beating us." The council of war. Dave's campaign map. Planning the Big Hunt. Something new--results. CHAPTER XV--DARRIN SUSPECTS THE GERMAN PLAN 155 Sweeping as a fine art. Nosing out the unseen. The "Grigsby" nearly blown out of the water. A wild Yankee cheer. Touching off a nest of "sea eggs." The job of the divers. The double find. Guessing the mine-layers' trick. The "Reed" starts something. CHAPTER XVI--HITTING CLOSE TO THE SALT TRAIL 164 The non-fighting Huns. A tame capture. Not so tame! What the search showed. "Spot the stupid ones." Questioning Herr Dull-wit. The trap that worked. German bad language. CHAPTER XVII--TRYING OUT THE BIG, NEW PLAN 173 The admiral approves. Off for the real thing. Stirring up a tidal wave. Knowing how to get the thrills out of life. Trying to run up the score. The traveller in the haze. A ship of mystery and shots. CHAPTER XVIII--STRIKING A REAL SURPRISE 183 "Leave the steamship to me." The shot across the bow. A shooting game for two. "You're dealing with the United States Navy!" Darrin proves himself. Irons for three. The summons that worked. A tough lot to handle. Juno of the Cabin. A deadly one, too. CHAPTER XIX--THE GOOD WORK GOES ON 192 Dave takes a chance. So does Juno. The all-right cargo. Who can the woman be? Dalzell has a fine report. Story of the sub-hold. Mother and daughter no longer mysteries. "The best in a six-month!" CHAPTER XX--DARRIN TURNS THE TABLES 204 Weather the ship master dreads. "Look at that!" Getting the drop on Fritz. Old acquaintances. Dave is angry. The German whine. Not man enough to play the game. "Why do you hate us Germans so?" Ever at Fate's orders. CHAPTER XXI--ON A MISSION OF GREAT TRUST 215 The sport of kings. "Don't shoot!" begs Danny Grin. The dull wait and the sharp dash. Out to meet the hospital ship. "One of the passengers is Mrs. Darrin." "A special interest." CHAPTER XXII--THE RED CROSS TRAGEDY 222 The Navy and family matters. Under treble lookout. Sighted. Big pay for a periscope. A wail of anguish. The race of rescue. S. O. S. The sight of Belle. Crowded decks. Two compartments smashed in. "No use, sir." CHAPTER XXIII--A NOBLE FIGHT WITHOUT WEAPONS 230 Marine patchwork. Not enough rescue to go around. "Those Red Cross women ought to be saved." But they decline. Dave approves. An answer to S. O. S. The fight to survive. The nurses admit defeat. The lurking peril. CHAPTER XXIV--CONCLUSION 244 DAVE DARRIN AFTER THE MINE LAYERS CHAPTER I WEIGHING ANCHOR FOR THE GREAT CRUISE "IT sounds like the greatest cruise ever!" declared Danny Grin, enthusiastically, as he rose and began to pace the narrow limits of the chart-room of the destroyer commanded by his chum, Lieutenant-Commander Dave Darrin. "It is undoubtedly the most dangerous work we've ever undertaken," Darrin observed thoughtfully. "All the better!" answered Dan lightly. "In our drive against the submarines off the Irish coast," Dave continued, "we met perils enough to satisfy the average salt water man. But this----" "Is going to prove the very essence and joy of real fighting work at sea!" Dan interposed. "Oh, you old fire-eater!" laughed Darrin. "Not a bit of a fire-eater," declared Dalzell with dignity. "I'm a business man, Davy. Our business, just now, is to win the war by killing Germans, and I've embarked upon that career with all the enthusiasm that goes with it. That's all." "And quite enough," Darrin added, soberly. "I agree with you that it's our business to kill Germans, yet I could wish that the Germans themselves were in better business, for then we wouldn't have to do any killing." "You talk almost like a pacifist," snorted Dan Dalzell. "After this war has been won by our side, but not before, I hope to find it possible to be a pacifist for at least a few years," smiled Darrin, rising from his seat at the chart table. Dan stood looking out through the starboard porthole. His glance roved over other craft of war tugging at their anchors in the goodly harbor of a port on the coast of England. As the destroyer swung lazily at her moorings the little port town came into view. On all sides were signs of war. Forts upreared their grim walls. Earthen redoubts screened guns that alert artillerymen could bring into play at a moment's notice. Overhead, dirigibles floated and airplanes buzzed dinfully to and fro. Readers of the preceding volume in this series know how Dave Darrin came to be ordered to the command of the brand-new, big and up-to-the-minute destroyer, "Asa Grigsby," while Dan Dalzell, reaching the grade of lieutenant-commander, had been ordered to the command of the twin destroyer, "Joseph Reed." At the door there sounded a knock so insistent that Darrin knew instantly that it was a summons. Springing from his chair, reaching for his uniform cap and setting it squarely on his head, he drew the curtains aside. "Special signal for the 'Grigsby,' sir, from the flagship," reported an orderly. Returning the young seaman's salute, Dave, with Dalzell close at his heels, darted up the steps to the bridge. "Signal 'Ready to receive,'" was Darrin's command to his signalman, who stood waiting, signal flags in hand. Rapidly the two flags moved, then paused. Dave's eyes, like Dan's, were turned toward the United States battleship that had lately acted as flagship for the destroyers and other small Yankee craft assembled in this port. Brief indeed were the motions of the signalman on the bridge of the battleship, but the signal, translated, read: "Proceed to sea in an hour, under instructions already received by you. Am proceeding to new station. Report to British admiral, this port, hereafter. No additions to these orders." Instantly Darrin ordered the signal wigwagged back: "Understood." Immediately following this the flagship signalled the "Reed," Dan's ship, giving the same order, which Dan's executive officer, from the bridge of the other destroyer, acknowledged. "Now, Darry, if you'll have your man signal for my gig," Dan urged, in a low voice, "I'll return to my ship. You and I are to cruise in company, as far as it may be done, and you are ranking officer. I am to part company from you only on your order." "That is the admiral's order," Darrin acquiesced. "Good-bye, old chap!" said Dan, with more than his wonted fervor, gripping his brother officer's hand. "And may we have the best of luck!" "The best of a 'business' kind," smiled Dave. "That's it!" laughed Dan, as he started down the steps. "I'm hoping for 'big business' this time!" Dalzell had used the word "gig" in a figurative sense. It was a power launch that put smartly away from the "Reed" and was speedily alongside. Dan waved his hand to his chum, who was leaning over the bridge rail. Dave did not return to the chart-room. He received the report of his chief engineer at the bridge telephone, then gazed musingly out over the crowded waters of the port. It was a busy scene, bristling with war activities. Having compared his watch with the clock on the bridge, Dave glanced frequently at that time-keeper. Five minutes before the hour was up he gave a quiet order to the watch officer, who telephoned to the engine-room and then issued brisk deck orders. At this time Lieutenant Fernald, executive officer, joined the group on the bridge, as did also the navigation officer. Promptly to the minute the "Grigsby," anchor up, turned and steamed slowly out of the harbor. As she passed, none of the other craft made signals. As though unnoticed Dave's ship slipped out of port, the "Reed" following. Then out upon the Channel the two destroyers moved, into the lane now followed by all craft that sailed between England and the continent. "All clear hereabouts," signalled the master of a small mine-sweeping craft, meaning that the destroyers, while in that immediate vicinity, might feel secure against the hidden mines with which the enemy were wont to strew these waters. "A few miles from here," Dave murmured to Fernald, "we shall have to look after our own security. It is going to be lively work." "Yes, sir?" Fernald inquired, with a rising inflection, for he did not know the purpose of this cruise. Turning to make sure that the signalman could not overhear, Darrin went on, in a lower voice: "Our orders take us out to wage war against the German mine-layers!" "A great work, sir!" replied the executive officer with enthusiasm. "There is sure to be plenty of sport. Then the enemy mine-layers have been working more industriously of late?" "The waters to the north are more thickly strewn with mines than at any time previously," Dave continued. "Six British mine-sweeping craft have been sent north to do all they can to remove those hidden perils from the paths of transports and freighters. Our first mission is to protect the mine-sweepers as far as possible, but we are also to keep a sharp lookout for German submarines; and especially submarines of the mine-laying kind." "I understand, sir," Fernald nodded. The tone of enthusiasm had faded from his voice. Now he displayed only the grave interest of the professional sea-fighter. "All officers and men will have to work twice as hard as usual," Darrin went on. "There will be some chance to sleep, but no other leisure. Meals will be taken in the least possible time. Our entire crew must be at all times ready for instant response to the call to quarters." "That will not be hard in such times, sir," answered Fernald. "All officers and men laid in a good supply of sleep while in port. A few added waking hours in each day won't hurt any of us." "Direct all officers to see that they and their men are fully awake and alert at all times when they are on duty," continued Dave. "Otherwise, we are not likely to make port again. Dalzell and I have been intrusted with keeping down the mine-laying peril as close to zero as possible." "Very good, sir," replied Lieutenant Fernald. That capable executive officer had nothing more to say at present, for his quick mind was already devising methods for keeping the crew unusually alert. An hour and a half after sailing night had settled down. The English shore was but a vague, distant line. A short, choppy sea was running. In the sky was a new moon that would set early. The watch had changed, but Dave and his executive officer remained on the bridge. Down in the wardroom such officers as were off duty were stowing away food in record time. Half a mile off to the west steamed the "Reed." Suddenly the lookouts on both craft reported a vessel ahead. Orders quietly given sent the men to gun stations. All eyes were turned on the approaching craft. Then her identification signal shone forth in the night. The stranger was a British scout cruiser racing back to port from some errand. In almost the same instant Dave and Dan displayed recognition signals, yet the two Yankee craft closely watched the stranger until she moved between them, when she was fully recognized as one of John Bull's friendly sea-racers. "Any enemy signs?" Dave signalled. "No," came the answer. Soon the British scout cruiser had passed on into the night and vanished, but the Yankee lookouts kept vigil even more zealously than before. Half an hour later an English patrol boat, after exchange of signals, passed near by on Dave's port side. Twenty minutes after that two British mine-sweepers were found at work combing the seas with their wire sweepers. If those wires should touch a hidden mine it would be quickly known to the seamen who operated the mine-detecting device, and the mine would be hauled up and taken aboard the mine-sweeping craft, provided it did not explode in the meantime. As these two mine-sweepers were under Darrin's command, at need, he steamed near one of the pair, and, ordering a navy launch over the side, went to visit one of the Britons. "There's not very much in the way of catches to-night, sir," reported the commander of the sweeper, a ruddy-faced, square-shouldered young Englishman in his twenties, who had been watch officer on a steamship at the outbreak of the war. "Sometimes the fishing is much better." "This is the area in which we have been ordered to make a strict search," Dave observed. "I know, sir. But, according to my experience, we may search for hours and find nothing at all, and then, of a sudden, run into a mine field and take up a score of the pests." "What is your present course?" The commander of the mine-sweeper named it, adding the distance he had been ordered to go. "And the other sweeper sticks near by you?" "Yes, sir. In that way there's a much better chance of one of us striking a regular mine field. Then again, sir, if one of us gets into trouble, as sometimes happens, the other craft can stand by promptly." "What is the most common trouble?" "First," explained the Englishman, "being torpedoed by a submarine; second, touching off a mine by bad handling; third, being sunk by some raiding German destroyer." "Then you often hit mines?" "Since the war began, sir," replied the young Englishman, "we've lost--" He named the number of mine-sweepers that had disappeared without leaving a trace, and the number that were definitely known to have been torpedoed or to have hit floating mines. "As you see, sir," the Englishman went on, "it's no simple thing that we have to do. I lay it to sheer luck that I've escaped so long, but my turn may come at any moment. I've lost a number of friends in this same branch of the service, sir." "Then you would call mine-sweeping the most dangerous kind of naval service performed to-day?" Dave suggested. "I don't know that I'd say that, sir, but it's dangerous enough." Many more pointers did Darrin pick up from this young officer of long experience in mine-hunting. "I'm going farther north," said Dave. "If you run into anything and need help, send up rocket signals and we'll steam back to you at top speed." Before ten o'clock that night Darrin had encountered and spoken with or signalled to the commanders of not less than a dozen mine-sweeping craft. What struck Dave as the most prominent feature of these small, unpretentious craft was the slow, systematic way in which they performed their duty. "It's a wonderful work," Dave explained to Fernald. "If it were not for these dingy, stub-nosed little craft, and the fine spirit of their crews, hundreds of steamships would probably be blown up in these waters in a month. The Hun sneaks through these waters, laying mines, mostly from submarines built for the purpose, and these patient mine-sweeper commanders go along after them, removing most of the mines from the paths of navigation." Having cruised as far north as his instructions directed him to do, Darrin ordered the "Grigsby" and the "Reed" to turn about and nose their way back under bare headway. Every mine-sweeper carried a radio outfit for sending messages. Each craft was also supplied with the mast-head "blinkers" for flashing night signals. When the craft signalled to, however, was near enough, colored lights operated from the deck were used instead, that the messages might not be sent far enough into the night to be picked up by skulking enemy craft. "It looks like a night of tame sport, sir," said Fernald, just before he went below for a nap. "It has been quiet so far," Darrin agreed. "But the most striking thing in naval service is that whatever starts comes without warning. We might have a whole week as quiet as to-night has been, and then run into twenty-four hours of work that would give both of us gray hair." An hour after Fernald went below Dave had a steamer chair brought to the bridge, also a rug. The chair was placed where a canvas wind-shield would protect the sitter from the keen edge of the wind. "I'm going to doze right here, Mr. Ormsby," Dave explained to the ensign who was on bridge watch. "I'm to be called the instant anything turns up." Accustomed to such sleeps Darrin had barely closed his eyes when he was off in the Land o' Nod. Some time afterwards the sharp orders of Ensign Andrews, new officer of the bridge watch, caused Darrin to open his eyes, cast aside the rug and spring to his feet all in the same instant. "Torpedo coming on our starboard bow, sir," reported Mr. Andrews, turning and finding his chief at his post. At that instant the "Grigsby" gave a sharp turn to port and sprang ahead under quickened speed. Bump! Swift as the discovery had been made, quickly as the saving orders had been given, the oncoming torpedo bumped the hull of the "Grigsby" with a crash audible to those within a hundred feet of the point of impact. But it did not strike full on, the contact being only glancing, like that of a boat going alongside a landing stage. The watchers from the bridge saw the torpedo's wake as the deflected projectile continued on its harmless way. "We couldn't have had a much narrower squeak than that!" Dave ejaculated. "Andrews, I congratulate you." "I'm naturally interested in saving the ship, sir, and my own skin as well," replied Ensign Andrews with a grin. Dave, not having taken his eyes from the faint streak on the water, called for highest speed and a complete turn. Then, ordering the rays of the searchlight to play over the water, Darrin sent the "Grigsby" racing, bow-on, toward the spot from which he judged the torpedo to have been launched. In the meantime Dalzell's "Reed" had turned her prow in the same general direction, steaming slowly after the "Grigsby." "The Hun can't be located," Dave confessed, a few minutes later. "That chap is like most of the other Hun submarine commanders. He'll launch a torpedo by stealth, but as soon as he knows the destroyer is after him he hunts depth and runs away." Dave's next order was to send a wireless message, warning all mine-sweepers and other craft that an enemy submarine had been discovered in that location. Though no word had been passed for Lieutenant Fernald, that executive officer, awakened by the bump and the abrupt change in the destroyer's course, hurried to the bridge. "Did you get a good rest, Fernald?" Dave queried, half an hour later. "Fine, sir." "Then I am going to the chart-room to rest for a while. I got chilled dozing in that chair. Set the bell going in the chart-room if I'm wanted." Then Dave slept on, without call, for a few hours, well knowing that Lieutenant Fernald could well fill his place. The first signs of dawn awakened Darrin. He sprang up, reaching for the bridge telephone. "All secure, sir," reported Fernald, from the bridge. Dave therefore delayed long enough to make his toilet--a none too frequent luxury aboard a destroyer in the danger zone. Then, fully refreshed and ruddy, Darrin drew on his tunic and over that his sheepskin coat. Placing his uniform cap on his head he stepped out on deck before the sun had begun to rise up above the sea. In the distance, in three different directions, as many British mine-sweepers could be seen patiently combing the seas for mines. "What number recovered?" Dave signalled. "Three," replied one craft. "Five," said another. "One," came from the third sweeper. "Nine in all," Dave remarked to Fernald. "We're in a mine field, then. We shall need to be vigilant." The sun soon rose, strong and brilliant, only to pass behind a bank of clouds and leave the air damp and chilly. An hour later a fog settled over the English Channel, soon becoming so dense that one could not see beyond about three hundred yards. Dave went below to a hurried breakfast. Returning, he sent Lieutenant Fernald to his meal and rest. "I'll remain on the bridge all day, unless this fog lifts," Darrin decided. He increased the number of lookouts and ordered slow speed, so that the long, narrow destroyer, capable of racing rapidly over the waves, now merely crept along. When the watch was changed Dave barely returned the salutes of the departing and oncoming watch officers, for his whole attention was centered on the sea. Half an hour after that he started slightly, then stared hard. Off the starboard bow he thought he made out something moving as slowly as the "Grigsby" herself was proceeding. "Pick that up, Mr. Ormsby, and see if it's anything more than a dream," ordered Dave, pointing. Instantly the course of the destroyer was changed several points to starboard and speed increased a trifle. Through the haze there soon developed the outlines of a steam craft, set low in the water, and of not more than two thousand tons. She was not a handsome craft, but, on the contrary, appeared ghostlike as she stood only half-revealed through the fog. Undoubtedly the stranger had a lookout up forward, but no sign of one could be made out as the "Grigsby" gained on her. Her markings indicated that she belonged to one of the neutral countries to the northward. The wet flag that she flew drooped so tightly around the staff that nothing could be learned from that bit of bunting. "One of the neutral traders," remarked Ensign Ormsby. "She must give an account of herself," Dave answered. "Whatever she is, or carries, she doesn't look like a craft to be entrusted with a valuable cargo." As the "Grigsby" ranged up alongside, an officer stepped out from the stranger's wheelhouse and came to the rail. "What craft is that?" Dave demanded. The skipper, if such he was, replied in broken English, naming a neutral country, and adding that the vessel was the "Olga," bound for an English port with a cargo of wood pulp. "I knew she couldn't carry a costly cargo," Dave muttered, then commanded, through a megaphone: "Lie to and stand by to be inspected." "Vat?" demanded the foreign skipper, in evident amazement. Dave repeated the order. "But ve all right are," insisted the skipper, "vot I told you iss our cargo." "Lie to, just the same," Dave commanded. "We'll be aboard at once." That made the skipper angry, but he dared not resist. The muzzles of two of the "Grigsby's" three-inch guns were pointed straight at him now, so the clumsy craft stopped and lay tossing on the choppy sea. Ensign Burton and a boarding crew were told off for one of the power launches. At the last instant Dave decided to go with the party and took his place in the launch. He was first aboard the stranger when the launch had been made fast alongside. It was now a younger officer who met him at the rail. "Where is your skipper?" Darrin demanded. "He me has given der papers to you show," replied the younger officer. "Come mit me to der cabin, please." "I must see this craft's master, and at once," Darrin insisted. "He here cannot be at dis minute," replied the foreign mate. "To de cabin mit me come, please." "Your cargo is wood pulp, you say?" Dave continued. "Yes, sir." "Where is it?" "In our hold, already, sir," answered the mate. "Throw off that hatch," Dave directed, pointing. "I am going to inspect your cargo." The hatch was promptly uncovered. Leaving Burton and his men on deck, Dave descended into the hold by a ladder, followed by the mate and two of the "Olga's" seamen. A brief inspection proved that the hold was well filled with a cargo of wood pulp. "Now, you vill go to de after hold, please?" asked the mate, as Darrin climbed up to the deck. "Yes," Dave nodded, and went aft, followed by four of his men, while Burton and the others remained forward. Here in the after hold the same kind of cargo was found. The "Olga" looked like a straight enough craft, but there was something in the manner of the mate that made Darrin suspicious. Calling two of his seamen below Dave produced a tape measure. "Get the distance from the hatchway to the after end of this hold," he directed. Then, wheeling, he noted that the mate's face had turned to a greenish color. "What ails you, man?" Darrin demanded, eyeing the fellow sharply. "N-n-nutten, sir," stammered the mate. One of the seamen reported the measurement he had taken. "Now, go on deck and measure aft from the hatchway," Dave commanded. The instant that Darrin was left alone with the mate a pair of muscular arms encircled the throat of the young American naval commander from behind. In the same instant the mate sprang at him. The two assailants, taking him so by surprise, overcame Darrin with comparative ease. In the same moment they backed him through a small doorway opening into the hold forward. Down on his back Dave Darrin was thrown, the skipper sitting on his chest, while the mate swiftly drew the door to and securely bolted it. In this stuffy apartment, lighted only by two swinging lanterns, Darrin realized that he must fight promptly if he expected to escape. A steel tube was pressed against one of Dave's temples, while a hoarse, low voice proclaimed: "Say a vord, and you die shall!" It was the skipper who was holding a revolver to Darrin's head, and the returning mate bent over with an iron hatch bar in his right hand. "You do vill vat we tell you--yes!" insisted the skipper, his breath coming fast. CHAPTER II "THE ACCURSED POWER OF GOLD!" DAVE made no struggle. "You're a pair of fools!" he declared, somewhat hoarsely, for the effects of the severe choking were still present. "Fools, maybe," assented the skipper of the "Olga." "But if ve must trouble have den you die shall." "What do you want me to do?" Darrin demanded. "You send your men to your ship back," declared the big fellow. "Den your ship it must out of sight go yet. Ve shall sail back vonce. If your ship, or any udder ship to stop us try, den you die shall already--on deck, in sight your friends of." "You big chump!" uttered Darrin. "Vy you call me dot?" "Because, no matter what you do or don't do to me, you are going to be taken and punished. Do you think my ship would sail without me?" "Maybe, sooner dan see you killed vonce," glowered the skipper of the "Olga." "You idiot, my subordinates, their suspicions aroused, are bound to take this craft, no matter what happens to me. They must do their duty without consideration for my safety." "So?" uttered the skipper, looking at Dave dully. "So!" Darrin assured him. "But den you die must vonce." "Go ahead and kill me," Darrin dared him. "But if you vill to reason yet listen--" "You're wasting time and breath," Darrin assured him, coolly. Just then something happened. Darrin, using a trick that he had learned on the wrestling mat and had since perfected, threw both his arms around the left arm of the "Olga's" skipper. Clasping his hands and pressing his arms against the skipper's left arm, Dave gave a great heave and rolled to his own left. The trick depended upon speed. The skipper crashed over on his head. The revolver was discharged in the overturn, but the bullet went wild. In the twinkling of an eye Dave had grabbed the weapon, and leaped to his feet just in time to dodge the hatch bar that the mate tried to smash down on his head. "Back, unless you want yours right now!" Darrin challenged. Swiftly he changed the revolver into his left hand as he still covered the pair. Then he reached for his own automatic, throwing off the safety device. "Now, you, Mr. Mate, slip around and unbolt the door, throwing it open," Dave ordered. "Any sign of a trick will end your life on the spot!" Seemingly cowed, the mate obeyed. "Open the door--throw it wide open," Dave commanded. The door was thrust ajar just as the two seamen with the tape reached the bottom of the ladder coming from the deck. These two seamen stared in astonishment at the stuffy apartment off the after hold. "Men, take charge of these two rascals!" Darrin commanded, briskly. "Step lively, both of you!"--this last to skipper and mate, who obeyed as though dazed. "Pass them up on deck as prisoners," ordered Darrin, and this was done, the two seamen drawing their revolvers and standing by the "Olga's" discomfited officers. "Now, for your report," Darrin went on. One of the sailors reported the deck-length from hatchway to stern-post. "A difference of twenty-one feet," smiled Dave, darkly, pointing aft in the hold. "You see, men, there are a good many feet of length to be accounted for, which means that there is another compartment aft of this hold. You," turning to one of the sailors, "go forward and request Ensign Burton, with my compliments, to take charge of this steamer. He will round up the crew and place them under guard. Then the ensign will leave a petty officer in charge of deck and prisoners and report to me here." Within a very short time Mr. Burton had so reported. Dave, in the meantime, having worked his way over the cargo, had found a cleverly concealed door at the after end of the hold. "There should be a key to this door, sir," said Ensign Burton, "but if there is a key-hole we are unable to find it. If this really be a door it must be operated by a hidden spring." "Perhaps an axe will work as well as either key or spring," Darrin suggested. "Pass the word for one." The axe was brought by a heavily built seaman, who prepared to swing it against the door panelling. "Break away the boards as gently as possible," continued Dave. "There may be an explosive device on the other side of the panelling. For that reason I'll stand by you, to take equal risk." "If there is any risk, I'd rather you wouldn't take it, sir," urged the sailor. "Thank you, but I'll stand by. Swing the axe," ordered Dave. A few blows knocked in the panelling, revealing, beyond, a room of considerable size. Into this stepped the two officers, followed by the seamen with them. Unlike any part of the ship they had previously seen, this place was lighted by electricity. Burton found the switch, and turning it on, let in a flood of light. "Sir, did you ever!" gasped the ensign. The purpose of this room was all too plain. It was fitted with compressors, leading to a tube that left the ship under water. A small but powerful crane was in place over a closed hatchway. The latter, when opened, was found to lead down into a second hold, also electrically lighted. The two officers explored this second hold. "Mines were kept here," Dave nodded, "and were hoisted above as needed. They were dropped astern by means of a compressed air apparatus which, when the mine tube was open, kept the sea from entering. This ugly looking little steamer, outwardly a wood pulp carrier, is really a very capable mine-layer. She has been busy, too, on this cruise to England, but had sown all her mines before we overhauled her." "It's plain enough, sir," agreed Ensign Burton. "Confound this rascally skipper!" blazed Darrin, wrathfully. "While naval craft have been searching everywhere for submarine mine-layers, this skipper has been sailing openly on the seas and sowing mines right under the eyes of our allies! The accursed power of gold! This skipper, his mate and crew have been selling their very souls to the Hun for a bit of his miserable money!" "They won't do it again, sir!" uttered Burton, grimly. "Mr. Burton, you will remain aboard as prize officer, and take the 'Olga' into the nearest British port and turn her over to the British Admiralty authorities. On receiving competent orders you will rejoin." "Very good, sir." "And now we'll hurry above and try to get hold of this ship's papers before any rascal has a chance to destroy them." Boatswain's Mate Runkle had kept the officers and crew of the "Olga" under such close guard that they were unable to get at their papers, which were quickly found by Darrin in the cabin to which he had first been invited on boarding the "Olga." Out on deck, herded forward, were master and mate, seamen, engineers and stokers, a motley-looking outfit of twenty-one men all told. "Bring that fellow here," Dave directed, coming on deck after having examined the ship's papers and then turning them over to Ensign Burton. The master, purple-faced and ugly-looking, his eyes cast down, was brought before Darrin. "Well, sir," announced Dave Darrin, eyeing the man grimly, "we have seen the cargo you have on board, and we have been able to judge the character of the cargo that you have dropped overboard." The skipper started, but did not make any reply in words. "How could you ever bring yourself to commit such villainy?" Darrin demanded, sternly. "You are not a German?" "No," assented the other, shifting his weight from his right foot to his left. "You are a subject of a neutral country." "Dot is true," admitted the skipper. "And yet, for hire, you and your men have been engaged in sowing mines, and have taken pay from Germany for your crimes." "Mines? No! Ve do it not any. Ve never any had," declared the skipper. "Tell that to an Admiralty court-martial," Darrin retorted. "You will have difficulty in clearing yourself. Fellow, you will find that you and your men will be charged with piracy, for you have been sowing death and destruction in the seas. Indeed, there can be no estimating how many ships you have already helped send to the bottom, no guessing how many lives your infamous work has cost. And you a neutral! Piracy!" Skipper, mate and chief engineer turned pale at this significant speech. The rest of the crew looked on in stolid wonder, for they understood no word of English. "Vat? You proof it can't!" quivered the skipper. "Wait!" Dave gave Ensign Burton an order in an undertone. The ensign hurried to the bridge and almost immediately from the "Olga's" whistle a series of sharp blasts struck out on the air. From the distance came an answering whistle. The "Olga's" whistle sounded again, and continued at minute intervals, until the outlines of another craft came up out of the mist and proved to be one of the mine-sweepers. Dave had already reasoned out the probable course of the neutral country's freighter in the last hour before he had overhauled it. As the mine-sweeper slowly came abreast, Darrin, a megaphone at his lips, shouted an order for the course to be taken by his small helper, and added: "Sweep thoroughly, and try to find some mines near by." "Aye, aye, sir." Within fifteen minutes a distant whistle came up from the fog. "They've picked up one mine," Darrin announced. Ten minutes later the sweeper's signal whistle was repeated. "Two mines," he added, and the "Olga's" skipper shivered slightly. Twenty minutes later came a whistle that was barely heard. "Three mines," clicked Dave, and ordered the recall sounded, to be by direction signals at minute intervals. "You make dot noise too much den have us all torpedoed yet," protested the "Olga's" skipper. "If that happens, we have a rescue craft near at hand," retorted Darrin, meaning the "Grigsby," though the destroyer was now hidden by the fog. "That was more than you knew when you planted mines to destroy vessels on the high seas." "I did noddings do," growled the skipper. In time the mine-sweeper came up into view, again reporting that she had picked up three mines by sweeping broadly over the course that the "Olga" was believed to have taken. Then a junior officer from the sweeper came aboard with the measurements of the captured mines. These dimensions were quickly found to correspond with those of the planting device installed in the secret compartment of the "Olga." "Which proves, or doesn't prove, that the 'Olga' sowed the mines," Dave declared. "That remains for the court-martial to decide. But the three mines just swept up will be interesting evidence for the court to consider." Learning that the commander of the mine-sweeper would be glad to furnish some members for a prize crew, and to convoy the prize into port, Dave decided to leave Ensign Burton aboard with only three men from the "Grigsby," filling out the prize crew with English sailors. This was accordingly done. Dave's own ship was then signalled and located by whistle, and the launch started on its return. "Keep that captured crew under strict guard. Don't give them any chance to recapture their vessel!" was Dave's last warning to Ensign Burton. The "Olga" quickly faded away in the fog and then the "Grigsby" was picked up and boarded. "Great work, sir, I'd call it!" declared Lieutenant Fernald, when he heard the details of what had taken place. "The scoundrel, to sail as a neutral, and do such dirty work for the Huns for mere pay!" uttered Dave, indignantly. "Fernald, do you know that there were moments when I had to restrain myself to keep from kicking that scoundrel about his own deck?" "I can understand the temptation," nodded the executive officer. "On second thought, though," Darrin continued, "the skipper is certainly being much worse punished by the suspense of mind in which his present plight places him. He knows that, if convicted, the finding of the court will be 'piracy,' and he knows the punishment for that crime." "It used to be hanging," nodded Fernald. "It seems almost a pity that this war has introduced the swifter and more merciful punishment of death by shooting." "And as he looks around at his crew he knows that they must face the same fate with him, and he knows, too, that they know that he has brought the penalty upon them." "But is it possible that the crew were ignorant, or most of them ignorant, of what he was doing in addition to really carrying wood pulp cargoes?" asked Fernald. "That will be another question for the court-martial to decide," Darrin answered. "It doesn't seem possible that any member of the crew could really be in ignorance of the mine-laying work." A long blast from either the invisible "Olga" or the equally invisible mine-sweeper now announced that the prize was proceeding on her way. The "Grigsby" did not answer, for on a sea infested by hidden enemies it was not wise to use too many whistle signals. The "Grigsby" now returned to her course and former speed, and again started on her way. Barely ten minutes had passed when from a bow lookout came the sharp hail: "'Ware submarine, dead ahead, sir!" Sharp eyes, indeed, that had made out the presence of the enemy craft by sighting the slender, almost pencil-like periscope that projected some few feet above the water. At the instant it was discovered the periscope sank down below the surface. CHAPTER III A FIGHT OF THE GOOD OLD KIND FULL speed ahead! Then ahead she leaped. Ere the destroyer had gained full momentum her bow struck something under the water. Men were thrown from their feet by force of the shock, and the destroyer lurched heavily. "Hope we haven't torn our bottom out," muttered Darrin as he joined the bow lookouts. On the water appeared a patch of oil which rapidly broadened. A wooden stool and other floating objects were visible. "That looks like a fair score," declared the young lieutenant-commander, at which the on-looking seamen grinned broadly. Over the spot the destroyer again steamed, but nothing passing under her keel was noticed. The sea was clear before her. It was hours later when Darrin received, in a special code of the British Admiralty, word that the "Olga" and her convoy had reached port, and the "Olga's" officers and crew had been turned over to the Admiralty officials. In the meantime Dan Dalzell and the "Reed," as learned by occasional wireless messages, had been separated at no time by more than two miles, though neither craft was visible from the other. Towards the end of the afternoon the fog began to lift. By nightfall it had disappeared. The stars came out and the crescent moon hung near the western horizon. Both destroyers had again turned north, the two craft having drawn in within half a mile of each other. Dave, after a two-hour nap, went to the bridge at about two bells--nine o'clock. He had been there some ten minutes, chatting with Ensign Ormsby in low tones, when of a sudden he broke off, listening intently. "Sounds like distant firing, sir, two points off the port bow," hailed one of the bow lookouts. In a silence, broken only by the wash of the waters and the jar of the engines, distant rumbling sounds were again heard. "That's gun-fire," Dave declared. "Mr. Ormsby, have the signals shown so that word may be conveyed to the 'Reed' to keep with us at full speed." In another moment both destroyers dashed forward with a great roaring of machinery and dense clouds of smoke trailing behind from the four stacks of each. When some miles had been covered, with the gun-fire sounding with much greater distinctness, Darrin felt that he could judge the distance properly. Turning on a screened light he consulted the chart. "It's just about there," Darrin declared, placing his finger on a spot on the map. "Ormsby, I believe that enemy craft are bombarding the little fishing village of Helston. It's an unfortified, small port." "That's the kind the Huns would prefer," returned the ensign, with a savage smile. "Ask the chief engineer if a bit more speed is obtainable; then sound the bell in Mr. Fernald's cabin." A knot an hour more was soon forced from the "Grigsby's" engines, though at that racing gait it would have been difficult for an amateur observer to have detected the fact that speed had been gained. The "Reed," too, leaped forward. Minute after minute of breathless racing followed. Presently the flashes of guns could be made out ahead against the darkness of the night. Helston showed no lights, but the sound of bursting shells located the fishing village to those on the bridges of the approaching destroyers. "The hounds!" blazed Dave, indignantly. "Up to their old and favorite game of killing defenseless people!" Long ago the crew had been called to quarters. Everything was in readiness to attack the enemy. "Three of them, and all destroyers, judging by the size of the flash of their guns," Darrin judged. Throughout the war it has been a favorite trick of the enemy, when the opportunity offered, to send these swift craft out on night attacks. No other craft on the seas, except Entente destroyers, are capable of pursuing and overtaking German destroyers when they flee. "Open fire when we do," was the signal flashed to the "Reed." "We're ready," came back the instant answer. Two minutes later one of Darrin's forward guns flashed out into the night. From the "Reed" there came a similar flash. "Let 'em have it, fast and hard!" ordered Dave. As the two destroyers sprang forward, firing at full capacity, the three German craft turned and steamed toward them. "They outnumber us, and think we'll turn tail!" exulted Dave. "They may sink us, but if we do go down at least we'll try to carry our own weight in enemy ships down with us!" Though he did not make an unnecessary movement, all of Darrin's calm had vanished. He watched every one of the "Grigsby's" shots, his eyes flashing, breath indrawn. When he saw a hit his glance was snapping. Many of the shells, however, splashed in the water only, for now the five engaged craft were circling about each other in a life-and-death struggle. As they circled and zigzagged the German craft did not offer a very certain mark. Darrin and Dalzell were maneuvering in similar fashion. "If we lose, we lose gamely," thought Fernald under his breath. "Was there ever a better or braver commander than Darry? He will ask no odds, but is ever willing to give them!" "Ah!" The exclamation, half sigh, broke from Dave's lips as he saw the burst of flame and smoke as a shell landed on the superstructure of the leading German destroyer. Then another shell from the "Grigsby" struck the same enemy's mast, smashing the crow's-nest and hurling German seamen, dead or crippled, into the sea. Three enemy shells landed on the "Grigsby," causing no serious damage. But the fourth hit dismounted one of Darrin's forward guns, killing three men and wounding five. Hardly an instant later another German shell landed on the bridge, reducing some of the metal work to a mass of twisted junk and ripping out part of the deck. Shell fragments and flying splinters flew on all sides, yet out of this hurricane of destruction emerged Darrin, Fernald and the watch officer, all uninjured. An instant later Darrin shouted his orders in Fernald's ear, then gained the deck below in a series of leaps. With one of her forward guns dismounted, the "Grigsby" was to that extent out of business. Preferring not to trust to his torpedo tubes, at this juncture Darrin raced aft, just as the destroyer began to execute a swift turn. And now Dave's craft turned tail and ran for it, the young commander directing personally the service of the after guns as the foremost German destroyer gave chase. Two more hits were scored by the enemy, with the result that two more of Dave's hardy young seamen were killed and four wounded. Matters were beginning to look decidedly serious. As for Dan Dalzell, when he saw the "Grigsby" turn tail and flee, his heart gave a great bound. "Good old Darry didn't do that unless he had to," Dan told himself. "I must cover his retreat somehow." So, his guns barking, and men standing by at the torpedo tubes, Dalzell darted straight for the second of the German destroyers. Fortunately there was plenty of sea-room, for Dave Darrin was not in reality running away. He was still alert to win the fight, but he wanted to win with the smallest possible loss among his own men. The Hun craft pursuing him was the slowest of the three enemies. This Dave had already guessed. He allowed the other craft to gain for half a mile, then suddenly shot ahead. By this time several hits had been scored by both combatants, and the third enemy destroyer was maneuvering for a position from which she could render herself effective to send Darrin and his men to the bottom. Just when it happened Lieutenant Fernald hardly knew, but once more Darrin stood on the bridge at his side. "Circle!" Dave shouted. "The shortest circle we can make, so as not to show our broadside longer than we must." Running under full speed, and with a helm that she minded, the "Grigsby" swung around. So unlooked for was this maneuver that the pursuing Hun craft did not succeed in making a direct hit on the Yankee ship during the turn. And then, just as the turn brought him where he wished to be, and at deadly close quarters, Darrin gave his next order. Forward leaped the American destroyer. Too late the astonished German commander saw the purpose of the maneuver. With knife-like prow the "Grigsby" crashed into the German vessel, the blow striking just forward of amidships. As the butcher's cleaver passes through the bone, so did the bow of the Yankee destroyer go through the Hun. Yet in the moment of impact Darrin rang the bridge signal to the engine-room for full speed astern. Nor was this command executed an instant too soon. Just in the nick of time Dave's gallant little ship drew back out of the fearful hole that she had torn in the enemy. Aboard the Hun craft the yells of dying men rose on the air, for the enemy destroyer had been all but cut in two. Listing before an irresistible inrush of water, the German destroyer almost turned turtle, then sank quickly beneath the waves. To the northward a muffled roar sounded, followed instantly by another. Dalzell had let go with both forward torpedo tubes, and both had scored. The second stricken enemy ship began to fill and sink slowly. "Shall we stop to pick up men?" called Fernald. "Too bad, but we cannot linger while one of the enemy craft still floats," Darrin replied, calmly. "Our first business is to sink enemy ships. We cannot be humane just yet. Give full chase, Mr. Fernald!" The German survivor had already turned tail, for these Yankee fighters were altogether too swift in their style of combat. Dalzell, whose craft was nearer the fugitive, was now first in pursuit. To avoid firing over his chum's craft Darrin steered obliquely to starboard, then joined in the chase, firing frequently with his remaining forward three-inch gun. As to speed it proved a losing race. The German craft that had survived proved to be a shade more speedy than either the "Grigsby" or the "Reed," so the two craft in chase endeavored to make up for the difference with active fire. Some direct hits were made. In a little more than half an hour, however, the Hun destroyer was out of range of the Yankee guns. "We'll drive her back to her base port, anyway," Darrin signalled Dalzell. So two narrow ribbons of searchlight glow played over the sea, keeping the enemy in sight as long as possible. Presently the German's hull vanished below the horizon; then the lower parts of her masts and stacks went out of sight. Still the two Yankee destroyers hung on, in a race that they knew they could not win. Only when Darrin's knowledge of these waters told him that the fleeing destroyer was safe did he signal the "Reed" to "abandon chase." Reluctantly Dan Dalzell's little ship swung around, heading to keep the "Grigsby" company on the new course. "Tackled superior numbers, and sank two out of three," Dave commented, calmly. "Not what one would call a poor evening's work, gentlemen." "It was splendidly done, sir," glowed Lieutenant Fernald. "We won't take too much credit to ourselves," Dave proposed. "Let us give some of the credit to luck." "Not with you in command, sir," protested the executive officer. "But we did have a lot of luck," Dave insisted. "The luck that you planned and schemed for, with your mind working like lightning," Fernald retorted. He was too much of a man to try to flatter his chief. Fernald spoke from the depths of complete conviction. He had known Dave Darrin's reputation at sea even before he had come to serve under this swift-thinking young officer. Dave's first care, now, was to inspect the dismounted gun. Only a few moments did he need to convince himself that the piece was a wreck that could never be put in use again. He then descended to the sick bay, where the surgeon and four baymen were giving tender attention to the wounded men. "It was a good fight, men," Dave said, as he passed through the bay. "Then I'm not kicking at what I found," cried one young sailor lad, cheerily. "Nor I," added another. "It was worth something, sir, to take part in a fight like that. Ouch! O-o-o-h!" Dave paused to bend over the sufferer, resting a hand on his nearer shoulder. "I beg pardon, sir," said the lad. "I didn't mean to make such a fuss. You'll think me a regular baby, sir." "No one is to be blamed for yelling, with a pair of shell fragment wounds like yours," broke in the surgeon, bending over and examining. "My boy, you have regular man's-size wounds." "Not going to croak me, are you, sir?" asked the young sailor, looking up into Medico's eyes. "Oh, no; not this trip, my lad." "Then I don't care," returned the young seaman. "Wouldn't care much, anyway, but there's a mother at home who would! Ouch! There I go again. My mother'd be ashamed of me." "No, she wouldn't," smiled the surgeon. "Look here, what I took out of that hole in your leg." He held up a jagged fragment of shell. It was somewhat oval-shaped, about an inch and a half in length and half as wide. "It hurt you more when I took that out than it would to pull a dozen of your teeth at once. Let's look at this other hole, the one on the other thigh. That's going to be a tougher job. I'll give you a few whiffs of chloroform, so you won't notice anything." "Do I have to have the chloroform, sir?" demanded the sailor lad, who was not more than eighteen. "You don't have to, Bassett, but it will be for your comfort," replied Medico. "Then don't ask me to smell the stuff, sir. When this war is over I want to look back and think of myself as a fighting man--not as a chap who had to be gassed every time the sawbones looked at him. Beg your pardon, sir." But Medico merely smiled at being called sawbones. "Chloroform or not, just as you like, lad," the surgeon went on. "Either way, you can always look back with satisfaction on your record as a fighting man, for your grit is all of the right kind." "Much obliged to you, sir, for saying that," replied the young sailor. "Ouch! Wait, please, sir. Let me get a grip on the cot frame with both hands. Now, I'm all ready, sir." "Same old breed of Yankee sailor as always," Darrin smiled down into the lad's face while the surgeon began the painful work of extracting another shell fragment. This one being more deeply imbedded, the surgeon was obliged to make a selection of scalpel and tissue scissors and do some nerve-racking cutting. But the seaman, his hands tightly gripped on the edges of the operating table, which he had termed a cot, did not once cry out, though ice-cold sweat beaded his forehead under Darrin's warm hand. Then a bayman washed down the enameled surface of the table, rinsing the blood away, and another attendant skilfully dressed and bandaged the second wound as he had done the first. Two baymen brought a stretcher and the lad was taken to a bunk. Here he was given a drink that, after five minutes, caused him to doze and dream fitfully of the battle through which he had lately passed. By this time nearly all of the wounded had received first attention. Dave Darrin, followed by a junior officer, went forward to another, still smaller room, where he gazed down with heaving breast at the forms of the seamen who had given up their lives under the Stars and Stripes in the gallant work of that night. Over the face of each dead man lay a cloth. Each cloth was removed in turn by a sailor as Darrin passed along. "A good fighting man and a great romp on shore," said Dave, looking down at the face of one man. "One of the best fellows we ever had on any ship I've ever served on," he said, glancing at another face. "A new lad," he said, of a third, "but he joined on so recently that I know only that he was a brave young American!" And so on. It was just as the sailor was laying the cloth back over the features of the last one in the row that a seaman sprang into the room precipitately. "Beg pardon, sir," he called excitedly, "but telephone message, with compliments of executive officer, and commanding officer's presence is desired on the bridge--instantly!" That surely meant business! CHAPTER IV WHAT A FLOATING MINE DID AS Dave reached the deck he caught a fleeting glimpse of a big steamship ahead, which was revealed in the glare of the destroyer's searchlight. But he did not stop to linger there. Up to the damaged bridge he ran as fast as he could go. Evidently putting on her best effort at speed the steamship was moving forward fast in a zig-zagging course. "She was working her radio and blowing her whistle, all in the same moment, sir," Lieutenant Fernald explained. "She must have seen a torpedo that passed by her. There must be a submarine somewhere, but we haven't picked up a sign of it as yet." The ship was nearly two miles away. Having seen the destroyer's searchlight the big craft's whistle was again blowing. "Her master hardly expects to get away from the submarine," Dave observed, and instantly turned his night glass on the dark waters to try to pick up some sign of the Hun pirate craft that was causing all this excitement aboard a respectable neutral liner. "She's a Dutch craft," Dave commented. "Head in, Mr. Fernald, as that will give us a better chance to try to find out on which side of her the pest is operating. Ask her which side." Promptly the signal flashed out from the blinkers of the "Grigsby." Plainly the excited skipper of the liner hadn't thought of offering that important bit of information. "Starboard side, probably eight hundred yards away," came back the Dutchman's blinker response. Dave accordingly ordered the "Grigsby" laid over to starboard and raced on to place the Yankee ship between the pirate and the intended victim. Hardly had the course been altered, however, in the roughening sea, when a dull lurid flash some twelve or fifteen feet high was seen just under the liner's starboard bow. A cloud of smoke rose, the lower half of which was promptly washed out by a rising wave. "That was a mine, no torpedo!" cried Dave, his eyes snapping. "Full speed ahead, Mr. Fernald, and prepare to clear away our launches. That ship cannot float long!" Through the night glass it could be seen that throngs of passengers were rushing about the deck of the Dutch vessel. Ship's officers were trying to quell the panic that was quite natural, for the mine, if it were such a thing, had torn a huge hole in the bow, and the liner was settling by the head. Up raced the "Grigsby," the "Reed" arriving less than a minute afterward. Both destroyers had manned their launches, and these were now lowered and cleared away. Even though the passengers appeared to have lost their heads, the Dutch skipper proved true to his trust. He was lowering his own boats and rafts as rapidly as he could, and making swift work of getting human beings away from the stricken ship. Fully two-score passengers of either sex jumped. Striking the water they bobbed up again, for they had not neglected their life-belts. In the hurry one lifeboat was overturned just before it reached the water. The "Grigsby's" leading launch raced to the spot. Half a dozen jackies promptly dove over into the icy water to give a hand to passengers too frightened to realize the importance of getting quickly away from the sinking liner. "No more men go overboard," sternly ordered Ensign Andrews, as he saw more of his men moving to the side of the launch. "Stand by to haul the rescued aboard!" All care was needed, for the liner was a big one, and doomed soon to take her final plunge. The suction effect on small boats would be tremendous, if they were caught too close to the scene of the foundering. Lines were cast to jackies who were towing frightened passengers. Rescue moved along swiftly, the launches from both destroyers backing slowly away from the settling craft. "Here y'are, lady!" coaxed one seaman from the first launch, catching a line at twenty feet and placing it in the hands of a frightened woman whose teeth chattered and who was nearly dead from the cold that the icy water sent through to the marrow of her bones. "Think y' can hold on, lady? If y' can, I can go back and help some one else." The woman, though she spoke no English, guessed the meaning of the question, and shrieked with terror. "Oh, all right, ma'am," the sailor went on, in a tone of good-humored resignation. "I'll make sure of you, and hope that some one else won't drown." With one arm around her, the other hand holding tight to the rope the jacky allowed himself to be hauled in alongside the launch. "Take this lady in, quick!" ordered Jacky. "She's about all in with the cold." "Better come on board, too, Streeter," advised a petty officer on the launch. "Too much to be done," replied Seaman Streeter, shoving off and starting to swim back. "Your teeth are chattering now," called the petty officer, but Seaman Streeter, with lusty strokes, was heading for a hatless, white-haired old man whom he made out, under the searchlight glare, a hundred yards away. This man, too chilled to swim for himself, though buoyed up by a belt, Streeter brought in. "Come on board, Streeter," insisted the same petty officer. But surely that jacky was deaf, for he turned and once more struck out. By the time that the liner had been down four minutes, and the last visible and living person in the water had been rescued, Seaman Streeter had brought in six men and women, five of whom would surely have died of the cold had he not gone to their aid. And he had turned to swim back after a possible seventh. Nearly six hundred passengers and members of the sunken liner's crew had been saved. Of these the greatest sufferers were taken aboard the "Grigsby" and the "Reed" and the remainder were left in the boats, which were towed astern. Dave decided that the rescued ones should be landed at an English port twenty-two miles away. This port had rail communication and prompt, effective care could be given to these hundreds of people. As soon as the start had been made for port, roll-call was held of those who had put off in the launches. Seaman Streeter was not present, nor even accounted for. Promptly Darrin ordered the course changed and the two destroyers went back, making careful search under the searchlights of the surface of the sea near the scene of the foundering. No trace of the missing seaman was found. Seaman Streeter did not die in battle. He perished in the gentler but no less useful field of saving human life! An orphaned sister in Iowa, his only living near relative, gazes to-day at the appreciative letter she has received from the Navy Department at Washington. Then she turns to a longer and more glowing letter written by the, to her, strange hand of David Darrin, Lieutenant-Commander, United States Navy. In less than two hours the destroyers, with their respective strings of towed boats, arrived at the British port and the work of transferring the rescued to shore began. Dan's dead and wounded were also sent ashore. It was afterward reported that nine human beings were unaccounted for. Four more died in the boats on the way to land. While the transfers to shore were being made Dan Dalzell came aboard the "Grigsby" to greet his chum. They chatted while the damaged bridge was being repaired. "Danny-boy," Dave remarked seriously, "that exploding mine showed us clearly what is expected of us. It is our task to see that all these near-by waters are cleared of such dangerous objects." "Surely we cannot get every mine that the Huns plant," objected Dalzell. "We must get as many of them as we can. I know that all the British mine-sweepers are constantly on the job, but if necessary we must have more mine-sweepers. We must keep the paths of navigation better cleared than proved to be the case to-night." "Oh, say!" expostulated Dalzell, his eyes wide open, "we simply cannot, even with twice as many mine-sweepers, find every blooming mine that the Huns choose to sow in the Channel and North Sea." "To find and take up every mine should be our standard," Dave insisted, "and we must live as close to that standard as we possibly can." "Then we did wrong to go after the destroyers this night?" Dan demanded, curtly. "Of course not, for that bombardment of that defenseless little town, carried on longer, might have cost as many lives as are likely to be lost in the case of a steamship hitting a floating mine." "We can't do everything at the same time," Dan contended. "Then we must strive to do ninety-nine per cent. of everything," Darrin urged, his jaws set. "Danny-boy, I feel as badly as you do when a single innocent life is lost in the area that we are held responsible for." "How soon do you put for sea?" Dalzell asked. "As soon as our boats return and are hoisted on board." Darrin was as good as his word. Twenty-one minutes later, while dawn was still invisible, the two Yankee destroyers turned seaward again. There was more work, and sterner, for them to do, and it lurked just beyond! CHAPTER V EYES THAT LOOKED DOWN FROM THE AIR DAWN found the two destroyers cruising slowly northward, a little more than a mile apart. Within sight of the bridges of the two craft were eight small, snub-nosed mine-sweepers. Frequently changing their course, these little craft were doing their utmost to pick up any mine that may have been planted just far enough under water to be struck below the water line by passing vessels. "I suppose we're of the few who have ever seen the flash of an exploding floating mine," Dave remarked to Lieutenant Fernald. "The sea was so rough and choppy, last night, that the mine, at the instant of impact, happened to be in the trough of the sea and partly above water." "Yes," nodded Fernald. "Had the waves been longer, the mine would have sunk to its usual depth. Had it not cost lives and a good ship, it would have been a sight worth seeing. As it was, since the lives and the ship had to be lost, I am glad that I was there to see it." It was broad daylight now. Red streaks off in the east indicated that the sun would soon appear. But from the southwest something of at least equal interest appeared in the sky. At the lookout's call Fernald turned to study the object in the sky through his glass. "It's an airship, a dirigible," announced the executive officer. "If an English dirigible, then it's all right," Dave nodded. "But, if it happens to be a German Zeppelin returning from a raid over England, then it will become our solemn duty to get the anti-aircraft gun in position and pray for a chance to take a fair shot." "It's a craft of the smaller English dirigible pattern," Fernald announced, still studying the distant speck in the sky, which, of course, looked much larger in the field of his glass. "Yes, it's an unmistakable 'blimp'." This latter is the slang name given to the British dirigibles. "Better have the air-craft gun men at their station," advised Dave, and this was done. Ten minutes later, however, the "blimp" was so close at hand that there could be no mistaking its identity. It belonged, beyond a question, to one of the squadrons of the Royal Naval Air Service. "Radio message from the 'blimp,' sir," called a messenger, darting from the doorway of the wireless room. "Do you wish a written copy, sir?" Lieutenant Fernald glanced at Dave, who shook his head. "Let's have the message orally," Fernald called down to the deck. "'Blimp' wants to know, sir, if these two craft are the 'Grigsby' and 'Reed.'" "Tell the operator to admit the fact," Fernald ordered. "Officer in charge of the 'blimp,' sir, says that he was to report and help you yesterday, but that the weather was too foggy." "Tell the operator to send back: 'Good morning. Glad to have you with us. Signature, Darrin,'" Dave directed. The seamen and petty officer at the anti-aircraft gun left their station. Straight onward came the "blimp," dropping much lower just as it passed over. From the car beneath the big gas-bag several men leaned over to wave friendly hands, a greeting that was instantly responded to by Dave's and Dan's jackies, for the dirigible, after sailing over the "Grigsby," turned and floated over the "Reed." "Message from the 'blimp,' sir," again iterated the messenger on the deck. "Message says: 'We're to keep near you and try to spot submarines for you.'" "More power to your vision," was the message sent back by Dave. "You're working northward, toward the shoals?" asked "Blimp." "Yes," Darrin acknowledged. "That's a likely place to find one or two of the Hun pirates resting," "Blimp" continued. "Always a good hunting ground," Dave assented, in a radio message. This took place while the dirigible was flying back and forth, ahead and astern, between the destroyers and to either side of their course. "It's a fine thing to be able to move at aircraft speed," said Lieutenant Fernald, rather enviously. "If we could only make such speed, sir!" "If we could build ships that would steam sixty to a hundred miles an hour, then the enemy could build them also," Dave returned. "There would be little, if any, net gain for us. But if we could find the secret of doubling the speed of aircraft, and keep said secret from the boches, that would be an achievement that would soon end the war." For ten miles the sweepers proceeded, with a total "catch" of only three mines, which must have been left-overs from other cruises. By this time the little fleet was approaching the nearest of the shoals, some three miles from shore. "Blimp" was now well ahead, presently signalling back. "Found a sea-hornet for you, resting in the mud." "Good enough! We'll draw his sting," the "Grigsby's" radio reply promised. Darrin caused a signal to be made to two of the mine-sweepers to come in close to him. The "Reed" still continued on her way further out. Aircraft are of the greatest help in discovering submerged submarines. Depending on the altitude at which they fly, air observers are able to see, in reasonably smooth water, submarines that are moving at from eighty to a hundred feet beneath the surface. A submarine that is "resting" with her nose in the mud close to shore has more to fear from aircraft than from all other possible foes. The aircraft men, though they can drop bombs upon such lurking craft, cannot do so with anything like the accuracy that is possible to the crews of vessels on the surface. Hence when aircraft and destroyers hunt together it is almost always left to the surface craft to give the "grace blow" to the resting submarine, as also to a submarine in motion beneath the waves. As the "blimp" moved over the shoal in question a smoke bomb left the car and hovered almost motionless in the air, though briefly. This indicated that the submarine lay on the bottom directly underneath the smoke bomb. "And the commander of that Hun craft knows that we are approaching," Darrin commented, as the "Grigsby" raced roaringly forward. "He can hear the noise of our propellers. If his engines are ready, he'll likely back off into deeper water." Thrice more the "blimp" passed over the submarine that was invisible to surface eyes, and each time let loose a smoke bomb. "Now, you're directly in line," came the radio message from above. "Move dead ahead. Will tell you when you are passing over. We'll signal the word 'drop'." The meaning of "drop" would be clear enough. It would mean that the "Grigsby" was instantly to release, over the stern, a depth bomb. As the "Grigsby" neared the spot speed was considerably reduced. Overhead hovered the "blimp," ready for instant signalling of one word. The command had already been passed to the men stationed by the depth bomb to let go as soon as the messenger gave the word from the operator. As Darrin glanced upward he saw the "blimp" nearly overhead. Suddenly the messenger's startled voice roared out the message passed by the radio operator: "_Full speed astern!_" In the same instant Lieutenant Fernald repeated the order over the engine-room telegraph. There was a jolting jar as the "Grigsby" shivered, then glided back in her own wake. "Jove! That was a narrow squeak!" came down from the sky. "That hornet laid an egg in your path. It came within an ace of bumping your keel." "Never did speed pay a prompter profit, then," uttered Darrin, his cheeks paling slightly. For the Englishman's laconic message meant that the submarine had just proved herself to be of the mine-laying variety. Further, the Hun craft, hearing the destroyer's propellers almost overhead, had judged the moment at which to let loose a mine, which, rising to its proper level under water, would have struck the hull of the advancing destroyer. Had that happened, the career of the "Grigsby" would have been over, and several officers' and seamen's names would have been added to the war's list of dead. "Going to try again, sir?" asked Lieutenant Fernald, quietly, as Dave himself changed the full-speed-astern order. "It's out of our line, I guess," Darrin confessed, with a smile. "Signal yonder mine-sweeper to close in on the job." As a result of the message, and aided by the "blimp" overhead, the snub-nosed mine-sweeper steamed into position. First, her wire sweeper picked up the mine that had been sprung for the "Grigsby's" undoing, and backed away. Then, under Dave's further order, after the mine had been hoisted on board, the snub-nosed craft moved in with a different type of sweeper. To different wires of this implement were attached small but powerful contact bombs. Jauntily the snub-nosed craft moved over the lurking place of the submarine, and passed on ahead. From the depths came muffled sounds, followed by a big and growing spread of oil on the water. "Enemy done for!" signalled the "blimp." "Thank you, sir. We know it," the "Grigsby" wirelessed back. The mine-sweeper, having passed on ahead, now circled back, her crew grinning at sight of the mass of floating oil. The contact bombs dangling from the sweep wires had struck against the submarine's hull and exploded, letting in the water at several points. The Hun seamen were even now drowning, caught without a show for their lives, just as they had probably sent many souls to graves in the ocean. For some minutes more the dirigible moved back and forth through the air, her observers watching for the presence of hidden enemy craft. Then, without warning, came the message: "Sorry, but engine trouble threatens and will compel our return to land, and to our base if possible." "The best of luck to you," Dave ordered wirelessed back to these British comrades. "We'll stand by until we're as close to shore as we can go." For he knew that, near shore, the shoals became dangerous shallows at this point on the coast. Away limped the "blimp," the "Grigsby" following, and standing ready to do rescue work should the dirigible need assistance. But the "blimp" not only made her way over to shore, but vanished slowly in the distance. All of the mine-sweepers that had come up were ordered by signal to continue sweeping over the shoals. "I want to see more of this work personally," Dave told his executive officer, who was now to be left in command. "Clear away one of the power launches. I'll take Mr. Ormsby with me." So Dave was taken over to one of the mine-sweeping, snub-nosed craft that had formerly been a steam trawler on the Dogger Banks. The commanding officer, Hartley, proved most glad to welcome them. "We'll make you as comfortable as we can," promised Hartley. "Now, please don't do anything of the sort," Darry protested. "Let us be mere spectators, or pupils, and have no fuss made over us. Instruct your men, if you'll be good enough, to omit salutes and to chat with us, if they have a chance, like comrades or pals. We want to see your real working ways, not a demonstration." "All right, then," sighed Mr. Hartley, and passed the orders. "When do you men sleep?" Dave inquired of a sailor who paused to light a pipe as he stood well up in the bow. "When the blooming ship is hin dry-dock, sir," answered the British tar. "Don't you have regular watches?" "Yes, sir." "How long are the watches?" "Usually twenty-four hours in each day, sir." Darry laughed, for he knew no living man could stand working twenty-four hours a day for any length of time. "You were a trawler before you came into this branch of the service?" Ormsby asked. "No, sir. Hi was a chimney sweep; that's wot made me good for this bally old business, sir." "You like this work?" Ormsby next asked. "Yes, sir, hit's the next best thing to being killed, sir," was the solemn response. "Have you seen any mine-sweepers destroyed while at work?" Instantly the sailor dropped his bantering tone, his face becoming solemn in his expression. "You may well say that, sir," he answered. "More mine-sweepers are lost than any other kind of naval craft." "Why is that?" "Principally, sir, because we 'ave only a trawler's speed, and everything else that floats, including the National Debt, can overtake us." "Is there any scarcity of men for this sort of work?" Ormsby queried. "No, sir, it's the 'eight hof a British sailorman's ambition, sir, to die early and be buried, sir, in water a mile deep. We fairly long for hit, sir." "Hedgeby!" came, indignantly, from Mr. Hartley, who had approached unnoticed. "What do you mean by chaffing these American officers so outrageously." "Must 'ave mistook my horders, sir," returned Hedgeby, saluting his commander. "Some blooming bloke told as 'ow these gentlemen wanted to be treated like pals." "The fault is mine, I guess," admitted Mr. Hartley, turning to Darrin and Ormsby. "These men are always chaffing each other, and they thought you wanted some of the same thing." "We don't object," Dave smiled. "If hot air is the motive power that drives these men, then we want to sample it." Hedgeby regarded this last speaker with a puzzled expression. "If you're talking about fuel, sir," he went on, as Mr. Hartley moved away, "Hi'll say that 'ot air engines wouldn't be no good wotever on these 'ere craft. Gasoline is what we use, mostly, for our engines, sir, though some of the biggest use petroleum." "Hot air is furnished by the men themselves," Dave explained. "It's a favorite fuel at sea." "Maybe, sir, maybe," admitted Hedgeby, slowly, looking as solemn as an owl. "Of course you know, sir, wot's used on the Yankee boats, anyway, sir, and if your Admiralty recommends 'ot air then no doubt hit's because you Yankees know 'ow to use it better than other fuel." "And the joke of it is," muttered Ormsby, as Hedgeby sprang to obey an order, "one can't tell whether a chap like that is laughing at us, or trying to sympathize with our ignorance." Dave laughed, then soon forgot the chaffing, for he was greatly interested in what he saw of the work that was being carried on. Certainly, for such a comparatively slow craft, a large area of sea surface could be covered in a forenoon. Presently Hedgeby came back to them, and Ormsby tried once more to extract some real information. "With the amount of speed you can command," he resumed, "what does a craft like this do, Hedgeby, if a German destroyer comes racing along after you?" "We just shut off speed, sir, and the blooming destroyer goes by so fast that nine times hout of ten she doesn't see us at all." "But if the destroyer sees you and stops to engage, what then?" Once more the quizzical expression faded from the British sailorman's eyes. He stepped back, resting one hand on a light gun mounted on a swivel pedestal. "We do hour best with this piece, sir." "An unequal combat, Hedgeby!" "You may well say it, sir, but hat least we come hout of the fracas as well as does the submarine that our sweep locates on the bottom." "Have you known of any case in which a mine-sweeper had any show at all against a German destroyer?" "Yes, sir; this very craft was the boat, sir. The destroyer 'eld 'er fire and come hup close, sir, to 'ave fun teasing us. Only one shot we fired, sir, from our after gun, at the houtset, sir, but that one shot carried away the destroyer's rudder just below the water line. It was hall a piece of luck, sir." "And then?" pressed Ormsby, for at last Hedgeby seemed to be imparting real information. "Well, of course, sir, the 'Uns started hin at once to rig a jury rudder with timbers and canvas." "Yes?" "Naturally, sir, we didn't give 'em any time or chance we could 'elp, sir. We sailed round and round 'er, taking position so that we could play both guns on 'er at the same time. She couldn't steer, sir, to back 'er aim, that 'ere 'Un, so we banged away at 'er stacks and her water line until she was worse than 'elpless." "Did you sink her?" "No, sir. She was captured." "By whom?" "By two of 'is majesty's destroyers, sir, that came up. And maybe you think Hi'm joking, sir, w'en Hi tell you that the destroyers were credited with the capture because they made the 'Un strike 'is colors and take a prize crew." Subsequently Dave and Ormsby learned from Mr. Hartley that this account was a true one. "But we got a bit of credit in the public press," Hartley added, modestly. Right after that it was reported that one of the wire sweeps had located a bomb. Instantly several men were rushed to aid in landing the prize. Dave and Ormsby hurried to join the group and watch a mine being taken aboard. On account of its weight the deadly thing was handled by tackle. Carefully the men proceeded to hoist the mine aboard. "You'll note the little horns standing out from the top of the mine," explained Mr. Hartley, pointing to the circular mine. "These horns are usually called studs. Hit one of these studs even a light blow with a tack hammer, gentlemen, and the mine would explode. A mine like this is more deadly than the biggest shell carried by a super-dreadnaught. Let this mine explode, for instance, under our hull forward, and it would tear us to pieces in a way that would leave us afloat for hardly sixty seconds. Moreover, it would kill any man standing at or near the rail over the point of contact." He had no more than finished speaking, while the mine was being hoisted aboard, than a terrified gasp escaped the workers. For the mine slipped from its tackle, and slipped back toward the water, striking the side hull in its downward course! Dave Darrin did not move. He knew there would not be time to escape! CHAPTER VI IN THE TEETH OF THE CHANNEL GALE SPLASH! The mine sank below the surface. A quick turn by the helmsman at the wheel, and the course changed violently on the instant. "No stud struck or scraped the side as the mine went down!" exclaimed Mr. Hartley, in a voice as cool as though he were discussing the weather. "That was what saved us." "That, and the presence of mind displayed by your man at the wheel," Dave calmly supplemented. "That quick turn of the wheel saved your hull under the water line from striking against the infernal thing." "I thought we were goners!" exclaimed Ormsby. "So did I," Dave nodded, "until I saw the thing sink and then realized how prompt the helmsman had been to act without orders." "The helmsman's act was almost routine," Hartley continued. "On a craft like this every man instinctively knows what should be done in any moment of escapable peril." Dave now withdrew the elbow which, up to now, he had leaned against the rail. He knew that he had been within a hair's breadth of instant death, but there was nothing in his bearing to betray the fact. Hartley quickly gave the order to put about. "Another try for that slippery customer, eh?" queried Ormsby. "I'd feel like a murderer, if I knowingly left that thing in the sea, to destroy some fine craft," declared Mr. Hartley, gravely. "Once we've located a mine we never leave it. We'll make the 'catch' again, but we'll inspect our tackle before we try to take it aboard. I think you gentlemen had better step back well out of the way." "Of course we will, sir, if we are really in the way," Darrin smiled. "You're not in our way," Hartley promptly denied. "But you will hardly care, should the tackle still be defective, to be loitering at the point of danger." "I want to see you repair the tackle," Dave replied. "Then I want to see you make the grapple again and bring the mine safely on board." "All right, gentlemen, if you love danger well enough to take the risk twice when you're only spectators," Hartley answered, with a shrug of his shoulders. Again the mine was caught, grappled, and this time successfully hoisted on board. All of this Darrin and his junior officer noted carefully, even giving a hand at the work. Through the day at least one of the mine-sweepers continued over this line of shoal, trying constantly with the sweeps. Farther out to sea Dalzell and the "Reed" accompanied others of the craft. By nightfall it was reported that more than sixty mines had been picked up. "The mine-layers must be actively at work in these waters," said Dave. "Undoubtedly they plant the mines at night, then toward daylight move in toward the shoal and hide there during the day. We'll try that shoal again after daylight to-morrow morning--weather permitting." This last Darrin said because there were now lurking indications of a coming storm. Dave returned to his own craft in time. By nine o'clock that night, or an hour after the new watch had gone on, the wind was howling through the rigging in a way that made conversation difficult on the bridge. "Mr. Fernald, at the rate the weather is thickening I shall be on the bridge all night. I shall be glad, therefore, if after your last rounds of the ship, and after you have turned in your report, you will seek your berth and get all the sleep you can until you're called." "Very good, sir," agreed the executive officer. He would have liked to stand watch in Darrin's place, but he knew that, with a gale coming, Darrin would not consent. By this time the destroyer was rolling at such an angle that the order was passed for the life-lines. Soon after that a second order was issued that all men on outside duty must don life-belts. Even up on the bridge, with an abundance of hand-holds, Dave and Ensign Andrews wore the belts. With a nearly head wind from the northeast the "Grigsby" labored in the running seas, spray dashing over the bridge and against the rubber coats and sou'westers of the two officers. Below, on the deck, the water was sometimes several inches deep, gorging the scuppers in its flow overboard. Officers and men alike wore rubber boots. "All secure, sir," reported Lieutenant Fernald, returning after his last rounds. "A nasty time you'll have of it, sir, to-night." "Like some other times that I've known since I took to the sea," Dave shouted back through the gale. Wild, indeed, was the night, yet the stars remained visible. The wind had increased still more by eight bells (midnight), when the watch again changed. "Is the weather bad enough for you to have to remain here, sir?" asked Ensign Ormsby, respectfully. "Yes," Darrin nodded. "I am charged with the safety of this craft." Having gone the limit of her northerly patrol, the "Grigsby" had now headed about, dipping and lunging ahead of the wind and rolling as though the narrow craft would like nothing better than to turn turtle. Owing to the fact that neither craft carried lights in these dangerous waters Dalzell had pulled far off. At this moment Danny Grin and the "Reed" were four miles nearer the mainland of Europe than the "Grigsby" was. After an especially heady plunge, followed by some wild rolling from side to side, Dave shouted in his watch officer's ear: "Ormsby, I'm going to make the round of the deck, to make sure that the life lines are all up and secure." The ensign nodded. He would have preferred to go himself, but his place as watch officer was on the bridge. As Dave went down the steps from the bridge a seaman on watch sprang to seize his arm and steady him. "I've my sea-legs on," Darrin smiled at the sailor. Then, holding the brim of his sou'-wester down before his face, the other hand on a life-line, Darrin cautiously made his way aft. The lines along the starboard side were secure. At the stern stood two men, gripping the sturdy lines with both hands. Here the decks were flooded with seas coming over constantly. Dave stood with the men for a few minutes, observing the combers that rolled against the stern, the tops breaking over the side. "I'll have the stern watch changed every hour," he shouted at the seamen above the gale. "It's too wet to stand a full trick here. Remember, on coming off, or just before going on, to go to the galley and get your coffee." "Thank you, sir," replied one of the men, touching the brim of his headgear. Dave released the sternmost life-line to take a quick, oblique step toward the port lines. At that very instant a huge comber climbed aboard over the stern, the great bulk of water lifting Dave as though he were but a chip. As he struggled for his footing he had a brief glimpse of one of the sailors battling toward him. Then a continuation of the wave carried him obliquely forward, lifting him clear of the port rail at the quarter and driving him over into the sea. Instantly a hoarse yell rose and was repeated: "Commanding officer overboard astern, sir!" CHAPTER VII IN THE HOUR OF DESPAIR DAVE did not hear the wild, hoarse alarm. A mass of water pounded in his ears. He felt himself going down as though headed for the bottom of the sea. During what seemed an interminable interval Darrin kept his mouth tightly shut. He did not struggle to rise to the surface, for he knew that as soon as the driving force of the water over him had expended itself his belt would carry him up to air. And so it did. As Darrin shook the spray from his eyes he made out the "Grigsby" only as a dark mass far ahead. Then a wave blotted her out. When next he looked he saw nothing. The third time he made out a still more indistinct mass, which, he judged, was turning to come back and look for him. "Steady, boy!" he urged himself. "The outfit aboard that craft will make every possible effort to find me. Ah, I knew it!" For now the ray of the searchlight streamed out, trying to pierce the murkiness of the night. [Illustration: "Commanding officer overboard!"] By the shifting of the ray, too, he saw that the "Grigsby" was putting about. "They'll pick me up soon with that light," he told himself. He did not permit himself to reflect that, if the startled officers and men on the destroyer located him it would be by the sheerest good luck. A human head rolling among waves on a black night is a difficult object to pick up with the searchlight. Dave now struck out enough to keep his face turned toward the light. He did not attempt to swim toward the destroyer. That long, narrow craft circled about, bringing a second searchlight to bear. Then Dave saw the blinkers at the foremast head gleam out dully. He even read the signal: "Lieutenant Commander Darrin overboard. Not yet located." "That's for Dalzell's benefit," Dave told himself. "Poor old Danny-boy will be wild, and will come steaming over here at full speed. But--confound it! The 'Grigsby' is circling farther south. Evidently Fernald thinks he came back too far on his wake." Farther and farther south went the destroyer, still sweeping the sea with her two searchlights. Then Dave beheld, after minutes, another searchlight beam crossing the others, and knew that Dan Dalzell, aboard the "Reed," was making anxious quest for his floating chum. Both craft, after the "Reed" had once come within a quarter of a mile, began operating further away. There was nothing on the black, roaring waters by which to locate the spot where the "Grigsby" had been when her commander was hurled overboard. Twenty minutes passed after the "Reed" had come up. There was more talking with the blinkers between the two craft. The destroyers moved in ever widening, and then contracting, circles, but not once did either come near enough to pick up a glimpse of that one face that held occasionally above the rolling waves. After an hour of searching there was a sorrowful conference between the officers directing the signals on the two destroyers. They decided that every possible effort had been made, and that Lieutenant Commander Darrin was surely lost. Indeed, at about that time Dave, though he was too far away and dashed with too much spray to read the signals, had about given up hope. Chilled to the bone by the icy waters, he had at first striven to keep himself warm by such exercise as he could apply. But now he was weakening. Had it not been for the unusual vigor of his constitution he would have been dead by this time. It was now only a question of a little more time when he must freeze to death. "All right, Davy-boy," he reflected, almost drowsily. "While you were alive you managed to do a few things! But poor Belle! I hope this isn't going to upset her too much!" Even the thought of his loved young wife did not stir him much, which showed, indeed, that Darrin was near the end of his vital resources and that he must soon give up his struggle. After a while the instinct of desperation seized him. With a last summoning of his strength he began fighting for his life. "I won't freeze!" he cried, between grinding teeth. "I can keep moving a good while yet. I won't allow myself to die here. That would be no better than suicide!" For a few minutes more he continued to use arms and feet in a determined effort to warm his blood against the numbing cold. "Ha, here comes one of the destroyers, right now," Dave laughed, hysterically, as a form loomed up in the night and came toward him. Indeed, that dark mass, which presently resolved itself into the hull of a steamship battling with the gale, seemed bent on running him down. Nearer and nearer it came. Dave tried to shout, but found his voice too weak to be heard above the roar of wind and wave. Though he fought desperately to get out of the course of the oncoming hull, the rolling waters washed him back. His efforts, however, had availed him somewhat, for, though he was so close that he could almost touch the hull as the bow passed him, Darrin felt that he could avoid being run down by the ship. He tried to shout again, but only hoarse noises came from his throat. Then something splashed close to him as it struck the water. A wave washed Darrin against a rope. With all the force left in his hands he twined his fingers around the strands. Then, though Dave did not see it, a face peered over the rail above. There came a tug at the rope, but Dave would not let go. He found himself being dragged slowly along with the hull of this craft that was battling a head wind. When the man above found that he could not haul up the rope he peered down at the water, then set up a yell in some strange jargon. An instant later a second face appeared behind the first. The bright gleam of a pocket flash-lamp cut the blackness to the water. There was a second exclamation, quickly followed by a command. A third man joined the other two at the rail. Dave blinked upward at the pocket flash-lamp. He saw something descending, heard a faint whish above the noise of the gale, and felt a noose drop down over his head and shoulders. Just how he did it Darrin cannot remember, even now, but he managed to slip that noose first under one arm pit, then the other, all the time keeping a desperate hold of the trailing rope. A pull from above, then a dull throb of hope sent the blood through Darrin's frame as he felt the noose gather tightly under his arms. Slowly, his body bumping against the rolling hull, he felt himself moving upward. Ready hands seized and hauled him in over the rail. At that instant Dave's senses forsook him. He collapsed on the deck, a limp, huddled, drenched human form. Nor could he judge how much later it was when he opened his eyes again. But cold? Not a bit of it! He felt as though he were in a furnace room. Stripped, he lay in a berth, two stalwart sailors rubbing him under the direction of a third person, while a fourth was slowly forcing a hot drink down his throat. It was a strangling cough, on account of some of the fluid entering his wind-pipe, that had brought him back to consciousness. Opening his eyes, Dave lay quietly, enjoying the warmth after his bitter experience. He noticed that the sailors who were rubbing him were dripping with perspiration. Indeed, they had a right to drip, for the steam in this little cabin had been turned on through two separate services. Dave tried to speak, but all he could say was: "Ugh!" "Good! You don't feel chilled, now?" questioned the man who held the hot drink to his lips. "Gracious, no!" Darrin whispered, hoarsely. "I'm roasting." The man spoke to the sailors, who stopped their rubbing and spread a few thicknesses of blanket over him. Dave's next realization was that this unknown craft did not roll so heavily as might be expected. He reasoned that the ship must be a freighter of broad beam. Languor was stealing over him as the questioner asked: "How do you feel?" "Like having a big sleep," Dave whispered drowsily. His eyes closed and he dozed even before he could think to wonder if his brother officers on the "Grigsby" and "Reed" knew that he was all right. Putting down the cup of hot drink, the man who had done the talking dismissed the three others, seated himself on the edge of the berth and placed a finger on one of Dave's unresisting wrists. The same man was there, seated on a locker and smoking a pipe, when Dave Darrin again opened his eyes. This time Dave sat up rather nimbly, then turned, supporting his head on one hand. "Hullo, there!" Dave hailed, cheerily. "Getting your strength back, aren't you?" queried the stranger. "Yes, sir! But tell me. Is this the same night I was picked up and introduced on board, so to speak?" "The same night." "About how many hours ago?" "Five, I guess." "Then it must be near daylight." "Yes." "Any American destroyers sighted hereabouts, do you know?" "Not at last accounts. We have been keeping a lookout, too, for your uniform proclaimed you to be a Yankee naval officer." "What ship is this?" "The 'Rigsdak.'" "Norwegian?" Dave inquired. "Danish freighter, homebound from Hartlepool." "And you're the ship's doctor?" "Yes. Unless we meet one of your own country's ships you'll be ashore in Denmark before noon today. But the sea is so rough that I do not believe we could transfer you, even if we met one of your own craft." "Denmark isn't such a bad country," Dave laughed, pleasantly. "I've been there. And you're mighty quick people. It didn't take you long to rope and haul me on board." "Because our second officer had a man in his watch who used to be a cowboy in your country, and he can handle a lariat well. Travelling through these dangerous waters we always carry a line forward with a noose at one end. You're the third man we've roped out of the water in six months." "But what was that first line that was thrown overboard--I mean the one I grabbed and held on to?" "There was a bucket at the end of that rope," the ship's surgeon informed Dave. "The deck-hose is out of order, and a sailor threw the bucket over to haul up water with which to wash down the passageway." "I'm thankful he made the cast just at that instant," Dave murmured. "Providence must have directed the cast," replied the doctor. "And it wasn't your time to die." "I've no right to die, if I can possibly prevent it!" Dave rejoined warmly. "I'm only a small-fry officer, to be sure, but even at that I'm needed, like every other trained American officer, until Germany has been taught the great lesson of law and morality." "Amen to that!" agreed the doctor, fervently. "You're not pro-German, then, like so many of your countrymen?" Dave asked, with a smile. "There are few of us who are pro-German in Denmark," replied the ship's surgeon. "Though, until your Entente allies can protect us against powerful Germany's wrath it is not prudent for us to be too outspoken in favor of England, France and America." "From your accent you've been in our country?" Dave hinted. "I took my degree in an American medical school, but I am a Dane. And now, sir, your name?" "David Darrin, lieutenant-commander, United States Navy." "And I am Dr. Valpak. And now, Mr. Darrin, I advise that you rest your mind, eat what I am going to order sent here, and then take another nap." Dave gladly ate of the sea biscuit and soup that were brought to him, after which Dr. Valpak felt his pulse, administered a drink of something with an unfamiliar taste, then uttered the professional command: "Sleep!" Dr. Valpak closed the door from outside. Dave closed his eyes, and enjoyed the luxury of another nap. CHAPTER VIII DAVE MEETS THE FATE OF THE SEA IT was almost nine o'clock in the morning when Darrin awoke. He at once realized how refreshed he was. His had been a close call, but fortunate accident and his own strong body had pulled him through. There on the floor were his rubber boots, on the locker his underclothing, while on knobs against the cabin wall hung the garments that comprised his uniform. Rising, Dave was delighted to find himself still strong. Without ado he drew off and tossed across the berth the coarse nightgown that some one had put on him. Then he began to dress. Everything was dry--indeed, laundered. These new Danes of the sea knew how to be hospitable. So Darrin dressed, and, when he rang for hot water, a steward appeared with the ship's barber, who aided in Darrin's toilet. Before this had been finished Dr. Valpak thrust his head in to inquire: "Do I intrude?" "Only as a personage from the pages of 'Arabian Nights,' Doctor," Darrin laughed. "Come in." Not only did the doctor come in, but soon, also, a waiter, who set up a small table made fast to the wall, and on it spread such a breakfast as made Dave's heart rejoice. Wind and sea had abated much. The broad "Rigsdak" now rode the water with comparatively little roll. Dave sat down to enjoy his breakfast, and Dr. Valpak soon withdrew. Just after the finish of the meal the surgeon returned, bringing with him this time the ship's master, one Kennor, who spoke with a strong accent. Dave expressed his thanks for the fine care that had been given him. "And you muss der mate meet," declared Captain Kennor, beaming. "He it vass who show der light in your face, und den der noose was over you drop." So presently Dave followed these new friends to the deck, where he was introduced to the mate. He also, through Dr. Valpak, thanked the sailor who had cast the bucket-line overboard. The seaman who had dropped the noose around him spoke English fluently. Dave shook hands with both sailors. He then followed Captain Kennor and the mate to the bridge. "You carry only freight?" Dave asked. "Somedimes passengers," replied Captain Kennor. "Two we have dis time. An English lawyer und hiss young vife." The pair just mentioned were seen walking on the spar deck forward. The man was well past middle age, of fine, rather sharp features and with thick gray hair. The woman did not appear to be above the age of twenty-five. Captain Kennor escorted Dave down and introduced him to Mr. and Mrs. Caleb Launce. "One doesn't often hear a story like that of your rescue," said Mr. Launce. "It would have killed you, had you been an ordinary man," shivered Mrs. Launce. "Thank you for the inference," Darrin laughed. "But I have met several of your American naval officers," Mrs. Launce continued. "You are splendidly big, enduring men." "Again I must thank you." "A man accustomed to indoor life could not have lived half as long as you did before you were picked up," added the lawyer. "Do you feel your full strength yet?" asked his wife. "Not--quite, I'll admit," Dave answered. "Then it will be well if you find a seat, inside, too, I should think," continued the Englishwoman. "Shall we all go inside? The air is cold out here." Truth to tell, though he was not by any means in a fainting condition, Dave Darrin did feel that a seat inside, where it was warm, would be much to his liking. So Captain Kennor led them to a small dining cabin, where the white cloths had been removed from the tables and homely red ones substituted. "Dr. Valpak told me you expected to make port by noon," said Dave. "Dot vass der hope, but last night's vinds held us back more dan ve knew," replied Captain Kennor. "Id vill be two dis afternoon before ve make--" He was interrupted by a shattering jar that made the ship stagger. It was accompanied by a crashing explosion. Uttering a cry of fright Mrs. Launce sprang to her feet. "Can that be--" she began. "Yes, madam, a torpedo," Dave replied, rising more slowly. "It was evidently a hard hit, but this twenty-eight-hundred-ton ship should remain afloat at least half an hour, unless another torpedo be launched. There is plenty of time. Will you permit me?" There were life-belts at hand. Dave quickly and deftly fastened Mrs. Launce's life-belt about her, then performed a similar office for her husband. This done he went to his recent cabin, where he donned his own belt and stepped out on the deck, joining his fellow passengers. Struck on the port side, just forward of her boilers, the "Rigsdak" was already listing considerably to that side. "The captain and the first officer are below," hailed Dr. Valpak. "They will examine the ship's injuries and decide. It may not be necessary to abandon ship." Mrs. Launce turned to Darrin, who had just turned back from the port rail. She looked at him so imperatively that he nodded and replied: "We shall have to take to the boats. This ship is not going to float. Her pumps will not save her, for the hole in the side is beyond temporary repairs." Within two or three minutes Captain Kennor and his mate appeared, confirming Dave's verdict. Darrin had already looked out over the sea, but he had been unable to make out any sign of the presence of a submarine. "Could it have been a mine?" demanded Mr. Launce. "No, sir," Dave answered, promptly. "Had we struck a mine the explosion would have been much more violent." "Then a torpedo provides sufficient experience of this sort of thing," cried Mrs. Launce, making a face. "Der passengers vill my boat go in!" called Captain Kennor. "Dere vill time be." Again Mrs. Launce glanced inquiringly at Darrin, who nodded his confirmation. Three boats were cleared away, carrying most of the crew and all the officers except the master. The boats were safely launched, and fortunately the sea was not too rough for them. Then Captain Kennor appeared, carrying a bag and his navigating instruments. "Are your ship's papers and instruments intended for the Germans, sir?" Dave inquired, significantly. "No; you be right," admitted Captain Kennor, opening his eyes wide, after a brief moment's thought. Going to the rail he tossed bag and instruments over into the sea. Then the last boat was lowered, the seamen who remained behind jumping as soon as their work was completed, and being picked up from the water. "Ve shall but a few hours of rowing haff," declared Captain Kennor. "It vill not so hard be upon uss." Dave was thinking of another prospect, but did not voice his thought. The men in the captain's boat gave way at the oars, Kennor steering. The other boats had already pulled well clear of the coming foundering, and now the captain's boat followed. The "Rigsdak" was likely to remain afloat for some minutes yet. "I thought so," muttered Darrin, pointing to where a gray conning tower was emerging from the sea. Captain Kennor gave an order in his native tongue, and the men in his boat ceased rowing. "Dey vill uss hail, so ve need not be too far avay," he explained to his passengers. After the conning tower the gray back of the sea pest rose into view. The manhole of the tower was opened and an officer appeared, followed to the deck by a few seamen, two of whom stationed themselves by a gun that popped up into view. "Come alongside!" shouted the officer, in English, through a megaphone. Again Captain Kennor's oarsmen gave way, their skipper heading for the submarine. "That will do. Cease rowing," commanded the German officer. "What ship is that yonder?" "Der Danish freighter, 'Rigsdak,'" replied Captain Kennor. "And its master?" "Dat iss me." "Come aboard." At the order Dave, who had quietly loosened his belt and holster containing his automatic revolver, quickly dropped them overboard on the side farthest from the German craft. There was sufficient sea running to make the task of getting close alongside a difficult one. A German sailor reached out to catch Kennor's arm and aid him aboard the submarine. "And your instruments and papers," ordered the German officer, sharply. "I did not dem with me bring," replied Kennor. "Perhaps that will be so much the worse for you," was the scowling reply. "We want the papers, and we have need, especially, of ship's instruments." The German eyed Dave Darrin curiously. The American officer's uniform was concealed under his sou'-wester, rubber coat and boots, but after a moment's inspection, the German said curtly: "You, too, will come aboard." As refusal would have been absurd under the circumstances Darrin promptly obeyed. Instantly the German officer snatched a fold of Darrin's rubber coat, pulling it aside and thus revealing a glimpse of the uniform beneath. "Take off that rubber coat!" the Hun ordered, brusquely. Flushing slightly, Dave obeyed, his uniform now being fully revealed. "Ha!" snarled the Hun. "I suspected something of the sort. You two will go down through the manhole. And this man and woman are passengers? They will come aboard." Captain Kennor led the way below, Mr. and Mrs. Launce following. Dave, as he reached the manhole, turned to see the "Rigsdak" vanish beneath the waters. Then Dave Darrin stepped inside the conning tower and began to descend the ladder--a German prisoner at last! CHAPTER IX THREATS TO A PRISONER AS for the seamen in the boat, the officer, after a scowling stare in their direction, ordered them also on board, where he had them lined up forward. "Take off those life-belts," he ordered, still in English, and a seaman who understood interpreted to his fellow-Danes. Off came the life-belts, which were dropped to the deck. German sailors then kicked them all overboard. Now the submarine began to move slowly. A shot was fired from the forward gun into the lifeboat, wrecking and sinking her. This done, the German seamen followed their officer in through the manhole, which was closed. For at least two miles the submarine moved along on the surface, then, slowly, began to submerge. One of the Danish sailors on deck set up a howl of fright when he found his shoes six inches under water. The cry was taken up by the other sailors with him. The water rose to their knees--higher. The conning tower settled down into the sea, and the wretched sailors of the captain's boat were left floundering in the water, without life-belts or anything buoyant to keep them afloat. The last vestige of the submarine vanished, leaving more than a dozen despairing men to flounder and to die, for the "Rigsdak's" other boats were now too far distant to see what had happened. Going below, Dave and his friends from the "Rigsdak" were conducted into a tiny wardroom behind the mess table at which sat a frowning, leering German ober-lieutenant. "A ship's master who did not like us well enough to bring his papers and his instruments," barked this commanding officer of the sea-hornet. "An Englishman and his young wife, eh? But we have here--?" "An American naval officer," replied the younger German officer. For some reason the ober-lieutenant's manner changed. He looked Dave over curiously, but without the same ferocity. "Be good enough to be seated," he said, with a wave of the hand toward a chair. "Let these swine stand!" But Dave chose to remain on his feet. Again the ober-lieutenant turned to him, though with comparative courtesy. "I offered you a seat, sir. I trust you will avail yourself of the invitation." "I cannot seat myself, sir," Darrin answered, stiffly, "while a lady is forced to stand." "Then the woman will have a seat too," replied the ober-lieutenant, with a contemptuous glance in Mrs. Launce's direction. But that young Englishwoman met his look of contempt with a glance that beat the German at his own game, and remained on her feet. "Oh, very well," said the German commander, carelessly. "Now, I will enter in my log the name and other particulars concerning the master of the 'Rigsdak.'" Captain Kennor accordingly supplied the particulars, which were written down. "The English cattle next!" ordered the ober-lieutenant, gruffly. Mr. Launce therefore stated the names, ages and residence of himself and wife. "Your reason for travelling?" rasped the German commander, looking up from his record. "Health," replied the Englishman, stiffly. "Whose?"--sneeringly. "Mine." "You do not look ill." "That cannot be helped," replied Mr. Launce, as stiffly as ever. "You must have passports, since you are travelling," suggested the ober-lieutenant. "Yes; we have," admitted Mr. Launce. "Turn them over to me." Receiving the documents in question, the German commander looked them over carefully. Without comment, he handed them to a younger officer, who left the room with them, but soon returned. "Take these people away," ordered the ober-lieutenant. "And see that you obey all orders without question," he added, to Kennor and the English couple. When they had been left alone the ober-lieutenant rose to his feet, holding out his hand to Darrin though a bit stiffly. "We are brothers in arms, it seems, though just now we are enemies," said the German. "We are enemies, yes," Dave admitted, ignoring the outstretched hand. At this the German flushed, allowing his proffered hand to fall. "You shall have all permissible courtesy while you are my prisoner, and I trust you will show the same," said the ober-lieutenant. "I bespeak no courtesy, sir," Dave replied coolly, though without direct affront. "I quite understand that I am a prisoner of war, and, as I cannot help the fact, I will not resent it. You are going to confine me, I take it?" "No," said the ober-lieutenant, again seating himself and picking up his pen. "You will be given quarters, and allowed some freedom as long as you do not forfeit it. You may even eat at table with us." "Thank you," said Darrin, bowing stiffly. "I have not yet entered your name. Be good enough to supply me with it." "David Darrin." "Rank?" "Lieutenant commander." "Yankee Navy?" "United States Navy, sir." "Present detail?" "Commanding officer of a torpedo boat destroyer." "Her name?" demanded the ober-lieutenant, writing. "I decline to state." "Name of the destroyer?" insisted the German. "You heard my answer to that," Darrin returned, his lips tightening. "I refuse to reveal the name of the destroyer." "Her present station?" "I decline to answer." "Your reason for being away from your craft and being aboard the 'Rigsdak'?" queried the German, glancing up. "I was washed overboard in a gale, and rescued by the crew of the 'Rigsdak'," Dave answered, truthfully, without going into details. "Were you washed overboard from the craft of which you are commanding officer?" pressed the German. "Again I must decline to answer." "Oh, very good," said the ober-lieutenant, carelessly. "I shall find that out presently." Then, as he scanned the information he had written down, the German asked: "Darrin? Darrin? Where have I heard that name before?" Picking up another book from the table, the ober-lieutenant turned rapidly through some indexed pages. Suddenly a gleam came into his eyes. "Ah, here I have it. Darrin, David. Responsible for the capture and recognition of Ober-Lieutenant von Bechtold. Witness against von Bechtold, who was executed in England as a spy. Ha! So you are the Darrin, eh?" "I may be," half-assented Dave, feeling the other's burning gaze. "Then I am glad to have you here, Lieutenant-Commander Darrin!" cried the German officer, "but I am afraid things will go badly indeed with you when you arrive in Germany!" CHAPTER X LIKE THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH "INDEED?" asked Dave, raising his eyebrows slightly. "You cannot expect that the people of the Fatherland will feel any great kindness toward you," pursued the ober-lieutenant. "Why should they dislike me?" "Because you brought about the death of von Bechtold, and he was an officer most valuable to our government." "If you caught an American spy in Germany would you arrest him?" "Assuredly," admitted the German officer. "And do your best to prove your charge against him and have him executed." "Again, assuredly." "That was what I did, in the case of von Bechtold." "Bah, you are like the French and English!" snapped the ober-lieutenant. "You can never get it through your heads that a German is more important than one of your kinds of people." "No," Dave agreed, "I am afraid that we cannot appreciate that fact, or even admit it to be a fact." "And now, before you leave me," broke in the German officer, quickly, "tell me the name of your destroyer and the station on which you last served." Dave smiled, but did not answer in words. The ober-lieutenant regarded him frowningly. "Oh, very good," said the German, at last. "There are those in Germany who know how and possess the means to make you talk. Your record shall be completed there. And now--!" Going to the wardroom door the ober-lieutenant called: "Lieutenant von Schellen!" The same younger officer came to the door. "Be good enough to show Lieutenant Commander Darrin to his quarters and extend to him any courtesies that you properly may. It is not fitting that a man of his rank should have to receive orders from a seaman." "This way," directed von Schellen, briefly. He led the way down the narrow passage to a curtained doorway. "In here you will find your home until we reach Germany," said von Schellen. "If you wish exercise you may leave your sleeping cabin and walk back and forth in this passage-way. If the ober-lieutenant should decide to be gracious enough to invite you to the wardroom, then you will also have the freedom of that room--at meal hours only. You will not go to any other part of this craft." With a curt nod the young lieutenant left Dave. Perhaps von Schellen had done his best to be courteous. Pulling back the curtain Dave looked in. It was a stuffy little place, just long enough to hold two berths, one above the other, against the outer shell of the submarine. In the upper berth Captain Kennor lay at full length, a hand over his eyes. "We are cabin-mates, then?" Dave asked, gently. "Yes, so I been told," the Dane answered gloomily. "And you in the upper berth? Why did you not take the lower one? It is more comfortable." "I vould no so presume!" protested the Dane. "Not wid a man of your rank." "I haven't rank enough in our naval service to feel conceited about it," Darry smiled, "and you are considerably older than I. Any difference there may be in comfort is your due. Will you kindly exchange?" Not without some difficulty did Dave succeed in inducing Captain Kennor to change to the lower, broader berth of the two. Dave, after removing his boots and some of his clothing, climbed to the upper berth, spreading a blanket over himself and lying down, for he felt that rest was absolutely needed. At the noon-meal hour the ober-lieutenant sent an orderly to invite Darrin to the table, though the same invitation was not to be extended to Captain Kennor, who would be expected to eat with the German petty officers. But, as Dave and Captain Kennor were asleep at the time, the orderly departed without waking them. It was past the middle of the afternoon when Dave Darrin at last awoke sufficiently to decide upon rising. Getting to the floor, and noting that Captain Kennor was still asleep, Dave dressed almost by stealth. While he was still so engaged there came a slight knock at the door. A German petty officer looked in. "The ober-lieutenant sends his compliments," announced the fellow, in English. "He will be pleased to have you join him. I will lead the way." Dave followed, down the passage and out into the main cabin. There, at a table under the conning tower, sat the ober-lieutenant and the same younger officer. "We will raise the periscope and show you what we are about to do," said the ober-lieutenant, with a half-malicious smile. Von Schellen, his hand on the wheel of the periscope mechanism, awaited a nod from his chief. Receiving it, the younger officer turned the wheel, sending the periscope up a foot above water. On the white surface of the shaded table beneath Dave saw the image of a vessel. "The fellow yonder has not yet sighted us," said the ober-lieutenant, grimly. "We are about to send him a torpedo. Yonder craft is to be our game--Yankee steel and Yankee meat!" As for Dave, as he stared in horror at the image on the table he recognized in the ship mirrored there Dan Dalzell's own command, the "Reed." Forcing himself to speak calmly, and to act a part Dave begged: "One moment longer, please! Let me see whether I can recognize the doomed craft." "Doomed, indeed," chuckled the ober-lieutenant. "We are in position and I am about to fire. Be ready to drop the 'scope, von Schellen!" But Dave Darrin, knocking von Schellen's hand away, seized the lever, forcing the periscope to rise to its full height above the conning tower. Nor did he stop there. With the mightiest twist and wrench of which he was capable he jammed the lever so that it could not be promptly operated to lower the periscope. "Stop!" thundered von Schellen, leaping to his feet, his face purple with rage. "I've stopped," assented Darry, smilingly, as he stepped back. "Do you realize what you have done, scoundrelly Yankee?" hissed the ober-lieutenant, also rising and drawing his revolver. "Of course I do," Dave smilingly assented. "You have jammed the periscope. But at least we can dive when we need, for--there!" With deft manipulation of a small device the German commander added: "I have closed the valves of the 'scope, which will now admit no water if we dive. You did not succeed, Herr Darrin. But you will draw upon us the Yankee fire if yonder commander is now able to sight our scope." As if to verify the statement a muffled sound came to them through the water. Glancing down swiftly at the table von Schellen saw that reflected which caused him to exclaim: "The Yankee destroyer has opened upon us with her forward port gun. And there goes the starboard gun!" Von Schellen, at a nod from his chief, signalled the orders for diving. The ober-lieutenant saw the "Reed," as pictured on the white table, come steaming toward the submarine at full speed. "You idiot!" raged the German commander. "Your treachery has betrayed us, and now the Yankee will do his best to sink us and drown all on board here." "That's what I'm praying right now he'll do!" cried Dave Darrin, his face radiant with the glory of the thought. CHAPTER XI A VICTIM OF COURTESY "AND what about the woman we have on board?" demanded the ober-lieutenant, hurriedly. "Would you destroy her, too--cause her, if you could, to die the death of drowning helplessly?" "I--I had forgotten her," Dave confessed. But from the passageway came a prompt response. "Never mind me," called Mrs. Launce. "I have heard, and I, also, pray to see this pirate craft destroyed before it can accomplish any more wickedness and destruction. My own death does not matter!" "Silence, woman!" cried the ober-lieutenant, glaring at Mrs. Launce. "Mrs. Launce has spoken, and has no more to say," broke in the unruffled voice of Caleb Launce. "Is that the way you address women when they are helpless?" Dave demanded, tauntingly. "When they take part in conversations without being asked," the German answered, curtly. "I have heard it was a way with the naval men of your country," Dave drove back, tauntingly. Von Schellen reported: "We are now sixty feet below the surface, and headed west by southwest. Any further orders?" "None," replied the commander. "Keep to the course until I direct it to be changed." With a stiff salute von Schellen turned and vanished. "Your Yankee friend shall not catch us this time," jeered the ober-lieutenant. "Listen! Can you hear his propellers? We are going directly away from him." "He will catch you, in the end," Darrin retorted, "or some other comrade will. I know how many of your craft our Navy has put out of commission, and I know how many our Allies have destroyed." "But you do not know how many submarines we have left, nor how fast we are building them," mocked the German commander. "Do not be too sure of that," Dave retorted. "It may be that our information is more exact than you suspect." "Have you anything definite to say on that subject?" demanded the ober-lieutenant, regarding his prisoner attentively. "Naturally not." "Then, as I shall be busy, will you be good enough to return to the bounds set for you?" Dave bowed, turned and re-entered the passage-way. The German naval officer's manner toward him had not been insulting. There was an evident effort to treat Darrin with the outward show of respect that should be accorded to a prisoner of his rank. Yet Dave knew that his enemy hated him. Mr. and Mrs. Launce were in the passage-way, and Captain Kennor could be heard stirring in his cabin. "Mr. Darrin, we are now at good depth under water?" inquired Mr. Launce. "Yes, sir; I believe so. We are not to be caught and destroyed just yet." "That I am sorry to hear," replied the lawyer, gravely. "And, I, too, am sorry," spoke up Mrs. Launce. "Life has been sweet to me, but I would much rather be dead than a captive in Germany. I condole with you, Mr. Darrin, that it was not possible for you to bring about the destruction of this wretched craft." "It will, before long, go the way of the other German submarines," Dave assured her, hoping that there were enemy eavesdroppers who would overhear and understand. At best exercise in this narrow short passage was a farce, though it was often more agreeable to be out here than sitting in the cramped space of one of the tiny sleeping cabins. The four prisoners rested, or moved listlessly about, until the evening meal was ready. Then Captain Kennor was summoned to eat with the petty officers, while Dave and his English companions received word to join the craft's officers in the tiny wardroom. Mr. Launce glanced at Dave with a questioning look. "Really, Mr. Darrin, I would as soon starve as eat with those German officer fellows, and my wife feels as I do about it." "And my idea is the same," Dave answered. So Mr. Launce turned to the German mess servant, delivering in German a message to the effect that the three prisoners did not care to join the officers at mess. Thereupon von Schellen came out. "What is the matter?" he asked. "We don't care to eat with you, sir," Mr. Launce replied, bluntly. "Oh, very well," replied the junior officer, carelessly. "You three, then, may eat at second table after we are pleased to be through." Clicking his heels and wheeling, the junior officer went back to the wardroom. The three prisoners waited more than an hour before the same mess attendant came and beckoned them to enter. They were alone, now, save for the presence of the ober-lieutenant, who was seated at one end of the table writing. He did not look up as they entered and seated themselves. The meal set out was a coarse one, in quality of food, but there was plenty of it. The three prisoners ate slowly, almost in silence, nor did they address their host. Before the meal was over the German commander left the room without word or sign to his guests. "Why, the boat has stopped!" exclaimed Mrs. Launce, in a low voice, some three minutes later. "Are we resting on the bottom?" "I think I shall soon be able to answer you," Darrin replied. Soon machinery began to rumble. "We are on the surface," said Dave, laying down knife and fork. "We are recharging batteries." Mrs. Launce leaned forward to whisper: "Then surely there is some chance that one of our own craft will hear the racket. We may be fired upon and sunk, do you not think?" "You are eager for death?" Dave asked, studying her face. "Yes. I prefer death to being taken to Germany." "And I, too," Dave nodded. "Have they anything against you there?" Mrs. Launce whispered, after glancing about her. "Only, I believe, that I brought about the capture and execution of one of their most valuable spies." "That would be enough," whispered Mr. Launce. "For that the Germans would not openly try and execute you, but they will find other ways to bring about your death." Instantly it occurred to Darrin that, evidently, some one in official Germany knew of something to bring against Mrs. Launce, for her question to Darrin had indicated as much. As they sat there at the table the young American officer noted that the submarine rolled hardly at all. It was plain that the recent gale had subsided, for the slight rocking of the boat indicated only a gentle swell on the surface of the sea. In the doorway appeared Lieutenant von Schellen. In his right hand, steadied by his left, was what looked like an album. Glancing up from a page the junior officer remarked, with quick speech and decided emphasis: "You are the Countess of Denby." By a great effort the Englishwoman turned slowly, glancing at the German. "Ah!" she exclaimed. "You have another woman prisoner? You are bringing her here. I am sorry that she is in your hands." "_You_ are the Countess of Denby!" von Schellen charged again, once more levelling his accusing finger at her. "And you, sir," shifting the direction of his finger to point at the supposed Mr. Launce, "are the Earl of Denby!" "I have risen in the world since I went to sea!" jested the Englishman. "We know who you are, now," von Schellen continued, with brutal bluntness, "and we know as much more about you as we need. We know of the Admiralty office that you visited, and we know the information that you two were expected to gather along the Kiel Canal when you should have entered Germany! Oh, you will soon understand that we have most excellent information from England! You journeyed to Denmark on a poor old tramp steamer, under assumed names and with fraudulent passports furnished by your government. From Denmark you were to work your way to Holland, and thence into Germany, which country you would enter with still other passports furnished you in Holland. We know all about the noble pair of Denby! Of course you will deny this, but save your denials for use before a German court!" Having said which von Schellen turned and left them. The Englishman and woman gave each other a swift, horrified glance, then lowered their eyes. As they looked up again Dave sent them a swift glance of sympathy, but there was a look of defiant pride on the Englishwoman's face. The same thought was in the minds of all three. Von Schellen or some other German had been eavesdropping near enough to hear the whispered conversation that had taken place. That was a fair ruse for use in war-time. Darrin, as he looked at the English pair, felt sure that they really were the Earl and Countess of Denby. From the cabin under the conning tower came a chorus of hoarse laughter. The Englishwoman's swift look said plainly: "They are laughing over the discovery that they have made." After that, gloom fell upon the trio. Darrin had never heard, before, of the Earl of Denby. Later he learned that the Earl had led a recluse's life among books until the war began. About that time he had married a young noblewoman, and the pair had gone promptly into effective war work, though not in ways that caused their portraits to be published in the illustrated weeklies. Von Schellen re-appeared five minutes later, casting first a look of triumph at the English couple, next turning to Dave. "The American officer may take the air briefly on deck if he so desires," said the German. "It is by gracious permission of the commanding officer." Darrin's first impulse was to decline, unless his companions were included. He changed his mind, however, for he had an intense desire to find out, if possible, in what waters the craft now was. So he rose, bowing to his table companions, and followed von Schellen to the conning tower ladder. Here he passed Herr Ober-Lieutenant and bowed stiffly. "I am trusting you on deck," said the latter, with a frown. "It is a courtesy. Do not abuse it by any untoward conduct." Then Dave followed his conductor up into the tower, von Schellen all the while keeping sharp lookout to see that Darrin did not attempt to do any damage to the levers on the indicator board. Von Schellen, preceding him to the deck, turned to say, as Darrin reached the platform: "Observe. Your desperate trick did not harm us for long. You will note that the periscope is again lowered. In fact, a new one has been put in its place. We have tested the new periscope and its bearings, and have found that they work perfectly. Your treachery, with which you repaid the commanding officer's courtesy, did not avail you much." Darrin did not reply. Instead, he turned to survey the night on all sides. Overhead were heavy clouds, obscuring the light of the moon, which, in its present phase, would have furnished considerable light over the waters. There was a fine mist in the air, but the sixth sense of the sailor warned Dave not to expect rain tonight. Despite the cloudiness, however, one could see for a considerable distance over the slightly rolling sea. There was no other craft in sight. "You do not see much hope," mocked von Schellen. "We have chosen a quiet part of the sea, as you will notice." "You usually try to do that, don't you?" Dave asked, in a tone of ordinary curiosity. "You must know," laughed the junior officer. "You have spent months pursuing our submarines." "And have had some success in catching them," Dave answered. Von Schellen's laugh was bitter as he rejoined: "Ah! You are a good boaster! But do not go too far, Herr Darrin! Do not make me wish to strike you!" "I wouldn't care how soon you struck me," Darrin smiled, "provided I could be assured of a fair field and no favor in defending myself. But I think we are going too far in our talk, are we not, when one considers the consideration that a captor must show to a prisoner of war. As a gentleman you cannot strike me; nor, as a gentleman, can I seek to provoke you to do so. The situation is one calling for tact, Herr Lieutenant." "And I cannot forget that you are taking occasion to remind me of the fact," retorted von Schellen, a dark look coming into his face. "Then may I, as the prisoner of war, ask that the subject be changed?" Dave Darrin suggested. "By all means," von Schellen returned, quickly, though he was able to perceive that the American had again succeeded in putting him in the wrong. Just a moment later a petty officer appeared on deck. Taking two or three steps toward the junior officer he halted, saluted, and then remained standing at attention, as though waiting. Von Schellen stepped over to the man, and a conversation followed in low tones, but did not last long. "If you care to remain on deck and watch," said the junior lieutenant, "you will see something that may interest you." CHAPTER XII GERMAN BRUTALITY AT ITS WORST JUST behind the conning tower a jointed steel mast was raised and stepped by three seamen who came at the petty officer's order. Farther astern a narrow, ledge-like trapdoor of steel was raised, and from this was taken and stepped another steel jointed mast. The seamen now worked quickly in rigging aerial wires in place. In a very short time the work was completed, and the petty officer saluted von Schellen. "You cannot fail to understand what we are doing," hinted the young German officer. "You are about to send or receive radio messages, I take it," Dave replied. "You have been told, of course, that we always report our whereabouts after dark?" "Yes, it is common knowledge with the Allies," Dave admitted. "And also that you receive instructions from the home offices of your Admiralty." There was a crackling sound on the aerials, followed by others, some short, some long. "A wonderful invention, is it not?" asked von Schellen, with satisfaction. "Yes, and first developed outside of Germany," Dave bantered, good-humoredly. "True enough, but we have known how to take the radio and adapt it to all our needs," retorted von Schellen. "Your operator is now reporting your whereabouts, of course." "That would seem likely, wouldn't it?" the other demanded. "And then you will receive information." "Yes; and sometimes we have even messages for our men from their homes," laughed von Schellen. "More! I have even had tender messages from my sweetheart! And have answered them in kind!" For a moment Dave stared in astonishment. He knew von Schellen for a truly heartless brute. The idea that any woman could love this fellow came almost as a shock. And that Schellen could have any tender feelings! Wonders would never cease. "Of what are you thinking, if I may ask?" the German went on. "After information coming to you," Darrin hinted, "it almost goes without saying that you receive your orders." "Surely we receive them," nodded the German, "if we happen to need any. But in our line of professional work, after we have received information we do not often need orders. We know how to use our information." "Of course," Dave went on, "any other radio operator who is within hearing distance can pick up your messages, so you do not send them in open German but use a code, or rather, a series of codes." "If your radio men have ever picked up any of our messages," retorted the young German, "you must know that you were not able to decipher their meaning." "We could not always decipher them," Darrin admitted. "What do you mean by that?" "Why, it is possible, of course, that sometimes we and our Allies have some keys to the German use of code messages." "You assert that?" questioned von Schellen, rather eagerly. "No, and I do not deny it, either," Dave smiled. "You are interesting, but discreet," complained the German, banteringly. "And I may say as much of you," Dave continued. "Naturally, you know some things that you would not tell me, and I know a few things that I would not dream of telling you." "And, instead, you hint at things that are not so, and perhaps I do about the same thing," returned von Schellen. After that silence fell for some minutes. Dave walked back and forth, the junior officer watching him keenly. Overhead the crackling at the aerials continued, with occasional intervals of silence when the operator below was busy receiving messages. Again a petty officer approached von Schellen, saluting and reporting in an undertone. "It is time for you to go below," announced von Schellen, turning to Dave. "I appreciate very much this opportunity to take the fresh air," Dave said, politely, as he turned toward the conning tower. "Oh, I guess you're welcome," said the lieutenant, shortly, and with a meaning smile, "though sometimes there is such a thing as too much outdoor life." To Darrin's mild astonishment, as he stepped below, a folding table had been set up, and around this were seated the ober-lieutenant and two other officers, one of them an engineer. Von Schellen, at a nod from his chief, made the fourth at the table. Into this cabin were brought the English couple and the Danish master. Several sailors stood about. The occasion began to take on a formal look, which was heightened when the ober-lieutenant laid on the table a small sheaf of papers. "First of all, you, Herr Darrin," began the ober-lieutenant. "There can be no doubt that you are Darrin?" Dave thrust a hand in under his sheepskin, bringing to light a card-case. From it he withdrew a pasteboard which he laid on the table. "That is my card," he said. The ober-lieutenant studied it deliberately, then passed it to another officer as he continued: "And you do not deny that it was you who captured Ober-Lieutenant von Bechtold of the Imperial German Navy. You were the principal witness against him when he was tried in Britain for being a spy?" "I do not deny it, sir." "That is all. You may step back." As Darrin drew back he could not escape the feeling that two of the seamen near him regarded him as being their especial prisoner. "And now, the Earl and Countess of Denby," called the ober-lieutenant. The English couple remained as motionless and appeared as unconcerned as though they had not heard. "You two, I mean," insisted the ober-lieutenant, turning to them. "Oh," said the man, and stepped forward, his wife following him. The ober-lieutenant eyed the pair impressively before he asked them: "You do not deny that you are the Earl and Countess of Denby?" "No," replied the man. "Ah! Then you admit it?" "No," he said, promptly. "But either you must be, or you cannot be, the noble couple whom I have named. Which is it?" "That is for you to determine," replied the man. "But what do you say yourselves?" "Nothing." "But you must answer my question!" the commanding officer insisted angrily. "You fatigue me," declared the man. "You have not answered my question, and won't?" "We have nothing to say." Frowning, the ober-lieutenant whispered to a petty officer, who had placed on the table the same album that von Schellen had brought to the wardroom door. The commanding officer opened the album, pointing to two photographs that adorned a page. "These are your photographs, are they not?" he demanded, glancing up at the pair. But no reply came from them. "At least," said the ober-lieutenant, stiffly, "you have been given abundant opportunity to deny, and have declined to do so. Our imperial government has had sufficient information that you two have recently entered the British secret service. It is even known to the imperial government that you two recently undertook to penetrate into Germany, under even another assumed name than Launce, and that you planned to spy upon what was to be learned along the Kiel Canal. You even had some of your arrangements made for performing that seemingly very difficult piece of spy work. You have been charged, and you refuse to deny. It is the same as a confession on your parts. The Earl and Countess of Denby will stand aside." Two sailors, at a sign from the ober-lieutenant, drew the English pair back. "Martin Kennor, once master of the Danish freight steamer 'Rigsdak!'" called the commander. Promptly the Danish skipper stood forward. "There can be no doubt at all that you answer the description just given?" demanded the ober-lieutenant. "None vatever," agreed Kennor. "The only fault to be found with you," continued the ober-lieutenant, "is that you had the misfortune to be found in such company, and that later on your tongue might prove too long and ready. That is all!" Von Schellen, again on his feet, signalled to some of the seamen, then said: "The prisoners will follow me." To the amazement of all he led the way to the conning tower. After him the sailors herded the four prisoners of war. They ascended the ladder, the Englishwoman being the last of the four. Her husband and Captain Kennor assisted her as she stepped through the manhole to the deck outside. "But this is unkind," she declared, with a shiver. "My husband and I have not our outer wraps, and the night is chilly." "I will mention the matter," replied von Schellen, stiffly. The wireless masts and aerials had disappeared. As the four passengers stood on the deck and wondered, the seamen entered the submarine through the manhole in the wake of von Schellen. When the last of them had gone into the conning tower the junior lieutenant re-appeared at the manhole to call: "A pleasant evening for four!" Then the manhole cover was closed and there came to those on deck a muffled sound connected with fastening it on the inside. "What does this new insolence mean?" cried the Englishwoman. "If you do not guess, you must soon know," replied her husband, throwing an arm about her. It was then that Mrs. Launce understood. She turned pale, but did not cry out. Perhaps a full minute passed before the submarine began to move forward. Dave Darrin, familiar with the sounds from below, knew that the rumble of machinery coming to his ears was caused, not by the engines used in surface running, but by the electric motors employed when running under water. "The brutes are going to drown us, as they did the hapless sailors they took from our boat!" gasped the Englishwoman. "Yes, my dear," replied her husband, "and you have said that you would prefer drowning to being a prisoner in Germany." "I still say it," she answered quietly. "We are to have our wish," said her husband. Dave Darrin remained immobile; Captain Kennor shrugged his shoulders without speaking. The prow of the craft dipped into the water, which soon came creeping up around their ankles. The forward deck was now out of sight, the water in which they stood rising toward their knees. CHAPTER XIII FACING THE PLANNED DEATH TURNING to Darrin the Englishman held out his hand. "Good-bye" he said, simply. "You have been a good comrade. I trust you have not been disappointed in us, either." "Let's not say good-bye yet," urged Dave cheerfully. "Surely we are not going to give up and drown, merely because a lot of German rascals so will it." "But we cannot last long in the water," protested the Englishman, mildly. "At least, sir," Dave suggested, "we shall not die until we have to. You swim?" "Once I did." "Then you can swim now. The sea is nearly smooth. Let us try to keep together. And you, Captain Kennor? You swim?" "Yes." "Good. We'll keep together as long as we can." At this moment the Englishwoman, the shortest of the quartette, gave a little cry as she found her footing giving way beneath her. "All together!" cried Darrin, with a cheeriness he did not feel, as he gripped the woman's left arm. Another drop of the deck sent them all adrift. The Englishman supported his wife on her right. Captain Kennor, nearly silent, but undaunted, swam slightly behind the others that he might offer aid wherever needed. Strangely enough, though the swimmers spoke to each other occasionally, none now referred to the dastardly conduct of the enemy in setting them thus adrift to drown. "You are cold, my dear, I know," said the Englishman to his wife. "Are you suffering otherwise?" "No; but though I would not willingly drown myself, I shall not be sorry when we give up and go down." "Had I felt that way the last time I found myself in the water," spoke up Dave, "I would not be here now." "You had on a life belt. Now none of us has," answered the Englishwoman, her teeth chattering. "We cannot last long." "After my last experience, madam," Dave assured her, "I shall never dare say that as long as life lasts." "Why not face facts calmly?" she asked. "Probably I shall last a quarter of an hour before I die of cold. I may survive for twenty minutes or a little longer. You are strong, and may keep up for an hour or more. What can possibly come to our aid in that short time?" "Who can say?" was Dave's counter-question. For some time, they swam in silence. They did not attempt to make progress. Motion enough to keep afloat was all that was called for. All at once Dave wondered whether his eyes were playing him tricks, or whether he really saw the top of a conning tower approaching him. It was not likely that the enemy would remain about, and come back to see how it fared with the victims of their cruelty. Then the something in the water took on another vague shape. Darrin shook his head in an effort to get the water out of his eyes. He peered again. The shape, whatever it was, and if it really existed, was beginning to get on his nerves. It seemed to come nearer. "Captain Kennor!" called Darrin, sharply. "Aye!" responded the Dane. "Are you still swimming strongly?" "Aye!" "Then will you swim ahead and see what it is that my eyes show me on the water?" "Oh, aye!" With lusty strokes the Dane swam around him, and then ahead. "A little more to the left!" called Dave. Then Captain Kennor believed that he saw it, too, and headed straight for the object. Getting nearer he sent back a real cheer. "What is it?" Darrin called. "A spar!" "Any size?" "Large enough us to hold all up! Swim dis vay! Alone, can I hardly push it to you." Neither Dave nor the Englishman needed urging. They swam, still bearing the woman between them. The sight of the Dane ahead of them holding to the spar with one arm, and holding up the other hand, heartened them wonderfully. Soon all three had gained the spar, and Captain Kennor, drawing a cord from his pocket, soon succeeded in lashing the Englishwoman so securely to the spar that she could not slip away and perish. "Now, you will remember what I said about not giving up," Dave reminded his companions. "Why, yes, I am buoyed up, and perhaps you men can manage to hold on, also," admitted the woman. "Yet we must freeze to death." "We will still dare to hope," Darrin replied, calmly. "You are a splendid inspiration, Mr. Darrin!" declared the Englishman, heartily. "I wish I could believe that you are a true prophet, as well." "Oh, well," spoke Dave, with a lightness that was deceptive, "I've really been in several worse scrapes than the present one." But to himself he added: "May I be forgiven for uttering what seems to me to be a possibly helpful lie!" Though they were now safely afloat for some time to come, their situation rapidly became worse, owing to the increasing cold. Especially was this noticeable in the case of the Englishwoman. From time to time her eyes closed. When spoken to she had to exert considerable effort to shake off her languor before she could reply. She became still more drowsy; evidently she was on the verge of freezing to death. From speaking kindly her husband dropped into sharp tones for the sole purpose of keeping her awake. Presently he was forced to resort to light blows in order to bully her into wakefulness. Once she fell soundly asleep she would not again awake. As for Captain Kennor, he held on almost dumbly. He seldom spoke, his eyes mournfully regarding the woman whose battle for life was slowly being lost. "This is awful!" cried the Englishman, hoarsely, after another effort to rouse his wife from slumber. "For all of us," Darrin admitted, "though there is still hope." "Where?" inquired Captain Kennor. "I do not know," Dave confessed. "Yes, I do, too, though! Look yonder! No, in that direction!" At first the others could not make it out. Captain Kennor was the first to see what Dave had found. It was only a low, dark cloud on the horizon, and it looked as though smaller clouds detached themselves and sailed away on the low-hanging sky. "I see it, too!" cried the Englishman, at last. "But what is it?" "A ship," Dave answered. "To be more exact, it looks like a destroyer, and it looks too as though it might pass within a quarter of a mile of us." "Look, my dear--look!" the Englishman urged his wife, shaking her in his eagerness to have her realize the thread of hope that dangled before their eyes. "A ship coming! We are to be saved." Her eyes opened at last; the woman struggled bravely to show interest in the sight that half-cheered the others, but she could not. She was too far gone, and her eyes closed again. "Keep your wife awake, sir, if you have to begin to pull her hair from her head!!" It was a command. "See how near that craft is getting. Jove, sir! I believe it is one of our own Yankee ships!" "But they will not come close enough to see us," objected Captain Kennor, with the practiced eyes of the veteran seaman. "They are not using their searchlight, and we have no way of signalling to them." Without speaking Darrin tried a desperate hope. In one of his hands something gleamed out into the night. "What is it?" demanded the Dane. "Himmel! Der flashlight! Vere or ven did you by dat come?" "I found it in the locker of our sleeping cabin, and hid it in my clothes," Dave answered, as he again tested the light. "I did not want to speak of it unless there should come some hope to us. This light was evidently left by some German who had used that cabin. It's waterproof, too. When I found it I had a hope that it might come in handy before I got through with this adventure. And now!" Waiting only a minute or two longer, Dave, clinging to the spar with one arm, held the other hand as high aloft as he could. "Help!" he signalled by flashes in the Morse code. "Help!" "It is such a tiny glow, to carry so far!" sighed the Englishman. "Maybe id vill seen be," said Captain Kennor. Dave continued to signal until, to his great joy, there came an answering signal from a blinker light which asked: "Who are you?" "Four castaways, clinging to a spar. Help before we freeze!" Dave flashed back, desperately. "If only the commander of that boat does not suspect us of being a German submarine springing a trap!" cried the Englishwoman. A searchlight flashed up, then its broad beam stretched across the waters as the operator tried to pick up the floating ones. Dave threw the flash into a continuous light while the searchlight beam continued groping. Then, in a blessed instant, the beam struck almost blindingly across the spar and the four human beings held up by it. "Now, they've spotted us," Dave cried, exultingly. "They won't run away and leave us without a look-in." Holding the spar with the searchlight beam, the destroyer changed its course, bearing down rapidly upon them. Then it stopped and a motor launch was lowered from davits. With a burst of speed the launch came alongside the spar. Busy hands were outstretched. The Englishwoman was the first to be taken aboard, after a few quick slashes had freed her from the binding cord. [Illustration: "Help!"] "Why, here's Lieutenant Commander Darrin!" exclaimed a voice. Dave, almost too weak to speak, was hustled into the boat, then the other two men were taken over. Blankets were wrapped about the rescued ones, and the launch dashed back to her ship. "A woman, Lieutenant Commander Darrin and two other men!" the officer in charge of the launch hailed the destroyer. "Darrin!" cried a voice. There was even greater bustle at the top of the gangway that had been lowered as the launch ran alongside. As swiftly as possible the four rescued ones were rushed up the side. "Old Darry himself, eh?" cried a joyous voice, as Danny Grin hurried up. "Has the woman any relative in the party?" "Yes; her husband," Dave answered weakly, then collapsed. "Take the woman and her husband to my quarters," Dalzell directed. "Have a cot put in and lashed for the husband, and put the woman in the berth. Mr. Darrin and the other man will go to the sick bay." Willing hands bore the rescued ones as ordered. Dan himself followed Dave's bearers down to the sick bay and there supervised the treatment given Dave and Captain Kennor, while the medical officer went to Dan's quarters, the best on the craft. The Englishman was soon more comfortable. His wife, however, required serious attention. Dalzell shook his head over Dave, who appeared all in and not able to talk. "Was he in the water longer than the rest of you?" asked Dalzell, as soon as Captain Kennor was able to talk. "No; but he vas der water in vonce before," was the reply. "Der second time he could stand not so well." That gave Dan the clue. As soon as the medical officer could be spared from the care of the Englishwoman for a few moments he was ordered to the sick bay. "Mr. Darrin may pull through, but I won't guarantee anything," said the surgeon, after an examination. "The chances are all against him. I am afraid the woman is going to die also." CHAPTER XIV DAVE PLEDGES HIS WORD FOR RESULTS THAT double report helped Dan Dalzell to make up his mind. "Run straight for port," he ordered the executive officer, naming the nearest British haven that offered rail connection. In an hour and a half the destroyer had dropped anchor at the port. More medical aid was brought aboard, including a trained nurse for the Englishwoman. A few hours after daylight the woman had recovered sufficiently to warrant her removal to a hospital on shore. No strong hopes were yet entertained of keeping her alive for more than a day or two. Her husband had stood the watery ordeal much better. Captain Kennor, who, with Dave, was taken to the hospital later in the day, had nearly recovered by the day following. But for Dave Darrin there followed black hours. According to the doctors a severe case of pneumonia was about the best that could be predicted for him. On the day after he was taken ashore Darrin opened his eyes with a light of recognition in them. At the foot of the cot, in a chair, sat a stalwart, youthful figure. Dan Dalzell, whose orders took him to sea again that night, was waiting to the last for better news. "Dan," Dave called, softly, and Dalzell was instantly bending over him. "David, little giant, did you know that the 'Reed' had the good luck to pick you up?" asked Dan, eagerly. "I had a notion of it, but I was too dazed to know really," Darrin answered. "I've been here about all the time ever since," Dan went on. "I wanted to know the news of you as soon as it could be had. But you're going to be all right, now." "Of course I am," agreed Dave, feebly. Unseen by the man on the hospital cot, Dan signalled with one hand. Down the ward came a doctor, followed by a young woman wearing the blue cape ulster of the Red Cross. There was a quick, glad cry; soft lips touched Dave's face. "Belle!" gasped Dave, delightedly. "I'm going to be allowed to sit by you quite a bit, dear, if you don't try to talk to me," replied the steady voice of Belle Darrin. Summoned by cable sent by Dan, Belle had journeyed swiftly from France. "And now I'm off and back to my ship, Belle," said Dan. "But I know you'll find a way to get a radio message through to me when Dave is improved enough to warrant it. Good-bye, Darry, old chap!" And Dan was off, not because he didn't want to stay, but because he knew his chum would want to see the most of Belle. As for that young woman, who held none too positive hopes of Darrin's recovery after what the doctors had told her, she forced herself to be calm and smiling and sat close by, her hand on Dave's forehead when he dropped off into a feverish, troubled sleep. The next day Belle chatted with her husband a little, in a cool, steady voice. Two days after that Dave was actually permitted to sit up. On the sixth day after he had been taken to the hospital Dave was mending so rapidly that Belle, who was obliged to leave that afternoon for her Red Cross post in France, felt wholly easy in mind as to his condition. "It was a lucky chain of events, my two swims in the channel," Darrin told her before they parted. "Lucky, when the experience nearly cost you your life?" exclaimed Belle. "It gave you an excuse for coming to me, and gave me the time and leisure to be with you." "Dave Darrin, you don't mean any such thing! You are needed aboard your ship, and I am needed for my work in France, and nothing can be called really good luck that takes either of us away from his post of duty in war-time." "You little patriot!" Dave laughed, jestingly. "You believe it just as much as I do," Belle maintained stoutly. "I'm glad to have been here with you, dear, but I shall be glad to find myself back at my post. And you know you are glad that you will return to your ship tomorrow." "If she comes in," Darrin amended. "Dave, aren't you nearly wild to get back to duty?" she persisted. "Yes, I am, for as you say, dear, we are all needed at the posts assigned to us. There is another reason why I must get back. The work that has been cut out for us is not proceeding as it should. We have made some good 'catches' in the way of mines, yet the fact is that mines are being planted much faster than we have been taking them up. I must get back to duty and see if I can find out what is wrong." Buttoning his overcoat tightly Dave Darrin walked with Belle to the railway station. The train left so soon after their arrival that there were not many moments left the young couple for leave-taking. After the train had started Dave watched it out of sight. There had been something uncomfortable in his throat, but as he turned away the lump vanished and his jaws set squarely. "Now, my work is cut out for me," he told himself. "I can do only one man's part in this war, but I must do that to the limit and try to make the world a safe place of residence for that little woman and all others like her!" No sooner was the "Grigsby" in port, the next forenoon, than Lieutenant Fernald came ashore and straight to the hospital. "Going on board today, sir?" was Fernald's greeting. "You couldn't keep me ashore any longer," Darrin declared. "Good enough!" said the executive officer, heartily. "We need you, sir! We've been doing our best, but the enemy has been gaining on us. Last night two ships struck mines and went down before rescue could reach them. The Germans are beating us at this mine game, and something must be done, which, of course, sir, is another way of saying that a way must be found to do the right and necessary thing." "I've been thinking that over for twenty-four hours," Darrin went on. "As soon as we are aboard I want to talk the whole situation over with you. Will Dalzell be in today?" "In about an hour, sir, I think. He needs fuel and some food supplies." "Then we'll hold a council of war in the chart-room," Dave decided, as he buttoned up his coat. "I'm ready, Fernald." Dave had already thanked the hospital authorities, and taken leave of them, so the two young naval officers passed outside, made their way down to the water front, and soon thereafter stepped aboard the "Grigsby," reporting their arrival on board to the watch officer. Dave also saw that the forward gun damaged in the fight with the German destroyers had been replaced by a new one. From the gangway they went direct to the chart-room. "I'll hear the reports on the work now, Fernald," Dave announced. Two of the papers that came under Dave's hand especially interested him. One was a detailed list of the ships that had struck mines during the last week in the waters in which he and Dalzell had been operating. The other document contained a report on the discovery and sinking of one fighting submarine and one submarine mine-layer. From these reports Dave turned to the charts of the local waters. When Fernald came back with Dan Dalzell, Dave was still poring over the charts. "From the rapid way in which German mines are being planted in these waters," Dave told his brother officers, "I am satisfied that the enemy submarines do not usually go all the way back to the base port. I believe that the mine-layers are often met by other craft that supply them with mines, and that the submarine mine-layers return quickly to the job of planting mines. Now, the sea area in which the mines are planted leads me to feel certain that the mine-layers rest frequently on these three shoals." Dave pointed on the chart to the shoals in question. "How many mine-sweeping craft have we now under our orders?" he inquired. "Nine," said Dan, promptly. "How many of them can we spare from mine-sweeping?" "None," Dalzell replied, positively. "Either we must spare some, or we must have some sweeper craft added to our fleet," Dave went on. "There are three of these shoals, and hereafter I want two mine-sweepers to spend their time dragging their wires over each shoal. That will take six craft, and these will not have time to do any sweeping in the open sea. We cannot clean up the mines themselves with three craft, can we?" "Plainly not," Dan agreed, "since, with all nine, we have not been able to find and take up all the mines we should have located." "Then we shall have to have more craft," Dave nodded. "Yet if we cannot have more craft assigned to this work, we must go ahead with what we have and do more work. But I believe that the hunt over the shoals should be kept up day and night, without rest, for I am satisfied that the enemy mine-layers rest on these shoals more frequently than we have supposed." After some further conversation Dave had his launch cleared away and went over to a British battleship for a conference with the British admiral in command in those waters. The best the admiral could do was to supply him with three of the hundred-and-ten-foot patrol boats. These, however, were provided with sweepers and possessed good speed. "I hope you're right, Mr. Darrin," said the admiral, at the close of the interview. "To be frank with you, your predecessor in the work of cleaning up enemy mines in this area was a British naval officer, considerably older than yourself. He is a very capable man in many ways, but we felt that he had been so long on coast work that he was growing much too stale. So, when I decided to transfer him to other duties I thought of trying one of your American officers, a young man, full of spirit, and fresh for this work. So I asked your admiral for some one, and he sent Dalzell and yourself." "So far," said Dave, "I have not done any better than my English predecessor, sir?" "Frankly you have not, yet we must remember to deduct your very necessary week in hospital. However, you have done some other excellent things. The capture of the mine-laying neutral, the 'Olga,' for instance, was a splendid bit of work. The fight that you and Mr. Dalzell had with the three enemy destroyers was a fine job. But the mines in these waters continue to be as much of a menace as before." "They won't be, by this time next week, sir. I promise that," said Dave, rising. "How soon can the commanders of the three patrol boats report to me?" "At once. All three are here in the harbor, and, I am told, they are ready to put to sea." "Then, sir, I propose, within a week, to hand you a wholly satisfactory report," Darrin went on. "I had to put in some time on the ground, and it was necessary to study a new problem. Then came a series of adventures that took me out of the work for a while. But now, sir, I hope to show you something new--results!" CHAPTER XV DARRIN SUSPECTS THE GERMAN PLAN THE three shoals selected by Darrin extended over a length of about thirty miles along the coast. It was the center one of these shoals on which he had had previous experience. Further, it was arranged that Dalzell should, in general, cruise along the lower fifteen miles of this stretch, while the "Grigsby" should cover the upper half. From time to time the two destroyers would meet. After sending three mine-sweepers and the three patrol boats to the shoals, two craft to each shoal, Darrin saw to it that the other six were assigned to duty in the deeper waters off shore. Then, with a hearty signal to the "Reed," the "Grigsby" started northward. She steamed by the southernmost shoal, and was passing the second when Darrin was called to the bridge by Ensign Ormsby. "That patrol boat in there signals that she has made a find, sir, so I have changed the course and am heading in." Dave's eyes gleamed as he made out the next signal from the patrol, which was: "Soundings show her to be a big craft. Shall we rig the small bombs on the sweep wires?" "Wait until we arrive," was the answering signal from the "Grigsby." In a few minutes the destroyer was within hailing distance of the patrol boat, which was lying to in the neighborhood of the find. "The enemy submarine appears to be at least 275 feet long, sir," reported the patrol boat commander. "Then a depth bomb should do the business better," Dave shouted back through the megaphone. "Sail over the craft with your sweep, and I'll follow. Signal when you judge us to be squarely over her." Under bare headway the "Grigsby" fell in behind the now slow-moving patrol boat. Almost at once the wire sweeps discovered the hull of the hiding monster. Ahead steamed the patrol boat, the destroyer following. Aft two men stood by the depth bomb apparatus. Down came the white flag of the British signalman on the smaller craft. Dave's hand rested on the telegraph lever to the engine-room. He signalled for full speed ahead, then at the proper moment he shouted: "Let her go!" An instant later the bomb splashed into the water. Immediately following the splash there came a sullen, rending roar under water. A great column of water leaped up from the sea, a heavy volume of it landing on the after deck of the destroyer, all but washing overboard one of the lookouts. The pressure of water fairly lifted the stern of the "Grigsby" until her bow dipped far in. Ensign Ormsby was thrown flat, almost rolling from the bridge. Dave, fortunately, had taken a grip that saved him from falling. It seemed as though the destroyer herself had been blown up, but she quickly settled and scooted ahead at a furious rate. "Half speed ahead," Darrin signalled, as soon as he could let go his grip, and the "Grigsby" slowed down. At the same time she swung around. Even at that distance the huge spread of oil on the surface could be seen. A wild Yankee cheer rose, which was promptly echoed by the British tars of the patrol boat. "No depth bomb ever made that upheaval," Dave gasped, as soon as he could speak, and Mr. Ormsby, much shaken, had picked himself up. "The bombs are ugly affairs, but that felt like the explosion of about ten of them." "Did you notice, sir, that the explosion lasted more than twice as long as we've ever known one to last before?" the watch officer asked. "Yes." "Then what happened, sir?" "Either our explosion touched off a torpedo, which does not seem likely, or else--" For an instant what he was about to say sounded so absurd that Darrin hesitated. "Well, sir--?" queried Ormsby. "Or else that was a mine-layer, with a full cargo of mines aboard, all ready for business, and--But you'll think I've gone daffy." "No, I won't, sir; not after the way this ship rose out of the water," the watch officer declared. "You mean, sir, that our bomb went off right over that craft's cargo of mines, and that the shock must have set off the mines." "That's certainly the way it looks to me," Darrin nodded. "I believe it, sir." Just a few moments later the patrol boat came within hail. Through his megaphone Darrin stated what he believed had taken place. "It's the only thing to account, sir, for such a tremendous explosion," replied the commander of the patrol. "I've been on hand to see a lot of depth bombs go off, and I never saw an upheaval like the one you produced, sir." "Have soundings taken, Mr. Ormsby," Darrin directed. The depth of the water was quickly reported. Dave glanced at the sky. "The light will be strong enough for another hour," he decided. "Have our two divers prepare to go down at once." A launch, cleared away with the divers on board, was anchored in the middle of the oil spot. Two divers went over the side. Presently they signalled for extra cables. When these were let down they attached pieces of metal and gave the signal to haul away. By the time that the hour was up Darrin had abundant evidence to prove that he had destroyed a mine-layer, and that his bomb had blown up several mines stored on the craft. This evidence took the form of fragments of mines. "Some of these pieces must even have been driven up against our hull," Darrin declared. "It is a wonder that we were not sunk." "The counter pressure of the water would lessen the force of these fragments, especially after they had been blown out through the shell of the submarine," Lieutenant Fernald argued. "But I agree with you, sir, that it's a wonder the 'Grigsby' suffered nothing worse than a shaking." Other evidence, too, the divers sent up. The destroyed craft had surely been a mine-laying submarine. The divers measured the length of the wrecked hull, finding it to be close to three hundred feet. They reported, too, that scores of German dead lay in the wreckage. For hours nothing more happened. Just before ten o'clock that night the mine-sweeper's blinkers signalled a call to the "Grigsby," then about four miles distant. "They've found something," Darrin chuckled, when he reached the bridge on a call from Lieutenant Fernald. As the "Grigsby" was heading in toward the shoal, and had some minutes still to go, Darrin asked: "Mr. Fernald, you had a second and even more thorough inspection of the hull made, as I directed?" "Yes, sir; and found the hull so secure that I did not wake you to tell you, sir. There has been no strain of the plates sufficient to start any of them." "I'm thankful to hear that," Darrin acknowledged. "Even with the big, elastic cushion of water between us and that awful explosion, it seems almost incredible that we did not wreck ourselves as well as the enemy." "You've found another submarine?" Dave shouted through the megaphone, as he rang for slow speed and ran parallel with the waiting snub-nosed craft. "We've found two somethings, sir," came back the reply. "They lie about four hundred feet apart and heading in the same direction. I can find them again, sir, but I didn't go back over them for fear they'd take the alarm and run for it." "Perhaps they have," Darrin suggested. "I've dropped small buoys, sir, and can lead you over them." "Then do so, and travel at full speed. Be prepared to get out of our way if we come fast after dropping." Even the two cool-headed sailors who stood by the depth bomb apparatus stiffened themselves as they found the "Grigsby" following in the wake of the mine-sweeper. The after lookouts lashed themselves fast against injury by any such surprise as that of the afternoon. As the signal flashed from the mine-sweeper ahead Dave passed the order for the bomb instantly after ordering full speed. There was an explosion, but an ordinary one, such as this crew of the destroyer was accustomed to. At full speed, too, Dave tried for the second hidden enemy boat. There was barely time to have the second bomb in place when signal and order came. Another terrific explosion, like that of the afternoon! It seemed as though the waters must divide! Yet the "Grigsby," moving fast all the time, felt the shock severely, but not like the one of the afternoon. About the destroyer came, playing her searchlight on the waters. The tell-tale oil patches were there, showing only too plainly that two submarine craft had been destroyed. "Apparently one craft carried no mines, while the other was loaded with them," said Dave to his executive officer. "Fernald, I think I'm beginning to get an idea of the way the enemy are working their mine-laying game. If I'm right we'll make a record along this patch of shoals while the hunting lasts." Patiently Fernald listened and waited, but did not speak. He hoped to hear what his chief's idea was, but it was not the executive officer's place to ask for it. "I may even be able to figure out when the best time would be for hunting these lazy rascals resting on the bottom," Darrin continued. Mr. Fernald began to show signs of a more active curiosity. "But I won't say much about it," Darrin smiled, "until I've more data to work on and have proved some part of my theory." Lieutenant Fernald looked so much like a man who wished to speak that Dave laughed. "Out with it, Fernald," he urged good-humoredly. "You've an idea, too. You may tell me if you wish." "Why, sir," replied the executive officer, "I've about concluded that the enemy mine-laying submarines do not go back to base port for more mines. They have some method for delivering them near here, and thus the mine-layers are able to keep more steadily at work." "That fits in excellently with my idea," Darrin nodded. "And that would account for the great numbers of mines that the enemy is able to lay hereabouts, and yet not have many of the craft caught by us," Lieutenant Fernald continued. "Exactly," Dave agreed. "Moreover, the mine-layers take on their new supplies at night, and do their resting here at night, and get away from these shoals just before daylight." "Of course," Fernald agreed. "If they rested here much in the daytime the aircraft would discover and destroy them." "We'll both keep at work on our ideas, Fernald," Dave proposed. "Besides, we can take time to find facts to support our theories. Then we can get together and start in the biggest smashing of mine-laying craft on record." Both paused in their talk to listen to the sudden boom of guns. Judged by the sound and the wind, the firing was some six miles away. "Lookout there!" Darrin sang out. "Do you see anything?" "Yes, sir," came the reply from aloft. "It must be the 'Reed,' sir. She must have gotten into something stiff, for she's moving shoreward at slow speed and firing as fast as she can serve her guns. She's firing in shoreward, sir." CHAPTER XVI HITTING CLOSE TO THE SALT TRAIL "GIVE us a rocket signal if you need help," Dave signalled the attendant mine-sweeper. Then to the officer of the watch: "Give us full speed, and we'll run down to see if the 'Reed' has work enough for two of our kind." A little further south he signalled same orders to the patrol boat that he had given to the mine-sweeper. Then the "Grigsby" rushed onward as if she scented something of which she did not wish her crew to be deprived. As soon as Darrin discovered that Dalzell was using his searchlight he ordered the "Grigsby's" also to be used. Over the waters the bar of light swept until it picked up a sight that made the officers on the bridge gasp for sheer astonishment. Two submarines, some five hundred yards apart, lay on the surface of the sea. Strangest part of all, neither craft was serving its guns. Why they neither fought nor dived puzzled the "Grigsby's" officers until the "Reed's" guns ceased firing and her blinkers signalled to Dave: "Don't fire on them unless I do. They're helpless." The "Reed," first to approach the submarines, steamed in between them. Then as the "Grigsby" raced up, she received this message from Dalzell: "Wish you would take charge of the nearer submarine. I'll handle the other." On both enemy craft, as seen under the searchlight, the German crews had come out on deck. It was clear that they wished to surrender without further loss of life. So Dave ordered a launch cleared away, with a prize crew armed to the teeth, Ensign Andrews in command. "You men get as far forward as possible," Andrews shouted to the huddled enemy. "Be careful not to have any weapons about you. We'll accept you as prisoners of war, but any attempt at treachery will be sternly punished!" As he spoke the ensign rested one hand on the barrel of a machine gun in the launch's bow. Instantly the Germans began to move forward, only their four officers remaining near the conning tower. "Stand by to catch a line and make fast," called the ensign, as the launch, under headway, lay in close. Though they plainly understood, not one of the German officers made a move to catch a rope. Instead, one of them called to the huddled seamen, two of whom came back to take the line. Making fast, Andrews stepped aboard, followed by some of his armed crew. "You are the only officers of this craft?" Andrews demanded. "Yes," sullenly replied the ober-lieutenant. "Be good enough to hold up your hands while we search you." Though their eyes flashed their rage, the German officers raised their hands while a petty officer "frisked" them one after the other. "None of them armed, sir," was the report. "Then into the launch with them. Next, order the seamen and engine-tenders aft and search them. The launch will carry about twenty prisoners on the first trip." Soon the score of prisoners had been delivered aboard the "Grigsby." A second lot was sent over, after which Andrews decided that he could take charge of the remainder on their own craft. He now had force enough with him to keep this unarmed remainder in subjection. Heading an armed party the ensign went below in the submarine to make an inspection. He had already noted a shell-hole through the hull which had made it impossible for this submarine to dive without drowning the crew. But he found other matters to interest him. This was a mine-layer craft, and at the present moment she had more than twenty mines on board. One of Dalzell's junior officers, searching the other submarine, found her to be a mine-layer, too, but with only two mines on board. This second craft, also, had been pierced through the hull in such fashion that there had been no chance for her to escape by submerging. On each craft forward a crane had been set up, and still stood. Dan Dalzell's report, when made, shed a good deal of light on German methods. The "Reed" had been barely drifting when two submarines had come up within two miles of the destroyer. It was the noise of erecting the cranes that had warned Dalzell's watch officer of their presence there on the dark sea. Suddenly, through night glasses, Dan, who had been called to the bridge, discovered what was taking place. On the quiet waters of this night the two craft had managed to get near enough to each other to attempt to transfer mines from one to the other. Then it was that the "Reed" had opened fire with her guns, had turned on her searchlight and had rushed in. As soon as the German commanders found their boats punctured into helplessness they had signalled their surrender. "But I was glad indeed when I saw you bearing down on us," Dan announced, when he visited his chum a little later. "The enemy had surrendered, but I know enough of German treachery to realize that they might let me drive in close and then try to torpedo me. I needn't have worried, but of course I could not afford to take chances." Sending for Boatswain's Mate Runkle, Dave inquired: "Do you speak German?" "I know about six words, sir; not as many as eight." "Then you are the man for the job, Runkle. Go down among the prisoners that have been sent on board, the seamen, I mean, not the officers. Act as though you were there on duty, but not very busy. Use your six words of German and make English do for the rest. The German sailors won't understand you, unless some of them speak English. That will be all the better, for as soon as you discover that some of the men don't know what you are saying you will be able to judge which of those who speak no English are the most stupid, or the most likely to talk and tell us the truth. Spot three or four of these stupid ones, and then bring one of them here to the chart-room." "Now, what on earth does the 'Old Man' want?" wondered Runkle, as he started away on this errand. "But never mind. Even if I can't guess what he wants it's a cinch that he knows. The stupidest one, eh? I wonder why any Fritz wouldn't do, then!" Runkle found his man within five minutes, detached him from the other prisoners, and led him to the chart-room. Darrin tried his own German on the fellow, asking: "Your craft had just arrived from the base port?" The man stared, then slowly nodded. "How many mines did you have on board when you left the base port?" "Thirty, I heard." "You planted some on the way?" "A few, so I heard." "Most of the mines you were to deliver here tonight?" "Yes." "How many trips a week has your craft been making between here and the base port?" "Usually about four." "Did you always deliver, here, to the same mine-layer?" "No; that was as it happened. Sometimes to one boat, sometimes to another." "How many mines could your craft carry?" "Thirty." As this agreed with the information supplied by Ensign Andrews, Dave believed that the seaman was telling the truth. "Did your craft always come to these same waters to deliver mines to mine-layers?" "Always, since I have been aboard, to some one of the shoals in this stretch of them," replied the sailor. "Do you know how many mine-layers wait over here on the English side to have mines delivered to them?" "No, but they are not so many." "A few, supplied four times a week, can plant a lot of mines," quizzed Darrin. "Oh, yes." "And the craft you were aboard was one of the smaller ones that brought cargoes of mines. Your people have some that carry much larger numbers of mines?" "Yes, and the larger boats that bring mines over to the real mine-layers travel faster under water than our boat did." "So that these larger boats can make at least five round trips a week?" Dave asked. "Oh, yes." "You have not told me the name of your base port," Darrin went on. "And I don't intend to," retorted the seaman. "You are asking me too many questions. I should not have said as much as I did, and I shall not answer any more questions." "You do not need to," Dave assured him. "I already know the answers to a lot of questions that I might have asked you. But you look like a reasonable fellow, and also like a fellow fond of some of the good things of life. Had I found you more ready to talk I might have arranged for you to have a pleasanter time in the English prison than your mates will have." "A pleasanter time until the hangman called for us?" demanded the German, a cunning look coming into his eyes. "The hangman?" Darrin repeated. "Oh, yes! I know! We all know. The English hang the crews of German submarines. Our officers have told us all about it. You are wrong, too, to hang us, for it is the knowledge that the English will hang us that makes us fight more desperately when we are attacked." "But the English will not hang you. You and your mates will be treated as prisoners of war," Darrin assured him. "You will be well fed. You will have some amusements. When spring comes you will have gardens to work in and the flowers or vegetables that you raise will belong to you. It is a stupid lie to tell you that the English hang you all. You will soon be on shore, and in an English prison camp, and then you will know that you have been lied to. You will enjoy finding yourself on shore, for you were not often allowed to go ashore when you got back from these trips to take on your next mine cargo at--" It was a simple trap, but as Darrin paused, the seaman replied: "No, we were not often allowed ashore in ----," naming the port. The port that the seaman mentioned was the one Darrin had been trying to get him to name. The German had unwittingly allowed himself to name the base port from which the mines were shipped. As soon as the German realized his blunder he used some bad language. "That is all," said Dave Darrin. "You may go back to your mates, and by daylight you will know that an English military prison is not at all a bad place." CHAPTER XVII TRYING OUT THE BIG, NEW PLAN "YOU see," Dave nodded to his brother officers, "the theory we had worked out about the method of supplying mines to the submarine layers was the right one. I think that we shall be able to show some results to the admiral." Dan was then instructed to remain to keep watch over the shoals, while the "Grigsby" soon afterwards started for port, escorting the two prizes. Before daylight the captured under-sea boats were duly turned over to the British authorities. Darrin then sought the admiral, and, despite the lateness of the hour, he was soon admitted. "What do you need for your enterprise?" inquired the admiral after listening attentively to the plan Dave had unfolded to him. "Nothing but a dirigible, commanded by the right man," Dave explained. "That ought not to be difficult," declared the British officer. "You shall have what you want. Now, suppose we go over the chart, to make sure that I understand just what you propose to do." On the map Darrin traced the course that he felt sure the German underseas craft pursued when bringing cargoes of mines to the other submarines that were laying mines in British waters. "That would be the natural course for such craft to take," agreed Admiral Wheatleigh. "I trust that you are right in your surmises. If you are, we should have some excellent results within the next few days." "I shall know, sir, within forty-eight hours, and I think it likely that the enemy will also hear something about it within the next few days. At least, sir, the German admiralty should be able to guess." Dave took his leave, hastening back to the "Grigsby," which, an hour later, weighed anchor and stood out to sea. By that time Dave was sound asleep, for he had been through a great deal and was sorely in need of rest before he reached the scene of his intended activities. Some hours later he was called, and was soon on the bridge. "You are at the point at which you wished to be called," said Fernald when Dave reached the bridge. "And you will do well to seek your own rest now, Mr. Fernald," Darrin answered. "You can be called, if needed." Half an hour later Darrin made out, in the sky astern, a tiny speck that rapidly came closer, and proved to be the dirigible sent at his request. As the dirigible came nearer signals were rapidly exchanged. The course for the aircraft was made plain. As for the "Grigsby," her speed was slowed down to mere headway and she loafed over the waters. Two hours passed during which the "blimp" aloft sailed rapidly to and fro in the sky, zig-zagging over the course in a way that covered several square miles in an hour. "She's found something, sir!" cried Ensign Andrews. "She has sighted a craft, bound over the course we had suspected," said Darrin, as signals broke out rapidly from the car under the big gas bag. "We'll let the submarine get by us before we start in chase." Another half hour passed, for, though the dirigible moved swiftly, the underseas craft she was watching was moving only at submerged speed. Then the chase led on past the "Grigsby." Purposely Darrin allowed it to go by him by about a mile ere he joined in the pursuit. Starting at half speed ahead he soon changed it to full speed. And now the dirigible had slowed down, until she was travelling, as her signals stated, at just the speed of the submerged craft directly under her. "We'll go in by the stern and try to make a quick job of it," Darrin proposed, as he gave Andrews final instructions, and turned to see that the signalman with his flag stood well aft on the superstructure. As the destroyer raced in almost under the dirigible Darrin raised his right hand. The signalman with the flag did the same. Just as the "Grigsby's" bridge passed in under the tail of the aircraft Dave Darrin read the signal for which he had waited. The airmen were telling him that the bridge of his craft was almost over the bow of the hidden enemy beneath. Down came Dave's raised hand. Seeing it fall, the signalman let his flag drop. In that same instant the depth bomb was released for its course over the "Grigsby's" stern. Almost in the same second there sounded a terrific if muffled report under the surface. The water rose in three distinct columns, lifting the stern of the "Grigsby" and almost burying her bow under. It was as though a great geyser and an earthquake had met. Columns like waterspouts hurled themselves across and over the reeling destroyer. Even when the "Grigsby's" nose came out and up once more the destroyer rocked in the near tidal wave that the swift series of explosions had produced. "Pardon me, sir," begged Ensign Andrews, when he had regained control of himself. "I feel constrained to remark, sir, that you appear to know how to get all the thrills out of life." "We must have landed right over a mine cargo once more," Dave answered smiling. "There were several explosions, but they came nearly together. One of these days we'll start something like that that will send us up half a mile into the air. But it's great sport, Andrews, especially when you pause to think what it all means." "Great sport for us, but too sudden for the Huns," rejoined the watch officer. "They cannot have had the satisfaction, even, of realizing that anything had hit them." Satisfied that there would be no more underseas explosions, Darrin gave the order to come about. That the underseas craft had been struck was indicated clearly enough by the patches of oil on the water. The force of the explosion told the Yankee tars that the craft must have been blown into bits. "Best thing I ever saw done!" signalled the British officer in command of the "blimp." "Find us another, and we'll try to show you something just as good," Darrin caused to be signalled back. Fernald, who had been called, having reported, was sent with the chief engineer to make a hull inspection below decks. Though some of the hull plates had been dented inward enough to attract attention, no leak could be found. The "Grigsby" was as seaworthy as ever, though after that rocking shock this seemed a marvel. Off in the distance the "blimp" soon became a mere speck to the watchful eyes of those on the destroyer. Dave directed that the aircraft be followed at cruising speed so long as she remained in sight. When the dirigible was at last lost to view the destroyer lay to, her lookouts using their glasses. "Think the aircraft is coming back, sir," reported a lookout from the military mast. From where he stood on the bridge Darrin could make out nothing for several minutes, though in the interval the lookout aloft reported that he could make out the "blimp" with surety, and that she appeared to be flying a signal, though he could not see what it was. Then from the bridge the "blimp" became visible. A little later, too, the flag signal could be seen and read. "Following another submarine," was what the signal said. Going to starboard of the course Darrin advanced at ordinary speed to meet the "blimp," which, as in the former case, was flying just barely astern of the hidden monster, so that the forward British airman lookout could discern the shape of the craft that was being pursued. Dave waited until the dirigible had passed. He then gave the order, "Full speed ahead," and came about behind the "blimp." Leaping forward the "Grigsby" gave chase, the "blimp" at the same time moving up directly over the intended prey. At the drop of the flag above, Darrin let go his right hand, the signalman transmitted the order, and the bomb rolled overboard. As Dave's hand fell the watch officer advanced the lever of the engine-room telegraph. An extra jump was put into the speed. Again a column of water rose astern, but this time there was only the normal explosion of the depth bomb. "Good hit," said the dirigible, by radio, and the message was called up to the bridge. "Saw her stagger. She's done for." The "blimp" veered off once more, going back over her late course. As the "Grigsby" went about Darrin made out the tell-tale spread of oil on the waves. "This is the real form of hunting," he exclaimed. "Too bad, sir, that none of us thought of it before," remarked Ensign Andrews. "We had to wait and learn," Dave explained. "That's the way that all progress in this war has been registered. We are fighting an ingenious enemy. Destroying the submarine mine-carriers, as we are doing today, won't end the planting of German mines. As soon as the enemy finds out how we are checkmating him he'll invent another scheme, which we'll have to discover before we can beat it." Half an hour later the British aircraft located a third submarine. "A big one, too," she signalled. "Following the same course." "Mr. 'Blimp' might try a bomb himself," suggested Ensign Andrews. "I believe he carries a few." "Not as powerful ones as we carry," Darrin answered. "Besides, he has to be at a greater altitude, when hunting submarines, than it's handy to drop a bomb from. There is too much margin of chance that the enemy craft will graze by when the bomb is dropped from the air. In our case, if we drop when directly over the Hun, there can hardly be a miss, and it's the dirigible's business to tell us when we are directly over the enemy." In the meantime, on board the destroyer, all was made ready, and Dave followed the same tactics as before. This time, too, there was a normal explosion, though a solid hit was made and the submarine destroyed. Apart from the "blimp's" report there could be no doubt as to the destruction. The spread of oil on the surface of the sea told the story. "If you and we hurry, we may bag another before dark," Dave sent by wireless, as the aircraft started back again. "We'll do our best, believe us!" came back the word. In the late afternoon a slight haze came up, which gradually deepened. Darrin followed for a few miles, keeping the "blimp" in sight. She was some six miles away when a radio message came from her in code in these words: "Can you see steamship about four knots north-west of us?" Dave challenged the lookout on the military mast, but that seaman reported the weather a bit too thick to enable him to make out the steamship. Darrin accordingly wirelessed back this information. "Looks like a tramp steamer," came the next message, "but she acted suspiciously when she sighted us. Her skipper appears perturbed, which he would hardly be if his business is honest. Weather is thickening so we may lose him in the haze. Better close in." "Will do so," Dave replied. Then followed explicit directions as to the course the destroyer must follow. The next code message from the airship was: "Skipper of steamship so bothered that he appears to be rigging anti-aircraft gun. Am about to signal him to stop for search." Despite the haze over the sea the "blimp's" movements could still be made out from the deck of the destroyer. Mast lookouts and those on bridge and deck followed the "blimp's" movements with keen interest. "He maneuvers as if he were closing in on the steamship," declared Ensign Andrews. "If the steamer's skipper uses anti-aircraft guns the dirigible's commander will be justified in dropping bombs," Dave returned. "It's a stupid piece of business for any lightly armed steamer to attempt to resist a 'blimp.' But of course the steamer's skipper does not know that there is a warship so close." "The rascal's firing on us," reported the "blimp." "If you'll keep back we'll close in and talk to the stranger," Darrin suggested, by wireless. "We're hit," almost instantly came the report from the airship. "Badly?" Dave asked by radio. "Investigating. Report soon." "That ship must be up to something extremely desperate to dare to fire on a British 'blimp'!" exclaimed Dave Darrin. "But we're getting close, and soon ought to know what we have to tackle!" CHAPTER XVIII STRIKING A REAL SURPRISE "ARE we heading straight course?" was Dave's next question through the air. "You're going straight," came the cheering information. "Found out your hurt?" "Yes; gas-bag intact, and we've withdrawn out of easy range. One motor damaged more than we can repair in air. Can limp home, however." "Leave the steamship to me," Darrin wirelessed back. Inside of another minute and a half, Darrin made out the mast-tops of the stranger sticking up from the fringe of haze as the cloudy, reddish curtain shifted. If Dave had sighted his intended prey, so had the stranger caught sight of the destroyer. The steamship cut a wide circle and turned tail. "He's going at nineteen knots, we judge," came the radio report from the "blimp." "That won't do him any good!" was the laconic answer that Darrin returned, this time in plain English instead of code. The lower masts, the stack and then the hull of the stranger became visible as Darrin gained on him. Bang! A shell struck the water ahead of the stranger, the war-ship's world-wide signal to halt. Instead, the stranger appeared to be trying to crowd on more speed. "Give him one in the stern-post," Darrin ordered. The shell fell just a few feet short. The third one landed on the after-part of the stranger's deck-house. And now there went fluttering up the top of the destroyer's mast the international code signal: "Stop or we'll sink you!" It took another shell, this one crashing through the stern of the stranger, to convince her skipper that the destroyer was in deadly earnest. By this time the "Grigsby" was a bare half-mile away, and going fast. "We're bringing to bear on you to blow you out of the water," Darrin signalled this time. "Will you stop?" If he had made any plan to die fighting the fleeing skipper must have lost his nerve at that point, for he suddenly swung his bow around, reduced speed and moved ahead at mere steerage-way. "Call Ensign Peters to clear away a launch with an armed crew," Darrin directed. "I will accompany him, for I must see what reason that craft had for firing on a British dirigible." On either bow of the strange steamship was painted the national flag of the same neutral nation to which the "Olga" had appeared to belong. She flew no bunting. "Stand by to receive boarding party," a signalman on the "Grigsby's" bridge wigwagged as the launch started toward the water. The two craft lay now not more than five hundred yards apart. Across the water sped the fast power launch and came up alongside of the unknown steamship, which displayed no name. Not a human being was now visible on her deck. An undersized watch officer had appeared on the bridge, but he now vanished. "Who commands that destroyer?" demanded a voice in English, though it had the broken accent of a German-born speaker. "I do," Darrin replied. "Then stay where you are, for you're covered!" ordered the same voice in a frenzied tone. "We're not going to have you aboard. Signal the destroyer to make off at top speed and we'll leave you when she is out of sight. Refuse, and we kill you at once. Refuse, and you lose your life." "Lower your gangway, and stop your nonsense," Dave ordered, angrily. "You're dealing with the United States Navy, and your orders cannot control our conduct." "Then you are a dead man, at once!" declared the voice of the unseen speaker. Unnoticed by others, Darrin had given a hand signal to a petty officer in the bow of the launch. "If you do not lower your side gangway at once, we shall find our own means for boarding," Dave shouted, wrathfully. "Instantly, sir!" Thereupon half a dozen heads appeared over a bulwark above. As many rifle muzzles were thrust over the edge of the bulwark and a prompt fire began. Disdaining to draw his automatic Darrin stood up in the launch, the center of such a hail of bullets that his continued existence seemed incredible. Above the reports of the rifles could be heard the voice of Ensign Peters as he directed the swinging around of the launch. R-r-r-r-rip! The launch's machine gun came swiftly into play. Bullets rattled against the iron sides of the ship. Four of the six seamen on her deck were seen to fall back; the remaining two fled as fast as they could go. Then the muzzle of the machine gun was swung, and a hundred little missiles were driven through the wheel-house. At an unspoken signal the launch moved in until a sailor in the bow could hurl upward an iron grappling hook. At the first cast it caught on at the top of the rail, while the machine gunners trained their weapon to "get" any one who endeavored to cast off the grapple. "Up with you!" shouted Darrin. One after another half a dozen sailors raced up the rope, swinging over to the deck. Dave followed next, then more seamen. All were armed and ready for instant work of the sternest kind. Two sailors lay dead, rifles beside them. Pools of blood showed that at least two more wounded men had been there, but had fled. No one else belonging to the ship was in sight on deck. "Boatswain's mate, take the bridge," ordered Dave, as more men came up on board. "Put two men in the wheel-house. Take command of the deck with such men as I do not take with me." Calling half a dozen seamen, and ordering them to draw their automatic revolvers, Darrin proceeded to the chart-room. He tried the door, but found it locked. "Break it down," he ordered, and in a jiffy the thing had been done. But the chart-room proved to be empty. Further aft Darrin went along the deck-house. The cabins of the captain and two mates were found to be empty. "We'll soon know where the crew have gone to," he remarked. In the dining-room were found three men in dingy blue uniforms, who appeared to be ship's officers. The oldest, who scowled hardest at the same time, Dave took to be the skipper. "You command this ship?" Darrin inquired. "If you say so," replied the man addressed. "You must, for you are the fellow who ordered me to send my ship away," Darrin smiled grimly. "Are you a German?" "None of your business. Why have you killed two of our crew and hurt others?" "Drop that nonsense," Darrin retorted, sternly. "You know why we fired on you. And your men slightly wounded two of mine." "We had a right to," scowled the other. "You'll know better, by the time you've reached a British prison," Dave rejoined. "Men, place these three fellows under arrest. Search them." Only the man who appeared to be the craft's master resisted being searched. He swung at one of the sailors, but Darrin jumped in, knocking him down and holding him to the floor. "Put irons on this scoundrel," he ordered, sharply, a command so quickly obeyed that almost instantly the defiant one found himself manacled. Then Dave yanked the fellow to his feet. "You are a bully," growled the prisoner. "I am," mocked Dave, "when I have fellows of your stripe to handle. Men, you'd better iron that pair, too. They belong to the same outfit." None of the three proved to have any arms on his person. "Now, where are the members of your crew?" Dave demanded of the manacled skipper. "Find them!" came the surly retort. "In what business is this ship engaged?" "Find out!" "Bring these prisoners out on deck," Darrin commanded. Then, as the order was obeyed, Darrin made his way to the bridge. "Boatswain's mate, pipe all hands on deck," he directed. Shrilly the whistle sounded at the lips of the petty officer. But no men came to answer. "We'll try other tactics, then," Darrin smiled. Stepping to the wheel-house door he pulled it open. Inside was evidence of the havoc that the machine gun fire had worked there. Everything had been riddled, including the helmsman, who lay dead on the floor. At this moment, however, Dave had no time to do more than glance at the dead man. Reaching for the whistle he blew a long blast, and caused the fire bell to be rung, the signal to stand by to abandon ship. That brought seamen and stokers trooping to the deck, until more than thirty had so appeared. "Does any man among you understand English?" Darrin called down as he leaned over the rail in front of the wheel-house. "I do," came from one of the crew. "Then inform your mates that this craft has been seized as lawful prize of the United States Navy. Where is your boatswain?" "That's me," said the same speaker, gruffly. "Very good. Deliver my message to the crew. Then make sure that all hands are on deck. If you deceive me you will be held sternly to account for trickery." "All here," reported the boatswain, after a quick count, "except the cook and his helpers." "Send for them, and tell them to report here at once." When the ship's force had been summoned, save for the two sailors known to be dead on the starboard side of the ship, Darrin continued: "There were some wounded men." "Two," said the boatswain. "Where are they?" "Below. One is badly hurt. The other is binding his wounds." Dave had by this time walked down on to the deck. There was a forecastle large enough to hold the crew, and he ordered all of the men into it, except the boatswain, whom he sent with three of his own men to find the wounded. These latter two were brought to the captain's cabin. The two dead seamen, after Darrin had gained their names from the boatswain, were picked up and thrown overboard into the sea. The boatswain was then sent to join the prisoners. "Four of you men come with me, and we'll search the rest of the cabin part of the ship," Darrin directed. Off the dining room were four doors that Dave believed opened into sleeping cabins. The first door that Darrin tried proved to be locked. One of his men carried a sledge-hammer that had been found in the wheel-house. "Batter down the door!" Dave ordered. Ere this order could be carried out the door flew open. A tall young woman, barely more than twenty years of age, stood in the doorway, her head thrown back, cheeks flushed, her look proud and disdainful. In her right hand she held a revolver. "Go away from here!" she ordered. "Else I shall kill you!" CHAPTER XIX THE GOOD WORK GOES ON "YOU will have to lower that pistol, young lady," warned Dave, calmly, as he walked toward her. The sailors had drawn back to either side of the doorway, but the young woman stood where she could aim at anyone in the American party. The seaman nearest the revolver glanced quickly at Darrin, as if to inquire whether he should make an attempt to seize her pistol wrist and wrench the weapon away. But Dave ignored the man's glance as he stepped up, eyeing the young woman coolly. "Lower the pistol," he warned, again. "If you tried to use it, it would tell against you hard, before an English court, and these are wartimes, you know." He was now within two feet of the weapon, which was pointed at his head. "I shall kill you if you try to come near me," the young woman insisted desperately. But Dave took another step. She pulled the trigger. There was a bright flash, a loud report. [Illustration: "Lower that pistol!"] Dave, however, had been watching that trigger finger. As he saw it stiffen he dropped suddenly almost to his knees, the bullet passing over his head and embedding itself in woodwork across the cabin. Darrin sprang up unharmed. His cap had caught a powder burn; that was all. He gripped the woman's wrist in a hand of steel. With his other hand he coolly took the pistol away from her, then dropped her wrist. Bursting into a fit of hysterical weeping the woman drew back, endeavoring to close the cabin door. But Darrin's foot across the sill defeated her purpose. "You are a brute!" she panted, frantically trying to close the door. "At least," he assured her, "I have saved you from a crime that would have cost you your own life. Look out, please, for I am going to throw your door wide open." "You--you coward!" she panted, and struggled to close the door. "Stand back! I am sorry to have to use force, but you compel it." As she refused to give ground Darrin gave the door a push that forced her back, crowding her against a berth. Then he stepped into the little cabin. In a lower berth lay a middle-aged woman whose piercing black eyes snapped as she surveyed the young naval officer. "You are a wretch, to intrude here!" cried the older woman. "One must often do disagreeable things in the line of war duty," Darrin answered, gravely. "For one thing, I must place you both in arrest. Then I shall be obliged to have your cabin searched." "Oh, if I but had a weapon!" cried the older woman. "If you had, and were quick enough," Dave assured her, "you might succeed in killing me, but that would not affect our duty here, for there are other officers at hand. Madam, I perceive that you are fully dressed, so I must ask you to rise and leave this cabin, for a few minutes, at least." "I shall not do it," she snapped. "Then you will oblige me to call my men in, and they will remove you, using no unnecessary violence, you may be sure, yet employing force just the same." "You coward!" The younger woman, too, started in to berate him, but Dave remained calm. "Will you, at least, not leave the room until I have risen?" demanded the older woman. Darrin, who had a notion that the women wanted to conceal or destroy something, nodded his assent, but signed to two of the seamen to enter. Under his instructions they took the door off its hinges, carried it outside and laid it on the floor of the dining cabin. "Now, ladies," Dave called, as he stepped outside, "you will be good enough to come out at once." "We will come at our good convenience!" snapped the older woman. "Wrong again. As I am discharging my duty here, you will necessarily come out at once. I shall not be patient if my instructions are defied." Plainly furious that the door could not be closed, the younger woman assisted the older one to rise from the berth. Then, both expressing their resentment in their glances, the two women came out of the cabin. "Mother and daughter," guessed Dave. "Where will you have us sit, Brute?" demanded the younger woman. "Take any seat in this dining cabin that you please," he replied. "You must sit together, and one of my men will stand before you." Seats having been taken by the women, Darrin, calling one of the sailors to him, entered the little cabin. The only baggage there, beyond a hand satchel, appeared to be a locked steamer trunk under the lower berth. "Take that outside," Dave directed. "It need not be investigated until we reach port." Two dressing sacks and a few toilet articles were all the personal belongings that could be found there, though Darrin did not stop until he and the seaman had inspected pillows, mattresses and all other places that might have concealed papers or other little belongings. Coming outside after some minutes Darrin asked: "Ladies, do you wish to remain in the dining room, or will you go back to your sleeping cabin?" "We will remain here for the present," replied the older woman. "If we wish to return to our own cabin later on we will do so." "Wrong again," Dave informed her. "You must remain in one place. There can be no roaming about. This seaman who is your guard will see that you remain where you are for the present. I cannot permit you to leave this part of the dining room. Ladies, I regret being obliged to be so disagreeable, but I beg to assure you that your rights will be respected, and that you shall come to no harm if you obey instructions." Then he looked into the other three cabins, but found them empty. With that Darrin left the dining room, after detailing another seaman to remain on duty there with the guard over the two women. Darrin's next care was to inspect the holds. Here he found a cargo that appeared to consist of hundreds of cases of dried fish. At random he selected one of the cases, had it carried to the deck, and ordered that it be opened. Its contents proved to be dried fish. "There is something worse than that on board, or the skipper would not have acted so much like a lunatic," Dave told himself. Next inspecting the engine room and stoke hole he found these departments in order, though the fires under the boilers would soon need attention. Going above, Dave called the stokers and engineers out from among the prisoners, told them that he intended to send them to their posts, and asked them if they would pledge themselves to obey all orders and bridge signals, and not attempt any treachery. This promise was quickly given. "I hope you will all keep your word," Dave added, firmly, "for, if any of you attempts treachery, he will be shot down where he stands. I shall post guards." He posted two of his men in the engine-room, and four in the stoke-hole. "Be vigilant, and don't stand any nonsense," he ordered. Returning to deck he gave his final orders to Ensign Peters, who had come on board and relieved the boatswain's mate. "We are going to take this ship through to our base port," he informed the ensign. "You will command, and will use the petty officers as you need them. I shall require but three of the launch crew to take me back to the 'Grigsby.' You have sufficient force here, Mr. Peters, but we shall stand by and so be ready to give any assistance you may need. Keep yourself informed as to the comfort and conduct of the women prisoners in the dining cabin, and do not permit them to be annoyed by your men. They must have no chance, though, to destroy or conceal any papers they may have on their persons." With that Darrin went over the side. The launch took him back to his own craft. Overhead the "blimp" moved slowly about. While her commander was sure he could reach England safely he preferred to remain in company that could rescue his crew and himself if it became necessary. "Who can the women be?" Lieutenant Fernald wondered, when he had heard Dave's account of the visit to the steamship. "I don't know. But their conduct, like the skipper's, is the main cause of their predicament. Had they behaved naturally I would have guessed them to be passengers from a neutral port to England. All I can say is that, though they speak English well, I am sure that they are not Englishwomen." "The younger woman is a beauty, you say?" "Yes, and her mother, if the older woman be such, is not at all unprepossessing." The two ships and their aerial companion were now headed toward Darrin's base port, traveling at a good rate of speed. It was well along in the evening when they passed the "Reed." In code Dalzell exultantly reported that an unusually large number of mines had been swept and removed from the water, and that two submarines had been located on the middle shoal and destroyed. "Good work!" Dave wirelessed back. Late that night, the "blimp" still leading the way, the destroyer and her prize entered the base port. As soon as they had come to anchor Darrin communicated with the British flag-ship. Officials promptly went aboard the steamer to attend to the removal to a prison on shore of the officers and crew of the steamship, and of the women passengers as well. Immediately after that the ship was subjected to a systematic search by seamen and longshoremen acting under the direction of British naval officers. A name-plate, ready to fit to the front of the wheel-house, was found. The craft proved to be the "Louisa," well known in a certain British port at which she had been accustomed to call with cargoes of dried fish. The fish now on board was taken off rapidly into lighters. And then it was that, in a sub-hold under the cargo deck, a more significant cargo was found. From that sub-hold were removed nearly six hundred floating mines of the commonest German pattern. All had been packed with extreme care, and all were ready for transferring to German submarine mine-layers at sea. It was after two in the morning when Captain Allaire, an officer of the British military intelligence department, came on board the "Grigsby," requesting that her commander be called. Dave received Captain Allaire in the chart-room. Allaire had come to seek information as to the speech and conduct of the two women at the time of their arrest. Dave answered these questions carefully, then added: "I shall be glad, indeed, if I brought in women prisoners of real importance along with the other prisoners." "There are very few pairs whom we would rather have in our prisons," answered Captain Allaire. "The older woman is the notorious Sophia Weiner; the younger is her daughter, Anna Weiner. They use various other names, though. Every intelligence and secret service officer in Great Britain knows of their exploits, and is ever on the lookout for them." "Then I am astonished that they should have embarked on a steamship bound for England," Dave returned. "They must have faced certain arrest on landing." "I don't believe they intended coming to England," Allaire answered. "Probably they were on their way to Spain. It may have been that no German submarine was leaving for the Spanish coast just at the time, and it was imperative that they reach Spain early. So, I take it, they journeyed to the neutral country and embarked on the 'Louisa,' knowing that the skipper could transfer them to a submarine bound for Spain. We are amazed at this fellow, Hadkor, skipper of the 'Louisa.' We had believed him to be all right, and he had ready access to our ports with his cargoes. But his ship has been found to be fitted with all facilities for transferring mines at sea, and also with an anti-aircraft gun and a stock of rifles and ammunition. The work must have been excellently paid for by the Germans, for the crew were assuredly in the secret, and ready even to fight, and they surely had to be paid for their risks." "Then it was a very important catch that the 'blimp' ran us into." "One of the best in a six-month," replied Captain Allaire. "And yet that skipper fellow and his crew must be lunatics, for their conduct lays them liable to being hanged as pirates." When the "Grigsby" put out to sea before daylight Dave Darrin lay asleep. He slept extremely well, too, in the consciousness of a day's duties well done. CHAPTER XX DARRIN TURNS THE TABLES BOTH commanding officers were asleep when the "Grigsby" and the "Reed" passed each other that morning, the "Grigsby" proceeding on to her station. Dave would have gone back on the same water route he had hunted over the day before, but the dirigible, which had reached England safely, had not yet been put in shape for further service, and there was at present no other dirigible that could be spared for his service. Therefore it was a matter of back to the shoals for temporary duty, yet of a kind that was very important. At ten o'clock he was called, as that was the hour he had named for relieving Lieutenant Fernald. The executive officer had come into the chart-room to call him, and remained while Darrin performed his hasty toilet. "What's the weather?" Darrin asked. "Misty, sir," replied the executive officer. "There's a fine drizzle, mixed with some fog. For the last half hour it has been impossible to see more than six hundred yards. That is why we are running at half speed. We're close to the middle shoal and I was afraid we'd run down one of our own mine-sweepers." "The kind of weather every ship's master dreads," Dave remarked. "Yes, sir, and the weather bites you through to the marrow. The temperature isn't very low, but I think you'll find yourself more comfortable if you dress warmly. I found it so cold as to be necessary to wear the sheepskin under my heaviest rain-coat." In finishing his dressing Darrin bore this suggestion in mind. In a few minutes he stepped out on deck. The weather proved to be as unpleasant as Fernald had asserted, and Dave was glad that he was warmly clad, for the wind, though not strong, was piercing. "Sighted any mine-sweeper on the shoal?" Dave asked of Ensign Ormsby, the watch officer, as soon as he reached the deck. "Only on the first shoal, which is in the 'Reed's' station, sir," Mr. Ormsby replied. "Those belonging to our station must be farther north. And we've sighted none out in deeper water. We couldn't in this thick weather, anyway." "The view is so limited that this doesn't look like a promising day for us," Dave mused aloud, as he gazed around at as much of the water as he could see. "It really doesn't, sir." "Better reduce to one-quarter speed. The less speed the less chance there will be of the enemy hearing us." Accordingly the "Grigsby" rolled along slowly, the splash and ripple of the water along her sides being a soothing accompaniment. For an hour they proceeded thus, without sighting a ship. They had passed the middle shoal, and were somewhat north of it when the two officers on the bridge observed that the sun was struggling feebly through the clouds and mist. A minute later, as if by magic, it burst out brightly, and the mist began to fade away. "By Jove, sir, look at that!" almost whispered Ensign Ormsby. Some seven hundred yards away from them, motionless on the water, her deck fully exposed, lay a submarine. Neither deck gun was above decks. At least a dozen of the crew stood near the conning tower, and, of all things in the world, fishing. "Quick work, there!" Dave called through the bridge telephone to the gunners forward. "Let number one gun send a shell over the craft. Don't hit her at the first shot. We'll capture that fellow, if possible!" So quickly did the shot come that it was the first intimation the German seamen had of enemy presence. From aloft the signal broke out: "Don't try to fire a shot, or to turn, or we'll sink you!" An officer's head popped up through the manhole of the conning tower, then almost as quickly was withdrawn. As the "Grigsby," obeying her engines, leaped forward, the men behind both forward guns stood ready to fire at the word. For the submarine crew to bring either gun into place would be the signal for the destroyer to open fire at a range constantly decreasing. Nor could the enemy craft employ her torpedo tubes without turning, which would have been instant signal for Darrin to order his gunners to fire on the submarine. Through the manhole of the enemy craft leaped a signalman, flags in hand. Using the international code he wigwagged rapidly this message: "We will make a grace of necessity and surrender." "That doesn't necessarily mean that they do surrender," Dave 'phoned to the officer in charge of the forward gun division. "If the enemy makes a move to bring a gun into view, or to swing so that a torpedo tube could be used, fire without order and fire to sink!" The German commander evidently understood that this would be the course of the Yankees, for as the "Grigsby" bore down upon the submarine not a threatening move was visible. Instead, the Hun crew, unarmed so far as the watchers on the destroyer could see, emerged from the conning tower and moved well up forward. "Prepare to lower two boats," Dave called, and added instructions for a large crew for each launch. As the "Grigsby" came about and lay to, the launches were lowered. In the bow of each small craft was mounted a machine gun ready for instant action. The double prize crew was permitted to board the submarine without sign of opposition. At the command, German seamen began to file past two petty officers, submitting to search for hidden weapons, then passing on into the launches alongside. Last of all four officers came through the manhole, preparatory to enduring the same search. When all the prisoners had been taken aboard, the launches started back to the "Grigsby." Dave Darrin caught sight of the officers, as the launches approached the destroyer, and felt like rubbing his eyes. "The ober-lieutenant and von Schelling!" he exclaimed with a start. "They haven't recognized me yet. When they do that ober-lieutenant is going to wish that he had voted for going to the bottom of the sea!" Not, indeed, until the officers came up over the side of the "Grigsby," and found Dave Darrin waiting on the deck, did the quartette of officers discover who their captor was. "_You?_" gasped the ober-lieutenant! "Impossible!" "Yes; you didn't expect to see me again, did you?" "I--I--I thought you were----" The German checked himself. "You thought you had sent me to the bottom of the sea," Dave went on. "It wasn't your fault that you didn't, but you missed your guess." Dave then gave the order for housing the prisoners below. "Are you sending the officers to the same place of detention that you are sending my men?" demanded the ober-lieutenant, a spark of assertiveness in his manner. "Unfortunately, I am obliged to do so," Dave answered. "I am aware that German officers consider themselves to be of a brand of clay much superior to that used in making their men." "But we officers are gentlemen!" retorted the ober-lieutenant, drawing himself up stiffly. "It's a point that might be argued," returned Darrin, lightly. "Yet there is no other course, for we have no detention space apart from the main one on board, so it is the only place that we can use for confining German officers--and gentlemen." "May I request the privilege of a few words with you before you send me below?" requested the ober-lieutenant, unbending a trifle. "Certainly," Dave assured him, and the guard that was marshaling the prisoners below permitted the recent German commander to step out of the line. "I will see you in my chart-room," said Dave. Lieutenant Fernald, who had been standing by, caught Dave's signal and entered with his chief. Once inside Ober-Lieutenant Dreiner turned and gazed at Fernald. "I had expected a private interview, Herr Darrin," he said, rather stiffly. "Lieutenant Fernald is my executive officer, and nothing goes on board with which he is not familiar," Darrin replied. "Have a seat, Herr Ober-Lieutenant." "And must I speak before--before your subordinate?" asked the German, as he dropped into the chair that had been indicated. "If you speak at all," Darrin answered. "But will Herr Fernald keep inviolate what I have to say?" "In that," Darrin promised, "he will be governed by circumstances." Dreiner hesitated for a few seconds before he began: "I--I--er--I have to refer to an incident that followed our last words together on a former occasion." "You mean, of course, the time, when you assembled on the deck of your craft four prisoners, of whom I was one, then closed your manhole and submerged, leaving us floundering in the water, and, as you expected, to die by drowning?" "I have not admitted that any such thing took place," Herr Dreiner cried, hastily, with a side glance at Lieutenant Fernald. "It will make no difference, Herr Dreiner, whether you admit or deny that inhuman attempt to murder four helpless prisoners," Dave rejoined. "It so happened that all four of us kept alive until rescued, and we are all four ready, at any time, to appear against you. So there is no use in evasion." "Then you intend to bring the charge against me?" asked Dreiner, in a voice husky with either emotion or dread. "I can make neither promises nor threats as to that," Darrin countered. "The stern British military courts would sentence me to death on that charge." "Probably," Dave agreed. "And I have a very particular reason for wanting to live," Dreiner went on. "Yes?" "I have eight young children at home, and their sole dependence is on what I earn," the German continued. "I do not mind dying, for myself, but in that event what will become of my poor little children?" "You Germans fill me with disgust!" Dave Darrin exclaimed, rising, as though to terminate the interview. "It seems to be a rule with you fellows, when you find yourselves facing death, to whine about the children you must leave behind to starve. Before you set out to murder me in an especially brutal manner, did you take the trouble to ask me whether _I_ had any children who would starve? Did you ask Mr. and Mrs. Launce whether they had children that were not provided for? And what about that honest old sea-dog, Captain Kennor? Did you pause to inquire whether he was leaving hungry children behind? For that matter, have any of you wild beasts on German submarines ever worried yourselves about the families you orphaned by your inhuman crimes at sea? Even in the case of the 'Lusitania,' did _that_ submarine commander ask himself, or any one else, what would happen to the women and children who were pitched into the sea? You are wild to murder innocent, harmless people belonging to an enemy nation, yet when you yourselves are brought face to face with death you are all alike. You whine! You beg! Dreiner, you are not man enough to play the game! Your appeal in the name of your eight children, who, for that matter, may not even exist, falls on deaf ears when you address me. I hope that you will be summoned before a British court and that you may be sentenced to pay the full penalty for your crimes!" Dreiner's face went ashen-gray as he staggered to his feet. Probably he really was concerned for the fate of his children, but his was not the sort of record that invited pity. "I will not detain you here," Dave finished coldly. "If I did, I might be tempted to abuse a prisoner, and that is something no American fighting man can really do. Orderly!" As the orderly stepped in, saluting, Dreiner tried a last appeal: "Why do you hate us Germans so?" he whined. "I know that you do not hate me especially, but that you hate all of our race!" "Why do we hate you?" Darrin echoed. "The reason is that, from all we hear, fellows like yourself appear to be fair samples of the German officer, on land and afloat. If that does not answer your question fully, I can think of other reasons to give you. I would rather not, for it brings me perilously close to the offense of abusing a prisoner, and that I do not wish to do. Orderly, call two men and instruct them to take Ober-Lieutenant Dreiner below to join the other prisoners." As the German stepped past the Yankee commander he glared into Dave's face, hissing: "To-day it is your chance to humiliate and condemn a German. It may not be long ere your turn comes, and a German officer tells you what your end is to be!" "I am ever at Fate's orders," Darrin answered, with a bow. CHAPTER XXI ON A MISSION OF GREAT TRUST WHEN the "Grigsby," in broad daylight, steamed into the base port with a captured submarine and her crew, and a German commanding officer who was liable for a dastardly crime at sea, there was great rejoicing both on the other naval vessels and on shore. If the German prisoners expected a stormy reception when they were landed and placed under a guard of soldiers, they were disappointed, for nothing of the sort awaited them. The British populace, though it turned out to see the captives marched through the streets, proved to be too good sportsmen to make a violent demonstration against their now helpless enemies. Darrin had no sooner turned over the prize and made his report to the British admiral than he was ready for sea once more. "Mr. Darrin," said the admiral, heartily, "when you went out the other day you promised to show me results. I take this opportunity to assure you that you have. You yourself have made some notable captures, and have destroyed some enemies whom you could not capture. Mr. Dalzell's record has also been a splendid one. The plan by which you are catching mine-layers on or near the shoals before they start out on new mine-laying work is one that has enabled our mine-sweeping craft to accomplish more than they have hitherto been able to do. The record of mines discovered and swept out of the paths of navigation is a fine one, but you have done even better work in blocking the enemy so thoroughly in their operation of laying the mines in the first instance. Your successes are assuming extremely notable proportions. To-morrow the dirigible will be ready to start out again to aid in finding mine-cargo-carrying submarines bound for these waters." "Sir," Dave replied, "I greatly appreciate your words of praise, and I can speak in the same vein for Mr. Dalzell. Now, as he has had no share in destroying the submarines that bring over cargoes of mines I intend to detail him for that work to-morrow." "That fits in with my plans," nodded the admiral. "If you will put to sea and find the 'Reed,' and then return to this port, dropping anchor, but keeping up steam, I shall have for you, to-night or to-morrow, a special task of the greatest importance." "Very good, sir. Is that all for the present?" "Yes. Your further instructions will be given to you when the time comes." "Very good, sir. Thank you." Saluting, Darrin left the flagship, returning at once to the "Grigsby," which soon put to sea. The weather being now comparatively clear, Darrin raced away at nearly full speed. Not long afterward he overhauled and boarded the "Reed," informing Dalzell of his chance to go on the hunt for the submarine mine-carrying craft on the morrow. "I had been wondering if I was to have a little share in that sport of kings," said Dan, with one of his grins. "You prevaricator!" Darrin uttered, sternly. "When did I ever hog all of the best sport and leave you the rind?" "Kamerad! Don't shoot!" begged Dan, with another grin. "Kamerad" (comrade) is the word the German soldiers employ when offering to surrender to Allied troops. But "Kamerad" does not always mean as much as it conveys, for instances have been numerous when Germans have pretended so to surrender, then have whipped out hitherto hidden weapons and slain their captors. Returning to port before dark, Darrin put in that night in catching up with his sleep. He slumbered almost without stirring, for it had been long since he had enjoyed more than a part of his needed rest at sea. Officers and men, too, made the most of their opportunity to sleep that night. Only one officer at a time kept deck watch, and only one engineer officer down below. The "Grigsby" was ready to put to sea almost on an instant's notice from the flagship, but no word came. Fully refreshed, and in the best of condition, Dave Darrin enjoyed a famously good breakfast the next morning, as did every officer and man on the destroyer. Still the orders for special duty had not arrived, and Dave was beginning to chafe under the delay. "If it were the first of April I might suspect the bluff old admiral were playing a joke on us," Dave confided to Lieutenant Fernald. "I might think this was his way of affording us all a chance to get even with our rest. I am wondering much what the special duty is to be." "You will know, sir, in the same breath that you are ordered away to that duty," smiled the executive officer. "Yes, this is war-time and advance information is very rare," Darrin admitted. It was, in fact, nearly eleven o'clock when a man of the deck watch reported that a boat had put off from the flagship and was apparently heading for the "Grigsby." "I'll go out to receive the visitor," said Fernald, rising and leaving the chart-room. The boat was, indeed, heading for the destroyer. It soon came alongside, bringing a staff officer from the admiral. Lieutenant Fernald received the visitor, conducted him to the chart-room, presented the officer caller to Dave, then discreetly withdrew. "The admiral's compliments, Mr. Darrin. He spoke to you yesterday of special duty of a most important nature. I have the honor to bear his final instructions." "Then you are doubly welcome," smiled Dave, "for we have been chafing a bit, fearing that the admiral's plans might have been changed." "There has been considerable activity on the part of German submarines in these waters of late," continued the British naval staff officer. "As a rule the Huns keep out of the channel, but they have been so active lately that we fear for the safety of the hospital ship 'Gloucester,' which is bringing home about two thousand wounded men. It was the admiral's plan to have you leave port, under full speed, an hour before the sailing time of the 'Gloucester' from France." "Is there still time for us to get that hour's start?" asked Darrin, rising. "Unfortunately, the orders were misunderstood, Mr. Darrin. The 'Gloucester' actually sailed about an hour ago. You will find her exact course written on this paper, and you are directed by the admiral to reach her with all speed and convoy her----" "One moment, please!" Darrin broke off the conversation long enough to telephone the executive officer, instructing him to transmit the needful orders to the engineer officer on duty, and to pipe all hands on deck. "I am listening, sir," Darrin resumed, wheeling about. "Outside you will find two of our fastest mine-sweepers," continued the staff officer. "They are to follow you as closely as possible, and, on nearing the 'Gloucester,' they are to turn and sweep the course ahead of the hospital ship, while you are to be extremely alert for submarines." "I understand, sir," Darrin nodded. "Are there any further orders?" "No, Mr. Darrin. Whatever else comes up must be left to your own discretion to handle. The admiral bade me state that he has the fullest confidence in your proven ability to handle circumstances as they arise." "My thanks to the admiral for his good opinion, and to yourself for informing me of it," smiled Dave, still on his feet and moving slowly toward the door. "I--er--have some further information, Mr. Darrin, that will prove of considerable interest to you," resumed the naval staff officer, also moving toward the door. "Yes?" "It possesses a personal interest for you. There are, of course, nurses on board, and other Red Cross workers. One of them is Mrs. Darrin." Dave's quick smile of happiness was reflected in the staff officer's ruddy face. "So, you see, Mr. Darrin, you have more than a professional interest in meeting the hospital ship and bringing her through safely, for in doing so you will also be guarding your wife. It is rather an unusual stimulus to duty, isn't it?" CHAPTER XXII THE RED CROSS TRAGEDY "NO, sir!" said Dave, promptly. "I love my wife, and it will not surprise you to hear me say it, but in the discharge of my duty Mrs. Darrin has exactly the same status as a stranger. I shall be glad, for my own sake, to bring through in safety any ship on which she sails, but I shall be just as glad to be able to insure the safety of any wounded Tommy Atkins on the 'Gloucester' who is longing for a sight of his loved ones at home." "By Jove, that's a bully attitude, and I know you mean it!" cried the staff officer, holding out his hand. "I must not delay you. Good-bye, Darrin, and the best of good luck to you!" A moment later the British officer was over the side and being borne back to the flagship, while quick orders rang out on the "Grigsby." In as short a time as the thing could be done the anchor was stowed, and the destroyer was on her way out of port at half speed. Just beyond the harbor Darrin gave the order for full speed ahead. From the bridge, three miles farther out on the course, he made out the two mine-sweepers. "All starts well," commented Dave to Lieutenant Fernald. "May all end as well! By the way, Mrs. Darrin is said to be on board the 'Gloucester'." "Congratulations," said Fernald, heartily. "And you may look, sir, for every officer and man aboard this craft to redouble his efforts to make the day's task a complete success." "I don't want it for that reason, although I expect from all on board the fullest efficiency. Fernald, I'm not running an American naval vessel primarily for the safety of my family." For this trip the lookouts were trebled. They stood at every point of vantage from which anything on the sea might be sighted. Mile after mile the "Grigsby" logged, plunging and dipping in the sea, her decks running water and spray dashing continuously over the bridge. It was wet work, and over all was the roaring racket of the ship's powerful machinery. To Darrin it was music; the dash and the sense of responsibility thrilled him. At last came the anxiously awaited hail from the lookout aloft: "Topmasts of a ship almost dead ahead, sir." "Keep her constantly in sight, and as soon as you can make out the hull report whether she displays the hospital Red Cross," the watch officer called back. "Aye, aye, sir." To those on the bridge the mastheads were soon visible. After that came the lookout's hail: "She's a hospital ship, sir. I can make out the Red Cross plainly through the glass." "It must be the 'Gloucester,' then," remarked Lieutenant Fernald. "Pass the word that the first man really to sight a periscope or a conning tower shall have a fortnight's shore leave extra," Dave ordered. He smiled as he heard the scattering cheer that greeted that announcement. "The real way to the sailorman's heart lies through extra shore leave," he told Fernald. "I wouldn't mind winning that prize myself," muttered the executive officer. "That is, if I were sure that I could honestly accept the leave without prejudice to duty." "Find the periscope, then," smiled Darrin. "I am sure I can win the promised reward, even for the executive officer." Not long afterward they were in plain sight of the "Gloucester." On she came, the smoke pouring from her pair of funnels. A fast craft, the hospital ship was making about her best time in her hurry to get safely across with her precious human cargo. Then the "Grigsby" swung far out to port, cut a part of a circle, and came back on the hospital ship's port bow, darting ahead again, cutting across the hospital ship's bow far ahead and to port, then turning and crossing once more. After the two craft had proceeded some distance farther the two mine-sweepers were sighted well ahead. These craft would soon turn and sweep the waters for mines ahead of the hospital ship. Not mere fancy capers was the "Grigsby" cutting. As she crossed the "Gloucester's" bows time and again her lookouts were able to keep sharp watch to port and starboard of the ship that bore a human cargo of pain and suffering. It was the only way for a solitary destroyer to keep effective watch on both sides of the ship she was convoying. Twice Dave used his glass to glance along the nearer rail of the steamship in search of Belle Darrin. He did not find her thus, and did not try again, for he must not fail in his unceasing watch for the ship's safety. The mine-sweepers signalled their message of greeting, then turned and swung into place. From this point the "Gloucester" and her escort slowed down speed to accommodate that of the smaller craft. The vessel wearing the emblem of the Red Cross had not yet reached the spot at which the sweepers had turned. Over the sea came a sullen, significant roar. The "Gloucester" shivered from stem to stern. A wail of anguish went up in concert from the soldiers on board the hospital ship who were worst wounded. It had come so suddenly that, for an instant, Dave Darrin was dazed. "That wasn't a torpedo!" he cried, hoarsely, a second or two later. "She hit a mine, sir," reported Lieutenant Fernald. "It wasn't the fault of the sweepers, either, for they hadn't time to get that far. But it's awful--awful! There'll be hundreds of the poor fellows drowned!" Dave quickly recovered his presence of mind. As the "Gloucester" shut off speed Darrin turned and dashed at full speed to the aid of the stricken craft. Even as the race of rescue began Darrin sent to the radio operator this message to send broadcast through the air: "S. O. S.! Hospital ship 'Gloucester' has struck mine and must founder soon. Rush at best speed to give aid. S. O. S.!" In the message Darrin included also the exact position of the stricken vessel. Two launches were swung outward on the davits. Darrin sprang down to the deck to personally select the men to man the launches. Into the launches were thrown several rolls of heavy canvas and rolls of cordage, as well as such tools as might be needed. By the time that the "Grigsby" had shut off speed and lain to, the decks of the "Gloucester" were observed to be crowded with people. The two launches, with Dave Darrin in one of them, shoved off and were quickly alongside the hospital ship. Two ship's ladders were let down over the side. Up these went the two boarding parties as rapidly as they could move. Lines came swirling down, and canvas rolls and other supplies were hoisted to the deck. This work was all quickly done. Not a second must be lost. Dave ordered Ensign Peters and several men forward to the bow of the hospital ship. With the remainder, Dave, carrying a roll of canvas over one shoulder, and all hands carrying some burden, started to go below. With a group of Red Cross nurses who stood silently and calmly by the patients who were being borne to the deck, Darrin was sure that he caught sight of Belle. But he did not look a second time. There was too much to be done now when seconds were precious. Nor did Belle look up from the work that she was doing among the wounded on stretchers. A member of the crew led the American party below. Here Dave found two mates and a score of sailors already at work. They were trying to accomplish the very thing Darrin had come prepared to do--to rig canvas over the hole in the hull to shut out as much of the water as was possible. If this could be accomplished, and if the "Gloucester's" pumps could drive out most of the water that got in past the canvas patch, then it might be possible for the hospital ship to keep afloat until other rescue craft could reach the scene. "We'll take your orders, sir," spoke up one of the mates, saluting, as Dave and his party reached a forward hold where, despite the flimsy canvas patch already rigged, the water was almost waist-deep. "We'll work together," returned Dave, briefly. "It may turn out that the ship can be kept afloat for an hour or two." "The bulkheads were shut, sir," the mate explained, hurriedly, "but fragments of the mine entered this first water-tight compartment, and also the second. You'd better go down into the second compartment, too, sir." Darrin hurried up to the deck, followed by the mates and their men. The hole in the first compartment extended some six inches below water line and some two feet above. It was a long, jagged hole. Trying to descend into the second compartment with the chief mate, Darrin found that the hole here extended at least a foot below water line. "It's going to be no use, sir," said the mate, sorrowfully. "I don't believe the ship can be kept afloat more than ten minutes before she goes down by the head. These are our two biggest compartments." CHAPTER XXIII A NOBLE FIGHT WITHOUT WEAPONS NOR was the mate's warning a panicky one. There seemed not one chance in a hundred of closing the gaps sufficiently to keep the hospital ship afloat long enough to save many of its wounded passengers. Dave had made his plans while coming alongside. By this time the repair material he had brought along lay on the deck. He called his own men to help him, and the chief officer sent two score more of British seamen to his aid. The engine-room fires being as yet untouched by water, the pumps were working with tremendous force. "Unroll that canvas, there. Run it out lively," Darrin ordered. In a twinkling the first patch was ready. Dave himself helped with weighting what was intended for the lower edge of the patch, and with reeving in ropes at the sides and top. "Over with it!" Lowered down into place, the patch was fitted to the hole. It still had to be made fast. Both port and starboard gangways had been lowered, and launches from the destroyer were alongside, receiving badly wounded men who had been taken over the side on stretchers. The "Grigsby's" cutters were also alongside, picking up such of the wounded men as could jump in life belts. The "Gloucester's" own boats swung out after being loaded. The mine-sweepers had come up and had lowered their boats and sent them to the rescue. Several hundred men and women were reasonably sure of being saved, but unless Darrin succeeded in what he was undertaking, from twelve to fifteen hundred other human beings were surely doomed. Badly as boats were needed, Dave had to commandeer two of the smallest. Himself going in one of these, he superintended the making fast of the canvas patches below from the water. Seamen over the hull's side in slings, acting under the second mate, did valiant service at the same time. With a single outside canvas patch over the forward hole, Darrin moved back to the second breach. Here, too, a patch was quickly put in place. By this time the "Grigsby" and the mine-sweepers had received nearly as many rescued passengers as they could hold. The small boats were returning for more. Up to Dave rushed Captain Senby of the "Gloucester." "Captain," he called, addressing Dave Darrin by that courtesy title, "these Red Cross women ought to be saved while there's time, but they refuse to go over the side until their patients are safe." "Did you expect they would desert their patients?" Darrin asked quietly, his gaze still on the work that he was directing. "But, Captain, we must save the women folks, anyway! Won't you use your persuasion to help me?" "No," came Dave's quick response. "These women are asserting their right to prove the stuff that is in them. In this war, in their own fields, the women fight as bravely as the men." "In a time like this the women ought to be saved!" the British master insisted. "Not at the expense of their best sense of duty," Darrin answered. For an instant Senby regarded the young naval officer with amazement before he blurted: "Captain, I don't believe you have any women folks of your own!" "My wife is one of the Red Cross women on board," Darrin answered, quietly. Then, raising his voice, he added: "That patch is ready! Over with it!" Thus was the second patch fitted over the forward hole, and men were busy completing another for the second hole. And now with the small boats filled, Darrin anxiously surveyed the sea. No ships were yet in sight. "Get more patches ready!" he shouted. He then descended to the first compartment, stepping down into the water to take its depth. He judged it to be of about the same depth as before. Four patches were over each hole by the time that the first trail of smoke was observed far down on the horizon. A steamship was coming to their aid, but would it arrive in time? Another inspection showed that the pumps had made a slight gain on the water. It was going out of the compartments faster than it could get in past the canvas. But Dave knew that ship pumps, working to furious capacity, were likely to give out at any moment. He stationed a seaman with lead and line on the stairs leading down to each compartment, with instructions to take frequent soundings and to report sharply to the deck. The "Gloucester's" rafts, too, were now overboard. On these huddled those of the wounded or convalescing soldiers who were better able to take care of themselves. But not a single Red Cross woman had yet gone over the side. Much as some of the wounded might need attendance on the rescue craft or in the small boats, those left helpless behind needed the women of mercy still more! A slow gain was still being made on the water in the two compartments. If the pumps held out, and if the patches did not give way, there might yet be a fair chance to save life. But Dave knew the dangers that confronted all hands left behind, even when he could make out the hull of the oncoming steamship, and saw that she was moving at fullest speed. "We should win out, don't you think?" demanded Captain Senby, anxiously. "I've never lost a ship." "At least we stand a fair chance to win out," Dave answered, frankly. "Any one of three or four things might happen to us yet and send us to the bottom." Darrin spent most of his time inspecting the canvas patches. Between times he anxiously watched the relief ship. He could see, by glass, when she was four miles away, that her davits were swung out and her boat-crews in place. "All depends on how we hold together for the next half or three-quarters of an hour," he told Captain Senby. There were still some two hundred patients who would have to be moved on stretchers. These were brought to the upper deck until the stretchers all but blocked passage. What a cheer went up from those at the rail as the steamship, an Italian craft, lay to and began to lower her boats! The small boats from the hospital ship, the "Grigsby" and the mine-sweepers had already gone forward to meet her. As fast as they could move in to either side gangway these boats discharged their temporary passengers, then quickly returned to the "Gloucester." For an hour all the small boats plied back and forth, the rescuers using all their nerve and muscle power in their efforts at speed. Shivering, for he was drenched up to the waist, Dave stood by, receiving the reports of the leadsmen in the two compartments. The best work of the canvas patches had been done. They were slowly yielding to the fearful pressure of the water without and it was impossible to rig additional, fresh patches over them. The water was rising, inch by inch, in both compartments. "How long do you think we can keep afloat?" asked Captain Senby, miserably. "Your judgment will be as good as mine, sir," Dave answered. "It is impossible to name the number of moments we can hope to keep above water, but we both know it cannot be for long." At last the decks were cleared of litters. There were no more to be brought out. The last boats had taken away many besides the stretcher patients. "Give us ten minutes more," said Darrin, as he watched the boats discharging at the Italian steamer, and returning, "and we shall all be safe." "They will be the longest, most anxious ten minutes that I ever lived!" sighed Captain Senby. "Man, you're white and you look ill," Dave cried. "Buck up! You've done splendidly, and the discipline on board has been perfect. You have nothing with which to reproach yourself." "Do you really think so?" Senby asked, with a wan smile. "I thank you, but it seems to me I should have done better." "You could do better than you're doing now, for you've lost your nerve," Darrin warned him, in a low voice. "Yet while you needed your nerve you kept it." "You won't mind saying that in your report, will you?" asked the master, eagerly. "I'd hate to have my family hear anything that would make them feel I had broken down." "The discipline on this ship shows what you have done," Dave rejoined. "You're suffering, now, on account of the people who may be lost, and you're thinking of the Red Cross women who are stubborn enough to do their duty like men. But you've trained your crew well, you have the respect of your officers and men, and you've given all help possible in the shortest amount of time. A ship's master can be judged, instantly, by the discipline that prevails on his craft. Your family will hear nothing about your conduct that won't please 'em." At this the British master "bucked up" wonderfully, but he still watched the Red Cross women with wistful eyes. "Here are the first boats coming back to take the last of us off," Darrin said encouragingly. "Now, clear all hands off lively." "The women first?" almost pleaded Captain Senby. "Of course!" Dave nodded. "They've done their full duty, and done it splendidly. Now, insist." Galvanized into action by these cheering words, Captain Senby cleared his throat, then roared in a fog-horn voice: "All hands stand by to abandon ship! Be lively, please, ladies. No man stir over the side until the last woman has gone over!" Some of the Red Cross women smilingly obeyed the order; others hung back. "There are still some wounded men on board," pleaded one of them. "Let the last wounded man go over the side, then we'll go." "I'll kill any man on this deck who tries to go over until the last woman is taken care of!" shouted Senby, drawing a revolver. Some of the nurses still demurred, but the master was obdurate. "Ladies," he called out, "this craft can't keep afloat much longer. Those of you who hang back keep the men from their last chance to get away. I tell you, and I mean it, that no man stirs over the side until the last woman is on her way to a boat. Don't hold us all back, ladies!" That swept aside the last reluctance of the nurses. They trooped forward, to one side gangway or the other, and were quickly on their way into the waiting boats. One of them, however, drew back, then smiled and crossed the deck. "I shall remain with you, Dave," announced a clear, firm voice, and Dave turned to find Belle's steady hand resting on his arm. "Are you going over the side, madam?" inquired Captain Senby, pleadingly. "You must make an exception in my case, sir," Belle Darrin answered smilingly. "I can hardly be expected to leave my husband at a time like this." "Oh!" gasped the Briton, understandingly. "Madam, you make me anxious, but your devotion makes me proud of your sex!" "Men, now!" shouted the Briton when he saw the last skirt flutter at the top of a companionway. "Now, you'll go over the side, sir, won't you?" asked the master, anxiously, as two orderly files of men stepped to the sides. "As the two commanders here," Dave answered, easily, "I believe that tradition requires you and me to go over last of all, Captain Senby." "But your wife, sir----" "Is an American, Captain, who has taken the oath of service to her country's flag just as you and I have done." "But, madam, you----" began the Briton, turning to Belle. "My husband has spoken, sir," smiled Belle. "Surely, Captain Senby, you do not believe in mutiny." The soldier patients who had remained behind when the nurses went over the side were all men who could walk without assistance. These were now going over, too. While this was going on the chief mate and the boatswain had mustered the last of the crew and the roll had been called. All were on hand who were not in the small boats. After the soldiers and the hospital men had gone down into boats, and other small craft had moved in to replace them, the crew went over, the chief mate being the last to go except the trio who stood in the middle of the upper deck. "There's a boat left with room for all of you!" the mate called, lifting his hat. With a last swift look around at the ship he had loved, the Briton almost reluctantly followed the Darrins. His legs trembled under him a bit as he descended the steps of the side companionway, but it was from neither exhaustion nor fear. Last of all the Briton took his seat in the row-boat. He tried to clear his throat and give the order, but could not speak. "Shove off!" called Dave to the boat-tenders, as he faced the men sitting with their oars out. "Give way! One, two, one two!" The boat belonged to one of the mine-sweepers. With true British precision and rhythm the men pulled away. Darrin ceased counting and turned to his smiling wife. "Not such a bad time, was it?" he asked. "As it turned out, no. But I was afraid, Dave. Had a few hundred of the brave fellows been drowned, the horror would not have left me as long as I lived." "Then you must steel your nerves a bit, Belle, dear. War, at the least, is a grewsome thing, but this war contains more horrors than any other war of which man has knowledge. The vast numbers engaged make it certain that the losses will be heavy, and heavier, until the struggle is over. If you work up near the front, within range of the big guns, you will necessarily have to become accustomed to seeing the visible evidence of huge losses daily." "I shall grow to it," Belle Darrin declared, confidently. And now Captain Senby was speaking to him. "It's a great load off my mind, Captain Darrin. I was the merchant marine master of the 'Gloucester,' but she was taken and refitted so quickly that we were sent to sea without change of status. On our return from this voyage the mates and I had orders to take examination for commissions in the naval reserves. Then we were to continue aboard the 'Gloucester.' But she will be at the bottom in an hour and my chances of making the naval reserves will go down with her." "I don't see why," Dave returned, heartily. "You and your mates are no less capable than you were." Then, in an undertone that reached only Senby's ear, Darrin added: "Man, you've been a bit unstrung, but you've gotten away without the loss of a life. Bring your nerve back from this moment! Don't let it spoil your life or your career. Pull yourself together and smile. Smile! Don't let any one see that you've a single doubt of yourself! Smile, and go up for your examination to-morrow. All that ails you is that you worry for the safety of others--a most commendable fault in a skipper!" From that instant Captain Senby gave at least a very good imitation of a man who was modestly satisfied with his achievement, though he realized that he owed most of the success of the last two hours to Lieutenant Commander Dave Darrin, U. S. N. Arriving at the Italian vessel, Darrin transferred Belle and himself to a launch from the "Grigsby" and promptly rejoined his craft. Taking Belle to his own seldom-occupied quarters on the destroyer, Dave left her there, and then went to the bridge and signalled his orders to the mine-sweepers and to the Italian steamship. The mine-sweepers were ordered to move in advance of the rescue vessel to sweep any hidden mine from her path. "And you, Mr. Fernald, will cross the course continually ahead of the steamship and keep the most vigilant guard against submarine attack!" Dave next went to the chart-room, his teeth chattering from his soaked, chilled condition. Here he stripped and gave himself as vigorous a rub-down as he could administer, after which he attired himself in dry clothing throughout and sent orders to the mess kitchen for a pot of hot coffee. Over this warmer Dave lingered long enough to gulp down three cups of the steaming beverage. Then pulling on a dry sheepskin coat and turning up the fur collar against the wintry blast, he went to the bridge. "All's secure, and no sign of trouble so far, sir," reported Lieutenant Fernald. Yet, unknown to any on the destroyer, the "Grigsby," driving ahead obliquely from port to starboard well ahead of the steamship, was heading straight toward a mine that lurked beneath the surface of the water. CHAPTER XXIV CONCLUSION "SHALL I order the helm to starboard, sir?" asked Ensign Ormsby. "We're due to sail too close to that mine-sweeper." Though the two craft were separated by several hundreds of yards, Darrin's quick, trained eye took in the fact that the mine-sweeper, by the time the "Grigsby" crossed her course, would be a safe distance ahead. "No," he decided; "keep to the course and she'll clear us." Ensign Ormsby nodded and remained silent. Neither could know of the hidden mine that lay in her path. Yet less than half a minute later a signalman raced to the stern of the mine sweeper, wigwagging frantically this message: "Hard a-starboard! We have just picked up a mine!" The little craft had slowed down; she was maneuvering around that mine to get hold and land it on her deck. Ormsby read the signal with his chief. Not even waiting, now, for Darrin's word, the watch officer changed the course. Right in the course that they had been going the mine-sweeper now blocked the way. Had her sweep been thirty feet either side she would have gone on past and the destroyer would have struck the mine. As the "Grigsby" went astern and to starboard of the little craft, then turned and darted port-wise across her bows on a new oblique, officers and men on the destroyer saw the British crew hoisting from the water the mine that would have destroyed one of the latest prides of Uncle Sam's big war fleet. It was all over, so far as that mine was concerned, and for a moment or two Darrin found himself shaking from a chill that had not been caused by his recent soaking. The thought of other probable dangers ahead caused him to steel himself once more. To his subordinate officers he presented the confident, smiling face to which they were accustomed. Several craft of the British Navy and two other American war vessels had received his S. O. S. radio message and had started on their way. But all would have been too late, for some ten minutes after the rescuing fleet started for England the "Gloucester" had lowered her nose under the water. Soon after there was a violent explosion as the sea water reached glowing furnace fires and the boilers, and the hospital ship went down, another victim of inhumane warfare that respects not even the rights of the wounded and sick. Dave Darrin did not leave the bridge until he had seen his little fleet enter the base port. Then, pausing for only a word with Belle, he ordered a launch lowered and went direct to the British admiral, reporting his work for the afternoon in greater detail, for he had already sent in the main facts in a radio code message. "You have done magnificently, Mr. Darrin," exclaimed the admiral. "It was a wonderful performance to keep the 'Gloucester' afloat under such conditions until every human being on board had been transferred to safety." "That was made possible largely by the nature of the holes in the ship's hull, sir. I cannot say positively, but from my examination of the holes I believe that the mine that the 'Gloucester' struck was not moored as securely to her anchoring device as is usually the case. It was not the bow of the hospital ship, but the side of her hull forward that struck the mine. Two fragments or two groups of fragments of the exploding mine struck the hull, but from my hurried inspection it is my belief that the mine, not being securely moored, was brushed somewhat aside by the impact, and therefore the injury was not as great as it would have been had the anchoring device held the mine more firmly in place. So the ship was not as badly hurt as one would have expected her to be. That much for the mine, sir. Then I had the gallant, splendid help of Captain Senby and his mates and crew. I shall mention their performance in my written report." "Better put it in early, then," advised the admiral, "for Senby and his mates go up for examination day after tomorrow. I can forward to the board an extract from your report." "They are to be examined just the same, sir, though the 'Gloucester' is no more?" "Oh, yes; England has a few more ships left," smiled the admiral, "and we cannot get along with a reduced number of hospital craft." So, though Dave Darrin, on his return, escorted Belle to the chart-room and chatted with her a few moments, and even allowed her to remain while he worked, he sent for a yeoman and to him dictated an official report of the disaster, parts of which document did not fail to do justice to Captain Senby and his mates. "Type that for two copies to be transmitted, and one to be filed here, as early as you can, and bring to me for signature," Dave directed. "I wish to go ashore after signing and sending off the reports." For, at their parting, Admiral Wheatleigh had said: "Darrin, you and your officers and men have been overworked for some time. You have done splendidly, but now you all need a short rest or your nerves will snap. You will therefore remain in port a few days, and I would recommend you to be liberal in the matter of shore leave." Even before the typed reports had come in Lieutenant Fernald reported with a written list of the names of officers and men whom he recommended for shore leave beginning that evening. As a matter of form Darrin glanced down through the list, then signed it. "The last four men on the list report that they would like shore leave, but are out of funds, sir," hesitated Lieutenant Fernald. Drawing his purse, Dave extracted four five-dollar bills. "Lend this to them until pay-day," he directed, thrusting the money into the executive officer's hand. "They are dependable men, and will come to no harm. Up to eleven o'clock I shall be found at the Blank Hotel if wanted. At eleven I shall leave to come aboard, so you may send in a launch for me, Mr. Fernald." As soon as he had received and signed the typed report in duplicate, and had taken steps to forward them, Darrin and Belle went ashore. At ten o'clock that evening Dan Dalzell joined them. "How was the hunting, Danny Grin?" Dave inquired, jovially. "May I speak of such awful subjects before Mrs. Darrin?" Dan asked. "I am sure you may, and do not delay gratifying my curiosity," Belle put in. "Well, then," murmured Dalzell, delightedly, "all I can say is that the hunting proved wonderfully good. With the indispensable aid of the dirigible I located four submarines headed for this coast, and sank them all. I believe that each of the submarines was carrying a cargo of mines to enemy submarine mine-layers off this coast. Do you call that a day of good sport?" "For every one but the Germans," Dave nodded, beamingly. But Dan glanced at Belle to see how she took such joyous comments on the sudden deaths of enemies. "I could feel sorry for the people of some nations, if we were at war with them," Belle Darrin stated, calmly. "But when I hear of the deaths of German submarine officers and sailors I feel a sense of relief at the thought that more of the loathsome beasts have been removed from a decent world." Dan, too, and the other officers and the crew of the "Reed" were granted several days in port. In fact, there was no need of their services in the same line for some time to come, for a temporary but effective stop had been put to German mine-laying in the North Sea and the Channel. The masters, mates and crews of the "Olga" and the "Louisa" were tried and sentenced to death, and later were executed. Ober-Lieutenant Dreiner, for his cowardly attempt to murder Dave and his three new friends, was also sentenced to death. Before his leave in port was ended Dave and Belle met "Mr. and Mrs. Launce" and learned that they were really the Earl and Countess of Denby. After her awful experience in the water the countess's health remained impaired for months, so the noble couple gave up the idea of spy work and turned their energies toward Red Cross work in France and Italy. Sophia Weiner and her daughter were convicted of espionage in that they had sailed for England with false passports. They are now confined in some prison in England, and will remain there for some years after the war closes. Captain Kennor reached home safely, where he learned that the other boats from the "Rigsdak" had reached a friendly shore. It was some months before the Danish master went to sea again. The British admiral's report, sent through channels to the Vice Admiral of the American destroyer fleet, and by him referred to the Secretary of the Navy, was of such character that Dave and Dan received the highest praise direct from Washington by cable, and afterwards by letter. They had done their work in the finest American naval style, and had made a ten-strike against the German mine-layers. But they took their honors easily, and had need to, for there was still greater work ahead of them after Belle had used up her few days' leave and had sailed back to France. THE END HENRY ALTEMUS COMPANY'S Best and Least Expensive Books for Boys and Girls * * * * * The Motor Boat Club Series By H. IRVING HANCOCK The keynote of these books is manliness. The stories are wonderfully entertaining, and they are at the same time sound and wholesome. 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23601	----	Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations. See 23601-h.htm or 23601-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/2/3/6/0/23601/23601-h/23601-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/2/3/6/0/23601/23601-h.zip) THE U-BOAT HUNTERS * * * * * * BOOKS BY JAMES B. CONNOLLY Published by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS THE U-BOAT HUNTERS. Illustrated _net_ $1.50 RUNNING FREE. Illustrated _net_ 1.50 HEAD WINDS. Illustrated _net_ 1.50 SONNIE-BOY'S PEOPLE. Illustrated _net_ 1.50 WIDE COURSES. Illustrated _net_ 1.50 OPEN WATER. Illustrated _net_ 1.50 THE CRESTED SEAS. Illustrated _net_ 1.50 THE DEEP SEA'S TOLL. Illustrated _net_ 1.50 THE SEINERS. Illustrated _net_ 1.50 OUT OF GLOUCESTER. Illustrated _net_ 1.50 JEB HUTTON. Illustrated _net_ 1.20 THE TRAWLER. _net_ .50 * * * * * * THE U-BOAT HUNTERS by JAMES B. CONNOLLY With Illustrations [Illustration: "Where you-all going?... Can't you-all see where you're going? Keep off--keep off." [_Page 117_]] New York Charles Scribner's Sons 1918 Copyright, 1906, 1918, by Charles Scribner's Sons Published June, 1918 Copyright, 1916, 1917, 1918, by P. F. Collier & Son, Incorporated FOREWORD What a great thing if we could do away with war! But men are not cast in that mould. We shall continue to have wars; and some day the world is going to have a war to which the present will serve only as a try-out. When that war comes our country will probably have to bear the burden for the western hemisphere. In that war our navy will be our first line of defense; and what we do for our navy now will have much to do with what our navy will be able to do for us then. Our navy to-day is made up of good ships and capable, courageous, hard-working officers and men. There are some fuddy-duddies and politicians among them, but most of them are on the job every minute. Their highest hope is the chance to serve their country. The chapters in this book which tell of their U-boat hunting only prove once more their great qualities. There are chapters in this book which have nothing to do with U-boat hunting, but have much to do with the navy. Such are the two opening chapters and the three closing chapters. The motive of four of those chapters will probably be obvious; the chapter on the workings of a submarine is included in the hope of interesting our young fellows in that type of craft. The need of such a chapter? Take this illustration of what people do not know about submarines: Three years ago an admiral on the other side was called into conference on the U-boat problem. When it came his turn to speak he said: "Gentlemen, it is child's talk to say that the U-boats will ever amount to anything! Disregard them utterly!" Only three years ago that was, and that naval officer was considered for commander-in-chief of the Grand Fleet! Three years ago, and last year the U-boats sank 6,600,000 tons of shipping! Right now Germany probably contemplates, or is actually constructing, U-boats with armor and guns heavy enough to engage on the surface any war craft up to the battle-cruiser class. How far from that to fighting the heaviest of surface craft--even to the battleships? In the event of invasion--we might as well face that; refusing to think about it certainly will not eliminate the possibility,--in the event of invasion by a powerful foe our first line of defense will be our navy. The navy will always be our first line of defense; and so the need to-day of interesting in our navy young men,--progressive young men, who will learn from the past but prefer to live in the future. J. B. C. CONTENTS PAGE NAVY SHIPS 1 NAVY MEN 12 SEEING THEM ACROSS 24 THE U-BOATS APPEAR 37 CROSSING THE CHANNEL 58 THE CENSORS 77 ONE THEY DIDN'T GET 92 THE DOCTOR TAKES CHARGE 108 THE 343 STAYS UP 127 THE CARGO BOATS 142 FLOTILLA HUMOR--AT SEA 157 FLOTILLA HUMOR--ASHORE 172 THE UNQUENCHABLE DESTROYER BOYS 186 THE MARINES HAVE LANDED-- 204 THE NAVY AS A CAREER 222 THE SEA BABIES 239 ILLUSTRATIONS "Where you-all going?... Can't you-all see where you're going? Keep off--keep off" _Frontispiece_ FACING PAGE She shoved out into the stream and kicked her way down the harbor, and as she did so ... everybody seemed to know 26 Our thirty-knot clip was eating up the road. We were getting near the spot 98 In the engine-room of a submarine 242 NAVY SHIPS More than one-third of our naval force was being reviewed by the President. A most impressive assembly of men-o'-war it was, in tonnage and weight of metal the greatest ever floated by the waters of the western hemisphere. The last of the fleet had arrived on the night before. From the bluffs along the shore they might have been seen approaching with a mysterious play of lights across the shadowy waters. In the morning they were all there. Hardly a type was lacking--the last 16,000-ton double-turreted battleship, the protected and heavy-armored cruisers, monitors, despatch-boats, gun-boats, destroyers, attendant transport, and supply ships. Fifty ships, 1,200 guns, 16,000 men: all were there, even to the fascinating little submarines with their round black backs just showing above the water. It was that chromatic sort of a morning when the canvas of the sailing-boats stands out startlingly white against the drizzly sky and the smoke from the stacks of the steamers takes on an accented coal-black, and, drooping, trails low in a murky wake. Rather a dull setting at this early hour; but not sufficiently dull to check the vivacity of the actors in the scene. The President comes up the side of the _Mayflower_ and, arrived at the head of the gangway, stands rigid as any stanchion to attention while his colors are shot to the truck and the scarlet-coated band plays the national hymn. Then, ascending to the bridge, he takes station by the starboard rail with the Secretary of the Navy at his shoulder. The clouds roll away, the sun comes out, and all is as it should be while he prepares to review the fleet, which thereafter responds aboundingly to every burst of his own inexhaustible enthusiasm. And this fleet, which is lying to anchor in three lines of four miles or so each in length, with a respectful margin of clear water all about, is, viewed merely as a marine pageant, magnificent; as a display of potential fighting power, most convincing. No man might look on it and his sensibilities--admiration, patriotism, respect, whatever they might be--remain unstirred. To witness it is to pass in mental review the great fleets of other days and inevitably to draw conclusions. Beside this armament the ill-destined Armada, Von Tromp's stubborn squadrons, Nelson's walls of oak, or Farragut's steam and sail would dissolve like the glucose squadrons that boys buy at Christmas time. Even Dewey's workman-like batteries (this to mark the onward rush of naval science) would be rated obsolete beside the latest of these! It was first those impressive battleships; and bearing down on them one better saw what terrible war-engines they are. Big guns pointing forward, big guns pointing astern, long-reaching guns abeam, and little business-looking machine-guns in the tops--their mere appearance suggests their ponderous might. A single broadside from any of these, properly placed, and there would be an end to the most renowned flag-ships of wooden-fleet days. And that this frightful power need never wait on wind or tide, nor be hindered in execution by any weather much short of a hurricane, is assured when we note that to-day, while the largest of the excursion steamers are heaving to the whitecaps, these are lying as immovable almost as sea-walls. It is, first, the flag-ship which thunders out her greeting--one, two, three--twenty-one smoke-wreathed guns--while her sailormen, arm to shoulder, mark in unwavering blue the lines of deck and superstructure. Meantime the officers on the bridge, admiral in the foreground, are standing in salute; and in the intervals of gun-fire there are crashing out over the waters again the strains of the "Star Spangled Banner." And the flag-ship left astern, the guns of the next in line boom out, and on her also the band plays and men and officers stand to attention; and so the next, and next. And, the battleships passed, come the armored cruisers, riding the waters almost as ponderously as the battleships and hardly less powerful, but much faster on the trail; and they may run or fight as they please. After examining them, long and swift-looking, with no more space between decks than is needed for machinery, stores, armament, and lung-play for live men, the inevitable reflection recurs that the advance of mechanical power must color our dreams of romance in future. Surely the old ways are gone. Imagine one of the old three-deckers aiming to work to windward of one of these in a gale, and if by any special dispensation of Providence she was allowed to win the weather berth, imagine her trying, while she rolled down to her middle deck, to damage one of these belted brutes, who meantime would be leisurely picking out the particular plank by which she intended to introduce into her enemy's vitals a weight of explosive metal sufficient in all truth to blow her out of water. After the cruisers passed the craft of comparatively small tonnage and power follow--the gun-boats, transports, and supply ships; and, almost forgotten, the monitors, riding undisturbedly, like squat little forts afloat, with freeboard so low that with a slightly undulating sea a turtle could swim aboard. And after them the destroyers, which look their name. Most wicked inventions; no shining brasswork nor holy-stoned quarter, no decorative and convenient companionway down the side--no anything that doesn't make for results. Ugly, wicked-looking, with hooded ports from under which peer the muzzles of long-barrelled weapons that look as if they were designed for the single business of boring, and boring quickly, holes in steel plate. So the _Mayflower_ steams down the four long lines in review; and always the batteries and bands in action, the immortal hymn echoing out like rolling thunder between the flame-lit broadsides. From shore to shore the cannon detonate and our fighting blood is stirred. On the pleasure craft skirting the line of pickets like vaguely outlined picture boats in the dim, perspective haze, the people seem also to be stirred. We dream of the glory of battle; but better than that, the hymn which has stirred men to some fine deeds in the past, and shall to just as brave in the future, mounts like a surging tide to our hearts: "Oh, say, can you see?" it is asking. And we can see--no need of the glass--ahead, astern, abeam, aloft, some thousands of them streaming in the fresh west wind, and within signal distance of their beautiful waving folds a multitude of men and women in whom the sense of patriotism must have become immeasurably deepened for being within call this day. The vibration of brass and pipe, the music and the saluting, one ship and the next, and never the welcome of one died out before the tumult of the next began. It was like the ceaseless roar of the ever-rolling ocean, with never an instant when the ear-drum did not vibrate to the salute of cannon, the blood tingle to the call of the nation's hymn. One felt faith in ships and crews after it; and later, when in the cabin of the _Mayflower_ the admirals and captains gathered, to meet them and to listen was to feel anew the assurance that this navy will be ready when the hour comes to do whatever may be deemed right and well by the people. * * * * * The admirals and the _attachés_ having departed and dinner become a thing of the past, it was time to review the electric-light display. We were almost abreast of the first in line, and she was like a ship from fairyland. Along her run the bulbed lights extended, and thence to her turrets, and, higher up, followed the outline of stacks and tops and masts, with floating strings of them suspended here and there between. Most striking of all, her name in gigantic, flaming letters faced forward from her bridge. Now one ship decked in a multiplicity of jewels on this clear calm night would have been a beautiful sight--but where there were forty-odd of them----! It was a sailor of the fleet, lurking in the shifting shadows of the bridge, that he might enjoy his surreptitious cigarette and not suffer disratement therefor, who reviewed the illuminations most illuminingly. "Man, but they do blaze out, don't they? They make me think of the post-cards we used to buy in foreign ports. You held them up before the light and they came out shining like a Christmas-tree. But no ships of cards these--and that's the wonderful thing, too. Seeing them to-day, with their batteries in view, 'twas enough to put the fear o' God in a man's heart, and now look at them--like a child's dream of heaven--that is, if we don't sheer too close and see that the guns are still there. And, look now, the tricks they're at!" Outlined in incandescents, the semaphores of a dozen ships were being worked most industriously. "Jerk up and down like the legs and arms of the mechanical dolls at the theatre, don't they? But these here could be dancing for something more than the people's amusement if 'twas necessary. And what are they saying? Oh, most likely it's 'The compliments of the admiral, and will you come aboard the flag-ship and try a taste of punch?' And 'With pleasure,' that other one is saying. And they'll be lowering away the launch and no doubt be having a pleasant chat presently. And they could just as easily be saying (if 'twas the right time), 'Pipe to quarters and load with shell'--just as easy; and they could revolve the near turret of that one, and ten seconds after they cut loose you and me, if we weren't already killed by rush of air, would be brushing the salt water from our eyes and clawing around for a stray piece of wreckage to hang on to. Just as easy--but look at 'em now again!" The search-lights were paralleling and intersecting, now revealing the perpendicular depths beside the vessel, and now flooding the sky. Twenty of them, simultaneously flashing, were sweeping the surface of the Sound, one instant outlining the arbored Long Island shore, the next betraying the beaches of Connecticut. One, beaming westerly, disclosed a loaded excursion steamer half-way to Hell Gate, and, a moment later, turning a hand-spring, picked up in its diverging path the Fall River steamer miles away to the eastward. "The torpedo-boats'd have the devil's own time trying to lay aboard to-night, wouldn't they? And yet if 'twas cloudy 'twould be the submarines! Did you see them to-day? Weren't they cute--like little whale pups setting on the water--yes. They say they've got them where they turn somersaults now. Great, yes--but terrible, too, when you think they're liable to come your way some fine day. Imagine yourself, all at once, some night when you ought to be sound asleep in your hammock, finding yourself, afore you're yet fair awake, so high in the sky that you can almost reach out and take hold of the handle of the Dipper! And when you come down and get the official report, learning that one of those cute little playthings had been making a subaqueous call. "It's ninety-odd years since the American navy proved it could do a good job; for, of course, none of us count Spain, who wasn't ready to begin with, and wasn't our size, anyway. And yet, we mightn't make out so bad 'gainst a bigger enemy at that. Our fellows can shoot, that's sure. There's a gun crew in this ship we're breasting now, and I saw them awhile ago put eight 12-inch shot in succession through that regulation floating target we use, and it was as far away as the farther end of that line of cruisers there, and the target was bobbing up and down, and we steaming by at 10 knots an hour. Not too bad--hah? And a hundred crews like 'em in the navy. That's for the shooting." He flicked the end of another fleeting cigarette over the rail. "Yes, the American navy has fought pretty well, and this navy, no fear, will fight too. There's more different kinds of people in it than ever before, they say--though as to that I guess there were always more kinds of people in the navy than the historians ever gave credit for. Now it's all kinds like the nation itself, I suppose. And that ought to make for good fighting, don't you think?" NAVY MEN The foregoing occasion was the first of several naval spectacles staged by Theodore Roosevelt during his presidency to show the public that we had a growing navy, and not too small a navy, and a navy that, ship for ship, need ask for no odds in its equipment at least. More than any President we ever had did Theodore Roosevelt work for a big navy. To no President before him in our country did the prospect of a great European war loom so near; a war which meant our participation, not so much through any will of our people as by the pressure of happenings from the other side. Hence, the need of the country for as large a navy as we could get together. With an eye for this future need President Roosevelt asked for 4 battleships a year. There were men in Congress who believed that to talk of war was foolish; there would be no more war; so, instead of 4, Congress gave him 2, and the famous "big stick" had to come into play before they gave him even the two. During these years I had the privilege from President Roosevelt of cruising on United States war-ships--gun-boats, destroyers, cruisers, battleships (later, through the good offices of Secretary Daniels, I became acquainted with submarines and navy airplanes). The war-ships were an interesting study, and the life aboard a war-ship then was even more interesting, for after all, men, not materials, were the chief thing. Almost any fairly well-trained bunch of mechanics will turn out a pretty good machine to order. But there is no turning out good men to order; only good-living generations can do that. If it was a matter of machinery alone, then the Prussian idea would have this war already won. But that alone cannot prevail, can never prevail for the long run. It is the spirit which must win. The personnel of the navy, officers and men, seemed always so much more interesting to me, that for one hour I spent in looking over ship equipment, I probably spent forty in observing the men; and when you are locked up in ships for weeks or months with a lot of men you must, where your heart and mind are not closed, come away in time with some sort of knowledge of them. And what sort are they? Well, they are nearly all young--average age about twenty-one years; and they come from anywhere and everywhere--from the farms, the prairies, the corners of city streets; and they have been many things--farm-hands, carpenters, mechanics, barbers, trolley-car men, clerks, street loafers, college boys. Some are terribly sophisticated in worldly ways and some so green, of course, that the wags have frequent chances to keep their wits on edge. Some have come with the plain notion that if a fellow has got to fight, why then the navy offers the most comfortable outlook for a fellow--during this war it especially offers it--dry hammock every night, no mud, no cooties, and three hot meals at regular intervals--but many are there with the bright hope of some day pointing a 14-inch gun and sending a relay of 1,400-pound shells where they will blow something foreign and opposing high as the flying clouds. Blowing up ships and people may have once seemed a terrible idea, but a few weeks in the community of a war-ship with its matter-of-fact, professional manner of discussing such subjects soon brings them around to common, seagoing notions of the matter. Four years ago at Vera Cruz our modern navy had its first taste of war. It was only a light touch of war, and there was no doubt of the outcome; but in little affairs men may be tried out, too. Through somebody's blunder, for which somebody should have been jacked-up, our bluejackets were sent up in solid sections to occupy a large open area on the Vera Cruz water-front. Standing there in solid columns, not knowing just what was going to happen, but feeling to a certainty that something stirring was going to happen, and to happen soon, they stood there grinning widely and waiting for the ball to open. It may have been their childish innocence, it may have been their untutored ignorance, but when that sheeted rifle fire first burst from the roof of the Naval College, and a solid squad or two of our lads went down, and following that the snipers began to get them in ones and twos and threes--when that happened there was no distressing confusion in their ranks. When, later, it became necessary for the _Prairie_ and _Chester_ to fire just over their heads to batter the walls of that same War College, it made no difference. The ships' gunnery was rapid and excellent--they knew it would be--and when the shells went whistling through the walls of the second story, the marines and bluejackets stood under the first story and let them whistle. Plaster and bricks from the shaken walls came tumbling down upon them. They ducked beneath the falling mortar, some of them, but they all took their shells standing. They are not the sailors of classic tradition, these battleship lads of the twentieth century. Every man to the age he lives in--it must be so. The old phrase, "Drunk as a sailor," meant, in most men's minds, drunk as a man-o'-war's man. I was born and brought up in a great seaport--Boston--and my earliest memories are of loafing days along the harbor front and the husky-voiced, roaring fellows coming ashore in the pulling boats from the men-o'-war; fine, rolling-gaited fellows, in from long cruises and flamingly eager to make the most of their short liberty. Great-hearted men, who gave truth to the phrase--"and spending his money like a drunken sailor"--and knowing, usually, but two inescapable obligations--to do his duty aboard ship and to stand by a shipmate in trouble ashore. Almost any of the old-time policemen of the large seaports can tell you many fine tales of the riotous hours along the water-front in the old days. Such is the passing tradition. The present lad of the navy is creating a new one. For one thing, he no longer gets drunk--that is, he does not get drunk by divisions. To illustrate: During that greatest steaming stunt in all maritime history--the cruise of our sixteen battleships with their auxiliaries around the world--all naval records were broken in the number of enlisted men allowed ashore. Every day in large foreign ports saw 4,000 of our bluejackets and marines allowed shore liberty. Now consider the case of the first foreign port where liberty was granted, Rio de Janeiro in South America; and what happened in Rio was what happened in other ports. It was five weeks or more since leaving home, and during that five weeks they had been for twelve days steaming along one of the hottest coasts (Brazil) in all the world--the tropics--and it was summer-time once they were south of the line; and in all that time no chance for an enlisted man to get a drink of any kind of liquor--no beer or light wine even--no matter what the intensity of the thirst which may have possessed him. Now he is suddenly thrown ashore with his pockets full of money. He has only to go to the paymaster and draw pretty much all he pleases. By actual figures the men of the battle fleet--about 13,000--drew $200,000 in gold to spend ashore in Rio--about $15 a man. For five or six weeks not a drop to drink, and all at once 4,000 of them thrown daily to roam into the midst of 500 grog shops with their pockets full of money, and no restrictions placed upon them, except one: they must be back to their ship that same night! I was a passenger with that battle fleet, and night after night I stood on the great stone quay in Rio and watched them returning to their ships. On no night did I see more than forty or fifty who might be said to be "soused"; on no night did I see more than a dozen or fifteen who had to be thrown into the accommodation barge with the "dead ones," the helpless ones who were so far gone that they had to be carried up the sides of their ships from the barge which made the last rounds of the fleet. Now I would like to make an observation; gratuitous, but perhaps of human interest and pertinent right here: I think if we took 4,000 lawyers or doctors or authors or car-drivers or clerks--4,000 of almost any sort from civil life--and locked them up so that for five or six weeks in a warm or a cold climate they could not get a drink of any kind of liquor, no matter how great their fancied or real need; and at the end of that five or six weeks took the whole 4,000 of them, with their pockets full of money, and suddenly threw them into the middle of all the grog-shops of a great city--I do think that more than forty--that is, one per cent of them--would be found "soused"--that is, if we had means of locating them all at the end of the day. The heroic sailor of tradition has passed--a sailor of another kind, but just as efficient and just as heroic in another way--the way of his day--is rapidly creating another tradition. The lad who in the lusty days of his youth can thus hold himself in check is a pretty good product of American development. He pretty generally passes up the grog-shop, but he visits the art galleries, the museums, the cathedrals, the K. of C.'s, and Y. M. C. A.'s ashore, takes books from the library on shipboard, buys post-cards and mails them home to let his friends know of the great things in the world. On that world cruise referred to the men cleaned Rio de Janeiro out of 250,000 post-cards. I doubt if many of them, on the first try, could lay out on a topsail-yard in a gale of wind without immediately falling overboard; but they don't have to lay out on topsail-yards nowadays. They do have to shoot, however; and they can shoot. Lay a gun's crew of them behind a big turret-gun and watch them make lacework of a target at 11,000 yards. * * * * * The main question is, Have we the spirit to-day? As to that, no man having yet devised any apparatus wherewith to measure energy of soul and mind, it is difficult to prove to whoever will not believe, or does not in himself possess the germ, the existence of this thing that may not be measured by foot-rule or bushel basket. The belching of powder and the roll of drumhead do not prove it. We can always hire men to do that, and to do it well. And yet, to be present at the review described in the preceding chapter was to experience the thrill that may not be measured, to note how the enthusiasm of the occasion seemed to be animating the crews, to share in the feeling of pride which mantled all cheeks, and, ship after ship slipping past, to feel that pride of fleet intensify, until we echoed the cry of the Commander-in-Chief, whose enthusiasm for all that is good for the nation is unquenchable. As the President said, it was a glorious day. No doubt of it. Men had met and there was kinship in the meeting. From that auspicious opening in the morning when the clouds seemed to dissolve for the express purpose of allowing a fresh-washed sky to enter into the color scheme of the beautiful picture--blue dome, chalk-white and sea-green war-ships, green and blue and white-edged little seas--until that last moment at night when the last call on the last ship was blown and to its lingering cadence the last unwinking incandescent of the fairy-like illumination was switched off, leaving the hushed and darkened fleet riding to only the necessary anchor lights on the motionless, moon-lit sound--who witnessed it all might not doubt the existence of that spirit which in conflict makes for more than thickness of armor or weight of shell. * * * * * We went to war; and it was with an immense confidence in what they would do that I heard of the sailing of our first group of destroyers for the business of convoying ships and hunting U-boats on the other side. Ships were up to date and officers and men knew their business; and there was something more than knowing their business. Other groups of destroyers followed that first one, and a lot of us were wondering how they were making out. They had sailed out into the Atlantic--that we knew; but what were they doing? We who knew them believed they were doing well. But how well? I thought it worth-while finding out. I went to Washington and from Secretary Daniels and Chief Censor George Creel secured necessary credentials, and through the War Department the word which would put me aboard a troop-ship. It is only justice to Secretary Daniels to say that he granted me all aid even though I told him I would probably work for _Collier's_ on the trip--for _Collier's_ which had been pounding him editorially. What I learned of this game of escorting ships and hunting U-boats is in the chapters which follow. SEEING THEM ACROSS He had been on what most anybody would agree was pretty trying sort of work; and so, having an idea that a furlough was coming to him, he applied for it, but did not get it. The department had other things in view. Instead of going home, he took time to write a few letters, printing the one to his little girl in big capitals, so that--being six going on seven--she might, with mama's help, be able to read it. They sent him to a ship that had been running between north and south ports on our own coast, shifting in winter-time to tropical waters. She was one of a group of thirty or forty that the department had on its little list to be made over into transports. She was the handsomest boat, but war makes nothing of beauty. Our officer ordered all her gleaming black underpaint off, also her pure white topside enamelling with the gold decorations here and there; then he swabbed her top and bottom with that dull blue-gray which the naval sharps say does blend best with a deep-sea background. She had the prettiest little lounging-room. Our officers retained that--for even in war officers must have some place aboard ship to gather for a smoke and gossip--but they threw out the large, lovely fat pieces of furniture. In case of submarine attack or an order to abandon ship, the men might want to make a passage of that room in a hurry and no time there--in the dark it might be--to be falling over chairs and tables. There was a sun-parlor, a large, splendid room with wide windows and the deck on three sides. There were thick draperies, filmy laces, and many easy chairs. In the old days cabin passengers used to sit there and absorb the soft tropic breezes while digesting their breakfasts. An army quartermaster-captain surveyed it with our naval officer. "Swell," said the Q. M. C. "We'll haul down that plush and fluffy stuff, dump those chairs and rugs over the side, plant my desk here, my chief clerk's there, my other clerks' desks over there, open those fine wide windows and let the north Atlantic breezes blow on our beaded brows while we're doing our paper work. Fine!" Our naval officer did that and a hundred other things to the inside and outside of the beautiful ship and reported her fit for transport service, or as fit as ever a made-over ship could be made to be, whereupon he was ordered to take her to such and such a dock in such and such a port--which he did. Then many large, heavy cases were lowered into her hold, and troops and troops and more troops filed aboard and took up what was left of the spaces between decks with themselves and their war gear. She lay then with her water-line a foot deeper than anybody around there ever remembered seeing her in her swell passenger days; then she shoved out into the stream and kicked her way down the harbor, and as she did so, though there was not a single trooper's head showing above her rail, everybody seemed to know. Passing tugs, motor-boats, ferry-boats blew their whistles--every kind of a boat that had a whistle blew it--and there was an excursion boat loaded down with women and children. Her band had been playing ragtime, but it suddenly stopped and broke into "Good-by, Good Luck, God Bless You," to the troop-ship bound for France. There was a war-ship waiting below--not the biggest by a good deal in our fleet, but big enough to have hope one day of firing her broadside on the battle-line. But the great duty of a war-ship is to be immediately useful. She was there, and smaller war-ships with her, to see that the troop-ships got protection on the run across. [Illustration: She shoved out into the stream and kicked her way down the harbor, and as she did so ... everybody seemed to know.] Our troop-ship, other troop-ships, every one in turn, steamed up, reported her presence, and tucked into a berth under the wings of the big war-ship; and there they stayed until night, until the signal came to get under way. When it did, one after the other they up-anchored and kicked into line. They had been warned to make no fuss in going, and they made none. From somewhere ashore a great search-light swept our top structure, swept every top structure as we filed out. Some one on each top structure must have given the proper sign, for that was all. All that night, and next day, for days and days thereafter, with shifting formations and varying speeds, we steamed. All were good, seaworthy ships, but little things will happen. There was one that was always lagging. The flag-ship, meaning the war-ship of most tonnage, inquired why. The answer came, whereat the war-ship of most tonnage showed right there that she was fit to do something more than furnish long-reaching guns for the fleet's protection. The next thing the fleet knew they were ordered to shut off steam. They did so. It was a perfect, calm day, and the ships lay, still as paint between a clear blue sky and a deep-blue sea while a boat-load of bluejackets from the big fighting ship rowed across a swell so gentle that it seemed to be only serving to put life into a picture. The lagging steamer had been short a few oilers or firemen or water-tenders. The big ship had them to spare. After that the slow one picked right up. Soon it was standard speed with everybody in proper alignment again. Not often do seagoing people get the chance to see a fleet of merchant steamers cruising the wide ocean. A full-rigged sailing-ship, a steam-collier, a tramp steamer, all came out of their way in one day to view the strange sight. As they did so, one of our smaller and faster war-ships would trot over to have a closer peek in turn at the curious ones; to ask them questions; probably also to tell them to keep their wireless mouths shut, if they had any. One day one big freighter did not answer signals promptly. Perhaps she could not read them. In these war times it is not too easy to get crews who are sea-wise in every detail--the expert signalman among the officers might have been off watch and having a nap. Anyway, one of our little fighting fellows went bounding after her. It was like watching a sheep-dog at work. The war-ship moved up from behind, drew up, and then, showing her teeth, headed the freighter the other way and held her headed that way while she put an officer aboard and asked an explanation, which was probably given and doubtless all right, for the officer came back and the freighter resumed her regular course. Day in and day out that was the way of it, every passing ship being viewed as suspect and our own ships, of varying speeds and tonnage, trying to keep a good alignment. The weather generally was fine, but one morning we ran into a fog. A fog has its virtues; a submarine cannot see you in a fog. But neither can you see a submarine. And somewhere handy to you is a bunch of your own ships, and no telling when one of them may come riding out of the mist and climb aboard by way of your port or starboard quarter! A whistle by day or a search-light by night would have been a great help to our naval officer on the bridge during that fog, but he was denied that. So he made out (as did every other commander on every other bridge during the fog) with whatever other means he could devise. Nothing happened to us. The fog passed on, and then one day came a slaty gray sea and a slaty sky. Gray seas look hard; white crests moving across gray seas look hard too. Our naval officer took time to look around on them. Gray hulls were smashing high bows into them, making boiling white water of the hard gray sea and throwing it to either side in fine, high-rolling billows as they pressed on. They were a fine sight then, with the smoke pouring out and trailing low from some of them. They were not trying to make smoke, but if a ship must make smoke, it will not be seen so far on a gray day. Our naval officer held the bridge from early that morning to nine o'clock that night. He had an idea that he might be able to sneak in a couple of hours' sleep against the strain of the later night. It was not bad weather when he left--a good breeze blowing and plenty of white showing. It was dirty, but not bad weather. He got in one hour in his bunk, turning in with his clothes on, when he was called to go on the bridge again. Something had happened. He could feel the increasing wind before he was fairly rolled out of his bunk. As he stepped out on deck he could see that the lookouts had adopted life-belts for the night. The lookouts were men from among the troops, and now each man as he went off watch was handing over his life-belt to the next coming on. They had had to use the soldiers for lookouts. In these war days no merchant ship can supply from her regular crew one-tenth of the men needed for lookout work in the war zone. The soldiers were all right, but just then our naval officer felt sorry for them. He had been having them up before him afternoons, lecturing them on their duties as lookouts. That very afternoon he had had a bunch of them before him while he explained a few new things. He had spent extra time on the men who were to be on forward watch this very night, with the men who were to go into the bow or into the forward crow's nest. And now they were there, buried as the bow went smash into it, or--those of them who had drawn the crow's nest--swinging a hundred feet in the air. All right for old seagoers, but most of these boys had never in their lives before been on an ocean-going ship. Some had never even seen a big ship until they came to the seacoast for their trip. They had great eyesight, some of these young fellows--men who had lain on the bull's-eye at a thousand yards regularly were bound to have that--and they made good lookouts once they got the idea, but climbing the last twenty feet of that ladder to the crow's nest, leaning back under part of the time with life-belt stuffed under their overcoats--they surely must have been thinking that a soldier's duties were difficult as well as various in these days of war. A ship on tossing seas and the wind blowing a dirge through the rigging--well, a man may be brave enough to fight all the Germans this side the Russian line, but if he is new to sea life he is apt to see things. Two soldiers were standing on deck when our naval officer came out of his room. They were not on guard. They did not have to be there--they were staying awake on their own account. One said to the other: "There, there--look! Ain't that a submarine?" It was a shadow as high as a house. "If that is a submarine," thinks our officer, "then it is good night to us, for she's a whale of a one!" It was no submarine. It was the shadow of one of their own ships which had been driven out of column. It was blowing hard when our officer made the bridge. He could not see far, but far enough to see that the ocean was black, and that across the black of it the white patches were flying--dead white patches leaping high in the night. The fleet was in direct column ahead, or should have been. Some were surely having their troubles staying there. This steaming close behind a ship, with another ship close behind you--and you have to be close up to see from one to the other on such a night--made me think as I stood under the bridge that night: "Give me all the submarines in the world before this with a fleet that has not had a chance to practise evolutions." There was not a steaming light of any kind, not even one shaded little one in the stern, which an enemy might see and, seeing, swing in behind it. Rather than show even the smallest little guiding light, our fellows preferred to steam this way in the night. The glad morning came, glad for the reason that an almost warm, bright sun came with it. The sun showed three ships gone from the column. There was more than one of us who wished that we too had gone from the column about six hours ago. We would have slept better. Still, it was a good experience to have--behind you. Wind and sea went down; all hands felt better--especially the lookouts. Those who came down from the crow's nest looked as if the grace of God had suddenly fallen on them. By and by we picked up the drifters. They were looking just as hard for us as we were for them; and later that day we ran into our escorts from the other side. Everybody at once felt as if the trip was as good as over. The fact was that the worst part of the war zone was ahead of us. All hands were still turning in with life-belts handy, and most of them with clothes on, but there was a feeling that now it was up to these new escorts. Before we reached France on this run we were in a U-boat fight, which I shall tell of later. What I want to say now is that the submarine fight had an enjoyable side to it, but as for that night run of our troop-ships in gale and sea--a big ship just ahead, a big ship just behind, big high-bowed ships plunging down at fourteen knots an hour from roaring waters in the dark--there was no fun in that! Of the scores of devices the fleet used to beat the U-boats on that run across, a man can say nothing here. But to get back: our naval officer stuck to his bridge until one most beautiful morning he took his ship into a most beautiful port on a most beautiful shore. I never before heard anybody so describe that same port, but the general verdict says it did look pretty good. This story of our troop-ship's run across is given from the view-point of the naval officer in charge. It could just as well have been written from the view-point of the merchant captain or his officers aboard--all on the job; or the chief engineer or his assistants--all on the job, and who put in more than one hour guessing at what was going on above; or from the view-point of the quartermaster captain, or his clerks, or the oilers, or the firemen, or the water-tenders, or the cooks, or anybody else, high or low, in the ship's regular service. This transport service is one tough game. It is well enough for us who have but one trip to make. But one trip after another! They had good right to look a bit younger when they made the other side. But before we can win this war we've got to get the million or two or three million men across; and the millions of tons of supplies. Somebody has got to see them across. These men on the troop-ships are doing it. May nothing happen to them! THE U-BOATS APPEAR The soldier lookouts in the forward crow's nest had been especially advised to have an eye out for the convoys which were to pick us up as we neared the other side; and they were very much on the job. One bright morning came: "Smoke three points off the port bow.... Smoke broad off the starboard bow.... Smoke dead ahead.... One point off the ... Broad off the ..." and so on. Their excited calls rattled down like rapid fire to the bridge; the thrill in their voices rolled like a wave through the ship. That smoke, incidentally, meant that the strangers, whoever they were, had already identified us and so were not afraid to let us see them. Everybody that was not already on deck came running up to have a look for himself. It was our escort. Darting across our bows they came--low-riding, slim, gray bodies. The ranking one reported to our flag-ship; and all, without any fuss or extra foam, took position and went to work as though they had been there for weeks. And as they did our big war-ship and the little ones which had come across with her wheeled about and went off. There was no ceremonious leave-taking. They simply turned on their heels and flew. They might as well have said: "We are glad to have met you and been with you, but we can do no more for you, so good-by and good luck; we're going back home as fast as we can get there." A soldier watched them going and said: "The night before we left home I went to a show, and a fellow sang: 'Good-by, Broadway! Hello, France!' I thought it was great. I know what they're saying aboard those ships there now. 'Hello, Broadway! Good-by, France!' is what they're saying. And I betcher it'll be a straight line with no time wasted zigzagging for them on the way back!" He had it about right. They carried the most eloquent sterns that any of us had seen on ships for a long time. The big one in the middle, the others like chickens under either wing--away they went, belting it for about sixteen knots good. In one half-hour all we could see of them was a cloud of smoke to the west'ard. Just how far off the French coast we were at this time does not matter here, or from what direction we were approaching; but we were far enough off for that group of destroyers to show how they went about their work of guarding the troop-ships. To comb the sea about us was their mission; and they were attending to it every minute. The fleet steamed on. We proceeded under advices not to fall asleep with too much clothes on, and never to get too far away from our life-belts. It may have been true that some men slept with their life-belts on, but it is probably not true that one man took his to the bathroom with him--not true because about the time we got that far along the steward refused to prepare any more baths. He had enough on his mind, he said, without fussing with baths. There was one place we looked forward to passing with lively feelings. We may not name the place here, but here is how it was described: "Ever been to that big aquarium in Naples? Yes? Well, remember those devil-fish hiding behind the rock on the bottom? Along comes an innocent young fish who is a stranger to those waters. Mr. Devilfish, hiding behind, has a peek at it coming. He waits. Mr. Young Fish drifts by his hiding-place, and then--Good night, young fishie." That kind of talk in the watches of the night sounded like lively action before us. We waited for--call it the Devilfish's Cave--and waited; and the first thing we knew when we came to inquire further about it, we were safely past it, with never a sign of any devil-fish, unless it would be the one torpedo which went by the bow of one of us from some distance one noontime. Some distance it must have been because it was a clear day with a smooth sea, and under such weather conditions, with the hundreds of wide-awake lookouts in the fleet, no U-boat could have put up a periscope within any near distance and not be seen by somebody. As for long-distance shots from submarines--there is small need to worry about them. Subs like to get within a thousand yards or less. Those three and four mile shots--it is like trying to hit a sea-gull with a rifle. Amateurs try that kind of shooting, but the professional, who has to reckon the cost of powder and shot, lets it pass. Not that the Germans are sparing of the cost of war, but a sub which has to make a voyage of three thousand miles to take on a fresh load of torpedoes is not firing too many for the mere practice. We drew near the coast of France, and still nothing had happened. We were getting hails, of course, from the lookouts. There was one who called it a dull watch when he did not see at least one periscope. He had never seen a periscope in his life, but he had read about periscopes. One night just at dark he stood us all on our heads by reporting one just alongside. We all got a flash at it then, an ominous object, bobbing under our port quarter, and then it went down into our wake. It bobbed up again, and we all had another look. It was a beer-keg. The ship's first officer, the one who had a gold medal as big as a saucer for saving life at sea, eyed the keg, and then he eyed the lookout, saying: "An empty one too! If you'd only report a full one, we might gaff it aboard." When that same first officer was one day asked if he intended taking his big medal with him in case we had to take to the boats, he replied: "With twenty-eight persons in the boat! Good Lord, don't you think she'll be carrying enough freight?" We steamed along, dark night astern this time and the white morning above our bow. The bridge--three naval and two ship's officers--had for some time been using the glasses. From aloft forward came the sudden yell: "Land ho!" The bridge nodded that it heard. "Land ho!" repeated the lookout stentoriously. "Two points off the port bow," and then, peering doubtfully down at the bridge: "Am I right?" "You are," said the bridge sweetly; "we've been looking at it for half an hour." Which was rather rough, for to shore-going eyes land does at first look like a low cloud on the horizon and, naturally, a fellow wants to make sure. Pretty soon we could most of us see it from the deck, and it did look good. I once saw the flat, bleak Atlantic coast of Patagonia after ten days at sea, and the high iron wintry coast of Newfoundland after another period at sea, and I clearly recall that even they both looked like fine countries. And the coast of France was neither bleak nor icy, so you may guess that it was a pleasing sight on this summer morning. It was a dream of a day, the sea like a green-tinted mirror, the sky blue as paint, and the softest little breath of air floating off the land to us. We were perhaps ten miles offshore. The enchanted land lay before us and our troubles behind us--or so we thought--and yet we were many of us disappointed. After our more than three thousand miles we had not even caught sight of a U-boat. Now, we probably did not want to see one, but we sort of had an idea that we were entitled to have one pop up and then disappear. Something to talk about, without anybody coming to harm through it--that was about our composite idea. However, there are compensations for all things; we could now prepare peacefully for going ashore. I was in the lounge-room below sharpening a pencil, and, there being no waste-basket handy, carefully shunting the shavings into a writing-desk drawer. The fire-alarm rang. That was the signal to hurry on deck with your life-belt, take your station by your boat, and prepare to abandon ship. But we had been doing that every day since we left home. The first time we heard that call we had gone jumping, but after the third or fourth time we moved more leisurely. Some took their life-belts from their rooms and started up. Every soldier, of course, grabbed one from where they were piled up in the passageways and went at once. They had no option. Their officers would get after them if they did not. I thought I would finish sharpening my pencil. I thought I heard a blast from a ship's whistle somewhere outside; but I was not sure. Then I heard a blast from our own ship's whistle. Wugh-wugh-wugh! I did not wait for any more. I did not finish sharpening the pencil. I did not wait to shut the desk drawer. I did not do anything but move. There were six blasts from the whistle, and six blasts meant U-boats. There was a heavy-set officer coming down the passageway. He was heavier by twenty pounds than I was, but I had more speed. I know I had. Not since the winter's day on George's Bank a quartering sea chased me down the cabin companionway of the _Charles W. Parker_ of Gloucester have I moved so fast on a ship, and I was fifteen years younger then. We bounced off each other. We did not stop to talk when we straightened out. He went his way and I went mine, and if I looked anything like him, then my jaw was thrust out and my eyes had an earnest look in them. My life-belt was under my bunk. It did not stay there long. I went back down the passageway jumping. There was a fine crush going up to the boat-deck. Only a seagoing man knows how to take a ship's ladder with speed. You just got to have practice at it. There were some fine athletic boys among the troopers, but "Sweet mother," wailed a ship's man, "are those new army shoes made of leather, or are they lead that they move so slow?" And that comment did not have to travel a lonesome road. While scooting up the ladder we heard a gun; and another gun. As we made the boat-deck there was another ship barking out six short blasts. The ships of the fleet, when we got to where we could see them, were headed every which way. We could feel our own ship heel over--she turned so sharply. Every ship in the fleet was going it--right angles, quarter angles, all degrees of angles. But what impressed us most--we almost laughed to see her--was the lubber of the fleet. She was twice the tonnage of most of us, and early in the run across she had brought anguish to our souls by the way she lagged. "You bum, you loafer, you old cart-horse, why don't you move up?" our soldiers used to yell across at her. She had not then enough men in her steam department to keep her engines warm, so she reported. But now she had steam enough. She was wide and high, a huge hulk of a ship, and here she was now charging--charging was the word--like a motor-boat at where somebody said the U-boat had just submerged. Whether she got her U-boat, I don't know; but she certainly did cut through the water for about a mile. The ship next behind us went after something; and the ship next ahead went tearing away after something else, and another ship--but, man, a battalion of eyes could not follow them all. A destroyer went--zizz-sh zizz--a thirty-odd knot clip--and the next thing we saw was a ten-foot column of solid white water shooting straight up beside that destroyer. And then came the terrific Bo-o-om! Our ship shook from one end to the other. I thought it came from inside of us--that it was a loading-port door let drop by some careless ship's man below. The ship's officer in charge of our life-boat thought so, too. He stepped to the ship's side to look down. "That one, he should be put in the brig--scaring us all like that!" I agreed with him heartily, only I thought he should be put in a second brig after he got out of the first one. Some time later we learned that it was the shock from the bomb dropped by the destroyer, from which you can gauge what chance the submarine will have which happens to catch one of those bombs on its back. We carried two 5-inch guns in our bow and two astern. Those gun crews had been standing by those guns from the first day out. For the last three days they had been sleeping near them in their life-jackets and taking their meals standing beside them. They were not going to be left out of it. About a thousand yards away some one reported a floating torpedo. Whether it was a live or a spent one made no matter. It was too soft a target; besides, some ship in the hurry of manoeuvring might run into it. Bang! went two of our 5-inch fellows, one from each end of the ship and both together. That was when we heard from our chief engineer. He had been below from the beginning, and knew from the way the bells were coming down from the bridge that there was something doing topside. When the destroyer dropped her first bomb he wondered if the ship was torpedoed. He waited, and his men, with their shovels and slice-bars and oil-cans--they waited, every one of them, with one sharp eye to the nearest ash-hoist, which reminded the chief that he would never leave home again--and this time he meant it--without installing those four more ladders leading up from the engine and fire-room quarters to the decks. No, sir, he would not. But nothing happened! And then those two 5-inch guns went off together. War-ships are built to withstand impact, but merchant-ships--no. This time the chief was sure she was torpedoed. His fire-room force were mostly Spaniards. He used to talk at table about his fire-room gang. "You would think, with your ship coming through the war zone and your watch down in the bottom of her, that you would want to go up topside when your watch was done, for, of course, if any U-boat got the ship, it would be the fellows below who would first get the full benefit." But that gang of his! "Doggone, they'd sit there when their watch was over, six or eight of 'em, and play some cross-eyed Spanish card-game for a peseta a corner. What d'y' know about them?" The chief's gang could not talk English, but they had speaking eyes. They now looked at the chief, and he went up to have a peek. He came back soon. "They are having target practice," he told them. He had been running the Caribbean ports long enough to be able to say that much in Spanish; but more than all he smiled as he said it. You want to smile to get away with anything like that in the fire-room of a troop-ship in the U-boat country. Every ship in the fleet was now having something to say with her guns; and with their incessant manoeuvring at such close quarters the sea was all torn up by their wakes. Two or three wakes or bow waves would cross each other, and the sea would roll up with a bounding white crest. There were also the wakes of hidden submarines. You could tell them if you saw any by the way they did not stop in one place; they moved on. When a gunner saw a submarine wake he fired; where he wasn't sure he fired anyway. What was he there for? Bang! Boom! Solid shot were ricochetting, piling up little white splashes, and the shrapnel were making little holes and bursting into little white smoke puffs all over the place. You must not forget that it was a beautiful day and a perfectly calm sea with the shore of France looming like a blue mirage on the horizon. It lasted about forty minutes altogether, and through it all the little destroyers--don't forget them--were weaving in and out among the big ships; and on the big ships were thousands of troopers, white life-belts around their olive-drab uniforms, standing steadily by life-boats and rafts. Our fellows on the destroyers did handle their little ships well. And the troop-ships were handled well--no collisions and no gun-shells going aboard anybody else. A few went across other people's bows and sterns, but not too near to worry. And in the middle of it all, our guns made so much noise that before we heard them we saw them--two airplanes, whirring and cavorting about and above us. Whenever they saw a destroyer turn and shoot, they would turn and shoot after the destroyer. They could move about three times as fast as a destroyer, and so quite often beat the destroyer to it. Later the airplanes escorted us into port. They were big, powerful biplanes, and carried a sky-pointing gun mounted forward and the colors of France painted on their little wings aft. They kept circling about us until we made our harbor. Whenever they swooped low enough our troopers gave them a fine cheer. My job being to tell what I saw and heard, I want to say here that throughout the entire mêlée I never saw one periscope! And there were thousands like me who never saw a periscope. But there were hundreds of others--cool, sensible people--who are ready to make affidavits that they did see periscopes. Why did not more of us see any? Well, a submarine commander needs to turn up his periscope for only four, five, six, or seven seconds to have a look. If you do not happen to be gazing directly at the spot, you do not see it or the white bone which it makes going through the water. On my ship the ranking officer was a regular army colonel who had seen active and dangerous service in the Philippines and elsewhere. He is given rather to understatement than overstatement of facts--a cool, level-headed observer. He saw a periscope. We had another officer who had been in the service in the Spanish War, had got out and was now back. He was probably the best lookout of all the army officers in the ship--a solid, substantial man with a keen eye. He could see what anybody else could see, but further than that you had to show him. Several of us had already christened him "Show me." He reported two periscopes. Now he had never seen a submarine operating in his life. I asked him to describe the action of the periscope. He described it perfectly as I had noticed it in trial trips of submarines off Cape Cod, which is where the Electric Boat Company used to try theirs out before turning them over to purchasers. My own notion of it is that the U-boats have many of us bluffed. They must be capable men who go in submarines; of good nerve, quick wit, and the power to withstand long nervous strain. Such men in a submarine are going to throw great scares into people of less capacity on surface ships. Put such men somewhere else than in a submarine and they will outwit men not so well equipped for the war game. But these men, no men, can make the submarine do impossible things. Before firing a torpedo the submarine must come near enough to the surface to stick out her periscope, to have a look around to locate her target. In sticking out the periscope, lookouts on ships are likely to see it. On merchant ships they do not keep a lookout which combs the sea thoroughly; they do not carry men enough for that. The strain of such a lookout is great. Men cannot stand to it as to an ordinary watch; they have to be relieved frequently; and so submarines may have an advantage over merchant ships, especially if the merchant ships are slow-moving freighters. But a war-ship, or a troop-ship in convoy is something else. Troop-ships carry an immense number of lookouts, not overworked men who are liable to go to sleep on watch, but keen-eyed young fellows of high vitality, surrounded by other young fellows of high vitality, and all competing to see who can see something first. They will spot a periscope, under normal conditions, at a pretty good distance; which does not mean that that periscope is at once going to be blown out of the water. Hitting a piece of 4-inch pipe at any distance is not easy; the pipe moving and the ship moving does not make it any easier. But the submarine has shown herself. To get her torpedo home she will have to move nearer. With a thousand eyes looking for her and five, six, a dozen ships with four guns or more apiece waiting to have a crack at her, she is not going to have a pleasant time after she moves nearer. She must show her periscope again to locate her target. To show her periscope she must get her hull somewhere near the surface; it takes a little time--not so much, but a little time to get her hull safely below again; and while she is doing that who can say that not one of our five, six, or a dozen ships will be handy to the spot? And if one of our ships should happen to be handy enough, what can save the submarine from being rammed? And if she is rammed there is no hope for her--she is gone. I am pretty much of one mind with our first officer in this submarine matter. In the middle of the combat off the French coast he was making the rounds, cutting away the lashings which held the life-boats to the davits--this in case we had to leave the ship. He had a squint at the banging guns, the charging troop-ships, the flying destroyers; and then he looked up long enough to say: "A fat chance a U-boat would have if she so much as stuck her nose out. In four seconds she'd be like a rabbit among a pack of hunting-dogs. She might get away, but I bet you no bookmaker would take her end of it." This argument does not apply to a slow-steaming freighter going it alone; it is for the matter of troop-ships moving at a fairly good speed. For myself that time the fleet steamed in direct column ahead, one ship jam up behind another, in a rough sea and on a black night, at high speed without lights of any kind, they did a more difficult thing than to evade or stand off half a dozen U-boat attacks. No fleet of ships can be put beyond all danger of submarine attack, but the danger to the subs can be made so great that it won't be worth the price the attacking force will pay. I do not know how many U-boats were in that attack. The official figures will no doubt be given out in time. Our moderate estimators here put it down as three, with one transport ramming and sinking one U-boat. Two honest lads of one of our own forward gun crews say that our ship bumped over another. They felt the bump. Perhaps they did, but bluejackets at twenty years of age are apt to be optimistic, as witness: The day after that U-boat fight the skipper, first officer, chief engineer, and myself were trying our French on a waiter in a café ashore, but not quite putting it over; we had to resort to a little English to get action for one important item of our meal. A party of American bluejackets--gun crews--were at another table. They heard us speak English, whereat one of them called over: "Say, you guys comprong English? Wee, wee? Then you oughter been where we were yesterday. Yuh'd seen something. Fighting U-boats we were. Comprong? U-boats--wee, wee, U-boats. Thirty-six of 'em came after us an' we sunk twelve. Whaddyer know about that?" We did not know, so we opened up a bottle of the ordinary red wine of the country, price deux francs, and drank to their enthusiastic health. CROSSING THE CHANNEL To get out of France after getting in, a man has to go to Paris, see the prefect of police, various consuls, and so on. It was all interesting--the life in Paris--but it had nothing to do with U-boats. I had to go to England, and to make England, I had to go to Havre. And I was in Havre. Looking out the window at a roof across the narrow street was a sign which read Hotel of the Six Allies. The Six looked as though it had been painted over. The head waiter told me later that it had. It had begun at three, then it became four--five--now six. But there were more than six now--did not the great United States count? Oh, yes, truly yes--but the paint and painters! They were growing more scarce. The war--yes. Everything was the war. The head waiter was a little old fellow with a round back, a quizzical eye, and the hair of a first violin. After I beat my way by main strength through three table-d'hôte meals with him he let me know that he could talk English. Why hadn't he told me so before? Oh! Did I not wish to practise my French? So many did, and if they made him understand, the tips were sometimes more inspiring. The steamer for England had been scheduled to leave the night of the day our train arrived, but she did not leave. We did not learn whether it was the full moon or the U-boats shifting their hunting-grounds or the late air-raids on the south coast of England. Whatever the cause, no one growled much. The steamship people and the government were doing their best with a difficult service. The delay gave us another day to look the port over. I had been there years before. Then it was all French; now it seemed to be mostly British. The streets, the shops, the cafés, were crowded with English, Canadian, and Australian soldiers. British soldiers were running the tram-cars. In the country outside was a large British camp. The French owners of the ships and of the cafés in the narrow streets near the jetties catered especially to the British soldier and sailor. English tobacco, English rosbif--they advertised these in quaintly worded signs. Ships lay between the jetties and the breakwater, coasting and deep-water steamers, and the little fishing-cutters with the tanned sails. There was a fleet (or a flock) of seaplanes all ready to take to either the water or the air. They took to both while we looked, hurdling the breakwater from the basin to get more quickly to some smoke on the horizon. They were brand-new planes all, with the most beautiful polished maple pontoons and bright varnish over paint that still smelled fresh. Soldiers not so worn and weary as those on the hospital veranda came down to the jetty promenade. Priests, nursing sisters, other soldiers and sailors came also. What interested them most was the sun shining on the bright new wood of the planes flying out to see what the smoke meant. It was a ship from across the ocean somewhere, and the planes circled it into the basin--one more ship which had beat the U-boat game and brought home something needed. There was some noise along the jetty and yet more noise in the wide and narrow streets of the town--clanging trams, whip-cracking fiacres, yelling newsboys, honking taxis, and soldiers and sailors tramping the pavements. Noise enough, and of the kind befitting a Channel port in war time; but for a time at least we heard the noise let down, and the bustle softened. In a wide street of shops appeared a white-haired priest with a white crucifix held high before him. Behind him was another priest reading from a book of prayer. Two laymen came next, bearing a little white-painted table with a little white coffin--a cheap board coffin--resting on it. There was a canopy of plain white boards over the little coffin. There were a few white blossoms on the canopy and beside the coffin a few lilies of the valley--only a few. Two other laymen followed the coffin bearers. All the men were bareheaded. Three women--young women and young mothers to look at--followed the two men. One of the young women was in deep black. A group of little girls followed the young woman. Two very old women came last. No more than that, walking through a crowded street at two o'clock of a bright day! It was on us almost before we saw it. Men took off their hats as it passed; women blessed themselves. Sometimes men's lips murmured a short prayer; always the women did. The soldiers and sailors, when they were French, saluted nearly always; the British sometimes. The officers, if anything, saluted more profoundly than the enlisted men, and, when they did not stop dead, held a hand to their caps for eight or ten paces in passing. Two soldiers were talking with two girls of the streets. One of the soldiers took off his cap. One of the girls stopped talking to say a little word of prayer. Both soldiers faced about, and all four gazed in silence for long after the little cortège had passed on. Then the first soldier put on his cap, all faced about, and resumed their talk, but more slowly and not quite so loudly as before. An English Tommy was driving a tram--a swearing Tommy that you could hear a block away. He came on the mourners from behind. He was in a hurry, and by clanging his bell he could have crowded by. But he held the tram in check, nursing it so as not to frighten the two old women in the rear--until they came to a wide square. Here there was room. He clanged his bell, not too loudly, turned on the juice, and hurried to make up for lost time. Men are being killed by the million over here, and other men who have been there--these very men on these streets--will tell you that they hardly turn their heads to see one more killed. But a little child is different. Our steamer was to sail next night--at what hour no one could say, but it was well to be there in good time, we were told, so we went with the hotel bus. A little porter woman was there with my 70-pound bag before I even knew "things were ready"; and she said she did not roll it down the five flights from my room. She carried it every stair step of the way. Her husband was in the war, and she had five children and it required more than a few sous in the week for five children, the eldest fourteen. I agreed that it did. Swinging on to the jetty, we had to take notice of a shop advertising to rent life-saving apparatus for the trip across the Channel. It was fine--a one-piece suit which came from the toes to the ears and a hood which you could turn in over your head! There was a painting of a torpedoed passenger ship going up in flames, topside and the hull settling down into the rolling billows. Men and women were jumping into the sea and drowning in agony. They had no life-saving, one-piece suits. But all were not so thoughtless. There were others floating along high out of water with the most beatific expressions on their faces. They had been thoughtful enough to buy one of the patent one-piece suits. The painting was in colors, red and black mostly. The afternoon had closed in showers, and when we made the steamer landing we stood in pools of water in the hollows of the worn stone flags. We were in good time, but a hundred or more who had been in better time were already inside the shed. The hold-overs from three days were there, military people mostly. We waited--and waited--and waited. It was the eternal passport matter. One at a time they had to pass the tribunal inside. A pleasant-mannered young English soldier stood guard at the shed door. Every half-hour or so, at command of a voice from the inside, he would let another dozen or twenty slide by. When he did so, those of us in the rear would hurry to fill the void, picking up our baggage from our feet as we pushed on. I had hired a porter, an old man, to look after my 70-pound bag. He stood by patiently for two hours or so. Then, without warning, he ran off and did not come back. I had not paid him, so he must have grown very tired. After that, whenever I moved forward, I had to pick up my two bags myself--the other weighed 40 pounds. Sometimes I put the bags into a pool of water--sometimes I put my feet. Not every one had to wait. An officer would be passed through immediately, which did not please two enlisted men near me, just back from what they called rough work at the front. The little one, called Scotty, had a fear that the boat might leave before he could get there. He wanted to "mak' a train oot o' Lunnon" at two of the next afternoon, "mak' a nicht train oot o' Glesgie" (Glasgow) and surprise his folk by walking in on 'em "afore brekkist." They would be glad to see him, be sure. "Almost as glad to see you come as they was goin'?" asked the soldier with him, and then urged Scotty to stop over in London for a bit o' fun. "I'll not," said Scotty. "I'll mak' the trains as I said an' surprise 'em afore brekkist. Besides, there's a football match on for the arternoon arter to-morrer, and an old pal o' mine is playin' for'ard for oor team. But let 'em allow all these officers aboord first--'ere's anither ane--listen tae 'im!" But it was not an officer this time. It was a voice asking if any privileges were accorded a King's messenger. The guard at the door said certainly, but where was he? Everybody made way for the voice. He turned out to be a little man with a scraggy beard and large round spectacles. The guard eyed him doubtfully. The King's messenger stood on his toes and whispered up into the guard's ear. The guard looked down on him. "King's messenger! Go on with yer!" He shoved him back. "Yes, garn with yer!" said Scotty, "but he's gained a guid half oor wi' his King's-messenger talk. I think I'll hae tae be something important masel' sune." The soldier with Scotty could speak French. He spoke it to a pretty young French girl and her mother who had been pressed up against them. The mother had a new hat in a big paper box. Whenever the rush threatened to crush the hat-box, she would hold it high over her head till she could hold it no longer, when she let it get crushed. Whenever the girl spoke to the other soldier Scotty would want to know what she said. "She's sairtainly pretty. What did she say that time, Tid?" Tid kept to himself what she said. "It's a cut above the likes of you we're discussin'," said Tid. "She'll be goin' to England to marry an English officer," said Scotty. The girl whirled on him. "No. No Engleesh officier--a French officier!" "I had a notion you'd spoil it," said Tid. "Ma Gud," groaned Scotty. "I wonder, Tid, did she hear a' I said this nicht o' her, and ma lips no two feet frae her ear!" The night was growing cooler. The girl's fur neck-piece slipped down from her shoulders. The mother had passed her the hat-box, and the girl had no hand free for the neck-piece. Scotty put it back for her. She thanked him sweetly. "You're no mad noo?" said Scotty. "I'll tak' a steady billet tae put it back." He took to slyly stroking the fur piece when he thought she could not see him. A woman lost her passport, but did not know it until she was about to be passed through the door. Then she shrieked. She came back in the crowd to look for it. She had been standing in one spot for an hour--it must be there. She rushed to the spot, lit a match, and began to look under her feet. A man lit a match and began to look under his feet. Another man lit a match and began to look under his feet. We all lit matches and began to look under our feet. She shrieked again. "Ma Gud, she's a dyin' woman!" said Scotty. She was not. She had found her passport. The business of waiting was resumed by the rest of us. The little cafés along the water-front were closing; loads of soldiers and sailors began to flow out on to the jetty. One began to sing, and another; others to whirl along in grotesque dance steps. Two began to talk loudly. They came to blows. A third one stepped in to stop it, whereupon one of the first two turned on him to inquire what he was interfering for. "But he's a friend o' mine," explained the third man. "Is he a better friend o' yours than o' me? Answer me that. Is he? Do you know him longer than I know him? No? Then mind your own and do not be interferin'." The third man felt properly rebuked. He withdrew his objections and the other two resumed their fight. We were inside the shed at last; and by and by I came before a man in a little office inside the shed. He was a Frenchman, but spoke good English. "Your passport, please." I produced it. He took a look and passed it back. "Any gold on your person?" "Thirty dollars--American." "Hand it over, please. Wait. Are you American?" "I am." "In that case keep it. That is all. Pass out. Next." Next came a little house with a row of men sitting at a long, narrow pine-board table. The first had a quick look at my passport and handed it on to a man who sat on his left before a card index in boxes. That one dug into his boxes, found what he was looking for, and slid the passport along to the next on his left, who slid it along to the man on his left, and he to the man on his left, and he to the last one. You chased that passport down the line, answering the questions which each one put in turn, as to where you last came from, where before that, and before that, and the date, your business, where you were going in England, why, for how long, and where you would stay. They were all pleasantly put, but you had the feeling that let you stumble and it would be God help you. Each asked a question or two that nobody else had thought of. The last one had the least of all to say. He probably thought that if, after all, you were a German spy, you had earned your exemption. He only made a note of your name, handed out a red card, said to give it to the soldier at the out-going door, claim your baggage, have the customs inspector pass it, and go aboard the steamer when you liked. All I saw liked to go aboard at once. There was a man of many buttons behind a shining brass grill on the steamer--French, apparently, but also speaking plain English. I handed in my ticket and asked for a berth. He was snappy. "Have you one reserved?" "Why, no. When I bought my steamer ticket I was told that there would be no need to reserve a berth--there would be plenty." "He told you wrong. There are no berths." "But is he not your agent--the man who sold me the ticket?" "No." "But you accept his ticket?" "There is no berth." "You mean that I pay for a first-class ticket on your steamer and then have to walk the deck?" "There is no berth, I say." He talked like a machine-gun, and the marble Roman gods were not more impassive as he turned to the next. I saluted him. You just have to honor a man who knows exactly what he wants to say and says it, which did not prevent me from saying over the next one's shoulder what I thought of his manners, the ethics of his company, and the cheek of the well-known tourist agency which had sold me the ticket in Paris. But it did not get me anything. He went right on about his business of turning more people away. I had a look around. The smoking-room air was all blue, and all khaki as to chairs and tables. Also all khaki as to sleeping-quarters. They had been campaigning for a year or more on the western line, and had not lost any time here. And every blessed one of them had a whiskey and soda before him. They were talking, but not of the war. They were going home for a ten days' leave after a year at the front and were trying to forget the war. There was also a lounge-room and a dining-saloon, but bunks there were also already commandeered by the strategic military. It could be a worse night to walk the deck. To see what was doing a man would want to walk the deck anyway. There was a fine bright moon mounting above the housetops of the water-front when we slid away from our jetty berth. Slid is the word. She was all power, this Channel steamer of hardly 1,500 tons, yet with two great smoke-stacks, three propellers, turbine-engines, and burning oil for fuel. That last is a cheerful item when you have to walk the deck--it means no cinders in your eyes. Fuss? A strange word to her. She slipped like running oil from the jetty, past the breakwater lights, out by the few craft anchored there--a fast one for sure. To get a line on her speed, you had but to watch the shore marks fall away or the water slide by her side as out into the Channel she went. People without berths, but with a chair and a rug from the head steward, began now to tuck away. At first they sat mostly by the rail watching things. Later they sought snugger corners; but two o'clock of a September morning in 50° north is still two o'clock in the morning. They began to go inside. The lights were turned off inside the ship, so when you walked around in there and felt your foot come down on something soft, you needed to tread lightly--that would be somebody's neck or stomach. There were life-rafts on the top deck, of a homelike sort of model, in the form of two benches with the air-tanks under the benches. If anything happened to the ship, you could go floating off with all the comforts of a seat on a bench in the park--if too many did not try to have seats at the same time. It was a fine night for anybody to spot us, but just as fine a night for us to spot them. And a ship cutting out devious courses at twenty-one knots, or whatever she was logging--she is not too easy to hit. To lay out for the ten and eleven knot cargo boats is more economical. Still, who knows? We paid tribute to the U-boats by making détours. All the big stars of the night were out, and by them we could follow her shifting courses. But no harm; she had speed enough to sail the Channel sidewise and still bring us in by morning. The night grew older and cooler. The last of the people who had paid toll to the steward for a chair and rug went inside. Only one couple were left; and they had not hired any chair. He was a young officer, and they sat under his olive-drab blanket, on a life-raft bench athwartship. From there without moving they could get sidewise peeks at the climbing moon. At five o'clock in the morning they were still sitting there, heads together and arms across each other's shoulders. When we grew tired of walking we sought little anchorages. By two o'clock any man on deck could have had his pick of abandoned chairs, but they were not good chairs--the extension part too short. One very young Canadian officer opened up his kit, made a bed and what lee he could of the forward smoke-stack. A round smoke-stack makes a poor lee, but once tucked in he stuck, and was there in the morning when clear light came. The moon went behind clouds, and from the clouds little cold showers of rain came peppering down. Heavier clouds came, and heavier squalls with rain; and a mean little cross sea began to make. Straight ahead, above the little seas a light showed, and soon another--this a powerful one. We were still going at a great clip. We might know it anew by the way that big light jumped forward to meet us. Soon we had it off our bow, abeam, on our quarter; we were inshore. A destroyer came out to meet us and blinked a message from screened lights. More ships met us. We passed other ships--all kinds of ships, of which in detail a man must not write here. In good time and in smooth waters we made our landing. There was another long wait, the same passport grilling, but in a different way, and then a fast train to London. A taxi then, a room, a shave and bath, clean linen, and--oh boy!--the roast beef of old England and people you knew to talk to! THE CENSORS Before a visiting correspondent can do anything on the other side he has to report to a censor somewhere. In London the Chief Admiralty Censor was a retired Royal Navy captain and a Sir Knight, but not wearing his uniform or parading his knighthood. He was quartered in an old dark building where Nelson used to hang out in the days before Trafalgar. There was a sign on the door: DON'T KNOCK. COME IN He was a good sort, with not a sign about him of that swank which so many of the military caste seem to think it necessary to adopt. He was perfectly willing to pass me on to our naval base and go right ahead with my work; but he did not have charge of the naval base. There was an admiral over there--not an American admiral--who had full charge of our war-ships there. Without his permission not one of them could tie up to a mooring in the harbor. I would have to get his permission even to visit the base. My very human censor in London said he would cable to him and let me know just as soon as word came. Awaiting the pleasure of the naval base dictator held me two weeks in London. While waiting I had a look over the city. It was during a period when the moon was ripe for air-raids. There were seven of them in nine nights. My business in life being to see things and then to write about them, I walked the streets during two of them and viewed some of the others from club and hotel windows. The underground railway stations did a great business while the raids were on; also bomb-proof basements. In a newspaper office, where I used to visit, were precise directions how to get to their bomb-proof cellar. And be sure to take the right one. They had two cellars, but only one was bomb-proof. Shops in the expensive shopping districts had signs up, advertising their bomb-proof cellars and inviting their patrons to make use of them; but the trouble with the shops was that most air-raids took place after they had shut up for the day. There was a local regulation which said that when an air-raid was on any person at all might knock at the door of any house he pleased and claim admittance. If he were not admitted at once he could call a policeman, who would have to see that he was admitted. We used to speculate on what would happen if some hobo knocked at the front door of the town house of the Duke of Westminster, say, and demanded of the butler in plush knee-breeches that he be let in. The chief defense against the Goths was a barrage of guns mounted mostly on the roofs of buildings. An expected air-raid would be announced by policemen running through the streets on bicycles, on their chests and back were signs: AIR RAID ON. They also blew whistles. The great search-lights would sweep the skies, and by and by there would be a great banging of barrage guns. Bang, bang, bang--that would be the defense guns. Boom! That would be a bomb. Bang, bang, bang, and Boo-oom! The guns fired 3-inch shrapnel. Three miles into the air the shrapnel shells would go! And what goes up has to come down. The next thing would be shrapnel showering into the streets. It seemed to me that I would rather take my chance with the bombs than with the shrapnel. A bomb came down, exploded, and had done with it; but the shrapnel fell all over the place. You could see the shrapnel shells bursting high in the air--a beautiful sight--twinkling like big yellow stars, and then fading out. They would look more beautiful if only the pieces of them would stay up there after they burst. I was in Oxford Circus one night when a hatful of shrapnel fell about 20 feet away. One piece was about 5 inches long. Imagine that falling down from a height of 3 miles and hitting a fellow on the head. It would go clear on down through to your toes. Before any American city is raided I hope some chemist will invent a barrage shell which will dissipate all its energy and substance in the bursting. Surely an airplane can be wrecked by concussion. An Australian soldier and a girl were standing in a doorway near me watching the shells burst. His was that common case--a soldier in London on leave, speculating on where the shrapnel would fall, and becoming peeved as he thought of it. "A hell of a place for a man to come on leave! I came here to get rest and quiet, and I run into this gory mess!" While waiting the permission of the British authorities I learned that all a correspondent's troubles do not come from foreign censorship. An American newsman had cabled over something which did not please one of our admirals then in London. Meeting that same admiral, I put in a word for my trip to the naval base, thinking that he might warm up and hurry things along for me. He warmed up, but on the side away from me. He recounted the enormous villainy of that newsman, and in conclusion said: "Perhaps, after all, the best way to do is not to allow you newspaper men to send a word at all!" Such an air of finality! He spoke as though he owned the navy; also the press. One now and again grows up like that. By taking care not to die, and in the absence of plucking boards, they rise to be admirals. Then side-boys, the bosun's pipes, the 13 guns coming over the side--all this ritual goes to their heads. They get to thinking after a while that the whole business is a tribute to their genius, or valor, or something or other personal. Perhaps all this one needed was a little salve; but I thought it up to some writer to fire a shot across his bows. So I came back with: "That's all very well, sir, about your not allowing a word to be sent, but there may be another point of view. There are 110,000,000 people over in our country, and some of them may not look on our navy as the sole property of its officers. They may want to know what that navy of theirs is doing over here. And perhaps no harm in telling them--or some day they may decide to have no navy at all." Imagination was not his long suit, so he had no card to follow with. But he did glare. After two weeks of waiting I got word from my very human London censor that I might leave for the naval base. I left from Euston Station during an air-raid. The station had been darkened hours earlier, and it was a new kind of sport going around that big black place to locate the cloak-room, and after you got the cloak-room to identify your baggage from a big tumbled pile. I lit a cigar, and as I did a policeman jumped me for showing a light. Stopping to light it under my hat, a tall, able woman, dragging a trunk by the strap, bowled into me. While we were in our compartments, the train all made up, there came a banging of barrage guns--bang, bang, bang--with now and then the boo-oom! of a bomb. While we were waiting there we heard the crash of shrapnel coming through the glass roof. By and by another bunch of shrapnel fell with a fine ringing of metal on the concrete platform alongside the train. No harm done. The raiders passed, the banging and the booming stopped; but there was then no driver and stoker for the train. They had gone with the second load of shrapnel, and we had to wait two hours while they dug up a new crew. After three and a half hours of deck-pacing on the steamer, and twenty-two hours of sitting up straight in third-class wooden seats, I made the naval base; and late at night though it was, there was a British naval officer at the hotel to let me know I was to report next morning to the British admiral in charge. This admiral had a reputation in London for having no use for newspaper men. When this staff-officer asked me if I had heard of his admiral before, I told him what I heard in London. "He eats 'em alive," I was told by a big London journalist, and I repeated that now, of course without naming the journalist. "And what do you think of that?" asked this staff-officer. "If he tries to eat me alive I hope he chokes," I answered to that. I figured he would tell his chief that, but there had been so much boot-licking done by a couple of writers over there that, for the honor of the craft, I thought somebody ought to have a wallop at these press crushers once in a while. This admiral is worth a paragraph, because he was a type. He was a capable man up to his limitations; a good executive, a devotee to duty; but he should have lived before printing-presses were invented. Also he, too, lacked imagination. He was a man who acted as if priding himself on his brusqueness of language. He sat at his flat desk like a pagan image, never looked up, never said aye, no, or go to the devil when I stepped in and wished him "Good morning!" I told him what I wanted. I wished to cruise with the American destroyers in their U-boat operations. His answer was a No! Bing! No, sir! "Whoops!" I said to myself. "I've come more than 4,000 miles, with a fine expense account to _Collier's_, and I'm turned down before I get going." I spread before him my credentials--from the department and elsewhere. I spread before him a letter from Colonel Roosevelt, the same in his own handwriting. In France I could have lost my passport and yet got along on that letter. Batteries of inspectors used to sit up and come to life at the sight of a letter in the colonel's own handwriting. This man did not turn his head to look at what I might have. All the credentials in the world were going to have no influence with him. He repeated his No, putting about seventeen n's in the No! Then, mildly, I told him that I thought I ought to have something more than a No; that I should have a reason to go with the No. He intimated that he didn't have to give reasons unless he wished to. I asked him why he should not wish to? Was it not right and fair that he should give a reason? I had come more than 4,000 miles at great expense to _Collier's_, for one thing. For another--and this more important--there was an anxiety among Americans to know something of the doings of our little destroyer flotilla. They had sailed out into the East, been swallowed up in the mists of the Atlantic--that was the last we had seen of them. They were the first of our forces to come in contact with the enemy. Were they doing good work over here, or were they tied up to a dock in some port and their officers and crews roistering ashore? Still he said No. Then I went on to tell him what I had told our own archaic type of admiral in London--with additions: that it was possible that we had in the United States a different idea of the navy from what the British public held; that in our own country a lot of people held the notion that the navy was not the property of the officers, not quite so much as it was the property of the people; and that holding that view, these same people thought themselves entitled to know what that navy was doing to back their faith in it. And perhaps it was not the worst policy in the world to tell them what that navy was doing. Still he said No. But why? Well, for one thing (he was disintegrating a little), in the British service they did not allow civilians of any kind to go to sea with their ships in war time. That further--they allowed no reports of their work at sea to appear in the press. I pointed out that reports of fine deeds were, nevertheless, appearing in the press; that from the London dailies of the week past I had made clippings of such, and if he cared to see them I would show them to him. "But we allow no civilians to go cruising with ships at sea in war time. And I will not establish a precedent now." It was the old fetich--precedent. I thought of judges who used to hang men on precedent. He surely had what is called the mediæval mind, with apologies to that same mediæval age. I pointed out that conditions in our country and his were not the same. That there were hundreds of thousands of officers and men in the British navy; that those officers and men were regularly ashore on liberty or leave; that they gossiped, and that hundreds of thousands of officers and men gossiping could pass the word pretty far, especially in a country where there was not a single little hamlet more than 40 miles from tide-water. With us it was different. Our nearest Atlantic port was 3,000 miles from this very naval base; and 3,000 miles farther to the Pacific coast, with no hundreds of thousands of men on liberty ashore. If men like myself were not allowed to tell them something, how were they ever to learn what was doing? I wound up by telling him he was an autocrat; which disturbed his graven serenity. Autocrat and autocracy were not pleasant-sounding words just then. He snapped his head up, and for the first time looked as if he might be human. "We have to be autocratic in war time," he barked. "Not in everything," I barked back. Then, and not till then, did he soften. We had a little more conversation, and then he said he wanted that night to think over the unprecedented request. He would let me know next day. A perfect bigot; and yet there were worse than he. He dared to say what he thought about the rights of his station. Some of his judgments may have been childish, but his convictions were deep and honest. I respected him, and later came to have almost a liking for him. I have expended many paragraphs in telling of this interview, but it is meant to be more than a statement of one American correspondent. It is meant to explain a point of view which Americans may find it hard work to understand. That admiral in charge of our naval base can be multiplied all the world over. We have them in our own departments. While waiting the admiral's pleasure I had a look at the port. A fine harbor, a beautiful harbor, but disfigured now by big, ugly war-buildings. The houses of the port set mostly up on terraces. There were several streets, but only one real one in the place, and that ran along the waterside. All the pubs of the port were naturally located on this waterside street, and so no tired seafarer had to walk far to get a drink. Not many of our fellows were to be seen on the streets in daylight; but at night they were plentiful. A couple of movie theatres took care of about three hundred of them; the rest walked the waterside street. There was a port order there that no sailor of ours could stay in a pub after eight in the evening, so at one minute past eight that waterside street looked like a naval parade. For the rest the port offered little or nothing to tempt a man. It was as rainy a place as ever I was in, and the back streets were crowded with children playing. Barefooted, healthy children! If they had not been healthy the weather would surely have killed them off. It was a most moral port, too; too moral for some people, who thought to put a little life into the place by making nightly calls there, and made the nightly calls till a local clergyman protested from the altar, whereupon some muscular young Christians ran the visitors back aboard their train and out of the port's history. Next day the admiral gave me permission to make a cruise with our destroyers. He seemed to be giving it in the same stubborn fashion that he had at first refused it--as though he saw his duty in so doing. I was told that he said he did not think much of my manners; which, of course, worried me. I knew quite a few officers in the navy who were commanding destroyers over there. Any one of them, known or unknown to me, was good enough for me as a skipper. No man not ready to take a chance puts in for command of a destroyer over there; and no man not fit is given a command. But I took passage with one that I had cruised with before--the alert, resourceful kind with plenty of nerve. If anything should happen, I knew he would be there with all his crew and his ship had. What happened while with him and at the naval base I have tried to tell as separate incidents when I can, in the chapters which follow. ONE THEY DIDN'T GET We were one of a group of American destroyers convoying a fleet of inbound British merchant steamers. The messenger handed a radio in to the bridge. "We are being shelled," said the radio; latitude and longitude followed, as did the name of the ship, _J. L. Luckenbach_. One of us knew her; an American ship of 6,000 tons or so. Another radio came: "Shell burst in engine-room. Engineer crippled." S O S signals were no rare thing in those waters, but even so they were never passed up as lacking interest; the skipper waited for action. Pretty soon it came, a signal from the senior officer of our group. The 352--let us give that as the number of our ship--was to proceed at once to the assistance of the _Luckenbach_. The skipper's first act was to shake up the second watch-officer, who also happened to be acting as chief engineer of the ship, and to pass him the word to speed the ship up to twenty-five knots. We were steaming at the head of the convoy column at eighteen knots at the time. The first watch-officer, having finished his breakfast and a morning watch, was just then taking a little nap on the port ward-room transom with his clothes and sea-boots still on. The active messenger shook him up too. The two officers made the deck together, one buttoning his blouse over a heavy sweater, the other a sheepskin coat over his blouse. Word was sent to the _Luckenbach_ that we were on the way. Within three minutes the radio came back: "Our steam is cut off. How soon can you get here?" Up through the speaking-tube came a voice just then to say that we were making twenty-five knots. At the same moment our executive officer, who also happened to be the navigator, handed the skipper a slip of paper with the course and distance to the _Luckenbach_, saying: "That was at nine-fifteen." It was then nine-seventeen. Down the tube to the engine-room went the order to make what speed she could. Also the skipper said: "She ought to be tearing off twenty-eight soon as she warms up. And she's how far now? Eighty-two miles? Send this radio: 'Stick to it--will be with you within three hours.'" By this time all hands had an idea of what was doing and all began to brighten up. Men off watch, supposed to be asleep in their cots below, began to stroll up and have a look around decks. Some lingered near the wireless door, and every time the messenger passed they sort of stuck their ears up at him. He was a long-legged lad in rubber boots who took the deck in big strides. His lips never opened, but his eyes talked. The men turned from him with pleased expressions on their faces. There was a little steel shelter built on to the chart house to port. It was for the protection of the forward gun crew, who had to be ready for action at any minute. Men standing by for action and not getting it legitimately, try to get it in some other way. So they used to burn up their spare energy in arguing. It did not matter what the argument was about--the President, Roosevelt, the Kaiser, the world series--any subject would do so long as it would grow into an argument. The rest of the crew could hear them--threatening to bust each other's eyes out--clear to the skid deck sometimes. But now all quiet here, and soon they were edging out of their igloo and calling down to the fellows on the main deck: "That right about a ship being shelled by a sub? Yes. Well!" They went down to their shelter smiling at one another. Ship's cooks, who rarely wander far from their cosey galley stoves, began to show on deck; ward-room stewards came out on deck; a gang black-painting a tank hatch--they all slipped over to the rail and, leaning as far out as they could and not fall overboard, had long looks ahead. And then they all turned to see what 352's smoke-stacks were doing. There was great hope there. The black smoke was getting blacker and heavier. They were sure feeding the oil to her. The chief came up the engine-room ladder. An old petty officer waylaid him. Doing well, was she, sir?--She was. Hem! About how well, sir?--Damn' well. She was kicking out twenty-eight--twenty-eight good--and picking up. Twenty-eight and picking up? And the best she showed in her builders' trial was twenty-nine-one! What d'y' know about her? Some little old packet, hah? It was a fine day, the one fine day of the trip, a rarely fine day for this part of the northern ocean at this time of year. It was cloudy, but it was calm. There was a long, easy swell on, but no sea to make her dive or pitch. The swell, when she got going in good shape, set her to swinging a little, but that did not hurt. A destroyer just naturally likes to swing a little. Swinging along she went, rolling one rail down and then the other, but not making it hard to stand almost anywhere around deck, except that when you went aft there was a drive of air that lifted you maybe a little faster than you started out to go. Swinging along she went, a long, easy swing, carrying a long white swash to either side of her, vibrating a thousand to the minute on her fantail, streaming out a long white and pale-blue wake for as far as we could see, and just clear of her taffrail piling up the finest little hill of clear white boiling water. Twenty-nine, they say, she was making, and still picking up. What! Thirty? And a little more left in her? What d'y' know--some little baby, hah? Another radio came to the bridge: "A shell below our water-line. Settling, but still afloat and still fighting." "Good work. Stick to it," they said on the bridge, and wondered whether it was the skipper or the radio man who was framing the messages. He had the dramatic instinct, whoever he was. Perhaps twenty minutes later came: "Water in our engine-room." And then: "Fire in our forehold, but will not surrender. Look for our boats." And: "They are now shooting at our antennæ." Radios to the bridge are not posted up for the crew to gossip over, but there was no keeping that last one under cover. "Shelling their attenay? Well, the mortifying dogs! Whatever you do, don't let 'em get your attenay, old bucket." Our thirty-knot clip was eating up the road. We were getting near the spot. The canvas caps came off the guns, and the gun crews were told to load and stand by. A chief gunner's mate was told to make ready his torpedo-tubes. He was a famous torpedo-man. He would stay up all night with an ailing gyro or hydrostatic piston and not even ask to sleep in next morning for a reward, and he had a record of making nothing but hits at torpedo-practice. But he had been glum all the trip. He had stayed past the legal hour on liberty the last time in, and the shore patrol had come along and scooped him up. A court-martial was coming to him and so he had been glum; but not now. He went around decks smiling, with a little steel thing that looked like a wrist-bag but wasn't. It held the keys to the magazines. Pretty soon he had torpedo-tubes swinging inboard and outboard, and between every pair of tubes a man sitting up in an iron seat that looked like the kind that goes with a McCormick reaper, which all helped the gunner's mate to feel better. He stopped ten seconds to tell the story of the new gun-crew man who was sent up the yard to the storekeeper for a pair of spurs to ride the torpedo-tubes with. There were four guns, one forward, one aft, and two in the waist. They had been slushed down with vaseline to keep the salt-water rust off; now they were swabbing the grease off. Grease on the outside of a gun does not affect the shooting of the inside, but a gun ought naturally to look slick going into action. [Illustration: Our thirty-knot clip was eating up the road. We were getting near the spot.] Trainers and pointers stood beside their loaded guns, and other members of the gun crew held up shells, the noses of the shells stuck into the deck mat and the butts resting against the young chests of the gun crews as they stood in line. There was a nineteen-year-old lad who, when I knew him two years before, was doing boy's work in the Collier bookbindery. Now he was a gun-captain standing handy to his little pet and trying not to look too proud when he peeked up toward where I was. The foretop reported smoke on the horizon ahead. That would be on the _Luckenbach_. And where she was the U-boat was. The forward gun was trained a point to right of the smoke. One senior watch-officer, now in the foretop, called down that he could now see the ship. Smoke was coming out of her hull. Soon he reported shells splashing alongside of her. Those would be from the U-boat. Soon we all could see the ship from the bridge. The foretop then reported the U-boat. She was almost dead ahead. She could not be seen from the bridge, but, directed by the foretop, the gun was trained on the horizon dead ahead; 11,000 yards was the range. The gun was one of the latest type--only a 4-inch--but a great little gun just the same. "Train and fire," said the skipper. Bo-o-m! it went, flame and smoke. We could not see the splash from the bridge, nor could they in the foretop. It probably dropped beyond the submarine, which soon we could see--a pretty big fellow she looked with two guns. She had been shelling the ship even while we were running up, and as our first shot boomed out she let go another shell. We expected her to send a couple our way--she probably carried bigger guns than we did--but she did not; she let go another at the steamer. "Maybe at the antennæ," said a chief quartermaster on the bridge. We shortened our range. The gun was trained and ready for firing when a sea rolled up on us. The ocean was smooth enough, but the swell was still on--a long swell of the kind that does not sputter, but walk right up and announce their arrival by arriving. This long blue swell rolled up to our bow. We were doing thirty knots and at thirty knots a little ship doesn't need a masthead sea to get action. We went into it head first. It came right on over our bow, over our foc'sle head, over the forward gun. The shield to the forward gun stood probably six feet above the foc'sle deck. That wave rolled right over the gun-shield. There was a C. P. O. standing quite close to the shield. He grabbed a vertical rod on the outside of the shield, and just managed to hook in the fingers of one hand. The sea, all white and solid, rolled over the gun and the shield. The C. P. O. was swept off his feet, but he was a stubborn one and hung on. Behind him was the officer in charge of the firing. When he saw that sea rolling up there was nothing near but the C. P. O., so he grabbed the C. P. O. with both hands around the waist. He too was swept off his feet, but he hung on--to the C. P. O. They both floated flat out on the white roller, and the white roller went smash-o! up against the chart house. The chart house was just under the bridge, and the glass windows had been taken out from the bridge railing so that they would not be smashed by the concussion of the forward gun. We were leaning out of these open spaces, just getting ready to laugh at the people below when, swabbo! up the side of the chart house and through the open spaces and into our open mouths came the wash of the sea. Another wave followed that one, but not quite so high. As soon as it passed the forward gun was trained and fired. We had been making great leaps ahead all this time--the range now was under 9,000 yards. The foretop reported it short. The U-boat was still there. We still expected her to send one our way. But nothing doing for us. She sent another shell toward the steamer. The steamer had quit firing. No use. The U-boat had simply taken position beyond range of the steamer's guns and leisurely as she pleased was shelling her. Our third shell landed close to the sub. And then down she went and wasted no time at it. Before we could train and fire again she was gone. The sub, as we learned later, had landed fifteen shells into the steamer and wounded nine of her people, of whom three were of the bluejacket gun crew. One young bluejacket had been hit twice. He was carrying a shell to the gun when he caught the second one--a piece of flying shell in his shoulder. He laid his own shell on the deck to see how about it, and got hit again; this time in what our navy calls the stern sheets. That made him mad. He shook his fist toward the sub. "No damn' German's going to hit me three times and get away with it." He grabbed his shell off the deck and slammed it into the gun-breech. "Hand it to 'em, Joe!" he yelled to the gun-pointer. Joe did his best, but he didn't have the gun--the shot splashed where most of them had, about half a mile short of the sub. Still pouring the black smoke out of our funnels, we leaped toward the _Luckenbach_ and hailed her through the megaphone when we breasted her. She hailed back that she had water in her afterhold and fire in her forehold, and gave us the number of her wounded. Two of the three wounded bluejackets were injured seriously. We could see them stretched out under the gun. We were steaming around the _Luckenbach_ at twenty knots while we were hailing: this in case the sub took it in her head to pop up again and catch us slowed down. We did slow down and stop when it came time to clear away a whale-boat and send it over to the steamer with our senior watch-officer and the surgeon, with the needful surgical supplies. We continued to steam circles around the steamer all the time they were aboard, with our lookouts keeping eyes skinned for the U-boat. By her manner of shelling the steamer after he had opened fire our skipper judged she was a tough one. She did show once while we were circling the _Luckenbach_. Her periscope popped up about a mile abeam of us. It may have popped up again--it was getting to be a nice little choppy sea good for sub work and no saying that it was not--but we only sighted it once, and then it did not linger. The sea was growing lumpy when the whale-boat came bouncing back with our senior officer. It was right about the _Luckenbach_ having nine injured, but all would get well. The doctor was looking after them. She was a cotton steamer. The kid who had been hit twice was all right. He was walking around deck with his cap over his port ear and proud as Billy-be-Damn'--three times wounded by German shell fire and got away with it! The fire in the forehold? Most of it was from two old mattresses--at least that was all he found. "Did you put the fire out?" "Yes, sir. The steamer's crew were too tired to do any more hustling around to put any fire out, so we got out a hose and put it out." "How about that bulkhead?" asked the skipper. "He hailed that he didn't think it would stand the strain of steaming." "Maybe so, sir, but I don't agree with him. I don't see how that bulkhead's going to cave in with all those bales of cotton jammed up against it. What the most of them over there are suffering from is the reaction from that three hours of shelling--everything was looking pretty blue to them, sir." "Can he make steam?" "Yes, sir. Their engineer has two ribs busted in and a piece of shrapnel in his neck and part of his foot shot away. But he's all right. He was lying down when I first saw him, cursing the Germans blue. Then he says: 'Put me on my feet, men.' A couple of oilers put him on his feet. I thought he was going to give orders to make steam, but he only wanted to be stood up so as he could curse the Germans a little better. Lying down interfered with his wind. He rolled it out in one steady stream for ten minutes. He was an Italian, or maybe a Spaniard, and his English wasn't perfect, but he could talk like hell. He's all right. He'll get steam up, sir." By and by they did make steam and begin to move on a course our skipper wigwagged to them. The skipper left the surgeon aboard, and at twenty knots the 352 steamed more circles around the steamer, all lookouts meanwhile skinning their eyes afresh for signs of the sub. We could make out a lot of smoke on the southern horizon. It was the convoy we had left in the morning. An hour later the _Luckenbach_ found her legs. Our cripple broke no records for speed, but she was making revolutions, and by five o'clock we rejoined the convoy with her alongside. So here is an eight hours' log for the 352: At nine in the morning she was responding to S O S-ing ninety miles away; at five in the afternoon we had her tucked away for the night in the column. The tall quartermaster came up on the bridge to stand his watch. We were in our regular position, at the head of the column at twenty knots. He looked back at the fleet. "There you are, Lucky Bag. They must have had you checked up and counted in, a big ship and a three-million-dollar cargo, this morning, and here you are to-night--one they didn't get." THE DOCTOR TAKES CHARGE Every American destroyer over here rates a young surgeon. What some of these surgeons don't know about seagoing can be found in about six hundred pages of Knight's "Modern Seamanship," but that does not matter much. Let them look after the casualties; there are capable young naval officers to look after the seagoing end. Most of these young surgeons have a taste for adventure. If they had not, they would not be over here. The 352 drew one, born and raised in a Southern State. Before coming over here he had viewed the Atlantic once or twice from a distance, which did not quite content him. His ancestors must have crossed that same Atlantic to get to America, and somewhere within him was a high-pitched string that vibrated to every thrill of that same ocean now. He used to speak of these things in the smoking-room of the King's Hotel here, which is where every destroyer officer comes at least once between cruises to get a--cup of coffee. He would have liked to make a few sea voyages when he was a little younger, but if a fellow is ever going to amount to anything he has to settle down sometime and become a respectable member of society--so his folks were always saying, and so he took up medicine. He liked his profession. A doctor can do a heap of good in a suffering world--especially if people will only let him. But so many people want a young doctor to be experienced before they ever will call him in! "Get experience," they say; and not a doggone one in a dozen'll ever give a fellow any chance to get the experience. "What the most of 'em want is for some one else to give us the experience." He did as well as the next young doctor, but at times he would grow almost melancholy sitting before the smoking-room fire telling of his waiting for business in his home town. He was not at all melancholy by nature. He could keep the ward-room mess ringing with darky stories on a quiet night in port. His messmates called him Doc; and when the ship was at sea they were all glad to see him on the bridge studying things out. He had plenty of time for that. In two cruises his only cases were one quartermaster, who got hove across the bridge and broke his nose, and a gunner's mate who broke his leg by being bounced out of his bunk one windy night. They were a disgustingly healthy lot, these destroyer crews. But he felt pleased just to be out to sea. These high hills of moving water sure did give a little ship heaps of action sometimes. He would watch them from the bridge. He would watch the officer of the watch too, and the man at the wheel, and the lookouts with their eyes skinned for U-boats, and the signal quartermasters balanced on the flying bridge and sending their messages in a jumping sea-way. He would go down to the chart house with the navigator and stand by to pass him dividers and parallels. He would stop to sigh when he thought that if somebody had only tipped him off in time he might have gone to Annapolis and right now be a young naval officer dashing around on one of these same destroyers. Still, being a surgeon on one of them wasn't too bad. If they had a battle or anything, a ship's doctor wasn't going to be too far away. It was in his third cruise that the 352 got the S O S which resulted in the rescue of the big steamer spoken of. There had been other S O S's--any number of them--but this time there was something doing for our young doctor. When she signalled that nine of her people had been wounded by shell and shrapnel fire, and the 352's skipper ordered a deck officer and a whale-boat away, he also told Doc to break out his medical gear and go along. Doc already had his surgical gear ready; from the first word of the shelling he had gone below, and now everything was laid out ready for action on the ward-room transom. Over to the ship they went, all hands in life-vests, and while the deck officer of the 352 was cross-questioning the captain and engineer, and looking around to see how much damage had been done and so on, Doc was rigging up an operating-table between the chart house and the chart deck rail, slinging the table in sort of hammock style so that when the ship rolled she would not roll his patients overboard. Doc was no mean little operator. The great danger to most of the wounded men was of infection. One after the other, he had his cases up, asked about four questions, had about four looks, and went to it. No knowing that the U-boat might pop up again and try a few more shells, or that a bulkhead would not give way, or a boiler blow up when they tried to make steam below. No knowing; no. Up they came to his swinging table, where Doc took a probe, poked into the wound, wrapped cotton around the probe, soaked it in iodine, jabbed it in, twisted it around, swabbed it out, dressed it down, slapped the patient on the chest, said "Next," and did it all over again. "Next! You'd think it was a blessed barber's shop," Doc heard one of them say. Only he was an officer--by the back of his head Doc knew it--some of them would have told him what they thought of his rapid-fire action. But it was no time for canoodling--it was war, and they were all rated as grown men and so able to stand a few little painful touches. One terribly wounded patient gave him worry. On him Doc worked with great care. He was working on him, all the others being attended to, when the 352's deck officer came to say that he was going back to the destroyer to report. "The captain of this ship wants to abandon her," said the deck officer. "Abandon ship and we will never be able to get this man I got here now off her--not in this sea, sir," said Doc. "And if he's left alone for two hours, he'll sure die." "I'll signal what the skipper says." The officer went off with his crew in the whale-boat, leaving a hospital steward and a signal quartermaster to stay with the doctor. Doc was working away on his hard case when his quartermaster came to say that the 352 had signalled that they were to stay aboard and that the steamer was to get under way and steer a course south half east magnetic. The doctor, without looking up, said: "All right." "Shall I tell the steamer's captain, sir?" This time Doc looked up. "Why, of course, tell him. Why not? Why do you ask me that?" "You are the ranking naval officer aboard here, sir. I take orders from you now, sir." For about four seconds Doc neglected his patient. That was so; so he was. "Yes, tell the captain." The quartermaster ran up the bridge ladder. Doc gazed over the chart-rail down to the deck, up and around on the ship. "Doggone!" he breathed. "I am the ranking--I'm the only naval officer present." Then he shook his head and bent to his patient. He might have the rank, but the last thing he was going to do was to butt in on any regular ship's officers. The disabled ship went on to her new course, south half east magnetic, with the destroyer steaming twenty-knot circles around her. And late in the afternoon they made the convoy. By night she was tucked in the rear of twenty other ships, the doctor and his emergency staff still aboard. They were to remain aboard until the steamer made port. That same night something happened. On the steamer they did not know just what it was. They saw a column of white, a column of black--those who happened to be looking--another column of white, from the big ship of the fleet. And then dark came. There were radios flying about, but they were code messages and the radio man could not decode them because the first thing the steamer captain had done that morning when it looked as though the U-boat was going to make them take to the boats was to heave the code-books overboard. In the morning they would know. Morning came, but with it not a ship in sight. Of twenty ships and a group of destroyers the night before, not one now. It was his signal-officer who thought it out first. "U-boats thick last night, sir, and the convoy must 'a' got orders to disperse or else change course," he said to the doctor. "That sounds like good dope to me too." He turned to the steamer's captain. "Where were you bound, sir?" "To Havre." The doctor could see nothing else but to proceed to Havre, and on a zigzag course. The old captain did not know about the zigzagging; he had never done any zigzagging and did not know why he should now--besides, it mixed his reckoning all up. The doctor said he would fix the zigzagging part of it, and, telling his hospital steward to have a special eye out for the very sick man, went into the chart house and proceeded to explain the zigzagging stuff. He paused to recall all he had ever learned while elbowing the 352's navigator over the chart-table; also the answers he had got to his questions while so doing. You steer 45 degrees off the course you really want to make for so many minutes and then you steer 90 degrees from that for the same number of minutes back toward the course you really want to make--see, so--and that gives so many minutes to the good--see. That was one way. "How many minutes?" asked the captain. Doc had to stop and think that over. "Twice the square of the total minutes--no, no. Take twice the sum of the squares of the minutes on the two legs--and get the square root and then you have the hypothenuse of the two sides of the triangle; that is, you have the number of minutes' steaming you make good on your real course." The old skipper knew nothing of square roots or hypothenuses or anything that looked like 'em, and he had always laid his course out by compass points. "All right," said Doc, and after a while laid out the zigzag courses in compass points. The old fellow did not quite like it, so all that day Doc alternated between his bad patient and the bridge to keep the skipper reassured about the zigzagging. Also he urged the crew to have a special watch out for U-boats. That night Doc and the seasoned signal quartermaster stood alternate watches on the bridge. Doc would take a nap; the quartermaster would take a nap; between them they were figuring to keep a sort of official navy lookout. There were ship's crew men on the lookout too, but the reaction from the shelling had set in. Doc used to find them asleep in the bridge wings. Just before dawn of the second morning Doc saw a shadow looming on their starboard bow. He had another look. It was another steamer--a big one. She was drawing nearer. "See that?" he called to the man at the wheel. "See what?" sort of drowsed out the man at the wheel. The trusty quartermaster from the 352 was getting a wink under the bridge-rail. Doc yelled to him, at the same time grabbing up the megaphone and roaring into the night air: "Where you-all going? Where the devil you-all going? Can't you-all see where you're going? Keep off--keep off." "Can't _you_ see where you're going?--keep off yourself." By that time the signal quartermaster was awake and bounding across the bridge. He grabbed the wheel and began to spin it around. The ship's bow turned. Doc saw the big hulk go by him in the dark. "Good work," said Doc. "How'd you spot him so quick?" "I didn't spot him, sir. I don't see him yet. I went by the sound of his voice." "Special little angel perched up aloft to look out for Jack when at sea--" sang Doc. "I thought that was a nursery rhyme. Now I know it's true. Between you and me, quartermaster, we'll get this ship to port yet." They finished that night and the next day without seeing anything or having anything happen. Nothing except the argument about the forward compartment. Among the shells which had come aboard the steamer was one which had punched a fine big hole in her bow. The ship's crew had put a plug there which worked all right till the ship took to rolling, which it did this day. The hole was just at the water-line. Before they knew anything about it there was the plug gone and the water up to a man's knees in the forward compartment. Doc said it should be stopped. The old skipper wanted to know who was going to stop it. His crew? No, sir. He wouldn't ask any of 'em to go down there--besides, they wouldn't go. They were all used up since the battle with the U-boat. It made no difference if the ship sank. He'd had so much trouble that trip anyway that he wasn't too sure he wouldn't just as soon see her sink. He wasn't too sure they wouldn't all be better off in the boats. The U-boat had ordered them into the boats, and, only the destroyer had come along when it did, they would 'a' taken to the boats, and then they'd 'a' been picked up and no more watches or ships or holes in the for'ard compartment to worry about. There was nothing left but for Doc to call for volunteers from among the gun crew. They were bluejackets, and their only complaint on the trip had been that the U-boat's guns had outranged their guns. They volunteered in a body--even the three wounded members. Doc took all the sound ones and went down into the forward compartment with a mattress and some scantling he found in the hold. The water was by then about up to the men's waists. It was hard, cold work, but they got it done--the mattress stuffed into the hole and the scantling shoring it up. It still leaked, but not much--a little auxiliary steam in there at intervals did not quite keep her dried out, but it kept her head above water, so that was all right. All that day she was a lone steamer plugging her halting way over a wide sea. Seven knots was her speed, and all hands tickled to be making that because of weak places showing from time to time in her steam department--damages by shell fire which they did not appreciate properly at first. They were nearing the coast of France. They would have to make a landfall soon, and running without lights, as they were, made things hard, so the old skipper began to talk to Doc. If the doctor didn't mind, he would take full charge of the ship himself. She was a big ship with a three-million-dollar cargo, and if anything happened her, the owners would naturally look to him, the master, for it. Doc thought it was a pretty cool way to wash out all record of what his little force had done, but he also recognized the old fellow's position. "It sounds reasonable," said Doc, "but I think you ought to give me an idea of what you're going to do." "There's been no sun for a sight these two days, but we were here"--he made a new dot over an old one on the chart--"and logging so many knots to-day noon we ought to be"--he made another dot--"about here now." "How about the tides?" "The tides? Oh, yes! Well, I don't know about the tides. You see, I never made a port in France before." "You didn't?" There was a coast chart-book in the rack. Doc took it down and began to read it. He made regular trips down to see how his wounded patient was getting on, but always hurried back to his coast chart-book. Interesting things in chart-books--he used to read them aboard the destroyer. That night the first mate came up on the bridge. Doc asked him what kind of a light he expected to pick up. The mate told him. Doc thought he was wrong, and said so. Well, that was the light the old man had said they would make. Where was he now? Asleep, and Lord knows he needed it. Doc did not wake him up. He had argued enough with him, but he didn't think the old man had allowed for the tides, and if anything happened there would be no more arguments--he would just assert his rank and take charge of the ship. Doc went below, gave his worst wounded patient a night potion and saw him to sleep. He also went down to see the chief engineer, who had been wounded three times--once in the head. The Doc talked to him awhile--he was inclined to rave--gave him a half-grain jolt of morphine and saw him to sleep. He told the signal quartermaster that he had better have a nap before he dropped in his tracks. "But the night-watches, sir?" "We'll leave the night-watches to the ship's crew and Providence. The watch may sleep on the job, but the Lord won't--at least I hope not. Anyway, I know I'm doggone tired," said Doc, and turned in. Doc could have slept longer--about twenty-four hours longer, he thought, when he found himself awake. It was a sort of grinding under the ship which had wakened him. By his illuminated wrist-watch he saw that it was three o'clock--three in the afternoon, he hoped. But it wasn't. It was three in the morning. He had been asleep two hours. He went on deck just as his signal-officer came to tell him the ship was ashore. Doc found the old man and the mate looking over charts under a hand-light in the chart house. "I could 'a' bet we'd 'a' picked up that other light," the old man was saying. "The bettin' part don't explain it," said the mate. "A fine place to be high and dry and a U-boat come along in the morning and plunk us another few shells between our livers and lights. I'm tired of keeping my mind on U-boats." That was when Doc horned in on the old skipper. "I been pretty easy with you-all. You ought to been twenty miles farther east. You listened to me and you-all would have been. Look here"--he hauled down the chart-book and showed them. "And now I'll take charge." It was low tide when she ran on to the beach. With the flood-tide and the engines kicking back they had her off at daylight. After that, with Doc on the bridge, everything seemed to go all right. The mate said he must have come over the side with a medicine-chest full of horseshoes. By eleven o'clock next morning they were taking on a pilot outside Havre. Havre is a regular French port with jetties leading down from the heart of the residential places almost. The people, seeing her coming, she bearing the evident marks of her late battle, crowded down to greet her. About five minutes was enough for her story to circulate. The bluejacket gun crew, being in uniform, caught their eyes first. They cheered them, the brav' Américains. And then the wounded came. Oh, the pity! Three or four of the wounded, who had all that day been cavorting around deck, saw the dramatic values and assumed most languid poses. Oh, the great pity! Whereat two more almost fainted. The worst wounded one--there was no pretense about him--had to be carried down the gang-plank. Doc went with him. Good nursing was what he needed; and he was going to see that he got it. He got it in the port hospital; and then Doc and his two assistants turned in and slept sixteen hours by Doc's illuminated wrist-watch. After cabling and getting his orders, Doc headed for his base. Their journey back by train and steamer--the two men in dungarees and life-vests, and Doc in sea-boots and one of those sheepskin coats they wear on destroyers--was noteworthy but not seagoing, so it is passed up here. Doc made his port. We met him in the King's Hotel smoke-room, and he told us all about it. We had had it already from the quartermaster and the hospital steward, but Doc was to have a little touch of his own. "There she was, a little down by the head, but safe in port," concluded Doc; "and while I was waiting for my orders I had a look around the place. There was a little square there with little cafés all around the square, and I sat in front of one of them and had my coffee." "So this was France," I kept saying to myself. All my life I had been reading more or less about France, and it used to be a sort of dream to me to be thinking I might some day get there. And there I was--only a little corner of France, but it was France, and a pretty sunny little place after our week to sea. "And while I sat there people came up and looked me over. I thought it was my needing a shave, but it wasn't. I had my cap on, and by my cap they knew me for the officer of the heroes of the ship. After a while they came up and spoke to me. I didn't get quite what they were all saying, but I was one brave man--we were all brave men, there was no doubt about that part. When they all got through one little girl came up and gave me a bunch of flowers." He pulled out some kind of a faded flower and sighed. "She was about eight years old." "No use talking," I said, "it's a great life." And the quartermaster--he stood with his signal-flags sticking out under his armpit--said: "Yes, sir, a great life if we don't weaken." "What's there to weaken about? Something doing every doggone minute since we left our ship." THE 343 STAYS UP Most shore-going people, after a look at a fleet of our destroyers, would not mark them high up for safe ships. They are too long and slim and floppety-like. But no one can tell their officers and crews anything like that. They have tried them out and know. You take a destroyer in a ninety-mile breeze of wind, put her stern to it, give her five or six knots' headway, and there she'll lay till the North Atlantic blows dry. And that is not their only quality. Speed, of course; but not that either. They have a way of staying up after being cut up. There was that one which was of the first to cross over for the U-boat hunting game. One dark night she was struck amidships by a 2,000-ton British sloop-of-war. In crowded quarters and steaming without lights those little collisions are bound to occur. This one was hit amidships--bam!--and amidships is a bad place for a destroyer to be hit--her big engine and boiler-room compartment lie amidships. This one of ours was hit so hard that nobody aboard ever thought she would stay up. She did go down till her deck was flush with the water's edge, but there she stayed; and her crew, climbing back aboard, took a hawser from the sloop-of-war, which towed her back to port. She was a fine heartening sight coming in. If she could come back, why worry about minor mishaps? One of them--the 343 say--had performed her duty, which was to see a small convoy to a point well on toward a large port, and was returning to the naval base. She was in no great rush, and, it happening to be smooth water, which is a rare thing up this way at this time of the year, she stopped for a little needed gun practice. There was no more thought than usual of U-boats. Nobody would have been surprised if one popped up--it was a coast where they had been regularly operating--but no one was particularly expecting one. Destroyers are bad medicine if you do not get to them quickly, and lately the U-boats seemed to care more to get merchant ships; but this day the lookouts were not loafing on their job on that account. The 343 got through with her target practice, and, except for a few gunners' mates still coddling their pet guns, the crew were taking it easy around deck; and also, because of the smooth sea, the ship was making easy weather of it toward port. Seeing a periscope is oftentimes a matter of luck. When they stay up it is easy enough, but when they are porpoising, shooting it up for just a look around, you have to be looking right at one. What they first saw on the 343 was the wake of this torpedo, coming on at a forty-knot clip for the waist of the ship. The commander of the 343 was on the bridge at the time and saw the wake almost with the cry of the lookout. The wake was then pretty handy to the ship, and the torpedo itself would be fifty feet or so ahead of the wake. There was no getting away from it then. The only hope was to take it somewhere else than amidships. Engine and boiler compartments were amidships. If it struck her there they might as well call it taps for all hands. So the commander put the wheel hard over--to take it on his quarter, where there was also a chance that it would pass under her. Torpedoes generally strike twelve to fifteen feet under water, but just before this one could make the 343 it broached--came to the surface of the water--but without slacking her forty-knot speed. It was unusual and spectacular. The sun shone on the polished sides of her as she leaped from the sea. She struck the 343 above her water-line and pretty well aft. Those on her deck who saw her make that last leap out of water hoped for the best, though waiting for the worst. But the resulting explosion was nothing tremendous--so officers and men say, and so adding a little more data to U-boat history. The bark of one of their own little 4-inch guns was more impressive. There was a flame and an up-shooting cloud of black smoke, followed instantly by another explosion, that of their own depth charges, of which there were two of 300 pounds each in the stern. Those who had any thoughts about it at the time were sure that if the torpedo did not get them the depth charges would. When they went to look they found that thirty-odd feet of the after end of their ship had been blown clean off. The torpedo had hit them on the port side, and the wreckage was hanging from the starboard quarter. Of the after gun only the base was left; they never did see any of the rest of it. The gunner's mate, one of those men who love to keep a gun in shape, was swabbing it out at the time, and they never saw anything of him again. The chief petty officers' quarters were farthest aft on the 343. The after bulkhead to their compartment was blown in, leaving the inside of the ship open to sea and sun. Fourteen men were in there at the time, lounging around or in their bunks. Many of them were bruised and all were shook up, but they all made the deck. They do not know how they made it, but they did. The after hatchway to the deck was closed with tumbling wreckage, so they must have gone up the midship hatch. One man taking a nap in the cot bunk farthest aft had a part of the bulkhead blown past him. It cut off a corner of his cot and broke one of his legs, and blew him into the passageway in passing. Landing in the passageway he sprained his other ankle. He is not quite sure how he made the deck without help, but he did make it, and he says he beat some of them to it at that. The man who was working on the after gun with the gunner's mate who was blown up, saw the shining torpedo leaping in the sun and heading straight for his part of the ship. If he did not do something he knew he was in for it, so he began to take long high leaps forward. The explosion came while he was in the air on his third long high jump. All he remembers happening to him after that was of an ocean of water flowing over him, and he not minding it at all. When he came to, the doctor was looking him over for broken bones, but did not find any. After the doctor left him he sat up and said: "I bet I've been as near to a torpedo exploding and getting away with it as anybody in the world, hah?" And "Yes," said one of his shipmates, "and I bet you made a world's record for three long high jumps, without a run, too. You sure did travel, boy." When it was all over the two propeller shafts were still sticking out astern, one naked and shining in the sun; the other also shining and naked, but with a propeller still in place on it. Spotting that, the skipper ordered the engines turned. To their delight the shaft revolved, the ship began to move. No record-breaking pace, but--God love the builder of a good little ship--she was making revolutions. The wreckage hanging from her starboard quarter acted as a rudder, and so, instead of going straight ahead, she began to go round in circles. She continued to make circles, and her officers and men stood to stations and waited for what next would happen. Destroyer people have it that there are grades of U-boat commanders--some of nerve, some only ordinary. The U-boat man with nerve enough to attack a destroyer is a good one. He will bear watching; so what they expected was to see this U-boat come up and finish the job. If she did come up and at the right place to get another torpedo in, then the 343 was in for a bad time. So they waited, some thinking one thing, and some another, but all agreeing that the odds were against them. The U-boat did show again. They saw her conning-tower slipping through the water at about 1,500 yards. The skipper of the 343 was ready in so far as he could be ready with his poor little cripple. Crews were at gun stations, and that conning-tower had hardly got above the surface when two of the 343's guns cut loose at it. They got in four shots, the fourth one pretty handy. But no more. She submerged to the discouragement of one earnest gun-pointer. He leaned against the breech of his little 4-inch to say: "One more and I'd 'ave got her. Bet you me next month's pay that I get her if she shows for two shots again." She did not show again, but her not showing did not end the 343's troubles. They could steam in circles, but it was not getting them anywhere. A few miles away was one of the roughest shores in the world, the kind where green seas piled up against rocky cliffs--and a tide that was already setting them toward it. A bad enough place in any kind of weather, but with wind and sea making, and this time of year! It was about two in the afternoon they were torpedoed. By dark they were being driven by the tide and white-capped seas to the shore. They had one hope left. Their radio operator had managed to keep the radio gear in commission, and through all their troubles he had been sending out S O S calls, though not with too great hope that anybody would come in time. The U-boats had been pretty active thereabout, and it was not on any main sea route. There was always the chance, of course, that some war-ships would be somewhere near. For one hour, two hours, three, four, five, six hours they drifted. Their wireless kept going out of commission, and their radio operator kept patching it up and getting it going again. S O S--he never let up with that call. It was midnight when a British mine-sweeper bore down and hailed. By then they could hear the high seas breaking on the rocks abeam. The Britisher got the word across the wind, and tried to pass a messenger--a light line, that is--across to the 343. They did not make it. They tried again and again, but no use. The 343 was then within a few hundred yards of the breakers. The skipper of the Britisher then hailed that he would try to get a boat to them. They could hear him calling for volunteers to man the boat. He got the volunteers, and without being able to see every detail of it in the dark, the 343's people knew what was happening. They were making a lee of the trawler so as to get the boat over. But the boat was swashing in and out against the side of the ship--up on a sea and then bang! in against the side of the ship. Merely as a sporting proposition, their own lives not depending on it, the 343's people would have been praying for that boat to get safely away. The boat managed at last to get away from the side of the mine-sweeper, and in time, pitching down on the rollers, they made out to heave a line aboard the 343. And on the deck of the 343 they were right there to grab it and bend it on to a hawser. Fine. Off went the mine-sweeper after she had taken her boat aboard, tugging heartily. She tugged too heartily for the length and size of the hawser. It parted. They did it all over again--the lowering the boat in the rough sea, the passing the line, the bending on of the bigger line, the attempt to tow. And again it parted. Wouldn't that test men's faith in their good luck? The 343 thought so. Once more tried it, and once more it parted, but this time not parting until they were far enough off the beach to be safe till daylight. At daylight a British sloop-of-war came along with a real big hawser and gave them a real tow to our naval base. A group of us were steaming out with a fleet of merchantmen to sea as she was being towed in. Our fellows would have liked to turn out to give her a little cheer, also to inquire into the details of her mishap, but we had to keep on going, and wait until our return to port after a cruise to have a look at her. She was in dry dock when we got back to port, and the most smashed-up-looking object that any of us had ever seen come in from sea. The wonder was how she ever stayed up long enough to make port. That gaping after end open to sea and sky, and the bare propeller shaft sticking out from the insides of her--she sure did look like she needed nursing! They agreed that they were a lucky bunch to get her home. One poor fellow was killed--a wonder there were not more--and all hands were sorry for him; but tragedy and comedy so often bunk together, and men who adventure are more apt to dwell on the humorous than the tragic side of things. There was that about the code-books. The instructions to all ships are to get rid of the code-books if there is ever any likelihood of the enemy capturing the ship. The code-books are bound in thick lead covers. They are kept in a steel box, and altogether they weigh--I do not know, I never lifted them--but some say they weigh 150, some say 200 pounds. After the 343 was torpedoed, an ensign grabbed up the code-book chest, tossed it onto his shoulder, and waltzed out of the ward-room passage and onto deck with it. You would think it was a feather pillow he was dancing off with. When the danger of capture was over our young ensign hooked his fingers into the chest handles to waltz back with it. But nothing doing. It took two of them to carry it back, and they did not trip lightly down any passageway with it either, proving once again that there are times when a man is stronger than at other times. After the 343 made port the injured were handed over to the sick bay of the flag-ship. There were two of them who must have been pretty handy to the storm centre of the explosion. At least, it took two young surgeons on the flag-ship all of one day to pick the gun-cotton out of their backs. There was another man. The doctors, when they came to look him over, found the print of a perfect circle on the fleshiest part of his anatomy. It was so deeply pressed in that the blue and yellow flesh bulged out all around from it. The doctors said it must have been made by a wash-basin being blown against him as he ran up the ladder to the deck. But the man himself knew better than that. "Excuse me, doctor," he said, "but it was nothing so light and soft as a wash-basin hit me. It was something more solid and bigger than that. It was the water-cooler, and I didn't run up any ladder--I was blown up." The destroyer people have great faith in the durability of their little ships. They are slim-built, and not much thicker in the plates than seven pages of the Sunday paper--they know that, but maybe that is their safety. There is no getting a fair wallop at them. They evade the issue. One man compared them to a hot-water bottle. Try to swat a loaded hot-water bottle. And what happens? "When you poke it in one place don't it bulge out in another to make up for it? Sure it does. And how do you account for that other one we were talking about? A couple o' years ago--the one that had her stern cut off so that the men in the after compartment leaned out where the bulkhead had been, but wasn't then, and chinned themselves up to the deck from the outside? And how do you account for her bouncing along at twenty knots or more in a gale of wind and a rough sea, and nothing happening them? Get shook up--yes. But they come home, don't they? They sure do. Maybe it's luck, but also maybe it's the way they're thrown together--loose and limber-like." Whatever it is, they are dashing in and out over there on their job of convoying merchant ships and hunting U-boats. They expect to get their bumps, and they do; but so long as they get an even break they are not kicking. The chart-house gang on the 343 say that they are satisfied they get an even break all right. If she did not fill her little three-straight that time then nobody ever did get any cards in the draw. They were sticking a new stern onto the 343 when I left the naval base. When they get it well glued on she is going out again. Maybe that same U-boat--you can't always tell, some people have luck--maybe that same U-boat will come drifting her way again. And if they see her first--pass the word for the gun crews! THE CARGO BOATS I have spoken earlier of meeting cargo boats--tramp steamers, we call them at home--while crossing the Atlantic. In peace times a fellow would naturally expect to see them here, or almost anywhere else on the wide ocean; but to see them in these war days was to set a man wondering about them. Wondering, because more than 90 per cent of U-boat sinkings are of ships of less than 12 knots' speed; which means that these rusty old junk heaps, wheezing along at maybe 9 or 10, but more likely at 7 or 8 knots, furnish most of the sinkings. They surely must be having great old times getting by the U-boats, and their captains and crews must surely have a view-point of their own! At this naval base of which I have been writing, you could look almost any day and see 5, 10, or 20 of these cargo boats to moorings. And ashore was a pub--there were other pubs, plenty of them--but to this one particular pub came bunches of these cargo captains to forget things. (Without wishing to offend any prohibition advocate, I have to report that knocking around the world a man cannot help noticing that men who face peril regularly do sometimes take a drink to ease off things.) A barmaid, answering to the name of Phyllis, presided over this pub, a blond, square-built, capable person, who had always about three or four of these captains standing on their heads. She was not without sentiment, but never letting sentiment interfere with business. "Phyllis, my dear," a skipper would begin, and get about that far when she--her right hand reaching for the bottle of Scotch and her left for the soda--would be saying: "The same, captain?"--thereby choking off a great rush of words, and forwarding the business for which she drew one pound ten a week. Before a creature of that kind these cargo captains were bound to preen themselves. They bought at frequent intervals, not at all like the ways of another group--not cargo captains--of whom one of our American warrant officers said: "You buy and buy and buy, and they drink and drink and drink. It comes time for them to buy, and when it does they submerge, and don't come up for air." These cargo skippers were always coming up for air. They would hunt a man three stories up in his room, wake him out of his sleep, and haul him down-stairs to have just one more. Between drinks, after they got to know a man pretty well, they would talk of their sea experiences; and, after the fashion of all true adventurers, their talk was almost always of the humorous side of things. There was a skipper there one morning who bid all hands, especially Phyllis, good-by. He was off to Alexandria. He would not be back for three months--more likely five or six months. Phyllis pinned a flower in his coat and off he went. From the pub window they saw him board his ship, and an hour later saw her steam out of the harbor and to sea. That was at ten in the morning. At five in the afternoon--the lights were just being turned on--those in the pub who happened to be looking out of the window thought they saw this captain's ghost coming up the waterside with his crew trailing behind him. The crew looked as if they had dressed in a hurry and were scampering along to keep warm. But our skipper was wearing all he wore when he left the pub. He drew nearer. It was no ghost. It was himself, even to the rose in his coat. He hailed Phyllis. She was talking to another skipper. The other skipper turned to see who was butting in, and seeing who it was, said: "To Egypt and back in seven hours--the quickest voyage ever I 'eard of!" Which comment so depressed the voyager that he refused to say anything about what had happened, except that five miles outside of the harbor he had been torpedoed, and they had to take to the boats in a hurry. The foregoing is by way of introducing the captain who commented on the quick voyage. A few mornings later I was up at the Admiralty House when he came into the waiting-room, let himself carefully down into a mahogany chair, dropped his new soft gray hat into his lap, and looked around. "A solemn place, ain't it? Would they 'ang a chap, d'y' think, if he was to 'ave a bit of a smoke for 'imself while waitin'?" I said that I thought the fashion nowadays was to take a man out and stand him up against the wall and shoot him. He was tall, heavily built, fresh-colored, with a way of seeming to reflect deeply before he replied to anything. By and by he said: "Oh, aye!" and lit his cigarette, but had not taken the second puff when the doorkeeper's feet sounded outside, at which sound he pinched the cigarette hurriedly by the neck, and looked around for somewhere to dump it. There was no ash-tray, and the table being bare mahogany, the floor all polished wood, the fireplace with no fire in it, so brassy and shiny that to put anything there would be treason--he dropped the cigarette into his hat. The doorkeeper smelled something, but he wasn't one who looked on lowly things when he walked, and so did not see the little spiral of smoke curling up from the hat. My seafarer was in a great stew. To sit there and watch him was to warm up to him. There he was, a man who regularly faced death by more ways than one at sea, but now in deep fear that this shore-going flunky would catch him smoking a surreptitious cigarette. He stared determinedly at every place except at his hat until the doorkeeper had passed on. When he looked at his hat the cigarette had burned a hole in it. He viewed the hat sadly. "No gainsayin' it, war is 'ell, ain't it? I paid fourteen bob for that 'at three days back in Cardiff." I went out to help him buy a new hat. Hat stores were scarce, but life does not end with hat stores; there were fleets of little places where a man could sit down and talk about more important things than hats. In the hotel smoke-room after lunch there was no sugar for our coffee. His sea-training began to show at once. "The thing you 'ave to learn to do at sea is to go on your own. Nobody doing much for a chap that 'e don't do for hisself, is there?" From his coat pocket he drew an envelope which once held a letter from home--in place of the letter now was sugar. "Preparedness--'ere it is"--and sweetened our coffee from the envelope. He spoke of his life at sea. "I can't say that I like it--I can't say I don't like it--but it was my life before the war and it 'as to be since. You've seen my ship, 'aven't you, lying to moorings? Nothing great to look at, is she? but the managing director of our company--he has the 'andling of maybe a 'undred more like her--'Let 'em 'ave their grand passenger ships,' 'e says, 'but give me my cargo boats that pays for theirselves every two voyages.' The right idea 'e 'ad, I'll say for 'im. And for my part of it there is no everlastin' polishin' o' brahss and painting o' white work and no buying o' gold-laced uniforms at your own cost. And there's the bonus for me. Oh, aye! A bit of bonus ain't a bit of 'arm, you know, especially when you've a wife that's no eyesore to look at, and little kiddies growin' up. "Torpedoed? Oh, aye. It's not to be expected of a man to escape that these days. My chum Bob, remember 'im--that was seven hours to Alexandria and back--with a rose in his coat? His fourth time torpedoed, that was. I've been blowed up only three times myself. Nothing much of anything special, the last time and the time before that--a matter of getting into boats and by and by being picked up--no more than that--no. But the first time--maybe it was a novelty-like then. 'Owever, I'd carried a load of coal to Naples and getting twenty-two pounds a ton for coal that cost two pound ten in Cardiff maybe makes it a bit clearer what the managing director 'ad in mind when 'e said: 'let 'em have their grand passenger ships, but give me my little cargo boats.' "From Naples I go on to Piræus in Greece, and we take a load on there--admiralty stuff, and not to be spoken of--and we put out for 'ome. She was a good old single-crew, this one o' mine. Twenty-five year old--not the worst, though I'd seen better. Well warmed up she could squeeze out eight knots, or maybe eight and a 'alf. I 'ung close to the land along that Greek shore, for if anything should 'appen ther's no sense 'aving too long a row to the beach in boats. "Very good. We're rollin' along one morning when the radio man came in with a message which read: 'PUT INTO NEAREST PORT. U-BOATS.' "And without ado we puts into a little place down at the 'eel of Italy, and that night I 'ad a 'ot barth an' a lovely long sleep in my brahss bed which the missus 'ad given me for Christmas the last time 'ome. And a great pleasure it was, I say. "Next mornin' we put to sea again, and next day after comes another radio, and it says: 'PUT INTO NEAREST PORT. U-BOATS.' And we put into Malta, and that night again I 'ad another 'ot barth and a fine sleep in my brahss bed. "We resume our voyage from Malta, and a two days later I gets another radio--more U-boats--and I puts into Algiers. Three times in one week that made with me 'aving me 'ot barth and a fine sleep in me brahss bed--grand good luck, I say now, and said it then to the mate, adding to it: 'There's a signal station west of Gibraltar--wouldn't it be delightful passing that signal station to get the word to put back to Gib and stop there for another night and I 'ave another 'ot barth and a lovely sleep in my four-poster bed.' But the mate 'e only says 'e didn't have no brahss bed aboard ship to sleep in, and he saved his 'ot barths, he did,'til he got 'ome to enjoy 'em proper. "Summer-time it was, and I likes to take my little siesta after lunch--just like the Dons theirselves, y' know--and I'm 'aving me siesta next day after lunch when something woke me up. There's a shelf of books on the wall o' my room--chart-books and the like--and when all at once I see them pilin' down on top of me I say to myself: 'Somethin's 'appened.' And so it 'ad. The mate 'e sticks 'is 'ead in the door and says: 'We're torpedoed, sir.' "'There goes my bonus,' I says, and goes on deck. "We carried a 3-inch gun in a little 'ouse aft, and there was the mate firing at the U-boat, which was out of water and maybe two miles away. It was one of those out-of-date guns the navy would have no more to do with, and so they passes it on to us. New good guns would probably be wasted on us, and maybe that's true. None of us aboard ever fired a shot from the gory weapon till this day. The mate fired two shots at the U-boat, but 'e don't 'it anything. The U-boat fires two shots at us and she 'its something. One of 'em pahsses through the chart house, and the other tears a nice little 'ole in 'er for'ard. "That'll do for that gun practice,' I says. "'Aren't you goin' to 'ave a go at 'em?' says the mate. "'You can 'ave all the go at 'em you please,' I says, 'after we leave the ship. Besides you there's 19 men and 4 Eurasians in this crew, and some of 'em will maybe like to see 'ome again--I know I do!' "We get into the boats, myself takin' along what was left of a second case of Scotch, and good old pre-war Scotch it was, not the gory infant's food they serve these days that a man 'as to take a tumblerful of to know 'e's 'aving a drink at all. I also took along three sofy cushions, hand-worked by the missus, with pink doves and cupids and the like--rare lookin' they was. 'A man might's well be comfortable,' I says. "I 'ad a cook. 'If comfort's the word,' says the cook, 'I might's well take along the wife's canary,' and 'e takes it along in a cage in one 'and, and a bag of clothes in the other. 'E's in the boat when 'e thinks to go back for a package of seed 'e'd left for the canary on the shelf in the galley. 'Hurry up with your bird-seed,' I says, and as I do a shell comes along and explodes inside of 'er old frame somewheres, and the cook says maybe 'e'll be gettin' along without the seed--the canary not being what you'd call a 'eavy eater, anyway. "The mate 'ad a cameraw, and when we're clear of the ship he would stand up and set the cameraw on the shoulders of a Eurasian fireman, and take shots of the ship between shells. "In good time one last shell 'its 'er, and down she goes. The U-boat moves off, and we see no more of 'er. "It's a fine day and a lovely pink sunset, and there's a beautiful mild sirocco blowing off the African shore to make the 'ot night pleasant as we approach it in the boats. A man could 'ardly arsk to be torpedoed under more pleasant conditions, I say, and we continue to row toward the shore in 'igh 'opes. It's maybe two in the mornin' when we see the side-lights of a ship. She's bound east--a steamer--and we know she's a Britisher, because we're the only chaps carried lights in war zones at that time. Carryin' lights at night o' course made us grand marks for the U-boats, but there was no 'elp for it. A board o' trade regulation, that was, and no gettin' away from what the board o' trade says. We had our choice of carryin' lights and losin' our ships, or not carryin' lights and losin' our jobs. So we lost our ships. After a year and a 'alf of war some bright chap in the board said that maybe it would be a good idea to change the regulation about carrying lights, and they did. And about time, we said. "Some of the crew were for 'ailing the ship in the night. ''Ail 'ell!' I says. 'D'y' think I want to be took into that rotten 'ole of a Port Said, or maybe Alexandria, and that end of the Mediterranean fair lousy with U-boats. Besides, we'll get 'ome quicker this way,' I says, and allows her to pass on. In the mornin' we run onto the beach, and 'ardly there when a crowd of Ayrabs come gallopin' down on 'orseback to us. 'We'll be killed now,' says the mate, and talks under his breath of stubborn captains, who wouldn't 'ail a friendly ship's light in the dark, but the only killing the Ayrabs do is two young goats for breakfast. And they make coffee that was coffee, and we had a lovely meal on the sand. And by and by they steered us along the shore to where was a French destroyer, which takes us over to Gibraltar, and from Gib we passed on through Spain and France to Havre. Three weeks that took, and I never 'ad such a three weeks in all my life. 'Eroes, ragin' 'eroes--that's wot we were! "At Havre the French authorities took the mate's pictures out of the cameraw, and they never did give 'em back. Except for that, it was a fine pleasure, that land cruise 'ome. "Lucky? Oh, aye, you may well say it. Three times in one week I 'ad me 'ot barth and my lovely sleep in me brahss bed--it's not to be looked for with ordinary luck, you know." * * * * * One day the destroyer to which I was assigned put to sea. There were other destroyers, and we were to take a fleet of merchantmen from the naval base to such and such a latitude and longitude, and there turn them loose. My friend's ship was of the convoy. We made such and such a latitude and longitude, and there we turned them loose, signalling the position to them and waiting for acknowledgment. They acknowledged the signal. We then hoisted the three pennants which everywhere at sea means: Pleasant voyage! They answered with the three pennants which everywhere spells: Thank you. And no sooner done than away they belted, each for himself, and let the U-boats get the hindmost. The hindmost here was the rusty old cargo boat of my friend. I could see her for miles after the others were hull down; and long after I could see her I could picture him--walking his lonely bridge and his ship plugging away at her 7 or maybe 7-1/2 knots across the lonely ocean. Three times torpedoed and taking it all as part of his work! Some day they may get him and he not come back; and when they do the world will hear little about him. Hero? He a hero? Why a shore-going flunky had him bluffed for smoking a surreptitious cigarette in high quarters! 'Ero? Not 'im. Why 'e don't even wear a uniform. So there they are, the wheezing old cargo boats and their officers and crew. British, French, Italian, American, but mostly British. No heroes, but the Lord help their people if they hadn't stayed on the job. FLOTILLA HUMOR--AT SEA We were a group of American destroyers convoying twenty home-bound British steamers. There was one ship, a _P. & O._ liner, a great specimen of camouflaging. She was the only ship in the convoy that was camouflaged, and she rode in stately style two lengths out in front of the others. All of which made her a prominent object. Our officers felt like telling her to dress back; but she had a British commodore aboard, and for an American two or three striper to try to advise a British commodore--well, it isn't done. All day long she rode out in front of the column, and all day long our fellows kept saying things about her. "Isn't she the chesty one!" "Look at the big squab with all that war-paint on--how does she expect any U-boat to overlook her?" "That big loafer, she'd better watch out or she'll be getting hers before the day's gone!" U-boats were thick around there. One of them must have come up, looked the convoy over, and said, "Well, there's nothing to this but the big one!" and, Bing! let her have it, for it was not yet quite dark when those who were looking at her saw a column like steam go into the air, a black column like coal follow it, and after that a column of water boiling white. One of our destroyers hopped to twenty-five knots, dumped over a 300-pound "ash-can," and got Mister U-boat. At least, the British admiralty later gave her 100 per cent on the circumstantial evidence. Two other destroyers--the 396 and the 384, we will call them--went at once to the job of taking off passengers from the sinking ship. That was at five minutes to six, just before dark. It had interrupted dinner on our ship; but by and by we went back to the ward-room to finish eating. It is always good business to eat--no knowing when a man will be needing a good meal to be standing by him inside. And we were still eating when the messenger came in with a radio. He passed it to the skipper, who read it to himself, whistled, and then read aloud: TORPEDOED--CLAN LINDSAY. The _Clan Lindsay_ was another of our convoy, and she had been within 1,000 yards of our ship when we last came about to zigzag back across the front of our column. We looked at one another, and one said: "Well, you got to hand it to Fritz for being on the job every minute." And another: "Yes, but it looks like a big night to-night. Two in an hour! And eighteen more ships and eight destroyers to pick from yet! If he starts off like that, what d'y' s'pose he'll be batting by morning?" The ward-room on our ship opens onto the ship's galley; and from the ship's galley another door opens onto the deck. Through the open galley-door just then came a muffled explosion--a great Woof! We all thought just one thing--they've got us too!--and we all sort of half curled up, and would not have been a bit surprised if the next instant we found ourselves sailing through the deck overhead. The feeling lasted for perhaps three seconds, and then our skipper, happening to look up, saw that the colored mess-boy George was grinning widely. "What the devil you laughing at?" barked out our skipper. George took his eyes off the galley-door, but his grin remained. Said George: "Cap'n, I see de flame. The galley stove just done bust!" The galley stove on our ship was an oil-burner. It had back-fired, and so the loud Woof! Later it came out that the _Clan Lindsay_ wasn't torpedoed at all; but one of our destroyers dropped a depth charge so close to her to get a U-boat that she thought she was. * * * * * The camouflaged big liner sank, but not until the two of our destroyers standing by had taken off every one of the 503 passengers, one taking the people off the deck, the other picking up those in the small boats. One destroyer--the 396, say--took off 307 of these passengers. Her skipper passed the word by radio to the 384, which had gathered in 196 passengers, including the commodore. The 384 got the message, only she got it 7 instead of 307 people rescued. "Seven survivors!" said the 384's skipper. "I wonder why she radioed that?" He meditated over the puzzle and by and by solved it to his satisfaction. "Of course, what she wants is for us to take off the seven and add 'em to our own." He took measures to meet the emergency, and then followed this little incident: Aboard the 396 they were busy trying to find space for their 307 passengers when a lookout heard a Putt! putt! putt! coming over the water. The officer of the deck listened. Everybody on the bridge listened. Putt! putt! putt! it came. The officer of the deck reported to the skipper. The skipper wondered who it could be, when just then a radio message arrived: "Am sending a boat--384." "Sending a boat? What for?" He meditated over that puzzle and then he solved it--as he thought. "Sure. That British commodore she picked up is coming to see how the survivors aboard here are getting on. That's it"--he turned to the watch-officer--"you know how these Britishers are for regulations. Even in the midst of a mess like this we'll have to kotow to his rank or he'll probably be reporting us. So rouse out six side-boys, line 'em up, rig up the port ladder, have the bugler stand by for ta-ra-rums and all that stuff." They did that, shoving their crowded survivors out of the way to make room for the ceremony. The Putt! putt! putt! comes nearer and nearer. Next, from out of the blackness of the ocean they make out a little motor-dory. Balanced out on the gunwale of the little dory, when it comes nearer, they see an American bluejacket smoking a cigarette. No one else was in the dory. The dory ran alongside. It was about a 14-foot dory--no smaller one in the flotilla. The skipper of the 396 looked down at him. "What you want?" The bluejacket removed the cigarette from his lips. "I'm from the 384, sir." "Yes, yes, but what do you want?" "I've come, sir"--he waved his cigarette-stub airily--"to take off the survivors. The captain thought I might be able to make one load of 'em." * * * * * When the big _P. & O._ liner reported herself torpedoed that evening, a destroyer--not one of ours--picked up the message 100 miles or so away; and at once radioed: COMING TO YOUR ASSISTANCE--GIVE POSITION, COURSE, AND SPEED. That was proper and well-intentioned, but as the 384 and the 396 were already standing by, a radio was sent back: EVERYTHING ALL RIGHT--NO HELP NEEDED--THANK YOU. That did not seem to satisfy the inquirer. WOULD LIKE TO HELP--GIVE POSITION, SPEED, AND COURSE. Everybody being busy, nobody bothered to answer that. By and by came another radio: THIS IS THE DESTROYER BLANK--GIVE POSITION, SPEED, AND COURSE. He was so evidently one of those Johnnies who are always volunteering to do things not needful to be done that nobody paid any further attention to him. But he kept right on sending radios. By and by, for perhaps the seventh time, came: THIS IS THE DESTROYER BLANK--PLEASE GIVE POSITION, SPEED, AND COURSE OF TORPEDOED SHIP. At which some one--nobody seemed to know who, but possibly some undistinguished enlisted radio man whose ears were becoming wearied--sparked out into the night: POSITION OF TORPEDOED SHIP? BETWEEN TWO DESTROYERS. HER SPEED? ABOUT FOUR FEET AN HOUR. HER COURSE? TOWARD THE BOTTOM OF THE ATLANTIC. Nobody ever found who sent that message; nobody inquired too closely; but all hands thanked him. The flotilla heard no more from the bothersome destroyer. * * * * * The business of hunting U-boats is a grim one. The officers and men engaged in it do not like to dwell on the hard side of it. They do like to repeat stories of the humorous side of it. One of our destroyer commanders over there has a personality that the others like to hang stories onto. He is a quick-thinking, quick-acting man named--well, say Lanahan. He was one day on the bridge of his ship when the lookout shouted: "Periscope!" "Charge her!" yelled out Lanahan. Away they went hooked-up for the periscope, which everybody could now see--about 200 yards ahead. "He's a nervy one--see her stay up!" said the officer of the deck, who was standing beside the wheel, and had glasses on the periscope. And then, hurriedly: "I don't like the looks of her, captain--it looks like a phony periscope to me--as if there was a mine under it!" "To hell with her--ram her anyway!" snapped Lanahan. The deck officer had not once taken the glasses off the periscope. Suddenly he let drop his glasses, grabbed the wheel and pulled it hard toward him. Lanahan had stepped to the wing of the bridge and was leaning far out to get a glimpse of the U-boat. What he saw beneath him as his ship scraped by was not a U-boat, but a great white mine. He watched it slide safely past the bridge, past his quarter, past his stern. Then, turning around, he said gravely to his deck officer: "You're right--it _was_ a mine." * * * * * There was another young officer--Chisholm call him--who played poker occasionally. He commanded a _flivver_, which is the service name for the smaller class of destroyers, the 750-ton ones. In our navy there are plenty of young officers who will tell you that they never built destroyers which keep the sea better than that same little flivver class. Young Captain Chisholm of the 323 was one. One morning, having convoyed a fleet of merchant ships safely up the channel, the 323 was one of a group of destroyers making the best of their way to their base port. Officers and men who have been hunting U-boats for a week or so do not like to linger along the road home; so it was every young captain giving his ship all the steam she could stand and let her belt. It was breaking white water all around when they started. It grew rougher. Chisholm in the 323 was going along at twenty knots when a poker-playing chum came along in his big 1,000-ton destroyer. Her nose hauled up on the quarter of the 323; up to her beam; up to her bridge. As he passed the 323--and he passed quite close to let all hands view the passing--the poker-playing friend leaned out and megaphoned across: "What you making, Chiz?" "Twenty knots!" hailed back Chisholm. "I am seeing your twenty knots and raising you five!" returned the other, and passed on. "The boiler-riveted nerve of him!" gasped Chiz. "But let him wait!" The sea grew yet rougher. The 323 was bouncing pretty lively, but hanging onto her twenty knots. "And at twenty you let her hang if she rolls her crow's nest under!" said Chisholm to his watch-officer, "and I'll betcher we won't be acting rudder to this bunch going into port!" It was at ten in the morning that the big one had passed them. It was four in the afternoon, and the 323 was still going along at twenty knots when from out of the drizzle ahead her bridge made out the stern and funnels of a destroyer. It was Chiz's poker-playing chum, and his ship was making heavy weather of it. The able little 323 came up to her stern; breasted her waist, her bridge, and as he passed her (and he came quite close to let all hands view the passing), young Captain Chisholm leaned out from his bridge and roared through a long megaphone: "I _call_ yuh!" He beat the big one fifty minutes into the naval base. * * * * * There are two channels leading into the naval base port--call them West and East. This same Chisholm was one day headed for port in the usual hurry and was already well into the west channel when a signal was whipped out from the signal hill. It was for his ship and it read: "West Channel mined last night by U-boats. Proceed to sea and come in by East Channel." Chiz did not proceed to sea. All the harbor men who were watching saw him come straight on through the gap in the barrage, and safely on to his mooring. Also all the harbor knew that next morning he had to report to the admiralty and explain. The story of his explanation was not told by himself. But an officer friend, a great admirer--call him Mac--had gone with him to the admiralty. Here the next day Mac told the story in the smoke-room of the King's Hotel: "Well, Chiz went and--you know his courtly style--he has his cape over his shoulders--and he salaams and says, 'Good morning, sir.' "The old man looks up and says like ice: 'You got my signal yesterday afternoon?' "'I did, sir.' "'Then why did you not turn back and come in by the other channel?' "'Sir,' says Chiz, 'may I be allowed a few words?' "'Very few. What have you to say?' "'Sir,' says Chiz, 'I have been trained to believe that the one word a naval officer should not know is fear. In our navy, sir, we reverence the tradition of your own Admiral Nelson, who at the siege of Copenhagen put his glass to his blind eye and said: "I see no signal to withdraw!" and continued the fighting to a victory.' "'Have you a blind eye, too?' "'My sight is good, thanking you, sir, for inquiring, but in my own navy we also have the tradition of Admiral Farragut, who at Mobile Bay said: "Damn the torpedoes--go on!" and his fleet went on to victory. And there was Admiral Dewey, who said: "Damn the mines!" at Manilla, and went on to victory.' "'What are you coming at?' roars the old man. 'Did you get my signal?' "'I did, sir. And my first instinct--the instinct of all our naval officers--is to obey all orders of our superiors, sir. But I was well into that channel when I got the signal, sir. And as I have said, sir, my first instinct was to obey orders. But also I stop and reflect, for I have also been trained to believe that hasty judgments work many evils, sir, and I consider and find myself saying to my deck officer: "This ship, Mac, is 300 feet long, and under her stern there are two big propellers. If ever we turn this 300-foot ship in this channel with those two propellers churning and there's any loose German mines around, there won't be a blamed one of 'em she'll miss. But if I keep her straight on, there's a chance. So hell's afire!" I says to Mac--"there's only one thing for us to do now and that is to keep straight on!" And I kept straight on, sir--and, I beg leave to report it now, sir--we made our mooring safely.' "And that's all there was to that," concluded Mac. There was a long silence in the smoke-room when Mac had done, and then a voice asked: "If Chiz had gone to sea and come in by the other channel--it was almost dark at the time--he would have been too late to make the barrage, wouldn't he?" "He sure would," said Mac. "Which would mean that he would be kept turning his wheels over outside the net all night?" "He sure would." "As it was, he got in in plenty of time for that little game up-stairs last night?" "He was in a little game," admitted Mac. Another silence, and then another voice: "Well, poker or no poker, Chiz's dope on that damn-the-torpedo stuff isn't the worst in the world!" FLOTILLA HUMOR--ASHORE The incident reported in the previous chapter was not young Chisholm's first interview with the British admiral. Mac went on to tell how when, after his first cruise, Chiz came to the naval base to report. He had heard that the old fellow in charge believed that the Lord made the earth for admirals, especially British admirals, but beyond that he knew nothing of his peculiarities. However, after his cruise, Chiz went whistling up the hill to report. By and by he was admitted to the presence of the admiral, who was seated at a flat desk in the middle of the room, gazing straight ahead. The old chap looked pretty frosty. Chiz waited a moment, then ventured a cheery "Good morning, sir." The face at the desk did not even turn to look at him, but the thin lips almost opened and a rasping voice said: "Got anything to say to me?" Chiz was one of the sociable souls, and he would have liked to sit down and talk in an informal way of several little sea things that he thought were fairly interesting. But he had not been asked even to sit down, and the voice froze him. So, "Why, no sir, nothing special to report," was all he could find to say. "H-m. Nothing to say? Then why waste my time or your own? Might as well get out, hadn't you?" Chiz got out. "An American lieutenant-commander in this place must rate about seven numbers below a yellow dog," said Chiz to Mac when he came out. Chiz had four days in port (Mac is still telling the story) after that cruise, and two days after his visit to the hill there was a cricket-match between a team from our flotilla and a team from theirs. The idea was for all hands to forget rank for a while, get into the game, and so cement the entente between the two nations. Chiz was picked for one of our team, and you all know what a husky he is, and what he used to do with a baseball-bat. There aren't many who ever hit 'em any further or oftener than Chiz on the old Annapolis ball-field. He was one of the first of our fellows to go to bat. He's standing there--in the box, or whatever they call it, waiting for one to his liking; and looking around the field wondering where he will place it when he gets one to his liking. And as he looks he spies his friend the admiral, playing what we'd call left field. And just beyond the admiral the ground sloped away for a hundred yards or so. Chiz hefts his bat--and you know those cricket-bats, what they look like and how they feel after you've been used to meeting fast ones with a narrow baseball-bat. They are wide and heavy and springy. Chiz doesn't pay any attention to three or four balls that come along, except to fend them away from the wicket with his wide cricket-bat. He knew what he wanted, and by and by he got one--one about knee-high with a little incurve to it. Chiz sets himself and swings and whale-O it goes, over the old admiral's head and down the slope beyond. Chiz makes all the runs the law allows--six, I think it is--and he's sitting resting on the wide part of his cricket-bat before the admiral even shows the top of his head over the hill with the ball. When he does and heaves it about half-way to the pitcher, or bowler, or whatever they call him, he's out of breath. Chiz sets himself for another one knee-high with an inshoot, and when he gets one he whales it again, and away trots the admiral on another hunt down the hill. And Chiz makes six more runs before they even see the top of the admiral's head over the brow of the hill. The third time, and the fourth time, Chiz sets for a knee-high one with an inshoot to it, and the third time and the fourth time he belts it over the old fellow's head and down the long slope. But on the fourth time the old fellow doesn't throw the ball in. He walks in with it and he calls in the high official umpires, or whoever they are in charge, and they have a conference, and the next thing they call the game off. By this time, doubtless (so the word was passed), the American officers have caught the idea of the game, and next time there would be a real game and so on. But there was no next game. However, next day Chiz puts out to sea, and when he's into port again he calls up on the hill as per instructions. And by and by he is passed again into the presence, who is sitting just as before at the flat desk in the middle of the room, and gazing straight before him. This time Chiz doesn't speak, not even to say; "Good morning, sir." And the graven image at the desk doesn't speak either, and there's a silence for maybe a minute, and then the old fellow barks out: "What are you standing there for? You wish to see me?" And Chiz barks out in his turn: "No, sir, I don't wish to see you." "You do not wish to see me? Then what are you doing here?" And Chiz cracks out: "I'm here because your orders compel me to be here, sir." _Zowie!_--that straightened the old boy up. He took a look at Chiz, and he says, after a while and almost pleasantly: "Have a chair." And Chiz has a chair, and they have a talk, and after that Chiz finds him a lot easier to get along with. Chiz says now that the old fellow isn't such a terrible chap--not after you get onto his curves. * * * * * When we first came over (Mac is still speaking), most of the topsiders over here were strong for the entente stuff, and a good thing, too--why not? Our fellows were mostly strong for it, too--two or three so strong that it was hard to tell whether they were Americans or something else--even their accents. And, as I say, most of the officers of our own over here were for it--most of them. But you can't rid everybody overnight of long-inherited notions. There was one chap we used to meet, and he sure was the most patronizing thing! Now, we know we haven't the biggest navy in the world, but as far as it goes we think it is pretty good. As good as anybody's, man for man, and ship for ship--but let that pass. This chap, who never could see anything in our navy, came in here one day. He wasn't bad. He was just one of those naturally foolish ones who thought he was a little brighter than his company. The topsiders would be working night and day to create good feeling, and he was the kind would come along and break up the show--not exactly meaning to. This was in the hotel bar here, where a bunch of us were easing off after a hard cruise, when he comes along. He doesn't like the names of our destroyers. In his navy there was significance in the names they gave to a class of ships. "Take _Viper_, _Adder_, _Moccasin_, and so on--they suggest things y' know. Dangerous to meddle with and all that sort of thing, y' know. But your people name your ships after men evidently--_David Jones_, _Conyngham_, _McDonough_. I say, who are they--Presidents or senators or that sort, or what?" Lanahan was there--the hell-with-her-ram-her-anyway Lanahan--and we all just naturally turned him over to Lanahan, who had west-of-Ireland forebears, and never did believe in letting any Englishman put anything across--nothing like that anyway. "You never read much, I take it, of our history?" says Lanahan. "Your history? My dear chap, I had hard work keeping up with my own." "No doubt. But you've heard of the American Revolution?" "I dessay I have--Oh, yes, I have!" "Well, you spoke of Jones. If you mean John Paul, then there was a naval fight one time in the North Sea--the _Serapis_ and the _Bonhomme Richard_." "I say, old chap, I didn't mention John Paul Jones. _David Jones_ is the name of your destroyer out in the harbor now." "David Jones? Let me see. Why, sure, David Jones was a New England parson who boarded around among the God-fearing neighbors for his keep on week-days and preached the wrath of God and hell-fire for his cash wage--five pound a year--on Sundays. He was a devout man. If thy finger offend thee, cut it off. But a sort of muscular Christian, too. If thy enemy cross thee, go out and whale the livers and lights out of him--same as we're trying to do to the U-boats now. "Well David lived in the shadow of the church till he was thirty-seven years of age. Then the Revolution broke, and David, in whose veins flowed the blood of old Covenanters, took a running long jump into it. He started in as deck-hand or, perhaps, it was cook's helper, but there was salt in his veins too, and rapidly he learned his trade. And soon rose in his new profession until he was master of his own ship, and, as master, raising the devil among the coasters which used to cruise out of Maritime Province ports in those days. The captures he made of vessels loaded with hay and potatoes, and so on, materially reduced the high cost of living for New England folks in those days. "Conyngham? He was a young American lad who did not come of any particularly good old stock, meaning that he did not come from Massachusetts or Virginia probably. He went to sea as a midshipman on an American sloop-of-war. And he turned out to be some little middy. Ensign, lieutenant, commander--man, he just ran up the ladder of naval rank. And got a ship of his own--a fine, young, able sloop-of-war, and with this sloop-of-war he would run out from the French channel ports and harry the English coast and English shipping. Never heard of him? No? Well, well!--and he so famous in his day that King George put up a reward of 1,000 pounds for his capture dead or alive. But they never captured him. "And Barry? He was the Wexford boy who captured 200 English prizes more or less in the West Indies. Paul Jones trained under Barry before he had a ship of his own. And McDonough? He--but am I boring you?" "No, no--it is very interesting." "I am glad. Well, McDonough was the commodore who fought the battle of Lake Champlain against your people. He opened that battle with prayers for the living and closed it with prayers for the dead. You want to watch out for those fellows who pray when they go to war. Their technic is sometimes pretty good. Their spirit is always good. While Mac was looking over the booty after that fight, a funny thing happened. He----" "I say, old chap, it's all very interesting, exceedingly interesting, but what d'y' say to another little nip before I go? I've got to run along to see the chief now. What will you have to drink?" "Sure. A nip of Irish, if you please. And here"--Lanahan held up his glass--"here's to the memory of dead heroes--may they always be preferred to crawling reptiles when it comes to naming our fighting ships!" After the other fellow had gone Lanahan turned to us. "Say, fellows, I know I got Paul Jones and Barry and McDonough right, but how near was I on Davey Jones and Conyngham? Something tells me I got their histories mixed." * * * * * This admiral, of whom our fellows used to spin the yarns, was a unique character. He lacked imagination, and he had the manner of a rat-terrier toward people not of his own kind; but he was one good executive. Devotion to duty--conscience--those were his beacon lights. He had been known, when the minister of the local church wasn't up to standard, to walk into the pulpit, and deliver the sermon himself. Before he came to take command of this coast district the U-boats had been raising Cain there. There was a fleet of steam-trawlers handled by their old fishing captains and crews, whose special duty it was to sweep up the waters just outside the harbor for mines. It was at that time a dangerous business, but it was also monotonous. It was a duty most easy to evade. Who was to say they had not swept up? No cove at a naval base five hundred miles away, that was sure! Even if mines were found there after they reported it swept clear, what would that prove? The Huns were laying mines all the time, weren't they? So--war days are hard enough anyway--why not ease up now and again? They eased up. Many a snug little place there was along the coast where a crew could go ashore and have a pleasant time for a day or two. There were reports to fill out, but what were reports? Ship a clerk in the crew and who would know? Surely not some aide at the naval base who spent his busiest hours taking the admiral's niece to tea fights! The British public will probably stand more from their lawfully ordained rulers than any other public on earth. They stood for a good many ships being mined on that coast before they began to ask the why of it. The powers returned with facts and figures, percentage tables, and so on, of ships departing and ships arriving; proving clearly that the number of ships lost was no more than was to be expected. Whereupon the British public took to writing letters to the press. British politicians take letters to the press seriously; a new man, the admiral we have been talking of, was sent to take charge of the district. He got down to business. He fitted out a 30-knot despatch-boat and away he went! All along that coast he pounced in on little harbors where mine-sweepers should be found working outside, but where he found them working mostly inside at little sociable gatherings where there was a dance or the like going on in front and a little something nourishing to drink in back. Our stern and efficient admiral lit into them like a gull into a school of herring. Out by their gills he hauled them, and pretty soon the B. P. began to read less of percentages and more of results. One of the first results was that some trawler skippers lost their jobs, and new skippers took their places. This was at the time that rewards of five pounds or so were offered the skippers bringing a mine into port. That five pounds looked pretty good to one of the new skippers; and when one night at a pub a discharged skipper confided to him where there was a nest of German mines, out he goes into the gray dawn to be there first. He's there first, and sure enough it's a grand little spot for mines. He hooks into one, lashes it under his quarter and goes scooting back to harbor, which happens to be the naval base. Proudly and noisily he steamed along, shouting to everybody he met of his good luck, and asking the course to the admiral's ship. Everybody he met gave him the course and also the full width of the channel as he passed. He ran alongside the flag-ship, hailing loudly for the admiral as he steamed up. The admiral was not on board, but his aide was, and the aide came on to have a look over the side. He saw the mine bouncing up and down between the mine-sweeper's quarter and his own ship's side. Shove off--"get away from us!" yelled the aide. "Suppose you press one of those little feelers and blow us all to pieces--get away, I tell you!" The mine-sweeper skipper looked up--"Feelers, sir?"--and then looked down at the mine. "Feelers, sir? Oh-h, you mean them little 'orns stickin' out on 'er? Bly-mee, sir, I thought I'd knocked 'em all hoff afore I lashed her alongside. But 'ave no fear, sir, there's only two of 'em left, and I'll bloomin' well soon"--he reaches for an oar and went bouncing aft--"bloomin' well soon knock them hoff, too, sir!" THE UNQUENCHABLE DESTROYER BOYS One day last summer a group of our destroyers were sent across the Atlantic. It was a night-and-day strain for all hands--watching out for raiders, watching out for U-boats, watching out for everything, and grabbing snatches of sleep when they could. Arriving at their naval base, every skipper of the little fleet felt pretty well used up. But every worth-while skipper thinks first of his men. One we have in mind passed the word to his crew that whoever cared to take a run ashore to stretch his legs and forget sea things for a while, why--to go to it. And stay till morning quarters if they wished. As fast as they could clean up and shift into shore clothes they were going over the side. Our young captain felt then that perhaps there was a little something coming to himself; so he turned in, and he was logging great things in the sleeping line when the anchor watch, who was also a signal quartermaster, woke him up with: "Signal from the admiralty, sir." "Read it." The S. Q. M. read it--an order to proceed at once to an oil dock and take oil. It was nine o'clock at night when our skipper had come to moorings. It was now one in the morning, and he knew he could have slept for another week; however, orders were to oil up. He turned out and mustered what remained aboard of his crew. There were about a dozen. He sent three to the fire-room, three to the engine-room, one here, another there, himself took the wheel, and with his signal quartermaster acting as a sort of officer of the deck, set out to find the oil dock. He had never seen that harbor before that night, but he sheered close in to every ship's anchor light he saw and hailed for the course to the oil dock. Most of them did not know, but one now and then passed him a word or two, and so he bumped along and by and by made the oil dock. Officers who have business with it will tell you that the naval organization of the British is pretty complete. Our young skipper found everything ready for him now. Men ashore made fast his lines, connected up his pipes, filled his tanks--all in good order. Sister destroyers were oiling up with him, and with tanks filled they all bumped their way back to moorings, again without sinking anything along the way. It was then daylight, and right after breakfast they all had to report to the admiralty, so no use trying to sleep any more. Arrived at the admiralty, the officer in command complimented them on their safe run across, and then went on to say that of course they had had a trying passage, and naturally their ships, especially engines and boilers, would have to be overhauled--all very natural and proper--and of course the needful time for overhauling, and for officers and crew--two, three, four days, whatever it was--would be granted; but (they knew the need) the question was: How long before they would be ready to go to sea? The young destroyer commanders had discussed that and other possibilities in the reception-room outside, so when the senior of the group looked from one to the other of his colleagues they had only to nod, for him to turn to the admiral and say: "We are ready now, sir." Which remark should become one of the historic remarks of this war. At this time--at the gates to the North Sea, the English Channel, the Irish coast--the U-boats were collecting frightful toll. In the Mediterranean they were running wild. Five ships from one convoy in one day--three of them big P. & O. liners--was one of their records in the Eastern Mediterranean. To the natural question, Why haven't you checked them? almost any young British naval officer felt like saying: "Check 'em? Try it yourself and check 'em! You go out there and keep your ship zigzagging full speed night and day for three years and see how you like it! Go out there in rough weather and fog with not a minute's let-up, and see if you get to where the fall of a bucket of a dark night will make you jump three feet in the air or not! Our ships were not built, and our chaps were not trained, to beat their rotten game." So things were when our fellows took hold, and hearing no word from them for a long time and then but a meagre one, it may be that many a citizen on this side was saying to himself: "Well, they're gone, that little flotilla, swallowed up in the mists of the Atlantic, and that is all we know about them. And now I wonder what they're doing over there? Are they doing great work or are they tied up to a dock at the naval base, and their officers and crews roistering ashore?" I can say from several weeks' observation later that they were not doing too much roistering ashore. Before leaving this side I found no evidence that anybody in Washington wished to suppress the record of what that little fleet was doing. Secretary Daniels and Chairman Creel of the Committee on Public Information believed with me that our little fellows over there were doing things worth recording. This fact is set down here because many people last summer believed there was too much suppression of the news of our fighting forces; and suspicion of suppression breeds distrust. Our fellows perhaps were not doing well. If they were doing well, wouldn't we be told more? But they have ideas of their own on these matters over on the other side, and it is the other side which has most to say of what shall or shall not be given out for publication. In a previous chapter I have reported the answer of the British admiral in charge to my request to be allowed to cruise on an American destroyer. The reply was a flat and immediate: "No." They did not allow British writers on British ships; why should they allow an American writer on an American ship? It had to be explained that despite what they allowed or did not allow, English papers did publish praiseful items about the deeds of the British navy; and even if they did not publish such items, conditions governing publicity in the United States and the British Isles were not equal. The British navy was a tremendous one and it was operating just off their own shores; officers and men were regularly going ashore by the thousands and to their friends and families, if to nobody else, they talked of what was going on; and it does not take long for thousands of bluejackets to spread the gossip in a country where no spot in it is more than forty miles from tide-water, whereas our nearest Atlantic ports were three thousand miles from our base of operations in Europe, and it was another three thousand miles to our west coast. It also had to be pumped into the admiralty over there that possibly the American and British publics did not hold to quite the same ideas about their respective navies. It was possible that the 110,000,000 people of the United States looked on our navy as not altogether the property of the officers and men in it; possibly our 110,000,000 people over here looked on the navy as their navy, that they had a right to know something of what it was doing; and so (this item had to be pointed out to one of our own topside officers, too) as that same public were paying the bills of the navy, no harm perhaps to let them in on a few things or, this being the twentieth century, they might take it into their heads some day to have no navy at all. It took the foregoing talk and something more before I could get the permission of the British Admiralty to cruise on one of our own destroyers over there. This isn't so much a criticism of the British Admiralty as to show that their point of view differs from ours; and to show that it was not Washington which was holding up news of our navy over there. As to what they have been doing! They have been doing great work. I cruised over there on one of our destroyers. She was five years old, yet one day during an 85-mile run to answer an S O S call she exceeded her builder's trial by half a knot. Incidentally, she saved a merchantman which had been shelled for four hours by a U-boat and her $3,000,000 cargo; also she ran the U-boat under--one of the new big U-boats with two 5.9 deck guns. On the same day two other destroyers of our group took from a sinking liner 503 passengers without the loss of a life. One of these destroyers lashed herself to the sinking ship the more quickly to get them off; and as the liner went down our little ship had to use her emergency steam to get away in time. A fourth destroyer of ours got the U-boat which sank the liner. That was the record of one little group of destroyers in one day; and it is detailed here because the writer happened to be present when these things happened. When our fellows first went over they had to learn a few things from the British. We had first to get rid of some childish ideas about depth charges. We brought over a toy size of 50 to 60 pounds. They showed us a man's size one--300 pounds of T N T, a contraption looking so much like a galvanized iron ash-barrel with flattened sides that they call them "ash-cans." These ash-cans do not have actually to hit the U-boat; to explode one anywhere near is enough. When our fellows let go one of them, the ship has to be going 25 knots to be safe. One of our destroyers was making 11 knots one night--the best she could do under the weather conditions--and an ash-can was washed overboard by a heavy sea. Our destroyer's stern came so near to being blown off that her crew thought sure she was gone; she had to feel the rest of the way most carefully to port. This U-boat hunting has been found so wearing on men's nerves that the British Admiralty has a law that our destroyers must remain in port after every cruise for periods that average about two-thirds of their time at sea. Once our destroyers are back to port and tied up to moorings, a U-boat might come up and sink a ship at the harbor entrance and our fellows not allowed to up-steam and at 'em. It was only after a hard experience against U-boats that they evolved this law to save men from breaking down. It is a dangerous, hard service on one of the roughest coasts in the world--a coast where for seven months or so in the year wind and sea and strong cross tides seem to be their daily diet; a service where for days on a stretch it is nothing at all for destroyer crews not to be able to take a meal sitting down, not even in chairs lashed to stanchions and one arm free hooked around a stanchion; a service where officers live jammed up in the eyes of the ship and never think at sea of taking off their clothes, and where they sleep (when they do sleep) mostly by snatches on chart-house or ward-room transoms. And for watches: eight hours in every twenty-four, night and day watching of their convoy, of their colleagues, of periscopes. (The prospect of collision with their close-packed convoy and themselves is a bad chance in itself.) On a destroyer convoying ships the officer of the deck has to stand with one eye to the compass ordering, say, two hundred changes of course in every hour. And one watch-officer of every destroyer has the extra job of acting as chief engineer of the ship; and when a watch-officer had to go aboard a torpedoed ship, or to go in the crow's nest in a critical time, to spend hours, it may be, the time so spent is in addition to his regular eight hours. If he is the executive officer he must also act as navigator; and as it is important to know just where the ship is any moment of the day or night, the navigator does not figure on sleep in any long stretches. About twenty waking hours out of twenty-four is his portion. As for the skipper: Every single waking hour of his is a heavy strain. I went to sea with the commander of the alert, intense type. Most of them are of that type, but this one particularly so, with eyes, ears, nerves, and brain working always at full power. Three hours in twenty-four was a pretty good lay-off for him. Lively? Our destroyers are about 11-1/2 times as long as they are wide; which does not mean that they cannot keep the sea. They can keep the sea. Put one of them stern-on to a 90-mile breeze and all the sea to go with it, give her 5 or 6 knots an hour head of steam, and she will stay there till the ocean is blown dry. But they are engined out of all proportion to their tonnage, with their great weight of machinery deep down; which means that they roll. Oh, but they do roll! Whoopo--down and back like that! Most any of them will make a complete roll inside of six seconds. Ours was a 5-1/4-second one. When she got to rolling right, she would snap a careless sailor overboard as quickly as you could snap a bug off the end of a whalebone cane. There is one over there which rolled 73 degrees--and came back. Take one of them when she is hiking along at 20 knots, rolling from 45 to 50 degrees, and just about filling the whale-boat swinging to the skid deck davits as she rolls! See one dive and take a sea over her fo'c's'le head and smash in her chart-house bulkhead maybe! Their outer skin is only 3/16 of an inch thick. See that thin skin give to the sea like a lace fan to a breeze! Watch the deck crawl till sometimes the deck-plates buckle up into V-shaped ridges! See them with the seas sloshing up their low freeboard and over their narrow decks, so that men have to make use of a sort of trolley line to get about. A man is aft and has to go forward, say. He hooks onto a rope loop, the same hanging from a fore-and-aft taut steel line about seven feet above deck, and when her stern rises he lifts his feet and shoots and fetches up Bam!--up against the fo'c's'le break. He is forward and wants to go aft--he hooks onto the loop, waits for her bow to rise, lets himself go and there he is--back to her skid deck. That sounds like rough work. Sometimes it gets rougher than that, and then you hear of the wireless operator who was held in his radio shack for forty hours. He got pretty hungry, but he preferred the hunger to coming out and being washed overboard. But let a machinist's mate tell you in his own way of the night he was standing a fire-room watch--this with all due respect to the chart-house bulkhead, the trolley line, the buckling decks, and the radio operator who was confined--this night he was on watch in the fire-room. Was it rough? He thought so. When he looked down at his feet, there were the fire-room deck-plates folding in and out like a concertina. Destroyer crews do not loaf overmuch around deck. They can't. They live below decks mostly, strapped in when it is rough to a stretch of canvas laced to four pieces of iron pipe, set on an angle down against the ship's sides, and called a bunk. Even strapped in so they are sometimes, when she has a good streak on, hove out into the passageways. It was a young doctor of the flotilla who said that, except for their broken arms and legs, his ship's crew were disgustingly healthy. Our officers over there volunteer for this service, and for every one who went, there were a dozen who wanted to go. And there is a lot of difference between men who go to a duty because they are ordered to go, and men who go because they want to go. These officers and men--there is no beating them, except by blowing them off the face of the waters. And even then they are not always beaten. One of our destroyers was cut down one night by collision. (With so many ships being crowded into a small steaming area, collisions are sure to happen.) All hands had to take to the rafts in a hurry. It was about two in the morning, one of those summer nights in the North when the light comes early. They watched her going under. Her deck settled level with the sea, and as it did so a young irrepressible one sang out: "What do you say, fellows, to having a race around the old girl before she flops under?" Away they started, four or five gangs of them, paddling their life rafts with their hands around the sinking ship at two in the morning. That is youth; and there is no beating youth. We have had stories of our soldiers singing a song that has become very popular since we entered the war. We have been told of them singing it under the most varying conditions: as they camped on the granite blocks of the Hoboken water-front; as they climbed over the gangways of ships bound across; debarking from ships in European ports; singing it from behind the drawn shades of coaches rolling across France. There were even those who sang it while waiting to step into the life-boats on a torpedoed troop-ship; but for light-hearted courage has any one beaten that destroyer lad who was torpedoed one night last winter? When the torpedo struck his ship the two depth charges astern were exploded also. Two 300-pound charges of T N T they were. The little ship seemed to be lifted out of the water. There was just time to throw over a few life rafts and take a high dive after the rafts. There was no time to get an S O S message away before the ship went down; so there they were--a November night in northern waters, more than half their crew known to be dead, their ship sunk, no other ship near and no hope of one coming near. It was about as tough a case as men could be expected to face and hope to live. But there was a boy there--he was jouncing up and down in the water to keep warm, and jouncing up and down he was singing (from out of the dark they heard him), singing cheerfully: "O boy, O boy, where do we go from here!" It is the thing spoken of in the early part of this book. Material is a great thing; but personnel has it beaten a dozen ways. Paul Jones with his capable seagoers in his little sloop-of-war could raise the devil with the enemy. Paul Jones with a line of battleships and forty crews of men without spirit would not have caused them ten minutes' loss of sleep. That singing lad in northern waters was worth a dozen guns. Our destroyers went over there at a time when the U-boats were sinking more tonnage in one month than Great Britain was building in four; and because of U-boat activities the loss of ships in the usual marine ways was far beyond normal. To the weary British our fellows brought a fresh vigor, a new aggressiveness. Only half a dozen were in that first group, but other groups followed, and groups are still following. They have not driven the U-boats from under the seas, but they have made it possible for merchant ships to live in that part of the ocean they are covering. Somebody has broken into print somewhere to say that Germany has trouble getting U-boat crews; that men have to be driven into U-boats to man them. What a queer idea of human courage people who say such things have! There are always volunteers, probably always will be--plenty of volunteers for any dangerous service. If the U-boat crews were the kind that have to be driven to sea, there would be no great harm in them. But they are not that kind. They have courage, and they have skill, and because they have courage and skill they are dangerous. After a year of the U-boat drive England saw a danger of being some day starved out; and with England starved out, our army might as well have stayed on this side last summer; but though the drive is still on, England is not yet starved out, for much of which comfort they can thank the officers and men of our little destroyer flotilla. At a time when England was worn and weary with the U-boat game, our fellows went over to hearten them up; and they are still heartening them up; and, besides heartening them up, they are getting the U-boats regularly. How many they are getting I could not say, even if I knew; but one of our vice-admirals has publicly stated that they once got five in one day. And with malice toward none, let us hope for more days like it. THE MARINES HAVE LANDED---- It was a little girl at home, not old enough to read long words, but able to read a picture, as she put it; and there was a print of a company of marines leaving one of our navy-yards, and she said: "The marine soldiers going away--more trouble somewheres, isn't there, papa?" Which caused her papa to recall that from where he was born and lived the first years of his life he had only to look out of his top window and across the harbor to see a big navy-yard; and while he was still too young to read a paper, he had seen marines boarding ships and marching off to trains; and just as sure as he did the older people would read from that night's or next morning's paper of trouble somewhere abroad. And always they went without any fuss. Most of us would have more to say about going to the office of a snowy morning than do the marines on leaving for some far-away country, from where, as they know by past records of the corps, quite a few of them are never coming back. They were the original efficiency boys. They slung their rifles, hooked on their packs and went; and that ended that part of it. But after they were gone people living near naval quarters waited for the next word; and that next word so often came in the form of one laconic sentence, the same cabled back by the topside naval officer or some American consul, that we used to wonder if they had a rubber stamp for it--that laconic, reassuring sentence! When our country erects a memorial structure to the United States Marine Corps, she should chisel over the main front: _The Marines Have Landed and Have the Situation Well in Hand_ Landed in some tropic port with some hard-pronouncing name, they have, shoving off from the ship's side with their rifles and their packs, to get a toe-hold somewhere against two, five, ten times their number blazing away at them from behind sand-hills, or roof-tops, or a fine growth of jungle, it may be. The others are not always as well equipped as our fellows and they may have no advance supply-base; but they know how to campaign. South of us are multitudes who will take a bag of corn, a water-bottle, and a pair of straw sandals and go shuffling over the hill trails for forty or fifty miles a day. And don't think they won't fight. They will. In countries where boys of twelve and thirteen pack a gun and go off with their fathers in the army, they probably do not worry overmuch about dying early. From their retreats they like to sally forth at intervals and have a wallop at our fellows. There was a corporal in Haiti, on outpost, with half a dozen loyal natives acting as policemen with him. The native guards slept in barracks by themselves; our marine in a little low shack set up on posts a hundred yards away, with a native who acted as cook and general helper. The next outpost was six miles away. A band of outlaws rushed the native police in their barracks at this post one night, and such as they did not shoot up they ran into the brush. Our corporal was awakened from sound slumber by the firing and shouting at the barracks. A few volleys through the sides of his own shack waked him up good. He pulled on his trousers, taking time to fasten them only by one button at his waist. There was no time for socks; he pulled on his shoes, but had no time to lace them. A marine is trained to be neat in his attire, and so our corporal apologetically explained later that he had got no farther than that in his dressing when he heard them trying to burst in his front door. The corporal sent his native cook to the rear door, while he fixed his bayonet to his rifle and stood guard over the front door. They had it all but stove in when he began cutting loose like three men with his rifle through the door. He killed a man there. They then began to smash in the window nearest the door. He pried open the window with his bayonet, and got there before them. There was a big black fellow at the broken window. Our marine shot him dead, which gave him time to turn to the side window, which they had now broken in with the butts of their rifles. He got one there. There was another close up whom he hit but did not kill; and he dropped another one on the edge of the shadows outside. The cook, catching the spirit of the thing, killed one at the rear door on his own account. The bandits had enough, and left. Next evening, when his officer came along with a squad, he found our corporal with his wounded under guard, his four dead ones in a neat row, and himself and his cook frying chicken in the twilight, cheerfully able to report that he had the situation well in hand. They are a sharpshooting rifle outfit. Down in Vera Cruz during the late trouble a platoon of marines were at the foot of a street leading up from the water-front. They had cleaned up things all about them and thought they were in for a rest; and they wanted their rest--a hot tropic day with the heat rolling off the asphalt where they lay. There came a ping! of a rifle bullet among them; and half a minute or so later another ping! They watched, and up the street they saw the head, arm, and shoulder of a man with a rifle come poking around the corner of a building, and ping! another one, and this time one of their men hit. A bad hombre, that one. "Get him!" said their officer, and named two of them to get him. The two men lay down on the asphalt; and when their friend next poked his head and shoulders around the corner, they fired. They saw the adobe plaster spatter from a corner of the building just under the man's chin; but that wasn't getting him. They jacked their sights up 50 yards, making it 800 yards; and when next the native showed around the corner they both got him--one plumb between the eyes. It was good shooting; but there was no special comment after it. The talk would have come if they hadn't got him. But it is not always a matter of fighting or shooting efficiency. There was that bad hombre, Juan Calcano of Santo Domingo--Juan the Terrible, the natives called him. Juan and his gang had a headquarters in the mountains. From there they came riding down into the valleys--shooting, robbing, standing quiet natives on their heads generally. Juan had quite a little territory under tribute. He came down into La Ramona, where was a custom-house and guard. He shot up the guards, took all the gold in the custom-house, and rode away, saying: "Come after me who dares!" The marines did not worry about the daring part; but he was too strongly intrenched for a direct attack. Your professional soldier, above all men, prefers not to throw away good men's lives. They considered matters; and one day they set out, three marine officers and thirty men, for Juan's country. One of those tropical hurricanes came along the same day they started, blew down trees, filled rivers to over their banks, and made them wade waist-deep in the mud of the roads. It was tough going, but it had its good side--there were not many people abroad. They arrived near the village where Juan was known to be. An American marine would not have stood much chance to get back if Juan had known one was around; but one of the officers rigged up as a mule trader and went looking for Juan. He found him, taking it easy until the roads after the storm should become passable, and allow himself and his men to sashay into the valley again. All kinds of people--white, and black, and brown--came Juan's way to do business--to buy mules and horses, for instance. In the course of his travels in the valley Juan had helped himself to some very fine mules and horses. Along comes this man this day--American, English, French, Spanish, who knows? Or cares? He talked money--cash--for a good pair of mules. No old spavined creatures, but young, strong, sound ones. Yes, Juan had just such a pair of mules. Oh, a superb young pair! He would see. Truly yes. Would the stranger señor come into his house so that Juan might speak more confidentially of them? The stranger would. And did. But before Juan could unload all he had to say about his mules the mule buyer drew a large service automatic and slipped Juan out to where thirty-two marines, officers and men, were in hiding. And they put Juan in jail, and all it cost was one mule--not Juan's--drowned while crossing a stream during the hurricane. The marines have a great fighting record; but the marines do more than fight. After all, men cannot be handling rifle and bayonet every waking minute--they would become abnormal creatures if they did, of use only in war time; and it would be a terrible world if war were our end and aim. The marines get aviation, search-light, wireless, telegraphic, heliograph, and other signal drill. They plant mines, put up telegraph and telephone lines in the field, tear down or build up bridges, sling from a ship and set up or land guns as big as 5-inch for their advance base work. It is a belief with marines that the corps can do anything. Right in New York City is a marine printing plant with a battery of linotypes and a row of presses. They set their own type, write their own stuff (even to the poetry), draw their own sketches, do their own photography, their own color work--everything. Every man in that plant is a marine, enlisted or commissioned. Every one has seen service somewhere outside his country. One was in a tropic country one time after an all-night march to a river where the ferry was a water-soaked bamboo raft. They had to wait until some native might happen along with a bull--or it might be a cow--to tow the raft across. After crossing the river twice in that day, the young marine commander halted on the bank and said: "That's sure not crossing in a hurry if we had to. Might's well go to it and build a bridge right now." They cut down trees, got a portable pile-driver from their transport, rigged it up and set to work. They hoisted the hammer--a good heavy one--and let it drop. Bam! she struck, and into the mud for about two feet went the pile. Fine! They hoisted the hammer again--four men hauling on pulley blocks did the hoisting--and let her go again. This time instead of a fine bam! the hammer went a fine splasho! into the river. The great heat and dampness of the place had warped the runways; almost every other time they let that hammer drop, it jumped the runways and into the river. But that was all right. They could fish her out and hoist her up by man power again. It was when they left the solid bank and had to put out into the river that their troubles began. A pile-driver ought to have a pretty solid foundation. Ought to have! They took two dugout canoes, lashed them together, put a bamboo deck across, set their pile-driver on the deck and turned to again. It made a kind of a wabbly base; besides hauling the hammer out every time it jumped into the river, they had to see that it didn't come bouncing down atop of their own heads or through the canoe deck. However, they were getting action. They finished driving the piles and setting up the stringers. For their bridge floor they laid down wood shingles, and over that a mat made out of woven bamboo strips. For a top deck? Well, it was a coral island and the roads of that country were of pounded coral; they put a top dressing of pounded coral across the bridge. And then the young marine commander looked her over and figured on the dimensions of his struts and stringers, and said: "Some class! She'll stand a two-ton load." And then along came a steam-roller from off the transport, and the roller weighed five tons and it was important that it be passed across. "Go ahead," said the marine commander--"only I hope you can swim!" And they all camped on the bank to watch. The steam-roller man was an optimist and a literary person: "You may have builded better than you know, captain!" The bridge settled down another foot, but the roller got across, and back and over many more times; which set the younger marines to standing on the bank and saying: "That's us--bridge builders!" The fight in the shack, the capture of Calcano, the sharpshooting at Vera Cruz, the building of that coral-floored bridge, are not set down here as wonderful stunts. They are set down because the writer happened to bump into them during a casual hour's inspection of their records. Scores of more heroic or ingenious samples could be served up by anybody who cared to dig deep into the records. These are detailed here, because they could be briefly told and at the same time show the marine's characteristic qualities: courage, ingenuity, technic, and industry. Here we might mention that it is not in itself an act of war to land marines on foreign soil. It was sending ashore the bluejackets at Vera Cruz that made it an act of war. To protect American lives and property in Nicaragua a battalion of marines landed there a few years ago. They had some sharp fighting, but it was not an act of war. Do you begin to see him as a diplomatic asset? And perhaps why all this landing action comes his way? Most of us have probably forgotten the details of that Nicaraguan landing; but--unless they have been jacked out lately--a company of those marines are still there, looking out for American interests. Only a company, but still hanging on. Courage, ingenuity, industry--they need them all. Most of us will probably have to stop to remember that the marines who landed in Haiti and Santo Domingo are still there. And running things in their usual efficient fashion. There was the usual fighting to get a toe-hold, the usual fighting to retain place, the usual establishing of outposts, with the usual killed and wounded already probably forgotten by most of us. Perhaps they are too far away to make absorbing newspaper items; perhaps it is the Big War overshadowing all else. In Haiti and Santo Domingo it was the old story of political factions, each faction having its own little gang of fighting men till our fellows came in and ran most of them into the hills. When the marines took charge they found that pretty much everything on the island had gone to wrack. As, for instance, under the old French régime there had been some splendid roads in Haiti, but now they were hardly more than sewers in the towns and a drainage for the hill slopes of the country. The marines repaired the roads; not always using the picks and shovels themselves, but seeing to it that somebody did, paying a living wage for such work to the natives. Sometimes bandits--who are quite often gentle creatures when out of training--captured bandits were allowed to quit jail to do useful work in this line. The marines installed sanitary methods, saw that courts of justice were resumed, marine officers themselves serving as justices until they found natives who could do that service. Likewise they collected and disbursed taxes. Above all, they did away with the old reign of terror, when no man's life was safe if he happened to be on the wrong side. When the bandits were running around unchecked, it was not safe for a whole family to go to market together. Generally the women went to sell their little produce, while the men stayed behind to guard the little property at home. Now--the natives speak of the wonder of it--the roads on market-days are crowded with both men and women. At first they had distrust of the marine; not altogether because he was a foreigner (the tropical people probably are less distrustful of us than we of them)--he was an armed soldier. But they learned to know him, and now the native salutes and smiles without effort at the marine in passing. When one particular marine officer left there to come home recently, crowds of native men, women, and children came down, some to weep, but all to wish him Godspeed in going. The marine is sometimes termed soldier and sailor too, which is not correct. He is not a sailor and does not claim to be. When not in barracks ashore he lives aboard some war-ship afloat; and on shipboard he does certain guard work and handles the secondary batteries. But he does not have to sailorize; the bluejacket takes care of that part, and takes care of it well. The notion that a marine must qualify as a sailor aboard ship has probably cost the corps many a prospective recruit. To call him a seagoing soldier is more nearly correct. When it is not an act of war to land marines on foreign soil, it is good business to keep them where landings can be quickly made with them. So his being kept aboard ship, perhaps. Bluejackets have taken part in landing-parties, too, but it is not to black the bluejacket's eye to say that it is not his regular job. The bluejacket's work is aboard ship--on the bridge, in magazines, in turrets, below decks. Advance shore work is the marine's specialty, and he goes to it pretty much as a man with a dinner-pail goes to work in the subway. He is the first to land, the last to leave, and to name the places where he has seen service--well, one of them wrote a song once. "From the hills of Montezuma to the shores of Tripoli," it began. But he has seen more than Mexico or the Mediterranean since. He could now say: "From the hills of Montezuma to the gates of old Peking He has heard the shrapnel bursting, he has heard the Mauser's ping! He has known Alaskan waters and the coral roads of Guam, He has----" But it's like calling a roll--Egypt, Algeria, Tripoli, Abyssinia, Mexico, China, Japan, Korea, Cuba, Porto Rico, Panama, Nicaragua, Haiti, Santo Domingo, Alaska, the Philippines, Formosa, Sumatra, Hawaii, Samoa, Guam--like calling the roll of tropic countries and a few less warm to say where he has been. He has been most everywhere, done most everything. Did you ever see any mounted marines? There is a guard of mounted marines right now with the legation in Peking; and once a platoon of marines, on duty in Africa, not being able to get big enough horses, rode camels through the wilds of Abyssinia to the palace of old Menelik. In speaking here of the marines, no man or officer has been named. That is done of a purpose. In talking of the corps, from the topsiders down--generals, colonels, majors, captains lieutenants, and enlisted men--one fact stuck out: They all played up the corps. All individuals--officers and men--were made subordinate to the corps. So here, taking the tip, no names are named. A soldier speaks of his regiment, a bluejacket of his ship. The Marine Corps is made up of companies, regiments, battalions, divisions; but it is the corps of which the marine always speaks. If you ask the members of any other outfit to name the model military unit, they may name their own branch of the service first; but if they do, it is almost a sure bet that they will name the United States Marine Corps next. When they do not name themselves first, they name the marines first. And this does not apply to outfits in this country alone. By the look of things now, there probably will be plenty of war before we are done. If any young fellow is wishful to be in the middle of it, we would say: Consider the marines. You may not see them mentioned every morning in the press reports, but be sure of this--they are there and on the job. THE NAVY AS A CAREER A young fellow reading all this stuff about the doings of our destroyers might be inclined to look on the navy as pure adventure, which would not be to get it quite right. The adventure is there, but there is something more. The navy will take a young man, feed and clothe him, give him a good all-round training, and while he is yet in middle age retire him with at least $60 a month for the rest of his life. No matter how low his rating has been, that $60 a month is certain after his thirty years of service; while, if he has shown moderate intelligence and ambition, he can count on close to $100 a month, and this without his having ever been a commissioned officer. The years after his retirement he may spend as he pleases--go into business, get another job, and make another wage on top of his pension. He can go to jail if he prefers: whatever he does, always there is that sheet-anchor of a pension to windward. Apart from the fighting end of it, most of us possibly do not know just what navy life means to-day. We all know that man-of-war's men no longer lie out on rolling yard arms to reef salt-crusted sails in gales of wind; but in what else lies the difference? Some of us, possibly, do not know that. The navy still wants men with the seagoing instinct--men who can sailorize, who can hand, splice, and steer; but more than ever the navy is looking for men who can do other things. The navy wants ship-fitters, blacksmiths, plumbers, electricians, wireless operators, carpenters, boiler-makers, painters, printers, store-keepers, bakers, cooks, stewards, drug clerks; even as it wants gunners, boatmen, quartermasters, sailmakers, firemen, oilers, and it will take clarinet, trombone, and cornet players and the like for the ship's band. If a man has no trade the navy will teach him one. There are navy schools for electricians, shipwrights, ship-fitters, carpenters, painters, coppersmiths, ship's cooks, bakers, stewards, and musicians. There are schools where yeomen (ship's clerks) are taught all about departmental papers; there is a Hospital Corps school; an aeronautic school; a school for deep-sea diving. (There are no schools for blacksmiths or boiler-makers; these must have mastered their trades before enlistment.) When a young fellow enlists he is sent to one of several naval training-stations. Here they are quartered in barracks--well-aired, well-lighted, well-heated buildings. At one place, where the climate is mild, the boys sleep in barracks in bungalows with upper sides of canvas, which are rolled down to let in sun and air in fine weather and laced up against bad weather. At all training-stations there are mess-halls, reading-rooms, libraries; also gymnasiums, athletic fields, and ball parks. At all stations there are setting-up drills, gymnastic, swimming and signal exercises, ship and boat training. The men go on hikes, fight sham battles, dig trenches. Line-officers give them advice which will be of use to them on shipboard later; service doctors and chaplains hand them hygienic and moral truths that will be of use to them anywhere at any time. A recruit goes from the training-school to a cruising ship, where he may find himself--according to his work--doing watch duty four hours on to eight hours off; or working at hours like a man ashore--turning to at eight or nine o'clock and knocking off at four or five or six o'clock in the afternoon. War-ships formerly meant close living quarters; and ships formerly went off on cruises on which the men sometimes did not set foot on shore for six months or a year, and quite often they had to go for months without taste of fresh meat or vegetables. Those days are gone. Ships still make long cruises from home, but they do not keep the sea as they used to. Service regulations require that men now be given a run ashore once in three months; and "beef boats" travel with all fleets. The everlasting holystoning of wooden decks and the dim lanterns hung at intervals from low-hanging beams--they are gone. The only dim lanterns now are the "battle-lanterns" in use at night war practice; and they are swung to steel bulkheads by electric wires. Quarter-decks, forecastle heads, and bridges are still planked on the big ships, and such do still have to be holystoned on special days; but the great stretches between decks are now laid in linoleum on the hard steel itself; electric lights are all over the ship, and, as for the low beams, the new big ships are so high-girdered that hammock-hooks on the berth-deck have to be made extra long so the men won't have to get stepladders to turn in. A battleship nowadays is about 600 feet long, 100 feet wide, has seven or eight decks, with turrets, bridges, military masts, and smoke-pipes topside. Between decks are magazines, storerooms, engine-rooms, boiler-rooms, dynamo-rooms, mess-rooms, ice-rooms, repair-shops, staterooms, office-rooms, sick-bays, galleys, laundries, pantries--but only ship-constructors can tell you offhand how many hundreds of compartments are below decks of a present-day big war-ship. She is a great workshop, an office-structure, a big power-plant, a floating hotel--and a few other things. But above all she is meant to be a home for ten or twelve hundred officers and men. A man may not be given duty on a battleship or battle cruiser; he may be sent to a scout cruiser or a beef boat or a gunboat, which, being smaller, will bounce and roll around more in heavy weather and not offer so much room to move around in; but he will get used to the bouncing around, and always he will find some variety and some comfort in his daily life. That item of comfort might as well be counted in as important. It is something to know that, no matter what else happens, there are hot meals waiting a man three times a day, and a dry change of clothing, and a dry hammock to turn into nights. Even on deck duty in bad weather a man can get into slicker, rubber boots, and rain-hat, and at the worst be almost comfortable. Navy life is not meant to be a perpetual entertainment--not though they do hold regular smokers on the quarter-decks of the big ships. To lie for months off a tropic port waiting for something to happen--that is not exhilarating; and coaling ship, even with the band playing--that is no joy. But the watching of tropic ports passes; and the ship has to steam many a mile before she must be coaled again. So, taking it in the long perspective, it is a moderately varied life, an outdoor life, and under hygienic conditions of the best. Right now, war with us, there is going to be some danger; but we are assuming that any man who thinks of joining the navy is prepared for a little danger. A man may enlist in the navy up to thirty-five years of age, provided he is at least 5 feet 4 inches tall, weighs 128 pounds, has a 33-inch chest, possesses normal vision, a moderate number of sound teeth, is free from disease or deformity, and is an American citizen. Sometimes men shy on some measurement are passed if above average otherwise. A boy seventeen (the youngest enlistment age) must be 5 feet 2 inches and weigh 110 pounds. When a boy or a man enlists he goes at once on the payroll. With his pay goes a clothing allowance sufficient to cover all service demands; with his pay also goes nourishing and abundant food. Enlistments are of four years for men. A boy's enlistment runs to his majority. A man may work up to be a C. P. O. (chief petty officer) in his first enlistment. The navy is full of men who have done that. During this war many a recruit should make his C. P. O. quickly, for there is nothing in the Regulations to prevent a recruit from making his C. P. O. overnight. The habit of most officers is to rate up good men in their divisions as fast as vacancies will permit. A C. P. O.'s base pay may run up to $77 a month. With re-enlistment that base pay is increased. A man re-enlisting without delay gets a bounty of four months' pay. (Figure that extra re-enlistment money--four months' pay every four years, the same with interest at the navy savings-account rate of 4 per cent--and see what it amounts to after thirty years' service.) That extra re-enlistment money is not figured into the pension probabilities, as stated in the beginning of this article. Consider that and then consider how many men have to work until they are too old to work any further and who, after all their years of labor, go on the scrap-heap without a dollar against the poverty of their old age. Besides the base pay of a man's rating there is extra money for men doing special work. (Neither has this been reckoned in the pension possibilities.) Certain gun-pointers, gun-captains, coxswains, stewards, and cooks get extra money up to $10 a month. Men in submarines get $1 extra for every day their boat submerges up to $15 a month. Men acting as mail-clerks draw up to $30 a month extra; ship's tailors up to $20 a month extra. Men in the Flying Corps get 50 per cent more than the base pay their rating calls for. Every man in the service draws a small extra sum for good conduct. A chief petty officer is not the highest rating of the enlisted service. There is a most efficient body of men called warrant-officers, who wear a sword, are called "Mr.," and draw up to $2,400 a year. There are warrant boatswains, gunners, machinists, carpenters, pharmacists, and pay-clerks. But they must remain in service, even as most commissioned officers, till they are sixty-four, before they draw their pension of three-quarters pay. Also, like commissioned officers, they get no clothing allowance and have to pay for their food. The matter of becoming a commissioned officer may interest the recruit. One hundred appointments may be made to Annapolis every year from among the younger enlisted men of the navy. Young fellows who wish to try for this are given special opportunities for study. The proviso that an applicant must be under twenty years of age and have been at least one year in service to make Annapolis is going to bar the way to some. For such there is another way--warrant. A warrant boatswain, gunner, or machinist of four years' standing and still under thirty-five years of age may take an examination for ensign. Twelve warrant-officers may be made ensigns annually. If they pass, they thereafter go on up exactly as any Annapolis graduate. A warrant pay-clerk may go up to be junior paymaster, where he will rank with an ensign. The foregoing is for the business or ambitious side. Somebody may ask: Will the young fellow who looks on the navy as a business proposition make a good fighting man? Well, in the judgment of men who study the game, almost any young fellow you meet along the street has it in him to make a good fighting man. The fighting habit is more a habit of mind than of body. Habituating the mind to the fighting game is what makes our sailors, soldiers, and marines do the right thing almost automatically in crises; and this almost automatically correct action makes for the greater safety of shipmates or comrades in time of peril. In this book only the work of our destroyers in this war has been spoken of. That is because only our destroyers have come in contact with enemy ships; but all along the line the personnel is of equal caliber. Our navy is crowded with men who will face any danger. Some years ago one of our battleships was on the battle-range, with bags of powder stowed in her turrets to save time in loading and firing the guns. A spark got to the bags of powder. There was an explosion and a fire. Directly underneath was the handling-room. Burning pieces of cloth fell from the turret down into the handling-room. The crew of that handling-room could have jumped into the passageway, made their way up a ladder, and so on to the free and safe air of the open deck. What they did was to stand by to stamp out what fire they could. Leading from the handling-room were the magazines. The doors of the magazines were open. Men jumped into the magazines and buttoned the keys of the bulkhead doors so that there would be no crevice for sparks. In doing that they locked themselves in; and once in they had to stay in. Above them, they knew, was a turret full of men and officers dead and dying; they knew that fire was raging around them, too, and that the next thing would be for the people outside to flood the magazines. The magazines were flooded; when things were under control and the doors opened, the water in the magazines was up to the men's necks. While that was going on below decks, in the turret were other men and officers, including the chaplain, not knowing what was going on below, and expecting every moment to be blown up into the sky; but there they were, easing the last moments of the men who were not already dead. Thirty all told were killed in the turret. All concerned behaved well, but no better than they were expected to behave. A few years ago there was a destroyer off Hatteras. It was before daybreak of a winter's morning in heavy weather. A boiler explosion blew out her side from well below the water-line clear up through to her main deck. Men were killed by the explosion; others were badly scalded. A steam burn is an agonizing thing, yet some of these scalded men went back into that hell of a boiler-room and hauled out shipmates who, to their notion, were more badly burned than themselves. One such rescuer died of his burns. The hole in the deck and top side of that destroyer was twelve feet across, yet her commander and crew got her to Norfolk under her own steam. Commander and crew behaved well, but no better than they were expected to behave. There is a chief boatswain in the navy who had the duty of taking a ship's steamer with a crew to look after the ship's target at battle practice. A target is a frame of canvas set up on a raft of logs. The duty of the steamer was to stand off to one side and make a record of the hits. This boatswain likes to joke, to try out new men. On the run from the ship he called the roll and said: "Now, boys, in this work one of you will have to stay on the raft to count the hits. Of course it is dangerous work. I won't say that it isn't. The man going may not come back. The chances are"--he eyed them one after another--"that whoever goes will never come off the raft alive. Now, I can name the one who will have to do that work. But I don't want to have to name him. I'll let you draw lots." He took a sheet of paper and cut it into strips. His crew--all apprentice boys, all fresh from the training-school--drew the slips. The lad who drew the short slip was no better or braver to look at than most of the others. He looked at his slip of paper and then in a sort of wonder at the sea and sky. He came back to his short slip. His lips trembled. He prayed to himself. Then he went down into his blouse pocket and fished out a stub of a pencil. He was whiter than ever, and shaking. "Can I have a sheet of paper, sir?" "What do you want a sheet of paper for?" "I'd like, sir, to write a note to my mother before I go." To pick out a few isolated instances from service records and shout: "There is the proof of general efficiency, of courage, of--" whatnot--that would be idle. These were not taken from the service records. Officers and men in the turret explosion, in the destroyer accident, in the raft incident, are mentioned here because the writer, at different times, has cruised with them. They all behaved well; but no better than they were expected to. When I asked the boatswain in the raft case if he expected the boy to quit, he said: "Quit! They never quit." This talk of heroism and pensions in the same breath may not seem to jibe; somebody is going to wonder if the man who thinks of the money side of the navy in the beginning isn't going to think too much of it in the end. But there is a point of view which should be reckoned with, and a type of man, of a good fighting man, who should be listened to in this matter. Why should not a man who risks his life in his daily calling have the normal comforts and his family the ordinary necessities of life? I know a fireman, an efficient, brave man--a man with a record. One night--we were in a drug store in a crowded city--he was answering the argument of a man working in a big factory. Said the fireman: "You're making your five or six--yes, and eight--dollars a day, in lively times like now. All right. But the lively times will pass, and there'll come weeks when you won't make any four or five or six dollars a day, and there'll come weeks when you'll be on half-time. Average it up and you won't get any more than I will in the long run. And when I'm through, when I'm fifty-five, I get a pension, and with a few good years left to me. And where are you then? Out on the street or some home for the aged--if they will take you. "Save money as I go along? I don't figure on it--not with a family and trying to give them the kind of food they need and the little things that live boys and girls--especially girls--care as much for as the grub they eat and the clothes they wear. But if I do spend all my pay, my family are getting the good of it, I don't go into the discard at the end. And when I'm up on a shaky roof in a bad fire, maybe I'll be more ready to take a chance, knowing that if I go through and cripple myself, there's something coming to the wife and family after it." The fireman's argument holds for the navy, except that in the navy they get through younger and with a bigger pension. Is there any romance in the navy nowadays? Who can answer for all? Probably as much now as ever there was. Why should substituting smoke-pipes for spars, and propellers for sails, kill the thing that thrills us? I've seen men washing down decks of a tropic morning, and, ninety miles inland, old Orizaba showing his white head above the clouds; and some of those men thought it was slow work and others thought it was great. On a scout cruiser to African ports, or a thousand miles up a Chinese river on a gunboat, among the South Sea Islands on a light cruiser, some men return with dumb lips and others can keep you awake till morning with the tales of what they've seen. A nineteen-year-old big-gun pointer sits atop of his bicycle saddle, and the enemy fleet is swinging into range. Will it be like shooting clay pipes in a gallery or will a warmer wave go rolling through his veins as he presses the button? Romance! Is it something always dead and gone, or something a man carries around with him? Whatever it is, the navy is there to try it out, and no danger of starving while we try it. THE SEA BABIES Submarines have been cutting a large figure in this war. There is probably a general curiosity to know how they are operated. I know I was curious to know, and, _Collier's_ having secured me permission from the Electric Boat Company, I went over to Cape Cod to take in a trial trip or two of some boats they were building for the British Government. There was one all ready for sea. Long and narrow, and modelled like a stretched-out egg she was, with one end of the egg running to a point by way of a stern, and the other flattened to an up-and-down wedge-like bow. A heavy black line marked her run. Below her run she was tinted to the pale green of inshore waters, and to a grayish blue above. Everything above her deck, which was only a raised fore-and-aft platform for the crew to walk on, with countless little round scupper-holes in its sides--above the deck her conning-tower, and above that again her periscope casing--all were blue-gray. The feeling of the morning was of heavy wind and rain or snow to come; and a hard, cold breath of the sea and a taste of the rain were already on us as we crossed the plank from the mother ship to the deck of the "sub" and, one after the other, fitted ourselves into the main hatchway and wiggled down into her. Our submarine, from the inside, was an amazing collection of engines, tanks, gauges, tubes, pipes, valves, wheels, torpedoes, tube heads, electric registers, electric lights, and whatnot. A flat steel floor ran from the forward end to the engine-room aft. Between the floor and the arched deck overhead were three heavy steel bulkheads with heavy steel doors. A narrow iron skeleton ladder led up to her conning-tower; small steel rungs bolted to the casing showed the way to a square after-deck hatch. When all the others of us were below, the captain came squeezing down from the conning-tower hatch and took his position at the periscope. To the captain's left stood a man whose job it was to hold the sub to the depth of water desired. This was the diving-rudder man, a most expert one, we were told, who had been known to hold a submerged sub at full speed to within six inches of one depth for two miles at a stretch. A thin brass scale and a curved tube of colored water with an air bubble in it helped out the diving-rudder man's calculations. The least deviation of the sub's course from the horizontal and these two instruments, lit up by electric lamps, showed it at once. There was a big dial, with a long green hand, which also marked the depth of the sub; but that was an insensitive and rather slow-acting gauge--all right for the crew to look at from half the length of the sub, but not fine or quick enough for the diving-rudder man. He was the busy man while we were under water. The others could now and again grab a moment of relaxation from their tenseness, but while the sub was moving the diving-rudder man never took his eyes off the little brass scale with the electric light playing on it. Stop and consider that our sub had only to get a downward inclination of ever so little while running hooked-up under water, and in no time she would be below her lowest safety depth of 200 feet, where the pressure is 7 tons to every square foot of her hull. And should she collapse there would be no preliminary small leak by way of warning. She would go as an egg-shell goes when you crush it in your palm. Plack!--like that--and it would be all over. Above this same middle compartment, the smallest and most crowded of all, up through the grilled spaces of a steel grating, we could see the wide feet and boot-legs of the man who held the ship to her compass course; and for a wheel, we knew, he was holding a little metal lever about as long and thick as his middle finger, with a little black ball about as big as the ball of his thumb on the end of it. To the right of the foot of the conning-tower ladder stood the ballast-tank man; and when the captain from the foot of his periscope gave the word--after first looking forward, aft, and to each side of him to see that all hands were at their proper stations--it was the ballast-tank man who went violently at once into action. He grabbed a big valve and gave it a twist; grabbed another and gave it a twist; and another, and one more; and, standing near by, we could hear--or thought we could--the in-rush of great waters. [Illustration: In the engine-room of a submarine. The Diesel engines, driven by crude petroleum, propel the ship on the surface. Electric motors supply the power when running submerged.] A man got to wondering then what would happen if this chap got his valves mixed. But a look around showed every lever and every valve, everything marked with its own name and number. Nothing was left unmarked--in deep-cut black lettering on brass plates generally, but here and there colored-light signs, too. After another look at the multiplicity of them, almost any man would agree that it is a good scheme. But to get back: the tank man has done his part and our sub is sinking. There is no unusual feeling to inform a man she is sinking. Only for the starting of the engines, the diving-rudder man getting busy, and the wide-faced gauge's long green finger beginning to walk around, a man who didn't know could easily believe that the sub was still tied up alongside her supply-ship. But the long green finger is walking, and marking 5 feet, 10 feet, 11, 12, as it walks. At 16 feet the finger oscillates and stops, and to that depth our diving-rudder man holds her while she speeds on for a mile or so. That first little dash is by way of warming her up. The officer for whose government this submarine was built is aboard. He now asks for a torpedo demonstration. So two 1,500-pound dummy torpedoes are got ready, the breeches to two of the four forward tubes opened, the torpedoes slipped in, the breeches closed. The bow caps are then opened. The captain, during all this time, has never left the periscope, which--to have it explained and over with--is no more than a long telescope set on end, with a reflecting mirror top and bottom. From the lower end of the periscope project two brass arms, by means of which the skipper now swings the periscope all the way around. In this way he is able to look at any quarter of the sea he pleases. Running at the depth we were then, the periscope showing about six feet out of water, the captain at the periscope was, of course, the only man who could see anything outside of her. The captain gave the needful preliminary orders; and at the proper time, sighting through the periscope as he did so, he pressed the button of a little arrangement which he held, half concealed, in the palm of his hand. There was a soft explosion, a sort of woof!--and a torpedo was on the way to a hypothetical enemy, with only the captain able to see that it reached its mark. As the torpedo left the sub the rudder man gave her a "down" rudder, which was to offset the tendency of the sub to shoot her nose to the surface; when the torpedo had gone the tank man turned on the air-pressure, which blew out what water had entered the torpedo chamber. By and by the other torpedo was fired. One reason for this trial run was to prove that she could run so many miles an hour under water by the power of her storage-batteries alone. And soon she went at that. And no mild racket inside her then; for a sub's engine power and space are out of all proportion to her tonnage. Not to decrease the noise, the man to whom the trial meant most was standing by with a stop-watch, and every half-minute or so he would yell at the top of his lungs, "Go!" or "Hold!" to the engineer, who was imprisoned in a narrow alleyway with engines to right and to left and below him. The engineer would look at a register and yell back at the manager, who would then set some figures in a book and rush over to the man who was reckoning up the decreasing or increasing amperes or kilowatts or whatever they were of her storage-batteries, and set down more figures; and if the boss had to yell his head off to make himself heard, be sure that the others had to yell even louder. Only on trial trips, probably, where tests have to be proved, does all this yelling happen; but the total effect was to make a shore-goer feel, not as if he were in a ship under water, but rather in a subway section under construction, or some overdriven corner of some sort of night-working machine-shop, or some other homelike place ashore. The bright electric lights helped out the machine-shop illusion. For a time during the run the diving-rudder man had his troubles keeping her on a level, whereupon the skipper--an easy-going man ordinarily--jerked his head away from his periscope and had a peek for the reason. Through the forward bulkhead door he spied the torpedo man, who, feeling pleased, perhaps, at the successful execution of his part of the programme, was fox-trotting fore and aft for himself in his section of the ship. "Would you mind picking out one spot and staying on it?" asked the skipper, at which the torpedo man took his camp-stool, picked out his one spot, and planted himself on it, and piously read the stock-market quotations of a week-old newspaper for the rest of the run. While this hour run--full speed, submerged--was in progress, a tickling in our throats set most of us to coughing. A naval constructor of note, who was also a shark on chemistry, explained how this coughing was not caused by the chill in the air, but by the particles of sulphuric acid thrown off by the action of the storage-batteries. These little particles, it seems, went travelling about in the air seeking a home--some place, any place where they could tuck in out of the way; but all the air homes being already occupied by other tenants--the usual ingredients or components of the air--they could find no place to butt in; and so they went around and about till innocent people like ourselves made a home for them by breathing them in out of the way. After which explanation--yelled above all the other noises--these sulphuric hoboes caused less suspicion and discomfort. It was good to hear that what we were swallowing was not the chlorine of a hundred stories of fiction. The sub had now to prove her diving qualities. So tanks were blown out and up she went to the surface again; and there, while she was resting like a bird on the water, ballast-tanks were suddenly filled and down she went. Down, down, down she went--the long green finger on the broad-faced gauge walking around at a fine clip. Dropping so--on an even keel, by the way--she gave out no sense of action such as a man gets on an aeroplane. Flying around in the air, you see what's doing every second. If anything happens, you know you will see it coming, and--perhaps--going: your eyes, ears, brains, and nerves prove things to you. But action in a submarine lies largely in a man's imagination, unless he be the periscope man; and even there, when she is completely submerged, he sees no more than the others. However, a man did not need to have too much imagination to think of a few things as he looked at the long green finger walking around: 30 feet, 40 feet, 50 feet--This particular observer had no idea she could drop so fast; and as she dropped, he could not help wondering how deep the ocean was around there--this in case anything happened. Sixty feet, 70 feet--she was gathering great speed by then, but at 82 feet she stopped--a pleasant thing to see. And then, maybe to show it was no accident, she did it all over again. Did we feel any difficulty in breathing during all this? We did not, nor during the three to four hours we were under that morning. And let a man listen to these submarine enthusiasts telling how they can live three or four weeks on their compressed air, if they have to, without coming to the surface! Only give them food enough, of course. And coffee--they have an electric range to make the coffee. As it happened, they made coffee for us--not that day, but next morning going home. It was good coffee. The 82-foot-drop stunts were done with each of the crew at his station, ready at any instant to check her. To meet the further requirements our sub had to rise to the top, fill her tanks, let herself go, and then, by an automatic safety device, fetch up all by herself. So the tank man applied the air-pressure, blew his tanks free of all water, closed his outer valves and brought her up. She was now stretched out on the surface--not quite motionless, for the first of the breeze predicted the night before was on and we could feel that she was rolling a little. A peek through the periscope while she was up disclosed further evidence of the breeze--tossing white crests, two coasters hustling for harbor under short sail, an inbound fisherman with reefed mainsail making great leaps for home. Looking through the periscope so, it was easy enough to understand the feeling of power which might well come to the master of a submarine in war time. The sub can be lying there--in dark or bright water will make no difference; on such a day no eye is going to discern the white bone of the moving periscope; and he can be standing there, with a quick peek now and then to see what is going on above him; and by and by she can come swinging along majestically in her arrogance and power--the greatest battleship afloat, with guns to level a great city, or the biggest and speediest ship ever built--and he can be there and when he gets good and ready--Woof! she's gone. War-ship or liner, she's gone and all aboard gone with her; and the submarine skipper can go along about his business of getting the next one. However, the automatic device was set for action at the required depth and the word given. In this same middle compartment--the operating compartment of the ship--was a man with the spiritual face of one who keeps lonely, intense vigils. He sat on a camp-stool, and his business seemed to be not ever to let his rapt gaze wander from several rows of gauges which were screwed to the bulkhead before him. Since I first stepped down into the sub I had spotted him, and had been wondering if his ascetic look was born with him or was a development of his job--whatever his job might be. Now I learned what his job was. He was the man who stood by the automatic safety devices. If anything happened to the regular gadgets and it was life or death to get her at once to the surface, he was the man who pressed a button, or moved a switch, or in some highly mechanical way applied the mysterious power which would get her safe to the surface. The skipper gave the word, the main ballast lad opened his outer valves, and down she started. We knew this, as always, by the moving green finger on the wide-faced gauge. Downward she kept on going, and to a man not too long shipmates with the creature she certainly did seem to be going down in a hurry. She was nearing the appointed depth; she made the appointed depth, and--went on by. "What's this!" said one observer to himself, and directed an interested eye toward the saint-like lad on the camp-stool. But it was only for a few feet. The indicator slacked up, fluttered, stopped dead. And then--without the husky tank boy to lift a finger--we heard the rumph-h and rumbling of the valve-seats as the sea-water was driven out of her ballast-tanks; and then up she started. Soon there she was--did it all by herself--atop of the water. And the face of the young fellow of the automatic devices was like the face of the devout missionary who has just put something over on the heathen. Later, when you express the feeling of almost holy comfort which these little automatic safety devices give you, the manager--the same with the stop-watch and the note-book--says, "Puh! Look here," and sits down and details--drawing good working plans of them on a pad while he talks--three different ways by which a submarine crew can beat the game should any evil happen to the ordinary and regular means of getting to the surface. She has a turn at porpoising then; that is from a moderate depth the diving-rudder man shoots her near enough to the surface for the captain to have a look through the periscope--a long-enough look to plot the enemy on a chart, but not long enough to give that enemy much of a chance to pick him up; and then under again. And then up for another peek; and quickly under again, the captain at the periscope taking each time a fresh bearing of the enemy, who is supposed to be at some distance and steaming at good speed. After two or three such quick sights, changing course after each sight, it will be time to discharge a torpedo or two at her. And--the layman may note it--with expert men at the periscope and diving-rudder, a porpoising sub can sight, discharge her torpedo, and dive--all within five seconds. Steaming back to harbor after our trial run that day, we caught the first rip of the gale which the gummed-over moon and the low barometer had forecast the night before. It was too rough to tie her up to the supply-ship, so the sub was anchored--they carry anchors too--a short distance away, with three men left on her for an anchor watch, the idea being to take them off later for a hot meal. But after the rest of us were safe and warm and well fed aboard the mother ship, the increasing winds came bowling over the increasing seas, and the crew of the sub had to wait. At intervals we could hear them emitting beseeching, doleful, disgusted moans and shrieks and howls from her air-whistle. But it was too rough for any little choo-choo boat to be battling around. It was 9.30 that night before they could safely be taken off. They were a moderately good-natured lot; but that was the blear-eyed trouble with making sub trial trips with bad weather coming on--a man never knew about his regular meals. The supply-ship was quite a little institution herself. Approaching her from shore the night before, her lights beneath the dull moon and thin, drifting clouds had loomed up like a dancing-hall across the lonesome harbor waters. When we got aboard, we found her the relic of what had once been a fine block of a three-masted coaster; but moored forward and aft she was now, as if for all time, and no longer showing stout spars and weather-beaten canvas--nothing but two floors of white-painted boarding above her old bulwarks. She was a boarding-place, a sort of club, for the crew and attendants, as well as a supply station for the submarines which in these New England waters were being tried out for one of the warring Powers. Voices and cigar-smoke as we stepped aboard, and more or less quiet breathing, with partly closed and open living and sleeping rooms, denoted that men were discussing, arguing, sleeping, and otherwise passing a normal evening. Looking farther, we saw that down in the insides of her--where formerly she stowed noble freights of coal or lumber or, sometimes, hay and ice--were now a boiler and engine room, and a good, big repair-shop. This night, while the gale came howling and the sea rolling and the solid rain sweeping against the sober old sides of our supply-ship--on this night, the finest kind to be sitting in a warm cabin, we sat and, while the smoke rolled high, aired our views of the real things in the world; and the most real thing in the world just then being a submarine, we got this: "Danger? Of course, there's some danger. So is there danger in bank-fishing, in log-jamming down in Maine, in mining deep down, and in aeroplaning. "You want to get a sub right. A sub is a ship modelled different from most ships, of course, and built stronger to stand pressure, but only a ship, after all, with special tanks in her. She's on top of the water and wants to go down. Good. She fills her tanks and down she goes. She's down and wants to come up. All right. She empties her tanks and up she comes. She's got to. She couldn't stay down with her tanks empty if she wanted to--not unless she blew a hole in her side, or left her hatches open. "Of course if her tanks don't work right! But we showed you three different ways to-day how she can beat that game. And anyway, no matter what happens, unless you're cruising deep, it's only a few feet to the top. Not like a crazy aeroplane a thousand feet up in the air! Something happens in an aeroplane, and where are you? With a busted stay or bamboo strut and you a mile in the air, where are you? Volplane? Maybe. But if you didn't--down you'd come atumbling like a hoop out of the clouds. That's 90 per cent--yes, maybe 99 per cent--of the submarine game: See that everything is right mechanically with your sub, then get a competent crew and--well, you're ready." That is for the submariner's point of view. As for the danger from a shore-goer's point of view: Ashore we make the mistake, perhaps, of thinking of a submarine as a heavy, logy body fighting always for her life beneath an unfriendly ocean; whereas she is a light-moving easily controlled creature cruising in a rather friendly element. The ocean is always trying to lift her atop and not hold her under water. A submarine could be sent under with a positive buoyancy so small--that is, with so little more than enough in her tanks to sink her--that an ordinary man standing on the sea bottom could catch her as she came floating down and bounce her up and off merely by the strength of his arms. Consider a submarine under water as we would a toy balloon in the air, say. Weight that toy balloon so that it just falls to earth. Kick that toy balloon and what does it do? Doesn't it bounce along, and after a few feet fall easily down again, and up and on and down again? Picture a strong wind driving that toy balloon along the street, and the balloon, as it bumps along, meeting an obstacle: Will the balloon smash itself against the obstacle, or what will it do? What that balloon does is pretty much what a submarine would do if, while running along full speed under water, she suddenly ran into shoal water. She would go bumping along on the bottom; and, meeting an obstacle, if not too high, she would be more likely to bounce over it than to smash herself against it. But sometimes they do run into things and fetch up? That is right, they do. Let our naval men tell of the old C plunger--the first class of sub in our navy--which hit an excursion steamer down the James River way one time. She was a wooden steamer about 150 feet long, and the C's bow went clear through the steamer's sides. The steamer's engineer was sitting by his levers, reading the sporting page of his favorite daily, when he heard a crash and found himself on the engine-room floor. Looking around, he saw a wedge of steel sticking through the side of his ship. He did not know what it was, but he could see right away it didn't have a friendly look; so he hopscotched across the engine-room floor and up a handy ladder to the deck, taking his assistant along in his wake. After rescuing the passengers it took three tugboats to pry sub and steamer apart. Our C boat must have hit her a pretty good wallop, for as they fell apart the steamer sank. They ran the little old C up to the navy-yard to see how much she was damaged. Surely after that smash she must be shaken up--her bow torpedo-tubes at least must be out of alignment! But not a thing wrong anywhere; they didn't even have to put her in dry dock. Out and about her business she went next morning. Later another of the same class came nosing up out of the depths, and bumped head on and into a breakwater down that same country--a solid stone wall of a breakwater. What did she do? She bounced off, and, after a look around, also went on about her business. * * * * * In the morning our sub up-anchored for her run across the open bay. On the conning-tower was rigged a little bridge of slim brass stanchions and thin wire-rope rail, with the canvas as high as a man's chin for protection; and away she went in a wind that was still blowing hard enough to drive home-bound Gloucester fishermen down to storm trysails and sea enough to jump an out-bound destroyer of a thousand tons under easy steam to her lower plates whenever she lifted forward. There was not a soul standing around on the main deck of the destroyer as we passed her, nor on her high forward turtle-deck, which was being washed clean; and surely not much comfort being bounced around on transoms in that destroyer below, nor too much dryness on her flying bridge. And yet here was our little sub--full speed and all--heading straight into high-curling seas and making fine weather of it. Plunging her bow under, and through she'd go; and when she did the seas would go swashing up atop of her make-believe deck and come rolling down her round-top plates and squishing through the hundreds of round holes in her deck sides. But steady? Up on her little bridge we did not half the time have to hold on to her little steel-rope rail lines to keep our balance. She kept on going, hooked-up all the way, seas and wind and all to hinder her, and finished her five-hour run without so much as wetting our coat fronts up on the conning-tower bridge. A great little sea boat--a submarine. Now for the personnel of the crew. The crew of the sub described were not sailors. The captain was an old seagoer--yes; and it would be a safe guess that the diving-rudder man had a seagoing experience; and one other perhaps; but the fellows who stood by the other things below came straight from the boat works. They had helped, most of them, to build her: which was one good reason for having them along on her trial trip. And there are thousands of young fellows working around garages and in machine-shops and electric-light plants ashore who are the very men needed for submarines. There will always have to be a sailor or two in a submarine; or there should be, for a real sailor is always a handy man to have around--he knows things that nobody else knows. And so, if hanging around there are any young fellows with a taste for adventure and a trend for naval warfare, these submarines look to be the thing. They are only little fellows now, and, as they stand to-day, limited as to range and power of offense, but stay by and grow up with them, and by and by be with them when they will be as big as the battleships and of a radius of action that will stretch from here to--well, as far as they like; drawing their energy from the sun above them, or the sea-tides about them, and not having to see enemy ships to be able to fight them--equipped with devices not now invented but which will serve to feel those other ships and, feeling them, to plot their direction and distance! Imagine a fleet of those lads battling under water some day--allowing no surface craft to live--feeling each other out and plotting direction and distance as they feel, and then letting go broadsides of torpedoes ten or a hundred times as powerful as anything we now have; and at the same time the air full of war-planes battling above them. Infants, sea babies, is what they are to-day. But wait till they grow up! * * * * * * Transcriber's Note: Typographical errors corrected: Page 84: changed ay to aye Page 191: moved quotes from end of paragraph to end of quote Page 202: changed serivce to service Page 208: changed underguard to under guard Page 253: added missing word "to" after "evil happen." 
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45900	----	generously made available by The Internet Archive Transcriber's Note: Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained as printed. Words printed in italics are marked with underlines: _italics_. RECORD OF MEDALS OF HONOR ISSUED TO THE OFFICERS AND ENLISTED MEN OF THE UNITED STATES NAVY MARINE CORPS AND COAST GUARD 1862-1923 WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1924 ADDITIONAL COPIES OF THIS PUBLICATION MAY BE PROCURED FROM THE SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON, D.C. AT 20 CENTS PER COPY ROLL OF HONOR BEING A RECORD OF THE MEDALS OF HONOR ISSUED TO THE OFFICERS AND ENLISTED MEN OF THE NAVY, MARINE CORPS, AND COAST GUARD, UNDER AUTHORITY OF THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, FOR DEEDS OF GALLANTRY AND HEROISM IN TIMES OF WAR AND PEACE ¶ This record of the personnel who have shed luster upon the service by upholding the honor of the flag in storm and battle, by their devotion to the country and to each other, and by their unselfishness in risking their own lives to save others, is especially commended to the rising generation of American seamen, that they may emulate the deeds of their heroic predecessors, and maintain that high standard of gallantry which has always characterized the personnel of the United States naval service. PUBLISHED BY THE BUREAU OF NAVIGATION NAVY DEPARTMENT SEPTEMBER 1, 1924 W. R. SHOEMAKER _Chief of Bureau_ MEDAL OF HONOR. The original medal of honor was designed during the Civil War by A. C. Paquet. The medal proper, a bronze five-pointed star bearing a star-rimmed medallion of Minerva driving before her shield the figure of Discord, was suspended by an anchor from the bottom buckle of a ribbon having a blue band over thirteen vertical stripes of red and white. This ribbon was attached at top and bottom to buckles of bronze, the bottom buckle bearing a star. Medal and ribbon were worn on the left breast until 1913. In that year the medal was placed in its present distinctive position at the neck of the wearer, being detached from its original ribbon and worn as a pendant from a ribbon band woven through the anchor ring. The ribbon band, which is of light blue with a cluster of thirteen small stars, is worn around the neck. The second medal of honor, added in 1919, is from the design of Tiffany & Co., of New York. The medal, which is of gold, is in the form of a cross superimposed upon a wreath of leaves. The center of the cross bears the arms of the United States, framed by the inscription "United States Navy, 1917-1918," and each arm of cross contains an anchor. The new medal of honor is suspended from a ribbon consisting of a triple chevron of thirteen white stars on a light blue field, the star at point of chevron being uppermost. At the crest of this ribbon is a bar which bears the single word "Valour." The new medal of honor is also worn at the neck as a pendant, but in contrast to the old medal, which is suspended direct from the ribbon band worn around the neck, the new medal is suspended from the band by means of its ribbon. The service ribbon bar worn in lieu of either medal of honor is light blue and bears a cluster of white stars. [Illustration: CONGRESSIONAL MEDAL OF HONOR Awarded under Acts approved December 21, 1861, and March 3, 1915 See page 7] [Illustration: CONGRESSIONAL MEDAL OF HONOR Awarded under Act approved February 4, 1919 See page 9] EXTRACTS FROM THE STATUTES AUTHORIZING THE ISSUE OF MEDALS OF HONOR [Extract from the act to promote the efficiency of the Navy.] SECTION 7. _And it is further enacted_, That the Secretary of the Navy be, and is hereby, authorized to cause two hundred medals of honor to be prepared with suitable emblematic devices which shall be bestowed upon such petty officers, seamen, landsmen, and marines as shall most distinguish themselves by their gallantry in action and other seamanlike qualities during the present war. Approved December 21, 1861. [Extract from the act to establish and equalize the grade of line officers of the United States Navy.] SECTION 10. _And be it further enacted_, That * * * seamen distinguishing themselves in battle or by extraordinary heroism in the line of their profession may be promoted to forward warrant officers or acting master's mates, as they may best be qualified, upon the recommendation of their commanding officer, approved by the flag officer and the Department. Upon such promotion they shall receive a gratuity of one hundred dollars and a medal of honor to be prepared by the Navy Department. Approved July 16, 1862. [Extract from the act to appoint certain officers of the Navy.] SECTION 3. _And be it further enacted_, That * * * seamen distinguishing themselves in battle or by extraordinary heroism in the line of their profession may be promoted to forward warrant officers or acting master's mates, as they may be best qualified, upon the recommendation of their commanding officer, approved by the flag officer and the Department. Upon such promotion they shall receive a gratuity of one hundred dollars and a medal of honor to be prepared by the Navy Department. Approved May 17, 1864. AN ACT For the reward of enlisted men of the Navy or Marine Corps. _Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled_, That any enlisted man of the Navy or Marine Corps who shall have distinguished himself in battle or displayed extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession shall, upon recommendation of his commanding officer, approved by the flag officer and the Secretary of the Navy, receive a gratuity and medal of honor as provided for seamen in section fourteen hundred and seven of the Revised Statutes. Approved March 3, 1901. [Public Resolution No. 23.] JOINT RESOLUTION Authorizing the issue of duplicate medals where the originals have been lost or destroyed. _Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled_, That in any case where the President of the United States has heretofore, under any act or resolution of Congress, caused any medal to be made and presented to any officer or person in the United States on account of distinguished or meritorious services, on a proper showing made by such person to the satisfaction of the President that such medal has been lost or destroyed through no fault of the beneficiary, and that diligent search has been made therefor, the President is hereby authorized to cause to be prepared and delivered to such person a duplicate of such medal, the cost of which shall be paid out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated. Approved April 15, 1904. [Extract from "An act making appropriations for the naval service for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1916, and for other purposes."] The President of the United States is hereby empowered to prepare a suitable medal of honor to be awarded to any officer of the Navy, Marine Corps, or Coast Guard who shall have distinguished himself in battle or displayed extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession. Approved March 3, 1915. AN ACT To establish in the War Department and in the Navy Department, respectively, a roll designated as "the Army and Navy medal of honor roll," and for other purposes. _Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled_, That there is hereby established in the War Department and Navy Department, respectively, a roll designated as "the Army and Navy medal of honor roll." Upon written application made to the Secretary of the proper department, and subject to the conditions and requirements hereinafter contained, the name of each surviving person who has served in the military or naval service of the United States in any war, who has attained or shall attain the age of sixty-five years, and who has been awarded a medal of honor for having in action involving actual conflict with an enemy distinguished himself conspicuously by gallantry or intrepidity, at the risk of his life, above and beyond the call of duty, and who was honorably discharged from service by muster out, resignation, or otherwise, shall be, by the Secretary of the proper department, entered and recorded on said roll. Applications for entry on said roll shall be made in such form and under such regulations as shall be prescribed by the War Department and Navy Department, respectively, and proper blanks and instructions shall be, by the proper Secretary, furnished without charge upon request made by any person claiming the benefits of this act. SEC. 2. That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of War and of the Secretary of the Navy to carry this act into effect and to decide whether each applicant, under this act, in his department is entitled to the benefit of this act. If the official award of the medal of honor to the applicant, or the official notice to him thereof, shall appear to show that the medal of honor was awarded to the applicant for such an act as is required by the provisions of this act, it shall be deemed sufficient to entitle the applicant to such special pension without further investigation. Otherwise all official correspondence, orders, reports, recommendations, requests, and other evidence now on file in any public office or department shall be considered. A certificate of service and of the act of heroism, gallantry, bravery, or intrepidity for which the medal of honor was awarded, and of enrollment under this act, and of the right of the special pensioner to be entitled to and to receive the special pension herein granted, shall be furnished each person whose name shall be so entered on said roll. The Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy shall deliver to the Commissioner of Pensions a certified copy of each of such of said certificates as he may issue, as aforesaid, and the same shall be full and sufficient authority to the Commissioner of Pensions for the payment by him to the beneficiary named in each such certificate the special pension herein provided for. SEC. 3. That each such surviving person whose name shall have been entered on said roll in accordance with this act shall be entitled to and shall receive and be paid by the Commissioner of Pensions, in the Department of the Interior, out of any moneys in the Treasury of the United States not otherwise appropriated, a special pension of $10 per month for life, payable quarter yearly. The Commissioner of Pensions shall make all necessary rules and regulations for making payment of such special pensions to the beneficiaries thereof. Such special pension shall begin on the day that such person shall file his application for enrollment on said roll in the office of the Secretary of War or of the Secretary of the Navy after the passage and approval of this act, and shall continue during the life of the beneficiary. Such special pension shall not deprive any such special pensioner of any other pension or of any benefit, right, or privilege to which he is or may hereafter be entitled under any existing or subsequent law, but shall be in addition thereto. The special pension allowed under this act shall not be subject to any attachment, execution, levy, tax, lien, or detention under any process whatever. SEC. 4. That in case any person has been awarded two or more medals of honor, he shall not be entitled to and shall not receive more than one such special pension. Rank in the service shall not be considered in applications filed hereunder. Approved April 27, 1916. [PUBLIC--NO. 253--65TH CONGRESS.] [H. R. 12194.] AN ACT To provide for the award of medals of honor, distinguished-service medals, and Navy crosses, and for other purposes. _Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled_, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby, authorized to present, in the name of Congress, a medal of honor to any person who, while in the naval service of the United States, shall, in action involving actual conflict with the enemy, distinguish himself conspicuously by gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty and without detriment to the mission of his command or the command to which attached. SEC. 2. That the President be, and he hereby is, further authorized to present, but not in the name of Congress, a distinguished-service medal of appropriate design and a ribbon, together with a rosette or other device to be worn in lieu thereof, to any person who, while in the naval service of the United States, since the sixth day of April, nineteen hundred and seventeen, has distinguished, or who hereafter shall distinguish, himself by exceptionally meritorious service to the Government in a duty of great responsibility. SEC. 3. That the President be, and he hereby is, further authorized to present, but not in the name of Congress, a Navy cross of appropriate design and a ribbon, together with a rosette or other device to be worn in lieu thereof, to any person who, while in the naval service of the United States, since the sixth day of April, nineteen hundred and seventeen, has distinguished, or who shall hereafter distinguish, himself by extraordinary heroism or distinguished service in the line of his profession, such heroism or service not being sufficient to justify the award of a medal of honor or a distinguished-service medal. SEC. 4. That each enlisted or enrolled person of the naval service to whom is awarded a medal of honor, distinguished-service medal, or a Navy cross shall, for each such award, be entitled to additional pay at the rate of $2 per month from the date of the distinguished act or service on which the award is based, and each bar, or other suitable emblem or insignia, in lieu of a medal of honor, distinguished-service medal, or Navy cross, as hereinafter provided for, shall entitle him to further additional pay at the rate of $2 per month from the date of the distinguished act or service for which the bar is awarded, and such additional pay shall continue throughout his active service, whether such service shall or shall not be continuous. SEC. 5. That no more than one medal of honor or one distinguished-service medal or one Navy cross shall be issued to any one person; but for each succeeding deed or service sufficient to justify the award of a medal of honor or a distinguished-service medal or Navy cross, respectively, the President may award a suitable bar, or other suitable emblem or insignia, to be worn with the decoration, and the corresponding rosette or other device. SEC. 6. That the Secretary of the Navy is hereby authorized to expend from the appropriation "Pay of the Navy" of the Navy Department so much as may be necessary to defray the cost of the medals of honor, distinguished-service medals, and Navy crosses, and bars, emblems, or insignia herein provided for, and so much as may be necessary to replace any medals, crosses, bars, emblems, or insignia as are herein or may heretofore have been provided for: _Provided_, That such replacement shall be made only in those cases where the medal of honor, distinguished-service medal, or Navy cross, or bar, emblem, or insignia presented under the provisions of this or any other act shall have been lost, destroyed, or rendered unfit for use without fault or neglect on the part of the person to whom it was awarded, and shall be made without charge therefor. SEC. 7. That, except as otherwise prescribed herein, no medal of honor, distinguished-service medal, Navy cross, or bar or other suitable emblem or insignia in lieu of either of said medals or of said cross, shall be issued to any person after more than five years from the date of the act or service justifying the award thereof, nor unless a specific statement or report distinctly setting forth the act or distinguished service and suggesting or recommending official recognition thereof shall have been made by his naval superior through official channels at the time of the act or service or within three years thereafter. SEC. 8. That in case an individual who shall distinguish himself dies before the making of the award to which he may be entitled the award may nevertheless be made and the medal or cross or the bar or other emblem or insignia presented within five years from the date of the act or service justifying the award thereof to such representative of the deceased as the President may designate: _Provided_, That no medal or cross or no bar or other emblem or insignia shall be awarded or presented to any individual or to the representative of any individual whose entire service subsequent to the time he distinguished himself shall not have been honorable: _Provided further_, That in cases of persons now in the naval service for whom the award of the medal of honor has been recommended in full compliance with then existing regulations, but on account of services which, though insufficient fully to justify the award of the medal of honor, appears to have been such as to justify the award of the distinguished-service medal or Navy cross hereinbefore provided for, such cases may be considered and acted upon under the provisions of this act authorizing the award of the distinguished-service medal and Navy cross notwithstanding that said services may have been rendered more than five years before said cases shall have been considered as authorized by this proviso, but all consideration or any action upon any of said cases shall be based exclusively upon official records now on file in the Navy Department. SEC. 9. That the President be, and he hereby is, authorized to delegate, under such conditions, regulations, and limitations as he shall prescribe, to flag officers who are commanders in chief or commanding on important independent duty the power conferred upon him by this act to award the Navy cross; and he is further authorized to make from time to time any and all rules, regulations, and orders which he shall deem necessary to carry into effect the provisions of this act and to execute the full purpose and intention thereof. Approved February 4, 1919. ROLL OF HONOR. JOHN M. ADAMS. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battle near Tientsin, China, July 13, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) HARRY C. ADRIANCE. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battle near Tientsin, China, July 13, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) MICHAEL AHEAM. Paymaster's steward on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_, when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct, and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) EDWARD ALLEN. Boatswain's mate, first class, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) AARON ANDERSON. Landsman (colored) on board of the U.S.S. _Wyandank_, during a boat expedition up Mattox Creek, March 17, 1865; was reported by his commanding officer as having rendered gallant assistance, loading the howitzer while lying on his back, and then firing with such care and precision as to kill and wound many of the rebel party. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) CAPT. EDWIN A. ANDERSON, UNITED STATES NAVY. For extraordinary heroism in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914; commanded the Second Seaman Regiment, and in marching his regiment across the open space in front of the Naval Academy and other buildings he unexpectedly met a heavy fire from riflemen, machine guns, and 1-pounders, which caused part of his command to break and fall back, many casualties occurring amongst them at the time. His indifference to the heavy fire, to which he himself was exposed at the head of his regiment, showed him to be fearless and courageous in battle. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) ROBERT ANDERSON. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Crusader_ and _Keokuk_; exhibited in the former vessel, on all occasions, in various skirmishes and fights, the greatest intrepidity and devotion. In the latter vessel, during the attack on Charleston, was stationed at the wheel, and when the shot penetrated, scattering the iron, desired to cover his commanding officer with his person. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) WILLIAM ANDERSON. Coxswain on the U.S.S. _Powhatan_; for rescuing from drowning W. H. Moffatt, first class boy, on the 28th of June, 1878. JOHN ANDREWS. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Benicia_; was stationed at the lead in passing the forts in Korea, June 9 and 10, 1871. Standing on the gunwale of the _Benicia's_ launch, lashed to the ridgerope, he remained unflinching in this dangerous position and gave his soundings with coolness and accuracy under a heavy fire. (G.O. 176, July 9, 1872.) JOHN ANGLING. Boy on board of the U.S.S. _Pontoosuc_; commended for gallantry, skill, and coolness in action during the operations in and about Cape Fear River, which extended from December 24, 1864, to January 22, 1865, and resulted in the capture of Fort Fisher and Wilmington. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) EDWIN N. APPLETON. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, for bravery in crossing the river at Tientsin June 20, 1900, in a small boat with three other men under a heavy fire and assisting to destroy buildings occupied by the enemy. (G.O. 84, March 22, 1902.) MATTHEW ARTHUR. Signal quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Carondelet_, at the reduction of Forts Henry and Donelson, February 6 and 14, 1862, and other actions, "most faithfully, effectively, and valiantly performed all the duties of signal quartermaster and captain of rifled bow gun, and was conspicuous for valor and devotion." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) CHARLES ASTEN. Quarter gunner on board of the U.S.S. _Signal_, which vessel was attacked by field batteries and sharpshooters and destroyed in Red River May 5, 1864. "He was on the sick list, but did duty during the whole of the engagement." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) DANIEL ATKINS. Ship's cook, first class (colored), serving on board the U.S.S. _Cushing_, for gallant conduct in attempting to save the life of the late Ensign Joseph C. Breckenridge, United States Navy, who fell overboard at sea from that vessel on February 11, 1898. (G.O. 489, May 20, 1898.) THOMAS ATKINSON. Yeoman on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and energy in supplying the rifle ammunition, which was under his sole charge, in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He was a petty officer on board of the U.S. frigate _Congress_ in 1842-1846; was present and assisted in capturing the whole of the Buenos Ayrean fleet by that vessel off Montevideo; joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1860; was in the actions with Fort McRee, the Head of the Passes of the Mississippi, Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the Chalmettes, the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans, Vicksburg, Port Hudson, and at the surrender of New Orleans. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) J. F. AUER. Ordinary seaman apprentice; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Lancaster_ November 20, 1883, at Marseille, France, and rescuing from drowning a French lad who had fallen into the sea from a stone pier astern of the ship. JAMES AVERY. Seaman on board the U.S.S. _Metacomet_; was one of the boat's crew which, in charge of Acting Ensign H. C. Neilds, of the United States Navy, went to the rescue of the officers and crew of the U.S. monitor _Tecumseh_ when that vessel was sunk by a torpedo in passing the forts in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864. This boat's crew, under their brave and gallant leader, went within a few hundred yards of one of the forts under a fire which Admiral Farragut expressed as "one of the most galling" he ever saw and succeeded in rescuing from death 10 of the crew of the _Tecumseh_. Their conduct elicited the admiration of both friend and foe. (G.O. 71, January 15, 1866.) ENSIGN OSCAR C. BADGER, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914. Was in both days' fighting at the head of his company, and was eminent and conspicuous in his conduct, leading his men with skill and courage. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) BENJAMIN F. BAKER. Coxswain, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cable leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) HENRY BAKER. Quarter gunner on board the U.S.S. _Metacomet_; was one of the boat's crew which, in charge of Acting Ensign H. C. Neilds, of the United States Navy, went to the rescue of the officers and crew of the U.S. monitor _Tecumseh_ when that vessel was sunk by a torpedo in passing the forts in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864. This boat's crew, under their brave and gallant leader, went within a few hundred yards of one of the forts under a fire which Admiral Farragut expressed as "one of the most galling" he ever saw, and succeeded in rescuing from death 10 of the crew of the _Tecumseh_. Their conduct elicited the admiration of both friend and foe. (G.O. 71, January 15, 1866.) JOHN HENRY BALCH. Pharmacist's mate, first class, United States Navy. "For gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty, with the Sixth Regiment United States Marines, in action at Vierzy, on July 19, 1918. Unhesitatingly and fearlessly exposed himself to terrific machine and high-explosive fire to succor the wounded as they fell in the attack, leaving his dressing station voluntarily and keeping up the work all day and late into the night unceasingly for 16 hours on a field torn by shell and machine-gun fire. Also in the action at Somme-Py on October 5, 1918, exhibited exceptional bravery in establishing an advanced dressing station under heavy shell fire." (Act of February 4, 1919.) CHARLES BALDWIN. Coal heaver on board of the U.S.S. _Wyalusing_; volunteered May 25, 1864, in a night attempt to destroy the rebel ram _Albemarle_, in Roanoke River, and, although it was unsuccessful, he displayed courage, zeal, and unwearied exertion on the occasion. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JAMES BARNUM. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _New Ironsides_; commended for highly meritorious conduct during the several engagements with Fort Fisher in December, 1864, and January, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) EDWARD BARRETT. Second-class fireman on board the U.S.S. _Alaska_; for hauling the fires from under the boiler after the stop-valve chamber had been ruptured at Callao Bay, Peru, September 14, 1881. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) DAVID D. BARROW. Ordinary seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) GURDON H. BARTER. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Minnesota_; especially commended for bravery in the assault on Fort Fisher January 15, 1865, remaining at the front near the fort when the panic carried the mass away. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) THOMAS C. BARTON. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Hunchback_, in the attack upon Franklin, Va., October 3, 1862; mentioned for heroic conduct. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) DAVID L. BASS. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Minnesota_; especially commended for bravery in the assault on Fort Fisher January 15, 1865, remaining at the front near the fort when the panic carried the mass away. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) RICHARD BATES. Seaman of the U.S.S. _De Soto_; for heroic conduct in rescuing from drowning James Rose and John Russell, seamen of the U.S.S. _Winooski_, off Eastport, Me., May 10, 1866. (G.O. 77, August 1, 1866.) PHILIP BAZAAR. Ordinary seaman on board the U.S.S. _Santiago de Cuba_; was one of the boat's crew detailed for General Terry. The five men forming this boat's crew were represented to have been the only men who entered Fort Fisher in the assault from the fleet January 15, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) HARRY C. BEASLEY. Seaman on board the U.S.S. _Florida_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) FREDERICK BEHNE. Fireman, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Iowa_, for extraordinary heroism at the time of the blowing out of the manhole plate of boiler D on board that vessel January 25, 1905. (G.O. 182, March 20, 1905.) HEINRICH BEHNKE. Fireman, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Iowa_, for extraordinary heroism at the time of the blowing out of the manhole plate of boiler D on board that vessel January 25, 1905. (G.O. 182, March 20, 1905.) GEORGE BELL. Captain of the afterguard on board of the U.S.S. _Santee_; was pilot of the boat engaged in cutting out the rebel armed schooner _Royal Yacht_ from Galveston Bay November 7, 1861, and evinced more coolness, in passing the four forts and the rebel steamer _General Rusk_, than was ever before witnessed by his commanding officer. "Although severely wounded in the encounter, he displayed extraordinary courage under the most painful and trying circumstances." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) W. H. BELPITT. Captain of afterguard on the U.S.S. _Monocacy_, for jumping overboard from that vessel at Foochow, China, on the morning of October 7, 1884, and sustaining, until picked up, a Chinaman who had been thrown into the water by the capsizing of a canoe. (Letter No. 126, October 27, 1884, Lieutenant Commander Iverson, United States Navy.) JAMES H. BENNETT. Chief boatswain's mate, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JAMES BENSON. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Ossipee_, June 20, 1872; at the imminent risk of his life, jumped into the sea, when the ship was going at a speed of 4 knots, and endeavored to save John K. Smith, landsman, of the same vessel, from drowning. (G.O. 180, October 10, 1872.) MAJ. RANDOLPH C. BERKELEY, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was eminent and conspicuous in command of his battalion; was in the fighting of both days, and exhibited courage and skill in leading his men through action. His cool judgment and courage and his skill in handling his men in encountering and overcoming the machine-gun and rifle fire down Cinco de Mayo and parallel streets accounts for the small percentage of the losses of marines under his command. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) ASA BETHAM. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Pontoosuc_; commended for gallantry, skill, and coolness in action during the operations in and about Cape Fear River, which extended from December 24, 1864, to January 22, 1865, and resulted in the capture of Fort Fisher and Wilmington. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) ALBERT BEYER. Coxswain, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) CHARLES J. BIBBER. Gunner's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Agawam_; one of the crew of the powder boat which was exploded near Fort Fisher December 23, 1864, for which service he volunteered. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN F. BICKFORD. Captain of top on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct, and is highly commended by his divisional officer." Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) RICHARD BINDER. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, U.S.S. _Ticonderoga_, for personal valor as captain of a gun at Fort Fisher, 1864 to 1865. CHARLES F. BISHOP. Quartermaster, second class, on board of the U.S.S. _Florida_, for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) ERNEST H. BJORKMAN. Ordinary seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Leyden_, for heroism at the time of the wreck of that vessel January 21, 1903. (G.O. 145, December 26, 1903.) WILLIAM BLAGEEN. Ship's cook on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; conspicuous for bravery, performing his duty in the powder division, at a point where the ship was riddled very much, and in the immediate vicinity of the shell whips, which were twice cleared of men by bursting shells. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ROBERT M. BLAIR. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Pontoosuc_; commended for gallantry, skill, and coolness in action during the operations in and about Cape Fear River, which extended from December 24, 1864, to January 22, 1865, and resulted in the capture of Fort Fisher and Wilmington. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) ROBERT BLAKE. Contraband (colored) on board of the U.S.S. _Marblehead_ in the engagement with the rebel batteries on Stono River December 25, 1863; serving as a powder boy, displayed extraordinary courage, alacrity, and intelligence in the discharge of his duties under trying circumstances, and merited the admiration of all. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) ROBERT BLUME. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) EDWARD BOERS. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Bennington_, for extraordinary heroism displayed at the time of the explosion of a boiler of that vessel at San Diego, Calif., July 21, 1905. (G.O. 13, January 5, 1906.) FRANK BOIS. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Cincinnati_ in an attack on the Vicksburg batteries May 27, 1863; coolness in making signals and in nailing the flag to the stump of the forestaff under a heavy fire. (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) WILLIAM BOND. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct, and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ROBERT E. BONNEY. Chief water tender, serving on board the U.S.S. _Hopkins_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession on the occasion of the accident to one of the boilers of that vessel February 14, 1910. (G.O. 59, March 23, 1910.) LIEUT. JOEL T. BOONE (M.C.), UNITED STATES NAVY. "For extraordinary heroism, conspicuous gallantry, and intrepidity in actual conflict with the enemy at and in the vicinity of Vierzy, France, July 19, 1918. With absolute disregard for personal safety, ever conscious and mindful of the suffering fallen, Surgeon Boone, leaving the shelter of a ravine, went forward onto the open field where there was no protection and, despite the extreme enemy fire of all calibers, through a heavy mist of gas, applied dressings and first aid to wounded marines. This occurred southeast of Vierzy, near the cemetery, and on the road south from that town. When the dressings and supplies had been exhausted, he went through a heavy barrage of large-caliber shell, both high-explosive and gas, to replenish these supplies, returning quickly with a side-car load, and administered them in saving the lives of the wounded. A second trip, under the same conditions and for the same purpose, was made by Surgeon Boone later that day. He served with the Sixth Regiment United States Marines." (Act of February 4, 1919.) THOMAS BOURNE. Seaman and gun captain on board of the U.S.S. _Varuna_ in the attacks upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip April 24, 1862; mentioned as having done his "duty through the thickest of the fight with great coolness and danger to the enemy." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) EDWARD R. BOWMAN. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Ticonderoga_ in the attacks on Fort Fisher January 13 to 15, 1865; "commended for good conduct throughout the action, in which he was badly wounded, and bore his sufferings with great fortitude." (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) ERWIN J. BOYDSTON. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, July 21 to August 17, 1900. Boydston assisted to erect barricades under a heavy fire. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) ALEXANDER BRADLEY. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Wachusett_; jumped overboard off Cowes August 7, 1872, in a strong tideway, to save Philip Cassidy, landsman, of the U.S.S. _Wabash_, from drowning. (G.O. 180, October 10, 1872.) AMOS BRADLEY. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Varuna_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip April 24, 1862; "stood at the wheel the whole time, although guns were raking the deck from behind him. His position was one of the most responsible on the ship, and he did his duty to the utmost." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) CHARLES BRADLEY. Boatswain's mate; first captain of 9-inch gun on board of the U.S.S. _Louisville_; especially commended for his attention to duty, bravery, and coolness in action. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) CHIEF GUNNER GEORGE BRADLEY, UNITED STATES NAVY. For meritorious service under fire on the occasion of the landing of the American naval forces at Vera Cruz in 1914. Chief Gunner Bradley was then attached to the U.S.S. _Utah_, as a chief gunner's mate, and was in charge of the ammunition party and special details at Vera Cruz. (Medal presented by President Coolidge at the White House on October 4, 1923.) (G.O. 117, September 13, 1923.) GEORGE F. BRADY. Chief gunner's mate, serving on board the torpedo boat _Winslow_, for gallant and conspicuous conduct in the action at Cardenas, Cuba, May 11, 1898. Brady's energy in assisting to sustain fire, his efforts to repair the steering gear under fire, his promptness in maintaining closed water-tight doors and hatches, was largely instrumental in saving the vessel. (G.O. 497, September 3, 1898.) JOHN BRAZELL. Quartermaster on the U.S.S. _Richmond_; recommended for coolness and good conduct in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He was on the _Brooklyn_ in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the Chalmettes, batteries below Vicksburg, and present at the surrender of New Orleans. Joined the _Richmond_ in 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) HENRY BREAULT. Torpedoman, second class, serving on the U.S. submarine _O-5_, for heroism and devotion to duty at the time of the sinking of that vessel. On the morning of October 28, 1923, the _O-5_ collided with the steamship _Abangarez_ and sank in less than a minute. When the collision occurred Breault was in the torpedo room. Upon reaching the hatch he saw that the boat was rapidly sinking. Instead of jumping overboard to save his own life, he returned to the torpedo room to the rescue of a shipmate whom he knew was trapped in the boat, closing the torpedo-room hatch on himself. Breault and Brown remained trapped in this compartment until rescued by the salvage party 31 hours later. (Medal presented by President Coolidge at the White House on March 8, 1924.) (G.O. 125, February 20, 1924.) GEORGE BREEMAN. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_, for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession at the time of the accidental ignition of powder charges in the forward 13-inch turret on board that vessel April 13, 1906. (G.O. 21, May 5, 1906.) JOHN BREEN. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Commodore Perry_ in the attack upon Franklin, Va., October 3, 1862; distinguished for his gallant conduct. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) CHRISTOPHER BRENNAN. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Mississippi_ (but belonging to the _Colorado_) in the capture of Forts St. Philip and Jackson and New Orleans, April 24 and 25, 1862; attracted the particular attention of his commanding officer by his "courageous example to those around him. Was the life and soul of the gun's crew." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) PATRICK F. BRESNAHAN. Water tender, serving on board the U.S.S. _Iowa_, for extraordinary heroism at the time of the blowing out of the manhole plate of boiler D on board that vessel January 25, 1905. (G.O. 182, March 20, 1905.) GEORGE W. BRIGHT. Coal passer, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) ANDREW BRINN. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Mississippi_ in the attack on the Port Hudson batteries night of March 14, 1863; commended for zeal and courage displayed in the performance of unusual and trying service while the vessel was aground and exposed to a heavy fire. (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) GEORGE F. BROCK. Carpenter's mate, second class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Bennington_, for extraordinary heroism displayed at the time of the explosion of a boiler of that vessel at San Diego, Calif., July 21, 1905. (G.O. 13, January 5, 1906.) CHARLES BROWN. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, U.S.S. _Colorado_, assisted in capturing the Korean standard in the center of the citadel of the Korean Fort June 11, 1871. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) JAMES BROWN. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Albatross_ in the action with Fort De Russy May 4, 1863. After the steering wheel and wheel ropes had been shot away, he stood on the gun platform of the quarter-deck, exposing his person to a close fire of musketry from the shore, and rendered invaluable assistance by his expert management of the relieving tackles in extricating the vessel from a perilous position. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) JOHN BROWN. Captain of afterguard on board of the U.S.S. _De Soto_; heroic conduct, with two comrades, in rescuing from drowning James Rose and John Russell, seamen, of the U.S.S. _Winooski_, off Eastport, Me., May 10, 1866. (G.O. 77, August 1, 1866.) JOHN BROWN. Captain of forecastle on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864; very conspicuous for bravery, skill, coolness, and activity at his gun. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ROBERT BROWN. Captain of top on board the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He was on board the _Westfield_ in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the Chalmettes, and present at the surrender of New Orleans; also with the batteries at Vicksburg. Joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILSON BROWN. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864; "was stationed at the shell whip on the berth deck. A man was killed on the ladder above him and thrown with such violence against Brown as to knock him into the hold, where he lay for a short time senseless, but on recovering he immediately returned to his station, though, besides himself, only one of the original six belonging there had escaped." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM H. BROWN. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864; conspicuous for bravery, performing his duty in the powder division, at a point where the ship was riddled very much, and in the immediate vicinity of the shell whips, which were twice cleared of men by bursting shells. Was also wounded. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM P. BROWNELL. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Benton_; conspicuous for skill and courage as captain of 9-inch gun in the attacks on Great Gulf, May 3, 1863, and Vicksburg, May 22, 1863, also in serving at Battery Benton before Vicksburg. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) HENRY BRUTSCHE. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Tacony_. At the capture of Plymouth October 31, 1864, he landed and spiked a loaded 9-inch gun under a sharp fire of musketry. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) LIEUT. COMMANDER ALLEN BUCHANAN, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; commanded First Seaman Regiment; was in both days' fighting and almost continually under fire from soon after landing, about noon of the 21st, until we were in possession of the city, about noon of the 22d. His duties required him to be at points of great danger in directing his officers and men, and he exhibited conspicuous courage, coolness, and skill in his conduct of the fighting. Upon his courage and skill depended, in great measure, success or failure. His responsibilities were great, and he met them in a manner worthy of commendation. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) DAVID M. BUCHANAN. Apprentice serving on board of the U.S.S. _Saratoga_. On the morning of July 15, 1879, while that vessel was anchored off the Battery, New York Harbor, Robert Lee Robey, apprentice, fell overboard from the afterpart of the ship. The tide was running strong ebb at the time, and Robey, not being an expert swimmer, was in danger of drowning. Buchanan instantly sprang over the rail after him, without hesitating an instant to remove even a portion of his clothing. They were later picked up by the ship's boat. (G.O. 246, July 22, 1879.) JAMES BUCK. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip and at the taking of New Orleans April 24 and 25, 1862. "Stationed at the wheel. Early in the fight was painfully wounded by a heavy splinter, but for seven hours stood bravely at his post, refusing to go below until positively ordered to do so. Next morning stole to his station and steered the ship over eight hours." Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) HOWARD M. BUCKLEY. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles while with the Eighth Army Corps on the 25th, 27th, 29th of March, and the 4th of April, 1899. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) THOMAS BURKE. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _De Soto_; heroic conduct, with two comrades, in rescuing from drowning James Rose and John Russell, seamen, of the U.S.S. _Winooski_, off Eastport, Me., May 10, 1866. (G.O. 77, August 1, 1866.) JAMES BURNES. Private, United States Marine Corps, for bravery in crossing the river at Tientsin, June 20, 1900, in a small boat with three other men under a heavy fire and assisting to destroy building occupied by the enemy. (G.O. 84, March 22, 1902.) JOHN M. BURNS. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; severely wounded and sent below under the surgeon's charge; would not remain unemployed, but assisted the powder division until the action was over. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ALBERT BURTON. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Wabash_; mentioned for gallant conduct in the assault on Fort Fisher January 15, 1865, and as having entered the stockade. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) MAJ. SMEDLEY D. BUTLER, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914; was eminent and conspicuous in command of his battalion. He exhibited courage and skill in leading his men through the action of the 22d and in the final occupation of the city. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) SECOND MEDAL. "On November 17, 1915, it was planned to attack Fort Riviere, Haiti, with a force made up of detachments from the Fifth, Thirteenth, Twenty-third Companies, and the marine detachment and sailors from the _Connecticut_. Fort Riviere was an old French bastion fort, about 200 feet on the side, with thick walls of brick and stone, the walls being loopholed. The original entrance had been on the northern side, but had been blocked, a small breach in the southern wall being used in its stead. As this breach in the wall was the only entrance to the fort, it was naturally covered by the defenders on the inside, making passage through it into the fort a most hazardous undertaking for the leading men. Notwithstanding the fact that the fire of the Cacos was constantly passing through this hole in the wall, Sergt. Ross L. Iams, Fifth Company, unhesitatingly jumped through, closely followed by Pvt. Samuel Gross of the Twenty-third company. A mêlée then ensued inside of the fort for about 10 minutes, the Cacos fighting desperately with rifles, clubs, stones, etc., during which several jumped from the walls in an effort to escape, but were shot by the automatic guns of the Fifth Company and by the Thirteenth Company advancing to the attack." It is urged that Maj. Smedley D. Butler be given a medal of honor for his conspicuous bravery during the assault on Fort Riviere. Two men entered ahead of him, doing so to prevent him from being the first. Theirs was devotion to him, while his action was devotion to duty. The assault inside the fort was made by 23 men with the knowledge that no quarter would be given them. WILLIAM ROBERT BUTTON. Corporal, United States Marine Corps. "For extraordinary heroism and conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity in actual conflict with the enemy near Grande Riviere, Republic of Haiti, on the night of October 31-November 1, 1919, resulting in the death of Charlemange Peralte, the supreme bandit chief in the Republic of Haiti, and the killing and capture and dispersal of about 1,200 of his outlaw followers. Corpl. William R. Button not only distinguished himself by his excellent judgment and leadership but unhesitatingly exposed himself to great personal danger; and the slightest error would have forfeited not only his life but the lives of the detachments of gendarmerie under his command. The successful termination of his mission will undoubtedly prove of untold value to the Republic of Haiti." (G.O. 536, June 10, 1920.) GEORGE BUTTS. Gunner's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Signal_, which vessel was attacked by field batteries and sharpshooters and destroyed in Red River May 5, 1864. "He was on the sick list, but did duty during the whole of the engagement." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JAMES BYRNES. Boatswain's mate; first captain of 9-inch gun on board of the U.S.S. _Louisville_; "especially commended for his attention to duty, bravery, and coolness in action." Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) THOMAS CAHEY. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Petrel_, for heroism and gallantry, fearlessly exposing his own life to danger for the saving of others on the occasion of the fire on board said vessel March 31, 1901. (G.O. 85, March 22, 1902.) ALBERT R. CAMPBELL. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in the advance on Tientsin June 21, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) DANIEL CAMPBELL. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) WILLIAM CAMPBELL. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Ticonderoga_, in the attacks on Fort Fisher December 24 and 25, 1864, and January 13, 14, and 15, 1865. "Commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun." (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) TEDFORD H. CANN. Seaman, United States Naval Reserve Force, serving on board the U.S.S. _May_, for courageous conduct on November 5, 1917, for finding leak in flooded compartment, closing same at peril of his life, and thereby unquestionably saving the ship. (G.O. 366, February 11, 1918.) JAMES CAREY. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Huron_; saving three shipmates from drowning. WILLIAM I. CARR. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, July 21 to August 17, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) WILLIAM M. CARR. Master-at-arms on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness, energy, and zeal in the action of Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. Volunteered to direct, under the orders of the commander of the division, the passing of shells from the shell rooms in addition to his duties connected with the care of lights, which he performed most satisfactorily; has been master-at-arms on board the _Richmond_ since September, 1860; was in the actions with Fort McRee; at the Head of the Passes of the Mississippi; Forts Jackson and St. Philip; the Chalmettes; the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans; Vicksburg; Port Hudson; and present at the surrender of New Orleans. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOSEPH E. CARTER. Blacksmith, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) MICHAEL CASSIDY. Landsman on board the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864; first sponger of a gun. Displayed great coolness and exemplary behavior, eliciting the applause of his officers and the gun's crew. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) LIEUT. GUY W. S. CASTLE, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914. Was eminent and conspicuous in command of his battalion. Was in the fighting of both days, and exhibited courage and skill in leading his men through action. In seizing the customhouse he encountered for many hours the heaviest and most pernicious concealed fire of the entire day, but his courage and coolness under trying conditions was marked. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) JOHN H. CATHERWOOD. Ordinary seaman, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession while operating against outlaws on the island of Basilan, P.I., September 24, 1911. (G.O. 138, December 13, 1911.) MAJ. ALBERTUS W. CATLIN, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914. Was eminent and conspicuous in command of his battalion. He exhibited courage and skill in leading his men through the action of the 22d and in the final occupation of the city. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) THOMAS CAVANAUGH. Fireman, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Potomac_, for extraordinary heroism in line of duty, volunteering to enter the fireroom filled with live steam and open the auxiliary valve at the time of the accident to the forward boiler of that vessel, en route from Cat Island to Nassau, on the night of November 14, 1898. After repeated attempts, enveloped from head to feet in wet blankets and wet towels over his face, he succeeded in getting the valve open and thus relieving the vessel from further danger. (G.O. 503, December 13, 1898.) LEONARD CHADWICK. Apprentice, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JAMES B. CHANDLER. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct in the action in Mobile Bay, on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He deserves especial notice for having come off the sick list and going to and remaining at his quarters during the entire action. Joined the _Brooklyn_ in November, 1861; was in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip; the Chalmettes; batteries below Vicksburg; and present at the surrender of New Orleans. Joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) AUGUST CHANDRON. Seaman apprentice, second class, of the U.S.S. _Quinnebaug_; for jumping overboard from that vessel at Alexandria, Egypt, on the morning of November 21, 1885, and, with the aid of Hugh Miller, boatswain's mate, rescuing from drowning William Evans, ordinary seaman. (Letter, Capt. N. Ludlow, U.S.N., No. 8326/B, November 21, 1885.) LOUIS G. CHAPUT. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864; remained at his gun after he was severely wounded until relieved by another person; was then taken below, and after reporting to the surgeon, returned to his station at the gun and resumed his duties till the action was over, and was then carried below. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) GEORGE CHARETTE. Gunner's mate, first class, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism in connection with the sinking of the U.S.S. _Merrimac_, at the entrance to the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, on the night of June 2, 1898, under heavy fire from the Spanish batteries. (G.O. 529, November 2, 1899.) JOHN P. CHATHAM. Gunner's mate, second class, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy, in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) EDWARD A. CLARY. Water tender, serving on board the U.S.S. _Hopkins_, for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession on the occasion of the accident to one of the boilers of that vessel February 14, 1910. (G.O. 59, March 23, 1910.) JOSEPH CLANCY. Chief boatswain's mate, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) CLAUS K. R. CLAUSEN. Coxswain, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism in connection with the sinking of the U.S.S. _Merrimac_, at the entrance to the harbor of Santiago de Cuba on the night of June 2, 1898, under heavy fire from the Spanish batteries. (G.O. 529, November 2, 1899.) JOHN J. CLAUSEY. Chief gunner's mate, serving on board the U.S.S. _Bennington_, for extraordinary heroism displayed at the time of the explosion of a boiler of that vessel at San Diego, Calif., July 21, 1905. (G.O. 13, January 5, 1906.) ROBERT T. CLIFFORD. Master-at-arms on board of the U.S.S. _Monticello_; volunteered for duty on four occasions of danger, and was particularly conspicuous in charging a rebel force near New Topsail Inlet, N.C., August 22, 1863, and in destroying a rebel schooner. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) PATRICK COLBERT. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Commodore Hull_. At the capture of Plymouth, October 31, 1864, was captain of the forward pivot gun. Although painfully wounded by a shell, which killed a comrade at his side, he remained at his post until the close of the action, and appeared as cool during the engagement as if at target practice. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN COLEMAN. Private, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Colorado_, fighting hand to hand with the enemy and saving the life of Alexander McKenzie, Korea, June 11, 1871. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) DENNIS CONLAN. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Agawam_; one of the crew of the powder boat which was exploded near Fort Fisher December 23, 1864, for which service he volunteered. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) MICHAEL CONNOLLY. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Plymouth_; gallantry in rescuing a citizen from drowning in the harbor of Halifax, Nova Scotia, on the 7th of August, 1876. (G.O. 218, August 24, 1876.) THOMAS CONNOR. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Minnesota_. In the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865, charged up the palisades and remained there when others were seized with a panic. He, with others, brought off a wounded officer from the field. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) WILLIAM C. CONNOR. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Howquah_ on the occasion of the destruction of the blockade runner _Lynx_, off Wilmington, September 25, 1864, at night. Performed his duty faithfully under the most trying circumstances, standing firmly at his post in the midst of a cross fire from the rebel shore batteries and our own vessels. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JAMES COONEY. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the Battle of Tientsin, July 13, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) THOMAS C. COONEY. Chief machinist, serving on board the U.S. torpedo boat _Winslow_, for gallant and conspicuous conduct in the action at Cardenas, Cuba, May 11, 1898. Cooney's promptness in extinguishing fires in boiler pierced by shell saved boiler tubes from burning out. (G.O. 497, September 3, 1898.) JOHN COOPER. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. Very conspicuous for bravery, skill, coolness, and activity at his gun. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) SECOND MEDAL. Quartermaster on Acting Rear Admiral Thatcher's staff. During the terrific fire at Mobile, on the 26th of April, 1865, at the risk of being blown to pieces by exploding shells, he advanced through the burning locality, rescued a wounded man from certain death, and bore him on his back to a place of safety. Entitled to wear a bar attached to the ribbon of the medal he had already received at Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. (G.O. 62, June 29, 1865.) DEMETRI CORAHORGI. Fireman, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Iowa_, for extraordinary heroism at the time of the blowing out of the manhole plate of boiler D on board that vessel, January 25, 1905. (G.O. 182, March 20, 1905.) THOMAS E. CORCORAN. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Cincinnati_, in an attack on the Vicksburg batteries, May 27, 1863; conspicuous for coolness and bravery under a severely accurate fire. "This is no ordinary case of performance of duty." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) WILLIAM COREY. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Plymouth_; heroic conduct in endeavoring to save the life of one of the crew of the _Plymouth_, who had fallen overboard from aloft, at the navy yard, New York, July 26, 1876. (G.O. 215, August 9, 1876.) LIEUT. COMMANDER WILLIAM M. CORRY, UNITED STATES NAVY. For heroic service in attempting to rescue a brother officer from a flame-enveloped airplane. On October 2, 1920, an airplane in which Lieut. Commander Corry was a passenger crashed and burst into flames. He was thrown 30 feet clear of the plane and though injured rushed back to the burning machine and endeavored to release the pilot. In so doing he sustained serious burns, from which he died four days later. JOHN COSTELLO. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_; gallantry in rescuing from drowning a landsman of that vessel, at Philadelphia, on the 16th of July, 1876. (G.O. 214, July 27, 1876.) PETER COTTON. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Baron DeKalk_; mentioned by his commanding officer for having "distinguished himself in various actions." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) H. C. COURTNEY. Seaman on board the U.S. training ship _Portsmouth_; for jumping overboard from that vessel at the Washington Navy Yard, February 7, 1882, and rescuing from drowning Charles Taliaferro, jack-of-the-dust. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) LIEUT. (JUNIOR GRADE) GEORGE M. COURTS, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was under fire, eminent and conspicuous in the performance of his duties; had well qualified himself by thorough study during his years of duty in Mexico to deal with the conditions of this engagement, and his services were of great value. He twice volunteered and passed in an open boat through the zone of fire to convey important orders to the _Chester_, then under a severe fire. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) JESSIE W. COVINGTON. Ship's cook, third class, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism following internal explosion of the _Florence H._, on April 17, 1918. The sea in the vicinity of wreckage was covered by a mass of boxes of smokeless powder, which were repeatedly exploding. Jessie W. Covington, of the U.S.S. _Stewart_, plunged overboard to rescue a survivor who was surrounded by powder boxes and too exhausted to help himself, fully realizing that similar powder boxes in the vicinity were continually exploding and that he was thereby risking his life in saving the life of this man. (G.O. 403, June 8, 1918.) CHIEF GUNNER ROBERT EDWARD COX, UNITED STATES NAVY. For extraordinary heroism on U.S.S. _Missouri_, April 13, 1904. While at target practice off Pensacola, Fla., an accident occurred in the after turret of the _Missouri_ whereby the lives of 5 officers and 28 men were lost. The ship was in imminent danger of destruction by explosion, and the prompt action of Cox and two gunners' mates caused the fire to be brought under control, and the loss of the _Missouri_, together with her crew, was averted. (G.O. 43, April 14, 1921.) (Medal presented by President Harding.) T. CRAMEN. Boatswain's mate of the U.S. training ship _Portsmouth_; for jumping overboard from that vessel at the Washington Navy Yard, February 7, 1882, and rescuing from drowning Charles Taliaferro, jack-of-the-dust. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) ALEXANDER CRAWFORD. Fireman on board of the U.S.S. _Wyalusing_; volunteered May 25, 1864, in a night attempt to destroy the rebel ram _Albemarle_, in Roanoke River, and, although it was unsuccessful, he displayed courage, zeal, and unwearied exertion on the occasion. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM J. CREELMAN. Landsman, United States Navy, attached to the U.S.S. _Maine_; distinguished himself by extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession in an attempt to save life at sea, February, 1897. GEORGE CREGAN. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Florida_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) THOMAS CRIPPS. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He was on the _Brooklyn_ in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip; the Chalmette batteries; batteries below Vicksburg; and present at the surrender of New Orleans. Joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIE CRONAN. Boatswain's mate, second class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Bennington_, for extraordinary heroism displayed at the time of the explosion of a boiler of that vessel at San Diego, Calif., July 21, 1905. (G.O. 13, January 5, 1906.) CORNELIUS CRONIN. Chief quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and close attention to duty in looking out for signals and steering the ship in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He has been in the naval service eight years. Joined the _Brooklyn_ in December, 1861; was in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip and with the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans; was in the action with the Chalmette batteries; present at the surrender of New Orleans; and in the attack on the batteries below Vicksburg, in 1862. Joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1863. Afterwards appointed a gunner in the Navy. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM A. CROUSE. Water tender, serving on board the U.S.S. _Concord_, for especially brave and praiseworthy conduct in line of duty, hauling fires at the time of the blowing out of a lower manhole plate joint on boiler B on board of that vessel off Cavite, Manila Bay, P.I., May 21, 1898. The atmosphere in which Crouse was obliged to work was very hot and filled with vapor, necessitating the playing of water into the fireroom from a hose. (G.O. 502, December 14, 1898.) LOUIS CUKELA. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps. "For extraordinary heroism in action in the Forest de Retz, near Viller Cottertes, France, July 18, 1918. Sergeant Cukela advanced alone against an enemy's strong point that was holding up his line, worked his way to its rear, and by the use of German hand grenades attacked and captured two machine guns and four men." (Act of February 4, 1919.) GEORGE W. CUTTER. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Powhatan_; jumped overboard at Norfolk, May 27, 1872, and aided in saving one of the crew of that vessel from drowning. (G.O. 176, July 9, 1872.) JOHN O. DAHLGREN. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at the Battle of Peking, China, June 20 to July 16, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) DANIEL DALY. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished and gallant conduct in the presence of the enemy in the Battle of Peking, China, August 14, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) SECOND MEDAL. Gunnery sergeant, United States Marine Corps. "On October 22, 1915, Captain Upshur, First Lieutenant Ostermann, First Lieutenant Miller, Assistant Surgeon Borden, and 35 enlisted men of the Fifteenth Company of Marines, all mounted, left Fort Liberte, Haiti, for a six-day reconnaissance. After dark on the evening of October 24, while crossing river in deep ravine, the detachment was suddenly fired upon from three sides by about 400 Cacos concealed in bushes about 100 yards from fort. The marine detachment fought its way forward to a good position, which it maintained during the night, although subjected to a continuous fire from the Cacos. At daybreak the marines, in three squads, commanded by Captain Upshur, Lieutenant Ostermann, and Gunnery Sergeant Daly, advanced in three different directions, surprising and scattering the Cacos in all directions. The expeditionary commander commented on the gallantry displayed by the officers and men of this detachment in the following language: "The action of 35 men in the attack made upon them during the night of October 24 can not be commended too highly. It is true that these men were in pitch darkness, surrounded by ten times their number and fighting for their lives, but the manner in which they fought during that long night, the steady, cool discipline that prevented demoralization, is remarkable. Had one squad failed, not one man of the party would have lived to tell the story. The actual assault upon the enemy, made in three different directions and beginning as soon as the light permitted them to see, was splendid. It meant success or utter annihilation. It succeeded, thanks to the splendid examples given by the officers and noncommissioned officers, supported by the men. Upshur and Ostermann advancing from two directions captured Fort Dipitie with a total of 13 marines, putting garrison to flight. Demolished and burned fort. All three squads burned all houses from which fire had been coming. I believe, therefore, that Capt. William P. Upshur, First Lieut. Edward A. Ostermann, and Gunnery Sergt. Daniel Daly should be given medals of honor for this particular engagement and the work of the following day. "On November 17, 1915, it was planned to attack Fort Riviere, Haiti, with a force made up of detachments from the Fifth, Thirteenth, Twenty-third Companies, and the marine detachment and sailors from the _Connecticut_. Fort Riviere was an old French bastion fort, about 200 feet on the side, with thick walls of brick and stone, the walls being loopholed. The original entrance had been on the northern side, but had been blocked, a small breach in the southern wall being used in its stead. As this breach in the wall was the only entrance to the fort, it was naturally covered by the defenders on the inside, making passage through it into the fort a most hazardous undertaking for the leading men. Notwithstanding the fact that the fire of the Cacos was constantly passing through this hole in the wall, Sergt. Ross L. Iams, Fifth Company, unhesitatingly jumped through, closely followed by Pvt. Samuel Gross, of the Twenty-third Company. A mêlée then ensued inside of the fort for about 10 minutes, the Cacos fighting desperately with rifles, clubs, stones, etc., during which several jumped from the walls in an effort to escape, but were shot by the automatic guns of the Fifth Company and by the Thirteenth Company advancing to the attack." Gunnery Sergt. Daniel Daly, Fifteenth Company, during the operations was the most conspicuous figure among the enlisted personnel. HENRY W. DAVIS. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, July 21 to August 17, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JOHN DAVIS. Ordinary seaman; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Trenton_, at Toulon, France, February, 1881, and rescuing from drowning Augustus Ohlensen, coxswain. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) JOHN DAVIS. Quarter gunner on board of the U.S.S. _Valley City_, in the attack on the enemy's vessels and a fort near Elizabeth City, N.C., February 10, 1862. When the vessel was on fire near the magazine, he seated himself on an open barrel of powder as the only means to keep the fire out. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) JOHN DAVIS. Gunner's mate, third class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JOSEPH H. DAVIS. Landsman on the U.S. receiving ship _Dale_, for jumping from the ferryboat while off the wharf at Norfolk, Va., and rescuing from drowning John Norman, seaman, January 22, 1886. (See letter Mate J. W. Baxter, United States Navy, No. 8985, January 25, 1886.) RAYMOND E. DAVIS. Quartermaster, third class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Bennington_, for extraordinary heroism displayed at the time of the explosion of a boiler of that vessel at San Diego, Calif., July 21, 1905. (G.O. 13, January 5, 1906.) SAMUEL W. DAVIS. Ordinary seaman, on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; displayed much courage, bravery, and coolness in acting as a lookout for torpedoes and other obstructions. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) CHARLES DEAKIN. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He deserves special notice for his good example and zeal in going to and remaining at his quarters during the whole action, although quite sick. He has been in the naval service six years; was on board the _Brooklyn_ in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and with the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans; was in the action with the Chalmette batteries; present at the surrender of New Orleans; and on board the _Brooklyn_ in the attack upon the batteries below Vicksburg in 1862. Joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) PERCY A. DECKER. Boatswain's mate, second class, on board of the U.S.S. _Florida_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) OSBORN DEIGNAN. Coxswain, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism in connection with the sinking of the U.S.S. _Merrimac_, at the entrance to the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, on the night of June 2, 1898, under heavy fire from the Spanish batteries. (G.O. 529, November 2, 1899.) LORENZO DEMMING. Landsman on board of the U.S. picket boat _No. 1_, which destroyed the rebel ram _Albemarle_ at Plymouth, N.C., October 27, 1864. (G. O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN DEMPSEY. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_; gallant conduct in jumping overboard from the _Kearsarge_, at Shanghai, China, on the 23d of January, 1875, and rescuing from drowning one of the crew of that vessel. JOHN DEMPSTER. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _New Ironsides_; commended for highly meritorious conduct during the several engagements with Fort Fisher in December, 1864, and January, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) MICHAEL DENEEF. Captain of top on board of the U.S.S. _Swatara_; gallant conduct in jumping overboard at Para, Brazil, December 1, 1875, and rescuing one of the crew of that vessel from drowning. (G.O. 201, January 18, 1876.) AUSTIN DENHAM. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Kansas_; displayed great coolness and self-possession at the time Commander A. F. Crosman and others were drowned near Greytown, Nicaragua, April 12, 1872, and by extraordinary heroism and personal exertion prevented greater loss of life. (G.O. 176, July 9, 1872.) J. HENRY DENIG. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. Conspicuous good conduct at his gun. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) RICHARD DENNIS. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. Displayed much courage, bravery, and coolness in operating the torpedo catcher and assisting in working the bow chaser. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM DENSMORE. Chief boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He has been in the naval service 12 years; was on board the ship _St. Louis_, blockading off Pensacola and Head of the Passes of the Mississippi, until the expiration of his service in 1861; reshipped the same year and joined the _Brooklyn_; was in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip and with the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans; was in the action with the Chalmette batteries; present at the surrender of New Orleans; and on board the _Brooklyn_ in the attack upon the batteries below Vicksburg in 1862. Joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ABRAHAM DE SOMERS. Chief turret captain on board of the U.S.S. _Utah_, for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21 and 22, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) BARTHOLOMEW DIGGINS. Ordinary seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Hartford_, for gallant conduct in the presence of the enemy during the action against Fort Morgan and the enemy's vessels in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. (G.O. 391, November 12, 1891.) JOHN DITZENBACK. Quartermaster on board the U.S. monitor _Neosho_. During the engagement at Bells Mills, on the Cumberland River, near Nashville, Tenn., December 6, 1864, the flag and signal staffs of the _Neosho_ were shot away and the flag lay drooping over the wheelhouse. Under the fire of the enemy's artillery and musketry, this man went out of the pilot house, recovered the flag, and tied it to the stump of the main signal staff, the highest mast remaining, being assisted by Pilot John H. Ferrell. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOHN DONNELLY. Ordinary seaman on board the U.S.S. _Metacomet_; was one of the boat's crew which, in charge of Acting Ensign H. C. Neilds, United States Navy, went to the rescue of the officers and crew of the U.S. monitor _Tecumseh_ when that vessel was sunk by a torpedo in passing the forts in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864. This boat's crew, under their brave and gallant leader, went within a few hundred yards of one of the forts, under a fire which Admiral Farragut expressed as "one of the most galling" he ever saw, and succeeded in rescuing from death 10 of the crew of the _Tecumseh_. Their conduct elicited the admiration of both friend and foe. (G.O. 71, January 15, 1866.) WILLIAM DOOLEN. Coal heaver on board the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct and for refusing to leave his station as shot and shell passer after having been knocked down and badly wounded in the head by splinters; and upon going to quarters the second time he was found at his station nobly doing his duty in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He was in Fort Pickens when it was bombarded by the rebels; was on board the _Brooklyn_ in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip; the Chalmettes; the rebel ironclad and gunboats below New Orleans; the batteries below Vicksburg; and present at the surrender of New Orleans. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN J. DORAN. Boatswain's mate, second class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JOHN DORMAN. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Carondelet_; although several times wounded in various actions, has invariably returned to duty, presenting an example of constancy and devotion to the flag. (G.O. 32, April 18, 1864.) JAMES DOUGHERTY. Private, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Benicia_; attack on and capture of the Korean forts June 11, 1871, for seeking out and killing the commanding officer of the Korean forces. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) PATRICK DOUGHERTY. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, took the place of the powder boy at his gun, without orders, when the powder boy was disabled; kept up a supply, and showed much zeal in his new capacity. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) HENRY DOW. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Cincinnati_, in an attack on the Vicksburg batteries, May 27, 1863; conspicuous for coolness and bravery under a severely accurate fire. "This was no ordinary case of performance of duty." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) LIEUT. NIELS DRUSTRUP, UNITED STATES NAVY. For meritorious service under fire on the occasion of the landing of the naval forces at Vera Cruz, Mexico, on April 21, 1914. For several hours Drustrup was in charge of an advanced barricade under a heavy fire, and not only displayed utmost ability as a leader of men but exerted a great steadying influence on the men around him. Lieutenant Drustrup was then attached to the U.S.S. _Utah_ as a chief turret captain. (G.O. 131, July 17, 1924.) FRANK DU MOULIN. Apprentice on board of the U.S.S. _Sabine_. On the 5th of September, 1867, he jumped overboard and saved from drowning Apprentice D'Orsay, who had fallen from the mizzen topmast rigging of the _Sabine_, in New London Harbor, and was rendered helpless by striking the mizzen rigging and boat davit in the fall. (G.O. 84, October --, 1867.) ADAM DUNCAN. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He has been six years in the naval service; was on board the _Brooklyn_ in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip and with the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans; was in the action with the Chalmette batteries; present at the surrender of New Orleans; and on board the _Brooklyn_ in the attack upon the batteries below Vicksburg in 1862. Joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JAMES K. L. DUNCAN. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Fort Hindman_. During the engagement near Harrisonburg, La., March 2, 1864, a shell burst in the muzzle of one of the guns of the vessel, setting fire to the tie of a cartridge which had just been put in the gun. Duncan immediately seized the burning cartridge, removed it from the gun, and threw it overboard. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) WILLIAM DUNN. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Monadnock_. In the several attacks upon Fort Fisher, December 24 and 25, 1864, and January 13, 14, and 15, 1865, he was stationed at the lead. His attention to duty was constant, and his cheerfulness, coolness, and disdain of shelter attracted the notice of all on deck. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) RICHARD D. DUNPHY. Coal heaver on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_; lost both arms during the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864. AUSTIN J. DURNEY. Blacksmith, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) CAPT. JESSE F. DYER, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was in both days' fighting, at the head of his company, and was eminent and conspicuous in his conduct, leading his men with skill and courage. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) JOHN EDWARDS. Captain of top on board of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864; second captain of a gun; although wounded, would not, when ordered, go below to the surgeon, but took the place of the first captain during the remainder of the battle. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) LIEUT. COMMANDER WALTER ATLEE EDWARDS, UNITED STATES NAVY. For heroism in rescuing 482 men, women, and children from the French military transport _Vinh-Long_, destroyed by fire in the Sea of Marmora, Turkey, on December 16, 1922. Lieut. Commander Edwards, commanding the U.S.S. _Bainbridge_, placed his vessel alongside the bow of the transport and, in spite of several violent explosions which occurred on the burning vessel, maintained his ship in that position until all who were alive were taken on board. Of a total of 495 on board, 482 were rescued by his coolness, judgment, and professional skill, which were combined with a degree of heroism that must reflect new glory on the United States Navy. (Medal presented by President Coolidge at the White House on February 2, 1924.) (G.O. No. 123, February 4, 1924.) JOHN EGLIT. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JOHN W. EHLE. Fireman, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Concord_, for especially brave and praiseworthy conduct in line of duty, assisting to haul fires at the time of the blowing out of a lower manhole-plate joint on boiler B on board that vessel off Cavite, Manila Bay, P.I., May 21, 1898. The atmosphere in which Ehle was obliged to work was very hot and filled with vapor, necessitating the playing of water into the fireroom from a hose. (G.O. 502, December 14, 1898.) HENRY A. EILERS. Gunner's mate, serving on board the U.S.S. _Philadelphia_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession on the occasion of the sham attack on Fort McHenry, Baltimore, Md., September 17, 1892, in remaining at his post in the magazine and stamping out the burning particles of a prematurely exploded cartridge, which were blown down the chute. (G.O. 404, November 22, 1892.) SURG. MIDDLETON S. ELLIOTT, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was eminent and conspicuous in the efficient establishment and operation of the base hospital and in his cool judgment and courage in supervising first-aid stations on the firing line and removing the wounded. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) WALTER ELMORE. Landsman on board the U.S.S. _Gettysburg_; for jumping overboard and saving from drowning Wallace Febrey, landsman, while that vessel was under way at sea in latitude 36° 58´ N., longitude 3° 44´ E., on October 1, 1878. THOMAS ENGLISH. Signal quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _New Ironsides_; commended for highly meritorious conduct during the several engagements with Fort Fisher in December, 1864, and January, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOHN ENRIGHT. Landsman of the U.S.S. _Ranger_; for jumping overboard from that vessel and rescuing from drowning John Bell, ordinary seaman, and George Svensson, ordinary seaman, off Ensenada, Mexico, January 18, 1886. JOHN P. ERICKSON. Captain of forecastle on board of the U.S.S. _Pontoosuc_; commended for gallantry, skill, and coolness in action during the operations in and about Cape Fear River, which extended from December 24, 1864, to January 22, 1865, and resulted in the capture of Fort Fisher and Wilmington. Was severely wounded in the naval assault upon Fort Fisher. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) NICK ERICKSON. Coxswain, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JOHN EVERETTS. Gunner's mate, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Cushing_; for gallant conduct in attempting to save the life of the late Ensign Joseph C. Breckinridge, United States Navy, who fell overboard at sea from that vessel on February 11, 1898. (G.O. 489, May 20, 1898.) HARRY D. FADEN. Coxswain, serving on board the U.S.S. _Adams_, for gallantry, rescuing O. C. Hawthorne, landsman for training, from drowning at sea, June 30, 1903. (G.O. 138, July 31, 1903.) WILLIAM FARLEY. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, in the engagement with the rebel batteries on Stono River, December 25, 1863; distinguished for extraordinary energy and heroism in discharging his duties as first captain of 9-inch gun, setting a noble example of courage and devotion. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) EDWARD FARRELL. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Owasco_, in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip, April 24, 1862. "His intelligence, coolness, and capacity were conspicuous." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) ISAAC L. FASSEUR. Ordinary seaman of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_; for rescuing from drowning William Cruise, who had fallen overboard, June 13, 1884, at Callao, Peru. JOHN H. FERRELL. Pilot on board the U.S. monitor _Neosho_. During the engagement at Bells Mills, on the Cumberland River, near Nashville, Tenn., December 6, 1864, the flag and signal staffs of the _Neosho_ were shot away and the flag lay drooping over the wheelhouse. Under the fire of the enemy's artillery and musketry he went out on the pilot house, recovered the flag, and tied it to the stump of the main signal staff, the highest mast remaining. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) OSCAR W. FIELD. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) FREDERICK T. FISHER. Gunner's mate, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Philadelphia_, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Samoa, April 1, 1899. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) HARRY FISHER. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at the Battle of Peking, China, June 20 to July 16, 1900. Fisher was killed while assisting to erect barricades under a heavy fire. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JOSEPH FITZ. Ordinary seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Pampanga_, for bravery and extraordinary heroism in the time of battle, Mount Dajo Jolo, P.I., March 8, 1906. (G.O. 19, May 1, 1906.) JOHN FITZGERALD. Private, United States Marine Corps, for heroism and gallantry in action at Cuzco, Cuba, June 14, 1898. (G.O. 92, December 8, 1910.) THOMAS FITZPATRICK. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. "His gun was almost disabled by the bursting of a shell, which destroyed much of the material and killed seven men, besides wounding several others, and among them himself. Notwithstanding this, he had the killed and wounded quietly removed; replaced the breeching, side tackle, and truck, etc. (which had been cut to pieces), got a crew, and in a little while was firing the gun again as usual." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN FLANNAGAN. Boatswain's mate on board the U.S.S. _Supply_; for rescuing from drowning David Walsh, seaman, of Havre, France, October 26, 1878. REAR ADMIRAL FRANK F. FLETCHER, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was under fire, eminent and conspicuous in the performance of his duties; was senior officer present at Vera Cruz, directing the landing and the operations of the landing force were carried out under his orders and directions. In connection with these operations he was at times on shore and under fire. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) LIEUT. FRANK J. FLETCHER, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914: was under fire, eminent and conspicuous in the performance of his duties. He was in charge of the _Esperanza_ and succeeded in getting on board over 350 refugees, many of them after the conflict had commenced. This ship was under fire, being struck more than 30 times, but he succeeded in getting all the refugees placed in safety. Later he was placed in charge of the train conveying refugees under a flag of truce. This was hazardous duty, as it was believed that the track was mined, and a small error in dealing with the Mexican guard of soldiers might readily have caused a conflict, such a conflict at one time being narrowly averted. It was greatly due to his efforts in establishing friendly relations with the Mexican soldiers that so many refugees succeeded in reaching Vera Cruz from the interior. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) THOMAS FLOOD. Boy on board of the U.S.S. _Pensacola_, in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and at the taking of New Orleans, April 24 and 25, 1862. "Assisted very materially by taking the duties of the signal quartermaster, who was shot down, which duties he performed with the coolness, exactitude, and fidelity of a veteran seaman." "Can not speak too warmly of Flood." "Intelligence and character of high order." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) EDWARD FLOYD. Boilermaker, serving on board the U.S.S. _Iowa_, for extraordinary heroism at the time of the blowing out of the manhole plate of boiler D on board that vessel, January 25, 1905. (G.O. 182, March 20, 1905.) ALEXANDER J. FOLEY. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battle near Tientsin, China, July 13, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) ANDREW P. FORBECK. Seaman, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battle, Katbalogan, Samar, P.I., July 16, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) PATRICK F. FORD, Jr. (See James Meredith.) BRUNO A. FORSTERER. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Samoa, April 1, 1899. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) ENSIGN PAUL F. FOSTER, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was in both days' fighting at the head of his company, and was eminent and conspicuous in his conduct, leading his men with skill and courage. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) CHRISTOPHER FOWLER. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Fortune_; gallant conduct off Point Zapotitlan, Mexico, May 11, 1874, on the occasion of the capsizing of one of the boats of the _Fortune_ and the drowning of a portion of the boat's crew. CHARLES H. FOY. Signal quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Rhode Island_; commended for valuable services during the actions with Fort Fisher January 13 to 15, 1865, and for commendable qualities. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) HERBERT L. FOSS. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) CHARLES R. FRANCIS. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in the advance on Tientsin, China, June 21, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) FREDERICK FRANKLIN. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Colorado_; assumed command of Company D, after Lieutenant McKee was wounded, and handled it with great credit until relieved during the attack and capture of the Korean forts June 11, 1871. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) JOSEPH J. FRANKLIN. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) WILLIAM J. FRANKS. Seaman serving on board the U.S.S. _Marmora_; was sent on shore with a crew to man a rifle howitzer which had been mounted on a field carriage and posted in the streets of Yazoo City during the rebel attack on that place, March 5, 1864. His defense of the gun against superior forces is mentioned as most gallant, having nobly stood his ground through the whole action, fighting hand to hand to save the gun and the reputation of the Navy. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) ENSIGN HUGH C. FRAZER, UNITED STATES NAVY. For extraordinary heroism in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914. Ran forward to rescue a wounded man, in which act he was so exposed that the fire of his own men was temporarily suspended for fear of hitting him. He returned at once to his position in line. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) EMIL FREDERICKSEN. Water tender, serving on board the U.S.S. _Bennington_, for extraordinary heroism displayed at the time of the explosion of a boiler of that vessel at San Diego, Calif., July 21, 1905. (G.O. 13, January 5, 1906.) MARTIN FREEMAN. Pilot on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864; was the great reliance of the commanding officer of the _Hartford_ in all difficulties in his line of duty. During the action he was in the maintop piloting the ships into the bay. Especially commended to the department. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) J. B. FRISBEE. Gunner's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Pinola_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip April 24, 1862, and the taking of New Orleans. "Berth deck being on fire, he instantly closed the magazine and remained inside." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) ISAAC N. FRY. Orderly sergeant, United States Marine Corps, U.S.S. _Ticonderoga_, in the attacks on Fort Fisher January 13 to 15, 1865. "Commended for coolness, good conduct, and skill as captain of a gun." (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) CAPT. ELI T. FRYER, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was in both days' fighting at the head of his company and was eminent and conspicuous in his conduct, leading his men with skill and courage. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) LOUIS R. GAIENNIE. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, July 21 to August 17, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) ROBERT GALBERT. Apprentice, first class, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism and gallantry, while under fire of the enemy at El Pardo, Cebu, P.I., September 12 and 13, 1899. (G.O. 531, November 21, 1899.) FRANK GALLAGHER. (See Francis T. Ryan.) WILLIAM GARDNER. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Oneida_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, behaved so coolly under fire as to draw the particular attention of the executive officer of the vessel. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JAMES R. GARRISON. Coal heaver on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864. Had one of his great toes shot off, but without leaving his station at the shell whip bound up the wound and remained at work until again severely wounded. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM GARVIN. Captain of forecastle on board of the U.S.S. _Agawam_; one of the crew of the powder boat which was exploded near Fort Fisher December 23, 1864, for which service he volunteered. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) PHILIP GAUGHAN. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) DANIEL G. GEORGE. (See William Smith.) MICHAEL GIBBONS. Oiler, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) CHARLES GIDDINGS. Seaman of the U.S.S. _Plymouth_; for heroic conduct in trying to save the life of one of the crew of that ship, who had fallen overboard from aloft at the navy yard, New York, July 26, 1876. (G.O. 215, August 9, 1876.) FRANK S. GILE. Landsman on board the U.S.S. _Lehigh_, Charleston Harbor, November 16, 1863; for gallant behavior in passing lines between the _Lehigh_ and _Nahant_ in an open boat while exposed to a heavy fire from the forts in Charleston Harbor. Advanced in his rating. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) FREEMAN GILL. Gunner's mate, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_; for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) MATTHEW GILLICK. Boatswain's mate; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Lancaster_ November 20, 1883, at Marseille, France, and rescuing from drowning a French lad who had fallen into the sea from a stone pier astern of the ship. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) ALPHONSE GIRANDY. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Petrel_; for heroism and gallantry, fearlessly exposing his own life to danger for the saving of others, on the occasion of the fire on board said vessel March 31, 1901. (G.O. 85, March 22, 1902.) EDWARD A. GISBURNE. Electrician, third class, on board the U.S.S. _Florida_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21 and 22, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) JOSEPH A. GLOWIN. Corporal, United States Marine Corps; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession and for eminent and conspicuous courage in the presence of the enemy at the action at Guayacanes, Dominican Republic, July 3, 1916. (G.O. 244, October 30, 1916.) WILLIAM H. GOWAN. Boatswain's mate, second class, United States Navy, for bravery and extraordinary heroism displayed by him during a conflagration in Coquimbo, Chile, January 20, 1909. (G.O. 18, March 19, 1909.) H. P. GRACE. Chief quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Benicia_; gallant and meritorious conduct in the attack on the Korean forts June 10 and 11, 1871. LIEUT. JOHN GRADY, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914; during the second day's fighting the service performed by him was eminent and conspicuous. He was in command of the Second Regiment, Artillery; from necessarily exposed positions shelled the enemy from their strongest position. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) ROBERT GRAHAM. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Tacony_. At the capture of Plymouth, October 31, 1864, he landed and spiked a loaded 9-inch gun under a sharp fire of musketry. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ORA GRAVES. Seaman, United States Navy; displayed extraordinary heroism on July 23, 1917, while the U.S.S. _Pittsburgh_ was proceeding to Buenos Aires, Argentine. A 3-inch saluting charge exploded, causing the death of C. T. Lyles, seaman. Upon the explosion Graves was blown to the deck, but soon recovered and discovered burning waste on the deck. He put out the burning waste while the casemate was filled with clouds of smoke, knowing that there was more powder there which might explode. (G.O. No. 366, February 11, 1918.) RADE GRBITCH. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Bennington_, for extraordinary heroism displayed at the time of the explosion of a boiler of that vessel at San Diego, Calif., July 21, 1905. (G.O. 13, January 5, 1906.) JOHN GREENE. Captain of forecastle; captain of gun on board of the U.S.S. _Varuna_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip April 24, 1862; mentioned as having done his "duty through the thickest of the fight with great coolness and danger to the enemy." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) JOHN GRIFFITHS. Captain of forecastle, belonging to the U.S.S. _Santiago de Cuba_; was one of the boat's crew detailed for General Terry. This boat's crew were represented to have been the only men who entered Fort Fisher in the assault from the fleet January 15, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) LUKE M. GRISWOLD. Ordinary seaman; was one of the crew of the first cutter of the U.S.S. _Rhode Island_ on the night of December 30, 1862, which was engaged in saving the lives of the officers and crew of the _Monitor_. The crew had saved quite a number, and, owing to their gallantry and zeal in the desire to save others, they became separated from the _Rhode Island_ and were adrift for several hours. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) SAMUEL GROSS. Private, United States Marine Corps. "On November 17, 1915, it was planned to attack Fort Riviere, Haiti, with a force made up of detachments from the Fifth, Thirteenth, Twenty-third Companies, and the marine detachment and sailors from the _Connecticut_. Fort Riviere was an old French bastion fort, about 200 feet on the side, with thick walls of brick and stone, the walls being loopholed. The original entrance had been on the northern side, but had been blocked, a small breach in the southern wall being used in its stead. As this breach in the wall was the only entrance to the fort, it was naturally covered by the defenders on the inside, making passage through it into the fort a most hazardous undertaking for the leading men. Notwithstanding the fact that the fire of the Cacos was constantly passing through this hole in the wall, Sergt. Ross L. Iams, Fifth Company, unhesitatingly jumped through, closely followed by Pvt. Samuel Gross, of the Twenty-third Company. A mêlée then ensued inside of the fort for about 10 minutes, the Cacos fighting desperately with rifles, clubs, stones, etc., during which several jumped from the walls in an effort to escape, but were shot by the automatic guns of the Fifth Company and by the Thirteenth Company advancing to the attack." EDMUND HAFFEE. Quarter gunner on board of the U.S.S. _New Ironsides_; commended for highly meritorious conduct during the several engagements with Fort Fisher in December, 1864, and January, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JAMES HALEY. Captain of forecastle on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct, and is highly commended by the divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM HALFORD. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Saginaw_; sole survivor of the boat's crew sent to the Sandwich Islands for assistance after the wreck of the _Saginaw_, October, 1870. Promoted to acting gunner. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) LUOVI HALLING. Boatswain's mate, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Missouri_; for heroism in attempting to rescue from drowning Cecil C. Young, ordinary seaman, September 15, 1904. (G.O. 172, October 4, 1904.) WILLIAM HALSTEAD. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864; "coolness, bravery, and skill in the working of his gun. His conduct was particularly meritorious." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) MARK G. HAM. Carpenter's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct, and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM F. HAMBERGER. Chief carpenter's mate, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) HUGH HAMILTON. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. Was in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the Chalmettes, the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans, the batteries below Vicksburg; present at the surrender of New Orleans. Joined the _Richmond_ in October, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) RICHARD HAMILTON. Coal heaver on board of the U.S. picket boat _No. 1_, which destroyed the rebel ram _Albemarle_ at Plymouth, N.C., October 27, 1864. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) THOMAS W. HAMILTON. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Cincinnati_ in the attack on the Vicksburg batteries May 27, 1863; "was severely wounded at the wheel, but afterwards returned to lend a hand, and had to be sent below." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) ENSIGN CHARLES H. HAMMANN, UNITED STATES NAVAL RESERVE FORCE. "For extraordinary heroism as a pilot of a seaplane on August 21, 1919, when with three other planes he took part in a patrol for dropping propaganda on Pola. They encountered and attacked a superior force of enemy land planes, and in the course of the engagement which followed the plane of Ensign George M. Ludlow was shot down and fell in the water 5 miles off Pola. Ensign Hammann immediately dived down and landed on the water close alongside the disabled machine, where he took Ludlow on board and, although his machine was not designed for the double load to which it was subjected, and although there was danger of attack by Austrian planes, made his way to Porto Corsini." (Act of February 4, 1919.) ALEXANDER HAND. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Ceres_ in the fight near Hamilton, up the Roanoke River, July 9, 1862; spoken of for "good conduct and soul bravery." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) JOHN HANDRAN. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Franklin_; gallant conduct in jumping overboard from the _Franklin_ at Lisbon, Portugal, and rescuing from drowning one of the crew of that vessel on the 9th of January, 1876. (G.O. 206, February 15, 1876.) BURKE HANFORD. Machinist, first class, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) SECOND LIEUT. HERMAN HENRY HANNEKEN, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. "For extraordinary heroism and conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity in actual conflict with the enemy near Grande Riviere, Republic of Haiti, on the night of October 31-November 1, 1919, resulting in the death of Charlemagne Peralte, the supreme bandit chief in the Republic of Haiti, and the killing and capture and dispersal of about 1,200 of his outlaw followers. Second Lieut. Hanneken not only distinguished himself by his excellent judgment and leadership but unhesitatingly exposed himself to great personal danger, and the slightest error would have forfeited not only his life but the lives of the detachments of gendarmerie under his command. The successful termination of his mission will undoubtedly prove of untold value to the Republic of Haiti." (G.O. No. 536, June 10, 1920.) HANS A. HANSEN. Seaman, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, June 19, 1901.) THOMAS HARCOURT. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Minnesota_; especially commended for bravery in the assault on Fort Fisher January 15, 1865, remaining at the front near the fort when the panic carried the mass away. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) THOMAS HARDING. Captain of forecastle, on board of the U.S.S. _Dacotah_, on the occasion of the destruction of the blockade runner _Pevensey_, near Beaufort, N.C., June 9, 1864. "Learning that one of the officers in the boat, which was in danger of being and subsequently was swamped, could not swim, Harding remarked to him: 'If we are swamped, sir, I shall carry you to the beach or I will never go there myself.' He did not succeed in carrying out his promise, but made desperate efforts to do so, while others thought of themselves only. Such conduct is worthy of appreciation and admiration--a sailor risking his own life to save that of an officer." Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) BERNARD HARLEY. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S. picket boat _No. 1_, which destroyed the rebel ram _Albemarle_ at Plymouth, N.C., October 27, 1864. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOSEPH G. HARNER. Boatswain's mate, second class, on board of the U.S.S. _Florida_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) DANIEL HARRINGTON. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Pocahontas_; landing in a boat near Brunswick, Ga., March 11, 1862, and when fired upon by the enemy, concealed, exhibited great coolness and bravery. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) DAVID HARRINGTON. First-class fireman on board the U.S.S. _Tallapoosa_; at the time of the sinking of that vessel, on the night of August 21, 1884, remained at his post of duty in the fireroom until the fires were put out by the rising waters, and opened the safety valves when the water was up to his waist. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) JOHN HARRIS. Captain of forecastle on board the U.S.S. _Metacomet_; was one of the boat's crew which, in charge of Acting Ensign H. C. Neilds, United States Navy, went to the rescue of the officers and crew of the U.S. monitor _Tecumseh_ when that vessel was sunk by a torpedo in passing the forts in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864. This boat's crew, under their brave and gallant leader, went within a few hundred yards of the forts under a fire which Admiral Farragut expressed as "one of the most galling" he ever saw, and succeeded in rescuing from death 10 of the crew of the _Tecumseh_. Their conduct elicited the admiration of both friend and foe. (G.O. 71, January 15, 1866.) BOLDON R. HARRISON. Seaman, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession while operating against outlaws on the island of Basilan, P.I., September 24, 1911. (G.O. 138, December 13, 1911.) GEORGE H. HARRISON. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct, and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) COMMANDER WILLIAM K. HARRISON, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914: Brought his ship into the inner harbor during the nights of the 21st and 22d without the assistance of a pilot or navigational lights, and was in a position on the morning of the 22d to use his guns with telling effect at a critical time. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) WILLIAM HART. Machinist, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) LIEUT. CHARLES C. HARTIGAN, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914: During the second day's fighting the service performed by him was eminent and conspicuous. He was conspicuous for the skillful handling of his company under heavy rifle and machine-gun fire, for which conduct he was commended by his battalion commander. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) HARRY HARVEY. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battle, Benictican, February 16, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) EDWARD W. HATHAWAY. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Sciota_; lost an arm before Vicksburg February 28, 1862. CHARLES HAWKINS. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Agawam_; one of the crew of the powder boat which was exploded near Fort Fisher December 23, 1864, for which service he volunteered. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) CYRUS HAYDEN. Carpenter on board of the U.S.S. _Colorado_, color bearer of the battalion; for planting his flag on the ramparts of the citadel and protecting it under a heavy fire from the enemy during the attack and capture of the Korean forts June 11, 1871. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) DAVID E. HAYDEN. Hospital apprentice, first class, United States Navy. "For gallantry and intrepidity at the risk of his life above and beyond the call of duty in action at Thiaucourt, September 15, 1918, with the Second Battalion, Sixth Regiment United States Marines. During the advance, when Corporal Creed was mortally wounded, while crossing an open field swept by machine-gun fire, without hesitating, Hayden ran to his assistance and, finding him so severely wounded as to require immediate attention and disregarding personal safety, dressed the wound under intense machine-gun fire and then carried the wounded man back to a place of safety." (Act of February 4, 1919.) JOHN HAYDEN. Apprentice on board the U.S. training ship _Saratoga_. On the morning of July 15, 1879, while the _Saratoga_ was anchored off the Battery, in New York Harbor, R. L. Robey, apprentice, fell overboard. As the tide was running strong ebb and not being an expert swimmer, he was in danger of drowning. David M. Buchanan, apprentice, instantly, without removing any of his clothing, jumped after him. John Hayden stripped himself and stood coolly watching the two in the water, and when he thought his services were required made a dive from the rail and came up alongside of them and rendered assistance until all three were picked up by a boat from the ship. (G.O. 246, July 22, 1879.) JOSEPH B. HAYDEN. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Ticonderoga_ in the attacks on Fort Fisher January 13 to 15, 1865; commended for coolness and close attention to duty in steering the ship into action. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOHN HAYES. Coxswain on board the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct, and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) THOMAS HAYES. Coxswain on board the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of No. 1 gun in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He was on board the _Brooklyn_ in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip and the ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans, with the Chalmette batteries, batteries below Vicksburg, and was present at the surrender of New Orleans. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM HEISCH. Private, United States Marine Corps, for bravery in crossing the river at Tientsin June 20, 1900, in a small boat with three other men under a heavy fire and assisting to destroy buildings occupied by the enemy. (G.O. 84, March 22, 1902.) J. H. HELMS. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Chicago_, for heroism rescuing Ishi Tomizi, ship's cook, from drowning at Montevideo, Uruguay, January 10, 1901. (G.O. 35, March 23, 1901.) GEORGE F. HENRECHON. Machinist's mate, second class, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession while operating against outlaws on the island of Basilan, P.I., September 24, 1911. (G.O. 138, December 13, 1911.) HENRY HENRICKSON. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JOHN HICKMAN. Second-class fireman on board the U.S.S. _Richmond_ in the attack on the Port Hudson batteries March 14, 1863. "When the fireroom and other parts of the ship were filled with hot steam from injury to the boiler by a shot, he from the first moment of the casualty stood firmly at his post, and was conspicuous in his exertions to remedy the evil by hauling the fires from the injured boiler, the heat being so great from the combined effects of fire and steam that he was compelled from mere exhaustion to be relieved every few minutes until the work was accomplished." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) FRANK HILL. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) FRANK E. HILL. Ship's cook, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Bennington_, for extraordinary heroism displayed at the time of the explosion of a boiler of that vessel at San Diego, Calif., July 21, 1905. (G.O. 13, January 5, 1906.) JOHN HILL. Chief quarter gunner on board of the U.S.S. _Kansas_; displayed great coolness and self-possession at the time Commander A. F. Crosman and others were drowned, near Greytown, Nicaragua, April 12, 1872, and by extraordinary heroism and personal exertion prevented greater loss of life. (G.O. 176, July 9, 1872.) CAPT. WALTER N. HILL, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was in both days' fighting at the head of his company, and was eminent and conspicuous in his conduct, leading his men with skill and courage. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) WILLIAM L. HILL. Captain of top; for jumping overboard from the U.S. training ship _Minnesota_ at Newport, R.I., June 22, 1881, and sustaining, until picked up by a steam launch, William Mulcahy, third-class boy, who had fallen overboard. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) WILLIAM HINNEGAN. Second-class fireman on board the U.S.S. _Agawam_; one of the crew of the powder boat which was exploded near Fort Fisher December 23, 1864, for which service he volunteered. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) GEORGE HOLLAT. Third-class boy on board of the U.S.S. _Varuna_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip April 24, 1862; mentioned as deserving "great praise." (G.O. 11, April 8, 1863.) GEORGE HOLT. Quarter gunner on board of the U.S.S. _Plymouth_, who, at the imminent risk of his life, jumped overboard in the harbor of Hamburg July 3, 1871, when a 4-knot tide was running, and, with a comrade, saved from drowning one of a party who was thrown out of a shore boat coming alongside the ship. (G.O. 180, October 10, 1872.) AUGUST HOLTZ. Chief water tender on board the U.S.S. _North Dakota_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the fire on board of that vessel September 8, 1910. (G.O. 83, October 4, 1910.) WILLIAM E. HOLYOKE. Boatswain's mate, first class, United Slates Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) THOMAS HOBAN. Coxswain, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JAMES HORTON. Gunner's mate on board the U.S.S. _Montauk_. During the night of September 21, 1864, fire was discovered in the magazine lightroom of that vessel. The alarm created a panic and demoralized the crew, with the exception of Horton and a first-class fireman named John Rountry. Horton rushed into the cabin, obtained the magazine keys, sprang into the lightroom, and began passing out combustibles, including the box of signals in which the fire originated. Rountry, with hose in hand, notwithstanding the cry of "Fire in the magazine!" forced his way through the frightened crowd to the lightroom and put out the flames. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JAMES HORTON. Captain of top; for courageous conduct in going over the stern of the U.S.S. _Constitution_, at sea, February 13, 1879, during a heavy gale and cutting the fastenings of the ship's rudder chains. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) LEWIS A. HORTON. Seaman; was one of the crew of the first cutter of the U.S.S. _Rhode Island_, on the night of December 30, 1862, which was engaged in saving the lives of the officers and crew of the _Monitor_. They had saved a number, and it was owing to their gallantry and zeal in the desire to save others that they became separated from the _Rhode Island_ and were adrift for some hours. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) WILLIAM C. HORTON. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, July 21 to August 17, 1900. Horton assisted to erect barricades under a heavy fire. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) EDWARD J. HOUGHTON. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S. picket boat _No. 1_, which destroyed the rebel ram _Albemarle_ at Plymouth, N.C., October 27, 1864. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) MARTIN HOWARD. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Tacony_. At the capture of Plymouth, October 31, 1864, he landed and spiked a loaded 9-inch gun under a sharp fire of musketry. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) PETER HOWARD. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Mississippi_, in the attack on the Port Hudson batteries, night of March 14, 1863; commended for zeal and courage displayed in the performance of unusual and trying service while the vessel was aground and exposed to a heavy fire. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 17, July 19, 1863.) MICHAEL HUDSON. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; conspicuous good conduct at his gun. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) CAPT. JOHN A. HUGHES, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was in both days' fighting at the head of his company, and was eminent and conspicuous in his conduct, leading his men with skill and courage. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) HENRY L. HURLBERT. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Samoa, April 1, 1899. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JAMES L. HULL. Fireman, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Concord_, for especially brave and praiseworthy conduct in line of duty, assisting to haul fires at the time of the blowing out of a lower manhole plate joint on boiler B on board that vessel off Cavite, Manila Bay, P.I., May 21, 1898. The atmosphere in which Hull was obliged to work was very hot and filled with vapor, necessitating the playing of water into the fireroom from a hose. (G.O. 502, December 14, 1898.) MARTIN HUNT. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at the battle of Peking, China, June 20 to July 16, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) CAPT. HARRY McL. P. HUSE, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was under fire, eminent and conspicuous in the performance of his duties; was indefatigable in his labors of a most important character, both with the division commander in directing affairs and in his efforts on shore to get in communication with the Mexican authorities to avoid needlessly prolonging the conflict. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) MICHAEL HUSKEY. Fireman on board of the U.S.S. _Carondelet_, Deer Creek expedition, March, 1863; gallantry in volunteering to aid in the rescue of the tug _Ivy_, under fire of the enemy, and for general meritorious conduct. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) JOHN HYLAND. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Signal_, which vessel was attacked by field batteries and sharpshooters, and destroyed in Red River, May 5, 1864. He displayed great bravery in assisting the officers to slip the cable, in full view and range of several hundred sharpshooters, on which occasion he was disabled by a second wound. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ROSS L. IAMS. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps. "On November 17, 1915, it was planned to attack Fort Riviere, Haiti, with a force made up of detachments from the Fifth, Thirteenth, Twenty-third Companies, and the marine detachment and sailors from the _Connecticut_. Fort Riviere was an old French bastion fort, about 200 feet on the side, with thick walls of brick and stone, the walls being loopholed. The original entrance had been on the northern side, but had been blocked, a small breach in the southern wall being used in its stead. As this breach in the wall was the only entrance to the fort it was naturally covered by the defenders on the inside, making passage through it into the fort a most hazardous undertaking for the leading men. Notwithstanding the fact that the fire of the Cacos was constantly passing through this hole in the wall, Sergt. Ross L. Iams, Fifth Company, unhesitatingly jumped through, closely followed by Pvt. Samuel Gross of the Twenty-third Company. A mêlée then ensued inside of the fort for about 10 minutes, the Cacos fighting desperately with rifles, clubs, stones, etc., during which several jumped from the walls in an effort to escape, but were shot by the automatic guns of the Fifth Company and by the Thirteenth Company advancing to the attack." LIEUT. (JUNIOR GRADE) JONAS H. INGRAM, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914. During the second day's fighting the service performed by him was eminent and conspicuous. He was conspicuous for skillful and efficient handling of the artillery and machine guns of the _Arkansas_ Battalion, for which he was specially commended in reports. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) OSMOND K. INGRAM. Gunner's mate, first class, United States Navy. "For extraordinary heroism in the presence of the enemy on the occasion of the torpedoing of the _Cassin_, on October 15, 1917. While the _Cassin_ was searching for the submarine, Ingram sighted the torpedo coming, and realizing that it might strike the ship aft in the vicinity of the depth charges, he ran aft with the intention of releasing the depth charges before the torpedo could reach the _Cassin_. The torpedo struck the ship before he could accomplish his purpose and Ingram was killed by the explosion. The depth charges exploded immediately afterward. His life was sacrificed in an attempt to save the ship and his shipmates, as the damage to the ship would have been much less if he had been able to release the depth charges." (Act of February 4, 1919.) JOSEPH IRLAM. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; stationed at the wheel; behaved with great coolness and bravery, sending the other two men who were stationed with him to replace men disabled at the guns. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN IRVING. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; very conspicuous for bravery, skill, coolness, and activity at his gun. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) THOMAS IRVING. Coxswain belonging to the U.S.S. _Lehigh_, Charleston Harbor, November 16, 1863, distinguished for promptness in manning and rowing an open boat engaged in carrying lines between the _Lehigh_ and _Nahant_, while the shot and shell from cannon and mortars were flying and breaking all around. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) NICHOLAS IRWIN. Seaman on board the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; very conspicuous for bravery, skill, coolness, and activity at his gun. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) LIEUT. EDOUARD V. M. ISAACS, UNITED STATES NAVY. "When the U.S.S. _President Lincoln_ was attacked and sunk by the German submarine _U-90_, on May 21, 1918, Lieutenant Isaacs was captured and held as a prisoner on board the _U-90_ until the return of the submarine to Germany, when he was confined in the prison camp. During his stay on the _U-90_ he obtained information of the movements of German submarines which was so important that he determined to escape, with a view to making this information available to the United States and allied naval authorities. In attempting to carry out this plan he jumped through the window of a rapidly moving train, at the imminent risk of death, not only from the nature of the act itself but from the fire of the armed German soldiers who were guarding him. Having been recaptured and reconfined, he made a second and successful attempt to escape, breaking his way through barbed-wire fences and deliberately drawing the fire of the armed guards in the hope of permitting others to escape during the confusion. He made his way through the mountains of southwestern Germany, having only raw vegetables for food, and at the end swam the River Rhine during the night in the immediate vicinity of German sentries." (Act of February 4, 1919.) FRANZ ANTON ITRICH. Chief carpenter's mate, serving on board the U.S.S. _Petrel_, for heroism in the presence of the enemy, Manila, P.I., May 1, 1898. (G.O. 13, December 5, 1900.) JOHN JACKSON. Ordinary seaman on board the U.S.S. _C. P. Williams_, Stono Inlet, August 16, 1863; was stationed on the forecastle lookout, and discovered two torpedoes floating down so as to cross the bow of the vessel; seized a boat hook, jumped on the bobstays, and carefully guided the torpedoes down with the tide. Subsequently he volunteered to remove the caps, which he did with skill and courage. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) WILLIAM H. JAEGER. Apprentice, first class, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy, Katbalogan, Samar, P.I., July 16, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JOHN H. JAMES. Captain of top on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun in the action in Mobile Bay, on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He came off the sick list at the commencement of the action, went to his quarters, and fought his gun well during the entire action. He was in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans, the Chalmettes, the batteries below Vicksburg, and present at the surrender of New Orleans. Joined the _Richmond_ September, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ERNEST AUGUST JANSON. Gunnery sergeant, United States Marine Corps. "For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity above and beyond the call of duty in action with the enemy near Chateau-Thierry, France, June 6, 1918. Immediately after the company to which he belonged had reached its objective on Hill 142, several hostile counterattacks were launched against the line before the new position had been consolidated. Gunnery Sergeant Janson was attempting to organize a position on the north slope of the hill when he saw 12 of the enemy, armed with five light machine guns, crawling toward his group. Giving the alarm, he rushed the hostile detachment, bayonetted the two leaders, and forced the others to flee, abandoning their guns. His quick action, initiative, and courage drove the enemy from a position from which they could have swept the hill with machine-gun fire and forced the withdrawal of our troops." (Act of February 4, 1919.) ALEXANDER JARDINE. Fireman, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Potomac_, for extraordinary bravery in line of duty, volunteering to enter the fireroom filled with live steam and open the auxiliary valve at the time of the accident to the forward boiler of that vessel en route from Cat Island to Nassau on the night of November 14, 1898. After repeated attempts, enveloped from head to feet in wet blankets and wet towels over his face, he succeeded in getting the valve open and thus relieving the vessel of all further danger. (G.O. 503, December 13, 1898.) BERRIE H. JARRETT. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Florida_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21, 1914. (G.O. 116, August 19, 1914.) THOMAS JENKINS. Seaman on board the U.S.S. _Cincinnati_, in an attack on the Vicksburg batteries May 27, 1863, conspicuous for coolness and bravery under a severely accurate fire. "This was no ordinary case of performance of duty." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) JOHN P. JOHANSON. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for heroism and gallantry under fire of the enemy, while cutting cables at Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898. (G.O. 529, November 2, 1899.) JOHAN J. JOHANSSON. Ordinary seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JOHANNES J. JOHANNESSEN. Chief water tender, serving on board the U.S.S. _Iowa_, for extraordinary heroism at the time of the blowing out of the manhole plate of boiler D on board that vessel January 25, 1905. (G.O. 182, March 20, 1905.) HANS JOHNSEN. Chief machinist, serving on board the torpedo boat _Winslow_, for gallant and conspicuous conduct in the action at Cardenas, Cuba, May 11, 1898. Johnsen was specially commended for presence of mind in turning off steam from the engine wrecked by shell bursting in cylinder. (G.O. 497, September 3, 1898.) HENRY JOHNSON. Seaman belonging to the U.S.S. _Metacomet_; was one of the boat's crew which, in charge of Acting Ensign H. C. Neilds, of the United States Navy, went to the rescue of the officers and crew of the U.S. monitor _Tecumseh_ when that vessel was sunk by a torpedo in passing the forts in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. This boat's crew, under their brave and gallant leader, went within a few hundred yards of one of the forts under a fire, which Admiral Farragut expressed as "one of the most galling" he ever saw, and succeeded in rescuing from death 10 of the crew of the _Tecumseh_. Their conduct elicited the admiration of both friend and foe. (G.O. 82, February 23, 1867.) JOHN JOHNSON. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Kansas_; displayed great coolness and self-possession at the time Commander A. F. Crosman and others were drowned, near Greytown, Nicaragua, April 12, 1872, and by extraordinary heroism and personal exertion prevented greater loss of life. (G.O. 176, July 9, 1872.) PETER JOHNSON. Fireman, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Vixen_, for coolness and heroism in entering the fireroom on the night of May 28, 1898, when the lower front manhole gasket of boiler A blew out. (G.O. 167, August 27, 1904.) WILLIAM JOHNSON. Cooper of the U.S.S. _Adams_, for rescuing from drowning Daniel W. Kloppen, a workman, at the navy yard, Mare Island, Calif., November 14, 1879. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) WILLIAM P. JOHNSON. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Fort Hindman_, in the engagement near Harrisonburg, La., March 2, 1864. "Although badly wounded in the hand, he took the place of a wounded man, and sponged and loaded the gun throughout the entire action." (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) LIEUT. COMMANDER RUFUS Z. JOHNSTON, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914; was regimental adjutant, and eminent and conspicuous in his conduct. He exhibited courage and skill in leading his men through the action of the 22d and in the final occupation of the city. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) ANDREW JONES. Chief boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Chickasaw_. Although his enlistment had expired, he volunteered from the _Vincennes_ for the battle in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, and was honorably mentioned by the commanding officer of the _Chickasaw_. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN JONES. Landsman; was one of the crew of the first cutter of the U.S.S. _Rhode Island_, on the night of December 30, 1862, which was engaged in saving the lives of the officers and crew of the _Monitor_. They had saved a number, and it was owing to their gallantry and zeal and desire to save others that they became separated from the _Rhode Island_, and were adrift for some hours. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOHN E. JONES. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Oneida_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; stationed at the wheel, was wounded. After the wheel ropes were shot away he went on the poop to assist at the signals, and remained there until ordered to reeve new wheel ropes. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) THOMAS JONES. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Ticonderoga_, in the attacks on Fort Fisher, December 24 and 25, 1864, and January 13, 14, and 15, 1865; "commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun." (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) WILLIAM JONES. Captain of top on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of the 5th of August, 1864. Joined the _Dacotah_ in September, 1861, and was on board the _Cumberland_ when sunk by the _Merrimac_, at Newport News. Joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) THOMAS JORDAN. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Galena_. During the action in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, he was stationed on the poop, attending signals, under a heavy fire from Fort Morgan, and displayed gallantry and great coolness. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) ROBERT JORDAN. Coxswain U.S.S. _Minnesota_; temporarily on board the U.S.S. _Mount Washington_, Nansemond River, April 14, 1863. "Performed every duty with the utmost coolness and courage, and showed an unsurpassed devotion to the service." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) THOMAS KANE. Captain of the hold on board of the U.S.S. _Nereus_; on the occasion of the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865, behaved with conspicuous gallantry, having, under a heavy fire of musketry, carried on his back a wounded messmate to a place of safety, and fearlessly exposed himself in assisting other wounded comrades whose lives were endangered. (G.O. 84, October 3, 1867.) THOMAS W. KATES. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in the advance on Tientsin, June 21, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) PHILIP B. KEEFER. Coppersmith, serving on board the U.S.S. _Iowa_, for courageous and zealous conduct in hauling fires from two furnaces of boiler B when fireroom was completely filled with live steam from a blown-out manhole gasket, and fireroom floor plates were covered with boiling water, on board of that vessel off Santiago de Cuba, July 20, 1898. (G.O. 501, December 14, 1898.) MICHAEL KEARNEY. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JOHN KELLEY. Second-class fireman on board of the U.S.S. _Ceres_, in the fight near Hamilton, up the Roanoke River, July 9, 1862; spoken of for "good conduct and soul bravery." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) FRANCIS KELLY. Water tender, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism in connection with the sinking of the U.S.S. _Merrimac_, at the entrance to the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, on the night of June 2, 1898, under heavy fire from the Spanish batteries. (G.O. 529, November 2, 1899.) JOHN JOSEPH KELLY. Private, United States Marine Corps. "For conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity above and beyond the call of duty in action with the enemy at Blanc Mont Ridge, France, October 3, 1918. Private Kelley ran through our own barrage a hundred yards in advance of the front line and attacked an enemy machine-gun nest, killing the gunner with a grenade, shooting another member of the crew with his pistol, and returned through the barrage with eight prisoners." (Act of February 4, 1919.) THOMAS KENDRICK. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Oneida_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, a volunteer from the _Bienville_; attracted the particular attention of the executive officer of the _Oneida_ by his excellent conduct. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) BARNETT KENNA. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; coolness, bravery, and skill in the working of his gun. His conduct was particularly meritorious. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) CHARLES KENYON. Fireman on board of the U.S.S. _Galena_, in the attack upon Drurys Bluff, May 15, 1862; "conspicuous for persistent courage." Promoted to acting third assistant engineer. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) THOMAS KERSEY. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Plymouth_; bravery and presence of mind in rescuing from drowning one of the crew of the _Plymouth_, at the navy yard, New York, on the 26th of July, 1876. (G.O. 215, August 9, 1876.) JOSEPH KILLACKEY. Landsman, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy, in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) HUGH KING. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Iroquois_; jumped overboard in the Delaware River, September 7, 1871, and saved one of the crew of that vessel from drowning. (G.O. 176, July 9, 1872.) JOHN KING. Water tender, serving on board the U.S.S. _Vicksburg_, for heroism in the line of his profession at the time of the accident to the boilers May 29, 1901. (G.O. 72, December 6, 1901.) SECOND MEDAL. Water tender, serving on board the U.S.S. _Salem_, for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession on the occasion of the accident to one of the boilers of that vessel September 13, 1909. (G.O. 40, October 19, 1909.) R. H. KING. Landsman on board of the U.S. picket boat _No. 1_, which destroyed the rebel ram _Albemarle_, at Plymouth, N.C., October 27, 1864. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) SAMUEL W. KINNAIRD. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864, set an example to the crew by his presence of mind and cheerfulness, that had beneficial effect. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ROBERT KLEIN. Chief carpenter's mate, serving on board the U.S.S. _Raleigh_, for heroism in rescuing shipmates overcome in double bottoms by fumes of turpentine January 25, 1904. (G.O. 173, October 6, 1904.) MATEJ KOCAK. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps. "For extraordinary heroism in action in the Villers Cotteretes, south of Soissons, France, July 18, 1918. He advanced ahead of the American line and captured a machine gun and its crew. Later the same day he took command of several squads of allied troops and led them forward in the advance." (Act of February 4, 1919.) FRANZ KRAMER. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) ERNEST KRAUSE. Coxswain, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) HERMANN W. KUCHNEISTER. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) P. J. KYLE. Landsman; for rescuing from drowning a shipmate from the U.S.S. _Quinnebaug_, at Port Mahon, Minorca, March 13, 1879. BARTLETT LAFFEY. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Petrel_; was sent on shore with others to man a rifle howitzer which had been mounted on a field carriage and posted in the streets of Yazoo City during the rebel attack on that place, March 5, 1864. Their defense of the gun against superior forces is mentioned as most gallant, having nobly stood their ground through the whole action, fighting hand to hand to save the gun and the reputation of the Navy. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) DANIEL LAKIN. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Commodore Perry_, in the attack upon Franklin, Va., October 3, 1862; distinguished for his gallant conduct. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) THOMAS LAKIN. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Narragansett_; gallant conduct in jumping overboard from the _Narragansett_ at the navy yard, Mare Island, Calif., on the 24th of November, 1874, and rescuing two men of that ship from drowning. SURG. CARY D. LANGHORNE, UNITED STATES NAVY. For extraordinary heroism in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914. Carried a wounded man from the front of the Naval Academy while under a heavy fire. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) JOHN S. LANN. Landsman on board the U.S.S. _Magnolia_; was one of the howitzer corps, cooperating with the Army in the military and naval expedition to St. Marks, Fla., March 5 and 6, 1865, and was commended for coolness and determination under fire, his remarkable efforts in assisting to transport gun, and for remaining by his gun throughout a severe engagement in a manner highly creditable to the service. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) LIEUT. JAMES P. LANNON, UNITED STATES NAVY. For extraordinary heroism in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914. Assisted a wounded man under heavy fire, and after returning to his battalion was himself desperately wounded. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) JOHN LAVERTY. Fireman on board of the U.S.S. _Wyalusing_; volunteered May 25, 1864, in a night attempt to destroy the rebel ram _Albemarle_, in Roanoke River, and although it was unsuccessful, he displayed courage, zeal, and unwearied exertion on the occasion. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN LAVERTY. First-class fireman; for hauling the fires from under the boiler, the stop-valve chamber having been ruptured, of the U.S.S. _Alaska_, at Callao Bay, Peru, September 14, 1881. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) JOHN LAWSON. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. "Was one of the six men stationed at the shell-whip on the berth deck. A shell killed or wounded the whole number. Lawson was wounded in the leg and thrown with great violence against the side of the ship; but as soon as he recovered himself, although begged to go below, he refused and went back to the shell-whip, where he remained during the action." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) NICHOLAS LEAR. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _New Ironsides_; commended for highly meritorious conduct during the several engagements with Fort Fisher in December, 1864, and January, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JAMES H. LEE. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) EMILE LEJEUNE. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Plymouth_; gallant conduct in rescuing a citizen from drowning at Port Royal, S.C., June 6, 1876. (G.O. 212, June 9, 1876.) GEORGE W. LELAND. Gunner's mate belonging to the U.S.S. _Lehigh_, Charleston Harbor, November 16, 1863; distinguished for promptness in manning and rowing an open boat engaged in carrying lines between the _Lehigh_ and _Nahant_, while the shot and shell from cannon and mortars were flying and breaking all around. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) PIERRE LEON. Captain of forecastle on board the U.S.S. _Baron DeKalb_, Yazoo River expedition, December 23 to 27, 1862; mentioned by his commanding officer for having "distinguished himself in various actions." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) JOSEPH LEONARD. (See Joseph Melvin.) WILLIAM LEVERY. Apprentice, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_; for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) HARRY LIPSCOMB. Water tender on board the U.S.S. _North Dakota_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the fire on board of that vessel September 8, 1910. (G.O. 83, October 4, 1910.) BENJAMIN LLOYD. Coal heaver on board of the U.S.S. _Wyalusing_; volunteered May 25, 1864, in a night attempt to destroy the rebel ram _Albemarle_, in Roanoke River, and although it was unsuccessful, he displayed courage, zeal, and unwearied exertion on the occasion. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN W. LLOYD. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Wyalusing_; volunteered May 25, 1864, in a night attempt to destroy the rebel ram _Albemarle_, in Roanoke River, and although it was unsuccessful, he displayed courage, zeal, and unwearied exertion on the occasion. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) HUGH LOGAN. Captain of the afterguard; was one of the crew of the U.S.S. _Rhode Island_ on the night of December 30, 1862, which was engaged in saving the lives of the officers and crew of the _Monitor_. They had saved a number, and it was owing to their gallantry and zeal in the desire to save others that they became separated from the _Rhode Island_ and were adrift for some hours. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) GEORGE LOW. Seaman; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Tennessee_ at New Orleans, La., February 15, 1881, and sustaining, until picked up by a boat's crew, N. P. Petersen, gunner's mate, who had fallen overboard. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) ENSIGN GEORGE M. LOWRY, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was in both days' fighting at the head of his company, and was eminent and conspicuous in his conduct, leading his men with skill and courage. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) JOHN LUCY. Second-class boy on board of the U.S. training ship _Minnesota_; heroic conduct on the occasion of the burning of Castle Garden, at New York, on the 9th of July, 1876. (G.O. 214, July 27, 1876.) WILLIAM F. LUKES. Landsman, United States Navy, and a member of Company D; capture of the Korean forts, June 9 and 10, 1871; received a severe cut over the head while fighting inside the fort. (G.O. 180, October 10, 1872.) LIEUT. COMMANDER ALEXANDER G. LYLE, DENTAL CORPS, UNITED STATES NAVY. "For extraordinary heroism and devotion to duty while serving with the Fifth Regiment United States Marines. Under heavy shell fire, on April 23, 1918, he rushed to the assistance of Corpl. Thomas Regan, who was seriously wounded, and administered such effective surgical aid while bombardment was still continuing, as to save the life of Corporal Regan. (Act of February 4, 1919.) THOMAS LYONS. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Pensacola_; in the attack on Forts Jackson and St. Philip, April 24, 1862, was lashed outside of that vessel, on the port-sheet chain, with lead in hand, to lead the ship past the forts, and never flinched, although under a heavy fire from the forts and rebel gunboats. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) JAMES MACHON. Boy, U.S.S. _Brooklyn_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; conspicuous for bravery, performing his duty in the powder division, at a point where the ship was riddled very much, and in the immediate vicinity of the shell whips, which were twice cleared of men by bursting shells. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ALEXANDER MACK. Captain of top on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; activity, zeal, and skill displayed in handling his gun, as well as great courage. He was severely wounded. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN MACK. Seaman on board the U.S.S. _Hendrick Hudson_; was one of the men of a howitzer's crew cooperating with the Army in the military and naval expedition to St. Marks, Fla., March 5 and 6, 1865, and was commended for coolness and determination under fire, remarkable efforts in assisting to transport gun, and for remaining by gun throughout a severe engagement in a manner highly creditable to himself and to the service. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOHN MACKENZIE. Chief boatswain's mate, United States Naval Reserve Force, on board the U.S.S. _Remlik_. On the morning of December 17, 1917, the _Remlik_ encountered a heavy gale. During this gale there was a heavy sea running. The depth-charge box on the taff rail aft, containing a Sperry depth charge, was washed overboard, the depth charge itself falling inboard and remaining on deck. Mackenzie, on his own initiative, went aft and sat down on the depth charge, as it was impracticable to carry it to safety until the ship was headed up into the sea. In acting as he did Mackenzie exposed his life and prevented a serious accident to the ship and probable loss of the ship and entire crew. (G.O. 391, May 8, 1918.) JOHN MACKIE. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Galena_, in the attack on Fort Darling, at Drurys Bluff, James River, May 15, 1862; particularly mentioned for his "gallant conduct and services and signal acts of devotion to duty." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1862.) HARRY LEWIS MacNEAL. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, for heroism and gallantry in action at the Battle of Santiago de Cuba, July 3, 1898. (G.O. 526, August 9, 1899.) WILLIAM MADDEN. Coal heaver on board the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; conspicuous for bravery, performing his duty in the powder division, at a point where the ship was riddled very much, and in the immediate vicinity of the shell whips, which were twice cleared of men by bursting shells. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) EDWARD MADDIN. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Franklin_; gallant conduct in jumping overboard from the _Franklin_, at Lisbon, Portugal, and rescuing from drowning one of the crew of that vessel, on the 9th of January, 1876. (G.O. 206, February 15, 1876.) LIEUT. COMMANDER JAMES J. MADISON, UNITED STATES NAVAL RESERVE FORCE. "For exceptionally heroic service in a position of great responsibility as commanding officer of the U.S.S. _Ticonderoga_, when, on October 4, 1918, that vessel was attacked by an enemy submarine and sunk after a prolonged and gallant resistance. The submarine opened fire at a range of 500 yards, the first shots taking effect on the bridge and forecastle, one of the two forward guns of the _Ticonderoga_ being disabled by the second shot. The fire was returned and the fight continued for nearly two hours. Lieutenant Commander Madison was severely wounded early in the fight, but caused himself to be placed in a chair on the bridge and continued to direct the fire and to maneuver the ship. When the order was finally given to abandon the sinking ship, he became unconscious from loss of blood, but was lowered into a lifeboat and was saved, with 31 others, out of a total number of 236 on board." (Act of February 4, 1919.) JOHN W. MAGEE. Second-class fireman on board the U.S.S. _Tallapoosa_, when that vessel sunk, on the night of August 21, 1884; remained at his post of duty in the fireroom until the fires were put out by the rising waters. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) GEORGE F. MAGER. Apprentice, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_; for gallantry under fire of the enemy while cutting cables at Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898. (G.O. 529, November 2, 1899.) GEORGE MAHONEY. Fireman, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Vixen_; for coolness and heroism in entering the fireroom on the night of May 28, 1898, when the lower front manhole of boiler A blew out. (G.O. 167, August 27, 1904.) HENRY J. MANNING. Quartermaster; for jumping overboard from the U.S. training ship _New Hampshire_, off Newport, R.I., January 4, 1882, and endeavoring to rescue Jabez Smith, second-class musician, from drowning. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) EDWARD MARTIN. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Galena_. During the action in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, he was stationed at the wheel while towing the U.S.S. _Oneida_ by Forts Morgan and Gaines, which vessel had become disabled by a shell that exploded her starboard boiler. He displayed coolness and great courage on that trying occasion. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JAMES MARTIN. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun in the action in Mobile Bay, on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864; was in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the Chalmettes, the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans, Vicksburg, Port Hudson, and present at the surrender of New Orleans, on board of the _Richmond_. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM MARTIN. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Benton_, Yazoo River expedition, December 23 to 27, 1862; mentioned by his commanding officer for having "distinguished himself in various actions." Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) WILLIAM MARTIN. Seaman; captain of gun on board of the U.S.S. _Varuna_, in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip, April 24, 1862; mentioned as having done his "duty through the thickest of the fight, with great coolness and danger to the enemy." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) JOSEPH MATTHEWS. Captain of top; for courageous conduct in going over the stern of the U.S.S. _Constitution_ at sea, February 13, 1879, during a heavy gale, and cutting the fastenings of the ship's rudder chains. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) CLARENCE E. MATHIAS. Private, United States Marine Corps; for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in the advance on Tientsin, June 21, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JOHN MAXWELL. Fireman, second class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) CHARLES MELVILLE. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. "This man (a loader of a gun) was severely wounded by a piece of a shell. He was taken below, but would not remain there; and although scarcely able to stand, performed his duty until the end of the action. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOSEPH MELVIN. (Name changed to Joseph Leonard.) Private, United States Marine Corps; for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles, while with the Eighth Army Corps, on the 25th, 27th, and 29th of March, and the 4th of April, 1899. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JAMES MEREDITH. (Name changed to Patrick F. Ford, Jr.) Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JAMES F. MERTON. Landsman, United States Navy, and a member of Company D; capture of the Korean forts, June 9 and 10, 1871; was severely wounded in the arm while trying to force his way into the fort. (G.O. 180, October 10, 1872.) WILLIAM MEYER. Carpenter's mate, third class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JAMES MIFFLIN. Engineer's cook on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; conspicuous for bravery, performing his duty in the powder division, at a point where the ship was riddled very much, and in the immediate vicinity of the shell whips, which were twice cleared of men by bursting shells. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ANDREW MILLER. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun in the action in Mobile Bay, on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864; was on board the _Brooklyn_ in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the Chalmettes, the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans, batteries below Vicksburg, and present at the surrender of New Orleans. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) HARRY H. MILLER. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) HUGH MILLER. Boatswain's mate; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Quinnebaug_, at Alexandria, Egypt, on the morning of November 21, 1885, and assisting in saving a shipmate from drowning. (Letter Capt. N. Ludlow, United States Navy, No. 8326/B, November 21, 1885.) JAMES MILLER. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, in the engagement with the rebel batteries on Stone River, December 25, 1863; noted for bravery and coolness in casting the lead and giving the soundings while exposed to a dangerous fire, and only retired, reluctantly, when ordered to do so; also commended for admirable management at the wheel. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) WILLARD MILLER. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) DANIEL S. MILLIKEN. Quarter gunner on board the U.S.S. _New Ironsides_; commended for highly meritorious conduct during the several engagements with Fort Fisher, in December, 1864, and January, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOHN MILLMORE. Ordinary seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Essex_, for rescuing from drowning John W. Powers, ordinary seaman, serving on the same vessel with him, at Monrovia, Liberia, October 31, 1877. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) CHARLES MILLS. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Minnesota_; in the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865, charged up to the palisades; remained there when the panic seized the men, and, at the risk of his life, remained with and assisted a wounded officer from the field after dark. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOSEPH MITCHELL. Gunners mate, first class, United States Navy; for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in the battle of Peking, China, July 12, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) THOMAS MITCHELL. Landsman, serving on board U.S.S. _Richmond_; for rescuing from drowning M. F. Caulan, first-class boy, serving with him on the same vessel, at Shanghai, China, November 17, 1879. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) COMMANDER WILLIAM A. MOFFETT, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; brought his ship into the inner harbor during the nights of the 21st and 22d without the assistance of a pilot or navigational lights, and was in a position on the morning of the 22d to use his guns at a critical time with telling effect. His skill in mooring his ship at night was especially noticeable. He placed her nearest to the enemy and did most of the firing and received most of the hits. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) HUGH MOLLOY. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Fort Hindman_. During the engagement near Harrisonburg, La., March 2, 1864, a shell pierced the bow casement on the right of gun No. 1, mortally wounding the first sponger, who dropped his sponge out of the port on the forecastle. Molloy instantly jumped from the port to the forecastle, recovered the sponge, and sponged and loaded the gun while outside, exposed to a heavy fire of musketry. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) MONS MONSSON. Chief gunner's mate, serving on board the U.S.S. _Missouri_, for extraordinary heroism in entering a burning magazine through the scuttle and endeavoring to extinguish the fire by throwing water with his hands until a hose was passed to him, April 13, 1904. (G.O. 160, May 26, 1904.) DANIEL MONTAGUE. Chief master-at-arms, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism in connection with the sinking of the U.S.S. _Merrimac_, at the entrance to the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, on the night of June 2, 1898, under heavy fire from the Spanish batteries. (G.O. 529, November 2, 1899.) ROBERT MONTGOMERY. Captain of afterguard on board of the U.S.S. _Agawam_; one of the crew of the powder boat which was exploded near Fort Fisher, December 23, 1864, for which service he volunteered. (G.O. 45, December 21, 1864.) ALBERT MOORE. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, July 21 to August 17, 1900. Moore assisted to erect barricades under a heavy fire. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) CHARLES MOORE. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_, off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct, and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) CHARLES MOORE. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, in the engagement with the rebel batteries on Stone River, December 25, 1863; although painfully wounded by a piece of shell and sent below, returned to his quarters in a few moments and insisted upon resuming his duties, and actually remained until he became so faint from loss of blood that he had to be sent below. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) FRANCIS MOORE. Boatswain's mate, for jumping overboard from the U.S. training ship _Portsmouth_, at the Washington Navy Yard, January 23, 1882, and endeavoring to rescue Thomas Duncan, carpenter and calker, who had fallen overboard. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) GEORGE MOORE. Seaman; was one of the crew of the first cutter of the U.S.S. _Rhode Island_, on the night of December 30, 1862, which was engaged in saving the lives of the officers and crew of the _Monitor_. They had saved a number, and it was owing to their gallantry and zeal and desire to save others that they became separated from the _Rhode Island_ and were adrift for some hours. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) PHILIP MOORE. Seaman; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Trenton_, at Genoa, Italy, September 21, 1880, and rescuing from drowning Hans Paulsen, ordinary seaman. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) WILLIAM MOORE. Boatswain's mate on board the U.S.S. _Benton_; conspicuous for bravery in the attack on Haines Bluff, December 27, 1862, being engaged in carrying out lines to the shore amidst a heavy fire; also for marked coolness and ability as captain of a 9-inch gun in Battery Benton in the attack upon Vicksburg, May 22, 1863. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) JAMES H. MORGAN. Captain of top on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He joined the _Colorado_ in May, 1861; volunteered for the U.S.S. _Mississippi_; was in the action with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the Chalmettes, Vicksburg, Port Hudson, and present at the surrender of New Orleans; was on board the _New Ironsides_ at Charleston. Joined the _Richmond_ in October, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM H. MORIN. Boatswain's mate, second class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_; for heroism while engaged in the perilous work of sweeping for and disabling 27 contact mines in the approaches to Caimanera, Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, July 26 and 27, 1898. (G.O. 500, December 14, 1898.) JOHN MORRIS. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, for leaping overboard from the U.S. flagship _Lancaster_, at Villefranche, France, December 25, 1881, and rescuing from drowning Robert Blizzard, ordinary seaman, a prisoner, who had jumped overboard. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) JOHN G. MORRISON. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Carondelet_; commended for meritorious conduct in general, and especially for heroic conduct and inspiring example to the crew in the engagement with the rebel ram _Arkansas_, in Yazoo River, July 15, 1862. When the _Carondelet_ was badly cut up, several of her crew killed, many wounded, and others almost suffocated from the effects of escaped steam, Morrison was the leader when boarders were called on deck, and the first to return to the guns and give the ram a broadside as she passed. His presence of mind in time of battle or trial is reported as always conspicuous and encouraging. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) WILLIAM MORSE. Seaman; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Shenandoah_ at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, September 19, 1880, and rescuing from drowning James Grady, first-class fireman. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) CHARLES W. MORTON. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Benton_, Yazoo River expedition, December 23 to 27, 1862; mentioned by his commanding officer for having "distinguished himself in various actions." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) PATRICK MULLEN. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Wyandank_. During a boat expedition up Mattox Creek, March 17, 1865, was reported by his commanding officer as having rendered gallant assistance. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) SECOND MEDAL. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Don_. While the boats of this vessel were engaged, May 1, 1865, in picking up the crew of picket launch _No. 6_, which had swamped, an officer was seen in the water who was no longer able to keep up and was at the time below the surface. Patrick Mullen jumped overboard and brought the officer safely to the boat, thereby rescuing him from drowning. Entitled to wear a bar on the medal he already had received at Mattox Creek March 17, 1865. (G.O. 62, June 29, 1865.) FREDERICK MULLER. Mate, United States Navy, attached to the U.S.S. _Wompatuck_, for heroism and gallantry under fire of the enemy at Manzanillo, Cuba, June 30, 1898. (G.O. 45, April 30, 1901.) HUGH P. MULLIN. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Texas_; for rescuing Alfred Kosminski, apprentice, second class, who fell overboard while that vessel was coaling at Hampton Roads, Va., November 11, 1899. Mullin, though wearing heavy rubber boots at the time, jumped overboard and at great risk to himself supported Kosminski until the latter was safely hauled out of the water. (G.O. 537, January 8, 1900.) J. E. MURPHY. Coxswain, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism in connection with the sinking of the U.S.S. _Merrimac_ at the entrance to the harbor of Santiago de Cuba on the night of June 2, 1898, under heavy fire from the Spanish batteries. (G.O. 529, November 2, 1899.) JOHN A. MURPHY. Drummer, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, July 21 to August 17, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) PATRICK MURPHY. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Metacomet_; Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, and other occasions. SAMUEL McALLISTER. Ordinary seaman, United States Navy, for bravery in crossing the river at Tientsin, China, June 20, 1900, in a small boat with three other men under a heavy fire and assisting to destroy buildings occupied by the enemy. (G.O. 84, March 22, 1902.) JOHN McCARTON. Ship's printer, for jumping overboard from the U.S. training ship _New Hampshire_, off Coasters Harbor Island, near Newport, R.I., January 4, 1882, and endeavoring to rescue Jabez Smith, second-class musician, from drowning. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) MATTHEW McCLELLAND. First-class fireman on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, in the attack on Port Hudson batteries, March 14, 1863. "When the fireroom and other parts of the ship were filled with hot steam from injury to the boiler by a shot, he, from the first moment of the casualty, stood firmly at his post and was conspicuous in his exertions to remedy the evil by hauling the fires from the injured boiler, the heat being so great from the combined effects of fire and steam that he was compelled, from sheer exhaustion, to be relieved every few minutes until the work was accomplished." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) CHIEF BOATSWAIN JOHN McCLOY, UNITED STATES NAVY. While coxswain, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) SECOND MEDAL. For distinguished conduct in battle and extraordinary heroism, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914. Led a flotilla of three picket launches, mounting 1-pounders along the sea front of Vera Cruz in front of the naval school and customhouse. The launches drew the combined fire of the Mexicans in that vicinity and thus enabled the cruisers to shell them out temporarily and save our men on shore. His conduct was eminent and conspicuous, and, although shot through the thigh during this fire, he remained at his post as beachmaster for 48 hours until sent to a hospital ship by the brigade surgeon. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) MICHAEL McCORMICK. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Signal_, which vessel was attacked by field batteries and sharpshooters and destroyed, in Red River, May 5, 1864. He was wounded early in the day, but stood to his gun until ordered to leave it. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ADAM McCULLOCK. Seaman on board the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, being wounded, would not leave his quarters, although ordered to do so, but remained until the action was over. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ENSIGN EDWARD O. McDONNELL, UNITED STATES NAVY. For extraordinary heroism in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; posted on the roof of the Terminal Hotel and landing; established a signal station there and day and night maintained communication between the troops and the ships. At this exposed post he was continually under fire. One man was killed and three wounded at his side during the two days' fighting. He showed extraordinary heroism and striking courage and maintained his station in the highest degree of efficiency. All signals got through, largely due to his heroic devotion to duty. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) JOHN McDONALD. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Baron De Kalb_, Yazoo River expedition, December 23 to 27, 1862, mentioned by his commanding officer for having "distinguished himself in various actions." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) JOHN McFARLAND. Captain of forecastle on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_ in the engagement in Mobile May, August 5, 1864. "Was at the wheel, which has been his station in all the previous fights of this ship. As on every other occasion, he displayed the utmost coolness and intelligence throughout the action. When the _Lackawanna_ ran into the _Hartford_, and for a moment there was every appearance of the man at the wheel being crushed, he never left his station nor ceased for an instant to attend strictly to his duties." This evidence of coolness and self-possession, together with his good conduct in the other battles of the _Hartford_, entitle him to the medal. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN McGOWAN. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Varuna_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip, April 24, 1862; "stood at the wheel the whole time, although guns were raking the decks from behind him. His position was one of the most responsible on the ship, and he did his duty to the utmost. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) FRED HENRY McGUIRE. Hospital apprentice, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession while operating against outlaws on the island of Basilan, P.I., September 24, 1911. (G.O. 138, December 13, 1911.) PATRICK McGUNIGAL. Ship's fitter, first class, United States Navy, attached to the _Huntington_. On the morning of September 17, 1917, while the U.S.S. _Huntington_ was passing through the war zone, a kite balloon was sent up with Lieut. (junior grade) H. W. Hoyt, United States Navy, as observer. When the balloon was about 400 feet in the air the temperature suddenly dropped, causing the balloon to descend about 200 feet, when it was struck by a squall. The balloon started to roll over. The pilot was inside the basket and could not get out, due to the tangle of ropes overhead. The balloon was hauled to the ship's side, but the basket trailed in the water and the pilot was submerged. McGunigal, with great daring, climbed down the side of the ship, jumped to the ropes leading to the basket, and cleared the tangle enough to get the pilot out of them, helped the pilot to get clear, put a bowline around him, and he was hauled to the deck. A bowline was lowered to McGunigal and he was taken safely aboard. (G.O. 341, November 7, 1917.) MARTIN McHUGH. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Cincinnati_ in an attack on the Vicksburg batteries May 27, 1863; conspicuous for coolness and bravery under a severely accurate fire. "This was no ordinary case of performance of duty." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) JAMES McINTOSH. Captain of top on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He was present and assisted in the capture of the batteries at Hatteras Inlet and on board the _Cumberland_ when she was sunk by the _Merrimac_ at Newport News. Joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ALEXANDER McKENZIE. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Colorado_; received a sword cut in the head while fighting at the side of Lieutenant McKee at the capture of the Korean forts June 11, 1871. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) WILLIAM McKNIGHT. Coxswain; captain of gun on board of the U.S.S. _Varuna_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip April 24, 1862; mentioned as having done his "duty through the thickest of the fight with great coolness and danger to the enemy." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) JAMES McLEOD. Captain of foretop; a volunteer from the U.S.S. _Colorado_, on board of the _Pensacola_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and at the taking of New Orleans April 24, and 25, 1862. "Especially commended." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) LIEUT. FREDERICK V. McNAIR, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914. Was eminent and conspicuous in command of his battalion. He exhibited courage and skill in leading his men through the action of the 22d and in the final occupation of the city. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) MICHAEL J. McNALLY. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Samoa April 1, 1899. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) MICHAEL McNAMARA. Private, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Benicia_; for gallantry in advancing to the parapet, wrenching the match-lock from the hands of an enemy and killing him, at the capture of the Korean forts June 11, 1871. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) GEORGE W. McWILLIAMS. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Pontoosuc_; commended for gallantry, skill, and coolness in action during the operations in and about Cape Fear River, which extended from December 24, 1864, to January 22, 1865, and resulted in the capture of Fort Fisher and Wilmington; was severely wounded in the naval assault upon Fort Fisher. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) DAVID NAYLOR. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Oneida_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; powder boy at the 30-pounder Parrott rifle. His passing box, having been knocked out of his hand, fell overboard into a boat alongside. He immediately jumped overboard, recovered it, and returned to his station. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN NEIL. Quarter gunner on board of the U.S.S. _Agawam_; one of the crew of the powder boat which was exploded near Fort Fisher, December 23, 1864, for which service he volunteered. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) LAURITZ NELSON. Sailmaker's mate, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_; for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) OSCAR F. NELSON. Machinist's mate, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Bennington_; for extraordinary heroism displayed at the time of the explosion of a boiler of that vessel at San Diego, Calif., July 21, 1905. (G.O. 13, January 5, 1906.) LIEUT. COL. WENDELL C. NEVILLE, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. For distinguished conduct in battle engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; commanded Second Regiment Marines. Was in both days' fighting and almost continually under fire from soon after landing, about noon on the 21st, until we were in possession of the city, about noon of the 22d. His duties required him to be at points of great danger in directing his officers and men, and he exhibited conspicuous courage, coolness, and skill in his conduct of the fighting. Upon his courage and skill depended, in great measure, success or failure. His responsibilities were great and he met them in a manner worthy of commendation. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) WILLIAM NEWLAND. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Oneida_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; first loader of the after 9-inch gun; mentioned as having behaved splendidly, and as being distinguished on board for good conduct and faithful discharge of all duties. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN H. NIBBE. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Petrel_, captured in Yazoo River, April 22, 1864. "A shot came through the stem of the vessel raking the gun deck and exploding the boilers. Quartermaster Nibbe stood his ground on this occasion and aided the wounded, when officers and others around him deserted their posts." (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) WILLIAM NICHOLS. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; perfect coolness and dexterity in handling his gun; always sure of his aim before he would consent to fire. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) HENRY N. NICKERSON. Boatswain's mate, second class, on board of the U.S.S. _Utah_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) JOHN NOBLE. Landsman belonging to the U.S.S. _Metacomet_; constituted one of boat's crew which, in charge of Acting Ensign H. C. Neilds, of the United States Navy, went to the rescue of the officers and crew of the U.S. monitor _Tecumseh_, when that vessel was sunk by a torpedo in passing the forts in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. This boat's crew, under their brave leader, went within a few hundred yards of one of the forts, under a fire which Admiral Farragut expressed as "one of the most galling" he ever saw, and succeeded in rescuing from death 10 of the crew of the _Tecumseh_. Their conduct elicited the admiration of both friend and foe. (G.O. 71, January 15, 1866.) JOSEPH B. NOIL. Seaman (colored) on board of the U.S.S. _Powhatan_; saved Boatswain J. C. Walton from drowning at Norfolk, December 26, 1872. (See Report Capt. P. Crosby, United States Navy.) CHARLES L. NORDSICK. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Florida_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21 and 22, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) J. A. NORRIS. Landsman on board the U.S.S. _Jamestown_, December 20, 1883; for rescuing from drowning A. A. George, who had fallen overboard at the New York Navy Yard. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) CHRISTOPHER NUGENT. Orderly sergeant, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Fort Henry_; was in charge of a reconnoitering party sent into Crystal River, Fla., June 15, 1863, and displayed extraordinary zeal, skill, and discretion in driving a guard of rebel soldiers into a swamp, capturing their arms and destroying their camp equipage. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) OLIVER O'BRIEN. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Canandaigua_; meritorious conduct in boarding the blockade runner _Beatrice_, while aground, under lire from Fort Moultrie, on the night of November 28, 1864. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) THOMAS O'CONNELL. Coal heaver on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. "Although on the sick list and quite unwell, he went to his station at the shell whip, where he remained until his right hand was shot away." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JAMES O'CONNER. Landsman, engineer's force; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Jean Sands_, opposite the Norfolk Navy Yard, on the night of June 15, 1880, and rescuing from drowning a young girl who had fallen overboard. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) TIMOTHY O'DONOGHUE. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Signal_, which vessel was attacked by field batteries and sharpshooters and destroyed, in Red River, May 5, 1864. "He was wounded early in the day, but stood to his gun until ordered to leave it." [Duplicate issued to supply the place of the original, which was lost in saving a young lady from drowning.] (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM O'HEARN. Water tender, serving on board the U.S.S. _Puritan_; for gallant conduct at the time of the collapse of one of the crown sheets of boiler E of the vessel, July 1, 1897. O'Hearn wrapped wet cloths about his face and arms and, entering the fireroom, crawled over the tops of the boilers and closed the auxiliary stop valve, disconnecting boiler E and removing the danger of disabling other boilers. (G.O. 482, November 1, 1897.) JOHN O'NEAL. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Kansas_; displayed great coolness and self-possession at the time Commander A. F. Crosman and others were drowned near Greytown, Nicaragua, April 12, 1872, and by extraordinary heroism and personal exertion prevented greater loss of life. (G.O. 176, July 9, 1872.) WILLIAM OAKLEY. Gunner's mate, second class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_; for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) AUGUST OHMSEN. Master-at-arms of the U.S.S. _Tallapoosa_, at the time of the sinking of that vessel, on the night of August 21, 1884; for clearing the berth deck, remaining there until the water was waist deep, wading about with outstretched arms, rousing the men out of their hammocks, then, going on deck, assisting to lower the first cutter and then the dingy, which he took charge of. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) ANTON OLSEN. Ordinary seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_; for gallantry under fire of the enemy while cutting cables at Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898. (G.O. 529, November 2, 1899.) FRANCIS EDWARD ORMSBEE, Jr. Chief machinist's mate, United States Navy, who, while attached to the naval air station, Pensacola, Fla., on September 25, 1918, while flying with Ensign J. A. Jova, saw a plane go into a tail spin and crash about three-quarters of a mile to the right. Having landed near by, Ormsbee lost no time in going overboard, and made for the wreck, which was all under water except the two wing tips. He succeeded in partially extricating the gunner, so that his head was out of water, and held him in this position until the speed boat arrived. Ormsbee then made a number of desperate attempts to rescue the pilot, diving into the midst of the tangled wreckage, although cut about the hands, but was too late to save his life. (G.O. 436, December 9, 1918.) HARRY WESTLEY ORNDOFF. Private, United States Marine Corps; for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JOHN ORTEGA. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Saratoga_; meritorious conduct in action on two occasions. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN OSBORNE. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Juniata_; gallant conduct in rescuing from drowning an enlisted boy of that vessel, at Philadelphia, Pa., August 21, 1876. (G.O. 218, August 24, 1876.) LIEUT. (JUNIOR GRADE) WEEDON E. OSBORNE (D. C.), UNITED STATES NAVY. "For extraordinary heroism in actual conflict with the enemy and under fire during the advance on Bouresche, France, on June 6, 1918, in helping to carry the wounded to a place of safety. While engaged in this heroic duty he was killed. He was at the time attached to the Fifth Regiment, United States Marines." (Act of February 4, 1919.) CHRISTIAN OSEPINS. Seaman; for jumping overboard from the U.S. tug _Fortune_, May 7, 1882, at Hampton Roads, Va., and rescuing from drowning James Walters, gunner's mate. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) FIRST LIEUT. EDWARD A. OSTERMANN, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. "On October 22, 1915, Captain Upshur, First Lieutenant Ostermann, First Lieutenant Miller, Assistant Surgeon Borden, and 35 enlisted men of the Fifteenth Company of Marines, all mounted, left Fort Liberte, Haiti, for a six-day reconnaissance. After dark on the evening of October 24, while crossing river in deep ravine, the detachment was suddenly fired upon from three sides by about 400 Cacos concealed in bushes about 100 yards from fort. The marine detachment fought its way forward to a good position, which it maintained during the night, although subjected to a continuous fire from the Cacos. At daybreak the marines, in three squads, commanded by Captain Upshur, Lieutenant Ostermann, and Gunnery Sergeant Daly, advanced in three different directions, surprising and scattering the Cacos in all directions. The expeditionary commander commented on the gallantry displayed by the officers and men of this detachment in the following language: "The action of the 35 men in the attack made upon them during the night of October 24 can not be commended too highly. It is true that these men were in pitch darkness, surrounded by ten times their number, and fighting for their lives, but the manner in which they fought during that long night, the steady, cool discipline that prevented demoralization is remarkable. Had one squad failed, not one man of the party would have lived to tell the story. The actual assault upon the enemy, made in three different directions and beginning as soon as the light permitted them to see, was splendid. It meant success or utter annihilation. It succeeded, thanks to the splendid examples given by the officers and noncommissioned officers, supported by the men. Upshur and Ostermann advancing from two directions captured Fort Dipitie, with a total of 13 Marines, putting garrison to flight. Demolished and burned fort. All three squads burned all houses from which fire had been coming. I believe, therefore, that Capt. William P. Upshur, First Lieut. Edward A. Ostermann, and Gunnery Sergt. Daniel Daly should be given medals of honor for this particular engagement and the work of the following day." MILES M. OVIATT. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; conspicuous for good conduct at his gun. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) MICHAEL OWENS. Private, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Colorado_; capture of Korean forts, June 11, 1871; fighting hand to hand with the enemy and badly wounded. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) ALEXANDER PARKER. Boatswain's mate, United States Navy; gallant conduct in attempting to save a shipmate from drowning at the navy yard, Mare Island, Calif., on the 25th of July, 1876. (G.O. 215, August 9, 1876.) POMEROY PARKER. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) WILLIAM PARKER. Captain of the afterguard on board of the U.S.S. _Cayuga_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip and the taking of New Orleans, April 24 and 25, 1862; mentioned with "praise for his conduct." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) GEORGE PARKS. Captain of forecastle on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1860; reshipped October, 1863; was in the actions with Fort McRee; with the rebel vessels at the Head of the Passes of the Mississippi; in passing Forts Jackson and St. Philip; the Chalmettes; twice before Vicksburg batteries; at Port Hudson; was captain of a gun in the naval 9-inch gun battery at the siege of Port Hudson; and present at the surrender of New Orleans. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOACHIM PEASE. Seaman (colored) on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) OSCAR E. PECK. Second-class boy on board of the U.S.S. _Varuna_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip April 24, 1862. "His coolness and intrepidity attracted the attention of all hands." "Deserving of great praise." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) WILLIAM PELHAM. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864. "When the crew of the gun to which he belonged was entirely broken up, owing to the number of its killed and wounded, he assisted in removing the latter below and then immediately returned and without any direction to do so took his place at the adjoining gun, where a vacancy existed, and continued to perform his duties there most faithfully for the remainder of the action." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ROBERT PENN. Fireman, first class (colored), serving on board the U.S.S. _Iowa_, for extraordinary zeal and readiness to perform duty at the risk of serious scalding at the time of the blowing out of the manhole gasket of boiler B on board that vessel off Santiago de Cuba July 20, 1898. Penn hauled the fire standing on a board thrown across a coal bucket, above a foot of boiling water, while the water was still blowing from the boiler. (G.O. 501, December 14, 1898.) THOMAS PERRY. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ALEXANDER PETERS. Boatswain's mate, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Missouri_, for heroism in attempting to rescue from drowning Cecil C. Young, ordinary seaman, September 15, 1904. (G.O. 172, October 4, 1904.) CARL E. PETERSEN. Chief machinist, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, June 28 to August 17, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) ALFRED PETERSON. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Commodore Perry_ in the attack upon Franklin, Va., October 3, 1862; distinguished for his gallant conduct. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) LIEUT. ORLANDO H. PETTY (M.C.), UNITED STATES NAVAL RESERVE FORCE. "For extraordinary heroism while serving with the Fifth Regiment, United States Marines, in France during the attack on the Bois de Belleau, June 11, 1918. While under heavy fire of high-explosive and gas shells in the town of Lucy, where his dressing station was located, he attended to and evacuated the wounded under most trying conditions. Having been knocked to the ground by an exploding gas shell which tore his mask, he discarded the mask and courageously continued his work. His dressing station being hit and demolished, he personally helped carry Captain Williams, wounded, through the shell fire to a place of safety." (Act of February 4, 1919.) GEORGE F. PHILLIPS. Machinist, first class, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism in connection with the sinking of the U.S.S. _Merrimac_ at the entrance to the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, on the night of June 2, 1898, under heavy fire from the Spanish batteries. (G.O. 529, November 2, 1899.) REUBEN J. PHILLIPS. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in the battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) WILLIAM PHINNEY. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, as captain of a gun showed much presence of mind and coolness in managing it, and the great encouragement he gave the crew. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) RICHARD PILE. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Kansas_; displayed great coolness and self-possession at the time Commander A. F. Crosman and others were drowned, near Greytown, Nicaragua, April 12, 1872, and by extraordinary heroism and personal exertion prevented greater loss of life. (G.O. 176, July 9, 1872.) WILLIAM B. POOLE. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) GEORGE PRANCE. Captain of the maintop on board of the U.S.S. _Ticonderoga_ in the attacks on Fort Fisher December 24 and 25, 1864, and January 13, 14, and 15, 1865; commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) THOMAS F. PRENDERGAST. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles while with the Eighth Army Corps on March 25, 27, and 29, and April 4, 1899. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) HERBERT IRVING PRESTON. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, July 21 to August 17, 1900. Preston assisted to erect barricades under a heavy fire. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JOHN PRESTON. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Oneida_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864. Although severely wounded, he remained at his gun until obliged to go to the surgeon, to whom he reported himself as slightly hurt. He assisted in taking care of the wounded below and wanted to return to his station, but on examining him it was found that he was wounded quite severely in both eyes. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) EDWARD PRICE. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; great coolness and bravery under fire. His gun becoming disabled by the sponge breaking, leaving the head in the gun, he proceeded to clear it by pouring powder into the vent and blowing the sponge head out. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) GEORGE PROVINCE. Ordinary seaman belonging to the U.S.S. _Santiago de Cuba_; was one of the boat's crew detailed for General Terry. This boat's crew was represented to have been the only men who entered Fort Fisher in the assault from the fleet, January 15, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOHN HENRY PRUITT. Corporal, United States Marine Corps. "For extraordinary gallantry and intrepidity above and beyond the call of duty in action with the enemy at Blanc Mont Ridge, France, October 3, 1918. Corporal Pruitt, single handed, attacked two machine guns, capturing them and killing two of the enemy. He then captured 40 prisoners in a dug-out near by. This gallant soldier was killed soon afterwards by shell fire while he was sniping the enemy." (Act of February 4, 1919.) HUGH PURVIS. Private, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Alaska_, during the attack on and capture of the Korean forts, June 11, 1871; was the first to scale the walls of the fort, and capture the flag of the Korean forces. Promoted to corporal. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) GEORGE PYNE. Seaman on board the U.S.S. _Magnolia_; was one of a howitzer's crew that cooperated with the Army in the military and naval expedition to St. Marks, Fla., March 5 and 6, 1865, and was commended for coolness and determination under fire, remarkable efforts in assisting to transport the gun, and for remaining by his gun throughout a severe engagement in a manner highly creditable to himself and to the service. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOHN H. QUICK. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished and gallant conduct in battle at Cuzco, Cuba, on June 14, 1898, signaling to the U.S.S. _Dolphin_ on three different occasions while exposed to a heavy fire from the enemy. (G.O. 504, December 13, 1898.) JOSEPH QUICK. Coxswain, serving on the U.S.S. _Yorktown_; for heroism rescuing Walenty Wisnieroski, machinist, second class, from drowning at Yokohama, Japan, April 27, 1902. (G.O. 93, July 7, 1902.) JOHN RANNAHAN. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Minnesota_; especially commended for bravery in the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865, remaining at the front near the fort when the panic carried the mass away. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) CHARLES READ. Ordinary seaman on board the U.S.S. _Magnolia_; was one of a howitzer's crew that cooperated with the Army in the military and naval expedition to St. Marks, Fla., March 5 and 6, 1865, and was commended for coolness and determination under fire, remarkable efforts in assisting to transport the gun, and for remaining by his gun in a manner highly creditable to himself and the service. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) CHARLES A. READ. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_, off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) GEORGE E. READ. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_, off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JEREMIAH REGAN. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Galena_ in the attack upon Drurys Bluff May 15, 1862. His good conduct "attracted the particular attention of his commanding officer." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) PATRICK REGAN. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Pensacola_; gallant conduct while serving on the _Pensacola_ in the harbor of Coquimbo, Chile, July 30, 1873. MAJ. GEORGE C. REID, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was eminent and conspicuous in command of his battalion; was in the fighting of both days and exhibited courage and skill in leading his men through action. His cool judgment and courage and his skill in handling his men in encountering and overcoming the machine gun and rifle fire down Cinco de Mayo and parallel streets accounts for the small percentage of the losses of marines under his command. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) PATRICK REID. Chief water tender on board of the U.S.S. _North Dakota_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the fire on board of that vessel September 8, 1910. (G.O. 83, October 4, 1910.) CHARLES RICE. Coal heaver on board of the U.S.S. _Agawam_; one of the crew of the powder boat which was exploded near Fort Fisher December 23, 1864, for which service he volunteered. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) LOUIS RICHARDS. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Pensacola_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and at the taking of New Orleans, April 24 and 25, 1862. "Fine conduct;" "through din and roar of battle steered the ship through barricade, and his watchful devotion to orders contributed greatly to successful passage." "Coolness perfectly heroic." Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) JOHN P. RILEY. (Name changed to Rilley.) Landsman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) EDWARD RINGOLD. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Wabash_, in the engagement at Pocataligo October 22, 1862, "solicited permission to accompany the howitzer corps, and performed his duty with such gallantry and presence of mind as to attract the attention of all around him. Knowing there was a scarcity of ammunition, he came up through the whole line of fire, with his 'shirt slung over his shoulders, filled with fixed ammunition, which he brought 2 miles from the rear.'" (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) JAMES S. ROANTREE. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Oneida_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, conducted himself with distinguished gallantry, and is mentioned as particularly deserving of notice. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) CHARLES C. ROBERTS. Machinist's mate, first class, on board of the U.S.S. _North Dakota_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the fire on board of that vessel, September 8, 1910. (G.O. 83, October 4, 1910.) JAMES ROBERTS. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Agawam_; one of the crew of the powder boat which was exploded near Fort Fisher, December 23, 1864, for which service he volunteered. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ALEXANDER ROBINSON. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Howquah_ on the occasion of the destruction of the blockade runner _Lynx_, off Wilmington, September 25, 1864, at night. Performed his duty faithfully under the most trying circumstances, standing firmly at his post in the midst of a cross fire from the rebel shore batteries and our own vessels. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) CHARLES ROBINSON. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Baron De Kalb_, Yazoo River expedition, December 23 to 27, 1862; mentioned by his commanding officer for having "distinguished himself in various actions." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) JOHN ROBINSON. Captain of the hold on board of the U.S.S. _Yucca_, who, with Acting Ensign James H. Bunting, during the heavy gale which occurred in Pensacola Bay on the night of January 19, 1867, swam ashore with a line for the purpose of sending off a blowcock, which would facilitate getting up steam and prevent the vessel from stranding, thus voluntarily periling his life to save the vessel and the lives of others. (G.O. 82, February 23, 1867.) ROBERT GUY ROBINSON. Gunnery sergeant, United States Marine Corps. "For extraordinary heroism as observer in the First Marine Aviation Force at the front in France. He not only participated successfully in numerous raids into the enemy territory, but on October 8, 1918, while conducting an air raid in company with planes from Squadron 218, Royal Air Force, he was attacked by nine enemy scouts and in the fight which followed he shot down one of the enemy planes. Also, on October 14, 1918, while on an air raid over Pittham, Belgium, his plane and one other became separated from their formation on account of motor trouble and were attacked by 12 enemy scouts. In the fight which ensued he behaved with conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity. After shooting down one of the enemy planes he was struck by a bullet which carried away most of his elbow, and his gun jammed at the same time. He cleared the jam with one hand and while his pilot maneuvered for position, with the gun cleared, he returned to the fight though his left arm was useless and fought off the enemy scouts until he collapsed after receiving two more bullet wounds, one in the stomach and one in the thigh. (Act of February 4, 1919.) THOMAS ROBINSON. Captain of afterguard on the U.S.S. _Tallapoosa_; heroic efforts to save from drowning Wellington Brocar, landsman, of the _Tallapoosa_, off New Orleans July 15, 1866. (G.O. 77, August 1, 1866.) SAMUEL F. ROGERS. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Colorado_; wounded while fighting at the side of Lieutenant McKee at the capture of the Korean forts June 11, 1871. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) GEORGE ROSE. Seaman, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy, in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JOHANNES ROUNING. Ordinary seaman, United States Navy; for jumping overboard from the U.S. tug _Fortune_ May 7, 1882, at Hampton Roads, Va., and rescuing from drowning James Walters, gunner's mate. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) JOHN ROUNTRY. First-class fireman on board of the U.S.S. _Montauk_. During the night of September 21, 1864, fire was discovered in the lightroom of the _Montauk_. The alarm created a panic and demoralized the crew. Rountry, with hose in hand, notwithstanding the cry of "fire in the magazine," forced his way through the frightened crowd to the lightroom, and, with the aid of James Horton, gunner's mate, put out the fire. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOHN RUSH. First-class fireman on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, in the attack on the Port Hudson batteries, March 14, 1863. "When the fireroom and other parts of the ship were filled with hot steam from injury to the boiler by a shot, he, from the first moment of the casualty, stood firmly at his post, and was conspicuous in his exertions to remedy the evil by hauling the fires from the injured boiler, the heat being so great from the combined effects of fire and steam that he was compelled, from mere exhaustion, to be relieved every few minutes until the work was accomplished." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) CAPT. WILLIAM R. RUSH, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; commanded naval brigade; was in both days' fighting and almost continually under fire from soon after landing, about noon on the 21st, until we were in possession of the city, about noon of the 22d. His duties required him to be at points of great danger in directing his officers and men, and he exhibited conspicuous courage, coolness, and skill in his conduct of the fighting. Upon his courage and skill depended in great measure success or failure. His responsibilities were great, and he met them in a manner worthy of commendation. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) HENRY P. RUSSELL. Landsman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JOHN RUSSELL. Seaman, for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Trenton_, at Genoa, Italy, September 21, 1880, and rescuing from drowning Hans Paulsen, ordinary seaman. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) FRANCIS T. RYAN. (Alias Frank Gallagher.) Coxswain, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in the battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) RICHARD RYAN. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_; gallant conduct in jumping overboard at Norfolk, Va., and rescuing from drowning one of the crew of that vessel, March 4, 1876. (G.O. 207, March 23, 1876.) ENSIGN THOMAS J. RYAN, UNITED STATES NAVY. For heroism in effecting the rescue of a woman from the burning Grand Hotel, Yokohama, Japan, on September 1, 1923. Following the earthquake and fire which occurred in Yokohama on September 1, Ensign Ryan, with complete disregard for his own life, extricated a woman from the Grand Hotel, thus saving her life. His heroic conduct upon this occasion reflects the greatest credit on himself and on the United States Navy, of which he is a part. (Medal presented by President Coolidge at the White House on March 15, 1924.) (G.O. 124, February 4, 1924.) WILLIAM SADLER. Captain of top; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Saratoga_, off Coasters Harbor Island, R.I., June 25, 1881, and sustaining, until picked up by a boat from the ship, Frank Gallagher, second-class boy, who had fallen overboard. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) ISAAC SAPP. Seaman, engineers' force, on board of the U.S.S. _Shenandoah_; for jumping overboard and assisting Midshipman Miller in saving Charles Prince, seaman, from drowning at Villefranche, December 15, 1871. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) JAMES SAUNDERS. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_ off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864. His conduct is testified to by Commodore Winslow as deserving of all commendation, both for gallantry and encouragement of others in his division. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) AUZELLA SAVAGE. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Santiago de Cuba_; "commended for gallant behavior in the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865. Had a flagstaff shot away above his hand, but seized the remainder off the staff and brought the colors safely off." (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) DAVID J. SCANNELL. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, July 21 to August 17, 1900. Scannell assisted to erect barricades under a heavy fire. (G. O. 55, July 19, 1901.) CHARLES S. SCHEPKE. Gunner's mate, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Missouri_, for extraordinary heroism in remaining by a burning magazine and assisting to extinguish the fire, April 13, 1904. (G.O. 160, May 26, 1904.) OSCAR SCHMIDT, Jr. Chief gunner's mate, United States Navy, U.S.S. _Chestnut Hill_, for gallant conduct and extraordinary heroism on the occasion of the explosion and subsequent fire on board the U.S. submarine chaser _219_, October 9, 1918. Schmidt seeing a man hanging on a line from the bow of the _219_, whose legs were partly blown off, jumped overboard, swam to the subchaser, and carried him from the bow to the stern, where a member of the subchaser's crew helped him land the man on the afterdeck of the subchaser. Schmidt then endeavored to pass through the flames amidships to get another man who was seriously burned. This he was unable to do, but the injured man fell overboard and drifted to the stern of the chaser, where Schmidt helped him aboard. (G.O. 450, January 25, 1919.) OTTO D. SCHMIDT. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Bennington_, for extraordinary heroism displayed at the time of the explosion of a boiler of that vessel at San Diego, Calif., July 21, 1905. (G.O. 13, January 5, 1906.) FRED J. SCHNEPEL. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Florida_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21 and 22, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) GEORGE SCHUTT. Coxswain belonging to the U.S.S. _Hendrick Hudson_; was one of the howitzer's crew cooperating with the Army in the military and naval expedition to St. Marks, Fla., March 5 and 6, 1865, and was commended for coolness and determination under fire, remarkable efforts in assisting to transport gun, and for remaining by his gun throughout a severe engagement in a manner highly creditable to himself and to the service. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOSEPH F. SCOTT. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) WILLIAM SEACH. Ordinary seaman, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JAMES SEANOR. Master-at-arms of the U.S. ironclad _Chickasaw_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, although his time was out, volunteered from the _Vincennes_ for the battle of Mobile Bay, and was honorably mentioned by his commanding officer on the _Chickasaw_. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) CHIEF GUNNER ROBERT SEMPLE, UNITED STATES NAVY. For meritorious service under fire on the occasion of the landing of the American naval forces at Vera Cruz on April 21, 1914. Chief Gunner Semple was then attached to the U.S.S. _Florida_ as a chief turret captain. (G.O. 120, January 10, 1924.) BENJAMIN SEVEARER. Seaman, who raised the flag on Fort Clark at the Hatteras expedition. "Deed of noble daring." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) RICHARD SEWARD. Paymaster's steward on board of the U.S.S. _Commodore_, November, 1863; "volunteered to go on the field amidst a heavy fire to recover the bodies of two soldiers, which he brought off with the aid of others; a second instance of personal valor within a fortnight." Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) WILLIAM S. SHACKLETTE. Hospital steward, serving on board the U.S.S. _Bennington_, for extraordinary heroism displayed at the time of the explosion of a boiler of that vessel at San Diego, Calif., July 21, 1905. (G.O. 13, January 5, 1906.) PATRICK SHANAHAN. Chief boatswain's mate, serving on board the U.S.S. _Alliance_, for heroism, rescuing William Stevens, quartermaster, first class, from drowning, May 28, 1899. (G.O. 534, November 29, 1899.) HENDRICK SHARP. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and courage as captain of 100-pounder rifle gun on top-gallant forecastle, in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5,1864. He fought his gun when under the hottest fire from the enemy's batteries, at short range, with a coolness and effectiveness that won not only the admiration of the commanding officer of the division but of all others who had an opportunity to observe him. He has been in the naval service 32 years; joined the _Richmond_ at Norfolk when first put in commission, September 27, 1860. At the expiration of his term of service, in 1863, reshipped for the period of three years. He was in action on board of the _Richmond_ with the rebels at the Head of the Passes of the Mississippi; at the bombardment of Fort McRee, at Pensacola, which lasted an entire day, when he received a severe splinter wound in the left hand, which permanently disabled two of his fingers; and notwithstanding the severity of the wound, as soon as it was dressed by the surgeon he returned to his gun without the permission of the surgeon and persisted in remaining at his quarters, using his right hand until the action ceased. He was in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and with the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans; in action with the Chalmette batteries; present at the surrender of New Orleans; fought the batteries of Vicksburg twice; was in the memorable attack on Port Hudson on the 14th of March, 1863; was captain of a 9-inch gun in the naval 9-inch gun battery commanded by Lieut. Commander Edward Terry, placed in the rear of Port Hudson during the siege. He was also captain of a gun in the naval battery established at Baton Rouge, and commanded by Lieut. Commander Edward Terry after the repulse of the Army and death of General Williams at that place. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) LOUIS C. SHEPARD. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Wabash_; mentioned for gallant conduct in the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865, and as having entered the stockade. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JAMES SHERIDAN. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Oneida_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, captain of the after 9-inch gun; was wounded in several places, but remained at his gun until the firing ceased, and then supplied the place of the signal quartermaster, who had been injured by a fall. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM SHIPMAN. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Ticonderoga_ in the attacks on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865; "especially commended for his conduct at the time of the explosion of the 100-pounder Parrott gun." Being captain of a gun near the bursted one, and seeing the effect of the explosion on those around him, he at once encouraged them by exclaiming: "Go ahead, boys; this is only the fortunes of war!" (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JOHN SHIVERS. Private, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Minnesota_; especially commended for bravery in the assault on Fort Fisher January 15, 1865, remaining at the front near the fort when the panic carried the mass away. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) HENRY SHUTES. Captain of forecastle on board of the U.S.S. _Wissahickon_; for distinguished service in the battle below New Orleans, April 24 and 25, 1862, and in the engagement at Fort McAllister, February 27, 1863, and seamanlike qualities while gunner's mate of the U.S.S. _Don_. A shot from Fort McAllister penetrated the _Wissahickon_ below the water line and entered the magazine, on which occasion Shutes, by his presence of mind and prompt action, contributed to the preservation of the powder and safety of the ship. (G.O. 71, January 15, 1866.) JOHN OTTO SIEGEL. Boatswain's mate, second class, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism on November 1, 1918, when he went aboard the schooner _Hjeltenaes_, which was in a mass of flames, and after rescuing two men from crew's quarters, went back the third time. Immediately after he had entered the crew's quarters a steam pipe over the door carried away, making it impossible for him to escape. Siegel became overcome with smoke and fell to the deck, being finally rescued by some of the crew of the _Mohawk_, of which he was a member, who carried him out and rendered first aid. (G.O. 445, January 7, 1919.) FRANCE SILVA. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, June 28 to August 17, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) LEBBEUS SIMKINS. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and courage in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He joined the _Brooklyn_ in January, 1861; was in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans, Chalmette batteries, batteries below Vicksburg, and present at the surrender of New Orleans. Joined the _Richmond_ October, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) HENRY SIMPSON. First-class fireman; for rescuing from drowning John W. Powers, ordinary seaman on board the U.S.S. _Essex_, at Monrovia, Liberia, October 31, 1877. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) LAWRENCE C. SINNETT. Seaman on board the U.S.S. _Florida_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) ALBERT JOSEPH SMITH. Private, United States Marine Corps. "At about 7.30 a.m. on the morning of February 11, 1921, Private Smith while on duty as a sentry rescued Plen M. Phelps, late machinist's mate, second class, United States Navy, from a burning seaplane, which had fallen near his post, gate No. 1, marine barracks, naval air station, Pensacola, Fla. Despite the explosion of the gravity gasoline tank, with total disregard of personal safety, he pushed himself to a position where he could reach Phelps, who was pinned beneath the burning wreckage, and rescued him from the burning plane, in the performance of which he sustained painful burns about the head, neck, and both hands." (G.O. 72, September 29, 1921.) CHARLES H. SMITH. Coxswain, was one of the crew of the first cutter of the U.S.S. _Rhode Island_, on the night of December 30, 1862, which was engaged in saving the lives of the officers and crew of the _Monitor_. They had saved a number, and it was owing to their gallantry and zeal and desire to save others that they became separated from the _Rhode Island_, and were adrift for some hours. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) EDWIN SMITH. Ordinary seaman on board the U.S.S. _Whitehead_ in the attack upon Franklin, N.C., October 3, 1862; swam ashore under the fire of the enemy with a line and thus rendered important service. Mentioned for gallantry. EUGENE P. SMITH. Chief water tender, U.S.S. _Decatur_; for several times entering compartments on board of _Decatur_ immediately following an explosion on board that vessel, September 9, 1915, and locating and rescuing injured shipmates. (G.O. 189, February 8, 1916.) FRANK E. SMITH. Oiler, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy, in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JAMES SMITH. Captain of forecastle on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JAMES SMITH. Landsman, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JAMES SMITH. Seaman on board the U.S.S. _Kansas_; displayed great coolness and self-possession at the time Commander A. F. Crosman and others were drowned near Greytown, Nicaragua, April 12, 1872, and by extraordinary heroism and personal exertion prevented greater loss of life. (G.O. 176, July 9, 1872.) JOHN SMITH. Captain of forecastle on board of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; was first captain of a gun, and finding that he could not sufficiently depress his gun when alongside of the rebel ironclad _Tennessee_, threw a hand holystone into one of the ports at a rebel using abusive language against the crew of the ship. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN SMITH. Seaman, for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Shenandoah_, at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, September 19, 1880, and rescuing from drowning James Grady, first-class fireman. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) JOHN SMITH. Second captain of top on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864. Commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He was on board the _Varuna_ when she was sunk by the rebel vessels after having passed Forts Jackson and St. Philip; was transferred to the _Brooklyn_, and was in the action with the batteries below Vicksburg. Joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) OLOFF SMITH. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He was on board the _Richmond_ in the actions with Fort McRee, at the Head of the Passes of the Mississippi; with the Forts Jackson and St. Philip; the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans; the Chalmette batteries; twice with the batteries of Vicksburg in attempting to pass and at the siege of Port Hudson; and present at the surrender of New Orleans. He has been coxswain on board the _Richmond_ for twenty consecutive months. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) THOMAS SMITH. Seaman, for rescuing from drowning William Kent, coxswain of the U.S.S. _Enterprise_, of Para, Brazil, October 1, 1878. THOMAS SMITH. Seaman on board the U.S.S. _Magnolia_. Was one of a howitzer's crew cooperating with the Army in the military and naval expedition to St. Marks, Fla., March 5 and 6, 1865, and was commended for coolness and determination under fire, remarkable efforts in assisting to transport gun, and for remaining by his gun throughout a severe engagement in a manner highly creditable to himself and to the service. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) WALTER B. SMITH. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct at the 100-pounder rifle gun on the topgallant forecastle, and for musket firing into the gun ports of the rebel ironclad _Tennessee_ in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He was on board the U.S.S. _Hatteras_ when that vessel was sunk by the piratical vessel commanded by the notorious Semmes, off Galveston; joined the _Richmond_ after having been exchanged, September, 1863, and his conduct on board of the ship has been of the most exemplary kind. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILHELM SMITH. Gunner's mate, first class, on board the U.S.S. _New York_; for entering a compartment filled with gases and rescuing a shipmate, P. J. Walsh, ordinary seaman, January 24, 1916. (G.O. 202, April 6, 1916.) WILLIAM SMITH. Quartermaster on board the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_, off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct, and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM SMITH. (Name changed to Daniel G. George.) Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S. picket boat _No. 1_, which destroyed the rebel ram _Albemarle_ at Plymouth, N.C., October 27, 1864. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLARD M. SMITH. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; conspicuous for good conduct at his gun. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM E. SNYDER. Chief electrician, serving on board the U.S.S. _Birmingham_, for extraordinary heroism, rescuing G. H. Kephart, seaman, from drowning at Hampton Roads, Va., January 4, 1910. (G.O. 58, March 2, 1910.) WILLIAM SPICER. Gunner's mate, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for heroism while engaged in the perilous work of sweeping for and disabling 27 contact mines in the approaches to Caimanera, Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, July 26 and 27, 1898. (G.O. 500, December 14, 1898.) DAVID SPROWLE. Orderly sergeant, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and for setting a good example to the marine guard working a division of great guns in the action of Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. Joined the _Richmond_ September 27, 1860; was in the actions with Fort McRee, the Head of the Passes of the Mississippi, Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the Chalmettes, the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans, Vicksburg, Port Hudson, and present at the surrender of New Orleans. He has been in the service 28 years. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WILLIAM B. STACY. Seaman on board the U.S.S. _Rhode Island_. While coaling ship in the harbor of Cape Haitien one of the crew of the _Rhode Island_ fell overboard, and, notwithstanding he succeeded in catching a rope, had, from exhaustion, to relinquish his hold. Although the sea was running high at the time, Stacy, at the peril of his life, jumped overboard, secured the rope around his shipmate, and thus saved him from drowning. (G.O. 71, January 15, 1866.) ROBERT STANLEY. Hospital apprentice, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in the battle of Peking, China, July 12, 1900. Stanley volunteered and carried messages under fire. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) WILLIAM A. STANLEY. Shell man at No. 8 gun on board of the U.S.S. _Hartford_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; "was severely wounded but refused to go below, and continued to perform his duties until at length he became so weak from loss of blood as to be unable to stand." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) THOMAS STANTON. Chief machinist's mate on board of the U.S.S. _North Dakota_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the fire on board that vessel September 8, 1910. (G.O. 83, October 4, 1910.) LIEUT. ADOLPHUS STATON, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914; was eminent and conspicuous in command of his battalion. He exhibited courage and skill in leading his men through the action of the 22d and in the final occupation of the city. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) JAMES E. STERLING. Coal heaver on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864; bravery in remaining at his post when wounded, and passing shell until struck down a second time and completely disabled. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) DANIEL D. STEVENS. Quartermaster on the U.S.S. _Canonicus_, for bravery before Fort Fisher, 1865. (Letter July 15, 1870, Secretary of the Navy to Hon. S. Hooper.) JAMES A. STEWART. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Plymouth_; jumped overboard in the harbor of Villefranche, France, February 1, 1872, and saved Midshipman Osterhaus from drowning. (G.O. 180, October 10, 1872.) PETER STEWART. Gunnery sergeant, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) COMMANDER HERMAN O. STICKNEY, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; covered the landing of the 21st with the guns of the _Prairie_, and throughout the attack and occupation rendered important assistance to our forces on shore with his 3-inch battery. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) JAMES STODDARD. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Marmora_. This man was sent on shore with others, to man a rifle howitzer, which had been mounted on a field carriage and posted in the streets of Yazoo City during the rebel attack on that place March 5, 1864. Their defense of the gun against superior forces is mentioned as most gallant, having nobly stood their ground through the whole action, fighting hand to hand to save the gun and the reputation of the Navy. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) JOHN STOKES. Chief master-at-arms, serving on board the U.S.S. _New York_, for gallant conduct in jumping overboard and assisting in the rescue of Peter Mahoney, water tender, United States Navy, off the coast of Jamaica, March 31, 1899. (G.O. 525, July 29, 1899.) ANDREW V. STOLTENBERG. Gunner's mate, second class, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battle at Katbalogan, Samar, P.I., July 16, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) RICHARD STOUT. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Isaac Smith_, Stone River, January 30, 1863; distinguished for gallantry and meritorious conduct in the action with the rebel batteries, in which he lost his right arm. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) ROBERT STRAHAN. Captain of the top on board of the U.S.S. _Kearsarge_ when she destroyed the _Alabama_, off Cherbourg, France, June 19, 1864; "exhibited marked coolness and good conduct, and is highly commended by his divisional officer." (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) LODDIE STUPKA. Fireman, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Leyden_, for heroism at the time of the wreck of that vessel, January 21, 1903. (G.O. 145, December 26, 1903.) EDWARD SULLIVAN. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JAMES SULLIVAN. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Agawam_; one of the crew of the powder boat which was exploded near Fort Fisher December 23, 1864, for which service he volunteered. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JAMES F. SULLIVAN. Boatswain's mate; for jumping overboard from the U.S. training ship _New Hampshire_, at Newport, R.I., April 21, 1882, and rescuing from drowning Francis T. Price, third-class boy. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) JOHN SULLIVAN. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Monticello_; courage and commendable conduct during a reconnaissance of the harbor and water defenses of Wilmington, June 23 to 25, 1864. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) TIMOTHY SULLIVAN. Coxswain; first captain of 9-inch gun on board the U.S.S. _Louisville_; "especially commended for his attention to duty, bravery, and coolness in action." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) ROBERT SUMMERS. Chief quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Ticonderoga_, in the attacks on Fort Fisher January 13 to 15, 1865; commended for great coolness and intelligence in looking out for and making signals. Served also on the _Paul Jones_, in the actions with the batteries on St. Johns River and with Fort McAllister on the Ogeechee River. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) GUSTAV A. SUNDQUIST. Ordinary seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_, for heroism and gallantry under fire of the enemy, while cutting cables at Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898. (G.O. 529, November 2, 1899.) AXEL SUNDQUIST. Chief carpenter's mate, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for heroism while engaged in the perilous work of sweeping for and disabling 27 contact mines in the approaches to Caimanera, Guantanamo, Cuba, July 26 and 27, 1898. (G.O. 500, December 14, 1898.) CLARENCE E. SUTTON. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at the battle of Tientsin, China, July 13, 1900. Sutton assisted to carry a wounded officer from the field under a heavy fire. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JOHN SWANSON. Seaman of the U.S.S. _Santiago de Cuba_; was one of the boat's crew detailed for General Terry. The men of this boat's crew were represented to have been the only men who entered Fort Fisher in the assault from the fleet, January 15, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) EDWARD SWATTON. Seaman of the U.S.S. _Santiago de Cuba_; was one of the boat's crew detailed for General Terry. The men of this boat's crew were represented to have been the only men who entered Fort Fisher in the assault from the fleet, January 15, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) ROBERT SWEENEY. Ordinary seaman, U.S.S. _Kearsarge_; October 26, 1881, jumped overboard and assisted in saving from drowning a shipmate who had fallen overboard at Hampton Roads. A strong tide was running at the time. ROBERT SWEENEY. Ordinary seaman of the U.S.S. _Jamestown_, December 20, 1883; for rescuing from drowning A. A. George, who had fallen overboard at the navy yard, New York. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) WILLIAM SWEENEY. Landsman, engineer's force; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Jean Sands_, opposite the navy yard, Norfolk, on the night of June 15, 1880, and rescuing from drowning a young girl who had fallen overboard. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) SECOND LIEUT. RALPH TALBOT, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. "For exceptional meritorious service and extraordinary heroism while attached to Squadron C, First Marine Aviation Force, in France. He participated in numerous air raids into enemy territory, and on October 8, 1918, while on such a raid, he was attacked by 9 enemy scouts, and in the fight that followed shot down an enemy plane. Also, on October 14, 1918, while on a raid over Pittham, Belgium, Lieutenant Talbot and another plane became detached from the formation on account of motor trouble, and were attacked by 12 enemy scouts. During the severe fight that followed, his plane shot down one of the enemy scouts. His observer was shot through the elbow and his gun jammed. He cleared the jam with one hand while Talbot maneuvered to gain time, and then returned to the fight. The observer fought until shot twice, once in the stomach and once in the hip. When he collapsed Lieutenant Talbot attacked the nearest enemy scout with his front guns and shot him down. With his observer unconscious and his motor failing, he dived to escape the balance of the enemy and crossed the German trenches at an altitude of 50 feet, landing at the nearest hospital and left his observer, and returned to his aerodrome." (Act of February 4, 1919.) WILLIAM TALBOTT. Captain of forecastle, on board of the U.S.S. _Louisville_ at the capture of Arkansas Post, January 10 and 11, 1863; was conspicuous for ability and bravery as captain of 9-inch gun. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) JAMES TALLENTINE. Quarter gunner on board of the U.S.S. _Tacony_. At the capture of Plymouth, October 31, 1864, he landed and spiked a loaded 9-inch gun under a sharp fire of musketry. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) GEORGE TAYLOR. Armorer on board of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_; in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864, although wounded, went into the shell room and with his hands extinguished the fire from a shell exploded over it by the enemy. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) JOHN TAYLOR. Seaman in charge of the picket boat attached to the navy yard, New York; for coolness, promptness, and good judgment on the 9th of September, 1865, in rescuing from drowning Commander S. D. Trenchard, of the United States Navy, who fell overboard in attempting to get on a ferryboat which had collided with an English steamer and needed immediate assistance. (G.O. 71, January 15, 1866.) RICHARD H. TAYLOR. Quartermaster, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nipsic_; for gallantry during the hurricane at Apia, Samoa, March 16, 1889. (G.O. 157, April 20, 1904.) THOMAS TAYLOR. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Metacomet_. During the passage of the forts at the entrance of Mobile Bay, and in the action with the rebel gunboats, August 5, 1864, cowardice was exhibited by the officer in command of the forward pivot gun, but Thomas Taylor, by encouraging example and words and effective handling of the gun, did honor to the occasion. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) WILLIAM G. TAYLOR. Captain of forecastle on board of the U.S.S. _Ticonderoga_, in the attacks on Fort Fisher, December 24 and 25, 1864, and January 13, 14, and 15, 1865; "commended for coolness and good conduct as captain of a gun." (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) AUGUST P. TEYTAND. Quartermaster, third class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Leyden_; for heroism at the time of the wreck of that vessel, January 21, 1903. (G.O. 145, December 26, 1903.) JAMES THAYER. Ship's corporal; for rescuing from drowning a boy serving with him on the U.S.S. _Constitution_, at navy yard, Norfolk, Va., November 16, 1879. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) HENRY THIELBERG. Seaman, U.S.S. _Minnesota_, but temporarily on board of the U.S.S. _Mount Washington_, Nansemond River, April 14, 1863; "conducted himself with the highest coolness and courage, and volunteered to go upon the pilot house to watch the movements of the enemy, which position he did not leave until ordered down, although the balls flew thick around him, and three struck within a few inches of his head." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) LOUIS F. THIES. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Petrel_; for heroism and gallantry, fearlessly exposing his own life to danger for the saving of the others on the occasion of the fire on board said vessel March 31, 1901. (G.O. 85, March 22, 1902.) KARL THOMASS. Coxswain, United States Navy; for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy, in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) HENRY THOMPSON. Seaman, United States Navy; for rescuing a man from drowning at Mare Island, Calif., on the 27th of June, 1878. HENRY THOMPSON. Private, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Minnesota_; especially commended for bravery in the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865, remaining at the front near the fort when the panic carried the mass away. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) WILLIAM THOMPSON. Signal quartermaster on board the U.S.S. _Mohican_ in the action at Hilton Head, November 7, 1861; "steered the ship with a steady hand and bold heart under the batteries; was wounded by a piece of shell, but remained at his station until he fell from loss of blood;" "leg since amputated." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) WILLIAM G. THORDSEN. Coxswain, serving on the U.S.S. _Pampanga_; for heroism and gallantry under fire of the enemy at Hilongas, P.I., May 6, 1900. (G.O. 6, August 15, 1900.) MICHAEL THORNTON. Seaman; for jumping overboard from the U.S. tug _Leyden_, near Boston, Mass., August 25, 1881, and sustaining, until picked up, Michael Drennan, landsman, who had jumped overboard while temporarily insane. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) PAUL TOBIN. Landsman on board the U.S.S. _Plymouth_; at the imminent risk of his life he jumped overboard in the harbor of Hamburg, July 3, 1871, when a 4-knot tide was running, and with a comrade saved from drowning one of a party who was thrown out of a shore boat coming alongside the ship. (G.O. 180, October 10, 1872.) SAMUEL TODD. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Brooklyn_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; conspicuous coolness at the commencement and during the action. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) A. J. TOMLIN. Corporal, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Wabash_. During the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865, he advanced under a heavy fire from the enemy's sharpshooters into an open space close to the fort and assisted a wounded comrade to a place of safety. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) MARTIN T. TORGERSON. Gunner's mate, third class, United States Navy; for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) LIEUT. JULIUS C. TOWNSEND, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagement of Vera Cruz, April 22, 1914. Was eminent and conspicuous in command of his battalion. He exhibited courage and skill in leading his men through the action of the 22d and in the final occupation of the city. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) SAMUEL TRIPLETT. Ordinary seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_; for heroism while engaged in the perilous work of sweeping for and disabling 27 contact mines in the approaches of Caimanera, Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, July 26 and 27, 1898. (G.O. 500, December 14, 1898.) OTHNIEL TRIPP. Chief boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Seneca_ in the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865; "exhibited great gallantry in charging through the gap in the stockade." (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) J. M. TROUT. Second-class fireman on board of the U.S.S. _Frolic_; gallant conduct in endeavoring to save the life of one of the crew of the _Frolic_ who had fallen overboard at Montevideo, April 20, 1877. JEREMIAH TROY. Chief boatswain's mate; for jumping overboard from the U.S. training ship _New Hampshire_ at Newport, R.I., April 21, 1882, and rescuing from drowning Francis T. Price, third-class boy. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) WILLIAM TROY. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Colorado_; fighting at the side of Lieutenant McKee, and especially commended by the latter after being wounded at the capture of the Korean Forts, June 11, 1871. (G.O. 169, February 8, 1872.) ALEXANDER H. TRUETT. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and good conduct in the action in Mobile Bay on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. He was in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the Chalmette batteries, the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans, the batteries below Vicksburg, and was present at the surrender of New Orleans. He was present at and assisted in the capture of the piratical steamers _Miramon_ and _Marquis de la Habana_ in March, 1860, near Vera Cruz. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ALEXANDER TURVELIN. Seaman; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Trenton_, at Toulon, France, February, 1881, and rescuing from drowning Augustus Ohlensen, coxswain. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) OSCAR J. UPHAM. Private, United States Marine Corps; for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, July 21 to August 17, 1900. Upham assisted to erect barricades under a heavy fire. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) CAPT. WILLIAM P. UPSHUR, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. "On October 22, 1915, Captain Upshur, First Lieutenant Ostermann, First Lieutenant Miller, Assistant Surgeon Borden, and 35 enlisted men of the Fifteenth Company of Marines, all mounted, left Fort Liberte, Haiti, for a six-day reconnaissance. After dark on the evening of October 24, while crossing river in deep ravine, the detachment was suddenly fired upon from three sides by about 400 Cacos concealed in bushes about 100 yards from fort. The marine detachment fought its way forward to a good position, which it maintained during the night, although subjected to a continuous fire from the Cacos. At daybreak the marines, in three squads, commanded by Captain Upshur, Lieutenant Ostermann, and Gunnery Sergeant Daly, advanced in three different directions, surprising and scattering the Cacos in all directions. The expeditionary commander commented on the gallantry displayed by the officers and men of this detachment in the following language: "The action of the 35 men in the attack made upon them during the night of October 24 can not be commended too highly. It is true that these men were in pitch darkness, surrounded by ten times their number, and fighting for their lives, but the manner in which they fought during that long night, the steady, cool discipline that prevented demoralization is remarkable. Had one squad failed, not one man of the party would have lived to tell the story. The actual assault upon the enemy, made in three different directions and beginning as soon as the light permitted them to see, was splendid. It meant success or utter annihilation. It succeeded, thanks to the splendid examples given by the officers and noncommissioned officers, supported by the men. Upshur and Ostermann, advancing from two directions, captured Fort Dipitie with a total of 13 marines, putting garrison to flight. Demolished and burned fort. All three squads burned all houses from which fire had been coming. I believe, therefore, that Capt. William P. Upshur, First Lieut. Edward A. Ostermann, and Gunnery Sergt. Daniel Daly should be given medals of honor for this particular engagement and the work of the following day." FRANK MONROE UPTON. Quartermaster, third class, United States Navy, for extraordinary heroism following internal explosion of the _Florence H_, on April 17, 1918. The sea in the vicinity of wreckage was covered by a mass of boxes of smokeless powder, which were repeatedly exploding. Frank M. Upton, of the U.S.S. _Stewart_, plunged overboard to rescue a survivor, who was surrounded by powder boxes and too exhausted to help himself, fully realizing that similar powder boxes in the vicinity were continually exploding and that he was thereby risking his life in saving the life of this man. (G.O. 403, June 8, 1918.) ALBERT VADAS. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_; for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) JOSEPH E. VANTINE. First-class fireman on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, in the attack on the Port Hudson batteries, March 14, 1863. "When the fireroom and other parts of the ship were filled with hot steam from injury to the boiler by a shot, he, from the first moment of the casualty, stood firmly at his post and was conspicuous in his exertions to remedy the evil by hauling the fires from the injured boiler, the heat being so great from the combined effects of fire and steam that he was compelled, from mere exhaustion, to be relieved every few minutes until the work was accomplished." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) HUDSON VAN ETTEN. Seaman, serving on board U.S.S. _Nashville_; for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) PINKERTON R. VAUGHN. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, on board of the U.S.S. _Mississippi_, in the attack on the Port Hudson batteries, night of March 14, 1863; commended for zeal and courage displayed in the performance of unusual and trying service while the vessel was aground and exposed to a heavy fire. (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) JAMES W. VERNEY. Chief quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Pontoosuc_; commended for gallantry, skill, and coolness in action during the operations in and about Cape Fear River, which extended from December 24, 1864, to January 22, 1865, and resulted in the capture of Fort Fisher and Wilmington. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JACOB VOLZ. Carpenter's mate, third class, United States Navy; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession while operating against outlaws on the island of Basilan, P.I., September 24, 1911. (G.O. 138, December 13, 1911.) ROBERT VOLZ. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Nashville_; for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) MAURICE WAGG. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Rhode Island_; distinguished and meritorious conduct during the night of the foundering of the _Monitor_ off Hatteras, December 31, 1864. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) LIEUT. RICHARD WAINWRIGHT, UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was eminent and conspicuous in command of his battalion; was in the fighting of both days, and exhibited courage and skill in leading his men through action. In seizing the customhouse he encountered for many hours the heaviest and most pernicious concealed fire of the entire day, but his courage and coolness under trying conditions was marked. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) E. A. WALKER. Sergeant, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at the battle of Peking, China, June 20, to July 16, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JAMES A. WALSH. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Florida_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21 and 22, 1914. (G.O. 101, June 15, 1914.) MICHAEL WALSH. Chief machinist, serving on board the U.S.S. _Leyden_, for heroism at the time of the wreck of that vessel, January 21, 1903. (G.O. 145, December 26, 1903.) JAMES WARD. Quarter-gunner on board of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_, in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; being wounded and ordered below, would not go, but rendered much aid at one of the guns when the crew was disabled, and subsequently remained in the chains, heaving the lead until nearly in collision with the rebel ironclad _Tennessee_. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) DAVID WARREN. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Monticello_; courage and commendable conduct during a reconnaissance of the harbor and water defense of Wilmington, June 23 to 25, 1864. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) HENRY S. WEBSTER. Landsman on board of the U.S.S. _Susquehanna_; during the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865, remained on the field under fire with a wounded officer until aid could be obtained to bring him to the rear. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) CHARLES H. WEEKS. Captain of the foretop on board of the U.S.S. _Susquehanna_. On the 21st of September, 1864, the U.S.S. _Montauk_, then off Charleston, was discovered to be on fire in the magazine lightroom; on which occasion Charles H. Weeks, who was master-at-arms of the vessel, displayed great presence of mind and rendered valuable services in extinguishing the fire. (G.O. 84, October 3, 1867.) ALBERT WEISBOGEL. Captain of the mizzen top; gallant conduct in jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Benicia_, at sea, and rescuing from drowning one of the crew of that vessel on the 11th of January, 1874. (G.O. 207, March 23, 1876.) SECOND MEDAL. Captain of the mizzen top; gallant conduct in jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Plymouth_, at sea, and rescuing from drowning one of the crew of that vessel, on the 27th of April, 1876. (G.O. 212, June 9, 1876.) ADAM WEISSEL. Ship's cook; for jumping overboard from the U.S. training ship _Minnesota_, at Newport, R.I., August 26, 1881, and sustaining, until picked up by a boat from the ship, C. Lorenze, captain of the forecastle, who had fallen overboard. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) WILLIAM WELLS. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Richmond_, Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; commended for coolness and close attention to duty as leadsman and lookout in the action in Mobile Bay, on the morning and forenoon of August 5, 1864. Joined the _Brooklyn_ in September, 1861; was in the actions with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and with the rebel ironclads and gunboats below New Orleans, and on board of the _Brooklyn_ in the attack upon the batteries below Vicksburg in 1862. He received two wounds in the left leg and a severe one in the head in the engagements with Forts Jackson and St. Philip, April 24, 1862, the latter causing "opacity of the cornea and loss of vision of the right eye," as certified by the surgeon of the _Brooklyn_. Joined the _Richmond_ in September, 1863. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) WALTER S. WEST. Private, United States Marine Corps, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) KARL WESTA. Chief machinist's mate on board of the U.S.S. _North Dakota_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the fire on board of that vessel September 8, 1910. (G.O. 83, October 4, 1910.) AXEL WESTERMARK. Seaman, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, June 28 to August 17, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) GEORGE H. WHEELER. Ship fitter, first class, United States Navy, for bravery and extraordinary heroism displayed by him during a conflagration in Coquimbo, Chile, January 20, 1909. (G.O. 18, March 19, 1909.) JOSEPH WHITE. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _New Ironsides_; commended for highly meritorious conduct during the several engagements with Fort Fisher in December, 1864, and January, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) DANIEL WHITFIELD. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_ in the engagement in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864; remarkable coolness as captain of a gun in holding on to the lockstring and waiting for some time whilst alongside of the rebel ironclad _Tennessee_, and firing that the shot might enter her port. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) FRANKLIN L. WILCOX. Ordinary seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Minnesota_; especially commended for bravery in the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865, remaining at the front near the fort when the panic carried the mass away. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) JULIUS A. R. WILKE. Boatswain's mate, first class, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) HENRY WILKES. Landsman on board of the U.S. picket boat _No. 1_, which destroyed the rebel ram _Albemarle_ at Plymouth, N.C., October 27, 1864. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) PERRY WILKES. Pilot on board of the U.S.S. _Signal_, which vessel was attacked by field batteries and sharpshooters and destroyed in Red River, May 5, 1864. He remained steadfast at the wheel until it was disabled by the bursting of a shell. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) ENSIGN THEODORE S. WILKINSON, Jr., UNITED STATES NAVY. For distinguished conduct in battle, engagements of Vera Cruz, April 21 and 22, 1914; was in both days' fighting at the head of his company and was eminent and conspicuous in his conduct, leading his men with skill and courage. (G.O. 177, December 4, 1915.) ANTONIO WILLIAMS. Seaman; for courage and fidelity displayed in the loss of the U.S.S. _Huron_, November 24, 1877. ANTHONY WILLIAMS. Sailmaker's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Pontoosuc_; commended for gallantry, skill, and coolness in action during the operations in and about Cape Fear River, which extended from December 24, 1864, to January 25, 1865, and resulted in the capture of Fort Fisher and Wilmington. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) AUGUSTUS WILLIAMS. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Santiago de Cuba_; "commended for gallant behavior in the assault on Fort Fisher, January 15, 1865." (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) FIRST LIEUT. ERNEST C. WILLIAMS, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS. For extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession in the face of the enemy at San Francisco de Macoris, Dominican Republic, November 29, 1916. (G.O. 289, April 27, 1917.) FRANK WILLIAMS. Seaman, serving on board the U.S.S. _Marblehead_, for extraordinary bravery and coolness while cutting the cables leading from Cienfuegos, Cuba, May 11, 1898, under a heavy fire of the enemy. (G.O. 521, July 7, 1899.) HENRY WILLIAMS. Carpenter's mate; for going over the stern of the U.S.S. _Constitution_, at sea, February 13, 1879, during a heavy gale, and performing important carpenter's work upon her rudder. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) JAY WILLIAMS. Coxswain, United States Navy, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy in battles on the 13th, 20th, 21st, and 22d of June, 1900, while with the relief expedition of the allied forces in China. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) JOHN WILLIAMS. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Commodore Perry_, in the attack upon Franklin, Va., October 3, 1862; distinguished for his gallant conduct. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) JOHN WILLIAMS. Captain of maintop on board of the U.S.S. _Pawnee_, in the attack upon Mathias Point, June 26, 1861; "gallantry can not be spoken of in too high terms; though wounded by a musket ball in the thigh, he retained the charge of his boat; and when the staff was shot away held the stump in his hand, with the flag, until we got alongside the _Freeborn_." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) JOHN WILLIAMS. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Mohican_, in the action at Hilton Head, November 7, 1861; captain of 11-inch gun; was conspicuous for his cool courage and pleasant, cheerful way of fighting, losing few shots and inspiring his gun's crew with his manner. Promoted to acting master's mate. (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) LOUIS WILLIAMS. Captain of top; for jumping overboard from the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_, March 16, 1883, at Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, and rescuing from drowning Thomas Moran, landsman. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) LOUIS WILLIAMS. Captain of hold of the U.S.S. _Lackawanna_; for rescuing from drowning William Cruise, who had fallen overboard at Callao, Peru, June 13, 1884. (G.O. 326, October 18, 1884.) PETER WILLIAMS. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Monitor_ in the fight with the _Merrimac_, March 19, 1862; promoted to acting master's mate and subsequently to acting ensign. (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) ROBERT WILLIAMS. Signal quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Benton_; Yazoo River expedition December 23 to 27, 1862, mentioned by his commanding officer as having "distinguished himself in various actions." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) WILLIAM WILLIAMS. Landsman belonging to the U.S.S. _Lehigh_, Charleston Harbor, November 16, 1863; gallant behavior in passing lines between the _Lehigh_ and _Nahant_ in an open boat with two others, being at the time exposed to a heavy fire from the forts in Charleston Harbor; advanced in his rate. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) GEORGE WILLIS. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Tigress_; gallant and meritorious conduct, while serving on the _Tigress_, on the night of September 22, 1873, off the coast of Greenland. RICHARD WILLIS. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _New Ironsides_; commended for highly meritorious conduct during the several engagements with Fort Fisher in December, 1864, and January, 1865. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) AUGUST WILSON. Boilermaker, serving on board the U.S.S. _Puritan_, for gallant conduct at the time of the collapse of one of the crown sheets of boiler E of that vessel July 1, 1897. Wilson wrapped wet cloths about his face and arms and entering the fireroom opened the safety valve, thus removing the danger of disabling the other boilers. (G.O. 482, November 1, 1897.) ROSWELL WINANS. First sergeant, United States Marine Corps, for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession and for eminent and conspicuous courage in the presence of the enemy at the action at Guayacanes, Dominican Republic, July 3, 1916. (G.O. 244, October 30, 1916.) ROBERT B. WOOD. Coxswain, U.S.S. _Minnesota_, temporarily on board of the U.S.S. _Mount Washington_, Nansemond River, April 14, 1863; "behaved with a courage and coolness that could not be surpassed; did not leave his post, although he had received a severe contusion on the head from a partially spent ball, and ventured in an open boat to carry a hawser under a heavy fire." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) SAMUEL WOODS. Seaman, U.S.S. _Minnesota_, temporarily on board of the U.S.S. _Mount Washington_, Nansemond River, April 14, 1863; fought his gun with the most determined courage; plunged into the stream and endeavored to save a shipmate who had been knocked overboard by a shell, and was conspicuous for his tender care of the wounded. (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) JOHN WOON. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Pittsburgh_, in an engagement with the batteries at Grand Gulf, April 29, 1863; "had been confined to his hammock several days from sickness, yet insisted on and took command of the gun of which he was captain; fought it for over two hours, and only left it when no longer able to stand; conduct uniformly good." (G.O. 17, July 10, 1863.) CHARLES B. WORAM. Seaman on board of the U.S.S. _Oneida_, acting as aid to the executive officer in the engagement in Mobile Bay August 5, 1864. Distinguished himself for his cool courage and carried his orders intelligently and correctly. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) EDWARD WRIGHT. Quartermaster on board of the U.S.S. _Cayuga_ in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and the taking of New Orleans, April 24 and 25, 1862. Mentioned with "praise for his conduct." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) WILLIAM WRIGHT. Yeoman on board of the U.S.S. _Monticello_; courage and commendable conduct during a reconnaissance of the harbor and water defenses of Wilmington, June 23 to 25, 1864. (G.O. 45, December 31, 1864.) EDWARD B. YOUNG. Coxswain on board of the U.S.S. _Galena_; during the action in Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, he was captain of No. 3 gun and displayed great bravery and coolness throughout the engagement. (G.O. 59, June 22, 1865.) FRANK A. YOUNG. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at the battle of Peking, China, June 20 to July 16, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) HORATIO N. YOUNG. Seaman on the U.S.S. _Lehigh_, Charleston Harbor, November 16, 1863; gallant behavior in passing lines between the _Lehigh_ and _Nahant_ in an open boat, being at the time exposed to a heavy fire from the forts in Charleston Harbor. Advanced in his rating. (G.O. 32, April 16, 1864.) WILLIAM YOUNG. Boatswain's mate on board of the U.S.S. _Cayuga_, in the attack upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip and the taking of New Orleans, April 24 and 25, 1862; mentioned with "praise for his conduct." (G.O. 11, April 3, 1863.) WILLIAM ZION. Private, United States Marine Corps, for distinguished conduct in the presence of the enemy at Peking, China, July 21 to August 17, 1900. (G.O. 55, July 19, 1901.) WILLIAM ZUIDERVELD. Hospital apprentice, first class, on board of the U.S.S. _Florida_; for extraordinary heroism in the line of his profession during the seizure of Vera Cruz, Mexico, April 21, 1914. (G.O. 116, August 19, 1914.) 
41396	----	THE BOYS OF 1812 AND OTHER NAVAL HEROES THE BOYS OF '61; =Or, Four Years of Fighting.= By CHARLES CARLETON COFFIN. Fully illustrated. 8vo. Cloth. Gilt. THE BOYS OF 1812, =And Other Naval Heroes.= By Prof. J. RUSSELL SOLEY. Illustrated from original drawings. 8vo. Cloth. Gilt. IN PREPARATION. SAILOR BOYS OF '61. By Prof. J. RUSSELL SOLEY. [Illustration: "THE CUTLASS BREAKS AT THE HILT."] THE BOYS OF 1812 AND OTHER NAVAL HEROES BY JAMES RUSSELL SOLEY AUTHOR OF "THE BLOCKADE AND THE CRUISERS" [Illustration] BOSTON PUBLISHED BY ESTES AND LAURIAT _Copyright, 1887,_ BY ESTES AND LAURIAT. _University Press:_ JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE. CONTENTS. CHAPTER PAGE I. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE NAVY. 11 II. BIDDLE AND THE "RANDOLPH." 28 III. WAR ON THE ENEMY'S COAST. 35 IV. PAUL JONES'S CRUISES. 42 V. BARRY AND BARNEY. 60 VI. HOSTILITIES WITH FRANCE. 85 VII. TRIPOLI. 104 VIII. IMPRESSMENT. 150 IX. THE WAR OF 1812.--THE "CONSTITUTION" AND THE "GUERRIÈRE." 157 X. THE FIRST SLOOP ACTION. 177 XI. DECATUR AND BAINBRIDGE. 183 XII. CAPTAIN JAMES LAWRENCE. 196 XIII. THE CRUISE OF THE "ESSEX." 210 XIV. PERRY AND LAKE ERIE. 246 XV. THE SLOOP ACTIONS. 263 XVI. MACDONOUGH AND LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 280 XVII. STEWART AND "OLD IRONSIDES." 292 XVIII. THE WAR WITH ALGIERS. 307 XIX. THE WAR WITH MEXICO. 318 ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE BRIG, HEAD ON _Titlepage_ "THE CUTLASS BREAKS AT THE HILT." _Frontispiece_ "BOLD AND HARDY MEN WHO HAD FOLLOWED THE SEA SINCE THEY WERE BOYS." 16 "HE SENT COLONEL GLOVER AND MR. PALFREY IN HOT HASTE TO RAISE THE MINUTE-MEN." 21 NICHOLAS BIDDLE. 30 HE TOUCHED AT A SMALL TOWN IN IRELAND FOR SUPPLIES. 40 THE "DRAKE" SURRENDERS TO THE "RANGER." 47 "THE SLOOP WAS SWALLOWED UP IN THE SEETHING WATERS." 73 HEAVING THE LEAD ON BOARD THE FRIGATE. 81 "EVERYWHERE THE SHIP-YARDS WERE BUSY." 91 DAVID PORTER. 95 "IT WAS TWILIGHT BEFORE HE CAME UP WITH HER." 99 THOMAS TRUXTUN,--FROM MEDAL VOTED BY CONGRESS. 102 "CROWDING ON THE RAIL WITH THEIR SCIMITARS." 109 COMMODORE EDWARD PREBLE. 114 "HE CUT AWAY THE ANCHORS, ... BUT STILL THE SHIP HUNG FAST." 117 "THE LIGHTS COULD BE SEEN GLITTERING IN THE HOUSES." 127 "THE 'PHILADELPHIA' LIGHTS THEM ON THEIR WAY." 131 STEPHEN DECATUR. 135 "AMONG THESE WAS ONE SIXTY-FOUR, THE 'AFRICA.'" 161 "A SQUALL OF WIND AND RAIN PASSED OVER US." 167 CAPTAIN ISAAC HULL. 171 "SHE LAY A HELPLESS WRECK IN THE TROUGH OF THE SEA." 173 "JACK LANG, A BRAVE AMERICAN BLUE-JACKET, LEAPED FIRST." 179 "THE SHIPS WERE STEERING TO THE EASTWARD ON PARALLEL COURSES." 189 JAMES LAWRENCE. 197 "ALONG THE SHORE, UPON EVERY HILL-TOP AND HEADLAND, PEOPLE HAD GATHERED." 203 "WHEN THE 'ESSEX' ARRIVED OFF THE ISLAND SHE LAY TO." 213 APPROACHING THE GALAPAGOS ISLANDS. 222 "'WE SURRENDER,' AND DOWN CAME THE FLAG." 225 "MOSTLY CARRONADES." 239 "A SQUALL STRUCK HER AND CARRIED AWAY HER MAIN-TOPMAST." 241 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 247 "A SINGLE GUN BOOMED FROM BARCLAY'S SHIP." 255 "CALLING AWAY HIS BOAT, HE ROWED UNDER THE ENEMY'S FIRE." 259 "THE 'PELICAN' WAS GUIDED TO HER BY THE SMOKE OF THE BURNING MERCHANTMEN." 265 CAPTAIN LEWIS WARRINGTON. 270 "ONE ROUND SHOT ENTERED HER AFTERMOST PORT." 277 "ON THE STOCKS, AND NEARLY FINISHED, THE FINE FRIGATE 'CONFIANCE.'" 283 CAPTAIN CHARLES STEWART. 296 "ACCOMPANIED BY ABDALLAH THE DRAGOMAN, I LEFT THE CANAL." 313 THE BOYS OF 1812, AND OTHER NAVAL HEROES. CHAPTER I. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE NAVY. Simply to defend themselves against the tyrannical encroachments of the mother country was all that the thirteen colonies had in view when, in 1775, they took up arms against Great Britain. At this time the people hoped, and many of them expected, that by making a determined resistance they would induce the King and Parliament to treat them with fairness, and to give them their rights as English citizens. It was only gradually, during the summer and autumn of the first year,--after the battle had been fought at Bunker Hill, and after Washington had been for some time in command of the army which was laying siege to Boston, that they began to feel that they could make a new nation by themselves, and that independence was a thing that was worth fighting for, even though it cost a long and bloody struggle, in which all of them would pass through bitter suffering and many would give up their very lives. As we look back upon it now, it is wonderful to think what a daring thing it was for this small and scattered people, living in their little towns along the seacoast from Maine to Georgia, or on farms and plantations in the country, without an army or navy, without generals, and above all without money,--for money is needed to carry on war more than almost anything else,--to have thus made up their minds to stand up bravely and manfully against such a power as Great Britain (one of the greatest in the world), with all her troops and ships and immense revenues. That we should have come out successfully from a contest so unequal seems little short of marvellous; and we cannot but think that it was the hand of an overruling Destiny that enabled us to succeed, by giving us a general as skilful and prudent as Washington, statesmen as wise as Franklin and Jefferson and Adams, an enemy as indolent as Sir William Howe, and allies as powerful as our good friends the French. Still, even from the beginning the colonists had some reason to hope for success, at least in the war on land. They had no standing army, it is true, but they were not without experience in the business of fighting. In the Seven Years' War, which had come to an end only twelve years before, they had furnished the soldiers who filled the ranks of the English armies on American soil. These were the men who had fought the bloody battles at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and whom the gallant Wolfe had led on the Plains of Abraham. The veterans of the old war were as ready to shoulder their muskets to protect themselves against the tyranny of the King as against the incursions of their Canadian and Indian neighbors. They knew something, too, of the soldiers who would be sent to subdue them, and what they had seen did not give them much reason to be afraid. They knew how hard it was for an invading army, thousands of miles away from home, marching through a thinly-settled country that was filled with enemies, to protect itself from those incessant and harassing attacks that wear out its strength and destroy little by little all its confidence and pluck. They knew that these gayly-dressed redcoats, who made war according to rule, would find a new kind of work before them among the wooded hills and valleys of America, where every patriot was fighting for his own homestead, where every farmer was a woodsman, and where every woodsman was a crack shot. When that quiet but observant young Virginian, Major Washington, went out with Braddock on his expedition against Fort Duquesne, and saw how the gallant Colonel of the Guards insisted blindly upon following in the backwoods his Old World tactics, and how easily his regulars were defeated in consequence, he learned something that he never afterward forgot; for neither Howe nor Clinton nor Earl Cornwallis himself was the man to teach him a new lesson. But all this was fighting on land. At sea, the colonists had had no such training. The mother country, with her great fleets, had needed no help from them in her sea-fights, and indeed was rather jealous of any attempts that they might make toward a colonial navy. The colonists in the old wars had fitted out a few privateers that harried the enemy's commerce, but real naval warfare was wholly unknown to them. They had had no ships-of-war of their own to serve in, and such of them as had been admitted into the Royal Navy under the King's commission remained in it almost to a man. On the ocean, therefore, the colonists were badly off, for Great Britain was here the worst enemy they could have. Her wooden walls had always been her chief reliance, and from the days when Drake and Howard and Raleigh defeated the Great Armada of Spain, they had asserted and maintained British supremacy at sea. During this long period of two hundred years the names of England's great naval captains had been a terror to all her enemies. There was Robert Blake, who beat off the Dutch, when Tromp sailed across the channel with a broom at his masthead as a sign that he would sweep the English from the seas. There were Sir Cloudesley Shovel and Sir George Rooke, who worsted the French in the great battle of Cape La Hogue; there was the doughty old Benbow, who, deserted by his captains, with his single ship kept at bay the squadron of M. Ducasse in the West Indies; there was Boscawen, who captured the fortress at Louisburg; Hawke and Anson, and finally Rodney and Howe, already famous, and destined to become yet more so in the war that was just begun. The fleets that these famous admirals led into action were composed of line-of-battle ships,--immense structures, with two, three, or even four gun-decks, some of them carrying as many as one hundred guns, and the smallest of them rated at sixty-four. After these came the frigates, which had only one gun-deck, but which carried a battery on the spar-deck also. These were not thought of sufficient strength to be really counted as a part of the fighting force, although the largest size, the 50-gun frigates, were sometimes taken into the line of battle. But generally they served as scouts or outposts for the great fleets, or they cruised by twos and threes in light squadrons, or even singly, to attack privateers or unarmed merchantmen, or to make a raid on unprotected coasts and seaports, or to carry orders to the different stations. For all these uses they were of great service, being generally faster than the line-of-battle ships, and yet carrying guns enough to make them formidable to all the lesser craft. After the frigates came the sloops-of-war, ship-sloops, and brig-sloops, as the English called them; not the little boats with one mast that we are accustomed to call sloops, but square-rigged vessels with three or two masts, as the case might be, and carrying twenty guns or so. With all these three classes of vessels the British were well supplied, and the larger ships carried what at that day were heavy guns, 18-pounders and 24-pounders. In 1775, when the war broke out, the Royal Navy numbered one hundred line-of-battle ships, one hundred and fifty frigates, and three hundred of the smaller vessels, and before the war ended it had two hundred and fifty thousand seamen in its service. The colonies, on the other hand, began the struggle without a single armed vessel afloat. They had merchantmen which they could fit out as privateers to cruise against the British merchantmen, but they had nothing that could stand up against a ship-of-war. Even in guns they were sadly deficient; for though there were scattered here and there in the colonies a few 12-pounders and 9-pounders, they had to depend largely upon sixes and fours, which were not much better than popguns; while of eighteens and twenty-fours they had scarcely any for naval use. Sailors they had, to be sure, all along the coast from New England down; and especially in the northern part there were numbers of bold and hardy men who had followed the sea since they were boys, some in fishing-smacks that made long voyages to the Banks, some in coasters, and some in the large merchant-ships that traded at ports beyond the sea. But of what use are sailors without ships or guns? Besides, as the Continental Navy was slow in forming, many of the best men went into the army, which promised an easier life, or into the privateer service, which held out greater prospects of reward; and when the navy finally got to work, it was very hard to man the vessels. [Illustration: "BOLD AND HARDY MEN WHO HAD FOLLOWED THE SEA SINCE THEY WERE BOYS."] In spite of all these discouragements, the leaders in the country boldly resolved that they would face Great Britain on the sea as well as on the land. They bought or built their little ships, fitted them out with guns and stores that were partly captured from the British, manned them with crews from the sturdy mariners along the coast, and sent them forth to war upon the enemy as best they might,--by capturing his transports and storeships, by fighting his smaller cruisers when they could be found alone, and sometimes even by daring raids upon his very coasts. Their officers were volunteers from the merchant service; and though hardly any had ever served in ships-of-war, there were some among them whose name and fame have lived to our own day, and will live forever,--Biddle and Manley, Paul Jones and Conyngham, Barry and Barney, and Wickes and Dale,--the first men to show that American naval officers can hold their own against any others in the world. * * * * * The beginnings of the Continental Navy were made by Washington. When on July 3, 1775, he took command of the army under the old elm-tree at Cambridge in Massachusetts, he had a discouraging task before him. Not only was it necessary for him to organize the troops and train them in the art of war, but they had to be supplied with arms and ammunition and all kinds of equipments. Not only was there a scarcity of money to buy these things, but the things themselves were hardly to be got in the colonies either for love or money. At the battle of Bunker Hill the patriots had retired, not because they were beaten, but because their ammunition was exhausted. During the whole summer Washington was writing to the governors of the neighboring colonies, entreating them to send him a little powder and lead. "No quantity," he said, "however small, is beneath notice." All this time the British, securely established in Boston, were receiving supplies of all kinds from England. Though they were three thousand miles away from home, they could get what they needed with more certainty than the colonists, who were fighting in their own country: of such importance is it in war to have the control of the sea. Washington himself saw this, and he determined to dispute the control with the enemy by sending out little vessels, just strong enough to attack the transports and storeships coming to Boston. So he despatched to the north shore, as it is called, to Beverly and Salem and Marblehead, two of his trusted officers, Colonel John Glover of Marblehead, and Stephen Moylan, the Muster-master-general of the army, to procure and fit out the vessels. Late in October the first two schooners got to sea, the "Lynch" and "Franklin," under Captain Broughton, who sailed for the Gulf of St. Lawrence to intercept ships bound for Quebec. Ten days later Moylan and Glover, by dint of hard work, got off two more of these diminutive cruisers,--the "Lee," under Captain John Manley, and the "Warren," under Captain Adams of the New Hampshire troops. These were also schooners, and carried each four 4-pounders and ten swivels,--little guns throwing a half-pound bullet mounted on pivots on the gunwales, just as gatlings are mounted to-day. Each had fifty men, most of whom were drafted from the army; but there was hardly any ammunition to spare for them, and it went against the grain to give them twenty rounds for each gun, which was all they carried. At Plymouth, also, Washington had his small navy-yard, but it gave him more trouble than it was worth. The schooner "Harrison," under Captain Coit of Connecticut, was here, though she was old and weak; and a larger ship, the "Washington." The "Washington" was a fine brigantine, and she mounted ten carriage guns which had been brought by boats and wagons from Bristol. But her captain, Martindale, was too ambitious, and wished his ship to have all the equipments of a real man-of-war. The general and his aides, Reed and Moylan, who had the work in charge, were sorely tried by all this useless preparation, which delayed the vessel during the precious weeks of autumn, when she should have been at sea. "Shall we ever hear," wrote Moylan in the middle of November, "of Captain Martindale's departure?" For he knew that the captain's business was to seize the English stores, and to let ships-of-war alone. Coit's schooner, also, the "Harrison," was delayed in port, and the sailors were troublesome. "They are soured by the severity of the season," wrote the agent, "and are longing for the leeks and onions of Connecticut." By the third week in November the two ships got out; but the brigantine was presently captured by an enemy's frigate, which showed that the general's apprehensions had been right from the beginning. So the navy, especially the Plymouth fleet, was a source of much anxiety and discouragement to him during the month of November. But suddenly the tide turned, for on the 29th of that month the news came from Cape Ann that the "Lee" was in, and that Manley had captured the brigantine "Nancy," loaded with all kinds of military stores. We can fancy how the general must have felt as he read the invoice of her stores: two thousand muskets and bayonets, thirty-one tons of musket-shot, three thousand round shot for 12-pounders, eight thousand fuzes, one hundred and fifty carcasses,--great frames for combustibles to set buildings on fire,--a 13-inch mortar, two 6-pounders, and several barrels of powder, besides great quantities of other valuable stores. No wonder he sent Colonel Glover and Mr. Palfrey in hot haste to the Cape to raise the minute-men from all the neighboring towns and land the stores, and bring them under escort to headquarters! And the same day he wrote to the President of Congress to tell him of Manley's fine capture, and said: "I sincerely congratulate you, sir, on this great acquisition; it more than repays all that has been spent in fitting out the squadron." Manley was off to sea again in a day or two, and a week later he captured three more vessels, the cargoes of which were sold, some of them bringing a high price. For these services Manley was placed by Congress on the list of Continental captains, and put in command of a frigate. His schooner, the "Lee," was given to Captain Waters, who cruised in her for several months, capturing a number of transports with troops on board. The other vessels also took their share of prizes, even the leaky old "Harrison" bringing in a sloop and a schooner. Broughton's ships, the "Lynch" and the "Franklin," seized several vessels that were supposed to belong to Tories, but most of these were released. After their return the "Franklin" was given to James Mugford, a daring Marblehead captain. This was in the spring after the British had evacuated Boston, but ships laden with supplies were still coming to America. One of these, the "Hope," of six guns, fell in with Mugford near Boston, and he determined to attack her, though an English squadron was in sight not many miles away. He had just boarded her, when the English captain ordered his men to cut the topsail-halliards, so that the ship would be delayed until the squadron could come up. But Mugford roared out that any man who carried out the order would suffer instant death, and no one dared to move. The prize had fifteen hundred barrels of powder in her hold, and it was almost hopeless to try to get her into the harbor by the usual channel in the face of the enemy's fleet. But just then the "Lee" came up, and Captain Waters, who knew every shoal and winding passage in Boston harbor, told Mugford he would carry her in through Shirley Gut, a narrow channel where none of the English ships would dare to follow her. He made good his promise; for though the "Hope" did run ashore on Handkerchief Shoal, he got her off, and brought her with her precious cargo safely into Boston. [Illustration: "HE SENT COLONEL GLOVER AND MR. PALFREY IN HOT HASTE TO RAISE THE MINUTE-MEN."] Poor Mugford did not long survive his exploit; for, leaving port a few days later by this same Shirley Gut, he too grounded, and while he was lying hard and fast, the boats from the enemy's fleet put off to capture him. There were three times as many men as Mugford had on board the "Franklin;" but he gave them a warm reception with his muskets and such guns as he could bring to bear. They came alongside and prepared to board; but as soon as any of them put their hands upon the rail, the crew hacked them off with cutlasses. Mugford himself was in the hottest of it, and as he leaned over the gunwale a bullet struck him in the breast. He called his first lieutenant and said to him, "I am a dead man: do not give up the vessel; you will be able to beat them off." And so he died; but the enemy were driven back, with two of their boats lost, and the ship was saved. While General Washington was making his beginning of a Continental navy about Boston, aided by the Massachusetts people, the other colonies were working by themselves in the same direction. In Long Island Sound, on the Hudson River, in the Delaware and Chesapeake bays, and along the inlets of the southern coast, flotillas were fitted out to protect the towns and to prey upon the enemy's commerce. In October, 1775, the Continental Congress, which was then in session at Philadelphia, following the example of Washington, decided to have a navy for the general service of the colonies. With this early movement Stephen Hopkins, a delegate from Rhode Island, had much to do; for Narragansett Bay with its thriving farms and plantations offered a tempting prize to the British raiders, whom the little colony would find it hard to keep off. There were others, too, who took a deep interest in the project,--above all John Adams, and Silas Deane of Connecticut, and Robert Morris of Pennsylvania. Through their efforts a beginning was made by purchasing two brigs, the "Lexington" and "Providence." These were followed by two larger vessels, the "Alfred" and "Columbus," carrying each about twenty 9-pounders. Then two more brigs were bought, the "Andrew Doria" and the "Cabot," which like Washington's schooners carried only 4-pounders, though they had more of them. The "Lexington" went to sea alone, but the others were assembled at Philadelphia in December, ready to start out as the first Continental squadron. It was not an easy thing to select a commander for the new squadron, for there was hardly a man in the colonies who had seen any naval service. Young Nicholas Biddle, of Philadelphia, had been a midshipman in the Royal Navy, and had resigned his post to fight for his country; but he was thought to be too young, though he had seen more real service than his fellow officers. Finally, Hopkins's brother, Esek Hopkins, an old Rhode Island sea-captain who had been made a brigadier-general, was chosen to command the force. His son John was made captain of one of the ships, and his cousin Abraham Whipple of another, while Hazard, who was also a Rhode Islander, was assigned to the "Providence." Biddle, who, as it turned out, was the best of them all, was given the little brig "Doria." From an obscure place in Virginia, far away in the country, came a letter from a young Scotchman named Paul Jones, who had followed the sea from his boyhood but had finally settled in America, asking them that he might have a commission. Although no one knew much of him, he was offered one of the smaller brigs; but he preferred to go at first as a lieutenant, and he was placed on board the "Alfred," the commodore's flagship. The squadron was fitted out to cruise upon the southern coast; but it was frozen up for six weeks in Delaware Bay, and when it sailed in February, 1776, it made first for the Bahama Islands. It came to anchor off Abaco, the northernmost of the islands. Here the commodore learned that there was a fort, with many guns and a great quantity of powder, but defended only by a feeble garrison, at New Providence, on the Island of Nassau, the same place which afterward gained such fame during the Rebellion as the refuge of the blockade-runners. Commodore Hopkins resolved to attempt its capture, but advancing incautiously with his whole fleet, gave a timely warning to the inhabitants; and the governor, who till that moment had not dreamed of the near approach of an enemy, succeeded in getting his powder to a place of safety. The marines were landed and marched to the fort, which they captured with little difficulty. The guns were taken, as well as all the stores except the powder, and the governor was carried off a prisoner. The squadron had now accomplished such results that Hopkins thought it best to defer his operations on the southern coast, and made sail for home. He arrived safely in New London, meeting only one of the enemy's ships on the way, with which he had a battle; but neither side could claim the victory. The captured guns were sent off to the points where they were needed most, and Commodore Hopkins went to Philadelphia. But Congress was not very well satisfied with him, especially the Southern delegates, who had been promised protection for their shores. The old commodore, too, was fussy and impatient, and as he stayed on in Philadelphia, everybody began to grow tired of him; and finally Congress passed a resolution in which they announced to him, rather harshly perhaps, that they had no further use for his services. No doubt he had meant well; but he was too old to be the leader of the new Continental Navy, and this is the last we shall hear of him. Before the squadron started on its cruise Congress had undertaken more ambitious measures. Thirteen frigates were ordered to be built, and different places were selected where the work should be done, so that whatever part of the country the British might overrun, some of the new ships might be finished and sent out. Thus the "Raleigh" was built at Portsmouth, the "Hancock" and "Boston" in Massachusetts, the "Warren" and "Providence" in Rhode Island, the "Trumbull" in Connecticut, and the "Virginia" at Baltimore. Of the other six, two were begun at Poughkeepsie, on the Hudson, and four at Philadelphia; but the only one of the six that got to sea was the "Randolph," of Philadelphia, the others being destroyed at one time or another to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. More vessels were built later, and a few were bought in Europe; but among them all there were no line-of-battle ships, and even for frigates they were not very large or strong. But they were the best that the colonies could get; there was not money enough to build great fleets, and there were not guns enough to arm them. Few and small as they were, they performed their part, and no small part it was, in showing the King and the Parliament that the colonies were thoroughly in earnest in the struggle upon which they had entered, and that they would spare no labor, and would encounter any danger, in order to secure their independence. CHAPTER II. BIDDLE AND THE "RANDOLPH." There were two men in Hopkins's squadron who far excelled all the others in those qualities of energy, courage, and intelligence that are most required in a naval officer. These were Biddle, the captain of the "Andrew Doria," and Paul Jones, the lieutenant of the "Alfred." Jones was at this time twenty-eight years old; the son of a Scotch gardener, he was born and brought up on the shores of the Solway Frith. Across the Frith lay the prosperous seaport of Whitehaven; and the boy when twelve years old was apprenticed to a merchant of the place, who traded with America, and his first voyage had been to Virginia. At a later time he had served in a slaver; but leaving this distasteful occupation, he became the master of a ship in the West India trade, and finally had drifted to Virginia, where he had made his home two years before the outbreak of the war. After the squadron returned to New London, Jones was given command of the brig "Providence," and in August he set off on a cruise to the eastward. His ship was small, but she was smart and handy, and Jones was the man to make her do her best. Presently he fell in with two frigates of the enemy; but he got away from them after an exciting chase. A few days afterward, while his ship was hove to, and his crew were fishing, another English frigate came up,--the "Milford." Hastily calling his men to their stations, he started off to try his speed with the new-comer, for she was far too strong for him to attack or even to resist. He soon found that he could outsail her, which was just as good; and shortening sail, he allowed the "Milford" to come up a little. Then he started ahead again, and so continued backing and filling, just to tease her, as it were. The frigate turned and gave him a broadside which fell short, and which he answered in derision by ordering a marine to fire a musket. Finally he left the "Milford" and went on his way to the fishing settlements in the eastern provinces, capturing the enemy's merchantmen right and left, wherever he could find them. He raided the harbor of Canso, to the great alarm of the inhabitants, and broke up the fishery. Then he crossed over to Île Madame, where he destroyed the shipping. By this time his ship was so loaded down with prisoners that he was obliged to put about for home, where he arrived safely in October, having been out six weeks and taken sixteen prizes. After a month in port Jones started on a second cruise. This time he took with him the "Providence" and also the "Alfred,"--the ship of which he had been first lieutenant on the expedition to Nassau. Another raid was made on Canso, and another batch of prizes was captured. One of these, the "Mellish," had a cargo of clothing which was intended for the enemy's troops, but which was needed even more by our own army, at this time just beginning its winter campaign. When he came home from this second cruise, Jones thought he had shown by what he had done that he deserved a better ship, and Congress thought so too; and after some little delay he was appointed to the new sloop-of-war "Ranger," which was building at Portsmouth, and in which during the following year he entered upon a new and larger field of operations. [Illustration: NICHOLAS BIDDLE.] About the time that Jones took command of the "Providence," his companion in the squadron, Nicholas Biddle, was sent out in the brig "Doria" on a cruise to the Banks. Biddle was at this time twenty-five years old. He was born in Philadelphia, and had begun life as a sailor before the mast at the age of fourteen. On his second voyage he was wrecked in the West Indies, and narrowly escaped with his life. Afterward he went to London, and in 1770, when a war was threatened between Great Britain and Spain, he obtained an appointment as midshipman in the Royal Navy under Captain Stirling. War did not break out, however, and young Biddle joined the exploring expedition under Commodore Phipps, which sought to reach the North Pole by the way of Spitzbergen. On the same expedition was another youngster, by name Horatio Nelson, who was destined afterward to lead the English fleet to victory at the battles of the Nile and Trafalgar. After the return of Phipps's ships, Biddle left the navy and came home to take his part in the war that was now beginning. His first commission, from the Committee of Safety in Philadelphia, was signed by its president, Benjamin Franklin, and appointed him "Captain of the Provincial Armed Boat called the 'Franklin,' fitted out for the protection of the Province of Pennsylvania, and the Commerce of the River Delaware against all hostile enterprises, and for the defence of American Liberty." But when Congress formed its first squadron, under Commodore Hopkins, he was transferred to the Continental Navy. The "Doria," which Biddle commanded on the expedition to Nassau, and which he was now to take on her first independent cruise, carried an armament of fourteen 4-pounders, which, as I have said, were little better than popguns, and of course unfit for fighting with a ship-of-war. Her crew numbered one hundred men. On her way out, the "Doria" made three prizes. Off Newfoundland she captured two transports, with four hundred troops on board. Any ordinary man would have found it a difficult task to dispose of so many prizes and prisoners; but Biddle had served in the navy, and he knew what discipline meant. Manning the captured ships from his crew, he filled their places on board the "Doria" with prisoners, and started to return home. On the way back, six more vessels were taken. These were manned in the same way, by stripping the brig of her sailors and taking the best of the prisoners to do their work. Finally the "Doria" arrived at Philadelphia, with all her prisoners and with only five men left of her original crew. It would have been hard to find another man in the service, even if it were Paul Jones himself, who could have kept in check such a ship's company as that. One of the prizes was wrecked, and another recaptured, but the rest got safely into port. Congress now began to realize that this young fellow of five-and-twenty was one of the very best officers in its employ; and indeed if he had been made at the start the commander-in-chief of our forces afloat, instead of an old weather-beaten merchant captain like Hopkins, his experience and skill and impetuous bravery would beyond a doubt have raised the navy to the highest point of excellence of which its scanty resources were capable. He was appointed to command the "Randolph," which had lately been launched at Philadelphia. She was one of the best of the new ships, but she had been hurriedly built,--too hurriedly, as was shown on her first cruise; for no sooner had Biddle got out of sight of land than a gale sprang up, and all her masts went by the board. To add to his difficulties, he discovered a mutinous spirit in his crew, several of whom were prisoners who had volunteered for the cruise. This was promptly checked, for the captain, as we have seen, was not a man to allow insubordination; and after rigging jury-masts he carried the ship safely into Charleston. Here she was refitted, and from here she again started on a cruise. She had been out only a few days when she captured the "True Briton," a ship of twenty guns, and three West Indiamen that formed her convoy. The captain of the "True Briton" had been looking for the "Randolph,"--at least so he said,--and as the latter approached him, he received her with a warm fire; but the "Randolph" only waited till she got within pistol-shot, when she fired a single gun, and the English captain incontinently struck his colors. Returning once more to Charleston with her prizes, the "Randolph" remained there for some time blockaded by the enemy's squadron. At last the State of South Carolina fitted out a force of vessels to raise the blockade and cruise with the "Randolph" under Biddle's command. Contrary winds and the want of a high tide detained them for some time in Rebellion Roads, and when they got over the bar the enemy had disappeared; so they set out in quest of adventures. The squadron had cruised for more than a month in the Atlantic with no incident worthy of note, when on the 7th of March, 1778, being then to the eastward of Barbadoes, at one o' clock in the afternoon a large ship was seen in the distance, gradually approaching. By three o'clock she had come near enough for Biddle to make out that she was a ship-of-the-line. Knowing that the stranger must be an Englishman,--she proved to be the "Yarmouth," of sixty-four guns,--and knowing too that the "Randolph," even with the support of the smaller ships, was no match for her powerful battery, he signalled to the fleet to make sail. All the ships obeyed except the "General Moultrie," which obstinately refused to leave her place, and remained hove to, giving no sign of moving. This blundering conduct of the "Moultrie's" captain left Biddle no choice but to abandon his consort or to remain and fight what seemed to be a hopeless battle. He boldly chose the latter course; and as the "Yarmouth" ranged up on his weather quarter, he hoisted the American flag and opened on her with a succession of furious broadsides, giving four to the enemy's one, and inflicting dangerous wounds upon her sails and rigging. A few minutes after the action began, Biddle received a shot in the thigh. As his people, alarmed, gathered around him, he raised himself up, telling them it was only a slight touch, and calling for a chair seated himself on the quarter-deck, where the surgeon came to dress his wound. Here he was vigorously directing the course of the battle, and in spite of the disparity between the two ships he was gradually getting the advantage, when suddenly, without a moment's warning, the magazine of the "Randolph" blew up, scattering spars, hull, guns, officers, and men in a mass of fragments over the waters. None ever knew how the accident happened. The other ships, seeing the disaster, made off as fast as they could; but the "Yarmouth" was too much disabled to follow them, and they made good their escape. Five days after the action the English ship, still cruising about the spot, came upon a floating piece of the "Randolph's" wreck, to which four of her crew were still clinging. They had been drifting in this way for four days with no sustenance except the rain-water which they had managed to collect. These were all the survivors of that fatal battle,--a battle which lost us not only a fine frigate, but, what was far worse, one of our best and most gallant officers. CHAPTER III. WAR ON THE ENEMY'S COAST. We have seen how the beginning of naval enterprise made by Washington in the summer of 1775 was taken up and borne along by the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, until little by little it had obtained a force at sea that was able to inflict serious loss upon the enemy. But a field for operations was now to be found in a new quarter; and happily for America, their direction was in the hands of its wisest and most far-sighted statesman. On the 7th of December, 1776, the United States brig-of-war "Reprisal" arrived at Nantes with Benjamin Franklin on board as a passenger, who had come over with a letter from Congress, naming him a commissioner to treat with France. The "Reprisal" was commanded by Capt. Lambert Wickes, a gallant naval officer who had been cruising during the summer before in the West Indies, where he had shown himself worthy of the people's trust. And indeed it was a heavy responsibility that rested with him on this voyage across the Atlantic; for had his ship with its passenger been captured, it is hard to say what troubles would have come upon the country, or how the Revolution would have held its own during the next five years. But Franklin was carried safely to his destination; and not only that, but two English brigs laden with cargoes of wine were captured by the "Reprisal" on the voyage and came with her into port. It was in this way that Franklin's mind was turned to the benefits which his country might reap from ocean warfare,--above all, in the seas which English commerce most frequented,--and after he arrived in Paris he lost no time in putting in practice what he had learned. At this early period, although the King of France was indifferent, if not hostile, to the American cause, the ministers and people warmly favored it. The friendly feeling was strengthened by Franklin's coming, and his winning manners, simple and frank, but full of dignity, made him a favorite with all, both high and low. Persuaded thus by their own desires, and by Franklin's strong but gentle influence, they went just as far in their efforts to aid the Americans as they possibly could without declaring open war against England. Large sums of money were given; the departure of ships laden with arms and munitions of war was winked at; and when Lord Stormont, the English ambassador, complained of the admission of the "Reprisal" and her prizes into French ports, the Frenchmen gave evasive answers, and the vessels under one pretext or another were allowed to stay. Wickes even made a little roving cruise in the Bay of Biscay, from which he brought in as trophies three more prizes. To satisfy the English protests, he was forbidden to sell his prizes in the ports; but he took them just outside the harbor, where he held mock sales, and thus disposed of all of them. These little subterfuges were continued until the conclusion of the treaty, which came about in the following year. In the spring after Wickes arrived, the brig "Lexington" came out, under Captain Johnston. She was the first vessel that had been purchased by the Continental Congress, and she had already done good service on the American coast. Johnston had with him as lieutenant one of the best and bravest of the Revolutionary officers, Richard Dale. Dale was at this time twenty years of age. Eight years before he had first gone to sea from his home in Virginia, and already since the beginning of the war he had been twice a prisoner; but the strangest part of his career was yet to come. Franklin now thought it would be wise to join together the "Reprisal" and the "Lexington" and the little 10-gun cutter "Dolphin" in a squadron under the command of Wickes, who was to make a dash around the coast of Ireland and capture or destroy whatever he might find. The ships sailed from Nantes in June, and in August they came back successful from their perilous enterprise. They had captured fourteen prizes. Approaching the French coast on their return, they were discovered and chased by an English line-of-battle ship of seventy-four guns; but by separating they succeeded in making good their escape, though the "Reprisal" barely managed to get into port in time. This expedition made so great a commotion that the French Government found itself obliged to notice it, and ordered the ships to leave the territory. Accordingly they set sail on the voyage home; but unhappily the "Reprisal," upon reaching the Banks of Newfoundland, foundered in a gale, and only one of the crew was saved. The "Lexington," soon after starting, fell in with the English cutter "Alert" in the Bay of Biscay. Both ships fought gallantly for two hours; but at length the "Lexington," which was short of ammunition, had used up nearly all her powder and shot and made sail to get away from the enemy. The "Alert" had been badly cut up aloft in the fight; but she speedily bent new sails and in a short time overtook her antagonist. Captain Johnston held out as long as there was any hope, firing now and then a gun, and using every scrap of iron he could lay his hands on for a missile; but after he had fired his last charge of powder, and several of his officers had been killed, to prevent the useless slaughter he surrendered. The prisoners were carried off to Plymouth, where they were confined in the Mill Prison. Here the harsh treatment and sufferings they underwent soon prompted them to devise a means of escape. A hole was dug under the wall, the officers and men working upon it with their fingers whenever an opportunity offered, but making slow progress, as they could only hide the dirt from the excavation by carrying it in their pockets when they went out for exercise, and scattering it when the sentry's back was turned. Finally one night, when all was ready, they passed out through the opening and escaped into the country. But their troubles had only just begun. The hue and cry was raised, and parties were sent in pursuit of the fugitives. Separating into twos and threes, they were barely able to elude pursuit. One night Dale was concealed under the hay in a barn, when the officers entered it in search of him. At last he reached London and took passage in a vessel bound to Dunkirk; but before she had left the Thames she was visited by a press-gang, and poor Dale was seized, and when they found out who he was, sent back to prison. The captain, though, got safely off. This was now the fourth time that Dale had been a prisoner. To punish him for trying to escape, he was thrown into the black hole--a dungeon that was only used for the worst offenders--and treated with the utmost rigor. After a time he was put on his old footing as a prisoner of war; but he was a reckless youth, and having roused the wrath of the jailers by singing what they called "rebellious songs," he served another term in the black hole. At length by some means, which to his dying day he never would disclose, he obtained the uniform of a British officer, and in this disguise he walked through the gates in plain sight of the sentinel. Rendered more cautious by what had befallen him after his first escape, he laid his plans with care, and at last succeeded in reaching France, after a year and a half of captivity. He came in good time; for it was just as he arrived that Paul Jones was setting out on his great cruise in the "Bon Homme Richard," and Dale was made his first lieutenant. Here we shall leave him for the present. About the time that the "Lexington" had come out from America, in the spring of 1777, the commissioners at Paris, finding that they could not get more ships in France, because the English made so great an outcry, bethought themselves that they would send a trusty agent across the channel to Dover, to see what he could get there. In this way they purchased secretly a swift English cutter, the "Surprise," and they appointed to command her Gustavus Conyngham, a bold and adventurous officer. He started on a cruise in May from Dunkirk, and in a few days returned with two of the enemy's brigs,--one of them a mail-packet which he had captured off the coast of Holland. The English ambassador again protested, and the French Government told Franklin that, though much against its will, it would be compelled to restore the prizes. It even went so far as to imprison Conyngham and his crew; but this was only a make-believe, for they were shortly afterward released. [Illustration: HE TOUCHED AT A SMALL TOWN IN IRELAND FOR SUPPLIES.] Unmoved by this event, Franklin immediately procured another cutter, the "Revenge," and giving Conyngham a new commission, he sent him off from Dunkirk in charge of her. The second cruise was even more successful than the first. Conyngham roved about with his little ship as he pleased, keeping carefully away from the enemy's cruisers, which vainly sought to catch him, and capturing prizes on all sides. These he destroyed, or sometimes when he saw his chance sent into seaports on the Continent. Once during his cruise, being hard pushed for supplies, he touched at a small town in Ireland and bought them. At another time when off the English coast, finding his vessel unseaworthy and needing some repair, he took her into one of the smaller ports and refitted there, with the help of the inhabitants, without being discovered. Finally, when so many ships were sent out in pursuit of him that his cruising-ground became too hot, he made for Ferrol, in Spain, and after staying there awhile carried his ship safely to America. The cruises of Wickes and of Conyngham, with their tiny craft, were the beginning of the great work that was to be taken up on a larger scale in the next two years by Paul Jones. The enterprise and hardihood of these bold captains, who carried the war, as it were, to the very threshold of the enemy's country, were not without results both in England and on the Continent. They showed foreign nations that the rebels in America were making war in truest earnest, and that they would leave no honorable means unused to help them in asserting independence. In England they spread alarm among the merchants, and the insurers of English ships demanded double rates; while London traders, rather than run the risk of losing their goods by shipping them in their own vessels, were induced to employ their foreign rivals to carry cargoes for them,--a thing which before this time had been almost unheard of. CHAPTER IV. PAUL JONES'S CRUISES. Sometime in the summer of 1777 Paul Jones was ordered to command the sloop-of-war "Ranger," at that time nearly completed at Portsmouth. The officers were detailed for their ships by resolution of Congress; and the same resolution that gave Jones his command, on the 14th day of June, is memorable as the first adoption of the flag of thirteen stars and stripes which was carried by Jones's ship, and which ever since has been the national emblem. The young captain had hard work before him to get his ship ready for sea; but at last everything was in order, and on the 1st of November he set sail for France. He had laid down for himself a clear plan of action. He knew that England's navy was too powerful to be met on the sea, but that all along the English coast were unprotected seaports where the people were not looking for attack, and where a sharp and sudden blow would take them off their guard. He had hopes, too, that the commissioners in Paris would give him a larger ship,--perhaps two or three of them,--and he carried with him a letter from the President of Congress asking them to aid his enterprise. But in this he was disappointed. When he arrived at Nantes he found that the "Indien," a fine frigate that Franklin was having built at Amsterdam, was to be presented to the King of France, whose friendship the commissioners were anxious to obtain, that by this means they might bring about an alliance against Great Britain. So after waiting awhile he thought it well to lose no more time, and on the 10th of April he started with the "Ranger" for a cruise in the Irish Sea. The undertaking was full of danger. There was no knowing how large a force of ships the enemy might have stationed to guard the coast, for the cruises of Wickes and Conyngham had given the alarm, and the British might have known that their own waters were no longer safe. Besides, Paul Jones was a Scotchman who had lived only two years in America, though he had given himself heart and soul to his new country's cause, and if captured, especially near Kirkcudbright or Whitehaven, where many people knew him well, he ran a good chance of being hanged as a pirate and a traitor. But Jones was a man who cared nothing about danger, and a great deal about success and the rewards which it brings. He was never deterred for a moment by the risk he was running, and if he thought about it at all, he decided that the obstinate belief of the British in their own invincibility would lead them to neglect preparations; and for the rest he only asked to be allowed to take his chances. In this he proved to be right; for although the "Ranger" had been lying for months at a French port, preparing for her expedition, the narrow seas had been left with no protection except the "Drake,"--a sloop of the "Ranger's" size,--which lay snugly at anchor in the harbor of Carrickfergus. On the fourth day out from Brest, in St. George's Channel, the "Ranger" made her first capture of a brigantine, which was burned on the spot. Three days afterward, as Jones was nearing Dublin, he took a London ship bound for that port, which he manned and sent in to Brest. Next day he moved over toward Whitehaven, whose port, crowded with shipping, he had known so well as a boy, and attempted to approach the harbor, so that his boats might go in and destroy the vessels. The enemy had burned and destroyed property wherever they could on the American coast, and it seemed to Jones that the best way to stop them was to do the like on theirs. But the wind began to blow fiercely toward the land, and the "Ranger" turned her head seaward again, to avoid the dangers of a lee shore. In the next two days she captured a schooner and a sloop, which were sunk one after the other. This was small game for Jones; and learning from a fishing-boat just where the "Drake" was moored at Carrickfergus, he determined to run in and surprise her in the night. All was made ready. The decks were cleared for action, the lights were put out, the guns concealed, the grapnels at hand to hook on to the enemy's ship, and the boarders standing by with pikes and cutlasses to dash over the side. The "Drake" was lying with her head pointing seaward, and Jones's plan was to place himself athwart her cable and bring up on her bow. The "Ranger" came in silently but swiftly, with a captured fisherman to pilot her, and so approached the enemy. The order was given to "let go the anchor;" but either it was not quickly obeyed or the anchor hung from the jamming of the hawser, and the "Ranger" shot by in the darkness. It was of no use to try again, for a second attempt to get alongside would arouse suspicion; so Jones cut his cable and ran out, leaving his anchor in the bay behind him. On the next night he made another trial at Whitehaven, but this too was a failure. The wind was so light that the ship could not come close in until much of the night had worn away, and the boats, with Jones and thirty of his men, only reached the outer pier at daybreak. One party, under Lieutenant Wallingford, was sent to the north basin, and another to the south, to burn the ships there; while Jones, with a handful of men, made his way into the fort, surprised the sentries, captured the little garrisons and spiked the guns, so that his retreat might be secure. When he returned to where the ships were lying, expecting to see them in a blaze, he was distressed to find that his men had let their candles burn away, and there was nothing left to kindle the fire. At last one of the men brought a light from a house near by; but by this time the people of the town had roused themselves, and began to move about the streets and to gather near the wharves. A fire started in one ship was helped on by a tar-barrel; and while his men were fanning it into a blaze, Jones stood before them on the wharf and kept the enemy away. But angry crowds were now collecting, and it was time to be off; so the captain manned his boats in haste, and embarking, pulled away to his ship, leaving the frightened inhabitants to wonder what this strange attack at their very doors could mean. The "Ranger" now ran over to the Scotch coast, and was next seen off St. Mary's Isle, the country-seat of the Earl of Selkirk. Jones knew the spot, and he had formed the plan of landing with a boat's crew and carrying off the Earl, whom he meant to keep as a hostage in order that the prisoners taken by the English might have better treatment. But the Earl was not at home, and the men grumbled at having only their trouble for their pains. To quiet them, Jones told the party that they could go back and demand the silver plate that was in the house. The Lady Selkirk, who, looking from the window of her house, had seen the men as they came on shore, had felt no alarm, thinking that they were revenue officers, or perhaps a press-gang; but she was undeceived when they came back to the house, and she hurriedly gave them the silver tea-service, just as it was, on the breakfast-table. So they carried it away. It was a shameful thing to do, only worthy of a tramp or a marauder, and Jones was heartily sorry for it afterward; so much so, that at the sale of the prizes he bought in all the Earl's plate with his own prize-money, and sent it safely back to Lady Selkirk. The last two exploits of the "Ranger" had alarmed the whole country-side; and as she came once more in sight of the coast of the three kingdoms, beacon-fires could be seen burning on every headland. The "Drake," too, had caught the alarm, and came out from Carrickfergus to capture the bold American. She was looking for an encounter, and Jones had no wish to disappoint her. As the enemy came out, the "Ranger" was kept stern on, which caused her to be mistaken for a merchantman, and a boat put off from the "Drake" to gain some information. The boat's crew gained more than they bargained for, for they were no sooner alongside than the "Ranger" took them on board. Then, after drawing away for a while from the land, she waited for her adversary to come up. There was no doubt now about her character, and the two ships fired their broadsides as soon as they had come within range. It was a running fight, broadside to broadside, and the two enemies were fairly matched. But the "Ranger's" men were better at the guns, and their steady fire soon began to tell, as the people who lined the shores could see to their dismay. The shots rained thick and fast upon the "Drake," sweeping her decks, wounding her sides, and cutting up her rigging. Her ties were shot away and the fore and main top-sail yards fell upon the caps. The jib hung in the water ahead and the ensign drooped astern. Presently the captain received a shot in the head, and soon afterward the first lieutenant fell, mortally wounded; finally, after an hour of hot fighting, the "Drake" surrendered. On board the "Ranger" poor Wallingford was killed, but Jones had not been touched. Securing his prisoners and his prize, on board of which he found the anchor which had been left in Carrickfergus harbor, and which the "Drake" had fished up for herself, he made sail with the two ships around the north of Ireland. There was little time to be lost, for the enemy would soon have a squadron in pursuit of him. Off he went, and made his passage safely around the Irish coast, and on the 8th of May the "Ranger" and the "Drake" arrived at Brest, just four weeks after Jones had started. [Illustration: THE "DRAKE" SURRENDERS TO THE "RANGER."] With the great name that Jones had gained from his successful cruise, he now thought, and with reason, that his friends in France would bestir themselves to find for him a suitable command. He went to Paris, and received such fair promises from those in power, that he decided to send home the "Ranger" and wait abroad for the fine new ship which he expected to command. As the French had now openly concluded an alliance, they were ready to take part in any enterprise against the common enemy but they wanted to use their ships for their own officers, and the commissioners had no money to build ships on their own account. Jones went back to Brest, determined to bide his time, and meanwhile to leave no stone unturned in his efforts to secure a vessel. From Brest he wrote most pressing and incessant letters to every one in Paris who was likely to advance his scheme,--to Franklin, to M. de Sartine, the Minister of Marine, to the Prince of Nassau, and to Chaumont, a French official who had devoted much of his time and money to helping the American cause. About this time Lafayette came over to France in a splendid new frigate, the finest ship in the American Navy, which had been named the "Alliance," to show how much the Americans valued their French friends. For the same reason the command of the "Alliance" had been given to Pierre Landais, a French merchant-captain. This was a serious mistake, as it was no great compliment to France, and Landais was as poor an officer as could have been selected. It was now proposed that a descent should be made on the English coast, with Lafayette in command of the land forces and Jones as the leader of the fleet, which was to include the "Alliance" and several other vessels. But this plan also fell through. Jones was not in despair, for he never was that, although he had good reason to be so now; but he was beginning to be very angry. He had been told to look about in the seaports and select a vessel, and he had selected several; but his letters all seemed to be pigeon-holed when they got to Paris. One day he chanced to take up an old number of the "Poor Richard's Almanac," which Franklin had written years before, and read in it these words: "If you want a thing done, go and do it; if not, send!" Acting upon this advice he went to Paris, and in a few days after his arrival he was gratified by the announcement that one of the ships he had seen was to be fitted out for him. The ship was the "Duc de Duras," an old Indiaman; and Jones was so grateful for the advice which had prompted him to go to Paris, that he had her rechristened the "Poor Richard," or "Bon Homme Richard," as they called it in French. She was not a first-rate ship, but she would answer the purpose, and Jones knew that beggars should not be choosers. The larger frigates of that day carried 18-pounders, but the "Richard," as we shall call her, had only 12-pounders. Jones managed, however, to get six 18's, which he mounted in the gun-room, cutting ports for them in the side. Besides his own ship he was to have four others,--the "Alliance," under Landais, and three smaller vessels, the "Pallas," "Cerf," and "Vengeance," commanded by French officers, and with crews of Frenchmen. The crew of the "Bon Homme Richard" was made up partly of Americans, many of whom were exchanged prisoners, and she carried a considerable body of French marines. The rest of her people were taken from the foreign sailors of all nations and classes that are to be found in every seaport. Her officers were Americans. Of these the best was the first lieutenant, Richard Dale, one of the most gallant young officers that was ever borne upon the rolls of the American Navy, of whose career you have already heard something in the last chapter, and who, as I told you then, had made his final escape from prison just in time to set out in the "Richard." The commodore, as Jones was now called, would have been badly off if it had not been for Dale; for through accidents he became short of officers on the cruise, and in the great battle that ended it, Dale was almost the only one of rank upon whom he could rely. The squadron sailed from Lorient on the 14th of August, 1779. The plan was to sail to the northward along the Irish and Scotch coasts, thence to the east, and back by way of the North Sea, keeping near the shore, and so circling around the United Kingdom. When a few days out, at dusk one evening, off the Irish coast, the crew of the "Richard's" barge, which was towing at the time, cut the tow-line and pulled off. The master, Lunt, was sent in another boat in chase, but a thick fog coming up, he was unable to rejoin the ship. Next day the "Cerf" went in toward the coast to find him, the others remaining meanwhile outside in the track of vessels. Lunt saw the "Cerf" approaching him, but as she was flying English colors, he mistook her for an enemy, and made off to the shore, where he and his boat's crew were taken prisoners. The "Cerf" seized the opportunity to leave her duty and go back to France. After this incident the squadron, now composed of the "Bon Homme Richard," the "Alliance," the "Pallas," and the "Vengeance," pursued its way, taking prizes and destroying them or sending them in. All the French captains were insubordinate, but Landais was the worst. Sometimes he flatly refused to obey the commodore's orders, and at all times he opposed and thwarted him as far as he dared. Still, the cruise was successful, the squadron doubled Cape Wrath, and about the 15th of September arrived off the Frith of Forth. Jones was now eager to accomplish some great achievement, for so far he had done nothing that was more noteworthy than his cruise in the "Ranger." As he came up the Frith, he decided to stand in toward Leith, the seaport of Edinburgh, and anchoring before the unprotected town, to demand a ransom of £200,000 as the price of sparing it. His plan was laid with care, and he had only to wait till night, when the "Pallas" and the "Vengeance," which were a little behind, should join him. The "Alliance" at this time was away at sea, having been separated from the squadron. When the other ships came up, their captains demurred at Jones's plan, and the whole night was lost in tedious debate and argument. Finally the Frenchmen were won over to consent; but now that morning had come, the wind was contrary, and for two days all the ships were working up the Frith. At last they had nearly reached the anchorage, when a furious gale came on and drove them all out to the North Sea, running ashore one of the prizes they had taken. The commodore at first was for making a second trial; but when he found that the alarm had been given in the town, and that batteries had been thrown up along the shore, and arms had been served out to the trade-guilds so that they might be ready to receive him, he reluctantly gave up the attempt. It was a few days after this, on the afternoon of the 23d of September, as the four ships were working their way gradually to the southward along the English coast, that Jones's opportunity at length arrived. He had just passed Flamborough Head, a long promontory jutting out in the North Sea, when he descried a sail coming out beyond the point to the northward, then another, and another, then more, by twos and threes, until at last there were fifty of them. Fifty of the enemy's merchant-vessels in plain sight! It seemed almost too good to be true, for this was the great fleet of Baltic trading-ships, which it was the dearest wish of Jones's heart to meet. In an instant he had hoisted the signal to attack them; but presently the headmost merchant-ships, seeing the advancing enemy, put about and made off under the land, followed by the others like a flock of frightened geese. Two of the vessels alone kept on their course, and it was presently discovered that these were ships of war convoying the fleet,--the fine 18-pounder frigate "Serapis," just from the dock-yard, under Captain Pearson, and a smaller vessel, the "Countess of Scarborough." These two vessels stood gallantly out to sea to get between the convoy and Jones's squadron. Jones held on his course to meet them; but Landais, either from cowardice or treachery, disobeyed the commodore's signals, and sailing off, left him in the lurch. The "Vengeance" being too small to be of any service, and the "Pallas" engaging the "Countess of Scarborough," the "Bon Homme Richard" was left to fight the "Serapis" alone. It was seven o'clock in the evening when the first shots were exchanged between the two frigates, and for three hours, under the bright moonlight of a clear September night, the battle raged between them with unremitting fury. At first Jones tried to get into a good position across the enemy's bow; but the "Serapis" was a much faster vessel than the "Richard," and easily evaded her. After manoeuvring for a time the two vessels got foul, and Jones with his own hands made fast the jib-stay of the "Serapis" to his mizzen-mast. At the same time the English vessel's anchor hooked in his quarter, and the "Serapis" having let go her other anchor, the two ships, firmly lashed together, swung side by side to the single cable. This position was much the best that Jones could have taken; for the "Serapis" outsailed him, and if the ships had remained apart, she would soon have knocked him to pieces with her heavy battery. As it was, her 18-pounders cleared the "Richard's" lower deck, knocking all her ports into one, and blowing out the two sides of the ship. At the beginning of the battle, two of the old 18-pounders which Jones had taken care to mount in his gun-room burst, and the crew refused to have anything more to do with them. Lieutenant Dale, who commanded the lower battery, fired his little 12-pounders as long as the men could stand to their guns, though in order to load them the rammers had to be run in through the enemy's ports, so close were the two ships. Presently word was brought to Dale that the ship was sinking, and he sent some men to man the pumps. Then the master-at-arms, overcome by panic, set loose all the prisoners,--there were more than a hundred of them,--and the men stationed in the magazine, seeing them crowding up, were afraid to send up any more powder. But Dale was below again in a twinkling, and overawing the prisoners, he set them to work in gangs at the pumps. When he returned to the gun-deck he found it almost deserted, for the sides were nearly all open, and the cannon-balls were passing through and falling into the water beyond. Then indeed it seemed as if all hope was lost and the "Bon Homme Richard" was a beaten ship, and it would be folly to hold out longer. But all this time another fight had been going forward on the deck above, where Jones himself was in command. Pearson, seeing the havoc that had been made on the gun-deck of the "Richard," hailed the commodore to know if he surrendered; but Jones, though his ship was sinking, his gun-deck riddled, his prisoners loose, and, worst of all, a fire had broken out near the magazine, sang out in answer that he "had not yet begun to fight." And he was as good as his word. Though the purser, who had charge of the battery on the quarter-deck, had been shot in the head, and some of the guns had been disabled, Jones had others moved across the deck, and pointing them himself, poured round after round of grape-shot upon the enemy. The French marines, too, with their muskets, were stationed in the tops, and taking steady and deliberate aim killed man after man on the spar-deck of the "Serapis," until Pearson was left there almost alone. Other marines and sailors lying out on the yard-arms of the "Richard," which overhung the enemy's deck, flung hand-grenades through the open hatchways. Finally one of these struck the piles of cartridges that were lying on the lower deck of the "Serapis," and caused a series of deafening explosions, by which twenty men were killed and many more were wounded. This last mischance was too much for Captain Pearson, and left alone and unsupported as he was on the quarter-deck, he surrendered, hauling down his flag with his own hands. Instantly Dale, who had been with Jones during the last part of the battle, caught a pendant that was hanging from the main-yard, and swung himself over to the enemy's deck. He was quickly followed by Midshipman Mayrant and a party of men who scrambled over the rail; but so little did those below know of what had happened, that a man ran Mayrant through the leg with a pike, and the English first lieutenant, rushing up on deck, asked Dale if the Americans had surrendered. "No," said Dale, calmly; "it is you who have surrendered, and you are my prisoner." The crew were then secured, the ships were disentangled, and the victory was won. While the great fight was going on between the large vessels, the "Countess of Scarborough" had fallen an easy prey to the "Pallas," which was a heavier ship. The "Alliance," if Landais had done his duty, might have destroyed the enemy single-handed; but she took no part in the fight except to fire a few broadsides at the two ships as they lay together, which did more harm to the "Richard" than to her foe. Landais was led to this most treacherous conduct by his jealousy of Jones; but so far from injuring the commodore, it only benefited him, for it left to him alone all the glory of the victory. The "Richard" was kept afloat with difficulty that night; but next day a gale sprang up, and seeing that it was impossible to save her, Jones took off all his people and their prisoners to the captured ship. Then the "Bon Homme Richard," whose career had been so short and glorious, slowly settled, until at last the waves closed over her. The other ships made sail and put into the Dutch port of the Texel, where Jones took command of the "Alliance," and soon after, carrying her through the midst of the Channel fleet, arrived safely at Brest. The miserable Landais was tried by a court-martial, and dismissed from the service in disgrace,--a punishment which he richly deserved. In the whole war of the Revolution there was no event, excepting the battles of Saratoga and Yorktown, where Burgoyne and Cornwallis laid down their arms, that so encouraged our friends and wrought confusion to our enemies, as the victory of the "Bon Homme Richard." The battle had been fought on the English coast, and in the sight of a thousand Englishmen. The "Serapis" was a noble ship, well armed, commanded by a gallant officer, while her victorious enemy was old and rotten, an India trading-vessel never meant for war, with guns of no great service. No wonder that when Paul Jones went to Paris after the battle the people of all degrees vied with one another in doing honor to the victorious commodore. He went to Court, where he was graciously received, and the King presented him with a golden sword, and made him a chevalier of his Order of Merit,--an honor which it was said had only been conferred before that time upon those who had borne arms under the commission of France. The Continental Congress, too, was mindful of his great service, and caused a medal to be struck in commemoration of the victory. It was Paul Jones's last exploit in the navy of his country. When the "America," the first ship-of-the-line that was built by the United States, was nearly finished, Congress passed a resolution, without one dissenting voice, giving the command to Jones. But in 1782, when the ship was ready, the war was almost over, and it was then thought best to give her to the French, to take the place of the ship "Magnifique," which had been lost in Boston Harbor. So there was nothing left for Jones to do; but if in his whole life he had accomplished nothing else but the conquest of the "Serapis," that single act would have been enough to make his country hold him forever in grateful remembrance. Some years after the end of the Revolution the Russian Empress Catherine, who was then fighting against the Turks, sent for Paul Jones to lead her fleet against the enemy. Thus it came about that he became a Russian Admiral, and commanded the squadron in the Black Sea, where he increased his fame by winning victories over the Turkish vessels. After this service he came back to Paris, where he died in 1792, in the midst of the French Revolution. CHAPTER V. BARRY AND BARNEY. During the time that Wickes and Conyngham and Paul Jones were carrying on the war with such success in the enemy's waters under the guidance of Franklin, the Continental Navy was cruising on the American coast as actively as was possible, in the neighborhood of the great English fleets. But it was a work of the utmost danger and difficulty. Several of the ports at one time or another were in the enemy's hands, and in all of them the Tories, or Loyalists, as they called themselves, were ready to give information whenever a vessel was fitted out for sea. Outside the ports, and up and down the coast, from Halifax to Florida, were innumerable cruisers of the enemy, sailing alone or in light squadrons, ever on the watch, and ready to capture the insurgent ships, which almost always were of lesser force. Of the thirteen frigates that were built by Congress in 1775, five never got to sea at all, and several of the others, like Biddle's ship, the "Randolph," were captured or destroyed before they had had time to do much service. The first one taken was the "Hancock," under Captain Manley, the same who, by his capture of the brig "Nancy," had so rejoiced the army before Boston. He was cruising toward the Banks, and had made one good prize, the armed ship "Fox," when, rashly looking into Halifax, he was chased out and captured by Sir George Collier in the "Rainbow" frigate. This was in 1777. The next year was full of disasters. First came the blowing up of the "Randolph" in March, the story of which has been already told. In April, the "Virginia," which had been built at Baltimore, was taken while aground on her first passage down the Chesapeake. In August, too, the "Raleigh" had to yield, but only after a hard-fought battle, of which we shall hear more presently. In the next year the "Warren," under Commodore Saltonstall, sailing on an expedition against the British post on the Penobscot, fell in with a large squadron of the enemy and was burned to prevent capture. The "Providence" and "Boston" were taken a year later, at the surrender of Charleston; but, like the "Warren," they had done good service and taken many prizes before they fell into the hands of the enemy. The last of all the thirteen frigates was the "Trumbull," and she held on till 1781, when she was overpowered by a squadron and struck after a desperate resistance. One of the Philadelphia frigates which never got to sea was the "Effingham." Near the latter part of 1776 she was assigned to the command of John Barry, a Philadelphia sea-captain of Irish birth, who was much trusted and respected by the great merchants of his adopted city, and who had entered the navy at the beginning of the war. Under such difficulties did the Colonies labor in the preparation of their ships-of-war, that the "Effingham" was at this time far from being in a condition to proceed to sea, and while waiting for her during the winter, Barry saw some service with the army as a volunteer. The spring and summer passed away, and still his ship was not ready. At last, in September, Sir William Howe suddenly appeared in the Chesapeake, and after landing and fighting the battle of the Brandywine, he marched across the country to the Delaware, and took possession of Philadelphia. The "Effingham" and the other ships which had been lying there were hurried away to places of safety either up or down the river. The British threw up works to command the river, and the frigate "Delaware," attacking them, ran aground and was lost. The Continental troops in the river forts--Fort Mercer and Fort Mifflin--were vigorously assailed by the British and the Hessians; and though the invaders were repulsed with heavy loss, the forts were finally evacuated. The ships below the town--among them Biddle's famous little brig the "Andrew Doria"--were then destroyed, and the passage was opened to the enemy from Philadelphia to the sea. The "Effingham" and "Washington"--the two unfinished frigates--had been carried up the stream, where they remained, as it would seem, secure from all attack. Barry grew impatient in his enforced idleness, and conceived a plan to use the frigates' boats for a cutting-out expedition down the river, where the enemy's freight-ships and transports, loaded with supplies and stores, were constantly passing and repassing on their way to and from the sea. Selecting thirty men on whom he could rely, he rowed down the stream, and evading all the lookouts, made his way successfully past the town. Pausing now cautiously to reconnoitre, he presently discovered four store-ships which had anchored in the river before discharging their cargo. Stealthily he crept up to the nearest of them, boarded her with his men, overcame the watch, and in a few seconds had taken possession of her. The same course was pursued with the other three. Barry was strongly tempted to try to carry off his prizes; but by this time the alarm had been given and signals were displayed, and before long the enemy's patrol boats would approach. There was nothing left but to destroy the vessels; and Barry, taking only time enough to see that the work had been well done, made for the opposite shore, and after landing his men safely, returned without loss to the frigate. The boldness with which Barry had performed this dashing exploit won for him a reputation with both friends and foes. The story goes that Howe, struck by the captain's daring, made overtures to him to join the British service, and even went so far as to promise him a reward of £15,000 if he would betray his trust. "Not the value or command of the whole British Navy," was Barry's prompt answer, "would seduce me from the cause of my country!" The French alliance, and the change it wrought upon the face of the war, led the British to determine upon the evacuation of Philadelphia, which came about accordingly in the following summer. But before going away they struck one blow from which the Continental Navy could not easily recover. Major Maitland, with a force of gunboats and barges, accompanied by a detachment of infantry and artillery, made a raid up the river and sought out all the vessels which had been lying snugly concealed there during the winter. They had no batteries, and were in no way capable of offering resistance; and all, including the "Effingham" and "Washington," were burned. A month later the British abandoned Philadelphia. Barry was now appointed to the "Raleigh," one of the best of the thirteen frigates, which had already been at sea under another captain. At this time she was lying at Boston, and on the 25th of September, 1778, Barry weighed anchor and sailed down the harbor, bound on a cruise to the eastward. She had been only six hours out of port, when two large ships were seen approaching her from a distance. These proved to be a British frigate, the "Experiment," of fifty guns, and the sloop "Unicorn." The "Experiment" alone was nearly double the "Raleigh's" size, and Barry used his best endeavors to escape from them. But they had seen him, and crowded sail in chase. Night fell, and concealed both pursuers and pursued. The next day was hazy; but at noon the fog lifted and showed the enemy still far away, but doing all he could to lessen the distance. So the chase continued for the rest of the day and the whole of the night, and the next day too, the enemy occasionally lost to view, and so raising the hopes of Barry and his crew, but each time reappearing, and still in hot pursuit. On the morning of the third day the wind freshened, and the "Raleigh," which now was off the coast of Maine, gradually increased her speed and seemed about to cast off her pursuers; but in the afternoon the breeze again fell light, giving them once more the advantage, until at five o'clock the larger ship, the "Experiment," had barely managed to come up, and opened fire. The chances of escape now seemed slight indeed; but Barry was not a man to let himself be taken without a struggle, even by an enemy that was twice his size, and boldly joining battle, he began a contest which was to last for seven long hours, and in which the steadfast courage and unyielding purpose of the commander would have done credit to Paul Jones himself. At the second fire of the enemy the "Raleigh's" fore-topmast toppled over and fell. Nevertheless, she kept up a furious cannonade at close quarters, pouring in broadside after broadside at her big antagonist. The latter now found herself badly injured, and moved to a point some distance off, keeping up her fire at long range. Never allowing himself to be discouraged for a moment, although he had little reason to hope, Barry took advantage of this breathing-space to repair his damages. Then he followed the enemy and attempted to close with her and carry her by boarding. It was a desperate measure, but it seemed to be the only chance; for the "Unicorn" had now come up, and Barry found himself between two fires. The "Experiment," however, discovered his purpose and avoided him successfully. It had now grown very dark, and as a last resort Barry sought to get away and elude his opponents among the islands which at this point are thickly dotted along the shores of Maine; but they hung to him closely, and as a crowning misfortune his vessel ran aground. The struggle was now hopeless, and it would have been madness to hold out any longer. Abandoning his ship, Barry made for the land. This, with great difficulty, he at length reached, and so succeeded in escaping with some part of his crew; but the frigate which he had so gallantly defended fell into the hands of the enemy. Thus ended the cruise of the "Raleigh,"--a cruise which had lasted only three days, but of which every moment had been filled with intense excitement, alternating between faint hope and blank despair, ending in failure, but which gave to her captain a name and fame that lasted long after the close of the Revolution. No man of his day in the navy was more honored by his equals and more beloved and reverenced by those below him in rank. His sailors adored him; there was nothing they were not ready to do for him. He was always frank and generous to his friends and humane to his enemies. On board his ship he exacted full obedience, and he got it, both from officers and men, but always by gentle means. With a fine and noble presence, and a face that bespoke a true heart and ready hand guided by a strong purpose and a lofty courage, there was none in all the navy more regarded and esteemed than John Barry. After the cruise of the "Raleigh," Barry served for a time in privateers. Like Paul Jones, he should have had a good ship, but there was none to give him. Finally in 1780, after Landais came back disgraced from Europe, Barry was ordered to take command of the "Alliance," and in the following winter he sailed for France, taking with him as a passenger Henry Laurens, who went out as the new Minister to France. In May, 1781, he left Lorient on his return; and on the 28th, being then near the Banks of Newfoundland, in the evening he discovered in his neighborhood two sail of the enemy,--the ship "Atalanta," of twenty guns, and the brig "Trepassey," of fourteen. Barry waited for daylight to attack them; but the next morning the wind fell, and not a ripple broke the shining surface of the water; while the "Alliance," with her tall and graceful spars, and her sails hanging loose in the dead calm, slowly rose and fell with the broad swell of the Atlantic. There she lay like a huge log, unable to move a yard this way or that. Her very size was a misfortune now, for her two antagonists, smaller and more handy, could manoeuvre as they pleased, with their long sweeps; and moving up they took positions on her quarter, and opened on her with their guns. The "Alliance" could not reply with a single cannon, her heavy battery was useless, and the "Atalanta" and her consort kept up a steady fire for the whole morning and well into the afternoon. It was a galling thing for Barry to be placed thus at the mercy of a lesser force, to see his men shot down around him, and to be powerless himself to fire a shot in their defence. At two o'clock Barry, who had all this time been waiting with impatience on the quarter-deck for the unwilling breeze, received a wound in the shoulder from a grape-shot. Stung as he was by the sharp pain, he refused to leave the deck; but at length, fainting from loss of blood, he was carried below to the cockpit, where the surgeon set about dressing his wound. Presently the first lieutenant came down to report the condition of the ship, upon whose deck many of the crew were lying killed or wounded, and ending his report, asked if he should strike the flag. Barry indignantly refused. "If the ship," said he, "cannot be fought without me, they shall carry me again on deck." This answer revived the drooping spirits of the crew and gave fresh vigor to their efforts. Soon after this a little wind sprang up. It barely gave the frigate way to bring her guns to bear upon the enemy; but it was enough, and only a few broadsides from her 18-pounders were needed to settle the result. The captain of the "Trepassey" fell, and his ship immediately surrendered. His comrade Edwards, who commanded the "Atalanta," refused at first to yield, but a few more broadsides cut his vessel well-nigh to pieces, and at three o'clock his flag too was hauled down. As the brave Edwards came on board the "Alliance" to give up his sword, Barry, forgetting his wound and the anxious hours that his opponent had made him pass, generously gave it back to him, saying as he did so, "Keep it, my friend. You richly deserve it; and your king ought to give you a better ship." The "Alliance" during the next year was still cruising under Barry's command. But the war, though in name it still continued, was almost at an end. It was now certain that the king would do the thing he most abhorred, which was to recognize the independence of America,--and hostilities on land had really ceased. The seas still swarmed with British cruisers, but none of them were able to capture the "Alliance," and she was brought safely home. After the treaty was concluded, the Government, no longer needing her, sold her to Philadelphia merchants, and she became a peaceful trading-vessel. * * * * * There was one officer among the younger men of the navy who resembled Barry no less in bravery and seamanlike skill than in the winning frankness and generosity of his nature. This was Joshua Barney. Three years before the war broke out he had gone to sea on his first voyage, and had risen in two years to be the second mate of his vessel. Early in 1775, not dreaming of the hostilities that were shortly to occur; he had set out from Baltimore on a voyage to the Mediterranean. The captain died at sea, the chief mate had been left behind, and Barney found himself, when only sixteen years of age, in the command of a leaky ship, with a long voyage before him, and all the responsibility resting on his shoulders. It was a hard trial for him; but he had gained the good-will of his crew, and to a man they obeyed and supported him. Just before sighting the coast of Spain he fell in with a gale of wind; and he only managed to get into Gibraltar as his ship was on the point of going down. Here he obtained assistance and repairs by giving bonds,--for he had no money,--and he was thus enabled to deliver his cargo at Nice, which was the port of destination. The firm to which the cargo was consigned refused to pay the bonds, although there could be no doubt that it was their duty. "Well, then," said Barney, "you shall not have your cargo." The merchants were astounded at the attempt of this boy of sixteen to make resistance, and upon their presenting a complaint to the governor, the latter threw Barney into prison. Making his escape by a stratagem, young Barney went at once to Milan and laid his case before the British minister, with such effect that in three days he had returned to Nice, the governor had apologized, his bond had been paid, and his ship discharged. After a short stay Barney set out on his voyage home. As he was coming up the Chesapeake, he learned for the first time, from an English sloop-of-war that boarded him, of the stirring events that had occurred,--that battles had been fought at Lexington and Bunker Hill, and that Washington was besieging Boston, and the war for independence was begun. As soon as he landed, he made the offer of his services to the Government. At first Barney served as a volunteer in small vessels; but he soon became a lieutenant, and he was ordered late in the summer of 1776 to the "Andrew Doria," now under the command of Captain Robinson. In this ship he made a cruise to the West Indies. While here, the "Doria" put in at the Dutch island of St. Eustatius to get some ammunition that was stored there for the Continental Congress, and upon arrival she fired a salute to the governor's flag. The governor, without much thought perhaps, returned the salute. This was the first time that the flag of the new American State had been recognized by any foreign power, and the Americans were much rejoiced that it should come about. But the British, who still felt that the Colonies were a part of Britain, and who knew that Holland was bound so to regard them, were incensed at the governor's act, and demanded his recall. The Dutchmen, who did not dare refuse, ordered him home; and the poor governor lost his post in consequence of his unthinking courtesy. Soon after this the "Doria," now on her way home, met an enemy's sloop-of-war, the "Racehorse," which had been sent by Admiral Parker to lie in wait for her off Porto Rico. But the admiral did not count upon the bravery of the Americans, or he would have sent a larger ship; for the "Racehorse," after a hot engagement for two hours, was herself forced to surrender. A few days later the "Doria" captured an English snow,--an armed merchant-vessel of peculiar rig,--and Barney was detached to take her home. As had happened before with the "Doria's" prizes when Biddle was in command, the brig's crew was too small to man them, and Barney made up the needed number from the prisoners. On the way north he had heavy weather, for it was now December,--a month in which no seaman likes to pass Cape Hatteras,--and day after day the vessel encountered a succession of furious gales and heavy seas. Keeping well out to the eastward until he had fetched a point from which he could reach the Chesapeake, Barney now headed for the land, and at last found himself, on Christmas night, in a driving easterly storm, close on the breakers of the Jersey coast. To keep his vessel away from the lee shore and its certain perils, the young prize-master, as his only course, resolved to ride out the gale and let go his only anchor. So the night fell upon him and his men,--a fearful night, what with the roaring tempest, and the sea rolling mountains high, while every wave broke over the bows of the ship. It seemed each instant, from the violence of the sea, that the small cable must part, and with it she would lose her only hope. The men, yielding themselves to blank despair, were sinking into lethargy. It was then that Barney, though he had little cause to hope himself, talked to them with cheering words, trying to rouse them from their stupor. He called to mind the battles they had fought, and how they had been ready to stand up bravely before the enemy and face death in another form. "I am not much of a chaplain, my good lads," he said, "but this I know, that the same Power that protected you then can protect you now; and if we are all to go to Davy Jones's locker, we might as well go with a bold face as a sheepish one." Barney's good example shamed the men to greater courage; but the night wore on and the day broke, and still the fury of the storm kept up. The crew were in the tops, and Barney with them. Soon a cry was heard of "Sail ho!" and every eye was turned toward a small sloop, which appeared in sight driven before the gale, yet trying to make an offing. Anxiously the men watched the frail boat, one moment rising on the wave till they could see her keel, and the next plunging down till she was lost to view. Each time it seemed as if she could not rise again; but each time she shot up on the foaming crest, seemingly steadying herself an instant before the next downward plunge. Suddenly there was heard a long, shrill shriek of terror piercing through the din and crash of breakers, and the sloop was swallowed up in the seething waters. After this sight no words of Barney's could rouse his men from their terrors. But fortunately toward the middle of the afternoon the wind abated and the sea gradually went down. Barney lost no time in getting his crew down from aloft as soon as it was safe, and they were only too glad to come. "Up with the anchor! Man the capstan! Cheerily, my lads!" rang out from Barney; and the men went to their duties with a will, and getting underway, headed for the harbor of Chincoteague, near by, where they found a temporary shelter. After resting here for a few days Barney started for the Chesapeake. On the second day out he was discovered by the "Perseus," one of the enemy's blockading vessels, which immediately started in pursuit. Barney would have got off, as he had the faster ship; but the prisoners in his crew, who had been planning mutiny, and were only waiting till they sighted an English ship-of-war, refused to go to their stations. Barney singled out the ringleader and ordered him to his duty, and as the man did not stir he shot him then and there, though without giving him a mortal wound. This put an end to the mutiny; but through the delay the "Perseus" had been enabled to overtake the prize-vessel, and so she was recaptured. The wounded mutineer told his story to Captain Elphinstone, the commander of the "Perseus," thinking that he would at once have Barney put in irons; but the captain set his complaint at nought, and said that if he had been in Barney's place he would have done the same. [Illustration: "THE SLOOP WAS SWALLOWED UP IN THE SEETHING WATERS."] Barney remained a month on board the "Perseus." Her captain, Elphinstone, who afterward became the famous Admiral Lord Keith, was a generous enemy, and treated his prisoners as became an honorable and gallant officer. Upon one occasion the purser, a hot-tempered Scotchman, struck Barney in the face, on the quarter-deck, whereupon the young lieutenant knocked him down. The captain, when he heard of it, sent word to them both to come to his cabin, and without asking any questions he commanded the purser to make apology on his knees to the unarmed prisoner whom he had affronted. So Barney fared well in the "Perseus;" but he was not sorry, soon afterward, at Charleston, to leave her on parole and go to Philadelphia, to which place his old ship the "Andrew Doria" had meanwhile come without mishap. For some months Barney could not join his ship, being bound by his parole, but at last an accident relieved him of it. It happened that Lieutenant Moriarty, of the English frigate "Solebay," with a boat's-crew, had incautiously gone ashore for water somewhere in the Chesapeake, and had been seized and taken prisoner by a party of Virginians. Captain Elphinstone now made an agreement with Gov. Patrick Henry, of Virginia, to exchange the two lieutenants; and so Barney was released from his parole in time to bear his part in the actions in the Delaware River during the weeks that followed Sir William Howe's occupation of the city. How the "Doria" and the other vessels were destroyed after the surrender of the forts has been already told; and Barney, being now without a ship, was ordered to march with a detachment of his men to Baltimore, and there to join the new frigate "Virginia." It was just at New Year's, in 1778, that Barney arrived in Baltimore; and as the frigate of which he was to be the first lieutenant was not yet ready for sea, he took command of a pilot-boat to cruise about the bay and watch the movements of the enemy, who had then several ships in the Chesapeake. One night, as he was returning from a reconnoissance, he found a merchant-sloop from Baltimore on her way down the bay, and hailed her, telling her what dangers she would meet below. To his no small surprise he was answered by a volley of musketry. He tacked in order that he might the better return this unlooked-for fire, and presently discovered on the off side of the sloop a ship's barge lashed alongside. It was now clear why his seeming friend had fired on him. The enemy had cut out the sloop, and they were using her as a decoy to capture Barney. But he served them the same turn that he had served the "Racehorse;" for after a short and sharp struggle he captured them and took them to the city. The barge belonged to His Majesty's ship "Otter;" and Barney, mindful of the treatment he had received on board the "Perseus," took the best of care of his prisoners,--above all of Gray, the officer in charge, who had been wounded, and sent a flag-of-truce boat to the "Otter," to bring them what they needed. On the last day of March the "Virginia" left Baltimore, and attempted under cover of the night to pass the British lookouts in the bay, and so get out to sea. No doubt she would have done it safely had not the pilot, losing his way, run her ashore on the Middle Ground, a large shoal in the lower Chesapeake. The morning broke, and found her hard and fast aground, with three of the enemy's frigates close at hand. Nicholson, the captain of the "Virginia," now called away his barge and left the ship, making his escape to land. It is a story that one must grieve to tell of an American officer; but it can only be supposed that, having but just entered the navy, he did not know what honor and duty meant. There was nothing left now but surrender, for the rest could not escape. Barney was now a prisoner on board the "Emerald" frigate. It is clear that even in a bitter war not only one good turn deserves another, but secures another; for the kind treatment which Barney had received from Captain Elphinstone resulted in his kindness to the "Otter's" men, and this again, which was well known throughout the British squadron, gained for him equal favors in his new captivity. But this did not last long; for after a little while he was sent to New York, where for the first time he came to know the horrors of a prison-ship. Late in August Barney was exchanged, and found himself again in Baltimore; but there was little now for him to do. After all the disasters of this disastrous year of 1778, only four frigates were left on the American coast, and the smaller vessels had mostly been destroyed or captured. While he was in this plight a merchant offered him the command of a privateer schooner, carrying two guns and a crew of eight men; and Barney, being so reduced for want of naval occupation, consented to take her to St. Eustatius with a cargo of tobacco. He must have been truly at his wit's end to have undertaken such a voyage in such a craft; for even if he could have carried out the undertaking, he would have gained neither glory nor profit from it. But he was not destined to carry it out; for even before he reached the capes he met a larger privateer, carrying four guns and sixty men, which speedily disposed of him after a running fight of a few minutes. The enemy, not caring to be troubled with prisoners, put him and his little crew ashore; and his voyage being thus curtailed, he found himself a few days later again in Baltimore. Here he remained for several weeks. Strange as it must seem, Barney was now only nineteen years old, yet there had been crowded into his short boy-life more adventures and perilous enterprises than most men of three times his years have gone through. Since the war began, he had been thrice made a prisoner, but each time he had been fortunate in having humane captors. But the worst was yet in store for him. After a successful privateering voyage to Bordeaux, he sailed in 1780 in the "Saratoga," under Captain Young. Early in October she captured four prizes, one of which was given to Barney to command. He left the "Saratoga," and it was fortunate he did, for she was never seen or heard of afterward; but the prize which he commanded was herself captured only one day later by a British squadron. Barney was taken to New York, and soon after sent to England in the "Yarmouth." On board this ship the prisoners were confined in the hold, in a space three feet high, and without light or air; and the horrors of the voyage, which lasted seven weeks, remind one of the fearful stories of the Middle Passage in the old slave-trading days. It was by comparison a happiness to be transferred even to the Mill Prison, after those wretched hours on board the "Yarmouth;" and the prisoners when they came ashore, weak from suffering and disease and want of food, were a most piteous spectacle. How Barney, after three month's confinement, made his escape from prison; how he lived six weeks unrecognized in London, though all the time a price was set upon his head; how he sailed for Ostend in a mail-packet, and after various wanderings upon the Continent at last returned to America,--we have not time to tell. The spring of 1782 found him once more in Philadelphia, still ready for any service for which his country might call. Although the war on land had at this time pretty nearly come to an end, the Delaware River and the bay below were still infested by Tory privateers and stray cruisers from the British fleets on the lookout for prizes. To clear its waters of these marauders, the State of Pennsylvania bought a merchant-vessel named the "Hyder Ali," which had already started on her voyage with a cargo. She was brought back, her merchandise removed, a battery of sixteen guns was mounted, and she was fitted for a cruise under the command of Barney. On the 8th of April she left Philadelphia with a large merchant fleet in company, which had been waiting patiently until the new cruiser should be ready to convoy them past the capes of the Delaware. All went smoothly on the way down the bay; but at Cape May, as the wind was southerly, the fleet anchored, waiting for a favorable breeze. They were in this position when suddenly a force of the enemy, composed of a frigate and a sloop-of-war, was seen rounding the cape on its way to attack them. Barney ordered the convoy to retire up the bay out of harm's reach, and the vessels tripped their anchors and made sail before the southerly wind, the "Hyder Ali" staying behind to cover their retreat. Now it happened that there was--and still is, for that matter--in the lower part of the bay, a widely-spreading shoal called the Overfalls, which divided the water into two channels. The convoy on its way up took the eastern channel, and thither it was followed by the "Hyder Ali." The frigate went up on the western side, hoping by this means to overtake and cut off some of the merchantmen without hindrance at the upper end of the shoal. But the sloop, her captain being more ambitious or more reckless, followed in the wake of the convoy; and thus it came to pass that in a short time she had caught up with the "Hyder Ali," which, seeing that the enemy's force was divided, was taking no great pains to get away from her. The sloop was the "General Monk," which under the name of the "Washington" had once been an American privateer, but had been captured by the enemy. Although the "Monk" alone was considerably heavier in force, as she carried twenty 9-pounders to his sixteen 6's, Barney waited for her to join battle. His object was to get her so to place herself that he would be able to rake her; that is, by lying across her bow or stern, to make his broadside sweep her decks from one end to the other. This he accomplished by a stratagem. As the "Monk" approached his quarter, he sang out to his helmsman to "port the helm," so loud, that the enemy could hear him. If the quartermaster had obeyed his order, it would have given the "Monk" an advantage by enabling her to rake his stern; but Barney had arranged beforehand that the helmsman should do just the opposite of what he said. The result was that the "Hyder Ali" was thrown squarely across the bow of the sloop, so that a moment later her jib-boom was entangled in the American's rigging, where she was held fast, and Barney had her at his mercy. He poured his broadside the whole length of her decks, and she could barely answer now and then with a single gun. After half an hour's contest she surrendered. [Illustration: HEAVING THE LEAD ON BOARD THE FRIGATE.] Meantime the frigate, seeing what was going on, endeavored to help her consort; but the shoal lay between, and it took her a long time to round its lower end. Barney, knowing that he could not sustain a fight with her, decided to make off, and did not stand upon the order of his going. Hastily throwing a prize crew on board the "Monk," he held his course up the river; while the frigate, which had turned back, was seen in the distance doubling the southern end of the shoal. But she was too late, and the "Hyder Ali" arrived with her convoy at Philadelphia, bringing with her as a trophy the sloop which had been captured with so much skill and gallantry. The engagement between the "Hyder Ali" and the "General Monk" was the last of any importance during the war. Indeed, since the beginning of the French alliance in 1778, hostilities on the American coast had been chiefly carried on by the great English and French fleets of line-of-battle ships, which cast into the shade the small operations of the Continental Navy. In this very month Sir George Rodney won his great victory over the Count de Grasse in the West Indies,--a battle between two opposing fleets larger than had ever before been brought into action. Early in the next year the Treaty of Paris was concluded, which recognized the independence of the United States; and the navy and the army were disbanded, the ships that remained were sold, and the officers and men returned again to private life. CHAPTER VI. HOSTILITIES WITH FRANCE. Just at the close of the Revolution the country found itself independent, but laboring under a heavy burden of debt, and with a government that had hardly enough authority to be called a government at all. In fact, at this period the nation was little more than a collection of separate States, with a kind of league or confederation to hold them together. Each of these States had its own government, which paid little attention to the wants of the others. After a few years, however, it became clear that the jealousies and rivalries of the States would break up the league unless they were held together by some stronger bond; and as they could attain strength and greatness only by union, they wisely laid aside all their little differences, and acting through their delegates at Philadelphia, formed that wonderful plan of a united nation called the Constitution, which went into force in 1789, and under which we still live; for so skilfully was it framed, that it has stood every shock and trial, and the time will soon arrive to celebrate the hundredth anniversary of its adoption. It is clear that a country under such conditions could not possibly keep up a navy; and so it was that after the Revolutionary War the whole establishment gradually passed out of existence. Even when the Constitution was adopted, and Washington became the first President of the United States, there were other matters that required attention first, and the new Government rightly gave its thoughts to these. Besides, it was so short a time since the people of the Colonies had suffered from the oppressions of the Royal Army and Navy, that they had a dread and almost a hatred of any kind of standing military force. Therefore, though one of the officers of the new Government was a secretary of war, he had not much of an army to look after, and no navy at all. But soon the Government found it necessary to make a change in its naval policy, and the change came about in a very unexpected way. There were at this time four small States on the southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea called the Barbary Powers, which had for many years derived much profit from the detestable practice of sending out piratical ships to plunder the merchant-vessels of all nations. The European States from time to time made an attempt to put the pirates down, and sometimes a great nation had even paid them money on condition that they should not molest its commerce. There is some ground for thinking that England, of whom the Barbary Powers were most afraid, rather encouraged their depredations than sought to check them, because it was for her advantage, as a trading State, that foreign merchant-fleets should suffer, in order that the field might be left clear to her. However this may be, the English had never put forth their naval strength against the corsairs; yet English merchantmen were mostly spared by them. Before the Revolution the vessels of the Colonies, bearing as they did the English flag, had all the privileges of other English ships; but when the war was over, and the merchantmen of the young American State began to reappear in the Mediterranean with a new and hitherto unknown American flag, the Barbary cruisers pounced upon them as their lawful prey. The first piratical capture was made in 1785, and was a Boston ship, the schooner "Maria." Soon afterward the "Dolphin," of Philadelphia, was seized. These were carried into Algiers, where the ships and their cargoes were confiscated by the Dey, and the crews were held in slavery. It seems strange that there should not have been enough of public spirit in the country to fit out ships at once and send them over to set free the Americans who were enslaved by these Turkish outlaws, or at least to protect from their barbarities other Americans navigating the seas. But no such measures were taken, and the prisoners were left to languish in captivity until their buccaneering captors received a heavy ransom. Agents were indeed sent out, who did much chaffering with the Algerines, mostly through foreign officials; but for a long time this brought about no result, and several of the captives meanwhile died. During the next few years the Portuguese were at war with Algiers, and her ships were in consequence unable to venture far from port; but in 1793 a peace was concluded, and thereupon an Algerine squadron, suddenly appearing outside the Strait of Gibraltar, fell upon and captured ten unsuspecting American merchantmen. This was too much for any State to bear, however long-suffering or impoverished it might be; and Congress resolved at once to begin the building of a new fleet. Accordingly plans were made for the construction of six frigates of a much larger size than any which the navy had possessed during the Revolution. In fact, some of them were of about the largest size that were then afloat, and led our enemies in later wars to declare that we had misled them by building ships-of-the-line under the name of frigates; which, even if it had been true, would not have been a reproach to us, as it was their business to find out what our ships were like. It was a most wise measure to build these large frigates, as the country afterward realized; and great credit is due to Joshua Humphreys, a Pennsylvania ship-builder, upon whose suggestion the plan was adopted. Even this small provision was made only after much debate and opposition, because there were many men who thought that a navy would make the central Government too powerful, and would be used to destroy the liberties of the people: and although the building of the ships was begun, negotiations with Algiers were continued, and large sums of money were expended in presents,--or, to speak plain English, in bribes,--to influence the Dey to make a treaty. These were so far successful that in the next year the treaty was concluded, and all the prisoners were ransomed. Such violent objections were now made to keeping up the naval force, that it was decided to finish only two out of the six frigates, and the work on the others was stopped. One member of Congress even went so far as to say that he hoped "the ships would rot upon the stocks as an instructive monument of national folly." Yet it was certainly much greater folly to spend a million dollars--which was what the treaty cost--in presents and bribes to Turkish officers, and in the ransom of American citizens, rather than in building ships and fitting out a navy to punish the marauders, and to deter them from a repetition of their outrages. For, as we shall hereafter see, the money that was paid was not enough to satisfy the Barbary Powers, who, however much they got, were always wanting more; while the navy, so far from overturning liberty, has ever since been one of its greatest bulwarks, by the glory and honor which, through all its history, it has brought upon the Republic. * * * * * In 1793, some time before the Algerine trouble was settled, a war had broken out between France and Great Britain. It was only ten years after the close of the Revolution, in which the French had been our trusted friends and the British our bitter enemies; and the French, like ourselves, and partly influenced by our example, had cast off their monarchy and had established a republic. There seemed at first sight to be every reason why we should side with them against the old enemy, and in the beginning most of our people were ready to give them the warmest sympathy and support. But the French Revolution, with its Reign of Terror, soon took such a turn that men shrank with horror from its blood-stained course; and meantime France, presuming too far upon the services which she had rendered in our own struggle for independence, demanded of us favors in return which we could not give without going again to war with Britain. It was Washington's desire then, and it has been our wise policy ever since, that we should avoid entangling ourselves in European broils, so that we found it necessary to give France a refusal, though it was very hard to do it. Thereupon the French, knowing our weakness, especially at sea, took advantage of it to inflict upon us every kind of injury and insult. They used our ports to fit out privateers, and captured vessels of the enemy in our own waters, which, as we were neutral in the war, they ought to have held sacred; they seized our merchantmen upon frivolous pretexts, to the great damage of our commerce; and when we made respectful protests and complaints about it, our ministers were treated with such indignity as the world has rarely seen in the dealings of Christian States. The British too were guilty of aggressions on their side, but not at this time to the same extent. So the people of America were divided,--some siding with the French, partly for old friendship's sake, and some with the British, because from them had come the lesser evil. Between these two factions party spirit raged with bitterness and rancor; so that it sometimes almost seemed as if men thought themselves the citizens of one or the other of the opposing States, and forgot that they were all Americans. Finally, matters came to such a pass that something must be done to protect our commerce, and as a war with both States at once seemed to be too great an undertaking, and France was at this time the worse offender, the new President, John Adams, whose party leanings were all upon that side, urged that a navy should be fitted out to make reprisals upon the French cruisers and privateers. [Illustration: "EVERYWHERE THE SHIP-YARDS WERE BUSY."] In this way the summer of 1798 came to be a time of preparation for war. The larger frigates were completed, and several small ones were begun. The merchants in the different cities raised large sums of money to build ships by subscription, to be repaid later by the Government, and everywhere the ship-yards were busy getting ready the new fleet. Congress declared that the treaties with France were at an end, and authorized the President to instruct our ships-of-war to seize all French armed vessels that might be found at sea. Officers were selected, crews were recruited, and the Marine Corps, which has always since that day done most efficient service, was first created. A new Department of the Navy was established as one of the great divisions of the Government; which showed that all this preparation was not the mere whim and fancy of the moment, but that the country was at last resolved to have a naval force which should continue for all time. The new Secretary of the Navy, Benjamin Stoddert, proposed that a small force should remain to defend the coast, and that all the other ships should go to the West Indies, which swarmed with French cruisers and privateers, and attack the enemy on his own cruising-ground. Thither they all went in the summer or fall of the year, until we had assembled there what was for us a powerful force, composed of four squadrons, and numbering all together more than twenty vessels. The largest of the squadrons, with the new frigate "United States," of forty-four guns, as flagship, was placed under the command of John Barry, the story of whose Revolutionary fights was told in the last chapter, and who had been chosen by Washington to be the first captain of the new navy to hold the President's commission. Besides some smaller vessels, Barry had with him another frigate, the "Constitution," a forty-four like the "United States," which was destined to become our most famous ship, by winning in the War of 1812 a succession of splendid victories. The second squadron, with the 38-gun frigate "Constellation" as flagship, was given to Captain Truxtun, who had also seen much service in the Revolution while in command of privateers. The third and fourth were lighter squadrons. By means of these four detached groups of vessels the ports and harbors of the West India Islands were closely watched, every nook and corner was visited, and in the passages between the larger islands, which form the great highways of commerce, our merchant-ships had convoy and protection. It was a different kind of service from that of the earlier war; for our ships now were equal to any frigates in the world, and the enemy's great fleets of line-of-battle ships were fully occupied by the war in Europe; while our older officers were veterans who had passed with credit through their first trial, and the younger could have no better masters from whom to learn their early lessons. The first prize of the war was the French privateer "Croyable." The sloop-of-war "Delaware," under Capt. Stephen Decatur,--not the one who afterward became so famous, who was then only a midshipman in Barry's flagship, but his father,--went to sea in June, 1798, and had been out but a few days when she captured the "Croyable," which had been seizing several of our vessels on our own coast. She was taken into the navy and named the "Retaliation," and the command of her was given to Lieut. William Bainbridge. Bainbridge was a young man who had only been a merchant captain, but he was a daring fellow,--almost too daring for prudence, as the result showed; for soon after he had reached the West Indies with his new command he one day unguardedly approached two French frigates, the "Insurgente" and the "Volontier," supposing for no good reason that they were English, and his little ship was quickly captured. The "Insurgente" was the smartest ship on the West Indian station, and indeed one of the finest and fastest frigates in the French navy, and the Government expected great things of Captain Barreault, who was in command of her. But the captain was destined to disappoint them. Early in February of the next year, as the "Constellation" was cruising to the eastward of the island of Nevis, she discovered a large ship to the southward, and immediately bore down for her. In the old war, when our officers sighted a large ship, the best thing they could do was to take to their heels, for the enemy was sure to overmatch them. But the "Constellation" was a frigate of a different sort from those which we had sent to sea in the Revolution; and Truxtun, though he believed the stranger was an enemy, boldly advanced to meet her. She proved to be the "Insurgente," and soon she hoisted the French flag and fired a challenge gun to windward. Though the "Insurgente" hailed him several times, Truxtun made no reply, but continued to bear down upon her until he was sure that every shot would tell; then he delivered his whole broadside, and the "Insurgente" answered him. The fight continued for an hour, the "Constellation" always gaining the advantage; for Truxtun was a better seaman than Barreault, and again and again he placed himself where he could rake the enemy, while she could not reply, her broadside being turned away. The Americans, too, were better gunners, for they killed and wounded the "Insurgente's" men, while the Frenchmen, pointing their guns too high, only damaged the "Constellation's" spars and rigging. At last, after seventy of the "Insurgente's" crew had fallen, and Truxtun had taken a position squarely athwart her stern, so that the next broadside would sweep her decks, she struck her flag and so surrendered. The "Constellation" had only two men killed in the battle, and one of these was shot by his own lieutenant, Sterrett, because he saw him flinching at his gun. One of the midshipmen, a gallant fellow named David Porter, of whom we shall hear again later, at this time only eighteen years of age, was stationed in the "Constellation's" fore-top during the engagement. A cannon-ball struck the topmast above him, and it was in danger of falling under the weight of yards and sails. The midshipman hailed the deck, and reported to the officers what had happened; but they were too busy to send men up to repair the damage. So Porter, without waiting longer, climbed the mast himself amid a shower of bullets, and cut away the stoppers, which let the yard go down, and by this means the mast was saved. [Illustration: DAVID PORTER.] After the battle the first lieutenant of the "Constellation," John Rodgers, was sent on board the prize, with Porter and eleven men, to see to the removal of the prisoners. A fresh breeze blowing at the time delayed the work, and soon the night closed in, the wind increased to a gale, and the ships were separated. There were still one hundred and seventy of the Frenchmen on board the "Insurgente," with no one but Lieutenant Rodgers and his handful of men to guard them. Rodgers was a young man of muscular frame, which is a good thing at such times as these; and both he and Porter were cool and determined, which is a better thing. But they had no easy task. The gratings covering the hatchways had been thrown overboard. There were no means of securing the prisoners. The spars and rigging and sails of the prize had been cut and torn, and her decks and sides still bore the marks of battle: and here was Rodgers separated from the "Constellation," in a gale of wind, with only his faithful midshipman and eleven seamen, and with nearly two hundred prisoners who knew the weakness of their guards, and who were ready for any effort that would help them to retake the ship. Difficult as his position was, Rodgers proved himself equal to it. He stationed a sentry at each hatchway with musket and pistols, ordering them to shoot the first man that attempted to come on deck, and with the other men he took care of the ship. For three sleepless days and nights--for neither he nor Porter could snatch a moment's rest--he sailed this way and that, almost at the mercy of the storm, and finally brought the vessel into St. Kitt's, whither the "Constellation" had gone before him. During the next six months the war--for such we may call it, though in truth it was only a series of reprisals for injuries received--continued with unabated vigor. Nothing could show more clearly the importance of a navy than these same reprisals of 1798 and 1799. During the twelve months ending in July of the latter year many privateers of greater or less force had been taken, and France was now more ready to treat on equal terms. The frigate "United States," still under Barry, was selected to take out the new envoys sent by our Government to Paris, and her place on the windward station was taken by the "Constellation," Commodore Talbot in the "Constitution" relieving Truxtun at St. Domingo. New ships were sent out to both squadrons, which were instructed to go on with their captures in order that the French might see that we were in earnest and would put up with no more trifling. Our merchant-ships still needed protection, for the privateers continued their aggressions, and besides the privateers there were in the West Indies many small armed vessels belonging to no State in particular, whose business was to seize and plunder anything they could. These last were little better than pirates, who made this or that island or bay a place of refuge for the moment, and were ready to change their character according to the ships that they fell in with. To serve against these picaroons, as they were called, two small but swift schooners were built,--the "Enterprise" and the "Experiment." They carried twelve guns each, and were exactly what was needed for the purpose. The "Enterprise" alone during her short cruise captured nine vessels carrying all together more than seventy guns and five hundred men; and besides this she recaptured eleven American merchantmen, and beat off a Spanish brig which sought to attack her. This was more than any of the frigates had accomplished. The severest action of the war was yet to come, and this fell also to the lot of the "Constellation." In February, 1800, just a year after his fight with the "Insurgente," Commodore Truxtun was cruising to the west of Guadeloupe, when he came in sight of the "Vengeance," a heavy French frigate of the largest size, carrying fifty guns. Although she was much more than a match for Truxtun, she avoided an engagement and made sail to leave him. Truxtun without hesitation followed in pursuit; but the chase lasting several hours, it was twilight before he came up with her. Then he hoisted his ensign, lighted his battle lanterns, and gave his orders not to throw away a single charge of powder, but to take good aim, firing directly into the enemy's hull, loading with two round shot, and now and then a round shot and a stand of grape; and he told his officers "to encourage the men at their quarters, and to cause or suffer no noise or confusion, but to load and fire as fast as possible, when it could be done with certain effect." As the commodore approached, his guns loaded and his gunners ready and waiting, he stood in the lee gangway to speak the "Vengeance," and demand her surrender to the United States of America. But at that instant she opened a fire from her stern and quarter guns directed at his spars and rigging. Truxtun gained a position on her weather quarter, and returned the enemy's salute; and now for five long hours of the tropical night the battle raged, a running fight, the two vessels keeping side by side within pistol-shot. The "Constellation's" gunners, bearing in mind their orders, planted one hundred and eighty shot in the enemy's hull; but their guns were light, and they could not inflict a fatal wound upon the great frigate's heavy side. But the slaughter on the Frenchman's decks was fearful, for fully one third of his crew lay killed or wounded. Three times his flag was struck during the battle, but in the darkness of the night it was not seen, and there was no cessation of the combat. [Illustration: "IT WAS TWILIGHT BEFORE HE CAME UP WITH HER."] At last, about an hour after midnight, the enemy was silenced, and no answer came from his fifty guns. Both ships were still under way, the "Vengeance" sheering off; and Truxtun, knowing that the fight was over, was about to follow her as well as his torn and ragged sails would enable him, when he learned that all the rigging of the mainmast had been shot away, and that the mast was tottering. The men were called to repair the rigging and secure the mast; but it was too late, they could not save it. The officer of the maintop was James Jarvis, the youngest midshipman on board the ship. With him was an old blue-jacket, who told him of the danger they were in because the mast must surely go. But little Jarvis had been stationed by his captain in the top, and he only answered: "I cannot leave my station; if the mast goes, we must go with it." So the mast fell: and Jarvis, the midshipman who would not leave his post, fell with it and was killed,--the only officer who perished in the action. The "Constellation's" loss, all told, was forty killed and wounded. The "Vengeance," which she had so nearly captured, arrived a few days later at Curaçao in great distress, and almost a wreck. In memory of this great battle, one of the most obstinate that our navy ever fought, Congress passed a resolution which should be read by all who care that gallant deeds should be remembered. This was the resolution:-- "_Resolved_, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States be requested to present to Captain Thomas Truxtun a golden medal, emblematical of the late action between the United States frigate 'Constellation,' of thirty-eight guns, and the French ship-of-war 'La Vengeance,' of fifty-four, in testimony of the high sense entertained by Congress of his gallantry and good conduct in the above engagement, wherein an example was exhibited by the captain, officers, sailors, and marines, honorable to the American name, and instructive to its rising navy. "_And it is further Resolved_, That the conduct of James Jarvis, a midshipman in said frigate, who gloriously preferred certain death to an abandonment of his post, is deserving of the highest praise, and that the loss of so promising an officer is a subject of national regret." [Illustration: THOMAS TRUXTUN,--FROM MEDAL VOTED BY CONGRESS.] The active occupations of the navy in the West Indies continued for the next eight months, its last important capture being the fine corvette "Berceau," which yielded after a two hours' fight to Captain Little, in the "Boston." Already, a month before, the treaty with France had been concluded, and after it was ratified, a vessel was sent to the station with orders of recall for the whole squadron. During its service there it had taken or destroyed over ninety French vessels, mounting in all more than seven hundred guns, and had recaptured numbers of Americans. Among its trophies there were the frigate "Insurgente" and the corvette "Berceau," and not the least splendid chapter in its record was the long battle between the "Constellation" and the "Vengeance;" while in the two years but one ship had been lost,--the little schooner "Retaliation," and that was only a recapture. It was this work of the navy which gained us the respect of France, from which State we had hitherto received only threats and insolence: and it teaches us the lesson that it is to our navy that we must always look in times like these to secure for us a proper treatment and consideration from domineering foreign powers. It would be well for us Americans, especially those who are ready to cry down the navy, to take to heart these words of the President, which he said in November, 1800, but which are just as true to-day, and which will be true to the end of time:-- "Seasonable and systematic arrangements, so far as our resources will justify, for a navy adapted to defensive war, which may, in case of necessity, be QUICKLY BROUGHT INTO USE, seem to be as much recommended by a wise and true economy as by a just regard for our future tranquillity, for the safety of our shores, and for the protection of our property committed to the ocean." CHAPTER VII. TRIPOLI. The truth of President Adams's words was shown the very next year after they were uttered, when new difficulties arose with the Barbary Powers. We have seen how the old difficulties with Algiers had been settled, at least for a time, by a treaty which cost the Government a million. Under this treaty we agreed to send every year to the Dey of Algiers a present of naval stores of the value of twelve thousand sequins, or about twenty thousand dollars. In the autumn of 1800 this present--or tribute, as it was well called, for it was little else than a tribute--was carried to Algiers by the ship "George Washington," commanded by Captain Bainbridge. While his ship was lying in the port, the Dey commanded Bainbridge to go to Constantinople with an Algerine ambassador and presents for the Sultan of Turkey; for Algiers was then a vassal of the Ottoman Porte, although the Porte allowed the Dey to do much as he pleased in most things. It was a grievous outrage that a ship of the United States should be compelled to do such a service for a barbarian prince; but there is no doubt that Bainbridge chose the better part in complying with the demand. Though sometimes rash in war, he was wise and prudent in diplomacy; and as our Government, by yielding to the clamor of the Algerines for tribute, instead of chastising them for their outrageous conduct, had pointed out the line of action that it meant to follow, Bainbridge was right in conforming to the same rule. If he refused, unnumbered evils might happen: our unprotected commerce would be swept away; more of our countrymen would be captured and enslaved, or kept for years confined in dungeons; and fresh payments must be made for ransom. So he went to Constantinople. It was then the rule--and it still is, for that matter--that foreign ships-of-war wishing to enter the Turkish straits of the Dardanelles and Bosphorus must first ask and receive permission from the Sultan. Bainbridge, who felt that he had had enough humiliation on the voyage, did not stop for this, but passing by the forts at night, anchored unannounced in the harbor of Constantinople; and here he lay, flying a strange flag which no one in the place had ever seen borne by a ship of war. A Turkish officer was sent off to find out to whom this new craft belonged, and Bainbridge in reply told him, "the United States." When this was translated by the interpreter, and reported to the Turkish officials on shore, they shook their heads,--thinking the national appellation somewhat vague, as perhaps it is,--and sent a second time to gain more definite information. Bainbridge now answered that he came from "the New World." This statement seemed greatly to impress the Turks, and the ship was piloted into the inner port, and Captain Bainbridge and his officers were treated thereafter with deep respect, as was becoming toward any one who came from so remarkable a region. When the "George Washington" had fulfilled her mission and had returned to Algiers, the captain found that the Dey had suddenly declared war against France, and had ordered all the French in his dominions to be put in prison. The foreign consuls, seconded by Bainbridge, implored the Dey to revoke his cruel order; and they were so far successful that he consented to put off its execution for forty-eight hours. But the Dey swore by his beard that if every soul--man, woman, and child--that belonged to France had not departed by that time from his territories, he would put in irons those that remained. The "George Washington" was at the moment the only ship in the harbor, and she was shifting ballast in the mole. But Bainbridge would not leave the Frenchmen to their fate; and by working night and day with all his officers and men he got the ship ready, took the fugitives on board, and sailed away, glad to get out of the clutches of this Oriental despot. He had no time to spare; for in less than an hour after his departure the limit had expired. Sixty Frenchmen were thus rescued by the captain's efforts, and after a short passage they were safely landed at Alicant, and the "George Washington" returned home. About this time a new and very serious trouble began with another of the Barbary powers. This was Tripoli. When the Pasha of Tripoli had made his treaty with the United States some years before, he had received a large amount of money, but no agreement had been made for tribute. As soon, however, as the Pasha found that the Americans were sending every year a shipload of presents to Algiers, of whose power he was always jealous, he became enraged beyond all bounds; and he wrote to the President insolent letters demanding money and arms and naval stores. In one of these he said:-- "We could wish that these your expressions were followed by deeds, and not by empty words. You will therefore endeavor to satisfy us by a good manner of proceeding. We on our part will correspond with you with equal friendship, as well in words as deeds. But if only flattering words are meant, without performance, every one will act as he finds convenient." As no attention was paid to these demands, the Pasha announced to the American consul that he would declare war; "For paid I will be," he said, "in one way or another." The consul tried to smooth over the difficulty, but without success; and on the 14th of May, 1801, just a week after Bainbridge had landed the French refugees at Alicant, the Pasha cut down the flagstaff of the American consulate at Tripoli, by which act he declared war against the United States. It had been known at home for some time that trouble was brewing at Tripoli, and as the French war was now entirely over, a squadron was at this very time fitting out to go to the Mediterranean. It was commanded by Com. Richard Dale, that gallant veteran of the Revolution who had been the first lieutenant of the "Bon Homme Richard" in her fight with the "Serapis." But in this cruise Commodore Dale, though he had a good squadron, was not allowed to show what he could accomplish; because, although Tripoli had declared war, Congress had not yet recognized the fact, and the President was of the opinion that until Congress had passed an act making a declaration, the navy could not carry on war against a foreign State. The commodore was therefore prevented by his orders from capturing any prizes or prisoners; and from this singular arrangement it resulted, as might be expected, that nothing of any great importance was accomplished. One event, however, took place in August of this year which at least showed the Tripolitans that war with the Americans was no child's play. That fine little schooner the "Enterprise," which had done such good service in the West Indies, was one of the ships of Commodore Dale's squadron, under the command of Lieutenant Sterrett. While cruising about in the Mediterranean, on the lookout for pirates, she chanced upon a Tripolitan polacca called the "Tripoli," of about the same force and size. The Rais or captain who commanded the polacca, Mahomet Sous, thought he would try the mettle of the American schooner, and made a furious attack upon her. The Tripolitans fight desperately; for they are little better than cut-throats, and, as their Pasha says, war is their trade. But they have not the skill of the Americans. Sterrett placed his schooner where he pleased. When the battle had fairly begun, he took the offensive himself; he attacked the enemy on her quarter, on her bow; he raked her fore and aft. After a bloody fight the "Tripoli" had received several shot in her side, and was badly cut up in her rigging. Then she hauled down her flag. The crew of the "Enterprise" left their guns, and gave three cheers, thinking that the victory was won. But the Tripolitans, though brave, were treacherous villains, and no sooner was their enemy off his guard than they hoisted their flag again and opened fire on the "Enterprise." So the battle began anew. This time the Turks attempted to board, crowding on the rail with their scimitars. But they were driven back, and again they made a pretence of surrendering, only to renew the fight at the first favorable moment. [Illustration: "CROWDING ON THE RAIL WITH THEIR SCIMITARS."] The American blue-jackets were now in no humor for trifling. Their blood was up, for they were indignant at such unheard-of treachery, and it looked as if there would be no question to settle about prisoners, for the reason that none of the Tripolitans would be left alive. But the polacca was by this time in a sinking condition, her mizzen-mast was shot away, her deck was slippery with blood, and the dead and wounded were lying about in heaps; and the Rais, Mahomet, himself wounded and disheartened, convinced that the time had come when neither ferocity nor fraud could help him, threw his flag into the sea and prostrated himself upon the rail, begging for quarter. Then Lieutenant Sterrett, who was as generous as he was gallant, ordered the firing to cease and took possession of the enemy. As the polacca could not be made a prize, the Americans cut away her masts, threw overboard her guns, and left her with the surviving fragment of her crew to make the best of her way back to Tripoli. Upon her arrival, the Pasha was so incensed at the news of her defeat that he had the Rais, wounded as he was, mounted on a jackass and paraded up and down the streets of the city, after which he was given five hundred blows of the bastinado. Such was the result of the first fight between the Americans and their piratical enemy, and it was a long time before the latter forgot the lesson. By the autumn of 1801 the terms of enlistment of Dale's crews having nearly expired, his ships were ordered home, and in the next spring a new squadron was sent out under Commodore Richard Morris, Congress having meantime passed an act that was to all intents a declaration of war. But the new commodore was not an energetic man, nor did he seem to concern himself much about what was to be done; and a whole year was passed by the squadron in fruitless cruises among the Mediterranean ports, sometimes convoying merchantmen, sometimes merely lying in harbor, but doing little or nothing against the enemy. At the end of this time the President found it necessary to replace Commodore Morris by a more active man; and in the summer of 1803 he was ordered home, and upon his arrival was dismissed the service. Already the Government had determined to fit out a new squadron, and to take more vigorous measures against Tripoli; for the people were rightly impatient at the dallying which had prolonged through two years this war with a little barbarian State, and it was against the navy that this impatience was mainly directed. Strange as it may seem, party feeling had run so high that the gallant exploits of the French war were thought by many Americans to be the bad results of a mistaken policy, rather than a source of pride and satisfaction to the country; and the officers and seamen of the navy, who were then and who have always been the single-minded and devoted servants of the people, were looked upon simply as the instruments of an odious party that meanly cringed to England and sought to embroil us in a war with France. In the last general election this party had been defeated and broken up, and the navy came in for a large share of the popular condemnation; which, as we at this day can clearly see, was exceedingly unjust to the brave men who composed the service. Whatever men may have thought and said about the navy, it was evident that nothing but a naval war would bring Tripoli to terms, and the Government set about the work in earnest. Four new ships were built, which, though they were small, were well suited to their purpose,--the brigs "Argus" and "Siren," and the schooners "Nautilus" and "Vixen." Two of the larger frigates were sent out,--the "Constitution" forty-four, and the "Philadelphia" thirty-eight, the latter commanded by Captain Bainbridge; and last, but not least, one vessel of the old squadron remained, the schooner "Enterprise," which had already made herself famous under Sterrett, but which was to acquire still greater fame under Lieut. Stephen Decatur, who now commanded her. The new squadron was strong in its ships, but its efficiency was mainly due to the officer who was ordered to take the chief command, Com. Edward Preble. Although not an old man, he was one of the few veterans of the Revolution that were still in the service; and though he had been a mere lad when he first sailed as a midshipman in the Revolutionary cruisers of Massachusetts, he had served throughout the war, and had learned well the lessons of naval discipline. What Paul Jones was in that war, and what Truxtun was in the West Indies, Preble became in the campaign against Tripoli,--the central figure of the war. He had around him the best and bravest of the young officers of the new navy,--as good as any navy the world has ever seen, but up to this time untried and unknown,--and it was Preble who in great measure made them what they afterward became. Among the first of the new vessels to come out was the "Philadelphia." She had no sooner arrived in the Mediterranean than she made a most unexpected discovery. She had left Gibraltar to search for some Tripolitans that were reported to be cruising somewhere off the coast of Spain. One evening after dark, off Cape de Gatt, she fell in with two vessels,--a ship and a brig. Captain Bainbridge hailed the ship, which proved to be the "Mirboka," a cruiser of Morocco; and allowing her to suppose that he was English, Bainbridge ordered her to send him her passports. The Moorish officer who came on board the "Philadelphia" fell into the snare, and told Bainbridge that the brig which he had with him was an American. This was an extraordinary piece of news, for Morocco was then at peace with the United States; yet here was one of her ships-of-war preying on American commerce. The Moors must have thought that a State which could not protect its vessels from the attacks of Tripoli need not be much respected, and that the time was ripe for them to take a hand in the plundering which their neighbors were carrying on with such success and profit; so they had sent out their cruisers, and this was the first that had made a prize. The captured ship was the brig "Celia," of Boston, whose crew and captain were at that moment confined in the "Mirboka's" hold, to be carried to Morocco and sold as slaves or held for ransom. Fortunately Captain Bainbridge had arrived just in time to rescue the prisoners; and seizing the "Mirboka," he took her with him to Gibraltar. [Illustration: COMMODORE EDWARD PREBLE.] This was the state of affairs when a few weeks later Commodore Preble, with the "Constitution," came out to take command of the squadron. He saw the situation at a glance, and he was not a man to hesitate long about taking action. If the Moors, who had seaports on the Atlantic, were not put down and the strait opened, it would be of no great use to clear the inland sea of pirates. The commodore immediately assembled all his ships, gave them orders to capture every Moorish vessel they could find, and himself proceeded in the "Constitution" directly to Tangier, in Morocco. The Emperor was expected to arrive here shortly with his army. He sent to know whether Preble would fire a salute in his honor. The commodore sent back his answer by the consul. "As you think," said he, "it will gratify his imperial Majesty, I shall salute him and dress ship; and if he is not disposed to be pacific, I will salute him again!" The resolute tone which Preble took in this and other communications had the desired effect. In three days after the Emperor arrived he had consented to renew the treaty his father had made with the United States, and had ordered the release of all the Americans that had been seized, together with their property. At the same time the orders which had been given to capture American vessels were revoked; whereupon Preble restored the "Mirboka," and withdrew his own order to seize the vessels of Morocco. This done, he sailed for Tripoli. Already the "Philadelphia," with the schooner "Vixen" in company, had taken her station before the enemy's port, and preparations were made to maintain a strict blockade. It needed two vessels at least for this service; for if any accident happened to one alone, she would certainly be lost, being so far from help and close to the watchful guards of the enemy's harbor. Nevertheless, immediately after his arrival Captain Bainbridge heard from a Neapolitan merchantman that one of the enemy's corsairs had sailed the day before, and he sent the "Vixen" off to find her. Next day, it being the 31st of October, a Tripolitan vessel was descried to the eastward of the city, attempting to work into the harbor. Captain Bainbridge at once gave chase. The wily Tripolitan kept on his course, not far from the shore, where he knew the water was full of reefs and sunken rocks which he could easily avoid, but which he hoped might prove a trap for his unsuspecting enemy. And so it came about; for the captain, whose zeal, as we have already seen, was sometimes greater than his prudence, forgetting the dangers of the treacherous coast, followed the Tripolitan, with a fair breeze and a good eight-knot speed, until suddenly the water began to shoal. Then realizing for the first time his peril, he turned his vessel's head off shore. But it was now too late; and an instant later the "Philadelphia" had shot up on a sunken reef, where she hung hard and fast, her great stem and bowsprit pointing upward in the air. [Illustration: "HE CUT AWAY THE ANCHORS, ... BUT STILL THE SHIP HUNG FAST."] Even now the captain did not lose his confidence, and setting all sail he tried to force the vessel over; but this only had the effect of thrusting her higher on the rocks, and making escape more hopeless than ever. It was clear that this plan would not work. The boats were then sent out with leadsmen, who found deep water astern of the ship, and the yards were braced aback, and every one watched anxiously to see if she would not back off; but she did not move an inch. Then Bainbridge tried to lighten her. He cut away the anchors and threw overboard the forward guns, but still the ship hung fast. Meantime the enemy discovered that their stratagem had proved successful, and word having been sent to the city, the Tripolitan galleys could now be seen in motion, evidently preparing to make an attack upon the helpless frigate. Soon they came out in a long line, their white lateen sails glistening in the afternoon sunlight, and their decks crowded with men eager for the splendid prize that chance and craft, combined with their opponent's over-confidence, had thrown within their reach. But they were wary, and they remembered the lesson which Sterrett had given them, that the Americans were stubborn fighters, and this time they meant to run no risks. Taking up their positions on the stern and quarter of the "Philadelphia," at a little distance, where no guns could be brought to bear on them, they opened fire with their heavy cannon; for each of these gunboats carried a long eighteen or twenty-four pounder in her bow, and the whole flotilla was a hostile force not to be despised even by a ship that could manoeuvre. As it was, the "Philadelphia" had heeled over, and the few guns that remained on board were useless, even after great holes had been cut with axes in her side to enable the crews to point them. The enemy fired high and only cut the spars and rigging; but all the same their ultimate success was sure if the ship could not get off the reef. In spite of the shot that rained upon them, the officers did not relax their efforts. The tanks of water in the hold were pumped out, and finally the foremast was cut away, carrying with it the main top-gallant mast. But it was all of no use, for the ship obstinately refused to budge; and as the sun was sinking in the horizon, Captain Bainbridge, to prevent what seemed likely to be a useless sacrifice of men, hauled down his colors. No sooner was the flag lowered than the Tripolitans, setting up a shout, rowed quickly to the frigate and swarmed on board, over the rail and through every port-hole. Then there was a scene which has never before or since been witnessed upon an American ship-of-war. The pirates, intent first of all on plunder, looted every chest and locker in the ship. Nor did they stop here. The officers were forced to give them all that they demanded, and like so many highway robbers they took watches, epaulets, money; and when all the valuables were given up, coats, waistcoats, and cravats, until all the prisoners were stripped to their shirts and trousers. In this condition they were thrust into the boats and carried to the city. Here they were taken before the Pasha, who was so much elated by his capture that he received them in high good-humor, and as he counted over the number,--three hundred and seven officers and men,--he stroked his beard, and his avaricious eyes glistened as he thought of the heavy ransom that the United States would have to pay him before it could get them back. So he ordered them to be well cared for, and sent the officers to be quartered in the building which before the war had been the American consulate, where they were to remain during many months of captivity. It was bad enough that so many officers and men should have been taken; but the mischief did not end here. For the next two days the Tripolitans worked away at the grounded frigate with their gunboats and lighters, and anchors carried out with hawsers from the stern; and by these means, with the help of favoring wind and tide, they at last succeeded in getting the "Philadelphia" off into deep water. Bainbridge, before he abandoned her, had ordered the carpenters to bore holes in her bottom; and if this had been well done, she would never have got afloat again. But the carpenters in their excitement and flurry had only half performed their task, and the ship was now in the enemy's hands in as good condition, barring a little needed repair, as she was before the accident. Even the anchors and guns which had been thrown overboard were discovered lying on the reef, where the water was only twelve feet deep, and the Tripolitans got them up without much trouble. * * * * * Meantime Commodore Preble, having despatched his business at Morocco to the great satisfaction of his Government, was now on his way to Tripoli in the "Constitution." Falling in one day with the British frigate "Minerva," he received the first news of the disaster; and going directly to Malta, he found there a letter from Captain Bainbridge confirming the report. It was a staggering blow to all his hopes at the very outset of his command. The Tripolitans, who had already become tired of the war and of the annoyances of the blockade, and whom he had hoped by resolute attacks speedily to overawe into submission, were encouraged by this their first great success to renewed efforts. Not only would they stand more firmly to their previous demands for tribute, but they would clamor for an enormous ransom for the three hundred prisoners; and unless they could be utterly crushed, they would get it, for they had the prisoners in their power, and in some way or other those three hundred Americans must be set free. The squadron, none too powerful at the beginning, had now lost one of its two principal vessels, and the force of the enemy was correspondingly increased. No wonder that Commodore Preble, writing to the Department of the loss of the frigate, should say in the bitterness of his heart, "It distresses me beyond description." But however great his distress, he never yielded to despondency, and the loss only urged him on to greater efforts to harass and reduce the enemy. For the next two months the commodore and all the ships of his squadron were busy making preparations for the coming campaign. The first blow to be struck was against the captured frigate, and Preble resolved upon her destruction from the very moment when he heard of her loss. But he bided his time, patiently waiting until a good opportunity should arrive. Meanwhile a rendezvous for the squadron was established at Syracuse. The "Argus" was stationed at Gibraltar, to watch the Moors and guard the strait. The other ships were cruising about from point to point, giving protection and convoy to American vessels, and seizing any Tripolitan vessels they could find, though there were few of them that dared to venture out. About Christmas-time the "Enterprise" fell in with one of these craft, a ketch named the "Mastico," which was on her way to Constantinople with slaves on board,--a present from the Pasha to his master the Sultan. The slaves were not a capture of much benefit to the commodore, but the ketch was; for she had once been a French gunboat, and he saw how she might be of service in carrying out his most cherished scheme. So he made a tender of her and called her the "Intrepid." All this time the prisoners at Tripoli were not forgotten. The Danish consul in the city, a kind-hearted and generous man, Nissen by name, was pleased to do all that he could to help the Americans. Through him Preble and Bainbridge were enabled to get letters to and from each other, and supplies were sent from Malta through an agency established there by the commodore. The secret parts of the letters were written in sympathetic ink, so that one only saw the writing when the letter was held before a fire. In this way the commander of the squadron was kept informed of all that went on in Tripoli, as far as Bainbridge knew it; and Bainbridge in his turn was much cheered by getting word from time to time that his friends outside had not forgotten him. He needed it badly, for what with the loss of his ship, and the gloomy prospect of a long captivity, he was at this time in great despondency; so that it did him good to hear from Preble the words the latter wrote in January from Malta: "Keep up your spirits, and despair not; recollect 'there's a sweet little cherub that sits up aloft'!" When Preble returned to Syracuse after this visit to Malta, he had completed his plan for the destruction of the "Philadelphia." Lieutenant Decatur, of the "Enterprise," had volunteered to command the expedition; and although he was very young, and had been only five years at sea, no better man could have been chosen than this gallant and true-hearted officer. He was to take the "Intrepid," whose Tripolitan rig would make a good disguise, and whose small size would enable her safely to navigate those dangerous waters, and with seventy-five officers and men to attack the frigate. The "Siren" was to go with him to support and cover his retreat. It was a perilous enterprise; almost rash, one would think, for the "Philadelphia" was lying fully armed and manned in the inner harbor, under the guns of the Pasha's castle and all the neighboring forts, and around her lay the galleys of the enemy's flotilla. Decatur took three other lieutenants, Lawrence, Joseph Bainbridge, whose brother was in prison in Tripoli, and Thorn; and six midshipmen were told off to go with them. Among these last were Thomas McDonough, who afterward won the great battle of Lake Champlain in the war with Great Britain, and Charles Morris, who in the same war was first lieutenant of the "Constitution" in her fight with the "Guerrière." Morris was at this time a boy of nineteen; and I shall tell the story of the attack as nearly as may be in his words. A Maltese pilot, Catalano, who knew the harbor of Tripoli, and who could speak the language, had been engaged to go with the expedition. When the two vessels arrived off Tripoli, the wind was fresh and the sky lowering, and all seemed to threaten a storm. The "Siren" and "Intrepid" anchored under cover of the night, and Morris and the pilot were sent in with a boat to see if the passage to the harbor was safe, of which the pilot was doubtful. They found the surf breaking in a long line of foaming waves across the entrance, and Morris coming back reported that it would be dangerous to make the attempt. "It was a severe trial," said the poor boy, "to make such a report. I had heard many of the officers treat the doubts of the pilot as the offspring of apprehension, and the weather was not yet so decidedly boisterous as to render it certain that an attempt might not be made, notwithstanding our report; should such be the case, and should it succeed, the imputations upon the pilot might be repeated upon me, and, unknown as I was, might be the cause of my ruin in the estimation of my brother officers." Still, in spite of their murmurs of dissatisfaction, Morris, being a brave and independent lad, stood firm in his opinion, and the attempt was given up. It was well that this was done; for before morning a furious gale had come up, and the ships, with difficulty getting away from the shore, were driven far to the eastward. For six days the storm continued, the officers and men being all this time cooped up in the little ketch with hardly room to breathe, and overrun with vermin which the slaves had left behind them. The midshipmen slept on the top of the water-casks on the lower deck, while the sailors were berthed in the same way in the hold. At last the wind abated, and on the 16th of February the ships were once more in sight of Tripoli. The breeze was light and the sea smooth, and the "Intrepid" stood in slowly toward the town. The "Siren" stayed outside to lull suspicion; but in spite of all precautions she was seen and noticed from the harbor. The plan was for the "Siren's" boats to come in after dark and join in the attack. All through the afternoon the "Intrepid" kept on sailing slowly in, her drags in the water astern checking her headway so that she might not reach the town too early. Her crew remained below, that no suspicion might be roused by the unusual numbers, and only six or eight, dressed as Maltese, were allowed to come on deck. As the sun went down, the breeze grew fainter; and Decatur, fearing that if he delayed longer he might not be able with the light wind to reach the frigate, decided that he would not wait for the "Siren's" boats, saying to his officers, like Henry V. at Agincourt, "The fewer the number, the greater will be the honor." It was now dark, and the lights could be seen glittering in the houses of the town and on the boats in the harbor, throwing bright reflections over the water. The last preparations were made on board the "Intrepid," and the officers, speaking in low tones, told each man once more his allotted duties, and cautioned all to steadiness and silence. The watchword for the night was "Philadelphia," by which they were to recognize one another in the confusion of the attack. There was no need to enjoin silence, for each man was busy with his own thoughts. "My own," said Morris, "were now reverting to friends at home, now to the perils we were about to meet. Should I be able to justify the expectations of the former by meeting properly the dangers of the latter?" These thoughts, mixed with calculations to get a good place in boarding, were passing through the minds of all as they waited in breathless expectation. Gradually the "Intrepid" was borne along by the gentle breeze toward the inner basin. Her boat was towed astern. The young moon gave light enough to show her movements, but nothing could be seen upon her deck except Decatur and the pilot standing at the wheel, and here and there a man whose Maltese cap and jersey gave no indication of his hostile character. From end to end of the little ship the rest of the crew, crouching under the shadow of the bulwarks, were lying concealed from view, each man with his eye fixed on Decatur, waiting for him to give the order. Before them could be seen the white walls of the city and the forts. [Illustration: "THE LIGHTS COULD BE SEEN GLITTERING IN THE HOUSES."] The first battery is now passed in silence, every man holding his breath. Right in the path of the "Intrepid" towers the "Philadelphia," with her great black hull and lofty spars, and around her lies the circle of batteries. The little craft speeds on noiselessly, steering directly for the frigate. Suddenly the anxious silence is broken by a hail from the enemy demanding the name and purpose of the ketch, and ordering her to keep away. Among the officers and men stretched on the deck can be seen the eager movements of heads bending forward to hear the colloquy. The pilot, speaking the language of the country, answers for Decatur, who prompts him in low tones. He says that he has lost his anchors in the gale,--which, as it happened, was the truth,--and asks to be allowed to run a hawser to the frigate and to ride by her during the night. To this the captain of the "Philadelphia" consents, and the ketch is approaching, when suddenly the wind shifts, blowing lightly from the ship, and leaves the "Intrepid" at rest not twenty yards away, motionless under the enemy's guns. It is a moment of terrible suspense. The least mistake, the least disturbance or excitement, must mean detection, and detection now will seal the fate of all. But Decatur has that perfect calmness and clearness of judgment which is the highest bravery. There is no flurry. In his low quiet voice he orders the boat manned. His calmness calms the men, and with an air of lazy indolence they get in and take the oars, carrying a rope to another boat which meets them from the frigate. The work is done in silence; the ends are fastened, and the boat returns. The hawser is passed along the deck; the crew lying on it pull noiselessly, and the ketch slowly, slowly but surely, nears her place and lies fast alongside the enemy. Suddenly a piercing cry breaks the stillness. "_Americanos!_ The Americans are upon us!" The enemy has now discovered the disguise. But at the same moment Decatur's voice is heard ringing out, "Board!" and he and Morris, who has been watching him, leap to the enemy's deck. Springing to their feet as one man, the crew follow them, each with his cutlass and pistol. The Tripolitans are panic-struck; for a moment they huddle in a frightened crowd on the forecastle. One instant Decatur pauses to form his men, and then at their head he dashes at the enemy. The few who stay to offer resistance are cut down; one is made prisoner; the rest, driven to the bow, leap from the rail into the water. The ship is now captured, and the victorious crew hurry to their appointed stations. Two parties are told off to the berth-deck, one to the forward store-rooms, and one under Morris to the cockpit. Each prepares its supply of combustibles, and when all is reported ready, the order is given to set fire. This done, each party leaves the ship, but Morris and his men barely escape through the smoke and flame with which the lower deck is already filled. Decatur, standing on the Philadelphia's rail, while the smoke rises around him and the flames are bursting from her ports, waits till the last man has returned, and as the "Intrepid's" head swings off, he leaps into her rigging. [Illustration: "THE 'PHILADELPHIA' LIGHTS THEM ON THEIR WAY."] By this time all the Tripolitans have caught the alarm, and from batteries and gunboats in quick succession, all around the wide sweep of the harbor, are seen the sudden jets of flame followed by clouds of smoke, and the shores resound with the roar of cannon. One hundred guns are firing upon the little ketch, whose white sails are lighted up by the flames of the burning frigate. The harbor is a circle of fire, and the gallant band seem doomed to pay the penalty of rashness. The frigate is herself a source of danger, for her magazine must soon explode. But the crew of the "Intrepid," after giving three rousing cheers for their success, man the long sweeps and head their vessel seawards. The "Philadelphia," which reveals them to the enemy, lights them on their way. Her appearance is magnificent. The flames illuminate her ports, and mounting up the rigging and masts form columns of fire, which, meeting the tops, branch out in beautiful capitals. Behind her, thrown out into strong light by the burning ship, are the city walls and roofs, with dome and minaret rising above them,--bright points against the sky. The guns of the "Philadelphia" commanding the harbor have been loaded and double-shotted. As the fire reaches them they are discharged, but their missiles do more injury among the Tripolitans than among their foes. The "Intrepid" seems to bear a charmed life under the converging fire of the enemy. The cannon-balls fall thickly in the water, ahead, astern, alongside, throwing up columns of spray; but only one shot touches her, and all the harm that does is to make a hole in her top-gallant-sail. A favoring breeze now springs up, and aided by the strong arms of the rowers at their sweeps, the ketch is carried out of range, and in a short time she has reached the open sea and joined her consort. * * * * * Meantime in the squadron lying at Syracuse the officers and men, and above all the commodore, had undergone profound anxiety. It had been thought that a week, or ten days at most, would be sufficient time for the two vessels to accomplish their work and return to the station. But as the time wore on and day after day passed by, the hopes of all began to turn to apprehension; for no one knew that for a week after they reached the enemy's coast the "Siren" and "Intrepid" had been driving about before the gale, their efforts for the moment directed only against the elements. Each day the horizon was scanned by the lookouts aloft, and as the second week came to an end with no sign of the expedition, the most hopeful shook their heads, and all were filled with a sense of dull foreboding. But on the morning of the fifteenth day the fleet was startled by the cry of "Sail ho!" from the mast-head, and every face peered anxiously toward the southern horizon. First one ship was seen, then two; and as they came nearer, and little by little their spars and rig could be distinguished, the hope that they might prove to be the missing vessels grew slowly into certainty. Now a signal could be descried from the "Siren's" mast-head. What did it mean? Was it success, or failure? At length there was no doubt; and when from alternations of despair and hope the news was spread that Decatur had successfully achieved his purpose, and that the "Philadelphia" was indeed destroyed, the men's excitement knew no bounds, and cheer upon cheer of welcome and of exultation went up from all the vessels. [Illustration: STEPHEN DECATUR.] One thing is certain: that no exploit of our navy since that time has surpassed in bravery and finished excellence this of Decatur,--"the most bold and daring act of the age," as it was called by Nelson, then commanding the fleet off Toulon. The commodore wrote his despatch to the Department, asking that Decatur might immediately be raised to the same grade as himself; and when the Government heard the news, it lost no time in granting Preble's generous request. In this way it came about that young Decatur, though barely five-and-twenty, became a post-captain in the navy, which he had entered less than six years before; and among all the officers of Preble's squadron, who were in all things like a band of brothers, there was not one that grudged him his promotion. * * * * * After the destruction of the "Philadelphia" the commodore desisted for the time from further enterprises; for it was now midwinter, and at this stormy season the dangers of the rocky coast made it imprudent to attempt active operations against the enemy. But there was no slackening in preparations for the campaign of the next summer, and meantime the blockade was maintained with strictness. By this means was captured a brig of sixteen guns which belonged to the Tripolitan consul at Malta, and which was seeking to smuggle powder and other contraband into the enemy's port. The prize was re-named the "Scourge" and taken into the service, making a useful addition to the squadron. All this time the commodore was on the alert,--at Syracuse, Messina, Malta, Naples, as occasion called him, but never long in one place. At one time he appeared off Tripoli and gave the Pasha an opportunity to reduce his terms; but the Pasha, sulking after the loss of the "Philadelphia," would not yield one jot in his demands. The commodore next took three of his ships to Tunis, to quiet threatening demonstrations in that quarter, and to let the Bey know that the Americans, though occupied with Tripoli, still had time to keep an eye fixed upon him. Some of the vessels needed repairs, and these were in turn attended to. The weakness of the squadron in small gunboats, wherein lay so much of the enemy's strength, was a source of great concern; and Preble in his letters to the Department entreated that permission might be given him to buy or build them in the Mediterranean ports. But to this the Government would not consent; and Preble, as a last resort, went to Naples and obtained from the King of the two Sicilies, who was an enemy of the Tripolitans, a loan of six gunboats and two bomb-vessels, or mortar-boats, as we should call them now. They were not very seaworthy or efficient, and "required careful nursing," as the commodore said. "However," he added in his report to the Department, "as they were the best I could obtain, I have thought it for the good of our service to employ them, particularly as the weather in July and August is generally pleasant, and without them my force is too small to make any impression upon Tripoli." * * * * * At last all the preparations were completed, and the commodore toward the end of July set out to begin operations against the city. His whole force consisted of one frigate, three brigs, three schooners, and the eight small gunboats and mortar-boats which he had borrowed at Naples. Taking these last, the "Constitution," "Nautilus," and "Enterprise" set out from Syracuse, and arriving before Tripoli were joined by the blockading squadron, composed of the "Argus," the "Siren," the "Vixen," and the "Scourge." The ships made a brave display as they all appeared before the enemy's city; but in reality they were an insufficient force to bring to the attack of such a place, with its hundred guns protected behind massive walls, its fleet of nineteen gunboats, and its army on shore of twenty-four thousand soldiers. For they were desperate fighters, these Turkish bandits, when it came to a hand-to-hand conflict, as we have already seen from their fight with Sterrett; and in all the American fleet there were not above one thousand men. But the assailants were strong in one thing, and that was in their officers. Young as the officers were, they counted among their numbers the flower of the navy. There were Somers and the two Decaturs,--Stephen and James; Lawrence, the brave captain of the "Chesapeake" in the War of 1812; Hull, who captured the "Guerrière;" Stewart, who took the "Cyane" and the "Levant;" Charles Morris, Macdonough, Warrington, Blakely, Spence, Henley,--all of them preparing now for the greater war that was to come, in which they were to win new renown for the navy and the country. They believed in their commander-in-chief, who they knew would lead them to victory if any man could. They believed too in each other, and they fought side by side like true and generous comrades. For several days the wind blew violently on shore and prevented any active operations. The ships hastened to gain an offing; but the gale increased, and on the last day, when it was at its height, the gunboats pitching and tossing in the heavy sea seemed on the point of foundering. The foresail and main-topsail of the frigate, though close-reefed, were blown out into ribbons from the bolt-ropes. Fortunately before any worse accident happened the gale subsided, and the squadron was once more able to approach the town. At last came the 3d of August,--a day ever memorable in the annals of our naval history. There was a light breeze blowing from the southeast as the squadron stood in slowly for the town, whose white walls, surmounted by glistening mosques and minarets, and surrounded by gardens and groves of palms, seemed to the Americans like some fabled city of old myths, which they were always approaching and which never could be reached. There is no fable about it on this day, however. Within these walls are three hundred of their companions confined in prison by a barbarian despot who calls himself a Pasha, but who is little better than the leader of a gang of pirates. His hundred cannon are frowning from the walls, his batteries are manned, and his fleet of galleys is drawn up in battle order outside the bristling line of rocks that covers the entrance of the harbor. They are there to have a fight, and the commodore is not a man to balk them in their purpose. The fleet is now advancing, the bombs and gunboats still in tow. Presently the ships wear, with their heads off shore. The Pasha, on the battlements of his castle, surrounded by his courtiers, is watching the movements of the Americans, and says to his officers, "They will mark their distance for tacking; they are a sort of Jews, who have no notion of fighting." But he is going to find out before night. The ships are now passing within hail of the commodore, and each captain is receiving his final orders for the attack. Officers and men are transferred from the larger vessels to the gunboats. The latter are arranged in two divisions,--the first under Somers, the second under Decatur. There are only six of them in all, and they are to attack nineteen of the enemy, while the mortar-boats shell the town, and the "Constitution" and her attendant brigs and schooners deliver their broadsides at the batteries. At half-past one in the afternoon, the ships, wearing in succession, are headed for the batteries. As they approach silently and steadily, the bombs and gunboats are cast off. The batteries give no sign of life, there is no sound to break the stillness of the clear midsummer afternoon; and looking at the picture as the sun shines peacefully from the bright blue sky upon the white city walls, and the ships under their clouds of canvas, and the sparkling waters, one can hardly fancy that in a few moments it will be transformed into a scene of mortal combat. At length the bombs have taken their position and come to anchor, and the signal for battle is displayed at the mast-head of the "Constitution." Each of the mortars flings out a little curling puff of smoke. An instant later, with a deafening din and uproar, all the guns in the squadron and in the batteries on shore, as if directed by one man, have opened fire with their heavy round shot. The gunboats, led by Decatur and Somers, dash out against the enemy, and soon they are lost to view beneath the smoke of battle. The cannonade continues. Meantime Somers, though his boat is a dull sailer, by dint of hard work with the sweeps has reached the enemy's rear division, and single-handed as he is drives them in confusion behind the rocks. Decatur, followed by his brother James, by Trippe, and by the younger Bainbridge, attacks the van. The bowsprits have been unshipped so that there will be nothing to impede the boarders, for it is by boarding that Decatur means to gain his prizes. Bainbridge in his advance loses his lateen yard by a shot, and can only support the attacking column from a distance. Trippe dashes up alongside one of the enemy's boats crying out, "Board!" and leaps over the rail, followed by Henley, his midshipman, and nine of his crew. The others are about to jump, when the boats fall apart. It is hot work for the little handful of Americans. The enemy is more than three times their number. But there is no time for thought, and without a second's hesitation the boarders make a rush upon the crew of the galley with pike and cutlass. For a few minutes the struggle is desperate. Trippe singles out the leader, a tall and well-built Turk, as his own antagonist. As he comes up, the Turk makes a swift cut at him with his scimitar; but Trippe parries the blow skilfully with his sword, receiving only a slight wound. Stroke after stroke descends, as the enemy, swinging his curved blade with the rapidity of lightning, cuts savagely at his opponent. But Trippe is a cool and expert fencer, and though he is gashed and cut again and again, he holds his ground until he has passed his weapon through the body of the Turk. His companions, in the fury of their attack, have killed thirteen of the enemy; and though there are still more than twenty left, the rest seeing their leader fall are panic-struck and fall on their faces begging for mercy. Trippe carries off with him eleven honorable scars, and three of his men are wounded; but none have fallen, and the Tripolitan gunboat is a prize. Meanwhile the two Decaturs, in the other gunboats, are not idle. The elder, Stephen, runs on board the largest of the enemy's boats, taking with him his whole crew of Americans, twenty-three in number, and leaving the Neapolitan gunners to guard his boat. For ten minutes they are fighting pellmell on the enemy's decks,--another bloody hand-to-hand encounter with the same result. Despite their numbers, the Turks cannot resist the impetuous charge of the Americans. Many of them are killed, some jump into the sea, a few rush in terror to the hold, the rest surrender. The flag is lowered, and Decatur takes his prize in tow, to draw her out of the battle. At this moment Lieut. James Decatur's gunboat comes up under his stern and he learns that his brother, after receiving the surrender of one of the galleys, has been shot through the head by her commander. Decatur has left most of his crew on board the prize, but he does not stop to think of that; his brother has been murdered by a treacherous enemy, and he must meet the Turk and exact from him the penalty. The boat is pointed out; she has taken refuge within the enemy's line. But this is nought to Decatur. Plunging into their midst, he finds himself beside the object of his search, and in a moment he has leaped upon the galley's deck. He does not look to see whether he is followed; but young Macdonough has joined his leader with a handful of men, and at his side they charge the enemy. As Decatur rushes upon the Turkish captain, the latter makes a thrust at him with a boarding pike. Decatur parries with his cutlass, but the blade breaks at the hilt. The Turk makes another lunge, and this time wounds Decatur in the breast. The American wrenches the weapon from his antagonist, and they grapple and fall to the deck, Decatur uppermost. At this moment another Tripolitan makes a cut with his scimitar at Decatur's head; but as the weapon is raised in the air a young blue-jacket, Reuben James, whose name will ever be remembered for this act of self-devotion, since he cannot stop the blow with his wounded arms, stoops down and intercepts it with his head. The fight now goes on around the two prostrate captains. The active and sinewy Turk, making one last effort, turns and gets Decatur under him. Drawing a knife from its sheath, he is about to bury it in the captain's throat. But Decatur is as cool as he is valiant. Seizing the Turk's uplifted arm with a grip like iron, he feels with his right hand for the pistol in his pocket. Quickly it is cocked, and without drawing it, Decatur aims and fires. The dagger drops from the Turk's hand, and his body, limp and lifeless, rolls over on the deck. Another prize has been captured, and Decatur has avenged his brother's death. While the gunboats are thus actively engaged, the ships keep up a steady cannonade. Twice the reserve division of the enemy, stationed behind the rocks, endeavors to come out, and by rallying and supporting the defeated rear, to renew the contest; but each time it is covered and checked by the guns of the "Constitution," and after losing three more galleys which are sunk by the frigate's fire, it gives up the attempt. Presently the wind comes out from the northward, freshening, and the gunboats are signalled to retire from action. The "Constitution," now only two cables' length from the batteries, tacks, and firing two broadsides in stays, drives the Tripolitans from the castle and sends a minaret in the town crashing down about the people's heads. The gunboats, bringing with them their three prizes, rejoin the squadron. The commodore sends his barge to bring Lieut. James Decatur on board the flag-ship, and he is tenderly lifted in and rowed swiftly to the frigate. He lies in the stern-sheets, his head in Morris's lap, and with him is his brother. But his strength is going fast, and he dies before they reach the ship. The squadron now takes the gunboats and bombs in tow, and all the ships stand out to sea. The last gun has been fired, the batteries are silent, and the first attack on Tripoli is ended. * * * * * Soon after the battle of the 3d of August Commodore Preble received a letter from the French consul intimating that the Pasha would be ready to lower his terms and treat for peace. But the commodore refused to make the first advances, and on the 7th he was ready for another attack. The enemy's gunboats wisely kept their stations within the rocks, where it would have been folly to engage them, and the attack was directed only against the town and batteries. The bombs were ordered to take their position in a bay to the westward and throw shells into the city, while the gunboats, now increased to nine by the addition of the three prizes, were to silence a heavy battery that commanded the entrance to the bay. At nine in the morning the "Constitution" lay at anchor six miles from the city. The smaller vessels lay three miles within her. It was nearly calm, but with a strong current setting in to the eastward. The gunboats and bombs advanced slowly to the attack with sails and oars. The "Constitution" had her top-sails set ready for the first breeze; and at half-past one, when a light wind sprang up from the northeast, she weighed and stood in. As the wind was on shore, it was imprudent for any of the larger vessels to join in the movement; for if a mast were shot away, it would be almost impossible to save the ship. At half-past two, signal was made to begin the attack, and the bombs and gunboats opened a heavy fire upon the town, to which the batteries replied. In a short time the walls of the seven-gun battery were nearly demolished. The small vessels kept their stations steadily under an annoying fire. Suddenly on board one of the prize gunboats was seen a burst of flame followed by a terrific crash; a hot shot had passed through the magazine and exploded it. The young commander of the gunboat, Lieutenant Caldwell, and Dorsey, one of the midshipmen who stood with him on the quarter-deck, with all the seamen near them, were killed, and the stern of the boat was blown to atoms. In the bow was the gun's crew under Midshipman Robert Spence. The crew had just loaded the gun, and for a moment stood paralyzed, as the boat was sinking fast. "All right, boys!" sung out Spence as he coolly pointed the gun. "We'll give them one more, any way. Fire!" _Crack!_ went the gun. "Now, then, three rousing cheers for the flag! Hip, hip, hurrah!" The gallant tars gave three cheers, and the boat sank from under them. Spence, who could not swim, seized an oar as he plunged into the water, and so kept himself up until help came to him from one of the boats near by. In this way were rescued all whom the explosion had left alive. The eight remaining gunboats, which though here and there cut up were not disabled, continued the action until late in the afternoon, when the freshening wind warned the squadron to retire. During the engagement a strange sail had been seen to the northward, and the "Argus" was sent in chase. It proved to be the frigate "John Adams," Captain Chauncey,--the first ship of the new squadron that was coming out from the United States. Unfortunately she had left her gun-carriages to be brought out by the other ships, so that she could not be used for active operations. Still more unfortunately it turned out that the authorities at Washington, who were somewhat given to red-tape, had thought it necessary to send an officer in command of the squadron of reinforcement who was higher in rank than Preble, and who would therefore upon his arrival replace the latter in the command. It was a cruel blow to the commodore to be cast aside after having done so much where others had accomplished little; and in his private journal, written with his own hand in the solitude of his cabin, and meant only for his own eye, we find these words:-- "How much my feelings are lacerated by this supersedure at the moment of victory cannot be described, and can be felt only by an officer placed in my mortifying situation." At first the commodore thought it only right that he should now wait for his successor to arrive. But in a day or two the Pasha sent him a message through the French consul, offering to treat for peace if the United States would pay one hundred and fifty thousand dollars for the ransom of the captives. The last proposal before this had been for a ransom of half a million; all which showed that the two attacks had lowered the Tripolitan demands to less than one third of what they had been, and that in time they would come down still further. Preble therefore renewed his operations, making the same zealous and eager efforts that he would have done had the Department not superseded him. Decatur, whose new commission as captain had come out in the "John Adams," and Chauncey rowed into the harbor one dark night in two small boats to find out how the enemy's flotilla was arranged at night. When this was ascertained, a night attack was planned, and the gunboats and bombs were sent into the harbor, where they bombarded the town from two o'clock till daylight. It was a beautiful sight to one who could watch it from a distance; but it filled the people of the city with terror, and if the Pasha had had any concern for the feelings of his subjects, he would have made peace then on any terms. But as long as his castle stood, and taxes could be wrung from his people, and he had plenty of food and slaves, it mattered little to him that the town should suffer from the horrors of a night bombardment. A few nights later the attack was repeated, and it was shortly followed by a warm engagement with the forts and gunboats in the harbor, in which the enemy was repulsed and great damage was done in the town. This last attack, the fifth which the squadron had made, exhausted nearly all its ammunition; and as the bad season was coming on, the commodore determined to use up what was left in carrying out a plan which he had some time before projected, and which was to inflict a final blow on the enemy. The plan was to load the "Intrepid" with gunpowder and shells, making a kind of infernal machine of her, and send her in to explode among the Tripolitan shipping. One hundred barrels of powder were stowed in her magazine, and one hundred and fifty fixed shells were placed in different parts of the vessel. The whole was to be fired by a fuse calculated to burn a quarter of an hour. The direction of this hazardous undertaking was intrusted to Lieut. Richard Somers, a gallant and devoted officer who had shared with Decatur the command of the gunboats in all the attacks upon Tripoli. Lieut. Henry Wadsworth went with him; and at the last moment young Israel, another of the "Constitution's" lieutenants, begged so hard to be allowed to go that the commodore consented. They took with them the two fastest boats in the squadron, one of them from the "Nautilus" with four men, the other from the "Constitution" with six men. On the evening of the 4th of September everything was ready, and the "Intrepid" got under way and stood for the entrance of the harbor. The "Argus," "Siren," and "Nautilus" went with her as far as the rocks, and remained there to pick up the boats on their return. The night was thick, and there was a faint starlight, and the "Intrepid" was gradually lost to sight in the gathering gloom as she passed between the rocks at the entrance. But the Tripolitan sentries on the mole were on the watch, and presently the batteries opened fire upon her. Still she held silently on her course, steering straight for the mole, where the enemy's flotilla lay at anchor. Suddenly, before the allotted time had passed, the explosion came. There was a quick flash, a sheet of flame, a deafening report, then the sound of bursting shells and cries of alarm as for an instant the city walls, the harbor, and the vessels were lighted up by the blaze, and then--darkness and silence. The three ships remained for hours off the entrance watching anxiously for some signs of the returning boats or men. Every ear was strained to catch the plash of the oar in the water or its dull rattle in the rowlock, and every eye strove to pierce the shroud of mist that hung over the waters; but in vain. None of that devoted band were destined ever to return. They had given up their lives as a sacrifice for their country; and whether their destruction was caused by one of the enemy's shot, or whether, finding himself attacked by boarders, Somers had lighted the fuse, as he had resolved to do in such an event, and had blown up himself and his assailants together, no man knows to this day. Thirteen bodies drifted ashore the next morning, and Captain Bainbridge was taken from his prison to see them; but they were scarred and burned beyond recognition. With this melancholy tragedy Commodore Preble's operations before Tripoli came to a close. The bad season was upon him, when attacks were impossible, and the Pasha on his stormy coast was secure behind his barriers of rocks and shoals. A week later the new squadron came out and the commodore gave up his command. In the following spring, when the season again opened, Commodore Rodgers, who was now at the head of the squadron, appeared before Tripoli with an overwhelming force. There were six frigates, two brigs, three schooners, and twelve bombs and gunboats. At the same time an adventurous expedition had been led from Egypt by General Eaton, and had captured the city of Derne, an outlying dependency of Tripoli. Against such a force the Pasha, after what he had been taught by Preble in the summer before, knew that he could not long hold out; and the negotiations for peace, which were conducted on board the flagship, lasted only a week. On the 3d of June, 1805, the treaty was signed. Bainbridge and his companions were set at liberty, and the war with Tripoli was over. CHAPTER VIII. IMPRESSMENT. Europe, at the period which we have now reached, was engaged in a general war. This had begun with the French Revolution, when France bade defiance to the rest of the world; and, kept alive by the aggressive policy and military ambition of Napoleon, it continued, with occasional interruptions, until the power of the French Emperor was overthrown at Waterloo. During all this time England was the most persistent and successful enemy of the French,--fighting them sometimes alone, sometimes in coalition with the great States of the Continent, but always fighting. It was on the sea that the English were most successful. Here the French and the Spaniards, brave as they were, seemed to be no match for the islanders; and the splendid victories of Lord Howe off Ushant, of Sir John Jervis at Cape St. Vincent, and last and greatest of all, of Nelson at the Nile and at Trafalgar, won for the English Navy an imperishable renown, and destroyed the naval power of France and Spain. The wonderful battles between the French and English navies were fought with great fleets, numbering sometimes thirty or forty ships-of-the-line, carrying each from sixty to one hundred and twenty guns, and the largest of them as many as one thousand men. To keep these fleets manned with sailors was no easy task. After all who would volunteer were gathered in, there still remained a great dearth of men; for it was a hard life that the sailors led on board the ships-of-war, especially if, as often happened, the captain, or the second in command, was a harsh and tyrannical officer. How bitterly the men hated the service was shown by the mutinies at Spithead and the Nore. So it became necessary to resort to compulsion to recruit the crews. If the Government had established a draft or conscription to obtain its seamen, enrolling all the population, or all the seafaring part of it, and drawing names by lot, as sometimes must be done even in free countries, things would not have been so bad. Instead of that it got them by a method which was called "impressment." A press-gang composed of a party of armed sailors under a lieutenant or a warrant officer was sent ashore to seize any stray men it could find, and run them in for His Majesty's service. In all the seaport towns were crimps and runners, rascally fellows who knew the town and the inhabitants, and who frequented all the sailors' lodging-houses; and these were employed to put the press-gangs on the track of likely men who could be forced into the service. In such towns, after dark, when these prowlers scoured the streets, it was hardly safe for any one to go out alone; for if he were caught and made remonstrance, a gag and a pair of handcuffs were ready to stay both voice and arm. Even when a sailor had shipped for his voyage in a merchantman and had got out to sea, he was not safe from capture. For the merchantman falling in with a ship-of-war was obliged to heave to, when a lieutenant came on board and took such men as suited his fancy. But with all this the English fleet was still short of men. So the officers or the Government, or both together, hit upon a new device. In time of war the naval ships of either party have the right to stop and search all merchant-vessels on the high seas, to see if they are enemies or neutrals, and whether they are pursuing any illegal trade; and the foreigners must submit, because if their own country were at war its naval ships would do the same. As England was all this time at war, it came about that any American merchantman falling in with English cruisers must undergo a search. If the merchant-ship had any natural-born Englishmen in her crew, although they might have emigrated long before, and have become citizens of the American Republic, the English Government held that they were still subjects, and that they might be taken out if they were needed for the service of the King. This was an outrage, because no such right of taking persons out of neutral ships exists. But this was not the worst. As the two nations were of the same blood and spoke the same language, their sailors could not easily be told apart; and thus Americans were sometimes taken on the pretence that they had formerly been English. The cruiser's officer when he mustered the crew was never very particular about the selection if he wanted the men, as he was always sure to do. Often, indeed, he did not care much whether they were Americans or not, and having a force behind him, he could not be gainsaid or resisted. The Government of the United States protested against this practice, but as it did not believe much in naval armaments, and never followed up its protests by making a show of force, little heed was paid to them; while England, being in such great necessity, and not over-scrupulous as to the means of relieving it, continued the practice. The American Government then granted to its sailor-citizens passports or certificates of nationality, which were called "protections," but which nevertheless did not always protect. At any rate a man who had not taken out the "protection"--and sailors, as everybody knows, are careless in such matters--was sure to be impressed, whatever evidence he might give of birth or nationality. So the men were seized, and where they could they made complaint, though it often happened that they did not have the chance; and when the complaints reached home, the State Department kept on filing them, and entering its futile protests and arguments and counter-arguments. But still, as might be expected from such a course, the practice of impressment never ceased, until finally there were several thousand native-born Americans serving under constraint in the Royal Navy. On one or two occasions the English had even gone so far as to take seamen out of our ships-of-war, which is perhaps as gross an affront as one nation can offer to another. This was done by Commodore Loring, who commanded a powerful squadron off Havana in 1798, and who removed five men from the sloop-of-war "Baltimore," of twenty guns. As the English force was composed of the "Queen," of ninety-eight guns, and several frigates, they could have sunk the "Baltimore" with a single broadside. So the American ship made no resistance. Gross as it was, this injury did not bring on a war or even reprisals; although reprisals might have been used with good effect, as they were about the same time against France. Again in 1807, when the "Chesapeake" was starting from Hampton Roads for a cruise in the Mediterranean, she was followed out to sea by the British frigate "Leopard," which sent an officer on board to demand that some of the "Chesapeake's" men, who were supposed to be deserters from the English navy, should be given up; and when the demand was very properly refused, she attacked the "Chesapeake," in sight of our own coast, and in time of peace,--discharging broadside after broadside at the vessel of a friendly State. The "Chesapeake," which had gone to sea unprepared to fight, through hurry in preparation, and also it must be said through negligence on the part of certain of her officers, could not fire a shot in reply, the powder-horns and matches for priming and setting off the guns not being ready, and the men not having been called to quarters at the proper time. So she made a very poor showing, even allowing, as was the case, that her assailant was superior in force; only one gun being fired in reply, which was touched off by a live coal which Allen, one of the younger lieutenants, carried in his hand from the galley, to save the honor of the flag. After the "Chesapeake" surrendered, four men were taken from her to the "Leopard" and she returned to port. This galling insult, which makes one blush to hear of even after so great a lapse of time, was only atoned for four years after it was given. And yet the country forbore to go to war, or even to make such preparations that if war came the navy might be ready for it. One would think that the Government must have grown very tired of making complaints, for during all these years its foreign correspondence was chiefly made up of protests and requests for redress. To all these evasive answers were given, or hopes held out which never were fulfilled. Besides the outrage of impressment, there were many grievous wrongs inflicted on American commerce through the Orders in Council which the British issued; and France, too, through Napoleon's Berlin and Milan decrees, did us serious injury. The French decrees were finally revoked, as were also at the last moment the Orders in Council; but England never would give up the right she claimed to take out of American vessels seamen that were supposed to be English. At last matters reached such a point that the nation refused to submit longer to these repeated insults. The British frigate "Guerrière," cruising off New York, had impressed a seaman from an American coaster almost in sight of Sandy Hook. Commodore Rodgers, in the frigate "President," was now employed in patrolling the coast, and he was resolved, if he should meet the "Guerrière," to demand the man's surrender. One evening he fell in with a British cruiser, the sloop-of-war "Little Belt," which in the dark he mistook for a frigate. His ship was cleared for action, the crew were at their quarters, and the guns were loaded and double-shotted; for the "President" was not going to be caught unprepared, as the "Chesapeake" had been four years before. Ranging up to her, Rodgers hailed the "Little Belt," but in reply his hail was only repeated; and as he hailed the second time, the sloop fired a shot at him. The "President" returned the fire before Rodgers could give an order, for the crew were only waiting for the chance; and no wonder, considering what American seamen had suffered from English ships-of-war. The firing continued on both sides, until at last the "Little Belt" was silenced. In the morning the commodore sent his boat to her with offers of assistance; but these were refused, and the "Little Belt" proceeded on her way to Halifax, where she arrived almost a wreck. This incident, though not important in itself, added fresh fuel to the fire that was already kindled. There was now a strong party of younger men in Congress, who were resolved that the United States should no longer submit tamely to foreign aggression. These at last succeeded in making themselves heard, and they carried Congress with them. Unhappily but little had been done in all these years of encroachment to prepare the navy, the nation's principal arm of defence, to resist an enemy; and although the dominant party was now active and alert about rousing a war spirit, they seemed to be exceedingly dull of comprehension about the necessity of preparations for defence. Therefore, except for the few noble frigates which Washington's foresight had provided, and the fine corps of naval officers whom Jefferson had selected and Preble had trained, we were as ill-prepared for war as it was possible to be. Nevertheless, the war party, rightly conceiving that the country could not endure forever the alternate bullying and subterfuge of foreign States, were determined to make an armed resistance; and on the 18th of June, 1812, war was declared against Great Britain. CHAPTER IX. THE WAR OF 1812.--THE "CONSTITUTION" AND THE "GUERRIÈRE." Difficulties which finally led to the outbreak of war had been growing for several years; and the Government, as I have said, had all this time done little or nothing in the way of preparation for defence either on land or at sea. The navy was opposed as bitterly as ever, and the money that was needed for its support was given grudgingly. After the war with Tripoli, in which gunboats had been found of so much use, the Administration had begun to build great numbers of vessels of this class. This was a great mistake. Gunboats were useful and even necessary for operations in bays and rivers and shoal waters, but they could not take the place of frigates in making war. But it seemed to be a pet scheme with the President to transform the navy into an immense gunboat flotilla, and one hundred and seventy-six of these little craft were built, which turned out to be of no more service in war than so many mud-scows. The money which was wasted by this mistaken policy would have built eight frigates of the largest class, and would have added immeasurably to our power upon the sea. When the war broke out, there were in the navy, besides the gunboats, only eighteen vessels, of which three--the "Chesapeake," "Constellation," and "Adams"--were repairing, and one was on Lake Ontario. Of the other fourteen there were those three fine frigates of forty-four guns,--the "Constitution," the "United States," and the "President;" and three smaller frigates,--the "Congress," of thirty-eight guns, the "Essex," of thirty-two, and the "John Adams," of twenty-eight. The rest were sloops, brigs, and schooners carrying from ten to twenty guns apiece. To make war on this puny force, the British Navy possessed two hundred and thirty line-of-battle ships, of from sixty to one hundred and twenty guns each, and over six hundred frigates and smaller vessels. What could the United States now do with its eighteen ships against nine hundred of the enemy? It seemed a hopeless situation,--so hopeless, that there were some statesmen in the country who thought it would be best to lay up and dismantle our little fleet as the only way to enable it to escape capture. It happened that when this plan was broached, Captain Bainbridge and Captain Stewart were in Washington, and hearing of it they went to the Secretary and implored him not to do so suicidal a thing. "What are our ships for," said they, "if not to fight and attack the enemy when their country goes to war? If when a war comes they are all to be laid up, it would be better to give up altogether this pretence of a navy, which seems to be only used in peace-time, when there is no real work for it to do. No doubt if one of our frigates falls in with the enemy's squadron it will be captured; but English frigates do not always sail in squadrons any more than our own; and if one of us meets one of them alone at sea, we shall be able to give a good account of ourselves. Let the frigates go to sea to show what they can do: at the worst, they can only be captured, and the country will be no worse off than if they were laid up to rot in idleness." Persuaded by these arguments the Government consented, though with many forebodings of disaster, to send the ships to sea; and fortunate it was that this wise decision was reached. For never in the history of the world was a naval war conducted with greater skill and gallantry, and success in proportion to its means, than this which the little navy of America waged in 1812 against Great Britain. Despite the comparative force of the two navies, it often happened, as Bainbridge and Stewart had predicted, that single ships met single ships in naval duels, as it were; and as through the wisdom of our first constructors our frigates and sloops were the best of their class afloat, they were often more than a match in strength of resistance and in power of attack for their antagonists. Besides, under the thorough training of their captains, who had learned what naval warfare meant in the school of Preble at Tripoli, the crews were more careful and more skilful gunners than the enemy, and far exceeded them in their ability to make their firing tell. The English, on the other hand, whose conquests over the French and Spaniards had led them to belittle and despise the navies of other States, thought that they had an easy victory before them,--or, as we might say now, a "walk-over,"--and they ridiculed the American frigates, calling the "Constitution" a "bundle of pine boards under a bit of striped bunting," until they found out to their cost that they had in their enormous list of ships hardly a single frigate that compared with her in all those qualities which a frigate ought to have. * * * * * On the 21st of June, 1812, three days after the declaration of war, a squadron sailed out of New York, under the command of Commodore Rodgers, composed of the "President," as flagship; the "United States," under Commodore Decatur; the "Congress," Captain Smith; the "Hornet," Capt. James Lawrence; and the "Argus," Captain Sinclair. The object of the cruise was the capture of a fleet of one hundred merchantmen known to have sailed from Jamaica sometime before for England, under convoy of some ships-of-war. When two days out, the squadron fell in with and chased the British frigate "Belvidera." When the chase began, the frigate was some six miles off; but in the course of the afternoon the "President," which was the fastest ship of the squadron, gradually neared her, until she was within half a mile. Then the "President" opened with her bow-guns; but, most unfortunately, one of these guns after being fired a few times exploded, killing and wounding several officers and men, the commodore himself being among the wounded. The "Belvidera" held on her course, returning the fire from four guns which she had shifted to her stern-ports. The "President," delayed by her accident, lost ground; and though a running fight was kept up for several hours, the "Belvidera," by cutting away her anchors and throwing overboard her boats, lightened herself so much that she soon left the squadron far behind. At midnight the pursuit was abandoned. [Illustration: "AMONG THESE WAS ONE SIXTY-FOUR, THE 'AFRICA.'"] The squadron now resumed its course in chase of the Jamaica fleet, from which it had been turned aside in attempting to capture the "Belvidera." But the delay proved fatal to its enterprise. Intelligence was gained off the Banks of Newfoundland that the Jamaica-men were ahead, and soon the ships knew from the quantities of orange-peel and cocoanut-shells floating in the water that they were on the enemy's track; but they never sighted him. At last, upon reaching the British Channel, the pursuit was given up, and Commodore Rodgers, after a ten-weeks' cruise, returned with six prizes to Boston. The cruise of Commodore Rodgers had one good effect, in compelling the ships-of-war of the enemy then on our coast to keep together for their own safety. Among these was one sixty-four, the "Africa," two large frigates, the "Shannon" and the "Guerrière," and the small frigate "Æolus," all under the command of Com. Philip Broke, of the "Shannon." These were presently joined by the "Belvidera," and all were cruising together near New York, and off the Jersey coast. About the middle of July the little schooner "Nautilus," of twelve guns, left New York on a cruise, and running into the midst of the squadron was made a prize after a six-hours' chase. On the 12th of July, four days before the capture of the "Nautilus," the "Constitution" had sailed from Chesapeake Bay, under Captain Hull, bound for New York. Late on the afternoon of the 16th, the day on which the "Nautilus" was taken, she too fell in with the British squadron. For three long and weary days and nights the enemy pursued her, and during all that time the zeal and courage of her officers never flagged, and no means were left untried that might assist in her escape. The untiring efforts of Captain Hull were seconded by his first lieutenant, Charles Morris, the same who had been with Decatur when he burned the "Philadelphia" in the harbor of Tripoli, and certainly one of the best officers that ever fought under the American flag. He shall tell in his own words the story of THE CHASE OF THE "CONSTITUTION." We had proceeded beyond the Delaware, but out of sight of the land, when on the afternoon of the 16th we discovered four vessels at a great distance to the northwest and a single ship to the northeast, from which quarter a light wind was then blowing. The wind changed to the southward about sunset, which brought us to windward, and we stood for the ship, the wind being very light. The chase was evidently a frigate, and the first impression was that she might be a part of Commodore Rodgers's squadron. By eleven P.M. we were within signal distance, and it was soon apparent she was not an American vessel of war. There being no apprehension that a British frigate would make any attempt to avoid an engagement, Captain Hull felt justified in delaying any nearer approach till daylight, when our newly-collected and imperfectly-disciplined men would be less likely to be thrown into confusion. The ship was accordingly brought to the wind with her head to the southward and westward under easy sail, with a light wind from the northwest. The other ship did the same at about two miles' distance. The watch not on duty were allowed to sleep at their quarters, and the officers slept in the same manner. As the following morning opened upon us it disclosed our companion of the night to be a large frigate just without gunshot, on the lee quarter, and a ship-of-the-line and three other frigates, a brig, and a schooner, about two miles nearly astern, with all sails set standing for us, with English colors flying. All our sails were soon set, and the nearest frigate, fortunately for us, but without any apparent reason, tacked and immediately wore round again in chase,--a manoeuvre that occupied some ten minutes, and allowed us to gain a distance, which though short, proved to be of the utmost importance to our safety. By sunrise our ship was entirely becalmed and unmanageable, while the ships astern retained a light breeze till it brought three of the frigates so near that their shot passed beyond us. The distance was, however, too great for accuracy, and their shot did not strike our ship. Our boats were soon hoisted out, and the ship's head kept from the enemy, and exertions were made to increase our distance from them by towing. This and occasional cat's-paws, or slight puffs of wind, enabled us to gain nothing. A few guns were fired from our stern-ports; but so much rake had been given to the stern that the guns could not be used with safety, and their further use was relinquished. All means were adopted which seemed to promise any increase of speed. The hammocks were removed from the nettings, and the cloths rolled up to prevent their unfavorable action; several thousand gallons of water were started and pumped overboard, and all the sails kept thoroughly wet to close the texture of the canvas. While making all these exertions, our chances for escape were considered hopeless. For many years the ship had proved a very dull sailer, especially during the late cruise, and it was supposed that the first steady breeze would bring up such a force as would render resistance of no avail; and our situation seemed hopeless. At about eight A.M. one of the frigates called all the boats of the squadron to her, and having arranged them for towing, furled all sails. This brought her toward us steadily and seemed to decide our fate. Fortunately for us, a light breeze filled our sails and sent us forward a few hundred yards before her sails could be set to profit by it. With our minds excited to the utmost to devise means of escape, I happened to recollect that when obliged by the timidity of my old commander, Cox, to warp the "President" in and out of harbors where others depended on sails, our practice had enabled us to give her a speed of nearly three miles an hour. We had been on soundings the day before, and on trying we now found twenty-six fathoms. This depth was unfavorably great, but it gave me confidence to suggest to Captain Hull the expediency of attempting to warp the ship ahead. He acceded at once; and in a short time the launch and first cutter were sent ahead with a kedge, and with all the hawsers and rigging, from five inches and upward, that could be found, making nearly a mile of length. When the kedge was thrown, the men hauled on the connecting hawser, slowly and carefully at first, till the ship was in motion, and gradually increasing until a sufficient velocity was given to continue until the anchor could be taken ahead, when the same process was repeated. In this way the ship was soon placed out of the range of our enemy's guns, and by continued exertions when the wind failed, and giving every possible advantage to the sails when we had air enough to fill them, we prevented them from again closing very near us. The ship which we had first chased gained a position abeam of us about nine A.M., and fired several broadsides; but the shot fell just short of us and only served to enliven our men and excite their jocular comments. The exertions of neither party were relaxed during this day or the following night. There was frequent alternation of calms and very light winds from the southeast, which we received with our heads to the southwestward. When the wind would give us more speed than with warping and towing, the boats were run up to their places or suspended to the spars in the chains by temporary tackles, with their crews in them, ready to act at a moment's notice. At daylight of the second day, on the 18th, it was found that one frigate had gained a position on our lee bow, two nearly abeam, one on the lee quarter about two miles from us, and the ship-of-the-line, brig, and schooner, three miles from us in the same direction. The wind had now become tolerable steady, though still light. The frigate on the lee bow tacked about four A.M. and would evidently reach within gunshot if we continued our course. This we were anxious to avoid, as a single shot might cripple some spar and impede our progress. If we tacked, we might be exposed to the fire of the other frigate on the lee quarter; but as she was a smaller vessel, the risk appeared to be less, and we also tacked soon. In passing the lee frigate at five, we expected a broadside or more, as we should evidently pass within gunshot; but from some unexplained cause Lord James Townshend, in the "Æolus," of thirty-two guns, suffered us to pass quietly and tacked in our wake, while the others soon took the same direction. [Illustration: "A SQUALL OF WIND AND RAIN PASSED OVER US."] We had now all our pursuers astern and on the lee quarter; and as the wind was gradually increasing, our escape must depend on our superiority of sailing, which we had no reason to hope or expect. Exertions, however, were not relaxed. The launch and first cutter, which we dared not lose, were hoisted on board at six A.M. under the direction of Captain Hull, with so little loss of time or change of sails that our watching enemies could not conceive what disposition had been made of them. This we afterward learned from Lieutenant Crane, who was a prisoner in their squadron. The sails were kept saturated with water, a set of sky-sails was made and set, and all other sails set and trimmed to the greatest advantage, close by the wind. The ship directly astern gained slowly but gradually till noon; though, as the wind increased, our good ship was going at that time at the unexpected rate of ten knots an hour. At noon we had the wind abeam, and as it gradually freshened, we began to leave our fleet pursuer. Our ship had reached a speed of twelve and a half knots by two P.M. Our hopes began to overcome apprehension, and cheerfulness was more apparent among us. Though encouraged we were by no means assured, as all the ships were still near and ready to avail themselves of any advantage that might offer. About six P.M. a squall of wind and rain passed over us, which induced us to take in our light sails before the rain covered us from the view of the enemy; but most of them were soon replaced, as the wind moderated. When the rain had passed, we had evidently gained a mile or more during its continuance. Still the pursuit was continued, and our own ship pressed forward to her utmost speed. The officers and men again passed the night at quarters. At daylight on the morning of the 19th our enemies had been left so far astern that danger from them was considered at an end, and at eight A.M. they at last relinquished the chase and hauled their wind. Our officers and crew could now indulge in some rest, of which the former had taken little for more than sixty hours.... The result may be remembered as an evidence of the advantages to be expected from perseverance under the most discouraging circumstances so long as _any_ chance for success may remain. After the prolonged labor and anxiety of the three days' chase, the people of the "Constitution" needed some relaxation of the strain, and Captain Hull put into Boston, where he remained a week. From there he sailed to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where he took and burned some prizes; but hearing that the squadron from which he had just escaped was in the neighborhood, he steered for the southward. All the time the sailors were kept exercised at the guns, under the careful oversight of the officers; for the captain knew that the result, in any battle he might be called upon to fight, depended mostly upon skill in firing, which practice alone could give. On the 19th of August, at two o'clock in the afternoon, while cruising about in the ocean somewhere in the latitude of New York, the "Constitution" made a strange sail to the southward and eastward. Captain Hull had just before received information that an English frigate was cruising alone to the southward of him, and suspecting that this stranger was the object of his search, he bore down for her under all sail, she meanwhile making no attempt to get away. At three o'clock the ships were near enough to make each other out, and Hull's conjecture proved to be right. The stranger was the frigate "Guerrière," under Captain Dacres, which had now left the squadron of Commodore Broke, and was on her way to Halifax. By four o'clock the "Constitution" was gaining rapidly on her opponent, and three quarters of an hour later, being then about three miles off, the "Guerrière" backed her main-topsails and waited for the Americans to come up. Upon this the "Constitution" took in her top-gallant sails, staysails, and flying jib, took a second reef in the topsails, hauled the courses up, sent down the royal yards, cleared ship for action, and beat to quarters. At the same time she bore up, and steered for the "Guerrière's" quarter. [Illustration: CAPTAIN ISAAC HULL.] At five o'clock the "Guerrière" hoisted her colors and opened fire, but her shot fell short. Then for nearly an hour the two ships manoeuvred, Hull doing his best to get into a good position to rake, and the English frigate each time deftly evading him by "wearing ship," as it is called,--that is, by turning quickly on her heel, with the wind astern. But all this drew the ships apart, when both really wished to close and fight; and presently by a common impulse Hull and Dacres concluded to give up manoeuvring, and both ran off to the eastward, with the wind free, the "Guerrière" a little ahead, but the "Constitution" quickly crawling up on her. Now began the real battle, for before this it had been little more than the play of fencers, each feeling his way to discover his opponent's skill and strength. But the ships were now side by side, and the "Constitution's" practised gunners were firing terrible broadsides in quick succession, her guns double-shotted with round shot and grape. The "Guerrière" answered, but her guns were not so heavy as the Americans, nor was her gunnery so skilful. In just ten minutes after the real fight began, her mizzen-mast toppled and fell over the side, the shrouds holding the wreck of mast and spars and sails, which dragged behind in the water. The "Guerrière's" speed was now slackened, and Captain Hull ranged ahead; and putting his helm hard aport, he lay across her bows and raked her with his broadside twice from stem to stern. But as he swung round again, the "Guerrière's" jib-boom and bowsprit crossed his quarter-deck and got entangled in his rigging. It was a critical moment, for the bow-guns of the enemy were so close that their wads, entering the "Constitution's" cabin, set it on fire. By dint of great exertions the fire was put out, and Lieutenant Morris, standing on the taffrail, attempted to pass some turns of the main brace over the "Guerrière's" bowsprit, to keep her fast and give his men a chance to board. But Morris in his exposed position had not yet finished his task, when a marine on the "Guerrière," taking deliberate aim, put a bullet through his body. The brave lieutenant fell, though happily not killed but only badly wounded, and the two ships were separated. [Illustration: "SHE LAY A HELPLESS WRECK IN THE TROUGH OF THE SEA."] All thoughts of boarding were now given up, but there was no need of it. Hull kept up his heavy fire, and in ten minutes more the "Guerrière's" foremast and mainmast had also gone, and she lay a helpless wreck in the trough of the sea, rolling her main-deck guns under water. The "Constitution," knowing that the enemy was at her mercy, now hauled off for half an hour to repair the slight injuries she had received; and after completing this task in a leisurely way, and making everything shipshape, she came back to receive the enemy's surrender. It was a bitter task for Captain Dacres to acknowledge himself beaten in the first frigate fight between the veteran navy of England and the derided vessels of the young Republic; but it was all that he could do, for he had fought his ship until she was little better than a dismantled hulk, and it was vain to think of trying to prolong resistance. So the captain came on board the "Constitution" and delivered up himself and all his men as prisoners; and the next day the "Guerrière," being so shattered that it was of no use to take her into port, was burned where she lay, and left to sink in the ocean. Great were the rejoicings when the "Constitution" arrived at Boston with her trophies and prisoners. Men, women, and children vied with each other in demonstrations of delight. We can hardly realize to-day what the people felt at the news of the destruction of a British frigate. To understand the feeling, we must look back at the twenty years during which American ships and American seamen had suffered repeated outrage at the hands of British ships-of-war,--outrage which had been borne only because the young country felt too weak to cope with those forces which had conquered all the navies of the Continent. At the outset, war with such foes offered a dismal prospect. And to think that in the first real encounter on the seas, a veritable pitched battle, these redoubtable champions of the ocean had been so utterly crushed and annihilated that not one fragment remained of their good ship the "Guerrière," which had harried with impunity our very coasters, was something more than men's minds could at once grasp. For Hull and his companions no reward seemed too great. Feasted in Boston at a great civic banquet, received with an ovation at every town through which he passed, he was for the moment the country's hero. Congress struck a medal in his honor, and votes of thanks were passed by the legislatures of New York and Massachusetts, and by many municipal bodies. The Society of the Cincinnati elected him an honorary member. The citizens of Philadelphia presented to him a great silver vase, and a golden sword whose engraved hilt bore a picture of the battle; the vase and sword may be seen to-day in the hall of the State Department at Washington. Morris was promoted to the rank of captain; and finally Congress passed an act appropriating fifty thousand dollars as a bounty for the officers and seamen of the "Constitution." CHAPTER X. THE FIRST SLOOP ACTION. What American ships could do in battle, Captain Hull had now shown; and the hopes of the country were aroused, and it began with reason to look for fresh successes. Nor was it destined to be disappointed; for during that memorable autumn of 1812 and the early months of winter there came such a rapid and unbroken succession of naval victories as has fallen to the lot of hardly any nation before or since. And that these victories should have been won by a service that for fifteen years had been treated with derision and contempt even by those in the highest station in the country, who should have given it both honor and support, and that they were won too over the mistress of the seas, made them in people's eyes tenfold more marvellous. It mattered little that the force engaged was small, that in comparison with the great fleet actions of European navies these encounters seemed the battles of pygmies; for their significance as victories was not thereby diminished; whether the force engaged was one ship or fifty ships, the same qualities in officers and men were needed to achieve a victory. The English had been beaten,--beaten in part no doubt by the better quality of American ships, but beaten too by the superior skill and training of American seamen. The second victory of the naval war[1] was won by the sloop-of-war "Wasp," which left the Delaware on the 13th of October under the command of Capt. Jacob Jones. She had been out only five days, when one Sunday morning she fell in with the British brig "Frolic," convoying a small fleet of merchantmen, somewhere to the eastward of Albemarle Sound. At the first sign of battle the convoy made off under a press of sail. It was blowing fresh at the time, with a heavy sea, so that the ships came into action under short canvas. [Footnote 1: This was really the third victory, counting the unimportant action between the "Essex" and the "Alert" as the first.] At eleven o'clock in the forenoon the "Frolic" hoisted Spanish colors, but Captain Jones knew that this was a ruse; and as he came down to windward of her and hailed, she displayed the English flag and opened the battle. The ships were very close, so that in spite of their pitching and tossing the firing told severely on both sides; but the Americans, following the same wise rule of aiming low that Truxtun had put in practice in the "Constellation," fired while the engaged side of their ship was going down with the swell, and the enemy fired while theirs was rising; so that the "Frolic's" wounds were on her decks or in her hull, and the "Wasp's" chiefly aloft. In a few minutes the American's main-topmast fell, followed by his gaff and mizzen-topgallant-mast. Nevertheless, Captain Jones succeeded in placing himself on the port bow of the "Frolic," where he raked her with terrible effect, and man after man fell upon her decks, dead or dying, until her fire began to slacken. By this time the masts of the "Wasp" were almost unsupported, so much of the rigging had been cut away; and the captain, fearful lest the enemy should escape him, prepared to board notwithstanding the heavy sea. [Illustration: "JACK LANG, A BRAVE AMERICAN BLUE-JACKET, LEAPED FIRST."] Presently the ships fell foul, the "Frolic's" bowsprit running over the quarter-deck of the "Wasp," which was just the position most favorable for accomplishing the captain's purpose. The men were eager to board, and could not wait for the order. Jack Lang, a brave American blue-jacket, who had sometime before been the victim of a British press-gang, and who thus had old scores to wipe out, leaped first upon the enemy's bowsprit. Next to him came Biddle, the first lieutenant of the "Wasp," who climbed upon the bulwarks; but his foot caught in a rope and he lost his balance. Behind Biddle came a midshipman, who, by way of helping himself up, in his eagerness seized the lieutenant's coat and so dragged him back to the deck. Biddle was on his feet in a twinkling, and getting on board the enemy, he rushed with a handful of men along her deck. But there was no force to oppose him, only the quartermaster at the wheel and three officers who threw down their swords in token of surrender. Biddle hauled down the British flag himself, and in a short time the shattered remnant of the crew on the gun-deck below were made prisoners. It had been a most heroic defence of the "Frolic," one that has few parallels in the whole range of naval history, for more than three fourths of her people were strewn about the decks; but it only shows that heroism alone without care and skill cannot always win a battle, for the Americans, with better knowledge of their art, had gained the victory, and it had only cost a loss of five men killed and as many more wounded. The "Wasp" was not to gather the fruits of victory, however. Soon after the battle an English line-of-battle ship, the "Poictiers," came in sight, and her great battery of seventy-four guns, before which both the little sloops would have fled had they been able to make sail, found them an easy capture. But all the same the real battle had been fought and the real victory won; and the loss of the two disabled ships in the face of such an overwhelming force was as nothing in its real import to the added proof which Captain Jones had given that American ships could meet and conquer on the seas an equal foe. CHAPTER XI. DECATUR AND BAINBRIDGE. Just before the "Wasp" had set out on her short but eventful cruise, Commodore Rodgers had put to sea again with his squadron. Soon after leaving New York, the "United States," still under Capt. Stephen Decatur, separated from the other ships, and steering to the southeast, proceeded alone across the Atlantic. The "United States" was now in the highest condition of efficiency: the captain had taken great pains to train the crew in all that was needed to make them good fighting men; and his efforts had been seconded most worthily by his first lieutenant, William Henry Allen, the same who had proved his gallantry in the affair of the Chesapeake. About two weeks after leaving port, on the 25th of October, when in the neighborhood of Madeira, the "United States" sighted a strange vessel to the southward, which turned out to be the British frigate "Macedonian." She was considered at this time to be the finest frigate in His Majesty's Navy, and was, commanded by Capt. John Carden. It seems that when Decatur had been cruising off our coast in his frigate before the war, he had met the "Macedonian," and he and Carden had become good friends,--at least as far as could be in those troublesome times,--and had often exchanged good offices and hospitality. Thus they had talked from time to time about the strength of the two frigates, and of the probable result in case they should one day meet in battle. In these friendly conversations Captain Carden would dwell upon the disadvantage, as he thought it, of the American batteries; seeing that they carried 24-pounders where the English carried eighteens, which last, so he thought, were handled more easily and quickly, and were as heavy as a frigate ought to carry. "Besides, Decatur," he added, "though your ships may be good enough, and you are a clever set of fellows, what practice have you had in war? There is the rub. We now meet as friends, and God grant we may never meet as enemies; but we are subject to the orders of our Governments, and must obey them. Should we meet as enemies, what do you suppose will be the result?" "I heartily reciprocate your sentiment," replied Decatur,--"that you and I may never meet except as we now do; but if as enemies, and with equal forces, the conflict will undoubtedly be a severe one, for the flag of my country will never be struck while there is a hull for it to wave from." These two good friends and gallant companions were now to meet in the trial of arms over whose issue they had talked and speculated. The "Macedonian" came on before the wind, with studding-sails set, rapidly approaching the American. The "United States" then wore, to delay the fight, and perhaps to complete her preparations; but having cleared ship for action, she wore again so that she might close with the enemy. At this point, had Captain Carden held on his course, having much the faster ship, he might have run across the bow of his antagonist and raked her. But he wished to keep the weather-gage, and so hauled by the wind; and at nine o'clock the two ships passed each other in opposite directions, and exchanged their first broadsides at long range. On board the "United States," everything was now ready for action, and the men were waiting eagerly until the real battle should begin, for they were confident of making a good fight. At this point a boy, Jack Creamer by name, who had been allowed to make the cruise in the ship, although too young to be regularly enrolled, came to Captain Decatur as he stood upon the quarter-deck watching the enemy, and touching his forelock, said,-- "Please, Commodore, will you have my name put on the muster-roll?" "Why, my lad?" asked the captain, amused and interested at the boy's eagerness. "Because, sir," answered Jack, "then I shall be able to draw my prize money." So the order, was given, and Jack went back contented to his station. The firing at long range was doing no good, and the ships having passed each other, the "Macedonian," after going a little way, wore round, and followed the "United States," overhauling her rapidly, as her superior speed enabled her to do with ease. But as she approached nearly bows on, Captain Decatur was able to oppose the guns on his quarter to those on the enemy's bow in a running fight, and every now and then, by shifting his helm a little, to bring his whole broadside to bear, raking her with his diagonal fire. In a short time her mizzen-topmast was seen to totter and fall, and as this made the sailing of the two ships equal, Decatur backed his maintopsail and allowed her to come up. As soon as the two ships were abreast there began that tremendous disabling fire which was the secret of the Americans' success. The "United States" fired two broadsides to the enemy's one, and seemed to be in sheets of flame; so much so that the English thought her on fire and gave three cheers in their delight. But they were mistaken, and they soon found that the American fire was as accurate as it was rapid. It was now the turn of the Americans to cheer, as the "Macedonian's" mizzen-mast went by the board. "Ay, ay, Jack," called out one of the gun-captains, "we have made a brig of her!" "Take good aim at the mainmast, my lad," said the captain, overhearing him, "and she will soon be a sloop;" and in a little while, when her two remaining topmasts came down with a crash, he added: "Aim now at the yellow streak; her masts and rigging are going fast enough. She must have more hulling." And indeed it was a hulling that the "Macedonian" got that day, for one hundred shot had entered her sides, her upper battery was disabled, and all her boats were cut to pieces. Her people still held on with stubborn courage, though one third of their number were by this time killed or wounded, and tried to board, but the ship would not answer the helm. At last, finding the contest hopeless, the gallant Carden struck his colors and surrendered. His ship was like a slaughter-house. Out of his crew of three hundred men more than one hundred were killed or wounded. "Fragments of the dead," said the lieutenant whom Decatur sent on board, "were distributed in every direction, the decks covered with blood, one continued agonizing yell of the unhappy wounded; a scene so horrible, of my fellow-creatures, I assure you, deprived me very much of the pleasure of victory." On board the "United States" there were hardly to be seen the signs of battle. Some little damage had been done aloft, but nothing that was not easily repaired. Two or three round shot were in her hull; but her crew were almost unhurt, for out of four hundred and seventy-six men she had but seven killed and five wounded. The difference in force, both in guns and men, was greatly in her favor; but the difference in the injuries that she inflicted and received went far beyond it. As Captain Carden came on board the "United States," Decatur advanced to meet him, and the two friends recognized each other. The vanquished captain, filled with the bitterness and mortification of defeat, offered his sword in silence. "Sir," said his young conqueror, with the gentle courtesy that so became him, "I cannot receive the sword of a man who has defended his ship so bravely." So the sword was returned, and all that lay in Decatur's power was done to soothe the feelings of his enemy. The captured frigate was fitted out with jury-masts, and together the two ships made for the United States, where they arrived in safety early in December. The despatches containing a report of the victory were carried to Washington by Midshipman Hamilton, of the "United States," the son of the Secretary of the Navy; and as he travelled post-haste from New London to New York, and on through Jersey and Pennsylvania and Maryland, everywhere the news of "another victory over the British frigates" was borne onward and spread from lip to lip and from house to house, until the whole country from New England to Georgia was filled with joyous and triumphant acclamations. * * * * * On the very day of the battle between the "United States" and the "Macedonian," the "Constitution," now commanded by Captain Bainbridge, was making her final preparations at Boston to set sail on a cruise. On the next day, the 26th of October, all was ready; and the frigate, whose name was already endeared to Americans by the victory over the "Guerrière," started forth to win for herself fresh renown. The sloop "Hornet," under Capt. James Lawrence, sailed in company with the "Constitution," and the two ships shaped their course for the coast of Brazil, where the "Essex," under Captain Porter, was to meet them. From this point, if no mishap occurred, they were to sail as a flying squadron for a cruise in the Pacific. As it turned out, the junction was never made, and the proposed plan was not carried out; but perhaps it was just as well in the end, for even if they had been together it would have been hard for them to accomplish more than they did separately, as we shall see by following the adventures that befell them. [Illustration: "THE SHIPS WERE STEERING TO THE EASTWARD ON PARALLEL COURSES."] Soon after reaching their first cruising-ground the "Constitution" and "Hornet" put into San Salvador, where they found the sloop-of-war "Bonne Citoyenne" lying in the harbor. The English sloop could not be induced to come out and fight, although Bainbridge promised not to interfere; so leaving the "Hornet" to blockade her, the "Constitution" sailed away on a cruise. She had been out only three days, when, on the 29th of December, being then about ten leagues from the coast of Brazil, at nine in the morning she sighted two vessels to the northeast. These were the British 38-gun frigate "Java," under Capt. Henry Lambert, and an American merchantman, a prize of the "Java." The "Constitution" stood for the strangers; but at eleven she tacked to the southward and eastward to draw the "Java" away from the coast, and also to separate her from the prize, which in the distance Captain Bainbridge mistook for a ship-of-war. This course was kept up for some time, the "Java," which had now hoisted English colors, gradually lessening her distance; when at about half-past one Captain Bainbridge hauled up his courses and took in his royals, tacked ship, and stood for the enemy. Half an hour later the battle began with a broadside from the "Constitution." The ships were now half a mile apart, steering to the eastward on parallel courses. The "Constitution" had the advantage in guns, and she carried fifty more men than the "Java;" but they were so nearly a match that the difference could not have affected the result, whichever way it turned out. The "Java" was a faster ship, and she had therefore greatly the advantage in manoeuvring. She was constantly trying to get in position to rake, and the "Constitution" was constantly on the watch to baffle her. The wheel of the American frigate was shot away early in the action; but this injury was quickly remedied, and never was a vessel handled with greater skill. Soon after the attack began, Captain Bainbridge was wounded by a musket-ball in the hip, but he refused to leave his post. A few minutes later a piece of langrage entered his thigh, causing intense pain; but still he stayed on deck directing the movement of his ship as calmly as if his men were at drill instead of in battle. The firing had now lasted forty minutes, and no great damage had been done, owing to the distance between the ships; Bainbridge became impatient, and determined to close with the "Java" in spite of her raking. So he set his foresail and mainsail, and luffed up close to her, pouring in that furious fire for which the American frigates were to acquire their greatest fame. In a few minutes the head of the "Java's" bowsprit was shot away. Bainbridge now wore ship, and the "Java," as the quickest way to get about, tacked; but unfortunately for her, her headsails were gone, and after coming up in the wind she paid off slowly. The American captain, ever on the watch, saw his opportunity, and luffing up astern of her, as she was in the midst of her manoeuvre, raked her deck; then wearing again, he resumed his course and the "Java" was once more alongside. But she had better be anywhere else; for the American gunners, cool and steady, were now firing with fatal precision. She seemed to have become a mere target floating alongside. Captain Lambert bore up toward the "Constitution," trying to get on board; but at this instant his foremast fell and his design was frustrated. A few minutes more, and the "Java's" maintopmast tottered and came down; next the gaff and spanker boom were shattered; and finally down came the mizzen-mast, leaving her nothing but the ragged stump of the main-mast above the deck. On all sides the men were falling at the guns, under the withering fire of grape-shot from the "Constitution." Captain Lambert was mortally wounded, and the command fell to Lieutenant Chads, the first lieutenant, who refused to believe himself beaten. But he could do nothing; his fire ceased, and as the clouds of smoke rolled away they disclosed on the one hand a dismasted wreck, and on the other a frigate sound and whole, except for some slight damage to her spars and rigging. So there was nothing left for him but surrender. In this gallant action--gallant on the enemy's side as well as on our own--the "Constitution" had thirty-four killed and wounded, and the "Java" one hundred and fifty. Captain Lambert died soon after of his wounds. Among the prisoners was General Hislop, the Governor of Bombay, who was on his way to assume his post. The General and all the other prisoners, whom Captain Bainbridge treated with the utmost courtesy and kindness, were paroled, and landed at San Salvador. The ship could not be taken into port, and two days after the action, on New Year's eve, she was set on fire and blown up. The "Constitution" now gave up her cruise in the Pacific and returned to the United States. With this battle ended the year 1812, the most memorable that ever occurred in the history of our navy. For though gallant things had been done before this time, during the Revolution and the war with Tripoli, and though in the later wars, as well as in the later years of this same war, the record of naval achievements showed no falling off in brilliancy, there was a splendor so full, so dazzling, and so unexpected about this uninterrupted succession of triumphs on the ocean, that it would be hard to describe in words the depths to which it stirred the nation. That despised and belittled navy,--despised alike at home and abroad,--which the Government had proposed at the outbreak of war to lay up, that it might be kept out of harm's way as a plaything and an ornament fit only for peaceful use, had shown itself a most terrible engine of offensive war. Those much-abused frigates, of which we had but half a dozen for the nation's defence, had met the frigates of Great Britain in battle, and had conquered,--conquered the victors of Camperdown and Cape St. Vincent, of Aboukir and Trafalgar; beaten them on their own ground in honest hard fighting, beaten them thrice over, and beaten them as they had never been beaten before. The bitter strife of political parties, the truckling to this or that foreign State, which had vexed the councils of the nation for twenty years, and lowered the self-respect of Americans, was cast aside in united rejoicings at the success with which Hull, Decatur, and Bainbridge had asserted and maintained American independence and the rights of American citizens; and the country at last began to look upon the navy as its best protection, and as the stanchest supporter of the national honor. The frigate actions of 1812 had produced results almost as marked in England as in America. For twenty years English ships had been accustomed to victory over every enemy, even in the face of heavy odds. The nation looked upon them as invincible. About the Americans it knew so little and cared so little that it had hardly felt any general interest or concern in the war. The loss of the "Guerrière" came upon it like a clap of thunder in a clear sky. Of course some reason must be discovered for so extraordinary an event, and it was said that the frigate was old and rotten, and her powder, was bad. But as capture followed capture, as the "Frolic," the "Macedonian," and the "Java" were surrendered in quick succession, the first murmurs of discontent swelled to an angry outcry. The naval administration was bitterly assailed, and called upon to take more energetic measures. It was necessary to devise something to serve as an excuse for defeat. Then arose that foolish clamor that the frigates of the Americans were not frigates at all, but ships-of-the-line in disguise, and that the naval authorities of Great Britain had been hoodwinked by a Yankee trick into sending frigates to fight them. As if they had not had scores of opportunities--in the Mediterranean, on the American coast, and even in their own ports of Southampton and Gibraltar--to find out what the "Constitution" and her sister ships were like; and as if anything but their own folly and arrogance had prevented them from seeing long before that our constructors had built for us superior frigates! CHAPTER XII. CAPTAIN JAMES LAWRENCE. The two earliest actions of importance in the year 1813, though nearly six months apart in time, belong together, for they form the two great events in the career of one of our bravest officers; and unless I am much mistaken, the second of these events, which ended so tragically in defeat and death, was in great measure a consequence and outcome of the first. All our captains who were actively engaged during the first months of the war had carried out their enterprises gallantly, but still with discretion and circumspection, as became them in fighting against the greatest naval power in the world; but Lawrence, borne beyond the bounds of prudence by one brilliant success, risked most where the danger was greatest, and so came to an untimely end. We left the "Hornet" in December, 1812, blockading the "Bonne Citoyenne" at San Salvador, where Bainbridge and Lawrence had found her. As she was just equal to the "Hornet" in force,--what little difference there was being in favor of the Englishman,--Captain Lawrence, according to the gallant fashion of those days, sent a challenge to Captain Greene, who commanded the "Bonne Citoyenne," proposing a fight between the two sloops. He gave his pledge, in which Commodore Bainbridge joined, that the "Constitution" should not interfere, in order that it might be an equal match, where skill and pluck alone should decide the battle. Such a thing is hardly likely to happen now, when war is carried on so much more with an eye to business; but at that time a battle between two well-matched ships was looked on as a sort of tournament,--a rough kind of play perhaps, but still little more than a game where men went in to win as much for the sake of the sport as for the real earnest. It had this of good about it, that it made men look upon their enemies in some sort as friendly rivals, and it took away part of the bitterness which war engenders. [Illustration: JAMES LAWRENCE.] Of this generous and chivalric spirit no man had more than Lawrence, and it was a deep disappointment to him when Captain Greene refused to accept his challenge. Here is what the Englishman's letter said:-- "I am convinced, sir, if such rencontre were to take place, the result could not be long dubious, and would terminate favorably to the ship which I have the honor to command; but I am equally convinced that Commodore Bainbridge could not swerve so much from the paramount duty he owes to his country, as to become an inactive spectator, and see a ship belonging to the very squadron under his orders fall into the hands of an enemy. This reason operates powerfully on my mind for not exposing the 'Bonne Citoyenne' to a risk upon terms so manifestly disadvantageous as those proposed by Commodore Bainbridge. Indeed, nothing could give me greater pleasure than complying with the wishes of Captain Lawrence; and I earnestly hope that chance will afford him an opportunity of meeting the 'Bonne Citoyenne' under different circumstances, to enable him to distinguish himself in the manner he is now so desirous of doing." How little Captain Greene meant of these bold professions, and how small was the confidence he really had in his pretension that the result would be favorable to him, was shown soon after; for on the 6th of January the "Constitution" sailed for home, leaving the "Hornet" alone before the port. Here she remained until the 24th, nearly three weeks, waiting for the "Bonne Citoyenne" to redeem her captain's promise. At length the "Montague," a seventy-four which had sailed from Rio on purpose to relieve the English sloop, hove in sight, and chased the "Hornet" into the harbor, where she was safe for the moment in neutral waters. But Lawrence placed no great reliance upon such protection, for he knew that naval officers under strong temptation did not always show a due respect for neutral territory; and in the night he wore ship and stood out to the southward, thus eluding the enemy. In this way the "Bonne Citoyenne" got safely off; but the "Hornet" got off too, although a seventy-four had come out for the purpose of capturing her. After leaving San Salvador the "Hornet" cruised off Surinam and the neighboring coasts. On the 24th of February, at the entrance of the Demerara River, she discovered an English brig-of-war, the "Espiègle," at anchor outside the bar. Lawrence was forced to beat around Carobano Bank in order to get at her; and while thus manoeuvering, about the middle of the afternoon he discovered another brig edging down for him. Soon the stranger hoisted English colors, and Lawrence beat to quarters and cleared ship for action, keeping close by the wind in order to get the weather-gage. The new enemy was the brig "Peacock," under Capt. William Peake. It was nearly half-past five when the two ships passed each other and exchanged broadsides at half-pistol shot. As the "Peacock" was endeavoring to get about, Lawrence bore up, and running close up to her on the starboard quarter, began that furious and well-aimed cannonade which nothing in this war had thus far been able to withstand. In fifteen minutes the enemy's ship was riddled,--literally cut to pieces; her captain, Peake, was killed, and the lieutenant who took his place, seeing that he could hold out no longer, surrendered. Immediately after, the ensign was hoisted union down in the fore-rigging as a signal of distress, and presently the mainmast fell. Lieutenant Shubrick was sent on board the prize, and reported that she had six feet of water already in her hold. No time was to be lost, for she was sinking fast. The two ships came to anchor, and boats were hurriedly lowered and sent to rescue the prisoners, and first of all the wounded. Some of the shot-holes were plugged, the guns were thrown overboard, and everything was done to lighten the ship, by pumping and bailing her out, so that she might float until the men could be taken off. But it was too late; the water was rising higher and higher, and in a few brief moments the brig went down, carrying with her several of the crew and three of the American blue-jackets who were trying to save them. The rest of the "Hornet's" people who were still on board only saved themselves by jumping to a boat that swung at the stern; and four of the enemy, who succeeded in climbing up to the foretop, clung there till they were taken off by the Americans. The "Hornet" had but two of her crew killed, having lost more men in saving the enemy than in fighting the battle. Three others were wounded. The ship's rigging and sails were cut here and there, but her hull had not a single scar. The "Peacock," on the other hand, was a sinking wreck; her sides showed numerous shot-holes, and she had forty casualties among her crew. The English chroniclers in their descriptions of this as well as other naval actions lay much stress upon the fact that the "Hornet" was armed with heavier carronades, carrying thirty-two's where the "Peacock" had only twenty-four's; but as some one has well said, "the weight of shot that do not hit is of no great moment." It is clear that in this fight, as in the others, it was skilful gunnery and firing low that settled the result. The "Peacock" was a smart and well-kept ship, her decks well cleaned, her bright-work spotless; in fact, so well known was Captain Peake for his attention to these small details, that his ship was called the "yacht of the navy." But polished brass-work and well-scrubbed decks are not the things that win battles, as poor Captain Peake found in that bitter quarter of an hour when he met his death and his ship was riddled till she sank. The "Hornet" was now crowded with prisoners, and she turned her head toward home, arriving at Holmes's Hole in Martha's Vineyard some four weeks after the fight. Lawrence, always generous and true-hearted, kept a watchful eye to the comfort of his prisoners, treating them not as enemies, but as unfortunates whom the chance of war had thrown into his hands. So strongly did they feel the captain's courtesy, that upon their coming to New York the officers of the captured ship wrote him a letter, in which were these words: "So much was done to alleviate the distressing and uncomfortable situation in which we were placed when received on board the sloop you command, that we cannot better express our feelings than by saying we ceased to consider ourselves prisoners." If all officers would follow the good example of Lawrence, how much might be done to lessen the sufferings of war and soften its ferocity and bitterness! In the following spring Lawrence was given a larger ship as a recognition of his services and merits. This ship was the "Chesapeake," which from her earliest history had been unlucky upon nearly every cruise. She was then refitting at Boston, and her former captain, Evans, having been sent on sick-leave, Lawrence was ordered to take his place, and arrived in Boston about the middle of May. Not only was the ship an unlucky ship, which is always a bad thing among the simple-minded blue-jackets, but she was at this time in bad condition. The crew had come home from their last cruise dissatisfied; and having some dispute about their prize-money, many of them had left the ship. New hands were being shipped from day to day, but it was difficult to get good men, and several foreign sailors were taken,--some English and some Portuguese,--who showed a mutinous disposition. Some of the officers too had lately left the ship, and others less experienced had been ordered in their place. In time, no doubt, a captain like Lawrence would have made his ship's company as good as the "Hornet's" had been when she destroyed the "Peacock" so quickly and so easily; but he had orders to go to sea as soon as he could get the chance. Outside the harbor lay one vessel of the enemy, the frigate "Shannon," commanded by Capt. Philip Broke. She was of nearly the same force as the "Chesapeake," though whatever difference there might be was in favor of the American. But discipline and training are of far greater moment than a slight difference in the number either of guns or men, as the sequel proved; and in these things Broke's ship was far superior. She had been long at sea, and most of her crew were veteran tars, whom Broke, one of the ablest of the English captains, had trained and drilled and practised until they worked like a machine. Now it must be confessed that it was a little rash in Lawrence, who knew how far his crew was from being shipshape, and ready to meet an enemy, to go out thus hurriedly and give battle. But there were his orders, which he must obey. He did not like to say--who would have liked to say it in his place?--that his ship was not ready; for Captain Broke had sent away the other ships that had been with him so that he might give the "Chesapeake" just such a chance as Lawrence himself had given the English sloop at San Salvador, and by remaining there alone, Broke offered him a sort of challenge to come out. In fact Broke wrote a challenge, as fine and manly a letter as was ever written by a gallant officer, but it happened that Lawrence sailed before it was delivered. Besides all this, it was to be expected that Lawrence, after what he had seen of the "Peacock," and after the victories of Hull and Decatur and Bainbridge, should somewhat underrate his foe; forgetting that this time his ship, besides being of lesser force than the other American frigates, was wanting in that very quality which had insured them their success,--the discipline and training of the crew. [Illustration: "ALONG THE SHORE, UPON EVERY HILL-TOP AND HEADLAND, PEOPLE HAD GATHERED."] On Tuesday morning, the 1st of June, while the "Chesapeake" was lying at anchor off Fort Independence, in Boston harbor, the "Shannon" appeared outside, evidently waiting to join battle. As soon as the enemy was seen, Lawrence fired a gun and hoisted his flag; then, after making the last preparations, when everything was ready, the anchor was hove up, and with all her studding-sails set, and colors flying at each masthead, the "Chesapeake" left President's Roads and put out to sea. Along the shore, upon every hill-top and headland, people had gathered to see the battle; but both the frigates, their great clouds of canvas filled with the light southwesterly breeze, made off to the eastward and before long were lost to view. About the middle of the afternoon the "Shannon" hove to, to await the coming of the "Chesapeake." The latter, having already cleared for action, presently took in her top-gallant sails and royals, and hauled the courses up, and a little before six o'clock shot up alongside of the enemy. In an instant the battle has begun in all its fury. Lawrence if he desires can pass under the "Shannon's" stern and rake her, but he is confident of success, and scorns his advantage. So he turns, and pressing close along the enemy's side, receives the fire of each gun as it is brought to bear. Half the "Shannon's" cannon have been loaded with kegs of musket-balls, and at the short range these make terrible havoc, and as mischance will have it, above all among the officers. At the first fire White the sailing-master is killed, and Lawrence is wounded, but he does not leave the deck. The guns of the "Chesapeake" reply, but the raw crew are not equal to such work as is required of them in opposing Broke's well-trained gunners. Presently the helmsman is shot down, and the ship, coming up in the wind, loses headway and falls off with her stern and quarter exposed to a raking fire. The enemy makes the most of this; broadside after broadside comes pouring in, smashing in the after-ports of the "Chesapeake," and killing the men at the guns or driving them away. The slaughter among the officers goes on; the third lieutenant is killed, then the marine officer and the boatswain. A moment later and the ships are foul, the "Shannon's" anchor hooking in the quarter-port of her antagonist. The withering fire of the enemy continues,--the heavy round shot, followed, now that the ships have closed, by the rain of grape and musket-balls. Ludlow, the first lieutenant, the captain's main reliance, is twice wounded and falls; and last of all the gallant Lawrence himself, who until now has kept his post, though weak from loss of blood, receives his mortal wound and is carried below, exclaiming as he leaves the deck, "Don't give up the ship!" It was of no use now,--this last injunction,--for there was none to heed it. The quarter-deck had been stripped of all its officers except the midshipmen, who after all were only boys, and three of whom have fallen. Lawrence, before he is carried off, orders the boarders to be summoned, but the frightened bugler cannot sound the call. The captain's aides were sent below to pass the word, but the gun's crews on the main-deck, in the confusion, fail to understand the order. On the upper deck the men, uncertain, without a leader, are flinching from their guns. Broke, from his forecastle, sees that the Americans are weakening, and calls away the men to board. His boatswain, a veteran of Rodney's fleet, lashes the ships together, and in an instant twenty of the crew, led by their captain, have leaped the rail and gained the "Chesapeake's" quarter-deck. The deck is piled with bodies, but there is no one here to make resistance. On the forecastle are gathered a fragment of the frightened crew, and against these the enemy now advances. They are in no condition to resist: a few struggle to reach the hatchway; others climb over the bow; the rest throw down their arms and call for quarter. For a moment there is now a pause, but presently some of the men below make a rush for the deck, and the fight begins anew. It is a scene of wild confusion. The enemy is now crowding on board,--officers, marines, blue-jackets; there seems no end to their numbers. The "Chesapeake's" topmen, who as yet have taken no part in the struggle, now pick the boarders off with small arms, but they are soon driven from their stations. The two remaining lieutenants, Budd and Cox, who have meantime come up from the deck below, are both wounded. The gallant Ludlow, striving, mortally wounded as he is, to drag himself up the ladder, is cut down as he reaches the hatchway. The chaplain, Livermore, seizes a pistol and fires without effect at Broke, who in return makes one furious cut with his sword, nearly dividing his assailant's arm. The "Shannon's" first lieutenant hauls down the flag and bends an English ensign; but in the hurry he hoists it with the old colors still above, and the guns' crews, whom he has left on board his ship, suppose from this that the boarders have been defeated. So they open again, and kill their own lieutenant and several of his men. Captain Broke, urging his boarders on, is half stunned by a blow from the musket of a marine, who clubs with his gun since he cannot fire; and a sailor, following the marine, cuts down the captain, only to be himself cut down by one of the enemy. A few minutes of desperate hand-to-hand conflict with pike and pistol and cutlass, and the Americans on deck are overpowered and yield. The crew below, not daring to come up, are still making a show of resistance; but a few shots fired down the hatchway put an end to the struggle, and the "Chesapeake" is in the hands of the enemy. In this wonderful action, which from beginning to end lasted only fifteen minutes, the "Chesapeake," out of twenty officers, lost seventeen in killed and wounded. Even had this worst of all disasters not befallen her, she might perhaps have still been captured, for as we know her crew were not prepared to fight, having had no training. But had not Lawrence and Ludlow both fallen at the critical moment when the two ships fouled, it is certain that one or the other of them would have prolonged the contest, and that the enemy's loss, large as it was, would have been larger yet. The two ships were carried into Halifax with their wounded captains still on board, but Lawrence died before he reached the shore. Captain Broke, whose wounds were not so serious, recovered, and was made a baronet for his victory, which, as neither friend nor enemy could deny, had been gallantly and bravely won. Of the officers engaged on one side or the other in that eventful battle, many were killed or died of their wounds, and nearly all who survived the fight have long since been gathered to their fathers; but it is a strange fact that the highest officer in Her Majesty's Navy to-day, the senior Admiral of the Fleet, Sir Provo Wallis, was the lieutenant who took the "Shannon" into Halifax after her bloody victory three quarters of a century ago. CHAPTER XIII. THE CRUISE OF THE "ESSEX." Of the vessels in commission at the opening of the war, a fine frigate of the third class was the "Essex," very fast, but poorly armed with carronades. She had been for some months under the command of Captain Porter, of whom we have heard in the war with France, and whose life had already been so full of active service, that though only two-and-thirty years of age, we think of him as a much older man. The "Essex" had first got to sea for a war-cruise on the 3d of August, and soon after, on a hazy night, she came up with a fleet of the enemy's transports sailing under the convoy of a frigate. Stealing up silently alongside the rearmost transport, Porter ordered her to draw out of the convoy on pain of being fired into. This order the transport hastened to obey; and the convoying ship, fearing that by delay she might lose all her convoy, went on her way without molesting the captor. The transport had one hundred and fifty troops on board; and Porter, putting all the prisoners on their parole, ransomed the prize and left her to make her own way into port. A few days later the "Essex," being then disguised as a merchantman, with her ports closed and her upper masts housed, made a strange sail, which proved to be the enemy's sloop-of-war "Alert." The English sloop ran down for her, deceived by the disguise. The "Alert" was not a good ship for her size, and her size was only half that of her antagonist; but when she found out what the "Essex" was, she made no effort to escape. No doubt the English, who were accustomed, in fighting Frenchmen and Spaniards, to engage a ship of almost any force, thought that the Americans would be so frightened by an Englishman's attack that they would strike immediately; for this was before the "Guerrière" had surrendered to the "Constitution." But they received a needed lesson from this engagement, for in ten minutes after the firing had begun they found their ship in a sinking condition, with seven feet of water in her hold; and after a resistance so feeble that the encounter could hardly be called a battle, they yielded her a prize. She was the first vessel of the enemy's navy that was captured in the war. The "Essex" now ran in to the Delaware, where she remained some time, making preparations for a more extended cruise. This cruise was a cherished plan of the captain's own devising, and the scene of it was to be a hitherto untried field,--the Pacific Ocean. At that day the Pacific, with its vast stretches of sea-coast, and the innumerable islands studding its broad surface, was almost unknown, except to the English and American whalers. The United States had no settled territory bordering on the great ocean, and our ships-of-war had hardly been seen at all upon its waters. The "Essex," on her first cruise in 1798, under Captain Preble, had gone as far as Batavia, by way of the Cape of Good Hope; and she was now to be the first vessel of the navy to go around Cape Horn. What, then, was Captain Porter's object in sailing into this remote and almost unknown sea? It was this: he knew that the enemy would never expect to find our cruisers there, and therefore would have sent none of their own. If, then, he could evade the frigates that were patrolling up and down the Atlantic from Halifax to Bermuda, and from Bermuda to Jamaica, and all through the Windward Islands, and on the South American coast as far as Rio de Janeiro, and if he could once double the Cape and find his way into the Pacific, he would have before him a field of operations where he might be almost free from interruption. He would find there numbers of American whaling-ships, which generally went unarmed, and which he could protect and succor if they found themselves in any danger; and he would find also numbers of British whalers which were fitted out as privateers, carrying from five or six to twenty guns, to whom the Americans that they might meet would fall an easy prey. To assist the first and to capture and destroy the second was now Porter's object. Sooner or later, he thought the enemy's Government would no doubt hear of his depredations, and send out ships-of-war to capture him. But in those days of slow communication between distant places it would take a long time to accomplish this, and meanwhile the bold American would be able to carry everything before him; and even when the enemy arrived in force, he was prepared to take his chances either in flight or in battle as circumstances might require. The original plan, as I have said already, was for the "Essex" to go to the Pacific with two other vessels,--the "Constitution" under Commodore Bainbridge, and the "Hornet" under Captain Lawrence. She was to start alone from the Delaware when the others sailed from Boston, and the three ships were to rendezvous near the coast of Brazil. The "Essex" went first to the Cape de Verde Islands. Proceeding thence to the westward on his way to the appointed place of meeting, Captain Porter fell in with an enemy's brig-of-war, the "Nocton." The "Nocton" was a small ship for the "Essex" to fight, and Porter would not order the guns to be fired at her, supposing that she would surrender. But she began to manoeuvre to get into a raking position, thinking that perhaps she might fire one broadside and then escape in the confusion. So Porter concluded to make short work of her, and coming close alongside he poured a volley of musketry upon her decks. This was enough, and the "Nocton" immediately struck. She was a stanch vessel, and therefore Porter sent her to the United States in charge of one of his lieutenants. It was a fortunate capture, for the brig had on board more than fifty thousand dollars in gold and silver; and as the "Essex" was to be gone on a long cruise, with no prospect of receiving money from the United States, the captain needed all that he could get. [Illustration: "WHEN THE 'ESSEX' ARRIVED OFF THE ISLAND SHE LAY TO."] The "Essex" now continued on her way to the island of Fernando Noronha, near the Brazilian coast, where Porter expected to meet Commodore Bainbridge, or at least to hear something of his movements. It had been arranged that both the ships should be disguised as Englishmen, in order that the enemy's squadron might not discover their presence in those seas. So when the "Essex" arrived off the island she lay to outside, and Lieutenant Downes went in a boat to the town and told the governor that she was the ship "Fanny" of London. Captain Johnson, bound for Rio. On his return Downes reported that the governor had told him that two British ships-of-war, the "Acasta" of forty-four guns, and the "Morgiana" of twenty, had departed from the island only the week before, and that Captain Kerr of the "Acasta" had left a letter for Capt. Sir James Yeo of the "Southampton," which was to be sent to England by the first conveyance. As soon as Captain Porter got this message, he knew that the pretended English ships were not the "Acasta" and "Morgiana" at all, but the "Constitution" and the "Hornet," and that the letter from Captain Kerr to Sir James Yeo was really from Commodore Bainbridge to himself. He therefore sent word to the governor that the "captain of the 'Fanny'" knew Sir James Yeo, and would willingly take him the letter if the governor would send it to him; which the governor immediately proceeded to do. Here is the letter:-- MY DEAR MEDITERRANEAN FRIEND,--Probably you may stop here. Don't attempt to water; it is attended with too many difficulties. I learned before I left _England_ that you were bound to Brazil coast. If so, perhaps we shall meet at San Salvador or at Rio Janeiro. I should be happy to meet and converse on our old affairs of captivity. Recollect our secret in these times. Your friend of H.M. Ship "Acasta," KERR. SIR JAMES YEO, of H.B.M. Ship "Southampton." This was apparently all the letter, and it would not have given Sir James much information about the Americans if he had received it, though its mysterious phrases would have puzzled him not a little. But on holding the letter before the fire these words could be read between the lines:-- "I am bound off San Salvador, thence off Cape Frio, where I intend to cruise until the 1st of January. Go off Cape Frio, to the northward of Rio, and keep a lookout for me." As soon as he read this, Captain Porter made sail at once for Cape Frio. He remained cruising about here for two or three weeks, waiting for the "Constitution," and occasionally going in chase of a strange sail. Once he succeeded in making a capture of an English schooner, which he sent in as a prize in charge of one of his midshipmen. He could get no information that was to be relied on, but was all the while disturbed by vague rumors of something going on among the English and American ships in the neighborhood. At last, upon putting in at St. Catherine's, he heard that an American sloop-of-war had been brought into Rio by the "Montagu" ship-of-the-line, and that an American frigate had sunk an English frigate. He concluded then that the captured sloop must be the "Hornet," and the victorious frigate the "Constitution," and that there was not much reason for his delaying longer in those parts. As it turned out, the rumor about the frigate was true, for, as we have already seen, the "Constitution" had captured and sunk the "Java;" but the other story was false, for instead of being captured, the "Hornet" had gone off to the coast of Guiana, where she succeeded in sinking the "Peacock," after which she had followed the "Constitution" home. "At any rate," thought Porter, "the cruise in the Pacific can be made just as well without the help of the other ships, and they do not seem to be anywhere hereabout, so I may as well go on without them." This determined, the "Essex" laid in a stock of fresh provisions, and made her final preparations for the passage around the Cape. The captain expected to be gone for a long time, and in fact it was nearly two years before he finally returned. During the whole period, he was to be cruising in those distant seas, with no word of direction or encouragement from home, and with the whole care and responsibility of his ship's company resting upon him alone. But he was a man of such iron nerve and self-reliance and strength of purpose, that there was little danger that his spirits and his energy would ever flag. It was to him that all on board the ship were to look for support and guidance, and as they soon found out, they could have had no better man for their commander. For Captain Porter was a bold and hardy seaman, who knew his business well, and who feared neither the elements nor the enemy; and though he believed in strict obedience, and insisted upon having it, he believed too in lightening as far as in him lay the burdens of his men. He despised the cat-o'-nine-tails, which in those rough times was always used to flog the sailors on board our ships-of-war, and never would inflict this punishment when he could bring about his object by other means. Two hours in every afternoon, from four o'clock till six, when there was no serious work on hand, he allowed the blue-jackets to skylark as they liked, and at these times they could throw off the restraints of discipline and frolic to their hearts' content. The captain was always careful too about the men's health, and their sleeping-places, and all the little matters about their daily life which added to their comfort and their strength. So that the men in turn forgot their hardships, and were his devoted followers in storm and battle, only waiting for his word to do their duty in any way that it might please him to ask it of them. After a stormy passage round Cape Horn the "Essex," about the middle of March, 1813, appeared off the port of Valparaiso. At this time our relations with Spain were not over-friendly, and Captain Porter did not expect a very cordial reception. He learned, however, that Chili had shaken off the Spanish authority not long before, and being a young and small American republic, she was only too glad to welcome a ship from the oldest and most powerful of the free States of the Western Continent. Instead of indifferent or nearly hostile Spaniards, the "Essex" found in the Chilian inhabitants only devoted friends. The ship fired a salute in honor of the town, and the captain visited the Chilian governor, and received his visit in return. All was hospitality and cordial good-feeling, and stores and provisions were supplied in abundance. The Government of Chili could thus be relied on as at least a neutral in the war. It was far otherwise with Peru, which was still a Spanish province. On the day before Captain Porter left Valparaiso, an American whaler had come in with the report that several English whaling privateers were off the Peruvian coast, and that the news of the declaration of war had just reached them. The "Essex," though she had only been in port a week, lost no time in putting out to sea, to reach the enemy's cruising-ground. Soon Porter fell in with another American, the "Charles," whose captain told him that the Englishmen were not the only enemies to be found there, for a Spanish privateer out of Callao, the principal port of Peru, had recently chased the "Charles" and had captured two of her companions, the "Walker" and the "Barclay." Here was a fine state of affairs! It was well that the "Essex" was on the spot, and she had arrived only just in time, for it was evident that between open enemies and piratical neutrals the unarmed Americans would have little hope of safety. The "Essex," keeping the "Charles" in company,--for the whaler was only too glad to stay under the wing of her new and powerful protector,--now crowded all sail for the Peruvian coast. After a few hours she sighted a vessel in the distance which had the appearance of a ship-of-war disguised as a whaler, and which hoisted the Spanish flag. The American frigate, as a ruse, showed English colors, and fired a gun to leeward, which is the signal all the world over that a ship comes on a peaceful errand. At the same time the "Charles" sent up a union-Jack over her American flag, which meant that she was an American whom the pretended Englishman had made a prize. The stratagems were successful, and the stranger, which was a Peruvian privateer, the "Nereyda," was completely deceived, thinking that the "Essex" was one of the English whalers, and she fired a shot across the latter's bow. This was an insult; but Captain Porter wisely thought he could put up with it, as it was an insult to the English colors. In a short time a boat came from the "Nereyda" bringing her lieutenant, who, little thinking to whom he was talking, told the captain that he was cruising after American vessels, and had captured the "Walker" and "Barclay," whose crews were then prisoners on board the "Nereyda;" but that the "Nimrod," an English privateer, had taken possession of the ships. "You know," he added, "that the Spaniards are faithful allies of the British, and that we always respect your flag; and we are now endeavoring to clear the seas of these Americans." When the lieutenant had finished his communication, and told Captain Porter all there was to tell, great was his surprise at seeing the British ensign lowered, and the stars and stripes going up to the peak of the "Essex." He was still more astonished when she fired two shots point blank at the "Nereyda," and the latter immediately hauled down her flag. He realized, too late, that he had been entrapped, and that he had revealed his perfidious acts to the very man from whom he most desired to conceal them. As there was no war with Spain, the "Nereyda" could not well be made a prize, for the captain knew that two wrongs do not make a right, and that, treacherous as had been her conduct, he could not stoop to retaliate. He released the twenty-three Americans that were confined in her hold, threw overboard her guns and light sails, and sent her back to the Viceroy of Peru, with a letter that was courteous and dignified, but whose language could not be misunderstood. His spirited action had the desired effect, and taught the Spaniards such a good lesson that the American whalers were never afterward molested by Peruvian corsairs. The "Charles" now sailed to Coquimbo, and soon after the "Barclay" was recaptured. The "Walker," however, and her captor the "Nimrod," which Porter most desired to find, had by this time disappeared. Taking the "Barclay" along, the "Essex" made for the Galapagos,--a group of uninhabited islands much used by the whaling-ships as a refuge and rendezvous. Good anchorage was to be found here, and whales abounded in the neighborhood; but the principal product of the islands was the land-turtle. There were great numbers of these of large size, some of them as much as five feet across, and they would live for months in the ship's hold without food or water. They made delicious food, and the sailors found them an agreeable change from salt pork and hard-tack; so that every ship calling at the islands took great quantities of them on board. [Illustration: APPROACHING THE GALAPAGOS ISLANDS.] Some years before, an Irishman named Patrick Watkins had deserted from a whale-ship, and had settled on one of the islands at a place which came to be known as Pat's Landing. Here he had built himself a little cabin and planted a potato-patch, and he would sell potatoes and pumpkins to the whaling-crews for rum, to the use of which he was much addicted. He led a wretched life, becoming like a savage in appearance, his hair and beard matted, and his clothes in rags. He spent his time in wandering about the island, doing enough work to keep his garden-patch in order, but as soon as he had laid in a supply of liquor, keeping himself drunk until it was exhausted. He was a half-crazy creature, and once he frightened a negro boat-keeper into leaving the boat and going off with him as his slave. For this he was severely punished by the captain to whom the boat belonged, and ever after he sought to wreak vengeance upon the whalers. At last by some means or other he got a boat and sailed away to the mainland, where he was locked up by the authorities. All this happened shortly before the arrival of the "Essex," so that the islands were now deserted. But on one of them was found a rough sort of post-office, made of a box nailed to a tree, in which the whalers touching at the island left letters containing news of their movements. From these it was learned that six whalers had put in here some time before with two thousand and five hundred barrels of oil. One of the letters was from the master of the American ship "Sukey," and read as follows:-- Ship Sukey. John Macy. 7-1/2 Months out, 150 barrels, 75 days from Lima. No oil Since Leaving that Port. Spaniards Very Savage Lost on the Braziel Bank John Sealin Apprentice to Capt. Benjamin Worth fell from the fore topsaill Yard In A Gale of wind Left Diana Capt. paddock 14 day since, 250 Barrels I Leave this port this Day with 250 Turpen 8 Boat Load Wood Yesterday Went Up to Patts Landing East Side to the Starboard hand of the Landing 1-1/2 miles Saw 100 Turpen 20 Rods A part Road Very Bad. Yours Forever JOHN MACY. This was a fair sample of the letters left at the Galapagos post-office. Captain Porter remained a fortnight among the islands, searching every hole and corner to find the whalers, and in the intervals exploring the land, and making sailing directions of the coast, while the men spent the time when they were not busy with their duties, in catching turtles and in killing iguanas,--the big lizards that swarmed on the islands, which though not very pleasant to look at, were excellent to eat. Jack always likes a frolic on shore when he is not too much hampered by the restraints of civilization; and the sailors of the "Essex" took great pleasure in their sports, although the heavy turtles had to be dragged over the rocky slopes a long distance to bring them to the ship. There was plenty of fishing, too, for those that stayed on board the ship, and flocks of penguins and pelicans and other strange birds lined the shore. Altogether it was a pleasant break, this stay at the Galapagos, and the ship revisited the spot several times, making it a sort of headquarters for the next six months. But all this was not war, and the men began to remember that it was not prize-money; so when, after a fortnight of it, on the morning of the 29th of April, the cry of "Sail ho!" was heard, every one was glad, and all the crew rushed eagerly on deck. A large sail was seen to the westward, and the "Essex" started in pursuit. Soon two more sail were discovered farther off. They were evidently whalers. If they should only prove to be enemies! The crew went to work with willing hands, and bearing down under British colors, by nine o'clock the "Essex" had overtaken the nearest of the strange ships, the British whaler "Montezuma." The master came on board and was shown into the cabin, where he spent an hour in giving his supposed countryman such information as would help him to capture the Americans. While this interview was going on, his people were taken on board the frigate as prisoners, and a prize crew was thrown into the whaler; and when the master came on deck he was overcome with surprise at finding himself in the hands of an enemy. [Illustration: "'WE SURRENDER,' AND DOWN CAME THE FLAG."] The "Essex" lost no time here, but moved on to reach the other vessels. Soon the wind fell, and it became a dead calm, while they were still eight miles away. The boats were then got out, and the men pulled away for the whalers, under the command of Lieutenant Downes, the first lieutenant of the "Essex." After a hard row for nearly two hours they approached the largest of the strangers, which flew the English flag, and which opened fire upon them. Nothing daunted, Lieutenant Downes kept steadily on and prepared to board. As he ran up alongside he hailed the ship and demanded a surrender. "We surrender," was the reply, and down came the flag. No sooner had Downes taken possession than the second ship hauled down her colors without waiting for an attack. The prisoners were quickly secured, crews were placed on board the whalers, and soon after the frigate was rejoined by her men, bringing with them the new prizes,--the "Georgiana" and the "Policy." It was a good day's work, for the three ships, together with their cargoes of oil, were valued at half a million. The "Georgiana," a fast, fine vessel, was made a tender, and the command of her was given to Lieutenant Downes, the other ships being placed in the charge of the older midshipmen. The "Essex" now returned to the Galapagos. Here it was found that vessels had visited the island during her absence, and the "Georgiana" was sent out under Lieutenant Downes to look for them. The other prizes were refitted, and after a stay of several days the commodore, as we may call him now that he had a squadron to command, got under way again with all his consorts, leaving instructions for Lieutenant Downes in a bottle, which according to a previous agreement was buried at the foot of the tree that marked the post-office. After a week's cruising, in which all the vessels were spread out so as to cover as much ground as possible, one of them sighted a strange sail, and the "Essex" started in chase. In a short time it fell calm, and the boats were got out, with the intention of coming near enough to the stranger to keep her in sight all night, but not to attack her unless it could be done by surprise. Soon after the boats got away, however, a breeze sprang up and the "Essex" again took up the pursuit. The enemy, who carried the British flag, waited for her to come up, supposing that she was British too; and he was not undeceived until Porter had got alongside and made him a prize. The new capture was the whaler "Atlantic," carrying six 18-pounders, and like the others engaged both in privateering and in whaling. She was very fast, and with her little battery of heavy guns made a valuable addition to the squadron. No sooner was the capture of the "Atlantic" completed, than another whaler was reported in sight, and she too was quickly overhauled and taken. She was called the "Greenwich," and like the "Atlantic" was a good sailer. On board the two ships were great quantities of supplies of all kinds, including water and provisions and naval stores, of which the "Essex" stood much in need; especially of water, which is so scarce in the Galapagos that it is sometimes taken from the stomachs of the turtles,--the only sure place to find it. The captain now proceeded with his prizes toward the coast of South America, stopping on the way at the island of La Plata, where he left instructions for the "Georgiana" in case she should visit it. The letter was put in a bottle which was hung upon a tree, and the letters "S.X." were painted on a rock to attract attention. Lieutenant Downes would know that this meant "Essex," but no one else would suspect it. Soon afterward a Spanish brig from Panama was spoken, whose captain took the squadron for an English convoy and gave a full account of the affair with the "Nereyda;" only he said that the "Nereyda" had attacked the American frigate and shot away her mainmast, but having suffered much in the action she thought it best to make her escape by running away, which she accomplished by throwing overboard her guns,--all which, as we know, was very different from what had actually happened. On the 19th the squadron arrived at Tumbez, on the South American coast, where it remained several days. The Governor of Tumbez, a ragged old gentleman, who would be of assistance--so Commodore Porter thought--in selling the prizes, came to the "Essex" by invitation, and was received with full military honors. After staying a week at Tumbez the commodore began to be anxious about the fate of the "Georgiana," which had parted from him at the Galapagos four weeks before, and of which nothing had since been heard. At last, on the morning of the 24th of June three vessels were seen coming into the harbor, one of which was the missing tender. The others were English whalers--the "Hector" of eleven, and the "Catherine" of eight guns--which the "Georgiana" had captured. A third prize, the "Rose" of eight guns, had also been seized by the tender, but she was a dull sailer, and rather than be impeded by her slow movements Lieutenant Downes had sent her to England with all the paroled prisoners, after throwing overboard her guns and cargo. Commodore Porter now had with him a fleet of nine excellent vessels, several of which were well armed, and all of which had been supplied by the enemy. The best of the prizes in every way was the "Atlantic," and she was fitted out as a new tender in place of the "Georgiana," mounted with twenty guns, and christened the "Essex Junior." Lieutenant Downes was transferred to her, and the chaplain was placed in command of the "Georgiana," which would seem to be a very strange arrangement; but the chaplains in those days were employed to teach navigation to the younger officers as well as to administer spiritual advice, so that there was much that they would know about the management of a ship. Besides, the supply of regular officers was now almost at an end, even the youngest midshipmen being placed in charge of prizes. A plan of action for the remainder of the cruise was now drawn up by the commodore. The "Essex Junior" was to go to Valparaiso with the "Montezuma." "Policy," "Hector," and "Catherine," which were to be laid up or sold or sent to the United States; though there was small chance that any of them would reach port in safety, while British cruisers swarmed in the Atlantic Ocean. The "Barclay," the recaptured American whaler, was to accompany the others to Valparaiso, there to remain and await further developments. The "Greenwich" was converted into a store-ship, and all the spare supplies and provisions were put on board of her. She now carried twenty guns, and with her and the "Georgiana" as tenders to the "Essex," Commodore Porter proposed to continue his cruise against the whalers that were still at large in the neighborhood of the Galapagos Islands. Here the "Essex Junior" was to rejoin him. This plan was exactly carried out. Early in July the two squadrons parted company, Lieutenant Downes proceeding to Valparaiso, and the commodore making his way once more to the Galapagos. The sailors were rejoiced to return to their rambles on shore and their dinners of turtle; but they were still more pleased with the prospect of making new prizes in the neighborhood where they had already been so fortunate. They did not have long to wait. Hardly had they dropped anchor in the familiar roadstead, when three sail were reported in sight, and all were soon under way in pursuit. The "Essex" headed for the ship that seemed midway between the others, which last made off in opposite directions. The centre vessel ran off before the wind, and for a while the "Essex" had a hot chase; but in the end she came up with the stranger, the English whaler "Charlton," of ten guns. The "Greenwich" made for the second vessel, which opened fire, but after receiving one or two well-directed broadsides she hauled down her flag. She was called the "Seringapatam," and was the finest ship of the Pacific whaling-fleet, having been built for a ship-of-war. She carried fourteen guns, and did not trouble herself much about catching whales when it was so much more profitable to catch the American whalers, one of which she had already made a prize. The last of the three strangers, the "New Zealander" of eight guns, was soon after overtaken and captured by the "Essex." The "Charlton" was now sent to Rio with the prisoners, and the "Georgiana" was despatched with orders to proceed to the United States; but she was captured by the enemy on the way home. If the United States had at this time had a port on the Pacific, all the prizes might have been easily disposed of. As it was, they were compelled to run the gantlet of British squadrons in the Atlantic, where they were almost sure to be retaken. For two months the "Essex," now accompanied by the "Greenwich," the "Seringapatam," and the "New Zealander," cruised about among the islands. There was now only one British whaler left to capture,--the "Sir Andrew Hammond," commanded by another Captain Porter. At last, one morning toward the latter part of July she was discovered some distance off; but the "Essex," unfortunately getting into a dangerous situation among the rocks and currents, was delayed in following her, and soon she was lost to view. The next day she was seen again and pursued, but when the frigate had come within four miles of her it fell calm. The boats of the "Hammond" were hoisted out, to tow her out of reach. The "Essex" then called away her boats,--not to tow, but to pull for the whaler and board her. The commodore was sure that if they could only reach the enemy they would succeed in taking her. But this time his hopes were vain. The boats had covered more than half the distance, and were nearing their object, when suddenly a breeze sprang up, filling the "Hammond's" sails, and she lost no time in making off. The "Essex" lay immovable, for she was still becalmed and did not get a breeze until after sunset. So the Englishman was again lost in the darkness, and next day no sign of him was to be seen. Six weeks were now spent at the Islands, during which the "Essex" was repainted, and her whole appearance so completely changed that her own officers could hardly recognize her. At the end of this time she started off alone, hoping to fall in with the "Hammond," which was almost sure to be somewhere in the neighborhood. The commodore's search was soon rewarded, for he had been out but a few days, when one morning at daylight he discovered her some distance to windward, to all appearance lying to, but really fastened to a whale, which she was in the act of taking. The disguise of the "Essex" now served her in good stead, for if she frightened away the enemy there would be little chance of making a capture. The commodore had learned from the "New Zealander" that a private signal had been agreed upon between her and the "Hammond;" and he now came up in a lazy and careless fashion, under British colors, and showing the private signal. He proceeded on in this way for some hours, and had got within three or four miles, when suddenly the "Hammond," suspecting a stratagem, took alarm, and casting off the whale, made sail to escape. But she had waited too long. In a few minutes the "Essex" was within gunshot, and after firing half a dozen rounds the Englishman struck his colors. The last of the British whalers in the Pacific had now been captured, and Commodore Porter could feel that his year's work had accomplished substantial results. The Americans were safe from attack, for there were none of the enemy left to attack them. The commodore could now carry out his plan of retiring for a while with his fleet to some obscure harbor in the South Seas, where he could refit at leisure, and where his men could rest from the fatigues of their long voyage. Soon after the "Essex Junior" came in, with the news that she had taken the prizes safely to Valparaiso and laid them up, and that the cruise of the "Essex" had caused so great a commotion in England that three ships-of-war had been sent out specially to seize her. These had already arrived at Rio, and before many weeks would make their appearance in the Pacific. But the Pacific Ocean is broad, and the Southern Seas are dotted with innumerable islands, unfrequented at that time by civilized man, with deep and safe anchorages in their land-locked bays, where ships might remain for years lost to the world outside. Among all the South Sea Islands none seemed to offer the needed advantages more than the beautiful Marquesas, a group inhabited only by native tribes who lived in primitive simplicity, uncorrupted by the influences of European civilization. Thither the commodore now shaped his course in the frigate, taking with him his tenders, the "Essex Junior" and the "Greenwich," as well as his four latest prizes. It was about the middle of October when the squadron came to anchor off the island of Nookaheevah, in the Marquesas group, and here it remained for two months, during which the "Essex" was thoroughly repaired. The natives of this part of the island became very friendly, as soon as they had recovered from their first suspicions. They were like children, and showed great delight at receiving the simple presents that were given them,--knives, or fish-hooks, or even pieces of iron hoops or glass bottles; while a whale's tooth, which the islanders valued above all other possessions, would purchase, almost anything they had. The king of the tribe, Gattanewa, an old man of seventy, tattooed from head to foot, came on board the "Essex" and vowed eternal friendship with the Americans, ratifying the bond by exchanging names with the commodore,--"Tavee" or "Opotee," as he was called, which was the nearest approach that the Nookaheevans could make to David Porter. The island of Nookaheevah was eighteen miles long and crossed by ranges of mountains between which lay beautiful and fertile valleys filled with streams and waterfalls, and little villages, and forests of sandal-wood, and groves of cocoanut-palm and bread-fruit and banana. In that tropical climate,--for the place lies near the equator,--where Nature gives with a liberal hand all that man can ask for, amid the luxuriance of forest growth, of tree and fruit and grass and flower, with its simple-minded and childlike people, the sailors of the "Essex" were now to pass two months of rest and refreshment. It was like the fabled land of the Lotus-eaters,--a land "In which it seemed always afternoon. All round the coast the languid air did swoon, Breathing like one that hath a weary dream. Full-faced above the valley stood the moon; And like a downward smoke, the slender stream Along the cliff to fall and pause and fall did seem. * * * * * "The charmèd sunset lingered low adown In the red west: through mountain clefts the dale Was seen far inland, and the yellow down Bordered with palm, and many a winding vale And meadow." No sooner had the captain established friendly relations with the natives, than he saw how great the danger was that his men, intoxicated by the delights of this enchanted land, would forget their duties, and like Sir Amyas Leigh's companions sink into the captivating indolence of the life around them. He wished that they should have relaxation, but he was not a man who would suffer discipline to grow slack. It was therefore not without satisfaction that he learned that his sailors might have some hard work; for the Happahs--the native tribe dwelling in the next valley--were at war with his friends, and unless he took part in the conflict he would soon lose their respect and with it their friendship. So he joined forces with them and landed his men, and after mounting a six-pounder, which his allies transported for him, on the intervening range of hills, he drove the Happahs from their fort and compelled them to ask for peace. In the valley beyond the Happahs dwelt the Typees, a warlike tribe whom all the other natives of the island held in great awe because of their martial prowess. Hearing of "Opotee's" arrival, and of the subjugation of their neighbors the Happahs, the Typees now declared war against him, sending him defiant messages and declaring that he dared not fight them. This challenge the commodore suffered to pass unnoticed, as he did not wish to run any serious risks where no great object was to be gained. But he soon discovered that his inaction was having a bad effect upon the others, who began to think the Americans as much afraid of the Typees as they were themselves. So he resolved to attack the warlike tribe. After his experience with the Happahs the commodore somewhat underrated his new enemies, and on his expedition against the Typees he took with him only Lieutenant Downes and about thirty men. The native allies appeared in great force, but they were not over-zealous when it came to fighting, their purpose being to witness the combat and take sides with the party that might win. The attacking force proceeded in boats and canoes to the landing at the end of the Typee valley. After he had disembarked and made a reconnoissance, Porter found that he would have to march with his handful of men to the enemy's stronghold through an almost impenetrable jungle, which was filled with hundreds of hostile savages, armed with clubs and slings which they used with no little skill. But it was impossible to go back now; and the Americans, advancing with great difficulty, fought their way slowly through the forest. Early in the day Lieutenant Downes was wounded, having his leg broken by a stone. Sometime after this mishap the Americans reached a river which they forded, the enemy retreating as the sailors charged gallantly up the opposite bank. Here their progress was checked by a strong fort, and they could not storm it, for the ammunition was nearly exhausted. The situation was very serious, or would have been so had the Typees shown more boldness. But they were afraid of the "bouhis," as the muskets were called, and did not venture to attack; so that the Americans were able by great care and coolness to extricate themselves from their dangerous position and retreat through the woods to the beach. It was now evident that the Typees must be subdued at any cost. A few days later Porter, taking with him two hundred men, marched over the mountains and attacked the natives in their forts. These were captured one by one, and the men then proceeded up the valley, burning the native villages. It seemed a pity to do this, but it was the only way in which the savages could be really reduced; and from that time forward the Typees and the Americans were fast friends. At length the time came for the "Essex" to depart from the island. The sailors were not happy at the prospect of leaving so pleasant a refuge, and there was some disposition to murmur, as might have been expected. But the captain sternly checked all insubordination, and on the 9th of December the "Essex" and the "Essex Junior," repaired, and well supplied with provisions and stores, sailed away for Valparaiso. The "New Zealander" sailed soon after on her way to the United States, and the "Greenwich," with the "Hammond" and "Seringapatam," was left in the harbor in charge of Lieutenant Gamble of the marines, who was ordered to start for home in five months unless the "Essex" returned before that time. The "Essex" did not return, however, and Lieutenant Gamble found his position full of difficulty. The few men who were left behind became demoralized, and in May a party of the sailors, among them several who had deserted from the prizes, mutinied, and seizing the "Seringapatam," made their escape from the island. The natives now became hostile, and Gamble, after losing some more men through treachery, set fire to the "Greenwich" and left the Marquesas in the "Hammond." He took with him all that remained of the force,--a midshipman, three marines, and three seamen. On her way to the Sandwich Islands the "Hammond" was captured by the enemy's sloop "Cherub;" and Gamble and his midshipman, with their feeble crew of half a dozen men, were made prisoners. Meanwhile the "Essex," with her consort the "Essex Junior," made her way safely to Valparaiso, arriving there early in February. Four days later the English frigate "Phoebe" appeared off the harbor accompanied by the sloop-of-war "Cherub," which had been sent out to capture the "Essex." The two ships were much more than a match for Commodore Porter's force, for the "Essex Junior" carried such light guns that she was of no use at all, and the "Phoebe" alone was about as large as the American frigate. Besides, the "Phoebe" was armed with long guns, while the "Essex" had mostly carronades; so that if Captain Hillyar, the English commander, could choose his distance, he would have the "Essex" at his mercy; for, as we must remember, the long guns carried much farther than the carronades, and if the ships were far apart would hit their mark at every shot, while all the projectiles from the small guns would fall short. [Illustration] The English ships lay in or about the harbor for several weeks, and during this time Commodore Porter made repeated efforts to draw the "Phoebe" into action alone. The sailors in the "Essex," when the enemy was near them in the harbor, would amuse themselves by singing songs about the victories over the English frigates, which were set to the tune of Yankee Doodle; and the English crews retaliated in like manner by songs whose object was to banter the Americans. Commodore Porter and Captain Hillyar were old acquaintances, having been together in the Mediterranean, and they often met on shore and conversed about their situation as amicably as if they were great friends instead of being mortal enemies. On one occasion Porter, speaking of his prizes which were laid up in the port, said,-- "They are in my way, captain, and I mean to take them outside and burn them at the first opportunity." "I dare you to do it," rejoined Captain Hillyar, "while I am in sight." "We shall see," said Porter. So choosing a day when the "Phoebe" and "Cherub" were at some distance outside the harbor, the "Essex" towed the "Hector" out and set fire to her. The English ships tried their best to head the "Essex" off from the harbor, but without success, and by evening she was lying safe and sound at her old anchorage. Commodore Porter now decided on a judicious plan of action. He had found by trial that the "Essex" outsailed the "Phoebe," and he proposed to put to sea with both his ships, the two taking different directions; by which means either the enemy's ships would be separated, or if they both followed the "Essex," the "Essex Junior" would escape. Besides, as the "Cherub" was a dull sailer, the "Phoebe" in attempting to overtake the "Essex" would be drawn away from her consort, and so might be engaged alone. At any rate, it was necessary to seize the first opportunity to escape, for other frigates of the enemy were shortly expected on the coast. An accident, and a most unlucky one for the "Essex," finally brought about the battle. On the 28th of March the wind was blowing fresh, and the "Essex" parted her cable, and dragging the other anchor drifted out. Sail was made, but at the moment when she was rounding the point a squall struck her and carried away her main-topmast. The "Phoebe" and "Cherub" were close upon her, and finding that she could not regain the harbor, she ran over to a bay on the western side, where she anchored half a mile from the shore. This was in neutral waters, just as much so as in the harbor, and as Captain Hillyar had given assurances that he would respect the Chilian neutrality, the American commander felt that he could repair his injuries in security. [Illustration: "A squall struck her and carried away her main-topmast."] It is much to the discredit of Captain Hillyar that he did not keep his word. When he found the "Essex" thus placed at a disadvantage, he took a position under her stern, where no guns could be brought to bear on him, and opened an attack. The "Cherub" joined him, and the two ships together raked the "Essex" almost unopposed, inflicting heavy losses, until Porter managed to get three long guns out of his stern-ports. These he worked as well as he could for half an hour, after which the enemy's vessels hauled off to make repairs, although their damages were in no degree serious. The "Essex" was now in a very bad way. Many of her men had been killed or wounded, and her rigging was so much cut that she could carry hardly any of her sails. The enemy had suffered no loss worth speaking of. Commodore Porter nevertheless determined to take the offensive. It was a desperate measure, but the only one that seemed to promise any hope. Setting his flying-jib--the only sail he could use--and cutting his cable, he stood down for the enemy. He could not manoeuvre much, but for a little while he was near enough to use his broadside of carronades with some effect. But it was only for a little while. The English were fighting a safe battle, and meant to use the safest tactics, which of course it was perfectly right that they should do; and in a little while both ships had withdrawn out of range of the carronades, and the "Phoebe's" long 18-pounders were once more covering the decks of the "Essex" with the bodies of her unlucky men. Still the "Essex" would not give up. She had been on fire in several places, but the flames were extinguished. Her carronades were many of them disabled,--as always happened with carronades,--and as the guns' crews fell, others took the places of the killed. The cockpit was filled with wounded, so that there was no room for more. The slaughter on board was fearful, for in the smooth water every shot from the enemy told with deadly effect; and at length the captain resolved to run the ship ashore, as the wind was blowing that way, and land the remainder of his men and then destroy the frigate. So he made for the land. But just as he had nearly reached the point where he must touch, the wind shifted and drove him out again. At this juncture the "Phoebe," being somewhat injured aloft, began to drift to leeward, and Porter, in the hope that she might drift out of range, bent a hawser to the sheet-anchor to hold on where he was. This would have enabled him to gain a little time; but the hawser parted, and with it went the last chance for the "Essex." The boats had been destroyed, but Porter told the men that such as wished might swim for the shore. Most of the crew preferred to remain by the ship, although they knew her hours were numbered. The flames were now coming up from all the hatchways, the hull was riddled, the enemy was still keeping up a raking fire, and the men were falling at every shot. At last, finding all the chances against him, the commodore yielded to fate and gave the order to haul down the flag. Never had the honor of that flag been more gallantly sustained. Out of two hundred and twenty-five men on board the "Essex," one hundred and fifty-five were killed, wounded, or missing. Captain Hillyar, upon receiving Porter's surrender, entered into an agreement by which the "Essex Junior" was to be converted into a cartel-ship, and so be exempt from capture. In her the captain and the remnant of his crew took passage for the United States, where they at length arrived after nearly two years of absence. Thus ended the eventful cruise of the "Essex." CHAPTER XIV. PERRY AND LAKE ERIE. Returning now, we take up the story of a young officer who, although he had passed fifteen years in the service, had never been so fortunate as to take part in any of its more striking operations, but who was now to leap at one bound to a height of glory and renown unsurpassed by any of his comrades in the navy. This was Oliver Hazard Perry. He had entered the service in 1798, during the hostilities with France, when he joined his father's ship as a midshipman at the age of thirteen. He had served in the Tripolitan war in the squadron of Commodore Morris, and later with Commodore Rodgers; but during Preble's command, when all the great achievements of the war had been performed, it was his ill luck to be at home, and he was thus almost the only one of the victorious commanders of the War of 1812 that had not received his training in the squadron of the great commodore. Perry was now twenty-seven years old, and a master-commandant,--that is, he was higher than a lieutenant, but lower than a captain. When the war was expected, he went to Washington and begged that he might be ordered into active service against the enemy and given a post suitable to his rank. His request could not at once be granted, and meantime he was placed in command of a gunboat flotilla at Newport. For nine months he carried on his duties here with energy and zeal, but all the time chafing and fretting that he should be concerned with such trivialities while others were winning distinction in great enterprises and fighting battles with the enemy's ships-of-war. [Illustration: OLIVER HAZARD PERRY] During this year the northern lakes, and especially Erie and Ontario, were the scene of great preparations for combat, as might be expected upon waters which washed the frontier of two hostile countries. Upon their shores on either side were opposing armies, and the movements of the troops depended upon which side gained control upon the lakes. During the winter of 1812-13 the work of building and equipping ships was going briskly forward on Lake Ontario, where Commodore Isaac Chauncey was in command. But little had as yet been done upon Lake Erie, where the enemy had a considerable force of vessels, which gave him almost undisputed mastery on the water. At this stage of affairs it occurred to Perry to write to Commodore Chauncey and offer him his services, at the same time renewing his entreaties to the Department by letters and through friends. The commodore was just now looking for an officer who could take charge of matters on the western lake, of which he still desired to retain command, and knowing Perry well, and knowing too his worth, he gladly consented to his coming for this service. Accordingly on the 18th of February, 1813, Perry received his orders to proceed to Sackett's Harbor with the best men of his flotilla. So eager was he to be off, and so quick to carry out the order, that on that very day, before nightfall, he had started his first detachment of fifty seamen under one of his lieutenants. Five days later one hundred more had been despatched, and Perry had set out for his new command. It was a severe journey at that inclement season, bitterly cold, and the way from Albany over the frozen roads led through a thinly settled country still covered by its virgin forests. Perry had with him his little brother Alexander,--a boy twelve years old, whom he was taking to be a midshipman on board his ship. After eleven days of travelling the two brothers reached their destination, and reported on board the flagship "Madison," which was lying at Sackett's Harbor. Here they were delayed a week; but at last they set out for Lake Erie, where they arrived about the middle of March. For the next six months Perry was busily occupied in preparing his squadron,--indeed, one might say in building it, for the principal vessels were only just begun. These were two good-sized brigs, each designed to carry twenty guns, but at this time their keels only had been laid. The station of the proposed squadron was at the town of Erie, where there were also building three schooners, now about half finished. So far the work had gone on but slowly; but the young commander by his zeal infused new zeal into those around him, and by his energy and wisdom overcame all obstacles and difficulties. It was a strange and difficult position in which Perry now found himself. The enemy with his squadron of five vessels controlled the lake. The building-yard at Erie was without protection. There were no guns, not even muskets or cartridges, and if there had been, there were no men to use them. Of the ship-carpenters who were sent on with their tools from Philadelphia only a few had come. All the supplies,--guns, sail-cloth, cordage, ammunition,--everything, in short, but timber, was to be brought a distance of five hundred miles over bad roads, through a country that was almost a wilderness. Finally, the little brig "Caledonia" and the four gunboats which together made up the whole of the squadron afloat were at Black Rock in the Niagara River, and were unable to make their way past the enemy's river batteries into the lake. Perry began his work at once. He sent to Buffalo for seamen, and at his request some companies of militia were posted at Erie. He went himself to Pittsburg, where he procured small cannon and muskets to assist in the defence. Iron was bought at Buffalo, and when this supply was exhausted, every scrap that could be got in the neighborhood was worked up for use in the construction of the fleet. Blacksmiths were found among the militia. To obtain the timber for the vessels, trees were felled and sawn up, and all was so quickly done that it often happened that wood which at daybreak had been growing in the forest was before nightfall nailed in place upon the ship. With such extraordinary despatch did the young commodore push forward his work, that by the third week in May all the vessels had been launched from the ways and were afloat in the harbor of Erie. About this time Perry learned that Commodore Chauncey was preparing to attack Fort George, and he resolved to join him, for he knew that his services would be needed. The message was brought to him one day at sunset, and though the night was stormy, in an hour he had started in his four-oared boat for the Niagara River. It took him twenty-four hours to reach Buffalo, where he rested; then starting again he entered the river, and landing just before he reached the rapids, he resumed his journey alone and on foot, the rain pouring in torrents, directing his course to the camp at the mouth of the river, off which the squadron lay. Here he found the officers assembled, and as he walked into the cabin of the flagship, wet, bedraggled, and spattered from head to foot with mud, the commodore grasped him by the hand and told him that "no person on earth could be more welcome." And it was fortunate that he came, for the fleet was sadly in want of just such a man as he; and the attack on the next day, in which he served in some sort as the commodore's chief of staff, was successful largely through his coolness and skill, his ready and unerring eye, and his untiring energy. For on this day he was everywhere,--pulling in his boat under a shower of musketry from one vessel to another, encouraging the men here, re-forming the line and altering a boat's position there, sometimes even going on board and pointing the guns himself so that their fire might tell with more effect, and finally landing to join in the assault on shore, which ended in the capture of the fort. After the fall of Fort George, the English abandoned the whole Niagara frontier, and there was therefore at last some slight chance that the vessels at Black Rock might be enabled to make their way into Lake Erie. Leaving the Ontario fleet, Perry repaired to Black Rock, and with the help of oxen and two hundred soldiers the five boats were tracked up against the rapid current of the Niagara. A fortnight was consumed before they reached the head of the river, after laborious exertions, and "a fatigue," said Perry, "almost incredible." At last they were out upon Lake Erie, but before them there was still the difficult task of eluding the British squadron, whose flagship, the "Queen Charlotte," was alone a match for all of them, and which had besides four smaller vessels. The enemy was in the neighborhood, and the winds were contrary; but Perry with great skill managed to pass them unopposed, and at last brought his vessels into the harbor of Erie, thus joining in one squadron all his forces. It was now the end of June, and for a month Perry was engaged in fitting out the vessels that had been launched in May, and in preparing their crews. One of the brigs was named the "Lawrence," in honor of the captain of the "Chesapeake," who had just before died of his wounds in the action with the "Shannon;" the other was called the "Niagara." The seamen, who were mostly drawn from the Lake Ontario squadron, came in slowly. As soon as one detachment arrived, the men were placed on board and stationed, and every day when it was possible to do it they were exercised at the guns. But the hardest task was yet to come. Upon the bar at the mouth of the harbor the water was only six feet deep, and outside lay the British squadron on the watch. To get the two brigs over the bar under the enemy's fire seemed hopeless, and Commodore Barclay, the British commander, well knew his advantage. But one day early in August, either because he thought the ships were not ready, or because he fancied that he could overcome the Americans in any case, he left his post of observation and took his squadron over to the Canadian shore. The American commodore, as he was now called, saw his opportunity and made the most of it. Five of the small vessels were sent across the bar, where they were cleared for action. The "Niagara," anchoring close inside, pointed her guns down the channel; and the "Lawrence" was towed down to be taken across. Every means was used to lighten her; her guns were hoisted out, and when all was ready, two great scows were fitted alongside, and filled with water so that they sunk to the edge. Huge cross-timbers were then run through the ports of the brig, their ends resting upon blocks of wood placed in the sunken scows. The scows were now pumped out, and as they came up they lifted the brig with them. It was anxious work, for the enemy might return at any moment, and finding the "Lawrence" defenceless and immovable, might riddle her until she could not float. The first trial failed, for there was little water on the bar and the brig could not be lifted high enough to get her over. But the men worked with might and main, the militia helping the blue-jackets; and the scows were readjusted, so that at last the ship had forced her way over the sands and passed into the deep water beyond. Here she was joined by the "Niagara." The fleet of Commodore Barclay now came in sight, and although it was a little late, a smart attack might yet have saved it the supremacy which it had held thus far. The guns were still to be put on board the "Lawrence;" and to gain time Perry ordered two schooners, the "Ariel" and "Scorpion," to stand out toward Barclay's vessels and annoy them with their guns. The schooners advanced so boldly that the enemy were fully occupied. In a short time the "Lawrence" had received her battery and placed it in position, and she was ready for action. The enemy's opportunity was lost, and Barclay sailed away to the northern shore. From this moment Perry had the advantage on Lake Erie. The American fleet was now only waiting to complete its crews before seeking its adversary. Soon a final detachment of one hundred men came from Lake Ontario, brought by Lieutenant Elliott, who was placed in command of the "Niagara." The "Lawrence" was selected by Commodore Perry as his flagship. He had now through his energetic efforts a force superior to the enemy both in guns and men, and the next few days were spent in training the mixed crews, and in reconnoitring and manoeuvering on the lake. At sunrise on the morning of the 10th of September, as the American ships were lying at anchor at Put-in Bay, the British squadron was sighted from the mast-head of the "Lawrence," standing in for the bay. Lieutenant Forrest, the officer of the deck, reported the news to Commodore Perry, and immediately the signal was hoisted on the flagship. "Under way to get!" For a few moments all was hurry and bustle, and in a little while the American squadron was under sail, beating out of the harbor. The breeze was light, and as the enemy had the weather-gage, several hours were now passed in manoeuvering. But in the course of the forenoon the wind shifted, bringing the English fleet to leeward, upon which Perry determined to advance without further preliminaries. The enemy were now in line of battle, hove to, the schooner "Chippeway" leading. Next came the "Detroit," Commodore Barclay's flagship, with the brig "Hunter" astern. Next to the "Hunter" lay the "Queen Charlotte," the second of the enemy's large ships; and the schooners "Lady Prevost" and "Little Belt" brought up the rear. The American squadron was so arranged as to bring its largest vessels opposite to the largest of the enemy. The commodore led in his flagship the "Lawrence," supported by the "Ariel" and "Scorpion" upon his weather-bow. He chose Barclay's flagship as his own antagonist. Following him was the brig "Caledonia," which was to engage the "Hunter." Next came the "Niagara," Elliott's vessel, to oppose the "Queen Charlotte;" and the line was completed by the schooners "Somers," "Porcupine," and "Tigress," and the sloop "Trippe," which would take care of the enemy's rear. The English lay in compact order, broadside on, their red ensigns opening to the light breeze. No picture could be drawn more peaceful or more beautiful than that upon which the sun shone on this September morning as it lit up with sparkling brilliancy the rippling waters of the lake. The long column of the Americans came slowly down with all sails set, led by the "Lawrence," at whose mast-head was unfolded the lettered flag bearing the words, "Don't give up the ship,"--the last order of the ill-fated commander of the "Chesapeake." It was Perry's battle-flag; and as it was displayed and the words were read by the different crews, cheer upon cheer rang out, caught up from ship to ship down the long line of the advancing column. The last preparations had now been made; the shot were in the racks, the pistols and cutlasses arranged at hand, and the decks sanded to give a foothold, when in a few moments they would become slippery with blood. All was in readiness, and the men only waited to join battle. [Illustration: "A SINGLE GUN BOOMED FROM BARCLAY'S SHIP."] For more than an hour the squadron advanced slowly and in silence under the light wind. At length the notes of a bugle sounding on the "Detroit" broke the still air, followed by cheers from the enemy's ships, and soon a single gun boomed from Barclay's ship as the signal for opening battle. His second shot passed through both bulwarks of the "Lawrence," and Perry made reply. But his battery of carronades was useless at this distance, and for fifteen minutes more he continued to advance, receiving a terrific fire without being able to answer it. At length, arriving within three hundred and fifty yards, he hauled up and began the action. The other American vessels, delayed by the lightness of the wind, had been slow in getting into position for battle. The "Ariel" and "Scorpion" supported the "Lawrence" efficiently. The "Caledonia" too, the next astern, closed with the "Hunter." But the "Niagara," upon which Perry mainly relied as one of his largest vessels, engaging only at long range, failed to close, and finally, moving ahead, passed to windward of the "Caledonia" and "Lawrence," thus placing them between herself and the enemy and throwing herself out of the battle. It was represented afterward that this was due to the lightness of the wind; but however this may be,--and there is no event in naval history which has been the subject of more wrangling and disputation,--certain it is that never was a ship made to do so little to help her consorts as the "Niagara" during the time when Elliott was directing her movements. The "Queen Charlotte," finding that her opponent had thus placed himself out of harm's way, filled her main-topsail and passed ahead of the "Hunter," thereby doubling the odds against the already injured "Lawrence." For two long hours the "Lawrence" now sustains an unequal contest, receiving the concentrated fire of nearly the whole of the enemy's squadron. The rigging is cut, the sails are torn to shreds, one by one the spars are shattered or fall upon the deck. Gun after gun is dismounted, and fearful is the slaughter of officers and men. The wounded are taken below so fast that the surgeon can barely serve them, hurriedly amputating a leg or an arm, one after another, and binding up as best he may the bleeding wounds. Cannon-shot enter the quarters for the wounded, striking men whose limbs have just been taken off by the surgeon's knife. The first lieutenant, Yarnall, wounded in the forehead and the neck, his face streaming with blood, continues to fight his guns until his men are killed, and sending to the commodore for more, is answered that there are no more to give him. The second lieutenant, Dulany Forrest, standing beside Perry, receives a spent grape-shot in the breast which throws him to the deck. A gun captain whom Perry has addressed to give a word of caution is just about to fire, when a cannon-ball passes through his body and he falls without a groan at the commodore's feet. Brooks the marine officer, a dashing young lieutenant, is making a smiling response to Perry's cheerful words, when a heavy shot crushes his thigh and throws him across the deck. In an agony of pain he implores the commodore to shoot him dead and put him out of misery. All the guns but one are now dismounted, but this one still keeps up its fire; for the commodore, with the brave purser Hambleton, and Chaplain Breese, aided by two or three men, are working it themselves. At last the purser falls, his shoulder shattered by a grape-shot. Presently this gun, too,--the last one,--is disabled, and the "Lawrence" cannot fire a shot. There are less than a score of sound men left on board. At this terrible moment, when, though untouched himself, nearly all his companions had fallen, when his ship was beaten, and himself exhausted with the stress of two hours of battle, there came to Perry one of those resolutions which can only be called inspiration. He saw that if the flagship surrendered, the whole fleet would follow. He saw that the two leading ships of the enemy had suffered much in his attack, though their force was not so nearly spent as his own. He saw too that the "Niagara" and the schooners in the rear were almost fresh, if they could only be brought into action. Upon this he formed his resolution. Calling away his boat, and taking with him his little brother, who like himself had passed through the fearful ordeal unscathed, except for the bullets in his cap, he rowed under the enemy's fire to the "Niagara." It was a daring act, for the enemy's shot broke the oars, and the spray was dashed in the faces of the rowers. But it was more wonderful in the coolness and bravery which enabled the young commander at such a time and after such a trial to carry out with promptness and judgment the only plan to retrieve disaster. Arriving on board the "Niagara" Perry at once assumed command, hoisting his flag, and a moment later he sent Lieutenant Elliott, who volunteered for the duty, to bring up the tardy schooners. Then, setting the signal for close action, he formed his ships in line abreast and dashed at the enemy. The "Lawrence" had now struck, but the enemy had no chance to take possession. The onset of the fresh fleet was irresistible. The "Detroit" and the "Queen Charlotte," seeing the blow coming, attempted to wear, so that fresh broadsides might be brought to bear. In doing this they fell foul, and as they lay entangled, the breeze freshening, the "Niagara" plunged through their line, firing both broadsides as she passed through the narrow gap. At the same moment the "Caledonia" with the "Scorpion" and "Trippe" broke through the line at other points, and turning with the "Niagara" brought the enemy between two deadly fires. The shrieks of the wounded mingled with the roar of the American cannon; the British commodore could not resist this new attack, and in seven minutes from the "Niagara's" passage of the line, four of the enemy had surrendered in their places in the column. The two remaining vessels sought to escape under cover of the smoke, but they were pursued and brought back by the "Trippe" and "Scorpion." [Illustration: "CALLING AWAY HIS BOAT, HE ROWED UNDER THE ENEMY'S FIRE."] As soon as the prisoners had been secured, the prizes manned, and orders given for the necessary repairs, Perry sat down in his cabin and wrote to General Harrison, commanding the Army of the West, who had been waiting anxiously for the issue of the battle. Here is his letter:-- DEAR GENERAL,--We have met the enemy and they are ours,--two ships, two brigs, one schooner, and one sloop. Yours with very great respect and esteem, O.H. PERRY. Well might the general be elated when he got the news. The victory had saved the whole Northwest, which until then had been desolated by the most savage and barbarous of enemies. No time was lost in following it up, and in carrying the war into the enemy's country. The army was quickly embarked on board the ships and landed in Canada. After marching inland it attacked the enemy, and in the great victory of Moravian Town the English troops were annihilated, and Tecumseh, the relentless enemy of the United States, was killed. From that time forth until the close of the war the British were compelled to abandon all operations on Lake Erie. CHAPTER XV. THE SLOOP ACTIONS. So far most of the engagements which had taken place on the ocean were fought by frigates. Only two of them,--the first between the "Wasp" and "Frolic," and the second between the "Hornet" and "Peacock"--were sloop actions. But the sloops formed at this time a very important part of our navy, and no less than six sloop actions were fought later in the war, all but one of them resulting in victory for the Americans. The sloops-of-war of this period were generally small three-masted vessels, though in the brig-sloops, like the "Argus" and "Pelican," there were but two masts. They were armed with carronades, of which the American sloops carried either eighteen or twenty, and the British sixteen; and each of them carried also two long guns. The batteries varied slightly in the different vessels; but whatever the variations, it seemed that we had always a little the advantage in armament. Two of the sloop actions took place in the summer of 1813,--the same summer which opened so badly with the loss of the "Chesapeake." The first was that of the "Argus" and the "Pelican," and like the frigate action it proved a disastrous battle for the Americans. The "Argus" had sailed from New York in May, having on board as passenger Crawford, the Minister to France, who was on his way to his new post. She was under the command of Lieut. William Henry Allen. This was the same Lieutenant Allen who, it will be remembered, fired the gun with a live coal in his fingers on board the "Chesapeake" when she was assailed by the "Leopard" in 1807. He was the same, too, who had been for five years Decatur's first lieutenant in the United States, ending his cruise with the capture of the "Macedonian." After landing his passenger at Lorient, Captain Allen was ordered to make a cruise in English waters. It was almost impossible for him to send to America any prizes he might make, even if he could weaken his ship to man them; and his instructions, therefore, were to sink, burn, and destroy all he captured. It was a daring enterprise, like the cruises of Paul Jones and Wickes and Conyngham in the older war, though with the increased numbers of the enemy's navy it was presumably attended with greater danger. But strangely enough, with the lesson of the earlier war before them, so little had the British provided for the defence of their own seas against commerce-destroyers, that the "Argus" was able to cruise for two months, often within four leagues of their coast, without being disturbed in her operations. During this time she captured twenty-three prizes, most of which were burned. The value of the ships and cargoes destroyed amounted to near two millions of dollars; and as happened in the Revolution, the rate of marine insurance in England was raised far in advance of its usual figure. The naval administration, which at this period of defeat was roundly abused by English writers, must have been more than usually sluggish, to have allowed a 20-gun brig to continue for two months such depredations. [Illustration: "THE 'PELICAN' WAS GUIDED TO HER BY THE SMOKE OF THE BURNING MERCHANTMAN."] At length the British sloop "Pelican," which had just come in from the West Indies, was sent out from Cork expressly to fight the "Argus." She was a little superior in force, but the difference, as in most of these actions, was not great enough to be of any consequence. The "Argus" was now destroying prizes right and left, and the "Pelican" was guided to her by the smoke of the burning merchantmen. When the English sloop first sighted her in the evening, she was busy with a prize; and though the "Pelican" lost her in the night, another fire disclosed her position in the morning. As the "Pelican" bore down to engage, Captain Allen shortened sail to give the enemy a chance to close. At six o'clock in the morning the "Pelican" had come within grape-shot distance, and Allen fired his first broadside. It was his last too, poor fellow! for the enemy returning the fire with spirit, a round shot carried off his leg; and though he would not leave the deck, he was soon unconscious from loss of blood, and his career was ended. The rigging of the "Argus" was at the same time badly cut; but when the enemy tried to get under her stern and rake her, Lieutenant Watson, who was now in command, cleverly threw all aback and thwarted the attempt. But alas! the gun's-crews on this day were not up to their work; for whether, as some have said, the hard work of the night before had worn them out, or whether they had got hold of the spirit-cask in their last prize, certain it is that their firing was weak and wild, and far below the example which had been set by American blue-jackets in other battles. The enemy remained almost unhurt, and by no means got as good as they sent. Lieutenant Watson was disabled by a grape-shot in the head; two round shot passed through the warrant-officers' cabins; the running rigging and wheel-ropes were shot away, so that the brig became unmanageable; and finally, three quarters of an hour after the action had begun, as the enemy was about to board, the "Argus" struck her colors. * * * * * The next engagement was happily more creditable to the Americans. Early in September the "Enterprise," commanded by Lieut. William Burrows, a brave and skilful officer who was much respected and beloved in the service, put out from Portland, and the day after, being the 5th of the month, fell in with the enemy's brig "Boxer," Captain Blyth. The two ships were about a match in guns, but the American, as usual, had a larger crew. As Burrows approached he manoeuvred to try his powers of sailing; and finding that his ship had greater speed, he bore up for close action, setting three ensigns and firing a gun of defiance. Blyth had nailed his flag to the mast, telling his men that it should never be struck while he had life in his body. And he kept his word. As the "Enterprise" ranged up, her crew gave three cheers, and opened on the enemy at half-pistol shot. At the first fire a round shot passed through the body of the gallant English captain. The "Boxer" returned the fire. A moment later Captain Burrows, encouraging his men, seized a tackle to help the crew in running out their carronade; and as his leg was raised to brace it against the bulwark, a canister-shot struck it, and glancing upwards to his body, gave him a frightful wound. In an agony of pain he lay on the deck, crying out that the colors must never be struck, and refusing to be taken below. The two ships were now fought by their lieutenants. McCall, the lieutenant of the "Enterprise," finding that he ranged ahead, sheered across the "Boxer's" bow, pouring in a raking broadside. Presently the "Boxer" lost her main-topmast, and McCall, hanging on her bow, kept up his raking fire. There could now be but one result, and soon the "Boxer" hailed to say that she had surrendered. The flag which had been nailed to the mast was now lowered, but Blyth had already breathed his last. Burrows kept his place on the deck until he had received the sword of his adversary. Then he exclaimed, "I am satisfied; I die contented," and with that word breathed his last. * * * * * The next of the sloop actions was in the spring of the following year. The "Peacock," one of the new sloops, named after the British vessel which the "Hornet" had sunk in the Demerara River, was cruising in April under the command of Capt. Lewis Warrington, when she met the enemy's brig-sloop "Epervier" off the coast of Florida. Though the "Peacock" had the larger crew, the ships were not far from a match in guns. But the "Epervier's" battery was not in fighting condition, and she had practised so little with her carronades that her officers did not know of their defects; or if they did, they had not done anything to remedy the difficulty. Indeed, the whole service of the "Epervier," both at the guns and in other ways, was most slovenly, and far behind what one would expect in a British sloop-of-war. The vessels as they neared opened on each other, but at the first broadsides the "Epervier's" carronades were dismounted, the bolts giving way. For three quarters of an hour the fight continued, the guns of the brig getting worse and worse, until she could hardly fire a shot. At length the English captain gave the order to board, but his men showed no zeal or courage, and even refused to follow him; so he gave up and struck his colors. [Illustration: CAPTAIN LEWIS WARRINGTON.] There was hardly any other action in the war in which the enemy did so poorly as in this. The "Epervier" had twenty-two men killed or wounded in the battle; the "Peacock" had none killed and only two wounded. The enemy was almost a wreck. Her hull was riddled, her main-topmast and boom were shot away, her foremast was nearly cut in two, her sails tattered, her bowsprit badly wounded, her battery disabled, and there were four feet of water in her hold; while the "Peacock," except for the loss of the foreyard, was as fresh as ever, and not a shot had struck her hull. It was a profitable hour's work for her crew; for a large amount of specie was found on board the enemy, and the Government bought the captured sloop for more than fifty thousand dollars. The two vessels made for Savannah, where, though several times chased by the enemy, they arrived safely a few days after the battle. * * * * * On the day that the "Epervier" entered the Savannah River, the new sloop-of-war "Wasp"--named for that other "Wasp" which had captured the "Frolic"--sailed from Portsmouth on a cruise. She was commanded by Capt. Johnston Blakely, a most resolute officer, and had as fine a crew of stanch New Englanders as ever trod the deck of a Salem clipper. Running the blockade off the coast, the "Wasp" stood over toward the English channel, and soon she was burning and sinking merchantmen as actively as the "Argus" had done before her. But when it came her turn to meet the enemy in battle, her crew showed themselves to be made of different stuff from the sailors of that unlucky brig. The "Wasp" had been nearly two months out, when she fell in with one of the enemy's sloops. This was the "Reindeer," commanded by Capt. William Manners, a young officer whose gallantry was unsurpassed by that of any of his comrades in the English service. His ship was less in force than the "Wasp," for she carried twenty-four-pound carronades instead of thirty-twos; but nevertheless he no sooner sighted the American than he made sail to attack her. Blakely too was ready for the combat, and shaped his course to meet the enemy. So the vessels approached under a light breeze during the whole forenoon, and it was not till after one o'clock that they beat to quarters and cleared ship for action. For two hours both were now manoeuvring for an advantage as deftly as two skilful fencers, but the two captains were equally good at this, and neither could score a point against his adversary. At length, soon after three o'clock, the "Reindeer," being then at a distance of sixty yards on the "Wasp's" weather-quarter, opened on her with careful aim from the shifting carronade on her top-gallant forecastle, to which the "Wasp" could not reply. Five times this was repeated, at intervals sometimes of two, sometimes of three minutes, the fire of round and grape shot making destructive work on board the unresisting American. The "Wasp's" crew were well trained, and nothing showed it more than the quiet steadiness and nerve with which they bore this trial. But Captain Blakely, finding that the enemy did not advance beyond his quarter, luffed, and so brought his broadside to bear. Then began a furious and deadly conflict, for the ships were close abreast, and in the smooth water there was no motion to disturb the pointing of the guns. But it was on board the "Reindeer" that the carnage was most dreadful. In fifteen minutes her upper works became a wreck, and more than half her crew were killed or wounded. The topmen of the "Wasp" picked them off with their muskets one by one. The gallant Manners was badly wounded early in the action, but remained on deck. A grape-shot passed through both his thighs. He fell, but raised himself; and staggering to his feet, the blood streaming from his wounds, he fought on, encouraging his men. At last the two ships fouled, and Manners, true hero that he was, climbed up by the rigging, calling out, "Follow me, my boys, we must board!" But at that instant two bullets pierced his head, and he fell lifeless to the deck. A moment later the crew of the "Wasp" had rushed on board his ship, and she surrendered. After this battle, so glorious for both sides, Blakely put into Lorient. His prize was so disabled that he burned her the day after the fight, and the wounded prisoners were sent to England in a Portuguese brig. Refitting at the French port, Blakely set sail again toward the end of August. On the 1st of September he was on the edge of the Bay of Biscay. He had already made two prizes since leaving port, and on this day he was hanging about a fleet of English merchantmen bound for Gibraltar, under convoy of the line-of-battle ship "Armada." The clumsy seventy-four twice tried to catch him, but the sloop was too nimble for her, and ended by cutting out one of the convoy under her very eyes. Blakely was now on the spot most frequented by British cruisers; for all that went to and fro between England and the Mediterranean must pass that way, and it behooved him to be upon his guard. At dusk that same evening he discovered four sail whose character he could not make out. But he stood boldly down for one of them, and after a two hours' pursuit, in which the chase had made repeated night-signals that he could not answer, he discovered that she was a large man-of-war brig. An hour later, and the ships were near enough to hail. "What ship is that?" asked the stranger through the darkness. "What brig is that?" asked Blakely in return. "What ship is that?" "Heave to, and I'll let you know what ship it is." But the stranger did not heave to, and presently the "Wasp" opened on her. Soon she got alongside, and both ships began to fire in dead earnest. Dark as it was, the "Wasp" made splendid practice with her guns, yet was herself but little hurt. The enemy's gaff and rigging were cut and broken, the round shot penetrated her hull, and, half an hour after the first gun, her mainmast went by the board. Captain Blakely now hailed to know if she would yield, for her fire had ceased. Soon it began again, and to Blakely's second demand the answer came that the brig surrendered. A boat was now lowered, but at the same moment a second brig appeared, just visible a short distance off in the darkness. The boat was hoisted in, the men were called again to quarters, and as Blakely made off before the wind to reeve new braces, the new-comer followed him, firing, but without effect. Two more sail were now discovered, and it seemed that the American might have hard work to escape. Meantime guns of distress were firing from the "Avon," Blakely's first opponent, and the second brig hauled off hastily to go to her assistance. But she was none too soon, for the "Avon" sank before all her people could get on board the rescuer. The two other ships--one of which, the "Castilian," had joined in the battle, and the other, the "Tartarus," had only just come upon the scene--did not attempt pursuit, while Blakely, seeing that it was idle to remain in a neighborhood surrounded thus by enemies, quickly made sail to leave it, and proceeded on his cruise. Three weeks later the "Wasp" captured the merchant brig "Atalanta," and by her sent home despatches. This was the last that was ever seen or heard of the gallant sloop. Whether she foundered in a gale, or caught fire, or ran upon a rock, no one can say; and to this time the fate of her brave Yankee crew is one of the buried secrets of the deep. * * * * * The last of the sloop actions of the war was between the "Hornet" and the "Penguin." The "Hornet," the same vessel which Lawrence had commanded two years before, left New York near the end of January, 1815, and proceeded to the remote island of Tristan d'Acunha, where she had a rendezvous with the "Peacock." She was commanded by Lieutenant James Biddle. The voyage out lasted two months. On the day that she reached the island, the 23d of March, she met the "Penguin," a British sloop of force almost exactly equal. The "Penguin" was to windward and bore down upon her, while Biddle hove his ship to and awaited her coming. As she came up alongside, the fight began broadside to broadside. It did not take long to show which was the better crew. The "Hornet's" fire was steady and precise, the "Penguin's" wild and ineffective. At the end of fifteen minutes the English sloop had lost her captain and many of her men in killed or wounded, and her sides had been battered by the American fire. One round shot entered her aftermost port, and in its passage killed the powder-boy, took off six legs of seamen at the gun, dismounted a carronade, and fell into the water beyond. Just before the captain had received his mortal wound he had put his helm over to throw the ships afoul, so that his men might board the "Hornet." But when the first lieutenant would have led them over, they fell back. The American crew were eager to board the other ship, but Biddle wisely restrained them; for he knew that the loss of life might be great, and that the victory was his without it. A moment later the enemy cried out that they surrendered,--or at least so Biddle understood, and leaping on the taffrail, he gave the order to cease firing. But it seems that there was some mistake, for an English marine now took aim at him and shot him in the neck, fortunately wounding him but slightly. The crew were indignant at what seemed like treachery; but the captain checked their ardor, and wearing so that he might bring a fresh broadside to bear, he again called upon the enemy to surrender. Her foremast and bowsprit had now gone, and her mainmast was ready to go, so the colors were hauled down, just twenty-two minutes after the action had begun. The "Penguin's" loss in killed and wounded was forty-two, and she was such a wreck that Biddle had to destroy her, while the "Hornet's" loss was only eleven, and she was ready for action again a few minutes after the fight was over. [Illustration: "ONE ROUND SHOT ENTERED HER AFTERMOST PORT."] CHAPTER XVI. MACDONOUGH AND LAKE CHAMPLAIN. Once more our story goes back to the northern waters, this time to Lake Champlain. Little had been done here by either side during the first two years of the war. There was hardly a naval force on the lake worthy of being mentioned, and the only operations that took place were mere raids or forays. In June, 1813, Lieutenant Smith had been despatched with the two sloops "Growler" and "Eagle," which were the only vessels then possessed by the Americans, to annoy the British gunboats at the northern end of the lake; and rashly pursuing them into the Sorel River, from which he was unable to make his way out, he had been attacked by the boats, and by the troops that lined the banks, and his whole force had been captured. This gave the enemy control of the lake, and they were not slow to use their advantage. Four weeks later a body of troops were sent up from the Canadian territory to Plattsburg, along with the captured sloops, which had now been named the "Chubb" and the "Finch;" and the troops, landing, wrought great havoc at the post by destroying the buildings, and the supplies which had been stored there. The American commander at this time on Lake Champlain was Capt. Thomas Macdonough, of whom it may be truly said that no one in the old navy has left behind him a more spotless reputation, either as an officer or as a man. Brave and energetic, but prudent beyond his age,--for at this time he was but twenty-eight years old,--he was also earnest and sincere, grave but gentle, full of ardor, but of an even and kindly temper. He had been one of Preble's gallant band of officers, and he had sailed with Decatur in the "Intrepid" when the "Philadelphia" was burned; and again he was at his brave leader's side when with nine men they boarded and carried the Tripolitan gunboat in the first battle before Tripoli. Formed in that school of chivalrous devotion, his own lofty spirit had gathered in these later years added strength and judgment; and as events were now to show, no better man could have been chosen to defend the frontier at this its most vulnerable point. During the second year of the war, Macdonough was engaged, as Perry had been on Lake Erie, in building the vessels that were to form his fleet, but under difficulties even greater, in the want of workmen and materials. The British, too, were busily employed, and by the midsummer of 1814 the work of building was so far advanced that they began to think of taking the offensive, and to make the needful preparations for a great combined movement by land and water. An army of invasion numbering ten thousand men, many of them veterans, and commanded by Sir George Prevost, was massed at Montreal to march up the shores of the lake as soon as the fleet should be ready to support them in their advance. Their commander, fortunately for us, was a most unfit officer, else he would have made short work of the handful of troops under General Macomb at Plattsburg, which was the only army to oppose him. The naval force, under Com. George Downie, as yet consisted only of the brig "Linnet" and the two captured sloops; but there was also on the stocks, and nearly finished, the fine frigate "Confiance," which carried thirty long 24-pounders,--a very heavy battery for this lake warfare. To oppose this force Macdonough had one ship, the "Saratoga," mounting eight long 24's, and eighteen carronades of heavy calibre; but being carronades they were by no means equal to long guns, and the "Saratoga" was therefore far from a match for the "Confiance." He had also the schooner "Ticonderoga" and the sloop "Preble;" and the "Eagle," a brig of fair size and metal, was still under construction. In the latter part of August both the "Confiance" and the "Eagle" were launched, so that by September both sides had made up their complete numbers. The two fleets had in addition a little flotilla of gunboats, numbering ten or perhaps more upon each side. The opposing squadrons, in the number of men and in the weight of broadside, were as nearly matched as two naval squadrons well could be, and what difference there was between them was in favor of the enemy. But it amounted to so little that it is hardly worth while to consider it at all. In all kinds of naval equipment the ships were poorly fitted and supplied, but both sides shared equally in these deficiencies. Macdonough had been informed of the enemy's intentions, and made his plan to await their attack at Plattsburg, where the fleet and the army might stand or fall together. The formation of the bay at Plattsburg gave him a strong position. It lies on the western side of Lake Champlain, and is enclosed in part by a long neck of land which juts out into the lake, and curving like a hook or a bent finger, makes some distance to the southward. The enemy in advancing up the lake from the northern end must pass along this promontory on the outside, and then double its extreme point in order to enter the bay, passing to the northward again along its inner side. If they came up the lake with a leading wind, as they would doubtless do, they must beat up against the wind after they doubled the point; and thus during their slow advance, while manoeuvring in a confined space, they would be exposed to the broadsides of the ships that lay at anchor within. [Illustration: "ON THE STOCKS, AND NEARLY FINISHED, THE FINE FRIGATE 'CONFIANCE.'"] With this in view Macdonough decided on his order of battle. His line was formed heading directly north and well inside the bay, the leading vessel, the brig "Eagle," being so near the inner curve of the bight that the enemy would not be able to turn the line by passing between her and the shore. Next came the flagship "Saratoga," and astern of her the schooner "Ticonderoga." The sloop "Preble" brought up the rear. In the intervals of the line the gunboats had their stations; and these were to check any attempt of the enemy to turn the rear by passing through the narrow opening between the "Preble" and Crab Island shoal, which closed the bay on the southern side. A small battery on Crab Island aided still more in giving this protection. In these arrangements Commodore Macdonough showed great foresight and judgment; but he was not satisfied with this, and it was by the additional precautions that he took, which few commanders would have thought of, that he evinced his greatest skill, and indeed in the end saved the battle. Knowing that with his battery of carronades his engaged broadside would in time become disabled, he made the most careful preparations to wind his ship,--that is, to turn her round,--so that she might bring a fresh broadside to bear. This would be no easy matter for a ship at anchor in a narrow space in a crowded bay, and under the enemy's fire; but he resolved that it should be done. So besides the usual anchors, he planted kedges broad off on his ship's bows, with hawsers hanging in bights under the water, and leading to her quarters. The stream anchor was suspended astern. We shall see presently how important these precautions became. * * * * * Soon after daybreak, on the 11th of September, 1814, just a year and a day after the battle of Lake Erie, the picket boat of the American squadron, lying outside the bay, descried the advancing enemy, and falling back, announced to Commodore Macdonough their approach. The ships were at once cleared for action. At eight o'clock the masts of the enemy's vessels could be seen across the neck of Cumberland Head, and soon they had rounded the point and were standing in, formed in line ahead, the "Chubb" leading, toward the van of the American squadron. The "Chubb" and "Linnet" were to engage the "Eagle." Next came the "Confiance," with her powerful battery, marked out to engage the "Saratoga," and the "Finch," with the greater part of the gunboats, to attack the rear, and endeavor to turn the line. The water in the bay was smooth, and the English squadron filled, and came down on the starboard tack, without a sound to break the stillness. On board the American ships the men awaited in silence and expectation the order to fire. The "Eagle" was the first to open, discharging in succession her 18-pounders, but the shot fell short. On board the "Saratoga" a rooster which had been set free in clearing away the hen-coops, startled by the report of the guns, flew upon a gun-slide, and flapping his wings, crowed cheerily. This little incident relieved the strain of waiting, and the blue-jackets, taking it as a good omen, broke out in cheers and laughter. Commodore Macdonough stood on his quarter-deck unmoved, watching the play of the "Eagle's" shot. As soon as he saw them reach the mark, he walked to one of the 24-pounders, and pointing it carefully himself at the bow of the "Confiance," touched the match and fired. The shot entered near the hawse-hole of the enemy's ship and passed the whole length of the deck, killing and wounding several men in its passage, and ended its course by carrying away the wheel. All the long guns of the "Saratoga" now began to play upon the enemy's frigate, every shot telling with deadly effect. Still the "Confiance" continued to advance without replying, with a stubborn bravery that moved to admiration all who witnessed it. At last she swung into position and came to anchor, not so near as Captain Downie could have wished, but as near as he could venture under the galling fire. The "Chubb" and "Linnet" took their places ahead of him, engaging the "Eagle;" but not a gun was fired from the frigate until the anchoring was complete and everything had been secured in true seamanlike manner. Suddenly a sheet of flame seemed to burst from the side of the "Confiance," as her whole broadside was fired. The guns, double-shotted and aimed at point-blank range, in smooth water, sent flying their volley of huge 24-pound shot; and under the shock the "Saratoga" shivered as though a ram had struck her. Half the crew were thrown down to the deck, and forty were killed or wounded by the cannon-balls or flying splinters. The first lieutenant, Gamble, struck in the breast by a split quoin or gun-wedge, fell dead without so much as a break in the skin. For an instant the "Saratoga" ceased her fire, but the next moment it was resumed with redoubled energy. Macdonough, pointing one of the guns himself, was knocked senseless by a blow from a shattered spar, but regaining consciousness he sprang to his feet and went back to his work at the gun. A moment later a shot struck the gun-captain, taking his head clean off, and the head struck Macdonough with such force that it threw him across the deck into the scuppers. On board the other ship, Downie, standing in the rear of the gun at a moment when a shot from the "Saratoga" struck its muzzle, received a blow in the groin as the gun was driven from its carriage, and fell to the deck; he never spoke again.[2] After this the broadsides from both ships gradually became less and less deadly. The British sailors, inexperienced in handling the guns, loaded hurriedly, sometimes putting in the ball or wad before the cartridge, and as the quoins were loosened, the breech of the gun fell lower and lower, raising the muzzle, until the shot passed harmlessly through the air. The "Saratoga's" carronades, too, were overloaded, and what with that and with the enemy's fire, those on the engaged or starboard side were disabled one by one, until at last only a single carronade remained; and as the crew were taking a final shot with this, the recoil broke the weakened bolt, and the gun jumped down the hatchway. [Footnote 2: This gun with its cracked muzzle is still preserved at the Naval Academy.] Ahead of the two flagships the battle had all this time been raging, but with no more certain result. The little "Chubb," it is true, manoeuvring at the head of the line, lost her bowsprit and main boom under the "Eagle's" fire; and drifting down on the American line, a shot from the "Saratoga" made her a prize, and a midshipman in the "Saratoga's" boat towed her in shore. The fight at this end was now between the "Eagle" and the "Linnet," and the enemy was getting the best of it. Indeed, the "Eagle," having lost her springs, could not return the "Linnet's" fire with advantage, so sheeting home her topsails, she cut her cable and ran down the line, taking a new berth astern of the "Saratoga," and bringing a fresh broadside to bear. Meantime a separate battle was going on at the rear of the line. Here the British had their strongest gunboats, and the Americans their weakest. It was upon the "Preble" that the attack was first directed, and after a time the gunboats succeeded in making her berth too warm, and cutting her cable she drifted in to leeward. After this repulse she was not again engaged. In a short time the "Finch," attempting to carry the "Ticonderoga," was disabled by two well-aimed broadsides, and she also drifted out of the fight, at last going ashore on Crab Island, where she struck to the neighboring battery. The "Ticonderoga" was now pressed hard by the English gunboats, which attacked her with great dash and energy; but Lieutenant Cassin, who commanded her, defended her valiantly, standing on the taffrail amid a shower of grape and canister, and beating back the assailants as they crowded around his little sloop. It was thus due to Cassin's vigorous efforts that the rear was held so firmly on that trying day. The fight had now been going on for an hour or more, and the critical point in the battle had been reached, when the forces of both sides were nearly exhausted, and the next move meant victory or defeat. The "Ticonderoga" might still hold the rear, and the "Eagle" could make some reply to the "Confiance;" but the "Saratoga" had not a gun left on her starboard side, which was toward the enemy, and the "Linnet," unopposed, had stationed herself off the American flagship's bow, and was raking her without resistance. To remain where she was meant destruction to the "Saratoga." Now, then, was the time to use the appliances which MacDonough's careful forethought had provided. He resolved to wind the ship, so that his port broadside could be brought to bear. It was a difficult and dangerous process in the face of the enemy's fire, for if once his men should be thrown into confusion all would be lost. But with the captain standing on the quarter-deck, calm and collected, there was no danger that any one would lose his head. The stream anchor was let go astern, and the hawser, bent to the kedge on the starboard bow, which had been carried to the starboard quarter, was hauled in until the ship was half-way round. Then the men clapped on a line bent to the stream anchor, and pulled and tugged, but with all their efforts they could only swing her far enough to make one gun bear on the "Confiance." Instantly this was manned and opened fire. But this was not enough. The ship now hung with her stern exposed to the raking fire of the "Linnet." Something must be done, and quickly. What should it be? There still remained the other kedge, planted broad off the port bow. That alone could accomplish the result. Its hawser, leading to the port quarter, was carried forward, passed under the bow and then aft on the other side, where the crew roused on it with a will. It seemed not much, but it was enough, and in a few minutes more the "Saratoga" was heading south, and firing at the "Confiance" from a clean, fresh, broadside battery. This ended the battle. The "Confiance" herself, attempting to wind, was caught when half-way round, and after enduring a few moments of the "Saratoga's" fresh fire, struck her colors and surrendered. The "Linnet" held out a little longer, but it was a useless struggle, and she too hauled down her flag. It was a complete victory. The enemy were more than defeated,--they were annihilated, their squadron wiped out of existence. Lake Champlain, which till this point in the war had been almost a British lake, was now delivered up without a possibility of recovery. Sir George Prevost, seeing the issue of the battle in the bay, made only a feeble demonstration against Plattsburg, and soon he was in full retreat to Canada, and New York was saved from the threatened invasion. CHAPTER XVII. STEWART AND "OLD IRONSIDES." During the latter part of the war, as might have been foreseen, there was little opportunity for American frigates to show that they could keep up the fame they had so gloriously won. The British were determined that none of them that ventured out to sea should escape; and by stationing a squadron, which their great resources enabled them to do, before each port where a frigate lay, they succeeded in keeping it cooped up and inactive. No longer were offers made by British captains, like that of the chivalrous Broke before Boston, to send away part of their vessels, leaving one to fight a duel with the frigate that was in the harbor. A steady watch was kept up before each port by the whole blockading squadron. The "Constellation," which had won such high renown under Truxtun in the French war, sailed from Washington down the Chesapeake Bay; but falling in with the heavy squadron of the enemy near Hampton Roads, composed of ships-of-the-line and frigates, she took refuge at Norfolk, and here or in the river below she remained blockaded till the end of the war. The "President" was lying at New York, and off the port were the "Majestic" (razee) and three frigates,--the "Endymion," "Pomone," and "Tenedos." The "United States" and "Macedonian," after getting out from New York though Hell Gate, encountered the British squadron of a line-of-battle ship and two frigates at the eastern entrance of the Sound, and put in to New London, where they lay in the mud for eighteen months unable to get out. The "Constitution," under Captain Stewart at Boston, found herself checked in the same way by a squadron of heavy frigates. The "Adams," which had been a 28-gun frigate, but which was now a corvette, managed to slip out from Washington in January, 1814, under the command of Charles Morris, who had been promoted to a captain for his service in the battle with the "Guerrière" seventeen months before. Six months were passed in cruising, part of the time off the Irish coast, but with no great success; for Morris was not fortunate in meeting prizes of any value, and once or twice he narrowly escaped the enemy's larger frigates. At length the scurvy showed itself among the crew, and the ship was turned toward home. But it was almost as difficult for American ships to get in as to get out. About the middle of August Morris arrived off the coast of Maine, where unluckily for him he sighted the English sloop "Rifleman," which he chased, but which escaped in the fog. Soon after the "Adams" went ashore at the mouth of the Penobscot River, and when she got off, Morris found her so much injured that he resolved to go several miles up the river to Hampden, where he could refit, as there were ship-yards all along the bank. A short time before Morris's arrival a large force made up of seventy-fours and frigates had left Halifax to make a descent on the Maine coast, and near Castine it received news from the "Rifleman" of the presence of the "Adams." This was exactly what the enemy wanted. Some light vessels and boats, with about six hundred troops, were at once detached and sent up the river to capture her. Morris had dismantled the ship and landed her guns and stores preparatory to making the needed repairs. By dint of hard work nine of the guns were mounted in battery on a neighboring hill-top, but without protection, and the remainder were placed in position on the wharf where the ship was lying. Farther up the river was a creek crossed by a bridge; but the bridge was not strong enough to allow the guns to be carried over, and the Americans were thus prevented from taking up their position in rear of the creek. There was a sufficient force of men to defend the position, supposing that it had been well taken, with proper preparations, and that the men were good men. But more than half of them were militia, whose officers knew nothing of war, and whose men had no steadiness under fire. The enemy landed at sunset on the 2d of September, and early the next morning made a sharp attack. The day was chill and rainy, and a heavy fog hid the hill, which the militia were to defend, from the view of Morris and his command on the wharf. Soon the enemy's bugles were heard on the road below the hill-battery, followed by three discharges from one of the guns. A few moments later word was passed by the marines, who had been posted at intervals between the hill-battery and the wharf, that the militia had broken and were fleeing in disorder. There was no time to be lost; for if the enemy should gain the bridge in the rear, the retreat of the sailors would be cut off. The ship was set on fire, the guns were spiked, and Morris and his men retired to the creek. Here they found the panic-stricken militia crowding over the bridge, and the seamen, being without firearms, could make no real resistance. So they forded the creek, and being now safe from pursuit, they marched through the woods to the Kennebec. Here they separated into detachments, taking different routes, as in this way it was easier to obtain provision on the journey, and finally all arrived safely at Portsmouth. * * * * * At this time the "Constitution" was, as I have said, lying at Boston, watched by a squadron of the enemy. She had proved a lucky ship, just as the "Chesapeake" and "Adams" had proved unlucky; and her present captain, Charles Stewart, who had been one of Preble's lieutenants at Tripoli, was certainly a man well fitted to make the most of any chance he had. The frigate had been in port since April, at first repairing, and later unable to get out owing to the presence of the enemy's squadron. In December, 1814, this squadron was composed of the "Newcastle" of fifty guns, under Lord George Stuart, and the "Acasta" of forty guns, under Captain Kerr. About the 12th of the month the "Newcastle," for some unexplained reason, ran down into Cape Cod Bay, where she grounded for a short time on a shoal. Here she was joined by the "Acasta." Captain Stewart was on the watch, and when he found out the situation, he did not wait long. All was quickly in readiness, and having quietly weighed her anchor, the "Constitution," setting all her sail with a fair wind, was soon dashing at full speed down the harbor and out to sea; and before the enemy could learn of her flight, she was ploughing the waves of the broad Atlantic. With what delight her officers and men, after their long confinement and inaction in port, felt once more the salt breezes speeding the good ship on her course, the spray dashing from her bow as it cut the surging billows! Now at last there was a hope that with such a ship and such a captain they might win for the navy new victories, and add to the laurels which their companions had already gathered. [Illustration: CAPTAIN CHARLES STEWART.] The "Constitution" stood across the Atlantic to the coast of Spain and Portugal, and thence stretched over to the Azores and down to Madeira. On the 20th of February, being then about sixty leagues distant from Madeira, at one o'clock in the afternoon she sighted two vessels sailing apparently in company, but at the moment some ten miles apart. These were discovered after a time to be two British ships-of-war,--the corvette "Cyane" of twenty-two guns, Captain Falcon, and the sloop "Levant" of twenty guns, Captain Douglas. The "Constitution" made all sail in chase, hoping to be able to engage the vessels separately. The "Levant" was the nearer of the two, and soon she was seen straining every nerve to join her consort, and making signals that the stranger was an enemy. Captain Stewart had crowded on everything the ship would carry, even to topmast, top-gallant, and royal studding-sails; indeed it was a little more than she could carry, as the main royal mast presently snapped off, and another had to be prepared. The enemy's ships were thus enabled to effect a junction, and after manoeuvring to delay the action until dark, which they thought would give them an advantage, they hauled by the wind on the starboard tack, and formed in column, the "Levant" leading. Their united force was not so strong as that of the "Constitution," but as there were two of them, the American frigate was required above all things to be alert in her movements, so that she might not be taken at a disadvantage. For this special purpose she could have no better commander than Stewart, who excelled in skilful seamanship. Soon after six she ranged up on the starboard or weather quarter of the "Cyane," the rearmost ship, and fired her broadside at a distance of two hundred yards. The "Cyane" replied with spirit; and as the "Constitution" forged ahead, the "Levant" in turn opened on her, receiving her fire at the same time. The ships were now in a triangular fight, but as the "Constitution" moved on, she became engaged with the "Levant" alone. Presently the smoke lifted, and Stewart saw the "Cyane" luffing up for his port quarter. Without an instant's hesitation, without stopping to wear or tack, which would have exposed his bow or stern to a raking fire, he simply braced aback his topsails, at the same time giving the "Levant" a parting broadside, and backed astern till he had the "Cyane" abeam, so that she was compelled to bear up again to avoid a rake. A furious cannonade now silenced her, and the "Levant" wore, to come to her assistance. But Stewart was on the alert again, and seeing this manoeuvre he filled and shot ahead, and catching the sloop in the midst of the operation he gave her two terrific stern-rakes. Then, wearing himself in the smoke, his movements as quick and as nimble as those of a trained gymnast, he bore down again on the "Cyane," who, thinking him gone, was herself beginning to wear, and arriving in the nick of time, he raked her stern as he had just raked her consort's. Ranging up immediately after on her quarter, Stewart had the satisfaction of receiving her surrender. Lieutenant Hoffman and a few men were now thrown hastily on board the prize, and the "Constitution" went in search of the "Levant," which had made sail after her last encounter. But she had only hauled off to repair damages, and coming back she passed the "Constitution" on the opposite tack, the two ships exchanging broadsides. This last was enough, and the sloop now sought to escape in good earnest. But it was of no avail; the frigate was on her heels, and after receiving a few shot from the bow guns of the "Constitution," the "Levant" struck her colors. Captain Stewart had now completed a good day's work, and putting Lieutenant Ballard on board the "Levant," he proceeded to Port Praya, in the Cape de Verde Islands, where he came to anchor. Here we must leave him for a moment, to return to the blockading squadron which he had left before Boston. The "Newcastle" and "Acasta" returned to their station, and discovered to their dismay that the "Constitution" had given them the slip, and had got off in their absence. This was a serious mishap. Of all the American ships, the "Constitution"--"Old Ironsides," as she was called--was the worst offender. She had captured two frigates, the "Guerrière" and the "Java," and there was no telling what mischief she might be up to now. At this juncture the squadron was reinforced by another 50-gun ship, the "Leander," under Sir George Collier, K.C.B.; and Sir George, being the senior officer, decided that there was but one thing to be done, and that was to go in pursuit. It seemed like a wild-goose chase, to search for a ship that might be anywhere on the Atlantic Ocean. But fortune favored the pursuers in a most wonderful manner; for it so happened that on one foggy morning at Port Praya, as the "Constitution" was lying snugly at anchor, with a large part of her crew at work on board the prizes, Lieutenant Shubrick, the officer of the deck, as he was looking idly seaward, gazing at vacancy, was startled at catching sight, through a rift in the fog, of the sails of a great ship-of-war looming up distinctly, though her hull was hidden from view. He rubbed his eyes, thinking that some illusion must have deceived him; but there was the great spread of white canvas, and the ship that bore it was making for the anchorage. He rushed below to tell the captain. "Well," said Stewart, calmly, as he repaired to the deck, "she is either an English frigate or an Indiaman. Call all hands at once, and get the ship ready to go out and attack her." But when they came on deck it was a different story, for the fog had lifted a little, and two more sail were seen following the first. Sure enough; these were Stewart's old friends, the blockaders,--the "Newcastle" and "Acasta,"--and with them was another and equally formidable ship, the "Leander." They had started from the American coast a week behind the "Constitution," and after cruising about vainly in search of her for over two months, they had chanced upon the very spot which she had chosen as the best place in which to refit. Port Praya was in neutral territory, and by the established laws of war the "Constitution" and her prizes, as long as they lay there, should have been safe from molestation. But so little respect had been paid by the British to these rules, that Captain Stewart decided in an instant that he would place no reliance upon neutral protection. That settled, there was not a moment to be lost, for the enemy would soon be at the entrance of the harbor. Loosing his topsails, the captain signalled to the prizes to follow him, and cutting his cable, in seven minutes from the time when the first frigate was sighted the three ships were standing out of the harbor. That was rare discipline and organization, for not one crew in twenty could have accomplished the task. It was blowing fresh as the "Constitution," followed by the prizes, passed close under the point of land at the entrance, within gunshot of the enemy's squadron, and being to windward of them, she crossed her top-gallant yards, and set the foresail, mainsail, spanker, flying-jib, and top-gallant sails. The enemy immediately tacked, and made sail in chase. The six ships were now all upon the port tack, the "Constitution" racing along at the head of the line. Next came the prizes. Of the enemy, the "Newcastle" was leading, the "Leander" two miles astern of her, and the "Acasta" on her weather quarter. At half-past twelve the "Constitution" cut adrift the boats that she had been towing astern. Half an hour later Captain Stewart perceived that the "Acasta" was luffing up, and thereby gaining his wake. At the same time the "Cyane," the rearmost of the prizes, was dropping astern and to leeward. "If she keeps on in this way," he reasoned, "it will be impossible to save her without bringing the 'Constitution' into action, which will certainly result in her capture. If the 'Cyane' tacks, the 'Acasta' may go off in pursuit, but the prize will gain the anchorage at Port Praya before the enemy can catch her; that is probably her only chance. On the other hand, if the enemy fail to pursue her, she can escape." The signal was therefore made to the "Cyane" to tack, which she accordingly did, and finding that the English squadron took no notice of her, she went off in good style, and laying her course for the United States, she arrived there safely just a month later. At three o'clock the "Levant" found herself losing ground, exactly as the "Cyane" had been doing two hours before. She also was therefore signalled to tack, which was immediately done. Now came the singular part of this day's proceedings. Seeing the "Levant" making off, Sir George Collier, instead of keeping on and attempting to come up with the "Constitution," which, if he could have overtaken her, would surely have become his prize, abandoned the pursuit, and tacking with all his vessels, went off after the "Levant." The latter immediately made for the harbor; but Stewart's surmises about British respect for the neutrality of the port turned out to be correct. The prize anchored close under the batteries of the port, and the "Leander" and "Acasta" immediately opened fire with a broadside, most of which, however, passed above her, and did more damage in the town than on board the vessel. After this illegal attack the squadron completed its work by an inglorious capture. The British officers who were prisoners on board the "Constitution" had all the while been eagerly watching the manoeuvres of the squadron, which they expected presently to set them free. Great was their chagrin and disappointment when they saw this overwhelming force diverting its course in pursuit of the little prize sloop whose capture was of no earthly moment to the British Navy, and leaving "Old Ironsides," the frigate which more than any other under the American flag that navy longed to take, to go on her way rejoicing. Yet so it happened; and the "Constitution," now freed from all anxiety, shaped her course comfortably for home, where she arrived in May without any further mischances. The only other frigate that left port in the last year of the war was less fortunate than the "Constitution." This was the "President," now under Commodore Decatur. She was at New York, and for some time had lain at anchor off Staten Island watching for an opportunity to pass the blockading squadron. On the 13th of January, 1815, a heavy snow-storm drove the enemy off the coast; and next day, as the wind was favorable, Decatur determined to make the attempt in the night. Unfortunately the "President" in going out grounded on the bar, and by this accident lost an hour or two of darkness. Unfortunately also the shrewdness of the British commander, Captain Hayes, had led him to stand away to the northward and eastward, in what would probably be the course of an American ship if any such came out, in preference to closing the land to the southward. Hence at daybreak, being then about fifty miles from Sandy Hook, and steering southeast, the "President" found herself close upon the very ships she was trying to avoid, and within two miles of the largest of them, the "Majestic," a razee of sixty guns. The others were the frigate "Endymion" of fifty guns, and the "Pomone" and the "Tenedos," of forty-four each. Seeing such an overwhelming force directly in his path, Decatur changed his course to the northeast, and crowded sail to pass the enemy. The whole squadron immediately gave chase, and when the pursuit was fairly begun, the "Majestic" was some five miles astern, the "Endymion" following, and the "Pomone" a little farther off on the "President's" port quarter. For six hours the chase continued, with no change in the position of the ships. The "President," laden with all the stores for her cruise, was deep and sluggish in the water, and it was only by vigorous efforts that she kept her distance from her pursuers. At length, about noon, the wind became light and baffling. The "Majestic" was now falling astern, but the "Endymion" began to gain rapidly. All hands on board the "President" were busy lightening the ship, starting the water, cutting away the anchors, and throwing overboard provisions, cables, spare spars, boats,--everything, in short, that could be got at,--while the sails were kept wet from the royals down. The uncertain wind now blew only for the enemy; the "Endymion" had a good breeze, while it fell light upon the sails of the "President." At five o'clock the English frigate got a good position on the "President's" quarter, where none of Decatur's guns could be brought to bear on her. Still she did not close, preferring to yaw from time to time so that her broadside would bear, and then resume the chase, rather than risk anything by a close action. The pursuit had lasted all through the short winter's day, and it was now dusk. Seeing that the "Endymion's" tactics must end in his being crippled, Decatur suddenly altered his course to the southward, which compelled the enemy to do the same, and so brought her abeam, and a battle began between the two ships, broadside to broadside, Decatur encouraging and cheering his men, and fighting as steadily as if there were no other enemies in sight. His guns were aimed rather at the "Endymion's" spars than at her hull, seeing that his object was to destroy her power of sailing, and thus his loss in men was far greater than that of the enemy. Nevertheless, after two hours of a running fight the "Endymion" drew out of the battle, and dropped astern to repair her injuries. Decatur now continued on his course, hoping against hope that in the darkness of the night he might yet escape. But his pursuers were close at his heels and never lost sight of him for a moment. So well did he hold his own, that for more than two hours after the fight with the "Endymion" the enemy only gained on him inch by inch. At last, at eleven o'clock, the "Pomone" ranged up alongside, and planting herself within musket-shot on his port bow, she opened fire. At the same moment the "Tenedos" had taken a raking position on his quarter. If this had been the beginning of the action, it would have been right for the commodore to resist the attack, even though his resistance had lasted but a few moments and had accomplished no result. But in his two hours' action with the "Endymion" he had upheld with gallantry the honor of the flag, and with sixty men already killed or wounded it was probable that an attempt to fight the new assailants would only cause a useless slaughter. So he surrendered, and the "President" became from that day forth what she still remains,--a British frigate. It was a defeat indeed, but one which left the vanquished as much credit as the victors. * * * * * The actions of the "President" with the British squadron, and of the "Constitution" with the "Cyane" and the "Levant," were the last frigate engagements of the war. Indeed, the treaty of peace had already been signed, and it only awaited ratification. What had been the results of the naval war? The British Navy, numbering more than forty times our own, had met in the battles on the ocean with more defeats than victories, and on the lakes its squadrons had been twice annihilated. Its naval prowess, of which the wars with Dutch and Danes and French and Spaniards gave it so much cause to boast, was now matched by the naval prowess of a new rival in the Western Continent. The people who for twenty years had submitted to aggression, learned that those to whom their defence upon the ocean was intrusted were worthy of the trust, and would prove brave and efficient champions against a foreign foe, however great his power or prestige; and from that time forward no political party in the United States dared to rely for popular support upon a platform of tame submission to foreign encroachment. CHAPTER XVIII. THE WAR WITH ALGIERS. When the war with Great Britain broke out in 1812, it was no longer possible to keep ships cruising in the Mediterranean to overawe the States of Barbary. It was true that the severe lesson which Tripoli had received from Commodore Preble in 1804 was well remembered, and the Pasha had no desire to have it repeated. But Algiers, the most powerful State upon the northern coast of Africa, had always cherished a contemptuous feeling for the United States, which was still weakly paying tribute; and no sooner did the Dey learn that England, the mistress of the seas, was at war with the American Government, than he resolved to take advantage of the stress thus put upon the American Navy to break his treaty obligations. In order that he might have some pretext, he made complaint that the naval stores sent to him were not so good as the treaty called for, and after extorting by savage threats a heavy payment from the Consul of the United States, he finally expelled him, with all the other Americans, from his dominions. He even went beyond this, and took up again his old trade of pirate, capturing the brig "Edwin," of Salem, and imprisoning her officers and crew, whom he refused to release even on payment of the heaviest ransom. So matters continued during the war, it being impossible, as we have seen, to send out ships-of-war to the Mediterranean. But the moment that peace was declared, all this was changed. The navy, which had for nearly three years successfully defied the power of Great Britain on the sea, was not likely to shrink from an encounter with the corsairs of Algiers; and the American people, who had learned their strength, were no longer willing to submit to the encroachments of a petty barbarian prince. Besides, the navy, so far from having been destroyed in the war, was stronger than at the beginning. Of the larger frigates there still remained the "Constitution," the "United States," the "Constellation," and the "Congress;" and during the last year of the war others had been built, too late, indeed, to be of service against Great Britain, but ready now for conquests over a new enemy. There was the "Independence," the first American line-of-battle ship, of seventy-four guns, and there were the splendid frigates "Guerrière" and "Java," named after the prizes of 1812. It was with joyful prospects that the new squadron, composed of eleven sail, under the command of Commodore Decatur, who hoisted his broad pennant in the flagship "Guerrière," set out from New York on the 20th of May, 1815, bound for the Mediterranean. The squadron stood directly across the Atlantic, making a quick passage, and heading cautiously for the Strait of Gibraltar, arrived before any news of its departure had reached that quarter of the globe. It was Decatur's hope to take the Algerines by surprise while they were cruising, and his precautions were rewarded by success. Touching at Tangier for information, and learning that the Algerine vessels had been heard from but a short time before, the commodore proceeded up the Mediterranean, and off Cape de Gatt he fell in with the enemy's flagship, the "Mezourah," commanded by the Rais Hammida, the bravest and most skilful officer in the Algerine navy. The "Mezourah" was a beautiful frigate, originally a Portuguese, and sailed uncommonly fast. Hammida at first supposed that the ships were English, as no one could dream that an American squadron of such force was in that neighborhood; but one of the vessels having hoisted American colors by mistake, he was undeceived, and speedily took to his heels. The "Constellation," being nearest to him, opened fire; but Decatur could not resist the temptation, and signalling to her to sheer off, he dashed up in the "Guerrière" until he was alongside the enemy. Then he gave her one of those thundering broadsides which had so many times carried dismay and destruction to English frigates. The Rais was killed, his body cut in two by a shot; his ship was shattered, and his people fell on all sides about the decks. The survivors were demoralized, and hardly returned the fire. A second broadside was discharged, and the "Mezourah" turned to flee; but the little "Epervier," herself a trophy of the last war, was in her path, and the Algerine surrendered. Two days later the squadron fell in with another of the enemy's ships, the brig "Estedio." She took to flight, and being near the Spanish coast, ran into shallow water, where the large ships could not follow her. The brigs and schooners were sent in after her, and attacking her hotly, she was run ashore, and presently surrendered. She was floated off without much delay, and was sent with the other prize to Carthagena. Further concealment was useless; and the commodore, having now nearly five hundred Algerine prisoners, decided to proceed to Algiers, and on the 28th of June he entered the bay. The Dey was amazed at the sight of the squadron, and, fearful for the safety of his cruisers, all of which were now out, he sent the captain of the port with the Swedish consul-general to ascertain the purposes of the American commodore. Decatur received them with due ceremony, dressed in his full uniform and surrounded by his officers. After exchanging courtesies, he asked the captain of the port what had become of the Algerine squadron. "By this time," answered the wily Turk, "it is safe in some neutral port." "Not the whole of it," rejoined the commodore; and then he told the story of Hammida's death, and the capture of the "Mezourah" and the "Estedio." This did not satisfy the official, who shook his head and smiled, as much as to say, "That is all very well, but you don't expect _me_ to believe your story." "Wait a moment," said Decatur; and he sent for the "Mezourah's" lieutenant, who, coming on deck enfeebled by his wounds, briefly recited the circumstances of the two captures. The captain of the port was no longer incredulous, but began to realize the seriousness of the situation. Alarmed and anxious, he asked the commodore what terms he offered. Decatur's reply was brief: "No tribute; no ransom; liberation of all American captives; immunity of all American ships and crews in future." Hearing this answer, the captain of the port hesitated and proposed a truce, during which the commissioners should negotiate on shore. But the commodore declared that all the discussion should be on board his flagship, and that he would not cease from hostilities a moment until the treaty had been signed. With this answer the captain of the port returned to his master. The Dey's wrath was great when he learned the news, but his alarm was even greater. On the next day the captain of the port returned, and the commodore gave him a copy of the proposed treaty. Still he demurred, seeking to gain time. He asked again for a truce, and again it was refused. He begged for three hours to consider the terms, but the commodore answered, "Not a minute;" and he added to the messenger, "If your squadron or one of your ships appears in sight off the port before the treaty is signed, I will capture it." All that he would promise was that if the boat, returning with the treaty signed, should hoist a white flag, hostilities should then cease. The captain of the port then took the treaty and pulled for the landing five miles away. Not long after his departure an Algerine corvette hove in sight at the entrance of the bay. The flagship made signal for a general chase, and Decatur himself bore down upon her in the "Guerrière." All this the Dey saw from his palace, and bitterly as he felt the humiliation, he did not long hesitate in affixing his signature and sending the treaty back. Soon the returning boat made its appearance, with the white flag hoisted which had been agreed upon as the signal that the treaty had been signed; and the commodore, who had prepared to board the Algerine and have a battle like the old contests before Tripoli, hauled off shore and returned to his moorings. The boat approached rapidly, her progress quickened by the anxiety with which the captain of the port had watched the squadron's movements. "Is the treaty signed?" asked the commodore in his peremptory way when the Swedish consul came on deck. "It is here," replied the consul, as he delivered the document. "And the prisoners?" continued Decatur. "They are in the boat." As they were speaking, the Americans, who after three years of confinement and suffering were now to be set free, reached the quarter-deck, where they were warmly greeted by their deliverer. This prompt action of Decatur at Algiers, and the treaty which resulted from it, put an end forever to the piratical depredations of the Barbary States upon American commerce, and the example set by the United States was soon after followed by England, so that Mediterranean piracy in a short time thereafter ceased to exist. On the 8th of July the squadron weighed anchor and proceeded to Tunis. During the late war the neutrality of this port as well as that of Tripoli had been violated by British cruisers, which had seized within the two harbors the prizes of an American privateer, without opposition from the authorities. Commodore Decatur now proposed to obtain satisfaction for the outrage. [Illustration: "ACCOMPANIED BY ABDALLAH THE DRAGOMAN, I LEFT THE CANAL."] The consul of the United States at Tunis, Major Noah, was waiting for Decatur's arrival. He says:-- "On the 30th of July, about noon, we observed signals for a fleet from the tower at Cape Carthage, and shortly after the American squadron, under full sail, came into the bay and anchored. Nothing can be more welcome to a consul in Barbary than the sight of a fleet bearing the flag of his nation; he feels that, surrounded by assassins and mercenaries, he is still safe and protected, and an involuntary tribute of admiration is paid by the Mussulmen to that nation which has the power and the disposition to command respect. The flags of all the consulates were hoisted, and I lost no time in riding to Goletta, for the purpose of communicating with the squadron. On my way, a Mameluke on horseback presented me a letter from Commodore Decatur, announcing peace with Algiers, and desiring to know the nature of our differences with Tunis. I had already prepared the documents and arranged the plan of procedure which I intended to suggest to the commodore. On my arrival at Goletta the Minister of Marine ordered the Bey's barge of twelve oars to be prepared for me, and arranged the silk cushions in the stern, and, accompanied by Abdallah the dragoman, I left the canal. "The squadron lay off Cape Carthage, arranged in handsome order; the 'Guerrière,' bearing the broad pennant of the commodore, was in the centre, and the whole presented a very agreeable and commanding sight. In less than an hour I was alongside the flagship, and ascended on the quarter-deck. The marines were under arms, and the Consul of the United States was received with the usual honors. Commodore Decatur and Captain Downes, both in uniform, were at the gangway, and most of the officers and crew pressed forward to view their fellow-citizen." After an interview with the consul, Commodore Decatur wrote a letter to the Bey demanding an indemnity for the captured prizes. This was duly delivered, and the consul, going ashore, had several interviews with the Tunisian minister. Next day Captain Gordon and Captain Elliott were presented to the Bey, who consented, much against his will, to pay the money. Three days later the squadron sailed for Tripoli, where a similar demand was made. The Pasha hesitated; but on learning what had happened at Tunis and Algiers, and remembering what this same Captain Decatur had done ten years before in his own harbor, he concluded that it would be wiser for him to yield. So he paid the money, and in addition released ten Neapolitan captives, whom Decatur desired to restore to their native country, as a return for the favors which the King of the Two Sicilies had shown the squadron in the earlier war. Thus was accomplished the whole object of Decatur's mission in fifty days after his arrival in the Mediterranean. Since that day there has been no trouble with the States of Barbary. The effect of Decatur's acts was rendered tenfold greater by the appearance of another squadron a month later, under Commodore Bainbridge, with his broad pennant on the new line-of-battle ship "Independence," and having with him besides the frigate "Congress" and three other vessels. The three ports of Barbary were visited in succession; and great was the astonishment of the Turks at this second display of naval strength. "You told us," said the Algerine Prime Minister to the British Consul, "that the Americans would be swept from the seas in six months by your navy; and now they make war upon us with some of your own vessels!" Late in September the frigate "United States" with four sloops in company arrived at Gibraltar, and here all the squadrons assembled in one great fleet under Commodore Bainbridge,--the grandest fleet which had ever been gathered under the flag of the United States. There was the great seventy-four the "Independence;" five frigates,--the captured "Macedonian," the "United States" which had captured her, the new "Guerrière," the "Congress," and the "Constellation;" the sloops "Erie" and "Ontario;" the brigs "Firefly," "Flambeau," "Saranac," "Boxer," "Enterprise," "Spark," and "Chippewa;" and the schooners "Torch," "Lynx," and "Spitfire,"--in all eighteen sail. And it was no slight satisfaction to the officers of the American squadron, when in this British port, that its two commodores were Bainbridge and Decatur, each of whom had taken a British frigate, and that the "Macedonian" and the "Boxer" were in the squadron, and flying the stars and stripes of the country that had captured them.[3] [Footnote 3: It is an interesting fact, and one which, as far as I know, has never before been published, that when the practice squadron under Captain (now Rear-Admiral) Luce, sailed in 1865 to Europe, having on board the midshipmen from the Naval Academy, a singular rencontre took place in the English Channel. Meeting an English frigate, Captain Luce hailed from the quarter-deck,-- "Ship ahoy! What ship is that?" "Her Majesty's ship 'President,'" came the answer. "What ship is that?" "The United States ship 'Macedonian,'" replied Captain Luce; for, strangely enough, the two vessels which half a century before had changed sides as prizes in the War of 1812 were now exchanging peaceful greetings under the flags of their respective conquerors.] CHAPTER XIX. THE WAR WITH MEXICO. We now come to a long break of thirty years, during which the United States were at peace with all the nations of the earth. But in this period the navy was by no means idle. There was first a long and arduous campaign against the pirates of the West Indies, which ended at last in sweeping from the seas the gangs of cut-throats that had so long infested the Spanish Main. When this important work had been successfully accomplished, the navy was actively occupied in putting down the slave trade on the coast of Africa, and in protecting American commerce from the depredations of savage tribes in distant countries, above all on the coasts and islands of the Pacific and the Indian Oceans. The navy too was busy with its peaceful occupations; for as the co-adjutor of the nation's commerce it is a part of its duty to survey and explore the waters upon coasts hitherto unknown, to map out the channels, and to warn against the rocks and shoals and other dangers to the ships that will some day have to navigate these remote seas. It was in this period that the great exploring expedition was sent out to the Pacific under Lieutenant Wilkes, whose researches gave us our first accurate knowledge of the waters of this region, and form a lasting monument to the memory of the commander, and to the zeal and energy and skill of the navy which planned and carried out the enterprise. But the long period of peace was now to be rudely interrupted, and the complications that followed the annexation of Texas at last brought on hostilities with Mexico. The possibility of this war had been long foreseen by the Government, and the navy was found prepared for it. For several years a squadron had been maintained on the western coast of America, from Valparaiso to the Columbia River; and at the declaration of war, May 12, 1846, a considerable force was assembled in the northern cruising-ground. A still stronger force, composing the Home Squadron, was concentrated in the Gulf. The two coasts continued during the war to be two distinct bases of operation; but as the Mexicans had no naval force, the operations consisted mainly in blockade, and in attacks upon the cities along the coast. Of the officers who held successively the chief command on the western coast, Commodore Stockton had the largest share of the work. Commodore Sloat, who was in command of the station when the war broke out, was there only long enough to make a beginning. This he did promptly and well. He had with him the frigate "Savannah" as flagship; the sloops "Portsmouth," "Warren," "Levant," and "Cyane;" the schooner "Shark;" and the storeship "Erie." These were all sailing-ships. At this time the coast south of the forty-second parallel of latitude, including the whole of California, belonged to Mexico, that parallel having been the boundary of the United States as fixed by the treaty of cession of Louisiana in 1803. North of this point was the unsettled and hardly-organized territory of Oregon. The squadron was therefore without a base of supplies in the Pacific, and as it took months to communicate with Washington, its commander was obliged to act largely on his own responsibility. The enemy's coast, including the peninsula of lower California, extended over four thousand miles. To cover such a range of coast even with steamers would require uncommon activity; and with a force of half a dozen sailing-vessels the task was much more difficult. Commodore Sloat's instructions of the 24th of June, 1845, which were written a year before the war broke out, contained these words:-- "It is the earnest desire of the President to pursue the policy of peace; and he is anxious that you and every part of your squadron should be assiduously careful to avoid any act of aggression. Should Mexico, however, be resolutely bent on hostilities, you will be mindful to protect the persons and interests of citizens of the United States near your station; and should you ascertain beyond a doubt that the Mexican Government has declared war against us, you will at once employ the forces under your command to the best advantage." On the 7th of June, 1846, while at Mazatlan, Commodore Sloat received satisfactory information that the Mexican troops had crossed the Rio Grande and had attacked the army of General Taylor in Texas. At the same time he learned that our squadron in the Gulf had put some of the Mexican ports under blockade. Of course he had not yet heard of the declaration of war passed on the 12th of May; but he knew that according to the policy of the administration this meant war, and that under his instructions he was to begin offensive operations. Leaving the "Warren" at Mazatlan, he sailed at once in the "Savannah" for Monterey. The commodore showed great foresight in striking his first blow in California. The country was mostly unexplored, and only sparsely inhabited, many of the settlers having come from the United States. Its resources were not fully known, but they were supposed to be considerable, though nothing was looked for like the Eldorado that was afterward discovered. It embraced an immense territory, comprising, besides the State of California as its boundaries are fixed to-day, Nevada, Utah, New Mexico, Arizona, and part of Colorado. Its position pointed it out as the part of Mexico which could most advantageously be transferred in case of an annexation of territory at the end of the war. Annexation would be made much easier by an early conquest, and indeed a conquest was in some degree necessary to make the ground of cession. It was a vulnerable point, because it was garrisoned only by a small force of Mexican troops, and it lay too far from the scene of active hostilities to be recovered from the Americans if they once got full possession. The "Savannah" arrived at Monterey on the 2d of July, and found there the "Cyane" and the "Levant." Commodore Sloat hastened to demand a surrender from the Mexicans, and upon their refusal, two hundred and fifty seamen and marines were landed, who took possession of the town without resistance. Soon after a proclamation was published declaring that California had become a part of the United States. A company of volunteer dragoons was organized among the Americans on shore, and preparations were made to seize the neighboring towns. While this was going on at Monterey, Commander Montgomery in the "Portsmouth," which was at Yerba Buena, or San Francisco, as it is now called, having received an order from the commodore, took like measures to assert the authority of the United States. He also organized his military companies, and assumed control of all the posts in the neighborhood,--Sonoma, Sutter's Fort, and the Presidio. Not far off, in the interior, Frémont, a young captain of topographical engineers, who was at work upon his duties of surveying, had raised the American flag, and at various points he too had taken a nominal possession. On the 19th of July he joined Commodore Sloat at Monterey. With these vigorous preliminary measures the commodore's command came to an end. He had been for some time past in bad health, and when, late in July, the "Congress" arrived, under Commodore Stockton, a younger man and a most brilliant officer, Commodore Sloat turned over the command to him. The campaign had been opened, and it remained for the new commander-in-chief to follow up the blows that had been struck. At this time the Californian Legislature was in session at Los Angeles, the capital of the province, which was defended by a body of Mexican troops under General Castro. Commodore Stockton at once determined to strike a decisive blow at the city. As Los Angeles was not on the sea-coast, and as it was defended by a trained army, it required an extraordinary degree of boldness and enterprise on the part of the naval commander to resolve to attack it without the aid of regular soldiers. But the result only shows how much may be done in case of necessity by blue-jackets on shore under a capable commander. The commodore organized the volunteer dragoons as a battalion of mounted riflemen, and appointed Captain Frémont major and Lieutenant Gillespie captain. On the day after he took command the battalion embarked on board the "Cyane," and next day it sailed for San Diego, from which place it was to march toward the capital. A few days later Commodore Stockton sailed in the "Congress" to San Pedro, a point some distance to the northward of San Diego, and only thirty miles from Los Angeles. On his way down he landed a garrison at Santa Barbara, an intermediate port. Arriving at San Pedro he organized a little army--a naval brigade, as we should call it now--of three hundred and fifty seamen and marines, drilling them daily on shore by a rough manual which he devised hastily for the purpose. For artillery he had some 6-pounders and a 32-pounder carronade. After a few days' delay, to exercise his men and to give Major Frémont time to begin his advance, the commodore set out for Los Angeles. His force was only one third of that of the enemy, who were strongly intrenched in a fortified camp in the valley of the river Mesa. The road from San Pedro contained many narrow defiles, which the Mexicans might easily have defended; but, strange to say, they neglected this advantage. On his way Stockton was twice called upon to surrender by envoys from General Castro; but he talked to them so boldly that he succeeded in deceiving them about the actual size of his force. Soon they became alarmed at the invasion, and when the Americans arrived at Castro's camp, it was found that the general had fled, and that his followers were scattered in all directions. On the 13th of August the commodore entered Los Angeles and took possession of the capital of California. Commodore Stockton now set about to organize his conquest, and first of all he issued a proclamation declaring California a territory of the United States. A tariff of duties was established and collectors were appointed to receive them at the different seaports. A constitution was drawn up and put in operation, in which the powers and duties of the various branches of the government were laid down. Major Frémont was appointed governor of the territory, and directions were given for elections to be held for civil magistrates, the conquered country meanwhile remaining under martial law. It had been the commodore's purpose to enlist a force of volunteers, and taking them to Mexico, to land at Acapulco or some other convenient point, and create a diversion of the Mexican army by an invasion from the west coast, and for this reason he had installed Frémont as governor; but circumstances soon after compelled him to change his plan, which after all was perhaps somewhat visionary. In the month of September, while he was busily occupied in northern California, a rising took place at Los Angeles, under General Flores, and Pico the governor, whom the Americans had released on their parole at the capture of the city. The garrison left by the commodore was driven out and took refuge in San Pedro. Thither Captain Mervine was ordered at once in the "Savannah," and thither the "Congress" shortly followed him. Arriving at San Pedro late in October, the commodore found that Captain Mervine had just been defeated by the enemy, who were then besieging the little town. The naval brigade was again landed, and presently the besieging forces were driven off. From this time till the 1st of January the fleet was occupied with preparations for a second and more serious attack upon Los Angeles. The great advantage of the enemy was in his cavalry. Every Californian was an expert horseman, and the Mexican ponies are trained to the severest work. On the other hand the naval brigade, as might be expected, was badly off in this essential arm of service. Commodore Stockton was a man of bold and original mind, but even his mind did not go to the length of forming a corps of marine cavalry; and besides, there were no horses, for the Mexicans had taken care to strip the country of ponies in the neighborhood of the southern ports. Parties were sent out in all directions to obtain them, but with no success. Finally Major Frémont was conveyed to Monterey with his battalion, with the understanding that he should march south by land as soon as he had completed his preparations; but as he was delayed from one cause or another, and as Monterey was three hundred miles north of Los Angeles, he did not arrive in time to take a part in the attack. Early in December the force at San Diego was joined by Gen. S.W. Kearney, of the army, a brave and devoted officer, who, after having seized several points in New Mexico, had crossed the mountains from the eastward with a few squadrons of dragoons. The Californians met him at San Pasqual, not far from San Diego, where they gave him battle and nearly cut to pieces his command. The remnant of the force, after their gallant struggle, was only saved by the arrival of reinforcements from Commodore Stockton, which escorted the general into San Diego. The commodore now generously offered to give up the command to General Kearney and to act as his aide. Kearney with equal magnanimity declined the offer, and he was placed in charge of the land troops for the proposed expedition, the commodore retaining the chief command. Preparations were completed on the 29th of December, and the little army set out. It was indeed a mongrel force, but it was none the less a good army for the work in hand. It consisted of sixty dismounted dragoons who had come with General Kearney; sixty mounted riflemen of the California battalion; five hundred seamen and marines from the "Congress," "Savannah," "Portsmouth," and "Cyane;" and six pieces of artillery. The force was poorly armed, many of the sailors having only boarding-pikes and pistols, and the cavalry were badly mounted. After a march of one hundred and forty miles, lasting ten days, the Americans, on the 8th of January, came upon the enemy strongly posted on the heights of San Gabriel, with six hundred mounted men and four pieces of artillery, commanding the ford of the river. In a position where an officer with a soldier's training would perhaps have hesitated, Commodore Stockton's confidence and resolution influenced him to advance. He forded the river under the enemy's guns without firing a shot, dragged his guns through the water, and formed his men in squares on the opposite bank. Here he repelled an attack of the enemy, and after a stubborn conflict carried the heights by a charge. Next day, on the march across the plains of the Mesa, the Mexicans made another desperate effort to save the capital. They had a strong position, being concealed with their artillery in a ravine till the commodore came within gunshot; then they opened a brisk fire on his flank, at the same time charging him both in front and rear. The squares of blue-jackets coolly and steadily withstood the cavalry charge, and the enemy, after being twice repulsed, were finally driven off the field and dispersed. Immediately after the battle Commodore Stockton entered the city of Los Angeles, and for the second and last time California was conquered. The object of the Government was now accomplished. When the time came to settle the conditions of peace, the territory of the United States was increased by this immense district, comprising over 650,000 square miles, and by far the largest part of the work had been done by Stockton and his naval brigade. Soon after these events Commodore Shubrick came out in the "Independence" to take command of the station. He was followed by the "Lexington" with a detachment of troops belonging to the regular artillery. These were landed at the important points in California and left to garrison them, and the fleet could now turn its attention to the coast of Mexico, where vigorous demonstrations were soon after made. Mazatlan, the principal seaport of Mexico in the Pacific, was captured by a landing force of six hundred men from the fleet. Its garrison retreated, and the victorious Americans held the town until the end of the war, collecting duties at the custom-house, which went far to defray the cost of maintaining the squadron. Other towns were taken, some of them several times over. At Guaymas and Mulejè attacks were made by the "Dale," under Commander Selfridge. After defeating the Mexican chief Pineda, whose band of guerillas infested the country about Mulejè, Captain Selfridge obtained a schooner, and stationed her there under Lieutenant Craven to blockade the port. At Guaymas a force was landed, and a severe fight took place with the Mexicans, in which Selfridge was wounded. Though the force of the "Dale" was too small to leave a garrison on shore, she remained off the town and made it untenable for the enemy. At San José, at the extremity of Lower California, a post was established on shore in an old mission-house, which was garrisoned by fifty-seven men,--seamen, marines, and volunteers,--under Lieutenant Heywood. It was attacked in November, 1847, but the Mexicans failed in their attempt to carry the place by assault. The town had been deserted, and fifty or more women and children had taken refuge in the mission-house. In February the attack was renewed by a large force of Mexicans. Not wishing to risk an assault, they occupied the houses about the mission and laid siege to the post. Twice Lieutenant Heywood made a sortie with his gallant little force and drove them from their position; but they recovered their ground as soon as he returned. The situation was now becoming critical, for the supplies of the garrison began to fall short, and the fugitives under their protection shared their rations. At last they could not even get water; for with the close watch maintained by the enemy, any man who ventured out was shot down. The siege had lasted ten days, and the garrison would presently have been starved into surrender, when by a fortunate chance the "Cyane" came into the harbor. Commander Dupont, who was in command, immediately landed a force from his ship and raised the siege, bringing off the heroic garrison in safety. This was the last affair of importance on the west coast. * * * * * In the Gulf the outbreak of the war had found a large squadron already assembled. There were three fifty-gun frigates and half a dozen sloops and brigs. There were also two steamers, the first that the United States had used in war,--the large paddle-wheel vessel "Mississippi," and the "Princeton," which had gained a melancholy notoriety from the bursting of one of her guns while on an experimental trip in the Potomac, by which the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Navy, and other high officers of the Government had lost their lives. The vessels, however, were all too large for the service. The Mexican coast is a long stretch of sand exposed to the sudden and tempestuous "northers," as they are called,--furious northerly gales which blow frequently in the Gulf. The important sea-coast towns lie mostly in deep bights or recesses at the mouths of rivers, sometimes two or three miles up, with a bar having but ten feet of water, and currents that render difficult the pilotage of sailing-vessels. Vera Cruz, a large town with strong fortifications, was an exception, for its harbor was deep and accessible. The other points of importance--Tuspan, Tampico, Alvarado, and Tabasco, the last of which lay some distance up the Tabasco River--were partially protected by earthworks, but their principal safeguard lay in the difficulties of a shallow and frequently shifting entrance. The headquarters of the squadron were fixed at Anton Lizardo, a harbor formed by a group of small barren islands a few miles south of Vera Cruz. A blockade was declared and maintained by vessels stationed off the ports or cruising up and down the coast. In the course of the first summer the squadron was reinforced by four sloops and brigs; and, what was of much more importance, by two steam gunboats, the "Vixen" and "Spitfire," each of which carried an 8-inch gun and two lighter guns. These were the ideal vessels for service on the Mexican coast, with their heavy gun and their light draught,--only seven feet; and it is a curious fact that one of them, the "Vixen," was actually designed and under construction for the Mexican Government in New York when she was purchased by our own. Other steamers were added later, one of them a revenue cutter: and a number of gunboat schooners were also sent down to the station. The peculiar dangers and difficulties of the coast were seen in two catastrophes that befell the squadron during the summer. The brig "Truxtun," attempting to move against Tuspan, grounded on the bar in the river, where it was necessary to abandon her, and where the Mexicans left her after carrying off her guns; while another brig, the "Somers," was sunk with half her crew in a "norther" which came down on her without warning. Among the saved was her captain, Raphael Semmes, the future commander of the "Alabama." The first eight months of the war on the east coast, while the squadron was under the command of Commodore Conner, were not marked by any great success. In August an attempt was made to capture Alvarado, thirty miles southeast of Vera Cruz. The large ships anchored off the bar, with the gunboats close in, engaging the batteries during the afternoon and evening, and a boat expedition was organized to attack in the morning; but when the morning came, the fleet was called off on account of threatening weather. In October the attempt was renewed, but with no better success. This time the gunboats were arranged in two divisions, each in tow of a steamer. After the first division had worked safely in, the towing steamer of the second grounded on the bar, and the schooners in tow got foul, and the van was left unsupported. This check was enough to decide the commodore against prosecuting the attack; the van was recalled, the grounded steamer got afloat, and the squadron sailed away a second time from Alvarado. In November the fleet made an important capture,--the seaport of Tampico. Great preparations were made for the expedition, the force despatched consisting of the two principal frigates,--the steamers "Mississippi" and "Princeton,"--the sloop "St. Mary's," and a large fleet of gunboats. The gunboats, with the boats from the large ships, were safely towed over the bar and appeared before the city. The authorities thereupon surrendered without any resistance. The city was occupied, and a military government was established, which continued to the end of the war. Meanwhile another commodore had joined the squadron,--Matthew Calbraith Perry, an officer whose reputation was second to that of no one of his time in the service. At first Commodore Perry was chiefly employed in detached enterprises. His first important success was an expedition in October against Tabasco, a town lying seventy miles up the Tabasco River. Leaving the "Mississippi" outside, he entered the river in the "Vixen," and after having seized the shipping at Frontera, near the mouth of the river, the expedition proceeded up to Tabasco. At its approach the enemy abandoned the fort, but the Mexican commander, occupying the town with his troops, refused to surrender. Fire was opened on the town, but the commodore presently desisted from his bombardment, at the entreaties of the foreign merchants who owned most of the property. Nothing could be gained by laying the town in ruins; and after a scattering fight on shore the troops were re-embarked, and the flotilla returned, leaving two vessels at the entrance to continue the blockade. The expedition had taken nine prizes and destroyed four more, and had broken up the contraband trade in the river. In December Commodore Perry commanded an expedition against Laguna, in Yucatan. Yucatan was an uncertain friend, with a disposition to become an annoying enemy by supplying the Mexicans with arms and munitions of war from British Honduras and other points. Perry therefore occupied Laguna, and installed Commander Sands in charge of the post as a temporary governor. The Government had now decided that it would be wise to change the plan of campaign which had so far been followed in the war. General Taylor's army, which had invaded Mexico from the Rio Grande, though it was victorious at Monterey, and later at Buena Vista, could hardly hope to penetrate into the heart of the country without great loss of time, troops, and money. It was resolved to take a shorter route to the interior and so decide the war. General Scott was to command the army of invasion, and Vera Cruz was the point selected for the beginning of its march. By the middle of February the transports containing General Scott's army began to rendezvous at the island of Lobos, and storeships to arrive at Anton Lizardo with materials for the expedition, including sixty-seven surf-boats in which the troops were to be landed. The preparation for the landing was made by the squadron, still under Commodore Conner's command, with such despatch and thoroughness that though General Scott and his staff only arrived on the 6th of March, on the 9th the army was disembarked. Early on the morning of this day the men-of-war, with the troops on board, sailed from their anchorage to Sacrificios, an island just south of Vera Cruz, and by ten o'clock that night the whole body of twelve thousand men had been landed without mishap or loss. No opposition was made to the landing, though the position offered great advantages for defence. A line of investment five miles in length was drawn about the city, and the erection of batteries was begun at once, the naval forces being still employed in landing munitions of war. By the 22d some of the batteries were ready, and the city having refused to surrender, General Scott opened the bombardment. On the day before the attack began, Commodore Conner, who had long been in bad health, and who would have done more wisely to give up the command before, was relieved by Commodore Perry. As the heavy guns provided by the army for the siege--the battering train--had not arrived, the army had only its mortars and a few light guns. These had no effect upon the walls and bastions of the city, and General Scott suggested to Commodore Perry that he should land some of the heavy cannon from the ships. Perry answered that he would land the guns, and moreover that he would fight them. Six heavy guns, each weighing three tons, were landed, and, drawn by two hundred seamen and volunteers, they were moved during the night of the 23d three miles from the landing-place to their position in battery, seven hundred yards from the city wall. On the morning of the 24th they opened, and immediately drawing upon themselves the concentrated fire of the fortifications, they did more real execution than all the batteries which had been hitherto engaged. The Mosquito fleet, as it was called, seconded the shore batteries in the bombardment. This was a detachment of vessels composed of the steamers "Spitfire" and "Vixen," and the five sailing gunboats, and commanded by Commodore Tattnall, a very gallant officer, in the "Spitfire." On the first day the flotilla lay off Point Hornos, and at three in the afternoon, when the bombardment began, it opened upon the city, continuing the fire till night. The next day, leaving one of his schooners at the anchorage as a blind, Commander Tattnall took out the six other vessels, the steamers having the gunboats in tow, as if to rejoin the squadron. As soon as he had cleared the point he turned and steamed up to within eight hundred yards of Fort San Juan d'Ulloa, and directly between it and Fort St. Jago. From this position Tattnall discharged a heavy fire into the city. As soon as the forts recovered from their surprise they opened a concentrated fire upon the audacious flotilla, which nevertheless kept at its post until Perry, fearing that all the vessels would be lost, recalled them by signal. It was a splendid sight to see Tattnall with his little vessels, without protection,--for there were no ironclads in those days,--holding his perilous position under the fire of the great forts, with his crews loading and firing as coolly as if their work were but pastime. As the surgeon stood for a moment on the deck of the "Spitfire," Tattnall paused in his work to say, "Ah, doctor, this may not make life longer, but it makes it a great deal broader!" The bombardment by the batteries on shore lasted four days, during which the unprotected inhabitants of the city were the chief sufferers; for the strong castle of San Juan d'Ulloa, in its secure position on a reef to the northward, was hardly injured at all. But perhaps there is no more effective method of reducing a town than by the sufferings of its inhabitants, cruel as the method is; and on the 26th of March negotiations were opened by the besieged, which were concluded the next day by the signing of a capitulation including both the town and the castle. On the day after the surrender of Vera Cruz an expedition was planned for the third time against Alvarado. Extensive preparations had been made, and a brigade from the army under General Quitman was detailed to co-operate by land. The enterprise had a truly singular ending. Commodore Perry had sent the sloop-of-war "Albany" and the small steamer "Scourge" as an advance force to lie off the bar of the river and reconnoitre. The "Scourge," commanded by Lieutenant Hunter, arriving before the "Albany," stood close in to the land, abreast of the outer fort, and seeing indications of flinching, fired a few shot into it. The fort, having no intention of resistance after the fall of Vera Cruz, and understanding the fire as a summons to yield, sent a boat to the "Scourge" with an officer, who tendered a surrender. Upon this, Lieutenant Hunter threw a midshipman and five men into the fort, and pushing on to the town took possession of it, as well as of another town near by, and after capturing all the shipping, held his course up the river. When Commodore Perry arrived with his fleet and General Quitman with his brigade, they found the capture, for which they had made such large preparations, already effected, and the place was turned over to them by the midshipman in charge. Lieutenant Hunter was still up the river, where he could be heard firing this way and that in his career of conquest. It was stated that one of the secondary objects of the expedition, the capture of supplies, was partly defeated by this premature action. The commander-in-chief commented with extreme severity upon Lieutenant Hunter in his report, and caused him to be court-martialled, which seemed rather hard, as he had only erred through excess of zeal. Commodore Perry next resolved to attack Tuspan, a town about one hundred miles northwest of Vera Cruz. It was the only point of importance on the coast remaining in the enemy's hands. The squadron, which was now well equipped for service, rendezvoused at Lobos, off the mouth of the Tuspan River. Two days were spent here in organizing landing-parties and practising field exercises with a battery of light artillery which the commodore had organized. With the thoroughness that marked all his preparations, Perry spent another day in sounding on the bar and buoying the channel. At length all was ready, and on the 18th of April the attack was made. The flotilla was in three lines, each in tow of a steamer, the commodore leading in the "Spitfire." Besides the gunboats and steamers there were thirty barges, each containing a detachment from the ships. The river, about three hundred yards wide, was defended by three forts, enfilading the reaches of the stream and mounting seven guns, most of which had been taken from the "Truxtun" when she was lost on the bar of Tuspan the year before. The enemy were stationed as sharpshooters in the thick chapparal on the banks. As soon as the boats came within range, a hot fire of grape was opened on them from the forts. The detachment from the "Germantown," under Commander Buchanan,--an officer of whom we shall hear more in the later war,--was first in the advance, and was ordered to storm the nearest fort. This was gallantly done, and the enemy were driven out. The second and third forts were carried in the same way by storming-parties, the river-banks were cleared of their concealed sharpshooters, and before evening the town was in possession of the Americans. In June a similar expedition was sent against Tabasco, which Commodore Perry had attacked successfully the year before, but which was again a centre of detached operations by Mexican guerillas. As at Tuspan, the details of the enterprise were prepared beforehand with the utmost care and skill; every contingency was provided for, and the machinery ran as smoothly as clock-work. The enemy were driven off, their forts destroyed, their stores removed, and to provide against a recurrence of operations, a force was left to occupy the place. This was the last enterprise of importance in the naval war. The army was now fighting its way to the city of Mexico, but the coast was entirely reduced. At all the important ports the blockade had been converted into an occupation, and a military government under officers of the squadron had been established. The custom-houses were placed in charge of naval officers, a tariff was laid, and duties were collected in the name of the Government. So matters remained until the end of the war. [Illustration] University Press: John Wilson & Son, Cambridge. Transcriber's notes: Punctuation normalized. On page 9 "SCIMETARS" replaced with "SCIMITARS." On page 53 "afternooon" replaced with "afternoon." On page 104 "dfficulties" replaced with "difficulties." On page 142 "inpetuous" replaced with "impetuous." 
46406	----	[Illustration] TWELVE NAVAL CAPTAINS _Being a Record of Certain Americans who made themselves Immortal_ BY MOLLY ELLIOT SEAWELL AUTHOR OF "THE SPRIGHTLY ROMANCE OF MARSAC," "THE HISTORY OF THE LADY BETTY STAIR," "CHILDREN OF DESTINY," "THROCKMORTON," "LITTLE JARVIS," ETC. _WITH PORTRAITS_ NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1906 _Copyright, 1897_, By Charles Scribner's Sons. CONTENTS Page PAUL JONES 1 RICHARD DALE 28 THOMAS TRUXTUN 42 WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE 53 EDWARD PREBLE 83 STEPHEN DECATUR 102 RICHARD SOMERS 130 ISAAC HULL 145 CHARLES STEWART 167 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY 182 THOMAS MACDONOUGH 192 JAMES LAWRENCE 208 LIST OF PORTRAITS Paul Jones _Frontispiece_ Richard Dale _Facing page_ 28 Thomas Truxtun " 42 William Bainbridge " 53 Edward Preble " 83 Stephen Decatur " 102 Richard Somers " 130 Isaac Hull " 145 Charles Stewart " 167 Oliver Hazard Perry " 182 Thomas Macdonough " 192 James Lawrence " 208 PAUL JONES American history presents no more picturesque figure than Paul Jones, and the mere recital of his life and its incidents is a thrilling romance. A gardener's boy, he shipped before the mast at twelve years of age, and afterward rose to be the ranking officer in the American navy. His exploits by land and sea in various parts of the world; his intimacy with some of the greatest men of the age, and his friendships with reigning sovereigns of Europe; his character, of deep sentiment, united with extraordinary genius and extreme daring,--place him among those historical personages who are always of enchanting interest to succeeding ages. Paul Jones himself foresaw and gloried in this posthumous fame, for, with all his great qualities, he had the natural vanity which so often accompanies the self-made man. He lacked the perfect self-poise of Washington, who, having done immortal things, blushed to have them spoken of, and did not deign to appeal to posterity. Paul Jones was continually appealing to posterity. But his vanity was that of an honest man, and he was often stung to assertiveness by the malignities of his enemies. That these malignities were false, and that he was a man of lofty ideals and admirable character, is shown by the friends he made and kept. Dr. Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, Robert Morris, and Lafayette lived upon terms of the greatest intimacy with him; Washington esteemed him,--and the goodwill of such men places any man in the category of the upright. Nothing in the family and circumstances of Paul Jones indicated the distinction of his later life. His father, John Paul, was a gardener, at Arbigland, in Kirkcudbrightshire, Scotland, where Paul Jones was born in 1747. He was named John Paul, for his father; but upon his taking up his residence in Virginia, in his twenty-seventh year, he added Jones to his name,--for some reason which is not now and never has been understood,--and as Paul Jones he is known to history. The Pauls were very humble people, and Paul Jones's childhood was like the childhood of other poor men's sons. Boats were his favorite and only playthings, and he showed from the beginning that he had the spirit of command. He organized his playfellows into companies of make-believe sailors, which he drilled sternly. The tide rushes into the Solway Firth from the German ocean so tremendously that it often seems like a tidal wave, and the boy Paul Jones had sometimes to run for his life when he was wading out commanding his miniature ships and crews. Close by his father's cottage is the sheltered bay of the Carsethorn, where, in the old days, ships for Dumfries loaded and unloaded. Deep water is so close to the shore that as the ships worked in and out their yardarms seemed to be actually passing among the trees that cling stubbornly to the rocky shore. It was the delight of the boy Paul Jones to perch himself on the highest point of the promontory, and to screech out his orders to the incoming and outgoing vessels; and the shipmasters soon found that this bold boy was as good as a pilot any day, and if they followed his directions they would always have water enough under the keel. The only school which Paul Jones ever attended was the parish school at Kirkbean, and that only until he was twelve years old. But it was characteristic of him, as man and boy, to learn with the greatest eagerness; and the result is shown in his letters and language, which are far superior to the average in those days. The habit of application never left him, and he was a hard student all his life. There were many mouths to feed in the little cottage at Arbigland, and in Paul Jones's thirteenth year he was bound apprentice to a ship-master. His first voyage was to Fredericksburg in Virginia, where he had a brother, William Paul, living,--a respected citizen. His time ashore was spent with this brother, and so well did he conduct himself that when William Paul died some years later he left his estate to this favorite younger brother. There were, however, many years of toil before Paul Jones, and hardships and buffetings, and even injustices that sank deep into his sensitive soul. It is said that he was at one time on a slave-ship, the slave-trade being then legalized throughout the world; but, hating the life, he quitted his ship, and the traffic too. When he was about twenty years old, he found himself without employment in Jamaica. He embarked as a passenger on the John,--a fine brigantine, owned by a shipping firm in his native shire. On the voyage home both the captain and the first mate died of yellow fever. The young passenger--John Paul, as he was then called--took command of the brigantine, and brought her safely to her port. The owners rewarded him by making him captain and supercargo of the John. This shows that Paul Jones was not only a capable seaman, worthy of command at twenty years of age, but of integrity and steady habits as well. In his twenty-fourth year occurred an event which gave him great anguish, and was probably the reason of his leaving his native land. While in command of a vessel in Tobago, he had his carpenter, Maxwell, flogged for some offence. This was the common mode of punishment in those days. Maxwell complained to the Vice-Admiralty Court, and the affair was investigated. The Court examined Maxwell, and dismissed his charges against Paul Jones, as frivolous. It is noted, though, that Paul Jones expressed sorrow for having had the man flogged. Maxwell shipped on another vessel, but died a week or two afterward. This put a much more serious aspect on the matter. There was some talk of a prosecution for murder; but it was shown that Maxwell's death had nothing to do with the flogging, and it was dropped. Nevertheless, the effect upon a nature, at once arrogant and sensitive, like Paul Jones's, was exquisitely painful. It is likely that this case was the origin of the one weak point in Paul Jones's tremendous naval genius: he was never a good disciplinarian, and he seems always to have hesitated too long before administering punishments, and of course severer punishments were needed thereby. Upon his return to Scotland, he was coldly received by his friends and neighbors. To Paul Jones's mind this coolness assumed the form of a persecution. He left his native country with resentment in his heart against it, although he kept up affectionate relations with his family. Many years after, when he was one of the celebrities of his age, he speaks in a letter of his grief at learning of his mother's death, especially as he had found that several sums of money which he had sent her had never reached her. He came to Virginia in 1773, and took possession of the property left him by his brother, which with his own savings gave him a competence. Little is known of the particulars of his life from 1773 to 1775; but late researches show that his friendship with Thomas Jefferson, and with other persons of prominence in Virginia and North Carolina, then began. Although his origin was humble, his manners, tastes, and feelings led him naturally into the most distinguished society, and at a very early period in his career he is found associated with persons of note. On the first outbreak of hostilities with the mother country Paul Jones offered his services to the Continental Congress, and his name headed the list of thirteen first lieutenants in the navy appointed in December, 1775. Perhaps no man had stronger natural and personal inclinations toward the revolutionary cause than Paul Jones. In his native country he was poor, obscure, and perpetually barred out by his low estate from those high places to which his vast ambition aspired. In America, under a republican form of government, he was as good as any man, provided only he were worthy; and the fixed rank of a naval officer would give him standing in Europe among those very persons who would otherwise have regarded him with contempt. His commission was obtained through Mr. Joseph Hewes, a member of Congress from North Carolina, and the celebrated Robert Morris, who was then at the head of the Marine Committee of Congress. The influence of Thomas Jefferson was also in his favor. At this time his true career may be said to have begun. He was then twenty-eight years old, of "a dashing and officer-like appearance," his complexion dark and weather-beaten, and his black eyes stern and melancholy in expression. He had a slight hesitation in his speech which disappeared under the influence of excitement. His manner with sailors was said to be peculiarly winning, and he was, no doubt, highly successful in dealing with those characters which can be gained by kindness and indulgence; but with that part of mankind to whom severity is a necessity, he does not seem to have been so well adapted, and the evidences of a firm and consistent discipline are wanting. When he came to command a ship of his own,--which he did very shortly,--he was extremely polite to the midshipmen, frequently asking them to dine with him in the cabin, but likely to blaze away at them if they were not carefully and properly dressed for the occasion. One of his officers, presuming upon Paul Jones's indulgence, ventured to be insolent, and got himself kicked down the hatchway for it. It is said that when a midshipman on the topgallant yard was inattentive to his duty as a lookout, Paul Jones himself would gently let go the halyards, and the unlucky midshipman would come down the yard on the run. Paul Jones was extremely temperate in his habits, and was naturally fond of order and decorum. He had fixed religious principles, and, like Washington, he considered a chaplain a useful and even a necessary officer. A letter of his is extant in which he says he would like a chaplain on board who should be accommodated in the cabin, and always have a seat at the cabin table, "the government thereof should be entirely under his direction." He was a tireless student by night, his days at sea being occupied, when cruising, by exercising his officers and men in their duty. His first orders, as an American naval officer, were as flag lieutenant on the Alfred, of twenty-four guns, Commodore Hopkins's flagship. On this ship Paul Jones claims to have hoisted with his own hands the original flag of the Revolution--the pine-tree and rattlesnake flag--the first time it was ever displayed. This may well be true, as such an act is thoroughly in keeping with the romantic sentiment of Paul Jones's character; and he says, "I think I feel the more for its honour" on account of that circumstance. Congress had assembled in the Delaware River a fleet of five small vessels, and it was with ardent hopes that Paul Jones joined this little squadron. In a very short while, though, he discovered that Commodore Hopkins was very much disinclined to "go in harm's way," to use one of Paul Jones's favorite expressions, and his wrath and disgust flamed out without any concealment. The object of the cruise was to capture a lot of stores, left unprotected by the British at the island of New Providence. By Commodore Hopkins's blundering the governor of the island had time to save most of the stores. The Commodore finding himself among the keys and islands of the Bahamas, seems to have been afraid to go away and afraid to stay where he was. Paul Jones, however, taking a pilot up to the foretopmast head with him, piloted the Alfred to a safe anchorage. To crown all, the five vessels ran across a little British frigate, the Glasgow, off Newport, and after a smart cannonade the Glasgow succeeded in slipping through Commodore Hopkins's fingers and getting back to Newport. Paul Jones's rage at this was furious, and it became impossible for him to serve in the same ship with Commodore Hopkins, who was shortly afterward censured by Congress, and within the year dismissed from the navy. In the summer of 1776 Paul Jones was given the command of a little sloop, the Providence, mounting only twelve four-pounders, but a fairly smart and weatherly vessel. He improved her sailing qualities so that she could log it faster than a great many better ships. With this little sloop he was employed in conveying military stores from New England to Washington's army on Long Island; and as the coast and the sounds swarmed with the cruisers of Lord Howe's fleet, this was a difficult and daring undertaking. But in difficulty and daring Paul Jones always shone, and he succeeded so as to win the admiration and personal regard of Washington, as well as the approval of Congress. In the autumn he made a more extended cruise, during which he captured several valuable prizes, and showed his courage and seamanship by manoeuvring boldly before the Solebay frigate and then running away from her. The Solebay thought she had bagged the Providence, when the little sloop, suddenly weathering her, ran directly under her broadside, where the guns could not be brought to bear, and went off before the wind while the heavy frigate was coming about. On another occasion he was chased by the Milford frigate. Finding the Providence was fast enough to play with the Milford, Paul Jones kept just out of reach of the heavy cannonade of the Milford; and every time the frigate roared out her heavy guns, a marine, whom Paul Jones had stationed aft on the Providence, banged away with his musket in reply. This amused and delighted the men, and when Paul Jones was ready he ran away from the frigate, leaving her still thundering away in his wake. These little events had a good effect on his officers and men, showing them that they had a man of dash and spirit for their captain. When his cruise was up, he received full recognition of his services by being appointed to command a splendid frigate then building in Holland for the American government. Meanwhile he was ordered to take command of the Ranger, a sloop-of-war, mounting eighteen light guns, then fitting for sea at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. On the very day he was appointed to her, June 14, 1777, Congress adopted the stars and stripes as the national ensign, and Paul Jones always claimed that he was the first man to hoist the new flag over a ship of war when he raised it on the Ranger in Portsmouth harbor. The Ranger was weakly armed and poorly fitted. Her cabin furnishings were meagre enough, but there were two bookcases full of books provided by the captain. The Ranger sailed from Portsmouth in November, 1777, and after an uneventful voyage, arrived safely at Nantes in France in December. Leaving his ship in charge of the first lieutenant, Simpson, Paul Jones started for Paris to confer with the three American Commissioners, Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee. He bore a letter to them from the Marine Committee describing him as "an active and brave commander in our service." On reaching Paris, a sharp disappointment awaited him concerning the Holland frigate. Great Britain, which was not then at war with either France or Holland, although on the verge of it, had made complaints about the frigate, and it had been passed over to the French government to prevent its confiscation. Paul Jones had a partial compensation, however, in winning the affectionate regard of Benjamin Franklin, and the friendship that ever afterward subsisted between the impetuous and sentimental Paul Jones and the calm and philosophic Franklin was extremely beautiful. Despairing of getting any better ship than the Ranger, Paul Jones set himself to work to improve her sailing qualities; it is a striking fact that he improved every ship he commanded, before he was through with her. Being ready to take the sea, he determined to secure a salute to his flag from the splendid French fleet commanded by M. de La Motte Piquet. He took the Ranger to Quiberon Bay, and at once sent a letter to the French admiral, announcing his arrival, and another to the American agent at L'Orient. Paul Jones's dealings with this agent are laughable, as many of his transactions were. He began, as usual, with the most formal politeness; but as soon as there was any hesitation shown in complying with his requests, which it cannot be denied were perfectly sensible, he would blaze out, and carry his point by the bayonet, as it were. The agent did not understand the importance of the salute, and although he dined on board the admiral's ship the day the request was made, he failed to mention it to the admiral. This infuriated Paul Jones, who wrote him a letter in which he said, "I can show a commission as respectable as any the French admiral can produce," and finally declared that unless the salute were allowed, he would leave without entering the upper bay at all. His determined attitude had its effect. The French admiral agreed to salute the Ranger, and to make sure that it was done in broad daylight, so there could be no misunderstanding about it, Paul Jones kept his ship in the lower bay until the next day. The French admiral paid the American commander the compliment of having the guns manned when the Ranger sailed through the double line of the French fleet, and when the French guns roared out in honor of the American flag, it meant that France was from that day openly, as she had been for some time secretly, committed to an alliance with the struggling colonies. Seeing that nothing was to be hoped for in the way of a better ship, Paul Jones, like all truly great men, determined to do the best he could with the means at hand. So, on an April evening in 1777, he picked up his anchor and steered the little Ranger straight for the narrow seas of Great Britain, the Mistress of the Seas, and the greatest naval power on earth. The boldness of this can scarcely be overestimated. The French admirals, with fifty-five ships of the line, hung on to their anchors, not caring to risk an encounter with the fleets of England, manned by her mighty captains and heroic crews; but Paul Jones, alone, in a weak vessel, lightly armed, took all the chances of destruction, and bearded the lion in his den. He counted on the slowness of communication in those days, and all of those other circumstances in which fortune favors the brave,--and the result justified him. He cruised about for several days, burning and destroying many merchant ships. He landed at St. Mary's Isle, in order to capture the Earl of Selkirk, but the bird had flown. His men became mutinous, because, contrary to the custom of the time, they were not allowed to loot the place. Paul Jones was forced to allow them to carry off some silver plate, which he afterward redeemed out of his own pocket, and returned to Lady Selkirk. He also landed at Whitehaven, and fired the shipping in the port, although he did not succeed in burning the vessels. But the desire of his heart was to find a ship of war, not too strong for him, with which he might fight it out, yardarm to yardarm. This he found in the Drake, a sloop-of-war, carrying twenty guns, and lying off Carrickfergus. Like the Ranger, she was a weak ship; but she carried brave men and a fighting captain, and when, on the afternoon of the 24th of April, the Ranger appeared off Carrickfergus, the Drake promptly came out to meet her. The tide was adverse, and the Drake worked out slowly, but her adversary gallantly waited for her in mid-channel, with the American ensign at her mizzen peak, and a jack at the fore. The Drake's hail, "What ship is that?" was answered by the master, under Paul Jones's direction: "This is the American Continental ship Ranger. We wait for you and beg you will come on. The sun is but little more than an hour high, and it is time to begin." The Drake promptly accepted this cool invitation, and the action began with the greatest spirit. In an hour and four minutes the Drake struck, after a brave defence. She had lost her captain and first lieutenant, and thirty-eight men killed and wounded, and had made, as Paul Jones said, "a good and gallant defence." The Ranger lost two men killed and six wounded. On the 8th of May he arrived off Brest in the Ranger, with the American ensign hoisted above the union jack on the Drake. The French pilots vied with each other as to which should have the honor of piloting the two vessels through the narrow channel known as Le Goulet, and there was no question of a salute then,--every French ship in sight saluted the plucky little American. This daring expedition gave Paul Jones a great reputation in France. The French government, by this time openly at war with England, asked that Paul Jones remain in Europe to command a naval force to be furnished by France; and he was justified in expecting a splendid command. But the maladministration of affairs in Paris left him a whole year, idle and fretting and wretched, as such bold spirits are, under hope deferred, and at last he was forced to put up with an old Indiaman, the Duc de Duras, larger, but not stronger than the Ranger. He changed the name of this old ship to the Bon Homme Richard, out of compliment to Dr. Franklin, whose "Poor Richard's Almanac" had just then appeared. She was the flagship of a motley squadron of two frigates besides the Bon Homme Richard; the Alliance, an American frigate commanded by a French captain, Landais, who was suspected to be crazy, and acted like a madman; the Pallas, commanded by another French captain, Cottineau, a brave and skilful seaman; and a cutter and a brig, neither of which was of consequence in the cruise. A number of American prisoners having been exchanged and sent to France, Paul Jones was enabled before he sailed to get about thirty Americans for the Bon Homme Richard. Every officer on the quarterdeck was a native American except Paul Jones himself and one midshipman; and the first lieutenant was Richard Dale, one of the most gallant seamen the American navy ever produced. He had lately escaped from Mill Prison in England. Paul Jones justly appreciated his young lieutenant, then only twenty-three years old, and the utmost confidence and attachment subsisted between them. The crew was made up of men of all nationalities, including a number of Malays, and many of the fok'sle people did not understand the word of command. With this singular squadron and unpromising ship and crew Paul Jones set sail on the 15th of August, under orders to report at the Texel early in October. Great things were expected of him, but agonizing disappointment seemed to be in store for him. Landais, the captain of the Alliance, was mutinous, and the whole squadron seemed incapable of either acting together or acting separately. Twice Paul Jones sailed up the Firth of Forth as far as Leith, the port of Edinburgh, and the Edinburghers made preparations to withstand this bold invader. Among the children who lay awake at night waiting for the booming of Paul Jones's guns, was a lad of ten years of age,--Walter Scott, who, when he was the great Sir Walter, often spoke of it. But both times the wind blew Paul Jones out to sea again, so that nothing was done in the way of a descent on Edinburgh. Many merchant ships were taken, and the coasts of the three kingdoms were alarmed, but so far no enemy in the shape of a warship had appeared. The time for the cruise to be up was fast approaching, and it seemed likely to end in a manner crushing to the hopes of Paul Jones, when, at noon on the 23d of September, 1779, the Bon Homme Richard being off Flamborough Head, a single ship was seen rounding the headland. It was the first of forty ships comprising the Baltic fleet of merchantmen, which Paul Jones had expected and longed to intercept. A large black frigate and a smaller vessel were convoying them; and as soon as the two warships had placed themselves between the fleet and the Bon Homme Richard, all the fighting ships backed their topsails and prepared for action. At the instant of seeing the two British ships, Paul Jones showed in his air and words the delight his warrior's soul felt at the approaching conflict. His officers and crew displayed the utmost willingness to engage, while on board the Serapis her company asked nothing but to be laid alongside the saucy American. The Serapis was a splendid new frigate,--"the finest ship of her class I ever saw," Paul Jones afterward wrote Dr. Franklin,--and carried fifty guns. It is estimated that her force, as compared to the poor old Bon Homme Richard, was as two to one. She was commanded by Captain Pearson, a brave and capable officer. At one o'clock the drummers beat to quarters on both ships, but it was really seven o'clock before they got near enough to begin the real business of fighting. Much of this time the British and Americans were cheering and jeering at each other. The Serapis people pretended they thought the Bon Homme Richard was a merchant ship, which indeed she had been before she came into Paul Jones's hands, and derisively asked the Americans what she was laden with; to which the Americans promptly shouted back, "Round, grape, and double-headed shot!" At last, about seven o'clock in the evening, the cannonade began. At the second broadside two of the battery of eighteen-pounders on the "Bon Homme" burst, the rest cracked and could not be fired. These had been the main dependence for fighting the ship. Most of the small guns were dismounted, and in a little while Paul Jones had only three nine-pounders to play against the heavy broadside of the Serapis. In addition to this, the shot from the Serapis had made several enormous holes in the crazy old hull of the Bon Homme Richard, and she was leaking like a sieve, while she was afire in a dozen places at once. The crews of the exploded guns had no guns to fight, but they had to combat both fire and water, either of which seemed at any moment likely to destroy the leaking and burning ship. They worked like heroes, led by the gallant Dale, and encouraged by their intrepid commander, whose only comment on the desperate state of the ship was, "Never mind, my lads, we shall have a better ship to go home in." Below, more than a hundred prisoners were ready to spring up, and were only subdued by Dale's determined attitude, who forced them to work at the pumps for their lives. The Serapis pounded her adversary mercilessly, and literally tore the Bon Homme Richard to pieces between decks. Most captains in this awful situation would have hauled down the flag. Not so Paul Jones. Knowing that his only chance lay in grappling with his enemy and having it out at close quarters, he managed to get alongside the Serapis, and with his own hands made fast his bowsprit to the Serapis' mizzen-mast, calling out cheerfully to his men, "Now, my brave lads, we have her!" Stacy, his sailing-master, while helping him, bungled with the hawser, and an oath burst from him. "Don't swear, Mr. Stacy," quietly said Paul Jones, "in another moment we may be in eternity; but let us do our duty." The Alliance lay off out of gunshot and quite inactive most of the time, but at this point she approached and sailed around the two fighting ships, firing broadsides into her consort, which did dreadful damage. After this, her captain, the crack-brained and treacherous Landais, made off to windward and was seen no more. The combat deepened, and apparently the Bon Homme Richard was destined to go down fighting. At one moment the two ships got into a position in which neither could fire an effective shot. As they lay, head and stern, fast locked in a deadly embrace, and enveloped in smoke and darkness as they repeatedly caught fire from each other, a terrible stillness fell awhile, until from the bloody decks of the Serapis a voice called out,-- "Have you struck?" To this Paul Jones gave back the immortal answer, which will ever mark him among the bravest of the brave,-- "We have not yet begun to fight!" Soon the conflict was renewed. The Serapis' heavy guns poured into and through the Bon Homme Richard's hull, but the topmen on the American ship kept up such a hurricane of destruction on the Serapis' spar deck, that Captain Pearson ordered every man below, while himself bravely remaining. A topman on the Bon Homme Richard, taking a bucket of hand grenades, lay out on the main yard, which was directly over the main hatch of the Serapis, and, coolly fastening his bucket to the sheet block, began to throw his grenades down the hatchway. Almost the first one rolled down the hatch to the gun-deck, where it ignited a row of cartridges left exposed by the carelessness of the powder boys. In an instant came an explosion which seemed to shake the heavens and the ocean. This was the turning-point. The men in the Bon Homme Richard's tops climbed into those of the Serapis, the yards of the two ships being interlocked, and swept her decks with fire and shot. Dazed by the explosion, and helpless against the American sharpshooters, the courageous men on the Serapis saw themselves conquered, and Captain Pearson himself lowered the flag which had been nailed to the mast. Lieutenant Dale, swinging himself on board the Serapis' deck, received the captain's surrender; and thus ended one of the greatest single ship fights on record. The slaughter on both ships was fearful, and the Serapis' mainmast went by the board just as she was given up. But the poor Bon Homme Richard was past help, and next morning she was abandoned. At ten o'clock she was seen to be sinking. She gave a lurch forward and went down, the last seen of her being an American flag left flying by Paul Jones's orders at her mizzen peak, as she settled into her ocean grave. The Pallas, under Captain Cottineau, had captured the Countess of Scarborough, which made a brave defence, and, in company with the Serapis, sailed for the port of the Texel, which they reached in safety. England scarcely felt the loss of one frigate and a sloop from her tremendous fleets, but the wound to the pride of a great and noble nation was severe. She caused the Dutch government to insist that Paul Jones should immediately leave the Texel. This he refused to do, as it was a neutral port, and he had a right to remain a reasonable time. The Dutch government then threatened to drive him out, and had thirteen double-decked frigates to enforce this threat, while twelve English ships cruised outside waiting for him. But Paul Jones kept his flag flying in the face of these twenty-five hostile ships, and firmly refused to leave until he was ready. Through some complication with the French government, he had the alternative forced upon him of hoisting a French flag on the Serapis, or taking the inferior Alliance under the American flag. Bitter as it was to give up the splendid Serapis, he nobly preferred the weaker ship, under the American flag, and in the Alliance, in the midst of a roaring gale on a black December night, he escaped from the Texel, "with my best American ensign flying," as he wrote Dr. Franklin. The British government offered ten thousand guineas for him, dead or alive, and forty-two British ships of the line and frigates scoured the seas for him. Yet he escaped from them all, passed within sight of the fleets at Spithead, ran through the English Channel, and reached France in safety. He went to Paris, where he was praised, admired, petted by the court, and especially honored by royalty. The King, Louis XVI., gave him a magnificent sword, while the Queen, the lovely and unfortunate Marie Antoinette, invited him in her box at the opera, and treated him with charming affability. The first time he went to the theatre in Paris, he found a laurel wreath suspended over his seat. He rose quietly and moved away,--an act of modesty which was much applauded by all. Captain Pearson, on his return to England, received honors that caused many persons to smile, although he had undoubtedly defended his ship very determinedly. He was made a knight. When Paul Jones heard of this, he remarked: "Well, he has deserved it; and if I have the good fortune to fall in with him again, I will make him a lord." Compliments were plenty for Paul Jones, too; but no ship was forthcoming for him worthy of his fame, and at last, in 1780, he was forced to return to America in the Ariel, a lightly armed vessel, carrying stores for Washington's army. His services were fully appreciated in the United States. General Washington wrote him a letter of congratulation; Congress passed a resolution of thanks in his honor, and gave him a gold medal; and the French king made him a Knight of the Order of Military Merit. The poverty of his country prevented him from getting a ship immediately, and the virtual end of the war in 1781 gave him no further opportunity of naval distinction. He was employed in serving the naval interests of the country on this side of the ocean until 1787, when he went to Europe on a mission for the government. While there, he had brilliant offers made him to enter the service of the Empress Catherine of Russia, and to take charge of naval operations against the Turks. The nature of Paul Jones was such that any enterprise of adventurous daring was irresistibly attractive to him. At that time his firm friend Thomas Jefferson was minister to France, and he advised Paul Jones to accept the offer. This he did, relying, as he said, on Mr. Jefferson to justify him in so doing, and retaining his American citizenship. He had an adventurous journey to Russia, stopping for a while on public business at Copenhagen, where he was much caressed by the King, Queen, and Court. He resumed his route by sea, and at one time in a small boat in the Baltic Sea he forced the sailors to proceed at the point of his pistol, when their hearts failed them and they wished to turn back. His connection with the Russian navy proved deeply unfortunate. He had to deal with persons of small sense of honor, who cared little for the principles of generous and civilized warfare. He was maligned and abused, and although he succeeded in clearing himself, he left Russia with disappointment and disgust. His health had begun to fail, and the last two years of his life, from 1790 to 1792, were spent in Paris, where he was often ill, and more often in great distress of mind over the terrible scenes then occurring in France. He did not forget that the King and Queen had been his friends, and showed them attentions when it was extremely dangerous to do so. Lafayette, who had long been his devoted friend, soothed his last days; and Gouverneur Morris, then minister to France, paid him many kind attentions. He made his will, naming Robert Morris as his executor, and then faced death with the same cool courage as upon the bloody and burning deck of the Bon Homme Richard. In the evening of the 18th of July, 1792, after calmly making his preparation, the end came. The National Assembly of France paid honor to his remains, and in the United States the news of his death was received with profound sorrow. Some years after, the Congress sent the St. Lawrence frigate to Europe, to bring back the body of Paul Jones to the United States; but it was found that, according to the French custom, it had been destroyed by quicklime long before. Few men have been more warmly attacked and defended than Paul Jones; but in the light of history and of research it is altogether certain that he was a man of extraordinary genius and courage, of noble aspirations, and sincerely devoted to his adopted country; and at all times and places he made good his proud declaration: "I have ever looked out for the honor of the American flag." The eulogy passed upon him by Benjamin Franklin was brief, but it embodied many volumes of praise. It was this: "For Captain Paul Jones ever loved close fighting." RICHARD DALE If an example were needed of the superiority of character and courage over intellect, no more fitting person could be named than Commodore Richard Dale,--"that truth-telling and truth-loving officer," as Fenimore Cooper calls him. Nothing is more beautiful than the reverence which Cooper, a man of real genius, had for Richard Dale, whose talents, though good, were not brilliant; and in this Cooper shows to lesser minds that intellect should ever pay tribute to character. Dale had nothing more than good, sound sense, but by the courage and constancy of his nature, by his justice, gentleness, and probity, he attained a standing of which a great intellect might have been proud. He was Paul Jones's first lieutenant during two years of daring adventure, and, like Cooper, Paul Jones, the man of genius, loved and admired Dale, the man of excellence. The affection between the two was deep, and in Dale's old age he spoke of his old commander, then no more, affectionately as "Paul,"--a strong testimony in the great captain's favor. [Illustration: Ri^d Dale ] Dale was born near Norfolk, in Virginia, in 1756. His parents were respectable persons, but not very well off, and Dale appears to have had but few advantages of education in his boyhood. He was, by nature, a daring and reckless speller, and the ingenuity and simplicity with which he could twist the letters of the alphabet into forms never before seen, was truly comical. In a letter to Paul Jones, describing some work he was doing on the bowsprit, he says, "the boulsprit was something Dificoult in Giting out." But no doubt the bowsprit was smartly handled, and got out all right. And when "tow french voluntairs" deserted, Dale says he "made haist" to send the "golly-boat" after them, and certainly got them, if it were possible to do so. But in spite of his spelling, he was educated in all the courtesies of life, his manners were polished, his person was handsome, and he was a daring and capable seaman. Paul Jones said he always found Dale ready and willing to execute the most hazardous duty; and this willingness to do his duty was the distinguishing characteristic of his whole life. When he was twelve years of age, he entered the merchant service and made a voyage with an uncle of his, a sea-captain. Then began his career of hard knocks; and few men who sail blue water ever had more. He began by falling down the hold of his ship, and breaking most of his bones except those of his back and neck; then followed experiences of being knocked overboard and battling in the sea an hour before being picked up; of being struck by lightning and remaining unconscious for hours. From the time he joined the navy of the colonies, he never was in action without being either wounded or captured and sometimes both. Three times was he badly wounded, five times was he taken prisoner; yet he managed to be in active service during a great part of the war, and at last died peacefully in his bed, at a good old age. Almost as soon as war was declared, Dale, then a fine young fellow of nineteen, enlisted in the feeble naval forces of the colonies; and the very first time he smelled powder, in 1776, he was captured by the British and taken to Norfolk. There he was put on board a prison ship, where he found among the officers an old friend of his, a young Virginian, Bridges Gutteridge. Gutteridge was a royalist, and, being a plausible fellow, he used his friendship with Dale to persuade him that he was wrong in being in rebellion. Dale, who was young and inexperienced, was beguiled by his friend into turning royalist too, and actually enlisted upon a small British vessel. The first action in which he was engaged--a fight with American pilot boats--Dale met his usual fate, and was severely wounded. He was carried back to Norfolk, and in the long days of illness and convalescence he began to see his conduct in its true light, and bitterly repented of having fought against his country. He went to work upon his friend Gutteridge, and succeeded in converting him, after once having been converted by him, into a patriot. Dale then quietly bided his time to get back into the American navy, and, as he said, "I made up my mind if I got into the way of bullets it should never again be the bullets of my own country." It is indicative of the simple honesty of the man, that he never attempted to belittle or disguise this early lapse of his, and always expressed the deepest sorrow for it, alleging what a nature less fine would never have admitted, "I knew no better at the time." As soon as he was recovered, he managed to get aboard a merchant ship; to go to sea was the first step toward returning to the continental navy, which was the desire of his heart. He was captured as usual. But this time it was just the very sort of a capture that Dale desired, his ship being taken by the Lexington, a smart little cruiser under the command of Captain Barry, a brave officer, with whom Dale's life was afterward much connected. Dale lost not a moment in enlisting as midshipman on the Lexington, and the first time she backed her topsails at a British vessel she was captured, and Dale was a prisoner for the third time. An officer and a prize crew were thrown on the Lexington, and her captor, the Pearl, frigate, directed the prize to follow her. In the night the Americans rose on their captors, and retook the brig, carrying her into Baltimore. Soon after that, Dale was exchanged, and in January, 1777, he found himself again on the Lexington, as master's mate. In March, the brig sailed for France, under Captain Henry Johnson, and cruised boldly in European waters. One night, in September, 1777, Captain Johnson found himself close under the quarter of a well-armed British cutter. The two gallant little vessels opened fire with great spirit, and the Americans were getting decidedly the better of it, when their shot gave out. Dale and the other officers collected every scrap of iron about the ship that could be found or wrenched from its place to fire in the place of shot, but the unequal fight could not last long; the brig was given up after several of her officers and men had been killed, and Dale was a prisoner for the fourth time before he was twenty-one years old. In most of these revolutionary encounters the ships engaged were of trifling force, but the attack and defence were gallant and spirited in the highest degree, by both the Americans and the British, and no ship was given away on either side. The Lexington's officers and men were carried to England and thrown into Mill Prison, where they underwent the agonies of famine and privation. Dale always spoke of those dreadful days with horror, and told of being driven by hunger to kill a stray dog, which he, with the other prisoners, cooked and ate. The story of their sufferings got abroad and excited the indignation of many persons in England, who were jealous of the honor of their country. They raised sixteen thousand pounds for American prisoners in England, and relieved all their material wants. But the Americans longed for liberty, and Dale and a few others determined to have it. They found a place under the prison walls through which a hole could be dug, and they began the almost impossible task of scooping out enough earth that they might crawl through to the other side. They could work only while exercising in the prison yard, and had to put the dirt in their pockets as they scooped it up. Nevertheless, after working for weeks at it, on a dark night in February, 1778, Captain Johnson, Dale, and several of the Lexington's crew crawled through, and found themselves free at last of the prison walls. It is strange that men who could accomplish this should have been so unwise as to stay together, but for a week the whole party wandered about the country at night, half starved and half clothed, in the worst of wintry weather. At last they concluded to separate, and Dale and a young midshipman cast their lots together. Their character was soon suspected by people they asked for food and shelter, and pursuers were put upon them. They doubled on their tracks and got to London. They were still hunted for, and the house in which they were concealed was raided. Dale and his friend escaped into a shed close by, and lay concealed under straw for hours, until the pursuing party had left. They then slipped down to the docks, and were entered as hands on a vessel for Scotland. But Dale's usual ill-fortune followed him. The British navy, wanting able seamen, sent a press gang to the Scotch vessel, and Dale and his friend, unluckily attracting notice by their stalwart appearance, were impressed. In a little while they were found out to be American officers, and were sent back to Mill Prison. Forty days in the black hole of the prison followed. When this was over, Dale earned another forty days in it by singing rebel songs. He continued to sing his songs, though, while in the black hole. After a whole year in prison he made his escape under circumstances which he never revealed to the day of his death, except that he had on a complete suit of British uniform. How he got it remains a mystery, and from that day until his death, forty-seven years afterward, Dale kept the dangerous secret of the person who risked so much for him. It is supposed that he was provided liberally with money, and even with a passport, for he got out of England quickly and went to France. Here, at L'Orient, he found Paul Jones, then fitting out the Bon Homme Richard, in which both the commander and Dale were to win immortality. Dale was then an active, handsome young fellow of twenty-three, and had seen more hard service than many officers of the highest rank. At the first glance Paul Jones saw his steadiness, coolness, and splendid qualities as a sea officer, and soon made him first lieutenant on the Bon Homme Richard. A deep attachment sprang up between these two kindred souls, and it is enough for Dale's reputation to know that he was a man after Paul Jones's own heart. In the summer of 1779 the Bon Homme Richard, old, crazy, and weakly armed, but carrying as much valor as any ship afloat, started upon her daring cruise in the narrow seas of Great Britain. Every day showed Paul Jones more and more the admirable character of his young first lieutenant, and in all the hazardous enterprises of that bold cruise Dale was the man who was always Paul Jones's right arm of strength. On the 23d of September, 1779, was fought the celebrated battle between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis. Dale was not only the first, but the only sea lieutenant on board, and proved himself altogether worthy to serve under the great captain who took the Serapis. He commanded the main deck, and, although his wretched and defective guns soon became disabled, his activity did not cease for a moment. At the most critical stages of the battle, when the leaking, burning, and helpless Bon Homme Richard seemed in extremity, the master-at-arms let loose more than a hundred prisoners, who came crowding up into the magazine passage. Dale, running below, with his pistol cocked, faced the mob, and, under Paul Jones's orders, set them to work at the pumps. He then returned to the deck, and so carried away was he with the ardor of battle that when, with his invariable fortune, a shot struck him in the leg, he was quite unconscious of it. As soon as Captain Pearson hauled down his flag, Dale claimed his right to go aboard the Serapis and receive her surrender. The mainyard of the Serapis hung cock-a-bill over the Bon Homme Richard's poop. A line hung from the torn rigging, and Dale, seizing it, swung himself over, and landed alone on the Serapis' deck. The Serapis' officers and people did not all know the colors had been struck, and there was some fighting on the deck afterward. The Serapis' first lieutenant ran up just as Captain Pearson surrendered, and cried out, "Has she struck?" meaning the Bon Homme Richard. Captain Pearson remained silent, and Dale replied, "No, sir, the Serapis has struck." The lieutenant, ignoring Dale, repeated his question to the captain, who shook his head. The lieutenant after a moment asked that he might go below and stop the firing that had not altogether ceased; but Dale, who was not taking any chances of losing the ship, politely refused, and at once passed the captain and his first lieutenant aboard the Bon Homme Richard. As soon as the Americans had possession of the Serapis, Dale sat down on the binnacle, overcome with exhaustion, after nearly ten hours of manoeuvring and fighting, two hours of the time the ships having been lashed together. He gave an order, and, rising to see it executed, measured his length on the deck. Then for the first time he knew that he was wounded. He managed to keep the deck, however, and his wound proved to be trifling. In all the accounts of the compliments showered upon Paul Jones and his officers at the Texel and afterward at Paris, Dale seems to have kept modestly in the background. His worth, however, was not overlooked, and his testimony that Captain Landais of the Alliance had acted treacherously toward the Bon Homme Richard during the fight with the Serapis was of weight in securing Landais' dishonorable discharge from the continental navy. While Paul Jones was enjoying the charms and splendors of Paris, Dale, who had little taste for such things, was "keeping ship" so well that the captain's absence was not felt. Like Paul Jones, he ardently longed to put to sea in a fine ship; but both were doomed to disappointment when the Ariel was the best to be had. In her he sailed, with Paul Jones, for America, in 1781. Off the French coast they met with a storm so terrific that Dale always declared he considered they were in more danger than at any time during the fight with the Serapis. In speaking of Paul Jones's coolness in such desperate straits, when every moment they seemed about to go to the bottom, Dale said: "Never saw I such coolness in such dreadful circumstances as I saw in Paul Jones then." To the amazement of all, they escaped with their lives, although the Ariel was so crippled that they had to return to port, and it was many weeks before they could sail again. On reaching America, Paul Jones desired Dale to accompany him to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where the government directed him to superintend the building of a fine frigate then on the stocks. But Dale preferred active service, and joined the Trumbull frigate, going through with his usual experience, a hot fight with a British ship and a severe wound. This time he varied the performance by being captured for the fifth time. He was soon exchanged, however, and the war ended shortly after. The navy of the United States ceased practically to exist at the close of the Revolution, and Dale went into the China trade. He made a modest fortune, came ashore, and married a beautiful girl, the ward of his old commander Captain Barry. In 1794 the navy was reorganized, and Dale was the first captain who got afloat under the United States flag. He made several cruises, and in 1801 was made commodore of a fine squadron sent to the Mediterranean. His flagship was the President, and it was a sad coincidence that upon this very ship, in the war of 1812, his son, a gallant young midshipman, received his death wound. The fine appearance of the American ships and the smartness of their officers and crews were generally admired, and Dale himself made friends and admirers by his manly and modest bearing. He spelled no better than ever, but his seamanship was beyond reproach. Once, on coming out of Port Mahon, the President struck upon a rock, and was in imminent danger of pounding herself to death. Commodore Dale was below when she struck. He instantly came on deck, assumed command, and by his coolness, nerve, and judgment, saved the ship. He had her temporarily repaired, under his own directions, at Port Mahon, but went to Toulon to have her put in dry dock. When the water was pumped out, and her hull exposed, the French naval officers were lost in admiration at the ingenious way in which, with crude appliances and materials, Dale had contrived to repair the damage. The great Nelson, while observing the manoeuvring of this fine squadron under Commodore Dale, remarked: "Those American ships can, if they wish, make trouble for the British navy." Dale returned home, expecting to spend the rest of his active life in the navy. But in those days it seems to have been a common practice to treat the most distinguished and deserving officers without the least consideration of their rights or feelings. This happened to Commodore Dale. An affront being offered him by the head of the navy, he promptly resigned. He had two gallant sons who remained in the navy, however; and one of these, his namesake, lost his life while gallantly fighting in the war of 1812. Dale retired to Philadelphia, and spent the rest of his days in honorable retirement. His old friend Captain Barry had come into possession of the splendid gold sword given Paul Jones by the King of France, and which Paul Jones's relatives had given to Robert Morris, and from him Captain Barry got it. On Captain Barry's death he left this sword, most worthily and appropriately, to Dale, the great captain's first lieutenant. Dale never lost his interest in sailors and all who live by the sea. He was a deeply religious man, and organized a mariners' church, which he urged all sailors to attend. Every Sunday afternoon for thirty years he went to this humble little chapel, and, besides joining in the service, would go about among the sailors who were present, gently inquiring into their wants, and never failing to do a kindness for them when possible. It is said that no man was ever heard to speak a word against him. He died peacefully, after a short illness, in 1826. The United States named for him a fine sloop of war, which, like Dale himself, saw much service and had many vicissitudes. She is still in existence, and when, a few years ago, her timbers were examined, they were found as sound and whole, in spite of all her years of service, as they ought to be in a ship named for a man like Richard Dale. In her main gangway a memorial plate is placed, recalling Commodore Dale's services in the fight between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis, and quoting the never-to-be-forgotten words of Paul Jones, when he was asked, in his almost helpless ship, if he had struck,--"I have not yet begun to fight." THOMAS TRUXTUN In the old days the American sailors were great singers, and naval songs, rude in construction but vivid with patriotic fire, were immensely popular. When they were trolled forth on the fok'sle, nearly every sailor could join in, and the effect was as inspiring as Dibdin's songs were to the British navy about the same time. Among the first and favorite of these songs was "Truxtun's Victory," beginning,-- "Come, all ye Yankee sailors, with swords and pikes advance; 'T is time to try your courage and humble haughty France." There was a good deal of poetic license regarding facts as well as forms, and the poet, in describing Truxtun's victory on L'Insurgente, a crack French frigate, represents "The blood did from their scuppers run; Their captain cried, 'I am undone!'" Instead of crying that he was undone, the French captain made a gallant defence; and if his metal had been heavier, it might have been "Barreault's Victory," instead of "Truxtun's Victory." [Illustration: Medal awarded to Thomas Truxtun] Thomas Truxtun was born in New York in 1755, but, losing his father early, was taken to Jamaica by a relative and brought up. He had but little chance of a school education, and went to sea early. He was but twenty years old when the Revolution broke out, and was then in command of a merchant vessel. Unfortunately it cannot be recounted that Truxtun entered the American navy then. Instead he chose serving in a privateer. But it must be remembered that the whole naval force of the colonies was very feeble, and so slight was the expectation that it could prevail against the mighty fleets of England that only a few small ships were officered, and there was no more room for would-be officers. Truxtun, however, did excellent service in privateers,--usually not very honorable ships in themselves, as they prey only on the commerce of an enemy; yet in the Revolution many privateers boldly engaged with armed ships. Naturally the naval men held privateers in contempt, and a letter of the great Paul Jones is extant which shows that he and young Captain Truxtun had a sharp quarrel over the rights of privateers. Congress had passed an act forbidding a privateer to hoist a pennant in the presence of a naval ship, without first getting the consent of the naval ship's commander. Truxtun, an impetuous young man of twenty-five, in command of the ship Independence from Philadelphia, arrived at L'Orient in France in 1780. At the same time the Ariel, under command of Paul Jones, was lying in the port. What followed Paul Jones himself describes in a letter addressed to "Mr. Thomas Truxtun, master of the ship Independence." "You passed, some time ago, with the merchant ship called the Independence belonging to Philadelphia, close under the stern of the continental ship Ariel, under my command in the Road of Groix; and you then showed no mark of respect to the Continental flag of commission, but went on with a long Pendant flying, and without lowering any sail or colour, or crew showing any mark of politeness. In the port of L'Orient you were not satisfied with a long Pendant, but you hoisted a kind of Broad one; and until yesterday you have worn it at your moorings in presence of the Continental ship Ariel. This was flying in the Face of a positive resolution of Congress. When your vessel was yesterday under sail, she was steered in my presence very near the Ariel in passing down to Port Louis. I then sent a Boat with an officer to request yourself or your representative to take down the Pendant. The officer returned and reported to me that my boat's crew had been menaced by your people, and that your mate said he had Orders to treat me with Contempt, and disobey any order or request to haul down the Pendant. When I found this, I sent Lieut. Dale back with two Boats armed, and with another polite message, and such orders as I will answer for having given. The Pendant was then hauled Down as he approached. I cannot answer your letter of this date more particularly, as there are in it several words that I do not understand and cannot find in the dictionary. I shall receive no more letters from you on the subject. It is not me you have offended. You have offended the United States of America. I am, sir, your most humble servant, "J. Paul Jones." By this letter it will be seen that Captain Truxtun, like Richard Dale, was better at fighting than writing; and it will also be noted that when Paul Jones's blood was up, he sent Dale to call Captain Truxtun to account, and as soon as Dale took the matter in hand, "the Pendant was then hauled down." Truxtun had an adventurous time of it during the Revolution, and made a name for himself as a man of enterprise and a fine seaman. His after achievements make it a source of keen regret that such a man should have been engaged in such a calling as privateering, when, like Paul Jones and Richard Dale, he might have assisted his country much better on a regular ship of war. He remained in the merchant service after the war was over; but when the United States began to create a navy in 1784, Truxtun was given a captain's commission. Trouble had been brewing with France for some time, and in 1797 the government determined to build several frigates in case of war, and this year saw the launching of the two noble ships, the Constitution and the Constellation, which were both destined to win immortal fame. Truxtun was appointed to command the Constellation, and also to superintend the building. She was laid down at Baltimore in the summer of 1797, and few ships ever took the water more quickly than the glorious Constellation. She had a very remarkable launch on the 7th of September, 1797. Nearly all her guns and stores were on board, and seven days after she kissed the water she was ready to sail. She had been coppered in ten hours. The Constellation was a beautiful frigate, very fast and weatherly, and carrying thirty-eight guns. She was finely officered and manned, and Captain Truxtun sailed on his first cruise with every advantage in his favor,--a ship that could both fight and run, and a company worthy of the ship. He cruised for some time without meeting with any extraordinary adventures; but the next year four other smaller vessels were put under his command, and the squadron went to the West Indies. This was directly in harm's way, as the West India islands were full of French ships of war, and France and the United States were on the eve of a quasi-war, so that Captain Truxtun sailed with the hope of getting a whack at a Frenchman, and this came about in February, 1799. As the old song has it, "'T was in the month of February, off Montserrat we lay, When there we spied the Insurgente--" This was considered to be the fastest frigate in the world, and was commanded by a crack French captain, Barreault. She carried forty twelve-pounders in her batteries, and the Constellation carried thirty-eight twenty-four pounders, making the Constellation much the stronger ship; yet Captain Truxtun showed, in the fight which followed, that he could have whipped a heavier ship than L'Insurgente, which made a very smart fight too. Captain Barreault knew that the Constellation was the heavier, but he did not on that account refuse the battle, but showed a manly willingness to fight. The Constellation sighted L'Insurgente in the forenoon of February 9, 1799, and immediately made for her. As soon as she got near enough, the French ship hoisted American colors, in order to draw her on and give the French ship time to find out something about the stranger. Captain Truxtun then showed the private signal, which Captain Barreault was unable to answer. L'Insurgente then threw off every disguise, and, setting the French ensign, ran off and fired a gun to windward, which meant, in sailor language, that he was ready for a yardarm to yardarm fight. Captain Truxtun set an American ensign at every masthead and came on, the Frenchman waiting on an easy bowline, for his enemy. The Americans, both officers and men, showed the most cheerful ardor to engage, and the two ships went at it with equal spirit. When within hailing distance the Frenchman hailed; but disregarding this, Captain Truxtun came on until he was abeam of his adversary. Then he let fly his broadside, and the Frenchman answered him promptly. Captain Truxtun discovered that he had no fool to play with in Captain Barreault, and for an hour the Frenchman gave the Constellation all she could do. But by that time the superior metal of the Constellation began to tell. The Frenchman aimed at the spars and rigging, and the foretopmast of the Constellation was badly wounded. The officer in the foretop was Midshipman David Porter, afterward the celebrated captain, and, seeing that the foretopmast was likely to fall, with all the men in the hamper, he hailed the deck to report the damage. So furious was the cannonade, though, that his voice could not be heard. He therefore gave orders on his own account to cut away the stoppers and lower the topsail yard, and by his promptness the spar as well as the men in the top were saved. The Americans aimed at the hull, and in an hour L'Insurgente was riddled like a sieve. The Constellation then shot ahead, and, luffing across the Frenchman's bows, was ready with every gun to rake him, when Captain Barreault, seeing his hopeless condition, struck his colors. The captured frigate was sent into St. Kitts with only two midshipmen, Porter and Rodgers, and eleven men, to keep one hundred and seventy three Frenchmen below the hatches. This they did, besides managing the ship in a hard gale, and took her in triumph to St. Kitts within four days. The next year Captain Truxtun had a chance to show what he could do against a stronger ship than his own, and on the 1st of February, 1800, being off Guadeloupe, he sighted La Vengeance, one of the great French frigates, mounting fifty-two guns. The Constellation immediately set her ensign and gave chase, but La Vengeance, having on board a large number of officers of rank and soldiers which she was carrying to France, would rather not have fought, and so took to her heels. The chase continued from the morning of the 1st of February until late in the afternoon of the 2d, and it was eight o'clock at night before they finally came to close quarters. When La Vengeance found the Constellation was bent on a fight, she entered into it with all the bravery of the French character. The officers and soldiers she was carrying as passengers went to quarters with the regular crew, and she came on in grand style, giving her first broadside as soon as the Constellation was within range. Captain Truxtun, without firing a gun, drew within pistol shot of his enemy, both crews cheering as the two gallant enemies neared each other. When within pistol shot, the Constellation barked out every gun in broadside, and the fight began in good earnest. Both ships were running free, and during the whole fight, which lasted five hours, the cannonade continued. The crowded condition of the Frenchman's decks made the slaughter dreadful, but she did not take her punishment without giving it back with spirit. The moon had risen in tropic splendor, and a good breeze was blowing, so that both ships could manoeuvre, and the bright light enabled them to see what they were doing. Toward midnight, though, it was plain that the French ship was getting the worst of it. However, she showed no signs of surrender, and her guns that could still be worked pounded the mainmast of the Constellation until it was soon seen that it must fall. At this point occurred what is probably the noblest act of young courage in all naval history. The officer of the maintop was a little midshipman, James Jarvis, who was only thirteen years old. When it was seen that nothing could save the mainmast, the topmen leaped and clambered down, and an old sailor begged the little midshipman to save himself. To this young Jarvis answered calmly, "As an officer I cannot leave my station, and if the mast goes, I must go with it." In a few moments the great mast fell with a fearful crash, and this dauntless boy came down with it. He was the only officer on the Constellation killed. This accident rendered the Constellation helpless for a time, and La Vengeance, having still spars enough left to get away, made off, without firing another gun, and was soon lost in the darkness that followed the setting of the moon. Her loss of men was frightful, while that of the Constellation was comparatively small. When Captain Truxtun reached home after this brilliant engagement, he was received with acclamations, Congress gave him a gold medal and its thanks, and passed a solemn resolution in honor of young Jarvis, "who gloriously preferred certain death to the abandonment of his post." This is, perhaps, an unprecedented honor for a boy of thirteen, but it cannot be denied that the little midshipman, who deliberately gave his life rather than desert his post, well earned it. The London merchants of Lloyd's coffee-house sent Captain Truxtun a splendid service of plate worth six hundred guineas, and some years afterward the United States named a smart sloop of war after him, the Truxtun. Captain Truxtun served but a short while in the navy after this. In 1802 he was ordered, as Commodore, to command a squadron, and, finding he was to have no captain on his flag-ship, declined the honor. His letter was misunderstood by the authorities of the Navy Department to mean a resignation from the navy, and was, as such, accepted. Commodore Truxtun, too proud to withdraw it, chose rather to withdraw from the navy,--a course which must ever be regretted. He chose Philadelphia as his home, and became a prominent and important citizen. He was for some time Sheriff of the city. In 1823 his death occurred, and he left behind him an honorable name as a man, and a brilliant reputation as a seaman. WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE Commodore Bainbridge was born at Princeton, New Jersey, in 1774. His family were of good standing, and willing as well as able to give the boy a liberal education; but an inborn love of adventure possessed him, and he begged to be allowed to go to sea. At that time, 1789-90, the navy of the Revolution had ceased to exist, while the navy of a later date was not created, and the only way to gratify the boy was to send him to sea in a merchant vessel. He first shipped in his sixteenth year, and his good habits and natural genius for the sea gave him the place of first officer of a ship when he was eighteen. During a voyage to Holland a mutiny occurred on board his vessel, which was quelled chiefly by the vigor and determination of young Bainbridge. The owners rewarded his services by giving him the command of the ship when he was barely nineteen. At this time he was a singularly handsome young man. He was six feet high, his figure elegant, and his countenance as frank and open as it was comely. His manners were cordial, and his disposition impetuous; but although he sometimes fell into hasty and passionate language, no man was more ready to make amends. Like Paul Jones, he stammered slightly, but, also like him, he spoke smoothly enough when there was occasion for it, and no one ever heard him halt in his speech when an order aboard ship was to be given. [Illustration: William Bainbridge] Bainbridge remained in command of merchant ships until the reorganization of the navy in 1798. During those years a singular and unsatisfactory state of affairs existed for American ships on the ocean. Without a single ship of war to protect them, they were liable to be overhauled by British warships, which claimed the right to search, by French warships, which practically fought and captured them, while a large trade with the North of Europe and the East was harassed by the corsairs of the Barbary coast. With regard to these last, a truly disgraceful condition prevailed. The Dey of Algiers actually demanded and received tribute from the United States government for not molesting its trading-vessels! It is true that other nations of Europe submitted to the same sort of blackmail; but their reasons, although not sufficient, were better than those of the Americans. New in the art of forming a great republic, and unduly fearful of the dangers of a fixed naval force as well as of a standing army, the government of the United States tried to do without a navy; but it paid for its mistake many times over, both in national honor and in money. The European nations also paid money to the Barbary pirates, and allowed their ships to be used in various ways, at the request of these haughty despots; but it was with a desire to secure their political alliances in the universal wars that scourged Europe at that day, and not from inability to protect their own carrying ships. It may be imagined how galling this was to American captains, and that they resisted whenever there was a chance of success. Young Bainbridge was the last man to submit to coercion when he could help himself, and on two occasions, while in command of merchant vessels, showed the spirit that was in him. Once, when commanding the Hope, a little vessel carrying only eleven men before the mast and four nine-pounders, he fell in with a British privateer, carrying thirty men and eight guns. A sharp action ensued; for privateers are not wont to heed any vessel's rights when the privateer is the stronger party, and Paul Jones's characterization of them as "licensed robbers" is not far wrong. The Hope, however, made a good defence, and forced the privateer to call for quarter. Under the existing law, Bainbridge could not claim her as lawful prize, but was forced to let her go, shouting out to her commander as they parted, "Tell your employers if they have occasion for the Hope, they must send some other man than you to get her!" Another time, the Indefatigable, frigate, under Sir Edward Pellew, afterward Lord Exmouth and the conqueror of Algiers, sent a squad of seamen on board the Hope, and took out of her a man alleged to be a British subject. Bainbridge could not resist, but he sent word to Sir Edward that the first British vessel of a force the Hope could cope with, a man should be taken out of her, as sure as he was alive and commanded the Hope. This he did within a week, and carried the man back to the United States with him. Things reached such a pass in 1798 that the necessity for a navy became pressing, and steps were promptly taken to organize and equip a naval force. Bainbridge, then twenty-four years old, was among the first to apply for a commission, and he was given that of lieutenant commandant. He soon got the command of a little cruiser of fourteen guns, captured from the French, and renamed the Retaliation. The ship was ordered to the West Indies, to cruise in company with the Montezuma, sloop of war, and the Norfolk, brig. On a November day in 1798, while cruising off Guadeloupe, Bainbridge found himself too near two French frigates, Le Volontier, forty-four guns, and L'Insurgente, forty guns.[1] L'Insurgente was a tremendously fast frigate, and soon overhauled Bainbridge and compelled him to strike his colors. He was at once taken on board Le Volontier, while L'Insurgente proceeded in chase of the Montezuma and the Norfolk. Captain St. Laurent, of Le Volontier, seeing L'Insurgente about to engage two adversaries, and knowing her captain, Barreault, to be a man brave to rashness, was disturbed at the prospect. He asked Bainbridge, who was on the quarterdeck, what the force of the American ships was. Bainbridge promptly replied that the Montezuma carried twenty-eight long guns, and the Norfolk twenty. This was about double their real force. Captain St. Laurent at once signalled L'Insurgente to return. Her captain, Barreault, was deeply chagrined, and when he went on board Le Volontier, told Captain St. Laurent that the American vessels were of trifling force, and he could easily have taken them both. Then Bainbridge's clever _ruse_ was discovered; but the French officers, realizing that he had done his duty in trying to save his country's ships, showed no ill-will toward him. The Retaliation was the first and only ship of war captured by the French during the years that war existed between the United States and France, although it never was declared. But Bainbridge's reputation did not suffer by this, as his whole conduct was that of a man of spirit and capacity. He rose to the rank of captain just as he reached his twenty-sixth birthday; and in 1800 he was appointed to the command of the George Washington, of twenty-eight guns. His first duty was to carry tribute to the Dey of Algiers. No more hateful service could have been devised for him, and great blame rests upon the men in the government who subjected the United States to such humiliation. In September, 1800, Bainbridge reached Algiers, and anchored within the mole. Scarcely had he landed the tribute, consisting of about half a million in money,--enough to have built a ship that could have knocked the Dey's forts about his ears,--when he was asked to carry the Dey's ambassador to Constantinople, along with a present to the Sultan, of slaves, wild beasts, and a large sum of money. Bainbridge was furious at the demand; but the Dey insolently told him that he must go, or the ship, which was completely in the Dey's power, would be taken, her officers and crew sold into slavery, and war made on American trade. Bainbridge was reminded that British, French, and Spanish ships had performed the same duty; but no doubt Bainbridge realized that in all those cases it was done from political motives, while in his case it was done simply because he could not help himself. With a very bad grace, he agreed, and the presents and passengers were put in the ship and he sailed for Constantinople in October. It was a cruise the officers of the George Washington never liked to speak of; but there is no doubt that, although it was a time of the utmost vexation and mortification, innumerable amusing incidents occurred. The Mohammedans had great difficulty in keeping their faces toward Mecca during the frequent evolutions of the ship, and a man had to be stationed at the compass to let them know when it was time for them to "go about." This was a standing cause of laughter and gibes from the sailors, which naturally gave great offence to the Mohammedans; and these disagreements, together with a ship full of wild beasts, made it a cruise never to be forgotten. Bainbridge was very doubtful whether his vessel would be allowed to pass the Dardanelles, as the American flag had never been seen in those seas before; so he concluded to get through by his wits. He approached with a strong wind, and clewed up his light sails as if about to anchor, saluting meanwhile. The salute was returned, and under cover of the smoke sail was quickly made and the ship slipped past, out of range of shot from the castles. When she reached Constantinople, a boat was sent ashore to report her arrival. The Turkish officials sent back word that they knew no such nation as the United States. They were soon convinced that there was such a nation, and were well received. The Sultan's brother-in-law, Capudan Pasha, became much attached to Bainbridge, and mentioned that the Dey of Algiers was not in favour with the Sublime Porte. Bainbridge, knowing he would return to Algiers, got a letter from Capudan Pasha, in which the Dey was commanded to treat the American commander with the highest respect. Bainbridge returned to Algiers in January, and was immediately met with another demand,--that he take the Algerine ambassador back to Constantinople. This he firmly refused, at an interview in which the Dey stormed, raged, and threatened. In the midst of this, Bainbridge calmly produced Capudan Pasha's letter. The Dey paused, grew pale, and trembled, and then burst into profuse offers of assistance, which Bainbridge coolly declined, and left the palace. The next day, in obedience to orders from Constantinople, the Dey declared war against France, and notified all of the French in Algiers--fifty-six men, women, and children--that unless they left within forty-eight hours, they would be sold into slavery. France was then at war with the United States, but this did not prevent Bainbridge from offering these unfortunates an asylum on the George Washington at great inconvenience to himself, and carrying them all to Spain. For this humane act he received the personal thanks of Napoleon Bonaparte, then First Consul. Bainbridge returned to the United States with the George Washington, and soon after got the Essex, a thirty-two-gun frigate attached to the squadron which was sent to the Mediterranean in 1801, under the command of Commodore Richard Dale. Among the lieutenants of the Essex was Stephen Decatur, afterward the celebrated Commodore. The ship arrived at Barcelona in August, and took a berth in the harbor, close to the Spanish guardship. The neatness of the Essex and the seamanlike appearance and conduct of her officers and men were so much remarked upon that it gave great offence to the officers of the guardship. The stay of the American frigate at Barcelona was a long scene of turmoil, owing to collisions between her junior officers and the Spanish midshipmen. In one of these Decatur figured prominently. Bainbridge acted with spirit and also with judgment, but was glad to get away from such uncomfortable quarters. By that time Congress was beginning to wake up to the necessity for a more vigorous policy with regard to the Barbary powers, and the squadron was directed to protect American shipping by force. The corsairs interpreted this to mean war, and their aggressions reached such a pitch, after the return of Dale's squadron in 1802, that in 1803 Commodore Preble was sent out with the Constitution, the Philadelphia, and five smaller vessels, to reduce these piratical powers. Bainbridge was promoted from the command of the Essex to the Philadelphia, a fine thirty-eight-gun frigate, carrying a few more than three hundred men. Her first lieutenant was David Porter, who, as a young midshipman, had distinguished himself in the Constellation under Captain Truxtun, and who was destined to a highly honorable and active career during the whole time of his service in the navy. The Philadelphia arrived at Gibraltar in August, 1803, and the next day began to cruise up and down the straits in search of corsairs. In a day or two she fell in with a Moorish vessel, the Meshboha, in company with an American brig which had been captured, and her company taken aboard the Meshboha. The Philadelphia stood by, and forced the Moorish captain, Lubarez, to send all his prisoners to the Philadelphia, and to come aboard himself. Bainbridge invited him into the cabin, and feeling sure that he had orders to capture American ships, directed him to produce these orders. Lubarez stoutly denied he had any such orders. "Very well," coolly responded Bainbridge, taking out his watch. "I am now going on deck for half an hour. When I return, if you cannot show your orders, I will immediately hang you at the yardarm for a pirate." At the end of half an hour Bainbridge returned. Lubarez then sullenly admitted he had orders, but they were inside his waistcoat. "Take off your waistcoat," said Bainbridge. Lubarez began slowly to remove his waistcoat; but another appeared under it. He finally peeled off five waistcoats, and underneath the last one were the orders. Bainbridge immediately took possession of the Meshboha and her prize, and carried them both into Gibraltar. In a few days Commodore Preble reached Gibraltar, and Bainbridge was sent to Tripoli, with orders to intercept and capture every Tripolitan vessel possible. He arrived before Tripoli, in the autumn of 1803, and immediately began a vigorous blockade. On the 31st of October he gave chase to a xebec trying to get into the harbor. He was rapidly overhauling her, when, at the mouth of the harbor, the water suddenly shoaled, and the Philadelphia ran upon a tremendous reef, known to the Tripolitans, but not down on any chart. At once every effort was made to get the ship off, but she held fast, and soon heeled over so far to starboard that her guns on that side became useless. The Tripolitans at once saw her desperate plight, and gunboats came out in swarms to attack her. The Americans fought the gunboats off as best they could, meanwhile working with amazing energy to save the ship. All the water in her was pumped out, the anchors were cut from the bows, most of her guns thrown overboard, and at last the foremast was cut away. Still the ship stuck fast. Bainbridge, who had shown great coolness and determination in the dreadful circumstances in which he found himself, presently saw that he must give up the ship. He called a council of his officers, and they agreed that all had been done that men could do. The carpenters were ordered to scuttle the ship; and just as the autumn night was closing in, the Philadelphia's colors were hauled down, and the Tripolitans swarmed over the decks, in the ports, and everywhere a foot could be set. Then looting began; the officers being robbed of everything, even their swords and epaulets. Bainbridge gave up his watch and money in dignified silence; but when his wife's picture was about to be torn from around his neck, he swore no man should have it, and fought the Tripolitan off who would have taken it. The officers and men were then carried into the town, where the officers were received by the Bashaw in great state, surrounded by his ministers. It is said that Bainbridge never looked handsomer or more imposing than when he appeared at the head of his officers before the barbaric prince. The Bashaw treated them with Eastern courtesy, gave them a handsome supper, for they were half dead with hunger and fatigue, and then sent them to a temporary prison. They were in charge of Sidi Mohammed D'Ghies, one of the great officers of state, who proved to be a man of good heart, and whose ideas of military honor were Western rather than Eastern. Then began a captivity which lasted for nineteen months. The men were reduced to a position of slavery, and made to work for their Tripolitan masters. The officers were closely confined, and after several attempts at escape had been made by the younger ones, they were removed to the dungeons of the Bashaw's castle. The situation of Bainbridge was sad in the extreme. He felt himself to be foredoomed to misfortune. He had lost his first ship, the Retaliation, in the French war. His cruise in the George Washington had been painful and humiliating in many respects; and now he had lost one of the two frigates that the country depended upon to punish the corsairs. A very affecting letter of his to his wife exists, in which he seems plunged into despair; and in it he says he sometimes thinks "it would have been a merciful dispensation of Providence if my head had been shot off while our vessel lay rolling upon the rocks." But from this sharp affliction his gallant spirit rallied after a time. His officers and men felt undiminished confidence in and affection for him, and did all in their power to comfort him. The very day after their capture they sent him a letter saying, "We, late officers of the United States frigate Philadelphia, wishing to express our full approbation of your conduct concerning the unfortunate event of yesterday, do conceive that the charts and soundings justified as near an approach to the shore as we made, and that after she struck every expedient was used to get her off and to defend her which courage and abilities could dictate. "We wish to add that in this instance as in every other, since we have had the honor of being under your command, the officers and seamen have always appreciated your distinguished conduct. Believe us, sir, that our misfortunes and sorrows are entirely absorbed in our sympathy for you. We are, sir, with sentiments of the highest and most sincere respect, your friends and fellow sufferers." Here follow the signatures of every officer under Bainbridge. He soon received letters from Commodore Preble; and the brotherly kindness expressed in them reflects the greatest honor upon a superior officer who could feel so generously in an affair which crippled and embarrassed him so cruelly as the loss of the Philadelphia. Preble wrote: "May God bless and preserve you! Recollect that destiny, not want of courage, has deprived you of liberty, _but not of honor_." And he adds, "The first consul of France, the celebrated Bonaparte, has interested himself deeply in your situation." To the chagrin of the Americans, they found that the Philadelphia had not been thoroughly scuttled, and she was hauled off the rocks by the Tripolitans, the holes in her bottom stopped, her foremast refitted, her guns and anchors fished up, and she was towed within the harbor. From the one window of their underground prison, the unfortunate officers of the Philadelphia could see the ship riding at anchor, and disgraced by the pirate flag of Tripoli. The captives were allowed to communicate at intervals with Commodore Preble, who gave them assurance that they were not forgotten, and that the Bashaw would have to surrender them and pay dearly for having imprisoned them. Besides these official communications, means were found by which letters written in lemon juice were exchanged, and in one of these Bainbridge suggested the possibility of destroying the Philadelphia at her moorings,--which was afterward carried out with splendid dash by Decatur. In spite of those alleviations, there were long months of weariness and dreariness in a peculiarly trying captivity. The time was not wholly wasted. The midshipmen, whose untamed spirits frequently got them into difficulties, were set to work by the older officers, and all, men as well as officers, bore their imprisonment with fortitude. The seamen were made to labor on the fortifications; and as they were often unruly, the slave-drivers had no hesitation in ordering them to be bastinadoed on every occasion. The man who administered the punishment was not so hard-hearted as his masters, and although he regularly laid on the required number of blows upon the soles of the sailors' feet, he winked at the fact that they had wrapped folds of matting around their feet, and the blows hurt not at all. The sailors were clever enough to shriek and scream during this mock bastinadoing, and the slave-drivers were completely deceived by Jack's ruse. At last, on the night of the 15th of February, 1804, the captives were awakened by the firing of heavy guns. By the light of a brilliant moon and the blazing hull and spars of the Philadelphia out in the harbor, they saw the destruction of the ship by Decatur[2] and his gallant band. While they watched her burn to the water's edge, her shotted guns burst with heat and flame, her magazine blew up, and when the sun rose next morning, not a vestige remained of the lovely frigate. She had been destroyed by the Americans under Decatur, without the loss of a single man. This gave heart to the prisoners, and they felt their deliverance was at hand; but it was not until the spring had passed and the summer dragged along into August that one day they were roused by a heavy cannonade. They were then confined underground in the Bashaw's castle, and there was only one window by which they could see the offing. They eagerly clambered up, and the thrill of joy they felt may be imagined when they saw a smart flotilla of small vessels, led with the greatest dash and impetuosity by Decatur and Somers, burning, sinking, or driving back the Tripolitan gunboats. And farther out in the offing, they saw the glorious Constitution coming into action in grand style, choosing her range with majestic deliberation, and then her batteries roaring out destruction to her enemies, while the Tripolitan shot fell short, or dropped harmlessly against her stout sides. For six weeks the attack was kept up furiously, and in that time five tremendous assaults were made by Commodore Preble's squadron. In one of these destructive cannonades a round shot from the Constitution tore in at the one window from which a part of the harbor could be seen, and, narrowly missing Bainbridge, knocked him down and almost covered him with the mass of stone and mortar it dislodged. But Bainbridge was not the man to mind a trifle like this, and every time the Constitution came within range, she was welcome to the tired eyes, and the thunder of her well-served batteries was music to the ears of the imprisoned Americans. They hoped from day to day for release, and although the season for active operations closed before the Bashaw had actually been reduced to submission, yet it was plain that the town could not withstand another such cannonade. When the Constitution was forced to depart, she left behind her a menacing promise to the Bashaw that she would come back the next season, and finish the work; and the last of May, 1805, saw her again off the town. This time the Bashaw was anxious to make peace. Sidi Mohammed D'Ghies urged him to send Bainbridge aboard the Constitution on his parole, to see what the Americans demanded. The Bashaw asked if Sidi really thought that Bainbridge would return if once his foot touched the Constitution's deck. "Certainly," replied Sidi; "the American captain will keep his word, and I will leave my eldest son as a hostage that he will return." The Bashaw, only half believing, allowed Bainbridge to go, and on the 1st of June, 1805, nineteen months exactly after his capture, Bainbridge again trod the deck of an American man-of-war. Commodore Rodgers, commanding the Constitution, and all the officers of the squadron received him affectionately. They had brought out a treaty of peace for the Bashaw to sign, and the first stipulation was that every American prisoner should be given up immediately and without conditions. This, Bainbridge said, he did not believe the Bashaw would ever agree to, as it was a fixed principle with the Barbary powers never to give up a prisoner without ransom. Bainbridge returned to the shore at nightfall, and, with Sidi, went to the castle, where the Bashaw expressed great surprise at seeing him again. The Bashaw, however, was far less inclined to keep up the fight than Bainbridge imagined. After a day or two of hesitation, a council of war was held at which Bainbridge was invited to be present,--an honor never before bestowed upon a prisoner of the Barbary States. When Bainbridge entered the council chamber at the castle, he found the Bashaw surrounded by all of his great officers of state, with the treaty brought by Commodore Rodgers spread out before them. To sign it meant peace, and the immediate release of every American prisoner; to refuse it meant that the Constitution and her consorts lying out within gunshot of the town, would be thundering at their forts and ships within an hour. The question of peace or war was debated with grave eloquence. The council was evenly divided. At last the decision had to be made. The Bashaw, after a solemn pause, took his signet ring from his bosom, and, affixing it to the treaty, said with dignity,-- "It is peace." Bainbridge is said to have thought, after the event happened, that the Bashaw had no real intention of withstanding another bombardment, and his hesitation and final yielding to the advocates of peace was a preconcerted arrangement. As soon as the treaty was signed, the forts and castle saluted the American flag, and the squadron returned the salute. Next day the American prisoners were released. A Neapolitan who had been held in slavery for years by the Tripolitans had been very kind to the sailors and marines, and they asked Bainbridge if he would authorize the purser to advance them seven hundred dollars out of their pay to buy the Neapolitan's freedom. This was done, and the man was restored to his country by these grateful men. The squadron sailed for Syracuse, where a court of inquiry into the loss of the Philadelphia was held, and Bainbridge was honorably acquitted. On his return to the United States he was received with much kindness by his companions in arms, by the government, and the people, all of whom regarded him as a brave and capable officer who had lost his ship by one of those fateful accidents against which neither courage nor capacity can prevail. It seems singular that on the heels of the splendid successes of the navy before Tripoli and with the rest of the Barbary powers, the government and the people showed very little understanding of the value of the naval service. As soon as hostilities were over with the corsairs, a reduction of the navy took place, although at that very time aggressions of Great Britain upon American merchant ships were continuing at a rate which was bound to provoke war in the end. Bainbridge, like many others, found himself without a ship, and on half-pay; and he asked and obtained leave, during the intervals when he was without a naval command, to make voyages in the merchant service. He was absent on one of these voyages for profit in the autumn of 1811, when at St. Petersburg he heard of the probability of a declaration of war with Great Britain. He started instantly on his return to the United States, and reached Washington in February, 1812. He found there one of Commodore Preble's captains, Charles Stewart,[3] and to his rage and mortification was told that the government thought it vain and foolhardy to give battle on the sea to the mightiest naval power on earth, which had then vanquished the navies of Europe and kept them skulking in their own harbors. Such over-prudence ill suited the ardent and determined natures of Bainbridge and Stewart. They heard that the government had concluded to lay up such ships as it had, and to prosecute the fight entirely on land. They went together to President Madison, and besought him to change this cowardly and unwise policy, and succeeded in persuading him to do it. For this one act the country is forever indebted to Bainbridge and Stewart. While nothing could eventually stop the progress of the United States toward being a great and powerful nation, yet, had it not been for the victories gained at sea during the War of 1812-15, the dignity and prestige of the United States would have suffered an eclipse for fifty years. The success of the Americans in the ship duels on the ocean during the war of 1812 did more to make the United States respected abroad than any event of our history after the Revolution. The great question of the right of search in neutral vessels was settled by the achievements of a few smart vessels with great and daring captains, belonging to a young and hitherto feeble power in America,--a right which had been vainly contested by all the powers of Europe. The British navy had been for more than a hundred years practically invincible, and there can be no doubt that many of its earlier losses in 1812-15 came from absolute rashness, fostered by a long and glorious career of conquest. What was of more value to the United States than the respect of continental Europe was the respect earned from the English themselves. The United States of 1812 was chiefly populated by those only a few generations from an English ancestry, and the people of the two countries were alike in their willingness to make a square, stand-up fight, and then to shake hands afterward. From the hour that the first British frigate struck to an American ship, the British navy highly esteemed the American navy, and the British government realized that at last there was a sea power equal in skill, daring, and resource to Great Britain. The ships lost by the British were scarcely missed from their huge fleets; but Great Britain, like America, promptly recognized the new and tremendous force which the taking of those few ships implied. It was one of the most fortunate hours that ever dawned for the United States when the advice of Bainbridge and Stewart was taken, and within six months they were amply justified. Bainbridge by his rank was entitled to a choice of the few frigates the country then owned, and he would undoubtedly have chosen the glorious "Old Ironsides" upon which to hoist his flag. But Hull[4] had got her already, and, apprehending that orders might come detaching him, he put to sea in a hurry, and before he returned, had captured the Guerrière frigate. Bainbridge got the Constellation, the fine frigate in which Commodore Truxtun had fought two French frigates. He was not able, however, to get to sea in her; and when Hull returned from his victorious cruise, in August, 1812, he gave up the Constitution to Bainbridge, who hoisted a broad pennant on her. The Essex, thirty-two guns, commanded by Captain Porter, who afterward made his celebrated cruise in her to the Pacific, and the Hornet, of eighteen guns, under the gallant Lawrence,[5] with the Constitution, were ordered to join Bainbridge. Porter was Bainbridge's old lieutenant in the Philadelphia, and had shared his captivity at Tripoli. Events, however, so fell out that the Essex did not join the other two ships, and Bainbridge sailed in October, 1812, for the South Atlantic accompanied only by the Hornet. The Constitution was in need of repairs, and not sailing in her usual great form, but could still sail fairly well on a wind. She had some of the officers and all of the crew in her that had got her out of the clutches of Admiral Broke's squadron in June, and had taken the Guerrière in August. Therefore it was with great confidence that Commodore Bainbridge on the morning of the 29th of December, 1812, made for a British frigate which showed an equal inclination to close with him. This vessel, the Java, which carried forty-nine guns, was undoubtedly a lighter ship than the Constitution. Yet the British were in the habit of engaging such odds successfully with the warships of other nations, and Captain Lambert of the Java showed a stern determination to stand by his colors, and was as far from declining the fight when he saw his adversary's power as when she was still hull down in the distance. The Java was fitted out to carry Lieutenant-General Hislop and a large staff to Bombay, besides a number of naval officers and seamen for ships on the East India stations. She had about four hundred and twenty-five men on board. About two o'clock in the day, after manoeuvring for an hour or two in order to get together, the first broadsides were exchanged. There was a light wind blowing, and Bainbridge, wishing to get the advantage of it as far as possible, did not strip his ship of much of her canvas, but went into action with most of his light sails set and his royal yards across. The Java, which was finely officered and extra manned, was very actively handled; and so many evolutions were made, in order to get a good position for raking, that the battle ended many miles to leeward of where it began. The cannonade was brisk from the start, and soon after the first broadside Commodore Bainbridge was struck on the hip by a musket ball, and in less than five minutes, while he was standing near the wheel, a shot shivered it, and a small bolt was driven into his thigh. Bainbridge did not leave the deck a moment for this, but remained walking about as if he had not been wounded. The loss of the Constitution's wheel was very serious, especially with so expert an antagonist as Captain Lambert to deal with, and Bainbridge endeavored to close. This was only partially successful, but nevertheless so effective was the Constitution's fire that it was soon apparent that she had the Java at her mercy. The gallant frigate, however, did not strike her colors until every spar was shot out of her, her captain mortally hurt, her first lieutenant painfully wounded, and she had lost forty-eight killed and one hundred and two wounded. Then only she hauled down the union jack which had been flying at the stump of the mizzen-mast. The Constitution had lost nine men killed and twenty-five wounded, and came out of the action with all her royal yards across, and every spar in place. The Java had been so much cut up that it was impossible to refit her, and Bainbridge was forced to burn her, after taking out her wheel to replace the Constitution's. This was a remarkably clumsy wheel, and in no way matched the handsome fittings of the ship; but it was retained, from motives of sentiment, ever afterward. Captain Lambert lived several days after the fight, and was put ashore, with the rest of the officers of the Java, at San Salvador. Commodore Bainbridge's wounds were dangerous, as he had remained on deck from the time he was shot, at half past two in the day, until eleven o'clock that night. When Captain Lambert was about to be taken ashore, Bainbridge had himself carried on deck by two of his officers, to where Captain Lambert lay in his cot. Bainbridge, who was then dangerously ill and in great pain, returned the dying officer his sword, and Captain Lambert, still conscious, feebly thanked him. The interview brought tears to the eyes of all who witnessed it, and the two captains parted, never to meet again in this world, with feelings of kindness such as brave enemies should entertain for each other. Bainbridge treated all of his prisoners with great generosity, and they showed a very grateful appreciation of it. On the 4th of January, on being informed by Lieutenant Chads, next in command, of Captain Lambert's death, Bainbridge wrote a very beautiful letter, in which he said: "Commodore Bainbridge takes this occasion to observe, in justice to Lieutenant Chads, who fought the Java after Captain Lambert was wounded, that he had done everything which a brave and skilful officer could do, and further resistance would have been a wanton effusion of human blood." This was valuable testimony to Lieutenant Chads on his future court martial. Bainbridge had known what it was to lose his ship, and he could feel for an officer under a similar misfortune. So thoughtful was his kindness to his prisoners, that General Hislop in gratitude gave him a splendid gold-hilted sword, and the two remained friends and correspondents during the rest of their lives. The conduct of Bainbridge and his officers was duly reported in England, and the Prince Regent, afterward George the Fourth, who could say graceful things, remarked that he would like to shake hands with Bainbridge, for his magnanimity to the British prisoners. The loss of the Java, following upon that of the Guerrière and the Macedonian, produced a shock of pain and grief throughout Great Britain. The venerable Admiral Jarvis, the day after the news reached London, said he had passed a sleepless night, not from the destruction of a single British frigate, but because of the seamanlike manner in which it had been captured, which gave him as an Englishman much uneasiness and apprehension of the future naval greatness of the United States. Bainbridge returned to the United States within five months of leaving home, and was welcomed as victorious captains always are. He landed at Boston, where he was given a splendid public dinner; resolutions of thanks from the city and State governments were passed in his honor, and he and the brave fellows under him became the heroes of the hour. Amid all this popular adoration, Bainbridge did not forget the claims of the seamen, and immediately began efforts to get them prize money. He wrote, with much justice, that the captain usually got all the honor when a ship was captured, while the officers and men, who did quite as much toward success, got nothing, except from the generosity of the government; and he was deeply gratified when Congress, after awarding him the customary gold medal, and the officers silver medals, gave the crew a substantial sum in prize money. He gave up the Constitution to Captain Stewart, who, like Hull and himself, was destined to do great things in her. Bainbridge did not get to sea again during the war, but soon after the peace he went to the Mediterranean in command of a splendid squadron destined to punish the Dey of Algiers for certain treacherous acts toward American vessels. Bainbridge hoisted his flag on the Independence, seventy-four guns,--the first line-of-battle ship over which the American flag ever floated. Decatur, who had sailed in advance of the commander-in-chief, had already brought the Dey to terms before Bainbridge arrived, but it was thought well to show the squadron for some time in European waters. It consisted of the largest naval force that had, up to that time, ever been collected under an American flag officer. It consisted of one ship of the line, three splendid frigates, and fourteen smaller vessels, all well officered and manned, and fine ships of their class. At Gibraltar, where it lay some time, it was extremely admired, and the American officers received much attention from the officers of the British fleet and garrison. In 1820 Bainbridge again took a noble fleet to the Mediterranean. On reaching Gibraltar, he found a very bad state of affairs between the officers of the American squadron, which rendezvoused there, and the British officers of the garrison and fleet. Misunderstandings, quarrels, and duels were so frequent that the Governor had taken upon himself to forbid the American officers from visiting the town or garrison. He expressed to Commodore Bainbridge, however, a desire for an amicable arrangement. Bainbridge at once required that this prohibition be removed, and refused to treat until it was withdrawn, which was done. As the British officers had very great personal regard for Bainbridge, he was the man for smoothing down differences while maintaining the dignity of an American officer. From that day, American officers have been well treated at Gibraltar. This was Bainbridge's last cruise, and afterward his service was in command of different navy yards. It is said that in the course of his naval career he moved his family twenty-six times. His health began to fail after his fifty-fifth year, but he survived his sixtieth year. He died at Philadelphia in July, 1833, honored and admired to an extraordinary degree. His last words were, as he raised himself from his bed of death,-- "Give me my sword! And call all hands to board the enemy!" EDWARD PREBLE The story of Commodore Preble is, in itself, not only exciting but amusing; and the gravest histories of him have not been able to keep the vagaries of the commodore's celebrated bad temper in abeyance. Preble was, unquestionably, one of the very greatest sea officers this country ever produced; and however ridiculous the outbursts of his fiery temper might make him, they never made him contemptible. "The old man has the best heart, if he has the worst temper, in the world," was always said of him by the junior officers who were the victims of his wrath. Preble seems to have come naturally by his impetuosity. His father before him, General Preble, brigadier in the provincial army, was one of the same sort, and it was commonly said by their neighbors and friends that "Ned has a good deal of the brigadier in him." The father and son were deeply attached to each other, although they often came in conflict. The last time was when Edward was about sixteen years old, in 1777. Men were so scarce, owing to most of them having enlisted in the continental army, that the old brigadier set his boys to hoeing potatoes on his farm near Portland, Maine. Edward had not worked very long when, throwing away his hoe, he declared he had no taste for such work, and walked himself off to the seacoast, where he entered the first vessel that would take him. The brigadier did not seem to regard this as wholly unjustifiable, and, seeing the boy was bent on the sea, got him a midshipman's commission in the infant navy of the colonies. In almost his first engagement Edward was taken prisoner, but was given his parole at New York. There is in existence a letter written to him at that time by his father the brigadier, which shows great affection for the boy, and the strongest possible desire that he should conduct himself honorably. The old man, then over seventy, reminds his son "not to stain his honor by attempting to escape." And another recommendation is followed by the utterance of a great truth which it would be well if every human being acted upon. It is this: "Be kind and obliging to all; _for no man ever does a designed injury to another without doing a greater to himself_." [Illustration: Edward Preble] Before this, an event had occurred which Preble occasionally alluded to in after life, and which, marvellous as it seems, must be accepted as true, for Preble was too close an observer to have been deceived, and too sensible a man to have assumed that he saw a thing which he did not really see. In the summer of 1779 young Preble was attached to the Protector, a smart little continental cruiser, under the command of Captain Williams, a brave and enterprising commander. The Protector was lying in one of the bays on the Maine coast, near the mouth of the Penobscot, when on a clear, still day a large serpent was seen lying motionless on the water close to the vessel. Captain Williams examined it through his spy-glass, as did every officer on the vessel. Young Preble was ordered to attack it in a twelve-oared boat, armed with a swivel. The boat was lowered, the men armed with cutlasses and boarding-pikes, and quickly pulled toward the serpent. The creature raised its head about ten feet above the surface, and then began to make off to sea. The boat followed as rapidly as the men could force it through the water, and the swivel was fired at the serpent. This had no apparent effect, except to make the creature get out of the way the faster. Preble, however, had had a complete view of it for some time, and said, in his opinion, it was from one hundred to one hundred and fifty feet long, and was about as big around as a barrel. This account must be accepted as exactly true in every particular, coming from a man like Edward Preble; and when he says he saw a sea-serpent from one hundred to one hundred and fifty feet long and as big around as a barrel and got close enough to fire at it, it must be absolutely true in every particular. It must be remembered that Preble died long before sea-serpent stories became common.[6] Preble saw much service in the Revolution, and was the hero of a very daring achievement not long after his onslaught on the sea-serpent. He was then serving as first lieutenant on the Winthrop, a small cruiser. Captain Little, of the Winthrop, heard there was an armed brig lying at anchor under the guns of the British breastworks on the Penobscot. He gave permission to Preble to cut the brig out, if possible. It was determined to steal in upon her at night, and carry her by boarding. On a dark night, therefore, Preble, with forty men, ran in unperceived, and the Winthrop got alongside her enemy. They all wore their white shirts over their jackets, so that they could tell friends from foes when once on the British vessel. The officer of the deck of the British ship mistook the little Winthrop for a tender of their own, and called out, "Run aboard!" "I am coming aboard," answered Captain Little, as his vessel shot alongside. Preble, with only fourteen men, leaped on the brig's deck, when the Winthrop caught a puff of wind and drifted off. As they passed ahead, Captain Little called out,-- "Shall I send you some more men?" "No," coolly answered Preble; "I have too many already." He had then secured the few men on deck, and soon had possession of the brig. The British batteries on shore opened fire on him, but Preble managed to take the vessel out without serious damage and without losing a man. At the end of the Revolution the navy practically ceased to exist, and Preble went into the merchant service, as so many of the officers were forced to do. But in 1798, when the quasi war with France took place, he re-entered the navy, which had been created anew. He was commissioned lieutenant in 1798, and was lucky enough the very next year to get the Essex, frigate of thirty-two guns. In her he started on what was then the longest cruise ever made by an American man-of-war. He went to the Indian Seas, to give convoy to a valuable fleet of merchant vessels engaged in the China and India trade, and which were liable to be attacked by French cruisers. He had no opportunity to distinguish himself especially in this duty, although he took care of the ships and got them all safely to New York. Soon afterward, the United States and France having come to terms, Preble went ashore and remained for two years. His health was bad in the beginning, but being much improved, in 1803 he reported for duty, and was assigned to the Constitution, forty-four guns, then preparing for a Mediterranean cruise. At that time the relations of the United States with the piratical powers of the Barbary coast were most unsatisfactory. After years of submission to their exactions,--a submission which seems almost incredible now,--the United States government determined to do in the end what it should have done in the beginning. This was to send a powerful squadron to attack these pirates of the land as well as the sea, and to force them to respect the persons and liberties of Americans. Preble was given the command of this squadron, with orders to punish Algiers, Morocco, Tunis, and especially Tripoli, so that it would not soon be forgotten. He hoisted the broad pennant of a commodore on the Constitution, and had under him the Philadelphia, a heavy frigate of thirty-eight guns, and five small vessels,--the Enterprise, Argus, Nautilus, Vixen, and Siren. It was a remarkable squadron in many ways. The Constitution was probably the heaviest frigate afloat, and able to withstand a cannonade as well as any line-of-battle ship. In Preble she had a commander worthy of her. Preble was then about forty years of age, and his temper had not been sweetened by dyspepsia, of which he had been a victim for a long time. The Constitution was destined, under his command, to win for herself the famous name of "Old Ironsides" from the way in which her stout timbers resisted the tremendous cannonade of the forts and fleets at Tripoli. It was in this splendid cruise, too, that she gained her well-maintained reputation for being a lucky ship. In all her great battles she never lost her commanding officer, nor did any great slaughter ever take place on her decks, nor was she ever dismasted or seriously injured by war or weather, nor did she ever take the ground. Up to this time the Constellation had been the favorite frigate of the navy, but, beginning with Preble's great cruise, the Constitution became, once and for all, the darling ship, not only of the navy but of the nation. The only other heavy frigate in the squadron was the Philadelphia, thirty-eight guns, commanded by Captain William Bainbridge. Her tragic fate and the glorious manner in which it was avenged is one of the immortal incidents of the American navy.[7] The five small vessels were commanded by five young men, lieutenants commandant, according to the rank of the day, of which three--Hull, Decatur, and Stewart--reached the greatest distinction. Somers, the fourth, had a short but glorious career. The fifth, Captain Smith, was a brave and capable officer, but his name has been overshadowed by the four young captains, who made a truly extraordinary constellation of genius. Among the midshipmen in the squadron were two, Thomas MacDonough and James Lawrence, who achieved reputations equal to the three great captains. In the summer of 1803 the squadron sailed, as each ship was ready, for Gibraltar, which was the rendezvous. On the way out, the young officers on the Constitution had a taste of the commodore's temper, which was far from pleasing to them; but they also found out that he had an excellent heart, and even a strict sense of justice, as soon as his explosions of wrath were over. And before very long they discovered the qualities of promptness, courage, and capacity which made Commodore Preble a really great commander. While off Gibraltar, on a dark night, the Constitution found herself quite close to a large ship. Preble immediately sent the men to quarters, for fear the stranger might be an enemy, and hailing began. The stranger seemed more anxious to ask questions than to answer them. This angered the fiery commodore, and he directed his first lieutenant to say if the ship did not give her name he would give her a shot. The stranger called back: "If you give me a shot, I'll give you a broadside." Preble, at this, seized the trumpet himself, and, springing into the mizzen rigging, bawled out: "This is the United States ship Constitution, forty-four guns, Commodore Edward Preble. I am about to hail you for the last time. If you do not answer, I will give you a broadside. What ship is that? Blow your matches, boys!" The answer then came: "This is his Britannic Majesty's ship Donegal, razee, of eighty guns." "I don't believe you," answered Preble, "and I shall stick by you till morning to make sure of your character." In a few minutes a boat came alongside, with an officer, who explained that the stranger was the Maidstone, frigate, of thirty-eight guns, and the delay in answering the hails and the false name given were because the Constitution had got close so unexpectedly that they wanted time to get the people to quarters in case she should prove an enemy. This one incident is said to have worked a complete revolution in the feelings of the officers and men toward Preble; and although he was as stern and strict as ever, they could not but admire his firmness and cool courage in an emergency. Arrived at Gibraltar, Preble met for the first time his five young captains. Not one was twenty-five years of age, and none was married. At the first council of war held aboard the Constitution there was a universal shyness on their part when asked their views by the commodore. The fame of the "old man's" temper and severity had preceded him, and his boy captains felt no disposition whatever to either advise him or to disagree with him. When the council was over, Preble remained in the cabin, leaning his head on his hand, and quite overcome with dejection and depression. To Colonel Lear, an American consul, then on board, Preble bitterly remarked: "I have been indiscreet in accepting this command. Had I known how I was to be supported, I certainly should have declined it. Government has sent me here a parcel of schoolboys, to command all my light craft!" A year afterward, when the "parcel of schoolboys" had covered themselves with glory, Colonel Lear asked the commodore if he remembered this speech. "Perfectly," answered the commodore. "But they turned out to be good schoolboys." After collecting his squadron at Gibraltar, Preble, with three vessels, stood for Tangier. The Emperor of Morocco pretended to be very friendly with the Americans, and sent them presents of bullocks, sheep, and vegetables; but Preble, while treating him with respect, yet kept his ships cleared for action and the men at quarters day and night, lest the Moors should show treachery. On going ashore with some of his officers to pay a visit of ceremony to the Emperor, he gave a characteristic order to the commanding officer of the ship: "If I do not return, enter into no treaty or negotiation for me, but open fire at once." On reaching the palace he was told that the party must leave their side-arms outside before entering the Emperor's presence. Preble replied firmly that it was not the custom of the American navy, and that they should enter as they were,--which they did. The Emperor soon found what sort of a man he had to deal with, and Preble had no further trouble with him. A few weeks after the arrival of the squadron, Preble heard the news of the loss of the Philadelphia. Nothing better shows the steadfast and generous nature of the man than the manner in which he accepted this misfortune. No regrets were heard from him; no railing accusations against Bainbridge; but a prompt and determined grappling with the terrible complication of having a great part of his force turned against him; and the most tender consideration for the feelings as well as the rights of Bainbridge and his men. Preble was enabled to provide himself with bomb-vessels and gunboats by the aid of the King of Naples, who, like all the other European sovereigns, wished to see the nest of pirates exterminated. The first one of the "schoolboys" to distinguish himself was Decatur,[8] who, in February, 1804, crept by night into the harbor of Tripoli, and earned immortality by destroying the Philadelphia as she swung to her anchors, in the face of one hundred and nineteen great guns and nineteen vessels which surrounded her. The destruction of the Philadelphia not only wiped away the stain of losing her, in the first instance, but was of the greatest advantage to Commodore Preble in the bombardment of Tripoli, as the frigate would have been a formidable addition to the defence of the town. In the summer of 1804, his preparations being made, Commodore Preble sailed for Tripoli, where he arrived on the 25th of July. He had one frigate,--the Constitution,--three brigs, three schooners, two bomb-vessels, and six gunboats. With these he had to reduce an enemy fighting one hundred and nineteen great guns behind a circle of forts, with a fleet of a gun-brig, two schooners, two large galleys, and nineteen gunboats, all of which could be manoeuvred both inside the rocky harbor and in the offing. On the morning of the 3d of August the four hundred officers and men of the Philadelphia, confined in the dungeons of the Bashaw's castle, were gladdened by the sight of the American flag in the offing, and soon the music of the American guns showed them that their comrades were battling for them. On that day began a series of desperate assaults on the forts and war ships of Tripoli that for splendor and effect have never been excelled. Preble could fire only thirty heavy guns at once, while the Tripolitans could train one hundred and nineteen on the Americans. During all these bombardments, while the gunboats, in two divisions, were engaging the Tripolitan gunboats, running aboard of them, with hand-to-hand fighting, sinking and burning them, the mighty Constitution would come into position with the same steadiness as if she were working into a friendly roadstead, and, thundering out her whole broadside at once, would deal destruction on the forts and vessels. In vain the Tripolitans would concentrate their fire on her. Throwing her topsail back, she would move slowly when they expected her to move fast, and would carry sail when they expected her to stand still, and her fire never slackened for an instant. It was after this first day's bombardment that the sailors nicknamed her "Old Ironsides." She and her company seemed to be invulnerable. Escapes from calamity were many, but accidents were few. One of the closest shaves was when, in the midst of the hottest part of the action, a round shot entered a stern port directly in line of Preble, and within a few feet of him. It struck full on a quarterdeck gun, which it smashed to splinters, that flew about among a crowd of officers and men, wounding only one, and that slightly. Had it gone a little farther, it would have cut Preble in two. After one of the fiercest of the boat attacks a collision occurred between Preble and the scarcely less fiery Decatur, which is one of the most remarkable that ever occurred in a man-of-war. At the close of the attack Decatur came on board the flagship to report. Preble had been watching him, and fully expected that all of the Tripolitan gunboats would be captured. But, after taking three of them, Decatur found it impossible to do more. As he stepped on the Constitution's deck, still wearing the round jacket in which he fought, his face grimed with powder, and stained with blood from a slight wound, he said quietly to Preble: "Well, Commodore, I have brought you out three of the boats." Preble, suddenly catching him by the collar with both hands, shook him violently, and shrieked at him: "Aye, sir, why did you not bring me more?" The officers were paralyzed with astonishment at the scene, and Decatur, who was scarcely less fiery than Preble, laid his hand upon his dirk. Suddenly the commodore turned abruptly on his heel and went below. Decatur immediately ordered his boat, and declared he would leave the ship at the instant; but the officers crowded around him and begged him to wait until the commodore had cooled down. Just then the orderly appeared, with a request that he should wait on the commodore in the cabin. Decatur at first declared he would not go, but at last was reluctantly persuaded not to disobey his superior by refusing to answer a request, which was really an order. At last he went, sullen and rebellious. He stayed below a long time, and the officers began to be afraid that the two had quarrelled worse than ever. After a while one of them, whose rank entitled him to seek the commodore, went below and tapped softly at the cabin door. He received no answer, when he quietly opened the door a little. There sat the young captain and the commodore close together, and both in tears. From that day there never were two men who respected each other more than Preble and Decatur. For more than a month these terrific assaults kept up. The Bashaw, who had demanded a ransom of a thousand dollars each for the Philadelphia's men, and tribute besides, fell in his demands; but Preble sent him word that every American in Tripolitan prisons must and should be released without the payment of a dollar. The Tripolitans had little rest, and never knew the day that the invincible frigate might not be pounding their forts and ships, while the enterprising flotilla of gunboats would play havoc with their own smaller vessels. The Tripolitans had been considered as unequalled hand-to-hand fighters; but the work of the Americans on the night of the destruction of the Philadelphia, and the irresistible dash with which they grappled with and boarded the Tripolitan gunboats, disconcerted, while it did not dismay, their fierce antagonists. Sometimes the squadron was blown off, and sometimes it had to claw off the land, but it always returned. The loss of the Americans was small; that of the Tripolitans great. One of the American gunboats exploded, and a terrible misfortune happened in the loss of the ketch Intrepid[9] and her gallant crew. Reinforcements were promised from the United States, which did not come in time, and Preble met with all the dangers and delays that follow the making of war four thousand miles from home; but he was the same indomitable commander, feared alike by his enemies and his friends. On the 10th of September the President, forty-four guns, and the Constellation, thirty-eight guns, arrived; the John Adams had come in some days before. By one of those strange accidents, so common in the early days of the navy, Commodore Barron had been sent out in the President to relieve Commodore Preble by the government at Washington, which, in those days of slow communication, knew nothing of Preble's actions, except that he was supposed to be bombarding Tripoli. The season of active operations was over, however, and nothing could be done until the following summer. Meanwhile the Bashaw had a very just apprehension of the return of such determined enemies as the Americans another year, and gave unmistakable signs of a willingness to treat. To that he had been brought by Commodore Preble and his gallant officers and crews. Knowing the work to be completed, Preble willingly handed over his command to Commodore Barron. He had the pleasure of giving Decatur, then a post captain, the temporary command of the Constitution. Before leaving the squadron, he received every testimonial of respect, and even affection, from the very men who had so bitterly complained of his severe discipline and fiery temper. It was said at the time, that when the squadron first knew him he had not a friend in it, and when he left it he had not an enemy. At that day duelling was common among the privileged classes all over the western world, especially with army and navy officers; but so well did Commodore Preble have his young officers in hand that not a single duel took place in the squadron as long as he commanded it. The younger officers were supplied with an endless fund of stories about "the old man's" outbursts, and delighted in telling of one especial instance which convulsed every officer and man on the Constitution. A surgeon's mate was needed on the ship, and a little Sicilian doctor applied for the place and got it. He asked the commodore if he must wear uniform. To which the commodore replied, "Certainly." Some days afterward the commodore happened to be in the cabin, wearing his dressing-gown and shaving. Suddenly a gentleman in uniform was announced. Now, in those days flag officers wore two epaulets, the others but one, and the commodore himself was the only man in the squadron who was entitled to wear two. But the stranger had on two epaulets; besides, a sword, a cocked hat, and an enormous amount of gold lace. The commodore surveyed this apparition silently, puzzled to make out who this imposing personage was, until, with a smirk, the bedizened Sicilian announced himself as the new surgeon's mate. Furious at his presumption in appearing in such a rig, Preble uttered a howl of rage, which scared the little doctor so that he fled up on deck, closely followed by the commodore, his face covered with lather, and the open razor still in his hand. The little doctor ran along the deck, still pursued by the commodore with the razor, until, reaching the forward end of the ship, the poor Sicilian sprang overboard and struck out swimming for the shore, and was never seen on the ship again. Preble transferred his flag to the John Adams, and visited Gibraltar, where he was received with distinction by the British officers. He had many friends among them, especially Sir Alexander Ball, one of Nelson's captains; and the great Nelson himself knew and admired the services of the Americans before Tripoli. The Spaniards and Neapolitans, who had suffered much from the corsairs, rejoiced at the drubbing Preble had given them, and at the prospect that the Americans imprisoned in the Bashaw's castle would soon be released. The Pope, Pius the Seventh, said: "This American commodore has done more to humble the piratical powers of the Barbary coast than all the Christian powers of Europe put together." Preble sailed for home in December, 1804, and reached Washington the 4th of March, 1805, the day of President Jefferson's first inauguration. The news of his success and the early release of the Philadelphia's officers and men had preceded him. Congress passed a vote of thanks to him and the officers and men under him. President Jefferson, although of the opposite party in politics from Preble, offered him the head of the Navy Department, but it was declined. Preble's health had steadily grown worse, and soon after his return to the United States it was seen that his days were few. He lingered until the summer of 1807, when at Portland, Maine, near his birthplace, he passed away, calmly and resignedly. He left a widow and one child. Preble was in his forty-seventh year when he died. He was tall and slight, of gentlemanly appearance and polished manners. He left behind him a reputation for great abilities, used with an eye single to his country's good, and a character for probity and courage seldom equalled and never surpassed. STEPHEN DECATUR Among the most brilliant and picturesque figures in American naval history stands Stephen Decatur. His achievements were of that dashing and splendid quality which leaves a blaze upon the page of history; and the greatest of them, the destruction of the Philadelphia frigate in the harbor of Tripoli, earned from Lord Nelson the praise of being "the most bold and daring act of the age." Decatur came justly by his genius for the sea. His father was a captain in the navy of the United States, and his grandfather had been a French naval officer. His was no rude struggle with adversity. The child of gentle people, he entered the navy in 1797, with every advantage of education and training. He was then eighteen years of age,--old for a midshipman, when boys entered at thirteen and were often acting lieutenants at sixteen. Decatur was a handsome man, tall and well made. [Illustration: Stephen Decatur] Although of a disposition the most generous, he was always of an impetuous and even domineering nature. Strict habits of self-control modified this impetuosity, but to the day of his death he was subject to gusts of temper whenever he came across any instance of cruelty or meanness or oppression. A famous example of this was shown shortly before his untimely death. He was then at the summit of his fame, one of the ranking officers of the navy, a navy commissioner, and living in grand style for the times in the city of Washington. He had a favorite dog, and one day, when the dog was lying quietly asleep on the doorstep of Decatur's house, a policeman came along and wantonly shot the poor creature. Decatur happened to see the whole affair, and, rushing out, he gave the policeman then and there a terrific walloping. The policeman, smarting from the injury to his dignity as well as the pounding of his bones, swore out a warrant, and Decatur was commanded to appear before the Mayor of Washington. Furious at the turn of affairs, Decatur flatly refused to obey the constable's summons. In vain the officer pleaded with him to go quietly. Decatur would not budge a step. At last the man brought a posse and proceeded to take him by force. Decatur would not be guilty of the crime of resisting the law, but he proposed to let them get him before the magistrate the best way they could. He not only would not walk a step, but lay down on the floor, and, as he was a large and heavy man, it was a job to lift him up and put him in a carriage; but at last it was accomplished. By the time they reached the Mayor's court, Decatur's temper, never mild, was red hot. He proceeded to harangue and even to browbeat the Mayor, who was a very insignificant person compared with Commodore Decatur. At the first blast, though, the Mayor proved that he had a spirit of his own. "Look here, Commodore," said he, "when you are on the quarterdeck of your ship you command. I'll have you understand that this courtroom is my quarterdeck, and I command here, and if I hear another disrespectful word from you I'll send you to jail for as long as I please." Decatur, paralyzed with astonishment, looked at the Mayor for a long time; then, suddenly bursting into a shout of laughter, apologized for his behavior and submitted to be fined for thrashing the policeman. Such was the man through life,--daring, generous, overbearing sometimes, but always responding to what was just and courageous in others. Decatur's first cruise was made in the United States, frigate, forty-four guns, wearing the broad pennant of Commodore Barry. Charles Stewart, afterward the celebrated commodore, was one of the junior lieutenants of the ship, and the heroic and unfortunate Richard Somers was one of the midshipmen. Decatur and Somers had been schoolmates in Philadelphia, and the association formed there was cemented into a devoted friendship in the steerage of the United States. No two natures were ever more dissimilar than that of the impetuous Decatur and the gentle and retiring but indomitable Somers. From the beginning they were actuated by a noble professional rivalry; yet their close and affectionate friendship was that of brothers, and their devotion to each other has become a tradition in the navy. The United States was a splendid frigate, fast and weatherly, and, from the regularity with which she made time on her cruises, was known as "Old Wagoner." Commodore Barry was an old officer who had done good service in the Revolution, and when he took command of the squadron of which "Old Wagoner" was the flagship, he sailed at once for the West Indies, to retaliate on the French ships which had preyed upon American commerce. It was not the good fortune of the United States to meet a frigate of equal force, so that her men and their mettle could be tried, but she did good service in clearing out the French privateers which infested those seas. Decatur saw much active cruising, and gave indications of that dashing courage, masterly seamanship, and fertile resource which he developed the instant he got command of a ship. He made several cruises, reached his lieutenancy, and was attached to the Essex when she went under Captain Bainbridge to the Mediterranean, in 1802. During the troubles the officers of the Essex had, at Barcelona, with the officers of the Spanish guardship, Decatur was conspicuous. Having been annoyed and insulted by the Spanish officers, on his way to and from his ship, he went aboard the Spaniard, and asked for her commanding officer. He was absent, and Decatur left this message, which he shouted out in his tremendous voice, on the Spanish quarterdeck: "Tell him that Lieutenant Decatur of the Essex declares him to be a scoundrelly coward; and if Lieutenant Decatur meets him ashore, he will cut his ears off!" A duel in the case was narrowly averted. At twenty-four Decatur got his first command, the Argus, one of the two sixteen-gun brigs which were to assist Commodore Preble in the reduction of the Barbary powers. This was a heavier vessel than a young officer of Decatur's rank was entitled to, and he was given the command of her only to take her out of the Mediterranean, where he was to exchange with Isaac Hull, then a lieutenant commandant, and take Hull's vessel, the Enterprise, schooner, of twelve guns. The Enterprise, like the great frigates Constitution and Constellation, was a favorite of fortune. She had a glorious record for so small a vessel, and fought ten spirited actions during her career, winding up with the capture of the Boxer in the war of 1812-15. She was lucky also in escaping many times from superior force, and had an uninterrupted course of success. Her good fortune really consisted in the people who manned her, and the officers who commanded her,--of whom Decatur was not the least distinguished. He had the good fortune to have as his first lieutenant in the little schooner James Lawrence, a man after Decatur's own heart, who was worthy of his ship and his captain. Decatur was one of the young commanders who took part in the council of war called by Commodore Preble at Gibraltar, in the autumn of 1803, at which the peppery commodore was so disgusted that he called them "a parcel of schoolboys." But most of them were shortly destined to immortality. After collecting his force, Preble sailed for Syracuse, that historic city, beautiful in its decay. The object of the American commander was to establish a base of supplies, and to get the co-operation of the King of the Two Sicilies, who was also at war with the Bashaw of Tripoli. It was while at Syracuse, in the autumn of 1803, that the plan to destroy the Philadelphia in the harbor of Tripoli was determined upon. The credit of the original idea has been separately claimed for Preble, Bainbridge, and Decatur; and the fact probably is that it occurred at practically the same time to each one of them. Every one of Preble's dashing young captains desired the honor of making the attempt, and the fact that Decatur obtained the distinction is presumptive proof that he had a share in the first inception of the plan. Stewart's claim to a part in the undertaking was so strong that to him fell the honor of supporting, in the Siren, Decatur's proposed attack. In order to look over the ground, Preble in the Constitution, accompanied by Decatur in the Enterprise, sailed for Tripoli, in December, 1803. Decatur, with his characteristic boldness, offered to make the attempt with the Enterprise; but Commodore Preble prudently concluded to use a ketch, the Meshouda, which Decatur had lately captured and which was of a build and rig common in Mediterranean waters. As Decatur meant to get inside the harbor of Tripoli by stratagem, it was important to have a vessel that would not attract attention. The ketch was fittingly renamed the Intrepid, and preparations were begun for the desperate adventure with her. Decatur was extremely anxious, as was Stewart, to cut the Philadelphia out; but Commodore Preble, as bold as they were, but older and more prudent, saw the insurmountable difficulties in the way of bringing so large a ship as the Philadelphia out of a dangerous and unknown harbor such as Tripoli. He therefore gave strict orders that no attempt should be made to carry her out, but that she should be destroyed at her moorings; and the commodore was certain to be obeyed. The Intrepid was converted into a fire-ship, or "infernal." She was filled with combustibles, and it was designed that she should steal in at night in disguise, throw the combustibles into the Philadelphia, fire them, and then make a race for her life. The nature of this enterprise required men of extraordinary steadiness as well as courage; but they could be easily supplied from the American squadron. It was intended to man and officer the Intrepid as far as possible from the Enterprise; and in pursuance of this, on the afternoon of the 3d of February, 1803, all hands on the Enterprise were called up and aft. Decatur then stated the nature of the service for which the Intrepid was destined,--a service of heroic possibilities but appalling danger,--and then called for sixty-two volunteers. Instead of sixty-two men, the whole ship's company down to the smallest boy volunteered with a cheer. This was what any captain would have desired, and Decatur was forced to make a choice. He selected sixty-two of the youngest and most active men in the crew, who showed their gratification by saying, "Thankee, sir," as each man was told off. He could make no choice among his lieutenants, but took them all--Lawrence, Joseph Bainbridge, and Thorn--and one of his midshipmen, the indomitable Macdonough, the rest being necessarily left to take care of the ship. He was compelled to make a draft of junior officers from the Constitution, and asked for midshipmen Morris, Laws, Izard, Davis, and Rowe. There was also a surgeon, Dr. Heermann, and Salvatore Catalano, a Sicilian pilot, who, in return for his services, was made a master in the American navy, and had an honorable career in it. On the evening of the 3d of February the Intrepid sailed upon her glorious expedition, accompanied by the Siren, whose character as a ship of war was thoroughly concealed. The ketch was to pass for a merchant vessel from Malta, and her officers had the costumes of Maltese sailors in which to disguise themselves. The two vessels reached the entrance to the harbor of Tripoli on the 9th of February, but a terrific storm arose, which drove them off. For six days they were storm-tossed in the gulf of Sydra, but on the 16th of February they found themselves together again off Tripoli. The evening was mild and beautiful, and the wind was so light that the Siren was almost becalmed in the offing, but the Intrepid met a wandering breeze that carried her within the rocky harbor. Once inside, a good breeze was blowing, which swept them rapidly forward, and threatened to bring the Intrepid up with the Philadelphia before it was quite dark enough to do the work meant for her. As it would not do to excite suspicion by taking in sail, Decatur had buckets and sails towed astern which acted as a drag, and brought the ketch in very slowly. When Decatur noticed that the Siren in the offing had no wind and consequently could be of no assistance to him, he remarked cheerfully to his men, "Never mind; the fewer the number the greater the glory." The ketch sailed leisurely in, having the appearance of a merchant ship from a Mediterranean port, after a considerable voyage. The crew had been sent below, and only a few officers, disguised as Maltese sailors, stood or sat about the deck. Before them lay the Bashaw's castle, with its menacing battlements, and all around the harbor was a chain of forts that could make a circle of fire for an invader. Directly under the guns of the castle loomed the tall black hull of the Philadelphia, flying the piratical flag of Tripoli, while moored near her were three smaller cruisers and nineteen gunboats. The moon had risen, and by its clear illumination the "infernal" steered straight across the blue waters of the harbor for the Philadelphia. When about two hundred yards off, Salvatore Catalano, the pilot, hailed the Tripolitan officer of the deck on the Philadelphia, who lounged over the rail smoking a long pipe. "This is the ketch Stella, from Malta," he said in the _lingua franca_ of the East. "We lost our anchors and cables in the gale, and would like to lie by you during the night." "Your request is unusual, but we will grant it," answered the Tripolitan officer. The officer then asked what vessel it was that was lying in the offing. The pilot, with much readiness, replied that it was the Transfer, a cruiser lately bought from the British by the Tripolitan government, and which was daily expected. This answer seemed to satisfy the Tripolitan, and a boat then put off from the Philadelphia with a fast, and at the same moment a boat also put off, under the command of Lawrence, from the Intrepid. On meeting, Lawrence coolly took the fast from the Tripolitan boat, and soon had the hawser aboard of the ketch. A moment more and the supposed Maltese sailors, in their jackets and red fezzes, roused on the hawser and breasted the ketch along under the Philadelphia's quarter. Had the slightest suspicion been aroused then, they would have been blown out of the water by a single broadside. But the Americans retained their coolness in their desperate situation. Presently the Intrepid drew out from the black shadow of the frigate's hull into a great patch of white moonlight. The Tripolitans saw the anchors on the deck, with the cables coiled around them. Instantly a cry rang through the ship, "Americanos! Americanos!" At the same moment the Intrepid came grinding up against the frigate's stern quarter, and, as if by magic, was alive with men. Decatur shouted, "Board!" and the Americans dashed at the frigate's deck. Decatur, and two midshipmen, Morris and Laws, leaped at the same moment into the chain plates. Decatur and Morris made a spring for the rail; Decatur's foot slipped, else he would have been first upon the Philadelphia's deck; but Morris, an agile young midshipman, was a moment before him. Midshipman Laws dashed at a port, and would have been before Morris in entering the ship, but the pistols in his boarding-belt caught for a moment between the gun and the port, and he was third to stand upon the deck. The rest of the Americans swarmed into the ship. The Tripolitans, completely surprised, yet fought desperately. They had been accounted the best hand-to-hand fighters in the world, but they were no match for the Americans. Within fifteen minutes every one of them had been cut down or driven overboard, and the Philadelphia was once more an American ship. Meanwhile lights had been moving about on shore, and the vessels and forts saw that something was happening on the Philadelphia, but not enough could be seen to justify them in firing on their own ship. In a few minutes more, though, smoke was pouring from the ports, and flames were running up her tar-soaked rigging. The Americans, with almost incredible swiftness, had hoisted powder aboard the ship and fired her in a dozen places. Two guns, double-shotted, were dragged amidships and pointed down the main hatch to blow her bottom out. They then leaped into the ketch; but at that moment the most awful danger of that terrible yet glorious night awaited them. The fast became jammed, and the jigger of the ketch caught fire as it flapped against the burning frigate, while below, on the Intrepid's deck, lay all her powder exposed. The officers, undismayed however, drew their swords and hacked at the hawser until it parted. Then, under sweeps and sails, the Intrepid made for the offing, the men pulling for their lives, while the ships and forts, now thoroughly aroused, opened all their batteries on this daring invader. But the shot fell short, and raised only showers of spray, at which the Americans laughed and jeered. The Philadelphia was now ablaze from rail to truck, and sea and sky were lighted up by the flames of the burning ship. Her guns began to go off as the fire reached them, and she poured a cannonade from every quarter. The ketch was plainly visible as she made rapidly for the offing, and a hundred guns were trained on her. At this supreme moment the Americans gave one last proof of their contempt of danger. The men stopped rowing, and every officer and man, rising to his feet, gave three thundering American cheers. Then they bent to their oars with giant strokes, and in a little while were safe under the Siren's guns. They had not lost a man in the glorious achievement. The Siren, meanwhile, in the offing, had hoisted out her boats, and was ready to assist the Intrepid, in case she needed it. The progress of the ketch was plainly visible until she was lost in the shadow of the Philadelphia's black hull. In a few minutes a single rocket skyward showed the anxious watchers that the Philadelphia was boarded; and almost at once the blaze rushed up the rigging, and enveloped the tall hull, lighting up the night with a lurid glare, while the guns of the doomed frigate and those of the castle, the ships, and the forts thundered out. Then they knew that the great enterprise was accomplished. The boats pulled toward the harbor entrance; soon the ketch had shot across the illuminated water, and had reached them. Decatur, jumping into one of the Siren's boats, was quickly pulled toward the brig. Stewart, standing in the gangway, saw the boat approach, and a man, in a sailor's round jacket and a fez, sprang over the gangway, into his arms. It was Decatur. Fifteen days after leaving Syracuse, the ketch and the brig were seen standing in the harbor, the signal of success flying from the Intrepid's masthead. For this splendid adventure Decatur was made a post-captain, his commission dating from the 16th of February, and the officers and men were rewarded. Before, however, receiving his commission, Decatur was yet to do glorious things in the bombardment of Tripoli during the following summer. Commodore Preble, in arranging the boat attacks, which he supported by the batteries of the "Old Ironsides," and all his brigs and schooners, gave the command of the right division to Richard Somers, Decatur's bosom friend, and the left division to Decatur. On the 2d of August the first attack was made. The Tripolitans had a flotilla of fourteen gunboats to resist the six the Americans could muster; and they had, in reserve, behind the rocks in the harbor, five more gunboats and several heavy galleys, besides their forts, batteries, and larger clubs. The attack was begun about half past one in the afternoon, the whole force standing in; the Constitution approaching as close as possible and pouring in many broadsides against the forts, the brigs and schooners supporting the gunboats, while the latter dashed at the Tripolitan gunboats and galleys with a swiftness and impetuosity that were simply tremendous. The attack soon assumed a character of hand-to-hand fighting that is seldom seen in modern days. Decatur's own vessel laid aboard a large Tripolitan gunboat, and in spite of the most desperate resistance, grappled with her. She was divided in the middle by a long narrow hatchway, and in this the Tripolitans mustered to drive back the Americans when they entered. Immediately Decatur was over the side, followed by his lieutenant, Mr. Thorne, by Macdonough, and all the Americans in the gunboat's crew. They advanced together with pikes and cutlasses, and then ensued a contest, man to man, fighting every inch of the way, which resulted in cutting down or driving overboard every Tripolitan officer and man. Just as the Tripolitan ensign was hauled down, it was seen that James Decatur, Decatur's younger brother, who was in command of another gunboat and had carried her into action with great spirit, had fallen by a shot from a Tripolitan which had surrendered and then basely resumed firing. James Decatur was carried aboard the Constitution to die, but it was no time to indulge in private griefs; and Decatur, without knowing whether his brother were living or dead, turned upon the next foe. This was another gun-vessel, which was commanded by a gigantic Tripolitan, who seemed to court rather than avoid a hand-to-hand contest with the Americans. Decatur ran him aboard, and then with a cheer the Americans leaped into the gunboat. Seeing the force with which they had to contend, Decatur waited until his men could form a line. They then advanced resolutely, led by their officers. They were greatly outnumbered, but by standing together they made the most of their number. The Tripolitan captain and Decatur soon met face to face. The Tripolitan, a much larger and more powerful man than Decatur, stood on tiptoe to deal a more tremendous blow. Decatur rushed at him with a pike. The Tripolitan wrenched the pike from him, and raised it to strike. Decatur then drew his sword, and in trying to parry the pike, the sword broke off at the hilt, and the pike entered Decatur's breast. Pulling it out, he grappled with the Tripolitan, and both came to the deck together. The Tripolitan attempted to draw his dagger; but Decatur, firmly grasping his arm, managed to get a small pistol from his pocket, and fired it. With a scream the Tripolitan relinquished his hold and rolled over. As Decatur rose to his feet, another Tripolitan raised his sword; as the blow was about to descend on Decatur's head, Reuben James, a powerful young sailor, threw up his arm, and took the blow, which almost severed his arm from his body. The Americans were now beginning to get a little the advantage; and by coolness and resolution they were soon enabled to get possession of the gunboat. The Tripolitan loss showed the nature of the fighting, fifty-two men being killed and wounded out of a total of eighty in the two captured gunboats. The loss of the Americans was relatively small, owing to their plan of standing together and attacking as a body.[10] Four more of these ferocious attacks, combined with a terrific cannonade from the Constitution, and the assistance from the brigs and schooners, lost the Tripolitans many of their most serviceable craft, and made those that were left very shy of coming outside the reefs to meet the "Americanos." The great guns on the Constitution had knocked to pieces many of the more exposed land batteries, and brought down the Bashaw's tone immeasurably. He was then anxious to negotiate, but Commodore Preble would listen to nothing but the unconditional surrender of Bainbridge and his men. The loss of the Americans was small in numbers but great in value during the bombardment, and was confined chiefly to the gunboats. In the second attack, on the 7th of August, one of the American gunboats blew up, killing her brave commander, Lieutenant Caldwell, and several others. When the smoke cleared away after the awful explosion, it was seen that the forward part of the vessel still floated. On it was the long twenty-six-pounder, which was her chief weapon, and which the gun's crew, directed by Midshipman Spence, had just loaded. With as much coolness as if there had been a whole vessel instead of a half one beneath them, the gun was fired, the eleven men on the wreck gave three cheers, led by the midshipman, and then sprang into the water. All were picked up, and fought during the rest of the action. There was another attack on the 28th of August, and again on the 3d of September. In this last the Constitution bore the brunt of the Tripolitan fire, and did fearful execution with her heavy guns. And on the 4th of September occurred the terrible tragedy of the blowing up of the ketch Intrepid.[11] The beginning of the autumn marked the end of the season for active operations, and the American squadron withdrew, with a promise to return the next season and do yet more damage,--a calamity which the Bashaw avoided by promptly giving up the American prisoners the next spring, when the Americans, true to their word, returned in greater force. A relief squadron which had been sent out from the United States arrived just at the close of the campaign before Tripoli. It brought out Decatur's commission as a post-captain, as well as lesser promotions for the other young commanding officers. Commodore Preble, on being relieved by Commodore Barron, turned over the Constitution to Decatur, who thus, at twenty-five, commanded what was probably the finest frigate in the world. His rank, however, as the youngest post-captain in the navy did not entitle him to keep her very long, and he was transferred to the Congress, a smart thirty-eight-gun frigate. She was in the squadron of Commodore Rodgers, which, after the humbling of Tripoli, was engaged in bringing the Bey of Tunis to terms. Commodore Rodgers sent Decatur, who was well known to the heads of Barbary powers, to negotiate a treaty with Tunis. The Bey at first refused to receive him. Decatur returned to his ship, which was cleared for action, and sent a message saying that the Bey must decide at once between war and peace. The Bey succumbed immediately, and not only begged for peace, but asked that the Congress should convey a Tunisian envoy to the United States. This was rather more than Decatur had bargained for, particularly as he had to give up a part of his quarters to the Tunisian envoy and his suite. But having succeeded rather better than he expected, Decatur took the party on board and returned to the United States, reaching home in 1805. He was received with praise, admiration, and the highest personal and official favor. He was given good commands, and a few years after he had gone out to the Mediterranean to command a little twelve-gun schooner, he again went out in command of a splendid squadron, his broad pennant flying on the mighty Constitution. He was sent to demand reparation from the Dey of Algiers for certain injuries to American citizens. The American consul went in person to see the Dey, who sat in state, looking through the open window at the formidable force with which Decatur was prepared to enforce his demands. The consul began by saying, significantly, that the squadron was commanded by Commodore Decatur. The Dey, gravely combing his beard with a diamond comb, said: "I know this Decatur. He is the man who burnt the frigate at Tripoli. Hum! Why do the Americans send wild young men to treat with old powers?" Nevertheless, he very promptly gave all the satisfaction demanded by the "wild young man." On the outbreak of hostilities with Great Britain in 1811-12, Decatur got the command of the United States,--"Old Wagoner," the stanch and weatherly frigate in which he had made his first cruise with his beloved Somers. In her he made the second capture of a frigate in that war, Hull having preceded him in the capture of the Guerrière by the Constitution. Off Madeira, on the 25th of October, the United States sighted the Macedonian,[12] a magnificent thirty-eight-gun frigate, commanded by Captain Carden. Decatur and Carden were personal friends, and before the war broke out had often discussed the relative fighting powers of their ships. Decatur's black servant had listened to these talks as he stood behind his master's chair. Captain Carden frequently said, "No, my dear Decatur. Your men are brave, but not experienced; and when they meet a British ship of equal force, with the best intentions to do their duty, they will not know how to fight." Cuffee remembered this, and as soon as it was known on "Old Wagoner" that the approaching frigate was the Macedonian, he very prudently retired to the lower hold, and hid behind a hogshead. The action began with the greatest spirit on both sides, the ships keeping up a furious cannonade at close quarters, with a heavy sea on and a good breeze blowing. The Americans showed great superiority in gunnery, and although the British fought with a gallantry worthy of British tars, and their officers nobly encouraged them by word and example, in seventeen minutes from the time the first broadside struck the Macedonian all was over, and her colors were hauled down. She had suffered terribly, more than a third of her men being killed and wounded. She lost so many men at the guns that the marines were called upon to work the batteries. On the American ship only twelve men were killed and wounded, and the marines during the whole battle were drawn up in the waist of the ship, with nothing to do. This, however, was much more trying than fighting, as they had to stand as if they were on parade, while shot and shell screamed a few inches above their heads. The men, however, showed the utmost steadiness, and acted as well as looked as if they were merely at Sunday morning quarters. When the Macedonian struck, it was plain from the way she was cut up that she had made a good and gallant defence. As Captain Carden came over the side, he offered his sword to Decatur, who refused to take it, saying,-- "I cannot take the sword of a man who has so bravely defended his ship." The solemn silence of the occasion was broken by Cuffee, who, the danger being over, had crawled up out of the hold, and appeared upon the quarterdeck at that moment, just in time to bawl out,-- "I say, Marse Carden, what you think now 'bout de way dem 'Mericans fights!" It was several weeks before the United States reached home, and during that time Captain Carden was Decatur's guest in the cabin. Decatur's first letter to his wife after the capture of the Macedonian says: "All my pleasure is spoiled by poor Carden's sorrow;" for Captain Carden knew nothing of the previous capture of the Guerrière and of the Java, which followed shortly after, and thought himself to be the first and only English captain who had surrendered his ship. On reaching the United States, Decatur and his officers received the thanks of Congress, and a gold medal for their gallant conduct. Decatur had looked forward to another active cruise in "Old Wagoner," but he soon found himself penned up at New London by a large blockading force. Decatur's impetuous nature fretted and chafed under this, and in 1814, realizing the impossibility of the United States getting to sea, he got command of the President, of forty-four guns, then lying at New York. Decatur took command of her with bright anticipations. New York bay was closely watched by British cruisers, but Decatur had no fears that he should not be able to get out. Accordingly, on a dark and stormy night in January, 1814, he picked up his anchor, and made for the open sea; but before daylight the pilots had run the frigate aground near Sandy Hook, where for an hour and a half she lay pounding on the bar. She got off by the rising of the tide, but she was so hagged and twisted that her back was nearly broken, her masts sprung, and her sailing qualities so impaired that she stood but a small chance of escape should she fall in with an enemy. Unable by reason of the wind to return to New York for repairs, the President proceeded to sea, and by daylight found herself surrounded by a British squadron, consisting of the Majestic, razee, and the Endymion, of forty guns, and the Tenedos and Nymph, light frigates. Then began a fight as well as a race for life, which lasted thirty hours. The Endymion got near enough for a bloody contest, in which she was badly crippled and left behind, the President making a desperate though lame attempt at flight from her antagonists. But it was in vain. The Tenedos and Nymph gained on her, and it was soon known to all on board that the President was a doomed ship. Three of her five lieutenants lay dead upon her decks, while among the mortally wounded was Midshipman Richard Dale, son of the famous Commodore Dale, of Revolutionary fame. The killed and wounded among the crew were numerous, and Decatur himself received a painful injury. His people, who had never seen him except in the light of triumph and success, were curious to observe how he would stand impending defeat. But never was he calmer and cooler. At one time, seeing he could handle the Endymion alone, he formed the desperate plan of boarding her, transferring his people to her, and abandoning the President. The proposition was received with cheers. One of his youngest midshipmen,[13] a lad of fourteen, said out aloud, in Decatur's hearing,-- "I never can get over the side of that ship, as small as I am." "Oh, yes, you can," replied Decatur, smiling. "I will pick you up and throw you over myself." The Endymion, seeing that the President must be shortly overpowered by the rest of the squadron, very sensibly refused to close, and fell out of the chase in a helpless condition, every sail being shot away from her. It was now night, and the President hoped to escape in the darkness, which was extreme. But about eleven o'clock the Pomone ranged up under her lee and poured in a broadside, while the Tenedos was closing in on the weather quarter, and the Majestic was within gunshot astern. The President hauled her colors down, and Decatur offered his sword to Captain Hayes of the Majestic, the ranking officer present. It was refused in the same noble words which Decatur had used toward Captain Carden: "I cannot accept the sword of a man who has so bravely defended his ship." Decatur was taken to Bermuda, where he was received with the highest distinction by the great Admiral, Lord Cochrane, and all of the British officers. At a splendid dinner given him by the British naval officers, some one was tactless enough to allude to the capture of the President, at which Lord Cochrane promptly said,-- "The President was mobbed, sir,--simply mobbed." Decatur and his officers were soon paroled, and sent home in a special frigate. Peace was declared a few days after, and at New London, where Decatur was landed, there was a grand celebration of the treaty of peace, on the 22d of February. The British frigate in which he had been returned took part in the celebration, and the British and Americans united, as generous enemies who have become friends should in observing the glorious occasion. After the peace, Decatur hoisted his broad pennant on the Guerrière,[14] and commanded a fine squadron in the Mediterranean, where his name was always a power. On his return from this cruise he was made one of the three navy commissioners who were at the head of the Navy Department in those days. He had amassed a comfortable fortune, and built a fine house in Washington, near the White House, and had apparently entered upon a long career of peace and prosperity; but it was not to be. It is distressing to chronicle the melancholy end of so glorious a life. In those days duelling was thought justifiable and even obligatory on occasions. Decatur lost his life in March, 1820, near Washington, in a duel with Commodore Barron, concerning some things he had said about Barron many years before. His death and the manner of it were universally deplored, and when the anxious multitude who surrounded his house in Washington was told that he was no more, Reuben James, the old sailor who had once saved Decatur's life at the risk of his own, cried out, "The navy has lost its mainmast." Decatur was the author of that patriotic saying which is heard from many American lips and is deeply engraved in every American breast: "My country, may she always be right; but, right or wrong, my country!" RICHARD SOMERS The name and fame of Richard Somers will always be of tender and regretful interest. His gentle and lovable character, his quiet, undaunted courage, the daring enterprise in which he lost his life at the early age of twenty-four, all unite in making him one of those young heroes who are never forgotten. As he died young, so must he ever remain, a figure of heroic youth, untouched by age or time, illumined by a melancholy glory. Few circumstances of Somers's early life are known. Of a singularly modest and reserved nature, he seldom spoke of himself, and beyond the bare facts of his boyhood and young manhood, little has been gleaned by his various biographers. His father was a man of standing and importance, and represented his district in New Jersey in the Colonial Congress. Somers Point, opposite Cape May, was the family property. Richard Somers, the youngest of his father's children, was born in Philadelphia in 1779, whither his family had removed. It is said that his father was a firm friend and supporter of General Washington from the beginning of his command of the Continental army, and that Washington bestowed much kindly notice upon the lad, Richard Somers. Among Somers's possessions was a ring, which he valued highly, containing the hair of Washington. [Illustration: Richard Somers] The boy went to a "dame's school" in Philadelphia with Stephen Decatur; and there began that devoted friendship which lasted through Somers's brief life. No two natures were ever more contrasted than Somers and Decatur. Somers was mild in the extreme, of the gentlest manners, silent, and somewhat reserved. Decatur was a young volcano in energy, and pursued all his objects in life with a fire and impetuosity almost inconceivable. The affection between the two seemed to be something deeper and stronger than brotherhood, and joined with it was a professional rivalry that only such an affection could have prevented from becoming enmity. Somers was left an orphan when a lad not more than twelve years old. He had, however, an uncle who was a second father to him, and he inherited a respectable property. There is no record of Somers having gone to sea before he received his appointment as midshipman, of the same date as Decatur's, 1798. But a number of circumstances indicate that he was already a capable seaman when he got his midshipman's warrant to the United States, frigate of forty-four guns. He was made master's mate of the hold almost immediately on joining the ship, a place given the steadiest and readiest of the midshipmen, and it is assumed that he would not have been selected had he not known something of his profession. The United States, which wore the broad pennant of Commodore Barry, was engaged in active cruising in the West Indies during the hostilities with France in 1799-1801, but never came to close quarters with a ship of her own size during the cruise. Somers seems to have won the goodwill of every one on board, including Commodore Barry and the future Commodore Stewart, who was the first lieutenant. Somers's mildness seems to have been misunderstood for weakness, and on hearing of some aspersions upon him, Somers determined, in his cool and deliberate manner, to show the stuff that was in him. Duelling was then a common practice among officers of the army and navy, as well as among all those who classed themselves as gentlemen. Somers therefore challenged three of his tormentors among the midshipmen, and arranged that the three duels should be fought one immediately after another. Decatur was to be his second in all these affairs, and it is a grotesque circumstance that the origin of the reflections cast on Somers was from the unresenting way with which he put up with Decatur's chaff. In the first two duels Somers received two slight wounds which prevented him from standing up. Decatur eagerly insisted upon being allowed to take Somers's place after the first hurt received by Somers; but Somers refused, and exchanged shots for the third time, sitting on the ground and held up in the arms of Decatur. It was the first and last time that his courage was ever doubted, and his peace-loving and gentle nature was esteemed at its true value ever afterward. In 1801 the United States returned home, and Somers's next orders were to the Boston, of twenty-eight guns, in which, at the age of twenty-two, he found himself in the responsible situation of first lieutenant. The Boston was commanded by Captain Daniel McNeill, an old Revolutionary captain, who was one of the characters of the old navy. He was a fine seaman and a man of resolution and integrity, but not very amenable to authority. The Boston was ordered to proceed to Europe with Chancellor Livingston, who was to arrange terms of peace with France. They encountered heavy weather, and Captain McNeill carried sail in such a way as to astonish his young officers; but he had in his first lieutenant a man almost as well versed in seamanship as himself. Perhaps no young officer in the navy of that day was so well adapted, by his conciliatory and amiable manners, to be the first lieutenant of such a man as Captain McNeill. The Boston had been ordered to report to Commodore Richard Dale, who was Captain McNeill's senior in rank, although much his junior in age. But Captain McNeill seems to have had no notion of putting himself under the orders of a man so much younger than himself, and although he cruised for nearly two years in the Mediterranean, ostensibly hunting for the flagship, he managed by the greatest adroitness never to set eyes on her. He was meanwhile very actively engaged in his duty, and gave convoy to American vessels, frightened off the piratical vessels of the Barbary powers, and even blockaded Tripoli for a time; but he was always just a little too late or a trifle too early to join the flagship. The cruise afforded a multitude of amusing anecdotes about this doughty but eccentric captain, whose character and attainments commanded respect, in spite of his oddities. Once, at Malaga, at a grand dinner given to Captain McNeill and his officers, as also to some Swedish officers of high rank, the American captain was seated between two Swedish admirals. At nine o'clock a midshipman entered the room, according to orders, and reported to Captain McNeill that his boat waited. "What did you say?" asked the captain. The midshipman repeated his announcement, Somers and the other American officers present waiting in agony for what Captain McNeill would say or do next. The captain again asked the midshipman what he said, bawling out, "These bloody Swedes keep up such a chattering I can't hear what you say!" Another one of Captain McNeill's adventures was when, lying in a French port, he wished to test how quickly his ship could be got under way. Three of his own officers were on shore, but three French naval officers happened to be on board; so, coolly remarking that he would hold on to the French officers to keep up his complement, he put to sea. It was several months before the Frenchmen could return to France, and meanwhile they had been published as deserters. At another time, taking a fancy to a regimental band which came aboard the Boston in an Italian port, he sailed for America with the musicians, and it was several years before they were all returned to Italy. The Boston soon after this returned to the United States, and the administration of the navy winked at Captain McNeill's peccadilloes, in view of the actual service he had done during his memorable cruise. It was at this time that the government determined to send a force out, under Commodore Preble, to crush Tripoli. Somers got the command of the Nautilus, one of the four small vessels that were built and sent out, Stewart getting another, and Decatur a third. Somers was now in his twenty-fifth year, handsome, well made, and his naturally dark skin still darker from wind and sun. His manners were polished, and he was as prepossessing, in his quiet way, as the dashing Decatur. Somers's black eyes were noticeably melancholy, and after his untimely death those who loved him fancied they had always seen in his countenance some premonition of his doom. The officers who were to command these little vessels superintended their building, as there were then no regular navy-yards in the country. The Nautilus, under Somers's command, was the first to sail, and the first to arrive at Gibraltar, in July, 1803. She was a beautiful little schooner, of twelve guns, with a crew of nearly a hundred men. She was, however, very small to cross the Atlantic, and several times during the voyage Somers was hailed and offered assistance by friendly shipmasters, who thought the gallant little vessel must have been blown out of her course. Somers was one of the boy captains whose youth so disgusted Commodore Preble when he met them first on their arrival at Gibraltar. But the commodore found in Somers, as early as with any, the stuff of which these young officers were made. Somers was very actively engaged in the labors and cruises which occupied the winter of 1803-4, preparing to attack Tripoli in the summer. He sympathized ardently with Decatur in the splendid exploit of the destruction of the Philadelphia. He was anxious to assist him with the Nautilus, but Stewart's superior rank and larger command entitled him to support Decatur, which he did in the Siren. Decatur's success inspired every young captain in the squadron with a noble desire to equal it, and none more than the quiet and self-contained Somers. The preparations for the bombardment of Tripoli continued, and on the 3d of August the first attack took place. Commodore Preble gave the command of the right division of gun-vessels to Somers, and the left to Decatur. Somers was supposed to be Decatur's senior at the time, but the post-captain's commission which the Congress had given Decatur as a reward for the destruction of the Philadelphia was then on its way, and arrived a few days after; while the same ship brought Somers's promotion to a master commandant. The story of those splendid attacks has been told in the biographies of Preble and Decatur.[15] On the memorable 3d of August, when the captives of the Philadelphia in the Bashaw's dungeons first heard from the guns of the squadron the thundering demand for the release of the prisoners, Somers, like Decatur, performed prodigies of valor. The harbor of Tripoli is crossed by a great reef, above the water, and on which forts and batteries were mounted. At the western end is a narrow opening of about two hundred yards, while within the reef the rocks and shoals were so numerous and so difficult that the best seamanship and the greatest courage were necessary for an attacking enemy. The guns from the forts and ships nearer the town, too, could be concentrated on any small craft which passed through this western passage. These desperate risks did not deter Somers and Decatur, who went inside and fell upon the Tripolitan gun-vessels with the fury of fiends. On the 3d of August, while Decatur was engaged in his terrible encounter with the Tripolitan, Somers in a single small gun-vessel held at bay five gun-vessels, each larger than his own, and fought with savage determination. The wind was driving him straight on the rocks, and he had to keep backing his sweeps to save himself from destruction, while fighting like a lion. The Constitution, seeing his critical position, came to his support, and, opening her batteries on the Tripolitans, succeeded in driving them still farther within the reefs, while Somers brought his gallant little gun-vessel out in triumph. Four of these dashing attacks were made, in every one of which Somers and Decatur commanded the two boat divisions. Both had many narrow escapes. Once, while Somers was leaning against the flagstaff of his little vessel, as she was on her way to attack, he saw a round shot coming. He jumped aside, and the next moment the flagstaff was shattered just at the point where his head had rested. His knowledge of the interior of the harbor, where the Tripolitans had a large number of vessels at anchor, inspired him with the design of leading a forlorn hope,--to strike one great blow, and, if necessary, to die for his country the next moment. At last he got Commodore Preble's permission to carry out the daring attempt, which, heroic in its conception, yet makes one of the saddest pages in the history of the American navy. The plan was to fit up as a fire-ship, or "infernal," the ketch Intrepid, in which Decatur had won immortality in the same harbor, take it in, and explode it among the Tripolitan fleet. Somers earnestly begged Commodore Preble for the honor of leading this desperate expedition, and the commodore at last agreed. It would be necessary to pour one hundred barrels of gunpowder into the hold of the ketch in order to make it effective as a fire-ship, and before consenting to this, the Commodore warned Somers that so much powder must not be allowed to fall into the hands of the Tripolitans. It was during the Napoleonic wars, powder was in great demand, and the Tripolitans were supposed to be short of it. After this interview Somers expressed the determination to be blown up rather than to be captured. The details of the attack were worked out most carefully. Besides the powder, the Intrepid was to carry a large stock of splintered wood; and about two hundred shells, with their fuses prepared, were laid on her decks, to add their horrors to the explosion. The brave adventurers had two chances for their lives, in having two boats in which to escape from the ketch. One of them was a very fast four-oared boat from Somers's own vessel, the Nautilus, and the other was a six-oared cutter from the Constitution. Somers was to be in his own boat, while Lieutenant Henry Wadsworth[16] commanded the Constitution's cutter. Ten sailors were to be taken along, making twelve persons in all; but the number was increased to thirteen by a little midshipman, Joseph Israel, who smuggled himself into the Constitution's boat. Somers had consulted at every step his bosom friend Decatur, and Charles Stewart, with whom he had begun his naval life in "Old Wagoner." Decatur, in his own vessel, the Argus, and Lieutenant-Commandant Smith, of the Vixen, and Somers's vessel, the Nautilus, under the command of his first lieutenant, Washington Reed, were to support the dauntless party in the boats as far as possible. Everything being ready, on the day after the desperate boat attack of the 3d of September, in the afternoon, Somers appeared on the deck of his vessel, and, having the crew piped up, addressed them, telling frankly the hazardous nature of the attempt he was to make, and calling for four volunteers who would go with him to advance one step ahead of the line. For answer, every man and boy on the Nautilus advanced two steps. This brave spirit was deeply gratifying to Somers, and he was forced to make a selection. He chose four of his best seamen,--James Simms, Thomas Tompline, James Harris, and William Keith. On the Constitution the same spirit was shown, and Lieutenant Wadsworth selected the six men he needed from the hundreds who were eager to go. The Constitution's sailors were William Harrison, Robert Clark, Hugh McCormick, Jacob Williams, Peter Renner, and Isaac Downes. The names of these humble men deserve to be recorded, for each one was worthy to do, to dare, and to die with his officers,--Somers, Wadsworth, and Israel. When the last preparations were made, on the afternoon of September 4, 1804, and the men were assembled on the Nautilus's deck, with the boats lowered, Somers addressed the ten sailors. He told them that he wanted no man with him who would not rather be blown up than surrender to the Tripolitans. The men responded with a cheer; and it was found that each one had privately asked Somers for the dangerous honor of applying the match when the time for the explosion came. They then said good-bye to their shipmates, and indicated what they wished done with their belongings if they should never return. Somers was accompanied to the Intrepid by Decatur and Stewart, who remained with him until the dusk of the September evening warned them that the solemn hour had come. On parting from them, Somers, who was as tranquil as ever, took a ring from his finger, and, breaking it in three parts, gave one piece to Decatur, one to Stewart, and kept the third. The last man over the Intrepid's side was Lieutenant Reed, who, as Somers's first lieutenant, was to command the Nautilus. The night had fallen when the Constitution's boat joined the ketch, and in it was found the little fifteen-year-old midshipman, Israel, who had pleaded to go, and, being refused, had smuggled himself into the boat. There was then no way of getting rid of him, and, admiring his bold determination, Somers welcomed him on the ketch. There was a light blue haze on the water, and the night was murky as the "infernal" stole upon her way. She entered the harbor silently, while outside, in the offing, the Nautilus, the Argus, and the Vixen stood in as close as they dared. Presently, in the darkness, the Siren was observed to flit past them. Stewart, in his anxiety for Somers, had implored Commodore Preble to let him be near the scene of action, and the commodore had consented. The Siren ventured farther into the offing than the other vessels, and Stewart and his officers, like every officer and man on all of the ships, was intent upon the black shadow of the fire-ship, as she crept in among the rocks. She was soon discovered, in spite of the darkness, and a few grape-shot were thrown at her. Stewart was standing in the Siren's gangway, with one of his lieutenants, anxiously watching through his night-glass the progress of the Intrepid, when the officer cried, "Look! see the light!" A light, like a lantern, was seen to flash across the Intrepid's deck. The next moment a roar as if worlds were crashing together shook the castle and forts, and rocked the ships in the offing; a red glare hideously illumined the sea and sky; the masts and sails of the ketch rose up in the burning air for a moment, then fell into the fire-lit waves, and all was over. A frightful and unearthly silence and darkness succeeded. The brigs and schooners cruised about, their officers and men in anguish over the fate of their brave companions. The Constitution fired minute-guns all night, so that if any survived that awful explosion they might know they were not forgotten. When sunrise came, thirteen blackened bodies floated ashore at Tripoli. They were so disfigured that the officers could only be told from the men by the softness of their hands. Bainbridge and his officers were taken from their captivity to identify the remains of the thirteen brave souls who had given life itself to hasten the release of the Philadelphia's gallant company. Not the slightest damage was done to the Tripolitan ships or forts, or to the town itself. The ten sailors were buried together near the beach, while the three officers were laid in the same grave on a plain a little southward of the castle. Whether Somers blew the ketch up, in his conception of his duty, or whether the powder was accidentally ignited, can never be ascertained. All that is known, however, is that he did his duty, as did every officer and man lost in that perilous attempt. Of each of them may be said as is written after the name of the little midshipman, Israel, in the records of the navy, "Died, with honor, in the service, September 4, 1804." His country honored Somers by naming for him a beautiful little brig; but like him it was doomed to misfortune. One of the most terrible tragedies that ever occurred in the American navy took place upon the deck of the Somers, and it was afterward lost at sea, going down, as Somers did, in the darkness and silence of an unfathomed mystery. ISAAC HULL. The American navy has produced many men great in the handling of sailing-ships; but no more capable seaman ever trod the quarter-deck than Isaac Hull. In all of his achievements his faculty of handling his vessel, whether great or small, to the utmost possible advantage, was the most considerable factor in his success; and his tremendous popularity with seamen, who were always eager to ship with him, came from their conviction that in time of stress and danger they had a born sailor to look out for them. [Illustration: Isaac Hull] Hull was the son of a Revolutionary officer, and was born at Derby, Massachusetts, in March, 1775, shortly before the affairs at Lexington and Concord. His father was taken prisoner and died on one of the Jersey prison ships, and Isaac was adopted by an uncle, General Hull. The means and station of the Hull family were such that a liberal education was within the lad's reach, and he was destined for a course at Yale College. But he early developed a passion for the sea; and his uncle, seeing the boy's determined bent, concluded to let him carry it out. The Continental navy had passed out of existence, and the reorganization did not take place until 1797-98, so that a naval career was not open to him at the start. General Hull, however, did the next best thing possible for the boy, by sending him to sea in a fine ship owned by a friend of the Hull family. Isaac proved himself capable and industrious from the start, and by the time he reached his twenty-first birthday was in command of a small vessel. The desire to hold a commission in the regular navy possessed him, and in March, 1798, he got a fourth lieutenant's commission, which was dated on his twenty-third birthday. His first cruise was made in the ship in which he was afterward to win such splendid renown,--the Constitution. She was then commanded by Captain Samuel Nicholson. He remained in her for more than two years, and thus became thoroughly familiar with the great frigate,--a knowledge he was eventually to put to good use. In 1800 she was the flagship of Commodore Talbot, in the West Indies, and Hull was her first lieutenant. Commodore Talbot and the captain of a British frigate on that station were friends, and the American and British captains would often discuss the sailing qualities of their respective frigates, the British ship being a good sailer as well as the Constitution. At last a sailing-match was agreed upon, the captains wagering a cask of wine on the result. The two frigates started with a fresh breeze at sunrise, and the contest was to last until the sunset gun was fired. Hull sailed the Constitution, and his seamanship on that day of friendly rivalry was scarcely inferior to that which he displayed when Admiral Broke's squadron of five ships was hounding him on an August day, twelve years after. The Constitution could easily leg it at an eleven-knot gait, with a tolerable breeze, and was almost unapproachable on a wind; but that day, under Hull's skilful handling, she outdid herself, and beat her opponent by several miles. Hull kept the crew on deck the livelong day, and the seamanlike manner in which he beat the English frigate, which was also remarkably well sailed, won the admiration even of his opponents. Hull was too great a seaman himself to underrate either British skill or pluck, and many years after it is told of him that, speaking with a very steady old boatswain, the man remarked, "The British, sir, are hard fellows on salt water." "I know that,--they are a hard set of fellows, sure enough," was Hull's emphatic reply. Hull saw no very brilliant service during the hostilities with France in 1799-1800, but he cut out a French letter-of-marque in the harbor of Port Platte, Hayti, in a very handsome manner. He armed a small vessel, the Sally, with men from the Constitution, ran into the harbor in broad daylight, landed a company of marines, who spiked the guns of the fort and carried off the French letter-of-marque in fine style. In 1802 Hull went to the Adams, of twenty-eight guns, as her first lieutenant. The Adams was one of the fastest frigates that ever floated, and Hull was the man to get the most out of her. She was sent to the Mediterranean at the beginning of the Tripolitan troubles, and in her patrol of the Straits of Gibraltar in all weathers, and her blockade of Tripoli in the dangerous winter season, her first lieutenant splendidly sustained the reputation he had brought from the Constitution with him, as one of the ablest seamen in the navy. He would carry more sail than any other lieutenant in the squadron would have carried, and would make sail when most ships scarcely showed a rag of canvas. In 1803 he got his first command, the little schooner Enterprise, which he exchanged, after a short time, with Decatur, who brought out from America the Argus, a handsome sixteen-gun brig, lately off the stocks. In the Argus he took an active part in the bombardment of Tripoli, and manifested his usual steadiness and coolness. Commodore Preble, wishing to examine the harbor as closely as practicable during the bombardment, trusted to Hull's seamanship to get him the best view possible, and reconnoitred one night in the Argus. It came near being the end of the vessel and all on board, by one of those accidents against which skill and courage avail nothing. A heavy shot struck the brig's bottom, and raked it for several feet, ripping the plank out as it went. Had it gone an inch deeper, the ship's bottom would have been out; but the gallant brig and her brave company were saved for great services to their country. After the reduction of the Barbary powers Hull returned home, and in 1806 he reached the rank of post-captain. He was then thirty-one years old, short and stocky, but military in his bearing, prompt and decided in his manner, kind to his men, but a firm disciplinarian. He was singularly chivalrous to women, and treated the humblest woman with the highest respect. In 1811 Hull got the Constitution, and with her, Lieutenant, afterward Commodore, Charles Morris, a lieutenant worthy of such a captain. In the celebrated chase of the Constitution the following year, scarcely less praise is due to Morris, then her first lieutenant, than to Hull. The Constitution's first duty was to take a large amount of specie to Holland, in payment of interest on a debt due by the United States. From thence she proceeded to Portsmouth, England. By that time it was known that war was imminent, and Hull kept his ship prepared for action at a moment's notice. It seemed at one time as if the Constitution would fire the first gun of the conflict in an English port. The Havana, frigate, lay close to the Constitution, and one night a man from the American frigate jumped overboard and swam to the Havana, where he was taken aboard. Next morning Hull sent a boat with Morris, to ask the man's surrender. The British captain declined to give him up, saying that the man swore he was a British subject. As the British navy made laws for the navies of the world in those days, the Americans had to submit with a very bad grace. But compensation was at hand. A man from the Havana, seeing the turn of affairs, jumped overboard and swam to the Constitution. He was welcomed on board, one may be sure, and when the Havana's lieutenant sent after him, Hull coolly announced that the man said he was an American citizen, and therefore would not be given up. The British captain had to be satisfied with this answer. But there was some expectation that an attempt would be made to seize the man by force. Meanwhile Hull concluded to change his berth, the Havana and her consort being a little too near; so he picked up his anchor, and dropped down to leeward a mile or two. The Havana promptly followed him. Hull then thought it likely that he would be attacked before morning, and made his preparations accordingly. The ship was cleared for action, the cabin torn out of the way, the battle lanterns lighted, and the men sent to their quarters at the tap of the drum. Hull, full of fire and determination, said to the men,-- "My lads, are you ready for a fight? I don't know but what this frigate is after us. Are you ready for her?" The reply was a rousing American cheer. Even some men who were in irons joined in the cheering, and contrived to get a message to the captain asking to be released during the time of the expected fight, that they might do their duty. This was done, and amid the greatest enthusiasm the guns were cast loose. It was noted that the men took hold of the gun tackles as if they meant to jerk the guns through the ship's side. Lieutenant Morris, passing along the batteries, told the men that if the ship had to fight, it would be in their quarrel, and he hoped they would give a good account of themselves. The reply of these gallant tars was, "Let the quarterdeck look out for the colors, and we will look out for the guns." Some hours having passed, with the Constitution plainly ready for a fight, without any demonstration from the British frigate, Hull determined to lift his anchor and sail for France. The men responded with a loud groan to the boatswain's call to man the capstan bars, and, sailor-like, were acutely disappointed that they got off without a chance to show what the ship could do. Hull returned to the United States, and in June, 1812, war was declared. The Constitution was at Annapolis, where she had been newly coppered, and where a sloop-of-war was also being fitted out. A report got about, among the Constitution's crew, that men were to be drafted from her to the sloop-of-war. This created great dissatisfaction. The men, nearly all native-born Americans, although new to the ship, were proud of her, and had a superstitious faith in her good fortune and were devoted to their captain. Their complaints became almost mutinous, when Hull appeared among them and assured them that not a man should be taken out of the ship. This pacified them, and on the 14th of July, 1812, they sailed for New York, to join Commodore Rodgers's squadron. About four o'clock on the morning of July 19th, the cry rang through the ship that the American squadron was sighted; but as day broke, it was found that the Constitution was almost surrounded by a British squadron under Admiral Broke, one of the finest seamen in the British navy. It consisted of the Africa, sixty-four; the frigates Shannon and Guerrière, of thirty-eight guns each (with the last the Constitution was to have it out, yardarm to yardarm, that day month); the light frigates Belvidera and Eolus; and two small vessels. By sunrise it fell almost calm, and it seemed as if the glorious frigate would have to lie where she was, to be eaten up by her enemies as soon as the wind rose. But Hull and Morris were men of resource, and while fully prepared to go down fighting, if necessary, they knew a way of getting off even without a wind. All the spare hawsers in the ship were bent together, and to a kedge anchor which was put in a boat, sent ahead half a mile, and let go. The crew, at a signal, clapped on, and walked away with the ship. Before she lost the impetus gained by rousing on the one kedge, another one was carried ahead and let go; and so she progressed at the rate of about three knots an hour. At first the British were amazed to see her trotting off without a wind; but they soon found out what was going on, and put all the available boats in the squadron to towing the Shannon after the Constitution. The Shannon, however, could not make much headway, as Hull had mounted stern-chasers in the cabin, and fired on the British boats whenever they came within range. The Shannon, however, was coming up on the starboard, while the other ships were towing, kedging, and sending their boats ahead with sweeps, to surround the gallant frigate. The Guerrière, too, was nearing her on the port quarter, and men less resourceful than Hull and his officers would have despaired of escape. But just then a light breeze struck the ship, the sails were trimmed, and the ship came by the wind beautifully. This brought the Guerrière nearly within gunshot, and she roared out her broadside; but the Constitution's people continued hoisting up their boats with as much coolness and steadiness as if the cannonade were no more than birdshot. For an hour the Constitution legged it at a lively rate; but about ten o'clock it fell calm, and the wearisome and tedious method of kedging was again resorted to. The British put nearly all their boats on the Shannon, but in spite of numbers the American frigate managed to keep just out of gunshot. Every device known to seamanship was used to increase the distance between the frigate and her pursuers. Her sails were wet down fore and aft, several thousand gallons of water were pumped out of her, the boat's falls were kept in hand to run the boats up, and every cat's paw was taken advantage of with the finest possible seamanship. Yet so hopeless did her chances seem that Admiral Broke had a prize crew told off, to take her into Halifax! Neither Hull nor his officers or men contemplated for a moment giving up the frigate. Hull knew his ship; he had a remarkably capable set of officers, and his ship was so well manned by intelligent Americans that it was said in a very little while after they had enlisted the crew could have sailed and fought the ship without their officers. About two o'clock the Belvidera got within range and began to throw her broadside; but Hull, after returning a few shot, devoted himself strictly to keeping his ship away from her enemies. All day the British ships used every method that skill could devise to get at the Constitution, but were able neither to overhaul her nor to close with her. At eleven o'clock at night a breeze sprang up which lasted for an hour, when it died away. During that night neither the Constitution nor her pursuers kedged, the crews on all the ships being too exhausted; but no officer or man on the Constitution went below. The officers lay down at their stations, and the sailors slept at their guns, with their rammers and sponges at their sides. With daylight came wind enough to keep the ships moving, and at sunrise the sight was singularly beautiful. The summer sea was faintly rippled by a long, soft swell, and the sun shone with unclouded splendor. The five pursuing ships, as well as the Constitution, were clouds of canvas, from rail to truck, and all six were on the same tack. Including the six men-of-war, eleven sail were in sight. The British squadron had been joined by the Nautilus, brig, and the rest were merchantmen. During the morning an American merchant ship was observed approaching. The Constitution, seeing the ship was unaware of her danger, hoisted an English ensign and fired a gun at her,--which induced her to run away from her supposed enemy. All day the chase continued; but the Constitution showed a clean pair of heels, and was slowly, though steadily, widening the distance between herself and her pursuers. In the afternoon a heavy squall with rain came up. The Constitution took in her sails, which induced the British ships to do the same. But as soon as she was hid by the curtain of falling rain, she made sail upon her stout masts, that carried her along at a rattling gait. In about an hour the weather cleared, when it was seen that the Belvidera, the nearest vessel, was far astern, the others were more distant still, the Africa being hull down. The chase was still kept up during the whole of that night, but at daylight next morning the British ships were almost out of sight, and about eight o'clock they hauled their wind and gave up the contest. Not only had the noble frigate escaped from her enemies, but she had done so without losing a gun, an anchor, or a boat. She was ready at any moment of the chase to go into action, and the steadiness, coolness, and precision of her manoeuvres were never surpassed. This chase is one of the glories of the American navy,--not merely because of the escape itself, but by reason of the seamanlike manner in which it was accomplished. Shortly after, the Constitution ran the blockade and got into Boston, to hear the news that she had been captured! The delight of the people at the escape of their favorite frigate was unbounded. Hull was hailed as a hero; but with characteristic modesty he ascribed most of the credit of his escape to his officers and crew, both in his official report and a published card. Having had an intimation, however, that it was in contemplation to give the ship to Bainbridge, in virtue of his superior rank, and without waiting for orders, which might be just what he did not want, Hull sailed eastward as soon as he had watered and victualled his ship. On the afternoon of the 19th of August, just one month to a day after he had first been chased by the Guerrière, he ran across her again, and both ships prepared to fight it out, with the greatest spirit imaginable. Captain Dacres, of the Guerrière, and Hull were personal friends, as many of the American and British captains were in those days, and there was a standing bet of a hat between them on the result in case their two ships ever came to exchanging broadsides. The Guerrière was an extremely fine French-built frigate, carrying fifty guns,--the Constitution carried fifty-four and her broadside was much the heavier. In men, the Constitution had also the advantage of the British ship, but the damage inflicted by the Constitution was far in excess of her superiority in men and metal. On the Guerrière's great mainsail was inscribed in huge red letters, "All who meet me have a care, I am England's Guerrière." The two ships were looking for each other, when on the 19th of August, about ten o'clock, a sail being reported off the port bow, a midshipman was sent aloft to try and make her out. All hands were hoping the stranger was the Guerrière, when Hull called out with animation,-- "What do you think she is?" "She's a great vessel, sir. Tremendous sails." "Never mind," coolly replied Hull, turning to the boatswain. "Mr. Adams, call all hands. Make sail for her." Before the boatswain's pipe was heard, the men came tumbling up on deck, even the sick turning out of their berths. Hull, in his official report of the battle, says: "From the smallest boy in the ship up to the oldest seaman, not a look of fear was seen. They went into action giving three cheers, and requesting to be laid alongside the enemy." When the call to quarters was heard through the ship, the men went to the guns dancing. Sail was crowded on, and soon it was seen that the stranger was the Guerrière. She had hauled her wind, and lay with her topsails aback, gallantly waiting for her enemy. Her officers and crew prepared to meet the Americans with the spirit of British seamen. There were ten Americans in the crew who came to Captain Dacres and told him they could not fight against their own country. The captain magnanimously told them to go below, and assist in the cockpit with the wounded. As soon as the Constitution got within range, the Guerrière let fly her batteries, firing the starboard guns, then wearing and giving the Constitution her port guns. The Constitution came on, yawing at intervals to prevent being raked, and occasionally firing one of her bow guns. Three times Lieutenant Morris asked permission to fire a broadside, and each time Hull answered, "Not yet." At last, when within fifty yards of the Guerrière, the moment had come. Hull spoke a few stirring words to his people. "Men!" he said, "now do your duty. Your officers cannot have entire command over you now. Each man must do all in his power for his country. No firing at random. Let every man look well to his aim. Sailing-master, lay her alongside." The Constitution came up into the wind in gallant style, and as she fell off a little, the Guerrière, an antagonist worthy of the great frigate, ranged alongside. The Constitution let fly every gun in her starboard batteries at short range, and the shock was like an earthquake. Every timber in the frigate trembled like a leaf. When the smoke cleared away, it was seen that this terrific broadside had made destruction on the British ship. Her mizzen-mast had gone by the board, her mainyard had been shot from the slings, and a momentary confusion reigned on her decks. The effect of their first broadside was so encouraging to the Americans that before firing another gun they gave three thundering cheers. The English officers spoke afterward of the extra ordinary enthusiasm of the Americans, which was a part of the fury of their attack. When the cheers had subsided, Hull called out, "My lads, you have made a brig of that craft;" to which the sailors shouted back, "We'll make a sloop of her soon, sir;" and in a little while the foremast went by the board. The Guerrière then swung round, and, being almost unmanageable, got into a terrible position for raking. Her officers and men fought with undiminished valor, and when the ensign was shot away, another one was nailed to the stump of the mizzen-mast. On the Constitution the halyards were shot away, and the flag became entangled in the splinters of a shattered yard. A sailor sprang aloft and nailed it to the mast, and both ships continued the action without thought of surrender. The Guerrière, however, was plainly getting the worst of it. Most of her fire was directed to the masts and spars of the Constitution, while several shot that struck the frigate's hull rebounded into the water. At this the sailors cheered. "Huzza!" they cried. "Her sides are made of iron! Huzza for Old 'Ironsides'!" Then some one on the Constitution, pointing to the captain, cried,-- "Hull her, men! Hull her!" The sailors, catching the pun, roared out,-- "Hull her! Hull her! Yes, we'll hull her!" Hull, who had grown very stout, and was short withal, was standing on an ammunition box, while shot flew thick and fast around him. Leaning over to give an order, his knee breeches, which were very tight, burst from knee to hip. The men shouted with laughter; but it was no time to repair such damages, and Hull finished the battle with his trousers hanging in rags. It was not to last long. The mainmast soon followed the other masts, and in thirty minutes from the time the Constitution's first broadside had been fired, the Guerrière lay, a helpless hulk, rolling in the trough of the sea, that washed into her shattered main-deck ports. Her masts and spars having gone by the board, she swung round, so that she lay perfectly helpless, while every gun in the Constitution raked her. The men could see the whites of each other's eyes, and the gleam of the teeth as they fought. Captain Dacres had been badly wounded, while standing in the hammock nettings cheering his men on, a vast number of officers and men killed and wounded, and the Guerrière's decks ran with blood. But even in these dreadful circumstances not a man or boy on the British ship faltered; and when it was plain to every eye that resistance was over for the proud Guerrière, one of her powder boys was heard to shout to another confidently,-- "Work away there! Huzza! She'll soon be ours!" Her captain saw that it was time to stop the useless slaughter, and a gun was fired to leeward, which signified surrender. But her men refused to haul down the jack they had nailed to the stump of the mizzen-mast, and not until Captain Dacres stepped into the Constitution's boat did the brave men and boys of the Guerrière acknowledge themselves beaten. It was, indeed, an idea almost impossible for them to grasp, that a crack British frigate should have been whipped in fair fight by an American; but it is easily understood when it is remembered that they were men of the same stock,--for the Constitution was wholly manned by native-born Americans, who came justly by that genius for fighting at sea which is the common heritage of the Anglo-Saxon race. As Captain Dacres came over the side of the Constitution, Hull met him with the cordiality of a friend and shipmate instead of the air of a conqueror. He gave the British captain a hand, saying, with the greatest friendliness,-- "Dacres, I see you are hurt. Let me help you." As soon as Captain Dacres reached the Constitution's deck, he attempted to hand his sword to Hull, who said,-- "No, no, I cannot take the sword of a man who knows so well how to use it; but--I'll thank you for that hat!" The business of transferring the prisoners then began. It was seen at once there was no hope of saving the Guerrière, and it was determined to remove everything of value and then blow her up. The damages to the Constitution were repaired in an hour. She had lost seven men killed and seven wounded. The Guerrière had lost seventy-nine in killed and wounded. The Constitution lay by the Guerrière all night, and the Americans worked like Trojans to save the belongings of the prisoners. Hull asked Captain Dacres if everything of value had been sent him out of the Guerrière's cabin. Captain Dacres replied that a Bible, his wife's gift, had been left behind. Hull immediately sent a boat after it. Captain Dacres, in his report to the Admiralty, said: "I feel it my duty to state that the conduct of Captain Hull and his officers to our men has been that of a brave enemy, the greatest care being taken to prevent our men losing the smallest trifle, and the greatest attention being paid to the wounded." After working all night the morning of the 20th of August saw the brave but unfortunate Guerrière made ready for her ocean grave. A slow match was applied to her magazine, and the Constitution bore away. About three miles off she hove to, while her officers and men, together with those of the doomed frigate, waited breathlessly for the explosion. As the fire gained headway, a dense volume of smoke formed over her. Some of her guns had been left shotted, and as the fire reached them, they began to go off, their sullen boom over the sea sounding like the death-knell of the gallant ship. Presently the flames reached the magazine. Streams of light, and a roar that seemed to shake the deep, followed; a mass of wreckage flew skyward; the Guerrière was no more. There was great uneasiness felt on board the Constitution in regard to the large number of prisoners she carried. There were not enough handcuffs in the ship for the whole British crew, and the Americans felt a manly unwillingness to handcuff any of the men who had fought them so bravely. But it was noted that from the start the prisoners and their captors behaved well, the American and British sailors sitting around the fok'sle together, spinning yarns, exchanging tobacco, and chumming quite amicably. Hull made for Boston, and on his arrival there was greeted with the wildest enthusiasm. The people were beside themselves with joy. Before this a British ship had been deemed invincible, and the knowledge that one of these great ships, with a captain and crew worthy of her, had struck to an American captain who had never before handled a frigate in action, was gratifying to the national pride. Hull, to his great discomfiture, was seized, as he stepped upon the dock, and carried on the shoulders of his admirers to his destination. A grand banquet was given to him and his officers in Faneuil Hall. Congress had a medal struck in his honor, and gave swords to the officers and a handsome sum in prize money to the crew. So great was Hull's popularity that the commissioners of the navy would not have taken the ship away from him, had he asked to retain her, but with true magnanimity he gave her up to Bainbridge. Hull knew that Bainbridge was justly entitled to her, and he was not the man to withhold anything from a brother in arms. Bainbridge therefore took her, and went out and captured the Java.[17] Hull was actively, though not brilliantly, employed during the rest of the war, but did not get afloat again, as there were more captains than frigates. In 1813 he married a beautiful girl, the daughter of a clergyman. She had laughed at his pretensions when he was only a lieutenant; but after his great cruise she said, when she knew it would be repeated to Hull, "How delightful it must be to be the wife of a hero!" He took the hint, and soon after they were married. Hull's subsequent career was one of honor and usefulness. He was a great hater of idleness, and often said, "Idleness will soon bring any man to ruin." He had fine commands, both ashore and afloat, and hoisted his broad pennant over several splendid squadrons. In 1836 he commanded the Mediterranean station. At Gibraltar he found his old friend Dacres, then an admiral, also in command of a squadron. The two met with delight. Admiral Dacres showed Commodore Hull the greatest attention, and at a splendid dinner given in his honor on the British flagship the admiral told Mrs. Hull, who was present, the story of the saving of his wife's Bible. Later, both of them having been detached from their squadrons, they were in Rome for a winter together, and were inseparable. Admiral Dacres was a remarkably tall, thin man, while Commodore Hull was somewhat the size and shape of a hogshead; and the wags had infinite amusement over the queer figures of these two heroic men. On Commodore Hull's retirement he made his home in Philadelphia. He always wore his uniform, and as he walked the streets every hat was doffed to him, and the salute was courteously returned. The end came in February, 1843. His last words were, "I strike my flag,"--words that he had never before had occasion to utter. He was a devout Christian, and during his whole life he honestly lived up to the requirements of a just and pious manhood. CHARLES STEWART. In the splendid galaxy of naval officers of the early part of the century each one seems to have gained some special distinction, equally brilliant, but differing entirely from any other. Thus, as Hull made the most remarkable escape on record, and Decatur succeeded in the most daring enterprise, so Stewart may be credited with the most superb seamanship in the one great fight that fell to his lot, for with one ship, the glorious Constitution, he fought two vessels at the same time, raking them repeatedly, without once being raked himself, and in the end forcing the surrender of both his antagonists. [Illustration: Charles Stewart] Charles Stewart was born in Philadelphia in 1778, and entered the merchant service at thirteen years of age. At twenty he had risen to the command of a fine vessel in the India trade, but on the reorganization of the navy in 1798 he was given a naval commission. His rise in the navy was rapid, as he was an accomplished seaman when he joined it. After serving for a short time as a midshipman, he was made the junior lieutenant on the United States, frigate, when she was commissioned at the beginning of hostilities with France. With him on this cruise were Decatur and Somers; and, as Fenimore Cooper aptly says, the noble frigate turned out to be a nursery of heroes. Stewart began the cruise as fourth, and ended it as first, lieutenant. He was of commanding figure and of pleasing address, and his capacity was such that from the first he was thought likely to distinguish himself. When the United States was laid up in ordinary, Stewart was given the command of a small schooner, the Experiment. In this little vessel he showed much spirit and enterprise, making many captures, and fighting whenever he had a chance. Stewart was, like Decatur, of an impetuous and even domineering disposition, and made everybody under him "walk Spanish," as the sailors said. But he himself knew how to obey promptly. Once, having received a peremptory order from his superior officer to report with his ship immediately, Stewart sailed, towing his mainmast after him, as he had not time to have it fitted and did not choose to wait. In 1803 he was sent to the Mediterranean with the Siren, a beautiful little cruiser, as a part of Commodore Preble's squadron destined to reduce Tripoli. Stewart was the senior among the commodore's "schoolboy captains," and second in command to Commodore Preble himself. Although he had no opportunity of performing deeds like Decatur's in the Tripolitan war, his general good conduct was highly praised, and the Siren was brilliantly engaged in all the glorious actions of that famous time. At the beginning of the war of 1812 Stewart was given the command of the Constellation, frigate, which shared with the Constitution the reputation of being a lucky ship,--lucky in meeting and whipping her enemies when the force was anything like equal, and lucky in running away when they were too many for her. Stewart took command of this noble ship at Annapolis in 1813. He was ordered to Norfolk, and took the ship to Hampton Roads. He arrived and anchored one night, and next morning at daylight there were five British men-of-war in sight of him. The Constellation endeavored to get out of the way, and the British ships chased her, but, the wind failing, both the pursuers and the pursued were becalmed. Stewart, though, remembering the Constitution's escape by kedging from a British squadron, concluded it would never do that the Constellation should not succeed equally as well; so, putting out his boats, the frigate was kedged up toward Norfolk, until the tide fell, and she took the ground at Seawell's Point, not far from the present Fort Monroe. The mud was soft, the ship's bottom was hard, and the tide would rise; so Stewart felt no alarm about her. The British squadron were also waiting for the tide, but they did not think that Stewart would attempt to get his ship up the narrow and tortuous channel to Norfolk. They did not know Stewart, though. As soon as the darkness of the winter night came, and the tide began to lift the ship out of the mud, he sent pilots ahead to buoy the channel with lights. The ship, helped somewhat by the wind, but towed by the boats, would go a mile or two up to the nearest buoy, when that light would be put out, and she would be headed for the next one. So quietly was this done that the British never suspected what was going on. But when daylight came there was no Constellation to be seen; she was safe in the Elizabeth River. The British determined to blockade her there, and succeeded in doing so; but although they made several desperate attempts to carry her by boarding, they never succeeded. Stewart had her so well guarded with boats, and the boats with a circle of booms, while the ship was protected with boarding netting, her guns kept double-shotted, and her officers and crew always on the alert, that her enemies themselves were forced to admire the care taken of her. It was the joke among the British officers that Stewart must be a Scotchman, he was so wary and so watchful with his ship; and the British Admiral is said to have remarked: "If that had been a French ship, we would have had her long ago." Having satisfied himself that although the Constellation could not be taken, yet it was unlikely that she would get out during the war, Stewart applied for and got the Constitution. This was in 1814. The Constitution had then made her celebrated escape from Admiral Broke's squadron, and had destroyed the Guerrière and the Java,--for when "Old Ironsides" got through with an enemy, he was generally past saving. It may be imagined with what splendid hopes Stewart took the great ship after she had been refitted at Boston. He got out, although seven British ships blockaded Boston, and sailed to the West Indies. He made a few prizes, and took a small British cruiser; but this was not enough for the Constitution to do. Stewart's disappointment with his cruise was great, and it almost seemed as if the ship were no longer to be a favorite of fortune, until she was chased by two frigates, the Junon and the Tenedos, off the Massachusetts coast. Stewart had a good pilot aboard, and he made for Marblehead under a spanking breeze, with the two British frigates legging it briskly after him. The Constitution drew about twenty-two feet of water, and Stewart could not conceal his anxiety as the pilot carried her along the dangerous coast, and it seemed as if any moment she might be put on the rocks. The pilot, though, a cool-headed, steady fellow, knew his business, and was nettled at Stewart's evident uneasiness. The British ships, not knowing the coast, declined to follow, and were falling slightly astern; but it looked as if the Constitution would only escape one danger to be destroyed by another. Presently Stewart asked the pilot for the hundredth time,-- "How many feet of water has she under her keel now, pilot?" "Two," answered the pilot; when, seeing Stewart's countenance turn pale with apprehension, he added nonchalantly: "And afore long she won't have but one!" The effect of this news upon the captain of a war-ship may be imagined; but in a moment or two the ship slipped into deep water, and, carrying sail hard, got into Marblehead safe and sound, while cheering multitudes flocked to the shore to welcome her. In a few days Stewart succeeded in slipping into Boston again,--the sixth time in the course of the war that the ship had eluded the British blockade. Stewart took up his berth in the upper harbor, and as he was known to be a fighting captain with a fighting ship, the State and city authorities concluded that they would rather have him a little farther off. Accordingly they asked him to take his ship down into the lower harbor, as, if the British blockading fleet attacked him where he was, the cannonade would do great damage to the town. Stewart's reply to this request was characteristic. He coolly informed them that he should stay where he was, but it would make very little difference to them where he lay, as, "if attacked, I shall make such a defence as will endanger the town." He recommended them to build some additional batteries to defend the town. The authorities had to be satisfied with this reply; but they took Stewart's advice, and increased their batteries so that they were better prepared than before to meet a bombardment, should the British fleet treat them to one. On the 17th of December, 1814, Stewart again slipped past the blockading fleet, making the seventh time the Constitution had done this, and sailed on his last and greatest cruise. He had lately been married, and it is said that he asked his wife what he should bring home to her. She replied, "A British frigate." Stewart replied, "I will bring you two of them." He kept his promise. Stewart was soon on the broad ocean. Nothing of note happened until February, when one morning, off the coast of Portugal, Stewart suddenly and from no reason he was able to give, except an unaccountable impulse to proceed to a certain spot in the Atlantic, changed the ship's course and ran off sixty miles to the southwest. At two o'clock in the afternoon of the 20th of February, 1815, about sixty leagues southwest of the Madeira islands, a small frigate, the Cyane, was sighted, and a little later a large sloop-of-war, the Levant. The Constitution immediately gave chase, although it was thought that one of the ships was much heavier than she really was, as she had double gun-streaks and false ports painted amidships, which the Americans, in chasing, took for real guns and ports. It soon became plain that the two ships were bent on fighting, but they manoeuvred in a very masterly manner for several hours, in order to get together before trying conclusions with the great frigate. At five minutes past six o'clock they hove to and hoisted their ensigns, and the Constitution replied by showing her colors. The three ships were arranged like the points of an equilateral triangle,--a very advantageous position for the two attacking ships, but one which was turned by the superb seamanship of Stewart to his own profit by what is commonly esteemed to have been the finest manoeuvring ever known of an American ship in action. Stewart fought his port and starboard batteries alternately, giving one of his antagonists a terrible broadside, then wearing, and letting fly at the other, raking them repeatedly, and handling his ship in such a manner that neither the Levant nor the Cyane ever got in a single raking broadside. Soon after the action began, a full moon arose in splendor, and by its radiance the battle went on stoutly. There was a good working breeze, and the British captains handled their ships admirably, but "Old Ironsides" appeared to be playing with them. She answered her helm beautifully, and always presented her broadside to the ship that attempted to approach her. Soon both the British ships were suffering dreadfully, and the leading ship, the sloop-of-war Levant, was forced to wear under a raking broadside from the Constitution, and ran off to leeward, unable to stand the fire. Having disposed of her, the Constitution now turned her attention to the other ship, the light frigate Cyane, and another raking broadside caused her to strike her colors. Stewart at once sent Lieutenant Ballard and a prize crew aboard of her, and after repairing the slight damages his ship had sustained, set off to look for the Levant. She too had repaired damages, and, although free to escape, was gallantly returning to meet her mighty antagonist again. For a time the little Levant bravely withstood the heavy frigate's fire, but at last was forced to run away, the Constitution pursuing her. The two ships were so close that those in the Constitution could hear the planks ripping on the Levant as the heavy shot tore through her. At ten o'clock she was overhauled, and forced to strike also, and the Constitution had gained the most brilliant and seamanlike of all her victories. The Constitution lost in this fight three men killed and twelve wounded. The other two ships lost, altogether, nineteen killed and forty-two wounded. The Constitution, with her two prizes, made sail for Porto Praya, where they arrived on the 10th of March. Next day, about twelve o'clock, while the captured officers of the Cyane and Levant were on the quarter-deck, the first lieutenant, happening to pass along, heard a little midshipman who had been taken on the Cyane utter an exclamation to Captain Falcon, late of the Cyane,-- "Oh, Captain Falcon," he cried, "look at the large ship in the offing!" "Hold your tongue, you little rascal!" answered Captain Falcon, in a low voice. The American lieutenant looked up and saw, on the top of a fog bank that lay on the water, the sails of a large ship. Indistinctly as she was seen, the squareness and smartness of her rig induced the lieutenant to think her a man-of-war. Instantly he went below and told the captain. Stewart, who was shaving, without stopping in his occupation, directed him to call the men to quarters, and make ready to go out and attack the advancing ship. The lieutenant went on deck, gave the order, and it was promptly obeyed. The men were not surprised, because, as they explained, a dog belonging to the ship had been drowned that day, and they knew they would have to fight or run within twenty-four hours. Then the lieutenant noticed that two more ships had appeared above the fog-bank, with the first one. He ran below to tell this to Stewart, who was wiping his face and getting into his uniform at the same time. "Cut the cables," he said, "and signal the prizes to do the same and follow us out." In another minute he was on deck, and the cables were cut, leaving the anchors at the bottom, and sail was being made with perfect order and marvellous rapidity. In fourteen minutes from the time the first ship had been seen, and ten minutes from the time the Constitution's cable had been cut, the frigate was standing out of the roads under a cloud of canvas, ready to fight or run, as occasion might require. The trade winds were blowing, and the Constitution, with her two prizes, passed within gunshot of the three strangers. Some of the English prisoners who had been landed, manned a battery on shore and opened fire on the Americans. This and other circumstances revealed to the British squadron that the three ships making out to sea were American men-of-war, and they promptly tacked and followed. The British ships were the Acasta, of forty guns, a very fast ship; the Leander, of fifty guns; and the Newcastle, of fifty guns, all belonging to Admiral Sir George Collier's fleet. The British officers, prisoners on the Constitution, became jubilant as the British ships gained on the Constitution with her two prizes, and promised the Americans that "Kerr in the Acasta" would soon overhaul the Americans. One of the British captains, standing in the stern gallery, called out as the Acasta neared the Constitution, "Captain Kerr, I envy you your glory this day!" Stewart, with his men at quarters and every rag of canvas set that would draw, was edging off, but prepared to fight the three heavy frigates with the Constitution and the two smaller ships if obliged to. He signalled the Cyane and the Levant to take different courses, so that the British squadron might divide in pursuit. This was done, and to the amazement of the Americans and the painful chagrin of the British prisoners the Acasta suddenly went about in pursuit of the Levant, which, by a singular mistake, was supposed to be a heavy American frigate; the other two ships followed, while the Constitution was trotting off at an eleven-knot gait. The Levant put back to Porto Praya, which was a neutral port; but the three frigates, after chasing her in, opened fire on her, and her commander, Lieutenant Ballard, of the Constitution, hauled down his flag. He had his revenge, though. When the British prize-master came on board to take possession of the Levant, he said, "This is, I presume, the American man-of-war Peacock." "You are mistaken, sir," replied Ballard coolly; "this is the Levant, late of his Britannic Majesty's navy, and prize to the United States ship Constitution." The commander of the British squadron was censured at home for his mistake in leaving the Constitution that he might go in pursuit of the smaller ship; and the affair on the part of the British was thought to have been bungled to the last degree. Stewart carried the grand old ship into New York the middle of May, and then learned that peace had been made many months before. He was received with acclamations. The people by that time had come to believe the ship invincible. Besides her glorious career before Tripoli, she had made two extraordinary escapes from British squadrons. She had run the blockade seven times through large British fleets. She had captured two heavy frigates, one light frigate, a large sloop-of-war, and many merchant-ships, and had made more than eleven hundred prisoners. Her fire had always been fearfully destructive, while she had never had any great slaughter on her decks, nine being the largest number killed in any single engagement. She had never lost her commanding officer, either by wounds or death, had never lost a mast, and had never taken the ground. This record is not one of chance. She was, first, one of the best built frigates in the world; and, second, she was officered and manned in a surprisingly good manner. Her crews were generally made up wholly of American seamen and her four great commanders during her warlike career--Preble, Hull, Bainbridge, and Stewart--would have given a good account of any ships they might have commanded. Congress rewarded Stewart by a gold medal and a resolution of thanks. His officers received silver medals, and there was the usual distribution of prize-money among the officers and crew. Stewart had a long and distinguished career in the navy, rising in 1859 to be senior officer; but his fighting days were his early days. He commanded the Franklin in 1817, a splendid line-of-battle ship, and took her to Europe under his broad pennant as Commodore. She was visited by the Emperor of Austria, and many royal persons, besides officers of high rank in foreign navies, all of whom were struck with admiration at her beauty, force, and the fine crew she carried. Stewart was retired in 1861, and spent his last days at his country-place, "Old Ironsides," in New Jersey. Among the souvenirs of his great fight was a rude iron hilt to his full-dress sword, a superb Toledo blade. The gold hilt had been shot away in his great fight, and the ship's armorer had made an iron one, which Stewart afterward wore. He died in 1869, after having been borne on the navy list for seventy-one years, and he was the last survivor of the great captains of 1812-15. OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. The victory won by Perry on Lake Erie, September 10, 1813, has ever been one of great popular renown. It was won in the sight and knowledge of the American people; it was the first success the American navy ever won in squadron; the consequences were important; and the fact that the battle was won on the Canadian line, where the American army had met with reverses, was gratifying to the national vanity. [Illustration: Oliver H. Perry] Perry's youth--he was barely eight-and-twenty--was a captivating element in his success, and as the victory was due in a great measure to his personal intrepidity, he was justly admired for it. He cannot be classed with those American commanders, like Paul Jones, Preble, Decatur, and Hull, who, either in meeting danger or escaping from it, seemed able to compass the impossible; but he was a man of good talents, of admirable coolness and courage, and prone to seek active duty and to do it. Perry was born in Rhode Island in 1785. His father was a captain in the infant navy of the country, as it was reorganized at the time of the French aggressions. Captain Perry's first duty was to supervise the building of a vessel of war at Warren, Rhode Island, some distance from his home. He found it necessary to remove to Warren, and took with him Mrs. Perry, leaving the home-place in charge of Oliver, then a boy of thirteen. He was, even then, a boy of so much steadiness and integrity that he was found quite equal to this task. The fever for the sea, though, seems to have seized him about that time, and in 1799, his father having command of a small frigate, the General Greene, Oliver was given a midshipman's commission, and joined his father's ship. Captain Perry was an officer of spirit and enterprise, and Oliver saw some real, if not warlike, service in the General Greene. His next cruise was in the Adams, frigate, which was sent out in 1802 to join Commodore Morris's squadron at Gibraltar. The orders of the squadron were to watch the ships of the Barbary powers, and to prevent as far as possible their aggressions upon American commerce. This was hard and thankless work, and most of the younger officers who made the Mediterranean cruise in 1802-3 considered themselves as peculiarly unfortunate, as they were generally ordered to return to the United States just at the time that the active hostilities began, in which their successors reaped so much glory. Perry was one of those who made the uneventful cruise of 1802. He enjoyed great advantages, though, in sailing on a ship of which Isaac Hull, afterward the celebrated commodore, was first lieutenant. Hull's admirable seamanship in navigating the narrow straits of Gibraltar in all weathers, and the blockading of Tripoli for eight months during an inclement season, upon a dangerous coast, without pilots and with insufficient charts, was a subject of general commendation from the officers of the squadron. Perry improved his opportunities so well that he was given an appointment as acting lieutenant the day he was seventeen years old. It is believed that this is the most rapid instance of promotion in the American navy. Perry returned home in the Adams in the autumn of 1803. The next summer it was known that a determined attempt would be made by Preble's squadron to reduce the Barbary powers, and Perry was extremely anxious to be on the scene of action. He found himself ordered to the Constellation, in the squadron under Commodore Barron which was sent out to assist Preble; but the Constellation and the President, forty-four guns, did not reach Tripoli until Preble had practically completed the work. Perry remained in the Constellation several months; but as she was too large to be of much service on that coast, Perry thought himself fortunate to be ordered to the schooner Nautilus, of fourteen guns, as first lieutenant. This was his first duty in that responsible capacity, and he acquitted himself well, although only twenty years old. He had a beautiful and penetrating voice, and this, in addition to his other qualifications, made him a brilliant deck officer. He took part in the operations off Derne, and was highly commended for his conduct. In the autumn of 1806 he returned home, and served at home stations until 1809, when he got his first command. This was a smart little schooner, the Revenge, of fourteen guns. At that time the occurrences which led to the war of 1812-15 were taking place, and Perry soon had a chance to show his determination to maintain the dignity of the flag he flew. An American vessel had been run away with by the English captain who commanded her and who had hoisted British colors over her. Perry determined to take possession of her, although two small British cruisers lay near her. This he did, supported by three gunboats. The British cruisers, appreciating the justice of his conduct, did not interfere, although Perry had no means of knowing whether they would or not and took all the chances. As he was carrying the vessel off, he was met by a British sloop-of-war, and her captain sent a boat, with a request that Perry should come aboard. This Perry flatly refused, and, determined that his ship should not be caught unprepared as the Leopard caught the Chesapeake in 1807,[18] he sent his men to quarters, and made every preparation to resist; but the British ship passed on, and no collision occurred. In January, 1811, Perry had the misfortune to lose the Revenge by shipwreck off Watch Hill, in Rhode Island; but the court of inquiry which investigated it acquitted him of blame, and praised his conduct at the time of the accident. When war was declared with Great Britain, Perry was in command of a division of gunboats at Newport; but finding there was little chance of seeing active service in that duty, he asked to be sent to the lakes, where Commodore Chauncey was preparing to dispute the possession of those great inland seas with the British. In the spring of 1813 Perry arrived at Lake Erie, and entered upon his duties. The small fleet to oppose the British had to be constructed in the wilderness, on the shores of the lake; and men and material had to be transported at great labor and cost from the seaboard. Perry showed the utmost skill, energy, and vigilance in his arduous work, and built and equipped his little squadron in a manner most creditable to himself and his subordinates. The land forces, operating together with the seamen and marines, got command of the Niagara River; but a little British squadron guarded the mouth of the river, at which there was a bar which it was thought unlikely the Americans could pass and so get into the lake itself. Perry, however, watched his chance, and on a Sunday afternoon in August, 1813, to his surprise, he found the British squadron had disappeared. It was said that the British commander, Barclay, had gone over to the Canadian side to attend a dinner, thinking the Americans could not possibly get over the bar before his return. But Perry and his officers and men went to work, and by the most arduous labor they got all the vessels into the lake before Captain Barclay returned. Once in the lake, the Americans were much stronger than the British, and Perry determined to go in search of the enemy. He had much sickness on his little squadron, and was ill himself, so that it was not until early in September that he was prepared to fight. Meanwhile the British, although having only six vessels to oppose to Perry's nine, undauntedly sought the conflict, and on the morning of the 10th of September, while Perry was in Put-in-Bay, he saw the little British squadron standing in the offing. Perry had two brigs, the Lawrence,--his own flagship, named for the brave Lawrence,--and the Niagara, each of which carried twenty guns; and he had five smaller vessels. Captain Barclay had the Detroit,--his flagship, of nineteen guns,--the Queen Charlotte, of seventeen guns, and four smaller vessels. The wind was light and variable, so that the American vessels came out slowly; but the little British squadron waited with their topsails to the mast, until a quarter to twelve, when the first shot was fired by the Detroit. In a very little while the action became general, each American and British vessel bravely doing its best to get alongside its enemy. It was the effort of the gallant commanders of the American and British squadrons to fight flagship to flagship; and in doing this, Perry, in the Lawrence, drew ahead of his column, and concentrated upon his ship the fire from the Detroit and two other vessels. The British fought their batteries with unusual skill, and the result soon was that a dreadful slaughter took place on the Lawrence's decks, her guns were silenced, and she was so much cut up that she was totally unmanageable. But Perry, with indomitable courage, continued the fight. He himself, with the help of the purser and the chaplain, fired the last gun available on the Lawrence. Her consort, the Niagara, approached about this time, the wind sprang up, and Perry, seeing that the battle was passing ahead of him, determined to abandon his own unfortunate ship and make for the Niagara. He ordered a boat lowered, and, taking with him his brother, a little midshipman of thirteen years old, he was rapidly pulled to the Niagara. Once on board of her, he bore up, and soon got her into a position to rake both the Detroit and the Queen Charlotte with fearful effect. These two vessels, after an heroic defence, were compelled to strike, while the seven smaller American gunboats soon overpowered the four British ones. The Detroit, however, before striking had forced the Lawrence to haul down her colors; and the fight, as all the others during this war, was as creditable to British as to American valor. The first news of the victory was in Perry's celebrated despatch: "We have met the enemy, and they are ours." The news from the Canadian border had not always been gratifying, and on that account the American people were the more delighted at this success. Perry was given a gold medal and promoted to be a post-captain; for although he had been called commodore by courtesy, such was not his real rank at the time. Perry had no further opportunity of distinguishing himself before peace was declared, in January, 1815. He obtained afterward some of the best commands in the navy, and in March, 1819, he became a commodore in fact, by being given the command of a squadron in South America destined to protect American trade in those quarters. He hoisted his broad pennant on the John Adams, and sailed in June. He reached the mouth of the Orinoco River in August, and, although it was in the midst of the sickly season, he determined to go up the river to Angostura. He shifted his flag to the Nonesuch, schooner, and sent the frigate to Trinidad. After reaching Angostura he remained twenty days. Yellow fever was raging, and Perry seems to have been singularly indifferent to this fact. Fever broke out on the schooner, and it was then determined to get back to the sea as soon as possible. As they dropped down the river with the powerful current two days after leaving Angostura, Perry got into his gig, and amused himself shooting wildfowl on the banks. He was exposed to the sun, and that night, after going aboard the schooner, which was anchored on the bar at the mouth of the river, the weather grew bad, with a heavy sea, which washed over the side and leaked down into Perry's cabin, drenching him. Next morning he was very ill. From the first he felt that he should not recover, and, although calmly preparing for death, spoke often of his young wife and little children at home. He was very anxious to live until the schooner could reach Trinidad and he could, at least, die upon his ship. At last, on the 23d of August, the Nonesuch reached Port Spain, Trinidad, where the John Adams was at anchor. A boat put off at once from the frigate carrying the first lieutenant and other officers, in response to the signal from the schooner. They found Perry in the agonies of death on the floor of the little cabin. He survived long enough to show satisfaction at seeing them, and asked feebly about the ship; but in a little while the anxious watchers on the frigate saw the flag on the Nonesuch slowly half-masted,--Perry was no more. He was buried at Trinidad with full military honors. Some years afterward a ship of war was sent by the government to bring back his remains to his native country. He sleeps at Newport, Rhode Island, near the spot where he was born; and the reputation he left behind him is that of a gallant, capable, and devoted officer. THOMAS MACDONOUGH. Thomas Macdonough may be called the Young Commodore; for he was an acting commodore at the age of thirty-one, when the modern naval officer is still in subordinate grades of rank. It is truly astonishing what wonders were accomplished by men in their first manhood in the early days of the American navy, and Macdonough had seen as much service as most veterans before his twenty-first birthday. He was a son of a Revolutionary officer, and was born in Delaware in 1783. His diffident and retiring disposition was early marked. Fenimore Cooper speaks of him in his midshipman days as "the modest but lion-hearted Macdonough." The words describe him admirably; for this quiet, silent midshipman was always to be found leading the forlorn hope,--"the lost children," as the French expressively call it. [Illustration: Thomas Macdonough] Indeed, Macdonough's character as an officer and a man is as nearly perfect as can be imagined; and when his great talents are considered, he may well be held as a type of what the American naval officer should be. He entered the navy in 1800, when he was seventeen, which was rather old for a midshipman in those days. He had enjoyed a good education for his years, and remained a close student all his life. He was deeply but not obtrusively religious, and no human being ever heard a low or profane word from his lips. Such a young man as Thomas Macdonough must make his mark early, and from the first his commanding officers reposed the greatest confidence in him. He was ordered to the Philadelphia, under Captain Bainbridge, when Commodore Preble went out in 1803 to reduce the African pirates. He happened to have been detached from the Philadelphia and in command of a prize at Gibraltar when the unfortunate ship went upon the rocks near Tripoli, October 31, 1803, and he thus escaped the long captivity of his shipmates. He reported promptly to Commodore Preble, and was assigned to the Enterprise, schooner, under Decatur, then a young lieutenant commandant of less than twenty-five years. It may be imagined that no officer in the Mediterranean squadron felt a more ardent desire than Macdonough to rescue Bainbridge and his men and to destroy the Philadelphia. At last Decatur organized his celebrated expedition in the ketch Intrepid, and among the eleven officers he selected for that glorious enterprise was Macdonough. At that time Macdonough was still a midshipman. He was tall and very slender, never having been physically strong; but he was, even then, a man for the post of danger. The ketch set off on the 3d of February from Syracuse and returned on the 19th, having in that time entered the well-guarded harbor of Tripoli by night, burned the Philadelphia at her moorings, and escaped without losing a man. Macdonough was the third man on the Philadelphia's deck, and was especially active in his work of distributing the powder for the ship's destruction in her storerooms aft. No officer in that glorious expedition conducted himself better than Macdonough; and when it is remembered that Decatur commanded it, that James Lawrence was one of his lieutenants, and Charles Morris, who was afterward Captain Hull's first lieutenant in the escape of the Constitution and the capture of the Guerrière, was one of the midshipmen, it will be seen that Macdonough was measured by no common standard. Macdonough shared in all the glory of those splendid campaigns, and received the thanks and commendations of his superiors, besides promotion. In 1806 he was made first lieutenant of the Siren, one of the smart brigs that had done good service during the Tripolitan war. She was at Gibraltar, where the British navy is always very much in evidence; and Macdonough, the mild and forbearing, soon had a chance of showing the stuff that was in him. One day, while his commanding officer, Captain Smith, was on shore, Macdonough noticed a boat going from a heavy British frigate that lay close to an American merchant vessel. When the boat repassed the Siren, on her way back to the frigate, she carried one more man than she had on leaving the frigate. In those days, if a British captain suspected an American merchant vessel of having a British subject among the crew, it was common enough to seize the man, and when once on board a British ship, it mattered little whether he were American or British, there he had to stay. Macdonough suspected this to be the case, and sent a boat to the brig to ask if a man had been taken and if he were an American. Such was actually reported. Macdonough at once ordered the first cutter lowered, and although she pulled only four oars and the British boat pulled eight, he set off in pursuit. He did not catch up with the British boat until she was directly under the frigate's quarter, and the man in the bow had raised his boat-hook. Suddenly Macdonough reached forward, and, catching hold of the prisoner, who sat in the stern sheets, lifted him bodily into the American boat, and before the British could believe their eyes, was well started on his way back to the Siren. The captain of the frigate had seen the whole affair, and in a rage he jumped into a boat and headed for the Siren. When he reached her the men of the cutter had gone aboard, and the young lieutenant was calmly walking the quarterdeck. The captain angrily demanded the man, and asked if Macdonough knew the responsibility he was taking upon himself in Captain Smith's absence. "I will not give up the man, and I am accountable only to the captain of this ship," replied Macdonough. "I could blow you out of the water at this moment," said the captain. "No doubt you are perfectly able to do it," answered Macdonough; "but I will never give up that man as long as this ship will float." "You are a very indiscreet and a very young man," continued the captain. "Suppose I had been in the boat just now?" "I would have taken the man or lost my life." "What, sir!" cried the captain; "would you dare to stop me now if I were to get hold of the man?" "I would, and you have only to try it," was Macdonough's undaunted reply. The captain, seeing nothing was to be got out of the resolute young lieutenant, left the ship, but was pulled toward the merchant ship. Macdonough had a boat lowered which followed the British boat, watching her until she returned to the frigate. This action not only won the good opinion of the captain and other officers and men of the Siren, but of many of the British officers as well, who knew how to respect a man of such resolute courage. Macdonough was ever afterward treated with the utmost consideration and politeness by all the British officers at Gibraltar, including the officers of the overbearing captain. At the outbreak of the war with Great Britain Macdonough was what was then termed a master commandant. His was not the fortune of Decatur, Stewart, and others of his brave shipmates to seek for glory on the wide ocean, but he was sent into the wilderness, as it were, to create a navy, and to fight the British on the great lakes. He established himself with his seamen and workmen on the shores of Lake Champlain, and began immediately the construction of a fleet. Officers and men worked with the greatest ardor, and the commodore, as Macdonough was now called by courtesy, might often have been seen handling the saw and plane. A corvette, called the Saratoga, and meant for the commodore's flagship, was begun, with several smaller vessels; and so rapidly did they advance that only a few weeks from the time the trees were cut down in the forest the vessels were launched and being made ready for their guns. These had to be dragged many hundreds of miles through a pathless wilderness, such as the northern and western part of New York was then. It was difficult, but still it could be done. When it came to transporting the cables, though, a point was reached, about forty miles from the lake shore where the vessels were building, when it seemed impossible to move a step farther. There were no roads, and the cables had been brought in ox-wagons, which now came to a complete standstill. No one knew what to do until an old sailor proposed that they should stretch each cable its whole length, and men, stationed ten yards apart, should shoulder it and carry it the forty miles remaining; and this was actually done. Meanwhile the British had not been idle, and they too, on the other side of the lake, had built a frigate, called the Confiance, that was heavier than the Saratoga, and they had other smaller vessels. Their commanding officer, Captain Downie, was a worthy antagonist of Commodore Macdonough, and about the same age, while the British vessels were manned by seasoned sailors, many of whom had served under Nelson and Collingwood. Early in September, 1814, both squadrons being ready to fight, Commodore Macdonough chose his position with a seaman's eye, in Plattsburg bay. He knew that his enemy would hunt for him wherever he might be, and he chose to fight at anchor, rightly supposing that the British, through their greater experience, could conduct the evolutions of a squadron better than the Americans; for, while none could be more daring in action than Macdonough, none was more prudent beforehand. The exact knowledge he had of the elements for and against him explains much of his success. On the night of the 9th of September, in the midst of storm and tempest, the American squadron made its way up the lake to Plattsburg harbor. The next morning saw it anchored in the admirable order devised by Commodore Macdonough's genius. The flagship, Saratoga, the heaviest ship in the squadron, was in the middle of the line. Ahead of her was ranged the gun-brig Eagle, commanded by Captain Cassin, who had been one of Commodore Preble's midshipmen with Macdonough, eleven years before. The Eagle had shoal water off her beam, so that the head of the line could not be turned. On the other side of the Saratoga was the Ticonderoga, a small sloop-of-war, while beyond her was the little Preble, named for the great commodore, who was no more. There were, besides, ten small gunboats, of which the Eagle was supported by two, the Saratoga by three, the Ticonderoga by two, while the remaining two were to assist the Preble in defending the end of the line. All of the vessels were riding easily at anchor, and all of them were provided with springs to their anchors and kedges, to enable them to change their position at will. The wisdom of this precaution was shown on the great day for which they were prepared. On the 11th of September, 1814, a brilliant Sunday morning, just at sunrise, the dazzling white topsails of the British fleet were seen passing along the neck of land called Cumberland Head, which juts into the bay. The American guard-boat pulled in, all hands were called to quarters in the American squadron, and an American ensign was set at every masthead. Then on board the flagship was made the signal for divine service, and Commodore Macdonough, kneeling upon his quarterdeck, surrounded by his officers and in hearing of his men, with every head bared, read the prayers appointed to be read before a fight at sea. After this brief but solemn act all awaited the onset with steadiness and cheerfulness. It had been suggested to him that he should issue an extra allowance of grog to the men, but he replied,-- "No. My men shall go cool into action; they need no stimulant beyond their native valor." The American vessels were so skilfully moored that no matter from what quarter the wind was, the British were obliged to approach them "bows on," a very dangerous way to attack a bold and skilful enemy. The British rounded the headland in noble style. The Confiance was leading, her brave commander, Captain Downie, fatally conspicuous on her deck, his breast covered with medals gloriously earned. Following her, came three smaller vessels, the Finch, the Chubb, and the Linnet, and twelve gunboats, carrying both soldiers and sailors, and each armed with a single long eighteen-pound carronade. As the four British ships, each on the same tack, neared the American line, the Eagle suddenly roared out a broadside. The shot fell short, and the British squadron came on, with majestic steadiness, without replying, until the Linnet was abreast of the Ticonderoga. Then the Linnet let fly a broadside, of which every shot dropped into the water except one. This one shot, though, struck a chicken-coop on the Ticonderoga's deck and smashed it, letting out a young game-cock, a pet with the Ticonderoga's men. The game-cock, delighted to get his liberty, jumped upon a gun-slide and uttered a long, loud, and defiant crow at the British vessel, which he seemed to think had directed her whole broadside at him. The Americans burst into three ringing cheers, that shook the deck, delighted with the game-cock's courage, which he proved further by flying up into the rigging and crowing vociferously all the time the British were advancing. The Confiance came on steadily until just abreast of the Saratoga, when Commodore Macdonough himself, sighting a twenty-four pounder, fired the first effective gun of the battle. It struck the Confiance near the hawse-hole, and ranged the whole length of her deck, doing fearful damage and splintering her wheel. A terrible broadside followed; but the Confiance as if disdaining to answer, moved proudly on to engage at close quarters, and not until the wind became light and baffling did she port her helm about two cables' length from the Saratoga. Then she opened upon the corvette. Her guns were double-shotted, and their effect at close range, in a perfectly smooth sea, was frightful. Meanwhile the Linnet and the Chubb had taken position abeam of the Eagle, and attacked her with great fury. The gunboats had fallen upon the little Preble, and soon drove her out of line, when with the Finch they concentrated their fire upon the Ticonderoga. The gallant little brig gave them plenty to do, and stubbornly defended the end of the line. At one moment the gunboats would advance upon her, the men standing up ready to board her, and would be beaten off in the act of entering her ports or springing upon her decks. Then they would haul off and pour round after round of grapeshot into her. Still the little vessel held out. Captain Cassin was seen coolly walking the taffrail, a target for every shot, but he escaped without a wound, as if by a miracle. At one time all the matches gave out in the division of guns commanded by midshipman Paulding.[19] This young officer, who was an acting lieutenant, although only sixteen years old, had the wit and readiness to fire his guns by snapping his pistol at the touch-hole. Nothing could exceed the determined valor with which the Saratoga and the Confiance kept up the fight. The Linnet presently turned her attention to the Saratoga, and poured one raking broadside into her after another, besides what she had to take from the Confiance. The brave Captain Downie had been mortally wounded early in the engagement, but the ship was still admirably fought. On the Saratoga three times the cry went up that Commodore Macdonough was killed, for three times was he knocked senseless to the deck; but each time he rose, none the worse except for a few cuts and bruises. The guns on the engaged side of the Saratoga became disabled one by one, by the long twenty-fours in the main-deck battery of the Confiance, which, though suffering from the musketry fire of the Americans, was yet doing magnificent work. At last but a single gun of the starboard batteries of the Saratoga remained serviceable, and in firing it the bolt broke, the gun flew off the carriage, and actually tumbled down the hatchway. The ship was afire in several places, due to the hot shot poured into her by the Confiance, one-fourth of her men were killed, and she had not a gun available on her engaged side; while both the Confiance and the Linnet were giving her one raking broadside after another. In this awful extremity Commodore Macdonough determined to wind his ship, which means to turn the ship completely around so that she could use her uninjured batteries. This difficult but brilliant manoeuvre was executed with the utmost coolness, and soon she sprung a new broadside on the Confiance. The Confiance attempted the same manoeuvre, but she only got partly round, when she hung with her head to the wind, in a terrible position, where the fresh batteries of the Saratoga raked her fore and aft. No ship could stand this long and live; and after two hours of as desperate fighting as was ever seen, the Confiance was forced to haul down her colors. By that time the Finch had been driven out of the fight, and the Chubb had been shot wholly to pieces. The little Linnet, though, alone and single-handed, undauntedly sustained the fight, hoping that some of the gunboats might be able to tow her off. But when the Saratoga had finished with the Confiance, without a moment's loss of time, she turned her broadside on the Linnet, and soon forced her to strike, with her hull riddled like a sieve, her masts gone, and the water a foot deep in her hold. By midday all was over, and of the sixteen British ensigns that had fluttered proudly in the morning air, not one remained. It was one of the most destructive naval engagements ever fought. In Commodore Macdonough's official report, he says there was not a mast left in either squadron on which sail could be made. Some of the British sailors had been at Trafalgar, and they all agreed that the fighting of that 11th of September had been more severe than at Trafalgar. The American sailors fought with extraordinary coolness, and many amusing as well as terrible and inspiring things occurred. One old sailor on the Saratoga, who had worked and fought all during the battle and had been slightly wounded several times, was seen mopping his face delightedly while calling out to one of his messmates, "Ay, Jack, this is the best fun I've had this war." Another, getting a shot through his glazed hat, took it off, and, turning to an officer, said in a tone of bitter complaint, "Look a-here, sir; them Johnny Bulls has spiled my hat. Now, what am I going to do for a hat?" As soon as the Linnet struck, the British officers, led by Captain Pring, who succeeded Captain Downie in command, came aboard the Saratoga to deliver their swords. All the American officers were assembled on her quarterdeck, and as the British officers approached Commodore Macdonough with their swords extended, he said, with deep feeling,-- "Gentlemen, your gallant conduct makes you the more worthy to wear your swords. Return them to their scabbards." At once every attention was given the wounded, the officers working side by side with the men. Captain Pring, in his report, says:-- "I have much satisfaction in making you acquainted with the humane treatment the wounded have received from Commodore Macdonough. They were immediately removed to his own hospital at Crab Island, and furnished with every requisite. His generous and polite attention to myself, the officers, and men, will ever be gratefully remembered." All this was quite characteristic of Macdonough, who united the tenderness of a woman with a lion-like courage. The night of the battle the commodore visited every ship in the squadron, and personally expressed to the officers and men his appreciation of their gallant services that day. The news of the victory was received all over the country with manifestations of joy. Congress passed the usual resolution of thanks to Macdonough, his officers and men, gave him and his two commanding officers gold medals, silver medals to the lieutenants, and a handsome sword to each of the midshipmen, with a liberal award of prize money to the men. Macdonough was made a post-captain, his commission dating from the day of the battle. The State of Vermont gave him an estate overlooking the scene of his victory, and many States and towns made him presents. Macdonough bore all these honors with characteristic modesty and simplicity, and, instead of being elated by them, tears came into his eyes in speaking of what his country had bestowed upon him. Soon after this peace was declared, and Macdonough returned again to service on the ocean. His health had always been delicate, and as years passed on, it grew more so. But he continued to go to sea, and did his full duty as always. In 1825 he was in command of the glorious old Constitution, as his flagship on the Mediterranean station. She had been splendidly refitted, sailed admirably, both on and off the wind, and, as the sailors said, "looked like a new fiddle." He made his last cruise in this noble ship. His health rapidly declined, and on his way home from the Mediterranean he died and was buried at sea on the 10th of November, 1825. Few men have enjoyed more national esteem and affection than Macdonough. His career shows that a man may have the softest manners and mildest disposition along with an invincible courage and a high spirit. Macdonough may be taken as the type of a great seaman and a pure and perfect man. JAMES LAWRENCE. The name of Lawrence, like that of Somers, is associated with youth, with gallantry, and with misfortune. It was his fate, after many brilliant and heroic successes, to lay down his life and lose his ship; but his colors were hauled down, not by himself, but by the enemy, and his last utterance, "Don't give up the ship," which has become the watchword of the American navy, was literally obeyed. It is remarkable that this unfortunate vessel, the Chesapeake, never was formally surrendered, but was taken possession of and her flag struck by her captors. [Illustration: James Lawrence] James Lawrence was born in Burlington, New Jersey, in 1781. His family were persons of consideration and property, and Lawrence was destined to be a lawyer. He was a remarkably handsome, gentle, and docile boy, and it was a surprise to his family when, at twelve years of age, he developed a passionate desire to enter the newly created navy. He never wavered from this wish, but, being a singularly obedient boy, he agreed to try the study of the law for a time, and applied himself seriously to it for a year or two. In 1798, however, when he was in his eighteenth year, and when his natural bent was fully indicated, his inclination toward the navy became overpowering. His family wisely released him from the law, which was so distasteful to him, and got him a midshipman's warrant in the navy. His first service was in the Ganges, a small twenty-four-gun frigate. At the time of his entrance into the navy he was of a noble and commanding figure, of captivating manners, and although somewhat impatient in temper, at heart entirely amiable and generous. From the beginning he was remarkable for his kindness and consideration toward his inferiors. When it was necessary to punish the sailors, and Lawrence had to superintend the punishment, his eyes would fill with tears; and when he became a lieutenant, his popularity with the midshipmen was unbounded. It is told of him that once the midshipmen in Commodore Rodgers's squadron determined to give the commodore a dinner, to which none of the lieutenants were to be invited. All were agreed to leave out the lieutenants, when one of the midshipmen cried, "What! not ask Mr. Lawrence!" The impossibility of leaving Lawrence out seemed patent to all of them; and to make the compliment more marked, he was the only lieutenant asked to meet the commodore. Lawrence's first service in the Ganges was during the troubles with France. The Ganges patrolled the seas, and caught several French privateers which made a good resistance, but never got alongside a vessel of equal force. In 1802 Lawrence went out to the Mediterranean in the Enterprise, as first lieutenant. This gallant little schooner fully sustained her reputation in the operations of Commodore Morris's squadron, which preceded Commodore Preble's by a year. Although the war had just begun, and had not yet assumed the fierce and determined character of the following year, yet the Bashaw had a foretaste in 1803 of what was to befall him in the way of bombardments and boat attacks in 1804. In one of the boat attacks Lawrence volunteered, and his conduct on the occasion won high praise. The force was under the command of Lieutenant David Porter, first lieutenant of the New York, flagship, who had already distinguished himself against the French, and was destined to make one of the most daring cruises in the history of navies. The New York, with the Adams, frigate, and the little Enterprise, began the blockade of Tripoli in May, 1803. A number of merchant vessels, protected by gunboats, ran under the batteries of the old part of the town, where they were comparatively safe from ships of the draught of the American squadron. Every preparation was made to defend them, but Porter, Lawrence, and other brave and daring young spirits determined to make a dash for them and destroy them if possible. Having got the commodore's permission, an attacking party was organized under Porter, with Lawrence as second in command, with three other officers and a number of picked men. On the morning of the attack the boats advanced boldly, in the face of a sharp musketry fire, and succeeded in making a landing. The Tripolitans adopted their usual style of hand-to-hand fighting, but in spite of it the vessels were fired and the Americans retired with slight loss. The Tripolitans, by the most tremendous efforts, put out the fire and saved their vessels; but they discovered that the Americans were disposed to come to close quarters with them, which policy finally brought down the power of the Barbary States. Lawrence, as well as Porter, was particularly distinguished in this dashing little affair. The next adventure in which Lawrence was engaged was a few weeks after; the Enterprise being under the command of Hull, then a lieutenant commandant. It had been determined to hunt up the Tripolitan ships of war wherever found. The Enterprise was engaged in this service, and on a June morning, very early, the lookouts from the Adams, frigate, observed a signal flying from the Enterprise of "Enemy in sight." A Tripolitan frigate, supported by nine gunboats, trying to get to sea from Tripoli, had been penned up in a narrow bay by the Enterprise, which, too weak to attack, signalled for her more powerful consort to come to her assistance. The Adams responded promptly, the Enterprise meanwhile maintaining her station with as much daring as if she were a forty-four-gun frigate instead of a twelve-gun schooner. As soon as the wind permitted the Adams to get within range, she opened with terrible effect upon the corsair, which replied vigorously, and did not strike until she had received the fire of the Adams, in smooth water and at short range, for three quarters of an hour. Soon after her colors were hauled down, fire reached her magazine, and she blew up. It was Lawrence's extreme good fortune, after serving under such a captain as Isaac Hull, to serve next under Decatur. The Argus, one of the four handsome little vessels built for the war with Tripoli, had been sent out under Decatur, who was to exchange her for the Enterprise, Hull's superior rank entitling him to the larger vessel. Yet it is remarkable that the little Enterprise, although distinctly inferior to the other four small vessels, survived every one of them, and had an unbroken career of success both in running and fighting. As soon as Decatur took the Enterprise, and had got a good look at Tripoli on the reconnoitring expedition made by Commodore Preble in the early winter of 1803, the idea of the destruction of the Philadelphia and the release of Bainbridge and his companions possessed his mind. It may be imagined that Lawrence ardently sympathized with him, and in his young first lieutenant Decatur recognized a daring and steadfast spirit akin to his own. It was Decatur's habit, in speaking of Lawrence, to say, "He has no more dodge in him than the mainmast," which was true. In the same month of December the Enterprise captured the ketch Meshouda, which, renamed the Intrepid, was to take part in one of the most glorious successes, and afterward in one of the most heart-breaking tragedies, of the American navy. In the preparation of the ketch, and in working out the details of his plan, Decatur was ably seconded by his first lieutenant. The expedition for the destruction of the Philadelphia was exactly suited to a man of Lawrence's vigorous and imaginative temperament. If a precise record remained of that immortal expedition,--the six days of storm and tempest, in which the ketch, ill ventilated and crowded with men who were wet to the skin most of the time and half starved because their provisions were spoiled by salt water, was blown about the African coast,--how surpassingly interesting it would be! It is known, however, that both officers and men not only kept up their determination, but their gayety. On that February evening when the ketch stole in and made fast to the Philadelphia to destroy her, Lawrence, next to Decatur, bore the most active part. It was he who commanded the boat that put out from the ketch and coolly fastened a hawser to the forechains of the doomed frigate; and it was he who intercepted the frigate's boat and took the fast from it and passed another line from the Philadelphia's stern into the ketch. When Decatur shouted, "Board!" Lawrence was among the first to land on the quarterdeck, and as soon as that was cleared, he dashed below, accompanied by two midshipmen, as intrepid as himself,--Mr. Laws and the indomitable Macdonough,--with ten men, and fired the berth-deck and all the forward storerooms. Nothing is more extraordinary than the quickness and precision with which every order was carried out on that night of glory. Lawrence and his party were in the ship less than twenty-five minutes, yet they were the last to drop into the ketch.[20] On their return after this celebrated adventure, Lawrence received his due share of praise. There was much hard work to be done by every officer in the squadron before it was ready to attack Tripoli in August, 1804, and Lawrence, as first lieutenant, did his part. Once before Tripoli, there was severe fighting as well as hard work. The fact that Decatur was taken out of his ship so often to lead a division of the boats, left the command of the Enterprise much to Lawrence, and he handled the little schooner in the most seamanlike manner. In the winter of 1804-5 the government determined to build a number of small gunboats, to renew the attacks on Tripoli in the summer. Some of the lieutenants who had returned to the United States in the changes necessary in the squadron, were selected to take them out to the Mediterranean. Lawrence, who had come back to the United States after spending two years in the Mediterranean, was given the command of one of these little vessels, Number Six,--for they were thought to be too insignificant to name and consequently were merely numbered. They carried a large spread of canvas, but their gunwales were so near the water that they looked rather like rafts than boats. On the way over, Lawrence was sighted by the British frigate Lapwing, which sent a boat to rescue them, supposing them to be on a raft after a shipwreck. Lawrence thanked the officer in charge of the boat, but proceeded on his way. Commodore Rodgers was then in command of the American force which again appeared before Tripoli in May, 1805; and without firing a gun a treaty of peace and the release of the Philadelphia's officers and men were secured. The squadron then sailed for Tunis, where it intimidated the Tunisians into good behavior and negotiated a treaty of peace under the threat of a bombardment. Soon after most of the vessels returned home. Lawrence recrossed the ocean again in his gunboat, and commanded her for some time after. On the 22d of June, 1807, occurred the painful and mortifying rencounter of the Chesapeake, frigate, with the British frigate Leopard, one of the most far-reaching events in the American navy. As the name of Lawrence will ever be connected with the unfortunate Chesapeake, the story of that unhappy event can be told here. The Chesapeake was a comparatively new ship, carrying thirty-eight guns, and was put in commission to relieve the Constitution in the Mediterranean. She seems to have been an unpopular ship from the first, as she was thought to be weak for her size, and was a very ordinary sailer. She was to wear the broad pennant of Commodore James Barron, who had Captain Gordon as his flag captain. Both of these men were esteemed excellent officers. The Chesapeake was fitted partly at the Washington Navy Yard and partly at the Norfolk Navy Yard. There had been a charge that she had among her crew three deserters from the British frigate Melampus. The charge had been investigated, however, and found to be a mistake. It was known that the Leopard, of fifty guns, was hanging about outside the capes of Virginia, but it was not suspected that she would attempt to stop the Chesapeake. The British government, arrogant in its dominion over the sea, had claimed and exercised the right of searching merchant vessels; and the United States, a young nation, with a central government which was still an experiment as well as an object of jealousy to the State governments, had submitted from not knowing exactly how to resist. But with a ship of war it was different, and neither the authorities nor the people of the United States dreamed that any attempt would be made to violate the deck of a national vessel. There seems to have been great negligence in preparing the Chesapeake for sea, and when she sailed she was in a state of confusion, her decks littered up, and none of the apparatus used in those days for firing great guns was available. Neither was her crew drilled, having been at quarters only three times. Her officers were men of spirit, but there seems to have been a fatal laxness in getting her ready for sea. The Chesapeake, with a good wind, dropped down to Hampton Roads, and was soon stretching out to sea. About noon the Leopard was discerned, and from the first seemed to be following the Chesapeake. At three o'clock the two, still making for the open ocean, were near enough to speak, and the Leopard hailed, saying she had despatches for Commodore Barron. This was not remarkable, as such courtesies were occasionally exchanged between ships of friendly nations. The Chesapeake hove to, as did the Leopard, close to each other, when the Chesapeake's officers noticed that the British frigate had her guns run out, and was evidently perfectly ready for action. Very soon a boat put off from her, and a lieutenant came aboard the Chesapeake. He went below into the great cabin, and handed Commodore Barron a letter from Vice-Admiral Berkley, dated at Halifax, directing him on meeting the Chesapeake to search her for the three alleged deserters, and offering to allow the Leopard to be searched if desired. Commodore Barron was a brave man and a good officer in general, but he appears to have been seized with one of those moments of indecision which in a few minutes can wreck a whole life. It is difficult, though, to imagine how one could act judiciously in an emergency so terrible, when the choice lies between submitting to a frightful insult and provoking a conflict which must result in the loss of many gallant and innocent men. The commodore's real fault was in going to sea in an unprepared condition. Commodore Barron took about half an hour to deliberate before sending a reply; and as soon as the British boat put off, orders were given to clear the ship for action and get the people to quarters, and Commodore Barron himself went on deck. While this was being done, the Leopard hailed, and fired a gun toward the Chesapeake, followed by a whole broadside, and for about twelve minutes she poured her fire into the helpless Chesapeake. Commodore Barron, a marine officer, and sixteen men were wounded, and three men were killed. Commodore Barron repeatedly ordered a shot to be fired before the ensign was lowered, but there were no means at hand for igniting the powder. At last a young lieutenant named Allen ran to the galley, and, taking a live coal in his fingers, rushed back to the gun-deck and succeeded in firing one of the guns in his division. At that moment the American ensign touched the taffrail. The Leopard then sent a boat and took possession of the three alleged deserters, and made off, while the disgraced Chesapeake returned to Norfolk. It is not easy to describe the outburst of indignation which followed this mortifying event. Commodore Barron was court-martialled, but as it was proved that his mistake was one of judgment, and that he conducted himself well after the danger became imminent, he was merely sentenced to five years' suspension from the navy. The British government disavowed the action of Captain Humphries of the Leopard, although it did not punish him; but Vice-Admiral Berkley was never again employed in the British navy. It also restored the three men it had taken from the Chesapeake to the deck of the American frigate. After this affair it began to be plain that the United States must either boldly repulse the efforts of Great Britain in her claims to right of search, or else tamely submit. The latter was not to be thought of. The war of 1812 was fought for the principle of protecting sailors in American ships, and for the right to carry goods in free bottoms; hence its motto was: "Free trade and sailors' rights." These were agitating times for the navy, as officers of intelligence realized that war was coming and it would be chiefly a naval war; and they therefore strove diligently to perfect themselves in their profession, so that when they came in conflict with the seasoned sailors of England the American navy might give a good account of itself. Lawrence was among the most earnest and ambitious of these young officers, and he acquitted himself so well in those intervening years that it was plain he would do well in whatever situation he was placed. In 1808 he was made first lieutenant of the Constitution, and that was the last subordinate place he held. In 1809 he got the Vixen, which he exchanged for the Wasp, and finally the Argus. In 1811 he got the Hornet, a fast and beautiful little cruiser, carrying eighteen guns, and was in command of her when the long-expected declaration of war came in 1812. The Hornet and the Essex, under Captain Porter, were ordered to cruise with Captain Bainbridge in the Constitution. But after getting out from Boston in October, 1812, and cruising a few weeks with the Constitution, they separated. The Hornet, being off San Salvador, challenged the Bonne Citoyenne, a vessel of about her own strength, to come out and fight. As the Bonne Citoyenne had a large amount of specie on board which her captain was under orders to deliver, he very properly declined to fight, and was blockaded by the Hornet for nearly three weeks. The Montagu, ship of the line, appearing however, Captain Lawrence thought it time to be off, and managed to slip out to sea in the darkness of an autumn night. He cruised some time, taking a few prizes, and on the 24th of February came in sight of a large man-of-war brig, the Peacock. She was called "the yacht" from the beautiful brightness and order in which she was kept, and was commanded by Captain Peake, a gallant and skilful officer. The Peacock showed a perfect willingness to fight, and the two vessels stood for each other at once. About five o'clock, being very near each other, their ensigns were hoisted, and the battle began by exchanging broadsides as they passed. After one or two rounds the Hornet came down, her batteries a sheet of flame, and her fire frightfully destructive to her adversary. The Peacock stood the blast of fire a very short time, fifteen minutes being the longest time estimated,--Lawrence afterward said it was eleven minutes by his watch, but, his clerk having put it down fifteen minutes, he allowed it to stand,--when the Peacock lowered her colors and displayed signals of distress in her forerigging. She was in a sinking condition, when a prize crew was thrown aboard; and in spite of every effort on the part of the officers and men of the Hornet, the Peacock went down, carrying nine of her own people and three of the Hornet's. The prize-master of the Hornet and his boat's crew saved themselves with difficulty in the launch. The Peacock was well handled and fought by her commander, who lost his life in the engagement. But the Hornet was so skilfully manoeuvred, and her gunnery, besides being extremely accurate, was so rapid, that she had the advantage from a few minutes after the beginning of the combat. She was slightly superior to the Peacock both in men and metal, but the damage she did was far beyond the small difference of strength between her and her antagonist. When the Peacock surrendered, her mainmast had gone by the board, her hull was riddled, and she had six feet of water in her, which soon carried her to the bottom; while, by nine o'clock that night, every injury to the Hornet had been repaired, and she was ready to go into action again. Lawrence treated his prisoners with characteristic generosity, and his example was not lost on his men. The Peacock's crew had lost everything by the sinking of the ship, and the Hornet's men took up a subscription among themselves to provide each of the prisoners with two shirts, a blue jacket, and trousers. Finding himself crowded with prisoners, Lawrence stood for home, and arrived at New York late in March, 1813. The officers of the Peacock, on being paroled at New York, addressed him a very handsome letter of thanks, in which they said, "We cannot better express our feelings than by saying that we ceased to consider ourselves prisoners." The city of New York, anticipating the thanks of Congress, and the gold medal for Lawrence, with prize money for the crew, gave Lawrence the freedom of the city and a handsome piece of plate. On the 6th of April a great dinner was given at Washington Hall, then a splendid place of entertainment in New York, to Lawrence and his officers, while in the ball-room of the building the petty officers, sailors, and marines of the Hornet were entertained. The sailors landed at Whitehall, and with music playing, marched up Pearl Street, Wall Street, and Broadway to Washington Hall amidst the greatest enthusiasm on the part of the inhabitants. After a fine dinner Captain Lawrence and his officers, accompanied by the members of the city government of New York, visited them, and the party was received by the sailors rising and giving three times three for their commander. The whole body of sailors was afterward invited to occupy the pit at the theatre, with Lawrence and his officers and their hosts in the boxes. The audience cheered the sailors vociferously, and the sailors seem to have cheered everything; and they were highly pleased with their entertainment. This was the last glimpse of brightness in Lawrence's short life. He had a prospect of getting the Constitution, but his hopes were dashed by being ordered to command the Chesapeake, then fitting at Boston. The ship had become more and more an object of dislike in the navy since her unfortunate experience in 1807. Sailors hated her, and would not enlist in her if they could help it. No officer would serve in her if he could get any other ship; consequently she was officered by juniors who had to take her because they could do no better. She had lately returned from a cruise in which she had sailed many thousands of miles, under an active and enterprising captain, without once meeting a chance to distinguish herself, and capturing only a few trifling prizes. Lawrence was dismayed at the offer of this command. He begged to remain in the Hornet rather than go to the Chesapeake. He told his friends that the frigate was a worthless ship, and he would not have her if he could honorably refuse; but this he could not do. In May, 1813, he took command of her. Up to the last moment he hoped to be relieved by Captain Stewart, but it was not to be. He found the ship short of officers, and those he had very young. His first lieutenant, Augustus Ludlow, was a brilliant young officer, but twenty-one years of age, who had never served before as first lieutenant in a frigate. His other sea lieutenants were midshipmen acting as lieutenants. His crew was largely made up of foreigners; and one, a Portuguese boatswain's mate, was doing what he could to spread dissatisfaction among the men because they had not been paid the small amount of prize money due from the last cruise. The marine guard was made up wholly of Americans, and there were a few men from the Constitution. These men afterward gave a good account of themselves. Outside the harbor of Boston it was known that the Shannon, a fine thirty-eight-gun frigate, lay in wait for the Chesapeake. Her commander, Captain Philip Broke, was one of the best officers in the British navy, and had had the ship seven years. He had not followed the example of so many British captains who neglected gunnery practice with their crews, and paid dearly for their rashness with their ships and sometimes with their lives. Captain Broke was a chivalrous man, and, desiring to engage the Chesapeake on equal terms, wrote Captain Lawrence a letter, proposing a meeting any time within two months in any latitude and longitude he might choose. Unfortunately, this letter never reached Lawrence. On the first day of June, 1813, the Shannon stood in toward President's Roads, expecting an answer from Lawrence to Captain Broke's challenge. Lawrence, however, took the Shannon's appearance as a challenge, and, lifting his anchor, made sail to meet her. At soon as the anchor was up, Lawrence had a flag hoisted with the inscription "Free trade and sailors' rights." He then made a short address to his men, which was coldly received, not a cheer being raised at the prospect of meeting the enemy. The ship was cleared for action, and as she passed out, the Shannon was waiting for her on an easy bowline. Both ships proceeded under a good breeze until about thirty miles beyond Boston Light. They then came together under short fighting canvas, and in the manoeuvring for a few moments Lawrence was in position to rake his enemy; but whether it escaped him, or he preferred to fight it out alongside, is not known. A few minutes before six, the ships being fairly alongside, and not more than fifty yards apart, the Shannon fired her first broadside, and was immediately answered by the Chesapeake. The effect of these first broadsides in smooth water and close range was terrific. Three men at the Chesapeake's wheel were shot down one after another. Within six minutes her sails were so shot to pieces that she came up into the wind and was raked repeatedly. In a short while Captain Lawrence was shot in the leg, but kept the deck. Mr. White, the sailing-master, was killed, and Mr. Ludlow, the first lieutenant, Lieutenant Ballard, Mr. Brown, the marine officer, and the boatswain were all mortally wounded. The Shannon had not escaped scatheless, although the execution aboard of her was not to be mentioned with the Chesapeake's. Some of the British frigate's spars and sails being shot away, she fell aboard her antagonist, and the two ships were prevented from drifting apart by the fluke of an anchor on the Shannon hooking in the Chesapeake's rigging. Captain Broke immediately ordered the ships lashed together. This was done by the Shannon's boatswain, who had his arm literally hacked off in doing it, but who did not flinch from his task. As soon as Captain Lawrence saw the ships were fast, he ordered the boarders called away. But instead of this being done by the boatswain, the bugler, a negro, was called upon to sound his bugle. The man, in a paroxysm of terror, had hid under a boat, and when found was perfectly unable to sound a note. The remaining officers on the Chesapeake's deck shouted for the boarders, and at this moment the gallant Lawrence, conspicuous from his commanding figure, and wearing his full uniform, fell, shot through the body. As he was being carried below, he uttered those words which are a part of the heritage of the American navy, "Don't give up the ship." The carnage on the Chesapeake's deck was now frightful, and the men began to flinch from their guns. Captain Broke, seeing this, gave the order to board, and, himself leading the boarders with great intrepidity, sprang upon the Chesapeake's quarterdeck. At this the Portuguese mate and some other mercenaries threw the berth-deck gratings overboard, and ran below, crying, "So much for not paying men prize money!" A young lieutenant, coming up from the gun-deck, was seized with a panic, and, throwing his pistol down, ran below in a cowardly manner.[21] But there were still gallant souls left upon the unfortunate frigate's deck. Mr. Livermore, the chaplain,--the only officer on deck when the British entered the ship,--advanced boldly, firing his pistol at Captain Broke, and made a brave defence, although his arm was nearly cut from his body by Broke in defending himself. The few marines who were left fought desperately, and severely wounded Captain Broke. All of these men were Americans, and were cut down to a man. The officers of the gun-deck tried to rally the men below, and succeeded in inducing the few Americans to follow them above; the brave Ludlow, in fearful agony from his wounds, struggled up the hatchway. But it was too late, and they were soon overpowered. The flag had been hauled down by the triumphant enemy; the ship was theirs. The battle lasted only about fifteen minutes, and seldom in the history of naval warfare has there been more dreadful slaughter. The Chesapeake suffered most, her captain and three lieutenants, her marine officer, her sailing-master, boatswain, and three midshipmen being killed, and her few remaining officers wounded. She lost, besides, one hundred and thirty-six men killed and wounded. The Shannon had her captain badly wounded, and lost several officers, and had seventy-five men killed and wounded. The English ensign was immediately hoisted over the American, and as soon as possible sail was made for Halifax. Lawrence and his wounded officers lay together in the ward room of the Chesapeake, the cabin having been much shattered. For four days Lawrence lingered in extreme anguish. He bore his sufferings with silent heroism, and it is remarkable that he never spoke except to make known the few wants that his situation required. On the Shannon Captain Broke lay, raving with delirium from his wounds, and only occasionally rational. At these times he would ask anxiously after Lawrence, muttering, "He brought his ship into action in gallant style," and other words of generous admiration. When it was known that Lawrence was no more, it was thought best to keep it from Broke, as it was known it would distress him greatly. On Sunday, the 6th of June, the two ships entered Halifax harbor, the body of Lawrence wrapped in the battle flag of the Chesapeake, and lying on her quarterdeck. The people took the Chesapeake for the President, and shouting multitudes lined the shores and docks. But when it was known that it was Lawrence's ship, and her brave commander lay dead upon her, an instant silence fell upon the people. They remembered Lawrence's kindness to the officers and men of the Peacock, and they paid him the tribute of silent respect. The funeral was arranged for the 8th of June, and was one of the most affecting ever witnessed. The British naval and military authorities omitted nothing that could show their esteem for a brave and unfortunate enemy. The garrison and the fleet turned out their whole force, the officers wearing crape upon the left arm. The coffin, wrapped in the Chesapeake's flag, with the dead officer's sword upon it, was brought ashore in an admiral's barge, the men rowing minute strokes, and amid the solemn booming of minute guns. It was followed by a long procession of man-of-war boats. It was landed at King's Wharf, where six of the oldest British captains acted as pall-bearers. The procession to the churchyard of St. Paul's was very long. The American officers were chief mourners, followed by the officers of the Shannon; and the presence of the wounded among both the American and English officers was touching in the extreme. Admiral Sir Thomas Saumerez, one of Nelson's captains, and the officers of the fleet, and the general of the forces, with the officers of the garrison, came next in the procession, followed by a large number of the most respectable citizens of Halifax. The route was lined with troops, and the funeral was like that of a great and distinguished British admiral,--so great is the respect all generous minds must feel for a character like Lawrence's. His young first lieutenant, Ludlow, survived several days after landing; but he, too, soon followed his captain to a hero's grave. Great honors were also paid him at his interment. The Americans, however, could not allow the British to pay all the honors to the dead Lawrence, and in August his remains and those of his faithful lieutenant were transferred to Salem, in Massachusetts, where they were temporarily buried until they could be transferred to New York. Lawrence's pall was carried then by six American captains, among whom were Hull, Stewart, and Bainbridge,--all men who had known Lawrence, and served with him when he was a dashing and brilliant young midshipman. Eventually, both Lawrence and Ludlow were buried in Trinity churchyard, New York, where they still rest. Lawrence left a young wife and two children, for whom the country provided. A poignant regret for Lawrence's misfortunes and death was felt by the country generally. His youth,--he was but thirty-one years of age,--his brilliant career, the charming generosity of his nature, and the graces of his person and manner made him beloved and admired. His fault--if fault it was--in seeking an action when his ship was new to him and ill manned and scantily officered, was that of a high and daring spirit, and was readily condoned; while to this day the story of the Chesapeake is painful to a true American. At the battle of Lake Erie Perry's flagship bore the name of Lawrence; but, like Lawrence himself, was unfortunate, and, after being cut to pieces, was forced to strike. Another vessel was named the Lawrence; but ships whose names are associated with harrowing events are not favorites with either officers or men, and she was borne upon the navy list for only a few years. But the name and fame of Lawrence will last with his countrymen as long as the American flag flies over a ship of war, and the pity of his fate will ever be among the most moving incidents in American history. FOOTNOTES: [1] See the biography of Commodore Truxtun, who captured L'Insurgente. [2] See the biography of Decatur. [3] See the biography of Stewart. [4] See the biography of Commodore Hull. [5] See the biographies of Porter and Lawrence. [6] See Cooper's Naval Biography for this incident. [7] See the biography of Bainbridge. [8] See the biography of Decatur. [9] See the biography of Somers. [10] It was after this attack that the celebrated scene occurred in the Constitution between Decatur and Commodore Preble, as related in Preble's life. [11] See the biography of Richard Somers. [12] As in the case of the fight of the Constitution with the Guerrière and the Java, the Macedonian was a lighter ship, with fewer men and guns than the Constitution. But the execution done in every case was far beyond the difference between the American ship and her antagonist. [13] The late Captain Foxhall Parker, 1st. [14] Not the original ship, captured and blown up by Commodore Hull, but one built and named for her. [15] See the biography of Decatur. [16] Lieutenant Wadsworth was the uncle of Longfellow, and the poet was named for this gallant gentleman and brave sailor. [17] See the biography of Bainbridge. [18] See the biography of James Lawrence. [19] Afterward Rear-Admiral Paulding. [20] See the biography of Decatur. [21] He was promptly dismissed the navy for cowardice on this occasion. THE SCRIBNER SERIES OF SCHOOL READING A Uniform Series for Supplementary Reading in Schools. Each, 12mo, _net_, *$0.50. =Hero Tales Told in School.= By James Baldwin. Illustrated. =Herakles, the Hero of Thebes=, and Other Heroes of the Myth. By Mary E. Burt and Zenaide Ragezin. Illustrated. =Odysseus: The Hero of Ithaca.= By Mary E. Burt. Illustrated. =The Boy General.= By Mrs. George A. Custer and Mary E. Burt. Illustrated. =Don Quixote De La Mancha.= By Miguel de Cervantes. From the translations of Duffield and Shelton. By Mary E. Burt and Lucy Leffingwell Cable. =The Cable Story Book.= Selections for School Reading. By George W. Cable. Edited by Mary E. Burt and Lucy L. Cable. Illustrated. =The Hoosier School Boy.= By Edward Eggleston. Illustrated. =The Eugene Field Book.= Verses, Stories, and Letters for School Reading. By Eugene Field. Edited by Mary E. Burt and Mary L. Cable. 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With 4 full-page and many other illustrations from drawings by the Author. =Twelve Naval Captains.= With portraits. By Molly Elliott Seawell. =Fanciful Tales.= By Frank R. Stockton. Edited by Julia E. Langworthy. Illustrated. =Around the World in the Sloop Spray.= By Captain Joshua Slocum. Illustrated. =The van Dyke Book.= Selections for School Reading. By Henry van Dyke. Edited and arranged by Professor Edwin Mims, with Biographical Sketch by Miss van Dyke. Illustrated. =Children's Stories of American Literature, 1660-1860.= By Henrietta Christian Wright. =Children's Stories of American Literature, 1860-1896.= By Henrietta Christian Wright. CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS Publishers 153 Fifth Avenue * * * * * TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES Minor punctuation errors repaired. Italic text is denoted by _underscores_ and bold text by =equal signs=. p56 while cruising off Gaudeloupe, replaced with while cruising off Guadeloupe, 
26778	----	THE OCEAN WIRELESS BOYS AND THE NAVAL CODE BY CAPTAIN WILBUR LAWTON AUTHOR OF "THE BOY AVIATORS' SERIES," "THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS' SERIES," "THE OCEAN WIRELESS BOYS ON THE ATLANTIC," "THE OCEAN WIRELESS BOYS AND THE LOST LINER," "THE OCEAN WIRELESS BOYS OF THE ICE-BERG PATROL," ETC. _WITH ILLUSTRATIONS BY CHARLES L. WRENN_ NEW YORK HURST & COMPANY PUBLISHERS Copyright, 1915, BY HURST & COMPANY [Illustration: "Huh, I don't think the idea's worth a cent," sniffed Thurman.] CONTENTS I. VACATION DAYS II. "SPEEDWAY" VS. "CURLEW" III. CAPTAIN SIMMS, OF THE "THESPIS" IV. ON SECRET SERVICE V. NIGHT SIGNALS VI. IN THE DARK VII. THE NAVAL CODE VIII. A MONKEY INTERLUDE IX. NODDY AND THE BEAR X. "WHAT DO YOU MAKE OF IT?" XI. A SWIM WITH A MEMORY XII. A TALE FROM THE FROZEN LANDS XIII. A NIGHT ALARM XIV. JACK'S CURIOSITY AND ITS RESULTS XV. BILLY TAKES THE TRAIL XVI. A "GHOSTESS" ABROAD XVII. ONE MYSTERY SOLVED XVIII. BILL SNIGGERS DECIDES XIX. WHAT A "HAYSEED" DID XX. THE "CURLEW" IN TROUBLE XXI. THE END OF JACK'S HOLIDAY XXII. "THE GEM OF THE OCEAN" XXIII. JACK'S BIG SECRET XXIV. THE NAVY DEPARTMENT "SITS UP" XXV. A MYSTERY ON BOARD XXVI. A "FLASH" OF DISTRESS XXVII. A STRANGE WRECK XXVIII. CAST AWAY WITH A PYTHON XXIX. CAPTURED BY RADIO XXX. THURMAN PLOTS XXXI. THE "SUITABLE REWARD" XXXII. THE PLOTTER'S TRIUMPH XXXIII. IN THE POWER OF THE ENEMY XXXIV. THE SEARCH FOR JACK XXXV. THE WIRELESS MAKES GOOD The Ocean Wireless Boys and the Naval Code. CHAPTER I. VACATION DAYS. "Up with your helm there, Noddy! Luff her up or you'll have the _Curlew_ on the rocks!" "That's right, luff!" cried Billy Raynor, adding his voice to Jack Ready's command. "That's what I _luff_ to do," grinned the red-headed, former Bowery waif, Noddy Nipper, as, with a dexterous motion, he jerked over the tiller of the fine, speedy sloop in which the boys were enjoying a sail on Alexandria Bay, above the Thousand Islands. The mainsail and jib shivered, and the _Curlew_ spun round like a top just as it seemed inevitable that she must end her career on some jagged rocks that had suddenly loomed up ahead. "Neatly done, Noddy," applauded Jack. "We'll forgive you even that awful pun for that skillful bit of boat-handling." The freckled lad grinned in appreciation of the compliment paid him by the Wireless Boy. "Much obliged," he said. "Of course I haven't got sailing down as fine as you yet. How far do you reckon we are from home?" "From the Pine Island hotel, you mean?" rejoined Billy Raynor. "Oh, not more than ten miles." "Just about that," chimed in Jack. "If this wind holds we'll be home in time for supper." "Supper!" exclaimed Bill; "I could eat an octogenarian doughnut, I'm so hungry." A groan came from Noddy. Although the Bowery lad had polished up on his grammar and vocabulary considerably since Jack Ready first encountered him as second cook on the seal-poaching schooner _Polly Ann_, Captain "Terror" Carson commanding, still, a word like "Octogenarian" stumped him, as the saying is. "What's an octo-octo--what-you-may-call-'um doughnut, anyhow?" he demanded, for Noddy always liked to acquire a new word, and not infrequently astonished his friends by coming out with a "whopper" culled out of the dictionary. "Is it a doughnut with legs on it?" Jack and Billy broke into a roar of laughter. "A doughnut with legs on?" sputtered Billy. "Whatever put that idea into your head, Noddy?" "Well, don't octo-octo-thing-a-my-jigs have legs?" inquired Noddy. "Oh, you mean octopuses," cried Jack, with another laugh. "Billy meant an eighty-year-old doughnut." "I'll look it up when we get back," remarked Noddy gravely; "it's a good word." "Say, fellows, we are sure having a fine time out of this holiday," remarked Billy presently, after an interval of silence. "Yes, but just the same I shan't be sorry when Mr. Juke's new liner is completed and we can go to sea again," said Jack, "but after our experiences up north, among the ice, I think we had a holiday coming to us." "That we did," agreed Noddy. "Some difference between skimming around here in a fine yacht and being cast away on that wretched island with nothing to eat and not much prospect of getting any." "Yes, but if it hadn't been for that experience, and the ancient treasure we found, we couldn't have taken such a jolly vacation," argued Jack. "It's made Uncle Toby a rich man and put all of us on Easy Street." "Yes, it was certainly worth all the hardships we went through," agreed Noddy. "I guess we are in for a long spell of quiet now, though," remarked Jack, after a pause, during which each boy thought of their recent adventures. "Not so sure of that," replied Noddy. "You're the sort of fellow, judging from what you've told us, who is always tumbling up against something exciting." "Yes, I feel it in my bones that we are not destined to lead an absolutely uneventful time----" began Billy Raynor. "I--hold hard there, Noddy; watch yourself. Here comes another yacht bearing down on us!" Jack and Billy leaped to their feet, steadying themselves by clutching a stay. Billy was right. Another yacht, a good deal larger than their own, was heading straight for them. "Hi! put your helm over! We've got the right of way!" shouted Jack, cupping his hands. "Look out where you're going!" cried Billy. But whoever was steering the other yacht made no motion to carry out the suggestions. Instead, under a press of canvas, she kept directly on her course. "She'll run us down," cried Noddy. "What'll I do, Jack?" "Throw her over to port lively now," sang out Jack Ready. "Hurry up or we'll have a bad smash-up!" He leaped toward the stern to Noddy's assistance, while Billy Raynor, the young engineer, did the same. In former volumes of this series the previous adventures of the lads have been described. In the first book, devoted to their doings and to describing the fascinating workings of sea-wireless aboard ocean-going craft, which was called "The Ocean Wireless Boys on the Atlantic," we learned how Jack became a prime favorite with the irascible Jacob Jukes, head of the great Transatlantic and Pacific shipping combine. Jack's daring rescue of Millionaire Jukes' little girl resulted in the lad's obtaining the position of wireless man on board a fine ship, after he had looked for such a job for months in vain. But because Jack would not become the well-paid companion of Mr. Jukes' son Tom, a rather sickly youth, the millionaire became angry with the young wireless man. However, Jack was able, subsequently, to rescue Mr. Jukes from a drifting boat after the magnate's yacht had burned in mid-ocean and, following that, to reunite the almost frantic millionaire with his missing son. Other exciting incidents were described, and Jack gained rapidly in his chosen profession, as did his chum, Billy Raynor, who was third assistant engineer of the big vessel. The next volume, which was called "The Ocean Wireless Boys and the Lost Liner," told of the loss of the splendid ship "Tropic Queen," on a volcanic island after she had become disabled and had drifted helplessly for days. By wireless Jack managed to secure aid from U. S. vessels, and it came in the nick of time, for the island was destroyed by an eruption just after the last of the rescued passengers had been taken off. Wireless, too, secured, as described in that book, the capture of a criminal much wanted by the government. The third volume related more of Jack's doings and was called "The Ocean Wireless Boys of the Ice-berg Patrol." This book told how Jack, while serving aboard one of the revenue cutters that send out wireless warnings of ice-bergs to transatlantic liners, fell into the hands of a band of seal poachers. Things looked black for the lad for a time, but he found two good friends among the rough crew in the persons of Noddy Nipper and Pompey, an eccentric old colored cook, full of superstitions about ghosts. The _Polly Ann_, as the schooner was called, was wrecked and Jack and his two friends cast away on a lonesome spot of land called Skull Island. They were rescued from this place by Jack's eccentric, wooden-legged Uncle, Captain Toby Ready, who, when at home, lived on a stranded wooden schooner where he made patent medicines out of herbs for sailors. Captain Toby had got wind of an ancient treasure hidden by a forgotten race on an Arctic island. After the strange reunion they all sailed north. But an unscrupulous financier (also on a hunt for the treasure) found a way to steal their schooner and left them destitute. For a time it appeared that they would leave their bones in the bleak northland. But the skillful resource and pluck of Jack and Noddy won the day. We now find them enjoying a holiday, with Captain Toby as host, at a fashionable hotel among the beautiful Thousand Islands. Having made this necessary digression, let us again turn our attention to the situation which had suddenly confronted the happy three, and which appeared to be fraught with imminent danger. Like their own craft, the other boat carried a single mast and was sloop-rigged. But the boat was larger in every respect than the _Curlew_. She carried a great spread of snowy canvas and heeled over under its press till the white water raced along her gunwale. As she drew nearer the boys saw that there were two occupants on board her. One was a tall, well-dressed lad in yachting clothes, whose face, rather handsome otherwise, was marred by a supercilious sneer, as if he considered himself a great deal better than anyone else. The other was a somewhat elderly man whose hair appeared to be tinged with gray. His features were coarse, but he resembled the lad with him enough to make it certain he was his father. "Sheer off there," roared Jack at the top of his lungs, to the occupants of the other boat; "do you want to run us down?" "Get out of the way then," cried the boy. "Yes, sheer off yourselves, whipper-snappers!" came from the man. "We've got the right of way!" cried Jack. "Go chase yourselves," yelled Noddy, reverting in this moment of excitement, as was his habit at such times, to his almost forgotten slang. "Keep her on her course, Donald; never mind those young jack-a-napes," said the man in the other sloop, addressing the boy, who was steering. "All right, pop," was the reply; "they'll get the worst of the smash if they don't clear out." "Gracious, they really mean to run us down," cried Jack, in a voice of alarm. "Better sheer off, Noddy, though I hate to do it." "By jinks, do you see who they are?" cried Bill Raynor, who had been studying the pair in the other boat, which was now only a few yards off. "It's that millionaire Hiram Judson and his son Donald, the boy you had the run in with at the hotel the other day." But Jack made no reply. The two boats were now almost bowsprit to bowsprit. As for Noddy, the freckles stood out on his pale, frightened face like spots on the sun. CHAPTER II. "SPEEDAWAY" VS. "CURLEW." But at the critical moment the lad at the helm of the other craft, which bore the name _Speedaway_, appeared to lose his nerve. He sheered off and merely grazed the _Curlew's_ side, scraping off a lot of paint. "Hi, there! What do you mean by doing such a thing?" demanded Jack, directly the danger of a head-on collision was seen to have been averted. The other lad broke into a laugh. It was echoed by the man with him, whom he had addressed as "pop." "Just thought I'd see how much you fellows knew about handling a boat," he sneered. "It's just as I thought, you're a bunch of scare-cats. You needn't have been afraid that I couldn't keep the _Speedaway_ out of danger." "You risked the lives of us all by running so close," cried Billy indignantly. "Never attempt such a thing again," said Jack angrily, "or----" "Or what, my nervous young friend?" taunted the elderly man. "Yes," said the lad, with an unpleasant grin, "what will you do?" "I shall feel sorely tempted to come on board your boat and give you the same sort of a thrashing I gave you the other day when I found you tormenting that poor dog," said Jack, referring to the incident Billy Raynor had already hinted at when he first recognized the occupants of the _Speedaway_. "You'll never set foot on my boat," cried Donald Judson, with what he meant to be dangerous emphasis; but his face had suddenly become very pale. "You think you got the best of me the other day, but I'll fix you yet." The two craft were out of earshot almost by this time, and none of the three lads on the _Curlew_ thought it worth while to answer Donald Judson. The millionaire and his son occupied an island not far from the Pine Island Hotel. A few days before the incident we have just recorded, Jack, who hated cruelty in any form, had found Donald Judson, who often visited the hotel to display his extensive assortment of clothes, amusing himself by torturing a dog. When Jack told him to stop it the millionaire's son started to fight, and Jack, finding a quarrel forced upon him, ended it in the quickest way--by knocking the boy flat. Donald slunk off, swearing to be revenged. But Jack had only laughed at him and advised him to forget the incident except as a lesson in kindness to animals. It appeared, however, that, far from forgetting his humiliation, Donald Judson was determined to avenge it even at the risk of placing his own life in danger. "I wonder if he followed us up to-day on purpose to try to ram us or force us on a sandbar?" mused Noddy, as they sailed on. "Looks like it," said Billy. "I believe he is actually sore enough to sink our boat if he could, even if he damaged his own in doing it," said Jack. "To my mind his father is as bad he is," said Noddy; "he made no attempt to stop him. If I----Look, they've put their boat about and are following us." "There's no doubt that they are," said Jack, after a moment's scrutiny of the latest maneuver of the _Speedaway_. The Judsons' boat, which was larger, and carried more sail and was consequently faster than the _Curlew_, gained rapidly on the boys. Soon she was within hailing distance. "What are you following us for? Want to have another collision?" cried Jack. "Do you own the water hereabouts?" asked Donald. "I didn't know I was following you." "We've a right to sail where we please," shouted Judson. "Yes, if you don't imperil other folks' boats," agreed Jack. "If you've got any scheme in mind to injure us I'd advise you to forget it," he added. "Huh! What scheme would I have in mind? Think I'd bother with insignificant chaps like you and your little toy boat?" "You keep out of our way," added the man. "Yes, just do that little thing if you know what's healthy for you," chimed in Donald Judson. His insulting tone aroused Jack's ire. "It'll be the worse for you if you try any of your tricks," he roared. "What tricks would I have, Ready?" demanded the other. "Some trick that may turn out badly for you!" "I guess I don't need you to tell me what I will or what I won't do." "All right, only keep clear of us. That's fair warning. You'll get the worst of it if you don't." "So, young man, you are going to play the part of bully, are you?" shouted Donald's father. "That fits in with what I've heard of you from him. You've been prying around our boat for several days. I don't like it." "Well, keep away from us," cried Billy. "Yes, your room's a lot better than your company," sputtered Noddy. "We don't care if you never come back." "Really, what nice language," sneered Donald. "I congratulate you on your gentlemanly friend, Ready. He----" "Look out there," warned Jack, for Noddy, in his indignation, had sprung to his feet, entirely forgetting the tiller. The _Curlew_ broached to and heeled over, losing "way." The _Speedaway_ came swiftly on. In an instant there was a ripping, tearing sound and a concerted shout of dismay from the boys as the sharp bow of Judson's larger, heavier craft cut deep into the _Curlew's_ quarter. "Now you've done it!" cried Billy Raynor. "I--er--it was an accident," cried Donald, as the two boats swung apart, and there was some justification for this plea, as the _Speedaway_ was also damaged, though not badly. "It was no accident," cried Jack, but he said no more just then. He was too busy examining the rent in the _Curlew's_ side. Still shivering, like a wounded creature, from the shock of the impact, the _Curlew_, with the water pouring into the jagged rip in her side, began slowly to sink! CHAPTER III. CAPTAIN SIMMS OF THE "THESPIS." Silence, except for the inrush of water into the damaged side of the _Curlew_, followed the collision. The three lads on the sinking craft gazed helplessly at each other for a few seconds. "Get away as quick as you can," whispered Donald's father to the boy who had wrought the damage, and now looked rather scared. The _Speedaway_ swung out and her big mainsail began to fill. "We are going to the bottom," choked out Billy, the first of the party to recover the use of his vocal organs. "I'm afraid there's no doubt of that," said Jack. "Donald Judson," he shouted, raising his voice and throwing it across the appreciable distance that now separated the two craft, "you'll pay for this." "It was an accident, I tell you," yelled back the other lad, but in a rather shaky voice. "You'll do no good by abusing us," chimed in his father. "What'll we do, Jack?" demanded Noddy, tugging at Jack's sleeve. "Steer for the shore. There's just a chance we can make it, or at least shallow water," was the reply. "Doesn't look much as if we could make it," said Billy dubiously, shaking his head and regarding the big leak ruefully, "but I suppose we can try." The wounded _Curlew_ began to struggle along with a motion very unlike her usual swift, smooth glide. She staggered and reeled heavily. "Put her on the other tack," said Jack. Noddy followed his orders with the result that the _Curlew_ heeled over on the side opposite to that which had been injured, and thus raised her wound above the water line. Billy began bailing, frantically, with a bucket, at the water that had already come in. "Shall we help you?" cried Donald. "No, we don't want your help," answered Jack shortly. "We'll thresh all this out in court later on," he added. "I'm a witness that it was an accident," shouted the elder Judson. "You'll have a swell time proving I ran you down on purpose," added his son. Seeing that it was useless to prolong such a fruitless argument at long distance, Jack refrained from making a reply. Besides, the _Curlew_ required his entire attention now. He took the tiller himself and kept the injured craft inclined at such an angle that but little water entered the hole the _Speedaway's_ sharp bow had punched in her. The shore, on which were a few small houses and a wharf hidden among trees and rocks, appeared to be a long distance off. But the _Curlew_ staggered gamely onward with Jack anticipating every puff of wind skillfully. "I believe that we'll make it, after all," said Billy hopefully, as the water-logged craft was urged forward. "I wish that Donald, with his sissy-boy clothes, was ashore when we land," grumbled Noddy. "I'd give him what-for. I have not forgotten how to handle my dukes, and as for his old octo-octo----" "Octogenarian," chuckled Raynor. "Octogenarian of a father,--I knew I'd get a chance to use that word----" said Noddy triumphantly; "he's worse than his son. They're a fine pair,--I don't think." "Well, abusing them will do no good," said Jack. "We'll have to see what other steps can be taken. I'm afraid, though, that they were right; we'll have a hard time proving that it was not an accident, especially as Noddy had dropped our tiller." "Well, I just couldn't----" began Noddy, rather shamefacedly, when there came a mighty bump and the _Curlew_ came to a standstill. "Now what?" cried Raynor. "We've run on a shoal, fellows," declared Jack. "This cruise is over for a time." "Well, anyhow, we can't sink now," said Noddy philosophically, "but although the _Curlew's_ stuck on the shoal I'm not stuck on the situation." "Better quit that stuff," ordered Jack, "and help Billy lower the mainsail and jib. They are no good to us now. In fact a puff of wind might send us bowling over." His advice was soon carried out and the _Curlew_ lay under a bare pole on the muddy shoal. The boys began to express their disgust at their predicament. They had no tender, and would have to stay there till help came because of their lack of a small boat. "Better set up some sort of a signal to attract the attention of those folks on shore," suggested Billy. "That's a good idea," agreed Jack, "but hullo! Look yonder, there's a motor boat coming out from the shore. Let's hail that." "Hullo, there! Motor boat ahoy!" they all began to yell at the top of their lungs. But they might have saved their voices, for the motor boat swung about in a channel that existed among the shoals and began making straight for them. Its single occupant waved an encouraging hand as he drew closer. "In trouble, eh?" he hailed; "well, maybe I can get you off. I saw that other boat run you down. It was a rascally bit of business." "Gracious!" cried Jack suddenly, as the motor boat drew closer and they saw its occupant was a bronzed, middle-aged man with a pleasant face; "it's Captain Simms of the revenue cutter _Thespis_! What in the world is he doing up here?" "If it isn't Jack Ready!" came in hearty tones from the other, almost simultaneously. CHAPTER IV. ON SECRET SERVICE. There was no question about it. Astonishing as it appeared, the bluff, sunburned man in the motor boat which was winding its way toward the _Curlew_, in serpentine fashion, among the tortuous channels, was Captain Simms, the commander of the revenue cutter on which Jack Ready had served as "ice-patrol" operator. The greetings between his late commander and himself were, as might be imagined, cordial, but, owing to the circumstances under which they were exchanged, somewhat hurried. "So you've been in a smash-up," cried the captain, as he reduced speed on nearing the stern of the _Curlew_, which was still afloat. "Nobody hurt, I hope?" "Except the boat," smiled Jack with grim humor. "So I see. A nasty hole," was the captain's comment. "Lucky that I happen to be camping ashore or you might have stayed out here for some time. Rivermen hereabouts aren't over-obliging, unless they see big money in it for their services." "We'd have been content to pay a good salvage to get off here," Jack assured him. "Well, that other craft certainly sheered off in short order after she hit you," was Captain Simms' comment, as he shut off power and came in under the _Curlew's_ stern, which projected, as has been said, over fairly deep water, only the bow being in the mud. "Then you can tell who was to blame?" asked Billy eagerly. "I certainly can and will, if I am called upon to do so." "Thank you," said Jack. "I mean to make them settle for the damage, even if I have to go to court to do it." "That's right. It was a bad bit of business. She followed you right up. I'd be willing to swear to that in any tribunal in the land. I hope you bring them to justice. Who were the rascals?" "A millionaire named Judson, who owns an island near here, and his son, who is a fearful snob." The boys saw a look of surprise flit across the naval officer's face. But it was gone in an instant. "Surely not Hiram Judson?" he demanded. "The same man," replied Jack. "Why, do you know him, sir?" "I--er--that is, I think we had better change the subject," said Captain Simms with odd hesitation. Jack saw that there was something behind the sea officer's hesitancy, but of course he did not ask any more questions. "I can give you a tow to the shore where there is a man who makes a business of repairing boats," volunteered Captain Simms. "But will your craft keep afloat that long?" "I think so," said Jack. "We can all sit on one side and so raise the leak above water. But can you pull us off?" "We shall soon see that," was the rejoinder. "It looks as if it would be an easy task. Throw me a line and I'll make it fast to my stern bitts." This was soon done, and then the little launch set to work with might and main to tug off the injured yacht. "Hurray, she's moving!" cried Billy presently. This was followed by a joyous shout from all the boys. "She's off!" They moved down the channel with the boys hanging over one side in order to keep the _Curlew_ heeled over at an angle that would assure safety from the leak. They landed at a rickety old dock with a big gasoline tank perched at one end of it. Attached to it was a crudely painted sign: "Charles Hansen, Boats Built and Repaired. All work Promptly Exicutid." Hansen himself came toddling down the wharf. He was an old man with a rheumatic walk and a stubbly, unshaven chin stained with tobacco juice. A goodly sized "chaw" bulged in his withered cheek. "Can you repair our boat quickly?" asked Jack, pointing to the hole. Old Hansen shot a jet of tobacco juice in the direction of the injury. "Bustitupconsiderable," he remarked. "What's that?" demanded Billy. "Doesn't he talk English?" and he turned an inquiring glance at Captain Simms, who laughed. "That's just his way of talking when he's got a mouthful of what he calls 'eatin' tobacco.' He said, 'he is of the opinion that your boat is bust up considerable.'" "Well, we don't need an expert to tell us that," laughed Jack. "Doyouwantmetofixit?" inquired the eccentric old man, still running his words together in the same odd way. "Yes," replied Jack, "can we have her by to-morrow?" "Haveterseehowbadlyshesbusted," muttered the old man. "He'll have to see how badly she's busted," translated Jack. "Suppose you take a look at her," he added to the boatman. "Maybeagoodidee," agreed old Hansen, and he scrambled down into the boat. "I'llfixherbyto-morrow," he said at last. The charges, it appeared, would not be more than ten or twelve dollars, which the boys thought reasonable. "Especially as they won't come out of our pockets," commented Billy. "Not if I can help it," promised Jack decisively. "And now," said Captain Simms, "as I happen to have some business at the Pine Island Hotel, I'll run you down there in the _Skipjack_, as I call my boat." "That's awfully good of you," said Jack gratefully. "I began to think that we would have to stay ashore here all night." Before many minutes had passed they were off, leaving old Hansen, with working jaws, examining the hole in the _Curlew's_ side. The _Skipjack_ proved speedy and they made the run back to the hotel in good time, arriving there before sundown. Captain Toby had met Captain Simms after the latter had found the treasure party at the spot where they had unearthed the rich trove. But he proved equally reticent as to the object of his presence at Alexandria as he had been with the boys. He was doing some "special work" for the government, was all that Captain Toby could ascertain. "There's considerable mystery to all this," said Captain Toby to the boys after Captain Simms had left them to write some letters which, he said, he wished to send ashore by the hotel motor boat that evening. "It's some sort of secret work for Uncle Sam, I guess," hazarded Jack, "but what it is I've no idea. Anyhow it's none of our business." The boys little guessed, when Jack made that remark, how very much their business Captain Simms' secret mission was to become in the near future. CHAPTER V. NIGHT SIGNALS. After supper Captain Simms suddenly announced that he wished to make a trip to the mainland to the town of Clayton. He wished to send an important telegram to Washington, he explained. "How are you going?" asked Jack. "The hotel boat has stopped running for the day." "I know that, but I'll go on the _Skipjack_. You lads want to come?" "Do we? I should say we do." "You lads must be full of springs from the way you're always jumping about," remarked Uncle Toby, with a smile, "but I suppose it's boy nature." The run to the shore was made quickly. It seemed almost no time at all before they made out the string of lights that marked the pier and the radiance of the brilliantly lit hotel behind them. But as they were landing an unforeseen accident occurred. Mistaking his distance in the darkness, the captain neglected to shut off power soon enough, and the nose of the _Skipjack_ bumped into the pier with great force. At the same time a splintering of wood was heard. "Gracious, another wreck," exclaimed Jack. "Wow! What a bump!" cried Noddy. "Is it a bad smash?" asked Billy anxiously. The captain was bending over the broken prow of the boat examining it by the white lantern. "Bad enough to keep us here all night, I'm afraid," he said. "Do you boys mind? It looks to me as if it could soon be repaired in the morning, and the boat will be safe here to-night at any rate." "It's too bad," exclaimed Jack. "We seem to be regular hoodoos on a boat." "It was my own fault," said the captain, "but the lights on the pier dazzled me so that I miscalculated my distance." "Well, it's a good thing no other harm was done," was Billy's comment. The boat was tied up and the watchman on the dock given some money to keep an eye on it. They engaged rooms at the hotel, and while Captain Simms composed his telegram, the boys took a stroll about the grounds of the hostelry, which sloped down to the bay. They had about passed beyond the radiance of the lights of the hotel when Jack suddenly drew his companions' attention to a figure that was stealing through the darkness hugging a grove of trees. There was something indescribably furtive in the way the man crept along, half crouched and glanced behind him from time to time. "A burglar?" questioned Billy. "Some sort of crook I'll bet," exclaimed Noddy. "He's up to some mischief or I'm much mistaken," said Jack, as he drew his companions back further into a patch of black shadow cast by some ornamental shrubs. "Let's trail him and see what he's up to," said Noddy. "Gracious, you're a regular Sherlock Holmes at the drop of the hat," laughed Billy. "What do you think, Jack?" "I don't know. He's going toward the wharf and I don't see just what he could steal there." "Look at him stop and glance all around him as if he was afraid of being followed," whispered Billy. "That doesn't look like an honest man's action, certainly," agreed Jack. "Come on, boys; we'll see what's in the wind. Do you know, somehow I've got an idea that we've seen that fellow somewhere before." "What gives you that impression?" asked Billy. "I can't say--it's just a feeling I've got. An instinct I guess you might call it." The three boys moved forward as stealthily as did the man whose actions had aroused their suspicions. Presently they saw him cut across a small patch of lawn and strike into a narrow path which led among some trees. With every care to avoid making any noise, the three boys followed. The path led to the edge of a cliff, down the face of which a flight of stone steps ran down to the water's edge. The man descended these. "What can he be? A smuggler," suggested Billy. "I don't see any boat down there, if he is," rejoined Jack in low tones. Suddenly a sharp, low exclamation came from Noddy, who had been looking out over the lake. He caught Jack's arm and pointed. "Look, boys, a yacht!" he breathed. "Heading in this way, too," rejoined Jack. "It looks like--but no, it cannot be." "Cannot be what?" asked Billy, caught by something in his companion's voice. "Cannot be the _Speedaway_." "Judson's craft, the one that ran us down? Nonsense, you've got Judson on the brain, Jack." "Have I? Well, it's an odd coincidence, then, that the yacht yonder has a tear in her foresail exactly where our bowsprit tore the _Speedaway's_ jib this afternoon." "By hookey, you're right, Jack!" cried Noddy. "There may be more to this than we think." Billy was peering from behind a bush over the edge of the cliff, which was not very high. He could see below, the dark figure of a man making a black patch in the gloom upon the white beach. He was moving about and pacing nervously to and fro on the shingle as if awaiting something or somebody. Suddenly he made a swift move. "He's waving his handkerchief," whispered Billy to the others, as he saw the man make a signal with a square of white linen. "To that yacht, I'll bet a cookie," exclaimed Noddy. As if in answer to his words there suddenly showed, on the yacht, a red lantern, as if a scarlet eye had suddenly opened across the dark water. CHAPTER VI. IN THE DARK. "Something's in the wind sure enough," said Jack. "Hark, there's the plash of oars. They must be going to land here." From below there came a man's voice. "Right here, Judson; here's the landing place. Are you alone?" "No, my son is with me," came the reply, "but for heaven's sake, man, not so loud." "There's no one within half a mile of this place. I came down through the grounds and they were deserted." "Humph, but still it's as well to be careful. One never knows what spies are about," came the reply. The boys, nudging each other with excitement, heard the bow of the boat scrape on the shingly beach and then came the crunch of footsteps. "They are coming up the steps," whispered Jack in low, excited tones. "That's right, so they are," breathed Billy cautiously. "Let's get behind the trees and learn what is going on." "It's something crooked, that's sure," whispered Noddy. "I begin to think so myself," agreed Jack, "but that man's voice, as well as his figure, seemed familiar to me when he hailed Judson, but I can't, for the life of me, think where I heard his voice before." The three lads lost no time in concealing themselves behind some ornamental bushes in the immediate vicinity. They were none too soon, for hardly had they done so when the figures of two men and a boy appeared at the top of the steps. "Phew," panted Judson, "I'm not as young as I was. That climb has made me feel my age. Let's sit down here." "Very well, that bench yonder will be just the place," agreed the man the boys had followed, and who had seemed so oddly familiar to Jack. The seat they had selected could hardly have been a better one for the boys' purpose. It was placed right against the bush behind which they were hiding. The voices came to them clearly, although the speakers took pains to modify them. "Well, I've been waiting for you," came in the voice of the man the boys had instinctively followed. "We'd have got here sooner, but were delayed by an accident, or rather a sort of accident on purpose that occurred this afternoon. I was glad to see that you hadn't forgotten our night signal code," said Judson. "What was the accident?" asked the man, who was a stranger to the boys, who were listening intently. "Oh, just three brats who are summering here," scoffed Donald Judson. "They appeared to think they owned the bay, and I guess it was up to me to show them they didn't. I guess Jack Ready will be on the market for another boat before long and----" "Hold on, hold on," exclaimed the strange man. "What was that name?" "Ready, Jack Ready. He thinks he's a wizard at wireless. Why, do you know him, Jarrow?" Jarrow, at the sound of the name there, brought into Jack's mind the recollections of the rascally partner of Terrill & Co., who had financed his uncle's treasure hunt and had then tried to steal the hoard from him. It was Jack who had overthrown the rascal's schemes and made him seek refuge in the west to escape prosecution. Yet he had apparently returned and in some way become associated with Judson. Noddy, too, as had Bill, had started at the name. Both nudged Jack, who returned the gesture to show that he had heard and understood. "So Ready is here, eh?" growled Jarrow. "Confounded young milksop." "You appear not to be very fond of him," interjected the elder Judson. "Fond of him! I should think not! I hate him like poison." "What did he ever do to you?" "He--er--er--he upset an--er--er--business deal I was in with his uncle." "The one-legged old sea captain?" "That's the fellow. He trusted me in everything till Jack Ready came nosing in and spoilt his uncle's chance of becoming a rich man through his association in business with me." "I've no use for him either," exclaimed Donald vindictively. "I'll give him a good licking when I see him." "Well, well, let's get down to business," said the elder Judson decisively. "You have been to Washington, Jarrow?" "Yes, and found out something, but not much. The new naval wireless code is not yet completed. I found out that by bribing a clerk in the Navy Department and----" "This business is proving pretty expensive," grumbled Judson. "We're playing for a big stake," was the reply. "I found out that the code has been placed in the hands of a Captain Simms, recently attached to the revenue service, for revision. I believe that it is the same Captain Simms against whom I have a grudge, for it was on his ship that I was insulted by aspersions on my business honesty, and that, also, was the work of this Jack Ready." "Pity he didn't tell them that he was in irons at the time," thought Jack to himself. "Where is this Captain Simms?" asked Judson, not noticing, or appearing not to, his companion's outbreak. "That's just it," was the rejoinder. "Nobody knows. His whereabouts are being kept a profound secret. Since it has become rumored that the Navy wireless code was being revised, Washington fairly swarms with secret agents of different governments. Simms is either abroad or in some mighty safe place." "Our hands are tied without him," muttered Judson, "and if I don't get that code I don't stand a chance of landing that big steel contract with the foreign power I have been dealing with." "I'm afraid not," rejoined Jarrow. "I saw their representative in Washington and told him what I had learned. His answer was, 'no code, no contract.' I'm afraid you were foolish in using that promise as a means to try to land the deal." "I had my thumb on the man who would have stolen it for me at the time," rejoined Judson, "but he was discharged for some minor dishonesty before I had a chance to use him." "The thing to do is to locate this Captain Simms." "Evidently, you must do your best. The wind has died down and I guess we'll stop at the hotel till to-morrow. Anyhow, it's too long a sail back to-night. Come on, Donald; come, Jarrow." The bench creaked as they rose and made off, turning their footsteps toward the hotel. Not till they had gone some distance did the boys dare to speak, and even then they did not say much for a minute or two. The first expression came from Jack. It was a long, drawn-out: "We-e-l!" "And so that is the work that Captain Simms has been doing in that isolated retreat of his," exclaimed Billy. "And these crooks have just had the blind luck to tumble over him," exploded Noddy. "Just wait till they take a look at the hotel register." "Maybe by the time they enter their names the page will have turned," suggested Billy. "No," rejoined Jack, "our names were at the top of the page and there would hardly have been enough new arrivals after us at this time of night to have filled it since." "We must find Captain Simms at once and tell what is in the wind," decided the young wireless man a moment later. "I guess the instinct that made us follow Jarrow was a right one." "I wonder how the rascal became acquainted with Judson?" pondered Billy. "Mixed up with him in some crooked deal or other before this," said Noddy. "I shouldn't wonder," said Jack. They began to walk back to the hotel. They did not enter the lobby by the main entrance, for the path they followed had brought them to a side door. They were glad of this, for, screened by some palms, they saw, bending intently over the register, the forms of the three individuals whose conversation they had overheard. CHAPTER VII. THE NAVAL CODE. "Now that you boys know the nature of the work I have been engaged on, I may as well tell you that confidential reports from Washington have warned me to be on my guard," said Captain Simms. "It was in reply to one of these that I sent a code dispatch to-night." It was half an hour later, and they were all seated in the Captain's room, having told their story. "But I should have imagined making up a code was a very simple matter," said Billy. "That is just where you are wrong, my boy," smiled Captain Simms. "A commercial code, perhaps, can be jumbled together in any sort of fashion, but a practical naval code is a different matter. Besides dealing in technicalities it must be absolutely invulnerable to even the cleverest reader of puzzles. The new code was necessitated by the fact that secret agents discovered that an expert in the employ of a foreign power had succeeded in solving a part of our old one. It was only a very small part, but in case of trouble with that country it might have meant defeat if the enemy knew even a fragment of the wireless code that was being flashed through the air." "Have you nearly completed your work?" asked Jack. "Almost," was the reply, "but the fact that these men are here rather complicates matters. At Musky Bay, the name of the little settlement where I am stopping, they think I am just a city man up for the fishing. I do not use my right name there. By an inadvertence, I suppose it was habit, I wrote it on the hotel register to-night. That was a sad blunder, for it is practically certain that these men will not rest till they have found out where I am working." "At any rate I'm mighty glad we followed that Jarrow," said Jack. "And caught enough of their plans to put you on guard," chimed in Billy. "Yes, and I am deeply grateful to you boys," was the rejoinder. "'Forewarned is forearmed.' If Judson and his crowd attempt any foul tactics they will find me ready for them." "Judson apparently wishes now that he had not been so anxious to secure that contract as to promise the naval code as a sort of bonus," said Jack. "I don't doubt it," answered Captain Simms. "Now that I recall it, I heard rumors that Judson, who once had a steel contract with our government, is not so sound financially as he seems. I judge he would go to great lengths to assure a large contract that would get him out of his difficulties." "I should imagine so," replied Jack. "What was the reason he never did any more work for the government?" "The inferior quality of his product, I heard. There were ugly rumors concerning graft at the time. Some of the newspapers even went so far as to urge his prosecution." "Then we are dealing with bad men?" commented Jack. "Unquestionably so. But I think we had better break up this council of war and get to bed. I want to get an early start in the morning." But when morning came, it was found that the repairs to the _Skipjack_ would take longer than had been anticipated. While Captain Simms remained at the boat yard to superintend the work, the lads returned to the hotel and addressed some post cards. This done they sauntered out on the porch. Almost the first person they encountered chanced to be Jarrow. He started and turned a sickly yellow at the sight of them, although he knew, from an inspection of the register the night before, that they were there. "Why--er--ahem, so it is you once more. Where did you spring from?" "We came out of that door," murmured Jack, while Noddy snickered. "Where did you come from?" "I might say from the same place," was the rejoinder, with a look of malice at Noddy. "We thought you were in the west," said Billy. "Great place, the west. They say the climate out there is healthier than the east--for some folks." "Boy, you are impudent," snarled Jarrow. "Not at all. I was merely making a meteorological remark," smiled Billy. "Wait till I get that word," implored Noddy, pulling out a notebook and a stub of pencil. "Splendid grounds they have here for taking strolls at night," Jack could not help observing. From yellow Jarrow's face turned ashen pale. Muttering something about a telephone call, he hurried into the hotel. "Goodness, that shot brought down a bird, with a vengeance," chuckled Billy. Jarrow's head was suddenly thrust out of an open window. He glared at the boys balefully. His face was black as a thundercloud. "You boys have been playing the sneak on me," he cried angrily. "If you take my advice, you will not do so in the future." He withdrew his head as quickly as a turtle draws its headpiece into its shell. "He's a corker," cried Noddy. "I'll bet if he had a chance, he'd like to half kill us." "Shouldn't wonder," laughed Jack, "but he isn't going to get that chance. But hullo! What's all this coming up the driveway?" The others looked in the same direction and beheld a curious spectacle. CHAPTER VIII. A MONKEY INTERLUDE. "Well, here's something new, and no mistake," cried Billy. "Good, it will help pass our morning," declared Noddy, who was beginning to find time hang heavily on his hands now that he had nobody to play pranks on, like those he used to torment poor Pompey with. An Italian was coming up the road toward the hotel. Strapped across his shoulders was a small hand-organ. He led a trained bear, and two monkeys squatted on the big creature's back. He came to a halt near the grinning boys. "Hurray! This is going to be as good as a circus!" declared Noddy. "Start up your performance, professor." "They're off!" cried Billy. Summer residents of the hotel, anxious for any diversion out of the ordinary, came flocking to the scene as the strains of the barrel organ reached their ears, and the bear, in a clumsy fashion, began to dance to the music of the ear-piercing instrument. "Where are you going, Noddy?" asked Jack, as the red-headed lad tried to get quietly out of the crowd. "I just saw a chance for a little fun," rejoined Noddy innocently. "Well, be careful," warned Jack. "This is no place for such jokes as you used to play on Pompey." "Oh, nothing like that," Noddy assured him as he hurried off. "Just the same I'm afraid of Noddy when he starts getting humorous," thought Jack. He would have been still more afraid if he could have seen Noddy make his way to the hotel kitchen and bribe a kitchen maid to get him three large sugar cakes. Then he made his way to the dining-room, and boring tiny holes in the buns filled each of them with red pepper from the casters. "Now for some fun," he chuckled. "I just know that boy is up to some mischief by the look on his face," remarked an old lady as he hurried by. Quite a big crowd was round the Italian when Noddy got back. Almost as soon as he arrived the man began passing the hat, and taking advantage of this, Noddy proffered his buns to the animals. They accepted them greedily. "Peep! Peep!" chattered the monkeys. "You mean 'pep,' 'pep'," chuckled Noddy to himself. Both bear and monkeys tore into their buns as if they were half starved. In their hunger they got a few mouthfuls down without appearing to notice that anything was wrong. Then suddenly one of the monkeys hurled his bun at the bear and the other leaped on the big hairy creature's head. Apparently they thought the innocent bear had something to do with the trick that had been played on them. "Da monk! da monk!" howled the Italian, "da monk go a da craz'." "He says they are mad," exclaimed an old gentleman, and hurried away. Just as he did so, the bear discovered something was wrong. He set up a roar of rage and broke loose from his keeper. The monkeys leaped away from the angry beast and sought refuge. One jumped on the head of an elderly damsel who was very much excited. The other made a dive for a fashionably dressed youth who was none other than Donald Judson. "Help!" screamed the old maid. "Help! Will no one help me?" "I will, madam," volunteered an old gentleman, coming forward. He seized the monkey and tugged at its hind legs, but it only clung the tighter to the elderly damsel's hair. Suddenly there came a piercing scream. "Gracious, her hair's come off!" cried a woman. "She's been scalped, poor creature!" declared another. "Oh, you wretch, how dare you!" shrieked the monkey's victim, rushing at the gallant old gentleman. She raised her parasol and brought it down on his head with a resounding crack. In the meantime the Italian was howling to "Garibaldi," as he called the monkey, to come to him. But this the monkey had no intention of doing. Clutching the old maid's wig in its hands, it leaped away in bounds and joined its brother on the person of Donald Judson. "Ouch, take them off. They'll bite me!" Donald was yelling. The monkeys tore off his straw hat with its fancy ribbon and tore it to bits and flung them in the faces of the crowd. Then, suddenly, they both darted swiftly off and climbed a tree, where they sat chattering. It was at that moment that the confused throng recollected the bear, which had not remained in the vicinity but had gone charging off across the lawn looking for water to drown the burning sensation within him. Now, however, an angry roar reminded them of him. The beast was coming back across the lawn, roaring and showing his teeth. "Look out for the bear!" "Get a gun, quick." "Oh, he'll hug me," this last from the old maid, were some of the cries which the crowd sent up. "He's mad, shoot him!" cried somebody. The Italian set up a howl of protest. "No, no, no shoota heem. Mika da gooda da bear. No shoota heem." "If you don't want him shot, catch him and get out of here. You'll have my hotel turned into a sanitarium for nervous wrecks the first thing you know," cried the proprietor of the place. "Somebody playa da treeck," protested the Italian. "Mika da nica da bear, da gooda da bear." "I guess he's like an Indian, only good when he's dead," said the hotel man. "I'm off to get my gun." Noddy watched the results of his joke with mixed feelings. He had not meant it to go as far as this. He looked about him apprehensively, but everybody was too frightened to notice him. Suddenly the bear headed straight for Noddy. Perhaps his red head was a shining mark or perhaps the creature recollected the prank-playing youth as the one who had given him the peppered bun. At any rate he charged straight after the lad, who fled for his life. "Help!" he called as he ran. "Help, help!" "Noddy's getting a dose of his own medicine," cried Jack to Billy. "But we don't want to let the bear get him," protested Billy. "Of course not, but he'll beat the bear into the hotel, see if he doesn't." The hotel front door was evidently Noddy's objective point. It appeared he would reach it first, but suddenly he tripped on a croquet hoop and went sprawling. He was up in a minute, but the bear had gained on him. As he rushed up the steps it was only a few inches behind him. Noddy gave a wild yell and took the steps in three jumps. The next second he was at the door and swinging it shut with all his might. But just then an astonishing thing happened. Just as Noddy swung the door shut the bear made a leap. The result surprised Noddy as much as Bruin. The edge of the door caught the big creature's neck and held him as fast as if he had been caught in a dead-fall. He was gripped as in a vise between the door and the frame. But poor Noddy was in the position of the man who caught the wild cat. He didn't know how to let go! CHAPTER IX. NODDY AND THE BEAR. "I've got him!" yelled Noddy. "Help me, somebody!" "Goodness, Noddy's caught the bear," cried Jack, as he and Billy streaked across the lawn, followed by the less timid of the guests. "Hold him tight," shouted some in the crowd. "Let him go," bawled others. Perspiring from his efforts, Noddy braced his feet and kept the door tightly closed on the bear's neck. But the creature's struggles made the portal groan and creak as if it would be shoved off its hinges. "Gracious, I can't hold it much longer. Can't somebody hit him on the head with a club?" The negro bell boys and clerk, together with several of the guests who had been in the lobby, began to come back, now that they saw there was no immediate chance of the bear rushing in. "Ah reckon ah knows a way ter fix dat b'ar widout hurting him," cried one of the negro boys. He snatched a fire extinguisher off the wall of the office and squirted its contents full in the bear's face. The animal gave one roar of dismay and a mighty struggle that burst the door open and threw Noddy off his feet. He set up a yell of fright. But he need not have been afraid. The ugliness had all gone out of the bear, and besides being half choked he was temporarily blinded by the contents of the fire extinguisher. The Italian came running up, carrying a chain and a muzzle. "Gooda da boy! Gooda da Mika!" he cried ingratiatingly. The bear was as mild as a kitten, but nevertheless the muzzle was buckled on and the Italian departed in search of his monkeys just as the manager appeared with his gun. It had taken him a long time to find, he explained, whereat Noddy, who had recovered his spirits, snickered. "I'm going to pay the bill and get out of here," whispered Jack in Noddy's ear. "You'd better get away as quietly as you can. Several people saw you give those buns to the animals. If they find you here, they'll mob you." "Being chased by a bear is quite enough excitement for one day," rejoined Noddy, "but my! It was good fun while it lasted. Did you see that old maid's hair, did you see Donald Judson, did you----" "Get out of here quickly," warned Jack, and this time Noddy took his advice without waiting. It was just as well he did, for the elderly gentleman, whose shining bald head had been belabored by the old maid's parasol, came in, accompanied by the damsel. She had recovered her hair when the monkeys were caught and had tendered handsome apologies to the would-be gallant. "Where is that boy who started all this?" demanded the old gentleman. "It was one of that gang there," cried Donald Judson, who had followed them and whose face showed plenty of scratches where the monkeys had clambered up to demolish his hat. "Oh, what a terrible boy he must be," cried the old maid. "He ought to go to prison. Where is he?" "Ask them, they'll know," cried Donald, pointing to Jack and Billy. "No, it wasn't either of them. They were back in the crowd," cried the old maid; "it was another boy, a red-headed one." "I'm glad I told Noddy to get out," whispered Jack to his friends. "Look, they are whispering to each other. I told you they knew all about it," cried Donald, who saw a chance of avenging himself for his treatment by the monkeys. "Say, young man," said the manager, coming up to Jack, "I think your friend was responsible for this rumpus." "What rumpus?" "Why, that trouble with the bear, of course. You boys are at the bottom of it all." "Why, the bear chased my friend harder than anyone else," said Jack, with assumed indignation. "I guess we'll pay our bill and leave," struck in Billy. "Think you'd better, eh?" sneered the manager. "If you want your money you'd better be civil," said Jack. "Yes, but--your bill is eight dollars." "Here it is. Now don't bother us any more or I'll report you to the proprietor." "I know, but look here." "I can't see in that direction." "I don't know if that man has caught his monkeys yet." "No use of your worrying about that unless you're afraid one of them will get your job." There was a loud laugh at this and in the midst of it the boys passed out of the hotel, leaving the clerk very red about the ears. "I hope that will teach Noddy a lesson," said Jack, as they hurried down to the boat yard where Noddy had been instructed to precede them. "It ought to. Being chased by a bear is no joke." But when they reached the yard they were just in time to see the man who was working on the boat clap his hand to the back of his neck and yell: "Ouch! A bee stung me." Not far off, looking perfectly innocent, stood Noddy, but Jack detected him in the act of slipping into his pocket a magnifying glass, by which he focused the sun's rays on the workman's neck. CHAPTER X. "WHAT DO YOU MAKE OF IT?" The _Skipjack_ was all ready for them and no delay was had in making a start back to Musky Bay, where, it will be remembered, the boys had left their boat to be repaired. A brief stop was made at the Pine Island hotel and then the trip was resumed. "Wonder where Judson and his crowd have gone to?" pondered Jack, as they moved rapidly over the water. "One thing sure, they never started back home in the _Speedaway this_ morning," said Billy. "The water is like glass, and there's not a breath of wind." "Look, there's a handsome motor boat off yonder," exclaimed Jack presently. He pointed to a low, black craft, some distance behind them and closer in to the shore. "She's making fast time," said Bill. "Maybe she wants to give us a race," suggested Noddy. "I'm afraid we wouldn't stand much chance with her," laughed Captain Simms. They watched the black boat for a time, but she appeared to slacken speed as she drew closer, as if those in charge of her had no desire to come any nearer to the _Skipjack_ than they were. "That's odd," remarked Jack. "There is evidently nothing the matter with her engine, but for all that they don't seem to want to pass us. That's the first fast boat I ever saw act that way." "It does seem queer," said Captain Simms, and suddenly his brow clouded. "Could it be possible----" he exclaimed, and stopped short. Jack looked at him in a questioning way. "Could what be possible, sir?" he asked. "Why, that Judson and the others are on board that black craft?" "Ginger! That never occurred to me!" cried Jack; "and yet, if they were following us to find out where you are located that would be just the sort of way in which they would behave." "So I was thinking," said Captain Simms thoughtfully. "However, we can soon find out." He opened a locker and took out his binoculars. Then he focused them on the black craft. "Well?" questioned Jack, as the captain laid them down again. "There's a man at the wheel, but he isn't the least like your descriptions of your men," said the captain. "What does he look like?" questioned Billy. "He's rather tall and has a full black beard," was the answer. "Then it's not one of Judson's crowd," said Jack with conviction. "I guess we are all the victims of nerves to-day," smiled the captain. They swung round a point and threaded the channel that led among the shoaly waters of Musky Bay. The point shut out any rearward view of the black motor boat and they saw no more of it. Captain Simms invited them up to the house he occupied, which was isolated from the half dozen or so small habitations that made up the settlement. It was plainly furnished and the living room was littered with papers and documents. "What made you select Musky Bay as a retreat?" asked Jack. "I come from up in this part of the country," rejoined Captain Simms, "and I thought this would be a good quiet place to hide myself till my work was complete. But it seems," he added, with a smile, "that I may have been mistaken." "Oh, I don't know," replied Jack. "Those fellows would never think of trailing you here. I guess they think you are still in Clayton." "Let us hope so, anyway," said the captain, and here the discussion ended. Soon after they said good-by, promising to run over again before long. Their boat was all ready for them. A good job had been done with it. "It looks as good as new," commented Jack. "She's a fine boat," said Billy. "A regular pippin," agreed Noddy. "Well, young men, your-craft-will-carry-you-through many a blow yet. She's as nice a little-ship-as-I-ever-saw." "I guess he says that of every boat that brings him a job," grinned Noddy, as Jack paid the man, and they got ready to get under way. A light breeze had risen, and they were soon skimming along, taking great care to avoid shoals and sand-banks. By standing up to steer, Jack was easily able to trace the deeper water by its darker color and they got out of the bay without trouble. As they glided round the point, which had shrouded the black motor boat from their view when they entered the bay, Billy, who was in the bow, uttered a sharp cry and pointed. The others looked in the direction he indicated, realizing that something unusual was up. "Well, look at that, will you?" exclaimed Jack. The black motor-boat was anchored close in to the shore. Her dinghy lay on the beach, showing that somebody had just landed. Clambering up the steep and rocky sides of the point were three figures. When the boys caught sight of them the trio had just gained the summit of the rocky escarpment. They crouched behind rocks, as if fearing that they would be seen, and one of them drew from his pocket a pair of field glasses. He gazed through these down at the settlement of Musky Bay, which lay below. Then he turned to his companions and made some remark and each in turn took up the glasses. "What do you make of it?" asked Billy, turning to Jack. The wireless boy shook his head dubiously. "I'll tell you what _I_ make of it," he said. "Just this. Those three figures up yonder are Judson, Donald and Jarrow. They trailed us here in that motor boat but were too foxy to round the point. When they saw us turn into the bay, they knew they could land and sneak over the point without being seen. They are spying on the settlement and watching for Captain Simms. At any rate, they will see his boat tied up there and realize that they have struck a home trail." "What will we do?" asked Billy, rather helplessly. "There's only one thing to do," said Jack with decision, "and that is to turn back and warn Captain Simms of what is going on." The _Curlew_ was headed about and a few moments later was in sight of Musky Bay again. CHAPTER XI. A SWIM WITH A MEMORY. "So they did find me out, after all?" said Captain Simms grimly, after he had heard the boys' story. "Well, it will not do them much good. I am well armed and the government is at my back. If I get the chance I will deal with those rascals with no uncertain hand." "Why don't you have them arrested right now?" asked Noddy. "Because it would be premature to do so at the present moment. The agents of several nations are keen on getting a copy of the code. If these men were arrested, it would reveal, directly, the whereabouts of the code and its author." "It seems too bad such rascals can carry on their intrigues without being punished," said Jack. As it was noon by that time, and the appetites of all were sharp set, Captain Simms invited the boys to have lunch with him. It was a simple meal, consisting mainly of fish; but the boys did ample justice to it, and finished up with some pie, which the captain had brought from Clayton to replenish his larder. After dinner the capricious breeze died out entirely. The heat was intense, and the water glittered like a sheet of molten glass. The boys looked longingly at the bay, however. The idea of a cool swim seemed very attractive just then. Captain Simms had left them to their own devices while he took a nap. "Tell you what," said Billy, "let's take a swim, eh, fellows?" "Suits me down to the ground," said Jack. "Suits me down to the water," grinned Noddy. They had bathing trunks on their boat, and, having found what looked like a good spot, a little cove with a sandy beach, they disrobed and were soon sporting in the water. "Ouch! It's colder than I thought it was," cried Noddy. "You'll soon warm up," encouraged Jack. "I'll race you out to that anchored boat." "Bully for you," cried Billy. "You're on," echoed Noddy, not to be outdone. But, as a matter of fact, the red-headed lad, who had eaten far more than the others, wasn't feeling very well. However, he did not wish to spoil the fun, so he didn't say anything. Jack and Billy struck out with long, strong strokes. "Come on," cried Jack, looking back at Noddy, who was left behind, and who began to feel worse and worse. "What's the trouble--want a tow-rope?" "I'll beat you yet, Jack Ready," cried Noddy, fighting off a feeling of nausea. "I guess I went in the water too soon after eating," he thought. "It will wear off." "Help!" The single, half-choked cry for aid reached the ears of Jack and Billy when they were almost at the anchored boat, which was the objective point of the race. "Great Cæsar!" burst from Jack. "What's up now?" He turned round just in time to see Noddy's arms go up in the air. Then the red-headed lad sank out of sight like a stone. "He can't be fooling, can he?" exclaimed Billy nervously. "He wouldn't be so silly as to do that," rejoined Jack, who was already striking out for the spot where Noddy had vanished. Billy followed him closely. They were still some yards off when Noddy suddenly reappeared. He was struggling desperately, and his eyes seemed to be popping out of his head. His arms circled wildly, splashing the water helplessly. Then he disappeared once more. "Heavens, he is drowning," choked out Jack. "We must save him, Billy." "Of course we will, old boy," panted Billy, upon whom the pace was beginning to tell. Jack reached the spot where the disturbed water showed that Noddy had gone down for the second time. Just as he gained the place Noddy shot up again. He was totally unconscious and sank again almost instantly. Like a flash Jack was after him, diving down powerfully. He grasped Noddy round the chest under the arms. "Noddy! Noddy!" he exclaimed, as they shot to the surface. But the lad's eyes were closed, his face was deadly white, and his matted hair lay over his eyes. A terrible thought invaded Jack's mind. What if Noddy were dead and had been rescued too late? "Here, give me one of his arms. We must get him ashore as quickly as we can," cried Billy. "That's right; he's a dead weight. Oh, Billy, I hope that he isn't----" A moan came from Noddy. Suddenly he opened his eyes and grasped at Jack wildly, with five times his normal strength. The movement was so unexpected that Jack was dragged under water. But the next moment Noddy's drowning grip relaxed and they rose to the surface. "He's unconscious again," panted Jack. "He'll be all right, now. Take hold, Billy, and we'll make for the shore." It was an exhausting swim, but at last they reached shallow water, and, ceasing swimming, carried Noddy to the beach. They anxiously bent over him. "We must get that water out of his lungs," declared Jack, who knew something of how to treat the half-drowned. Luckily, an old barrel had drifted ashore not far off, and over this poor Noddy was rolled and pounded and then hoisted up by the ankles till most of the water was out of his lungs and he began to take deep, gasping breaths. But it was a long time before he was strong enough to get on his feet, and even then his two chums had to support him back to Captain Simms' house, where they received a severe lecture for going in the water so soon after eating. "It was an awful sensation," declared Noddy. "It just hit me like an electric shock. I couldn't move a limb. Then I don't remember much of anything more till I found myself on the beach." Noddy's deep gratitude to his friends may be imagined, but it was too painful a subject to be talked about. It was a long while, however, before any of them got over the recollection of Noddy's peril. CHAPTER XII. A TALE FROM THE FROZEN LANDS. Although Noddy had recovered remarkably quick, thanks to his rugged constitution, from the effects of his immersion, Captain Simms ordered him on the sick-list and he was, much against his will, sent to bed. "He'd better stay there all night," said the captain. "We don't want to run any risks of pneumonia. I don't suppose your uncle will worry about you?" "He's got over that long ago," laughed Jack; "besides, there's a professor stopping at the hotel who is on the lookout for funny plants and herbs. That's Uncle Toby's long suit, you know." "So I have heard," smiled the captain. "Well, you boys may as well make yourselves at home." "Thank you, we will," said Billy. Whereat there was a general laugh. There was a phonograph and a good selection of records in the cottage, so they managed to while away a pleasant afternoon. Jack cooked supper, "just by way of paying for our board," he said. After the meal they sat up for a time listening to Captain Simms' tales of seal poachers in the Arctic and the trouble they give the patrol assigned to see that they do not violate the international boundary, and other laws. Before he had taken command of the _Thespis_, of the Ice-berg Patrol, Captain Simms had been detailed to command of the _Bear_ revenue cutter, and had chased and captured many a sealer who was plying his trade illicitly. The boys listened attentively as he told them of the rough hardships of such a life, and how, sometimes, a whole fleet of sealers, if frozen in by an early formation of ice, must face hunger and sometimes death till the spring came to release them from their imprisonment. "It must take a lot of nerve and courage to be a sealer," said Jack. "It certainly does," agreed the captain. "Yet I heard from one sealing captain the story of a young fellow whom it turned from a weak coward into a brave man. This lad, who was regarded as a weakling, saved himself and two companions from a terrible death simply by an act of almost sublime courage. Would you like to hear the story?" "If you don't mind spinning the yarn," said Jack. "Well, then," began the captain, "to start with, the name of my hero is Shavings. Of course he had another name, but that's the one he was always known by, and I've forgotten the right one. He was a long-legged, lanky Vermont farmer, with dank strings of yellow hair hanging about his mild face. This hair gave him his nickname aboard the sealing schooner, _Janet Barry_, on which he signed as a boat man. How Shavings came to St. Johns, from which port the _Janet Barry_ sailed, or why he picked out such a job, nobody ever knew. He had, as sailors say, 'hayseed in his hair' and knew nothing about a ship. "But what he didn't know he soon learned under the rough method of tuition they employed on the _Barry_. A mate with a rope's end sent him aloft for the first time and kept sending him there till Shavings learned how to clamber up the ratlines with the best of them. He learned boat-work in much the same way, although he passed through a lot of experiences while chasing seals, that scared him badly. He told the captain long afterward that, although he was afraid of storms and gales, still he sometimes welcomed them, because he knew the boats would not have to go out. "One day, far to the north, they ran into an exceptionally fine school of seals. All the boats were sent away, and among them the one to which Shavings belonged. In command of this boat was Olaf Olsen, the mate who had taught Shavings the rudiments of his profession by means of hard knocks. Dark clouds were scurrying across the sky, and the sea looked angry, but that made no difference to the sealers. Lives or no lives, women in the States had to have their sealskin coats. "So the boats pursued the seals for a long distance, and in the excitement nobody noticed what the weather was doing. Nobody, that is, but Shavings, and he didn't dare to say that it was growing worse, for fear of angering the mate. The hunters harpooned a goodly catch before the gale was upon the little fleet almost without warning. "Then the storm broke with a screech and a massing of angry water. The boats had been under sail, and in a flash two of them were over-turned. Shavings saw all this with terror in his eyes and a cold clutch at his heart. He knew the men in those boats would never go sealing again. "Then his eyes fell on the mate, Olaf Olsen. The man appeared to be petrified with fright. He made no move to do anything. Then something in Shavings seemed to wake up. "Perhaps that yellow hair of his was a survival of some old Viking strain, or perhaps all those months of rough sea life had made him over without his knowing it. But he seized the mate and shook him by the shoulder: "'Give an order, man!' he shouted. 'Order the sail reefed.' "But the sight of the death of his shipmates had so unnerved the mate that he could no nothing. Shavings kicked him disgustedly, and went about the job himself. Clouds of spray burst over him. Time and again he was within an inch of being swept overboard, but at last he had the sail reefed down. Then he took the tiller and headed back for the schooner across the immense seas through the screeching gale. "He handled that boat skillfully, meeting the big seas and riding their summits, only to be buried the next instant in the watery valley between the giant combers. But always he rose. He had the cheering sight of the schooner before him and it grew closer. The boat sailed more on her beam than on her keel, but at last Shavings, more dead than alive, ran her in under the lee of the schooner's hull, and willing hands got the survivors out of the boat. "The skipper of that craft was a rough man. He drove Olaf Olsen forward with blows and curses and the strong Swede whimpered like a whipped cur. Then he came aft to where the cook was giving Shavings and the rest hot coffee. "'Shavings,' he said, 'after this you're mate in that coward Olsen's place. You're a man.' "'No, sirree,' rejoined Shavings, 'I'm a farmer. No mate's job for me. When we gets back ter home I'm goin' ter take my share uv ther catch and buy a farm.' "But he was finally persuaded to take the job of mate when his canny New England mind grasped the fact that the mate's share of the profits is much bigger than a foremast hand's. He was as good as his word, however, and, when the _Janet Barry_, with her flag at half mast but her hold full of fine skins, docked at St. Johns after the season was over, Shavings drew his money and vanished. I suppose he is farming it somewhere in Vermont now, but I agree with his captain, who told me the story, that there was a fine sailor lost in Shavings." CHAPTER XIII. A NIGHT ALARM. Jack sat bolt upright in bed and listened with all his might. Outside the window of the little room he occupied that night in the captain's cottage he was almost certain he had heard the sound of a furtive footfall and whisperings. His blood beat in his ear-drums as he sat tense and rigid, waiting a repetition of the noise. Suddenly, there came a low whisper from outside. "If only we knew if the captain was alone. For all we know those bothersome boys may be with him, and, if they are, we are likely to get the worst of it." "Donald Judson!" exclaimed Jack to himself. "What ought I to do?" He pondered a moment and then recollected that there was a door to his room which let directly out on a back porch without the occupant of the room having to traverse any other chamber. Jack at once formed a bold resolve. He did not wish to arouse the others unnecessarily, but he did want, with all his power, to find out what was going on. He rose from the bed as cautiously as he could, and made his way to the door. It was a ticklish task, in the dark, to accomplish without noise, but he succeeded in doing it. Outside it was very dark, with a velvety sort of blackness. The boy was glad of this, for it afforded him protection from the men he felt sure were reconnoitering the house for no good purpose. Suddenly he saw, not far off, the gleam of a light of some sort. If it belonged to the Judsons, they must have presumed that nobody was about, or not have realized that the place where they had left it was visible from the cottage. "Now I wonder what they've got up there?" mused Jack. "Maybe it would be a good scheme to go up and see." Anything that looked like an adventure aroused Jack's animation, and a few seconds after the idea had first taken hold of him he was making his way up a rather steep hillside, covered with rocks and bushes, toward the light. At last he reached a place where he could get a good look at the shining beacon. He hardly knew what he had expected to see, but somehow he felt a sort of sense of disappointment. The lantern stood by itself on a rock and the idea suggested itself to Jack that it might have been placed there as a beacon to guide the midnight visitors back when they had accomplished whatever they purposed doing. "I've a good mind to carry off their lantern," said Jack to himself; "if they put it there to guide them that would leave them in a fine fix and we could easily capture them." Once more, half involuntarily, his feet appeared to draw him toward the lantern. The next instant he had it in his grasp. "Now to turn it out," he muttered, when he felt himself seized from behind in a powerful grip and a harsh voice growled in his ear: "Yer would, would yer, you precious young scallywag." The lantern was wrested from his grasp, and Jack felt a noose slipped over his head. "Who are you?" he demanded indignantly of his unknown captor. "Bill Smiggers, of the motor boat _Black Beauty_," was the gruff reply. "They left me up here to watch by the light, and I guess they'll be glad they did when they see who I've caught. I reckon you're one of those snoopy kids I've heard them talking about." "I don't know what you mean," replied Jack, "but you'd better let me go at once." "Huh, I'd be a fine softy to do that, wouldn't I? No, young man, here you are, and here you stay. I'm getting well paid for this job, and I'm going to do a good one." Just then footsteps were heard coming up the hillside. Then a low, cautious voice whispered out of the darkness: "What's the matter, Bill? We saw the light waved, and came right back. Is there any danger?" "Not right now, I reckon," rejoined Bill, with grim humor. "Any of you gents know this young bantam I've got triced up here?" "Jack Ready, by all that's wonderful!" cried Judson, stepping forward. He was followed by young Judson and Jarrow. "Dear me, what an--er--what a pleasant encounter," grinned Jarrow. "So you thought you'd spy on us, did you?" snarled Donald, vindictively; "well, this is the time that we've got you and got you right." Jack's heart, stout as it was, sank like lead within him. He was in the hands of his enemies and that, largely, by his own foolishness. "So this is that Ready kid I hearn you talkin' about?" asked Bill. "That's the boy, confound him! He's always meddling in my schemes," growled Jarrow. "Bright looking lad, ain't he?" "Too bright for his own good. He's so sharp he'll cut himself." "No, his brightness won't help him now," chuckled Donald maliciously. "I'll bet you're scared to death," he went on, coming close to Jack. "Not particularly. It takes more than a parcel of cowards and crooks to frighten me." "Don't you put on airs with me. You're in our power now," jeered Donald. "I'll make you suffer for the way you've treated me." "It would be like you to take advantage of the fact that my arms are tied," retorted Jack. Donald came a step closer and stuck his fist under Jack's nose. "You be careful, or I'll crack you one," he snarled. "You're a nice sort of an individual, I must say. Why don't you try fair dealing for a change?" "I do deal fair. It's you that don't. I----" "That will do," interrupted his father; "I've been talking with Bill and he says he knows a place where we can take this young bantam and leave him till he cools off." "You mean that you are going to imprison me?" demanded Jack indignantly. "You may call it that, if you like," said Judson imperturbably; "you are quite too clever a lad to have at large." "Where are you taking me to?" "You'll find that out soon enough. Now then, forward march and, if you attempt to make an outcry, you'll feel this on your head." Judson, with a wicked smile, flourished a stout club under the captive boy's nose. CHAPTER XIV. JACK'S CURIOSITY AND ITS RESULTS. "What do you intend to do with me?" repeated Jack, as they hurried over the rough ground, following Bill, who trudged ahead with the lantern. "You'll find out quick enough, I told you before," said Donald. "Don't you know that my friends are in the neighborhood? They will invoke the law against you for this outrage." "We know all about that," was the elder Judson's reply, "but we're not worrying. We'll have them prisoners, too, before long." Jack made no reply to this, but he judged it was an empty threat made to scare him. He knew that nothing would have delighted Donald Judson more than to see him breaking down. So he kept up a brave front, which he was in reality far from feeling at heart. From the bold manner in which Bill displayed the lantern as he led the party on, Jack knew that the rascal must be familiar with the country, and know it to be sparsely inhabited. So far as Jack could judge they were retreating from the river and going up hill. About an hour after they had started, Bill paused in front of an ancient stone dwelling--or rather what had been a dwelling, for it was now dilapidated and deserted. "This is the place, boss," he grated, holding up his lantern so that its rays fell on the old place, which looked as grim as a fortress. "It's haunted, too, isn't it, Bill?" asked Donald meaningly. "Well, they do say there was a terrible murder done here some years ago and that's the reason it's been deserted ever since, but I really could not say as to the truth of that, Master Judson," rejoined Bill, falling into Donald's plan to tease Jack. Inside the place was one large room. A few broken bits of furniture stood about. Bill set the lantern down on a rickety table and then went to guard the door, while the others retreated to a corner and held a parley. At its conclusion Judson came over to Jack. "Well, Ready," he said, "you've caused us a lot of trouble, but still I might come to terms with you." "Are you ready to release me?" demanded Jack. "Yes, under certain conditions. First, you must tell us all you know about that naval code of Captain Simms." "And the truth, too," snarled Jarrow. "We'll find out quick enough if you're lying, and we'll make it hot for you." "You bet we will," chimed in Donald. "Donald, be quiet a minute," ordered his father. "Well, Ready, what have you to say?" "Suppose I tell you I know nothing about the naval code?" said Jack quietly. "Then I should say you were not telling the truth." "Nevertheless I am." "What, you know nothing about the code?" "Nothing except that Captain Simms was ordered to get up something of the sort." "You don't know if it's finished or not?" "I have no idea." "Is your life worth anything to you?" struck in Jarrow. "What do you mean?" asked Jack. "Just what I say. If it is, you had better make terms to save it." "Impossible. You are fooling with me, Jarrow. Even a man as base as you wouldn't dare----" "I wouldn't, eh? Well, you'll find out before long if I'm in earnest or not." Jack was a brave lad, as we know, and carried himself well through many dangerous situations. But he was not the dauntless hero of a nickel novel whom nothing could scare. He knew Jarrow for a desperado and, although he could not bring himself to believe the man would actually carry out any such threat as he had made, still he realized to the full the peril of his situation. "Well, what do you say?" demanded Jarrow, after a pause. "I don't know just what to say," said Jack. "My head is all in a whirl. Give me time to think the thing over. I can hardly collect my thoughts at present." The men made some further attempts to get something out of him, but, finding him obdurate, they ordered Bill to see that his bonds were tight and then to put him in the "inner room" he had spoken of. Bill gave the ropes a savage yank, found they were tight and then led Jack to a green door at the farther end of the large room. Jack had a glimpse of a square room with a broad fireplace at one end and a small window. It appeared to be used as a storehouse of some kind, for it was half filled with bags, apparently containing potatoes. In one corner stood a grindstone operated by a treadle. Then the door was shut with a bang, and he was left to his own, none-too-pleasant reflections. Outside he could hear the buzz of voices. But he couldn't catch much of what was being said. Once he heard Jarrow say: "You're too soft with the boy. A good lashing with a black-snake would bring him to his senses quick enough." "I'd like to lay it on," he heard Donald chime in. At last they appeared to grow sleepy. Jack heard a key turned in the lock of the inner room that he occupied and not long thereafter came the sound of snores. Evidently nobody was on guard, the men who had captured him thinking that there was no chance of the boy's escape. "Now's my chance," thought Jack. "If only I could get my hands free, I might be able to do something. But, as it is, I'm helpless." His heart sank once more, as he thought bitterly of the predicament into which his own foolhardiness had drawn him. CHAPTER XV. BILLY TAKES THE TRAIL. "What's the matter?" Just as Jack stole out of the house Billy Raynor sat bolt upright in bed and asked himself that question. He was on the other side of the cottage, and, like Jack a few minutes before, he too heard the cautious footsteps of the marauders, as they crept round the cottage, reconnoitering. "Somebody's up to mischief," thought the boy. "It may only be common thieves, or it may be that rascally outfit. I'll go and rouse Jack. Perhaps we can get after them." He tiptoed across the main room of the cottage to Jack's door. Inside the room he struck a match. He almost cried out aloud when he saw that the bed was empty and that there was no sign of his chum. "Where can he be?" thought the lad. "Surely he has not gone after that gang single-handed." Raynor hastened to his own room, slipped on some clothes, and went to the door. Far up on the hillside a lantern was twinkling like some fallen star. "That's mighty odd," reflected the lad. "I guess I'll take a look up there and see what's coming off." He picked his way cautiously up the rough hillside. But the lantern retreated as he went forward. As we know, Judson and his gang, led by Bill, were carrying off Jack. Without realizing how far he had gone, Raynor kept on and on. Some instinct told him that the dodging will-o'-the-wisp of light ahead of him had something to do with Jack, and he wanted to find out what that something was. But, not knowing the trail Bill was following, and having no light but the spark ahead of him, Raynor found it pretty hard traveling. At last he was so tired that he sat down to snatch a moment's rest, leaning his back against a bush. As his weight came against the bush, however, a strange thing happened. The shrub gave way altogether under the pressure. Raynor struggled for an instant to save himself, and then felt himself tumbling backward down an unknown height. He gave a shout of alarm, but his progress down what appeared to be a steep wall of rock, was over almost as soon as it had begun. "What happened?" gasped the lad, as, shaken by his adventure, he picked himself up and tried to collect his wits. "Oh, yes, I know, that bush gave way and I toppled over backward. I must be in some sort of hole in the ground. Well, the first thing to do is to get a light." Luckily Raynor's pockets held several matches, and he struck one of them and looked about him. His eyes fell on the bush which lay at his feet. "No wonder it gave way," he muttered. "The thing is dead and withered. But"--as a sudden thought struck him--"it will make a dandy torch and help save matches." He lit the dead bush, which blazed up bravely, illumining his surroundings with a ruddy glow. Above him was a dark hole, presumably the one through which he had fallen. But there was no way of escape in that direction. He turned his gaze another way. The cave appeared to recede beyond the light of the blazing branch. Looking down, he saw that the floor of the cave was thickly littered with leaves and small branches. This encouraged him a good deal. "They couldn't have been blown in by the hole I fell through," he mused, "for the dead bush covered that. Their being here must mean that there is another entrance to this place." Carrying his torch aloft, he struck off into the cave. Its floor sloped gently upward as he progressed and the walls began to grow narrower. The air, too, rapidly lost its musty odor, and blew fresh and sweet on his perspiring head. "This will be quite an adventure to tell about if I ever get out of here," muttered Raynor, and the thought of Jack, whom he had almost forgotten in his fright at his fall into the cave, occurred to him. What could have happened to his chum? Surely he had not been foolhardy enough to face the marauders alone? Raynor did not know what to make of it. "Somehow," he pondered, "I am sure that lantern had something to do with Jack. I wonder if they would have dared to carry him off? I wish to goodness I'd kept on, instead of leaning against that bush. Even if I do get out of here, the light must be far out of sight by this time, and I'll have to wait till daylight, anyhow, for I must have walked almost a mile from the other entrance to the cave by this time." His thoughts ran along in this strain as he walked. The thought of Captain Simms' alarm, too, when he found both boys missing, gave him a good deal of worry. He was thinking over this phase of the situation when he was startled by a low growl, coming from a pile of rocks just ahead of him. What could it be? Holding his breath painfully, while a cold chill ran down his spine, Raynor came to a dead pause and listened. His improvised torch had almost burned out and it was appalling to think that he faced the possibility of being in darkness ere long, with a wild beast close at hand. Again came the growl. It echoed and re-echoed hollowly in the cave till the frightened lad appeared to be menaced from all directions. "It must be a bear, or some wild beast just as bad," thought Raynor. The growling was repeated, but now it appeared to be retreating from him. Plucking up courage, after a while, Raynor, waving his torch, pushed forward again. He came to a place where it was necessary to scramble up to a sort of platform considerably higher than the path he had been traversing. As he gained this, he saw several tiny bright lights in front of him. "Hurrah! It's the stars!" he cried aloud. "The--s-t-a-r-s!" the echoes boomed back. At almost the same instant Raynor saw, in front of him, what looked like two balls of livid green flame. But the boy knew that they were the eyes of whatever beast it was that had sent its growls echoing fearfully through the cave. CHAPTER XVI. A "GHOSTESS" ABROAD. Suddenly, like an inspiration, Jack thought of a way in which he might free his captive hands. Naturally quick-witted, the emergency he found himself facing had made his mind more active than usual. "That grindstone," he thought. "I can work the treadle with my foot, while I stand backward to it. If I hold the rope against the sharp edge of the stone it ought to cut through in a very short time." It was quite a task to locate the grindstone in the darkness without making a noise. But at last Jack, by dint of feeling softly along the walls, located it. Then he turned his back to the machine and put his foot on the treadle. As the wheel began to turn he pressed the rope that bound his hands against the rough stone. In ten minutes he was free. "Now for the next move," counseled the boy. "I've got to do whatever I decide upon quickly. If I don't escape, and that gang finds how I've freed my wrists, they'll shackle me hand and foot, and I'll not get another chance to get away. If it was only daylight I'd stand a much better opportunity of getting out." There was the door, but to try that was out of the question. Jack had heard it locked and the key turned. The window? It was too small for a big, well-grown boy like Jack to creep through. He had noted that during the time the door was open and his prison was lighted by the rays of the lantern. "There's that fireplace," thought the boy, "that's about the last resort. I wonder----" He located the big, old-fashioned chimney, built of rough stones and full of nooks and crannies, without trouble. Getting inside it on the hearthstone he looked upward; it was open to the sky and at the top he could see a faint glow. "It's getting daylight," he exclaimed to himself. The next moment he noticed that right across the top of the chimney was the stout branch of a tree. "If I could get up the chimney that branch would afford me a way of getting to the ground," he thought. "By Jove! I believe I could do it," he muttered, as the light grew stronger and he saw how roughly the interior of the chimney was built. "It's not very high, and those rough stones make a regular ladder." As time was pressing, Jack began the ascent at once. For a lad as active as he was, it proved even more easy than he had anticipated. But long before he reached the top he was covered from head to foot with soot, although, oddly enough, that thought never occurred to him. At length, black as a negro in mourning, he reached the top of the chimney and grasped the tree branch he had noticed from below. He swung into it and made his way to the main trunk of the tree, an ancient elm. It was no trick at all then for him to slide to the ground. Then, silently as a cat, he tiptoed his way from the old stone house, with its occupants sleeping and snoring, blissfully unaware that Jack had stolen a march on them. "Well, things have gone finely so far," he mused. "Now, what shall be the next step?" He looked about him. The country was a wild one. There was no sign of a house, and, as far as he could see, there was nothing but an expanse of timber and rocks. "This is a tough problem," thought the boy. "I've no idea where I am, or the points of the compass. If I go one way, I might come out all right, but then again I might find myself lost in the forest. Hanged if I know what to do." But, realizing that it would not do to waste any time around the old house, Jack at length struck off down what appeared to have been, in bygone days, some sort of a wood road. It wound for quite a distance among the trees, but suddenly, to his huge delight, the boy beheld in front of him the broad white ribbon of a dusty highway. Suddenly, too, he heard the sound of wheels and the rattle of a horse's hoofs coming along at a smart rate. "Good; now I can soon find out where I am," thought the boy, and he hurried forward to meet the approaching vehicle. It contained a pretty young woman, wearing a sunbonnet. Jack had no hat to lift, but he made his best bow as the fair driver came abreast of him. "I beg your pardon," he began, "but could you tell me----" The young woman gave one piercing scream. "Oh-h-h-h-h-h!" she cried, and gave her horse a lash with the whip that made it leap forward like an arrow. In a flash she was out of sight in a cloud of dust. "Well, what do you know about that?" exclaimed Jack. "She must be crazy, or something, or else she's the most bashful girl I ever saw." He sat down on a rock at the side of the road to rest and waited for another rig or a foot passenger to come by. Before long he heard a sprightly whistle, and a barefooted boy, carrying a tin pail, and with a fish pole over his shoulder, appeared round a curve in the road. "Now, I'll get sailing directions," said Jack to himself, and then, as the boy drew near: "Hullo, sonny! Can you tell me----" The boy gave one look and then, dropping his can of bait, and his pole, fled with a howl of dismay. "Hi! Stop, can't you? What's the matter with you?" shouted Jack. He ran after the boy at top speed. But the faster he ran the faster the youngster sped along the road. "Oh-h-h-h-h! Help! Mum-muh!" he yelled, as he ran, in terrified tones. At length Jack gave up the chase. He leaned against a fence and gave way to his indignation. "Bother it all," he said. "What can be the matter with these people? Everyone I speak to runs away from me, as if I had the plague or something. Anyhow, that youngster can't be very far down this road. I guess I'll keep right on after him, and then I'm bound to come to some place where there are some sensible folks." As he assumed, it was not long before he came in sight of a neat little farm-house, standing back from the road in a grove of fine trees. He made his way toward it. In the front yard an old man was trimming rose-bushes. "Can you tell me----" began Jack. The old man looked up. Then uttering an appalling screech, he ran for his life into the house. "Mandy! Mandy! Thar be a ghostess in the yard!" he yelled, as he ran. Jack looked after him blankly. What could be the matter? CHAPTER XVII. ONE MYSTERY SOLVED. "Well, I'll be jiggered!" exclaimed Jack. "What _can_ be the matter? It beats me. I----" "Hey you, git out of thar. I don't know what of critter ye be, but you scared my old man nigh ter death. Scat now, er I'll shoot!" Jack looked up toward an upper window of the farm-house, from which the voice, a high-pitched, feminine one, had proceeded. An old lady, with a determined face, stood framed in the embrasure. In her hands, and pointed straight at the mystified Jack, she held an ancient but murderous looking blunderbuss. "It's loaded with slugs an' screws, an' brass tacks," pleasantly observed the old lady. "Jerushiah!" this to someone within the room, "stop that whimperin'. I'm goin' ter send it on its way, ghost or no ghost." "But, madam----" stammered Jack. "Don't madam me," was the angry reply. "Git now, and git quick!" "This is like a bad dream," murmured Jack, but there was no choice for him but to turn and go; "maybe it is a dream. If it is I wish I could wake up." He turned into the hot, dusty road once more. He felt faint and hungry. His mouth was dry, and he suffered from thirst, too. Before long he found a chance to slake this latter. A cool, clear stream, spanned by a rustic bridge, appeared as he trudged round a bend in the road. "Ah, that looks good to me," thought Jack, and he hurried down the bank as fast as he could. He bent over the stream at a place where an eddy made an almost still pool, as clear as crystal. But no sooner did his face approach the water than he gave a violent start. A hideous black countenance gazed up at him. Then, suddenly, Jack broke into a roar of laughter. "Jerusalem! No wonder everybody was scared at me when I scare myself!" he exclaimed. "It's the soot from that chimney. Just think, it never occurred to me why they were all so alarmed at my appearance. Why, I'd make a locomotive shy off the track if it saw me coming along." It did not take Jack long to clean up, and, while his face was still grimy when he had finished, it was not, at least, such a startling looking countenance as he had presented to those from whom he sought to find his way back to Musky Bay. "Now that I look more presentable I guess I'll try and get some breakfast," thought the boy as, his thirst appeased, he scrambled up the bank again. About half a mile farther along the road was the queerest-looking house Jack had ever seen. It was circular in form, and looked like three giant cheese-boxes, perched one on the top of the other, with the smallest at the top. "Well, whoever lives there must be a crank," thought Jack; "but still, since I've money to pay for my breakfast, even a crank won't drive me away, I guess." A man was sawing wood in the back yard and to him Jack addressed himself. "I'd like to know if I can buy a meal here?" he said. "No, you can't fry no eel here," said the man, and went on sawing. "I didn't say anything about frying eels. I said 'Can I get a meal?'" shouted Jack, who now saw that the man was somewhat deaf. "Don't see it makes no difference to you how I feel," rejoined the man. "I'm hungry. I want to eat. I can pay," bellowed Jack. "What's that about yer feet?" asked the deaf man. "Not feet--eat--E-A-T. I want to eat," fairly yelled Jack. "What do you mean by calling me a beat?" angrily rejoined the deaf man. "I didn't. Oh, Great Scott, everything is going wrong to-day," cried Jack. Then he cupped his hands and fairly screeched in the man's ear. "Can I buy a meal here?" A light of understanding broke over the other's face. "Surely you can," he said. "Araminta--that's my wife--'ull fix up a bite fer yer. Why didn't you say what you wanted in the fust place?" "I did," howled Jack, crimson in the face by this time; "but you didn't hear me. You are deaf." "Wa'al, I may be a _little_ hard o' hearing, young feller," admitted the man, "but I hain't deef by a dum sight." Jack didn't argue the point, but followed him to the house, where a pleasant-faced woman soon prepared a piping hot breakfast. As he ate and drank, Jack inquired the way to Musky Bay. "It ain't far," the woman told him, "five miles or so." "Can I get anyone to drive me back there?" asked Jack, who was pretty well tired out by this time. "Oh, yes; Abner will drive you over fer a couple of dollars." She hurried out to tell her husband to hitch up. Jack could hear her shouting her directions in the yard. "All right. No need uv speaking so loud. I kin hear ye," Jack could hear the deaf man shouting back. "I kin hear ye." "Just think," said the woman when she came back into the kitchen, where Jack had eaten, "Abner won't admit he's deef one bit. At church on Sundays he listens to the sermon just as if he understood it. If anyone asks him what it was about, he'll tell 'um that he doesn't care to discuss the new minister, but he's not such a powerful exhorter as the old one. He's mighty artful, is Abner." The rig was soon ready and Jack was on his homeward way. To his annoyance, Abner proved very talkative and required answers to all his remarks. "Gracious, I'll have no lungs left if I have to shout this way all the way home," thought Jack. "It'll be Husky Bay. If ever I drive with Abner again, I'll bring along some cough lozenges." "Must be pretty tough to be really, down-right deef," remarked Abner, after Jack had roared out answers to him for a mile and a half. "It must be," yelled Jack. "Yes, sir-ee," rejoined Abner, wagging his head. "I'm just a trifle that er-way, and it bothers me quite a bit sometimes, 'specially in damp weather. Gid-ap!" CHAPTER XVIII. BILL SNIGGERS DECIDES. We left Billy Raynor in a most unpleasant position. With escape from the cave within his grasp the way was blocked, it will be recalled, by some wild beast, the nature of which Billy did not know. His torch, made from the withered bush that was responsible for his dilemma, was burning low. Just in front of him glowed two luminous green eyes. While Billy stood there hesitating, the creature gave another of its alarming growls. Hardly thinking what he was doing, Billy, startled by a shrill caterwaul, which followed the growl, flung his lighted torch full at the eyes, and heard a screech that sounded as if his blazing missile had struck its mark. [Illustration: While Billy stood there hesitating, the creature gave another of its alarming growls.] There was a swift patter of feet and the eyes vanished. "Great Christmas, I've scared the creature off," said Billy to himself, with a sigh of relief; "a lucky thing I had that torch." He walked forward more boldly. The evident alarm of the animal that had scared him, when the torch struck, convinced the boy that there was no more danger to be feared from it. In a few seconds more he was out in the open air and on a hillside. It was still pitch dark, but the stars seemed to be growing fainter. Billy drew out his watch and, striking a match, looked at it. The hands pointed to three-thirty. "It will be daylight before long," thought Billy. "If I start walking now I will only lose myself. I'll wait till it gets light and then try to get my bearings." Never had dawn come so slowly as did that one, in the opinion of the tired and impatient lad. But at last the eastern sky grew faintly gray and then flushed red, and another day was born. In the growing light, Billy stood up and looked about him. The bay or any familiar landmarks were not in sight. Billy was in a quandary. But before long he came to a decision. "I'll strike out for a main road," he decided; "if I can find one, that will bring me to where I can get some information, at any rate." With this end in view, he scrambled down the hillside and found himself in some fields. After a half-hour's walk across these, he saw, with delight, that he had not miscalculated his direction. A road lay just beyond a brush hedge. Billy made his way through a gap and struck off, in what he was tolerably sure was the way to Musky Bay. If he had but known it, however, he was proceeding in an exactly opposite direction. He had walked about a mile when another foot passenger hove in sight. The lad was glad of this at first, for, although he had walked some distance, he had not passed a house, nor had any vehicles come by. But a second glance at the man who was coming toward him made him by no means so pleased at his appearance. The other foot passenger was a heavily built man with a lowering brow. He wore clothes that savored of a nautical character. "Hullo, there, young feller," he said, as he halted to allow Billy to come up to him. "Good morning," said Billy. "I am trying to find my way to Musky Bay. Can you direct me?" The other looked at the boy with a glance of quick suspicion. "Livin' there?" he asked. "Yes, that is to say, I'm staying there with friends." "Umph! I know a crowd of folks there. Who you stopping with?" Before Billy realized what he was saying he had made a fatal slip. "With Captain Simms--that is," he hurried on, in an effort to correct his blunder, "I----" "Know a kid named Ready--Jack Ready?" "Why, yes, he's my best friend. He--here, what's the matter?" The other had suddenly drawn a pistol and held it pointed unwaveringly at Billy. "Jerk up yer hands, boy, and get 'em up quick!" he snarled. Billy had no recourse but to obey. The man facing him was a hard-looking enough character to commit any crime. With a sudden pang Billy recalled that he was wearing the handsome watch--one of which had been given both to Jack and himself for services they had performed for a high official in Holland, when they rescued the latter's wife and daughter from robbers who had held up the ladies' automobile. He saw the man's eyes fixed on the chain with a greedy glare. "Hand over that watch," he ordered. Billy did as he was told. Then came another order while the pistol was pointed unwaveringly at him. "Now come across with your cash." Billy handed over what money he possessed--about fifteen dollars. The rest was in a New York bank, and some in a safe at the hotel. The man looked at the inscription on the watch. "William Raynor, eh? Your friend was talking about you just before we had to----" All his fear was forgotten as the man spoke. His tones were sinister. Billy realized, like a flash, that this man was an ally of the Judsons, and must have had a hand in Jack's disappearance. "Had to what?" Billy demanded. "You don't mean that you committed any act of violence?" "Well, I'm not sayin' as to that," rejoined the other, who, as our readers will have guessed, was Bill Sniggers, "you'll find out soon enough." The man was deliberately torturing Billy. Soon after Jack's escape, Judson had awakened, and had been the first to discover that the boy had got away. A hasty and angry consultation followed, and it had been decided to send Bill, who was not known by sight in the vicinity, out to scout and see if the hunt for the missing boy was up. His astonishment at running into Billy was great. At first, till the boy spoke of Musky Bay, Bill, who was an all-around scoundrel, merely regarded him as a favorable object of robbery when he spied his gold watch chain. Now, however, the boy was a source of danger. "Come over here, and I'll tell you all about it," said Bill. "Oh, you needn't be scared. I won't hurt you. I got all I wanted off of you. You see your friend got a little uppish after we carried him off, and so we had--_to hit him this way_!" The last words were spoken quickly and were accompanied by a terrific blow aimed at Billy's chin. The boy sank in the roadway without a moan. He lay white and apparently lifeless, while Bill, with a satirical grin on his face, regarded him. "Well, you won't come to life this little while, young feller," he muttered. "I'll just put you over this hedge for safekeeping, so as you won't attract undue attention, and then be on my way." He picked the unconscious boy up as if he had been a feather and placed him behind the hedge. Then, with unconcern written on his brutal face, the rascal walked on. He was bound for a neighboring village to get provisions; for, till they knew how the land lay, none of the Judson gang dared to leave the deserted house. Bill, in his rough clothes, would attract little or no attention. But the others were smartly dressed and wore jewelry, and Donald had on yachting clothes. Had they been seen they could not have failed to be noticed in that simple community. "This must be my lucky day," muttered Bill, as he walked along. "I got my pay for that job last night, and now I've got a gold watch and chain and fifteen dollars beside. Tell you what, Bill, old-timer, I won't go back to that old house again. I'll just leave that bunch up there, and beat it out of these parts in my motor-boat. That's what I'll do--go, while the goin's good, because I kin smell trouble coming sure as next election." CHAPTER XIX. WHAT A "HAYSEED" DID. Billy opened his eyes. His head swam dizzily, and he felt sick and faint. The hot sun was beating down on him, but at first he thought he was at home and in bed. Then he began to remember. He sat up, and then, not without an effort, rose to his feet dizzily. "Where on earth am I?" he thought. "And what happened? Let's see what time it is." But his watch pocket was empty, and then full recollection of what had occurred came back to him. He was still rather painfully trying to regain the road when he heard the sound of a voice. It was a very loud voice, even though the owner of it was not yet in sight. "Looks like we might have rain. I said it looks like we might have a shower." Then another voice--a boyish one--shouted back: "YES--IT--DOES." "Gid-ap," came in the first voice, and then came hoof-beats and the rumble of wheels. The next minute a ramshackle, two-seated rig, with a man and a boy on the front seat, came into sight. Billy gave one long stare, as one who doubted the evidence of his own eyes. Then he broke into a glad shout: "Jack!" "Billy, old fellow, what in the world? Why, you're white as a sheet." With alarm on his face, Jack sprang out, as Abner stopped the rig, and rushed toward Billy. "How did you get here? What has happened?" demanded Jack. Billy told his story in as few words as possible. "Oh, the rascal," broke out Jack, when Billy described the hold-up. "That was Bill Sniggers. He's the man who led the way to the stone house--but get in and I'll tell you my story as we go along." "Where are you going?" "Back to Musky Bay; but a few hours ago I didn't think I'd ever see it again." Jack had to shout both his story and Billy's for Abner's benefit. But he gave them in highly condensed versions, as his sorely taxed vocal organs had almost reached the limit of their strength. He had just reached the conclusion, having been interrupted several times by Abner's exclamations, when, ahead of them, on the road, they spied a figure shuffling along in the dust. The two boys were on the rear seat of the rig, so that the man, when he saw the rig approaching, having turned his head at the sound of hoofs, did not see the boys. "Reckon that feller means ter ask fer a ride," remarked Abner, as a bend in the road ahead screened the man from view for a few minutes. A sudden idea had come into Jack's head. "Let him have it," he said; "and then drive to the nearest village and up to the police station. I'll pay you well for it." "But--but--who is he?" demanded Abner, stopping his horse. "Bill Sniggers, the rascal who is in league with Judson." "Great hemlock! You bet I'll pick him up right smart. But he'll see you boys and scare." "No, we'll hide in here," and Jack raised a leather flap that hung from the back seat. "It will be a tight fit, but there'll be room." "Wa'al, if that don't beat all," said Abner. "Git in thar, then, and then the show kin go on." As Jack had said, it was a "tight fit" in the recess under the seat, but, as Abner's rig had been made to take produce to market, there was a sort of extension at the back, which gave far more room than would ordinarily have been the case. Pretty soon the boys, in their hiding-place, felt the rig come to a stop. Then came a voice both recognized as Bill's. "Say, gimme a ride, will yer?" "Did ye say my harness was untied?" "No, I said gimme a ride," roared Bill, at the top of his powerful lungs. "Oh, all right. Git in. Whoa thar', consarn yer (this to the horse). Whar yer goin'?" "Nearest village. I'm campin' up the bay. I want to get some grub," shouted Bill. "Yer a long ways frum ther river," remarked Abner. "Maybe; but I reckon that ain't your business," growled Bill. "Not ef you don't want ter tell it, 'tain't," said Abner apologetically. He had heard enough of Bill's character not to argue with him. "That's a nice-looking watch you've got there," the boys heard Abner say pleasantly. There was a pause and then Bill roared out: "What's that to you if it is?" "Oh, nothing, only I jest saw that printing on it, and calkilated it might have bin a present to yer." Jack could almost see Bill hurriedly thrusting the watch back into his pocket. Then, after a little while, he spoke again. "Didn't see nothing of a kid back there in the road, did yer?" "He means you, Billy," whispered Jack. "No, I didn't see nothing of nobody," was Abner's comprehensive rejoinder. There was a long silence, during which the boys sweltered in their close confinement. But they would have gone through more than that for the sake of what they hoped to bring about--the apprehension of at least one of Judson's aides. "Getting near a village?" asked Bill presently. "Yep; 'bout half a mile more," rejoined Abner. In a short time the rig began to slacken its pace. Then it stopped. "Here, what's this?" the boys heard Bill exclaim. "You're stopping in front of a police station." "Sure. The chief is Araminta's--that's my wife--cousin. I'm goin' in ter see him a minit. Hold the horse, will yer, he's a bit skittish." The boys heard Abner get out, and then an eternity seemed to elapse. Then a door banged and a sharp voice snapped out: "Throw up your hands, gol ding yer. I'm the chief uv perlice, an' I arrest ye fer ther robbery of one gold watch and assault and batt'ry." "Confound it, the old hayseed led me into a trap!" exclaimed Bill. He threw himself out of the rig and started to run. But, as he did so, Jack and Billy, who had crawled out from the back, suddenly appeared. Bill gave a wild shout, and the next instant he was sprawling headlong in the dusty street, while a crowd came rushing from all directions. Jack had tripped him by an old football trick. With an oath the desperado reached for his revolver. But, before he could reach it, he was pinioned by a dozen pairs of hands, and marched, struggling and swearing, into the police station. He was searched, and Billy's watch found on him, as well as the money. Then he was locked up. He refused to give any information about the Judsons, in which he showed his astuteness, for, if they had been caught, his plight would have been worse than it was, for they would have been certain to implicate him deeply. So he contented himself by saying that he knew nothing about them. They had hired him to help the elder Judson recover his nephew from another uncle, who had treated him badly. He knew nothing more about the case, he declared, except that, after Jack's escape, the Judsons had left for New York. (It may be said here that he was eventually found guilty of the theft and the assault and received a jail sentence.) Abner was well rewarded for the clever way he had brought about Bill's capture; and, well pleased with the way everything had come out, the boys resumed their journey. "I hope Abner will invest part of what I gave him in an ear-trumpet," said Jack, as they entered Musky Bay. "I hope so," laughed Billy. He was going to add something, but a shout stopped him. "There's Captain Simms and Noddy," shouted Jack, as the two came running toward the vehicle. There is no need to go into the details of the reunion, or to relate what anxious hours the captain and Noddy had gone through after their discovery that the boys had vanished. If they had not reappeared when they did, Captain Simms was preparing to organize posses and make a wide search for them, as well as enlisting the aid of the authorities. In the vague hope that the Judsons and Jarrow might have remained in the stone house, waiting Bill's return, a party searched it next day, under the guidance of a native who knew the trail to it. But it was empty. A search for the black motor boat, too, resulted in nothing being found of her. As a matter of fact, not many minutes after Bill, from whom they wished to be separated, had left the house, the Judsons--father and son--and Jarrow, had made all speed to the point where the motor craft had been left and had hastily made off in her. They knew that the search for Jack would be hot and wished to get as far away from Bill as he treacherously wished to get from them. In their case there was certainly none of the proverbial honor among thieves. The black motor boat was left at Clayton and afterward claimed by a relative of Bill, who, by reason of "circumstances over which he had no control," was unable to claim her himself. As for the Judsons, they vanished, leaving no trace behind them. The same was the case with Jarrow. A message had been sent to Uncle Toby, telling him of the reason for the boys' delay at Musky Bay, _via_ a small mail steamer that plied those waters. His reply was characteristic: "Them buoys is as hard to hurt as gotes, and as tuff as ship's biskit on a Cape Horner. Best wishes to awl. Awl well here at eight bells. "Cap'n Toby Ready, "_Inventor and Patentee of the Universal Herb Medicine, Guaranteed to Cure All Ills, Both of Man and Quadruped._" CHAPTER XX. THE "CURLEW" IN TROUBLE. "Looks as if we might have a blow, Jack." The _Curlew_ was lazily moving along, with all sail set, carrying the boys back to Pine Island from their adventurous visit to Musky Bay. But, although every bit of canvas was stretched on her spars, she hardly moved. Her form was reflected in the smooth water with almost mirror-like accuracy. "A blow? Pshaw," scoffed Noddy, "there isn't a breath of wind. I wish we could get a blow and cool off." "Well, your wish is likely to come true before very long," said Jack, who was at the tiller. "How's that?" "See that cloud bank over yonder, that ragged one?" "Yes, what's that got to do with it?" "Well, that's as full of wind as an auto tire," said Jack. "I've been watching it for some time. It'll be a nasty storm when it hits us." "Hadn't we better run in for shelter somewhere?" asked Billy. "There's so little wind now that I doubt if we could get inshore before the squall hits us," replied Jack. "I'll try to, though." He headed for the distant shore, where the outlines of some sort of a wooden structure could be seen. "If it gets very bad we can take refuge there," he said. "That's so. I've no great fancy for getting wet," said Billy. "Nor have I. We've had enough experiences of late to last us a long time," laughed Jack. "And I was left out of every one of them," grumbled Noddy. "For which you ought to be duly thankful," said Billy. "Yes, I didn't enjoy that stone house much, or the soot," declared Jack. "That cave didn't make much of a hit with me, either," said Billy. "My, those green eyes gave me a scare. I thought it was a bear or a mountain lion, sure; but they say there aren't any such animals in this part of the country." "Abner said it must have been a lynx," said Jack. "That being the case, you should have cuffed it," chuckled Noddy. For the time being he escaped punishment for perpetrating this alleged pun, for the wind began to freshen and the _Curlew_ slid through the water like a thing of life. The shore drew rapidly nearer. But the cloud curtain spread with astonishing rapidity, till the whole sky was covered. The water turned from green to a dull leaden hue. Puffs of wind came with great velocity, heeling over the _Curlew_ till the foam creamed in her lee scuppers. The wind moaned in a queer, eerie sort of way, that bespoke the coming of a storm of more than ordinary severity. Jack was a prey to some anxiety as he held the _Curlew_ on her course. If they could not make the dock he was aiming for before the storm struck, there might be serious consequences. But, to his great relief, they reached the wharf, a tumble-down affair, before the tempest broke. The _Curlew_ was made "snug," and this had hardly been done before a mighty gust of wind, followed by a blanket of rain, tore through the air. "Just in time, boys," said Jack, as they set out on the run for the structure which they had observed from the water. On closer view it turned out to be nothing more than a barn, not in any too good repair, but still it offered a shelter. The boys reached it just as a terrific blast of wind swept across the bay, roughening it with multitudinous whitecaps. A torrent of rain blotted out distances at the same time and turned all the world in their vicinity into a driving white cloud. The barn proved to be even more rickety than its outside had indicated. The door was gone and its windows were broken out. But at least it was pleasanter under a roof than it would have been out in the open. The rain, driven by the furious wind, penetrated the rotten, sun-dried shingles and pattered on the earthen floor, but the boys found a dry place in one corner, where there was a pile of hay. As the storm increased in fury the clouds began to blot out the daylight. It grew as dark as night almost. The roar of the rain was like the voice of a giant cataract. "We may have to stay here all night," said Billy, after a long silence. "That's true," rejoined Jack. "It would be foolhardy to take a boat like the _Curlew_ out in such a storm." Suddenly there came a terrific flash of lightning, followed by a sharp clap of thunder. It was succeeded by flash after flash, in blinding succession. "My, this is certainly a snorter," exclaimed Billy, and the others agreed with him. "We won't forget it in a hurry," said Jack. "I can't recall when I've heard the wind make such a noise." To add to their alarm, as the fury of the wind increased, the old barn visibly quavered. It seemed to rock back and forth on its foundations. The noise of the wind grew so loud that conversation was presently impossible. Suddenly there came a fiercer blast than any that had gone before. There was a ripping and rending sound. "Great Scott! Boys, run for your lives, the old shack is tumbling down," cried Jack. He had scarcely spoken when what he had anticipated happened. Beams, boards and shingles flew in every direction. There was no time even to think. Acting instinctively, each boy threw himself flat upon the pile of moldy hay. Noddy, in his terror, burrowed deep into it. The noise that accompanied the dissolution of the old barn was terrific. Each boy felt as if at any moment a huge beam might fall on him and crush his life out. Above it all the wind howled with a note of triumph at its work of destruction. The boys felt as if the end of the world had come. CHAPTER XXI. THE END OF JACK'S HOLIDAY. Fortunately, otherwise this story might have had a different ending, the barn was lifted almost entirely from its foundations and hurled over on its side. The roof was ripped off like an old hat and hurtled through the tempest to the water's edge. None of the wreckage and débris struck the crouching boys. But the mere sound was terrifying enough. Even Jack was cowed by the tremendous force of the elements. Each lad felt as if the next moment would be his last. But at last Jack mustered up courage and looked up. The beating rain, which had already soaked them all through, stung his face like hailstones. "Hullo, fellows," he exclaimed, "is--is anybody hurt?" "All right here," rejoined Billy. "But say, wasn't that the limit?" "It sure was," agreed Jack. "At one time I thought we were goners, and----" "Goo-oof-g-r-r-r-r-r!" An extraordinary sound, which can only be typographically rendered in this manner, suddenly interrupted him. "Heavens, what's that?" gasped Billy, looking about him in a rather alarmed manner. "Ugh-ugh-groof-f-f-f-f-f-f!" "It's Noddy!" cried Jack. "Gracious, he must be dying," gasped Billy. In his eagerness to escape the full fury of the storm and the flying wreckage of the barn, Noddy had plunged into the hay with his mouth open, and now his throat was full of the dry stuff. He was almost choked. "Pull him out," directed Jack, and he and Billy laid hold of Noddy's heels and dragged him out of the hay-pile. The lad was almost black in the face. "Ug-gug-groo-o-o-o-o-o!" he mumbled, making frantic gestures with his arms. "Goodness, this is as bad as the time he was almost drowned," cried Jack. "Clap him on the back good and hard. That's it." There were several gulps and struggles, and then Noddy began to cough. But all danger from strangulation had passed, thanks to the heroic efforts of Jack and Billy. "Phew! I thought I was choked," sputtered Noddy, as soon as he found his voice. "I'd hate to be a horse and have to eat that stuff." "You are a kind of a horse," said Billy slyly. "How do you make that out?" demanded Noddy, falling into the trap. "A donkey," laughed Billy teasingly, but poor Noddy felt too badly after his experience in the hay to retaliate in kind. After the restoration of Noddy, they began to survey the situation. All were soaked through, and the rain beat about them unmercifully. But they were thankful to have escaped with their lives. Through the white curtain of rain they could make out the outlines of the _Curlew_, riding at the dock. "I'm glad to see that," observed Jack. "I was half afraid that she might have broken away." "Then we _would_ have been in a fine fix," said Billy. "What will we do next?" asked Noddy, removing some fragments of hay from his ears. "Wait till the clouds roll by," laughed Billy. "I guess that's about the program, isn't it, Jack?" "Seems to be about all that there is to do," replied Jack; "but it seems to me that the storm is beginning to let up even now. Look in the northwest--it's beginning to get lighter." "So it is," agreed Billy. "Let's get under that clump of trees yonder till it blows over altogether." "Say, fellows, if we had a fire now, it would feel pretty good," observed Noddy. "Well, what's the matter with having one?" asked Jack. "We can get some of those old shingles and tarred posts. They're pretty wet, but we can start the blaze going with dried hay from the bottom of the pile." "Good for you. Volunteer firemen, get to work," cried Billy. Soon the boys were carrying the dry hay and such wood as seemed suitable for their purpose to the clump of trees. Jack took some matches from his safe and struck a lucifer after the wood had been properly piled. It blazed up cheerily. Each lad stripped to his underclothes and their drenched garments were hung in front of the hot fire. The dripping clothes sent up clouds of steam, but it was not long before they were dry enough to put on. By the time this was done the storm had abated. Presently the rain, which did not bother the boys under the thick clump of trees, ceased altogether. Only in the distance a dull muttering of thunder still went on. A rainbow appeared, delighting them with its brilliant colors. "Well, that's over," observed Jack, as he dressed. "Now we'll go down and pump out the _Curlew_. I'll bet she's half full of water." His conjecture proved correct. On their return to their trim little craft they found a foot or more of water in her hull. But this was soon disposed of and, with a brisk breeze favoring them, they set out once more for Pine Island. On their return they found Captain Toby, who had spied them from a distance, awaiting them on the dock. In his hand he held a yellow envelope. It was a telegram for Jack. The boy eagerly tore it open, and for a moment, as he scanned its contents, his face fell. But almost instantly he brightened. "Well, what's the news?" demanded his uncle. "Good and bad," rejoined Jack. "I guess our holiday is over. Billy and I are ordered to join the _Columbia_ as soon as we can." "Hurrah! I was beginning to long for the sea again," declared Billy Raynor. "I must confess I was, too," said Jack. "It's a great life for lads--makes men out of them," said Captain Toby. "I must see if I've got two bottles of the Universal Remedy for you boys to take to sea with you," and he hurried off. Noddy looked rather blue. "You are lucky fellows--off for more adventures and fun," he said, "while I just stick around." "Nonsense, you've got your business in New York to attend to, and, as for adventures, I've had plenty of them for a time, haven't you, Billy?" "A jugful," declared Raynor. "Enough to last me for the rest of my life-time, and, anyhow, life at sea is mostly hard work." "That's what makes it worth living," said Jack. "I'll be glad to get down to work again after our long holiday." "And I really believe I will, too," said Billy; "and on a crack liner like the _Columbia_ we may be able to make our marks." "I hope we will. I mean to work mighty hard, anyhow," said the young wireless man, "but hark, there goes the bell for supper. Hurry up, fellows, I'll race you to the house." The next day was devoted to saying good-by to the scenes and the people who had helped make up a happy vacation for the lads. Noddy, it was decided, would stay on with Captain Toby for the present, as his presence was not required in New York. Of course the lads visited Captain Simms. He told them that his holiday also was almost over. The naval code was nearly completed, and he must get back to Washington within a week or so. "Well, here's to our next meeting," he said, as he heartily clasped the hands of both lads in farewell. Under what circumstances that meeting was to occur none of them just then guessed. CHAPTER XXII. "THE GEM OF THE OCEAN." The _Columbia_, a magnificent and imposing vessel of more than 20,000 tons burden, lay at her New York dock two weeks later. Within her steel sides, besides the usual cabin accommodations, she had swimming pools, Roman courts, palm gardens and even a theater. Elevators conveyed her passengers from deck to deck. The new vessel of the Jukes shipping interests was the last word in shipbuilding, and from her stern flew the Stars and Stripes. It was sailing day. From the three immense black funnels smoke was rolling. Steam issued, roaring from the escape pipes. The dock buzzed and fermented with a great crowd assembled to see their friends off on the first voyage of the great ship. Wagons, taxicabs and autos blocked the street in front of the docks. Photographers and reporters swarmed everywhere. The confusion was tremendous, yet, promptly at the hour set for sailing, the booming siren began to sound, last farewells were shouted, and the invariable late stayer on board made his wild leap for the gang-plank before it was drawn in. A perceptible vibration ran through the monster ship. Her propellers began to churn the water white. A small fleet of tugs helped to swing her against the tide as she slowly backed into the stream. Majestically her monster bulk swung round, her bow pointing seaward. Her maiden voyage had begun. It is doubtful if among her delighted passengers and proud officers, however, there were any more enthusiastic about the great vessel than two lads who were seated in the wireless operators' cabin on the topmost deck. "Well, Billy, this is different from the old _Ajax_, eh?" "Is it? Well, I should say so," responded Billy. "You ought to see the engine-room. You could have put the _Ajax_ in it, almost." "We ought to be proud of our jobs," continued Jack. "I know I am. It's a great thing to be part of the human machinery of a huge vessel like this, and the best part of it is that she flies the American flag," added Billy enthusiastically. "I heard that the _Gigantia_, of the London Line, sails to-day, too. By Jove, there she comes now." He pointed out of the open door back up the river. The great British steamer, till then the biggest thing on the ocean, was backing out. Her four red-and-black funnels loomed up imposingly above her black hull. "Then we'll have a race for certain," said Billy, his eyes dilating with excitement; "good for us, but my money goes on the _Columbia_." "That Britisher can travel, though," said Jack. "Oh, we won't have an easy time of it, but I'll bet my shirt we'll win the blue ribbon of the ocean." "I hope so," rejoined Jack with a smile at the other's enthusiasm. "But what do you think of my quarters, Billy?" "Why, they're fit for a king or a millionaire," laughed Raynor. "I'll bet you never thought, when you were in that little rabbit hutch of a wireless room on the old _Ajax_, that some day you'd be traveling in such style?" Raynor's eyes wandered to the instrument table, with its array of the most up-to-date wireless apparatus. "Hullo! What's that thing?" he asked suddenly, pointing to a device that looked unfamiliar. It was a box-shaped arrangement, metal, with complicated wires strung to it and had a "telephone" receiver attached to it with a band to hold it securely to the operator's head. "Oh, that's an invention of my own that I'm trying out," said Jack. "I don't just know what success I'll have with it. I haven't really put it to the test yet." "What do you call it?" "The Universal Detector," replied Jack. "Just what is that?" "Well, at present you know a ship can only receive wireless messages from a ship that is 'in tune' with her own radio apparatus. The Universal Detector should make it possible to catch every wireless sound. I am very anxious, if I perfect it, to get it adopted in the navy. It would be of great value in time of war, for by its use every message sent by an enemy, even if they were purposely put 'out of tune,' could be caught." "By the way, speaking of the navy, did you hear from Captain Simms?" "Yes; he is still up at Musky Bay. Some difficulties in the code have arisen, and he will not be through with his work for two weeks or more yet, he says." "No more attempts to steal his work, or to spy on him?" "He doesn't mention any. I guess we're through with the Judson crowd." "Looks that way. What a gang of thorough-paced rascals they were." "I guess Judson's business must be in a bad way to make him take such desperate chances to recoup by landing that contract." "I suppose that's it." Raynor lifted his eyes to the ship's clock above Jack's operating instruments. "By Jove, almost eight bells! I've got to go on watch. This is my first job as second engineer, and I mean to keep things on the jump. Well, so long, old fellow." "See you this evening," said Jack, as Raynor hurried off. Jack soon became very busy. The air was full of all sorts of messages. Besides that, his cabin was crowded with men and women who wished to file last messages to those they left behind them. He worked steadily through the afternoon, catching meteorological radios as well as information from other steamers scattered along the Atlantic lane. He knew that he might expect hard work and plenty of it all that day. There would be no chance for him to experiment with his Universal Detector. About dusk, Harvey Thurman, his assistant, came into the wireless room to relieve him while he went to dinner. Thurman was a short, thick-set young man, with a flabby, pallid face and shifty eyes. He had got his job on the new liner through a "pull" that he possessed through a distant relationship with Mr. Jukes. Jack had not met him before, and, since they had been on board, they had exchanged only a few words, but he instinctively felt that he and Thurman were not going to make very good shipmates. As Jack relinquished the head-receivers and the key to his "relief," Thurman's gaze rested on the Universal Detector. "What's that?" he demanded. "Oh, just a little idea I'm working on," said Jack, "a new invention. If I can perfect it, it may be valuable." "Yes, but what is it? What's it for?" persisted Thurman. Jack explained what he hoped to accomplish with the instrument, and an instant later was sorry he had done so, for he noticed an expression of cupidity creep into Thurman's eyes. The youth persisted in asking a host of questions, and Jack, having started to explain, could not very well refuse to answer. Besides, inventors are notoriously garrulous about their brain children, and Jack, even though he did not like Thurman, soon found himself talking away at a great rate. "Huh, I don't think the idea's worth a cent," sniffed Thurman contemptuously, when Jack had finished. "I guess that's where you and I differ," said Jack, controlling his temper with some difficulty, for the sneer in Thurman's voice had been marked. "I'm going to make it a success, and then we shall see." He left the wireless room, and the instant he was gone Thurman, with a crafty look on his flabby face, eagerly began examining the detector. As he was doing so Jack, who had forgotten his cap, suddenly reëntered the wireless room. Thurman had been so intent on his scrutiny of the detector that he did not hear him. "You appear to be taking great interest in that useless invention," said Jack in a quiet voice. Thurman started and spun round. His face turned red and he had an almost guilty look. "I didn't think you were coming creeping back like that," he exclaimed, "a fellow would almost think you were spying on him." "Have you any reason to fear being spied upon?" asked Jack. "Me? No, not the least. That's a funny question." "I want to tell you, Thurman, that my invention is not yet completed and therefore, of course, is not patented. I was pretty free with you in describing it, and I shall trust to your honor not to talk about it to anyone." "Certainly not," blustered Thurman. "I'm not that sort of a chap." But, after Jack had gone out, he resumed his study of the detector a second time, desisting every time he heard a step outside. "So it's not patented, eh?" he muttered to himself. "That will help. It's an idea there that ought to be worth a pot of money." CHAPTER XXIII. JACK'S BIG SECRET. The next day Jack found an opportunity to sandwich in some work on his invention between his regular work. The thing fascinated him, and he tried and tested it in a hundred different combinations. Suddenly, just after he had altered two important units of the device, a new note came to his ears through the "watch-case" receivers that were clamped to his head. "It's code--somebody sending code!" exclaimed Jack, and then the next instant, "it's some ship of the navy! Hurrah! The detector is working, for they use different wave lengths from the commercial workers, and, if it hadn't been for the Universal Detector, I'd never have been able to listen in at their little talk-fest." He waited till the code message, a long one from Washington to the _Idaho_, of the North Atlantic fleet at Guantanamo, Cuba, was finished, and then he could not refrain from "butting in." "Hello, navy," he chattered with the wireless key, "that was a nice little message you had. How's the weather up your way?" "Who is this?" demanded the navy wireless in imperious tones. "Oh, just a fellow who was listening," responded Jack. "Butting in, you mean. But say, how did you ever get on to our sending? We were using eccentric wave-lengths to keep our talk a secret." "I'll have to keep how I caught your talk a secret, too, for the present, old man." "Great Scott! It isn't possible that you've solved the problem of a universal detector. Why, that's a thing the navy sharps have been working on for years." "I can't say how I caught your message," shot back Jack's radio through space. "You'll have to tell if the government gets after you," was the reply. "Uncle Sam isn't going to have a fellow running round loose with anything like that." "What do you mean?" "That you will be forbidden to use it." "Is that so?" "Yes, that's so. I'm going to make out a report for my superiors about it right now. You're pretty fresh." "Put that in the report, too," chuckled the _Columbia's_ wireless disdainfully. "You'll find it's no joke to monkey with the government," snapped back the naval man. Jack didn't answer. A message from the _Taurus_, of the Bull Line, was coming in. She had sighted an iceberg, something very unusual at that time of year. Jack hurried the message, which gave latitude and longitude of the menace, to Captain Turner. "Well, that won't bother us," said that dignitary. "We're far to the south of that. Those Bull fellows run to Quebec. Send a radio to Captain Spencer, of the _Taurus_, thanking him for his information." The great man, the captain of a liner, who has literally more power than a king, lit a cigar, and bent his head once more over the problem in navigation he was wrestling with. Jack saluted and hurried back to his quarters. He was highly elated over the success of his Universal Detector. The threats of the government man did not alarm him, for he did not propose to place his invention on the general market, but to sell it outright to the government, whose secret it would then remain. He resolved to test it again. A moment after he had put the receivers to his ears, a broad grin came over his face. The air was literally vibrant with the calls of the navy men, flinging their high-powered currents through space. "... he's a cheeky beggar, whoever he is, but he's got the goods," was the first he heard. "Hum, that's Mr. Washington," thought Jack. Then, from some other point came another message. "Great Scott! Uncle Sam won't let him get away with anything like that." "I should say not. The Secret Service department is already at work trying to find out who the dickens he is." "That will be a sweet job," came the naval station at Point Judith. "Talk about a needle in a haystack," sputtered the U. S. S. _Alabama_. "Not a patch on it," agreed the great dreadnought _Florida_. Then came Washington again. "I'll tell you it's stirred up a fuss here," he said. "I wonder who it can be." "Maybe that Italian fellow who invented the sliding sounder," suggested the _Florida_. "Or Pederson, out in Chicago," came from a land station. All the navy men appeared to be joining in the confab. "Gracious, what a fuss I've stirred up," thought Jack, with a quiet smile. "They'd never guess in a million years that it's a kid of an operator who's causing all the trouble." "No; both the men you mentioned are in Europe," declared Washington. "The department's been trailing them since they got my news." "Well, the wireless men are going to be a happy hunting ground for the Secret Service fellows for this one little while," chuckled the _Florida_. "Wonder if he's listening now?" struck in the _North Dakota_, which had not yet talked. "Shouldn't wonder," remarked the _Idaho_. Jack pressed down his key and the spark began to flash and crackle. "You fellows are having a grand old pow-wow," he said. "Sorry I can't give you any information. I know you're dying of curiosity." "You've got your nerve, I must say," sputtered Washington indignantly. "Have you been listening right along?" "Yes; that Secret Service hunt is going to be very interesting." "It won't be very interesting for you, whoever you are, when they get you," thundered the mighty _Florida_. "It's bad business monkeying with Uncle Sam." "Maybe they won't get me," suggested Jack's spark. "Oh, yes, they will," came from Washington, "and you'll find it doesn't pay to be as sassy as you've been." "M-M-M," sent out Jack mischievously. The three letters mean, in telegraphers' and wireless men's language, "laughter." Washington's dignity took fire at this gross insult. They must have sizzled as from the national capital an angry message shot out to the other ships to talk in code. Jack's fun was over, but he had thoroughly enjoyed all the excitement he had stirred up. As he laid down the receivers Raynor came in. "You look tickled to death over something," he exclaimed. "What's up?" Jack sprang to his feet. His eyes were shining. He clasped Raynor's hand and wrung it pump-handle fashion. Raynor looked at the usually quiet, rather self-contained lad, in blank astonishment. "What's happened--somebody wirelessed you that you're heir to a million?" he demanded. "No, better than that, Billy." "Great Scott! Tell me." "Billy, old boy, it works. It works like a charm. I've got half the navy all snarled up about it now. By to-morrow they'll be after me with Secret Service men." "Gee whillakers. You've done the trick! Good for you, old boy." A sudden shadow in the open door made them both look round. Thurman stood in the embrasure. "May I add my congratulations?" he said, holding out his hand. CHAPTER XXIV. THE NAVY DEPARTMENT "SITS UP." Jack could not refuse the proffered hand. But he took it with an uneasy air. There was something not quite "straight" about Thurman, it seemed to Jack, but as the former offered his congratulations he appeared sincere enough. "After all, it may be just his misfortune that he can't look you in the eyes," Jack told himself. But if he had been in the wireless room that night he would have deemed his suspicions only too well founded. Thurman busied himself with routine matters till he was sure Jack was asleep. Then he began calling Washington with monotonous regularity. An irritable operator answered him. By the wave length the Washington man knew that it was not a naval station or vessel calling. "Yes--yes--what--is--it?" he snapped. "I know the fellow who has that Universal Detector." "What!" The other man, hundreds of miles away, almost fell out of his chair. Recovering himself, he shot out another message: "Who is this?" "Never mind that, just for the present." "Say, you're not that fresh fellow himself talking just to kid us, are you?" "No, I'm far from joking. I expect to make some money out of this." "A reward?" "That's the idea." "Well, there's no doubt but you would get it if you really have the information. The department's been all up in the air ever since that fellow butted in." "Are you going to report this conversation?" "Most assuredly." "Don't forget that I demand a substantial reward for the information." "I won't. When will you call me again?" "About this time to-morrow night." "All right, then. Good-by." Thurman took the receiver from his head with a slow smile of satisfaction. "I guess that will cook that fresh kid's goose," he said. "It's a mean thing to do, maybe, but I need the money, and I'm glad to get a chance to set him down a peg or two." Thurman could hardly wait for the next night to come. During the day Jack had been having some more fun with the navy men, driving them almost wild. When Thurman finally got Washington, therefore, everything in the government's big wireless station was at fever heat. A high official of the navy sat by the operator, waiting for Thurman's promised call to come out of space. Men of the Secret Service were scattered about the room as well as department officials. The air was tense with expectancy. At last Thurman's message came. His first question was about the reward. "Tell him he will be liberally rewarded," ordered the naval official. "Tell him to give us the information at once. That fellow has been playing with us all day, and we've been powerless to outwit the Universal Detector, or whatever device it is he uses. The man must be a wizard to have solved a problem that has baffled the keenest minds in the Navy Bureau." "Reward is assured you," flashed back the naval operator. "Now give us your information. Time is precious." But Thurman's answer proved disappointing to those in the room. "Impossible to do so now. Inventor is on the high seas. Will wireless you later when he will return." "Confound it," grumbled the naval official. "I thought we would have had our hands on the fellow before daylight. Now it seems we shall have to play a waiting game." "If the man is on the high seas, it is not unlikely that he is the wireless man on one of the liners," put in Burns, a spare, grizzled man and Chief of the Secret Service. "That's probable, Burns," rejoined the navy official. "More than likely, I think," put in another member of the group, "but it's impossible to find out which one." "Yes, we are at the mercy of our unknown informant," said Burns. "Why the deuce was he so mysterious about it?" He tugged at his gray mustache as a sudden thought struck him. "Jove!" he exclaimed. "You don't think it's a put-up job to get money out of the government? Put up, I mean, by an agent of the inventor himself." "I don't know, Burns," was the official's reply. "It's all mighty mysterious. I confess I can't hazard a guess as to the man's identity. We've looked up all the most prominent wireless sharps all over the country. I am satisfied this fellow is not one of their number." "Some obscure fellow, I guess," said a Secret Service man. "Well, he won't remain obscure long," remarked Burns, "if he has brains enough to turn the navy department topsy-turvy for forty-eight hours." CHAPTER XXV. A MYSTERY ON BOARD. Two days later the monotony of the voyage, which was broken only by the radiograms which were posted daily concerning the race between the American and British liners--the _Columbia_ being in the lead--was rudely shattered by an incident in which Jack was destined to play an important part. Jack had been on a visit to Raynor during the young engineer's night watch in the engine-room. They had stayed chatting and talking over old times till Jack suddenly realized that it was long after midnight and time for him to be in his bunk. Hastily saying good-night, he made his way through the deserted corridors of the great ship, which stretched empty and dimly lit before him. As he traversed them the young wireless man could not but think of the contrast to the busy life of the day when stewards swarmed and passengers hurried to and fro. Now everything was silent and deserted, except for the still figures up on the bridge and below in the engine and fire rooms, guiding and powering the great vessel onward through the night at a twenty-four-knot clip. The lad had just reached the end of one corridor, and was about to turn into another which led to a companionway, which would bring him to his own domain, when he stopped short, startled by the sound of a single sharp outcry. It came from the corridor he was about to turn into. Jack darted round the corner and almost instantly stumbled over the huddled body of a man lying outside one of the cabin doors. A dark stain was under his head, and Jack saw at once that the man had been the victim of an attack. At almost the same moment, by the dim light, he recognized the unconscious form as being that of Joseph Rosenstein, a diamond merchant, so wealthy and famous that he had been pointed out to Jack by the purser as a celebrity. "Queer fellow," the purser had said. "Won't put his jewels in the safe, although I understand he is carrying three magnificent diamonds with him. Likely to get into trouble if anyone on board knows about it." "He's taking big chances," agreed Jack, and now here was the proof of his words lying at the boy's feet. Suddenly he recalled having received a message a few days before from New York for the injured man. "Be very careful. F. is on board," it had read, and Jack interpreted this to be meant as a warning to the diamond merchant. But he did not devote much attention to it just then, except to rouse the sleepy stewards. Within a few minutes the captain and the doctor were on the scene. "A nasty cut, done with a blackjack or a club," opined Dr. Browning, as he raised the man. "Is it a mortal wound?" asked the captain. "This is a terrible thing to have happen on my ship." "I think he'll pull through if no complications set in," said the doctor, and ordered the man removed to his cabin. Suddenly Jack recollected what the purser had said about the diamonds. "I beg your pardon, sir," said he to the captain, "but I heard that this man carried about valuable diamonds with him. He was probably attacked for purposes of robbery." "That's right," answered the captain, with a quick look of approval at Jack. "Browning, we'd better examine the contents of his pockets." They did so, but no traces of precious stones could be found. "Whoever did this, robbed him," declared the captain, with a somber brow, "and the deuce of it is that, unless we can detect him, he will walk ashore at Southampton or Cherbourg a free man." The door of the stateroom opposite to which the injured man lay opened suddenly, and a little, wizen-faced man, wearing spectacles, looked out. He appeared startled and shocked as he saw the limp form. "Good gracious! This is terrible, terrible, captain," he sputtered. "Is--is the man dead?" "No, Professor Dusenberry, although that does not appear to be the fault of whoever attacked him," was the rejoinder. "He was attacked, then, for purposes of robbery, do you think?" "I suspect so." "Oh, dear, this has so upset me that I shan't sleep the rest of the night," protested the little man, and withdrew into his stateroom. The next day, naturally, the whole ship buzzed with the news of the night's happenings, and speculation ran rife as to who could have attacked the diamond merchant, who had recovered consciousness and was able to talk. He himself had not the slightest idea of his assailant. He had sat up till late in the smoking saloon, he said, and was coming along the corridor to his stateroom when he was struck down from behind. A black leather wallet, containing three diamonds, which were destined to be sold to the scion of a European royal house, was missing from his pocket, and the loss nearly drove the unfortunate diamond man frantic. He valued the stones at $150,000, so that perhaps his frenzy at losing them was not unnatural. In the afternoon, Professor Dusenberry, dressed in a frock coat and top hat, although he was at sea and the weather was warm, came into the wireless room. He wanted to send a message, he said, a wireless to London. He was very cautious about inquiring the price and all the details before he sat down to write out his dispatch. When it was completed he handed it to Jack with his thin fingers, and asked that it be dispatched at once. Then he retreated, or rather faded, from the wireless room. Jack scanned the message with thoughtful eyes. It seemed an odd radiogram for a college professor, such as he had heard Prof. Dusenberry was, to be sending. It read as follows: "Meet me at three on the granite paving-stones. The weather is fine, but got no specimens. There is no suspicion as you have directed, but I'm afraid wrong." F. "Well, that's a fine muddle for somebody to make out when they get it," mused Jack, as he sent out a call for the Fowey Station. "Must be some sort of a cipher the old fellow is using. He's a dry sort of old stick. Goodness! How scared he was when he saw that man lying outside his door. I thought he was going to faint or something." "Wonder what sort of a cipher that is," mused Jack, as he waited for an answer to his call. "Looks to me as if it's one of those numerical ciphers where every second or third or fourth or fifth word is taken from the context and composes a message. Guess I'll try and work it out some time. It'll be something to do. And, hullo, he signs himself 'F'." Jack looked up at the printed passenger-list that hung before him. "Professor F. Dusenberry" was the last of the "D's" "His initial," thought Jack, "but it's a funny coincidence that it should be the same as that of the man the diamond merchant was warned to watch out for, and that it should have been the professor's door outside of which he was struck down." CHAPTER XXVI. A "FLASH" OF DISTRESS. Having dispatched the message, Jack sat back in his chair and mused over the future of the Universal Detector. It was a fascinating subject to day-dream over, but his reverie was rudely interrupted by a sharp summons from space. "Yes--yes--yes," he shot back, "who--is--it?" "This is the _Oriana_," came back the reply, "Hamburg for New York. We are in distress." "What's the trouble?" The spark crackled and writhed, as Jack's rapid fingers spelled out the message. "We struck a half submerged derelict and our bow is stove in. We believe we are sinking. This is an S. O. S." Then followed the position of the craft and another earnest appeal to rush to her aid. Jack roughly figured out the distances that separated the two ships. "Will be there in about two hours," he flashed, and then hurried to Captain Turner's cabin with his message. The captain scanned the message with contracted brow. "The _Oriana_," he muttered, "I know her well. Rotten old tramp. We must have full speed ahead. Stand by your wireless, Ready, and tell them we are rushing at top speed to their aid. Confound it, though," he went on, half to himself, "this will lose us the race with the Britisher, but still if we can save the lives of those poor devils I shall be just as well satisfied." The captain hastened to the bridge to issue his orders and change the big ship's course. Jack went quickly back to his cabin and began flashing out messages of good cheer. About half an hour later Captain Turner came along. "Any more news, Ready?" he asked. "No, sir. Their current is getting weak. The last time I had them the operator said that the ship was slowly settling, but that they had the steam pumps going and would keep them working till the water reached the fires. The officers were keeping the firemen at their work with revolvers." "I've been through such scenes," remarked the captain. "It's part of a seaman's life, but it's an inferno while it lasts." "Notify me if you hear anything further," said Captain Turner a few moments later. "Yes, sir. Hullo, here's something coming now. It's the _Borovian_, of the Black Star line. She got that S. O. S. too, and is hurrying to the rescue. But she's far to the south of us." "Yes, we shall reach the _Oriana_ long before she does," said the captain. "By the way, Ready, I've heard that you have quite a reputation for loving adventure." Jack colored. He did not quite make out what the captain was "driving at," as the saying is. "I do like action, yes, sir," he replied. "Well, then," said Captain Turner, "you've got a little excitement due to you for your prompt action last night in the case of the assault on that diamond merchant. If you want to go on the boats to the _Oriana_, you may do so. Get Thurman to stand by the wireless while you're gone. You can make the time up to him on some other occasion." Jack's eyes danced. He could hardly express his thanks at the opportunity for a break in the rather monotonous life on shipboard. But the captain had turned on his heel as he finished his speech and left the grateful lad alone. Thurman was sleeping when Jack roused him. When he learned that Jack was to make one of the boat parties and that he (Thurman) was to remain on duty, the second wireless man's temper flared up. "That's a fine thing, I must say," he growled. "You're to go on a junket while I do your work. I won't stand for it." "Pshaw, Thurman," said Jack pacifically. "I'll do the same for you at any time you say. Besides, I heard you say once you wouldn't like to go in the small boats." "Think I'm afraid, eh?" "I said no such thing," retorted Jack, "I----" "I don't care, you thought it. I'll complain to Captain Turner." "I would not advise you to." "Keep your advice to yourself. I've got pull enough to have you fired." "This line treats its employees too fairly for any such claim as a 'pull' to be advanced." "You think so, eh? Well, I'll show you. You've been acting like a swelled head all the way over, Ready," said Thurman, forgetting all bounds in his anger. "I'll find a way to fix you----" "Say, you talk like an angry kid who's been put out of a ball game," said Jack. "I hope you get over it by the time you come on duty." An angry snarl was Thurman's only rejoinder as Jack left the wireless operator's sleeping quarters. But the next instant all thought of Thurman was put out of his mind. The lookout had reported from the crow's-nest. On the far horizon a mighty cloud of dark smoke was rising and spreading. Before many moments had passed it was known that fire--that greatest of sea perils--had been added to the sinking _Oriana's_ troubles. As the news spread through the ship the passengers thronged to the rails. Suppressed excitement ran wild among them. Even Jack found himself unable to stay still as he thought of the lives in peril under that far-off smoke pall. All communication with the stricken ship had ceased, and Jack knew that things must have reached a crisis for her crew. Then came an order to cast loose four boats, two on the port and two on the starboard side. Officers and men obeyed with a will. By the time they were ready to be dropped overside, the outlines of the burning steamer were plainly visible. She looked very low in the water. From her midships section smoke, in immense black clouds, was pouring. But to Jack's surprise no boats surrounded her, as he had expected would be the case. Instead, on her stern, an old-fashioned, high-raised one, he could make out, through his glasses, a huddled mass of human figures. Suddenly one figure detached itself from the rest and Jack saw a pistol raised and aimed at the lower deck. Spurts of smoke from the weapon followed. Thrilled, Jack was about to report what he had seen to the bridge when the third officer, a young man named Billings, came up to him. "You're in my boat," he said. "Cut along." CHAPTER XXVII. A STRANGE WRECK. "Well, boys, we got here just in time," observed Mr. Billings, as the boat cut through the water. "I'm not so sure that we have arrived in time to avert a tragedy," said Jack, and he told of the shooting that he had witnessed. "Probably a mutiny," said Mr. Billings, with the voice of experience. "The crews on those old tramps are the riff-raff of a hundred ports. Bad men to handle in an emergency." He had hardly finished speaking when, borne toward them on the wind, which was setting from the burning, sinking ship, came a most appalling uproar. It sounded like the shrieks of hundreds of passing souls mingled with deep roars and screeches. Even Mr. Billings turned a shade paler under his tan. "In the name of heaven what was that?" he exclaimed. As he spoke a huge tawny form was seen to climb upon the rail of the rusty old steamer and then launch itself into the sea with a mighty roar. "A lion!" exclaimed Jack, "by all that's wonderful, a lion." "That explains the mystery of those noises and the predicament of those poor fellows crowded on the stern away from the boats," said Mr. Billings, who had quite regained his self-possession. "But--but I don't understand," said Jack. "That ship has a cargo of wild animals on board," explained Mr. Billings. "Such shipments are regularly made from Hamburg, her hailing port, to America. Most probably she had lions, tigers, leopards, great serpents and other animals on board. When her bow was stove in a number of cages were smashed and the wild beasts escaped." "That accounts for the shooting I saw, then," exclaimed Jack; "they must have been firing from the raised stern at the animals which menaced them on the main deck." "Unquestionably. I am glad I brought my own shooting iron," said Mr. Billings. "I packed it along in case we had trouble with a mutinous crew." They were now close to the blazing ship. The heat and odor of the flames were clearly felt. "We'll have to pull around on the weather side," decided Mr. Brown. "If we come up under the wind, we'd all be scorched before we could effect any rescues. "Pull round the stern, my lads," he ordered. "Aye, aye, sir," came in a deep-throated chorus from the crew. As the four boats made under the stern, white, anxious faces looked down on them. "Thank heaven you've come!" exclaimed the captain, whose haggard countenance showed all that he had been through. "We're just about at our last ditch. The animals we were taking from Jamrachs, in Hamburg, for an American circus, broke loose after the collision with the derelict. They've killed two of my men and maimed another." "All right, my hearties, just hold on a minute and we'll have you out of that," exclaimed Mr. Billings cheerfully. More roars and screeches from the loosened animals checked him. Then came more shots, telling of an attack on the stern, the only cool part of the ship left, which had been repulsed. The flames shot up, seeming to reach to the sky, and the smoke blotted out the sun, enveloping everything in the burning ship's vicinity in a sort of twilight. "Do you think we'll be able to get all of them off?" asked Jack eagerly. "I'm in hopes that we will," said Mr. Billings, "if nothing untoward happens." There was, Jack noticed, a shade of anxiety in the young officer's tone. There was, then, some peril, of which he knew nothing as yet, attached to the enterprise, thought Jack. But of the nature of the danger he had no guess till later. As the first boat, Mr. Billings' craft, drew alongside the blistering side of the burning ship, a Jacob's ladder came snaking down from the stern. At almost the same moment Jack, who had been looking upward, uttered a shout of alarm. The fierce face of a wild beast had suddenly appeared above the rail of the blazing _Oriana_. The next instant a great lithe, striped body streaked through the air straight for the boat. Instinctively Jack, who saw the huge form of the tiger, for that was the desperate flame-maddened creature that had made the jump, sprang for the side of the boat and dived overboard. [Illustration: The next instant a great lithe, striped body streaked through the air.--] He was not a second too soon. The tiger struck the side of the boat in the stern just where Jack had been sitting a fragment of a minute before. The boat heeled over as the great beast, mad with terror, clawed at its sides with its fore-paws and endeavored to climb in. Mr. Billings, pale but firm, whipped out his revolver with an untrembling hand while the men, utterly unnerved, dropped their oars and shouted with alarm. Bang! The tiger gave a struggle that almost capsized the boat. Then, suddenly, its claws relaxed their hold and it slid into the water, limp and lifeless, shot between the eyes. But where was Jack? The question just occurred to Mr. Billings when, looking up suddenly, he saw something that made him yell a swift order at the top of his lungs. "Row for your lives, men, row. She's going to blow up!" CHAPTER XXVIII. CAST AWAY WITH A PYTHON. When Jack dived overboard he was so unnerved by the sudden apparition of the fear-frenzied tiger that he rose some distance back of the boat. He came to the surface just in time to see the slaying of the animal and hear Mr. Billings' sharp cry of warning. Before he could attract attention the boats were all pulling at top speed from the burning ship. "She's going to blow up!" the words etched themselves on Jack's brain with the rapidity of a photographic plate. He saw a convulsive tremor shake the big steel fabric and the despairing shouts of the men in the stern rang in his ears. At the same moment he dived and began swimming with all his strength away from the doomed ship. Suddenly came a shock that even under water seemed to drive his ear-drums in. Then he felt himself seized as if in a giant's grip and dragged down, down, down. His vision grew scarlet. His heart beat as if it must burst from his frame and his entire body felt as if it was being cruelly compressed in a monster vise. Jack knew what had occurred: the boilers of the _Oriana_ had blown up and he was being carried down by the suction of the hull as it sank. Just as he felt that he could no longer endure the strain, the dragging sensation ceased. Like a stone from a catapult Jack was projected up again to the surface of the sea. The sky, the ocean, everything burned red as flame as he regained the blessed air and sucked it in in great lungfulls. For a moment or so he was actually unconscious. Then, as his normal functions returned, and his sight grew less blurred, he made out a hatch floating not far from him. He struck out for this and clambered upon it. The sea was strewn with the wreckage of the explosion. Beams, skylights, even charred and blistered metal liferafts floated all about him. But these did not engross Jack's attention for long after he had cast his gaze in the direction where the _Oriana_ last lay. There he encountered an extraordinary sight. On the surface of the ocean floated the stern section of the sunken steamer. To it still clung the occupants that he had last seen there. Jack rubbed his eyes and looked and looked again. Yes, there was no doubt about it, the after part of the _Oriana_ was still afloat, although how long it would remain so it was impossible to say. Jack guessed, and as it afterward transpired, guessed correctly, that the watertight bulkhead doors, which had automatically been closed all over the ship when the collision occurred, were sustaining the stern fragment of the ship on the surface. This part of the _Oriana_, unharmed by the explosion or the collision, was now floating much as a corked bottle might be expected to do, excepting, of course, that there was a marked list to the drifting fragment.[1] [Footnote 1: The after part of the ill-fated tank steamer _Oregon_, sunk 100 miles off Sandy Hook, in 1913, when, during a severe storm, she broke in two, floated with the survivors in exactly the manner described in the _Oriana's_ case.--Author's Note.] Jack now saw the scattered boats returning to the scene. The man in command of each was urging the crews on with voice and gesture. Not one had been harmed, but it was a narrow escape. Jack set up a shout, but apparently, in the excitement of racing for the floating stern part of the _Oriana_, he was unnoticed. However, this did not alarm him, for he was sure of being able to attract attention before long. A sudden lurch of the hatchway on which he was drifting, and the sound of a slithering motion as of some heavy body being dragged along some rough surface, made him turn his head. What he saw made him almost lose his grip on the hatchway. [Illustration: What he saw made him almost lose his grip on the hatchway.] The hideous flat head and wicked eyes of a huge python faced him. The great snake, escaping somehow from the catastrophe to the menagerie ship, had swum for the same refuge Jack had chosen. Now it was dragging its brilliantly mottled body, as thick as a man's thigh, up upon the hatchway. The floating "raft" dipped under the great snake's weight, while Jack, literally petrified with horror, watched without motion or outcry. But apparently the snake was too badly stunned by the explosion to be inclined for mischief. It coiled its great body compactly in gay-colored folds on the hatch and lay still. But Jack noticed that its mottled eyes never left his figure. "Gracious, I can't stand this much longer," thought Jack. He looked about him for another bit of wreckage to which he might swim and be free of his unpleasant neighbor. But the débris had all drifted far apart by this time and his limbs felt too stiffened by his involuntary dive to the depths of the ocean for him to attempt a long swim. Not far off he could see the boats busily transferring the castaways of the _Oriana_ on board. Supposing they pulled away from the scene without seeing him? Undoubtedly, they deemed him lost and would not make a search for him. Warmly as the sun beat down, Jack felt a chill that turned his blood to ice-water run over him at the thought. Left to drift on the broad Atlantic with a serpent for a companion and without a weapon with which to defend himself. The thought was maddening and he resolutely put it from him. So far the great snake had lain somnolently, but now, as the sun began to warm its body, Jack saw the brilliantly colored folds begin to writhe and move. It suddenly appeared to become aware of him and raised its flat, spade-shaped head above its coils. Its tongue darted in and out of its red mouth viciously. Jack became conscious of a strong smell of musk, the characteristic odor of serpents. His mouth went dry with fear, although he was naturally a brave lad, as we know. A dreadful fascination seemed to hold him in thrall. He could not have moved a muscle if his life, as he believed it did, depended on his escape. The hideous head began to sway rhythmically in a sort of dance. Still Jack could not take his eyes from that swaying head and darting red tongue. A species of hypnotic spell fell over him. He heard nothing and saw nothing but the swaying snake. All at once the head shot forward. With a wild yell Jack, out of his trance at last, fell backward off the hatch into the water. At the same instant Mr. Billings' pistol spoke. Again and again he fired it till the great snake's threshing form lay still in death. Unwilling to give Jack up for lost, although he feared in his heart that this was the case, the third officer would not leave the scene till all hope was exhausted. Sweeping the vicinity with his glasses, he had spied the impending tragedy on the hatch. Full speed had been made to the rescue at once and, as we know, aid arrived in the nick of time. As Jack rose sputtering to the surface strong hands pulled him into the boat. He was told what had happened. "A narrow escape," said Mr. Billings, beside whom sat Captain Sanders of the lost steamer. He looked the picture of woe. "I owe my life to you, Mr. Billings," burst out Jack, holding out his hand. The seaman took it in his rough brown palm. "That's all right, my lad," he said. "Maybe you'll do as much for me some day." And then, as if ashamed even of this display of emotion, he bawled out in his roughest voice: "Give way there, bullies! Don't sit dreaming! Bend your backs!" As the boats flew back toward where the great bulk of the _Columbia_, her rails lined with eager passengers, rested immobile on the surface of the ocean, the castaway captain turned a glance backward to the stern of his ship, which was still floating but settling and sinking fast. It was easy to guess what his thoughts were. "That's one of the tragedies of the sea," thought Jack. CHAPTER XXIX. CAPTURED BY RADIO. It was two days later and they were nearing Southampton, but the stop they had made to aid the _Oriana's_ crew had given the Britisher a big lead on them. The passengers eagerly clustered to read Jack's wireless bulletin from the other ship which was posted every day. Excitement ran high. Jack had seen no more of Professor Dusenberry, but he had spent a good deal of leisure time pondering over the code message the queer little dried up man had sent. Raynor, who had quite a genius for such things, and spent much time solving the puzzles in magazines and periodicals, helped him. But they did not make much progress. Suddenly, however, the night before they were due to reach Southampton, Jack was sitting staring at the message when, without warning, as such things sometimes will, the real sense of the message leaped at him from the page. "Meet me at _three_ on the paving _stones_, the weather is _fine_ but got no _specimens_, there is no _suspicion_ as you have _directed_ but I'm afraid _wrong_." Taking every fourth word from the dispatch then, it read as follows: "Three stones. Fine specimens. Suspicion directed wrong." Jack sat staring like one bewitched as the amazingly simple cipher revealed itself in a flash after his hours of study. Granted he had struck the right solution, the message was illuminating enough. Professor Dusenberry was a dangerous crook, instead of the harmless old "crank" the passengers had taken him for, and his cipher message was to a confederate. But on second thought Jack was inclined to believe that it was merely a coincidence that placing together every fourth word of the jumbled message made a dispatch having a perfectly understandable bearing on the jewel theft. It was impossible to believe that Professor Dusenberry, mild and self-effacing, could have had a hand in the attack on the diamond merchant. Jack was sorely perplexed. He was still puzzling over the matter when the object of his thoughts appeared in his usual timid manner. He wished to send another dispatch, he said. While he wrote it out Jack studied the mild, almost benevolent features of the man known as Prof. Dusenberry. "But there's one test," he thought to himself. "If the 'fourth word' test applies to this dispatch also, the Professor is a criminal, of a dangerous type, in disguise. But he contrived to glance carelessly over the dispatch when the professor handed it to him and fumbled in his pocket for a wallet with which to pay for it. Not till the seemingly mild old man had shuffled out did Jack apply his test to it. The message read as follows: "_Columbia_ fast as motor-boat, watch her in Southampton. Am well and will no more time throw away on fake life-preserver." F. With fingers that actually trembled, Jack wrote down every fourth word. Here is the result he obtained: "Motorboat Southampton. Will throw life-preserver." "By the great horn-spoon," exclaimed Jack to himself, "it worked out like a charm. But still, what am I going to do? I can't go to the captain with no more evidence than this. He would not order the man detained. I have it!" he cried, after a moment of deep reflection. "The Southampton detectives have been already wirelessed about the crime and are going to board the ship. I'll flash them another message, telling them of the plan to drop the jewels overboard in a life-preserver so that they will float till the motor-boat picks them up." Jack first, however, sent the supposed Prof. Dusenberry's message through to London, with which he was now in touch. He noted it was to the same address as before, that of a Mr. Jeremy Pottler, 38 South Totting Road, W. Then he summoned the Southampton station, and, before long, a messenger brought to the police authorities there a dispatch that caused a great deal of excitement. He had just finished doing this when Jack's attention was attracted by the re-entrance of the professor. He wanted to look over the dispatch he had sent again, he said, but Jack noticed that his eyes, singularly keen behind his spectacles, swept the table swiftly as if in search of something. The abstract that Jack had made of the cipher dispatch lay in plain view. Jack hastily swept it out of sight by an apparently careless movement. But he felt the professor's eyes fixed on him keenly. But if Prof. Dusenberry had observed anything he said nothing. He merely remarked that the dispatch appeared to be all right and walked out again in his peculiar shambling way. "The old fox suspects something," thought Jack. "I wonder if he saw that little translation I took the liberty of making of his dispatch. If he did, he must have known that I smelled a rat." Just then Raynor dropped in on his way on watch. "Well, we're in to-morrow, Jack," he said, "but I'm afraid the Britisher will beat us out." "I'm afraid so, too," responded Jack. "Their operator has been crowing over me all day. But at any rate it was in a good cause." "Yes, and they're taking up a subscription for the shipwrecked men at the concert to-night, I hear, so that they won't land destitute." "That's good; but say, Bill, you're off watch to-morrow and I want you to do something for me." "Anything you say." "This may involve danger." "Great Scott, you talk like Sherlock Holmes or a dime novel. What's up?" "I've got the man who stole those diamonds." "What!" "Don't talk so loud. I mean what I say. Listen." And Jack related everything that had occurred. "Now, what I want you to do is to watch Prof. Dusenberry, as he calls himself, to-morrow when we get into the harbor. His is an inside stateroom so that he can't throw it out of a porthole from there. He'll most likely go to one at the end of a passage." "Yes, and then what?" "I'd do it myself but the old fox suspects me, I half fancy, and if he saw me in the vicinity he'd change his plans. You'd better take two of your huskiest firemen with you, Billy. He's an ugly customer, I fancy, and might put up a bad fight." "U-m-m-m, some job," mused Billy. "Why don't you put the whole thing up to the captain?" "It would do no good the way things are now, and he might get wind of it and hide the jewels so that they couldn't be found. Anyhow, we've no proof against him till he is actually caught throwing the jewels out in that life-preserver to his confederates in the motor-boat." "I see, you want to catch him red-handed, but what about those cipher radios?" "There's no way of proving that I read the cipher right," said Jack. "Our only way is to do as I suggested." "I hear that Rosenstein has offered a big reward for the recovery of the diamonds," said Billy. "He's up and about again, you know." "Well, Billy, I think he'll have his diamonds back by to-morrow noon if we follow out my plan." And so it was arranged. The next morning Jack received a message from Southampton: "All ready. Does our man suspect anything?" This was Jack's answer: "Not so far as I know. Have a plan to catch him red-handed. You watch the motor-boat." Saluted by the whistles of a hundred water craft, the _Columbia_ made stately progress into Southampton harbor. As her leviathan bulk moved majestically along under reduced speed, her whistles blowing and her flag dipping in acknowledgment of the greeting, Jack with a beating heart, stood on the upper deck watching earnestly for developments. He knew that Billy and the two firemen he had selected to help him, on what might prove a dangerous job, were below watching Prof. Dusenberry. They all wore stewards' uniforms so that the man who Jack believed struck down the diamond merchant and stole the stones might not get suspicious at seeing them about in the corridors. "I believe they must have changed their plans, after all," Jack was thinking when, from the shore, there shot out, at tremendous speed, a sharp-bowed, swift motor-boat. It headed straight for the _Columbia_. As it drew closer, Jack saw it held two men. Both were blowing a whistle, waving flags and pointing at the big ship as if they, like many other small water craft, were just out to get a glimpse of the triumph of American shipbuilders. They maneuvered close alongside, while Jack's fingers grasped the rail till the paint flaked off under the pressure he exerted in his excitement. What was happening below? he wondered. Could Billy and his companions carry out their part of the program? Not far from the boy the diamond merchant, unconscious of the drama being enacted on his account, stood, with bandaged head, explaining for the hundredth time the beauty and the value of the gems he had lost. "Five thousand thalers I give if I get them back," he declared. Suddenly Jack's heart gave a bound. From a port far down on the side of the ship, and almost directly under him, a white object was hurled. It struck the water with a splash and spread out, floating buoyantly. Instantly the black motor-boat darted forward, one of the men on board holding a boat hook extended to grasp the floating life-preserver, hidden in which was a king's fortune in gems. Jack stood still just one instant. Then, driven by an impulse he could not explain, he threw off his coat, kicked off the loose slippers he wore when at work, and the next moment he had mounted the rail and made a clean, swift dive for the life-preserver. Billy rushed on deck, excitement written on his face, just as Jack dived overboard. "Jack! Jack!" he shouted. But he was too late. "Great Neptune, has the boy gone mad?" exclaimed Captain Turner, who had passed along the deck just in time to see Jack's dive. Regardless of sea etiquette, Billy grasped the skipper's arm and rushed into a narrative of the plan he and Jack had hoped to carry out. "But Dusenberry was too quick for us, sir," he concluded. "Never mind that, now," cried the captain, "that boy may be in danger." He looked over the rail, which, owing to most of the passengers being busy below with their preparations for landing, was almost deserted. Billy was at his side. In the black motor-boat two men stood with their hands up. Alongside was a speedy-looking launch full of strapping big men with firm jaws and the unmistakable stamp of detectives the world over. Some of them were hauling on board the police launch Jack's dripping figure, which clung fast to the life-preserver. Others kept the men in the black launch covered with their pistols. Half an hour later, when the passengers--all that is but Mr. Rosenstein--had gone ashore (the diamond merchant had been asked by the captain to remain), a little group was assembled in Captain Turner's cabin. In the center of it stood Professor Dusenberry, alias Foxy Fred, looking ever more meek and mild than usual. He had been seized and bound by the two disguised firemen as he threw the life-preserver, but not in time to prevent his getting it out of the port. Beside him, also manacled, were the two men who had been in the motor-boat and who, according to the Southampton police, formed a trio of the most daring diamond thieves who ever operated. "I think we may send for Mr. Rosenstein now," said Captain Turner with a smile. "Only I hope that he is not subject to attacks of heart failure. Ready," he said, turning to Jack, who stood side by side with Billy, "take these and give them to Mr. Rosenstein with your compliments." Jack blushed and hesitated. "I'd,--I'd rather--sir--if you--don't mind----" he stammered. "You may regard what I just said as an order if you like," said Captain Turner, trying to look grim, while everybody else, but Jack and the prisoners, smiled. "You wanted to see me on important business, captain?" asked Mr. Rosenstein, as he entered. "You will keep me as short a time as possible, please. I must get to Scotland Yard, my diamonds----" "Are right here in this boy's hand," said the captain, pushing Jack forward. "What! This is the fellow who took them?" thundered the diamond merchant. "No; this is the lad you have to thank for recovering them for you from those three men yonder," said the captain. "Professor Dusenberry!" exclaimed the diamond expert, throwing up his hand. "Or Foxy Fred," grinned one of the English detectives. "Oh, my head, it goes round," exclaimed Mr. Rosenstein. "This lad, with wonderful ingenuity, and finally courage, when he leaped overboard to save your property, traced the guilty parties," went on the captain, "and by wireless arranged for their capture." "It's a bit of work to be proud of," said the head of the English contingent. "It is that," said the captain. "It has cleared away a cloud that might have hung over this ship till the mystery was dispelled, which probably would have been never." Mr. Rosenstein, who had taken the diamonds from Jack, stood apparently stupefied, holding them on his palm. Suddenly, however, to Jack's great embarrassment, he threw both arms round the boy's neck and saluted him on both cheeks. Then he rushed at Billy and finally the two firemen, who dodged out of the way. Then he drew out a check book and began writing rapidly. He handed a pink slip of paper to Jack. It was a check for $5,000. "A souvenir," he said. "But--but----" began Jack, "we didn't do it for money. It was our duty to the company and----" "It's your duty to the company to take that check, then," laughed Captain Turner, and in the end Jack did. The two firemen, who had helped the boys, received a good share of it and later were promoted by the company for their good work. As for Prof. Dusenberry and his companions, they vanish from our story when, in custody of the detectives, they went over the side a few minutes later. But Jack and Billy to-day have two very handsome diamond and emerald scarf-pins, the gifts of the grateful Mr. Rosenstein. "Looks as if we are always having adventures of some kind or another," said Billy to Jack that evening as they strolled about the town, for the ship would not sail for Cherbourg, her last port before the homeward voyage, till the next day. "It certainly does look that way," agreed Jack and then, with a laugh, he added: "But they don't all turn out so profitably as this one." With which Billy agreed. CHAPTER XXX. THURMAN PLOTS. It was two nights before the _Columbia_, on her homeward voyage, entered New York harbor. On the trip across she had once more had the big British greyhound of the seas for a rival. But this time there was a different tale to tell. The _Columbia_ was coming home, as Billy Raynor put it, "with a broom at the main-mast head." All day the wireless snapped out congratulations from the shore. Jack was kept busy transmitting shore greetings and messages from returning voyagers who had chosen the finest ship under the stars and stripes on which to return to the United States. Patriotism ran riot as every bulletin showed the _Columbia_ reeling over two or three knots more an hour than her rival. One enthusiastic millionaire offered a twenty-dollar gold piece to every fireman, and five dollars each to all the other members of the crew, if the _Columbia_ beat her fleet rival by a five-hour margin. The money was as good as won. Thurman sat in the wireless room. His head was in his hands and he was thinking deeply. Should he or should he not send that message to Washington which, he was sure, would cause Jack's arrest the instant the ship docked. He had struggled with his conscience for some time. But then the thought of the reward and the fancied grudge he owed Jack overtopped every other consideration. He seized the key and began calling the big naval station. It was not long before he got a reply, for when not talking to warships the land stations of the department use normal wave-lengths. "Who is this?" came the question from the government man. "It's X. Y. Z," rapped out Thurman. This was the signature he had appended to his other messages. "The thunder you say," spelled out the other; "we thought we'd never hear from you again." "Well, here I am." "So it appears. Well, are you ready to tell us who this chap is who's been mystifying us so?" "I am." "Great ginger, wait till I get Rear-admiral ---- and Secretary ---- on the 'phone. It's late but they'll get out of bed to hear this news." But it transpired that both the officials were at a reception and Thurman was asked to wait till they could be rushed at top speed to the wireless station in automobiles. At last everything was ready and Thurman, while drops of sweat rolled down his face, rapped out his treachery and sent it flashing from the antennæ across the sea. "Thank you," came the reply when he had finished, "the secretary also wishes me to thank you and assure you of your reward. Secret Service men will meet the ship at the pier." "And Jack Ready, what about him?" "He will be taken care of. You had better proceed to Washington as soon as possible after you land." "How much will the reward be?" greedily demanded Thurman. "The secretary directs me to say that it will be suitable," was the rejoinder. The next morning, when Jack came on duty, he sent a personal message to Uncle Toby via Siasconset. This was it: "Universal detector a success. Will you wire Washington of my intention to proceed there with all speed when I arrive? "JACK." Late that day he got back an answer that appeared to astonish him a good deal, for he sat knitting his brows over it for some moments. "Washington says some ding-gasted sneak has been cutting up funny tricks. Looks like you have been talking. "TOBY READY." This characteristic message occupied Jack for some moments till he thought of a reply to its rather vaguely worded contents. Then he got Siasconset and shot this through the air: "Have talked to no one who could have seen Washington. My last letter to the Secretary of the Navy was that I thought I was on the road to success. "JACK." No reply came to this and Jack went off watch with the matter as much of a mystery as ever. But as Thurman came in to relieve him a sudden suspicion shot across Jack's mind. Could Thurman have----? He recalled the night he had caught him examining the device with such care! Jack had since removed it, but in searching in the waste basket for a message discarded by mistake he had since come across what appeared to be crude sketches of the Universal Detector. If Thurman had not drawn them, Jack was at a loss to know who had. But for some mysterious reason he only smiled as he left the wireless room. "If you've been up to any hocus-pocus business, Mr. Thurman," he said to himself, as he descended to dinner, "you are going to get the surprise of your life within a very short time." After dinner he came back to the upper deck again, but as he gained it his attention was arrested by the scream of the wireless spark. It was a warm night and the door of the cabin was open. Jack stopped instinctively to listen to the roaring succession of dots and dashes. "He's calling Washington," said Jack to himself as he listened. "He's got them," he exclaimed a minute later. "Hullo! Hullo! I guess I was right in my guess, then, after all. Oh, Thurman, what a young rascal you are." He listened attentively as Thurman shot out his message to the National Capital. Jack repeated it in an undertone as the spark crackled and squealed. "Do--I--get--my--reward--right--away?" Jack actually burst, for some inexplicable reason, into a hearty laugh. "Oh, Thurman! Thurman!" he exploded to himself. "What a badly fooled young man you are going to be." CHAPTER XXXI. THE "SUITABLE REWARD." The arrival of the _Columbia_ at her dock the next day was in the nature of an ovation. A band played "Hail Columbia," and a dense crowd blocked the docks and adjacent points of vantage to view the great liner which had taken the blue ribbon of the seas from England's crack ship. News of the dramatic rescue of the crew of the _Oriana_, wirelessed at the time of the occurrence to the newspapers, had inflamed public interest in the big ship too, and her subsequent doings had been eagerly followed in the dailies. "Great to be home again, isn't it, old fellow?" asked Raynor, coming up to Jack as a dozen puffing tugs nosed the towering _Columbia_ into her dock. "It is, indeed," said Jack, looking over the rail. "I'm going to----" He broke off suddenly and began waving frantically to two persons in the crowd. One was an old man, rather bent, but hale and hearty and sunburned. Beside him was a pretty girl. It was Helen Dennis and her father, Captain Dennis, who had been rescued from a sinking sailing ship during Jack's first voyage, as told in the "Ocean Wireless Boys on the Atlantic." Captain Dennis, since the disaster, had been unable to get another ship to command and had been forced to accept a position as watchman on one of the docks, but Jack had been working all he knew how to get the captain another craft, so far, however, without success. "There's one reason why you're glad to be home," said Raynor slyly, waving to Helen. "You're a lucky fellow." The gang-plank was down, but before any passengers were allowed ashore, way was made for four stalwart, clean-shaven men who hurried on board. "Wonder who those fellows are?" said Raynor; "must be some sort of big-wigs." "Yes, they certainly got the right of way," responded Jack without much interest. Thurman joined them. "I hear that the Secret Service men are on board," he said. "Must be looking for someone." "I suppose so," said Jack. "They usually are." Somebody tapped Jack on the shoulder. It was one of the men who had boarded the ship. An evil leer passed over Thurman's face as he saw this. "Are you Jack Ready?" asked the man. "That's my name," replied Jack. The man threw back his coat, displaying a gold badge. His three companions stood beside him. "I want you to come to Washington with us at once," said the man. "I am operative Thomas of the United States Secret Service." "Why what's the matter? What's he done?" demanded Raynor. "That's for the Navy Department to decide," said the man sternly. Thurman had slipped away after the man had displayed his badge. His envious mind was now sure of its revenge. He, too, meant to get the first train to Washington. "Don't worry, old fellow," said Jack. "Just slip ashore and make my excuses to Helen and her father, will you, and then meet me in Washington at the Willard. I think I shall have some news that will surprise you." Greatly mystified, Raynor obeyed, while Jack and the four men, two on each side of him, left the ship. Thurman followed them closely. His flabby face wore a look of satisfaction. "Two birds with one stone," he muttered to himself. "I've got even with Jack Ready and I get a reward for doing it. Slick work." The trip to Washington was uneventful. On their arrival there Jack and the Secret Service men went straight to the Navy Department. They passed through a room filled with waiting persons having business there, and were at once admitted to the office of the Secretary of the Navy, a dignified looking man with gray hair and mustache, who sat ensconced behind a large desk littered with papers and documents. There were several other gentlemen in the room. Some of them were in naval uniforms and all had an official appearance that was rather overawing. "So, this is our young man," said the Secretary, as Jack removed his hat. "Sit down, Mr. Ready, these gentlemen and myself wish to talk to you." Then, for an hour or more, Jack described the Universal Detector and answered scores of questions. After the first few minutes his sense of embarrassment wore off and he talked easily and naturally. When he had finished, and everybody's curiosity was satisfied, the Secretary turned to him. "And you are prepared to turn this instrument over to the United States navy?" "That was the main object I had in designing it," said Jack, "but I am at a loss to know how you discovered that I was on board the _Columbia_." "That will soon be explained," said the Secretary, with a smile that was rather enigmatic. "You recollect having a little fun with our navy operators?" Jack colored and stammered something while everybody in the room smiled. "Don't worry about that," laughed the Secretary. "It just upset the dignity of some of our navy operators. Well, following that somebody offered, for a consideration, to tell us who it was that had discovered the secret of a Universal Detector. It turned out, as I had expected from our previous correspondence, that it was you. But not till two nights ago, when our informant again wirelessed, did we know that you were at sea." "But--but, sir," stuttered Jack, greatly mystified, "who did this?" The Secretary pressed a button on his desk. A uniformed orderly instantly answered. "Tell Mr. Thurman to come in," said the Secretary. There was a brief silence, then the door opened and Thurman, with an expectant look and an assured manner, stepped into the room. "Mr. Thurman?" asked the Secretary. "Yes, sir," said Thurman in a loud, confident voice, "I thought I'd hurry over here as soon as the ship docked and talk to you about my work in discovering for you the fellow who invented the Universal Detector. I----" He suddenly caught sight of Jack and turned a sickly yellow. Jack looked steadily at the fellow who, he had guessed for some time, had been evilly interested in the detector. "Well, go on, Mr. Thurman," said the Secretary, encouragingly, but with a peculiar look at the corners of his mouth. Thurman shuffled miserably. "I'd prefer not to talk with--with him in the room," he said, nodding his head sideways at Jack. "Why not? Mr. Ready has just sold his invention to the United States government." "Sold it, sir----" began Jack, flushing, "why I----" The Secretary held up a hand to enjoin silence. Then he turned to the thoroughly uncomfortable Thurman. "We feel, Mr. Thurman," he said, "that you really tried to do us a great service." Thurman recovered some of his self-assurance. Could he have had the skill to read the faces about him, though, he must have known that a bomb was about to burst. "Thank you, sir," he said, "I did what I could, what I thought was my duty. And now, sir, about that reward." "'Suitable reward,' was what was said, I think, Mr. Thurman," said the Secretary. "Well, yes, sir, 'suitable reward,'" responded Thurman, his eyes glistening with cupidity. "Mr. Thurman," and the Secretary's voice was serious and impressive, "these gentlemen and I have decided that the most suitable reward for a young man as treacherous and mean as you have shown yourself to be, would be to be kicked downstairs. Instead I shall indicate to you the door and ask you to take your leave." "But--but--I told you who the fellow was that had discovered the detector. Why, I even made drawings of it for you." "I don't doubt that," said the Secretary dryly. "There was only one weak point in your whole scheme, Mr. Thurman, and that was that Mr. Ready wrote us some time ago when he first began his experiments about his work and asked some advice. At that time he informed us that if he succeeded in producing a Universal Detector that it would be at the service of this government. So you see that you were kind enough to inform us of something we knew already. But for a time we were at a loss to know whether it was not some other inventor working on similar lines who had discovered such a detector. To find out definitely we fine-combed the country." "And--and I get no reward?" stuttered Thurman. "Except the one I mentioned and the possible lesson you may have learned from your experience. Good-afternoon, Mr. Thurman." Thurman was so thunderstruck by the collapse of his hopes of reaping a fortune by his treachery that he appeared for a moment to be deprived of the power of locomotion. The Secretary nodded to the orderly, who came forward and took the wretched youth, for whom Jack could not help feeling sorry, by the arm and led him to the door. This was the last that was seen of Thurman for a long time, but Jack was destined to meet him again, thousands of miles away and under strange circumstances. When Jack left the Navy Department he felt as if he was walking on air. In his pocket was a check, intended as a sort of retaining fee by the government, till tests should have established beyond a doubt the value of his invention. His eyes were dancing and all he felt that he needed was a friend to share his pleasure with. This need was supplied on his return to the hotel, for there was a telegram from Billy Raynor, telling Jack to meet him on an evening train. It wound up with these words: "Helen Dennis and myself badly worried. Hope everything is all right." "All right," smiled Jack, "yes, all right, and then some." CHAPTER XXXII. THE PLOTTER'S TRIUMPH. The face of one of the first of the passengers to disembark from the train as it rolled into the depot was a familiar one to Jack. With a thrill of pleasure he darted through the crowd to clasp the hand of his old friend, Captain Simms. "Here's a coincidence," he exclaimed. "I'm here to meet Billy Raynor. He must have come on the same train. But are you ill, sir? Is anything the matter?" "Jack, my boy," said the captain, who was pale and drawn, "a terrible thing has happened. The code has been stolen." "Stolen! By whom?" "Undoubtedly by Judson and his gang. I thought I saw them on the train between Clayton and New York. I was on my way here with the completed code. I had it under my pillow in my berth on the sleeper. When I awakened it had gone." "Didn't you have a hunt made for Judson when you reached New York?" "Yes, but we had made two stops in the night. Undoubtedly, they got off at one of them. Unless that code is found I'm a ruined and a disgraced man." At that moment Billy Raynor came hurrying up. But there was not much warmth in Jack's welcome to him. His mind was busy with other things. "What's the matter?" said Billy in a low voice, for he too had noticed Captain Simms' dejection. "Never mind now," whispered Jack, "I'll tell you later. If I may suggest it, sir," he said, addressing the captain, who appeared completely broken by the loss of the code, "hadn't we better get into a cab and drive to the Willard? You are not going to the department to-night?" "No, I couldn't face them to-night," said the captain. "We'll do as you say." "There may be a way of catching the rascals," said Jack as the taxicab bumped off. The captain shook his head. "The code is in the hands of the ambassador of the foreign power that wanted it as the price of a contract by this time," he said. "It is gone beyond recovery. I am disgraced." On their arrival at the hotel, the captain retired at once to his room. The boys had dinner without much appetite for the meal and then set out for a stroll to talk things over. "This is a terrible off-set to my good news," said Jack. "Don't you think there's a chance of getting the code back?" asked Billy. Jack shook his head. "I think it is as Captain Simms said, the code is in the hands of that ambassador by this time." "Jack Ready, by all that's good, and Billy too, shake!" The cry came from up the street and a tall, good-looking lad of their own age came hurrying toward them. It was Ned Rivers, a youth who was interested in wireless and in that way had become acquainted with Jack and Billy on board the _Tropic Queen_ while he was accompanying his father on a cruise on that ill-fated ship. "Ned!" cried Jack. "You're a sight for sore eyes," exclaimed Billy, and a general handshaking followed. "What are you doing here, Ned?" asked Jack, after a few more words had been exchanged. "Yes, I thought you lived in Nebraska," said Billy. "So we did, but we've moved here. Father's in the Senate now. I thought you knew." "Congratulations," said Jack. "I guess we'll have to call you Mr. Senator, Jr., now and tip our hats to you." "Avast with that nonsense, as they don't say at sea," laughed Ned. "There's our house yonder," and he pointed to a handsome stone residence. "Hullo, what's that I see on the roof?" asked Jack. "That's my wireless outfit. Mother made an awful kick about having it there, but at last she gave in." "So you're still a wireless boy?" said Billy. "Yes, and I've got a dandy outfit too. Come on over. I want to introduce you to the folks." "Thanks, we will some other time, but not to-night. We don't feel fit for company. You see quite a disaster has happened to a friend of ours," and under a pledge of secrecy from Ned, who he knew he could rely on, Jack told the lad part of the story of the theft of the code. "By jove, that is a loss," said Ned sympathetically. "I've heard dad talking about the new code. It was a very important matter." "We were going for a walk to discuss the whole question," said Billy. "Can I join you?" asked Ned. "Glad to have you," was the rejoinder. Talking and laughing merrily over old times on the _Tropic Queen_, the boys walked on, not noticing much where they were going till they found themselves on an ill-lighted street of rather shabby-looking dwellings. "Hullo," said Ned, "I don't think much of this part of town. Let's get back to a main street." "It's a regular slum," said Billy, and the three boys started to retrace their steps. But suddenly Jack stopped and jerked his companions into a doorway. Two figures had just come in sight round the corner. They were headed down the street on the opposite sidewalk. "It's Judson and his son," whispered Jack. "What can they be doing here?" "Hiding, most probably," returned Billy. "Yes, they--hullo! Look, they're going into that alley-way." The boys darted across the street. Looking down the alley-way, they saw the figures of Judson and his son, by the light of a sickly gas lamp, ascending the steps of a rickety-looking tenement house. "Jove, this is worth knowing," exclaimed Jack. "If they are really hiding here we can get the police on their track. How lucky that we just let ourselves roam into this part of town." "We ought to have them arrested at once," said Billy. "Yes, that's a good idea. But they may have just sneaked through the hallway and out by a rear way. You fellows wait here till I go and see." "Oh, Jack, you may get in trouble." "Yes, we'll go with you," said Ned. "No, you stay here," Jack insisted. "One of us won't be noticed. Three would. Besides, that house is full of other tenants. Nothing much could happen to me." In spite of their further protests he walked rapidly, but cautiously, down the alley-way. Noiselessly he entered the hallway and walked to the door of a rear room, where he heard voices. But it was a laboring man and his wife quarreling over something. Jack heard a door open on an upper floor. Then came a voice that thrilled him. It was Jarrow's. "Hullo, Judson, back again? Well, how did things go?" Then Jack heard the door closed and locked. "So, they are really here," he muttered. "What a piece of luck. But the question is, have they got the code? If it is out of their hands it will be well nigh impossible to recover it, for it is a serious matter to charge an ambassador with wrong-doing." Jack began to ascend the rickety stairs with great caution. They creaked dismally under his tread. At a door on the second floor he caught the sound of Judson's voice. With a beating heart he crept as close as he dared and listened. "The plans have all been changed," he heard Judson saying. "We are to take the code to Crotona (the capital of the power represented by the ambassador) ourselves. There's a steamer that leaves Baltimore for Naples to-morrow. We are to take that and proceed from Naples to our destination." "What a bother," came in Donald's voice. "I don't see why the ambassador didn't take them." "He said it was too dangerous. He was being watched by the Secret Service men." "Well, it's just as dangerous for us, if it comes to that," grumbled Jarrow. "I've got another piece of news for you," said Judson. "As I was passing the Willard to-night I saw Simms, and who do you think was with him?" "I don't know, I'm sure." "Those two brats who made trouble for us at Alexandria Bay. It was a good thing I was disguised, for I passed close to them before I recognized them." "Confound it all," burst out Jarrow, "do you think they know we are here?" "Not a ghost of a chance of it," said Judson confidently; "anyhow, we've picked a hiding place where no one would ever dream of looking for us." "That's so. I'll be glad when we get out of the horrid hole," grumbled Donald. A footstep sounded behind Jack on the creaking boards. It startled him. He had not heard a door open. But now he was confronted by a portly Italian. The man grabbed him by the shoulder. "Whadda you do-a here?" demanded the man, "me thinka you one-a da sneak-a da tief." "Let me go," demanded Jack, striving to wrench himself free. "I no leta you go justa yet. I tinka you here steala da tings," cried the man in a loud voice. The talk inside Judson's room broke off suddenly. "Hullo, what's up outside?" exclaimed Donald. "Somebody's collared a thief. Let's see what it's all about." He flung the door open and the lamplight streamed out full on Jack's face. Donald fell back a pace with astonishment. "Great Scott! It's Jack Ready," he exclaimed. "What in the world are you doing here?" "You knowa desa boy?" asked the Italian, still holding Jack fast. "Yes, I do. He's no good," replied Donald. "Dena I throwa him out or calla da police." "Yes--no, for goodness' sake, not the police," exclaimed Donald. "Dad, Jarrow, here's that Ready kid spying on us. He was caught in the hall by that Italian next door, who thought he was a sneak thief." "Ha! Ready, you are the most unlucky lad I know," cried Judson, coming to the door, "we've got you just where we want you this time. There are no chimneys here. Bring him inside." "Not much! Help!" Jack began to shout, but Jarrow clapped a hand over his mouth. "Help us run him in here," he ordered the Italian, "I'll pay you for it." "Whatsa da mat'?" asked the Italian suspiciously. "He no lika you." "No wonder. He robbed us once. I guess he was here to do it again. We want to settle accounts with him." "Oh-ho, datsa eet ees it?" said the Italian. "All righta, I no make da troub'." He gave Jack a forward shove into the room of the wireless boy's enemies. CHAPTER XXXIII. IN THE POWER OF THE ENEMY. As soon as the door was shut and locked, Judson faced Jack. "Now you keep quiet if you don't want a rap over the head with this," he said, exhibiting a heavy bludgeon. "Don't dare touch me," spoke Jack boldly. "That will depend. I want to ask you some questions. Will you answer them?" "I shall see." "You followed Donald and me here and were spying on us when that Italian caught you." "A good thing he did," interjected Donald. "You heard us planning--er--er something?" "Possibly I did." "Boy, I know you did." "Then what's the sense of asking me?" "None of your impudence, young man! You've always been too much of a busy-body for your own good," snarled Jarrow. "What's the use of questioning him, dad?" said Donald. "He'll only lie." "That's probably correct. I guess he heard everything. What shall we do with him?" "Make him a prisoner," said Jarrow. "But we can't stay here to guard him and he'd be out of this room in a jiffy." "I'll tell you where we'll take him," said Donald. He whispered in his father's ear. Judson's face brightened and he nodded approvingly. "Just the place. It will serve him right. He got himself into this mess." "Are you going to let me go?" demanded Jack. "Certainly not. You've made your bed--you can lie on it." Jack made a leap for the door. The key was in the lock, but he didn't have a chance to turn it before all three threw themselves on him. A scuffle followed which Judson brought to a quick stop by striking Jack a stunning blow on the head with his bludgeon. With a million stars dancing before him in a void of blackness, Jack went down. "Now come on quick before anyone spots us," said Jarrow. Jack's limp form was rolled up in a dirty old blanket so as to look like some kind of a bundle. Then Jarrow and Judson lifted him by the head and feet, while Donald preceded them with the lamp. The younger Judson led the way out of a rear door to a side hallway. From here two flights of stairs led down to an ill-ventilated, low cellar which was seldom visited and was used mostly for old rubbish and rags. Jack was carried to a high-sided wooden coal bin and his form dropped on a pile of dirty old newspapers and decaying straw. There was a heavy door with an iron bolt on the outside leading into the place. As Judson closed this, leaving Jack to his fate, he muttered: "This is the time we don't need to bother about his getting out. He'll stay there till to-morrow, anyhow, and by that time we'll be at sea." "What time will that auto be at the corner?" asked Donald. "It should be there in a few minutes. We must get ready right away," replied his father. "Come on, we've no time to lose." In the meantime Billy and Ned waited on the corner. As the minutes flew by they began to get worried. "Jack is certainly taking his time," said Ned. "Perhaps he is scouting about," suggested Billy. "Perhaps he has fallen into a trap," exclaimed Ned. "I've a good mind to go for the police." "Well, we'll wait a little longer," said Billy. Almost an hour passed and there was no sign of Jack. "I won't wait any longer," declared Ned, when suddenly three figures emerged from the house. Their hats were pulled over their eyes and they glanced about suspiciously. "It's the two Judsons and Jarrow," exclaimed Billy. As he spoke a big touring car came down the street and stopped at the mouth of the alley-way. The three persons who had just emerged from the tenement house began to hasten to it, but Billy intercepted them. "What have you done with Jack?" he demanded. "Yes, where is he?" cried Ned. "Out of our way," said Jarrow, giving Billy a shove. "We don't know any Jack," growled Judson. Before the boys could stop them they had reached the car and sprung in. "Drive off at full speed," Judson ordered the chauffeur, and, leaving the boys standing rooted to the spot, the car dashed off with a roar. Borne back to them they could hear the mocking laughter of its occupants. "Those rascals have played some trick on Jack and they've got away scot-free," groaned Billy. "We must hunt for him at once," exclaimed Ned. The two boys set out for the tenement. It was pitch dark in the hallway. Ned struck a match. "Jack! Jack! where are you?" he called softly. CHAPTER XXXIV. THE SEARCH FOR JACK. The two boys, with their hearts heavy as lead, ascended the stairs calling for Jack. On the second floor, as they reached it, a door was suddenly flung open. "Be jabers, stop that racket. Can't yez be lettin' a dacent family slape in pace?" Another door flew open and a black, woolly head was poked out. "What fo' you alls come makin' such a cumsturbance at dis yar hour ob de night?" "We're looking for a boy who we think has been trapped in this building. Have you seen anything of him?" asked Ned. "Sure and I haven't. This is a dacent house and dacent folks. Go along wid yer now and let us slape." "By gollys we don't kidsnap no boys," came from the negro. Another door was opened and the Italian who had caught Jack in the hall came out. "Whatsa da mat'?" he asked. "We're looking for a boy, our chum. He came into this house two hours ago. We're afraid he----" burst out Billy desperately. "I see-a da boy in deesa hall," said the Italian. "I teenka heem sneaka teef. I catcha heem but two men and a boy in data rooma dere dey taka heem. Dey say dat he robba heem and they getta even." "Did they take him into the room?" burst out Ned. The Italian nodded. "Yes, dey takea heem in. I geeva heem to them," said the man indifferently. "Great heavens, they invented that story about his robbing them," cried Billy. "They've made him a prisoner. We must get him out. Jack! Jack!" No answer came and then Billy, regardless of consequences, flung himself against the door of the room the Italian had indicated. By this time quite a crowd of tenement dwellers had assembled, attracted by the loud voices. At first the door stood firm, but when Ned joined Billy it gave way with a bang, precipitating them into the room. But now a new voice was added to the uproar. Hans Pumpernickel, a sour old German who owned the tenements and lived there to save rent in a better quarter, put in an appearance. "Vos is los?" he demanded, "ach himmel, de door vos busted py der outside. Who did dis?" "We did," said Billy boldly. "My chum was decoyed into this house by some bad characters. This was the room they occupied. But he isn't here." "Ach du liebe! Vos iss idt I care aboupt your droubles? I haf mein own." "We'll find Jack if we go through this house from cellar to attic," declared Ned. "I dond pelief dot boy vos harmed by der men dot hadt idt dis room," declared the crabbed old man. "Dey vos very respectable. Now you pay me for dot door undt den go aboudt your pusiness." "If you interfere with us we'll call in the police," said Billy. "Yes, if you want to keep out of trouble, you'll help us," said Ned boldly. "Is dot so? Undt who iss you?" "I'm the son of Senator Rivers of Nebraska." The landlord's jaw dropped. He grew more respectful. "Vell, vot am I to do?" he asked. "Don't interfere with us. We'll pay for this door. Hullo, what's that on the floor?" exclaimed Billy. "Why, it's Jack's knife. But where is he?" "Den dose nice mens, Mr. Jenkins undt Mister Thompson are kidsnabbers," exclaimed the landlord. "Are those the names they gave?" asked Billy. "Ches. Dey pay idt me a month in advance. Dey vost nice gentlemen." "Yes, very nice," exclaimed Billy bitterly. "However, knowing those names may give a clew later on." They searched for several hours but found no further trace of Jack. At last, tired out and sick at heart, they returned home. Billy accepted Ned's invitation to stay at the latter's house that night and to lay the matter before the Senator in the morning. * * * * * Half stunned, Jack lay still for some time on the moldy straw and the old newspapers in the coal bin in the cellar. But at length he mustered his strength and rose, rather giddily, to his feet. "Well, this is the limit of tough luck," he complained. "If I don't get out of here before to-morrow, when that steamer sails, the code will have gone for good. If only I'd cut away sooner. Confound that Italian. He spoiled it all with his stupidity." Besides being pitch dark, the place was full of cobwebs. To add to Jack's discomfort, a spider occasionally dropped on him. Suddenly overhead sounded footsteps and voices. "Somebody lives up there," he thought. "If I could only attract their attention." He shouted but nobody answered, although he tried it at intervals for some hours. At last he gave up and sat down on the pile of straw to think. He was very thirsty and his mouth and eyes were full of coal dust and dirt. The roof of the cellar was so low, too, that in moving about he bumped his head-against the beams. Suddenly he remembered that he had some matches. To strike a light was the work of a moment. Then he located the door. But all his efforts failed to make it budge. He struck another light and this time he made a discovery. "Gee whiz, that looks like a trap-door just above me," he decided. He raised his hands and the cut-out square in the flooring came up with ease. Jack scrambled up into a kitchen. In one corner was a ladder, no doubt used when the occupants wished to enter the cellar. Through one of the windows daylight was streaming, the gray light of early dawn. "Great Scott! I've been down there all night," ejaculated the boy. He was considering his next step when a large woman, with stout red arms, came into the kitchen. Her husband had to be at work early and she was about to prepare his breakfast. She had a florid, disagreeable face. "What are you after doing here?" she demanded, picking up a heavy rolling pin. "I'm trying to get out of this house. Will you show me the way?" "Indade and I will not. I'll hand yez over ter the perlice." She raised her voice. "Pat! Pat! come here at onct." "Phwat's the mather?" came from another room. "Thare's a thafe forninst the kitchen. Get ther perlice. I'll hold him--he's only a gossoon." "Are you crazy?" demanded Jack. "I was locked in that cellar by some rascals and got out through your trap-door." "Tell that to the marines," sneered the woman, as she made a grab for him. Jack wrenched himself away and dodged a blow from the rolling-pin. The window was open and it was a short drop to the yard. He darted for the window and made the jump. "Pat! Pat!" yelled the woman. Jack leaped over a fence at the back of the yard and found himself in an alley. He ran for his life. Behind him came cries of pursuit but they soon died away. He ran for several blocks, however, and then came to a standstill. "I guess Ned and Billy went home," he mused. "I'd better hunt up Ned. If his father is a Senator he may be able to use some influence to catch these rascals before they get away for good. I wonder what time that ship sails? By the way, I don't know her name." At the hotel, to which he went first, he slipped up to his room without attracting much attention and washed off the dirt of the cellar. Then he inquired for Billy and learned that Raynor had telephoned the night before that he was going to stop at Senator Rivers' house and for Jack to come straight over there, if he came in. Jack procured a copy of a commercial newspaper which he knew listed sailings of ships from all important ports. He turned to the Baltimore section. Half way down the column he found this entry: "Italian-American Line. S.S. _Southern Star_,--Balto., for Naples, Italy. Sails--A.M. (hour indefinite). Mixed cargo. Ten passengers." "Hurrah! That's the ship, all right," thought Jack, "there's a chance yet that we can stop them." CHAPTER XXXV. THE WIRELESS MAKES GOOD. He lost no time in hastening to Senator Rivers' house. Just as he turned into the gate Billy and Ned emerged. They had spent a sleepless night and were on their way to Police Headquarters to report Jack's absence. As they saw their missing comrade, they set up a glad shout. "Gracious, where have you been?" demanded Billy. "We were on our way to the police about you," put in Ned. "Do you know anything about the Judsons and Jarrow?" asked Jack eagerly. "Why, yes, they came out of the house some time after you went in. We chased them but they jumped into a high-powered car and escaped." "I know; they've gone to Baltimore." "How in the world do you know that?" asked Billy wonderingly. "I'll tell you it all in a few minutes. Ned, is your father up yet?" "Gracious, no. But if it's important I can tell him to hurry up." "I wish you would; there's a chance that we can get back the naval code if you do." "I'll tell him that, and he'll be dressed and down in record time," cried Ned, running off. Jack waited to tell his adventures till they were all at breakfast. Then Billy and Ned had to tell their stories. "Well, you boys certainly have your share of adventures," remarked the Senator, "but the most important thing now is to secure the apprehension of those rascals without delay. We had better call up the steamship company at Baltimore and find out if anyone called Jenkins or Thompson, I think those are the aliases they gave at the tenement house, are among the passengers." This was done at once, but to the intense chagrin of all concerned, the telephone company had seized that early hour of the day to repair some wires which had been knocked down in a thunderstorm near Baltimore the night before. It was impossible to communicate with that city till some hours later. "We might telegraph," suggested Jack. "Yes, I'll call a messenger at once. But I doubt even then that we'll be in time," said the Senator. The telegram was sent, but before a reply came they were able to use the telephone. "Hullo, is this the Italian-American steamship Company?--all right--are three passengers, two men and a boy, booked on the _Southern Star_ as Jenkins and Thompson,--they are,--good, this is Senator Rivers talking, from Washington,--those men are criminals,--they have robbed the government of valuable documents--summon the police and have them arrested and held--I'll take full responsibility--WHAT!--The _Southern Star_ sailed two hours ago!" The senator dropped the receiver from his hand in his disappointment. "Too late! The code is lost to the United States for good, and those rascals have escaped!" But Jack suddenly sprang forward. His cheeks were aflame with excitement. "Senator," he cried. "There is still a chance." "I fail to see it," said Mr. Rivers. "Get the line on the wire again, sir, and find out if the _Southern Star_ has a wireless." "But what--Jove, boy! I see your plan now." Eagerly the Senator snatched up the receiver again. Before long connection was again established. "The _Southern Star_ has a wireless," he exclaimed. "Her call is S. X. A., and now for your plan, my boy." "Show me to your wireless room, will you, Ned?" said Jack, subduing the excitement in his voice with a struggle. "Oh, Jack, I see what you're going to do now," cried Ned. "Come on. We don't want to lose a minute." The boys dashed up the stairs three at a time. The Senator followed at a more discreet pace. They entered the wireless room with a bang and a shout. Jack fairly flung himself at the key and began pounding out the _Southern Star's_ call. In reality it was only ten minutes, but to those in that room it seemed hours before he got a reply. When he did, he summoned the captain through the operator. "Have I got authority to use your name, Senator?" asked the boy while he waited for the announcement that the captain was in the wireless room. "You have authority to use the name of the most powerful institution in the world, my boy, the United States Government," said the Senator solemnly. Then, as if he had suddenly thought of something, he hurriedly left the room. Downstairs he once more applied himself to the telephone, but this time he talked to the Secretary of the Navy. Fifteen minutes after Jack had spoken to the Captain of the _Southern Star_ that craft was anchored in the Chesapeake River waiting the arrival of a gunboat hastily detailed by government wireless to proceed at once up that river and take three prisoners off the _Southern Star_. This latter order was the result of Senator Rivers' call to the Navy Department. Jack's happy task was then to break the good news to Captain Simms, which he lost no time in doing, and the captain's deep gratitude, which was none the less because he expressed it in few words, may be imagined. "I declare," he said, "you boys have been my good angels all through. You have helped me as if your own interests had been at stake. I don't know how to thank you." The code was yielded up by Judson without a struggle, which procured him some leniency later on. But both he and Jarrow met with heavy punishment for their misdeeds. Donald was allowed to go free on account of his youth and the government's disability to prove that he had actually anything to do with the theft of the code. After the news of his arrest spread, the long threatened disaster to Judson's company happened and it went into bankruptcy. Donald, the pampered and selfish, had to go to work for a living. The boys heard that he had gone west. They were destined to meet him again, however, as they were Thurman. One of Jack's proudest possessions is a framed letter from the Secretary of the Navy thanking him for his great aid and that of his friends in the matter of the Navy Code, but he values the friendship of Captain Simms as highly. Not long after the successful tests of the detector, there was a joyous gathering on board the old _Venus_, to which queer home Uncle Toby had returned. All our friends were there and Jack was able to announce a joyous surprise. He had been able to secure, through Captain Simms' influence, the command of a fine new sailing ship for Captain Dennis. She was a full-rigged bark, plying between New York and Mediterranean ports. Tears stood in the veteran captain's eyes, as he thanked Jack, and Helen cried openly. "Oh, Jack, I--I'd like to hug you!" she exclaimed, whereupon everybody laughed, and the emotional strain was over. After a while, Captain Dennis began to tell of some of his adventures. Not only had he gone through many experiences on the sea, but also on land, and especially during the great Civil War. "One time," said Captain Dennis, "while on a foraging expedition, our men were surprised, and before I knew what had happened I was a prisoner. I was taken to an old building and put in the upper story of it. "Of course, I wanted to escape. So, after a while, I began to try my luck with the rope tied around my wrists. To my joy I found that I could move them. Half an hour later my wrists were free. "I peered out of the window. It was a very dark night, and the guard set around the building was close and vigilant. I felt that my chances to escape were very small. "Still, I determined to try. After listening many hours, I thought I learned the exact position of the sentries. The spaces between them were very short, but it would be quite possible, I thought, to pass by them noiselessly and without being perceived. I may as well state that the watch would have been even more strict had not the Confederates regarded the struggle as virtually at an end, and were, therefore, less careful as to their prisoners than they would otherwise have been. "I prepared for escape by tearing up the sheet on the bed, and knotting the strips into a rope. I opened the window, threw out this rope, and slipped down to the ground. So far I was safe. "It was dark and foggy, and very difficult to see two feet in advance. I soon found that my observations as to the places of the sentries had been useless. Still, in the darkness and thickness of the night, I thought that the chance of detection was small. "Creeping quietly and noiselessly along, I could hear the constant challenges of the sentries around me. These, excited by the unusual darkness of the night, were unusually vigilant. "I approached until I was within a few yards of the line, and the voices of the men as they challenged enabled me to ascertain exactly the position of the sentries on the right and left of me. Passing between these, I could see neither, although they were but a few paces on either hand. Suddenly I fell into a stream running across my path. "Of course, in the darkness I had not observed it. At the sound of my falling there was an instant challenge. Then a shot was fired!" "Oh! How thrilling!" exclaimed Helen. Jack and Ned laughed. "Well," resumed Captain Dennis, "I struggled across the stream, and clambered out on the opposite side. As I did so, a number of muskets were fired in my direction by soldiers who had rushed up to the point of alarm. I felt a sharp, twitching pain in my shoulder, and I knew that I had been hit. But fortunately the other shots fired whizzed harmlessly by. At top speed I ran forward. "I was safe from pursuit, for in the darkness it would have been absolutely impossible to follow me. So, in a few moments, I ceased running. What was the use of taking chances? All was quiet behind me, but I could no longer tell in what direction I was advancing. "So long as I heard the shouts of the sentries, though the sounds seemed far off, I continued my way; and then, all guidance being lost, I lay down under a hedge and waited for morning." "Oh, dear!" Helen cried sympathetically, "did you have to sleep in that cold, moist night?" "Quite so," replied Captain Dennis, smiling good-humoredly; "and in the morning it was still foggy. After wandering aimlessly about for some time I at last succeeded in striking a road. I decided to take a westerly course. "My shoulder was stiff and somewhat swollen. But the bullet had passed through its fleshy part, missing the bone; and although it cost much pain I was able, by wrapping my arm tightly to my body, to proceed. More than once I had to withdraw from the road into the fields or bushes when I heard a straggling number of Confederates coming along. "I came upon a house, and although I was hungry and tired, I was cautious. Instead of going to the door I made for the window. But I had my trouble for nothing. I looked in and saw a number of Confederate soldiers there, and knew that there was no safety for me. To add to my dismay, one of the soldiers happened to cast his eyes up as I glanced in the room and he at once gave a shout of warning. "Instantly the others sprang to their feet and started out to pursue me. I fled down the road. A few shots were fired, but fortunately I was not hit again. "At last I came to a small village. I wondered why I had not reached my camp. But you must remember that I was attached to a small number of men only, and that we always were many miles ahead or in the rear of the army, as occasion called for. "The village was deserted, for it was late at night again. I made myself comfortable in a sort of stable warehouse, climbing over a number of bales of cotton, and laid myself down next to the wall, secure from casual observation. "When I awoke the next morning, I nearly uttered a cry of pain a sudden movement had given to my arm. I, however, suppressed it, and it was well that I did so, for I suddenly heard voices right near me. Darkies were moving bales of cotton but, being well back, I had little fear of being discovered. "The hours passed wearily. I was parched and feverish from pain of my wound. Yet I was afraid to move. So I sometimes dozed off into snatches of fitful sleep. Perhaps I moaned, or I was accidentally discovered. At all events, when I awoke a mammy was bending over me, her voice fully of pity. And--well, to make a long story short, I had blundered again, for the village was being occupied by the Federals, and the cotton the darkies had been taking away was going North. There is no need to add that I was well fed and well taken care of." Captain Dennis paused, and thoughtfully smoked his pipe. His little audience sat very quietly, their eager faces and shining eyes plainly showing their rapt interest in the modestly told story. "Well, well," said Captain Dennis, at last breaking the silence, "some day you, Jack and you Ned will be able to tell very many far more thrilling stories." "Yes" replied Jack, "but none of them will be about so great a cause." "You are right, Jack," Captain Dennis said fervently; "it was a good cause. But come, you are tired, so let us say 'good night,' my friends." A half hour later Jack and Ned were fast asleep, dreaming of those stirring times when the immortal Abraham Lincoln was President of this glorious nation. * * * * * The next week the _Columbia_ sailed again. As she passed out of New York harbor, and past Sandy Hook, the passengers crowded to the rail to look at a beautiful sea picture. The sun was setting, and the radiance turned to gold the white sails of a beautiful bark outward bound. As she heeled over on the starboard tack, it was evident that she would pass close to the steamer. From the wireless room Jack Ready and Billy Raynor watched the pretty sight with more interest, perhaps--certainly it was so in Jack's case--than anyone else on board. "It's the _Silver Star_, Jack, Captain Dennis's ship," said Billy. Jack nodded. "I know it," he answered. "She sailed this morning. I've been on the lookout for her all the way down the bay." There was silence between the two chums. The _Silver Star_, gliding swiftly through the water, came steadily on. As the steamer passed her, she was quite close, looking like a beautiful toy from the towering decks of the _Columbia_. "Look!" exclaimed Billy, half in a whisper, as her ensign fluttered down in salute and then climbed upward to the peak again. A booming roar from the _Columbia's_ siren acknowledged the compliment. But Jack had no eyes for this. His gaze was fixed on the stern deck of the _Silver Star_, where, by her steering-wheel, gripped by two stalwart seamen, stood an upright old man, with glasses bent on the _Columbia_. A graceful girl was at his side. Jack saw her wave, and was waving frantically back, when there came an insistent summons from the wireless room. When he came out on deck again twilight had fallen, but far back on the horizon was a tiny blur--the _Silver Star_. As Jack gazed back at her, she vanished below the horizon as suddenly as an extinguished spark in a piece of tinder. "Good-night," breathed Jack, and he stood for a long time motionless, leaning on the rail. And here, for the time being, we, too, will say good-by to our young friends, to meet them all again in the next volume devoted to their doings, which will be called "The Ocean Wireless Boys on the Pacific." THE END. HURST & COMPANY'S BOOKS FOR YOUNG PEOPLE KINDERGARTEN LIMERICKS By FLORENCE E. SCOTT _Pictures by Arthur O. Scott with a Foreword by Lucy Wheelock_ _A Volume of Cheerfulness in Rhyme and Picture_ The book contains a rhyme for every letter of the alphabet, each illustrated by a full page picture in colors. The verses appeal to the child's sense of humor without being foolish or sensational, and will be welcomed by kindergartners for teaching rhythm in a most entertaining manner. * * * * * FRANK ARMSTRONG SERIES By MATTHEW M. COLTON _Frank Armstrong's Vacation_ How Frank's summer experiences with his boy friends make him into a sturdy young athlete through swimming, boating and baseball contests, and a tramp through the Everglades, is the subject of this splendid story. _Frank Armstrong at Queens_ We find among the jolly boys at Queen's School, Frank, the student-athlete, Jimmy, the baseball enthusiast, and Lewis, the unconsciously-funny youth who furnishes comedy for every page that bears his name. Fall and winter sports between intensely rival school teams are expertly described. _Frank Armstrong's Second Term_ The gymnasium, the track and the field make the background for the stirring events of this volume, in which David, Jimmy, Lewis, the "Wee One" and the "Codfish" figure, while Frank "saves the day." _Frank Armstrong, Drop Kicker_ With the same persistent determination that won him success in swimming, running and baseball playing, Frank Armstrong acquired the art of "drop-kicking," and the Queen's football team profits thereby. _Frank Armstrong, Captain of the Nine_ Exciting contests, unexpected emergencies, interesting incidents by land and water make this story of Frank Armstrong a strong tale of school-life, athletic success, and loyal friendships. _Frank Armstrong at College_ With the development of this series, the boy characters have developed until in this, the best story of all, they appear as typical college students, giving to each page the life and vigor of the true college spirit. Six of the best books of College Life Stories published. They accurately describe athletics from start to finish. * * * * * OAKDALE ACADEMY SERIES Stories of Modern School Sports By MORGAN SCOTT. BEN STONE AT OAKDALE. Under peculiarly trying circumstances Ben Stone wins his way at Oakdale Academy, and at the same time enlists our sympathy, interest and respect. Through the enmity of Bern Hayden, the loyalty of Roger Eliot and the clever work of the "Sleuth," Ben is falsely accused, championed and vindicated. BOYS OF OAKDALE ACADEMY. "One thing I will claim, and that is that all Grants fight open and square and there never was a sneak among them." It was Rodney Grant, of Texas, who made the claim to his friend, Ben Stone, and this story shows how he proved the truth of this statement in the face of apparent evidence to the contrary. RIVAL PITCHERS OF OAKDALE. Baseball is the main theme of this interesting narrative, and that means not only clear and clever descriptions of thrilling games, but an intimate acquaintance with the members of the teams who played them. The Oakdale Boys were ambitious and loyal, and some were even disgruntled and jealous, but earnest, persistent work won out. OAKDALE BOYS IN CAMP. The typical vacation is the one that means much freedom, little restriction, and immediate contact with "all outdoors." These conditions prevailed in the summer camp of the Oakdale Boys and made it a scene of lively interest. THE GREAT OAKDALE MYSTERY. The "Sleuth" scents a mystery! He "follows his nose." The plot thickens! He makes deductions. There are surprises for the reader--and for the "Sleuth," as well. NEW BOYS AT OAKDALE. A new element creeps into Oakdale with another year's registration of students. The old and the new standards of conduct in and out of school meet, battle, and cause sweeping changes in the lives of several of the boys. * * * * * Log Cabin to White House Series LIVES OF CELEBRATED AMERICANS FROM BOYHOOD TO MANHOOD (The Life of Benjamin Franklin). By _Wm. M. Thayer_. Benjamin Franklin was known in the scientific world for his inventions and discoveries, in the diplomatic world because of his statemanship, and everywhere, because of his sound judgment, plain speaking, and consistent living. FROM FARM HOUSE TO WHITE HOUSE (The Life of George Washington). By _Wm. M. Thayer_. The story of the hatchet and other familiar incidents of the boyhood and young manhood of Washington are included in this book, as well as many less well-known accounts of his experiences as surveyor, soldier, emissary, leader, and first president of the United States. FROM LOG CABIN TO WHITE HOUSE (The Life of James A. Garfield). By _Wm. M. Thayer_. It was a long step from pioneer home in Ohio where James A. Garfield was born, to the White House in Washington, and that it was an interesting life-journey one cannot doubt who reads Mr. Thayer's account of it. FROM PIONEER HOME TO WHITE HOUSE (The Life of Abraham Lincoln). By _Wm. M. Thayer_. No President was ever dearer to the hearts of his people than was homely, humorous "Honest Abe." To read of his mother, his early home, his efforts for an education, and his rise to prominence is to understand better his rare nature and practical wisdom. FROM RANCH TO WHITE HOUSE (The Life of Theodore Roosevelt). By _Edward S. Ellis. A. M._ Every boy and girl is more or less familiar with the experiences of Mr. Roosevelt as Colonel and President, but few of them know him as the boy and man of family and school circles and private citzenship. Mr. Ellis describes Theodore Roosevelt as a writer, a hunter, a fighter of "graft" at home and of Spaniards in Cuba, and a just and vigorous defender of right. FROM TANNERY TO WHITE HOUSE (The Life of Ulysses S. Grant). By _Wm. M. Thayer_. Perhaps General Grant is best known to boys and girls as the hero of the famous declaration: "I will fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." * * * * * REX KINGDON SERIES By GORDON BRADDOCK _Rex Kingdon of Ridgewood High_ A new boy moves into town. Who is he? What can he do? Will he make one of the school teams? Is his friendship worth having? These are the queries of the Ridgewood High Students. The story is the answer. _Rex Kingdon in the North Woods_ Rex and some of his Ridgewood friends establish a camp fire in the North Woods, and there mystery, jealousy, and rivalry enter to menace their safety, fire their interest and finally cement their friendship. _Rex Kingdon at Walcott Hall_ Lively boarding school experiences make this the "best yet" of the Rex Kingdon series. _Rex Kingdon Behind the Bat_ The title tells you what this story is; it is a rattling good story about baseball. Boys will like it. Gordon Braddock knows what Boys want and how to write it. These stories make the best reading you can procure. * * * * * NEW BOOKS ON THE WAR GREAT WAR SERIES By MAJOR SHERMAN CROCKETT _Two American Boys with the Allied Armies_ _Two American Boys in the French War Trenches_ _Two American Boys with the Dardanelles Battle Fleet_ The disastrous battle raging In Europe between Germany and Austria on one side and the Allied countries on the other, has created demand for literature on the subject. The American public to a large extent is ignorant of the exact locations of the fighting zones with its small towns and villages. Major Crockett, who is familiar with the present battle-fields, has undertaken to place before the American boy an interesting Series of War stories. * * * * * BOY SCOUT SERIES _ENDORSED BY BOY SCOUT ORGANIZATIONS_ By LIEUT. HOWARD PAYSON BOY SCOUTS OF THE EAGLE PATROL In this story, self-reliance and self-defense through organized athletics are emphasized. BOY SCOUTS ON THE RANGE Cow-punchers, Indians, the Arizona desert and the Harkness ranch figure in this tale of the Boy Scouts. BOY SCOUTS AND THE ARMY AIRSHIP The cleverness of one of the Scouts as an amateur inventor and the intrigues of his enemies to secure his inventions make a subject of breathless interest. BOY SCOUTS' MOUNTAIN CAMP Just so often as the reader draws a relieved breath at the escape of the Scouts from imminent danger, he loses it again in the instinctive impression, which he shares with the boys, of impending peril. BOY SCOUTS FOR UNCLE SAM Patriotism is a vital principle in every Boy Scout organization, but few there are who have such an opportunity for its practical expression as comes to the members of the Eagle Patrol. BOY SCOUTS AT THE PANAMA CANAL Most timely is this authentic story of the "great ditch." It is illustrated by photographs of the Canal in process of Building. BOY SCOUTS UNDER FIRE IN MEXICO Another tale appropriate to the unsettled conditions of the present is this account of recent conflict. BOY SCOUTS ON BELGIAN BATTLEFIELDS Wonderfully interesting is the story of Belgium as it figures in this tale of the Great War. BOY SCOUTS WITH THE ALLIES IN FRANCE On the firing line--or very near--we find the Scouts in France. BOY SCOUTS at THE PANAMA-PACIFIC EXPOSITION If you couldn't attend the Exposition yourself, you can go even now in imagination with the Boy Scouts. BOY SCOUTS UNDER SEALED ORDERS Here the Boy Scouts have a secret mission to perform for the Government. What is the nature of it? Keen boys will find that out by reading the book. It's a dandy story. BOY SCOUTS' CAMPAIGN FOR PREPAREDNESS Just as the Scouts' motto is "Be Prepared," just for these reasons that they prepare for the country's defense. What they do and how they do it makes a volume well worth reading. You do not have to be a Boy Scout to enjoy these fascinating and well-written stories. Any boy has the chance. Next to the Manual itself, the books give an accurate description of Boy Scout activities, for they are educational and instructive. * * * * * MOTOR CYCLE SERIES By LIEUT. HOWARD PAYSON You do not need to own either a motor-cycle or a bicycle to enjoy the thrilling experiences through which the Motor Cycle Chums pass on their way to seek adventure and excitement. Brimful of clever episodes. _The Motor Cycle Chums Around the World_ Could Jules Verne have dreamed of encircling the globe with a motor cycle for emergencies, he would have deemed it an achievement greater than any he describes in his account of the amusing travels of Philias Fogg. This, however, is the purpose successfully carried out by the Motor Cycle Chums, and the tale of their mishaps, hindrances and delays is one of intense interest, secret amusement, and incidental information to the reader. _The Motor Cycle Chums of the Northwest Patrol_ The great Northwest is a section of vast possibilities and in it the Motor Cycle Chums meet adventures even more unusual and exciting than many of their experiences on their tour around the world. There is not a dull page in this lively narrative of clever boys and their attendant, "Chinee." _The Motor Cycle Chums in the Gold Fields_ How the Motor Cycle Chums were caught by the lure of the gold and into what difficulties and novel experiences they were led, makes a tale of thrilling interest. _The Motor Cycle Chums' Whirlwind Tour_ To right a wrong is the mission that leads the Riding Rovers over the border into Mexico and gives the impulse to this story of amusing adventures and exciting episodes. _The Motor Cycle Chums South of the Equator_ New customs, strange peoples and unfamiliar surroundings add fresh zest to the interest of the Motor Cycle Chums in travel, and the tour described in this volume is full of the tropical atmosphere. _The Motor Cycle Chums through Historic America_ The Motor Cycle Chums explore the paths where American history was made, where interest centers to-day as never before. 
32273	----	[Illustration: BATTLE OF MOBILE BAY--FARRAGUT'S VICTORY.] STORIES OF OUR NAVAL HEROES EVERY CHILD CAN READ EDITED BY REV. JESSE LYMAN HURLBUT, D.D. ILLUSTRATED [Illustration] THE JOHN C. WINSTON CO. PHILADELPHIA COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY THE JOHN C. WINSTON CO. PREFACE WE live in a land of heroes. If there is any one thing for which a true son of America is always ready, it is for a deed of heroism. We have among us heroes of the workshop, of the railroad, of field, forest, and city, heroes of land and heroes of water, heroes in war and heroes in peace. When the time comes for any deed of valor to be done, the American ready and able to do it will not be found wanting. It is not glory the gallant son of our land is seeking. It is to do his duty in whatever situation he is placed, whether high or low, on quarter-deck or forecastle. He does not stop to think of fame. To act bravely for his fellows or his country is the thing for him to do, and he does it in face of every peril. The history of the United States is full of the names of heroes. They stand out like the stars on our flag. It is not our purpose to boast. The world has had its heroes in all times and countries. But our land holds a high rank among heroic nations, and deeds of gallant daring have been done by Americans which no men upon the earth have surpassed. This book is the record of our heroes of the sea, of the men who have fought bravely upon the ocean for the honor of the Stars and Stripes, the noble tars who have carried their country's fame over all waters and through all wars. Look at Paul Jones, the most gallant sailor who ever trod deck! He was not born on our soil, but he was a true-blue American for all that. Look at Perry, rowing from ship to ship amid the rain of British shot and shell! Look at Farragut in the Civil War, facing death in the rigging that he might see the enemy! Look at Dewey in the war with Spain, on the bridge amid the hurtling Spanish shells! These are but types of our gallant sailors. They have had their equals in every war. We have hundreds to-day as brave. All they wait for is opportunity. When the time comes they will be ready. If all our history is an inspiration, our naval history is specially so. It is full of thrilling tales, stories of desperate deeds and noble valor which no work of fiction can surpass. We are sure that all who take up this book will find it vital with interest and brimming with inspiration. Its tales deal with men who fought for their land with only a plank between them and death, and none among us can read the story of their deeds without a thrill in the nerves and a stir in the heart, and without a wish that sometime they may be able to do as much for the land that gave them birth. This is a book for the American boy to read, and the American girl as well; a book to fill them with the spirit of emulation and make them resolve that when the time comes they will act their part bravely in the perilous work of the world. CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAGE FIRST SEA FIGHT OF THE REVOLUTION. The Burning of the "Gaspee" in Narragansett Bay 1 CHAPTER II A BRITISH SCHOONER CAPTURED BY FARMERS. Captain Jerry O'Brien Leads the Patriots of 1775 11 CHAPTER III BENEDICT ARNOLD, THE SOLDIER-SAILOR. A Novel Fight on Lake Champlain 21 CHAPTER IV CAPTAIN PAUL JONES. The Greatest of America's Naval Heroes 32 CHAPTER V HOW PAUL JONES WON RENOWN. The First Great Fight of the American Navy 44 CHAPTER VI CAPTAIN BUSHNELL SCARES THE BRITISH. The Pioneer Torpedo Boat and the Battle of the Kegs 60 CHAPTER VII CAPTAIN BARRY AND HIS ROWBOATS WIN A VICTORY OVER THE BRITISH. A Gallant Naval Hero of Irish Blood 70 CHAPTER VIII CAPTAIN TUCKER HONORED BY GEORGE WASHINGTON. The Daring Adventures of the Hero of Marblehead 81 CHAPTER IX THE LAST NAVAL BATTLE OF THE REVOLUTION. The Heroic Captain Barney in the "Hyder Ali" Captures the "General Monk" 90 CHAPTER X THE MOORISH PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN. OUR NAVY TEACHES THEM A LESSON IN HONOR 99 CHAPTER XI THE YOUNG DECATUR AND HIS BRILLIANT DEEDS AT TRIPOLI. How Our Navy Began and Ended a Foreign War 108 CHAPTER XII THE GALLANT OLD "IRONSIDES" AND HOW SHE CAPTURED THE "GUERRIERE." A Famous Incident of the War of 1812 126 CHAPTER XIII A FAMOUS VESSEL SAVED BY A POEM. "Old Ironsides" Wins New Glory 140 CHAPTER XIV THE FIGHT OF CAPTAIN JACOB JONES. The Lively Little "Wasp" and How She Stung the "Frolic" 155 CHAPTER XV CAPTAIN LAWRENCE DIES FOR THE FLAG. His Words, "Do not give up the ship," Become the Famous Motto of the American Navy 166 CHAPTER XVI COMMODORE PERRY WHIPS THE BRITISH ON LAKE ERIE. "We have met the enemy and they are ours" 176 CHAPTER XVII COMMODORE PORTER GAINS GLORY IN THE PACIFIC. The Gallant Fight of the "Essex" Against Great Odds 189 CHAPTER XVIII COMMODORE MACDONOUGH'S VICTORY ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. How General Prevost and the British Ran Away 201 CHAPTER XIX FOUR NAVAL HEROES IN ONE CHAPTER. Fights with the Pirates of the Gulf and the Corsairs of the Mediterranean 210 CHAPTER XX COMMODORE PERRY OPENS JAPAN TO THE WORLD. A Heroic Deed Without Bloodshed 220 CHAPTER XXI CAPTAIN INGRAHAM TEACHES AUSTRIA A LESSON. Our Navy Upholds the Rights of an American in a Foreign Land 231 CHAPTER XXII THE "MONITOR" AND THE "MERRIMAC." A Fight which Changed all Naval Warfare 239 CHAPTER XXIII COMMODORE FARRAGUT WINS RENOWN. The Hero of Mobile Bay Lashes Himself to the Mast 252 CHAPTER XXIV A RIVER FLEET IN A HAIL OF FIRE. Admiral Porter Runs by the Forts in a Novel Way 268 CHAPTER XXV THE SINKING OF THE "ALBEMARLE." Lieutenant Cushing Performs the most Gallant Deed of the Civil War 278 CHAPTER XXVI HOW THE "GLOUCESTER" REVENGED THE SINKING OF THE "MAINE." Deadly and Heroic Deeds in the War with Spain 288 CHAPTER XXVII THE GREAT VICTORY OF MANILA BAY. Dewey Destroys a Fleet Without Losing a Man 294 CHAPTER XXVIII HOBSON AND THE SINKING OF THE "MERRIMAC." An Heroic Deed Worthy of the American Navy 304 CHAPTER XXIX SAMPSON AND SCHLEY WIN RENOWN. The Greatest Sea Fight of the Century 313 CHAPTER I THE FIRST SEA FIGHT OF THE REVOLUTION THE BURNING OF THE "GASPEE" IN NARRAGANSETT BAY DOES it not seem an odd fact that little Rhode Island, the smallest of all our states, should have two capital cities, while all the others, some of which would make more than a thousand Rhode Islands, have only one apiece? It is like the old story of the dwarf beating the giants. The tale we have to tell has to do with these two cities, Providence and Newport, whose story goes back far into the days when Rhode Island and all the others were British colonies. They were capitals then and they are capitals still. That is, they were places where the legislature met and the laws were made. I need not tell you anything about the British Stamp Act, the Boston Tea-party, the fight at Lexington, and the other things that led to the American Revolution and brought freedom to the colonies. All this you have learned at school. But I am sure you will be interested in what we may call the "salt-water Lexington," the first fight between the British and the bold sons of the colonies. There was at that time a heavy tax on all goods brought into the country, and even on goods taken from one American town to another. It was what we now call a revenue duty, or tariff. This tax the Americans did not like to pay. They were so angry at the way they had been treated by England that they did not want that country to have a penny of their money. Nor did they intend to pay any tax. Do you ask how they could help paying the tax? They had one way of doing so. Vessels laden with goods were brought to the coast at night, or to places where there was no officer of the revenue. Then in all haste they unloaded their cargoes and were away again like flitting birds. The British did not see half the goods that came ashore, and lost much in the way of taxes. We call this kind of secret trade "smuggling." Providence and Newport were great smuggling places. Over the green waters of Narragansett Bay small craft sped to and fro, coming to shore by night or in secret places and landing their goods. It was against the law, but the bold mariners cared little for laws made in England. They said that they were quite able to govern themselves, and that no people across the seas should make laws for them. The British did their best to stop this kind of trade. They sent armed vessels to the Bay, whose business it was to chase and search every craft that might have smuggled goods in its hold, and to punish in some way every smuggler they found. Some of these vessels made themselves very busy, and sailors and shoremen alike were bitter against them. They would bring in prizes to Newport, and their sailors would swagger about the streets, bragging of what they had done, and making sport of the Yankees. They would kidnap sailors and carry them off to serve in the King's ships. One vessel came ashore at Newport, whose crew had been months at sea, trading on the African coast. Before a man of them could set foot on land, or see any of the loved ones at home, from whom they had been parted so long, a press-gang from a British ship-of-war seized and carried off the whole crew, leaving the captain alone on his deck. We may be sure that all this made the people very indignant. While the rest of the country was quiet, the Newporters were at the point of war. More than once they were ready to take arms against the British. In July, 1769, a British armed sloop, the _Liberty_, brought in two prizes as smugglers. They had no smuggled goods on board, but the officers of the _Liberty_ did not care for that. And their captains and crews were treated as if they were prisoners of war. That night something new took place. The lookout on the _Liberty_ saw two boats, crowded with men, gliding swiftly toward the sloop. "Boat ahoy!" he shouted. Not a word came in reply. "Boat ahoy! Answer, or I'll fire!" No answer still. The lookout fired. The watch came rushing up on deck. But at the same time the men in the boats climbed over the bulwarks and the sailors of the _Liberty_ found themselves looking into the muzzles of guns. They were taken by surprise and had to yield. The Americans had captured their first prize. Proud of their victory, the Newporters cut the cables of the sloop and let her drift ashore. Her captives were set free, her mast was cut down, and her boats were dragged through the streets to the common, where they were set on fire. A jolly bonfire they made, too, and as the flames went up the people cheered lustily. That was not all. With the high tide the sloop floated off. But it went ashore again on Goat Island, and the next night some of the people set it on fire and it was burned to the water's edge. That was the first American reply to British tyranny. The story of it spread far and wide. The King's officers did all they could to find and punish the men who had captured the sloop, but not a man of them could be discovered. Everybody in the town knew, but no one would tell. This was only the beginning. The great event was that of the _Gaspee_. This was a British schooner carrying six cannon, which cruised about the Bay between Providence and Newport, and made itself so active and so offensive that the people hated it more than all those that had gone before. Captain Duddingstone treated every vessel as if it had been a pirate, and the people were eager to give it the same dose they had given the _Liberty_. Their time came in June, 1772. The _Hannah_, a vessel trading between New York and Providence, came in sight of the _Gaspee_ and was ordered to stop. But Captain Linzee had a fine breeze and did not care to lose it. He kept on at full speed, and the _Gaspee_ set out in chase. It was a very pretty race that was seen that day over the ruffled waters of the Bay. For twenty-five miles it kept up and the _Hannah_ was still ahead. Then the two vessels came near to Providence bar. The Yankee captain now played the British sailors a cute trick. He slipped on over the bar as if there had been a mile of water under his keel. The _Gaspee_, not knowing that the _Hannah_ had almost touched bottom, followed, and in a minute more came bump upon the ground. The proud war-vessel stuck fast in the mud, while the light-footed Yankee slid swiftly on to Providence, where the story of the chase and escape was told to eager ears. Here was a splendid chance. The _Gaspee_ was aground. Now was the time to repay Captain Duddingstone for his pride and insolence. That night, while the people after their day's work were standing and talking about the news, a man passed down the streets, beating a drum and calling out: "The _Gaspee is aground_. Who will join in to put an end to her?" There was no lack of volunteers. Eight large boats had been collected from the ships in the harbor, and there were soon enough to crowd them all. Sixty-four men were selected, and Abraham Whipple, who was afterward one of the first captains in the American navy, took command. Some of the men had guns, but their principal weapons were paving stones and clubs. It was about two o'clock in the morning when this small fleet came within hail of the _Gaspee_. She was fast enough yet, though she was beginning to lift with the rising tide. An hour or two more might have set her afloat. A sentinel who was pacing the deck hailed the boats when they came near. "Who comes there?" he cried. A shower of paving stones that rattled on the deck of the _Gaspee_ was the only answer. Up came the captain and crew, like bees from a hive that has been disturbed. "I want to come on board," said Captain Whipple. "Stand off. You can't come aboard," answered Captain Duddingstone. He fired a pistol. A shot from one of the guns on the boats replied. The British captain fell with a bullet in his side. "I am sheriff of the County of Kent," cried one of the leaders in the boats. "I am come for the captain of this vessel. Have him I will, dead or alive. Men, to your oars!" On came the boats, up the sides of the vessel clambered the men, over the rails they passed. The sailors showed fight, but they were soon knocked down and secured. The proud _Gaspee_ was in the hands of the despised Yankees. As the captors were tying the crew, a surgeon who was in the boats was called on deck. "What do you want, Mr. Brown?" he asked. "Don't call names, man," cried Brown. "Go into the cabin. There is a wounded man there who may bleed to death." The surgeon was needed, for Captain Duddingstone was bleeding freely. The surgeon, finding no cloth for bandages, tore his own shirt into strips for this purpose, and soon had the bleeding stopped. The captain was gently lowered into one of the boats and rowed up to Providence. The wounded man away, the captors began their work. Rushing through the vessel, they made havoc of furniture and trappings. There were some bottles of liquor in the captain's cabin, and some of the men made a rush for these; but the surgeon smashed them with the heels of his boots. That was not the time or place for drunken men. This done, the _Gaspee_ was set on fire, and was soon wrapped in flames. The men rowed their boats some distance out, and there rested on their oars, watching the flames as they shot up masts and rigging. Not until the loaded guns went off, one after another, and in the end the magazine was reached and the ship blew up, did they turn their prows towards home. Never again would the _Gaspee_ trouble American ships. When word of what had been done reached England, there was fury from the King down. Great rewards were offered for any one who would betray any of the party, but not a name was told. For six long months a court of inquiry sat, but it could not get evidence enough to convict a single man. The Americans were staunch and firm and stood for each other like brothers tried and true. Not until the colonies threw off the royal yoke and were battling for freedom was the secret told. Then the men of the long-boats did not hesitate to boast of what they had done. It was the first stroke of America in the cause of liberty, and the work of the men of Providence gave new heart to the patriots from Maine to Georgia. CHAPTER II A BRITISH SCHOONER CAPTURED BY FARMERS IN 1775 CAPTAIN JERRY O'BRIEN LEADS THE PATRIOTS OF 1775 HOW would any of you like to go back to the days when people had only tallow candles to light their houses, and the moon to light their streets, when they traveled on horseback or by stage, and got their news only when it happened to come? In these days of the electric light, the railroad train, and the telegraph that old way of living would not seem living at all. Yet that was the way people lived in 1775 when the Revolution began. It took weeks for news to travel then, where it takes seconds now. Thus the fight at Lexington, which began the Revolution, took place on April 19th, but it was May 9th, more than half a month later, before the news of it reached the little town of Machias, on the coast of Maine. We should hardly call that fast time. It must have taken several naps on the way. But when the news came, it found the people ready for it. A coasting schooner put into the port and brought the story of how the patriots had fought and bled at Lexington and Concord, and of how the British were shut up in Boston town, and the country was at war. The news was received with ringing cheers. If any of my readers had been at Machias that day I know they would have felt like striking a blow for liberty. At any rate, that is how the people of Machias felt, and it did not take them long to show it. They had some reason not to like the King and his men. All the tall, straight trees in their woods were kept to make masts for the King's ships, and no woodman dared set axe to one of these pine trees except at risk of going to prison. Just then there were two sloops in their harbor loading with ship-timber, and an armored schooner, the _Margaretta_, was there as a good looker-on. When the men on the wharf heard the story of Lexington, their eyes fell on the _Margaretta_. Here was a chance to let King George know what they thought about his robbing their woods. "Keep this a secret," they said to the sailors. "Not a word of it to Captain Moore or his men. Wait till to-morrow and you will see some sport." That night sixty of the countrymen and townsmen met at a farmhouse nearby and laid their plans. It was Saturday. On Sunday Captain Moore and his officers would go to church. Then they could gather at the wharf and might take the schooner by surprise. But it is often easier to make a plot than to keep it a secret, and that lesson they were to learn. The captain and his officers went to the little village church at sound of the morning bell; the _Margaretta_ lay lazily floating near the shore; and the plotters began to gather, two or three at a time strolling down towards the shore, each of them carrying some weapon. But in some way Captain Moore discovered their purpose. What bird in the air whispered to him the secret we do not know, but he suddenly sprang to his feet, called to his officers to follow him, and leaped like a cat through the church window, without waiting to go round by the door. We may be sure the old-fashioned preacher and the pious people in the pews looked on with wide-open eyes. Down the street like a deer sped the captain. After him came his officers. In their rear rushed the patriots, some carrying old muskets, some with scythes and reaping-hooks. It was a hot flight and a hot chase. Luckily for Captain Moore the guard on the schooner was wide-awake. He saw the countrymen chasing his captain, and at once loaded and fired a gun, whose ball went whistling over the head of the men of Maine. This was more than they looked for; they held back in doubt; some of them sought hiding places; before they could gain fresh courage, a boat put off from the schooner and took the captain and his officers on board. Captain Moore did not know what was wrong, but he thought he would frighten the people, at any rate. So his cannon thundered and balls came hurtling over the town. Then he drew up his anchor and sailed several miles down the bay, letting the anchor fall again near a high bank. Some of the townsmen followed, and a man named Foster called from the bank, bidding him surrender. But the captain laughed at him, raised his anchor once more, and ran farther out into the bay. It looked as if the whole affair was at an end and the _Margaretta_ safe. But the men of Machias were not yet at the end of their rope. There lay the lumber sloops, and where a schooner could go a sloop could follow. Early Monday morning four young men climbed to the deck of one of the sloops and cheered in a way that soon brought a crowd to the wharf. One of these was a bold, gallant fellow named Jeremiah O'Brien. "What is in the wind?" he asked. "We are going for the King's ship," said Wheaton, one of the men. "We can outsail her, and all we want is guns enough and men enough to take her." "My boys, we can do it," cried O'Brien in lusty tones, after hearing the plan. Everybody ran off for arms, but all they could find in the town were twenty guns, with enough powder and balls to make three shots for each. Their other weapons were thirteen pitchforks and twelve axes. Jerry O'Brien was chosen captain, thirty-five of the most athletic men were selected, and the sloop put off before a fresh breeze for the first naval battle of the Revolution. It is likely that there were a few sailors among them, and no doubt their captain knew how to handle a sloop. But the most of them were landsmen, chiefly haymakers, for Machias lay amid grassy meadows and the making of hay was its chief business. And there were some woodsmen, who knew well how to swing an axe. They were all bold men and true, who cared more for their country than for the King. When Captain Moore saw the sloop coming with its deck crowded with men he must have wondered what all this meant. What ailed these countrymen? Anyhow, he would not fight without knowing what he was fighting for, so he raised his anchor, set his sails, and made for the open sea. But he had hardly started when, in going about in the strong wind, the main boom swung across so sharply that it struck the backstays and broke short off. I fancy if any of us had been close by then we would have heard ringing cheers from the Yankee crew. They felt sure now of their prize, though we cannot see why, for the _Margaretta_ had twenty-four cannon, four throwing six-pound balls and the rest one-pound balls. Muskets and pitchforks did not seem of much use against these. It had also more men than the sloop. We cannot see why Captain Moore showed his heels instead of his fists, for he soon proved that he was no coward. But he still seemed to want to get away, so he drew up beside a schooner that lay at anchor, robbed it of its boom, lashed it to his own mast and once more took to flight. But the sloop was now not far behind, and soon showed that it was the better sailer of the two. In the end it came so close that Captain Moore was forced to fight or yield. One of the swivel guns was fired, and then came a whole broadside, sending its balls hurtling over the crowded deck of the sloop. One man fell dead, but no other harm was done. Only a single shot was fired back, but this came from a heavy gun and was aimed by an old hunter. It struck the man at the helm of the schooner. He fell dead, letting the rudder swing loose. The _Margaretta_, with no hand at her helm, broached to, and in a minute more the sloop came crashing against her. At once there began a fierce battle between the British tars and the haymakers of Maine, who sprang wildly and with ringing cheers for the schooner's deck. Weapons of all sorts now came into play. Cutlasses, hand-grenades, pistols and boarding pikes were used by the schooner's men; muskets, pitchforks, and axes were skilfully handled by the crew of the sloop. Men fast fell dead and wounded; the decks grew red with blood; both sides fought fiercely, the men of Machias striving like tigers to gain a footing on the schooner's deck, the British tars meeting and driving them back. Captain Moore showed that it was not fear that made him run away. He now fought bravely at the head of his men, cheering them on and hurling hand-grenades at the foe. But in a few minutes the end came. A bullet struck the gallant captain and he fell dead on his deck. When they saw him fall the crew lost heart and drew back. The Yankees swarmed over the bulwarks. In a minute more the _Margaretta_ was theirs. The battle, though short, had been desperate, for twenty men lay killed and wounded, more than a fourth of the whole number engaged. As Bunker Hill showed British soldiers that the Yankees could fight on land, so the capture of the _Margaretta_, the first naval victory of the Americans, showed that they could fight at sea. The _Margaretta_ was very much the stronger, in men, in guns, and in her trained officers and skilled crew. Yet she had been taken by a party of landsmen, with muskets against cannon and pitchforks against pistols. It was a victory of which the colonists could well be proud. But Captain O'Brien was not yet satisfied. He had now a good sloop under his feet, a good crew at his back, and the arms and ammunition of his prize. He determined to go a-privateering on his own account. Taking the _Margaretta_ to the town, he handed over his prisoners and put the cannon and swivels of the schooner on his swifter sloop, together with the muskets, pistols, powder, and shot which he found on board. Then away he went, with a bold and daring crew, in search for prizes and glory. He soon found both. When the news of what he had done reached Halifax, the British there sent out two schooners, with orders to capture the insolent Yankee and bring him to port and to prison. But Captain O'Brien showed that he knew how to handle a sloop as well as a pitchfork. He met the schooners sent to capture him, and by skilful sailing managed to separate them. Then he made a bold dash on each of them and in a little time captured them both. CHAPTER III BENEDICT ARNOLD, THE SOLDIER-SAILOR A NOVEL FIGHT ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN WAS it not a dreadful pity that Benedict Arnold should disgrace himself forever by becoming a traitor to his country? To think of his making himself the most despised of all Americans, when, if he had been true to his flag, he might have been ranked among our greatest heroes. For Arnold was one of the best and bravest fighters in Washington's army. And he could fight as hard and well on water as on land, as you will learn when you read of what he did on Lake Champlain. I am sure all my readers must know where this lake is, and how it stretches down in a long line from Canada far into New York State. Below Lake Champlain extends Lake George, and not very far from that is the Hudson River, which flows down to the City of New York. If the British could only have held that line of water they would have cut the colonies in two, and in that way they might soon have brought the war to an end. This was what they tried to do in the fall of 1776, but they did not count on Arnold and his men. Let us tell what brought this about. General Arnold and General Montgomery had marched through the wilderness to Quebec in the winter before. But there they met with bitter weather and deadly disease and death from cold and cannon. The brave Montgomery was killed, the daring Arnold fought in vain, and in the end the invading army was forced to march back--all that was left of it. As the Americans went back, Sir Guy Carleton, the British commander, followed, and made his camp at St. John's, at the north end of Lake Champlain. The nearest American post was at Crown Point, far down towards the foot of the lake. Not far south of this, near the head of Lake George, was the famous old French fort Ticonderoga, which Arnold and Ethan Allen had captured from the British the year before. I tell you all this that you may know how the land lay. A glance at a good map will help. I think it very likely that some of you may have visited those beautiful lakes, and seen the towns and villages on their shores, the handsome dwelling on their islands, and the broad roads along their banks; everything gay and smiling. If you had been there in 1776 you would have seen a very different sight. Look right or left, east or west, nothing but a wilderness of trees would have met your eyes. As for roads, I fancy an Indian trail would have been the best to be found. And no man that wished to keep his scalp on his head would have thought of living on island or shore. The only good road southward was the liquid one made by nature, and this road Carleton decided to take. He would build a strong fleet and carry his army down the lake, while the Indians that came with him could paddle downward in their canoes. At this time there was not a vessel on the lakes, but Carleton worked hard, and soon had such a fleet as these waters had never seen. Three of his ships were built in England in such a way that they could be taken to pieces, carried through the wilderness to St. John's, and there put together again. The smaller vessels were built on the spot, soldiers, sailors, and farmers all working on them. It was well on in October before his task was finished. Then he had a fleet of twenty-five vessels in all, twenty of them being gunboats, but some of them quite large. Their crews numbered a thousand men, and they carried eighty-nine cannon. You may well suppose that the Americans knew what was going on, and that they did not fold their hands and wait. That is not, and never was, the American way. If the British could build, so could the Yankees, and Benedict Arnold was ordered to build a fleet, and to have it ready for fighting the British when it would be needed. Arnold had been at sea in his time and knew something of what he was about. His men were farmers who had taken up arms for their country, but he sent for a few shipbuilders from the coast and went to work with all his might. When October came he had fifteen vessels afloat. There were two schooners and one sloop, the others being called galleys and gondolas--no better than large rowboats, with three to six guns each. Arnold had about as many guns as Carleton, but they were smaller, and he had not nearly so many men to handle them. And his men were farmers instead of sailors, and knew no more about a cannon than about a king's crown. But the British ships were manned by picked seamen from the warships in the St. Lawrence River, and had trained naval officers. I fear if any of us had been in Arnold's place we would have wanted to go home. It looked like folly for him and his men to fight the British fleet with its skilled officers and sailors and its heavy guns. It was like meeting a raft of logs with one of chips. But Arnold was not a man who stopped to count the cost when fighting was to be had. As soon as he was ready he set sail boldly up the lake, and on the morning of October 11, 1776, he drew up his little fleet across a narrow channel between Valcour Island and the west shore of the lake. He knew the British would soon be down. It was a fine, clear, cool morning, with a strong wind from the north, just the kind of day Carleton had been waiting for. So, soon after sunrise, his fleet came sweeping on past Valcour Island. But all the sailors saw was a thicket of green trees, and they had got well south of the island before they looked back and saw the American fleet. Here was an ugly situation. It would never do to leave the Americans in their rear. Down went the helms, round swept the sails, out came the oars, and soon the British fleet was making a struggle against the wind which had seemed so fair a few minutes before. So strong was the breeze that ten o'clock had passed before they reached the channel in which the Americans lay. Arnold came eagerly to meet them, with the _Royal Savage_, his largest vessel, and three of his gondolas. One of these, the _Congress_, he had made his flagship. Soon the waters of that quiet bay rang with the roar of cannon and the shouts of fighting men, and Arnold, having drawn the fire of the whole British fleet, was obliged to hurry back. In doing so he met with a serious loss. The _Royal Savage_, pierced by a dozen balls, ran ashore on the island. As she could not be got off, the crew set her on fire and escaped to the woods. They might better have leaped into the lake, for the woods were full of Indians whom Carleton had sent ashore; and to be a prisoner to Indians in those days was a terrible fate. When he got back to his fleet, Arnold formed his line to meet the British, who came steadily on until within musket shot. Then a furious battle began, broadside meeting broadside, grape-shot and round-shot hurtling through the air, the thick smoke of the conflict drifting into the woodland, while from the forest came back flame and bullets as the Indians fought for their British friends. Arnold, on the deck of the _Congress_, led in the thickest of the fight, handling his fleet as if he had been an admiral born, cheering the men at the guns, aiming and firing a gun at intervals himself, and not yielding a foot to the foe. Now and then a gun was fired at the Indians, forcing them to skip nimbly behind the trees. For six long hours the battle kept up at close quarters. This is what Arnold says about it in few words: "At half-past twelve the engagement became general and very warm. Some of the enemy's ships and all their gondolas beat and rowed up within musket shot of us. They continued a very hot fire with round and grape-shot until five o'clock, when they thought proper to retire to about six or seven hundred yards distance, and continued the fire till dark." Hot as their fire was, they must have found that of the Americans hotter, for they went back out of range of the Yankee guns, but kept within range of their own. Arnold's vessels were in a bad plight. Several of them were as full of holes as a pepper bottle, and one sank soon after the fight ended. But two of the British gunboats had been sunk and one blown up. The worst for the Americans was that nearly all their powder was gone. They could not fight an hour more. Perilous as was the situation, Admiral Arnold was equal to it. The night came on dark and stormy, with a hard gale from the north. This was just what he wanted. Up came the anchors and away went the boats, one after the other in a long line, each showing a light to the vessel that followed, but hiding it from British eyes. In this way they slipped unseen through the British line, Arnold in the _Congress_ taking the post of danger in the rear. When morning dawned the British lookouts gazed for the American fleet, it was nowhere to be seen. It had vanished in the night and now was ten miles down the lake, where it was drawn up near shore for repairs. Two of the gondolas proved to be past mending, and were sunk. The others were patched up until they could be kept afloat without too much pumping, and the fleet started on, hoping to gain the shelter of Crown Point or Ticonderoga. The wind had changed to the south, and they had to take to their oars. This kept them back, but it gave the British quite as much trouble. That day passed away and the next day, Friday, dawned before the pursuers came in sight. And now a chase began with oar and sail, and continued till noon, when Crown Point was still some leagues away. By this time the British cannon balls began to reach the American boats, and the tired rowers were forced to turn to their guns and fight. Never did sea-hero fight more gallantly than did the soldier Arnold that day. The first British broadside ruined the gondola _Washington_ and forced it to surrender. But Arnold in the little _Congress_ drew up beside the _Inflexible_, a 300-ton ship with eighteen 12-pounder cannon, and fought the ship with his little gunboat as if they had been of equal strength. Inspired by his example, the other boats fought as bravely. Not until a third of his men were dead and his boat a mere wreck did he give up the fight. But not to surrender--no such thought came into his mind. By his order the galleys were run ashore in a creek nearby and there set on fire. With the three guns of the shattered _Congress_ he covered their retreat until their crews were safe on shore. Then, reckless of the British shot, he ran the _Congress_ ashore also and stood guard at her stern while the crew set her on fire. The men by his orders sought the shore, but Arnold stood by his flag to the last, not leaving until the flames had such hold that he was sure no Briton's hand could strike his flag. It would float until it went up in flames. Then he sprang into the water, waded ashore, and joined his men, who greeted him with cheers. The savages were swarming in the woods, eager for scalps, but Arnold was not troubled by fear of them. Forming his men into order, he marched them through the woods, and before night reached safety at Crown Point. Thus ended one of the noblest fights the inland waters of America ever saw. The British were victors, though at a heavy cost. Arnold had fought until his fleet was annihilated; and not in vain. Carleton sailed back to St. John's and made his way to Canada. He had seen enough of Yankee pluck. Thus Arnold, though defeated, gained by his valor the fruit of victory, for the British gave up their plan of holding the lake. CHAPTER IV CAPTAIN PAUL JONES THE GREATEST OF AMERICA'S NAVAL HEROES ONCE upon a time there lived in Scotland a poor gardener named John Paul, who had a little son to whom he gave the same name. The rich man's garden that the father took care of was close by the sea, and little John Paul came to love blue water so much that he spent most of his time near it, and longed to be a sailor. He lived in his father's cottage near the sea until he was twelve years old. Then he was put to work in a big town on the other side of the Solway Firth. This town was called Whitehaven. It was a very busy place, and ships and sailors were there in such numbers that the little fellow, who had been put in a store, greatly liked to go down to the docks and talk with the seamen who had been in so many different lands and seas and who could tell him all about the wonderful and curious places they had seen, and about their adventures on the great oceans they had sailed over. In the end the boy made up his mind to go to sea. He studied all about ships and how to sail them. He read all the books he could get, and often, when other boys were asleep or in mischief, he was learning from the books he read many things that helped him when he grew older. At last he had his wish. When he was only thirteen years old, he was put as a sailor boy on a ship called the _Friendship_. The vessel was bound to Virginia, in America, for a cargo of tobacco, and the young sailor greatly enjoyed the voyage and was especially delighted with the new country across the sea. He wished he could live in America, and hoped some day to go there again. When this first voyage was over, he returned to Whitehaven and went back to the store. But soon after, the merchant who owned the store failed in business, and the boy was out of a place and had to look out for himself. This time he became a real seaman. For many years he served as a common sailor. He proved such a good one that before he was twenty years old he was a captain. This was how he became one: While the ship in which he was sailing was in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean, a terrible fever broke out. The captain died. The mate, who comes next to the captain, died; all of the sailors were sick, and some of them died. There was no one who knew about sailing such a big vessel, except young John Paul. So he took command and sailed the ship into port without an accident, and the owners were so glad that they made the young sailor captain of the ship which he had saved for them. John Paul was not the only one of his family who loved America. He had a brother who had crossed the ocean and was living in Virginia, on the banks of the Rappahannock River. This was the same river beside which George Washington lived when a boy. The young captain visited his brother several times while he was sailing on his voyages, and he liked the country so much that, when his brother died, he gave up being a sailor for a while, and went to live on his brother's farm. When he became a farmer, he changed his name to Jones. Why he did so nobody knows. But he ever after bore the name of John Paul Jones. He made this one of the best known names in the history of the seas. I doubt if he was a very good farmer. He was too much of a sailor for that. So, when the American Revolution began, he was eager to fight the British on the seas. There was no nation at that time so powerful on the sea as England. The King had a splendid fleet of ships of war--almost a thousand. The United States had none. But soon the Americans got together five little ships, and sent them out as the beginning of the American navy, to fight the ships of England. John Paul Jones was made first lieutenant of a ship called the _Alfred_. He had the good fortune to hoist for the first time on any ship, the earliest American flag. This was a great yellow silk flag which had on it the picture of a pine tree with a rattlesnake coiled around it, and underneath were the words: "Don't tread on me!" Then the grand union flag of the colonies was set. This had thirteen red and white stripes, like our present flag, but, instead of the stars, in the corner it had the British "union jack." Thus there was a link on the flag between the colonies and England. They had not quite cut apart. [Illustration: JOHN PAUL JONES.] Jones had first been offered the command of the _Providence_, a brig that bore twelve guns and had a crew of one hundred men. But he showed the kind of man he was by saying that he did not know enough to be a captain, and was hardly fit to be a first lieutenant. That was how he came to be made first lieutenant of the _Alfred_. Congress took him at his own price. But Commodore Hopkins, who commanded the fleet, was wise enough to see that Jones knew more about his work than most of the captains in the service. So he ordered him to take command of the _Providence_, the snug little brig that had first been offered to him. The new captain was set at work to carrying troops and guarding merchant vessels along the shore, and he did this with wonderful skill. There were British men-of-war nearly everywhere, but Jones managed to keep clear of them. He darted up and down Long Island Sound, carrying soldiers and guns and food to General Washington. So well did he do his work that Congress made him a captain. This was on August 8, 1776, a month and more after the "Declaration of Independence." He had a free country now to fight for, instead of rebel colonies. The _Providence_ was a little vessel, but it was a fast sailer, and was wonderfully quick to answer the helm. That is, it turned very quickly when the rudder was moved. And it had a captain who knew how to sail a ship. All this brought the little brig out of more than one tight place. I must tell you about one of these escapes, in which Captain Jones showed himself a very sharp sea-fox. He came across a fleet of vessels which he thought were merchant ships, and had a fancy he might capture the largest. But when he got close up he found that this was a big British frigate, the _Solebay_. Away went the _Providence_ at full speed, and hot-foot after her came the _Solebay_. For four hours the chase was kept up, the frigate steadily gaining. At last she was only a hundred yards away. Now was the time to surrender. Nearly any one but Paul Jones would have done so. A broadside from the great frigate would have torn his little brig to pieces. But he was one of the "never surrender" kind. What else could he do? you ask. Well, I will tell you what he did. He quietly made ready to set all his extra sails, and put a man with a lighted match at each cannon, and had another ready to hoist the union flag. Then, with a quick turn of the helm, the little brig swung round like a top across the frigate's bows. As she did so all the guns on that side sent their iron hail sweeping across the deck of the _Solebay_. In a minute more the studding sails were set on both sides, like broad white wings, and away went the _Providence_ as swift as a racer, straight before the wind and with the American flag proudly flying. The officers and men of the frigate were so upset by the sudden dash and attack that they did not know what to do. Before they came to their senses the brig was out of reach of their shot. Off like a bird she went, now quite outsailing her pursuer. The _Solebay_, fired more than a hundred iron balls after her, but they only scared the fishes. It was not long before Captain Jones found another big British ship on his track. He was now off the coast of Nova Scotia, and as there was nothing else to do, he let his men have a day's sport in fishing for codfish. Fish are plenty in those waters, and they were pulling them up in a lively fashion when a strange sail rose in sight. When it came well up Captain Jones saw it was a British frigate, and judged it time to pull in his fishing lines and set sail on his little craft. Away like a deer went the brig, and after her like a hound came the ship. But it soon proved that the deer was faster than the hound, and so Captain Jones began to play with the big frigate. He took in some of his sails and kept just out of reach. The _Milford_, which was the name of the British ship, kept firing at the _Providence_, but all her shot plunged into the waves. It was like the hound barking at the deer. And every time the _Milford_ sent a broadside, Paul Jones replied with a musket. After he had all the fun he wanted out of the lumbering frigate, he spread all sail again and soon left her out of sight. We cannot tell the whole story of the cruise of the _Providence_. In less than two months it captured sixteen vessels and burned some others. Soon after that Jones was made captain of the _Alfred_, the ship on which he had raised the first flag. With this he took a splendid prize, the brig _Mellish_, on which were ten thousand uniforms for the British soldiers. Many a ragged soldier in Washington's army thanked him that winter for a fine suit of warm clothing. Let us tell one more fine thing that Captain Jones did in American waters before he crossed the ocean to the British seas. Sailing along the coast of Canada he came upon a fleet of coal vessels, with a British frigate to take care of them. But it was foggy and the coalers were scattered; so that Jones picked up three of them while the frigate went on with her eyes shut, not knowing that anything was wrong. Two days afterward he came upon a British privateer, which was on the hunt for American vessels. But when the _Alfred_ came up, before more than a few shots had been fired, down came its flag. Captain Jones now thought it time to get home. His ship was crowded with prisoners, he was short of food and water, and he had four prizes to look after, which were manned with some of his crew. But he was not to get home without another adventure; for, late one afternoon, there came in sight the frigate _Milford_, the one which he had saluted with musket balls. He could not play with her now, for he had his prizes to look after, and while he could outsail her, the prizes could not. So he told the captains of the prizes to keep on as they were, no matter what signals he made. Night soon came, and the _Alfred_ sailed on, with two lanterns swinging in her tops. Soon she changed her course and the _Milford_ followed. No doubt her captain thought that the Yankee had lost his wits, to sail on with lanterns blazing and make it easy to keep in his track. But when morning dawned the British captain found he had been tricked. The _Alfred_ was in sight, but all the prizes were gone except the privateer, whose stupid captain had not obeyed orders. The result was that the privateer was recaptured. But the _Alfred_ easily kept ahead. That afternoon a squall of snow came upon the sea, and the Yankee craft, "amid clouds and darkness and foaming surges, made her escape." In a few days more the _Alfred_ sailed into Boston. There his ship was given another captain, and for six months he had nothing to do. Congress was full of politicians who were looking out for their friends, and the best seaman in the American navy was left sitting at home biting his thumb nails and whistling for a ship. I have not told you here the whole story of our greatest naval hero. I have not told you even the best part of his story, that part which has made him famous in all history, and put him on a level with the most celebrated sea fighters of all time. The exploits of Paul Jones cover two seas, those of America and those of England, and in both he proved himself a brilliant sailor and a daring fighter. I think you will say this from what you have already read. His deeds of skill and bravery on our own coast were wonderful, and if they had stood alone would have given him great fame. But it was in the waters and on the shores of England that he showed the whole world what a man he was; and now, when men talk of the great heroes of the sea, the name of John Paul Jones always stands first. This is the story we have next to tell, how Captain Jones crossed the ocean and bearded the British lion in his den. CHAPTER V HOW PAUL JONES WON RENOWN THE FIRST GREAT FIGHT OF THE AMERICAN NAVY YOU have been told how Captain Paul Jones lost his ship. He was given another in June, 1777. This was the _Ranger_, a frigate carrying twenty-six guns, but it was such a slow old tub that our captain was not well pleased with his new craft. He did not want to run away from the British; he wanted a ship that was fit to chase an enemy. We have one thing very interesting to tell. On the very day that Jones got his new ship Congress adopted a new flag, the American standard with its thirteen stars and thirteen stripes. As soon as he heard of the new flag, Captain Jones had one made in all haste, and with his own hands he ran it up to the mast-head of the _Ranger_. So she was the first ship that ever carried the "Stars and Stripes." Is it not interesting that the man who first raised the pine-tree flag of the colonies was the first to fling out to the breeze the star-spangled flag of the American Union? Captain Jones was ordered to sail for France, but it took so long to get the _Ranger_ ready for sea that it was winter before he reached there. Benjamin Franklin and other Americans were there in France and were having a fine new frigate built for Paul Jones. But when England heard of it such a protest was made that the French government stopped the work on the ship, and our brave captain had to go to sea again in the slow-footed _Ranger_. He had one satisfaction. He sailed through the French fleet at Quiberon Bay and saluted the French flag. The French admiral could not well help returning his salute. That was the first time the Stars and Stripes were saluted by a foreign power. What Captain Jones proposed to do was the boldest thing any American captain could do. England was invading America. He proposed to invade England. That is, he would cruise along the British coast, burning ships and towns, and thus do there what the British had done along the American coast. He wanted to let them find how they liked it themselves. It was a daring plan. The British channel was full of war-vessels. If they got on the track of his slow ship he could not run away. He would never think of running from one ship, but there might be a fleet. However, Paul Jones was the last man in the world to think of danger; so he put boldly out to sea, and took his chances. It was not long before he had all England in a state of alarm. News came that this daring American warship was taking prize after prize, burning some and sending their crews ashore. He would hide along the English coast from the men-of-war that went out in search, and then suddenly dart out and seize some merchant ship. The English called Captain Jones a pirate and all sorts of hard names. But they were very much afraid of him and his stout ship. And this voyage of his, along the shores of England, taught them to respect and fear the American sailors more than they had ever done before. After he had captured many British vessels, almost in sight of their homes, he boldly sailed to the north and into the very port of Whitehaven, where he had "tended store," as a boy, and from which he had first gone to sea. He knew all about the place. He knew how many vessels were there, and what a splendid victory he could win for the American navy, if he could sail into Whitehaven harbor and capture or destroy the two hundred vessels that were anchored within sight of the town he remembered so well. With two rowboats and thirty men he landed at Whitehaven, locked up the soldiers in the forts, fixed the cannon so that they could not be fired, set fire to one of the vessels that were in the harbor, and so frightened all the people that, though the gardener's son stood alone on the wharf, waiting for a boat to take him off, not a man dared to lay a hand on him. With a single pistol he kept back a thousand men. Then he sailed across the bay to the house of the great lord for whom his father had worked as a gardener. He meant to run away with this nobleman, and keep him prisoner until the British promised to treat better the Americans whom they had taken prisoners. But the lord whom he went for was "not at home," so all that Captain Jones's men could do was to carry off from the big house the silverware of the earl. Captain Jones did not like this; so he took the things from his men and returned them to Earl Selkirk, with a letter asking him to excuse his sailors. Not long afterward one of the British men-of-war which were in the hunt for Captain Jones, found him. This was the _Drake_, a larger ship than the _Ranger_ and carrying more men. But that did not trouble Paul Jones, and soon there was a terrible fight. The sails of the _Drake_ were cut to pieces, her decks were red with blood, and at last her captain fell dead. In an hour after the fight began, just as the sun was going down behind the Irish hills, there came a cry for quarter from the _Drake_, and the battle was at an end. Off went Captain Jones, with his ship and his prize, for the friendly shores of France, where he was received with great praise. Soon after this the French decided to help the Americans in their war for independence. After some time Captain Jones was put in command of five ships, and back he sailed to England to fight the British ships again. The vessel in which he sailed was the biggest of the five ships. It had forty guns and a crew of three hundred sailors. Captain Jones thought so much of the great Dr. Benjamin Franklin, who had written a book of good advice, under the name of "Poor Richard," that he named his big ship for Dr. Franklin. He called it the _Bon Homme Richard_, which is French for "good man Richard." But the _Bon Homme Richard_ was not a good boat, if it was a big one. It was old and rotten and leaky, and not fit for a warship, but its new commander made the best he could of it. The little fleet sailed up and down the English coasts, capturing a few prizes, and greatly frightening the people by saying that they had come to burn some of the big English sea towns. Then, just as they were about sailing back to France, they came--near an English cape, called Flamborough Head--upon an English fleet of forty merchant vessels and two war ships. One of the war ships was a great English frigate, called the _Serapis_, finer and stronger in every way than the _Bon Homme Richard_. But Captain Jones would not run away. "What ship is that?" called out the Englishman. "Come a little nearer, and we'll tell you," answered plucky Captain Jones. The British ships did come a little nearer. The forty merchant vessels sailed as fast as they could to the nearest harbor, and then the warships had a terrible battle. At seven o'clock in the evening the British frigate and the _Bon Homme Richard_ began to fight. They banged and hammered away for hours, and then, when the British captain thought he must have beaten the Americans, and it was so dark and smoky that they could only see each other by the fire flashes, he called out to the American captain: "Are you beaten? Have you hauled down your flag?" And back came the answer of Captain John Paul Jones: "I haven't begun to fight yet!" So they went at it again. The two ships were now lashed together, and they tore each other like savage dogs in a fight. The rotten old _Richard_ suffered terribly. Two of her great guns had burst at the first fire, and she was shot through and through by the _Serapis_ until most of her timbers above the water-line were shot away. The British rushed on board with pistols and cutlasses, and the Americans drove them back. But the _Richard_ was on fire; water was pouring in through a dozen shot holes; it looked as if she must surrender, brave as were her captain and crew. There were on board the old ship nearly two hundred prisoners who had been taken from captured vessels, and so pitiful were their cries that one of the officers set them free, thinking that the ship was going to sink and that they ought to have a chance for their lives. These men were running up on deck, adding greatly to the trouble of Captain Jones; for he had now a crowd of enemies on his own ship. But the prisoners were so scared that they did not know what to do. They saw the ship burning around them and heard the water pouring into the hold, and thought they would be carried to the bottom. So to keep them from mischief they were set to work, some at the pumps, others at putting out the fire. And to keep the ship from blowing up, if the fire should reach the magazine, Captain Jones set men at bringing up the kegs of powder and throwing them into the sea. Never was there a ship in so desperate a strait, and there was hardly a man on board, except Captain Jones, who did not want to surrender. But the British were not having it all their own way. The American tars had climbed the masts and were firing down with muskets and flinging down hand grenades, until all the British had to run from the upper deck. A hand grenade is a small, hollow iron ball filled with powder, which explodes when thrown down and sends the bits of iron flying all around, like so many bullets. One sailor took a bucketful of these and crept far out on the yard-arm of the ship, and began to fling them down on the gun-deck of the _Serapis_, where they did much damage. At last one of them went through the open hatchway to the main deck, where a crowd of men were busy working the great guns, and cartridges were lying all about and loose powder was scattered on the floor. The grenade set fire to this powder, and in a second there was a terrible explosion. A great sheet of flame burst up through the hatchway, and frightful cries came from below. In that dreadful moment more than twenty men were killed and many more were wounded. All the guns on that deck had to be abandoned. There were no men left to work them. Where was Captain Jones all the time, and what was he doing? You may be sure he was busy. He had taken a gun and loaded it with double-headed shot, and kept firing at the mainmast of the _Serapis_. Every shot cut a piece out of the mast, and after a while it came tumbling upon the deck, with all its spars and rigging. The tarred ropes quickly caught fire, and the ship was in flames. At this moment up came the _Alliance_, one of Captain Jones's fleet. He now thought that the battle was at an end, but to his horror the _Alliance_, instead of firing at the British ship, began to pour its broadsides into his own. He called to them for God's sake to quit firing, but they kept on, killing some of his best men and making several holes under water, through which new floods poured into the ship. The _Alliance_ had a French captain who hated Paul Jones and wanted to sink his ship. Both ships were now in flames, and water rushed into the _Richard_ faster than the pumps could keep it out. Some of the officers begged Captain Jones to pull down his flag and surrender, but he would not give up. He thought there was always a chance while he had a deck under his feet. Soon the cowardly French traitor quit firing and sailed off, and Paul Jones began his old work again, firing at the _Serapis_ as if the battle had just begun. This was more than the British captain could bear. His ship was a mere wreck and was blazing around him, so he ran on deck and pulled down his flag with his own hands. The terrible battle was at an end. The British ship had given up the fight. Lieutenant Dale sprang on board the _Serapis_, went up to Captain Pearson, the British commander, and asked him if he surrendered. The Englishman replied that he had, and then he and his chief officer went aboard the battered _Richard_, which was sinking even in its hour of victory. But Captain Jones stood on the deck of his sinking vessel, proud and triumphant. He had shown what an American captain and American sailors could do, even when everything was against them. The English captain gave up his sword to the American, which is the way all sailors and soldiers do when they surrender their ships or their armies. The fight had been a brave one, and the English King knew that his captain had made a bold and desperate resistance, even if he had been whipped. So he rewarded Captain Pearson, when he at last returned to England, by making him a Knight, thus giving him the title of "Sir." When Captain Jones heard of this he laughed, and said: "Well, if I can meet Captain Pearson again in a sea fight, I'll make him a lord." The poor _Bon Homme Richard_ was such an utter wreck that she soon sank beneath the waves. But, even as she went down, the stars and stripes floated proudly from the mast-head, in token of victory. Captain Jones, after the surrender, put all his men aboard the captured _Serapis_, and then off he sailed to the nearest friendly port, with his great prize and all his prisoners. This victory made him the greatest sailor in the whole American war, and the most famous of all American seamen. Captain Jones took his prize into the Dutch port of Texel, closely followed by a British squadron. The country of Holland was not friendly to the Americans, and though they let him come in, he was told that he could not stay there. So he sailed again, in a howling gale, straight through the British squadron, with the American flag flying at his peak. Down through the narrow Straits of Dover he passed, coming so near the English shore that he could count the warships at anchor in the Downs. That was his way of showing how little he feared them. The English were so angry at Holland because it would not give up the Americans and their prizes that they declared war against that country. When Captain Jones reached Paris he was received with the greatest honor, and greeted as one of the ablest and bravest of sea-fighters. Everybody wished to see such a hero. He went to the King's court, and the King and Queen and French lords and ladies made much of him and gave him receptions, and said so many fine things about him that, if he had been at all vain, it might have "turned his head," as people say. But John Paul Jones was not vain. He was a brave sailor, and he was in France to get help and not compliments. He wished a new ship to take the place of the old _Richard_, which had gone to the bottom after its great victory. So, though the King of France honored him and received him splendidly and made him presents, he kept on working to get another ship. At last he was made captain of a new ship, called the _Ariel_, and sailed from France. He had a fierce battle with an English ship called the _Triumph_, and defeated her. But she escaped before surrendering, and Captain Jones sailed across the sea to America. He was received at home with great honor and applause. Congress gave him a vote of thanks, "for the zeal, prudence and intrepidity with which he had supported the honor of the American flag"--that is what the vote said. People everywhere crowded to see him, and called him hero and conqueror. Lafayette, the brave young Frenchman who came over to fight for America, called him "my dear Paul Jones," and Washington and the other leaders in America said, "Well done, Captain Jones!" The King of France sent him a splendid reward of merit called the "Cross of Honor," and Congress set about building a fine ship for him to command. But before it was finished, the war was over; and he was sent back to France on some important business for the United States. Here he was received with new honor, for the French knew how to meet and treat a brave man; and above all they loved a man who had humbled the English, their ancient foes. Captain Jones had sailed from a French port and in a French ship, and they looked on him almost as one of their own. But all this did not make him proud or boastful, for he was not that kind of man. In later years Paul Jones served in Russia in the wars with the Turks. But the British officers who were in the Russian service refused to fight under him, saying that he was a rebel, a pirate, and a traitor. This was because he had fought for America after being born in Scotland. So, after some hard fighting, he left Russia and went back to France, where he died in 1792. In all the history of sea fighting we hear of no braver man, and the United States, so long as it is a nation, will be proud of and honor the memory of the gallant sailor, John Paul Jones. CHAPTER VI CAPTAIN BUSHNELL SCARES THE BRITISH THE PIONEER TORPEDO BOAT AND THE BATTLE OF THE KEGS MANY of us, all our lives, have seen vessels of every size and shape darting to and fro over the water; some with sails spread to the wind, others with puffing pipes and whirling wheels. And that is not all. Men have tried to go under water as well as on top. Some of you may have read Jules Verne's famous story, "Twenty Thousand Leagues under the Sea." That, of course, is all fiction; but now-a-days there are vessels which can go miles under the water without once coming to the top. We call these submarine boats, and look upon them as something very new. You may be surprised to learn that there was a submarine boat as long ago as the War of the Revolution. It was not a very good one, and did not do the work it was built for, but it was the first of its kind, and that is something worth knowing. Those of you who have studied history will know that after the British were driven out of Boston they came to New York with a large army, and took possession of that city. Washington and his men could not keep them out, and had to leave. There the British lay, with their army in the city and their fleet in the bay and river, and there they stayed for years. There was an American who did not like to see British vessels floating in American waters. He knew he could not drive them away, but he thought he might give them some trouble. This was a Connecticut man named David Bushnell, a chap as sharp as a steeltrap, and one of the first American inventors. What Bushnell did was to invent a boat that would move under water and might be made to blow up an enemy's ship. As it was the first of this kind ever made, I am sure you will wish to know what it was like and how it was worked. He called it _The American Turtle_, for it looked much like a great swimming turtle, big enough to hold a man and also to carry a torpedo loaded with 150 pounds of gunpowder. This was to be fastened to the wooden bottom of a ship and then fired off. It was expected to blow a great hole in the bottom and sink the vessel. Of course, the boat was air-tight and water-tight, but it had a supply of fresh air that would last half an hour for one man. There was an oar for rowing and a rudder for steering. A valve in the bottom let in the water when the one-man crew wanted to sink his turtle-like boat, and there were two pumps to force the water out again when he wanted to rise. There were windows in the top shell of the turtle, air pipes to let out the foul air and take in fresh air, small doors that could be opened when at the surface, and heavy lead ballast to keep the turtle level. In fact, the affair was, for the time, very ingenious and complete. A very important part of it was the torpedo, with its 150 pounds of powder. This was carried outside, above the rudder. It was so made that when the boat came under a vessel the man inside could fasten it with a screw to the vessel's bottom, and row away and leave it there. Inside it was a clock, which could be set to run a certain time and then loosen a sort of gunlock. This struck a spark and set fire to the powder, and up--or down--went the vessel. You can see that Dave Bushnell's invention was a very neat one; but, for all that, luck went against it. He first tried his machine with only two pounds of powder on a hogshead loaded with stones. The powder was set on fire, and up went the stones and the boards of the hogshead and a body of water, many feet into the air. If two pounds of powder would do all this, what would one hundred and fifty pounds do? In 1776 the _Turtle_ was sent out against a big British ship named the _Eagle_, anchored in New York Bay. The man inside rowed his boat very well under water, and after some time found himself beneath the King's ship. He now tried to fasten the torpedo to the bottom, but the screw struck an iron bar and would not go in. Then he moved to another place, but now he lost the ship altogether. He could not find her again, and he had to row away, for he could not stay much longer under water. There is a funny story told about the man in the _Turtle_. He was a queer fellow named Abijah Shipman, but called by his companions "Long Bige." As he entered the craft and was about to screw down its cover, he opened it again and asked for a chew of tobacco. All those present felt in their pockets, but none of the weed was on hand. "You will have to go without it, old chap," said General Putnam, who was present. "We Continental officers can't afford even a plug of tobacco. To-morrow, after you have sent the _Eagle_ on her last flight, we will try and raise you a whole keg of the weed." "That's too bad," growled Bige. "Tell you what, Gineral, if the old _Turtle_ don't do her duty, it's all along of me goin' out without tobacco." After he had gone Putnam and his officers watched anxiously for results. Time passed. Morning was at hand. The _Eagle_ rode unharmed. Evidently something had gone wrong. Had the torpedo failed, and was "Long Bige" resting in his wrecked machine on the bottom of the bay? Putnam swept the waters near the _Eagle_ with his glass. Suddenly he exclaimed. "There he is." The top of the _Turtle_ had just emerged, some distance from the ship. Abijah, fearing that he might be seen, had cast off the torpedo that he might go the faster. The clock had been set to run an hour, and at the end of that time there was a thundering explosion near the fleet, hurling up great volumes of water into the air. Soon there were signs of fright in the ships. The anchors were raised, sails were set, and off they went to safer quarters down the bay. They did not care to be too near such dangerous affairs as that. Boats were sent out to the aid of the _Turtle_ and it was brought ashore at a safe place. On landing Abijah gave, in his queer way, the reasons for his failure. "It's just as I said, Gineral; it went to pot for want o' that cud of tobacco. You see, I'm mighty narvous without my tobacco. When I got under the ship's bottom, somehow the screw struck the iron bar that passes from the rudder pintle, and wouldn't hold on anyhow I could fix it. Just then I let go the oar to feel for a cud, to steady my narves, and I hadn't any. The tide swept me under her counter, and away I slipped top o' water. I couldn't manage to get back, so I pulled the lock and let the thunder-box slide. That's what comes of sailing short of supplies. Say, can you raise a cud among you _now_?" Later on, after the British had taken the city of New York, two more attempts were made to blow up vessels in the river above the city. But they both failed, and in the end the British fired upon and sunk the _Turtle_. Bushnell's work was lost. The best he had been able to do was to give them a good scare. But he was not yet at the end of his schemes. He next tried to blow up the _Cerberus_, a British frigate that lay at anchor in Long Island Sound. This time a schooner saved the frigate. A powder magazine was set afloat, but it struck the schooner, which lay at anchor near the frigate. The schooner went to pieces, but the _Cerberus_ was saved. The most famous of Bushnell's exploits took place at Philadelphia, after the British had taken possession and brought their ships up into the Delaware River. One fine morning a number of kegs were seen floating down among the shipping. What they meant nobody knew. The sailors grew curious, and a boat set out from a vessel and picked one of them up. In a minute it went off, with the noise of a cannon, sinking the boat and badly hurting the man. This filled the British with a panic. Those terrible kegs might do frightful damage. They must be some dreadful invention of the rebels. The sailors ran out their guns, great and small, and began to batter every keg they saw with cannon balls, until there was a rattle and roar as if a mighty battle was going on. Such was the famous "Battle of the Kegs." This was more of Dave Bushnell's work. He had made and set adrift those powder kegs, fixing them so that they would explode on touching anything. But he did not understand the river and its tides. He intended to have them get among the ships at night, but it was broad day when they came down, and by that time the eddying waters had scattered them far and wide. So the powder kegs were of no more account than the torpedoes. All they did was to give the British a scare. Philadelphia had a poet named Francis Hopkinson, who wrote a poem making fun of the British, called "The Battle of the Kegs." We give a few verses of this humorous poem: 'Twas early day, as poets say, Just as the sun was rising; A soldier stood on a log of wood And saw the sun a-rising. As in amaze he stood to gaze (The truth can't be denied, sir), He spied a score of kegs, or more, Come floating down the tide, sir. A sailor, too, in jerkin blue, The strange appearance viewing, First "dashed" his eyes in great surprise, Then said: "Some mischief's brewing. "These kegs, I'm told, the rebels hold, Packed up like pickled herring; And they've come down to attack the town In this new way of ferrying." * * * * * The cannons roar from shore to shore, The small arms make a rattle; Since wars began, I'm sure no man E'er saw so strange a battle. The fish below swam to and fro, Attacked from every quarter. "Why sure," thought they, "the devil's to pay 'Mong folks above the water." From morn to night these men of might Displayed amazing courage; And when the sun was fairly down, Retired to sup their porridge. Such feats did they perform that day, Against those wicked kegs, sir, That years to come, if they get home, They'll make their boasts and brags, sir. And so it went on, verse after verse, with not much poetry in it, but a good deal of fun. The British did not enjoy it, for people did not like to be laughed at then any more than now. CHAPTER VII CAPTAIN BARRY AND HIS ROWBOATS WIN A VICTORY OVER THE BRITISH A GALLANT NAVAL HERO OF IRISH BLOOD THE heroes of our navy were not all Americans born. More than one of them came from British soil, but a footprint on the green fields of America soon turned them into true-blue Yankees. There was John Paul Jones, the gallant Scotchman. And there was John Barry, a bold son of green Erin. I have told you the story of Jones, the Scotchman, and now I must tell you that of Barry, the Irishman. John Barry was a merchant captain who was made commander of the _Lexington_ in 1776. The next year he was appointed to the _Effingham_, a new frigate building at Philadelphia. The British captured that city before the ship was ready for sea, and the _Effingham_, the _Washington_, and some other vessels were caught in a trap. They were taken up the river to Whitehill, above the city, and there they had to stay. Captain Barry, you may be sure, was not much pleased at this, for he was one of the men who love to be where fighting is going on. Soon orders came from the Navy Board to sink the _Effingham_. This made Barry's Irish blood very hot. I fancy he said some hard things about the members of the board, and swore he would do nothing of the kind. If the British wanted the American ships let them come and take them. He had guns enough to give them some sport and was disposed to try it. When the members of the Navy Board heard of what he said, they were very angry, and in the end he had to sink the ship and had to apologize for his strong language. But time proved that he was right and the Navy Board was wrong. By this time Captain Barry was tired enough of being penned up, and he made up his mind by hook or crook to get out of his cage. He was burning for a fight, and thought that if he could get down the river he might give the British a taste of his mettle. So, one dark night he set out with four boats and twenty-seven men. He rowed down the river past the ships in the stream and the soldiers on shore. Some of the soldiers saw his boats, and a few shots were fired, but they got safely past, and by daybreak were far down the broad Delaware. Barry kept on until he reached Port Penn, down near the bay, where the Americans had a small fort. Here there was a chance for the work he wanted, for across the river he saw a large schooner flying the British flag. It was the _Alert_, carrying ten guns, and with it were four transports laden with food for the army at Philadelphia. This was a fine opportunity for the bold Irish captain. It took courage to attack a strong English vessel with a few rowboats, but of courage Barry had a full supply. The sun was up, and it was broad day when the American tars set out on their daring enterprise. The _Alert_ had a wide-awake name, but it must have had a sleepy crew; for before the British knew there was anything wrong, Barry and his men had rowed across the stream and were clambering over the rail, cutlass and pistol in hand. The British sailors, when they saw this "wild Irishman" and his daring tars, cutting and slashing and yelling like madmen, dropped everything and ran below in fright. All that keep them there. In this easy fashion, twenty-eight Americans captured a British ten-gun vessel with a hundred and sixteen men on board. There had been nothing like that in all the war. The transports had to surrender, for they were under the guns of the _Alert_, and Barry carried his five prizes triumphantly to Port Penn, where he handed his captives over to the garrison. And now the daring captain made things lively for the foe. He sailed up and down the river and bay, and cut off supplies until the British army at Philadelphia began to suffer for food. What was to be done? Should this Yankee wasp go on stinging the British lion? General Howe decided that this would never do, and sent a frigate and a sloop-of-war down the river to put an end to the trouble. Captain Barry, finding these water-hounds sharp on his track, ran for Christiana Creek, hoping to get into shallow water where the heavy British ships could not follow. But the frigate was too fast, and chased him so closely that the best he could do was to run the schooner ashore and escape in his boats. But he was determined that they should not have the _Alert_ if he could help it. Turning two of the guns downward, he fired through the ship's bottom, and in a minute the water was pouring into her hold. The frigate swung round and fired a broadside at the fleeing boats; but all it brought back was a cheer of defiance from the sailors, as they struck the land and sprang ashore. Here they had the satisfaction of seeing the schooner sink before a British foot could be set on her deck. The war vessels now went for the transports at Port Penn. Here a battery had been built on shore, made of bales of hay. This was attacked by the sloop-of-war, but the American sharpshooters made things lively for her. They might have beaten her off had not their captain fallen with a mortal wound. The men now lost heart and fled to the woods, first setting fire to the vessels. Thus ended Barry's brave exploit. He had lost his vessels, but the British had not got them. The Americans were proud of his daring deed, and the British tried to win so brave a man to their side. Sir William Howe offered him twenty thousand pounds in money and the command of a British frigate if he would desert his flag. But he was not dealing now with a Benedict Arnold. "Not if you pay me the price and give me the command of the whole British fleet can you draw me away from the cause of my country," wrote the patriotic sailor. Barry was soon rewarded for his patriotism by being made captain of an American frigate, the _Raleigh_. But ill-luck now followed him. He sailed from Boston on September 25, 1778, and three days afterward he had lost his ship and was a wanderer with his crew in the vast forests of Maine. Let us see how this ill-fortune came about. The _Raleigh_ had not got far from port before two sails came in sight. Barry ran down to look at them, and found they were two English frigates. Two to one was too great odds, and the _Raleigh_ turned her head homewards again. But when night shut out the frigates she wore round and started once more on her former course. The next day opened up foggy, and till noon nothing was to be seen. Then the fog lifted, and to Barry's surprise there were the British ships, just south of his own. Now for three hours it was a hot chase, and then down came another fog and the game was once more at an end. But the _Raleigh_ could not shake off the British bull-dogs. At about nine o'clock the next morning they came in sight again and the chase was renewed. It was kept up till late in the day. At first the _Raleigh_ went so fast that her pursuers dropped out of sight. Then the wind failed her, and the British ships came up with a strong breeze. At five o'clock the fastest British frigate was close at hand, and Barry thought he would try what she was good for before the other came up. In a few minutes more the two ships were hurling iron balls into each other's sides, while the smoke of the conflict filled the skies. Then the fore-topmast and mizzen-topgallantmast of the _Raleigh_ were shot away, leaving her in a crippled state. The British ship had now much the best of it. Barry tried his best to reach and board her, but she sailed too fast. And up from the south came the other ship, at swift speed. To fight them both with a crippled craft would have been madness, and, as he could not get away, Barry decided to run his ship ashore on the coast of Maine, which was close at hand. Night soon fell, and with it fell the wind. Till midnight the two ships drifted along, with red fire spurting from their sides and the thunder of cannon echoing from the hills. In the end the _Raleigh_ ran ashore on an island near the coast. Here Barry fought for some time longer, and then set his ship on fire and went ashore with his men. But the British were quickly on board, put out the fire, and carried off their prize. Barry and his men made their way through the Maine woods till the settlements were reached. In 1781 Captain Barry was sent across the ocean in the _Alliance_, a vessel which had taken part in the famous battle of the _Bon Homme Richard_ and the _Serapis_. Here the gallant fellow fought one of his best battles, this time also against two British ships. When he came upon them there was not a breath of wind. All sail was set, but the canvas flapped against the yards, and the vessel lay "As idle as a painted ship upon a painted ocean." The British vessels were a brig and a sloop-of-war. They wanted to fight as badly as did Captain Barry, and, as they could not sail, they got out sweeps and rowed up to the American frigate. It was weary work, and it took them six hours to do it. Then came the hails of the captains and the roar of cannon, and soon there was a very pretty fight, with the _Alliance_ in a dangerous situation. She was too heavy to be moved with sweeps, like the light British vessels, so they got on her quarters and poured in broadsides, while she could reply only with a few guns. Barry raged like a wild bull, bidding his men fight, and begging for a wind. As he did so, a grape-shot struck him in the shoulder and felled him to the deck. As he was carried below, a shot carried away the American flag. A lusty cheer came from the British ships; they thought the flag down and the victory theirs. They soon saw it flying again. But the _Alliance_ was in sore straits. She was getting far more than she could give, and had done little harm to her foes. At length a lieutenant came down to the wounded captain. "We cannot handle the ship and are being cut to pieces," he said. "The rigging is in tatters and the fore-topmast in danger, and the carpenter reports two serious leaks. Eight or ten of our people are killed and more wounded. The case seems hopeless, sir; shall we strike the colors?" "No!" roared Barry, sitting bolt upright. "Not on your life! If the ship can't be fought without me, then carry me on deck." The lieutenant went up and reported, and the story soon got to the men. "Good for Captain Barry," they shouted. "We'll stand by the old man." A minute later a change came. A ripple of water was seen. Soon a breeze rose, the sails filled out, and the _Alliance_ slipped forward and yielded to her helm. This was what the brave Barry had been waiting for. It was not a case of whistling for a wind, as sailors often do, but of hoping and praying for a wind. It came just in time to save the _Alliance_ from lowering her proud flag, or from going to the bottom with it still flying, as would have suited her bold captain the better. Now she was able to give her foes broadside for broadside, and you may be sure that her gunners, who had been like dogs wild to get at the game, now poured in shot so fast and furious that they soon drove the foe in terror from his guns. In a short time, just as Captain Barry was brought on deck with his wound dressed, their flags came down. The prizes proved to be the _Atlanta_ and the _Trepassy_. That fight was near the last in the war. At a later date Captain Barry had the honor of carrying General Lafayette home to France in his ship. CHAPTER VIII CAPTAIN TUCKER HONORED BY GEORGE WASHINGTON THE DARING ADVENTURES OF THE HERO OF MARBLEHEAD CAPTAIN SAMUEL TUCKER was a Yankee boy who began his career by running away from home and shipping as a cabin-boy on the British sloop-of-war _Royal George_. It was a good school for a seaman, and when his time was up he knew his business well. There was no war then, and he shipped as second-mate on a merchant vessel sailing from Salem. Here he soon had a taste of warlike life and showed what kind of stuff was in him. The Mediterranean Sea in those days was infested by pirates sailing from the Moorish ports. It was the work of these to capture merchant ships, take them into port, and sell their crews as slaves. On Tucker's first voyage from Salem two of these piratical craft, swift corsairs from Algiers, came in sight and began a chase of the merchantman. What could be done? There was no hope to run away from those fleet-footed sea-hounds. There was no hope to beat them off in a fight. The men were in a panic and the captain sought courage in rum, and was soon too drunk to handle his ship. Tucker came to the rescue. Taking the helm, he put it hard down and headed straight for the pirates. It looked as if he was sailing straight for destruction, but he knew what he was about. The Yankee schooner, if it could not sail as fast, could be handled more easily than the Algerines, with their lateen sails; and by skilful steering he got her into such a position that the pirates could not fire into him without hurting one another. Try as they would, Mate Tucker kept his vessel in this position, and held her there until the shades of night fell. Then he slipped away, and by daylight was safe in port. You may see from this that Samuel Tucker was a bold and a smart man and an able seaman. After that he was at one time an officer in the British navy and at another a merchant captain. He was in London when the Revolution began. His courage and skill were so well known that he was offered a commission in either the army or the navy, if he was willing to serve "his gracious Majesty." Tucker forgot where he was, and rudely replied, "Hang his gracious Majesty! Do you think I am the sort of man to fight against my country?" Those were rash words to be spoken in London. A charge of treason was brought against him and he had to seek safety in flight. For a time he hid in the house of a country inn-keeper who was his friend. Then a chance came to get on shipboard and escape from the country. In this way he got back to his native land. It was not only the English who knew Captain Tucker's ability. He was known in America as well. No doubt there were many who had heard how he had served the pirate Moors. He had not long been home when General Washington sent him a commission as captain of the ship _Franklin_, and ordered him to get to sea at once. The messenger with the commission made his way to the straggling old town of Marblehead, where Tucker lived. Inquiring for him in the town, he was directed to a certain house. Reaching this, the messenger saw a roughly-dressed and weather-beaten person working in the yard, with an old tarpaulin hat on his head and a red bandanna handkerchief tied loosely round his neck. The man, thinking him an ordinary laborer, called out from his horse: "Say, good fellow, can you tell if the Honorable Samuel Tucker lives here or hereabouts?" The workman looked up with a quizzical glance from under the brim of his tarpaulin and replied: "Honorable, honorable! There's none of that name in Marblehead. He must be one of the Salem Tuckers. I'm the only Samuel Tucker in this town." "Anyhow, this is where I was told to stop. A house standing alone, with its gable-end to the sea. This is the only place I've seen that looks like that." "Then I must be the Tucker you want, honorable or not. What is it you have got to say to him?" He soon learned, and was glad to receive the news. Early the next morning he had left home for the port where the _Franklin_ lay, and not many days passed before he was out at sea. The _Franklin_, under his command proved one of the most active ships afloat. She sent in prizes in numbers. More than thirty were taken in 1776--ships, brigs, and smaller vessels, including "a brigantine from Scotland worth fifteen thousand pounds." These were not all captured without fighting. Two British brigs were taken so near Marblehead that the captain's wife and sister, hearing the sound of cannon, went up on a high hill close by and saw the fight through a spy-glass. The next year Captain Tucker was put in command of the frigate _Boston_, and in 1778 he took John Adams to France as envoy from the United States. It was a voyage full of incidents. They passed through days of storm, which nearly wrecked the ship. Many vessels were seen, and the _Boston_ was chased by three men-of-war. She ran away from these, and soon after came across a large armed vessel, which Captain Tucker decided to fight. When the drum called the men to quarters, Mr. Adams seized a musket and joined the marines. The captain requested him to go below. Finding that he was not going to obey, Tucker laid a hand on his shoulder and said firmly: "Mr. Adams, I am commanded by the Continental Congress to deliver you safe in France. You must go below." Mr. Adams smiled and complied. The next minute there came a broadside from the stranger. There was no response from the _Boston_. Other shots came, and still no reply. At length the blue-jackets began to grumble. Looking them in the eyes, Tucker said, in quizzical tones: "Hold on, lads. I want to get that egg without breaking the shell." In a few minutes more, having got into the position he wished, he raked the enemy from stem to stern with a broadside. That one sample was enough. She struck her flag without waiting for a second. Soon after the envoy was safely landed in France. Numbers of anecdotes are told of Captain Tucker, who was a man much given to saying odd and amusing things. Once he fell in with a British frigate which had been sent in search of him. He had made himself a thorn in the British lion's side and was badly wanted. Up came Tucker boldly, with the English flag at his peak. He was hailed, and replied that he was Captain Gordon, of the English navy, and that he was out in search of the _Boston_, commanded by the rebel Tucker. "If I can sight the ship I'll carry him to New York, dead or alive," he said. "Have you ever seen him?" "Well, I've heard of him; they say he is a tough customer." While talking, he had been manoeuvering to gain a raking position. Just as he did so, a sailor in the British tops cried,-- "Look out below! That is Tucker himself." The Englishman was in a trap. The _Boston_ had him at a great disadvantage. There was nothing to do but to strike his flag, and this he did without firing a gun. When Charleston was taken by the British, the _Boston_ was one of the vessels cooped up there and lost. Captain Tucker was taken prisoner. After his exchange, as he had no ship, he took the sloop-of-war _Thorn_, one of his former prizes, and went out cruising as a privateer. After a three weeks' cruise, the _Thorn_ met an English ship of twenty-three guns. "She means to fight us," said the captain to his men, after watching her movements. "If we go alongside her like men she will be ours in thirty minutes; if we can't go as men we have no business there at all. Every man who is willing to fight go down the starboard gangway; all others can go down the larboard." Every soul of them took the starboard. He manoeuvered so that in a few minutes the vessels lay side by side. The Englishman opened with a broadside that did little damage. The _Thorn_ replied with a destructive fire, and kept it up so hotly that within thirty minutes a loud cry came from the English ship: "Quarters, for God's sake! Our ship is sinking. Our men are dying of their wounds." "How can you expect quarters while your flag is flying?" demanded Captain Tucker. "Our halliards are shot away." "Then cut away your ensign staff, or you'll all be dead men." It was done and the firing ceased. A dreadful execution had taken place on the Englishman's deck, more than a third of her crew being dead and wounded, while blood was everywhere. And so we take our leave of Captain Tucker. He was one of the kind of sailors that everyone likes to read about. CHAPTER IX THE LAST NAVAL BATTLE OF THE REVOLUTION THE HEROIC CAPTAIN BARNEY IN THE "HYDER ALI" CAPTURES THE "GENERAL MONK" YOU must think by this time that we had many bold and brave sailors in the Revolution. So we had. You have not been told all their exploits, but only a few among the most gallant ones. There is one more story that is worth telling, before we leave the Revolutionary times. If you are familiar with American history you will remember that Lord Cornwallis surrendered to General Washington in October, 1781. That is generally looked on as the end of the war. There was no more fighting on land. But there was one bold affair on the water in April, 1782, six months after the work of the armies was done. This was in Delaware Bay, where Captain Barry had taken a war vessel with a few rowboats. The hero of this later exploit was Captain Joshua Barney, and he was as brave a man as John Barry. Captain Barney had seen service through the whole war. Like John Paul Jones, an accident had made him a captain of a ship when he was a mere boy. He was only seventeen, yet he handled his ship with the skill of an old mariner. War broke out soon afterward and he became an officer on the _Hornet_, though still only a boy. Soon after he had some lively service in the _Wasp_, and captured a British privateer with the little sloop _Sachem_. Then he had some bad fortune, for he was taken prisoner while bringing in a prize vessel, and was put on the terrible prison-ship _Jersey_. Few of the poor fellows on that vessel lived to tell the story of the frightful way in which they were treated. But young Barney managed to escape, and went to sea again as captain of a merchant vessel. In this he was chased by a British war-vessel, the _Rosebud_. Shall I tell you the way that Captain Barney plucked the petals of the _Rosebud_? He fired a crowbar at her out of one of his cannon. This new kind of cannon-ball went whirling through the air and came ripping and tearing through the sails of the British ship. After making rags of her sails, it hit her foremast and cut out a big slice. The Americans now sailed quietly away. They could laugh at John Bull's _Rosebud_. On the 8th of April, 1782, Captain Barney took command of the _Hyder Ali_. This was a merchant ship which had been bought by the State of Pennsylvania. It was not fit for a warship, but the State was in a hurry, so eight gun-ports were cut on each side, and the ship was mounted with sixteen six-pounder cannon. Then she set sail from Philadelphia in charge of a fleet of merchant vessels. On they went, down the Delaware river and bay, until Cape May was reached. Here Captain Barney saw that there was trouble ahead. Three British vessels came in sight. One of these was the frigate _Quebec_. The others were a brig, the _Fair American_, and a sloop-of-war, the _General Monk_. Before such a fleet the _Hyder Ali_ was like a sparrow before a hawk. Captain Barney at once signaled his merchant ships to make all haste up the bay. Away they flew like a flock of frightened birds, except one, whose captain thought he would slip round the cape and get to sea. But the British soon swallowed up him and his ship, so he paid well for his smartness. On up the bay went the other merchantmen, with the _Hyder Ali_ in the rear, and the British squadron hot on their track. The frigate sailed into a side channel, thinking it would find a short-cut and so head them off. Captain Barney watched this movement with keen eyes. The big ship had put herself out of reach for a time. He knew well that she could not get through that way, and laid his plans to have some sport with the small fish while the big fish was away. The brig _Fair American_ was a privateer and a fast one. It came up with a fair breeze, soon reaching the _Hyder Ali_, which expected a fight. But the privateer wanted prizes more than cannon balls, and went straight on, firing a broadside that did no harm. Captain Barney let her go. The sloop-of-war was coming fast behind, and this was enough for him to attend to. It had more guns than his ship and they were double the weight--twelve-pounders to his six-pounders. As the war sloop came near, Barney turned to his helmsman, and said: "I want you to go opposite to my orders. If I tell you to port your helm, you are to put it hard-a-starboard. Do you understand?" "Aye, aye!" answered the tar. Up came the _General Monk_, its captain thinking to make an easy prize, as the _Fair American_ had been let go past without a shot. When about a dozen yards away the British captain hailed: "Strike your colors, or I will fire!" "Hard-a-port your helm," roared Barney to the man at the wheel. "Do you want her to run aboard us?" The order was heard on board the enemy, and the captain gave orders to meet the expected movement. But hard-a-starboard went the helm, and the _Hyder Ali_ swung round in front of the enemy, whose bowsprit caught and became entangled in her fore-rigging. This gave the American ship a raking position, and in a moment the grim tars were hard at work with their guns. Broadsides were poured in as fast as they could load and fire, and every shot swept from bow to stern. The Englishman, though he had double the weight of metal, could not get out of the awkward position in which Barney had caught him, and his guns did little harm. In less than half an hour down went his flag. It was none too soon. The frigate had seen the fight from a distance, and was making all haste to get out of its awkward position and take a hand in the game. Barney did not even wait to ask the name of his prize, but put a crew on board and bade them make all haste to Philadelphia. He followed, steering now for the _Fair American_. But the privateer captain had seen the fate of the _General Monk_ and concluded that he had business elsewhere. So he ran away instead of fighting, and soon ran ashore. The _Hyder Ali_ left him there and made all haste up stream. The frigate had by this time got out of her side channel, and was coming up under full sail. So Captain Barney crowded on all sail also and fled away after his prize. If the frigate had got within gunshot it would soon have settled the question, for it could have sunk the _Hyder Ali_ with a broadside. But it was not fast enough, and after a speedy run the victor and her prize drew up beside a Philadelphia wharf. Never had the good people of the Quaker City gazed on such a sight as now met their eyes. Nothing had been done to remove the marks of battle. The ships came in as they had left the fight. Shattered bulwarks, ragged rents in the hulls, sails in tatters and drooping cordage told the story of the desperate battle. And the decks presented a terrible picture. Blood was everywhere. On the _General Monk_ were stretched the dead bodies of twenty men, while twenty-six wounded lay groaning below. The _Hyder Ali_ had suffered much less, having but four killed and eleven wounded. In all the Revolutionary War there have been few more brilliant actions; and his victory gave Joshua Barney a high standing among the naval commanders of the young Republic. Shall we take up the story of the gallant Barney at a later date? Thirty years after his victory over the _General Monk_, there was war again between Americans and Britons, and Commodore Barney, now an old man, took an active part. He started out in the early days of the war with no better vessel than the schooner _Rossie_, of fourteen guns and 120 men. He soon had lively times. The _Rossie_ was a clipper, and he could run away from an enemy too strong to fight, though running away was not much to his taste. In his first cruise he was out forty-five days, and in that time he captured fourteen vessels and 166 prisoners. In a month's time he was at sea again. Now he got among British frigates and had to trust to the heels of his little craft. But in spite of the great ships that haunted the seas, new prizes fell into his hands, one being taken after an hour's fight. In all, the vessels and cargoes taken by him were worth nearly $3,000,000, though most of this wealth went to the bottom of the sea. The next year (1813) he was made commodore of a fleet of gunboats in Chesapeake Bay. Here for a year he had very little to do. Then the British sailed up the Chesapeake, intending to capture Washington and Baltimore, Barney did not hesitate to attack them, and did considerable damage, though they were much too strong for his small fleet. At length there came from the frightened people at Washington the order to burn his fleet, and, much against his will, he was forced to consign his gunboats to the flames. With his men, about four hundred in all, he joined the army assembled to defend the capital. These sailor-soldiers made the best fight of any of the troops that sought to save Washington from capture; but during the fight Commodore Barney received a wound that brought his fighting days to an end. Fortunately there was little more fighting to do, and peace reigned over his few remaining years of life. CHAPTER X THE MOORISH PIRATES OF THE MEDITERRANEAN OUR NAVY TEACHES THEM A LESSON IN HONOR I SUPPOSE all the readers of this book know what a pirate is. For those who may not know, I would say that a pirate is a sea-robber. They are terrible fellows, these pirates, who live by murder and plunder. In old times there were many ship-loads of them upon the seas, who captured every merchant vessel they met with and often killed all on board. There have been whole nations of pirates, and that as late as a hundred years ago. By looking at an atlas you will see at the north of Africa the nations of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. The people of these nations are called Moors, and they used to be great sea-robbers. They sent out fast vessels in the Mediterranean Sea, and no merchant ship there was safe. Hundreds of such ships were taken and robbed. Their crews were not killed, but they were sold as slaves, which was nearly as terrible. Would you not think that the powerful nations of Europe would have soon put a stop to this? They could have sent fleets and armies there and conquered the Moors. But instead of that, they paid them to let their ships alone. Not long after the Revolution these sea-robbers began to make trouble for the United States. The new nation, you should know, had no navy. After it was done fighting with the British, it was so poor that it sold all its ships. But it soon had many merchant ships, sailing to all seas, which were left to take care of themselves the best way they could. What did the pirates of Algiers care for this young nation across the Atlantic, that had rich merchant ships and not a war vessel to protect them? Very little, I fancy. It is certain that they soon began to capture American ships and sell their sailors for slaves. In a short time nearly two hundred American sailors were working as slaves in the Moorish states. The United States did not act very bravely. Instead of sending out a fleet of warships, it made a treaty with Algiers and agreed to pay a certain sum of money every year to have its vessels let alone. While the treaty lasted, more than a million dollars were paid to the Dey of Algiers. If that much had been spent for strong frigates, the United States would not have had the disgrace of paying tribute to the Moors. But the natives of Europe were doing the same, so the disgrace belonged to them also. The trouble with the Moors got worse and worse, and the Dey of Algiers became very insolent to Americans. "You are my slaves, for you pay me tribute," he said to the captain of an American frigate. "I have a right to order you as I please." When the other pirate nations, Tunis and Tripoli, found that Algiers was being paid, they asked for tribute, too. And they began to capture American ships and sell their crews into slavery. And their monarchs were as insolent as the Dey. The United States at that time was young and poor. It had not been twenty years free from British armies. But it was proud, if it was poor, and did not like to have its captains and consuls ordered about like servants. So the President and Congress thought it was time to teach the Moors a lesson. This was in 1801. By that time a fleet of war vessels had been built, and a squadron of these was sent to the Mediterranean under Commodore Richard Dale. This was the man who had been in Paul Jones's great fight and had received the surrender of the captain of the _Serapis_. He was a bold, brave officer, but Congress had ordered him not to fight if he could help it, and therefore very little was done. But there was one battle, the story of which we must tell. Commodore Dale had three frigates and one little schooner, the _Enterprise_. All the honor of the cruise came to this little craft. She was on her way to Malta when she came in sight of a low, long vessel, at whose mast-head floated the flag of Tripoli. When this came near, it was seen to be a corsair which had long waged war on American merchantmen. Before Captain Sterrett, of the _Enterprise_, had time to hail, the Moors began to fire at his ship. He was told not to fight if he could help it, but Sterrett decided that he could not help it. He brought his schooner within pistol shot of the Moor, and poured broadsides into the pirate ship as fast as the men could load and fire. The Moors replied. For two hours the battle continued, with roar of cannon and rattle of muskets and dense clouds of smoke. The vessels were small and their guns were light, so that the battle was long drawn out. At last the fire of the corsair ceased, and a whiff of air carried away the smoke. Looking across the waves, the sailors saw that the flag of Tripoli no longer waved, and three hearty American cheers rang out. The tars left their guns and were getting ready to board their prize, when up again went the flag of Tripoli and another broadside was fired into their vessel. Their cheers of triumph turned to cries of rage. Back to their guns they rushed, and fought more fiercely than before. They did not care now to take the prize; they wished to send her, with her crew of villains, to the bottom of the sea. The Moors fought as fiercely as the Americans. Running their vessel against the _Enterprise_, they tried again and again to leap on board and finish the battle with pistol and cutlass; but each time they were driven back. The men at the guns meanwhile poured in two more broadsides, and once more down came the flag of Tripoli. Captain Sterrett did not trust the traitors this time. He bade his men keep to their guns, and ordered the Tripolitans to bring their vessel under the quarter of the _Enterprise_. They had no sooner done so than a throng of the Moorish pirates tried to board the schooner. "No quarter for the treacherous dogs!" was the cry of the furious sailors. "Pour it into them; send the thieves to the bottom!" The _Enterprise_ now drew off to a good position and raked the foe with repeated broadsides. The Moors were bitterly punished for their treachery. Their deck ran red with blood; men and officers lay bleeding in throngs; the cries of the wounded rose above the noise of the cannon. The flag was down again, but no heed was paid to that. The infuriated sailors were bent on sending the pirate craft to the bottom. At length the corsair captain, an old man with a flowing white beard, appeared at the side of his ship, sorely wounded, and, with a low bow, cast his flag into the sea. Then Captain Sterrett, though he still felt like sinking the corsair, ordered the firing to stop. The prize proved to be named the _Tripoli_. What was to be done with it? Captain Sterrett had no authority to take prizes. At length he concluded that he would teach the Bashaw of Tripoli a lesson. He sent Lieutenant David Porter, a daring young officer who was yet to make his mark, on the prize, telling him to make a wreck of her. Porter was glad to obey those orders. He made the captive Tripolitans cut down their masts, throw all their cannon and small arms into the sea, cut their sails to pieces, and fling all their powder overboard. He left them only a jury-mast and a small sail. "See here," said Porter to the Moorish captain, "we have not lost a man, while fifty of your men are killed or wounded. You may go home now and tell this to your Bashaw, and say to him that in the time to come the only tribute he will get from the United States will be a tribute of powder and balls." Away drifted the wrecked hulk, followed by the jeers of the American sailors, who were only sorry that the treacherous pirate had not been scuttled and sent to the bottom of the sea. When it reached Tripoli the Bashaw was mad with rage. Instead of the plunder and the white slaves he had looked for, he had only a dismantled hulk. The old captain showed him his wounds and told him how hard he had fought. But his fury was not to be appeased. He had the white-bearded commander led through the streets tied to a jackass--the greatest disgrace he could have inflicted on any Moor. This was followed by five hundred blows with a stick. The Moorish sailors declared that the Americans had fired enchanted shot. This, and the severe punishment of the captain of the _Tripoli_, so scared the sailors of the city that for a year after the fierce Bashaw found it next to impossible to muster a ship's crew. They did not care to be treated as the men on the _Tripoli_ had been. Such was the first lesson which the sailors of the new nation gave to the pirates of the Mediterranean. It was the beginning of a policy which was to put an end to the piracy which had prevailed for centuries on those waters. CHAPTER XI THE YOUNG DECATUR AND HIS BRILLIANT DEEDS AT TRIPOLI HOW OUR NAVY BEGAN AND ENDED A FOREIGN WAR IN the ship _Essex_, one of the fleet that was sent to the Mediterranean to deal with the Moorish pirates, there was a brave young officer named Stephen Decatur. He was little more than a boy, for he was just past twenty-one years of age; but he had been in the fight between the _Enterprise_ and the _Tripoli_, and was so bold and daring that he was sure to make his mark. I must tell you how he first showed himself a true American. It was when the _Essex_ was lying in the harbor at Barcelona, a seaport of Spain. The _Essex_ was a handsome little vessel, and there was much praise of her in the town, people of fashion came to see her and invited her officers to their houses and treated them with great respect. Now there was a Spanish warship lying in the port, of the kind called a xebec, a sort of three-masted vessel common in the Mediterranean Sea. The officers of this ship did not like to see so much respect given to the Americans and so little to themselves. They grew jealous and angry, and did all they could to annoy and insult the officers of the _Essex_. Every time one of her boats rowed past the xebec it would be challenged and ugly things said. The Americans bore all this quietly for a while. One day Captain Bainbridge, of the _Essex_, was talked to in an abusive way, and said little back. Another time a boat, under command of Lieutenant Decatur, came under the guns of the xebec, and the Spaniards on the deck hailed him with insulting words. This was more than young blood could stand, and he called to the officer of the deck and asked him what that meant, but the haughty Spaniard would give him no satisfaction. "Very well," said Decatur. "I will call to see you in the morning. Pull off, lads." The next morning Decatur had himself rowed over to the xebec, and went on board. He asked for the officer who was in charge the night before. "He has gone ashore," was the reply. "Well, then," said Decatur, in tones that every one on board could hear, "tell him that Lieutenant Decatur, of the frigate _Essex_, calls him a cowardly scoundrel, and when he meets him on shore he will cut his ears off." There were no more insults after that. Decatur spoke as if he meant what he said, and the officers of the xebec did not want to lose their ears. But the United States Minister to Spain took up the matter and did not rest until he got a full apology for the insults to the Americans. I have told this little story to let you see what kind of a man Stephen Decatur was. But this was only a minor affair. He was soon to make himself famous by one of the most brilliant deeds in the history of the American navy. In October, 1802, a serious disaster came to the American fleet. The frigate _Philadelphia_ was chasing a runaway vessel into the harbor of Tripoli, when she got in shoal water and suddenly ran fast aground on a shelf of rock. Here was an awkward position. Captain Bainbridge threw overboard most of his cannon and his anchors, and everything that would lighten the ship, even cutting down his foremasts; but all to no purpose. She still clung fast to the rock. Soon a flock of gunboats came down the harbor and saw the bad fix the Americans were in. Bainbridge was quite unable to fight them, for they could have kept out of the way of his guns and made kindling wood of his vessel. There was nothing to do but to surrender. So he flooded the powder magazine, threw all the small arms overboard, and knocked holes in the bottom of the ship. Then he hauled down his flag. The gunboats now came up like a flock of hawks, and soon the Moors were clambering over the rails. In a minute more they were in every part of the ship, breaking open chests and storerooms and plundering officers and men. Two of them would hold an officer and a third rob him of his watch and purse, his sword, and everything of value he possessed. The plundering did not stop till the captain knocked down one of the Moors for trying to rob him of an ivory miniature of his wife. Then the Americans were made to get into the gunboats and were taken ashore. They were marched in triumph through the streets, and the men were thrown into prison. The officers were invited to supper by the Bashaw, and treated as if they were guests. But as soon as the supper was over, they, too, were taken to the prison rooms in which they were to stay till the end of the war. The Tripolitans afterwards got the _Philadelphia_ off the rocks during a high tide, plugged up the holes in her bottom, fished up her guns and anchors, and fitted her up for war. The Bashaw was proud enough of his fine prize, which had not cost him a man or a shot, and was a better ship than he had ever seen before. When the American commodore learned of the loss of the _Philadelphia_ he was in a bad state of mind. To lose one of his best ships in this way was not at all to his liking, for he was a man who did not enjoy losing a ship; and to know that the Moors had it and were making a warship of it was a hard thing to bear. From his prison Captain Bainbridge wrote letters to Commodore Preble, which the Moors read and then sent out to the fleet. They did not know that the letters had postscripts written in lemon-juice which only came out when the sheet of paper was held to the heat of a fire. In these the captain asked the commodore to try and destroy the captured ship. Commodore Preble was a daring officer, and was ready enough for this, if he only knew how it could be done. Lieutenant Decatur was then in command of the _Enterprise_, the schooner which had fought with the _Tripoli_. He asked the commodore to let him take the _Enterprise_ into the harbor and try to destroy the captured ship. He knew he could do it, he said, if he only had a chance. At any rate, he wanted to try. Commodore Preble shook his head. It could not be done that way. He would only lose his own vessel and his men. But there was a way it might be done. The Moors might be taken by surprise and their prize burned in their sight. It was a desperate enterprise. Every man who took part in it would be in great danger of death. But that danger did not give much trouble to bold young Decatur, who was as ready to fight as he was to eat. What was the commodore's plan, do you ask? Well, it was this. Some time earlier the _Enterprise_ had captured the _Mastico_, a vessel from Tripoli. Preble gave this craft the new name of the _Intrepid_ and proposed to send it into the harbor. The Moors did not know of its capture and would not suspect it, and thus it might get up close to the _Philadelphia_. Decatur was made commander and called for volunteers. Every man and boy on the _Enterprise_ wanted to go; and he picked out over seventy of them. As he was about to leave the deck, a boy came up and asked if he couldn't go, too. "Why do you want to go, Jack?" "Well, Captain, you see, I'd kind o' like to see the country." This was such a queer reason that Decatur laughed and told him he might go. One dark night, on February 3, 1804, the _Intrepid_ left the rest of the fleet and set sail for the harbor of Tripoli. The little _Siren_ went with her for company. But the weather proved stormy, and it was not until the 15th that they were able to carry out their plan. About noon they came in sight of the spires of the city of Tripoli. Decatur did not wish to reach the _Philadelphia_ until nightfall, but he was afraid to take in sail, for fear of being suspected; so he dragged a cable and a number of buckets behind to lessen his speed. After a time the _Philadelphia_ came in sight. She was anchored well in the harbor, under the guns of two heavy batteries. Two cruisers and a number of gunboats lay near by. It was a desperate and dangerous business which Decatur and his tars had taken in hand, but they did not let that trouble them. At about ten o'clock at night the _Intrepid_ came into the harbor's mouth. The wind had fallen and she crept slowly along over the smooth sea. The _Siren_ stayed behind. Her work was that of rescue in case of trouble. Straight for the frigate went the devoted crew. A new moon sent its soft lustre over the waves. All was still in city and fleet. Soon the _Intrepid_ came near the frigate. Only twelve men were visible on her deck. The others were lying flat in the shadow on the bulwarks, each with cutlass tightly clutched in hand. "What vessel is that?" was asked in Moorish words from the frigate. "The _Mastico_, from Malta," answered the pilot in the same tongue. "We lost our anchors in the gale and were nearly wrecked. Can we ride by your ship for the night?" The permission asked was granted, and a boat from the _Intrepid_ made a line fast to the frigate, while the men on the latter threw a line aboard. The ropes were passed to the hidden men on the deck, who pulled on them lustily. As the little craft came up, the men on the frigate saw her anchors hanging in place. "You have lied to us!" came a sharp hail. "Keep off! Cut those lines!" Others had seen the concealed men, and the cry of "Americanos!" was raised. The alarm came too late. The little craft was now close up and a hearty pull brought her against the hull of the large ship. "Boarders away!" came the stirring order. "Follow me, lads," cried Decatur, springing for the chain-plates of the frigate. Men and officers were after him hot-foot. Midshipman Charles Morris was the first to reach the deck, with Decatur close behind. [Illustration: DECATUR AT TRIPOLI.] The surprise was complete. There was no resistance. Few of the Moors had weapons, and they fled from the Americans like frightened sheep. On all sides the splashing of water could be heard as they leaped overboard. In a few minutes they were all gone and Decatur and his men were masters of the ship. They would have given much to be able to take the noble frigate out of the harbor. But that could not be done, and every minute made their danger greater. All they could do was to set her on fire and retreat with all speed. Not a moment was lost. Quick-burning material was brought from the _Intrepid_, put in good places, and set on fire. So rapidly did the flames spread that the men who were lighting fires on the lower decks had scarcely time to escape from the fast-spreading conflagration. Flames poured from the port-holes, and sparks fell on the deck of the smaller vessel. If it should touch the powder that was stored amidships, death would come to them all. With nervous haste they cut the ropes, and the _Intrepid_ was pushed off. Then the sweeps were thrust out and the little craft rowed away. "Now, lads, give them three good cheers," cried Decatur. Up sprang the jack-tars, and three ringing cheers were given, sounding above the roar of the flames and of the cannon that were now playing on the little vessel from the batteries and gunboats. Then to their sweeps went the tars again, and drove their vessel every minute farther away. As they went they saw the flames catch the rigging and run up the masts of the doomed frigate. Then great bursts of flame shot out from the open hatchways. The loaded guns went off one after another, some of them firing into the town. It was a lurid and striking spectacle, such as is seldom seen. Bainbridge and his fellow-officers saw the flames from their prison window and hailed them with lusty cheers. The officers of the _Siren_ saw them also, and sent their boats into the harbor to aid the fugitives, if necessary. But it was not necessary. Not a man had been hurt. In an hour after the flames were seen, Decatur and his daring crew came in triumph out of the bay of Tripoli. Never had been known a more perfect and successful naval exploit. All Europe talked of it with admiration when the news was received. Lord Nelson, the greatest of England's sailors, said, "It was the boldest and most daring act of the ages." When the tidings reached the United States, Decatur, young as he was, was rewarded by Congress with the title of captain. We are not yet done with the _Intrepid_, in which Decatur played so brilliant a part. She was tried again in work of the same kind, but with a more tragic end. A room was built in her and filled with powder, shot, and shells. Combustibles of various kinds were piled around it, so that it could not fail to go off, if set on fire. Then, one dark night, the fire-ship was sent into the harbor of Tripoli, with a picked crew under another gallant young officer, Lieutenant Richard Somers. They were told to take it into the midst of the Moorish squadron, set it on fire and escape in their boats. It was expected to blow up and rend to atoms the war vessels of Tripoli. But the forts and ships began to fire on it, and before it reached its goal a frightful disaster occurred. Suddenly a great jet of fire was seen to shoot up into the sky. Then came a roar like that of a volcano. The distant spectators saw the mast of the _Intrepid_, with blazing sail, flung like a rocket into the air. Bombs flew in all directions. Then all grew dark and still. In some way the magazine had been exploded, perhaps by a shot from the enemy. Nothing was ever seen again of Somers and his men. It was the great tragedy of the war. They had all perished in that fearful explosion. * * * * * Now let us turn back to the story of Decatur, of whom we have some more famous work to tell. In August, 1804, the American fleet entered the harbor of Tripoli and made a daring attack on the fleet, the batteries, and the city of the Bashaw. In addition to the war vessels of the fleet, there were six gunboats and two bomb vessels, all pouring shot and shell into the city which had so long defied them. The batteries on shore returned the fire, and the gunboats of the Bashaw advanced to the attack. On these the fleet now turned its fire, sweeping their decks with grape and canister shot. Decatur, with three gunboats, advanced on the eastern division of the Moorish gunboats, nine in all. Decatur, you will see, was outnumbered three to one, but he did not stop for odds like that. He dashed boldly in, laid his vessel alongside the nearest gunboat of the enemy, poured in a volley, and gave the order to board. In an instant the Americans were over the bulwarks and on the foe. The contest was short and sharp. The captain of the Tripolitans fell dead. Most of his officers were wounded. The men, overcome by the fierce attack, soon threw down their arms and begged for quarter. Decatur secured them below decks and started for the next gunboat. On his way he was hailed from one of his own boats, which had been commanded by his brother James. The men told him that his brother had captured one of the gunboats of the enemy, but, on going on board after her flag had fallen, he had been shot dead by the treacherous commander. The murderer had then driven the Americans back and carried his boat out of the fight. On hearing this sad news, Decatur was filled with grief and rage. Bent on revenge, he turned his boat's prow and swiftly sped towards the craft of the assassin. The instant the two boats came together the furious Decatur sprang upon the deck of the enemy. At his back came Lieutenant McDonough and nine sturdy sailors. Nearly forty of the Moors faced them, at their head a man of gigantic size, his face half covered with a thick black beard, a scarlet cap on his head, the true type of a pirate captain. Sure that this was his brother's murderer, Decatur rushed fiercely at the giant Moor. The latter thrust at him with a heavy boarding pike. Decatur parried the blow, and made a fierce stroke at the weapon, hoping to cut off its point. He failed in this and his cutlass broke off at the hilt, leaving him with empty hands. With a lusty yell the Moor thrust again. Decatur bent aside, so that he received only a slight wound. Then he seized the weapon, wrested it from the hands of the Moor, and thrust fiercely at him. In an instant more the two enemies had clinched in a wrestle for life and death, and fell struggling to the deck. While they lay there, one of the Tripolitan officers raised his scimitar and aimed a deadly blow at the head of Decatur. It seemed now as if nothing could save the struggling American. Only one of his men was near by. This was a sailor named Reuben James, who had been wounded in both arms. But he was a man of noble heart. He could not lift a hand to save his captain, but his head was free, and with a sublime devotion he thrust it in the way of the descending weapon. Down it came with a terrible blow on his head, and he fell bleeding to the deck, but before the Tripolitan could lift his weapon again to strike Decatur, a pistol shot laid him low. Decatur was left to fight it out with the giant Moor. With one hand the huge wrestler held him tightly and with the other he drew a dagger from his belt. The fatal moment had arrived. Decatur caught the Moor's wrist just as the blow was about to fall, and at the same instant pressed against his side a small pistol he had drawn from his pocket. A touch of the trigger, a sharp report, and the body of the giant relaxed. The bullet had pierced him through and he fell back dead. Flinging off the heavy weight, Decatur rose to his feet. Meanwhile his few men had been fiercely fighting the Tripolitan crew. Greatly as they outnumbered the Americans, the Moors had been driven back. They lost heart on seeing their leader fall and threw down their arms. Another gunboat was captured and then the battle ended. The attack on Tripoli had proved a failure and the fleet drew off. I know you will ask what became of brave Reuben James, who offered his life for his captain. Was he killed? No, I am glad to say he was not. He had an ugly cut, but he was soon well again. One day Decatur asked him what reward he should give him for saving his life. The worthy sailor did not know what to say. He scratched his head and looked puzzled. "Ask him for double pay, Rube," suggested one of his shipmates. "A pocket full of dollars and shore leave," whispered another. "No," said the modest tar. "Just let somebody else hand out the hammocks to the men when they are piped down. That's something I don't like." Decatur consented; and afterwards, when the crew was piped down to stow hammocks, Reuben walked among them as free and independent as a millionaire. That is all we have here to say about the Tripolitan war. The next year a treaty of peace was signed, and Captain Bainbridge and the men of the _Philadelphia_ were set free from their prison cells. In 1812, when war broke out with England, the gallant Decatur was given the command of the frigate _United States_, and with it he captured the British frigate _Macedonian_, after a hard fight. Poor Decatur was shot dead in a duel in 1820 by a hot-headed officer whom he had offended. It was a sad end to a brilliant career, for the American Navy never had a more gallant commander. CHAPTER XII THE GALLANT "OLD IRONSIDES" AND HOW SHE CAPTURED THE "GUERRIERE" A FAMOUS INCIDENT OF THE WAR OF 1812 WHEN did our country win its greatest fame upon the sea? I think, when you have read the story of the War of 1812, you will say it was in that war. It is true, we did not do very well on land in that war, but the glory we lost on the shore we made up on the sea. You should know that in 1812 England was the greatest sea-power in the world. For years she had been fighting with Napoleon, and every fleet he set afloat was badly whipped by British ships. Is it any wonder that the people of that little island were proud of their fleets? Is it any wonder they proudly sang-- "Britannia needs no bulwarks, No towers along the steep; Her march is o'er the mountain waves, Her home is on the deep." They grew so vain of their lordship of the sea that they needed a lesson, and they were to get one from the Yankee tars. As soon as war began between England and the United States in 1812, a flock of British war-hawks came flying bravely across the seas, thinking they would soon gobble up the Yankee sparrows. But long before the war was over, they quit singing their proud song of "Britannia rules the waves," and found that what they thought was a Yankee sparrow was the American eagle. There were too many great things done on the ocean in this war for me to name them all, so I will have to tell only the most famous. And first of all I must give you the story of the noble old _Constitution_, or, as she came to be called, _Old Ironsides_. The _Constitution_ was a noble ship of the old kind. That royal old craft is still afloat, after more than a hundred years of service, and after all her companions have long since sunk in the waves or rotted away. She was built to fight the French in 1798. She was Commodore Preble's flagship in the war with the Moorish pirates. And she won undying fame in the War of 1812. So the story of the _Constitution_ comes first in our list of the naval conquerors of that war. I fancy, if any of you had been living at that time, you would have wanted to fight the British as badly as the Americans then did. For the British had for years been taking sailors from American ships and making them serve in their own men-of-war. Then, too, they had often insulted our officers upon the seas, and acted in a very insolent and overbearing way whenever they had the opportunity. This made the Americans very angry and was the main cause of the war. I must tell you some things that took place before the war. In 1811 a British frigate named the _Guerriere_ was busy at this kind of work, sailing up and down our coast and carrying off American sailors on pretence that they were British. Just remember the name of the "_Guerriere_." You will soon learn how the _Constitution_ paid her for this shabby work. I have also a story to tell about the _Constitution_ in 1811. She had to cross the Atlantic in that year, and stopped on some business in the harbor of Portsmouth, an English seaport. One night a British officer came on board and said there was an American deserter on his ship, the _Havana_, and that the Americans could have him if they sent for him. Captain Hull, of the _Constitution_, was then in London, so Lieutenant Morris, who had charge of the ship, sent for the man; but when his messenger came, he was told that the man said he was a British subject, and therefore he should not be given up. They were very sorry, and all that, but they had to take the man's word for it. Morris thought this very shabby treatment but he soon had his revenge. For that very night a British sailor came on board the _Constitution_, who said he was a deserter from the _Havana_. "Of what nation are you?" he was asked. "I'm an American, sor," said the man, with a strong Irish accent. Lieutenant Morris sent word to the _Havana_ that a deserter from his ship was on the _Constitution_. But when an officer from the _Havana_ came to get the deserter, Morris politely told him that the man said he was an American, and therefore he could not give him up. He was very sorry, he said, but really the man ought to know to what country he belonged. You may be interested to learn that Lieutenant Morris was the man who had been first to board the _Philadelphia_ in the harbor of Tripoli. This was paying John Bull in his own coin. The officers in the harbor were very angry when they received this answer. Next, they tried to play a trick on the Americans. Two of their warships came up and anchored in the way of the _Constitution_. But Lieutenant Morris got up anchor and slipped away to a new berth. Then the two frigates sailed up and anchored in his way again. That was the way matters stood when Captain Hull came on board in the evening. When the captain was told what had taken place, he saw that the British were trying to make trouble about the Irish deserter. But he was not the man to be caught by any trick. He loaded his guns and cleared the ship for action. Then he pulled up his anchor, slipped round the British frigates, and put to sea. He had not gone far before the two frigates started after him. They came on under full sail, but one of them was slow and fell far behind, so that the other came up alone. "If that fellow wants to fight he can have his chance," said Captain Hull, and he bade his men to make ready. Up came the Englishman, but when he saw the ports open, the guns ready to bark at him across the waves, and everything in shape for a good fight, he had a sudden change of mind. Round he turned like a scared dog, and ran back as fast as he had come. That was a clear case of tit for tat, and tat had it. No doubt, the Englishman knew that he was in the wrong, for English seamen are not afraid to fight. Home from Plymouth came the _Constitution_ and got herself put in shape for the war that was soon to come. It had not long begun before she was off to sea; and now she had a remarkable adventure with the _Guerriere_ and some other British ships. In fact, she made a wonderful escape from a whole squadron of war vessels. She left the Chesapeake on July 12, 1812, and for five days sailed up the coast. The winds were light and progress was very slow. Then, on the 17th, the lookout aloft saw four warships sailing along close in to the Jersey coast. Two hours afterward another was seen. This proved to be the frigate _Guerriere_, and it was soon found that the others were British ships also. One of them was a great ship-of-the-line. It would have been madness to think of fighting such a force as this, more than six times as strong as the _Constitution_, and there was nothing to do but to run away. Then began the most famous race in American naval history. There was hardly a breath of wind, the sails hung flapping to the masts; so Captain Hull got out his boats and sent them ahead with a line to tow the ship. When the British saw this they did the same, and by putting all their boats to two ships they got ahead faster. I cannot tell the whole story of this race, but it lasted for nearly three days, from Friday afternoon till Monday morning. Now there was a light breeze and now a dead calm. Now they pulled the ships by boats and now by kedging. That is, an anchor was carried out a long way ahead and let sink, and then the men pulled on the line until the ship was brought up over it. Then the anchor would be drawn up and carried and dropped ahead again. For two long days and nights the chase kept up, during which the _Constitution_ was kept, by weary labor, just out of gunshot ahead. At four o'clock Sunday morning the British ships had got on both sides of the _Constitution_, and it looked as if she was in a tight corner. But Captain Hull now turned and steered out to sea, across the bows of the _Eolus_, and soon had them astern again. The same old game went on until four o'clock in the afternoon, when they saw signs of a coming squall. Captain Hull knew how to deal with an American squall, but the Englishmen did not. He kept his men towing until he saw the sea ruffled by the wind about a mile away. Then he called the boats in and in a moment let fall all his sails. Looking at the British, he saw them hard at work furling their sails. They had let all their boats go adrift. But Captain Hull had not furled a sail, and the minute a vapor hid his ship from the enemy all his sails were spread to the winds and away went the Yankee ship in rapid flight. He had taught his foes a lesson in American seamanship. When the squall cleared away the British ships were far astern. But the wind fell again and all that night the chase kept up. Captain Hull threw water on his sails and made every rag of canvas draw. When daylight came only the top sails of the enemy could be seen. At eight o'clock they gave up the chase and turned on their heels. Thus ended that wonderful three days chase, one of the most remarkable in naval history. And now we come to the greatest story in the history of the "Old Ironsides." In less than a month after the _Guerriere_ had helped to chase her off the Jersey coast, she gave that proud ship a lesson which the British nation did not soon forget. Here is the story of that famous fight, by which Captain Hull won high fame: In the early morning of August 19, while the old ship was bowling along easily off the New England coast, a cheery cry of "Sail-ho!" came from the lookout at the mast-head. Soon a large vessel was seen from the deck. On went the Yankee ship with flying flag and bellying sails. The strange ship waited as if ready for a fight. When the _Constitution_ drew near, the stranger hoisted the British flag and began to fire her great guns. It was the _Guerriere_. When he saw the Stars and Stripes, Captain Dacres said to his men: "That is a Yankee frigate. She will be ours in forty-five minutes. If you take her in fifteen, I promise you four months pay." It is never best to be too sure, as Captain Dacres was to find. The _Guerriere_ kept on firing at a distance, but Captain Hull continued to take in sail and get his ship in fighting trim, without firing a gun. After a time Lieutenant Morris came up and said to him: "The British have killed two of our men. Shall we return their fire?" "Not yet," said Captain Hull. "Wait a while." He waited until the ships were almost touching, and then he roared out: "Now, boys; pour it into them!" Then came a roaring broadside that went splintering through the British hull, doing more damage than all the _Guerriere's_ fire. Now the battle was on in earnest. The two ships lay side by side, and for fifteen minutes the roar of cannon and the rattle of musketry filled the air, while cannon balls tore their way through solid timber and human flesh. Down came the mizzen-mast of the _Guerriere_, cut through by a big iron shot. "Hurrah, boys!" cried Hull, swinging his hat like a schoolboy; "we've made a brig of her." The mast dragged by its ropes and brought the ship round, so that the next broadside from the _Constitution_ raked her from stem to stern. The bowsprit of the _Guerriere_ caught fast in the rigging of the _Constitution_, and the sailors on both ships tried to board. But soon the winds pulled the _Constitution_ clear, and as she forged ahead, down with a crash came the other masts of the British ship. They had been cut into splinters by the Yankee guns. A few minutes before she had been a stately three-masted frigate; now she was a helpless hulk. Not half an hour had passed since the _Constitution_ fired her first shot, and already the _Guerriere_ was a wreck, while the Yankee ship rode the waters as proudly as ever. Off in triumph went the "Old Ironsides," and hasty repairs to her rigging were made. Then she came up with loaded guns. The _Guerriere_ lay rolling like a log in the water, without a flag in sight. Not only her masts were gone, but her hull was like a sieve. It had more than thirty cannon-ball holes below the water-line. There was no need to fire again. Lieutenant Read went off in a boat. "Have you surrendered?" he asked Captain Dacres, who was looking, with a very long face, over the rail. "It would not be prudent to continue the engagement any longer," said Dacres, in gloomy tones. "Do you mean that you have struck your flag?" "Not precisely. But I do not know that it will be worth while to fight any more." "If you cannot make up your mind I will go back and we will do something to help you." "I don't see that I can keep up the fight," said the dejected British captain. "I have hardly any men left and my ship is ready to sink." "What I want to know is," cried Lieutenant Read, "whether you are a prisoner of war or an enemy. And I must know without further parley." "If I could fight longer I would," said Captain Dacres. Then with faltering words he continued, "but-I-must-surrender." "Then accept from me Captain Hull's compliments. He wishes to know if you need the aid of a surgeon or surgeon's mate." "Have you not business enough on your own ship for all your doctors?" asked Dacres. "Oh, no!" said Read. "We have only seven men wounded, and their wounds are all dressed." Captain Dacres was obliged to enter Read's boat and be rowed to the _Constitution_. He had been wounded, and could not climb very well, so Captain Hull helped him to the deck. "Give me your hand, Dacres," he said, "I know you are hurt." Captain Dacres offered his sword, but the American captain would not take it. "No, no," he said, "I will not take a sword from one who knows so well how to use it. But I'll trouble you for that hat." What did he mean by that, you ask? Well, the two captains had met some time before the war, and Dacres had offered to bet a hat that the _Guerriere_ would whip the _Constitution_. Hull accepted the bet, and he had won. All day and night the boats were kept busy in carrying the prisoners, well and hurt, to the _Constitution_. When daylight came again it was reported that the _Guerriere_ was filling with water and ready to sink. She could not be saved, so she was set on fire. Rapidly the flames spread until they reached her magazine. Then came a fearful explosion, and a black cloud of smoke hung over the place where the ship had floated. When it moved away only some floating planks were to be seen. The proud _Guerriere_ would never trouble Yankee sailors again. CHAPTER XIII A FAMOUS VESSEL SAVED BY A POEM "OLD IRONSIDES" WINS NEW GLORY "_OLD IRONSIDES_ was a noble old ship, and a noble old ship was she." Come, I know you have not heard enough about this grand old ship, so let us go on with her story. And the first thing to tell is how she served another British ship as she had served the _Guerriere_. Four months after Captain Hull's great victory, the _Constitution_ was in another sea and had another captain. She had sailed south and was now off the coast of Brazil. And William Bainbridge had succeeded Isaac Hull in command. It was almost the last day of the year. Chilly weather, no doubt, in Boston from which she had sailed; but mid-summer warmth in those southern waters. It certainly felt warm enough to the men on deck, who were "spoiling for a fight," when the lookout aloft announced two sails. The sailors who had been lounging about the deck sprang up and looked eagerly across the waves, as the cheerful "Sail-ho!" reached their ears. Soon they saw that one of the vessels was coming their way as fast as her sails could carry her. The other had sailed away on the other tack. The vessel that was coming was the _Java_, a fine British frigate. As she drew near she showed signals. That is, she spread out a number of small flags, each of which had some meaning, and by which British ships could talk with each other. Captain Bainbridge could not answer these, for he did not know what they meant. So he showed American signals, which the captain of the _Java_ could not understand any better. Then, as they came nearer, they hoisted their national flags, and both sides saw that they were enemies and that a fight was on hand. Captain Bainbridge was not like Captain Hull. He did not wait till the ships were side by side, but began firing when the _Java_ was half a mile away. That was only wasting powder and balls, but they kept on firing until they were close at hand, and then the shots began to tell. A brave old fellow was the captain of the _Constitution_. A musket ball struck him in the thigh as he was pacing the deck. He stopped his pacing, but would not go below. Then a copper bolt went deep into his leg. But he had it cut out and the leg tied up, and he still kept on deck. He wanted to see the fight. Hot and fierce came the cannon balls, hurtling through sails and rigging, rending through thick timbers, and sending splinters flying right and left. Men fell dead and blood ran in streams, but still came the heralds of death. We must tell the same story of this fight as of the fight with the _Guerriere_. The British did not know how to aim their guns and the Americans did. The British had no sights on their cannon and the Americans had. That was why, all through the war, the British lost so heavily and the Americans so little. The British shot went wild and the American balls flew straight to their mark. You know what must come from that. After while, off went the _Java's_ bowsprit, as if it had been chopped off with a great knife. Five minutes later her foremast was cut in two and came tumbling down. Then the main topmast crashed down from above. Last of all, her mizzen-mast was cut short off by the plunging shot, and fell over the side. The well-aimed American balls had cut through her great spars, as you might cut through a willow stick, and she was dismantled as the _Guerriere_ had been. The loud "hurrahs" of the Yankee sailors proved enough to call the dead to life. At any rate, a wounded man, whom everyone thought dead, opened his eyes and asked what they were cheering about. "The enemy has struck," he was told. The dying tar lifted himself on one arm, and waved the other round his head, and gave three feeble cheers. With the last one he fell back dead. But the _Java's_ flag was not down for good. As the _Constitution_ came up with all masts standing and sails set, the British flag was raised to the stump of the mizzen-mast. When he saw this, Bainbridge wore his ship to give her another broadside, and then down came her flag for good. She had received all the battering she could stand. In fact, the _Constitution_ had lost only 34 men, killed and wounded, while the Java had lost 150 men. The _Constitution_ was sound and whole; the _Java_ had only her mainmast left and was full of yawning rents. _Old Ironsides_ had a new feather in her cap. Like the _Guerriere_, the _Java_ was hurt past help. It was impossible to take her home; so on the last day of 1812, the torch was put to her ragged timbers and the flames took hold. Quickly they made their way through the ruined ship. About three o'clock in the afternoon they reached her magazine, and with a mighty roar the wreck of the British ship was torn into fragments. To the bottom went the hull. Only the broken masts and a few shattered timbers remained afloat. Such is war: a thing of ruin and desolation. Of that gallant ship, which two days before had been proudly afloat, only some smoke-stained fragments were left to tell that she had ever been on the seas, and death and wounds had come to many of her men. After her fight with the _Java_ the _Constitution_ had a long, weary rest. You will remember the _Bon Homme Richard_, a rotten old hulk not fit for fighting, though she made a very good show when the time for fighting came. The _Constitution_ was much like her; so rotten in her timbers that she had to be brought home and rebuilt. Then she went a-sailing again, under Captain Charles Stewart, as good an officer as Hull and Bainbridge; but it was more than two years after her last battle before she had another chance to show what sort of a fighter she was. It is a curious fact that some of the hardest fights of this war with England took place after the war was at an end. The treaty of peace was signed on Christmas eve, 1814, but the great battle at New Orleans was fought two weeks afterward. There were no ocean cable then to send word to the armies that all their killing was no longer needed, since there was nothing to fight about. It was worse still for the ships at sea. Nobody then had ever dreamed of a telegraph without wires to send word out over the waste of waters, or even of a telegraph with wires. Thus it was that the last battle of the old _Constitution_ was fought nearly two months after the war was over. The good old ship was then on the other side of the ocean, and was sailing along near the island of Madeira, which lies off the coast of Africa. For a year she had done nothing except to take a few small prizes, and her stalwart crew were tired of that sort of work. They wanted a real, big fight, with plenty of glory. One evening Captain Stewart heard some of the officers talking about their bad luck, and wishing they could only meet with a fellow of their own size. They were tired of fishing for minnows when there were whales to be caught. "I can tell you this, gentlemen," said the captain, "you will soon get what you want. Before the sun rises and sets again you will have a good old-fashioned fight, and it will not be with a single ship, either." I do not know what the officers said after the captain turned away. Very likely some of them wondered how he came to be a prophet and could tell what was going to take place. I doubt very much whether they believed what he had said. At any rate, about one o'clock the next day, February 20, 1815, when the ship was gliding along before a light breeze, a sail was seen far away in front. An hour later a second sail was made out, close by the first. And when the _Constitution_ got nearer it was seen that they were both ships-of-war. It began to look as if Captain Stewart was a good prophet, after all. It turned out that the first of these was the small British frigate _Cyane_. The second was the sloop-of-war _Levant_. Neither was a match by itself for the _Constitution_, but both together they thought themselves a very good match. It was five o'clock before the Yankee ship came up within gunshot. The two British ships had closed together so as to help one another, and now they all stripped off their extra sails, as a man takes off his coat and vest for a fight. Six o'clock passed before the battle began. Then for fifteen minutes the three ships hurled their iron balls as fast as the men could load and fire. By that time the smoke was so thick that they had to stop firing to find out where the two fighting ships were. The _Constitution_ now found herself opposite the _Levant_ and poured a broadside into her hull. Then she sailed backward--a queer thing to do, but Captain Stewart knew how to move his ship stern foremost--and poured her iron hail into the _Cyane_. Next she pushed ahead again and pounded the _Levant_ till that lively little craft turned and ran. It had enough of the _Constitution's_ iron dumplings to last a while. This was great sailing and great firing, but Captain Stewart was one of those seamen who know how to handle a ship, and his men knew how to handle their guns. There were never better seamen than those of the _Old Ironsides_. The _Levant_ was now out of the way, and there was only the _Cyane_ to attend to. Captain Stewart attended to her so well that, just forty minutes after the fight began, her flag came down. Where, now, was the _Levant_? She had run out of the fight; but she had a brave captain who did not like to desert his friend, so he turned back and came gallantly up again. It was a noble act, but a foolish one. This the British captain found out when he came once more under the American guns. They were much too hot for him, and once more he tried to run away. He did not succeed this time. Captain Stewart was too much in love with him to let him go, and sent such warm love-letters after him that his flag came gliding down, as his comrade's had done. Captain Stewart had shown himself a true prophet. He had met, fought with, and won two ships of the enemy. No doubt after that his officers were sure they had a prophet for a captain. That evening, when the two British captains were in the cabin of the _Constitution_, a midshipman came down and asked Captain Stewart if the men could not have their grog. "Why, didn't they have it?" asked the captain. "It was time for it before the battle began." "It was mixed for them, sir," said the midshipman, "but our old men said they didn't want any 'Dutch courage,' so they emptied the grog-tub into the lee scuppers." The Englishmen stared when they heard this. It is very likely their men had not fought without a double dose of grog. We have not finished our story yet. Like a lady's letter, it has a postscript. On March 10, the three ships were in a harbor of the Cape de Verde Islands, and Captain Stewart was sending his prisoners ashore, when three large British men-of-war were seen sailing into the harbor. Stewart was nearly caught in a trap. Any one of these large frigates was more than a match for the _Constitution_, and here were three in a bunch. But, by good luck, there was a heavy fog that hid everything but the highest sails; so there was a chance of escape. Captain Stewart was not the man to be trapped while a chance was left. He was what we call a "wide-awake." There was a small chance left. He cut his cable, made a signal to the prize vessels to do the same, and in ten minutes after the first British vessel had been seen, the American ship and its prizes were gliding swiftly away. On came the British ships against a stiff breeze, up the west side of the bay. Out slipped the Yankee ships along the east side. Captain Stewart set no sails higher than his top sails, and these were hidden by the fog, so the British lookouts saw nothing. They did not dream of the fine birds that were flying away. Only when Stewart got his ship past the outer point of the harbor did he spread his upper sails to the breeze, and the British lookouts saw with surprise a cloud of canvas suddenly bursting out upon the air. Now began a close chase. The _Constitution_ and her prizes had only about a mile the start. As quick as the British ships could turn they were on their track. But those were not the days of the great guns that can send huge balls six or seven miles through the air. A mile then was a long shot for the largest guns, and the Yankee cruisers had made a fair start. But before they had gone far Captain Stewart saw that the _Cyane_ was in danger of being taken, and signaled for her to tack and take another course. She did so and sailed safely away. For three hours the three big frigates hotly chased the _Constitution_ and _Levant_, but let the _Cyane_ go. Captain Stewart now saw that the _Levant_ was in the same danger, and he sent her a signal to tack as the _Cyane_ had done. The _Levant_ tacked and sailed out of the line of the chase. What was the surprise of the Yankee captain and his men when they saw all three of the big British ships turn on their heels and set sail after the little sloop-of-war, letting the _Constitution_ sail away. It was like three great dogs turning to chase a rabbit and letting a deer run free. The three huge monsters chased the little _Levant_ back into the island port, and there for fifteen minutes they fired broadsides at her. The prisoners whom Captain Stewart had landed did the same from a battery on shore. And yet not a shot struck her hull; they were all wasted in the air. At length Lieutenant Bullard, who was master of the prize, hauled down his flag. He thought he had seen enough fun, and they might hurt somebody afterwhile if they kept on firing. But what was the chagrin of the British captains to find that all they had done was to take back one of their own vessels, while the American frigate had gone free. The _Constitution_ and the _Cyane_ got safely to the American shores, where their officers learned that the war had ceased more than three months before. But the country was proud of their good service, and Congress gave medals of honor to Stewart and his officers. That was the last warlike service of the gallant _Old Ironsides_, the most famous ship of the American Navy. Years passed by and her timbers rotted away, as they had done once before. Some of the wise heads in the Navy Department, men without a grain of sentiment, decided that she was no longer of any use and should be broken up for old timber. But if they had no love for the good old ship, there were those who had; and a poet, Oliver Wendell Holmes, came to the rescue. This is the poem by which he saved the ship: THE OLD IRONSIDES. Ay, tear her tattered ensign down! Long has it waved on high, And many an eye has danced to see That banner in the sky; Beneath it rung the battle shout, And burst the cannon's roar; The meteor of the ocean air Shall sweep the clouds no more! Her deck, once red with heroes' blood, Where knelt the vanquished foe, When winds were hurrying o'er the flood And waves were white below, No more shall feel the victor's tread Or know the conquered knee; The harpies of the shore shall pluck The eagle of the sea! O! better that her shattered hulk Should sink beneath the wave; Her thunders shook the mighty deep, And there should be her grave; Nail to the mast her holy flag, Set every threadbare sail, And give her to the god of storms, The lightning and the gale. There was no talk of destroying the _Old Ironsides_ after that. The man that did it would have won eternal disgrace. She still floats, and no doubt she will float, as long as two of her glorious old timbers hang together. CHAPTER XIV THE FIGHT OF CAPTAIN JACOB JONES THE LIVELY LITTLE "WASP" AND HOW SHE STUNG THE "FROLIC" NO doubt most of my readers know very well what a wasp is and how nicely it can take care of itself. When I was a boy I found out more than once how long and sharp a sting it has, and I do not think many boys grow up without at some time waking up a wasp and wishing they had left it asleep. The United States has had three _Wasps_ and one _Hornet_ in its navy, and the British boys who came fooling in their way found that all of them could sting. I will tell you about the time one of our _Wasps_ met the British _Frolic_ and fought it in a great gale, when the ships were tossing about like chips on the ocean billows. Not long after the _Constitution_ had her great fight with the _Guerriere_, a little sloop-of-war named the _Wasp_ set sail from Philadelphia to see what she could find on the broad seas. This vessel, you should know, had three masts and square sails like a ship. But she was not much larger than one of the sloops we see on our rivers to-day, so it was right to call her a sloop. For captain she had a bold sailor named Jacob Jones. The first thing the _Wasp_ found at sea was a mighty gale of wind, that blew "great guns" for two days. The waves were so big and fierce that one of them carried away her bowsprit with two men on it. The next night, after the wind had gone down a little, lights shone out across the waves, and when daylight came Captain Jones saw over the heaving billows six large merchant ships. With them was a watch-dog in the shape of a fighting brig. This brig was named the _Frolic_. It had been sent in charge of a fleet of fourteen merchantmen, but these had been scattered by the gale until only six were left. The _Frolic_ was a good match for the _Wasp_, and seemed to want a fight quite as badly, for it sailed for the American ship as fast as the howling wind would let it. And you may be sure the _Wasp_ did not fly away. Captain Jones hoisted his country's flag like a man. He was not afraid to show his true colors. But the _Frolic_ came up under the Spanish flag. When they got close together Captain Jones hailed,-- "What ship is that?" The only answer of the British captain was to pull down the Spanish flag and run up his own standard, stamped with the red cross of St. George. And as the one flag went down and the other went up, the _Frolic_ fired a broadside at the _Wasp_. But just then the British ship rolled over on the side of a wave, and its balls went whistling upward through the air. The Yankee gunners were more wide-awake than that. They waited until their vessel rolled down on the side of a great billow, and then they fired, their solid shot going low, and tearing into the _Frolic's_ sides. The fighting went that way all through the battle. The British gunners did not know their business and fired wild. The Yankees knew what they were about, and made every shot tell. They had sights on their guns and took aim; the British had no sights and took no aim. That is why the Americans were victors in so many fights. But I think there was not often a sea-fight like this. The battle took place off Cape Hatteras, which is famous for its storms. The wind whistled and howled; the waves rose into foaming crests and sank into dark hollows; the fighting craft rolled and pitched. As they rolled upward the guns pointed at the clouds. As they rolled downward the muzzles of the guns often dipped into the foam. Great masses of spray came flying over the bulwarks, sweeping the decks. The weather and the sailors both had their blood up, and both were fighting for all they were worth. It was a question which would win, the wind or the men. As fast as the smoke rose the wind swept it away, so that the gunners had a clear view of the ships. The roar of the gale was half drowned by the thunder of the guns, and the whistle of the wind mingled with the scream of the balls, while the sailors shouted as they ran out their guns and cheered as the iron hail swept across the waves. In such frantic haste did the British handle their guns, that they fired three shots to the Yankees' two. The latter did not fire till they saw something to fire at. As a result, most of British balls went whistling overhead, and pitching over the _Wasp_ into the sea, while most of the Yankee balls swept the decks or bored into the timbers of the _Frolic_. But you must not think that the shots of the _Frolic_ were all wasted, if they did go high. One of them hit the maintopmast of the _Wasp_ and cut it square off. Another hit the mizzen-topgallantmast and toppled it into the waves. In twenty minutes from the start "every brace and most of the rigging of the _Wasp_ were shot away." The _Wasp_ had done little harm above, but a great deal below. The _Frolic_ could have run away now if she had wanted to. But her captain was not of the runaway kind. The fire of the _Wasp_ had covered his deck with blood, but he fought boldly on. As they fought the two ships drifted together and soon their sides met with a crash. Then, as they were swept apart by the waves, two of the _Wasp's_ guns were fired into the bow-ports of the _Frolic_ and swept her gun-deck from end to end. Terrible was the slaughter done by that raking fire. The next minute the bowsprit of the _Frolic_ caught in the rigging of the _Wasp_, and another torrent of balls was poured into the British ship. Then the Yankee sailors left their guns and sprang for the enemy's deck. The captain wanted them to keep firing, but he could not hold them back. First of them all was a brawny Jerseyman named Jack Lang, who took his cutlass between his teeth and clambered like a cat along the bowsprit to the deck. Others followed, and when they reached the deck of the _Frolic_ they found Jack Lang standing alone and looking along the blood-stained deck with staring eyes. Only four living men were to be seen, and three of these were wounded. One was the quartermaster at the wheel and the others were officers. Not another man stood on his feet, but the deck was strewn with the dead, whose bodies rolled about at every heave of the waves. When the men came running aft the three officers flung down their swords to show that they had surrendered, and one of them covered his face with his hands. It hurt him to give up the good ship. Lieutenant Biddle, of the _Wasp_, had to haul down the British flag. Never had there been more terrible slaughter. Of the 110 men on the _Frolic_ there were not twenty alive and unhurt, while on the _Wasp_ only five were dead and five wounded. The hull of the _Frolic_ was full of holes and its masts were so cut away that in a few minutes they both fell. Thus ended one of the most famous of American sea-fights. It was another lesson that helped to stop the English from singing "Britannia rules the waves." But the little _Wasp_ and her gallant crew did not get the good of their famous victory. While they were busy repairing damages a sail appeared above the far horizon. It came on, growing larger and larger, and soon it was seen to be a big man-of-war. The game was up with the _Wasp_ and her prize, for the new ship was the _Poictiers_, a great seventy-four ship-of-the-line. She snapped up the _Wasp_ and the _Frolic_ and carried them off to the British isle of Bermuda, where the victors found themselves prisoners. A few words will finish the story of the _Wasp_. She was taken into the British navy; but she did not have to fight for her foes, for she went down at sea without doing anything. So she was saved from the disgrace of fighting against her country. Captain Jones and his men were soon exchanged, and Congress voted them a reward of $25,000 for their gallant fight, while the brave captain was given the command of the frigate _Macedonian_, which had been captured from the British. It was Captain Stephen Decatur, the hero of Tripoli, that captured her, in the good ship _United States_. Would you like to hear about the other _Wasps_? There were two more of them, you know. They were good ships, but ill luck came to them all. The first _Wasp_ did her work in the Revolution, and had to be burned at Philadelphia to keep her from the British when they took that city. The second one, as I have just told you, was lost at sea, and so was the third. You may see that bad luck came to them all. The third _Wasp_ was, like the second, a sloop-of-war, but she was a large and heavy one. And though in the end she was lost at sea and followed the other _Wasp_ to the bottom, she did not do so without sending some British messengers there in advance. I will tell you the story of this _Wasp_, and how she used her sting, but it must be done in few words. She was built at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and sailed on May 1, 1814, her captain being Johnston Blakeley; her crew a set of young countrymen who were so unused to the sea that most of them were seasick for a week. Their average age was only twenty-three years, so they were little more than boys. Yet the most of them could hit a deer with a rifle, and they soon showed they could hit a _Reindeer_ with a cannon. For near the end of June they came across a British brig named the _Reindeer_, and in less than twenty minutes had battered her in so lively a fashion that her flag came down and she was a prize. The crew of the _Reindeer_ were trained seamen, but they did not know how to shoot. The Americans were Yankee farmer-lads, yet they shot like veteran gunners. I am sure you will think so when I tell you that the British could hardly hit the _Wasp_ at all, though she was less than sixty yards away. But the Yankees hit the _Reindeer_ so often that she was cut to pieces and her masts ready to fall. In fact, after she was captured, she could not be taken into port, but had to be set on fire and blown to pieces. But I must say a good word for the gallant captain of the _Reindeer_. First, a musket ball hit him and went through the calves of both legs, but he kept on his feet. Then a grape-shot--an iron ball two inches thick--went through both his thighs. The brave seaman fell, but he rose to his feet again, drew his sword, and called his men to board the _Wasp_. He was trying to climb on board when a musket ball went through his head. "O God!" he cried, and fell dead. This fight was in the English Channel, where Blakeley was doing what John Paul Jones had done years before. Two months after the sinking of the _Reindeer_ the _Wasp_ had another fight. This time there were three British vessels, the _Avon_, the _Castilian_, and the _Tartarus_, all of them brig-sloops like the _Reindeer_. These vessels were scattered, chasing a privateer, and about nine o'clock at night the _Wasp_ came up with the _Avon_ alone. They hailed each other as ships do when they meet at sea. Then, when sure they were enemies, they began firing, as ships do also in time of war. For forty minutes the fight kept up, and then the _Avon_ had enough. She was riddled as the _Reindeer_ had been. But the _Wasp_ did not take possession; for before a boat could be sent on board, the two comrades of the _Avon_ came in sight. The _Wasp_, after her battle with the _Avon_, could not fight two more, so she sailed away and left them to attend to their consort. They could not save her. The _Wasp_ had stung too deeply for that. The water poured in faster than the men of all three ships could pump it out, and at one o'clock in the morning down plunged the _Avon's_ bow in the water, up went her stern in the air, and with a mighty surge she sank to rise no more. But the gallant _Wasp_ had ended her work. She took some more prizes, but the sea, to whose depths she had sent the _Reindeer_ and _Avon_, took her also. She was seen in October, and that was the last that human eyes ever saw of her. CHAPTER XV CAPTAIN LAWRENCE DIES FOR THE FLAG HIS WORDS, "DO NOT GIVE UP THE SHIP," BECOME THE FAMOUS MOTTO OF THE AMERICAN NAVY THE United States navy had its _Hornet_ as well as its _Wasps_. And they were well named, for they were all able to sting. The captain of the _Hornet_ was a noble seaman named James Lawrence, who had been a midshipman in the war with Tripoli. In the War of 1812 he was captain in succession of the _Vixen_, the _Wasp_, the _Argus_, and the _Hornet_. The _Hornet_ was a sloop-of-war. I have told you what that means. She had three masts, and carried square sails like a ship, but she was called a sloop on account of her size. She had eighteen short guns and two long ones. The short guns threw thirty-two pound and the long ones twelve pound balls. Of course you have not forgotten the fight of the _Constitution_ with the _Java_. When the _Constitution_ went south to Brazil at that time the _Hornet_ went with her, but they soon parted. In one of the harbors of Brazil Captain Lawrence saw a British ship as big as the _Hornet_. He waited outside for her, but she would not come out. He had found a coward of a captain, and he locked him up in that harbor for two months. Then he got tired and left. Soon after he came across the _Peacock_, a British man-of-war brig. The _Peacock_ was as large as the _Hornet_ and its captain was as full of fight as Captain Lawrence. He was the kind of man that our bold Lawrence was hunting for. When two men feel that way, a fight is usually not far off. That was the way now. Soon the guns were booming and the balls were flying. But the fight was over before the men had time to warm up. The first guns were fired at 5.25 in the afternoon, and at 5.39 the British flag came down; so the battle lasted just fourteen minutes. Not many victories have been won so quickly as that. But the _Hornet_ acted in a very lively fashion while it lasted. Do you know how a hornet behaves when a mischievous boy throws a stone at its nest? Well, that is the way our _Hornet_ did. Only one ball from the _Peacock_ struck her, and hardly any of her men were hurt. But the _Peacock_ was bored as full of holes as a pepper-box, and the water poured in faster than all hands could pump it out. In a very short time the unlucky _Peacock_ filled and sank. So Captain Lawrence had only the honor of his victory; old ocean had swallowed up his prize. But if Captain Lawrence got no prize money, he won great fame. He was looked on as another Hull or Decatur, and Congress made him captain of the frigate _Chesapeake_. That was in one way a bad thing for the gallant Lawrence, for it cost him his life. In another way it was a good thing, for it made him one of the most famous of American seamen. I have told you the story of several victories of American ships. I must now tell you the story of one defeat. But I think you will say it was a defeat as glorious as a victory. For eight months the little navy of the young Republic had sailed on seas where British ships were nearly as thick as apples in an orchard. In that time it had not lost a ship, and had won more victories than England had done in twenty years. Now it was to meet with its first defeat. When Captain Lawrence took command of the _Chesapeake_, that ship lay in the harbor of Boston. Outside this harbor was the British frigate _Shannon_, blockading the port. Now you must know that the American people had grown very proud of their success on the sea. They had got to think that any little vessel could whip an English man-of-war. So the Bostonians grew eager for the _Chesapeake_ to meet the _Shannon_. They were sure it would be brought in as a prize, and they wanted to hurrah over it. Poor Lawrence was as eager as the people. He was just the man they wanted. The _Chesapeake_ had no crew, but he set himself to work, and in two weeks he filled her up with such men as he could find. It was a mixed team he got together, the sweepings of the streets. There were some good men among them, but more poor ones. And they were all new men to the ship and to the captain. They had not been trained to work together, and it was madness to fight a first-class British ship with such a crew. Some, in fact, were mutineers and gave him trouble before he got out of the harbor. But the _Shannon_ was a crack ship with a crack crew. Captain Broke had commanded her for seven years and had a splendidly trained set of men. He had copied from the Americans and put sights on his guns, had taught his men to fire at floating marks in the sea, and had trained his topmen to use their muskets in the same careful way. So when Captain Lawrence sailed on June 1, 1813, he sailed to defeat and death. Captain Broke sent a challenge to the _Chesapeake_ to come out and fight him ship to ship. But Lawrence did not wait for his challenge. He was too eager for that, and set sail with a crew who did not know their work, and most of whom had never seen their officers before. What could be expected of such mad courage as that? It is one thing to be a brave man; it is another to be a wise one. Of course you will say that Captain Lawrence was brave; but no one can say he was wise. Poor fellow, he was simply throwing away his ship and his life. It was in the morning of June 1 that the _Chesapeake_ left the wharves of Boston. It was 5.50 in the afternoon that she met the _Shannon_ and the battle began. Both ships fired as fast as they could load, but the men of the _Shannon_ were much better hands at their work, and their balls tore the American ship in a terrible manner. A musket-ball struck Lawrence in the leg, but he would not go below. The rigging of the _Chesapeake_ was badly cut, the men at the wheel were shot, and in ten minutes the two ships drifted together. Men on each side now rushed to board the enemy's ship, and there was a hand-to-hand fight at the bulwarks of the two ships. At this moment Captain Lawrence was shot through the body and fell with a mortal wound. He was carried below. As he lay in great pain he noticed that the firing had almost ceased. Calling a surgeon's mate to him, he said, "Tell the men to fire faster, and not give up the ship; the colors shall wave while I live." Unfortunately, these words were spoken in the moment of defeat. Captain Broke, followed by a number of his men, had sprung to the deck of the _Chesapeake_, and a desperate struggle began. The Americans fought stubbornly, but the fire from the trained men in the _Shannon's_ tops and the rush of British on board soon gave Broke and his men the victory. The daring Broke fell with a cut that laid open his skull, but in a few moments the Americans were driven below. The _Chesapeake_ was taken in just fifteen minutes, one minute more than the _Hornet_ had taken to capture the _Peacock_. The British hauled down the American flag, and then hoisted it again with a white flag to show their victory. But the sailor who did the work, by mistake got the white flag under the Stars and Stripes. When the gunners in the _Shannon_ saw the Yankee flag flying they fired again, and this time killed and wounded a number of their own men, one of them being an officer. [Illustration: "DON'T GIVE UP THE SHIP!"] The gallant Lawrence never knew that his ship was lost. He lived until the _Shannon_ reached Halifax with her prize, but he became delirious, and kept repeating over and over again his last order--"_Don't give up the ship!_" With these words he died. With these words his memory has become immortal. "Don't give up the ship!" is the motto of the American navy, and will not be forgotten while our great Republic survives. So Captain Lawrence gained greater renown in defeat than most men have won in victory. The capture of the _Chesapeake_ was a piece of wonderful good fortune for the British, to judge by the way they boasted of it. As Captain Pearson had been made a knight for losing the _Serapis_, so Captain Broke was made a baronet for taking the _Chesapeake_. A "baronet," you must know, is a higher title than a "knight," though they both use the handle of "Sir" to their names. The work of the _Shannon_ proved--so the British historians said--that, "if the odds were anything like equal, a British frigate could always whip an American, and in a hand-to-hand conflict such would invariably be the case." Such things are easy to say, when one does not care about telling the truth. Suppose we give now what a French historian, who believed in telling the truth, said of this fight,-- "Captain Broke had commanded the _Shannon_ for nearly seven years; Captain Lawrence had commanded the _Chesapeake_ for but a few days. The _Shannon_ had cruised for eighteen months on the coast of America; the _Chesapeake_ was newly out of harbor. The _Shannon_ had a crew long accustomed to habits of strict obedience; the _Chesapeake_ was manned by men who had just been engaged in mutiny. The Americans were wrong to accuse fortune on this occasion. Fortune was not fickle, she was merely logical." That is about the same as to say that the _Chesapeake_ was given away to the enemy. After that there were no more ships sent out of port unfit to fight, merely to please the people. It was a lesson the people needed. The body of the brave Lawrence was laid on the quarter-deck of the _Chesapeake_ wrapped in an American flag. It was then placed in a coffin and taken ashore, where it was met by a regiment of British troops and a band that played the "Death March in Saul." The sword of the dead hero lay on his coffin. In the end his body was buried in the cemetery of Trinity Church, New York. A monument stands to-day over his grave, and on it are the words: "Neither the fury of battle, the anguish of a mortal wound, nor the horrors of approaching death could subdue his gallant spirit. His dying words were 'Don't give up the ship!'" CHAPTER XVI COMMODORE PERRY WHIPS THE BRITISH ON LAKE ERIE "WE HAVE MET THE ENEMY AND THEY ARE OURS" IN the year 1813, when war was going on between England and the United States, the whole northern part of this country was a vast forest. An ocean of trees stretched away from the seaside in Maine for a thousand miles to the west, and ended in the broad prairies of the Mississippi region. The chief inhabitants of this grand forest were the moose and the deer, the wolf and the panther, the wild turkey and the partridge, the red Indian and the white hunter and trapper. It was a very different country from what we see to-day, for now its trees are replaced by busy towns and fertile fields. But in one way there has been no change. North of the forest lands spread the Great Lakes, the splendid inland seas of our northern border; and these were then what they are now, vast plains of water where all the ships of all the nations might sail. Along the shores of these mighty lakes fighting was going on; at Detroit on the west; at Niagara on the east. Soon war-vessels began to be built and set afloat on the waters of the lakes. And these vessels after a time came together in fierce conflict. I have now to tell the story of a famous battle between these lake men-of-war. There was then in our navy a young man named Oliver Hazard Perry. He was full of the spirit of fight, but, while others were winning victories on the high seas, he was given nothing better to do than to command a fleet of gunboats at Newport, Rhode Island. Perry became very tired of this. He wanted to be where fighting was going on, and he kept worrying the Navy Department for some active work. So at last he was ordered to go to the lakes, with the best men he had, and get ready to fight the British there. Perry received the order on February 17, 1813, and before night he and fifty of his men were on their way west in sleighs; for the ground was covered deep with snow. The sleighing was good, but the roads were bad and long; and it took him and his men two weeks to reach Sackett's Harbor, at the north end of Lake Ontario. From that place he went to Presque Isle, on Lake Erie, where the fine City of Erie now stands. Then only the seed of a city was planted there, in a small village, and the forest came down to the lake. Captain Perry did not go to sleep when he got to the water-side. He was not one of the sleepy sort. He wanted vessels and he wanted them quickly. The British had warships on the lake, and Perry did not intend to let them have it all to themselves. When he got to Erie he found Captain Dobbins, an old shipbuilder, hard at work. In the woods around were splendid trees, white and black oak and chestnut, for planking, and pine for the decks. The axe was busy at these giants of the forest; and so fast did the men work, that a tree which was waving in the forest when the sun rose might be cut down and hewn into ship-timber before the sun set. In that way Perry's fleet grew like magic out of the forest. While the ships were building, cannon and stores were brought from Pittsburgh by way of the Allegheny River and its branches. And Perry went to Niagara River, where he helped capture a fine brig, called the _Caledonia_, from the British. Captain Dobbins built two more brigs, one of which Perry named the _Niagara_. The other he called _Lawrence_, after Captain Lawrence, the story of whose life and death you have just read. Have any of you ever heard the story of the man who built a wagon in his barn and then found it too wide to go out through the door? Perry was in the same trouble. His new ships were too big to get out into the lake. There was a bar at the mouth of the river with only four feet of water on it. That was not deep enough to float his new vessels. And he was in a hurry to get these in deep water; for he knew the British fleet would soon be down to try to destroy them. How would you work to get a six-foot vessel over a four-foot sand bar? Well, that doesn't matter; all we care for is the way Captain Perry did it. He took two big scows and put one on each side of the _Lawrence_. Then he filled them with water till the waves washed over their decks. When they had sunk so far they were tied fast to the brig and the water was pumped out of them. As the water went out they rose and lifted the _Lawrence_ between them until there were several feet of water below her keel. Now the brig was hauled on the bar until she touched the bottom; then she was lifted again in the same way. This second time took her out to deep water. Next, the _Niagara_ was lifted over the bar in the same manner. The next day the British, who had been taking things very easily, came sailing down to destroy Perry's ships. But they opened their eyes wide when they saw them afloat on the lake. They had lost their chance by wasting their time. Perry picked up men for his vessels wherever he could get them. The most of those to be had were landsmen. But he had his fifty good men from Newport and a hundred were sent him from the coast. Some of these had been on the _Constitution_ in her great fight with the _Guerriere_. [Illustration: OLIVER H. PERRY.] Early in August all was ready, and he set sail. Early in September he was in Put-in Bay, at the west end of Lake Erie, and here the British came looking for him and his ships. Perry was now the commodore of a fleet of nine vessels,--the brigs _Lawrence_, _Niagara_ and _Caledonia_, five schooners, and one sloop. Captain Barclay, the British commander, had only six vessels, but some of them were larger than Perry's. They were the ships _Detroit_ and _Queen Charlotte_, a large brig, two schooners, and a sloop. Such were the fleets with which the great battle of Lake Erie was fought. I know you are getting tired of all this description, and want to get on to the fighting. You don't like to be kept sailing in quiet waters when there is a fine storm ahead. Very well, we will go on. But one has to get his bricks ready before he can build his house. Well, then, on the 10th of September, 1813, it being a fine summer day, with the sun shining brightly, Perry and his men sailed out from Put-in Bay and came in sight of the British fleet over the waters of the lake. What Captain Perry now did was fine. He hoisted a great blue flag, and when it unrolled in the wind the men saw on it, in white letters, the dying words of Captain Lawrence, "Don't give up the ship!" Was not that a grand signal to give? It must have put great spirit into the men, and made them feel that they would die like the gallant Lawrence before they would give up their ships. The men on both fleets were eager to fight, but the wind kept very light, and they came together slowly. It was near noon before they got near enough for their long guns to work. Then the British began to send balls skipping over the water, and soon after the Americans answered back. Now came the roar of battle, the flash of guns, the cloud of smoke that settled down and half hid everything. The Americans came on in a long line, head on for the British, who awaited their approach. Perry's flagship, the _Lawrence_, was near the head of the line. It soon plunged into the very thick of the fight, with only two little schooners to help it. The wind may have been too light for the rest of the fleet to come up. We do not know just what kept them back, but at any rate, they didn't come up, and the _Lawrence_ was left to fight alone. Never had a vessel been in a worse plight than was the _Lawrence_ for the next two hours. She was half surrounded by the three large British vessels, the _Detroit_, the _Queen Charlotte_, and the brig _Hunter_, all pouring in their fire at once, while she had to fight them all. On the _Lawrence_ and the two schooners there were only seven long guns against thirty-six which were pelting Perry's flagship from the British fleet. This was great odds. But overhead there floated the words, "Don't give up the ship"; so the brave Perry pushed on till he was close to the _Detroit_, and worked away, for life or death, with all his guns, long and short. Oh, what a dreadful time there was on Perry's flagship during those sad two hours. The great guns roared, the thick smoke rose, the balls tore through her sides, sending splinters flying like sharp arrows to right and left. Men fell like leaves blown down by a gale. Blood splashed on the living and flowed over the dead. The surgeon's mates were kept busy carrying the wounded below, where the surgeon dressed their wounds. Captain Perry's little brother, a boy of only thirteen years, was on the ship, and stood beside him as brave as himself. Two bullets went through the boy's hat; then a splinter cut through his clothes; still he did not flinch. Soon after, he was knocked down and the captain grew pale with fear. But up jumped the boy again. It was only a flying hammock that had struck him. That little fellow was a true sailor boy, and had in him plenty of Yankee grit. I would not, if I could, tell you all the horrors of those two hours. It is not pleasant reading. The cannon balls even came through the vessel's sides among the wounded, and killed some of them where they lay. At the end of the fight the _Lawrence_ was a mere wreck. Her bowsprit and masts were nearly all cut away, and out of more than a hundred men only fourteen were unhurt. There was not a gun left that could be worked. Most men in such a case would have pulled down their flag. But Oliver Perry had the spirit of Paul Jones, and he did not forget the words on his flag--"Don't give up the ship." During those dread two hours the _Niagara_, under Lieutenant Elliott, had kept out of the fight. Now it came sailing up before a freshening breeze. As soon as Perry saw this fresh ship he made up his mind what to do. He had a boat lowered with four men in it. His little brother leaped in after them. Then he stepped aboard with the flag bearing Lawrence's motto on his shoulder, and was rowed away to the _Niagara_. As soon as the British saw this little boat on the water, with Perry standing upright, wrapped in the flag he had fought for so bravely, they turned all their guns and fired at it. Cannon and musket balls tore the water round it. It looked as if nothing would save those devoted men from death. "Sit down!" cried Perry's men. "We will stop rowing if you don't sit down." So Perry sat down, and when a ball came crashing through the side of the boat he took off his coat and plugged up the hole. Providence favored him and his men. They reached the _Niagara_ without being hurt. The British had fired in vain. Perry sprang on board and ordered the men to raise the flag. "How goes the day?" asked Lieutenant Elliott. "Bad enough," said Perry. "Why are the gunboats so far back?" "I will bring them up," said Elliott. "Do so," said Perry. Elliott jumped into the boat which Perry had just left, and rowed away. Up to the mast-head went the great blue banner with the motto, "Don't give up the ship." Signals were given for all the vessels to close in on the enemy, and the _Niagara_ bore down under full sail. The _Lawrence_ was out of the fight. Rent and torn, with only a handful of her crew on their feet, and not a gun that could be fired, her day was done. Her flag was pulled down by the few men left to save themselves. The British had no time to take possession, for the _Niagara_ was on them, fresh for the fray, like a new horse in the race. Right through the British fleet this new ship went. Three of their ships were on one side of her and two on the other, and all only a few yards away. As she went her guns spoke out, sweeping their decks and tearing through their timbers. The _Lawrence_ had already done her share of work on these vessels, and this new pounding was more than they could stand. The other American vessels also were pouring their shot into the foe. Flesh and blood could not bear this. Men were falling like grass before the scythe. A man sprang up on the rail of the _Detroit_ and waved a white flag to show that they had surrendered. The great fight was over. The British had given up. Perry announced his victory in words that have become historic: "We have met the enemy and they are ours." This famous despatch was written with a pencil on the back of an old letter, with his hat for a table. It was sent to General Harrison, who commanded an army nearby. Harrison at once led his cheering soldiers against the enemy, and gave them one of the worst defeats of the war. When the news of the victory spread over the country the people were wild with joy. Congress thanked Perry and voted gold medals to him and Elliott, and honors or rewards to all the officers and men. But over the whole country it was thought that Elliott had earned disgrace instead of a gold medal by keeping so long out of the fight. He said he had only obeyed orders, but people thought that was a time to break orders. Perry was made a full captain by Congress. This was then the highest rank in the navy. But he took no more part in the war. Six years later he was sent with a squadron to South America, and there he took the yellow fever and died. Thus passed away one of the most brilliant and most famous officers of the American navy. CHAPTER XVII COMMODORE PORTER GAINS GLORY IN THE PACIFIC THE GALLANT FIGHT OF THE "ESSEX" AGAINST GREAT ODDS ANY of you who have read much of American history must have often met with the names of Porter and Farragut. There are no greater names in our naval history. There was Captain David Porter and his two gallant sons, all men of fame. And the still more famous Admiral Farragut began his career under the brave old captain of the War of 1812. I am going now to tell you about David Porter and the little _Essex_, a ship whose name the British did not like to hear. And I have spoken of Farragut from the fact that he began his naval career under Captain Porter. Captain Porter was born in 1780, before the Revolution had ended. His father was a sea-captain; and when the boy was sixteen years old, he stood by his father's side on the schooner _Eliza_ and helped to fight off a British press-gang which wanted to rob it of some of its sailors. The press-gang was a company of men who seized men wherever they found them, and dragged them into the British navy, where they were compelled to serve as sailors or marines. It was a cruel and unjust way of getting men, and the Americans resisted it wherever they could. In this particular fight several men were killed and wounded, and the press-gang thought it best to let the _Eliza_ alone. When the lad was seventeen he was twice seized by press-men and taken to serve in the British navy, but both times he escaped. Then he joined the American navy as a midshipman. Young Porter soon showed what was in him. In the naval war with France he was put on a French prize that was full of prisoners who wanted to seize the ship. For three days Porter helped to watch them, and in all that time he did not take a minute's sleep. Afterward, in a pilot-boat, with fifteen men the boy hero attacked a French privateer with forty men and a barge with thirty men. Porter, with his brave fifteen, boarded the privateer and fought like a hero. After more than half its crew were killed and wounded the privateer surrendered. In this hard fight not one of Porter's men was hurt. That was only one of the things which young Porter did. When the war with the pirates of Tripoli began, he was there, and again did some daring deeds. He was on the _Philadelphia_ when that good ship ran aground and was taken by the Moors, and he was held a prisoner till the end of the war. Here you have an outline of the early history of David Porter. When the War of 1812 broke out, he was made captain of the _Essex_. The _Essex_ was a little frigate that had been built in the Revolution. It was not fit to fight with the larger British frigates, but with David Porter on its quarter-deck it was sure to make its mark. On the _Essex_ with him was a fine little midshipman, only eleven years old, who had been brought up in the Porter family. His name was David G. Farragut. I shall have a good story of him to tell you later on, for he grew up to be one of the bravest and greatest men in the American navy. On July 2, 1812, only two weeks after war was declared, Porter was off to sea in the _Essex_, on the hunt for prizes and glory. He got some prizes, but it was more than a month before he had a chance for glory. Then he came in sight of a British man-of-war, a sight that pleased him very much. Up came the _Essex_, pretending to be a merchant ship and with the British flag flying. That is one of the tricks which naval officers play. They think it right to cheat an enemy. The stranger came bowling down under full sail and fired a gun as a hint for the supposed merchantman to stop. So the _Essex_ backed her sails and hove to until the stranger had passed her stern. Porter was now where he had wanted to get. He had the advantage of the wind--what sailors call the "weather-gage." So down came the British flag and up went the Stars and Stripes: and the ports were thrown open, showing the iron mouths of the guns, ready to bark. When the English sailors saw this they cheered loudly and ran to their guns. They fired in their usual hasty fashion, making much noise but doing no harm. Porter waited till he was ready to do good work, and then fired a broadside that fairly staggered the British ship. The Englishman had not bargained for such a salute as this, and now tried to run away. But the _Essex_ had the wind, and in eight minutes was alongside. And in those eight minutes her guns were busy as guns could be. Then down came the British flag. That was the shortest fight in the war. The prize was found to be the corvette _Alert_. A corvette is a little ship with not many guns. She was not nearly strong enough for the _Essex_, and gave up when only three of her men were wounded. But she had been shot so full of holes that she already had seven feet of water in her hold and was in danger of sinking. It kept the men of the _Essex_ busy enough to pump her out and stop up the holes, so that she should not go to the bottom. Captain Porter did not want to lose his prize. He came near losing it, and his ship too, in another way, as I have soon to tell. You must remember that he had taken other prizes and sent them home with some of his men. So he had a large number of prisoners, some of them soldiers taken from one of his prizes. There were many more British on board than there were Americans, and some of them formed a plot to capture the ship. They might have done it, too, but for the little midshipman, David Farragut. This little chap was lying in his hammock, when he saw an Englishman come along with a pistol in his hand. This was the leader in the plot who was looking around to see if all was ready for his men to break out on the Americans. He came up to the hammock where the boy lay and looked in at him. The bright young fellow then had his eyes tight shut and seemed to be fast asleep. After looking a minute the man went away. The instant he was out of sight up jumped the lad and ran to the captain's cabin. You may be sure he did not take many words to tell what he had seen. Captain Porter knew there was no time to be lost. He sprang out of bed in haste and ran to the deck. Here he gave a loud yell of "Fire! Fire!" In a minute the men came tumbling up from below like so many rats. They had been trained what to do in case of a night-fire and every man ran to his place. Captain Porter had even built fires that sent up volumes of smoke, so as to make them quick to act and to steady their nerves. While the cry of fire roused the Americans, it scared the conspirators, and before they could get back their wits the sailors were on them. It did not take long to lock them up again. In that way Porter and Farragut saved their ship. The time was coming in which he would lose his ship, but the way he lost it brought him new fame. I must tell you how this came about. When the _Constitution_ and the _Hornet_, as I have told you in another story, were in the waters of Brazil, the _Essex_ was sent to join them. You know what was done there, how the _Constitution_ whipped and sunk the _Java_, and the _Hornet_ did the same for the _Peacock_. There was no such luck for the _Essex_, and after his fellow-ships had gone north Captain Porter went cruising on his own account. In the Pacific Ocean were dozens of British whalers and other ships. Here was a fine field for prizes. So he set sail, went round the stormy Cape Horn in a hurricane, and was soon in the great ocean of the west. I shall not tell you the whole story of this cruise. The _Essex_ here was like a hawk among a flock of partridges. She took prize after prize, until she had about a dozen valuable ships. When the news of what Porter was doing reached England, there was a sort of panic. Something must be done with this fellow or he would clear the Pacific of British trade. So a number of frigates were sent in the hunt for him. They were to get him in any way they could. After a long cruise on the broad Pacific, the _Essex_ reached the port of Valparaiso, on the coast of Chile, in South America. She had with her one of her prizes, the _Essex Junior_. Here Porter heard that a British frigate, the _Phoebe_, was looking for him. That pleased him. He wanted to come across a British war-vessel, so he concluded to wait for her. He was anxious for something more lively than chasing whaling ships. He was not there long before the _Phoebe_ came, and with her a small warship, the _Cherub_. When the _Phoebe_ came in sight of the _Essex_ it sailed close up. Its captain had been told that half the American crew were ashore, and very likely full of Spanish wine. But when he got near he saw the Yankee sailors at their guns and ready to fight. When he saw this he changed his mind. He jumped on a gun and said:-- "Captain Hillyar's compliments to Captain Porter, and hopes he is well." "Very well, I thank you," said Porter. "But I hope you will not come too near for fear some accident might take place which would be disagreeable to you." "I had no intention of coming on board," said Captain Hillyar, when he saw the look of things on the deck of the _Essex_. "I am sorry I came so near you." "Well, you have no business where you are," said Porter. "If you touch a rope yarn of this ship, I shall board instantly." With that the _Phoebe_ wore round and went off. It was a neutral port and there was a good excuse for not fighting, but it was well for Porter that he was ready. A few days later he heard that some other British ships were coming from Valparaiso and he concluded to put to sea. He didn't want to fight a whole fleet. But the wind treated him badly. As he sailed out a squall struck the _Essex_ and knocked her maintopmast into the sea. Porter now ran into a small bay near at hand and dropped anchor close to the shore. Here was the chance for the _Phoebe_ and the _Cherub_. They could stand off and hammer the _Essex_ where she could not fire back. They had over thirty long guns while the _Essex_ had only six, and only three of these could be used. The rest of her guns were short ones that would not send a ball far enough to reach the British ships. The _Essex_ was in a trap. The British began to pour solid iron into her at the rate of nearly ten pounds to her one. For two hours this was kept up. There was frightful slaughter on the _Essex_. Her men were falling like dead leaves, but Porter would not yield. After this went on for some time there came a change in the wind, and the _Essex_ spread what sail she had and tried to get nearer. But the _Phoebe_ would not wait for her, but sailed away and kept pumping balls into her. Soon the wind changed again. Now all hope was gone. The American crew was being murdered and could not get near the British. Porter tried to run his ship ashore, intending to fight to the last and then blow her up. But the treacherous wind shifted again and he could not even reach the shore. Dead and wounded men lay everywhere. Flames were rising in the hold. Water was pouring into shot holes. The good ship had fought her last and it was madness to go on. So at 6.20 o'clock, two and a half hours after the fight began, her flag came down and the battle was over. The story of the cruise of the _Essex_ and her great struggle against odds was written for us by her young midshipman--David Farragut. President Roosevelt, in his Naval History of the War of 1812, says the following true words about Captain Porter's brave fight: "As an exhibition of dogged courage it has never been surpassed since the time when the Dutch Captain Keasoon, after fighting two long days, blew up his disabled ship, devoting himself and all his crew to death, rather than surrender to the hereditary foes of his race." Porter was the man to do the same thing, but he felt he had no right to send all his men to death. CHAPTER XVIII COMMODORE MACDONOUGH'S VICTORY ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN HOW GENERAL PREVOST AND THE BRITISH RAN AWAY THE United States is a country rich in lakes. They might be named by the thousands. But out of this host of lakes very few are known in history, and of them all much the most famous is Lake Champlain. Do you wish to know why? Well, because this lake forms a natural waterway from Canada down into the States. If you look on a map you will see that Lake Champlain and Lake George stretch down nearly to the Hudson River and that their waters flow north into the great St. Lawrence River. So these lakes make the easiest way to send trade, and troops as well, down from Canada into New York and New England. Now just let us take a look back in history. The very first battle in the north of our country was fought on Lake Champlain. This was in 1609, when Samuel de Champlain and his Indian friends came down this lake in canoes to fight with the Iroquois tribes of New York. Then in 1756 the French and Indians did the same thing. They came in a fleet of boats and canoes and fought the English on Lake George. Twenty years afterward there was the fierce fight which General Arnold made on this lake, of which I have told you. Later on General Burgoyne came down Lakes Champlain and George with a great army. He never went back again, for he and his army were taken prisoners by the brave Colonials. But the last and greatest of all the battles on the lakes was that of 1814. It is of this I am now about to tell you. You should know that the British again tried what they had done when they sent Burgoyne down the lakes. This time it was Sir George Prevost who was sent, with an army of more than 11,000 men, to conquer New York. He didn't do it any more than Burgoyne did, for Lieutenant Thomas MacDonough was in the way. I am going to tell you how the gallant MacDonough stopped him. MacDonough was a young man, as Perry was. He had served, as a boy, in the war with Tripoli. In 1806, when he was only twenty years old, he gave a Yankee lesson to a British captain who wanted to carry off an American sailor. This was at Gibraltar, where British guns were as thick as blackbirds; but the young lieutenant took the man out of the English boat and then dared the captain to try to take him back again. The captain blustered; but he did not try, in spite of all his guns. In 1813 MacDonough was sent to take care of affairs on Lake Champlain. No better man could have been sent. He did what Perry had done; he set himself to build ships and get guns and powder and shot and prepare for war. The British were building ships, too, for they wanted to be masters of the lake before they sent their army down. So the sounds of the axe and saw and hammer came before the sound of cannon on the lake. MacDonough did not let the grass grow under his feet. When he heard that the British were building a big frigate, he set to work to build a brig. The keel was laid on July 29, and she was launched on August 16--only eighteen days! There must have been some lively jumping about in the wildwoods shipyard just then. The young commander had no time to waste, for the British were coming. The great war in Europe with Napoleon was over and England had plenty of ships and men to spare. A flock of her white-winged frigates came sailing over the ocean and swarmed like bees along our coast. And an army of the men who had fought against Napoleon was sent to Canada to invade New York. It was thought the Yankees could not stand long before veterans like these. Down marched the British army and down sailed the British fleet. But MacDonough was not caught napping. He was ready for the British ships when they came. [Illustration: BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN--MACDONOUGH'S VICTORY.] And now, before the battle begins, let us give a few names and figures; for these are things you must know. The Americans had four vessels and ten gunboats. The vessels were the ship _Saratoga_, the brig _Eagle_, the schooner _Ticonderoga_, and the sloop _Preble_. The British had the frigate _Confiance_, larger than any of the American ships, the brig _Linnet_, the sloops _Chubb_ and _Finch_, and thirteen gunboats. And the British were better off for guns and men, though the difference was not great. Such were the two fleets that came together on a bright Sunday on September 11, 1814, to see which should be master of Lake Champlain. The American ships were drawn up across Plattsburg Bay, and up this bay came the British fleet to attack them, just as Carleton's vessels had come up to attack Arnold forty years before. At Plattsburg was the British army, and opposite, across Saranac River, lay a much smaller force of American regulars and militia. They could easily see the ships, but they were too busy for that, for the soldiers were fighting on land while the sailors were fighting on water. Bad work that for a sunny September Sunday, wasn't it? MacDonough had stretched his ships in a line across the bay, and had anchors down at bow and stern, with ropes tied to the anchor chains so that the ships could be swung round easily. Remember that, for that won him the battle. It was still early in the day when the British came sailing up, firing as soon as they came near enough. These first shots did no harm, but they did a comical thing. One of them struck a hen-coop on the _Saratoga_, in which one of the sailors kept a fighting cock. The coop was knocked to pieces, and into the rigging flew the brave cock, flapping his wings at the British vessels and crowing defiance to them, while the sailors laughed and cheered. But the battle did not fairly begin until the great frigate _Confiance_ came up and dropped anchor a few hundred yards from the _Saratoga_. Then she blazed away with all the guns on that side of her deck. This was a terrible broadside, the worst any American ship had felt in the whole war. Every shot hit the _Saratoga_ and tore through her timbers, sending splinters flying like hail. So frightful was the shock that nearly half the crew were thrown to the deck. About forty of them did not get up again; they were either killed or wounded. A few broadsides like that would have ended the fight, for it would have left the _Saratoga_ without men. On both sides now the cannon roared and the shots flew, but the British guns were the best and the Americans had the worst of it. The commodore was knocked down twice. The last time he was hit with the head of a man that had been shot off and came whirling through the air. "The commodore is killed!" cried the men; but in a trice he was up again, and aiming and firing one of his own guns. This dreadful work went on for two hours. All that time the two biggest British vessels were pelting the _Saratoga_, and the other American ships were not helping her much. Red-hot shots were fired, which set her on fire more than once. At the end MacDonough had not a single gun left to fire back. It looked as if all was up with the Americans, all of whose ships were being battered by the enemy. But Commodore MacDonough was not yet at the end of his plans. He now cut loose his stern anchor and bade his men pull on the rope that led to the bow anchor. In a minute the ship began to swing round. Soon she had a new side turned to the foe. Not a gun had been fired on this side. When the British captain saw what the Americans were doing he tried the same thing. But it did not work as well with him. The _Confiance_ began to swing round, but when she got her stern turned to the Americans she stuck fast. Pull and haul as they might, the sailors could not move her another inch. Here was a splendid chance for the men on the _Saratoga_. They poured their broadsides into the stern of the _Confiance_ and raked her from end to end, while her position was a helpless one. The men fled from the guns. The ship was being torn into splinters. No hope for her was left. She could not fire a gun. Her captain was dead, but her lieutenant saw that all was over, and down came her flag. Then the _Saratoga_ turned on the brig _Linnet_ and served her in the same fashion. That ended the battle. The two sloops had surrendered before, the gunboats were driven away by the _Ticonderoga_, and the hard fight was done. Once more the Americans were victors. Perry had won one lake. MacDonough had won another. And that was not the whole of it. For as soon as the American soldiers saw the British flag down and the Stars and Stripes still afloat, they set up a shout that rang back from the Vermont hills. Sir George Prevost, though he had an army of veterans twice as strong as the American army of militia, broke camp and sneaked away under cover of a storm. CHAPTER XIX FOUR NAVAL HEROES IN ONE CHAPTER FIGHTS WITH THE PIRATES OF THE GULF AND THE CORSAIRS OF THE MEDITERRANEAN WE have so far been reading the story of legal warfare; now let us turn to that of the wild warfare of the pirate ships. Pirates swarmed during and after the War of 1812, and the United States had its hands full in dealing with them. They haunted the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea, and they went back to their old bad work in the Mediterranean. They kept our naval leaders busy enough for a number of years. The first we shall speak of are the Lafittes, the famous sea-rovers of the Gulf of Mexico. Those men had their hiding places in the lowlands of Louisiana, where there are reedy streams and grassy islands by the hundreds, winding in and out in a regular network. From these lurking places the pirate ships would dash out to capture vessels and then hurry back to their haunts. The Lafittes (Jean and Pierre) had a whole fleet of pirate ships, and were so daring that they walked the streets of New Orleans as if that city belonged to them, and boldly sold their stolen goods in its marts, and nobody meddled with them. But the time came when they were attacked in their haunts and the whole gang was broken up. This was near the end of the war, when the government had some ships to spare. After that they helped General Jackson in the celebrated battle of New Orleans, and fought so well that they were forgiven and were thanked for their services. When the War of 1812 was over many of the privateers became pirates. A privateer, you know, is something like a pirate. He robs one nation, while a pirate robs all. So hundreds of those men became sea-robbers. After 1814 the seas of the West Indies were full of pirates. There was no end of hiding places among the thousand islands of these seas, where the pirates could bring their prizes and enjoy their wild revels. The warm airs, the ripe fruits and wild game of those shores made life easy and pleasant, and prizes were plentiful on the seas. When the war ended the United States gained a fine trade with the West Indies. But many of the ships that sailed there did not come home again, though there were no hurricanes to sink them. And some that did come home had been chased by ships that spread the rovers' black flag. So it was plain enough that pirates were at work. For years they had it their own way, with no one to trouble them. The government for years let them alone. But in time they grew so daring that in 1819 a squadron of warships was sent after them, under Commodore Perry, the hero of Lake Erie. Poor Perry caught the yellow fever and died, and his ships came home without doing anything. After that the pirates were let alone for two years. Now-a-days they would not have been let alone for two weeks, but things went more slowly then. No doubt the merchants who sent cargoes to sea complained of the dreadful doings of the pirates, but the government did not trouble itself much, and the sea-robbers had their own way until 1821. By that time it was felt that something must be done, and a small fleet of pirate hunters was sent to the West Indies. It included the famous sloop-of-war _Hornet_, the one which had fought the _Peacock_, and the brig _Enterprise_, which Decatur had been captain of in the Moorish war. The pirates were brave enough when they had only merchant ships to deal with, but they acted like cowards when they found warships on their track. They fled in all directions, and many of their ships and barges were taken. After that they kept quiet for a time, but soon they were at their old work again. In 1823 Captain David Porter, he who had fought so well in the _Essex_, was sent against them. The brave young Farragut was with him. He brought a number of barges and small vessels, so that he could follow the sea-robbers into their hiding places. One of these places was found at Cape Cruz, on Porto Rico. Here the pirate captain and his men fought like tigers, and the captain's wife stood by his side and fought as fiercely as he did. After the fight was over the sailors found a number of caves used by the pirates. In some of them were great bales of goods, and in others heaps of human bones. All this told a dreadful story of robbery and murder. Another fight took place at a haunt of pirates on the coast of Cuba, where Lieutenant Allen, a navy officer, had been killed the year before in an attack on the sea-robbers. Here there were over seventy pirates and only thirty-one Americans. But the sailors cried "Remember Allen!" and dashed so fiercely at the pirate vessels, that the cowardly crews jumped overboard and tried to swim ashore. But the hot-blooded sailors rowed in among them and cut fiercely with their cutlasses, so that hardly any of them escaped. Their leader, who was named Diabolito, or "Little Devil," was one of the killed. In this way the pirate hordes were broken up, after they had robbed and murdered among the beautiful West India islands for many years. After that defeat they gave no more trouble. Among the pirates was Jean Lafitte, one of the Lafitte brothers, of whose doings you have read above. After the battle of New Orleans he went to Texas, and in time became a pirate captain again. As late as 1822 his name was the terror of the Gulf. Then he disappeared and no one knew what had become of him. He may have died in battle or have gone down in storm. But the pirates of the West Indies and the Gulf were not the only ones the United States had to deal with. You have read the story of the Moorish corsairs and of the fighting at Tripoli. Now I have something more to tell about them; for when they heard that the United States was at war with England, they tried their old tricks again, capturing American sailors and selling them for slaves. They had their own way until the war was over. Then two squadrons of war vessels were sent to the Mediterranean, one under Commodore Bainbridge, who had commanded the _Constitution_ when she fought the _Java_, and the other under Commodore Decatur, the gallant sailor who had burned the _Philadelphia_ in the harbor of Tripoli. Decatur got there first, and it did not take him long to bring the Moors to their senses. The trouble this time was with Algiers, not with Tripoli. Algiers was one of the strongest of the Moorish states. On the 15th of June, 1815, Decatur came in sight of the most powerful of the Algerine ships, a forty-six gun frigate, the _Mashouda_. Its commander was Rais Hammida, a fierce and daring fellow, who was called "the terror of the Mediterranean." He had risen from the lowest to the highest place in the navy, and had often shown his valor in battle. But his time for defeat had now come. When the Moorish admiral found himself amid a whole squadron of American warships, he set sail with all speed and made a wild dash for Algiers. But he had faster ships in his track and was soon headed off. The bold fellow had no chance at all, with half-a-dozen great ships around him, but he made a fine fight for his life. He did not save either his ship or his life, for a cannon ball cut him squarely in two; and when his lieutenant tried to run away, he came across the brig _Epervier_, which soon settled him. But the _Mashouda_ had made a good fight against big odds, and deserved praise. After that another Algerian ship was taken, and then Decatur sailed for Algiers. When he made signals the captain of the port came out. A black-bearded, high and mighty fellow he was. "Where is your navy?" asked Decatur. "It's all right," said the Algerian, "safe in some friendly port." "Not all of it, I fancy," said Decatur. "I have your frigate _Mashouda_ and your brig _Estido_, and your admiral Hammida is killed." "I don't believe it," said the Algerian. "I can easily prove it," said Decatur, and he sent for the first lieutenant of the _Mashouda_. When the captain of the port saw him and heard his story, he changed his tone. His haughty manner passed away, and he begged that fighting should cease until a treaty could be made on shore. "Fighting will not cease until I have the treaty," said Decatur, sternly; "and a treaty will not be made anywhere but on board my ship." And so it was. The captain of the port came out next day with authority to make a treaty. But the captain did not want to return the property taken from the American ships, saying that it had been scattered among many hands. "I can't help that. It must be returned or paid for," said Decatur. Then the captain did not want to pay $10,000 for a vessel that had been captured, and he wanted tribute from the United States. He told Decatur what a great man his master, "Omar the Terrible," was, and asked for a three hours truce. "Not a minute," said Decatur. "If your ships appear before the treaty is signed by the Dey, and the American prisoners are on board my ship, I shall capture every one of them." The only concession Decatur would make was to promise to return the _Mashouda_. But this was to be taken as a gift from the Americans to the Dey, and as such it must not appear in the treaty. The Algerian, finding that all his eloquence was wasted on the unyielding Yankee, hurried ashore with the treaty, arranging to display a white flag in case of its being signed. An hour after he left an Algerian man-of-war was seen out to sea, and the American vessels got ready for action. But before anything was done the captain of the port came out with a white flag. He brought the treaty and the prisoners. That ended the trouble with Algiers. When the ten freed captives reached the deck some knelt down and gave thanks to God, while others hastened to kiss the American flag. Then Decatur sailed to Tunis and Tripoli and made their rulers come to terms. From that day to this no American ship has been troubled by the corsairs of Barbary. CHAPTER XX COMMODORE PERRY OPENS JAPAN TO THE WORLD AN HEROIC DEED WITHOUT BLOODSHED THERE are victories of peace as well as of war. Of course, you do not need to be told that. Everybody knows it. And it often takes as much courage to win these victories as it does those of war. I am going now to tell you of one of the greatest victories ever won by an American naval hero, and without firing a gun. Not far away from the great empire of China lies the island empire of Japan. Here the map shows us three or four large islands, but there are many hundreds of small ones, and in and out among them flow the smiling blue waters of the great Pacific Ocean. The people of Japan, like the people of China, for a long time did not like foreigners and did not want anything to do with them. But that was the fault of the foreigners themselves. For at first these people were glad to have strangers come among them, and treated them kindly, and let missionaries land and try to make Christians of them. But the Christian teachers were not wise; for they interfered with the government as well as with the faith of the people. The Japanese soon grew angry at this. In the end they drove all the strangers away and killed all the Christian converts they could find. Then laws were made to keep all foreigners out of the country. They let a Dutch ship come once a year to bring some foreign goods to the seaport of Nagasaki, but they treated these Dutch traders as if they were of no account. And thus it continued in Japan for nearly three hundred years. The Japanese did not care much for the Dutch goods, but they liked to hear, now and then, what was going on in the world. Once a year they let some of the Dutch visit the capital, but these had to crawl up to the emperor on their hands and knees and crawl out backward like crabs. They must have wanted the Japanese trade badly to do that. When a vessel happened to be wrecked on the coast of Japan, the sailors were held as prisoners and there was much trouble to get them off; and when Japanese were wrecked and sent home, no thanks were given. They were looked upon as no longer Japanese. The Russians had seaports in Siberia, which made them near neighbors to Japan, so they tried to make friends with the Japanese. But the island people would have nothing to do with them. Captain Golownin, of the Russian navy, landed on one of the islands; but he was taken prisoner and kept for a long time and treated cruelly. That was the way things went in Japan till 1850 had come and passed. It took the Yankees to do what the Dutch and the Russians had failed in doing. After the war with Mexico, thousands of Americans went to California and other parts of the Pacific coast, and trading ships grew numerous on that great ocean. It was felt to be time that Japan should be made to open her ports to the commerce of the nations, and the United States tried to do it. Captain Matthew Calbraith Perry was selected for this great work. Captain Perry was a brother of Oliver H. Perry, the hero of Lake Erie. He was a lieutenant in that war, but he commanded a ship in the war with the pirates and the Mexican war. In 1852 he was given the command of a commodore and sent out with a fine squadron to Japan. He took with him a letter from the President to the Tycoon, or military ruler, of Japan. On the 8th of July, 1853, the eyes of many of the Japanese opened wide when they saw four fine vessels sailing grandly up the broad Bay of Yeddo, where such a sight had never been seen before. As late as 1850 the ruler of Japan had sent word to foreign nations that he would have nothing to do with them or their people, and now here came these daring ships. These ships were the steam frigates _Mississippi_ and _Susquehanna_, and the sailing ships _Saratoga_ and _Plymouth_ of the United States Navy, under command of Commodore Perry. Have you ever disturbed an ant-hill, and seen the ants come running out in great haste to learn what was wrong? It was much like that on the Bay of Yeddo. Thousands of Japanese gathered on the shores or rowed out on the bay to gaze at this strange sight. The great steamships, gliding on without sails, were a wonderful spectacle to them. As the ships came on, boats put out with flags and carrying men who wore two swords. This meant that they were of high station. They wanted to climb into the ships and order the daring commodore to turn around and go back, but none of them were allowed to set foot on board. "Our commodore is a great dignitary," they were told. "He cannot meet small folk like you. He will only speak with one of your great men, who is his equal." And so the ropes which were fastened to the ships were cut, and those who tried to climb on board were driven back, and these two-sworded people had to row away as they had come. This made them think that the American commodore must be a very big man indeed. So a more important man came out; but he was stopped too, and asked his business. He showed an order for the ships to leave the harbor at once, but was told that they had come there on business and would not leave till their business was done. After some more talk they let this man come on board, but a lieutenant was sent to talk with him as his equal in rank. He said he was the vice-governor of the district, and that the law of Japan forbade foreigners to come to any port but that of Nagasaki, where the Dutch traders came. The lieutenant replied that such talk was not respectful; that they had come with a letter from the President of the United States to the Emperor of Japan; and that they would deliver it where they were and nowhere else. And it would be given only to a prince of the highest rank. Then he was told that the armed boats that were gathering about the ship must go away. If they did not they would be driven away with cannon. When the vice-governor heard this he ordered the boats away, and soon followed them himself. He was told that if the governor did not receive the letter the ships would go up the bay to Yeddo, the capital, and send it up to the Emperor in his palace. The next day the governor of the district came. Two captains were sent to talk with him. He did not want to receive the letter either, and tried every way he could to avoid taking it. After some talk he asked if he might have four days to send and get permission of the Tycoon, who was the acting but not the real emperor of Japan. "No," he was told. "Three days will be plenty of time, for Yeddo is not far off. If the answer does not come then, we will steam up to the city, and our commodore will go to the Emperor's palace for the answer." The governor was frightened at this, so he agreed upon the three days and went ashore. During those three days the ships were not idle. They sent parties in boats to survey the bay. All along the shores were villages full of people, and fishing boats and trading vessels were on the waters by hundreds. There were forts on shore, but they were poor affairs, with a few little cannon, and soldiers carrying spears. And canvas was stretched from tree to tree as if it would keep back cannon-balls. The sailors laughed when they saw this. The governor said that they ought not to survey the waters; it was against the laws of Japan. But they kept at it all the same. The boats went ten miles up the bay, and the _Mississippi_ steamed after them. Government boats came out, and signs were made for them to go back; but they paid no attention to these signs. When the three days were ended the good news came that the Emperor would receive the letter. He would send one of his high officers for it. An answer would be returned through the Dutch or the Chinese. Commodore Perry said this was an insult, and he would not take an answer from them, but would come back for it himself. So, on the 14th of July the President's letter was received. It was written in the most beautiful manner, on the finest paper, and was in a golden box of a thousand dollars in value. It asked for a treaty of commerce between the two countries, and for kind treatment of American sailors. So far none of the Japanese had seen the Commodore, and they thought he must be a very great man. Now he went ashore with much dignity, with several hundred officers and men, and with bands playing and cannon roaring. There were two princes of the empire to receive him, splendidly dressed in embroidered robes of silk. The Commodore was carried in a fine sedan-chair, beside which walked two gigantic negroes, dressed in gorgeous uniform and armed with swords and pistols. Two other large, handsome negroes carried the golden letter case. A beautiful scarlet box was brought by the Japanese to receive this. It was put in the box with much ceremony, and a receipt was given. Then the interpreter said: "Nothing more can be done now. The letter has been received and you must leave." "I shall come back for the answer," said Commodore Perry. "With all the ships?" "Yes, and likely with more." Not another word was said, and the Commodore rose and returned to the ship. The next day he sailed up the bay until only eight or ten miles from the capital. On the 16th, the Japanese officials were glad to see the foreign ships, with their proud Commodore, sailing away. The visit had caused them great anxiety and trouble of mind. Commodore Perry did not come back till February of the next year. Then he had a larger fleet; nine ships in all. And he went farther up the bay than before and anchored opposite the village of Yokohama. This village has now grown into a large city. The Emperor's answer was ready, but there was much ceremony before it was delivered. There were several receptions, and at one of these the presents which Commodore Perry had brought were delivered. These were fine cloths, firearms, plows, and various other articles. The most valuable were a small locomotive and a railroad car. These were run in a circular track that was set up, and the Japanese looked on with wonder. Also a telegraph wire was set up and operated. This interested the Japanese more than anything else, but they took care not to show any surprise. In the Emperor's reply, he agreed that the American ships should be supplied with provisions and water, and that shipwrecked sailors should be kindly treated. And he also agreed to open to American ships another port besides that of Nagasaki, where the Dutch were received. The Commodore was not satisfied with this, and finally two new ports were opened to American commerce. And the Americans were given much more freedom to go about than was given to the Dutch or the Chinese. They refused to be treated like slaves. When it was all settled and the treaties were exchanged, Commodore Perry gave an elegant dinner on his flagship to the Japanese princes and officials. They enjoyed the American food greatly, but what they liked most was champagne wine, which they had never tasted before. One little Japanese got so merry with drinking this, that he sprang up and embraced the Commodore like a brother. Perry bore this with great good-humor. But just think of the importance of all this! For three centuries the empire of Japan had been shut like a locked box against the nations. Now the box was unlocked, and the people of the nations were free to come and go. For treaties were soon made with other countries, and the island empire was thrown open to the commerce of the world. CHAPTER XXI CAPTAIN INGRAHAM TEACHES AUSTRIA A LESSON OUR NAVY UPHOLDS THE RIGHTS OF AN AMERICAN IN A FOREIGN LAND NOW I have a story to tell you about how this country looks after its citizens abroad. It is not a long story, but it is a good one, and Americans have been proud of Captain Ingraham ever since his gallant act. In 1848 there was a great rebellion in Hungary against Austria. Some terrible fighting took place and then it was put down with much cruelty and slaughter. The Austrian government tried to seize all the leaders of the Hungarian patriots and put them to death, but several of them escaped to Turkey and took refuge in the City of Smyrna. Among these was the celebrated Louis Kossuth, and another man named Koszta. Austria asked Turkey to give these men up, but the Sultan of Turkey refused to do so. Soon after that Koszta came to the United States, and there in 1852 he took the first step towards becoming an American citizen. He was sure that the United States would take care of its citizens. And he found out that it would. The next year he had to go back to Smyrna on some business. That was not a safe place for him. The Austrians hated him as they did all the Hungarian patriots. They did not ask Turkey again to give him up, but there was an Austrian warship, the _Huszar_, in the harbor, and a plot was made to seize Koszta and take him on board this ship. Then he could easily be carried to Austria and put to death as a rebel. One day, while Koszta was sitting quietly in the Marina, a public place in Smyrna, he was seized by a number of Greeks, who had been hired to do so by the Austrian consul. They bound him with ropes and carried him on board the _Huszar_. It looked bad now for poor Koszta, for he was in the hands of his enemies. It is said that the Archduke John, brother of the Emperor of Austria, was captain of the ship. By his orders iron fetters were riveted on the ankles and wrists of Koszta, and he was locked up in the ship as one who had committed a great crime. But a piece of great good fortune for the prisoner happened, for the next day the _St. Louis_, an American sloop-of-war, came sailing into the harbor. Captain Duncan N. Ingraham, who had been a midshipman in the War of 1812, was in command. He was just the man to be there. He was soon told what had taken place, and that the prisoner claimed to be an American, and he at once sent an officer to the _Huszar_ and asked if he could see Koszta. He was told that he might do so. Captain Ingraham went to the Austrian ship and had an interview with the prisoner, who told him his story, and said that he had taken the first step to become a citizen of the United States. He begged the captain to protect him. Captain Ingraham was satisfied that Koszta had a just claim to the protection of the American flag, and asked the Austrians to release him. They refused to do so, and he then wrote to Mr. Brown, the American consul at Constantinople and asked him what he should do. Before he could get an answer a squadron of Austrian warships, six in number, came gliding into the harbor, and dropped anchor near the _Huszar_. It looked worse than ever now for poor Koszta, for what could the little _St. Louis_ do against seven big ships? But Captain Ingraham did not let that trouble him. In his mind right was stronger than might, and he was ready to fight ten to one for the honor of his flag. While he was waiting for an answer from Consul Brown he saw that the _Huszar_ was getting ready to leave the harbor. Her anchor was drawn up and her sails were set. Ingraham made up his mind that if the _Huszar_ left, it would have to be over the wreck of the _St. Louis_. He spread his sails in a hurry and drove his sloop-of-war right in the track of the Austrian ship. Then he gave orders to his men to make ready for a fight. When Archduke John saw the gun-ports of the _St. Louis_ open he brought his ship to a standstill and Captain Ingraham went on board. "What do you intend to do?" he asked. "To sail for home," said the Austrian. "Our consul orders us to take our prisoner to Austria." "You must pardon me," said Captain Ingraham, "but if you try to leave this port with that American I shall be compelled to resort to extreme measures." That was a polite way of saying that Koszta should not be taken away if he could prevent it. The Austrian looked at the six ships of his nation that lay near him. Then he looked at the one American ship. Then a pleasant smile came on his face. "I fear I shall have to go on, whether it is to your liking or not," he said, in a very polite tone. Captain Ingraham made no answer. He bowed to the Archduke and then descended into his boat and returned to the _St. Louis_. "Clear the ship for action!" he ordered. The tars sprang to their stations, the ports were opened, and the guns thrust out. There was many a grim face behind them. The Archduke stared when he saw these black-mouthed guns. He was in the wrong and he knew it. And he saw that the American meant business. He could soon settle the little _St. Louis_ with his seven ships. But the great United States was behind that one ship, and war might be behind all that. So the Archduke took the wisest course, turned his ship about, and sailed back. Then he sent word to Ingraham that he would wait till Consul Brown's answer came. The Consul's reply came on July 1. It said that Captain Ingraham had done just right, and advised him to go on and stand for the honor of his country. The daring American now took a bold step. He sent a note to the Archduke, demanding the release of Koszta. And he said that if the prisoner was not sent on board the _St. Louis_ by four o'clock the next afternoon, he would take him from the Austrians by force of arms. A refusal came back from the Austrian ship. They would not give up their prisoner, they said. Now it looked like war indeed. Captain Ingraham waited till eight o'clock the next morning, and then he had his decks cleared for action and brought his guns to bear on the _Huszar_. The seven Austrian ships turned their guns on the _St. Louis_. The train was laid; a spark might set it off. At ten o'clock an Austrian officer came on board the _St. Louis_. He began to talk round the subject. Ingraham would not listen to him. It must be one thing or nothing. "All I will agree to is to have the man given into the care of the French consul at Smyrna till you can hear from your government," he said. "But he must be delivered there or I will take him. I have stated the time at four o'clock this afternoon." The Austrian went back. When twelve o'clock came a boat left the _Huszar_ and was rowed in shore. An hour later the French consul sent word to Captain Ingraham that Koszta had been put under his charge. Captain Ingraham had won. Soon after, several of the Austrian ships got under way and left the harbor. They had tried to scare Captain Ingraham by a show of force, but they had tried in vain. When news of the event reached the United States everybody cheered the spirit of Captain Ingraham. He had given Europe a new idea of what the rights of an American citizen meant. The diplomats now took up the case and long letters passed between Vienna and Washington. But in the end Austria acknowledged that the United States was right, and sent an apology. As for Koszta, the American flag gave him life and liberty. Since then American citizenship has been respected everywhere. CHAPTER XXII THE "MONITOR" AND THE "MERRIMAC" A FIGHT WHICH CHANGED ALL NAVAL WARFARE. THE story I am now going to tell you takes us forward to the beginning of the great Civil War, that terrible conflict which went on during four long years between the people of the North and the South. Most of this war was on land, but there were some mighty battles at sea, and my story is of one of the greatest of these. You should know that up to 1860 all ocean battles were fought by ships with wooden sides, through which a ball from a great gun would often cut as easily as a knife through a piece of cheese. Some vessels had been built with iron overcoats, but none of these had met in war. It was not till March, 1862, that the first battle between ships with iron sides took place. The _Constitution_, you may remember, was called the _Old Ironsides_, but that was only a nickname, for she had wooden sides, and the first real Ironsides were the _Monitor_ and the _Merrimac_. Down in Virginia there is a great body of salt water known as Hampton Roads. The James River runs into it, and so does the Elizabeth River, a small stream which flows past the old City of Norfolk. When the Civil War opened there was at Norfolk a fine United States navy yard, with ships and guns and docks that had cost a great deal of money. But soon after the war began the United States officers in charge there ran away in a fright, having first set on fire everything that would burn. Among the ships there was the old frigate _Merrimac_, which was being repaired. This was set on fire, and blazed away brightly until it sank to the bottom and the salt water put out the blaze. That was a very bad business, for there was enough left of the old _Merrimac_ to make a great deal of trouble for the United States. What did the Confederates do but lift the _Merrimac_ out of the mud, and put her in the dry dock, and cut away the burnt part, and build over her a sloping roof of timbers two feet thick, until she looked something like Noah's ark. Then this was covered with iron plates four inches thick. In that way the first Confederate iron-clad ship was made. The people at Washington knew all about this ship and were very much alarmed. No one could tell what dreadful damage it might do if it got out to sea, and came up Chesapeake Bay and the Potomac River to the national capital. It might be much worse than when the British burnt Washington in 1814, for Washington was now a larger and finer city. Something had to be done, and right away, too. It would not do to wait for a monster like the _Merrimac_. So Captain John Ericsson, a famous engineer of New York, was ordered to build an iron ship-of-war as fast as he could. And he started to do so after a queer notion of his own. That is the way it came about that the two iron ships were being built at once, one at Norfolk and one at New York. And there was a race between the builders, for the first one finished would have the best chance. There was a lively rattle of hammers and tongs at both places, and it turned out that they were finished and ready for service only a few days apart. It was necessary to tell you all this so that you might know how the great fight came to be fought, and how Washington was saved from the iron dragon of the South. Now we are done with our story of ship-building and must go on to the story of battle and ruin. On the morning of March 8, 1862, the sun came up beautifully over the broad waters of Hampton Roads. The bright sunbeams lit up the sails of a row of stately vessels stretched out for miles over the smiling bay. There were five of these: the steam frigates _St. Lawrence_, _Roanoke_, and _Minnesota_; the sailing frigate _Congress_; and the sloop-of-war _Cumberland_. They were all wooden ships, but were some of the best men-of-war in the United States navy. All was still and quiet that fine morning. There was nothing to show that there was any trouble on board those noble ships. But there was alarm enough, for their captains knew that the _Merrimac_ was finished and might come at any hour. Very likely some of the officers thought that they could soon decide matters for this clumsy iron monster. But I fancy some of them did not sleep well and had bad dreams when they thought of what might happen. Just at the hour of noon the lookout on the _Cumberland_ saw a long black line of smoke coming from the way of Norfolk. Soon three steamers were seen. One of these did not look like a ship at all, but like a low black box, from which the smoke puffed up in a thick cloud. But they knew very well what this odd-looking craft was. It was the _Merrimac_. It had come out for a trial trip. But it was a new kind of trial its men were after: the trial by battle. Down came the iron-clad ship, with her sloping roof black in the sunlight. Past the _Congress_ she went, both ships firing. But the great guns of the _Congress_ did no more harm than so many pea-shooters; while the shot of the _Merrimac_ went clear through the wooden ships, leaving death in their track. Then the iron monster headed for the _Cumberland_. That was a terrible hour for the men on the neat little sloop-of-war. They worked for their lives, loading and firing, and firing as fast as they could, but not a shot went through that grim iron wall. In a few minutes the _Merrimac_ came gliding up and struck the _Cumberland_ a frightful blow with her iron nose, tearing through the thick oaken timbers and making a great hole in her side. Then she backed off and the water rushed in. In a minute the good ship began to sink, while the _Merrimac_ poured shot and shell into her wounded ribs. "Do you surrender?" asked one of the officers of the _Merrimac_. "Never!" said Lieutenant Morris, who commanded the _Cumberland_. "I'll sink alongside before I pull down that flag." He was a true Yankee seaman; one of the "no surrender" kind. Down, inch by inch, settled the doomed ship. But her men stuck grimly to their guns, and fired their last shot just as she sank out of sight. Then all who had not saved themselves in the boats leaped overboard and swam ashore, but a great many of the dead and wounded went down with the ship. She sank like a true Yankee hero, with her flag flying, and when she struck bottom, with only the tops of her masts above water, "Old Glory" still fluttered proudly in the breeze. That was the way it went when iron first met wood in naval warfare. The victor now turned to the _Congress_ and another fierce battle began. But the wooden ship had no chance. For an hour her men fought bravely, but her great guns were of no use, and a white flag was raised. She had surrendered, but the Confederates could not take possession, for there were batteries on shore that drove them off. So they fired hot shot into the _Congress_ and soon she was in a blaze. It was now five o'clock in the afternoon, and the _Merrimac_ steamed away with the Confederate flag flying in triumph. She had finished her work for that day. It was a famous trial trip. She would come back the next and sink the vessels still afloat--if nothing hindered. For hours that night the _Congress_ blazed like a mighty torch, the flames lighting up the water and land for miles around. It was after midnight when the fire reached her magazine and she blew up with a terrific noise, scattering her timbers far and near. The men on the _Merrimac_ looked proudly at the burning ship. It was a great triumph for them. But they saw one thing by her light they did not like so well. Off towards Fortress Monroe there lay in the water a strange-looking thing, which had not been there an hour before. What queer low ship was that? And where had it come from? The sun rose on the morning of Sunday, March 9, and an hour later the _Merrimac_ was again under way to finish her work. Not far from where the _Congress_ had burnt lay the _Minnesota_. She had run aground and looked like an easy prey. But close beside her was the floating thing they had observed the night before, the queerest-looking craft that had ever been seen. Everybody opened their eyes wide and stared as at a show when they saw this strange object. They called it "a cheese box on a raft," and that was a good name for its queer appearance. For the deck was nearly on a level with the water, and over its centre rose something like a round iron box. But it had two great guns sticking out of its tough sides. It was the _Monitor_, the new vessel which Captain Ericsson had built and sent down to fight the _Merrimac_. But none who saw this little low thing thought it could stand long before the great Confederate iron-clad. It looked a little like a slim tiger or leopard before a great rhinoceros or elephant. The men on the _Merrimac_ did not seem to think it worth minding, for they came steaming up and began firing at the _Minnesota_ when they were a mile away. Then away from the side of the great frigate glided the little _Monitor_, heading straight for her clumsy antagonist. She looked like no more than a mouthful for the big ship, and men gazed at her with dread. She seemed to be going straight to destruction. But the brave fellows on the _Monitor_ had no such thoughts as that. "Let her have it," said Captain Worden, when they came near; and one of the great eleven-inch guns boomed like a volcano. The huge iron ball, weighing about 175 pounds, struck the plates of the _Merrimac_ with a thundering crash, splitting and splintering them before it bounded off. The broadside of the _Merrimac_ boomed back, but the balls glanced away from the thick round sides of the turret and did not harm. Then the turret was whirled round like a top, and the gun on the other side came round and was fired. Again the _Merrimac_ fired back, and the great battle was on. For two hours the iron ships fought like two mighty wrestlers of the seas. Smoke filled the turret so that the men of the _Monitor_ did not know how to aim their guns. The _Merrimac_ could fire three times to her one, but not a ball took effect. It was like a battle in a cloud. "Why are you not firing?" asked Lieutenant Jones of a gun captain. "Why, powder is getting scarce," he replied, "and I find I can do that whiffet as much harm by snapping my finger and thumb every three minutes." Then Lieutenant Jones tried to sink the _Monitor_. Five times the great iron monster came rushing up upon the little Yankee craft, but each time it glided easily away. But when the _Merrimac_ came up the sixth time Captain Worden did not try to escape. The _Monitor_ waited for the blow. Up rushed the _Merrimac_ at full speed and struck her a fierce blow. But the iron armor did not give way, and the great ship rode up on the little one's deck till she was lifted several feet. The little _Monitor_ sank down under the _Merrimac_ till the water washed across her deck; then she slid lightly out and rose up all right again, while the _Merrimac_ started a leak in its own bow. At the same moment one of the _Monitor's_ great guns was fired and the ball struck the _Merrimac_, breaking the iron plates and bulging in the thick wood backing. Thus for hour after hour the fight went on. For six hours the iron ships struggled and fought, but neither ship was much the worse, while nobody was badly hurt. The end of the fight came in this way: There was a little pilot-house on the deck of the _Monitor_, with a slot in its side from which Captain Worden watched what was going on, so that he could give orders to his men. Up against this there came a shell that filled the face and eyes of the captain with grains of powder and splinters of iron, and flung him down blind and helpless. Blood poured from every pore of his face. The same shot knocked an iron plate from the top of the pilot-house and let in the daylight in a flood. When the light came pouring in Captain Worden, with his blinded eyes, thought something very serious had happened, and gave orders for the _Monitor_ to draw off to see what damage was done. Before she came back the _Merrimac_ was far away. She was leaking badly and her officers thought it about time to steam away for home. That was the end of the great battle. Neither side had won the victory, but it was a famous fight for all that. For it was the first battle of iron-clad ships in the history of the world. Since then no great warship has been built without iron sides. Only small vessels are now made all of wood. That was the first and last battle of the _Monitor_ and the _Merrimac_. For a long time they watched each other like two bull-dogs ready for a fight. But neither came to blows. Then, two months after the great battle, the _Merrimac_ was set on fire and blown up. The Union forces were getting near Norfolk and her officers were afraid she would be taken, so they did what the Union officers had done before. The _Monitor_ had done her work well, but her time also soon came. Ten months after the great battle she was sent out to sea, and there she went to the bottom in a gale. Such was the fate of the pioneer iron-clads. But they had fought a mighty fight, and had taught the nations of the world a lesson they would not soon forget. In that grim deed between the first two iron-clad ships a revolution took place in naval war. The great frigates, with their long rows of guns, were soon to be of little more use than floating logs. More than forty years have passed since then, and now all the great war-vessels are clad in armor of the hardest steel. CHAPTER XXIII COMMODORE FARRAGUT WINS RENOWN THE HERO OF MOBILE BAY LASHES HIMSELF TO THE MAST AN old friend of ours is David G. Farragut. We met him, you may remember, years ago, on the old _Essex_, under Captain Porter, when he was a boy of only about ten years of age. Young as he was, he did good work on that fine ship during her cruise in the Pacific and her last great fight. When the Civil War began Farragut had got to be quite an old boy. He was sixty years of age and a captain in the navy. He had been born in the South and now lived in Virginia, and the Confederates very much wanted him to fight on their side. "Not after fighting fifty years for the old flag," he said. "And mind what I tell you; you fellows will catch much more than you want before you get through with this business." And so Farragut reported for duty under the old flag. Very soon the ships of the government were busy all along the coast, blockading ports and chasing blockade runners, and fighting wherever they saw a chance. One such chance, a big one, came away down South. For there was the large City of New Orleans, which the British had tried to take nearly fifty years before; and there was the Mississippi River that led straight to it. But strong forts had been built along that river and armed boats were on its waters, and the Yankees of the North might find it as hard to get there as the British did. Now I have to speak of another brave man and good seaman, David D. Porter. He was a son of the captain of the old _Essex_, and a life-long friend of David G. Farragut. Porter was sent down to help blockade the Mississippi in the summer of 1861, and while there he found out all about the forts and the ships on the river. Then he went to Washington and told the Secretary of the Navy all he had learned, and asked him to send down a fleet to try to capture the city. "Where can I find the right man for a big job like that?" asked the Secretary. "Captain Farragut is your man," said Porter. "You have him now on committee work, where a man like him is just wasted, for you have not half as good a seaman on any of your ships." And in that way the gallant Farragut was chosen to command the fleet to be sent to capture the great city of the South. Porter, you see, did not ask for a command for himself, but for his friend. When the fleet was got ready it numbered nearly twenty vessels, but most of them were gunboats, and none of them were very large. The Mississippi was not the place for very large ships. Farragut chose the sloop-of-war _Hartford_ for his flagship and sailed merrily away for the mighty river. He did not forget his friend Porter. For twenty mortar boats were added to the fleet, and Porter was given command of these. A mortar, you should know, is a kind of a short cannon made to throw large shells or balls. It is pointed upward so as to throw them high up into the air and then let them fall straight down on a fort. Porter's mortar boats were schooners that carried cannons of this kind. When Farragut had sailed his fleet into the river, he made ready for the great fight before him. Of course, he had no iron-clads, for the _Monitor_ had just fought its great battle and no other iron-clads had been built. So he stretched iron chains up and down the sides of his ships to stop cannon balls. Then bags of coal and sand were piled round the boilers and engines to keep them safe, and nets were hung to catch flying splinters, which, in a fight at sea, are often worse than bullets. But the most interesting thing done was to the mortar boats. These were to be anchored down the stream below the forts, and limbs of trees full of green leaves were tied on their masts, so they could not be told from the trees on the river-bank. As they went up the river they looked like a green grove afloat. Now let us take a look at what the Confederates were doing. They were not asleep, you may be sure. They had built two strong forts, one on each side of the river, just where it made a sharp bend. One of these was named Fort Jackson and the other Fort St. Philip. There were more than a hundred cannon in these forts, but most of them were small ones. They had also stretched iron cables across the river, with rafts and small vessels to hold them up. These were to stop the fleet from going up the river, and to hold it fast while the forts could pour shot and shell into it. They had also many steamboats with cannon on them. One of these, the _Louisiana_, was covered with iron. Another was a ram, called the _Manassas_. This had a sharp iron beak, to ram and sink other vessels. And there were great coal barges, filled with fat pine knots. These were meant for fire-ships. You will learn farther on how these were to be used. You may see from this that Farragut had some hard work before him. Even if he got past the chains and the forts, all his ships might be set on fire by the fire-ships. But the bold captain was not one of the kind that mind things like that. Now let us go on to the story of the terrible river fight, which has long been one of the most famous battles of the war. Porter's mortar boats were anchored under the trees on the river-bank, two miles below the forts. With their green-clad masts they looked like trees themselves. At ten o'clock in the morning of April 18, 1862, the first mortar sent its big shell whizzing through the air. And for six days this was kept up, each of the mortars booming out once every ten minutes. That made one shot for every half-minute. Two days after the mortars began, a bold thing was done. The gunboat _Itasca_ set out in the darkness of the night and managed to get between the shore and the chain. Then it ran up stream above the chain till it got a good headway. It now turned round and came down at full speed before the strong current. Fort Jackson was firing, and balls were rattling all about the bold _Itasca_, but she rushed on through them all. Plump against the chain she came, with a thud that lifted her three feet out of the water. Then the chain snapped in two and away went the _Itasca_ down stream. The barrier was broken and the way to New Orleans lay open before the fleet. On the 23d of April Farragut gave his orders to the captains of the fleet. That night they were to try to pass the forts and fight their way to New Orleans. At two o'clock in the morning came the welcome order, "All hands up anchor!" and at three o'clock all was ready for the start. The night was dark, but on the banks near Fort Jackson there was a blazing wood fire, that threw its light across the stream. And Porter's bombs were being fired as fast as the men could drop the balls into them, so that there was a great arch of fiery shells between the mortar boats and the forts. The gunboat _Cayuga_ led the way through the broken barrier. After her came the _Pensacola_, one of the large vessels. All this time the forts had kept still, but now they blazed out with all their guns, and the air was full of the booming of cannon and the screeching of shells from forts and ships. Great piles of wood were kindled on the banks, and the fire-ships up stream were sent blazing down the river as the steam vessels came rushing up into the fire of the forts. Never had the Mississippi seen so terrible a night. The blazing wood and flashing guns made it as light as day, and the roar was like ten thunderstorms. Soon the _Hartford_ came on, with Farragut on her deck. So thick was the smoke that she ran aground, and before she could get off a fire-ship came blazing down against her side, pushed by a tug-boat straight on to her. In a minute the paint on the ship's side was in a blaze and the flames shot up half as high as the masts. The men at the guns drew back from the scorching heat. "Don't flinch from that blaze, boys," cried Farragut. "Those who don't do their duty here will find a hotter fire than that." For a brief time the good ship was in great danger. But a shower of shells sent the daring tug-boat to the bottom, and the fire-ship floated away. Then a hose-pipe spurted water on the flames. The fire was put out and the _Hartford_ was saved. That was only the beginning of the great battle. From that time on, fire and flame, boom and roar, death and destruction, were everywhere. The great shells from the mortars dropped bursting into the forts. The huge wood piles blazed high on the banks. Ships and forts hurled a frightful shower of shells at each other. Blazing fire-ships came drifting down. The foremost boats were fiercely fighting with the Confederate craft. The hindmost boats were fighting with the forts. The uproar seemed enough to drive the very moon from the sky. But soon victory began to hold out her hand to the Union fleet. For all the ships passed the forts, some of the Confederate vessels were driven ashore and others fled up stream; and in a little while only three of them were left, and these were kept safe under the guns of the fort. The battle had been fought and won, and the triumphant fleet steamed up the river to New Orleans. The forts were still there, but what could they do, with Union forces above and below? Four days after the fight they were surrendered to Porter and his mortar fleet. There was one final act to the great Mississippi battle. For as Commander Porter, in his flagship, lay near Fort Jackson, down on him came the iron-clad _Louisiana_, all in a blaze. But just before she reached his vessel she blew up; and that was the end of the _Louisiana_ and the fight. The river was open and New Orleans was captured. Thus ended the greatest naval battle of the Civil War. Two years and more afterward Farragut fought another great battle. This was in the Bay of Mobile, then a great place for blockade-runners. These were swift vessels that brought goods from Europe to the South. The Union fleet did all it could to stop them, but they could not be stopped at Mobile from outside, so Farragut was told to fight his way inside the bay. And that is what he did. Mobile Bay is like a great bell, thirty miles long and fifteen miles wide. There are two islands at the mouth, so that the entrance is not more than a mile wide. And on each of these islands was a strong fort, which had been built by the government before the war. The Confederates had taken possession of these forts and had big guns in them. The first thing to do was to pass the forts. No chain could be put across the channel here, but there was something worse, for nearly two hundred torpedoes were planted in the water near the forts. Some of these were made of beer-kegs and some of tin; and they were planted so thickly that it was not easy to get in without setting them off. Then, when the fort and the torpedoes were passed, there were the ships. Three of these were small gunboats, of not much account. But there was a great iron-clad ship, the _Tennessee_, which was twice as strong as the _Merrimac_. It was covered with iron five or six inches thick, and carried a half-dozen big guns. Franklin Buchanan, who had been captain of the _Merrimac_, was admiral of the _Tennessee_. But Admiral Farragut--he was an admiral now--had his iron-clad vessels, too. Four monitors like the old _Monitor_ of Hampton Roads, had been built and sent him, and these, with his wooden vessels, made nearly twenty ships. Such was the fleet with which Farragut set out for his second great victory, early in the morning of August 5, 1864. It was six o'clock when the ships crossed the bar and headed in for Fort Morgan. On they went, bravely, firing at the fort. But not a shot came back till the leading ships were in front of its strong stone walls. Then there began a terrible roar, and a storm of iron balls poured out at the ships. If the guns had been well aimed, dreadful work might have been done, but the balls went screaming through the air and hardly touched a ship. And the fierce fire from the ships drove many of the men in the fort from their guns. But now there is a terrible tale to tell, a tale of death and destruction, of the sinking of a ship with her captain and nearly all her crew on board. This was the monitor _Tecumseh_. It was steered straight out where the torpedoes lay thick. Suddenly there came a dull roar. The bow of the iron-clad was lifted like a feather out of the water. Then it sank till it pointed downward like a boy diving, and the stern was lifted up into the air. In a second more the good ship went down with a mighty plunge. But with this there is also one fine story, the story of a gallant man. This was Captain Craven, of the _Tecumseh_. He and the pilot were in the pilot-house and both sprang for the opening. But there was room only for one. The brave captain drew back. "After you, pilot," he said. The pilot escaped, but the noble captain, with ninety-two of his men, sank to the depths. A boat was sent to pick up the swimmers, with a gallant young ensign, H. C. Neilds, in charge. Out they rowed where the waters were being torn and threshed with shot and shell. The ensign was only a boy, but he had the spirit of a Perry. He saw that his flag was not flying, and he coolly raised it in the face of the foe, and then sat down to steer. Brave men were there by the hundreds, but none were braver than their admiral, their immortal Farragut. The smoke blinded his eyes on deck, so he climbed to the top of the mainmast, and there, lashed to the rigging, he went in through the thick of the fire. Shells screeched past him, great iron balls hustled by his ears, but not a quiver came over his noble face. He had to be where he could see, he said. Danger did not count where duty called. On past the forts went ships and monitors, heedless of torpedoes or of the fate of the _Tecumseh_. Only one captain showed the white feather. The _Brooklyn_ held back. "What is the matter?" screamed Farragut. "Torpedoes," was the only word that reached his ears. The gallant admiral then used a strong word. It was not a word to be used in polite society. But we must remember that battle was raging about him and he was in a fury. "Damn the torpedoes!" he cried. "Follow me!" Straight on the good ship sailed, right for the nest of torpedoes, with the admiral in the shrouds. In a minute more the _Hartford_ was among them. They could be heard striking against her bottom. Their percussion caps snapped, but not one went off. Their tin cases had rusted and they were spoiled. Only one of them all went off that dreadful day of battle. That saved many of the ships. The fort and the torpedoes were passed, but the Confederate ships remained. It did not take long to settle for the gunboats, but the iron-clad _Tennessee_ remained. Putting on all steam, this great ship ran down on the Union fleet. Through the whole line it went and on to the fort. But it was as slow as a tub and the ships were easily kept out of its way. Then, when the men were at breakfast, back again came the _Tennessee_. They left their coffee and ran to their guns. It was like the old story of the _Merrimac_ and the wooden ships in Hampton Roads. But Farragut did not wait to be rammed by the _Tennessee_. If ramming was to be done he wanted to do it himself. So all the large vessels steamed head on for the iron-clad, butting her right and left. They hit one another, too, and the _Hartford_ came near being sunk. Then came the monitors, as the first _Monitor_ had come against the _Merrimac_. There were three of these left, but one did the work, the _Chickasaw_. She clung like a burr to the _Tennessee_, pouring in her great iron balls, and doing so much damage that soon the great ship was like a floating hulk. It could not be steered nor its guns fired. For twenty minutes it stood this dreadful hammering, and then its flag came down. The battle was won. "It was the most desperate battle I ever fought since the days of the old _Essex_," said Farragut. The figure of the brave admiral in the rigging, fighting his ship amid a cyclone of shot and shell, made him the hero of the American people. It was like Dewey on the bridge in Manila Bay in a later war. There was no rank high enough in the navy to fit the glory he had won, so one was made for him, the rank of admiral. There was rear-admiral and vice-admiral, but admiral was new and higher still. Only two men have held this rank since his day, his good friend and comrade, David D. Porter, and the brave George Dewey. CHAPTER XXIV A RIVER FLEET IN A HAIL OF FIRE ADMIRAL PORTER RUNS BY THE FORTS IN A NOVEL WAY OF course you know what a tremendous task the North had before it in the Civil War. The war between the North and the South was like a battle of giants. And in this vast contest the navy had to do its share, both out at sea and on the rivers of the country. One of its big bits of work was to cut off the left arm of the Confederacy, and leave it only its right arm to fight with. By the left arm I mean the three states west of the Mississippi River, and by the right arm, the eight states east of that great river. To cut off this left arm the government had to get control of the whole river, from St. Louis to the Gulf, so that no Confederate troops could cross the great stream. You have read how Farragut and Porter began this work, by capturing New Orleans and all the river below it. And they went far up the river, too. But in the end such great forts were built at Vicksburg and Port Hudson and other points that the Confederate government held the river in a tight grasp. In this way the Confederacy became master of the Mississippi for a thousand miles. We are to see now how it was taken from their grasp. James B. Eads, the engineer who built the great railroad bridge over the Mississippi at St. Louis, made the first iron-clads for the West. There were seven of these. They were river steamers, and were covered with iron, but it was not very thick. Two others were afterward built, making nine in all. Each of these boats had thirteen guns, and they did good work in helping the army to capture two strong Confederate forts in Kentucky. Then they went down the Mississippi to an island that was called Island No. 10. It was covered with forts, stretching one after another all along its shore. A number of mortar boats were brought down and threw shells into the forts till they were half paved with iron. But all that did no good. Then Admiral Foote was asked to send one of the boats down past the forts. That was dreadfully dangerous work, for there were guns enough in them to sink twenty such boats. But Captain Walke thought he could take his boat, the _Carondelet_, down, and the admiral told him he might try. What was the _Carondelet_ like, do you ask? Well, she was a long, wide boat, with sloping sides and a flat roof, and was covered with iron two and a half inches thick. Four of her guns peeped out from each side, while three looked out from the front door, and two from the back door of the boat. Captain Walke did not half expect to get through the iron storm from the forts. To make his boat stronger, extra planks were laid on her deck and chain cables were drawn tightly across it. Then lumber was heaped thickly round the boiler and engines, and ropes were wrapped round and round the pilot-house till they were eighteen inches thick. After that a barge filled with bales of hay was tied fast to the side that would catch the fire of the forts. Something was done also to stop the noise of the steam pipes, for Captain Walke thought he might slip down at night without being seen or heard. On the night of April 10, 1862, the boat made its dash down stream. It started just as a heavy thunderstorm came on. The wind whistled, the rain poured down in sheets, and the men in the forts hid from the storm. They were not thinking then of runaway gunboats. But something nobody had thought of now took place. The blazing wood in the furnaces set fire to the soot in the chimneys, and in a minute the boat was like a great flaming torch. As the men in the forts sprang up, the lightning flashed out on the clouds, and lit up "the gallant little ship floating past like a phantom." The gunners did not mind the rain any more. They ran in great haste to their guns, and soon the batteries were flaming and roaring louder than the thunder itself. Fort after fort took it up as the _Carondelet_ slid swiftly past. The lightning and the blazing smoke-stack showed her plainly to the gunners. But the bright flashes blinded their eyes so that they could not half aim their guns. And thus it was that the brave little _Carondelet_ went under the fire of fifty guns without being harmed. Soon after that Island No. 10 was given up to the Union forces. Then the gunboats went farther down the river, and had two hard fights with Confederate boats, one at Fort Pillow and one at Memphis. Both these places were captured, and in that way the river was opened all the way from St. Louis to Vicksburg. The City of Vicksburg is in the State of Mississippi, about two hundred miles above New Orleans. Here are high river banks; and these were covered thick with forts, so that Vicksburg was the strongest place along the whole stream. There were also strong forts at Port Hudson, about seventy-five miles below Vicksburg; and these seventy-five miles were all the Confederates now held of the great stream. But they held these with a very strong hand and were not to let go easily. There were some great events at Vicksburg; and I must tell about a few of these next. After New Orleans was taken Farragut took his ships up the river, running past the forts. He could easily have taken Vicksburg then, if he had had any soldiers. But he had none, and it took a great army of soldiers, under General Grant, to capture it a year afterward. David D. Porter, who had helped Farragut so well in his great fight, was put in command of the Mississippi fleet. He had a number of iron-clad boats under him, some of them having iron so thin that they were called tin-clads. Commodore Porter had plenty to do. Now he sent his boats up through the Yazoo swamps, then they had a fight on the Arkansas River; and in this way he was kept busy. In February, 1863, he sent two of his boats, the _Queen of the West_ and the _Indianola_, down past the Vicksburg forts. That was an easy run. There was plenty of firing, but nobody was hurt. But after they got below they found trouble enough. First, the _Queen of the West_ ran aground and could not be got off. Then the _Indianola_ had a hole rammed in her side by a Confederate boat and went to the bottom. So there wasn't much gained by sending these two boats down stream. But a curious thing took place. The Confederates got the _Queen of the West_ off the mud, and tried to raise the _Indianola_ and stop its leaks. While they were hard at work at this they heard a frightful roar from the Vicksburg batteries. Looking up stream they saw a big boat coming down upon them at full speed. When they saw this they put the two big guns of the _Indianola_ mouth to mouth, fired them into each other to ruin them, and then ran away. But weren't they vexed afterward when they learned that the boat that scared them was only a dummy which Porter's men had sent down the river in a frolic. After that, the river batteries did not give the ships much trouble. When the right time came Porter's fleet ran down the river through the fire of all the forts. One boat caught fire and sank, but all the rest passed safely through. This was done to help General Grant, who was marching his army down, to get below Vicksburg. I suppose all readers of American history know about the great event of the 4th of July, 1863. On that day Vicksburg was given up to the Union forces, with all its forts and all its men. Five days afterward Port Hudson surrendered. Porter and his boats now held the great river through all its length. But there is something more to tell about Admiral Porter, who was a rear-admiral now. In the spring of 1864 General Banks was sent with an army up the Red River. He was going to Shreveport, which is about four hundred miles above where the Red River runs into the Mississippi. Porter went along with his river fleet to help. Now, no more need be said about Banks and his army, except that the whole expedition was only a waste of time, for it did no good; and there would be nothing to say about Porter and his fleet, if they had not gotten into a bad scrape which gave them hard work to get out. The boats went up the river easily enough, but when they tried to come down they found themselves in a trap. For after they had gone up, the river began to fall and the water came to be very low. There are two rapids, or small falls, on this part of the Red River, which show only at low water. They showed plainly enough now; and there were twelve of the boats above them, caught fast. What was to be done? If they tried to run down the falls they would be smashed into kindling wood. It looked very much as if they would have to be left for the Confederates, or set on fire and burned. By good luck there was one man there who knew what to do. He was a lieutenant-colonel from Wisconsin, named Joseph Baily. He had been a log-driver before the war and knew what was done when logs got jammed in a stream. When he told his plan he was laughed at by some who thought it very foolish, but Porter told him to go ahead. So, with 2,000 soldiers from Maine, who knew all about logging, he went into the woods, chopped down trees, and built a dam below the falls. The men worked so hard that it took them only eight days to build the dam; which was wonderfully quick work. A place was left open in the center, and there four barges loaded with brick were sunk. When the dam was finished it lifted the water six feet higher, and down in safety went three of the steamers, while the army shouted and cheered. But just then two of the sunken barges were carried away, and the water poured through the break in a flood. The gunboat _Lexington_ was just ready to start. Admiral Porter stood on the bank watching. "Go ahead!" he shouted. At once the engines were started and the _Lexington_ shot down the foaming rapid. There were no cheers now; everybody was still. Down she went, rolling and leaping on the wild waters; but soon she shot safe into the still pool below. All the other vessels were also safely taken down. CHAPTER XXV THE SINKING OF THE "ALBEMARLE" LIEUTENANT CUSHING PERFORMS THE MOST GALLANT DEED OF THE CIVIL WAR NOW I am going to tell you about one of the most gallant deeds done in the navy during the whole Civil War. The man who did it was brave enough to be made admiral of the fleet, yet he did not get even a gold medal for his deed. But he is one of our heroes. It is all about an iron-clad steamer, and how it was sent to rest in the mud of a river-bottom. The Confederate government had very bad luck with its iron-clads. It was busy enough building them, but they did not pay for their cost. The _Merrimac_ did the most harm, but it soon went up in fire and smoke. Then there were the _Louisiana_ at New Orleans, and the _Tennessee_ at Mobile. Farragut made short work of them. Two were built at Charleston which were of little use. The last of them all was the _Albemarle_, whose story I am about to tell. The Roanoke River, in North Carolina, was a fine stream for blockade-runners. There was a long line of ships and gunboats outside, but in spite of them these swift runaways kept dashing in, loaded with goods for the people. Poor people! they needed them badly enough, for they had little of anything except what they could raise in their fields. But the gunboats kept pushing farther into the river, and gave the Confederates no end of trouble. So they began to build an iron-clad which they thought could drive these wooden wasps away. This iron-clad was a queer ship. Its keel was laid in a cornfield; its bolts and bars were hammered out in a blacksmith shop. Iron for its engines was picked up from the scrap heaps of the iron works at Richmond. Some of the Confederates laughed at it themselves; but they deserved great credit for building a ship under such difficulties as these. It was finished in April, 1864, and nobody laughed at it when they saw it afloat. It was like the _Merrimac_ in shape, and was covered with iron four inches thick. They named it the _Albemarle_. Very soon the _Albemarle_ showed that it was no laughing matter. It sunk one gunboat and made another run away in great haste. Then it had a fight with four of them at once and drove one of these lame and limping away. The others did not come too near. After that it went back to the town of Plymouth and was tied up at the wharf. There was another iron-clad being built, and the _Albemarle_ was kept waiting, so that the two could work together. That was a bad thing for the _Albemarle_, for she never went out again. This brings us back to the gallant deed I spoke of, and the gallant fellow who did the deed. His name was William B. Cushing. He was little more than a boy, just twenty-one years old, but he did not know what it meant to be afraid, and he had done so many daring things already that he had been made a lieutenant. He wanted to try to destroy the _Albemarle_, and his captain, who knew how bold a fellow he was, told him to go ahead and do his best. So on a dark night in October, 1864, brave young Cushing started up the river in a steam launch, with men and guns. At the bow of this launch was a long spar, and at the end of this spar was a torpedo holding a hundred pounds of dynamite. There was a trigger and a cap to set this off, a string to lower the spar and another to pull the trigger. But it was a poor affair to send on such an expedition as that. And this was not the worst. Some of the newspapers had found out what Cushing was going to do, and printed the whole story. And some of these newspapers got down South and let out the secret. That is what is called "newspaper enterprise." It is very good in its right place, but it was a sort of enterprise that nearly spoiled Cushing's plans. For the Confederates put lines of sentries along the river, and stationed a lookout down the stream, and placed a whole regiment of soldiers near the wharf. And logs were chained fast around the vessel so that no torpedo spar could reach her. And the men on board were sharply on the watch. That is what the newspapers did for Lieutenant Cushing. Of course, the young lieutenant did not know all this, and he felt full of hope as his boat went up stream without being seen or heard. The night was very dark and there were no lights on board, and the engines were new and made no noise. So he passed the lookout in the river and the sentries on the banks without an eye seeing him or his boat. But when he came up to the iron-clad his hopes went down. For there was the boom of logs so far out that his spar could not reach her. What was he to do? Should he land at the wharf and take his men on board, and try to capture her where she lay? Before he had time to think it was too late for that. A sentry on board saw the launch and called out: "Boat ahoy!" There was no answer. "What boat is that?" Still no answer. Then came a musket shot, and then a rattle of musketry from the river bank. A minute after lights flashed out and men came running down the wharf. The ship's crew tumbled up from below. All was haste and confusion. Almost any man would have given it up for lost and run for safety. But Cushing was not of that kind. It did not take him a second to decide. He ran the launch out into the stream, turned her round, and dashed at full speed straight for the boom. A storm of bullets came from the deck of the _Albemarle_, but he heeded them no more than if they had been snowflakes. In a minute the bow of the launch struck the logs. They were slippery with river slime and the light boat climbed up on them, driving them down under the water. Over she went, and slid into the water inside the boom. Cushing stood in the bow, with the trigger-string in his hand. He lowered the torpedo under the hull of the iron-clad, lifted it till he felt it touch her bottom, and then pulled the string. There came two loud reports. A hundred-pounder gun was being fired from the ship's side right over his head. Along with it came a dull roar from under the water. The dynamite torpedo had gone off, tearing a great hole in the wooden bottom. In a minute the ill-fated _Albemarle_ began to sink. The launch was fast inside the boom, and the wave from her torpedo was rushing over her, carrying her down. "Surrender," came a voice from above. "Never! Swim for your lives, men," cried Cushing, and he sprang into the flowing stream. Two or three bullets had gone through his clothing, but he was unhurt, and swam swiftly away, his men after him. Only Cushing and one of the men got away. The others were captured, except one who was drowned. Boats were quickly out, a fire of logs was made on the wharf, which threw its light far out over the stream, but he reached the shore unseen, chilled to the bone and completely worn out. A sentry was pacing on the wall of a fort over his head, men passed looking for him, but he managed to creep to the swamp nearby and hide in the mud and reeds. There he lay till the break of day. Then he crawled on till he got into a cornfield nearby. Now for the first time he could stand up and walk. But just as he got to the other side of the field he came face to face with a man. Cushing was not afraid. It was a black face. In those days no Union soldier was afraid of a black face. The slaves would do anything for "Massa Linkums' sojers." The young lieutenant was almost as black as the slave after his long crawl through the mud. Cushing told him who he was, and sent him into the town for news, waiting in the cornfield for his return. After an hour the messenger came back. His face was smiling with delight. "Good news, Massa," he said. "De big iron ship's gone to de bottom suah. Folks dar say she'll neber git up agin." "Mighty good," said Cushing. "Now, old man, tell me how I can get back to the ships." The negro told him all he could, and with a warm "Good-bye" the fugitive took to the swamp again. On he went, hour by hour, forcing his way through the thick bushes and wading in the deep mud. Thus he went on, mile after mile, until at length, at two o'clock in the afternoon, he found himself on the banks of a narrow creek. Here he heard voices and drew back. Looking through the bushes he saw a party of seven soldiers just landing from a boat. They tied the boat to the root of a tree and went up a path that led back from the river. Soon they stopped, sat down, and began to eat their dinner. They could see their boat from where they sat, but they were too busy eating to think of that. Here was Cushing's chance. It was a desperate one, but he was ready to try anything. He lowered himself quietly into the stream, swam across, and untied the boat. Then he noiselessly pushed it out and swam with it down stream. As soon as he was out of sight of the soldiers he climbed in and rowed away as fast as he could. What the soldiers thought and said when they missed their boat nobody knows. He did not see them again. It was a long journey. The creek was crooked and winding. Night came on before he reached the river. Then he paddled on till midnight. Ten hours of hard toil had passed when he saw the dark hull of a gunboat nearby. "Ship ahoy!" he cried. "Who goes there?" called the lookout. "A friend. Take me up." A boat was lowered and rowed towards him. The officer in it looked with surprise when he saw a mud-covered man, with scratched and bleeding face. "Who are you?" he asked. "Lieutenant Cushing, or what is left of him." "Cushing!--and how about the _Albemarle_?" "She will never trouble Uncle Sam's ships again. She lies in her muddy grave on the bottom of the Roanoke." Cheers followed this welcome news, and when the gallant lieutenant was safe on board the _Valley City_ the cheers grew tenfold. For Lieutenant Cushing had done a deed which was matched for daring only once in the history of our navy, and that was when Decatur burned the _Philadelphia_ in the harbor of Tripoli. CHAPTER XXVI HOW THE "GLOUCESTER" REVENGED THE SINKING OF THE "MAINE" DEADLY AND HEROIC DEEDS IN THE WAR WITH SPAIN IF you look at a map of the country we dwell in, you will see that it has a finger pointing south. That finger is called Florida, and it points to the beautiful island of Cuba, which spreads out there to right and left across the sea of the South. The Spaniards in Cuba were very angry when they found the United States trying to stop the war which they had carried on so mercilessly. They thought this country had nothing to do with their affairs. And in Havana, the capital city of the island, riots broke out and Americans were insulted. Never before in the history of the United States navy had there been so terrible a disaster as the sinking of the _Maine_ by a frightful and deadly explosion in the harbor of Havana, Cuba, on February 15, 1898, and never was there greater grief and indignation in the United States than when the story was told. Do you know what followed this dreadful disaster? But of course you do, for it seems almost yesterday that the _Maine_ went down with her slaughtered crew. Everybody said that the Spaniards had done this terrible deed and Spain should pay for it. We all said so and thought so, you and I and all true Americans. Before the loss of the _Maine_ many people thought we ought to go to war with Spain, and put an end to the cruelty with which the Cubans were treated. After her loss there were not many who thought we ought not to. Our people were in a fury. They wanted war, and were eager to have it. The heads of the government at Washington felt the same way. Many millions of dollars were voted by Congress, and much of this was spent in buying ships and hiring and repairing ships, and much more of it in getting the army ready for war. For Congress was as full of war-feeling as the people. President McKinley would have liked to have peace, but he could no more hold back the people and Congress than a man with an ox-chain could hold back a locomotive. So it was that, two months after the _Maine_ sank in the mud of Havana harbor, like a great coffin filled with the dead, war was declared against Spain. Now, I wish to tell you how the loss of the _Maine_ was avenged. I am not going to tell you here all about what our navy did in the war. There are some good stories to tell about that. But just here we have to think about the _Maine_ and her murdered men, and have to tell about how one of her officers paid Spain back for the dreadful deed. As soon as the telegraph brought word to the fleet at Key West that "War is declared," the great ships lifted their anchors and sped away, bound for Cuba, not many miles to the south. And about a month afterward this great fleet of battleships, and monitors, and cruisers, and gunboats were in front of the harbor of Santiago, holding fast there Admiral Cervera and his men, who were in Santiago harbor with the finest warships owned by Spain. There were in the American fleet big ships and little ships, strong ships and weak ships; and one of the smallest of them all was the little _Gloucester_. This had once been a pleasure yacht, used only for sport. It was now a gunboat ready for war. It had only a few small guns, but these were of the "rapid-fire" kind, which could pour out iron balls almost as fast as hailstones come from the sky in a storm. And in command of the _Gloucester_ was Lieutenant Wainwright, who had been night officer of the _Maine_ when that ill-fated ship was blown up by a Spanish mine. The gallant lieutenant was there to avenge his lost ship. I shall tell you later about how the Spanish ships dashed out of the harbor of Santiago on the 3d of July and what happened to them. Just now you wish to know what Lieutenant Wainwright and the little _Gloucester_ did on that great day, and how Spain was made to pay for the loss of the _Maine_. As soon as the Spanish ships came out, the _Gloucester_ dashed at them, like a wasp trying to sting an ox. She steamed right across the mouth of the harbor until she almost touched one of the great Spanish ships, all the time firing away like mad at its iron sides. The brave Wainwright saw two little boats coming out behind these big ones. These were what are called torpedo-boats. Do you know what this means? A torpedo-boat is little, but it can dart through the water with the speed of the wind. And it carries torpedoes--iron cases filled with dynamite--which it can shoot out against the great warships. One of these could tear a gaping hole in the side of a battleship and send it, with all on board, to the bottom. A torpedo-boat is the rattlesnake of the sea. It is little, but it is deadly. But Lieutenant Wainwright and the men of the _Gloucester_ were not afraid of the _Furor_ and the _Pluton_, the Spanish torpedo-boats. As soon as they saw these boats they drove their little vessel toward them at full speed. The _Gloucester_ came under the fire of one of the Spanish forts, but she did not mind that any more than if boys were throwing oyster-shells at her. Out from her guns came a torrent of balls like water from a pump. But the water drops were made of iron, and hit hard. The _Furor_ and _Pluton_ tried to fire back, but their men could not stand that iron rain. For twenty minutes it kept on, and then all was over with the torpedo-boats. They tried to run ashore, but down to the bottom they both went. Of all their men only about two dozen were picked up alive. The rest sank to the bottom of the bay. Thus Wainwright and his little yacht avenged the _Maine_, and the dreadful tragedy in Havana harbor was paid for in Santiago Bay. CHAPTER XXVII THE GREAT VICTORY OF MANILA BAY DEWEY DESTROYS A FLEET WITHOUT LOSING A MAN GEORGE DEWEY was a Green Mountain boy, a son of the Vermont hills. Many good stories are told of his schoolboy days, and when he grew up to be a man everybody that knew him said that he was a fine fellow, who would make his mark. And they were right about him, though he had to wait a long time for the chance to show what he would do. Dewey was sent to the Naval Academy at Annapolis, Maryland, and when the Civil War began he was a lieutenant in the navy. He was with Farragut on the Mississippi, and did some gallant deeds on that great river. When the war with Spain began Dewey was on the Chinese coast with a squadron of American ships. He had been raised in rank and was Commodore Dewey then. A commodore, you should know, was next above a captain and next below an admiral. Commodore Dewey had four fine ships, the cruisers OLYMPIA, BALTIMORE, RALEIGH, and BOSTON. He had also two gunboats and a despatch-boat, making seven in all. These vessels were at Hong Kong, a British seaport in China. They could not stay there after war with Spain was declared, for Hong Kong was a neutral port, and after war begins fighting ships must leave neutral ports. But Dewey knew where to go, for under the ocean and over the land there had come to him a telegram from Washington, more than ten thousand miles away, which said, "Seek the Spanish fleet and capture or destroy it." Dewey did not waste any time in obeying orders. He knew where to seek the Spanish fleet. A few hundred miles away to the east of China lay the fine group of islands called the Philippines, which then belonged to Spain. In Luzon, the biggest of these islands, was the fine large City of Manila, the centre of the Spanish power in the East. So straight across the China Sea Dewey went at all speed towards this seaport of Spain. On the morning of Saturday, April 30, 1898, the men on the leading ship saw land rising in the distance, green and beautiful, and farther away they beheld the faint blue lines of the mountains of Luzon. Down this green tropical coast they sped, and when night was near at hand they came close to the entrance of Manila Bay. Here there were forts to pass; and the ships were slowed up. Dewey was ready to fight with ships, but he did not want to fight with forts, so he waited for darkness to come before going in. He thought that he might then pass these forts without being seen by the men in them. They waited until near midnight, steaming slowly along until they came to the entrance to the bay. The moon was in the sky, but gray clouds hid its light. They could see the two dark headlands of the harbor's mouth rising and, between them, a small, low island. On this island were the forts which they had to pass. As they came near, all the lights on the ships were put out or hidden, except a small electric light at the stern of each ship, for the next one to see and follow. Steam was put on, and the ships glided swiftly and silently in, like shadows in the darkness. All was silent in the Spanish forts. The sentinels seemed fast asleep. Some of the ships had passed before the Spaniards waked up. Then a rocket shot up into the air, and there came a deep boom and a flash of flame. A shell went whizzing through the darkness over the ships and plunged into the water beyond. Some shots were fired back, but in a few minutes it was all over and Dewey's squadron was safe in Manila Bay. The gallant American sailors had made their way into the lion's den. The Bay of Manila is a splendid body of water, running many miles into the land. The City of Manila is about twenty miles from the harbor's mouth, and the ships had to go far in before its distant lights were seen, gleaming like faint stars near the earth. But it was not the city Dewey was after. He was seeking the Spanish fleet. When the dawn came, and the sun rose behind the city, he saw sails gleaming in its light. But these were merchant vessels, not the warships he had come so far to find. The keen eyes of the commodore soon saw the ships he was after. There they lay, across the mouth of the little bay of Cavite, south of the city, a group of ships-of-war, nine or ten in number. This brings us to the beginning of the great naval battle of the war. Let us stop now and take a look around. If you had been there I know what you would have said. You would have said that the Americans were sure to win, for they had the biggest ships and the best guns. Yes, but you must remember that the Spaniards were at home, while the Americans were not; and that makes a great difference. If they had met out on the open sea Dewey would have had the best of the game. But here were the Spanish ships drawn up in a line across a narrow passage, with a fort on the right and a fort on the left, and with dynamite mines under the water. And they knew all about the distances and soundings and should have known just how to aim their guns so as to hit a mark at any distance. All this the Americans knew nothing about. When we think of this it looks as if Dewey had the worst of the game. But some of you may say that the battle will tell best which side had the best and which the worst. Yes, that's true; but we must always study our players before we begin our game. George Dewey did not stop long to think and study. He was there to take his chances. The minute he saw the Spanish ships he went for them as a football player goes for the line of his opponents. Forward went the American squadron, with the Stars and Stripes floating proudly at every mast-head. First of all was the flagship _Olympia_, with Dewey standing on its bridge. Behind came the other ships in a long line. As they swept down in front of the city the great guns of the forts sent out their balls. Then the batteries on shore began to fire. Then the Spanish ships joined in. There was a terrible roar. Just in front of the _Olympia_ two mines exploded, sending tons of water into the air. But they had been set off too soon, and no harm was done. All this time the American ships swept grandly on, not firing a gun; and Dewey stood still on the bridge while shot and shell from the Spanish guns went hurling past. He was there to see, and danger did not count just then. As they drove on an old sea-dog raised the cry, "Remember the _Maine_!" and in a minute the shout ran through the ship. Still on went the _Olympia_, like a great mastiff at which curs are barking. At length Dewey spoke,-- "You may fire when you are ready, Captain Gridley," he said. Captain Gridley was ready and waiting. In an instant a great eight-inch shell from the _Olympia_ went screaming through the air. This was the signal. The _Baltimore_ and the _Boston_ followed, and before five minutes had passed every ship was pouring shot and shell on the Spanish squadron and forts. Great guns and small guns, slow-fire guns and rapid-fire guns, hand guns and machine guns, all boomed and barked together, and their shot whistled and screamed, until it sounded like a mighty carnival of death. Down the Spanish line swept the American ships. Then they turned and swept back, firing from the other side of the ships. Six times, this way, they passed the Spanish ships, while the air was full of great iron balls and dense clouds of smoke floated over all. You will not ask which side had the best of the battle after I tell you one thing. The Americans had been trained to aim and fire, and the Spaniards had not. Here overhead flew a Spanish shell. There another plunged into the water without reaching a ship. Hardly one of them reached its mark. Not an American was killed or wounded. A box of powder went off and hurt a few men, and that was all. But the Spanish ships were rent and torn like deer when lions get among them, and their men fell by dozens at a time. It was one of the most one-sided fights ever seen. Admiral Montojo, of the Spanish fleet, could not stand this. He started out with his flagship, named the _Reina Cristina_, straight for the _Olympia_, which he hoped to cut in two. But as soon as his ship appeared all the American ships turned their guns on it, and riddled it with a frightful storm of iron. The brave Spaniard saw that his ship would be sunk if he went on. He turned to run back, but as he did so a great eight-inch shell struck his ship in the stern and went clear through to the bow, scattering death and destruction on every side. It exploded one of the boilers. It blew open the deck. It set the ship on fire. White smoke came curling up. The ship fought on as the fire burned, but she was past hope. Two torpedo-boats came out, but they could not stand the storm any better than the _Reina Cristina_. In a few minutes one of them was cut through and went like a stone to the bottom. The other ran in faster than she had come out and went ashore. For two hours this dreadful work went on. Then Dewey thought it was time to give his men a rest and let them have some breakfast, so he steamed away. Three of the Spanish ships were burning like so much tinder, and it was plain that the battle was as good as won. A little after eleven o'clock the American ships came back fresh as ever, all of them with the Stars and Stripes afloat. The Spanish flag was flying too, but nearly every ship was in flames. But the Spaniards were not whipped yet. They began to fire again, and so for another hour the fight went on. At the end of that time the guns were silenced, the flags had gone down, and the battle was won. That was the end of the most one-sided victory in the history of the American navy. All the Spanish ships were on fire and had sunk in the shallow bay. Hundreds of their men were dead or wounded. The American ships were nearly as good as ever, for hardly a shot had struck them, and only eight men were slightly hurt. The Spaniards had fired fast enough, but they had wasted nearly all their shot. When the people of the United States heard of this great victory they were wild with delight. Before that very few had heard of George Dewey; now he was looked on as one of our greatest naval heroes. "Dewey on the bridge," with shot and shell screaming about him, was as fine a figure as "Farragut in the shrouds" had once been. Congress made him a rear-admiral at once, and soon after they made him an admiral. This is the highest rank in the American navy. Only Farragut and Porter had borne it before. CHAPTER XXVIII HOBSON AND THE SINKING OF THE "MERRIMAC" AN HEROIC DEED WORTHY OF THE AMERICAN NAVY SOME of us know what a dark night is and some of us don't. Those who live in cities, under the glare of the electric light, hardly ever see real darkness. One must go far into the country, and be out on a cloudy night, to know what it means to be really in the dark. Or to be out at sea, with not a light above or below. It was on such a night that a great black hulk moved like a sable monster through the waters off the coast of Cuba. This was the night of June 3, 1898. There was a moon somewhere in the sky, but thick clouds lay over it and snuffed out its light. And on the vessel not a light was to be seen and not a sound could be heard. It was like a mighty beast gliding on its prey. This vessel was the _Merrimac_, which had carried a load of coal to the American fleet that lay outside of Santiago de Cuba. Inside the harbor there were four fine Spanish ships-of-war. But these were like foxes run into their hole, with the hunters waiting for them outside. The harbor of Santiago is something like a great, mis-shipen water-bottle, and the passage into the harbor is like the neck of the bottle. Now, if you want to keep anything from getting out of a bottle you drive a cork into its neck. And that is just what the Americans were trying to do. The _Merrimac_ was the cork with which they wanted to fasten up the Spanish ships in the water-bottle of Santiago. The captain of the _Merrimac_ was a young officer named Richard P. Hobson, who was ready to give his life, if he must, for his country. Admiral Sampson did not like to send anyone into such terrible danger, but the daring young man insisted on going, and he had no trouble in getting seven men to go with him. Most of the coal had been taken out of the _Merrimac_, but there was enough left to sink her to the bottom like a stone. And along both sides there had been placed a row of torpedoes, filled with gunpowder and with electric wires to set them off when the right time came. Hobson was to try to take the ship to the right spot, and then to blow holes in her sides with the torpedoes and sink her across the channel. Would not he and his men sink with her? Oh, well, they took the chances on that. Lieutenant Hobson had a fine plan laid out; but the trouble with fine plans is that they do not always work in a fine way. He was to go in to where the channel was very narrow. Then he was to let the anchor fall and swing the ship round crossways with the rudder. Then he would touch the button to fire the torpedoes. When that was done they would all jump overboard and swim to the little boat that was towed astern. They expected the _Merrimac_ would sink across the channel and thus cork it up. That was the plan. Don't you think it was a very good one? I am sure Lieutenant Hobson and Admiral Sampson thought so, and felt sure they were going to give the Spaniards a great deal of trouble. It was about three o'clock when the _Merrimac_ came into the mouth of the channel. Here it was pitch dark and as still as death. But the Spaniards were not asleep. They had a small picket-boat in the harbor's mouth, on the lookout for trouble, and its men saw a deeper darkness moving through the darkness. They thought it must be one of the American warships and rowed out and fired several shots at it. One of these hit the chains of the rudder and carried them off. That spoiled Hobson's plan of steering across the channel. You see, as I have just told you, it does not take much to spoil a good plan. The alarm was given and the Spaniards in the forts roused up. They looked out and saw this dark shadow gliding swiftly on through the gloom. They, too, thought it must be an American battleship, and that the whole fleet might be coming close behind to attack the ships in the harbor. The guns of Morro Castle and of the shore batteries began to rain their balls on the _Merrimac_. Then the Spanish ships joined in and fired down the channel until there was a terrible roar. And as the _Merrimac_ drove on, a dynamite mine under the water went off behind her, flinging the water into the air, but not doing her any harm. The cannonade was fierce and fast, but the darkness and the smoke of the guns hid the _Merrimac_, and she went on unhurt. Soon the narrow part of the channel was reached. Then the anchor was dropped to the bottom and the engines were made to go backward. The helm was set, but the ship did not turn. Hobson now first learned that the rudder chains were gone and the ship could not be steered. The little picket-boat had spoiled his fine plan. There was only one thing left to do. He touched the electric button. In a second a dull roar came up from below and the ship pitched and rolled. A thousand pounds of powder had exploded and blown great jagged holes in the ship's sides. Hobson and his men leaped over the side into the water. Those who were slow about it were flung over by the shock. Down plunged the _Merrimac_ beneath the waves, while loud cheers came from the forts. The Spanish gunners were glad, for they thought they had sunk a great American battleship. [Illustration: HOBSON BLOWING UP THE MERRIMAC.] But it does not matter to us what the Spaniards thought. All we want to know is what became of Lieutenant Hobson and his daring men. Their little boat had been carried away by a Spanish shot, and they were swimming in the deep waters without knowing what would be their fate. On one side was the sea; on the other were the Spaniards: they did not know which would be the worst. "I swam away from the ship as soon as I struck the water," said Hobson, "but I could feel the eddies drawing me backward in spite of all I could do. That did not last long, however, and as soon as I felt the tugging cease I turned and struck out for the float, which I could see dimly bobbing up and down over the sunken hull." The float he spoke of was a sort of raft which lay on the ship's deck, with a rope tied to it so as to let it float. The rope pulled one side of it a little under the water, so that the other side was a little above the water. This was a good thing for Hobson and his men, for Spanish boats were soon rowing out to where the ship had gone down. The eight men got under the high side of the raft, and held on to it by putting their fingers through the crevices. "All night long we stayed there with our noses and mouths barely out of the water," says Hobson. They were afraid to speak or move, for fear they would be shot by the men in the boats. It was that way all night long. Boats kept rowing about, some of them very close, but nobody thought of looking under the raft. The water felt warm at first, but after a while it felt cold, and their fingers ached and their teeth chattered. One of the men, who thought he could not stand this any longer, left the raft and started to swim ashore. Hobson had to call him back. He came at once, but the call was heard on the boats and they rowed swiftly up. But they did not find the hiding place of the men and rowed away again. After daylight came Hobson saw a steam-launch approaching from the ships. There were officers in it, and when it came near he gave it a hail. His voice seemed to scare the men on board, for they backed off in great haste. They were still more surprised when they saw a number of men clamber out from under the float. The marines in the launch were about to fire, but the officers would not let them. Then Hobson swam towards the launch and called out in Spanish: "Is there an officer on board?" "Yes," came the reply. "I have seven men to surrender," said Hobson. He now swam up and was seized and lifted out of the water. One of the men who had hold of him was Admiral Cervera, the commander of the Spanish fleet. The admiral gave an odd look at the queer kind of fish he had caught. Hobson had been in the engine-room of the _Merrimac_ and was covered with oil, coal-dust, and soot. But he wore his officer's belt, and when he pointed to that the admiral smiled and bade him welcome. Then the men were taken on board the launch, where they were well treated. They had come very near death and had escaped. Of course, you want to read the rest of this story. Well, they were locked up in Morro Castle. This was a fine old fort on the cliff at the harbor's mouth, where they could see the great shells come in from the ships and explode, and see the Spanish gunners fire back. Admiral Cervera was very kind to them and sent word to Admiral Sampson that they were safe, and that he would exchange them for Spanish prisoners. They were not exchanged until July 7, and by that time Admiral Cervera's ships had all been destroyed and he was a prisoner himself. CHAPTER XXIX SAMPSON AND SCHLEY WIN RENOWN THE GREATEST SEA FIGHT OF THE CENTURY I HAVE told you what Hobson did and what Wainwright did at Santiago. Now it is time to tell all about what the ships did there; the story of the great Spanish dash for liberty and its woeful ending. Santiago is the second city of Cuba. It lies as far to the east as Havana does to the west, and is on the south of the island, while Havana is on the north. Like Havana, it has a fine harbor, which is visited by many ships. Well, soon after the war with Spain began, our naval captains were in trouble. They had a riddle given them for which they could not find the answer. There was a squadron of Spanish warships at sea, and nobody knew where to look for them. They might fire into the cities along the coast and do no end of damage. Maybe there was not much danger of this; but there is nothing sure in war, and it does not take much to scare some people. The navy wanted to be on the safe side, so one part of the fleet was put on the lookout along our coast; and another part, under Commodore Schley, went around the west end of the island of Cuba; and a third part, under Admiral Sampson, went to the east. They were all on the hunt for the Spanish ships, but for days and days nothing of them was to be seen. After they had looked into this hole and into that hole along the coast, like sea-dogs hunting a sea-coon, word came that the Spanish ships had been seen going into Santiago harbor. Then straight for Santiago went all the fleet, with its captains very glad to have the answer to the riddle. Never before had the United States so splendid a fleet to fight with. There were five fine battleships, the _Iowa_, the _Indiana_, the _Massachusetts_, the _Oregon_, and the _Texas_. Then there was the _New York_, Admiral Sampson's flagship, and the _Brooklyn_, Commodore Schley's flagship. These were steel-clad cruisers, not so heavy, but much faster than the battleships. Besides these there were monitors, and cruisers, and gunboats, and vessels of other kinds, all spread like a net around the mouth of the harbor, ready to catch any big fish that might swim out. Do you not think that was a pretty big crowd of ships to deal with the Spanish squadron, which had only four cruisers and two torpedo-boats? But then, you know, the insider sometimes has a better chance than the outsider. It is not easy to keep such a crowd of vessels together out at sea. They run out of coal, or get out of order, or something else happens. If the insider keeps his eyes wide open and waits long enough his chance will come. Admiral Cervera, the Spanish commander, was in a very tight place. Outside lay the American ships, and inside was the American army, which kept pushing ahead and was likely to take Santiago in a few days. If he waited he might be caught like a rat in a trap. And if he came outside he might be caught like a fish in a net. He thought it all over and he made up his mind that it was better to be a fish than a rat, so he decided to come out of the harbor. He waited till the 3d of July. On that day there were only five of the big ships outside--four of the battleships and the cruiser _Brooklyn_. And two of the battleships were a little out of order and were being made right. Admiral Sampson had gone up the coast with the _New York_ for a talk with the army general, so he was out of the way. No doubt the Spanish lookouts saw all this and told their admiral what they had seen. So, on that Sunday morning, with every vessel under full steam, the Spaniards raised their anchors and started on their last cruise. Now let us take a look at the big ships outside. On these everybody was keeping Sunday. The officers had put on their best Sunday clothes, and the men were lying or lounging idly about the deck. Of course, there were lookouts aloft. Great ships like these always have their lookouts. A war-vessel never quite goes to sleep. It always keeps one eye open. This Sunday morning the lookouts saw smoke coming up the harbor, but likely enough they thought that the Spaniards were frying fish for their Sunday breakfast. [Illustration: THE FIGHTING TOP OF THE TEXAS.] And so the hours went on until it was about half-past nine. Then an officer on the _Brooklyn_ called to the lookout aloft: "Isn't that smoke moving?" The answer came back with a yell that made everybody jump: "There's a big ship coming out of the harbor!" In a second the groups of officers and men were on their feet and wide-awake. The Spaniards were coming! Nobody now wanted to be at home or to go a-fishing. There were bigger fish coming into their net. "Clear the ship for action!" cried Commodore Schley. From every part of the ship the men rushed to their quarters. Far down below the stokers began to shovel coal like mad into the furnaces. In the turrets the gun-crews hurried to get their guns ready. The news spread like lightning, and the men made ready like magic for the terrible work before them. It was the same on all the ships as on the _Brooklyn_, for all of them saw the Spaniards coming. Down past the wreck of the _Merrimac_ sped Cervera's ships, and headed for the open sea. First came the _Maria Teresa_, the admiral's flagship. Then came the _Vizcaya_, the _Oquendo_, and the _Cristobal Colon_, and after them the two torpedo-boats. "Full speed ahead! Open fire!" roared the commodore from the bridge of the _Brooklyn_, and in a second there came a great roar and a huge iron globe went screaming towards the Spanish ships. It was the same on the other ships. Five minutes before they had been swinging lazily on the long rolling waves, everybody at rest. Now clouds of black smoke came pouring from their funnels, every man was at his post, every gun ready for action, and the great ships were beginning to move through the water at the full power of the engines. And from every one of them came flashes as of lightning, and roars as of thunder, and huge shells went whirling through the air toward the Spanish ships. Out of the channel they dashed, four noble ships, and turned to the west along the coast. Only the _Brooklyn_ was on that side of the harbor, and for ten minutes three of the Spanish ships poured at her a terrible fire. But soon the _Oregon_, the _Indiana_, the _Iowa_, and the _Texas_ came rapidly up, and the Spanish gunners had new game to fire at. You might suppose that the huge iron shells, whirling through the air, and bursting with a frightful roar, would tear and rend the ships as though they were made of paper. But just think how it was at Manila, where the Spaniards fired at the sea and the sky, and the Americans fired at the Spanish ships. It was the same here at Santiago. The Spaniards went wild with their guns and wasted their balls, while the Americans made nearly every shot tell. It was a dreadful tragedy for Spain that day on the Cuban coast. The splendid ships which came out of the harbor so stately and trim, soon looked like ragged wrecks. In less than half an hour two of them were ashore and in a fierce blaze, and the two others were flying for life. The first to yield was the _Maria Teresa_, the flagship of the admiral. One shell from the _Brooklyn_ burst in her cabin and in a second it was in flames. One from the _Texas_ burst in the engine-room and broke the steam-pipe. Some burst on the deck; some riddled the hull; death and terror were everywhere. The men were driven from the guns, the flames rose higher, the water poured in through the shot holes, and there was nobody to work the pumps. All was lost, and the ship was run ashore and her flag pulled down. In very few minutes the _Oquendo_ followed the flagship ashore, both of them looking like great blazing torches. The shells from the great guns had torn her terribly, many of her crew had been killed, and those who were left had to run her ashore to keep her from going to the bottom of the sea. In half an hour, as you may see, two of the Spanish ships had been half torn to pieces and driven ashore, and only two were still afloat. These were the _Vizcaya_ and the _Cristobal Colon_. When the _Maine_ was sent to Havana, before the beginning of the war, a Spanish warship was sent to New York. This was the _Vizcaya_. She was a trim and handsome ship and her officers had a hearty welcome. It was a different sort of welcome she now got. The _Brooklyn_ and the _Oregon_ were after her and her last day had come. So hot was the fire that her men were driven from their guns and flames began to appear. Then she, too, was run ashore and her flag was hauled down. It was just an hour after the chase began and she had gone twenty miles down the coast. Now she lay blazing redly on the shallow shore and in the night she blew up. It was a terrible business, the ruin of those three fine vessels. There was one more Spanish ship, the _Cristobal Colon_. (This is the Spanish for Christopher Columbus.) She was the fastest of them all, and for a time it looked as if Spain might save one of her ships. But there were bloodhounds on her track, the _Brooklyn_, six miles behind, and the _Oregon_, more than seven miles away. Swiftly onward fled the deer, and swiftly onward followed the war-hounds. Mile by mile they gained on the chase. About one o'clock, when she was four miles away, the _Oregon_ sent a huge shell whizzing from one of her great 13-inch guns. It struck the water just behind the _Colon_; but another that followed struck the water ahead. Then the _Brooklyn_ tried her eight-inch guns, and sent a shell through the _Colon's_ side, above her belt of steel. For twenty minutes this was kept up. The _Colon_ was being served like her consorts. At the end of that time her flag was pulled down and the last of the Spanish ships ran ashore. She had made a flight for life of nearly fifty miles. This, you see, is not the story of a sea-fight; it is the story of a sea-chase. Much has been said about who won the honor at Santiago, but I think any of you could tell that in a few words. It was the men who ran the engines and who aimed the guns that won the game. The commanders did nothing but run after the runaway Spaniards, and there is no great honor in that. What else was there for them to do? They could not run the other way. * * * * * Transcriber's Notes: Obvious punctuation errors repaired. Page 45, "Quileron" changed to "Quiberon" (fleet at Quiberon Bay) Page 119, "one" changed to "on" (set it on fire) Page 123, "scimetar" changed to "scimitar" (scimitar and aimed a) Page 132, "breadth" changed to "breath" (hardly a breath) Page 148, "a" changed to "to" (how to handle) Page 172, "know" changed to "knew" (Lawrence never knew) Page 204, "McDonough's" changed to "MacDonough's" (MacDonough's Victory) Page 206, "Afew" changed to "A few" (A few broadsides like) Page 207, "shot" changed to "shots" (Red-hot shots were) Page 242, "necesary" changed to "necessary" (was necessary to tell) Page 261, "torpedos" changed to "torpedoes" (hundred torpedoes were) Page 296, "and, and" changed to "and" (and, between them, a small) Page 311, "rom" changed to "room" (the engine-room of the) 
61481	----	SILENCE IS--DEADLY By Bertrand L. Shurtleff Radio is an absolute necessity in modern organization--and particularly in modern naval organization. If you could silence all radio--silence of that sort would be deadly! [Transcriber's Note: This etext was produced from Astounding Science-Fiction April 1942. Extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the U.S. copyright on this publication was renewed.] The hurried _rat-a-tat_ of knuckles hammered on the cabin door. Commander Bob Curtis roused himself from his doze, got up from his chair, stretched himself to his full, lanky height and yawned. That would be Nelson, his navigating officer. Nelson always knocked that way--like a man in an external state of jitters over nothing at all. Curtis didn't hurry. It pleased him to let Nelson wait. He moved slowly to the door, paused there, and flung a backward glance at the man in the cabin with him--Zukor Androka, the elderly Czech scientist, a guest of the United States navy, here aboard the cruiser _Comerford_. The wizened face of the older man was molded in intent lines of concentration, as his bushy gray head bent over his drawing board. Curtis got a glimpse of the design on which he was working, and his lips relaxed in a faint smile. Androka had arrived on board the _Comerford_ the day before she sailed from Norfolk. With him came a boatload of scientific apparatus and equipment, including a number of things that looked like oxygen tanks, which were now stored in the forward hold. Androka had watched over his treasures with the jealous care of a mother hen, and spent hours daily in the room in the superstructure that had been assigned as his laboratory. Sometimes, Curtis thought old Androka was a bit wacky--a scientist whose mind had been turned by the horror that had come to his country under the domination of the Nazi _gestapo_. At other times, the man seemed a genius. Perhaps that was the answer--a mad genius! Curtis opened the door and looked out. Rain whipped against his face like a stinging wet lash. Overhead, the sky was a storm-racked mass of clouds, broken in one spot by a tiny patch of starlit blue. His eyes rested inquiringly on the face of the man who stood before him. It _was_ Nelson, his shaggy blond brows drawn scowlingly down over his pale eyes; his thin face a mass of tense lines; his big hands fumbling at the neck of his slicker. Rain was coursing down his white cheeks, streaking them with glistening furrows. The fellow was a headache to Curtis. He was overfriendly with a black-browed bos'n's mate named Joe Bradford--the worst trouble maker on board. But there was no question of his ability. He was a good navigating officer--dependable, accurate, conscientious. Nevertheless, his taut face, restless, searching eyes, and eternally nervous manner got Curtis' goat. "Come in, Nelson!" he said. Nelson shouldered his way inside, and stood there in his dripping oilskins, blinking his eyes against the yellow light. Curtis closed the door and nodded toward the bent form of Zukor Androka, with a quizzical grin. "Old Czech-and-Double-Czech is working hard on his latest invention to pull Hitler's teeth and re-establish the Czech Republic!" Nelson had no answering smile, although there had been a great deal of good-natured joking aboard the _Comerford_ ever since the navy department had sent the scientist on board the cruiser to carry on his experiments. "I'm worried, sir!" Nelson said. "I'm not sure about my dead reckoning. This storm--" Curtis threw his arm around Nelson's dripping shoulders. "Forget it! Don't let a little error get you down!" "But this storm, sir!" Nelson avoided Curtis' friendly eyes and slipped out from under his arm. "It's got me worried. Quartering wind of undetermined force, variable and gusty. There's a chop to the sea--as if from unestimated currents among the islets. No chance to check by observation, and now there is a chance--look at me!" He held out his hands. They were shaking as if he had the chills. "You say there is a chance?" Curtis asked. "Stars out?" "As if by providence, sir, there's a clear patch. I'm wondering--" His voice trailed off, but his eyes swung toward the gleaming sextant on the rack. Commander Curtis shrugged good-naturedly and reached for the instrument. "Not that I've lost confidence in you, Nels, but just because you asked for it!" * * * * * Curtis donned his slicker and went outside, sextant in hand. In a few minutes he returned and handed Nelson a sheet of paper with figures underlined heavily. "Here's what I make it," the commander told his navigating officer. "Bet you're not off appreciably." Nelson stared at the computations with shaking head. Then he mutely held up his own. Curtis stared, frowned, grabbed his own sheet again. "Any time I'm that far off old Figure-'em Nelson's estimate, I'm checking back," he declared, frowning at the two papers and hastily rechecking his own figures. "Call up to the bridge to stop her," he told Nelson. "We can't afford to move in these waters with such a possibility of error!" Nelson complied, and the throbbing drive of the engines lessened at once. Nelson said: "I've been wondering, sir, if it wouldn't be advisable to try getting a radio cross-bearing. With all these rocks and islets--" "Radio?" repeated the little Czech, thrusting his face between the other two, in his independent fashion that ignored ship's discipline. "You're using your radio?" He broke into a knowing chuckle, his keen old eyes twinkling behind their thick lenses. "Go ahead and try it. See how much you can get! It will be no more than Hitler can get when Zukor Androka decrees silence over the German airways! Try it! Try it, I say!" Bob Curtis stared at him, as if questioning his sanity. Then he hastened to the radio room, with Nelson at his heels, and the Czech trotting along behind. The door burst open as they neared it. A frightened operator came out, still wearing his earphones, and stood staring upward incredulously at the aërial. "Get us a radio cross-bearing for location at once," Curtis said sharply, for the operator seemed in a daze. "Bearing, sir?" The man brought his eyes down with difficulty, as if still dissatisfied. "I'm sorry, sir, but the outfit's dead. Went out on me about five minutes ago. I was taking the weather report when the set conked. I was trying to see if something's wrong." The Czech inventor giggled. Curtis gave him another curious look and thrust himself into the radio room. "Try again!" he told the operator. "See what you can get!" The radio man leaped to his seat and tried frantically. Again and again, he sent off a request for a cross-bearing from shore stations that had recently been established to insure safety to naval vessels, but there was no answer on any of the bands--not even the blare of a high-powered commercial program in the higher reach, nor the chatter of ships or amateurs on the shorter. "Dead!" Androka muttered, with a bitter laugh. "Yet not dead, gentlemen! The set is uninjured. The waves are what have been upset. I have shattered them around your ship, just as I can eventually shatter them all over Central Europe! For the next two hours, no radio messages can enter or leave my zone of radio silence--of refracted radio waves, set up by my little station on one of the neighboring islets!" * * * * * There was a long pause, while commander and navigator stared at him. Curtis was the first to speak. "Your secrecy might well cost the United States navy one of its best light cruisers--and us our lives!" he said angrily. "We need that check by radio at once! If you're not talking nonsense, call off your dogs till we learn just where we are!" Androka held out his palms helplessly. "I can do nothing. I have given orders to my assistant that he must keep two hours of radio silence! I can get no message to him, for our radio is dead!" As if to mock him, the ship's radio began to answer: "Station 297 calling U. S. Cruiser _Comerford_. Station 297 calling U. S. Cruiser _Comerford_--" "U. S. Cruiser _Comerford_ calling Station 297!" the operator intoned, winking at the two officers over Androka's discomfiture, and asked for the bearings. The answer came back: "Bearings north east by a quarter east, U. S. Cruiser _Comerford_!" Curtis sighed with relief. He saw that Nelson was staring fiercely at the radio operator, as the man went on calling: "U. S. Cruiser _Comerford_ calling Station 364. U. S. Cruiser _Comerford_ calling Station 364--" Then the instrument rasped again: "Station 364 calling U. S. Cruiser _Comerford_. Bearings north west by three west. Bearings north west by three west, U. S. Cruiser _Comerford_ from Cay 364." Commander and navigator had both scribbled verifications of the numbers. Ignoring the gibbering Androka, who was wailing his disappointment that messages had penetrated his veil of silence, they raced for the chart room. Quickly the parallels stepped off the bearing from the designated points. Light intersecting lines proclaimed a check on their position. Curtis frowned and shook his head. Slowly he forced a reluctant grin as he stuck out his hand. "Shake, Nels," he said. "It's my turn to eat crow. You and the radio must be right. Continue as you were!" "I'm relieved, sir, just the same," Nelson admitted, "to have the radio bearings. We'd have piled up sure if you'd been right." They went on through the night. The starlit gap in the clouds had closed. The sky was again a blanket of darkness pouring sheets of rain at them. Nelson went back to the bridge, and Androka returned to the commander's cabin. Curtis lingered in the wireless room with the radio operator. "It's a funny thing," the latter said, still dialing and grousing, "how I got that cross-bearing through and can't get another squeak out of her. I'm wondering if that old goat really _has_ done something to the ether. The set seems O. K." He lingered over the apparatus, checking and rechecking. Tubes lighted; wires were alive to the touch and set him to shaking his head at the tingle they sent through his inquiring fingers. Curtis left him at it, and went to rejoin Androka in the cabin. He found the little inventor pacing up and down, shaking his fists in the air; pausing every now and then to run his bony fingers through his tangled mop of gray hair, or to claw nervously at his beard. "You have seen a miracle, commander!" he shouted at Curtis. "_My_ miracle! My invention has shattered the ether waves hereabouts hopelessly." "Seems to me," Curtis said dryly, "this invention can harm your friends as much as your enemies." The scientist drew himself up to his full height--which was only a little over five feet. His voice grew shrill. "Wait! Just wait! There are other inventions to supplement this one. Put them together, and they will defeat the Nazi hordes which have ravaged my country!" Curtis was a little shocked by the hatred that gleamed in Androka's eyes, under their bushy brows. There was something of the wild animal in the man's expression, as his lips drew back from his yellowed teeth. "Those tanks you have below," Curtis said, "have they some connection with this radio silence?" A far-away look came into Androka's eyes. He did not seem to hear the question. He lowered his voice: "My daughter is still in Prague. So are my sister and her husband, and _their_ two daughters. If the _gestapo_ knew what I am doing, all of them would be better dead. You understand--better dead?" Curtis said: "I understand." "And if the Nazi agents in America knew of the islet from which my zone of silence is projected--" Androka paused, his head tilted to one side, as if he were listening to something-- * * * * * On deck, there was shouting and commotion. Curtis rushed out, pulling on his slicker as he went. The shout from the watch forward had been picked up, and was being relayed all over the ship. The words struck on Curtis' ears with a note of impending tragedy. "Breakers ahead!" He was beside Navigating Officer Nelson on the bridge, and saw the helmsman climbing the rapidly spinning wheel like a monkey as he put it hard aport. Then the ship struck. Everything movable shot ahead until it brought up at the end of a swing or smacked against something solid. Curtis felt Nelson's hand grip his shoulder, as he put his lips close to his ear and shouted: "You must have been right, sir, and the radio bearings and my reckoning wrong. We've hit that reef a terrific smack. I'm afraid we're gored!" "Get out the collision mat!" Curtis ordered. "We ought to be able to keep her up!" And then he became aware of a deadly stillness. A vast wall of silence enveloped the entire cruiser. Looking over the side, he could no longer see the waves that a few minutes before had beaten savagely against the ship. The _Comerford_ was shrouded in a huge pall of yellowish-gray mist, and more of it was coming up from below--from ventilators and hatchways and skylights--as if the whole ship were flooded with some evil vapor. Somehow, Curtis' mind flashed to the stories he'd heard of the forts of the Maginot Line, and of other forts in Holland and Belgium that had fallen before the early Nazi blitzkrieg, when their defenders found themselves struck numb and helpless by a gas that had been flooded into the inner compartments of their strongholds. There were those who said it was the work of sappers who had tunneled under the foundations, while others laid the induction of the gas to Fifth Column traitors. There were a hundred more or less plausible explanations-- The vapor clouds that enveloped the _Comerford_ were becoming thicker. All about the deck lay the forms of unconscious seamen, suddenly stricken helpless. And then Curtis saw other forms flitting about the deck--forms that looked like creatures from another world, but he recognized them for what they were--men wearing gas masks. Nelson was nowhere in sight. The steersman lay in a limp heap beside the swinging wheel. Then a gas-masked figure appeared through the shroud of mist and steadied it, so that the cruiser would not be completely at the mercy of the wind and the waves. Curtis heard the anchor let down, as if by invisible hands, the chain screaming and flailing its clanking way through the hawse hole. Then he was completely walled in by the yellowish-gray mist. He felt his senses swimming. Voices droned all around him in mumbling confusion--guttural voices that ebbed and flowed in a tide of excited talk. He caught a word of English now and then, mixed in with a flood of Teuton phonetics. Two words, in particular, registered clearly on his mind. One was "_Carethusia_"; the other was "convoy." But gradually his eardrums began to throb, as if someone were pounding on them from the inside. He couldn't get his breath; a cloud seemed to be mounting within him until it swept over his brain-- He felt something strike the side of his head, and realized that he had fallen in a heap on the bridge. And after that, he wasn't conscious of anything-- * * * * * The rain had abated to a foggy drizzle. The wash of the surf swung the _Comerford_ in a lazy, rolling motion, as she lay with her bow nosing into the sandbar at the entrance of the inlet. From her bridge, Navigating Officer Nelson watched the gas-masked figures moving about the decks, descending companionways--like goblins from an ancient fairy tale or a modern horror story. Nelson looked like a goblin himself, with his face covered by a respirator. At his side, stood his fellow conspirator Bos'n's Mate Joe Bradford, also wearing a gas mask. Nelson spoke in a low tone, his lips close to Bradford's ear. "It worked, Joe!" "Yeah!" Bradford agreed. "It worked--fine!" The limp bodies of the _Comerford's_ crew were being carried to the lowered accommodation ladder and transferred into waiting lifeboats. Nelson swore under his breath. "Reckon it'll take a couple of hours before the ship's rid of that damn gas!" Bradford shook his head in disagreement. "The old geezer claims he's got a neutralizing chemical in one of them tanks of his that'll clear everything up inside half an hour." "I'd rather get along without Androka, if we could!" Nelson muttered. "He's nothing but a crackpot!" "It was a crackpot who invented the gas we used to break up the Maginot Line," Bradford reminded him. "It saved a lot of lives for the _Fuehrer_--lives that'd have been lost if the forts had to be taken by our storm troopers!" Nelson grunted and turned away. A short, thick-set figure in the uniform of a German naval commander had ascended the accommodation ladder and was mounting to the bridge. He, too, was equipped with a respirator. He came up to Nelson, saluted, and held out his hand, introducing himself as Herr Kommander Brandt. He began to speak in German, but Nelson stopped him. "I don't speak any German," he explained. "I was born and educated in the United States--of German parents, who had been ruined in the First World War. My mother committed suicide when she learned that we were penniless. My father--" He paused and cleared his throat. "_Ja!_ Your father?" the German officer prompted, dropping into accented English. "Your father?" "My father dedicated me to a career of revenge--to wipe out his wrongs," Nelson continued. "If America hadn't gone into the First World War, he wouldn't have lost his business; my mother would still be living. When he joined the Nazi party, the way became clear to use me--to educate me in a military prep school, then send me to Annapolis, for a career in the United States navy--and no one suspected me. No one--" "Sometimes," Bradford put in, "I think Curtis suspected you." "Maybe Curtis'll find out his suspicions were justified," Nelson said bitterly. "But it won't do Curtis any good--a commander who's lost his ship." He turned to Brandt. "You have plenty of men to work the _Comerford_?" Brandt nodded his square head. "We have a full crew--two hundred men--officers, seamen, mechanics, radio men, technical experts, all German naval reservists living in the United States, who've been sent here secretly, a few at a time, during the past six weeks!" * * * * * The three--Brandt, Nelson and Bradford--stood on the bridge and talked, while the efficient stretcher-bearers worked industriously to remove the limp bodies of the _Comerford's_ unconscious crew and row them ashore. And when that task was completed, lifeboats began to come alongside with strange-looking radio equipment, and more gas tanks like those Androka had brought aboard the _Comerford_ with him, and dynamos and batteries that looked like something out of a scientific nightmare. And bustling all over the place, barking excited commands in German, pushing and pulling and pointing to emphasize his directions, was the strange figure of Professor Zukor Androka! "The professor's in his glory!" Nelson remarked to Kommander Brandt. "Funny thing about him," Bradford put in, "is that his inventions work. That zone of silence cut us off completely." Kommander Brandt nodded. "Goodt! But you got your message giving your bearings--the wrong ones?" "Yes," Nelson said. "That came through all right. And won't Curtis have a time explaining it!" "Hereafter," Brandt said solemnly, "the zone of silence vill be projected from the _Comerford_; and ve have another invention of Androka's vich vill be even more useful vhen ve come to cut the _Carethusia_ out of her convoy." "The _Carethusia_?" Nelson asked, in a puzzled tone. Brandt said: "She's a freighter in a convoy out of St. Johns--twelve thousand tons. The orders are to take her; not sink her." "What's the idea?" "Her cargo," Brandt explained. "It iss more precious than rubies. It includes a large shipment of boarts." "Boarts?" Nelson repeated. "What are they?" "Boarts," Brandt told him, "are industrial diamonds--black, imperfectly crystallized stones, but far more valuable to us than flawless diamonds from Tiffany's on Fift' Avenue. They are needed for making machine tools. They come from northern Brazil--and our supply is low." "I should think we could get a shipment of these boarts direct from Brazil--through the blockade," Nelson said, "without taking the risk of capturing a United States navy cruiser." "There are other things Germany needs desperately on board the _Carethusia_," Brandt explained. "Vanadium and nickel and hundreds of barrels of lard oil for machine-tool lubrication. Our agents have been watching the convoys closely for weeks for just such a cargo as the _Carethusia_ is taking over." "Can we trust Androka?" Nelson asked, with a sudden note of suspicion in his voice. "Yes," Brandt assured him. "Of all men--we can trust Androka!" "But he's a Czech," Nelson argued. "The _gestapo_ takes care of Czechs and Poles and Frenchmen and other foreigners whom it chooses as its agents," Brandt pointed out. "Androka has a daughter and other relations in Prague. He knows that if anything misfires, if there is the slightest suspicion of treachery on his part, his daughter and the others will suffer. Androka's loyalty is assured!" Nelson turned to watch the forward fighting top of the _Comerford_. The masked German seamen were installing some sort of apparatus up there--a strange-looking object that looked something like an old-fashioned trench mortar, and which connected with cables to the room that served as Androka's laboratory and workshop. Another crew was installing radio apparatus in the mizzentop turret. Descending a companionway to see what was going on below, Nelson found that portholes were being opened, and men were spraying chemical around to rid the below-decks atmosphere of the lethal gas that had overcome the _Comerford's_ American crew. Returning to the bridge, he found that the tide in the inlet had risen considerably, and that the cruiser was riding more easily at her anchor. Then, at Brandt's orders, the anchor was hauled in, and lifeboats and a motor launch were used as tugs to work the vessel entirely free of the sand bar. This was accomplished without difficulty. Brandt came over to where Nelson was standing on the bridge and held out his hand. "Congratulations, Herr Kommander Nelson!" he said. "Ve have stolen one of the United States navy's newest and fastest cruisers!" He made a gesture as if raising a beer stein to drink a toast. "_Prosit!_" he added. "_Prosit!_" Nelson repeated, and the two grinned at each other. * * * * * Stars were twinkling in a patch of black-blue sky, and broken mountains of gray cloud were skudding before the east wind. Commander Bob Curtis found himself lying in wet sand, on a beach, somewhere, with the rain--now a light, driving mist--beating on his face. He was chilled; his limbs were stiff and numb. His nose and throat felt parched inside, as if a wave of searing heat had scorched them. According to his last calculations, the _Comerford_ had been cruising off the Maine coast. This probably was one of the islets of that region, or it might be the mainland. It was hard work getting to his feet, and when he did manage to stand, he could only plant his heels in the sand and sway to and fro for fully a minute, like a child learning to walk. All around him in the nearly total darkness, he could make out the dim forms of men sprawled on the beach; and of other men moving about, exploring. He heard the murmur of voices and saw the glow of lighted cigarettes. A man with a flashlight was approaching him. Its white glare shone for a moment in Curtis' face, and the familiar voice of Ensign Jack Dillon spoke: "Commander Curtis! Are you O. K., sir?" "I think so!" Curtis' heart warmed at the eager expression in Dillon's face; at the heartfelt concern in his friendly brown eyes. The young ensign was red-headed, impetuous, thoroughly genuine in his emotions. "How about yourself, Jack?" Curtis added. "A bit of a headache from the gas, but that's all. Any orders, sir?" Curtis thought for a moment. "Muster the crew, as best you can. We'll try to make a roll call. Is there any sign of the ship?" There was a solemn note in Dillon's voice. "No, sir. She's been worked off the sandbar and put to sea!" The words struck Curtis with the numbing shock of a blow on some nerve center. For the first time, he realized fully the tragedy that had swept down on him. He had lost his ship--one of the United States navy's fastest and newest small light cruisers--under circumstances which smelled strongly of treachery and sabotage. As he thought back, he realized that he _might_ have prevented the loss, if he had been more alert, more suspicious. For it was clear to him now that the _Comerford_ had been deliberately steered to this place; that the men who had seized her had been waiting here for that very purpose. The pieces of the picture fitted together like a jigsaw puzzle--Androka's zone of silence; the bearings given by radio; Navigating Officer Nelson's queer conduct. They were all part of a carefully laid plan! All the suspicious circumstances surrounding Nelson came flooding into Curtis' mind. He had never liked the man; never trusted him. Nelson always acted as if he had some secret, something to hide. Curtis recalled that Nelson and Androka had long conversations together--conversations which they would end abruptly when anyone else came within earshot. And Nelson had always been chummy with the worst trouble maker in the crew--Bos'n's Mate Bradford. Curtis went around, finding the officers, issuing orders. There were still some unconscious men to be revived. In a sheltered cove among the rocks, an exploring group had found enough dry driftwood to make a fire-- In another hour, the skies had cleared, and white moonlight flooded the scene with a ghostly radiance. The men of the _Comerford_ had all regained consciousness and were drying out in front of the big driftwood bonfires in the cove. Curtis ordered a beacon kept burning on a high promontory. Then he got the men lined up, according to their respective classifications, for a check-up on the missing. When this was completed, it was found that the _Comerford's_ entire complement of two hundred and twenty men were present--except Navigating Officer Nelson, and Bos'n's Mate Bradford! And Zukor Androka was also missing! With the coming of dawn, a little exploration revealed that the _Comerford's_ crew was marooned on an islet, about a square mile in area; that they had been put ashore without food or extra clothing or equipment of any kind, and that no boats had been left for them. One searching party reported finding the remains of what had been a radio station on a high promontory on the north shore of the islet. Another had found the remains of tents and log cabins, recently demolished, in a small, timbered hollow--a well-hidden spot invisible from the air, unless one were flying very low; a place where two hundred or more men could have camped. There was a good water supply--a small creek fed by springs--but nothing in the way of food. Evidently food was a precious commodity which the recent inhabitants of the islet couldn't afford to leave behind. Curtis was studying the wreckage of the wireless station, wondering if this might have been the source of Androka's zone of silence, when Ensign Jack Dillon came up to him. "There's a coast-guard cutter heading for the island, sir," he announced. * * * * * From the coast-guard station on Hawk Island, a fast navy plane whipped Commander Bob Curtis to the naval base at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. But he was received there with suspicious glances. Even some of his old buddies from way back did no more than give him a limp handshake and a faint "Good luck, Bob!" when they heard of his misadventure. Within two hours of his arrival, he was facing a court of inquiry, presided over by Rear Admiral Henderson--a sarcastic, leathery-faced seadog, who had fought as an ensign under Schley at Santiago in '98, and had since seen service on the North Sea patrol in the First World War. Even to his best friends, he was known as "Old Curmudgeon." Curtis fidgeted uncomfortably under his questions. They were so hostile in tone, phrased in such a way as to imply guilt on his part, that Curtis could not help feeling that he was making a bad impression. "Will you kindly repeat that statement in a clear voice, so that everyone can hear you, commander?" the rear admiral demanded, with a stinging sharpness in his tone. Curtis cleared his throat and repeated his former explanation: "The radio bearings from the two shore stations checked exactly with the dead reckoning of my navigating officer, refuting my astronomical observation. Naturally, I conceded that I must be wrong, although I could not understand how I made such a mistake." The voice of Old Curmudgeon became suave and silky--the kind of voice he used when he wished to be nasty. "Commander, did you _hear_ the radioed replies from the island stations in answer to your operator's inquiries?" Curtis squared his shoulders and faced his questioner boldly. "I did, sir. The radio man on duty reported that he was unable to get anything from the set; claimed it was dead. I insisted that he try, although Androka claimed he had instituted a period of radio silence by some device operating on a neighboring island. He was intensely disappointed when both stations answered clearly and distinctly, giving us bearings that checked with Lieutenant Commander Nelson's dead reckoning." The rear admiral sneered. "A very pretty story, commander--but all a fabrication!" Curtis stiffened. His eyes blazed anger for a full minute, out of a face already drawn and white. "I shall now proceed to prove my accusations," Old Curmudgeon continued. "Bring in those operators!" There was a commotion at the door, and two radio men came in, saluting smartly. Curtis wondered what was coming. Old Curmudgeon smiled at them. "You are the radio operators on island stations 297 and 364?" "Yes, sir." "And you were both on duty during the mysterious two hours of silence on the night of July 7th?" "Yes, sir!" "Did you at any time during the two hours leave your posts?" "No, sir!" "Did you, during those two hours, receive any call whatsoever or give out bearings to any ship, particularly the U. S. Cruiser _Comerford_?" "No, sir!" "You are positive about that?" "Yes, sir!" "Gentlemen," the rear admiral said triumphantly, turning to the board of inquiry, "I submit to you that this evidence proves that Commander Curtis has told an untruth. I recommend that he be court-martialed on charges of gross negligence in the loss of government property intrusted to his care and of misrepresenting facts regarding the circumstances of loss!" During the awed silence that followed, Curtis felt his world whirling to pieces. The rear admiral's voice went on in its most rasping tone: "I recommend further, gentlemen, that Commander Curtis be relieved from active duty, placed on parole, and confined to this station on his own recognizance until the disappearance of the _Comerford_ can be thoroughly investigated." The members of the inquiry board conferred and voted. There was no dissenting voice from the opinion expressed by Old Curmudgeon. Angry, ashamed, dazed, Curtis stood to hear the verdict announced. "Gentlemen," he managed to say, his tongue almost choking him, "my only hope is for speedy recovery of the ship!" Later, in the room assigned to him in the naval barracks, Curtis listened for almost an hour to his short-wave radio set; but it told him nothing of the _Comerford_--and that was all he cared about. He shut it off and reached for the telephone. A new idea had come into his mind--something he had vaguely remembered from the night before, the two words overheard as he lay half conscious on the _Comerford's_ bridge--"_Carethusia_"--"convoy." "Is there an officer of the British naval intelligence in town?" he asked the operator. "Yes, sir. Captain Rathbun. Shall I get him for you?" "Please!" * * * * * Fifteen minutes later, Curtis was in the small office where the British naval man made his headquarters, on the main street of the town. Rathbun listened with close attention to Curtis' story, throwing in a question now and then. "Yes," he said, "there is a ship called the _Carethusia_ carrying supplies to Britain. But it'd take a little time to locate her. I'd have to wire Halifax!" He sent off a code telegram and waited. An hour elapsed--two hours--then came the reply. Rathbun decoded it and read it to Curtis. "_Carethusia_, carrying valuable cargo to Britain, left St. Johns, Newfoundland, in convoy midnight Friday. American destroyers will join, according to instructions." "That," Curtis said, "solves part of my problem. The _Comerford's_ after the _Carethusia_. There must be something of particular value aboard that the _Comerford_ wants!" "Yes," Captain Rathbun agreed. "There _must_ be!" Curtis stood up. "Thank you, captain! You've helped me a lot! You've shown me where to look for the _Comerford_!" Captain Rathbun shook hands with him. "Right-o! Come and see me again, if there's anything else I can do!" "Do you suppose you could wire the _Carethusia_ and warn her--or warn the commander of the convoy?" "That would have to be done from Halifax, or St. Johns," Rathbun said. "I'll ask them." "And will you let me know what happens?" Curtis asked. "Gladly," said the Britisher. Outside, Curtis walked at a breathless pace, almost knocking over a couple of pedestrians and innocent bystanders in his haste. Reaching the naval administration building, he ran up the stairs two at a time to the top floor and barged unannounced into the office of Rear Admiral Henderson. Old Curmudgeon looked up from his desk with a sour grin on his leathery face. "What d'you mean, Curtis--" he began. But Bob Curtis ignored his indignation, let the door swing to behind him, and sat down in the vacant chair beside the desk. "This is no time to stand on ceremony, sir!" he stated firmly. "I've come to give information as to where the _Comerford_ is most likely to be found!" A sneer twisted Old Curmudgeon's hard features, and anger blazed coldly in his blue eyes. "You wish to make a clean breast of the whole thing, Curtis?" "I've been proved guilty of nothing," Curtis reminded him. "I have nothing to confess. If you don't want to listen to me--" Old Curmudgeon's eyes softened. The lines of his face relaxed. "I'm listening." Curtis quickly told him of the words he'd overheard as he lay half conscious on the bridge of the _Comerford_, and of how they dovetailed with the information obtained from the British Intelligence Service. Henderson seemed impressed. There was a more respectful note in his gruff voice. He picked up his telephone and started to dial. "Remember, Curtis, I'm doing this at your insistence!" Crisply, concisely, he gave his message, then got up from his desk and went to the window. His eyes turned toward the basin, where the big navy patrol bombers lay at their floats. His head cocked, as if listening for the roar of their motors. Curtis moved toward him. His eyes lighted with hope as he heard the man-made thunder, saw the big birds taxi out, pick up speed, go soaring into the air, after kicking their spiteful way off the tops of a few waves. "They'll have our answer," Henderson said, "within a few hours. I'll let you know what happens!" Curtis took the words as meaning that he was dismissed. He thanked Old Curmudgeon and started back for his quarters. There, he crouched over the short-wave radio set and waited and listened. The air was alive with calls and messages. From time to time, he caught the reports from the three navy planes that were winging steadily on their flight after the _Comerford_. Then, just after midnight, the reassuring words of the operator on one of the bombers were cut off short. "They've struck the zone of silence," Curtis whispered. "The _Comerford_ must have spread it, so that it encircles the entire convoy. Those bombers'll shove in, see what's happening and come back out of the zone to report, even if their radios are silenced. Nelson never figured on that!" His telephone shrilled. It was Captain Rathbun, of the British Intelligence. His words confirmed Curtis' suspicions. "I've just had word from Halifax. They arranged to contact the _Carethusia's_ convoy by wireless every night at eleven-thirty, but tonight, they got no answer. The convoy must be caught in the zone of silence." Curtis couldn't keep the note of triumph out of his voice. "Then all we've got to do is locate the convoy--and we've got the _Comerford_!" "Cheerio!" said Rathbun's voice, and he hung up. * * * * * Curtis relaxed in his chair beside the short-wave set. Dawn came and found him still alert, listening, wakeful. He had breakfast sent up, but touched nothing except the pot of black coffee. Several times, he computed the probable flying time of the three planes, and the distance the slow-moving convoy could have covered since sailing at midnight on the previous Friday. Then he tried to find the position of the convoy on the map. Again the phone rang. A strange voice spoke over the wire. "This is Rear Admiral Henderson's office. He'd like you to come over at once." "I'll be there!" Curtis said. He found Old Curmudgeon pacing nervously up and down, chewing savagely on a half-smoked cigar which smelled vilely. From the expression on the old seadog's face, he knew there was bad news. "I've just had a message from the _Lexington_," Henderson said. "She's found the bombers!" "Found them?" Curtis was puzzled. The rear admiral's face was gloomy. "They were floating--in a sinking condition. The crews of all three were dazed. None of them could understand what had happened, but they all told the same story!" "And what was it?" Curtis asked, as Old Curmudgeon paused. The older man slumped into his chair, his shoulders sagging wearily. "They were circling about the _Comerford_, ready to close in, when a sudden blinding flash, which seemed to come from the foremast turret, killed both radio and motor." "That must have been the new invention Androka was working on!" Curtis exclaimed. "Have you heard how badly the equipment was damaged?" "Yes," Old Curmudgeon answered. "It was burned out by a terrific heat that melted copper wires, cracked the porcelain on plugs, and fused them into their sockets. Batteries, magnetos, tubes--everything was destroyed!" Curtis leaned forward and gazed earnestly into the rear admiral's tired face. "Sir, you have received proof that something unusual has taken place aboard the _Comerford_; that she is in the hands of enemies. Do you believe now that I have told the truth?" Old Curmudgeon's eyes held a kinder expression than Curtis had ever seen in them before. "Yes; I believe you!" "Thank you, sir!" Bob Curtis said, deeply moved. "I don't blame you," he added. "The story I told was unbelievable! But I think I know a way to catch up with the _Comerford_--recapture her without destroying her!" "Tell me your plan!" Henderson said quietly, and he leaned back in his chair to listen. Curtis spoke to him earnestly for some time. When he had finished, Old Curmudgeon raised his telephone and began dialing and giving orders. Then he stood up and held out his hand. "Good luck, commander! Your plane'll be ready in half an hour!" * * * * * Commander Bob Curtis was in the co-pilot's seat, as the big PBY flying boat, one of the navy's latest-type patrol bombers, spanked out into the choppy water, lifted, went roaring off. The miles slipped away astern under the pull of its mighty propellers as they raced on their journey. Every once in a while, Curtis turned his eyes away from the restless gray Atlantic to glance toward the cabin, where the navigator and wireless operator sat at his little table. There was, he knew, a machine gunner at his post in the tail of the plane, and a bombardier lying flat in the nose of the fuselage. At short intervals, Curtis got the relayed radio reports, through his headphones, from the _Lexington_. The seaplane's wireless was keeping in constant touch with the big aircraft carrier, which evidently was still outside the limits of Zukor Androka's zone of silence. The _Lexington_ held the key to Curtis' secret plan. This flight was the first leg of his journey to recapture the _Comerford_. At the controls, the pilot, Lieutenant Delton, sat relaxed, smiling confidently, a cigarette in the corner of his mouth. He offered one to Curtis, who took it with a nod of thanks, lighted it and inhaled deeply. It tasted good, eased the strain on his nerves. The voice of the navigator came through his phones. "_Lexington_ hasn't answered for the past half hour. I've been calling her every five minutes!" Curtis' heart leaped at the news. The _Lexington_ had come into the silence area! That might mean the _Comerford_ was close at hand; or it might be five hundred miles away. For that, Curtis figured, was the maximum radius over which Androka's zone could extend its influence. And the device for killing all electrical apparatus with a ray would necessarily operate at a much shorter distance--unless Androka's invention bordered on the miraculous. The _Lexington_ hove in sight. Curtis thrilled at the sight of her top deck, with its rows upon rows of planes, their propellers agleam in the sunlight that had recently broken through the Atlantic fog. For a moment, his lips tightened as he thought of the destruction which Androka's deadly ray could wreak on this splendid array of aircraft, and the resolution in him gained renewed confidence, as his eyes swept the _Lexington's_ powerful hull. He was aware that the pilot had shut off the motor and was gliding in a circular descent that would bring the heavy navy bomber taxiing to a stop alongside the aircraft carrier. The man out front in the bomber's pit had diffused his bombs and left his post in the nose of the fuselage, and the machine-gunner aft had come out of his nest--both glad of the opportunity to change their cramped quarters for a spell. The _Lexington_ lowered a boat and took Curtis on board. A few minutes later, he was explaining his theory to the _Lexington's_ commander, with the aid of a map of the Atlantic in the chart room. "The way I figure it, sir," he stated, "is that the _Comerford_ has been detailed to cut the _Carethusia_ out of her convoy and take her to some French port--probably Bordeaux, where she will be less likely to prove a target for R. A. F. bombers." The _Lexington's_ commander nodded. "I think I follow you. The _Carethusia's_ cargo must be something of immense value to the Nazi war machine." "There's no doubt that it is, sir," Curtis said, "or they wouldn't take so much trouble to capture it. And there'd be no point in separating the _Carethusia_ from her convoy before they're fairly close to the French port which they intend to make." "Where do you place the convoy at present?" the other man asked. Curtis put his finger on a spot on the map, in about mid-Atlantic, along one of the more northerly sea lanes. "I've checked with the British Naval Intelligence. The convoy makes the voyage in sixteen days, under normal conditions. Its speed is that of the slowest boat. It left at midnight last Friday, and this is Friday again." "And the _Comerford_?" "The _Comerford_," Curtis said, "is undoubtedly with the convoy, making the British believe that she is one of the American war vessels which usually pick up these convoys at a designated point on the way across." The _Lexington's_ commander frowned; his face wore a puzzled expression. "But suppose the British escort ships discover the deception?" "If it came to a showdown," Curtis argued, "the _Comerford_, equipped with Androka's inventions, is more than a match for any or all of the British war vessels with the convoy. You know they're using mostly light corvettes and over-age destroyers these days." "I guess you're right," the other agreed. "I haven't forgotten the mess the _Comerford_ made of those three bombers we picked up." "How long," Curtis asked, "would it take the _Lexington_ to get within striking distance of the convoy--say between fifty and a hundred miles?" "We could make it shortly after nightfall tomorrow," the other decided, after a bit of figuring. "And that special plane you've reserved for me will be ready then?" Curtis said. "It's ready now, if you want it," the commander of the _Lexington_ told him. * * * * * The convoy was wallowing its way through the darkness, across the dreary wastes of the Atlantic, following a far-northern sea lane that would be most likely to offer safety from attack by enemy raiders and U-boats. The _Comerford_ had joined the convoy shortly after it had passed the shores of Iceland, reporting that she had been sent to strengthen it against possible attack by a powerful German sea raider that was reported to be at large in the north Atlantic. The story was accepted by the commander of the convoy squadron. In the center of the convoy, the ten ships containing the most valuable cargoes were ranged in parallel lines. They were ringed around by a cordon of converted merchant vessels, armed cargo ships and destroyers, in addition to the U. S. Cruiser _Comerford_, and the aforementioned British cruiser of First World War vintage. On the bridge of the _Comerford_, Navigating Officer Nelson, ex-U. S. N., stood watching the other vessels as they plowed their way through the heavy seas. All were running without lights, but the phosphorescent wash of the water against their bows and the dark bulk of their hulls revealed their positions. Nelson's chief attention was focused on the central group of ships--especially on the _Carethusia_. Another day, perhaps, and it would be time to make his bid to cut the _Carethusia_ out of the convoy and head her for the French port designated in the secret orders which Herr Kommander Brandt had brought on board with him. Here was Herr Kommander Brandt now, climbing the ladder to the bridge on his stumpy legs. He came up to Nelson, puffing obesely. "_Ach!_ I vish dis woyage was ofer!" Brandt grunted. "I hope you mean _successfully_ over," Nelson said. "Dot old Czech!" Brandt grumbled. "He iss driving me crazy with his fool inventions!" "Czech and double Czech!" Nelson kidded him. "But his inventions do all he claims for them; and that's saying a lot!" "_Ja!_" Brandt agreed. "Dot's so. But--" He broke off with a guttural oath in German, as a low droning overhead came to his ears. Nelson heard it, too, and raised his night glasses to sweep the sky for the source of the sound. Suddenly he clutched Brandt by the arm and handed the glasses to him. "There! Look!" Brandt took the binoculars and focused them to suit his own vision. "It is some sort of airplane," he said a few minutes later, returning the glasses to Nelson. "A queer-looking one. I can't quite make it out!" Nelson took the glasses and refocused them. There _was_ something queer about the gliding motion of the aircraft, and then as it came closer, he could make out that it had a second propeller overhead. "It's a helicopter!" he exclaimed softly. "But it hardly makes any sound at all--a noiseless helicopter. I bet it's Diesel-engined!" "_Ja?_" There was surprise in Herr Kommander Brandt's tone. "And I'll bet," Nelson went on, his eyes suddenly flashing and his voice quivering with excitement, "that Curtis has sent it after us. He always advocated the freer use of helicopters, especially the Diesel-engined type. It wouldn't surprise me if he's in it!" "Ve can blast him out of the air mit Androka's ray!" Brandt said. "Like ve blasted those bombers!" "Maybe!" Nelson's tone held a touch of doubt. "We can try!" He used his telephone to call Androka. "Get busy, Androka!" he said into the mouthpiece. "Blast it with your plane-destroyer! Come up right away!" The old inventor's cracked voice answered over the wire. "I'll be with you at once!" * * * * * Nelson left the bridge and met Androka on the way to the room in the superstructure from which he operated the rays for the destruction of electric equipment. The old inventor's eyes were blazing with an almost maniacal light as he fiddled with various levers and batteries. From high above them, in the fighting top of the steel foremast, came the humming of a powerful dynamo as the apparatus built up its tremendous voltage. Through a skylight in the roof of his workshop, Androka sighted the hovering plane. He spoke into the telephone. In the turret top of the foremast, a weapon that looked like an old-style trench mortar was suddenly uncovered. Androka said a few words in German into the speaking tube and watched, as the huge mouth of the weapon swung toward the hovering plane. There was a flash, a shower of sparks; rays darted from the muzzle of the weapon in the mast turret. But the dynamic force that had blasted three navy bombers into helpless wreckage had no effect on the strange craft that hung suspended in the sky over the _Comerford_. And then it seemed that the powerful rays struck something--something afar off that picked them up like a handful of thunderbolts and hurled them back. There was a report, like the blowing out of a giant fuse. The whole hull of the _Comerford_ shuddered, as if from the impact of a powerful electric shock. The vessel quivered from stem to stern. Lights dimmed, went out. For fully ten seconds, there wasn't an atom of power on board the _Comerford_. She was stricken as if with a paralysis of her electric force. Then the dimmed lights began to glow again. Nelson looked at Androka, his cheeks ghastly. "What ... what happened?" "The rays must have struck some electric cable carrying tremendous power--more powerful than any cable to be found on shipboard," the inventor explained, in a husky voice. "That would put so heavy a power load on it that the rays were no longer capable of short-circuiting it to extinction. They carried the overload back to us and burned out our generator." "But that little plane," Nelson argued. "It couldn't--" Androka shrugged his narrow shoulders and ran his fingers nervously through his gray beard. "There must be some other vessel near at hand--with power cables such as I have described." Nelson cursed savagely and tore out of the room. He raced up the ladder to the bridge, tugged at Herr Kommander Brandt's sleeve. "That fool Androka's rays have failed. They've short-circuited themselves. We've got to shoot down Curtis--that helicopter--with our antiaircraft guns!" "Better have Androka release the radio and tell the others what we're doing," Brandt advised. In the next few minutes, the radio silence was lifted long enough to let Nelson tell the rest of the convoy that an enemy plane was hovering over the _Comerford_. Then a blast from the antiaircraft batteries of the cruiser screamed into the sky. Other armed vessels in the convoy cut loose with a fierce barrage. A few minutes of bedlam. Then the firing ceased. Nelson, sweeping the sky with his binoculars, saw the blasted fragments of wings and fuselage fluttering out of the clouds, to be swallowed up in the black waters. He handed the glasses to Brandt, saying: "I reckon that's the end of Curtis and his helicopter!" Herr Kommander Brandt searched the sky for a moment, then explored the dark wastes of ocean astern. "_Ja_," he agreed. "Ve must have blown him to bits. He ain't in the sky nor the sea!" * * * * * Other eyes were watching the fragments of aircraft wreckage that drifted with the eternal wash of the Atlantic waves astern of the convoy. Through the observation window in the helicopter's fuselage, Commander Bob Curtis grinned as he watched the sea-tossed remains of the dummy plane--a smaller replica of the helicopter--that he had thrown out as a target for the antiaircraft batteries of the _Comerford_. Slowly he wound in the light cable by which the decoy aircraft had been lowered from the trapdoor in the helicopter's hull to take the full fury of the barrage, while Curtis and his pilot Lieutenant Jay Lancaster were hovering safely far overhead, protected by a cloud of vapor. Curtis thrilled with a sense of keen satisfaction, because many of his own ideas were embodied in this helicopter. For many months of his spare time, he had worked in the navy's chemical laboratories on the aluminoid paint formula that rendered it practically invisible, especially when enveloped by the cloud of gas that could be released from the series of valves in the fuselage by touching a key on the instrument board. The collapsible dummy plane, which could be towed at a safe distance as a decoy for ambitious antiaircraft gunners had also been Curtis' own idea. For hours after that, the helicopter drifted in the sky, high over the convoy, which, Curtis found, was still enveloped in the zone of radio silence, for he could neither send nor receive any message through the ether. Finally, he touched Lancaster on the arm and spoke into the mouthpiece on his chest: "The _Comerford's_ running alongside the _Carethusia_. If the other ships try to interfere, the _Comerford's_ guns are heavy enough to sink them. There's only one thing to do. We _must_ break that zone of radio silence!" "But how--" Lancaster began. "Listen!" Curtis said, and spoke rapidly for the next few minutes. Lancaster began to maneuver the helicopter, throttling down the frontal engine, and reversing the lateral engine, so that the plane glided in slow circles, like a swooping hawk, till it was about three hundred feet above the _Comerford's_ mastheads. Curtis shook hands with Lancaster. The latter murmured "Good luck!" and Curtis crawled out of the cockpit and back into the plane's small cabin. He loosened the fastenings of his 'chute pack, saw that his automatic was safe in its holster. Then he pushed open the escape hatch and jumped out into space. From the plane's cloud-gas valves, a mass of opaque vapor streamed, enveloping him in a fog-like cloud that combined with the blackness of the night to render him invisible to those on the ship below. The 'chute opened out, and Curtis found himself descending on the _Comerford_. By kicking with his legs and manipulating the cords, he maneuvered the 'chute so that he would land in the mizzen-mast turret. From what Androka had once told him--perhaps in an unguarded moment--he felt certain that the radio silence was projected from this point. The cords of his 'chute tangled with the basket-like structure of the mast. Curtis got out his knife, cut himself free of the 'chute, then scrambled down the mast till he was at the entrance to the turret. He pushed his way into the small chamber and found himself facing two sailors, in United States naval uniforms, but they uttered harsh exclamations in German at sight of him, and went for their holstered automatics. Curtis brought his gun up, pointed it, and squeezed the trigger--once--twice--three times--four-- The first German sailor's face took on a look of surprise, the guttural curses died on his lips, as he slumped forward in a bloody heap. The second man uttered a scream and clutched at his chest, as Curtis' lead tore into him. Then he fell beside his companion. * * * * * A huge dome stood in the center of the turret, with antennae radiating out from it in every direction. Curtis could hear the low, humming drone, as of a powerful dynamo at work, and he could see a heavy cable, which evidently fed this dome of silence with its power. He found a switch and shut off the current; then he attacked the cable with the pliers he had brought with him. One by one, the thick strands of wire began to part-- Behind him, a harsh, inhuman cry caused Curtis to look around swiftly. Instinctively, he dropped the pliers, reached for his automatic, then hesitated, his finger on the safety catch. Zukor Androka stood in the turret entrance, his gray hair floating in wisps around his head, his eyes ablaze with a maniac's fury, his hands extended toward Curtis like gouging claws. "You ... you ... you have ruined my invention!" Androka murmured, in a heartbroken voice. "You have wrecked the zone of silence!" Curtis took a step forward, seized the Czech inventor by the shoulder and shook him. "You dirty little traitor!" he barked. "You've lied and cheated--sold out to the Nazis you profess to hate!" Androka looked at him, terror-stricken, evidently recognizing him for the first time. "You--you're Commander Curtis!" "Yes!" Curtis gave the inventor another shake and released him. "And you helped steal my ship--tried to ruin me as an officer of the United States navy!" "Listen!" Androka moved closer to Curtis, then fell on his knees in an attitude of supplication. "Listen to me!" Curtis stared at him coldly. "I'm listening, Androka. But talk quickly!" "Commander, I was forced to do this. I had to do it--to save the lives of my people back in Prague. My daughter--" "Yes," Curtis cut his protestations short. "I know about that!" Androka fumbled inside his coat and pulled out a sheaf of papers and blueprints. "Here, Curtis! These are the designs, the secret details of manufacture, and the formulas for my inventions--the zone of silence, the destroying rays that wrecked those bombers, and the gas. I'm giving them to you. I'll never use them again--no matter what happens to those I love. I swear it!" Curtis took the papers and thrust them into an inner pocket. Then he knelt and quickly completed his task of severing the strands of the cable. He pushed past the groveling form of Androka, and the still corpses of the two sailors, climbed down the mast to the superstructure, and headed for the wireless room. The operator sat at his table, a cigarette drooping in the corner of his mouth, half asleep. Curtis clubbed him efficiently with the butt of his gun. The man slumped forward with a groan and lay still. Curtis hauled him to one side and then sat down to send: "Come aboard U. S. Cruiser _Comerford_ at once. Ship in hands of Nazis, in plot to steal the _Carethusia_. Commander Curtis speaking from the _Comerford_. Lancaster, summon help--" Curtis stopped and hurriedly cast aside the headphones. The sound of heavy footsteps outside warned him of impending danger. He reached for his gun, released the safety catch, and whirled about. Men were crowding the doorway of the wireless room--men in whose throats rumbled the angry cry of a baffled wolf pack, whose eyes gleamed with the savage light of murder. The wireless room was abruptly full of powder smoke, punctuated with gun flashes, as he sprayed bullets at the doorway. The steel door protected him; his attackers were exposed. He saw that the crowd had given way before the figure of one man, bolder than the rest--or perhaps more desperate--pushing forward, a blazing automatic in his hand. Curtis recognized the white, hard-lined face, the pale, cruel eyes, set under shaggy blond brows, now blazing with a wild, half-insane light--Nelson! Curtis was busy shoving in a new clip of ammunition-- A shot from Nelson's pistol went wild, shattered the lights, throwing the wireless room into almost total darkness. His second bullet seared Curtis' jaw, a burning, flesh-tearing wound. Another smashed into his shoulder--high up. Curtis felt sick as he felt lead splintering the bone. He fired--and missed. His shoulder ached--He gritted his teeth, steadied his aim, and let Nelson have it again. In the faint light that came in at the entrance, he saw Nelson's white face suddenly become a crimson mask. His body fell backward--outside. Curtis dashed forward and slammed the steel door, bolting it, locking himself in. A terrible wave of nausea rose up within him. The pain of his wounded shoulder was like torturing knives turning in his flesh, grinding against the shattered bones-- He felt his fingers relax on his gun, as his knees buckled under him, and he sank to the floor. The next thing Curtis knew, he was in a ship's cabin in bed, his wounded shoulder incased in a comfortable surgical dressing. A brown-skinned Filipino mess boy poked his head in and grinned in friendly fashion. On his cap, Curtis read the lettering "U. S. S. _Lexington_" and knew that he must have been taken on board the big aircraft carrier. The mess boy ducked out as quietly as he had looked in, and a few minutes later, the _Lexington's_ commander entered. "Congratulations!" he said cordially, after asking Curtis how he felt. "Everything worked out perfectly. The new helicopter had its first chance to demonstrate its efficiency and came through a hundred percent. You were right also in your theory that the _Lexington's_ power cables, with their tremendous current-carrying capacity, would shatter the rays into worthless junk. The power from our cables kicked back on Androka's invention and smashed it!" Curiosity prompted Curtis to ask a question. "What ... what became of Androka? Did he--" He paused as he saw the gleam of horror in the other man's eyes! "Androka got panicked," the commander of the _Lexington_ said, "when he saw that the _Comerford_ had been surrounded by the fighting vessels of the British convoy, and he knew that both his inventions were wrecked. I guess seeing Nelson dead softened him up, too." "So what did Androka do?" Curtis asked. "Blow up the ship?" The _Lexington's_ commander shook his head slowly. "No; he blew _himself_ up--in his work-room--with some explosives he'd been experimenting with!" Curtis leaned back on his pillows. The excitement of listening to the other's story had made him a little tense. He felt he needed to relax. 
47776	----	the Digital Library of the Falvey Memorial Library, Villanova University (http://digital.library.villanova.edu) Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations. See 47776-h.htm or 47776-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/47776/47776-h/47776-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/47776/47776-h.zip) Images of the original pages are available through the Digital Library of the Falvey Memorial Library, Villanova University. See http://digital.library.villanova.edu/Item/vudl:353360 Transcriber's note: Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). [Illustration: A FEW STROKES BROUGHT HIM ALONGSIDE THE FLOAT, AND HE SCRAMBLED UP ITS WET SIDES. Page 209] THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ON BATTLE PRACTICE by CAPTAIN WILBUR LAWTON New York Hurst & Company Publishers Copyright, 1911, by Hurst & Company CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. A RED-HOT STOVE AND DESTINY 5 II. "WE'RE GOING TO JOIN THE NAVY" 17 III. UNCLE SAM GETS TWO RAW RECRUITS 28 IV. THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS HAVE AN ADVENTURE 42 V. TWO LADS WITH THE "RIGHT RING" 51 VI. A COWARD'S BLOW 62 VII. "WE ARE PART OF THE FLEET" 70 VIII. HERC TAKES A COLD BATH 83 IX. A NAVAL INITIATION 98 X. NED HOLDS HIS COUNSEL 106 XI. BREAKING TWO ROOKIES 116 XII. A BULLY GETS A LESSON 126 XIII. HERC LEARNS WHAT "THE BRIG" IS 136 XIV. A PLOT OVERHEARD 143 XV. ORDERED AFT 154 XVI. A BIT OF PROMOTION 163 XVII. JIU-JITSU VS. MUSCLE 171 XVIII. THE BOYS GET ACQUAINTED WITH BIG GUNS 183 XIX. IN THE MIDST OF PEACE 192 XX. HERC A LIVING TARGET 200 XXI. AFLOAT AND ASHORE 212 XXII. A MYSTERIOUS DISAPPEARANCE 223 XXIII. A JACKIE AGAINST WOLVES 231 XXIV. IN THE PULSIFERS' HANDS 242 XXV. THREE MINUTES OF LIFE 253 XXVI. A BLUFF CALLED 264 XXVII. A STRANGE RETURN 273 XXVIII. A HIT WITH CHAOSITE 282 XXIX. THE STUFF A JACKIE'S MADE OF 292 The Dreadnought Boys On Battle Practice. CHAPTER I. A RED-HOT STOVE AND DESTINY. "Isn't it a dandy picture--the real thing--just as I've always imagined it. Herc!" Ned Strong wheeled from the gaudily colored lithograph he had been admiring, and turned to a red-headed youth of about his own age--almost eighteen--who stood beside him in the postoffice and general store at Lambs' Corners, a remote village in the Catskill mountains. "It's purty as a yearling colt," responded the lad addressed, examining once more, with an important air of criticism, the poster in question. The lithograph had been tacked up only the day before, but by this time half the boys in the neighboring country had examined it. The poster represented a stalwart, barefooted jackie, in Uncle Sam's natty uniform, standing on the flying-bridge of a battleship and "wig-wagging" the commanding officer's messages. The bright-red signal flag, with its white center, which he wielded, made a vivid splash of color. In the background a graphically depicted sea, flecked with "whitecaps," was pictured. As a whole, the design was one well calculated to catch the attention of all wholesome, adventurous lads, particularly two, who, like our new acquaintances, had never seen any water but the Hudson River. Indeed, as that majestic stream lay twenty miles from their home, they had only set eyes on that at long intervals. "Look how that ship seems to ride that sea--as if those racing waves didn't bother her a bit," went on Ned, dwelling on the details of the poster, which was issued to every postoffice in the land by the Bureau of Navigation. "And look at the sailor," urged Herc Taylor, Ned's cousin. Herc had been christened Hercules by his parents, who, like Ned's, had died in his infancy, but Herc he had always been and was likely to remain. "What's he waving at--sea-cows?" "See here, Herc Taylor, this is serious. Wouldn't working for Uncle Sam in a uniform like that on a first-class fighting-ship suit you better than doing chores? How would a life on the ocean wave appeal to you, eh?" inquired Ned, with rather a mischievous twinkle in his blue eyes. "First-rate," rejoined Herc. "It makes me think of those sea stories--those you are so fond of reading, Ned, 'Frank on a Gunboat,' and the rest." "I guess a modern Dreadnought is a whole lot different to the vessels on board which Frank fought," smiled Ned; "but I must admit that that picture has put some queer notions into my head, too." "For instance, what?" demanded Herc, in whose eyes there was a glimmer which would have said plain as a pike-staff to those who knew him that the red-headed lad had come to some sort of determination. "For instance, that I'd like to be a sailor for Uncle Sam, and work my way up, like some of those admirals and naval heroes we've read about!" exclaimed Ned, with considerable animation. "Shake!" cried Herc; "that's what I've been thinking of ever since I saw that picture----" "Which was ten minutes ago," put in Ned. "Never mind; you haven't been looking at it any longer, and I can see that you are as hard hit by the idea of joining the navy as I am," briskly interrupted Herc. "I don't know but what you are right, Herc," rejoined Ned thoughtfully. "I've been thinking that if we go on as we are, we will be doing the same old round of duties on grandpa's farm ten years from now, just as we are doing to-day. Things don't change much in the country, as you know, while in the navy----" Ned stopped, but his glowing face and sparkling eyes finished the speech for him. "While in the navy, bing! bang!--Promotion.--Fire the guns!--Target!--Good shot!--First mate!--Medal!--Introduction to the president.--Up in the fighting-top.--Down in a submarine.--Bottom of the sea.--Top of the mast--whoop!" exploded Herc, in a way that he had when he was excited. It was for all the world like listening to the detonations of an exploding package of firecrackers. "Well, the poster here _does_ say that there are a lot of good chances for promotion," soberly put in Ned, who had been examining the text below the lithograph with some attention, while Herc had been exploding. "I've a good mind to try it, Herc," he concluded suddenly. "Count me in on that, too," heartily rejoined his cousin, giving a few impromptu steps of what he declared was a sailor's hornpipe; "and when we're both admirals we'll come back here and astonish the natives--including Hank Harkins." "Who said Hank Harkins?" growled a harsh voice from the rear of the store, for the postoffice was tucked away in one corner of the Lambs' Corners Emporium, in which, it was the boast of its proprietor, you could buy anything from a needle to a gang-plow. As the words reached the boys' ears, a tall, hulking youth, of about their own age--shouldered his way through the knot of loungers gathered about the stove--for it was December, and cold. "I'll thank you two to keep my name out of your conversation," growled the newcomer, as he lurched up to the cousins. "Oh, we'd not use it unless we had to," rejoined Herc, facing round, his red hair seeming to bristle like the hackles on the back of an angry dog. "Since you were mean enough to persuade your father to post his land against us so that we could not take the short cut to the store, we are not likely to want to discuss your points,--good or otherwise--promiscuous." "See here, Herc Taylor," glowered Hank, who had considerable reputation in the village as a bully, and had sustained his renown as a hard fighter and wrestler in many a tough contest, "I don't know what you mean by promiscuous----" "No, I didn't think you would," grinned Herc cheerfully. "But I want to tell you here and now, that if I have any more of your impudence, I'm going to lick you, and lick you good," concluded the bully; his enmity to the two boys, who lived on an adjoining farm to his father's, not at all allayed by Herc's aggressive tone and evident contempt. "And I want to tell you that we don't want anything to do with you," retorted Herc; "we're mighty particular about our company." "You young whelp, I'll have to teach you some manners," grated Hank angrily, edging up threateningly toward the red-headed youth, who, for his part, did not budge the fraction of an inch. "You'll be a teacher who never studied then," retorted Herc hotly, as he turned away to join Ned, who had been regarding the disputants with narrowed eyes, but had said nothing so far. He knew Hank Harkins for a bully, and believed him to be a coward at heart, but he had no wish to get into a fistic argument with him in a public place like Goggins' store and postoffice. But by this time a number of the loungers about the stove had become attracted by the raised tones of Hank and Herc and crowded around the two; and Hank, nothing loth to having an audience, proceeded to give Herc what he elegantly termed a "tongue-lashing." "So far as posting our farm went," he sputtered vindictively, "you know why that was done, to keep you two from pot-hunting over it. Killing every rabbit you could and pulling down walls to get them out. Why," exclaimed Hank, turning to the auditors who stood with gaping mouths in various interested postures, "those two fellows made a hole in our south wall that let our whole herd of milch cows through, and----" He stopped short at a sudden interruption. "That's a lie." The words came from Ned Strong. "Yes, you know it is. You pulled down that wall yourself and then to escape getting in trouble with your father you blamed us for it," snapped Herc. The bully's face twitched. He grew pale with anger and his rage was none the less because he knew Herc's charges to be true. "Call me a liar, will you?" he gritted out, springing at Ned with considerable agility, considering his hulking frame and general appearance of clumsy strength. "Take that!" Smack! The bully's big hand landed fair on Ned's cheek, bruising it and raising an angry crimson mark. Unwilling as Ned was to fight in such a place, the insult was too maddening to be allowed to go unnoticed by any one but an arrant coward; and Ned was far from being that. Before Hank had gathered himself together from the force of his unexpected blow, the quiet Ned was transformed from his usual docile self, into a formidable antagonist. His eyes blazed with anger as he crouched into a boxing posture for a breath, and then lunged full at Hank Harkins, who met the lighter lad's onslaught with a defiant sneer. So quickly had it all happened that no one had had time to say a word, much less to interfere. Paul Stevens, the owner of the store, was out in the granary at the back helping a farmer get a load of oats onto his wagon. The loungers, nothing averse to having the monotony of their unceasing discussions of the crops and politics interrupted in such dramatic fashion, fell back to give the battlers room. Not one of them, however, dreamed of but one issue to the battle and that was that Ned Strong was in for a terrible thrashing; but, as the seconds slipped by, and several blows had been exchanged between the two, it began to appear that Ned was not going to prove such an easy prey as had at first seemed manifest. Hank Harkins himself, who had been surprised at any resistance from Herc's cousin, began to look uneasy as Ned, instead of going down before the perfect hail of blows the bully delivered, skillfully avoided most of the lunges and contented himself with ducking and dodging; only changing his tactics now and then to deliver a blow when he saw a favorable opportunity. "Good boy, Ned," breathed Herc, as he saw his companion wading into Hank Harkins in such surprising style. Even the loyal Herc had not hitherto dreamed that beneath Ned's quiet personality had been hidden such ability to take care of himself. Hank, after the first few minutes, was breathing heavily, and the sweat began to pour off his face. A pampered, only son, he never did much hard work about the farm, whereas Ned's muscles were trained fine as nickel-steel by hay-pitching, wood-sawing and other strenuous tasks. His training stood him in good stead now. Overmatched by Hank, he undoubtedly was, but his hard frame was the more enduring. Hank's punches, terrific enough at first, began gradually to grow weaker, more particularly as most of them had been wasted on empty space. Finally Hank, perceiving that he was reaching the end of his rope, clenched his teeth and, with set face and narrowed eyes, made up his mind to end the fight in one supreme effort. He hurled himself on his lighter antagonist like a thunderbolt, but Ned, with a skillful duck, avoided the full fury of the onslaught, and rising just as the bully launched his blows into thin air, caught his lumbering opponent full under the chin. Swinging his arms, like a scarecrow in a windstorm, the bully plunged backward under the effective blow. "Hurray for Ned Strong!" shouted Herc ecstatically, as the bully's big frame reeled staggeringly backward. The next minute, however, his delight changed to a groan of dismay as Hank, unable to control himself, crashed, full tilt, into the stove. With a deafening clatter, like that of a mad bull careening round a tinware shop, the heater and its long pipe, came toppling in a sooty confusion to the ground. Red-hot coals shot out in every direction. In the midst of the wreckage sprawled the unlucky bully, his features bedaubed with black. Through this mask his look of puzzled rage at his defeat came so comically that Ned and Herc could not restrain themselves, but, even in the face of the disaster to the store stove, burst into uncontrollable fits of laughter. In the meantime some one hurled a bucket of water on the coals, and the bully was drenched. The onlookers, their risibilities also tickled by the downfall of the bully, and the noisy demolition of the stove, joined in the merriment and the laden shelves of the store were echoing to a perfect tempest of laughter when suddenly the rear door opened and Paul Stevens entered. A look of dismay appeared on his lean features as his eyes lighted on the wreckage. With him was another figure whose unexpected appearance caused the boys' faces to assume almost as dismayed a look as the countenance of the storekeeper. "Grandfather!" gasped Ned, as his eyes encountered the angry glare of the newcomer's pale orbs. "Yes,--grandfather," snapped the other, whose weather-beaten face was adorned with a tuft of gray hair on the chin, in the style popularly known as "the goatee." "What have you got to say in explanation of this?" As he rasped out this query in a harsh, rusty voice like the creaking of a long disused hinge, old Zack Strong pointed to the wreckage. From the midst of it was rising the bully, plentifully besmeared with soot, but doing his best to maintain a look of injured innocence. CHAPTER II. "WE'RE GOING TO JOIN THE NAVY." Old Zack Strong was not one of those men who can distinguish between boyish high spirits and what he would have termed "downright pesky cussedness." In this latter quality, indeed, he believed both his grandsons--Ned, and his dead second son's offspring, Herc,--to be plentifully endowed. Not naturally bad-hearted, however, the old man had assumed the care of the cousins on the death of their parents, but even with his act of adoption there came the thought to his frugal mind: "They'll be a great help 'round the farm." In his hopes in this direction the old man had not been disappointed. Both boys had entered into the work with painstaking thoroughness; but it must be admitted that to adventurous lads, the monotonous grind of a remote farm in the hills is somewhat dampening. Ever since Ned and Herc had left the district school and become, in a more thorough sense than ever, "helps" to their grandfather, the old man had chafed at their hunting expeditions and proclivities toward baseball and other games. He could not see that pitching hay, milking, and doing chores, was not the full-rounded end of existence for any lads. So, when, on this bitter December afternoon, he entered the store unexpectedly on his way back from delivering a wagon-load of grist at the water-driven mill at Westerlo, a nearby village, his chagrin may be imagined when he discovered his two young charges occupying the centre of the scene depicted in the last chapter. In Zack Strong's hard creed there was only one sin worse than playing--or "fooling," as he called it--and that was fighting. And it was only too evident that in the latter of these heinous offences one at least of the boys had been indulging. Worse still, in the wrecked stove the old farmer foresaw a demand for damages on the storekeeper's part, and there was only one thing harder to wring from Zack than a smile, and that article was money. If the average farmer is what may be described as "close-fisted," old Zack was "cement-fisted." With this side-light on their grandfather's character in view, the consternation of the boys may be understood when they met his amazed and indignant gaze resting accusingly on them. "Mean?" stammered Hank, wiping as best he could some of the soot off his mottled countenance and echoing the old man's last words. "It means that your two boys here have made a brutal and unprovoked attack on me and that----" "And that my stove is busted to Kingdom Come!" disgustedly sputtered Paul Stevens, whose cadaverous features had been busily scanning the wreckage in the brief interval of time that had elapsed between the entrance of himself and Zack Strong and the seemingly righteously indignant outburst of the bully. "Never mind your stove now," grated out the hard-featured old farmer, wishing devoutly that the stove could be "never-minded" altogether, "what I want to find out is what these boys here have been up to. What kind of deviltry they have been at." "We haven't been at any deviltry, as you please to call it, grandpa," burst out Ned, striving to keep cool, though he was burning inwardly with indignation and humiliation. "Eh-eh-eh?" grunted the old man incredulously, "that's fine talking, but what's all this I see? How did that young man come to be all mixed up in the stove?" "Through no wish of his own you may be sure," chuckled the irrepressible Herc. "Say, Hank, you look like a skunk--all black and white, you know----" "Silence, sir," roared his grandfather, with as near an approach to a stern bass as his wheezy voice would allow. "Who started this?" Ned remained silent. It was not his wish to tell tales, and he had no desire to act as an informer. "Why, Hank Harkins here started it," spoke up Si Ingalls, a young farmer who had formed one of the group about the demolished stove, "he slapped Ned in the jaw and Ned--rightly, too--came back at him. Am I correct?" he asked, turning to the others. "Hank's face looks it," grinned Luke Bates, the village wit, regarding Hank, who was quivering with fury, in an amused way, "never mix it up with a stove, Hank," he went on, "it'll get the best of you every time." "Is this right?" demanded old Zack, turning to his grandson as soon as the laugh at Hank's expense subsided. "Oh, yes, that's about the way it happened, I guess," said Ned in a low voice. "What I want to know is who's going to settle for my stove," wailed Paul Stevens. "Here's a cracked draught-piece, a busted door, two lengths of stove-pipe flattened out like pancakes and soot all over a fine piece of dress goods." "Name your price," groaned old Zack, wincing as if a twinge of rheumatism had passed through him, "but don't make it too steep," he added, cautiously, "or I won't pay it. How much, now?" The storekeeper made a rapid mental calculation, in which his fingers and various grimaces played an important part. "There's the stove door, say seventy-five cents; and the pipe, two lengths, a dollar; and the draught-piece--I'll have to send to New York for another, sixty cents; and the spoiled dress goods----" "You'll only have to cut the outside edge off them," objected old Zack, his lips twitching nervously as the rising tide of expenses swamped his cautious senses. "Wall, that'll be a yard, anyhow," announced the storekeeper, "that is twenty-five cents, we'll say. Two dollars thirty-five for the whole shebang." "Two dollars thirty-five. It's rank robbery," objected the old farmer, almost giving utterance to a groan. "Of course I may be able to straighten out the stove pipe," admitted Paul Stevens, reluctantly, "and you are an old customer. I'll make it two dollars and ten cents to you." Reluctantly old Zack drew out a battered wallet and drew from it two one-dollar bills, being careful not to display the rest of its contents. Then, after much fumbling in the recesses of his clothing, he produced a small leather purse from which he drew a ten cent piece. These he tendered with an agonized expression to the storekeeper. "Canadian," sniffed the storekeeper, regarding the bit of silver. "It's good," objected old Zack. "Not to me. Come, I let you off light on the stove and the other damage them boys have done; give me a good dime." Reluctantly old Zack took back the rejected coin and substituted for it a piece of United States silver. "There you are," he grumbled, "those pesky boys will bankrupt me yet." All this time the boys, standing aloof from the crowd of loungers, had regarded the scene with very different expressions. Herc's lips trembled with suppressed laughter as he witnessed the painful operation of separating old Zack from his beloved money, while Ned's face bore a thoughtful look, as if he were revolving some serious project in his mind. Hank Harkins had taken advantage of the temporary diversion from himself as a centre of interest to shuffle off, and was by this time well on his way home, considering, as he went, the best way in which he could explain his soot-smeared face and rapidly swelling eye. A short time afterwards the boys accompanied their elder to his spring-wagon and, as they had walked down to the store, prepared to accompany him home. "Look out for squalls," Herc whispered to Ned, as the two lads unhitched the team. His warning was not ill-judged. The vials of old Zack's wrath burst with the fury of a midsummer storm above the boys' heads as soon as the wagon had clattered out of the village and was climbing the steep ascent to Zack Strong's farm. "Of all the useless, idle scamps that I ever had on the farm, you are the worst," began the querulous old man, "and then, to cap it all, you go to fighting and brawling in public and cost me two dollars and an American dime to settle it. I don't see why Paul Stevens couldn't have taken that Canadian one. They're as good as any others, in some places," he went on, his mind reverting to his other grievance, "but that's the way in this world, nothing but ingratitude everywhere you turn. I've nourished a pair of sar-pints, that's what I've done. You're rattle-brains, both on yer." He turned a sour enough countenance on the two lads as he spoke. "Sort of rattlesnakes, eh?" cheerfully remarked the irrepressible Herc. "It's no use being angry, gran'pa," he went on, "we'd finished splitting the last of that tough hickory before we came down to the village and, as there was nothing else to do till chore-time----" "You spent it in disgracing yourselves, eh?" grimly rejoined old Zack. "I'm tired of it, I tell you," he railed on, "and----" "And so are we," quietly broke in Ned, whose face still wore the same thoughtful look that had come over it just before they left the store. "What?" quavered the old man, as if he thought he had not heard aright. "I mean 'so are we tired of it,'" repeated Ned, slowly, but in a firm voice, "we work for you early and late, grandpa, and nothing ever comes of it but scolding and fault-finding." "Didn't I pay two dollars ten cents for that busted stove, Ned?" complained old Zack, "and I'll swear the damage wasn't more'n one ninety-eight, and----" "That's not the question, now," went on Ned, in the same quiet, determined voice, "as it was partly my fault that the stove was overturned I'll pay you back that out of my own pocket." "What,--you ain't got no money!" exclaimed old Zack incredulously and in somewhat alarmed tones. There was a note in Ned's voice he had never heard there before and he saw his authority melting away like snow in the spring, "and besides, maybe I was a bit hasty, Ned. Come, we'll call it square and you do your work right in future and we'll say no more about it." "I shall do only a little more work for you, gran'pa," was Ned's amazing reply, which almost caused the old man to drop his lines and fall backward off his seat. "What's that?" he cried, and his voice fairly squeaked under the stress of his great astonishment. "I said," calmly repeated Ned, "that I shall not do much more work for you, grandpa, and neither will Herc here, I guess. We are going away." It was Herc's turn to look astonished. Accustomed as he was to accept Ned's opinion in most things, this latest resolve seemed somewhat drastic even to the impetuous red-headed youth. "Why, you ain't got no money?" stammered old Zack, not being able to think of anything else to say in his great amazement. "Oh, yes, I have," quietly rejoined Ned. "I have fifty dollars saved up that I got for skins last winter and Herc has about the same sum. That will carry us a little way, I guess." "Why, Ned, boy! Land o' Goshen, what have yer set yer mind on doin'?" gasped the farmer. "We're going to enter the navy," announced Ned, in these same quiet, determined tones; which unmistakably meant to anyone who knew him that his mind was made up beyond the possibility of change. "What, out on the water?" gasped old Zack, his mind in a whirl at this sudden kicking over the traces of authority. "I believe they usually sail the vessels of Uncle Sam's navy on the water," chirped the irrepressible Herc, who, his first astonishment over, had quite resolved to follow his cousin's footsteps wherever they might lead. The sarcasm was lost on old Zack, however. He even forgot to emit his customary minute interval cry of "Geddap!" to his old team which, in consequence, came to a dead standstill in the middle of the road. "Of course we shall stay and help you till you get a hired man to suit you," went on Ned, with quiet sarcasm. "Yes--yes," quavered the old man, chirruping to his stationary team, and seemingly dazed by the sudden announcement of the boys' intentions. "In the navy--out on the water," he muttered as they drove on, "Land o' Goshen!--two dollars!--fights!--busted stoves!--the navy!" CHAPTER III. UNCLE SAM GETS TWO RAW RECRUITS. Old Zack's daze was not dispelled the next morning when, having done their work as usual, the boys set off to trudge the six miles into Lambs' Corners. "Will you be back to dinner?" the old man croaked, in such a quavering voice that even Herc felt sorry for him. "We'll be back before then, and make up the time we've lost before night," Ned assured him, as the two cousins swung off to take what they both felt was the final step of their resolve. They had lain awake most of the night in the room they shared, discussing the future, and had decided to abide by the decision they had so hastily arrived at, whatever might happen. "Things have come to the cross roads of opportunity," was the way Ned put it, "we've got to strike out now and sink or swim." During the course of their conversation it had occurred to Ned that in reading over the printed matter beneath the picture which had attracted their attention in the post office the day before, he had come across instructions to ask the postmaster for a post card, which was free on application. This card, when mailed to the Navy Department, so the poster said, would bring the applicant additional information regarding the navy, in the form of booklets and pamphlets. As soon as the boys arrived in the postoffice they perceived that they were the objects of very general scrutiny by the usual group assembled 'round the re-erected stove. They paid no attention to the comments of the knot of spectators, however, but marched straight up to the little pigeon hole, behind which Paul Stevens attended to the weighty matters of the U. S. mail, and demanded two of the post cards the poster mentioned. With a lifting of his eyebrows the postmaster handed them out. "Seems like everyone in the place is goin' ter enlist, or whatever you call it," he remarked. "Hank Harkins was in here early to-day and got one of them cards. I reckon he's thinking of getting a chore boy's job in the navy, too." This was news to the boys and not particularly welcome news, either. They had no desire to come into further contact with the lumbering Hank, but inasmuch as they had no control over his movements, they accepted the situation with the best grace they could. A few days later the literature arrived from Washington and the boys put their heads together over it during their leisure time, examining the prospects held out from every aspect. The result was, as might have been expected, that their resolution became more firmly set than ever and a week after they received the booklets and other information they bade good-bye to old Zack, who had by this time acquired resignation and a hired man, and started for the village whence they were to take the stage to Granville, the railroad town. As may be imagined, the boys felt little regret on leaving the farm and old Zack, and were not hypocrites enough to pretend to any great affection for their surroundings of so many monotonous years. Old Zack wrung his hands and lamented, to be sure, but as the boys knew that his grief was caused more by the loss of two husky helpers than by any personal regret, they did not pay much attention to his protestations. As they strode through the old farm gates there did come over them a momentary twinge of feeling at the idea that the portals that they had so often opened and shut as they went about their work, were closing behind them for perhaps the last time. It was only a momentary emotion, however, and was speedily dispelled by a shout of "Hey!" from old Zack, who came running after them from the barn where he had spent the time since, he had said good-by, in scolding the new hired man. The two lads halted and set down their brand new suit-cases in the dusty track. "Say!" panted old Zack, clumsily loping up to them, and holding out something in his withered fingers, "here's something you boys may need. Take it, anyhow; I'll give it yer." In his digits he extended to them the Canadian dime, rejected by the postmaster on the afternoon of the disaster to the stove. Hardly able to restrain their laughter, the boys accepted the gift with becoming gravity, and once more said farewell to the old man. "It'll do as a luck-piece, anyhow," laughed Ned, as they trudged on and a turn in the road blotted out from their eyes the old farm-house, its weather-beaten out-buildings and fertile fields. It was to be many a day before they saw it again and many adventures, of which they little dreamed at the moment, were to be experienced by them before they once more encountered it. In due time the stage reached the Granville ferry and five hours later the railroad brought the two lads down the east bank of the Hudson to New York. They stood dazed and confused outside the Grand Central station looking with amazed eyes on the roar and confusion of traffic that swirled by them. It was mid afternoon and they had yet to report at the recruiting station, of which they had the address in their pockets. Ned stepped up to a policeman who stood at the crossing directing the flow of traffic by blasts on a whistle. He extended the piece of paper which bore the address: "U. S. Navy Recruiting Station, No. 394 Bowery," on it. "Can you please tell us how to get there?" he asked, somewhat tremblingly. It was the first real live policeman he had ever addressed, and the country boy felt somewhat awed. "I'm a traffic cop. Ask the man on post," snapped the policeman. With a sharp blast on his whistle he started the cross-town traffic, which had halted, to moving again, paying no further attention to the tall sun-burned lad with the shining new suit-case. Somewhat taken aback at this reception, the lad looked at his companion with a puzzled expression. "I guess he regulates the traffic," suggested Herc, in response to the silent query, "see that horse's head in a wheel embroidered on his arm? Let's look for a policeman without that and I guess he'll be the right man to inquire from." Following Herc's suggestion Ned's eyes soon lighted on a stout bluecoat who stood talking to a number of taxi-cab drivers and seemed to have nothing to do with the regulation of traffic; or, in fact, anything else. This time he got a quick answer to his question. "394 Bowery," repeated the patrolman, "shure any one knows where that is," and he looked at Ned and Herc pityingly as if they were some strange sort of creatures and much to be sympathized with. "Yes, officer, but we are strangers in the city, and----" "Sure, any one could tell you were Rubes from the cut of your jibs," grinned the patrolman, while the taxi-cabbies set up a laugh. "Goin' ter enlist in the navy, eh?" he went on, scrutinizing Ned's bit of paper, "well, Heaven help ye. They'll feed ye on skilly, and milk from a tin-cow, and put yer ter bed in a haythanish hammock of nights." "We are going to become sailors in Uncle Sam's navy," proudly rejoined Ned, "and we think it's a service which any man should be proud to be privileged to join." His face flushed indignantly, and he felt a flash of anger at the contemptuous tone of the fat policeman. "Oh well, be aisy," rejoined the bluecoat, "I meant no harm; but my wife's sister's cousin Mary had a son as went for sailor and they brought him home in a coffin, that's all. He was blowed to bits by an explosion of one of the big guns. The police force is good enough for me and by the same token I should think two likely looking lads like you would like to jine the force." "Our time is limited," broke in the still indignant Ned, "will you please direct us to the address I showed you?" "Shure I will, me bye," amiably replied the unruffled patrolman, "walk to your left two blocks and take a Third Avenue car down town. When she gets onto the Bowery watch the numbers and you can't miss it." With a brief word of thanks the boys hastened off in the direction indicated. As they walked away they heard the policeman remark to his friends, the chauffeurs: "Waal, there goes more food for powder." "I'm glad we're not staying in New York. I don't believe I should care much for it," said Herc, as the boys walked toward Third Avenue, their ears stunned by the din all about them. "Nor I," responded Ned. "However, if we pass our tests and are accepted, we shall not have to stop here longer than overnight. That's one comfort." "That's so," assented Herc. "I used to think there was an ear-splitting racket about the place on hog-killing day, but it was nothing to this." Thus conversing they boarded a Third Avenue car and rode for half an hour or more. "Here you are, boys--here's Number 394." The conductor of the car poked his head in through the doors and gave his bell one jerk, which brought it to a stop. The boys hastened from the car, and found themselves opposite a not particularly prepossessing looking building, the lower floor of which was occupied by an old book store. But above an open door leading to the upper stories, which had been newly painted and presented a neat appearance, floated a flag that made both their hearts beat quicker. If all went well, they would soon be enlisted under it. Old Glory hung bravely above the dingy portal, amid the hurry and squalidness of the surroundings. "Well, here's the place, Herc." But to Ned's surprise, Herc stopped short and was standing irresolutely behind him. "Um-ah! I guess we'd better walk around the block a couple of times first, Ned," stammered the red-headed youth. "What's the trouble?" laughed Ned. "You look as awkward as a hired man going courting. You don't mean to say that you are nervous?" "No," protested Herc, "not nervous, Ned; but--but---- Well, the fact is, I'd have liked a little preparation first, as the fellow said when he fell into the well on Luke Bates' place up home." "You're going to come in with me right now," said Ned grimly, seizing Herc's arm in a grip there was no resisting. Together the two lads passed through the door and up a flight of stairs. At the head of the flight they found a well-furnished office confronting them. A rather brusque-looking man, with a pair of formidable mustaches, sat at a table facing them. "Well?" he demanded somewhat truculently. "Well," the irrepressible Herc was beginning in the same aggressive tone, when Ned checked him. "We wish to enlist in the navy. Have we come to the right place, sir?" he asked civilly. "You have, my boys," was the response in heartier tone; "and if you mean business, I think I can promise, from looking you over casually, that you'll pass with flying colors. Fill out these blanks, and I'll see what you're made of. We have so many fakes we have to be careful." He pushed toward the boys two large sheets of paper. On them were printed numerous questions about themselves, their parents, their previous condition of life, and so forth. "Gee! this is like passing an examination at school," whispered Herc, as the boys sat down with pen and ink at a corner table and prepared to fill out the blank spaces left for answers. "Hush!" cautioned Ned. "Or the papers you fill out when you enter a prize heifer at the county fair," continued the incorrigible red-headed youth. Despite Herc's frequent remarks, breathed in a cautious undertone, the questions were all answered in due time and the papers handed over to the bristly mustached man, who eyed them approvingly. "Good!" he snapped. "Neat and satisfactory. Now," he continued, "go into that room and undergo a physical examination." He indicated a door, which the boys opened with somewhat of a feeling of awe, and found themselves in the presence of a surgeon, who ordered them to disrobe and conducted a thorough examination of them. "Just as if we were a pair of fat porkers," commented Herc afterward. "They are magnificent physical specimens," reported the surgeon to the bristly mustached man, who, though the boys did not then know it, was a quartermaster detailed to recruiting duty. "Good!" snapped the quartermaster once more. "They have already given me the written consent of their guardian, so nothing remains to be done but to administer the oath." The solemn oath of allegiance to duty and country was then administered to the boys, who stood bolt upright, with round eyes, while the impressive little ceremony was gone through. Even the volatile Herc seemed impressed by the seriousness of what they were undertaking. "And now we are blue jackets," said Ned, as they concluded and subscribed their names to the oath. "Not yet," laughed the quartermaster. "You will now have to go to the Naval Training School at Newport as apprentice seamen." "Only apprentices," sighed Herc. "I thought we were out of that class." "As apprentice seamen," went on the officer, not noticing the interruption, "you will receive pay during your four months of instruction, and will be furnished uniforms and equipment free, as well as board." He reached into a drawer. "Here is your transportation to Newport. The boat leaves to-night at six o'clock," he went on, handing the boys some tickets. "I hope you boys, who look to be the stuff of which real seamen are made, will work hard and succeed." "Thank you, sir. We will if effort counts for anything," promised Ned. With light hearts the two boys made their way to the street a few minutes later. As they passed under the flag once more, Ned drew himself up stiffly and saluted. "Why do you do that?" asked Herc curiously, as he watched his companion's action. "Because we are now sailors under that flag in the United States navy," replied Ned proudly. "You should do the same, Herc. We're Dreadnought Boys from now on." "All right. I will salute next time," easily responded Herc. "And now, as we have some few hours before the boat goes, let's saunter round a bit and see the sights." As the boys, having inquired the way, started toward Broadway, they almost collided with a tall figure that was hastening into the door of the recruiting office. "Out of my way, can't you?" the newcomer exclaimed querulously, shoving roughly by. "What are you barricading the door of the naval recruiting office for? I'll report you." "We're here because we are now apprentice seamen in the navy, Hank Harkins," rejoined Ned, who had recognized the bully before the other had realized with whom he had almost collided. Hank glanced angrily at the two lads, but refrained from speaking. Instead, he hurried up the stairs leading to the recruiting office, paying no attention to his country's flag. "There goes a fine addition to the navy," sneered Herc, as the boys started off for Broadway. "Don't say that, Herc. The navy may make a man of him," remarked Ned. "Then it's got a fine big job on its hands, that's all I've got to say!" was the red-headed lad's rejoinder. CHAPTER IV. THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS HAVE AN ADVENTURE. The _Rhode Island_, the largest and fleetest of the big passenger vessels plying Long Island Sound between New York and New England ports, was ploughing her way through a wild, bitter night in the latter part of March, down the narrow, tempestuous passage of water dividing the mainland from the low-lying expanse of Long Island. Although the snow swirled and the wind screamed through the vessel's funnel stays and lofty wireless aerials as if it would root them out, every window and porthole on her three lofty decks glowed with a cheerful yellow light. The lively strains of an orchestra were occasionally swirled away on the fierce wind, when the door of the main saloon swung open to admit or give egress to a passenger. The laboring vessel had run into the storm at sundown that evening, and now, as she forged her way through the choppy seas off Point Judith, she was, despite her great size, thrown and tossed about like an empty bottle at the mercy of the seas. As the vessel gave an unusually heavy plunge, the companion door once more opened, and in the sudden flood of light that illumined the dark decks for a brief interval, the stalwart figures of the two Dreadnought Boys were revealed. Both wore heavy "service" overcoats buttoned up to their chins, and these they secured more tightly about themselves as they faced the storm. Both lads were heavier, even more bronzed, and keener of eye than when we saw them last. Their four months of vigorous training had, too, given them a manly air of self-reliance. "Wow!" exclaimed Herc, as the wind hit them full and square and gave pause for a second even to their well-knit frames. "This is a hummer, and no mistake, Ned!" "Nothing to what we'll get when we go cruising under Uncle Sam's flag," laughed the other. "I tell you, Herc, that this isn't a circumstance to the gales I've heard they get off Cape Hatteras." "Why, what are you talking about?" rejoined Herc, pulling his cap closer over his head of bright red hair. "This wind is worse than the one that blew the roof off gran'pa's barn last New Year's eve, and that was a hummer, if you like it!" "Still thinking of the old farm and Lambs' Corners, eh?" laughed his companion, with a hearty chuckle that sounded as if it came from the depth of his full, deep chest and excellent lungs. "Well, now that you're a full-fledged jackie, Herc, it's time to forget the stock and the barnyard, and think of the big guns and the fighting tops." "Well, anyhow," grunted Herc, as if to change the conversation, "blowing as it is, I'd rather be out here than in that stuffy saloon, for all the lights and the music and the dressed-up ladies." "Same here," rejoined his companion. "Crickey! that was a lurch, if you like! Hold on, Herc!" he shouted, as the other went sliding off across the slippery deck, under the impetus of the plunge. "We don't want to lose you just yet, you know. And, moreover, this is no skating rink, but a passenger steamer carrying two new-fledged ordinary seamen----" "Blamed ordinary!" grunted Herc, in parenthesis. "From the Naval Training School at Newport to New York, to join their ship, the U. S. S. _Manhattan_," went on Ned. "Dreadnought, isn't she?" sputtered Herc, as a great, hurtling mass of spray was flung aboard by the angry wind. "That's right. The newest vessel in the navy. We're mighty lucky boys to have got the berths." "I agree with you," rejoined Herc, brushing his hand across his eyes, where the tang of the salt water still stung him. "I'd be altogether as satisfied as a woodchuck in a corn patch if only that fellow Hank Harkins hadn't been detailed to the same squadron. He means to give us trouble, Ned. I'm sure of it." "I'm not afraid of any trouble that a bullying cad like Harkins can make," was Ned's brisk reply. "Anyhow, he is detailed to duty on the _Illinois_; and now, Herc, we've been standing here long enough. We'll take a brisk walk around the decks, to get the cobwebs out of our brains, and then we'll turn in--how's that suit you?" "Fine," rejoined Herc, as the two young seamen started to circle the swaying decks at a good brisk pace. "I'm as sleepy as Uncle Fred's prize Berkshire after a bran mash." Immediately on being passed at the New York recruiting office, the lads, as we know, had been ordered to report at the training station at Newport, where they had remained for the prescribed four months, being given in that period a thorough schooling in the detail work of the ordinary seaman in the United States navy. They had also gone through setting-up exercises that had, even in that short period of time, changed their physiques from the somewhat round-shouldered, slouching aspect peculiar to country boys to the smart appearance and trim get-up of Uncle Sam's sailors. While in the school they had received a salary of seventeen dollars and sixty cents a month, and as uniforms, food and washing were all provided by the government, they had incurred no expenses, and had a good part of their money in their pockets when they left the training-school with their "papers" endorsed "Excellent" in red ink, with a special "good-conduct" mention. That afternoon they had embarked on the _Rhode Island_ for New York, where the vessels of the North Atlantic squadron lay in the North River, awaiting the command to leave for the naval base, at Guantanamo, Cuba, for battle practice. "Well, Herc," said Ned, after the two lads had circumnavigated the slippery decks a few times, "let's turn in, for, if I'm not mistaken, we have a trying day in front of us to-morrow." As the boys were unlocking the door of their stateroom, which opened directly onto the deck, the _Rhode Island_ gave a plunge that brought her almost on her beam-ends, and sent Herc, who was balancing himself as best he could, while Ned fiddled with the lock, careening full against a tall, gray-mustached man of upright bearing, who was just about to open the door of the stateroom adjoining the boys'. Herc's heavy frame, with the added impetus given to it by the swerve of the vessel, banged into the other with the force of a projectile, and the two went struggling helplessly toward the scuppers. Strive desperately as he would, Herc could not regain his balance, and after waving his long, sinewy arms round a couple of times in a vain effort to recover his equilibrium, he collapsed in a heap at the edge of the deck. In his fall he brought down the dignified gentleman, who in the meantime had been striving as hard as Herc to keep upright. "I--I--I beg your pardon, I'm sure!" sputtered Herc, as he scrambled to his feet and reached out a hand to assist the other to a standing position. "It was quite an accident--as gran'pa said when Betsey, our muley cow, kicked Lem Betts in the eye." "Thank you, my lad," responded the other, accepting Herc's aid and standing erect once more. "I am sure that, as in the case of your grandfather's cow, the disaster was unintentional." The boys, for Ned had by this time unlocked the door, and had been taking in the embarrassing incident, regarded the tall stranger with some interest. He was distinctly different from the ordinary citizen. His skin was bronzed and weather-beaten, and, beneath his close-cropped gray mustache, his mouth quivered humorously at poor Herc's obvious embarrassment. "Why," went on the object of their attention, regarding them in the light which streamed from the open cabin door of the boys' stateroom, "I see that you lads are both recruits to the navy. What ship, may I ask?" "The new Dreadnought _Manhattan_, sir," said Ned, proudly throwing out his chest, as he always did instinctively when he mentioned the name of the big fighting ship to which they had been assigned. The gray-mustached man's eyes twinkled more than ever. "The _Manhattan_, eh?" he repeated reflectively. "Well, in that case we shall probably see more of each other. In any case, I thank you for your assistance"--turning to Herc--"rendered after you had 'boarded' me in such unceremonious fashion." With a pleasant smile, he turned into his cabin, picking up as he did so a suitcase which had been deposited by him at the stateroom door, just before the unhappy Herc went careening across the deck. "Say," whispered Herc, in an awed tone, as their new acquaintance vanished into his room, "did you see the letters on the end of the suitcase?" "No," answered Ned sleepily, "I'm too tired to pay attention to anything but that snug-looking bunk there." So saying, he closed the door on the storm, and, seating himself on the edge of a lounge at one end of the cabin, began to remove his shoes. But Herc would not let the subject drop. "Well, _I_ noticed them," he continued in the same awed voice, "and I believe that we've got ourselves in bad right on the start." "Why, what's the trouble, Herc?" inquired Ned, interested despite himself in his red-headed companion's eager tone. "Well," said Herc impressively, "it said 'F. A. D., Commander U. S. N.,' on that suitcase, and it looks to me as if we had started our career in the navy by an act 'of gross insubordination,' as they'd have called it at Newport." "How do you mean?" asked the sleepy Ned, stifling a yawn. "Why, here am I, Herc Taylor, ordinary seaman, of Lambs' Corners, New York, butting commanders about as if they were ninepins and I was a bowling ball, that's all!" groaned Herc. "And that looks to me like a first-class way to get in bad." "Herc, you are incorrigible," groaned Ned; "and I agree with you. If this adventure of yours doesn't turn out badly for both of us, I shall be much surprised." CHAPTER V. TWO LADS WITH THE "RIGHT RING." It seemed to Herc that he had been asleep but a short time when he awakened with a start and an uneasy feeling that he could not account for. Gradually, however, as the semi-stupor that followed the opening of his eyes wore off and he became sensible of his surroundings, he was aware that something unusual seemed to be occurring on the ship. Shouts and the trampling of running feet were borne in to him, and his first sleepy impression was that it was morning. Suddenly, however, he became aware that the shouts formed a certain definite cry. What was it? Herc straightened up as well as he could in his bunk and listened. A thrill of horror shot through him, as, like a flash, he sensed the nature of the shouts that had aroused him. "Fire! Fire! Fire!" The terrifying cry echoed from bow to stern of the ship and Herc now recognized a fact which he had not in first sleepy stupor realized, and that was that their cabin was hazy with smoke, which was becoming momentarily thicker. The heat, also, was growing rapidly insupportable. With one bound, the boy was on the floor, and shaking Ned by the shoulder. "Ned, Ned, wake up!" he roared at the top of his voice. "Aye, aye, sir!" came in a sleepy voice from Ned, who was dreaming that he was still back in the training school and that reveille had blown. A minute later, however, Herc's shaking aroused him to his senses, and a few rapidly spoken words apprised him of the seriousness of the situation. "Tumble into your clothes quick!" gasped Herc, as breathing in the smoke-filled room became every moment more difficult. Ned needed no second telling. In a few seconds, thanks to their training, both boys were in their uniforms, and, grabbing up their suitcases, dashed out onto the decks. The scene outside was one that might have turned cooler heads than theirs. The storm was still raging, and a white swirl enveloped the laboring ship, but the whiteness of the snow was tinged a fiery red with the reflections of towering flames that were by this time pouring from the engine-room hatch of the _Rhode Island_, and illuminating the night with their devouring splendor. Fire originating in a pile of oily waste against a wooden bulkhead had started the blaze. Men and women in all stages of dress and undress rushed confusedly about the decks, praying, screaming, blaspheming and fighting. In the emergency that had so suddenly arisen, the crew and officers of the ship seemed powerless to do anything. Instead of attempting to quiet the panic, they rushed about, apparently as maddened as the rest of the persons on the ship, by the dire peril that confronted them. "The boats! The boats!" someone suddenly shouted, and a mad rush for the upper decks, on which the boats were swung, followed. Women were flung aside by cowardly men frenzied with terror. "Here, I can't stand this!" shouted Ned, as, followed by Herc, he plunged toward the foot of the narrow stairway up which the frenzied passengers were fighting their way. "Women and children first! Women and children first!" the Dreadnought Boy kept shouting, as he elbowed his way to the foot of the steps, closely trailed by Herc. The roar of the flames was by this time deafening, drowning all other sounds. To add to the confusion, there now came pouring up from the lower regions of the ship a black and sooty crew--the firemen of the vessel. Maddened by fear and brutal by nature, the grimy stokers had little difficulty in shoving the weaker passengers aside and making their way to the foot of the stairway up which Ned and Herc were helping the women and children and keeping back the cowardly male passengers as best they could. They were not over gentle in doing this latter. It was no time for halfway measures. Above them, the captain of the ship and two of his officers who had partially collected their wits, were directing the crew to lower the boats. The women and children were being placed in them as rapidly as possible as Ned and Herc passed them up. "Can you hold them back?" the captain had shouted down to the boys a few minutes before, as he peered down at the struggling mass on the lower deck. "We'll stick it out as long as we can," Ned had assured him, as he whirled a terrified male passenger about and sent him spinning backward whining pitifully that he "didn't want to die." Suddenly Herc was confronted by a huge form, brandishing a steel spanner in a knotty fist. It was one of the panic-stricken firemen. "Let me by, kid!" bellowed this formidable antagonist. "You can see for yourself that there are several women to go yet," responded Herc calmly, although he felt anything but easy in his mind as the muscular giant glared at him with terror and vindictiveness mingling in his gaze. "Women first, that's the rule." "What in blazes do I care about the women?" roared the fireman, behind whom were now ranged several of his companions. "Let me by, or----" He flourished the spanner with a suggestive motion anything but agreeable to Herc. The red-headed boy gazed over in the direction in which he had last seen Ned. There was no hope for help from that quarter, as a glance showed him. Ned was holding back an excited man with long whiskers and of prosperous appearance, who was shouting as if he were a phonograph: "A thousand dollars for a seat in the boats! A thousand--two thousand dollars for a seat in the boats!" Suddenly, so suddenly that Herc had not time to guard against it, the stokers made a concerted rush for him. "Ned! Ned!" shouted the boy, as he felt himself borne down by overwhelming numbers and trampled underfoot. Ned heard the cry, and in two leaps was in the midst of the scuffle, dealing and receiving blows right and left. "Do you call yourselves men?" he shouted indignantly, as the stokers fought their way forward in a grim phalanx which there was no resisting. "It's deuce take the hindmost, and every man for himself now!" shouted a voice in the crowd, and the cowardly mob elbowed forward through the few women that still remained on the stairway and its approaches. Ned and Herc, who had by this time struggled to his feet, fought desperately to stem the tide. So effective were their blows that for a time they actually succeeded in checking the advance. "Oh, for a gun!" breathed Ned. "A cannon!" amended Herc. Above them they heard a cheer, signifying that the first boat had struck the water. "Stick it out, Herc!" panted Ned, as he struggled with a grimy giant, who, thanks to his ignorance of wrestling and tackles, was easily hurled backward by his lighter opponent. But the fight was too uneven to be of long duration. Step by step, fighting every inch of the way, the two boys were borne backward by the opposing mob. Ned's foot caught in the lower step of the stairway and he was toppled over backward. A mighty onrush of the fugitives immediately followed, and Herc shared Ned's fate. The thought that they had failed flashed bitterly through each Dreadnought Boy's mind as they were trampled and crushed by hurrying feet of the terrified firemen, whose van was followed by the badly scared male passengers. The screams of the women who were being ruthlessly thrust aside tingled maddeningly in the boys' ears as they strove to regain their feet. Suddenly, above all the noise of the fugitives and the crackling of the flames as they ate through the bulkheads about the engine-room hatchway, the boys heard a sharp command. It rang out as incisively as the report of a rifle, in a voice that seemed used to implicit obedience: "I'll shoot the next man up that stairway!" The rush came to halt for a brief second, and in that time the boys scrambled to their feet. They soon perceived the cause of the interruption. Not far from them, garbed in his shirt and trousers, just as he had rushed from his cabin on awaking, stood the man who had occupied the neighboring cabin to theirs. The flames illumined the grim compression of his lips beneath his gray mustache. His eyes were narrowed to a determined angle. In his hand he held a blue-steel navy revolver on which the glare of the conflagration played glisteningly. "Come on, boys!" roared the stoker who had threatened Herc with the spanner. "It's just a bluff!" [Illustration: "That's to show you I _mean business_!"] At his words, the spell that had fallen on the frightened crowd for a second seemed to be broken, and the rush recommenced. The boys, with horrified eyes, saw the giant stoker snatch up a woman with a child in her arms and hurl her brutally back into the crowd, where she disappeared, lost in the vortex of struggling humanity. "Crack!" There was a spit of vicious blue flame from the revolver, followed by a yell of pain from the giant stoker. The boys saw the spanner fall from his upraised hand and tumble with a clatter at his feet. His wrist, shot through by the gray-mustached man's unerring aim, hung limp at his side. Like frightened sheep suddenly checked in a stampede, the white-faced crowd came to a halt and faced about at the new peril. "That's to show you _I mean business_!" grated out the marksman, in a voice as cold as chilled steel. "Now let the women go first, and then the men may follow." Under that menacing weapon, of whose efficiency they had just received so convincing a proof, the men sullenly stood aside and passed up the half-dozen women or so who had not had an opportunity to take advantage of the boys' plucky stand. From the bridge above, the captain of the _Rhode Island_ hailed them. "Six boats are away! Let the rest come!" "Steady, steady!" came the sharp, commanding voice of the man with the pistol once more, as the score of men left began to scramble up the stairway. "One at a time! Take it easy!" Under his authoritative voice the rush changed like magic to an orderly retreat, and in a few minutes a seventh boat was loaded with frightened passengers and lowered onto the heaving sea. "Well, I guess we can go now, Herc," remarked Ned, turning to his companion. "Yes, it's getting as warm here as it is in the smoke house at home in July," agreed Herc, as he carefully picked up his suitcase, which was somewhat battered by the recent knocking about it had gone through. After Ned had likewise recovered his piece of baggage, the two boys began the ascent of the stairway. For the moment they had quite forgotten the presence of the gray-mustached man, of whom, as we know, Herc stood in some awe on account of the inscription he had espied on the former's suitcase. Now, however, the stranger was at the boys' sides. They saluted instinctively. "I was a witness of your plucky conduct," he exclaimed warmly, "and I am glad to see that I was not to be disappointed in the estimate I had formed of both your characters. I shall keep a sharp lookout over your future careers as seamen in the navy." It was a moment when ordinary barriers seemed to be let down, and Herc, in a hesitating tone, asked, as they gained the boat deck: "Are you in the navy, too, sir, may we ask?" "You may, my boy," was the hearty response. "I am Captain Dunham of the _Manhattan_." "You're all right, sir," sputtered Herc, in his enthusiasm entirely forgetting the respect due to an officer. The next minute, with cheeks even more crimson than the flames and his exertions had painted them, the farmer boy plunged forward into the confusion of the boat deck, much embarrassed at his impulsive breach of discipline. CHAPTER VI. A COWARD'S BLOW. Thanks to the boys' defense of the stairway, and the cool-headed commander's prompt action in quelling the onrush of the stokers, the boys found that there was plenty of room in the two boats that still remained to be lowered. Haste, however, was a matter of necessity, as the flames by this time had devoured the bulkheads and were sweeping forward, driven by the high wind. The captain of the _Rhode Island_ had recovered his wits, and the loading of the boats went on rapidly. In its company were enrolled the cowardly stokers, at whom the boys could not gaze without a feeling of disgust. "Are not you boys going in that boat?" said a voice at their elbow, as the davits were swung out and the remainder of the crew prepared to lower it. "No, sir; as navy men," said Ned, proudly dwelling on the "men," "we prefer to wait till the last boat to leave the ship." "That's right," agreed the commander approvingly. He hastened off and assumed the control of the few maneuvres to be carried out before the _Rhode Island_ was ready to be abandoned. The captain of the _Rhode Island_ had recognized Captain Dunham, and was anxiously trying to aid him; but the naval commander treated the other with some contempt, doubtless inspired by the latter's abject failure to quell the panic in its inception or handle it when it broke. The boys now had time to gaze about them. The glare of the burning ship lit up the surrounding water with a weird radiance, in which they could see the loaded boats, already lowered, tossing helplessly, the crowds on each being so great that the sailors could not use their oars. "Say, Ned, suppose the boiler busts!" suddenly exclaimed the cheerful Herc, as the last boat was swung out. "No use thinking of such possibilities," rejoined Ned decisively. "Well, I can't help it," protested Herc indignantly. "I remember when that thresher blew up to grandpa's. I guess this would be something like that, eh, Ned?" "Only more so," was the dry reply. Suddenly the notification that all was ready for the lowering of the last boat rang out. As this one was to be the final lifeboat to leave the ship, it was put overside before any one boarded it. The officers of the _Rhode Island_, the six members of the crew remaining, the boys and Commander Dunham getting into it by sliding down the falls. At last they were all on board, and the order was given to shove off. No time was lost in doing this, as the _Rhode Island_ was by this time a mass of flames in her forepart, and it seemed impossible that she could float much longer. "Do you anticipate being picked up shortly, captain?" asked the boys' friend of the commander of the _Rhode Island_. "Why, I don't expect that we'll have to drift about very long," was the reply. "You see, the Sound is well traveled, and some ship must have seen the flare of the fire." It was bitterly cold in the storm-swept waters of the Sound, but the boys checked any tendency they might have felt to complain by thinking of the plight of the women and children in the other boats. It is doubtful as the newspapers at the time pointed out, that there would have been no fatalities attendant on the wreck of the _Rhode Island_, if but a little less than half an hour after they had cast adrift from the ill-fated steamer, the _Kentucky_, of the Joy Line, had not hove in sight. By this time the _Rhode Island_ had burned to the water's edge, and sank with a noisy roar. The _Kentucky_ bore down with all speed on the drifting boatloads of half-frozen men and women, and within an hour every one of the passengers had been picked up and given warm food and drink and attention. As the _Kentucky_, having performed her rescue work, pursued her way to New York, the boys mingled with the excited crowd of the saved that thronged her lighted saloon. While they walked about, overhearing interesting scraps of conversation relating to the rescues of several of the passengers, they were startled by a sudden cry in a woman's voice: "There he is! There he is, the coward!" There was a rush to the part of the saloon from whence the cry had proceeded. Every one was naturally anxious to ascertain what could have caused it. The boys were among the curious persons who joined the throng. They saw a slight, pale-faced woman pointing indignantly to a tall youth who was slinking away through the crowd, trying evidently to conceal himself from the woman's scorn. "What is the matter, madam?" somebody asked the excited woman. "Why, I was in the first rush for the stairway," explained the woman, "before those brave young men there----" It was the boys' turn to try to slink away. "Before those brave young men there kept back the cowardly fellows who were trying to trample past us. That man yonder, who has just slunk away, dealt me this blow in the face," she pointed to a livid weal on her cheek, "and knocked me down." A roar of indignation went up as she related the craven conduct of the youth the boys had observed slink off. Some of the more excitable passengers shouted that they wanted to organize a party to find him and deal him out summary punishment. Cooler counsel prevailed, however, and the rest of the night was passed in as comfortable a manner as was possible on the overcrowded ship. When the _Kentucky_ arrived at her dock on the East River, below the Brooklyn Bridge, she was met by big crowds, among whom were many reporters, the wireless stations along the Sound having been notified by the _Kentucky_ of the disaster that had overtaken the _Rhode Island_. The boys, laughingly turning aside the assiduous young men of the press, were making their way ashore, when Herc suddenly caught hold of Ned's arm. "Look there!" he exclaimed. Ned looked, and saw Hank Harkins standing in the midst of a throng of reporters, to whom he was evidently giving a "big story." "I took the woman in my arms," the boys heard him say, as they paused, "and made my way to the upper deck with her." "You saved her?" asked a young reporter, holding a long pencil poised above a very large new notebook. "Yes, I saved her, and then----" Hank was continuing, when his jaw suddenly dropped, and he shook as if he was about to have a fit. Then, without another word to the amazed reporters, he shouldered his way through their ranks and dashed off down the gangplank in the direction of the land. "Ha, ha, ha!" laughed Herc. "I'll remember Hank's look when he met our eyes as long as I live. He looked like a dying duck in a thunderstorm!" "I guess we headed off his thrilling narrative, all right," commented Ned, echoing Herc's merriment. "And for a good reason, too," went on Herc. "I recognized Hank as he slunk away from that woman last night. He was the coward who struck her and disgraced his uniform." "I'm glad his overcoat covered it," rejoined Ned. At this juncture one of the reporters, who had noticed that both the lads wore Uncle Sam's uniforms, hurried up to them. "Can you tell us what was the matter with that fellow?" he demanded. "He was just in the middle of giving us a good story, when he suddenly hurried off as if he had been shot. Is he a reliable chap, do you know?" "Well, I wouldn't believe _all_ he told you," grinned Herc, as the Dreadnought Boys hurried ashore, to cross New York and join their ship. CHAPTER VII. "WE ARE PART OF THE FLEET." After some little difficulty the boys ascertained that the _Manhattan_ lay up the North River, off the foot of Seventy-second Street and Riverside Drive. They could go to Seventy-second Street in a subway express, they were informed, and then walk across to the boat landing, where they would be almost sure to find a launch from the big Dreadnought waiting to take off the shore-leave men. "Say!" gasped Herc, as the two, having descended into the "tube" and seated themselves in the lighted car, were whirled northward through pitch darkness toward their destination, "how far does this hole in the ground go?" "Almost as far as Yonkers, I guess," replied Ned; "or so I've heard. Don't you like it?" "Not much," rejoined Herc; "it's like trying to talk in a boiler factory." The two boys had their suitcases tightly clutched between their knees, but nevertheless, when they reached the Grand Central station, the inrush of passengers, tumbling and pushing like mad to get seats, swept the lads' possessions before them as if the two pieces of baggage had been chaff in a high wind. "Hey! come back with those gripsacks!" yelled Herc indignantly, seizing the arm of a puny-looking lad who was stumbling forward over the red-headed lad's particular possession. "Haven't you any manners?" The town-bred lad turned a sharp, ferret-eyed face on the young sailor. "Say, greenie, where do you come from, Painted Post or far Cohoes 'where the wind flower blows'? Just keep an eye on your own junk, or else hire an express wagon." The indignant Herc stooped to rescue his suitcase, and by the time he raised a red and angry face, the sharp-faced lad had gone. "Good thing he did get out of the way, or I'd have fetched him a clip on the ear!" grumbled Herc, as he resumed his seat by Ned, who had by this time retrieved his property also. "No use losing your temper," counseled Ned; "just keep cool. Hullo, there is an old lady and a younger one standing up over there. The old one looks feeble. I'm going to give them these seats. Come on and get up." "All right," muttered Herc, "but I don't see any one else doing so. See, all the men are seated and the women all seem to be standing up. What's the use of being different to the others? We'll only get stared at." "All the more reason that we should be polite. The first duty of a sailor is to be kind and courteous to those weaker than himself," rejoined Ned in an undertone, as the boys rose to their feet. With a courteous bow, Ned approached the ladies and motioned behind him to where he supposed two seats were vacant. "Will you avail yourself of our places, madam?" he said, addressing the older lady and removing his navy cap. Herc, with an awkward grin, also uncovered his red thatch and made a sweeping motion behind him with his big hand. "Thank you very much, sir," rejoined the elderly lady, "my daughter and myself would be very glad to accept your kindness, but others seem already to have availed themselves of it." "What's that?" cried Ned, wheeling, with a red face, and clapping his eyes on the seats they had just vacated. Sure enough, as the elderly lady had said, they were occupied. Two stout, red-faced men, with well-rounded stomachs and fingers covered with diamonds, lolled at their ease in the just vacated seats, reading their papers. They had slipped into the places while the boys were requesting the two ladies to take them. "Well, what do you know about that?" sputtered Herc indignantly. "They just sneaked into those seats like skunks into a wood pile." "They'll come out of them a lot more easily," breathed Ned grimly, as he took in the situation. Bending forward, he addressed the interlopers courteously enough, while those around who had witnessed the scene looked on curiously. It is not often that a subway passenger has the courage to resent any slight, however marked. From the compression of Ned's lips and the determined flash in his eyes, however, it was evident that he had no intention of allowing the two beefy newspaper readers to enjoy their stolen seats undisturbed. "I beg your pardon," said Ned. "Perhaps you are not aware that my friend and I vacated those seats to allow these ladies to be seated." One of the red-faced ones, slightly older, it seemed, than the other, looked up with a bovine stare in his heavily rimmed eyes. He stared at the Dreadnought Boys much as if they had been some strange visitors from another planet. "I guess you don't know much about Noo Yawk," he said in a sneering tone, "or you'd have known that in the Subway it's 'first come, first served.'" "Is that so?" inquired Ned, keeping down his anger, while Herc was dancing about in the narrow space he could find in the aisle of the crowded car. The red-headed lad was biting his nails and scratching his head in a manner that boded a storm as surely as black clouds portend thunder. "That being the case," Ned went on in a cool voice, "it's about time that the Subway learned a few manners. We gave those seats up for those two ladies, and not for you. Are you going to vacate them?" "Aw, run along and roll your hoop!" sneered the younger newspaper reader, with an affectation of great languor. "You drunken sailors make me tired." A brown hand shot out as the words left his lips, and the beefy one found himself propelled by the shoulder into the center of the car faster than he had had occasion to move for a long time. At the same instant Herc, to his huge delight, perceived the signal for action and sailed in on his man. In another second the two beefy ones, dazed by the suddenness of it all, stood side by side in the center of the car, while Ned courteously aided the two ladies to the seats from which the interlopers had been so suddenly wrenched. "This is an outrage!" bellowed the red-faced men in concert, as they found their voices. "Such a thing has never happened before." "That's a pity," observed Ned contemptuously, while the delighted Herc whispered in a stage undertone: "Mine came out like a soft, white worm out of a hickory nut." "Conductor! conductor!" howled the man to whom Ned had given such a rough and ready lesson in manners, "come here and do your duty. We've been assaulted." The conductor pushed his way through the crowded aisle, assuming an air of great importance. "What's all this? What's all this?" he shouted. "These two rowdy sailors deprived us of our seats," sputtered one of the red-faced men. "Did you fellows do what he says?" demanded the conductor importantly. "Sure they did. They pulled the gentlemen right out of them," piped up a voice in the background of the crowd--that of the ferret-faced youth. "Gentlemen!" snorted Herc. "We'd call 'em hogs up our way!" "We got up to give our seats to those two ladies, and are very sorry to have caused them this embarrassment," volunteered Ned. "But to see these two overfed fellows slip into the seats before we had hardly risen from them got our dander riz, and we undertook to put them out." "Conductor, you will call a special policeman at the next station," shouted the man that Ned had hauled to his feet. "I'll make a charge against these desperate ruffians. They need a lesson." Ned and Herc exchanged alarmed glances. It might ruin their naval careers if, on the eve of joining their ship, they were to undergo the disgrace of an arrest. "Better think it over," advised the conductor, who seemed disposed to make peace, and as he slipped by the boys, to regain his platform as the train slackened speed, he whispered: "You'd best make a sneak, boys; that fellow is Dave Pulsifer, the big gun man, and the other's his brother. He's got lots of influence, and he means to make trouble for you." Little as either of the Dreadnought Boys relished the idea of running away from trouble, yet the advice seemed good. They both knew enough of the law's delays to realize that, in the event of their being arrested on the red-faced man's charge, they would be liable to be held for some time before they could have chance of explaining the circumstances of the case to a magistrate. As the train rolled into the Seventy-second Street station, therefore, they adroitly slipped by their friend, the conductor, and, as soon as he opened the door, shot out onto the platform. The red-faced men, crying loudly for a special policeman, were in the act of following them, when--quite by accident, it seemed--the conductor's foot got in the way, and the first of the pair of worthies fell headlong over it, and his companion, who was pressing hard on his heels, piled on top of him. By the time they had extricated themselves, during which period the crowd of passengers behind them, who were also anxious to alight, went almost crazy at having to wait a few seconds, the two lads were far down the sidewalks of Seventy-second Street. After a few minutes' brisk walk they reached the snow-covered slopes of Riverside Drive. "Pulsifer! I know that name," Ned mused, as they hurried along. "I have it!" he exclaimed suddenly. "He's Dave Pulsifer, of Pulsifer Bros., the fellows who make guns in America and sell them to foreign governments." "I'll bet those two were the brothers, then," suggested Herc. "They looked like two ugly pups of the same homely litter." The boys gave the matter little more thought, though had they realized how intimately the Pulsifers were to be associated with their further career, they might have considered their encounter more seriously. "Look, Herc, look!" cried Ned, as they came in sight of the river. From the slight eminence on which they stood, the boys commanded a magnificent spectacle. Up and down the majestic stream, as far as the eye could reach, the grim, slaty-hued forms of Uncle Sam's sea bulldogs swung at anchor. From the funnels of some smoke was lazily floating, while others lay like sleeping monsters on the surface of the dark river. Looking northward, the boys saw only a maze of cage masts--looking not unlike narrow waste-paper baskets turned upside down--and great dark hulls. Here and there a gaily-colored bit of bunting, which as yet meant little to the boys, fluttered from a masthead or from the signal halliards. Between the ships and the shore constantly darted light gasoline boats, or swift launches with big gray hoods over them. "Just think, Herc, _we_ are a part of all that!" breathed Ned reverently almost, indicating the formidable array of fighting craft with a wave of his hand. "Gee! I feel about as big as an ant," whispered Herc, even his irrepressible nature overawed at the sight. "How in the world are we--little, insignificant specks--ever going to distinguish ourselves in all that big array of fighting ships and fighting men?" "We must do our best, Herc," rejoined Ned simply. "And now let's be getting down to that landing place. I think I see some man-o'-war launches landing there. Maybe we will be lucky enough to find one of the _Manhattan's_ boats." As they started down an inclined road which led through the park and across the railroad tracks at its foot, they were accosted by a hearty voice just astern of them. "Hullo, there, shipmates!" it hailed. "Where away?" The Dreadnought Boys wheeled, and found themselves facing an elderly man, somewhat inclined to stoutness, but whose grizzled and weather-beaten face bore the true trademarks of an old man-o'-war Jack upon it. "Why, you're from the _Manhattan_!" cried Ned, as his eyes fell on the other's name band, on which the name of the new Dreadnought was embroidered in gilt thread. "Aye, aye, my hearties," was the rejoinder in a voice cracked with much shouting in heavy weather in all climes, "and you are a pair of rookies--land-lubbers, eh?" "Well, I guess you might call us that," responded Ned, not best pleased at this free and easy mode of address, but judging it best to be as amiable as possible. "Can you tell us how to get aboard the _Manhattan_? We've just left the Naval Training School and are appointed to her." "Get your rating?" "Sure--ordinary seamen." "That's good. Come on with me, boys, and I'll put you aboard ship shape and comfortable. It's a cold day when old Tom Marlin can't look out for a pair of greenies." Piloted by their companion, the two boys soon arrived at the landing place, which was already crowded with sailors whose shore leave had expired. "Which is the _Manhattan_?" asked Sam, gazing with eyes that were still awestruck at the immense vessels that lay out in the river and appeared several sizes too large for their mooring places. "Right yonder, Bricktop," rejoined old Tom, pointing off to a vessel which, large as were the other battleships, seemed by her huge size almost to dwarf them. "That's the old hooker. The last output of your old Uncle Sam. Right in the next berth to her is the _Idaho_." "What's that red flag, with a black ball in the center, floating from the _Idaho's_ main?" inquired Ned, much interested. "That? Oh, that's the meat-ball!" laughed old Tom. "The meat-ball?" echoed the boys, much astonished. "A sort of dinner flag, I suppose?" asked Herc, who was beginning to feel hungry. "Not much, my lad," laughed the old sailor. "That's the gunnery pennant for the vessel making the best score at the targets. The _Idaho_ won that off the Virginia capes on our last battle practice cruise. All the fleet's after it now, but if we have our way, the old _Manhattan_ will be flying it after we get through peppering the marks off Guantanamo." Each of the Dreadnought Boys found himself making up his mind, as old Tom spoke, that if it depended on them, the _Manhattan_ would be the battleship to fly the coveted "meat-ball" when next the fleet made port. CHAPTER VIII. HERC TAKES A COLD BATH. A few minutes after the boys' arrival at the landing, a launch with a lead-covered hood was seen approaching, towing three large ship's boats behind it. The latter were crowded with jackies coming ashore. A gilt "M." on the bow of the launch proclaimed it to be from the _Manhattan_, and Herc made a dive for the float as the "steamer" puffed up to the landing stage. "Come on, Ned!" he cried. "Whoop! Here's where we join the ship! Bang! Big guns! Blow 'em up! Hurray!" But to Herc's surprise, as he made for the inclined runway leading to the float, he was met by the menacing muzzle of a rifle. The weapon was held by a marine--"soldier and sailor too"--behind whom stood the natty middie in charge of the float. "Stand back!" ordered the marine sternly. Herc regarded the leveled rifle with some apprehension and gave way a few steps to the rear. "Don't you know enough not to try to embark till the order is given?" asked Ned, as the young midshipman scowled at the red-headed youth as if the latter had committed some heinous crime. "Why, the boats are made to get into, aren't they?" protested Herc. "And who is that fellow in the funny uniform, anyhow?" "That's a marine," laughed Ned. "He's on sentry duty." "Oh, so he's a marine, eh?" rejoined Herc, regarding the sentry with much disapproval. "One of those sea soldiers--a sort of half-and-half fellow." Further comment on Herc's part was cut short by the outpouring of the laughing, shouting jackies who were coming ashore on leave. They poured up the narrow gangway in a seemingly never-ending stream. "There'll be no one left to man the ships," gasped Herc, as the ranks of light-hearted shore-leave men poured past. Some of them carried suitcases, and were evidently going ashore to bid a last good-by to their friends. Others, whose folks probably resided in distant cities, were going ashore for a last look at New York. "Those fellows will all have to be on board by midnight," explained old Tom to the boys. "They're going to crowd all they can into the few hours they'll have ashore." "Then we are to sail soon?" inquired Ned, his heart beating high and his eyes sparkling. "Before eight bells to-morrow morning we'll be in the Narrows," rejoined the old bluejacket. "That's the stuff!" cried Ned, gazing at the ranks of bronzed, healthy faces which were still passing by. "Want action, eh?" laughed old Tom. "Well, lads, you'll get it before you are many hours older; and remember, my lad, that it isn't all fun aboard a man-o'-war, and always bear in mind one thing--do what you're told without grumbling. Tee-total abstinence, when it comes to making remarks about what you are told to do in Uncle Sam's navy." "Say, Ned," whispered Herc. "What?" asked Ned, still engrossed in the animated scene before him, and in the formidable background formed by the motionless war machines. "Well, did you hear what he said?" "Yes, why?" "Oh, nothing; only it looks as if we had bitten off more than we could chew, that's all." "What do you mean?" "That I didn't like that part about 'not grumbling whatever we are told to do.' It looks as if we might have some pretty tough chores set us." "I guess we shall have all sorts of chores," laughed Ned, as he regarded Herc's rueful face; "but we didn't enlist to look pretty and pose becomingly in our uniforms. We're in the United States navy for four years, and whatever happens, we've got to stick to it." The lads' conversation had been carried on in an undertone, but Ned had unconsciously raised his voice as he spoke the last words. "That's the talk, shipmate," said old Tom, regarding him approvingly. "I never heard a boy talking like that yet who didn't come out of the big end of the horn before he'd served out his enlistment. The navy's the finest place in the world for boys of your cut, but it's no place for shirkers." The old man regarded Herc as he spoke, and the carroty-headed boy's eyes fell under the tar's keen, half-humorous gaze. To tell the truth, Herc was beginning to half regret that he had enlisted at all. The prospect of four years' service at the hard tasks at which the old sailor had hinted did not best please him; but Herc knew better than to make any complaint to Ned. The other lad, however, had noticed his companion's downcast looks and rallied him on them. "Come, Herc, cheer up!" he said heartily. "We're like young bears--all our troubles before us; but they'll lick us into shape, never fear." "Oh, crickey! there you go again," groaned Herc. "Go again--what?" demanded Ned, puzzled. "Why, talking about 'licking us.' Do they still lick fellows in the navy, Mr. Tom?" "No, my lad; the cat-o'-nine-tails was abolished in Uncle Sam's ships years ago," responded the old man, with a twinkle; "but we've still got the brig." "The brig--that's a kind of a ship, isn't it?" inquired Ned. "Not as I knows of," grinned old Tom; "but teetotal abstinence is the word when it comes to the brig, my lads. I hope you'll never form its acquaintance." "Attention!" The young midshipman shouted the order. The Dreadnought Boys straightened up, as did all the other tars. The landing parties had by this time all dispersed and were straggling up the hill, playing all manner of tricks on each other, more like a lot of happy boys just out of school than anything else. "Now, what's that young whipper-snapper going to do?" whispered Herc. "Hush!" rejoined Ned. "I expect we are going to get an order." He was right. Orders were given for the men to board the boats in a quiet, orderly manner. "Keep close by me," cautioned old Tom, "and never mind the joshing you are going to get." Ned had noticed for the past few minutes that the sailors assembled on the wharf had been eyeing them curiously, and that some of them had been whispering together. "Why, what's the trouble?" asked Herc. "I expect the boys will give you a bit of a hazing," replied old Tom. "But take it all in good part, and you'll soon be shipmates with all of them." The old sailor's prophecy came true. The midshipman who had been on duty at the float was relieved by another of his rank, and the first then took his place in the "steamer" which was to tow the boats full of jackies. As he sat in the stern sheets of the power craft, he could not see readily what was going on in the boats, and perhaps made it a point not to be too observant. Ned and Herc found themselves in the second boat, and as they had become separated from old Tom in the rush to board the craft, they had now no mentor to advise them, and felt curiously alone among the laughing, joking bluejackets that crowded the boats to the gunwales. "I see the old man's ordered his winter's supply of kindling!" came in a loud stage whisper from the boat in which the two lads were seated. The "old man" always refers to the commander of a man-of-war, in the parlance of the jackies. "Say, Bill, your thatch is on fire!" laughed another. Poor Herc felt his cheeks turn as red as his unlucky hair under the running fire of banter which, there was no room to doubt, was intended for him. "Might be a good thing to call fire stations," grinned another. "I don't much like the idea of sailing on a battleship with so much combustible stuff aboard." "Like being shipmates with a red-hot stove," put in another before-the-mast humorist. "Keep cool, Herc," whispered Ned, who was beginning to dread an outburst on the part of his impulsive companion. Unfortunately his whisper was overheard, and a shout went up from those nearest the two boys. "That's right! 'Keep cool, Herc!'" they mimicked. "Don't get afire, mate, or we may have to duck you." "I reckon he must have belonged to the village fire department," put in another. "I'll bet they practiced putting out fires on his head," came another voice. It was more than flesh and blood could bear. Herc arose angrily to his feet, and was beginning a speech full of hot resentment, when the boat, which was by this time under way, gave a sudden lurch. Herc had been unmindful of the fact that a fresh wind blowing up the North River kicks up quite a sea, and in a second he was sprawling on the bottom of the boat, with a perfect tempest of laughter ringing in his burning ears. But, as he fell, Herc's heavy form careened against a seaman who was standing upright, scanning the vessel they were approaching. Down crashed the two, with Herc on top. When they rose the nose of the seaman who had fallen under Here's bulky person was bloody, and his eyes inflamed with rage. "You hayseed-eating swab," he growled, "look here--blood all over my blouse. Now I've got to clean it or get a call down." "I'm very sorry," said Herc penitently, "I didn't do it on purpose." "You're a liar, and I'll trim you for it before long." Herc recollected Ned's advice, and bottled his rage. In a cutting voice, however, he rejoined: "At the Training School they told us that most sailors were gentlemen. I guess they were dead wrong." "Fire's out!" yelled somebody; but as, by this time, they were almost alongside the towering, slate-colored sides of the _Manhattan_, a quick cry of "Hush!" ran through the boat, and the Dreadnought Boys, for the present, escaped further trials of their tempers. "Aren't we going to board the ship?" asked Herc, as the launch approached the _Manhattan_, which was swung up-stream, with the tide. "Of course," replied Ned. Both lads spoke in an undertone, so as not to run the risk of incurring a rebuke or the bringing down of further teasing on their heads. "But there is a gangway hanging over the side right there," objected Herc, pointing to a substantial stairway leading from the stern structure of the big war vessel to the water's edge. "Why, you lubber," laughed Ned, "that's the officer's landing place. We are not allowed to land on the starboard side. We jackies have to go round to the port side of the ship." "Humph!" remarked Herc, in whose mind a very distinct feeling that he should not like the navy was beginning to take shape. In a few minutes the launch drew up at the officer's gangway, and the young midshipman leaped in an agile manner onto it. The launch then continued round the steep bow of the _Manhattan_, which towered like a mighty cliff of gray steel above the boys' heads. It steamed on till it arrived beneath a number of "Jacob's ladders" dangling from booms projecting several feet outward from the vessel's side. "How on earth do we get aboard?" said Herc. "Climb up those ladders," rejoined Ned. "What, those swinging things?" "That's right." "What then?" "Then we run along those booms till we are on board the ship." "No, thank you." Herc looked apprehensively at the swinging ladders up which the jackies from the first boat were already beginning to swarm like monkeys, nimbly scampering along the booms when they reached the top. They steadied themselves on the lofty perches by light hand-lines rigged for the purpose. "What do you mean? Surely you are not getting scared?" "No, not scared," replied Herc. "But what's a fellow want to come into the navy for if he can make a living walking a tight rope?" "Come on, you two rookies!" shouted a voice at this moment. "Let's see how you can manage a Jacob's ladder." There was a taunting note in the words that made Ned wheel angrily. He saw facing him, with an ugly leer on his countenance, the hulking-looking man, whose arm stripes denoted that he was serving his second enlistment, with whom Herc had already had the recorded passage-at-arms. Then and there Ned felt that this fellow and himself were not destined to make good shipmates. He also determined, however, not to let any of the jackies see that there was an instant's hesitation in his mind about taking the perilous-looking climb. "Come on, Herc," he cried, as he made a spring for the ladder. Its swaying end hung a good three feet above the boat, and as the river was fairly choppy, the craft, heavy as it was, bobbed about in a lively manner. The lad's experience at the training school, however, had taught him not to mind this, and without an instant's pause he made a jump for the contrivance, and a second later was climbing up it like a squirrel. "I guess I'll wait and see after our baggage," called Herc after him. "Your baggage will be sent up afterward by deep-sea express, bricktop!" yelled a derisive voice. "Come on, now, get up that ladder lively, and don't keep us waiting." Poor Herc, with much inward perturbation, made a jump for the ladder, and, to his surprise, found that it was easier than he had expected to negotiate. He scrambled rapidly upward after Ned, who by this time was almost at the boom. Close behind Herc came the sailor who had taunted the boys in the boat. His name was Ralph Kennell, otherwise known as "Kid" Kennell. He had quite a reputation in the fleet as a fighter and wrestler, and on the strength of his renown had allowed a naturally domineering disposition to develop into that of a full-fledged bully. Kennell pressed close behind Herc as the red-headed boy clambered as fast as he could toward the boom. "The sooner it's over, the better," thought poor Herc to himself, as he made his best pace upward. But it was no part of Kennell's plans that the Dreadnought Boys should make their first appearance on board the _Manhattan_ without some sort of an accident befalling them, and he did his best to "rattle" Herc as he climbed close on his heels. Already Ned had gained the boom, and scampered neatly along it and alighted on the white deck of the first battleship he had ever boarded. He gazed anxiously over the rail at poor Herc as he toiled upward. Ned's quick eyes did not escape the fact that Kennell was "bullyragging" Herc to the extent of his capacity in this direction, which was considerable. The cheeks of Herc's chum burned angrily as he gazed, but he was powerless to interfere. The officer of the deck, with his telescope tucked under his arm, was standing near by, and Ned knew it would be a gross infraction of navy discipline to shout the warning he longed to deliver to Herc. Ned had, as soon as he reached the deck, turned toward the stern and saluted the flag, and then paid the same compliment to the officer, who had touched the rim of his cap in return. And now Herc had scrambled up onto the boom, which was slightly flattened on the top and not really so very difficult of passage. He started along it, gripping the frail hand-line tightly. It is likely that, if he had been left alone, he would have gained the ship without disaster, but Kennell was close behind him, and as Herc, with set face and white cheeks, reached the center of the narrow "bridge," the ship's bully closed up on him. What happened then occurred so quickly that the jackies who watched it said afterward that all they saw was Herc's body shooting downward with a despairing cry, and a second later another flash, as his chum's form dashed through the air and entered the water close by the place of Herc's disappearance with a loud splash. Instantly the startling cry of "Man overboard!" echoed from mouth to mouth along the decks of the Dreadnought. CHAPTER IX. A NAVAL INITIATION. Both the Dreadnought Boys were good swimmers. Even if they had not been drilled in this art at the training school, their experiences in the old swimming pool at home would have made them at home in the water. Ned had dived after his chum as a matter of impulse, more than anything else, and, a second after the two splashes had resounded, both boys appeared on the surface of the water. A few strokes brought them to the side of the ship, where they clung to the slight projection afforded by an out-board seacock, till a ladder came snaking down to them. By this time the rail, which seemed to be as high above them as the summit of a skyscraper, was lined with faces, and at the stern the officers who were on board were peering over the side of the quarterdeck. Captain Dunham himself, summoned by his orderly, came running from his cabin, as the two dripping youths arose from their immersion, and joined his officers on the stern. He had just come on board in his own launch. "Who are they, Scott?" he asked of his executive officer, as the boys once more ascended the side of the ship on the emergency ladder. "Two recruits, sir, from the training station, I believe, sir," was the reply, with a salute. "Well, they are certainly taking a naval baptism," laughed the captain, whose merriment was echoed by his officers, now that it was seen the boys were safe, "but how did it happen?" "I don't know, sir. I was not forward at the time," was the rejoinder. "The shore men were coming on board, I believe, and the red-headed young fellow fell from the boom. His companion dived instantly after him. It was a plucky act, sir." "Humph!" remarked the captain. "I suppose it was an accident, and we can take no official notice of it. By the way, Scott, those two young men, I perceive now, are the ones I spoke to you about as having behaved with such singular courage and cool-headedness when the _Rhode Island_ burned. Keep an eye on them, for I think they have the makings of real sailors in them." "I shall, sir," replied the executive officer, saluting, as the captain turned away with a return of the courtesy. If Ned and Herc were wet and cold without, they were warm enough within as they gained the deck. Ned's eye had detected Kennell's foot in the act of reaching out to trip his chum and cousin, and he felt within him an overpowering desire to seek the man out and demand an explanation. Fortunately, however, for himself, other matters occupied his attention at that moment. Dripping wet as they were, the boys did not forget their carefully instilled training, and each came to attention and saluted as they faced the officer of the deck. "Who are you men?" demanded that dignitary, red tape not allowing him to comment on the accident. "Recruits, s-s-sir, from Newport T-T-T-Training School," answered Ned respectfully, his teeth chattering. "Get on dry clothes and report to the master-at-arms. Messenger!" A messenger slid to the officer's side with a hand raised in salute. "Show these recruits to their quarters. Let them get on dry clothes and then conduct them to the master-at-arms." As the boys' suitcases had by this time been hoisted on board, they soon changed into dry uniforms in the men's quarters forward, and their conductor then beckoned them to follow him. The two boys, their eyes round with astonishment at the sights and scenes about them, followed without a word, and were led through labyrinths of steel-walled passages, down steel ladders with glistening steel hand rails, up more ladders, and through bulkhead doors made to open and close with ponderous machinery. The lower decks of the ship were lighted with hundreds of incandescent bulbs, as, in a modern man-of-war, there are no portholes on the sides, owing to the thickness of the armorplate. The officers' cabins are lighted by lozenges of glass let into the deck. "It's like living in a fire-proof safe," whispered Herc. The boys noticed that, although they seemed to be in a steel-walled maze, that the air was fresh and cool, and they discovered afterward that large quantities of fresh ozone were distributed into every part of the ship by electric blowers. For the present, however, they followed their guide in a sort of semi-stupefaction at the novelty of their surroundings. "Say, we must have walked a mile," gasped Herc, as their guide finally emerged into a narrow passage seemingly in the stern of the vessel. He paused before a door hung with heavy curtains and knocked. "What is it?" demanded a voice from inside. "A voice as pleasant as an explosion of dynamite," Herc described it afterward. "Two recruits, sir," was the reply. "Send them in." The boys found themselves in the presence of the master-at-arms, a dignified and business-like officer. "Your papers?" he demanded, without further parley. "Here, sir," answered both boys, producing their precious certificates from the training school. The master-at-arms glanced over them. "You seem to have good records," he remarked, "but don't presume on them. You have a lot to learn. Messenger!" The messenger sprang to attention and saluted, and the boys, not to be outdone in politeness, did likewise. "Sir!" "Take these two recruits to the ship's writer, and have him enter them in the ship's records." Once more the threading of the metal labyrinth began, and the boys felt almost ready to drop as they were ushered into another cabin, where sat a man not unlike the master-at-arms in appearance, but who wore spectacles perched on his nose. He took the boys' papers without a word and filed them away in a pigeonhole. He then produced two varnished ditty boxes, with their keys, which he handed to the boys. "These are your ditty boxes," he remarked, handing over the caskets, which were about a foot and a half square, neatly varnished and finished, and each of which bore a number. "You are to keep your valuables, stationery and knicknacks of any kind in these," he said. "Be careful of them and look after them well." "What about our money, sir?" asked Ned. "You can place that in the ship's savings bank if you wish. It gives four per cent. Or, if you prefer, you can deposit it with the ship's paymaster, and draw on it as you require. If you are transferred to another ship, it will be transferred for you." "I think the savings bank would be best," said Ned, looking at Herc. "Same here," replied the farmboy; "gran'pa used to say, 'put your money in hogs,' but I guess we couldn't do that aboard ship, so it's the savings banks for me, too." "Very well; you may leave your money with me and I will give you a passbook. You see, we do these things much as they are done ashore." "I see," nodded Ned as he took his passbook, and Herc did the same, "what do we do now, sir?" "You will now be conducted to the boatswain's mate, who is a sort of foster-parent to young recruits, and from him you will get the numbers of your hammocks and be assigned to a place at mess. He will also outline your duties to you. "Messenger!" "Sir!" Once more the messenger came to salute, and stiffened in the attitude of attention, and the boys did the same. "Conduct these recruits to the chief boatswain's mate." "Yes, sir." "Off again," whispered Herc, as the messenger once more darted off with the boys in tow. CHAPTER X. NED HOLDS HIS COUNSEL. The chief boatswain's mate was a far more awe-inspiring officer, in the boys' eyes, than any they had so far met. They both knew enough of the navy to realize that he and his subordinate were the class of petty officer with whom they would come most in contact during their early period of enlistment. This dignitary on the _Manhattan_ was a fierce-looking personage, but the boys were to learn that as the sailors say, his "bark was worse than his bite." "Hum, recruits," he said as he looked the two boys over. "He certainly is giving us a sizing-up," whispered Herc. The ears of the boatswain's mate were sharper than the boys had imagined. "Yes, I _am_ sizing you up," he said with emphasis. "I'm thinking that you look like pretty good material." "We mean to do our best, sir," rejoined Ned. "That's right. That sort of ambition will carry you far. But are you not the two boys who fell overboard a short time ago?" "I fell, and he jumped after me," corrected Herc. "How did it happen? An accident, wasn't it?" "Not exactly an accident," rejoined Ned. "What then? You mean it was done on purpose?" "I'm afraid so," was the quiet reply. "Who did it?" "We would prefer not to say now, sir," replied Ned in the same repressed tone. "You mean you intend to attend to the matter in your own way?" "Something like that," admitted Ned. The officer looked sharply at him. "It is my duty to warn you, my lad, that all such matters should be confided to your superior officer, and you should abide by his advice. However, unless you commit some breach of discipline, I have no concern in the affair. I must tell you, however, that I heard from some of the men that Kennell had something to do with it. Is he the man you suspect of causing the trouble?" "I had rather not say," rejoined Ned quietly. "Very well, as you wish it; only recollect what I have told you. Now, follow me, and we will look over your quarters. Of course, you are familiar with hammock-slinging, and all that appertains to it?" Herc rubbed his head with a grin. "I've got some bumps here yet that serve to remind me of my first efforts to climb into one." "Answer me 'yes' or 'no,' please; do not try to say anything more." "I was just explaining," muttered Herc, not heeding Ned's warning look. They were soon assigned two places, side by side, in which they might sling their hammocks. The space devoted to the jackies' sleeping quarters was well forward under the superstructure and lighted by electric lights. It was well ventilated, and aisles of steel pillars ran in every direction. From these the hammocks were slung. "I will now show you something of the ship, so that you may be familiar with your floating home," said the boatswain's mate; "follow me." "I wish he'd show us some supper," whispered Herc. "I'm about as empty as a dry well." "Never mind," rejoined Ned; "we shall soon be summoned to eat, I expect." The boatswain's mate took them through much the same maze of steel-walled passages and heavy doors as had the messenger. After descending three decks and traversing the stern of the ship, they were shown the mighty tiller and the mechanical apparatus connecting with the wheel-house, where the steam-steering gear was installed. Then they were hurried along forward. Not, however, before the officer had shown them the emergency steam-steering gear, far below the water-line, which could be used in case a shot disabled the guiding apparatus above decks. Forward they were conducted up steel steps onto the gun deck, and thence to a passage under the bridge and chart room, from which they emerged onto the edge of a sort of steel "well," sunk immediately below the center of the bridge. "There are the fire-controls," said the officer, pointing down into the "well" at a lot of shapeless apparatus swathed in heavy, waterproof cloth. "We keep the range-finders and other apparatus covered while we are in port or in a damp climate." "The fire-controls?" echoed Herc, with half a suspicion that his unfortunate head was coming in as the subject of more joking. But it was not, as the next remark of the boatswain's mate showed him. "The gunnery officer is seated in that well, with two orderlies, at battle practice, or in actual warfare," he explained. "He is screened there from the enemy's fire; but, through narrow slits cut in the steel, he sees what is going on about him, and telegraphs the range and directs the fire. His commands are transmitted to the gun-control room electrically, and thence to the turrets." The boys listened with deep interest. "We will now go below again and look at the gun-control room," said the boatswain's mate, as he trotted off once more. "He must be made of the same material as the ship," groaned Herc, as the two boys followed him. As before, they traversed innumerable passages, passing several officers on the way, whom they, of course, saluted. In each case the salutation was returned by a brief touch of the officer's fingers to his cap rim. "If you'd ever get lost here, you could wander round for a week without finding your way out," grumbled Herc. "Not much chance," laughed their guide; "every part of the ship, huge as it is, is visited at least once a day by some officer. Not a corner is allowed to escape notice." Suddenly the boatswain's mate plunged downward through a very narrow square opening, which seemed almost too small to admit his body. The boys followed, though for a moment they had been quite startled at his sudden disappearance. "This is a part of the ship no stout man can ever hope to penetrate," said their guide, as he clambered down a steel ladder, which the opening, through which he had crawled, led to. "I should say not," muttered Herc, squeezing through. "It doesn't speak very much for navy food," he added to himself, "if all the sailors can squeeze through such a place as this." At the bottom of the ladder they found themselves in a small chamber, looking not unlike the central office of a telephone exchange. It was quite hot, owing to its proximity to the boiler room. Everywhere wires ran, with head-pieces, like those worn by operators, dangling from them. Small bells were affixed to the steel bulkhead, and a system of tiny signal lights was arranged above them. "This is the place from which the fire is directed after the commands have been sent from the fire-control well," explained their guide. "As you see, it works like a telephone exchange. In action, an officer and four men are stationed here to attend to the signals." "Are we under the water-line now?" asked Ned breathlessly. "We are now twenty feet below the surface of the river," replied the boatswain's mate. "Then, if the ship was sunk in action, the men down here would not stand a chance to escape?" queried Ned. "No; they probably would not know that the ship had been struck till they saw the water come pouring in on them." "Say, Ned," whispered Herc. "What?" "There's one job in the navy that I don't want." "What is that?" "To be stationed down here." "No danger of that," laughed Ned. "Only the most expert of the crew--men to whom gunnery is a science, are assigned to these posts." A visit to the wireless room, which was set snugly in the superstructure between the two forward and the two after funnels, completed the lads' tour of their new home. "Now, I have done all I can for you," remarked the boatswain's mate, as he parted from the boys on the forward deck, "the rest lies in your own hands. The only part of the ship you have not seen is the magazines. As there are two and one-half million dollars' worth of explosives stored there, we naturally keep them private." Lounging about with the other tars on the forward deck the boys found their friend, Tom Marlin. He had already heard about the accident which had resulted in Herc's involuntary immersion and Ned's voluntary ducking. "I'm glad that you boys kept your heads," he said, after the boys had recounted their experiences and suspicions to him; "the 'old man' is very much averse to fighting; although on some of the ships of the fleet they allow the men to meet under proper conditions and fight out their grievances with boxing gloves." "We have no intention of letting Kennell go unpunished, though," promised Ned indignantly. "Why, for all he knew, he might have drowned Herc here." "You'd better steer clear of Kennell," warned another sailor, who had come up with three companions at this moment; "he's a dangerous man, and could eat both you kids for breakfast, without sauce or salt." "I'm not so sure of that," breathed Ned truculently, smarting under the sense of the mean trick that had been played on his friend; "and, perhaps, before this cruise is over, he may have a chance to try." This conversation took place on the forward deck, in the short lounging interval allowed the sailors between afternoon "setting-up" drill, and the supper bugle, which is sounded at 5:30. As Ned voiced his intention of squaring things up at some future time, the brisk notes of the summons to the evening meal cut short further talk, and as the chiming of "three bells" mingled with the bugle's notes, the jackies descended on the mess-tables like a flight of locusts on a wheatfield. They were served with cold roast ham, potato salad, boiled potatoes, canned peaches, bread and butter, and steaming tea. "Ah," sighed Herc, as his nostrils dilated under the odors of appetizing food, and his eye fell on the long rows of tables, spread with plates, knives and forks, with a cup at each man's elbow, "this is a lot more interesting to me right now than all the underground subways in the navy." CHAPTER XI. BREAKING TWO ROOKIES. A fresh breeze, tossing up the foamy white caps; fleecy clouds, scurrying by overhead; and, on the sparkling sea, spread in a long formidable line, the North Atlantic squadron, steaming "in column," bound for the battle practice at Guantanamo. Between each of the huge battle bulldogs, glistening wetly with the tossed-up spray, a perfect distance was maintained--as accurately as if the space between each ship in the long line were fixed permanently; yet the squadron was reeling off twenty knots an hour on its way to tropic waters. On the fore-deck of the _Manhattan_, which, leviathan as she was, pitched heavily in the huge Atlantic swells, stood the two Dreadnought Boys; but a big change was manifest in the ruddy-headed Herc's smiling features, since he sat down to supper the night before the squadron sailed. Ned regarded his chum with a smile at the other's woe-begone look. "Cheer up, Herc," he said. "It will soon be over, you know. Sea-sickness does not last long." "A good thing it doesn't," groaned the unfortunate Herc, "or I'd be finished with earthly woes by this time. O-oh-oh-oh!" The exclamation was forced from Ned's cousin as the _Manhattan_ gave an extra heavy pitch which sent the salt foam flying in a wet cloud over the port-bow. It was the second morning following the fleet's departure from New York. The night before, after a day of agony, poor Herc had been hoisted into his hammock by three sailors, and now, in the early dawn, he was undergoing once more all the torments of the day previous. Ned, on the contrary, seemed unaffected by the motion of the ship in the heavy sea-way, and had escaped the toll old Neptune demands from most neophytes. "Here, you boys," bluffly snapped a boatswain's mate, approaching the boys; "what are you doing here?" It was not the same petty officer who had shown them about the ship. "Beg pardon, sir," said Ned, respectfully saluting, "but we haven't received any assignments yet." "Well, lay hold of a swab and get to work." "A swab, sir?" "It sounds what I feel like," groaned Herc. "Yes, a deck-mop, if you like that term better. No idlers allowed here." "My friend here, is pretty sea-sick, sir," ventured Ned respectfully. "Never mind; a little work will do him good--work and a good breakfast----" "Breakfast oh-o-o-oh!" from the luckless Herc. "Come, hammocks have been piped down for five minutes. Have you stowed yours?" demanded the boatswain's mate sharply. "Yes, sir," replied Ned, who had performed this office both for himself and for his friend. "Well, you will turn to with the first deck division and scrub decks." "Very well, sir," said Ned, starting forward to where he saw a number of jackies, armed with swabs, preparing to begin the first daily task on a man-o'-war. Scrubbing and painting and cleaning brasswork are a Jackie's chief tasks at sea. "But hold on a minute--your boots." The boatswain's mate glared downward disapprovingly. "Have I lost those, too?" moaned Herc. "Take off your boots, at once. Footgear is not allowed while scrubbing decks." "Very well, sir. Come, Herc, we must go forward." Followed by Herc, Ned made his way to the fore superstructure, where swabs were being served out. After a little inquiry, he found his "station," and guided the half-dazed Herc into his place in the scrubbing line. Soon they were at work on one of those tasks which may seem menial, but which every boy who enters Uncle Sam's navy must learn to do without complaint. "I didn't leave home to scrub floors," muttered Herc indignantly, his disgust getting even the better of his sea-sickness; "is this a sailor's chore?" "Never mind, Herc; look at it from this angle--in scrubbing decks you are helping to keep your five-million-dollar home clean." "I'd give five million dollars to be ashore," groaned Herc, a fresh paroxysm sweeping over him. Suddenly the sharp cry of "Attention!" rang along the decks. The scrubbing squads straightened up stiffly, and came to the position of salute. It was the captain, making an early tour of inspection with the executive officer of the ship, Lieutenant-Commander Scott. Behind him came his orderly and a messenger. Altogether, it was quite an impressive little parade. Ned thought that the captain, whom he had last seen quelling the onrush of the crazed stokers, glanced at him with a flash of recognition. He knew enough, however, not to betray by the flicker of an eyelash that he had ever seen his commander before. As for Herc, he was fortunately, perhaps, past paying attention to anything. "Tell the men to carry on," Ned heard the captain say to the boatswain's mate in charge of his scrubbing squad, as the officers passed by. "Carry on," thought Ned; "what on earth is that?" "Come; carry on!" said boatswain's mate sharply to Ned as the boy still stood at attention, having received no order to resume work. Ned looked at him inquiringly, and the man saw the lad was puzzled. "Carry on. Go on with your work," he said, and Ned at once understood the hitherto mysterious order. Breakfast followed the swabbing-down work, and Herc, who felt somewhat revived, managed to swallow a few mouthfuls. Not enough, however, to completely restore him, and a shipmate, seeing his despondent condition, advised him to visit Pills. "What is that?" asked the astonished boy. "It isn't a 'what,' it's a 'he'," explained the man; "Pills is the doctor." "Well, if there's a doctor on board, I certainly want to see him," agreed Herc; and, at seven-thirty, together with several other men, suffering from real or imaginary ills, he sought out the ship's doctor, who gave him some remedies, which soon made the boy feel all right. In fact, an hour later Herc and Ned found themselves consigned to a painting squad, working, side by side, on the big forward turret which housed the twelve-inch guns. Beside them was another blue-jacket and old Tom, their acquaintance of their first day of naval life. Ned felt a thrill, as, in his bosn's chair, he dangled on the side of the turret close to the glistening barrels of the huge guns, which could hurl a ponderous weight of metal, an 870-pound projectile, almost ten miles. He wondered if he would ever attain his present ambition, which was to serve on the crew in the big forward turret, the one he was then engaged in painting a dull-slate color. Conversation is allowed among blue-jackets at work if they are discreet enough not to make their tones too loud, and relapse into silence when a petty or a commissioned officer happens along. Thus Ned and the convalescent Herc found time to ask many questions concerning the ship. Naturally, the talk drifted, as they worked, to the turret on which they were toiling. "If I tell you boys a secret can you keep it--teetotal abstinence?" asked old Tom suddenly. "You had better not confide in us, if you don't think so," rejoined Ned somewhat sharply. "Oh, no harm meant," hastily put in Tom; "and at that, it isn't so much of a secret. It's been hinted at in the papers, and maybe you may have heard of it. Have you?" "Why, how can we tell unless we know what it is?" questioned Ned, with a laugh. "Well," confided old Tom seriously, and lowering his voice--though by this time the third man on their side of the turret was painting at some distance from them--"well, inside this here turret is one of the new Varian guns. They are the invention of Henry Varian, of Boston----" "The inventor of that new explosive?" breathed Ned. "Exactly; Chaosite, they call it. Well, this here gun is specially built to handle this explosive, but it's never been tried yet; and--here's the secret--Varian himself is to join us in Cuba and direct the firing tests of it. While the papers have got hold of the fact that we have the gun on board, none of them know that it is to be tested on this battle practice, or that Varian himself is to meet us at Guantanamo." "How do you come to know all this?" asked Ned. "Why, I'm the stroke-oar of the captain's boat--when he uses it--which isn't often, nowadays," lamented old Tom, who hadn't much use for "steamers" and gasoline launches. "Well, when we was at Key West, I rowed him ashore--helped to, that is--and I overheard him talking to this fellow Varian himself about the gun. I wasn't eavesdropping, you understand; just overheard." "That's mighty interesting," mused Ned; "of course, I have read of the government's experiments with Chaosite. It is supposed to be, I believe, the most powerful of all explosives yet discovered. It's great to think that we are on board the first ship to try it under actual battle conditions." "I wish we could get on the crew of that gun," put in Herc. "I'd like mighty well to see just how that Chewusite acts when it's touched off. Regular Fourth of July, I guess. Pop-boom-fizz! Up in the air!--stars!--bang--down comes the stick!" As Herc spoke, in his newly recovered vitality, he swung his pot of slate-colored paint about, to illustrate his meaning. As ill-luck would have it, the wire handle was not oversecurely fastened, and off flew the receptacle of the pigment with which the turret was being covered. "Oh, crickey! Now I've done it!" groaned Herc, as he felt the bucket slip from the handle and go hurtling down. The next moment Ned echoed his chum's exclamation of dismay, as he saw what had occurred. To make matters worse, at that very moment the redoubtable Kennell was passing beneath the turret, on his way aft to clean some brasswork, and had turned his face upward, preparatory to flinging some jeering remark at the two Dreadnought Boys. The contents of the unlucky pot of paint fell full on his sneering features, blotting them out in a sticky cloud of gray pigment! CHAPTER XII. A BULLY GETS A LESSON. For a moment the big form of the paint-covered bully swayed about blindly and helplessly. Then, dashing the paint from his eyes, he emitted a roar like that of a stricken bull. Jackies at work near at hand, who had seen the accident, gazed at Herc, who had by this time slid to the deck--in a sort of pitying way. They knew Kennell too well to suppose that he would let such an occurrence--even if it were an accident--pass by unrevenged. "I'm sorry, Kennell; it was an accident," exclaimed Herc, one hand extended, and the other gathering up the loose end of his work-blouse; "here, let me wipe some of it off with this." He stepped forward, with the intention of doing all he could to repair the damage he had unwittingly caused, but Kennell, with an angry sweep of his arm, waved him furiously back. To increase the bully's rage, some of the men near at hand began to laugh. "My! what a lovely complexion the kid has when he's all rouged up!" laughed one. "Kennell's got his battle-paint on," jeered another. It was easy to see that none of the men particularly regretted the accident to the bully, whom none of them had any particular reason to love. From their suspended bosn's chairs, Ned and old Tom watched the scene with some apprehensions. Ned was a shrewd enough reader of character to know that the affair could hardly end by Kennell's peaceably accepting Herc's apology; while old Tom knew Kennell's nature too well to entertain any doubt that the young seaman was in for a terrible trouncing. "You--you--red-headed clod-hopper!" grated Kennell savagely through his mask of "war-paint," when he found his voice. Somehow, he looked so ludicrous, showing his teeth, like a snarling dog, through his panoply of pigment, that Herc, to save his life, could not have restrained himself from bursting into a hearty laugh. "I--pardon me, Kennell; oh, ha! ha! ha! ha! I--I'm awfully sorry. Please accept my apologies. It was, ha, ha, ha, ha! an accident--really it was. Won't you forgive me?" Herc held out his hand once more. As he did so, Ned shouted a sharp warning from above. It came too late. Kennell's mighty arm shot out with the speed of a piston-rod, and its impact, full on Herc's laughing face, carried the boy crashing against the side rails. "Take that, you pup, as a starter!" hissed Kennell "and I'm not through with you yet, either. I'll keep after you two whelps till you slink out of the service." Herc, half-stunned, clambered to his feet, and stood swaying for a moment, as if he were about to keel over altogether. He rapidly pulled himself together, however, and fixed a furious gaze on Kennell, who stood glaring at him with an upcurled lip and narrowed eyes. Echoing the bellow that Kennell had let forth when the paint obscured his vision temporarily, Herc threw himself into a boxing attitude, and sprang straight for his opponent. It was the onslaught of a wild-cat on a bull. "Take that, for tripping me overboard, you big coward," he snapped, as he aimed a terrific uppercut at the ship's bully. The unexpected blow caught Kennell with the force of a young battering-ram. Full on the point of his blunt jaw it landed, and raised him a good foot off the deck. He came crashing down like a felled tree, in a heap at the foot of the turret's barbette. He lay there, seemingly senseless, while the ship plunged onward, and a thin stream of red began to trickle from his head and spread over the newly whitened deck. Herc gazed down at his handiwork in consternation. What if he had killed the man? Kennell lay there so still that it seemed reasonable to suppose that his life might be extinct. The stream of blood, too, alarmed Herc, who had struck out more on impulse than with any well-defined idea of knocking out the ponderous "Kid Kennell." "Kennell, Kennell!" he breathed, bending over the prostrate man. "Speak! Are you badly hurt?" "Leave him alone, matey," counseled old Tom, who, with Ned, had slid down from the turret-side. "He's a long way from dead. He's just asleep for a few minutes, and only got what was coming to him." "Oh, is he all right?" questioned Herc, much relieved. "Sure; it would take a harder punch than you've got to hurt 'Kid' Kennell seriously," put in a sailor at Herc's elbow; "but Heaven help you when the kid gets about again." "Why?" asked Herc simply. "Why? Oh, Lord!" groaned the sailors mirthfully, "why, red-head, he'll pound that ruby-colored head of yours into the middle of next Fourth of July or pink calves'-foot jelly." "Carry on, men! Carry on!" exclaimed a boatswain's mate, coming round the barbette at this moment. "Why, what's all this?" he exclaimed the next minute, as his eyes lighted on the recumbent and paint-smeared figure of Kennell, and the flushed faces and anxious eyes of Ned and Herc. "It's Kennell, sir; he's knocked out," volunteered one of the jackies. "So I see. Who has so grossly violated the rules of the service as to have been guilty of fighting?" All eyes rested on poor Herc, who, coloring up to the roots of his colorful thatch, said, in a low voice: "I have, sir." Though the lad's tone was low, his voice never quavered. "What you--Recruit Taylor--fighting?" queried the amazed boatswain's mate, who was no stranger to the record of the redoubtable Kennell, and inwardly marveled at what sort of fighting machine Herc must be to have laid him low. "Yes, sir; I'm sorry to say that I have," replied Herc, looking his superior straight in the eyes. At this juncture the officer of the deck hastened up. From his station amidships he had noted the sudden cessation of all activity forward. He had at once hastened to see what had occurred to stop the monotonous clock-work of the routine duties aboard. "What's all this, Stowe?" he shot out sharply at the boatswain's mate, as his eyes took in the scene. All the jackies had come to attention as the officer hurried up, but at his sharp command of: "Carry on, men!" the work had gone forward, apparently as before, although, as my readers will judge, the men had one eye on their work and another on the scene that now transpired. "Why, as well as I can make out, sir, this young recruit here, sir--Taylor, sir--has been fighting with Kennell, here, sir, and----" "Seemingly knocked him out," snapped the officer, as Kennell began to stir. He sat up, blinking his eyes like a man who has been summoned back from another world. As the bully rose, the officer--a young man with a good-natured face--suddenly coughed violently and turned to the rail. His shoulders heaved and his handkerchief was stuffed up to his face. The boatswain's mate gazed at him apprehensively. He thought his superior had become suddenly ill. As a matter of fact the sight of Kennell's puzzled countenance, blinking through the paint and vital fluid, with which his features were bedaubed, had been too much for the officer's gravity, and he had been compelled to turn away or suffer a severe loss of his dignity by bursting into a roar of laughter. Finally he recovered himself, and turned, with a still quivering lip, which he bit incessantly, toward the battered Kennell and the others. "What explanation have you to make of this?" he demanded of Herc, in as unshaken and stern a voice as if he had never suffered the loss of an ounce of his gravity. Poor Herc saluted and shuffled uneasily from one foot to another. "Oh, I know he'll make a mess of it," thought Ned to himself. "I wish the regulations would allow me to speak up for him." "Come, sir; what have you to say?" reiterated the officer, as the sorry-looking Kennell got slowly to his feet. He glowered menacingly at Herc, as recollection of what had occurred began to come back to him. "Why, sir, that young cur----" Kennell began. "Silence, sir!" roared the officer; "I'll attend to you when your turn comes." "I was painting the side of the turret," began Herc; "and, quite by accident, the handle of my painting pail came off. Unfortunately, this man happened to be passing below and the stuff doused him, just like a sheep at dipping time, and----" "Attention, sir! Never mind your comparisons. Proceed. You have not yet accounted for the extraordinary condition of this man's countenance." "Why, sir, _that's_ the paint," sputtered Herc, as if astonished at the officer's simplicity. "Exactly. I understand. You say that such a thing was an accident. Possibly, it was. But how do you account for the fact that the man Kennell was lying insensible at the foot of the turret, with that cut over his eye?" "I did that, too, sir," admitted Herc ruefully. "What, you cut his eye like that?" "No, sir; I guess that he must have done that when he fell. I just gave him a sleep wallop----" "Attention, sir! Use more respectful intelligible language," said the lieutenant, suddenly becoming much more interested in some object on the far horizon; so much so that he had once more to turn his back on the Dreadnought Boys, the boatswain's mate and the open-mouthed jackies. In a minute he faced round again, as grave as before. "I hope you are not sea-sick, sir?" began Herc solicitously, for he had observed the officer's handkerchief at his mouth. The lad could not imagine that a scene so serious to him could appear ludicrous to any one else. "If you are, Pills, the doctor, I mean----" "Silence, sir! You need disciplining. You admit, then, that you hit this man?" "Yes, sir, but he----" "Silence! Answer 'yes' or 'no,' please." "Well, 'yes'," admitted Herc. "Why in the great horn-spoon doesn't he ask him if Kennell hit him first?" groaned Ned, regarding the examination from a prudent distance. "This case calls for a full investigation," snapped the officer; "fighting aboard a man-o'-war is one of the most serious offenses an enlisted man can commit. Messenger!" "Sir!" "Get the master-at-arms, and request him to come forward and report to me at once." "Aye, aye, sir!" The messenger sped aft on his errand, while a dreadful silence ensued, which even the irrepressible Herc had not the courage to break. Evidently something dire was about to happen to him. CHAPTER XIII. HERC LEARNS WHAT "THE BRIG" IS. In a few minutes the messenger returned with the master-at-arms, who saluted the officer of the deck, who in turn gravely saluted him. Herc, feeling that he should do something, saluted each of them in turn, concluding his respectful motions with a deep bow. Neither officer, however, paid any more attention to the lad than if he had been carved out of wood. "Master-at-arms!" began the officer. "Yes, sir," responded the master-at-arms, bringing his heels together with a sharp click. "There has been a flagrant breach of discipline here, which it is my duty to report to the captain at once. You will place this man, Ordinary Seaman Taylor, under restraint, and arraign him at the mast at one o'clock with the other prisoners." "Yes, sir," nodded the master-at-arms, edging up to the dismayed Herc. "Kennell, if you wish to prefer a complaint against this man Taylor, you may," went on the officer. "I do, sir, certainly," said Kennell earnestly, through the paint that smothered his face; "but first, sir, I should like to clean this mess off, sir." "You will be relieved from duty while you do. Carry on, men." The officer of the deck faced about and walked aft; no doubt to acquaint the captain with the details of the occurrences on the forward deck. "Come, wake up," said the master-at-arms to Herc, who was in a semi-stupor at the horrifying idea that he was under arrest. "Come with me." "What! I'm to be locked up?" gasped Herc. "Yes, in the brig." In an instant the recollection of the boys' conversation with old Tom on the day they joined the ship flashed into Herc's mind. So then "the brig" that the old tar had been so reluctant to talk about, was the place in which they locked up malefactors and disgracers of the service, of whom it seemed he was one. Poor Herc felt ready to drop with shame and humiliation as--under the eyes of the hundreds of jackies going about their various tasks--he was marched aft by the master-at-arms. There was only one drop of relief in his bitter cup. It came when Ned pressed forward, at the risk of being severely reproved. "Never mind, Herc, old fellow," he breathed. "I know you were in the right, and I'll see that Kennell gets what's coming to him, if it's the last thing I do." "Come, sir! carry on," snapped the master-at-arms, who had pretended not to notice the first part of this conversation, being a really kind-hearted man, although bound by discipline, just as is every one else in the navy; "you must know it is a breach of discipline to talk to prisoners." Prisoners! Poor Herc groaned aloud. "Come, come," comforted the master-at-arms, "it isn't as bad as all that. I am confident that you can clear yourself. Besides, it is your first offense, and you are a recruit, so perhaps the old man will be easy on you." "It isn't that, so much as it's the disgrace of being arrested like this," burst out Herc. "Oh, well, you shouldn't go to fighting, then," remarked the master-at-arms, pulling open a steel-studded door and thrusting Herc before him into a narrow passage, lighted by electric bulbs, down one side of which was fitted a row of steel-barred cells. "We're a bit crowded," he remarked, "so I can't give you a cell to yourself. When a ship puts to sea out of a port there are generally a lot of men to be disciplined. Those who have overstayed their leave, and so forth. Therefore, I'll have to put you in here." He opened a door as he spoke, and pushed Herc into a cell in which two other men were already seated on a narrow bench which ran along one side. "You'll get a full ration at eight bells, for which you are lucky," remarked the master-at-arms; "the others get only bread and water." Clang! The steel door swung to, and Herc, for the first time in his life, was a prisoner. It did not make the experience any the less bitter to know that he was a captive and disgraced through no fault of his own, unless it had been from his exuberant swinging of the paint-pot in the enthusiasm of his newly-acquired "sea-legs." The Dreadnought Boy, despite his unpleasant situation, was naturally inquisitive enough to gaze about him on his surroundings. The cell itself was a steel-walled apartment about twelve feet square with no other furnishings than the narrow bench, which also was of steel. It was lighted by an electric bulb, set deep in the ceiling and barred off, so that it could not be tampered with by a meddlesome prisoner. The walls of this place were painted white. The floors red. It was insufferably hot and stuffy, and the songs of a group of roisterers confined in another cell, which broke forth as soon as the master-at-arms departed, did not tend to make the environment any pleasanter. "So this is the brig," mused Herc, "well, they can have it for all I want with it. It's not much better than the hog-pen at home." One of Herc's fellow prisoners, who had been sitting sullenly on the bench, now arose and began to pace back and forth. His companion did likewise. They had not paid the slightest attention to Herc hitherto, but now one of them spoke. "What you in for, kid?" "I guess you'll have to ask the master-at-arms," rejoined Herc, who was not prepossessed by his questioner's appearance. He was a heavy-set, low-browed man, with a pair of black eyebrows that almost met in the center of his forehead, giving him a sinister aspect. His companion was slight, and long-legged, with a delicate--almost an effeminate--cast of features. "Oh, well, if you don't want to talk you don't have to," growled the heavy-browed man. "Say, Carl," he went on, turning to his companion, "this is a nice, sociable cellmate they've given us, isn't it?" "You attend to your own affairs, Silas," snarled the other, who did not seem to be any more amiable than his heavy-browed friend; "leave the kid alone. We've got trouble enough of our own, haven't we?" "Hum, yes; but overstaying leave isn't such a very serious matter, and think of the reward that's ahead in store for us. Only this cruise, and----" "Hush!" broke in the one addressed as Carl, with an angry intonation; "you must be a fool to talk like that in front of the kid," he went on in a low undertone. "Pshaw!" snarled the other in the same low voice, however. "He's just a country Reuben, with the hayseed still in his hair and the smell of the hog-pen on him--like that one we gambled with in New York--Hank Harkins--wasn't that his name?--on the old 'Idy'." "Just the same, it's well to be prudent," counseled the other, and fell once more to his pacing of the cell. As for Herc, to whom all this, including the reference to Hank, had been, as Carl had guessed, so much Greek, he laid down at full length on the bench. As he had not had more than a few winks of sleep during his seasick night, he soon dropped off into peaceful slumber, despite his uncomfortable couch and serious position. How long he slept, he did not know, but he woke with a start, and was about to open his eyes, when he suddenly closed them again and feigned deep slumber. He had heard something being discussed by the two men with whom he shared the cell that set his pulse to stirring and his heart to beating a wild tattoo. The boy realized that the safety of one of the United States' greatest naval secrets lay, for the time being, in his hands. CHAPTER XIV. A PLOT OVERHEARD. "Say, didn't that boy move?"--the prisoner that Herc knew as Carl put the question. The lad heard rapid footsteps pace across the narrow cell, and felt the hot breath of one of the men in his ear as he lay still and feigned slumber as best he could, although his heart beat so wildly he was sure its agitation must have been audible to the two men. Apparently, however, his ruse succeeded. The men were satisfied that he was wrapped in slumber, for, with a growl, the one that had bent over him said: "He's off; sound as a top." "A good thing," rejoined the other, "both for us and for him." It was Carl who spoke, and the tone in which his soft, refined voice uttered the words left the Dreadnought Boy no room to doubt that if the two plotters had imagined he had overheard them they would have done something exceedingly unpleasant to prevent their secret being betrayed. As it was, however, they seemed to feel no uneasiness and resumed their conversation. "The yacht will be waiting at Boco del Toros, about ten miles above Guantanamo Bay," continued the black-browed man. Herc recognized his bearlike growl. "All we have to do when we get the plans is to steal aboard and sail. Her captain will be prepared for us, and will take us on board when we give the signal." "Then all that we will have to do will be to waylay Varian," said Carl in his soft way, which, mild as it seemed, yet impressed Herc with the same sense of chill as if the cold muzzle of a revolver had been pressed to the nape of his neck. "That's it. An easy way of earning ten thousand dollars, eh?" "Yes, if--if we don't get caught." "No fear of that," laughed the black-browed man; "at any rate, if we are it will be our own fault. But I see no chance of a slip-up. Varian sails from New York to Havana on a vessel of the Ward line. He will put up at a hotel at Guantanamo. We are to meet the others ashore, and if all goes well we'll finish our business in a few hours. If not----" "Well, if not, we'll have to get what we're after from the captain himself, and that's going to be difficult and perhaps fatal for him." "Well, I've taken longer chances than that for less money," laughed Carl's companion. "Lucky thing they didn't look back into our records, or they'd have found out a thing or two which would have made us very undesirable subjects for Uncle Sam's navy. Likewise Kennell, I guess. I'd 'a' hard time to get him to join, but a golden bait will catch the shyest fish." Carl gave a high-pitched chuckle, almost a giggle, but the two worthies instantly lapsed into what seemed sullen silence as the key of their jailer grated in the lock of the bulkhead door. As for Herc, he judged that his best and safest course was to emit a loud snore, which he did. So well was his slumber simulated that the master-at-arms who had entered, accompanied by two orderlies carrying the prisoners' food, exclaimed in an astonished tone: "That youngster must be an older hand than I thought him. He's actually sleeping like a baby." Herc pretended to feel very sleepy when the master-at-arms shook his shoulder and indicated a smoking dinner of cornbeef and cabbage, flanked by bread and butter and a big mug of coffee. "Here, wake up and eat this," commanded the officer; "you ought to be alive to your luck. The other prisoners only get full rations once a day. They have to dine on bread and water." The boy stretched his arms as if he was only partially awake, and, after what he judged to be a proper interval of feigning sleepiness, fell to on his hot dinner. Empty as he was, the food heartened him up wonderfully, despite the scowls that his two companions leveled at him as he ate. When the master-at-arms arrived, just before two bells--one o'clock--to take his prisoners to the tribunal at the mast, Sam felt better prepared to face his ordeal than he had a few hours previously. The captain's "court" convened just forward of the stern awnings, and a little abaft the towering "cage" aftermast. The "old man," in full uniform, with a sword at his side, Lieutenant-Commander Scott, and several of the officers stood in a little group chatting, as the prisoners were brought aft. All wore side arms and what the Jackie calls "quarter-deck faces"--meaning that they looked as stern and uncompromising as flint. "I guess I'll get life," muttered Herc to himself, as he heard the stern doom, of stoppage of five days' pay and ten days in the brig, without future shore leave, pronounced on three sailors who had been found guilty of coming on duty in an intoxicated condition, at New York. "You men are to understand that the United States navy has no place for men who wilfully indulge in such practices," the captain had said, with blighting emphasis, as the men trembled before him. "Clean men, clean-living men is the material the government wants, and such as you are better out of the service. The navy is better off without you if you go on as you have been doing." Herc felt his cheeks blanch as pale as had the countenances of the guilty ones as he heard this stern speech. Next came the turns of the two men who had shared the same cell with him. "Carl Schultz, ordinary seaman, and Silas Wagg, ordinary seaman," read the captain's yeoman who acted as a sort of "clerk of the court." "What's the offense?" asked the captain. "Overstaying their shore leave four hours, sir," was the rejoinder. "Any previous bad record?" "No, sir. I have found none," volunteered the master-at-arms. "Men," said the captain, in the same icy tones as he had used toward the three intemperate prisoners, "you are guilty of a serious offense. In the navy regularity should be a watchword with all of us. It may seem to you that to overstay your leave by four hours was but a small matter, and that you yourselves would not be missed among eight hundred or more men. Yet every one of the crew and each of your forty-two officers has a niche of his own to fill. We are all cogs in the same great machine, servants working for the good of the same government. "If any one of us is derelict in his duty, he is not only derelict to himself and to his officers, but to his country and his flag. Always bear that in mind. As this is your first offense, and your officers tell me you are hard-working men and good seamen, I shall dismiss you with a reprimand. But mind," he added sternly, "if either of you is brought before me again I shall not prove so lenient. Carry on." With grateful faces, the two men hastened off forward. How Herc longed to tell of what he had heard in the cell! But he dreaded to make himself appear ridiculous by reciting what might seem an improbable story, cooked up by one who already rested under a cloud, so he said nothing. In fact, he was not allowed long to entertain these thoughts, for hardly had the two worthies who had shared his cell made the best of their way forward, before the yeoman, in a voice that affected Herc much as a sudden plunge into ice water would have done, shouted out: "Ordinary Seaman Taylor!" The story of Herc's knocking out the bully had already spread through the ship--a place where gossip travels as swiftly as through a small village--and the officers and the few men whose duties brought them near to the "court room"--eyed Herc curiously as he stepped forward, with head bared, holding himself as erect as possible. He saluted as he clicked his heels together with painstaking precision. His heart beat fast and thick, however, and there was an anxious look in his eyes as he faced his inquisitors. Herc was a brave boy, full of pluck and grit; but the ordeal before him might have caused a stouter heart than his to quail. "Master-at-arms, what do you know about this case?" asked the captain, as Herc stood rigid, twisting his cap in his big hands. The master-at-arms rapidly rehearsed what he knew of the affair, and then the captain turned to his executive officer. "Mr. Scott, there is a complainant in this case, is there not?" "Yes, sir," was the reply. "Mr. Andrews, who had the deck this morning, so reported to me." "Able Seaman and Gunner Ralph Kennell is the man, sir," said Lieutenant Andrews, stepping forward. "Very good. Where is this man Kennell?" "Here, sir," said Kennell, stepping forward in his turn. His face shone with soap, which yet had not been able wholly to eradicate the traces of slate-colored paint with which he had been shower-bathed. Over his left eye a big bit of plaster showed where "Pills" had patched him up. Beneath the same eye a dark bruise was beginning to spread. His jaw was also woefully swollen where Herc had landed his effective blow. "Now, Kennell," began the captain, who was perfectly aware of the bully's record, and marvelled as much as his officers how such a slim lad as Herc could have inflicted such injuries on him; "now, Kennell, tell us in as few words as you can what occurred this morning between you and Ordinary Seaman Taylor." "Well, sir," began Kennell sullenly, "I was making my way aft to clean brasswork, sir, when this man here, sir, drops a pot of paint on my head, sir, out of pure malice, as I believe, sir." "Never mind what you believe. What happened then?" "Then, when I protested, sir," went on Kennell, "he climbs down from the turret he was a-painting, sir, and strikes me." "Where?" "Right by the forward twelve-inch turret, sir." "You mean your eye, don't you?" "Well, sir, he struck me all over, sir," complained Kennell. "And you had done nothing to him?" "Nothing, sir." "Very good. You may stand aside. Taylor, what have you to say to this story?" "Not much, sir, except that it is a fabrication," said Herc indignantly, his fear at the officers swallowed in his wrath at Kennell's lying tale. "It is true I dropped the paint on his head. That was accidental, however. So far as his injuries go, I believe that he got the cut over his eye when he fell against the turret. He hit it an awful whack, sir." Herc grinned broadly at the recollection. "No levity, please. You are to understand this is a serious matter. Who struck the first blow?" Herc hesitated. It was no part of his ideas of what was right to tell tales on a fellow seaman, and yet Kennell had lied cruelly about him. Suddenly his mind was made up. "I had rather not say, sir," he said at length in a low tone. "What! Are you aware that this is a confession of guilt, or equivalent to it?" "Perhaps so, sir, but I cannot say," repeated Herc stubbornly. "Very well, then," said the captain in his most dignified tones, "I shall have to inflict a heavier punishment on you than I would otherwise. You are one of the two recruits whose gallant conduct on the _Rhode Island_ caught my favorable attention. I am therefore doubly reluctant to punish you. But the discipline of the service must be upheld. Seemingly, you are screening some one. You must learn that your officers are to be obeyed, and also the regulations. No regulation is more mandatory than that forbidding fighting and unseemly conduct on the ships of the United States Navy. I shall therefore sentence you to two days in the brig with prison rations. Master-at-arms!" "Sir!" "Carry on!" The officer saluted, and a few minutes later poor Herc was once more in his steel cell. This time he occupied it alone, however. "Well, two days is not such a very long time," mused Herc philosophically; "and I expected at least two months, by the way that captain talked to me. I'm in here now, but let that old 'dog Kennel' look out for me when I'm foot loose again!" CHAPTER XV. ORDERED AFT. "Mr. Scott," said Captain Dunham, turning to his lieutenant-commander, "ask Mr. Andrews to step here a minute, will you?" "Yes, sir," responded Mr. Scott, and a minute later Lieutenant Andrews respectfully saluted Commander Dunham. "Andrews, I'm not altogether comfortable about giving that lad two days in the brig. The fellow Kennell I have heard is a most unconscionable bully, and, moreover, I am favorably inclined to both those lads. I saw their mettle well tested on the _Rhode Island_, as I told you gentlemen the other day. Have you heard any details of the matter which you could not relate officially at the inquiry?" "Yes sir, I have," said Mr. Andrews straightforwardly. "I learned a short time ago, from a boatswain's mate who arrived on the scene shortly after Kennell had been knocked out, that young Taylor, instead of being the aggressor, had, as a matter of fact, been attacked by Kennell a few minutes after he had extended his hand and offered an apology for an unavoidable, if annoying, accident." "Hum, hum!" mused the captain; "then it seems that there has been a miscarriage of justice here. But why, in the name of the old Harry, couldn't the young fellow have acquainted me with the full details of the case." "I suppose, sir, that he was unwilling to inform on his shipmate. You know that 'snitchers,' as they call them forward, are not encouraged in the navy." "No, Andrews, no. But I hate to think I have done the lad an injustice--even if unwittingly." "I should not worry about it, sir," put in Andrews. "It will not hurt the youngster to get a sharp lesson in naval discipline which he won't forget in a hurry." "Perhaps you are right," mused the captain; "but I should be unwilling to spoil what I am sure is a fine disposition by over-harshness. As for that man Kennell, I have been his commander on another ship of the fleet, the old _Massachusetts_. I am sure he is a trouble maker, and I am going to have a sharp eye kept on him. If I can detect him attempting to stir up trouble among the men, I shall visit my wrath on him pretty sharply." "And rightly, too, sir," agreed Andrews. "So you have decided to let young Taylor serve out his sentence?" "I think so, yes--for one day, anyway," rejoined the commander. "As you say, it will be a good lesson, though a sharp one. I intend, however, to put both those lads on a good detail as soon as Taylor is released. It will be by way of compensation for what I feel is a partial injustice." Thus it will be seen that, while naval officers outwardly have often to "ship a quarter-deck face" and deal out what may seem harsh measures, yet they are, with few exceptions, kindly, humane men, with an adoration for their flag and country that amounts to fanaticism, and, moreover, a kindly feeling toward the men serving under them. It is somewhat hard, though, to administer the exact measure of justice among eight or nine hundred high-spirited, healthy young animals like the average American tar. * * * * * "Well, lad, the smoke lamp is lighted. Light up and forget your troubles." Old Tom paused as he passed Ned during the rest hour, after the jackies' noonday dinner. "Thanks. I never smoke," responded the boy, whose troubled face showed that he was still worrying over Herc's disgrace. In fact, Ned took his companion's position to heart much more keenly than did Herc himself, who, knowing in his own heart that he was not to blame, set to work to make the best of it. It was the day following Herc's imprisonment, and already the squadron had passed into the Gulf Stream, and the warm air of the tropics was about the mighty fighting ships. That morning the flagship had signalled to the squadron that white uniforms were in order, and very trim and neat the jackies looked in their snowy garments, as they lounged about the decks. Some were smoking and chatting, some writing letters, and others playing checkers, chess or cards, or absorbed in some book in a quiet nook. As Ned, who was leaning over the rail, gazed downward at the foam flying past the vessel's side, he found never-failing amusement in watching the great flocks of flying fish that fled shimmering from the yellow patches of "gulf weed" as the _Manhattan's_ mighty bow nosed into them. "For all the world like a covey of partridges scared up in the woods at home," thought Ned to himself. "Ordinary Seaman Strong?" asked a sudden voice behind him. Ned turned swiftly, and saw the captain's orderly facing him. "Yes, I'm Strong," he said. "Come with me," directed the orderly. Ned had been long enough on a battleship now to obey without hesitation or question when an order was addressed to him. The lounging jackies regarded him with some interest as he passed among them. "The pal of the red-headed lad is going to get a wigging now." "Two of them upon the carpet in two days. They won't last long in the service." These are samples of the comments that were bandied about as the boy passed along behind the orderly, somewhat troubled, in fact, in his own mind as to what could be the reason of the sudden summons to the captain's cabin. Old Tom spoke up indignantly as he heard the remarks: "A whole lot of you young varmints will still be scrubbing decks, and cleaning brasswork, and doing your regular trick in the brig after shore leave, when them two young fellows is wearing chevrons!" he snapped. The old salt was a privileged character, and did and said pretty much as he liked among the men; but his remark aroused some resentment among those about him. "How about you, old Growler?" asked a gruff voice. "How is it you never rose from the scrub stations?" "'Cos I was a fool like you when I was young," snarled old Tom, as the sailors exploded in a shout of laughter at the discomfiture of the venturesome spirit that had essayed to "bait" old Tom. "Better leave Tom alone, Ralph," shouted one of the card players; "he's too sharp for you." "Yes, he presumes on his gray hairs to do as he likes," snarled the other, who was none other than Kennell. "It's a good thing for him he's got a bald head." "Well, I don't need a pot of paint to cover it, anyhow!" laughed old Tom, at which there was another tornado of laughter; and Kennell, with a black look on his face, rose to his feet and made his way to another spot, one where he was less likely to encounter such a sharp tongue as old Tom's. "Confounded old fool!" he muttered to himself as he went, "I'd like to finish up him and those two kids at one stroke! I'll do it, too, if I get a chance." In the meantime Ned, at the orderly's heels, had traversed several of the memorable narrow, steel-lined corridors, and at last found himself in front of heavy green plush portieres, beyond which lay, as he guessed, that hallowed spot, the captain's cabin. The orderly knocked softly at the polished mahogany door frame. "Ord'ly, sir," he announced. And a minute later: "Ordinary Seaman Strong, sir." "Send him in," came the pleasant, mellow voice of the captain. Ned subdued an inclination to take to his heels, and entered, looking as calm as he could. "A moment, Strong," said the captain in a pleasant voice. "I'll be through here in a minute." Ned stood stiffly at attention and gazed about him out of the corners of his eyes while his commander wrote busily, dipping his pen from time to time in a massive silver ink-stand. The commander's quarters, although on a fighting ship, were as luxuriously appointed as the library in any mansion ashore. The fittings were all dark mahogany, relieved, here and there, with maple-wood, on which the soft lights glowed and shone. As in the officers' cabins, there was no porthole, the armor at this part of the ship precluding any such device. Thick glass, let into the quarter deck above, however, admitted light. "Ord'ly!" "Sir!" The orderly sprang into view, like a familiar spirit, from behind the curtain where he had been standing at attention. "Take these general orders to Mr. Scott!" "Yes, sir!" The galvanic orderly saluted and was off like a shot. "I wonder if that fellow is equipped with springs?" mused Ned, "or if he is galvanized daily, or merely wound up by clockwork?" "Well, Strong." The captain was gazing at the boy quizzically. Ned saluted stiffly, and stood straighter than ever at attention, waiting for what was to come. CHAPTER XVI. A BIT OF PROMOTION. "Strong," began the captain, "I sent for you to ask you a few questions. As you know, I have taken some interest in you since I witnessed your courageous behavior aboard the _Rhode Island_." Ned blushed hotly, but said nothing. The captain's remark did not seem to call for a reply. "You have ambitions, and your friend Taylor has also, I presume." "Yes, sir," replied Ned; "we wish to advance ourselves in our chosen profession, sir." "I am going to give you a chance," was the rejoinder. "You are, of course, acquainted with the rudiments of gunnery?" "Yes, sir. We were schooled in the elements of gun practice at Newport." "So I perceived by a perusal of your papers." This was news to Ned, who had not hitherto dreamed that the commander of a vessel like the _Manhattan_ would have time to pay any attention to two mere ordinary seamen. In this, however, he was mistaken. The officers of the United States Navy are ever on the lookout for new material, and watch any promising youngsters with keen interest, giving them every opportunity to show what they can do. "I am going to put you and your friend Taylor on a gun crew." "Oh, thank you, sir!" burst out Ned, his eyes almost popping out of his head, but preserving a cool exterior, nevertheless. "Wait a minute. I have not finished yet," went on the captain, with a twinkle in his eye. "Your friend Taylor is er-er somewhat impulsive, I should imagine?" "Well, yes, sir; but he had plenty of provocation for what he did the other day," spoke up Ned boldly. He was delighted that a chance had come to tell the facts in the case which poor Herc, in his embarrassment, had neglected doing. "So I understood. The man Kennell, I understand, attacked him. For this reason Taylor will be released to-day. But even so, he had his recourse in reporting the matter." "That was not all, sir," broke out Ned. "Not all? What do you mean?" "That I saw the man Kennell deliberately trip Herc--Seaman Taylor, I mean, sir--as he was walking the boom the day he boarded the _Manhattan_." "You mean the day you dived over after him? It was pluckily done." "Yes, sir. Kennell had been badgering him in the boat, and then deliberately tripped him." "That chimes in with the reports I have heard about Kennell," remarked the captain. "However, that matter is past, and official action cannot now be taken. I have spoken to the gunnery officer, Lieutenant Timmons, about you two boys, and to-morrow you will be a part of the crew of the fifteen-inch guns in the forward turret." Ned's heart was too full for utterance. He stammered his thanks, and obeying the captain's curt nod of dismissal, hastened from the cabin, his head fairly buzzing over the good luck that had come to them. "If I am not mistaken," thought the captain, as Ned left the cabin, "I have selected two good bits of material in those lads for Timmons. Yet the experiments with that Varian gun are going to be dangerous, and perhaps I was wrong to place those two boys in peril. However, the life of a sailor is made up of risk and danger, and there is no more danger with that gun than with any other piece of modern ordnance. It is only because it is untried that it seems more fraught with possible mishap." Had the captain possessed the gift of prophecy---- But what man or woman does? If they did, perhaps many of the experiments which have proved of the biggest ultimate benefit to the world would never have been tried. Ned, his head fairly buzzing with his good fortune, hastened forward. He wished he could communicate with Herc and cheer up that captive by news of their good fortune. Musing thus, he had the misfortune, as he reached the fore deck, to collide with a man hastening in an opposite direction. He looked up with a quick word of apology, and found himself gazing full into the scowling features of the Dreadnought Boys' arch enemy--Kennell! "Out of my way, you young mucker!" glowered the man, with a look of hatred, "or I'll maul you up as badly as I did that red-headed young cub." "You mean my friend, Herc Taylor." "I said 'cub!'" "And I said friend!" Ned returned the man's glare firmly. "I see I shall have to give you a good lesson, too, one of these days!" hissed Kennell evilly. Ned, fresh from the presence of the captain, proud of his promotion--for so he considered it, the twelve-inch turret being the "prize detail" of the ship--had no desire to get into a fistic argument. He knew the captain was a stickler for discipline, for all his kind heart, and that with one of the Dreadnought Boys already undergoing punishment, although unjustly, it would be the worst thing that could happen for him to become embroiled with Kennell. He therefore regarded Kennell with a cold stare and said sharply: "Let me pass, please. I am in a hurry and have no time to waste." Kennell planted his bulky form squarely in the Dreadnought Boy's path. "You'll pass when I get good and ready," he grated out. "It's time you boys learned a lesson or two, and I'm going to give it to you!" "I said let me pass," repeated Ned firmly, making a determined effort to quell his rising tide of hot anger at the fellow's evident determination to provoke him into a quarrel. "Call me 'sir' when you address me," ordered Kennell pugnaciously. "I'm going to teach you how to address your seniors in the service." "I only say 'sir' to men I respect," was the sharp retort, the very coolness of which stung Kennell to renewed fury. His rage was increased by the fact that a group of sailors, momentarily growing larger, began to titter at his discomfiture. "Better leave him alone, Ralph," laughed old Tom mischievously. "He's as sharp a young file as I am an old one." Ned took advantage of the temporary diversion to try to slip past without trouble. He had his own ideas of getting even with Kennell, and it was no part of his plan to break regulations by getting involved in a fight with him on shipboard. He stepped forward to pass on. Kennell was too quick for him. "Say 'sir'!" he demanded. "I have already told you for whom I reserved that distinction," said Ned in a low voice, "and you are emphatically not in that class." "Maybe this will teach you respect for your superiors." A huge, gnarled fist, knotted and twisted by many a battle, shook under Ned's nose. The undismayed boy gave a low laugh of contempt. "You'd better put that hand to work, instead of going round trying to scare people with it," he said stingingly. "I will put it to work. SO!" Wh-oo-oo-f! The fist fairly whistled as it shot out with the force of a torpedo speeding on its destructive way. But Ned was not in its path. Thrown off his balance by the boy's quick avoidance of the sledge-hammer blow, Kennell stumbled forward. Quick as a whip snap, Ned stepped under his guard and planted a crushing blow in the fighter's ribs. But delivered as it was, with the full force of the Dreadnought Boy's well-trained muscle, it seemed hardly to sway the bullock-like frame of the ship's blusterer. "I've got the fight of my life on my hands," was Ned's quick thought, as Kennell, recovering himself, prepared, with a confident grin, to annihilate his young opponent. CHAPTER XVII. JIU-JITSU VS. MUSCLE. All else forgotten now, Ned fought warily. Time and again Kennell rushed at him, apparently trying to end the battle in a hurry. But every time he rained his blows on thin air. Ned, perceiving that his only chance lay in tiring the man out, had early decided to adopt cautious tactics. While avoiding the terrific rushes of his opponent, however, he still managed once in a while to land an effective blow. On Kennell's seasoned body, however, they seemed to have but little effect. The jackies groaned in sympathy for the lad as he put up his plucky and skillful defense. It was clear that they believed that the battle would be simply a question of a few minutes, unless it was cut short by the arrival of an officer. As the petty officers were at dinner, however, and the commissioned dignitaries were enjoying a smoke aft, there seemed little likelihood of any interference before the contest was ended. The men were fighting in the shelter of the turret, so from the bridge nothing of what was transpiring was visible to the navigating officers or the quartermasters. "You young hound, I'm going to kill you!" hissed Kennell, white with rage, as, for the twentieth time one of his terrific swings met thin air. "Catch me first!" mocked Ned, skipping backward with agile footwork. Kennell, who was breathing heavily, seemed fairly to spring at the lad as he spoke, but Ned nimbly sidestepped, and Kennell went careening ahead like a man shot out of a suddenly checked auto. "Keep your wind to fight with!" advised Ned jeeringly. But, alas for his confidence, as he spoke his foot caught on a deck ring he had not observed, and he fell backward, sprawling. He was up in a breath, but Kennell, with a roar of triumph, was on him in a flash. The bluejacket's great arms, hairy as a bear's, shot out and encircled Ned in a grip that threatened to crush his ribs in. It was a lock grip. Ned, as the breath was slowly crushed out of his body, felt as if the fight had ended. He saw defeat, utter and absolute, staring before him. Perhaps this thought gave him almost superhuman strength, for the next minute, with an agile twist, he had writhed clear of the deathly grip and had in his turn laid hold of the bully in a wrestling clutch. It was the ancient "grapevine," and Kennell smiled a cold, deadly smile as he felt and knew the old school-boy grip. Throwing it off as easily as if it had been the clutch of an infant, he crouched, and, rushing in, caught Ned craftily about the middle; but Ned, slipping aside, gripped the sailor with a peculiar twist, and seemingly with no great exertion, shot him over his head. The tars set up a cautious shout. It was an old trick of wrestling, in which Ned was perfectly at home; but, to his amazement, the agile Kennell fell on his feet as lightly as a cat, instead of crashing to the deck as Ned had expected. The bluejacket, brute though he was, was just as evidently a master wrestler and up to all the tricks of the game. Indeed, as Ned watched his confident leer as he recovered from what the boy had expected to be a crushing overthrow, there was an expression on the fellow's crafty face that struck a chill that was almost one of dread into Ned's heart. As for the jackies, they watched in silent fascination. Not a sound was to be heard but the quick "patter-patter" of the wrestlers' feet on the decks as they "sparred" for a fresh opening. Suddenly Kennell crouched low, and, before Ned could check him, was once more upon the boy. But now his tactics were wholly changed. His method of wrestling was unlike any that Ned had ever seen or heard of. Yet how deadly it was the boy quickly began to experience. Kennell's fingers, spread like the talons of a hawk, glided here and there about the lad's body rapidly as the undulating movements of a snake. Wherever they touched, the boy felt a sharp shock of intense pain shoot through his frame. Beads of cold perspiration jetted out on his forehead. A numbing sickness seized hold of him. And still Kennell's deadly fingers pressed here, there, and everywhere, bringing the sickening agony that Ned had already tasted in their wake. The very fact that he could not understand what was happening added to the boy's alarm. He had been in many wrestling matches. In fact, he was a better performer on the mat than with the padded gloves, but in all his experience he had never met an opponent like Kennell. Clumsily built as the man was--he had not an iota of the agility possessed by the lithe and supple Ned--yet he seemed to wind and twist like a sapling under Ned's holds; recovering from each grip, he laid his hands on the boy with the same deadly precision. Ned began to feel that his nervous system was a pincushion for his opponent to puncture at will. The old hiplock, the Nelson, the half-Nelson, the grip at the back of the neck--all these tricks of the wrestler's craft Ned tried in turn, but none of them seemed to have any effect on Kennell. And all the time the bluejacket kept up his deadly assaults on Ned's nerve centers, pressing them deftly and producing excruciating pain. Once Ned wrenched free, and glad he was of the brief spell in which he could take stock of his remaining faculties. It was not that he was winded, or that Kennell was too strong for him. In fact, Ned felt that, well-muscled as the bluejacket was, he had his own system in better fighting shape. The strange methods of Kennell were what worried him. He could not seem to escape the assaults of those hawklike hands. Suddenly a partial explanation of the mystery came to him. Old Tom stepped forward and whispered in his ear, during the brief period in which the two sprang about, eying each other narrowly. "He's jiu-jitsu! Look out!" The full meaning of these words shot into Ned's brain. He recollected now having heard some talk about Kennell's having served in the Far East on his first enlistment. Doubtless it was there that he had learned the subtle, deadly Japanese tricks that he was now exercising on his inexperienced opponent. Gladly would Ned have come to open boxing. In a ring, under proper rules, he was well convinced he could whip the burly Kennell; but under the conditions he now faced, he was by no means certain of his ultimate chance of victory. And now Kennell, with his snakelike glide, closed in again, and Ned seized him without warning in a half-Nelson. Back and back bent the bulky form of the bluejacket till it seemed that his vertebra must crack under the cruel pressure. But to Ned's sickened amazement, the other wriggled from the hold as if he had been some reptile, and there was the work all to be done over again. One fact, however, Ned noticed with satisfaction. If he was becoming exhausted, Kennell was also tiring. His breath was coming sharply, with a hissing intake, like that of a laboring pump. The strain was telling on him. Ned felt, if he could only hold out a little longer, that he would lay his opponent low. But could he last? The contest now was simply a matter of brute endurance plus skill, and in the latter quality Ned felt that Kennell, in his Oriental way, possessed the advantage. Suddenly Ned found himself with a grip on both of Kennell's arms at once. A flood of joy rushed through his veins. He felt certain that few men could resist the pressure he could now exert with his mighty forearms and biceps. "Now where are your jiu-jitsu tricks?" he hissed, as he drew the struggling Kennell nearer and ever nearer with the same resistless force as is exerted by the return plunge of a piston. Kennell, his face white, with an ashy tinge about the corners of his mouth, said nothing, but fought with every ounce of strength within him against the steady pressure that was drawing him closer and closer into Ned's crushing embrace. As Ned had said, "Where were his jiu-jitsu tricks now?" The breathing of the two men came in short, sharp barks that sounded hoarsely as coughs as they stood straining there in a deathlike lock. For a second or two all motion ceased, and they stood, except for the working of their opposed muscles, like two stone figures. The next instant, however, the slow, irresistible force of Ned's compressing arms overcame Kennell's stubborn resistance, and the bluejacket was dragged yet nearer into the toils he dreaded--dreaded with white, frightened face and beaded brow. But even as Ned prepared to throw him with a mighty crash to the deck, a strange thing happened. Kennell's body grew limp as a half-filled flour sack and slid like an inert mass down Ned's body. The next instant the boy felt his ankles gripped in a steel-like hold, and, utterly unable to resist, he was toppled over to the deck. As he fell, one of Kennell's big hands slid round to the back of the Dreadnought Boy's neck, and Ned simultaneously experienced a queer, fainting feeling, as if he were being borne far away from the _Manhattan_ and his surroundings, up, far aloft, into the fleecy clouds. Again the hand struck, so softly it seemed as if his neck had been merely stroked, but the sense of illusion increased. Ned's eyes closed. Suddenly--just as it seemed to the boy that he was entering a delightful land, where flowers bloomed luxuriantly and birds sang the sweetest song--a sharp voice shattered his illusion like a soap bubble. "Ned! Ned, old chap! Get him, for the love of Mike!" It was the red-headed Herc released from his cell ahead of time by the captain's commutation of sentence. Like a steel spring suddenly released, Ned's body curved upward, and the next instant the wily Kennell's body was in his close embrace. This time Ned had caught him where all his Oriental tricks were of no avail. Back and back he bent Kennell till, with a great gasp, the bluejacket crashed down to the deck, his head striking with a heavy thud. "Downed him!" shouted old Tom, capering. "The kid wins!" yelled the delighted jackies. Kennell, dazed and astounded at his sudden loss of the match he had made sure was his, got clumsily to his feet. "Shake hands," said Ned simply, extending his palm. "I don't like you, Kennell, but I think you are the cleverest wrestler I have ever met." With a scowl of fury and a half-articulated cry of rage, Kennell dashed the outstretched hand from him and hastened away from the jeering cries of his shipmates, with whom, as has been said, he was by no means popular. "Well, if he doesn't care to be friends," remarked Ned, as the jackies, led by Herc, crowded around him and shook his hand warmly, "he doesn't have to. I suppose we shall have to take the consequences." What those consequences were to be neither of the Dreadnought Boys dreamed at that instant. Perhaps it was as well they did not. While the congratulations were still going on, a boatswain's mate came bustling up. Perhaps he detected the symptoms of something unusual having occurred in the excited faces of the jackies and in Ned's still heaving chest and flushed face, but he was too wise a man to inquire into something he had not witnessed with his own eyes. As it was, therefore, he simply contented himself by inquiring for Kennell. "With the gun crew," suggested one of the throng. "He won't be long," replied the boatswain's mate shortly and with a meaning look. "Why not?" asked old Tom, the privileged character. "Because, my boy, he has been relieved from duty in the forward turret and the two recruits put there in his place." "Phew!" whistled the jackies, as the boatswain's mate hurried forward on his quest. "Now look out for squalls!" CHAPTER XVIII. THE BOYS GET ACQUAINTED WITH BIG GUNS. Two days later the squadron sighted what at first seemed--to the boys, at least--to be a distant cloud of deeper blue than the surrounding sky. It floated on the southern horizon. "Cuba!" announced old Tom, who, with the boys, was standing on the fore deck in the "smoke time" succeeding the jackies' dinner. "How soon will we come to anchor?" inquired Herc. "About sundown," was the reply. "You boys are in for some strange sights and experiences down here." If Tom had been a prophet of old, he could not have spoken more truly. The boys were indeed "in for some strange experiences." That afternoon the gun crews were set to work on their various pieces of ordnance, and "dummy drill" was gone through again and again till the officers were hoarse with shouting commands. In the forward turret, Ned and Herc, the proudest bluejackets of all the _Manhattan's_ ship's company, were drilled again and again in their part of the gun-pointing and sighting performance. Just as in actual practice--only these were dummies--the projectile, shining and menacing, and the bags of make-believe smokeless powder were sent up from the magazines on the electric ammunition hoists. From these they were rapidly transferred by the gun crew, who used a sort of wooden trough in the process. "Like the hog troughs we put the mash in at home," mused Herc, as he laid hold of one of the six handles on the trough and did his best to fall into the rhythmic swing with which the men obeyed the sharp series of commands issued by the officer, who was Lieutenant Timmons himself. "Take up LOAD!" The projectile was laid in the trough almost as fast as it was shot up on the elevator. As the last echoes of the command rang sharply on the steel walls of the turret, the implement was reposing in its "bed." "Swing LOAD!" By this time the shining breech--as fine as the mechanism of a three-hundred-dollar stop watch--was swung open by the breech tender. It was then only the work of a second to flash the projectile into the glistening chamber. "Ram HOME!" With one quick movement, that seemed to occupy no longer period than the tick of a clock, the projectile was slid to its proper place by a long wooden rammer. All this time the gun pointer--Jim Cooper by name--alert, watchful as a mousing cat, was crouched on a little platform at the side of the gun, sighting an imaginary mark through a telescope affixed to the gun's side. The lens of this sight was marked with tiny, hairlike crosslines, affording the pointer the means of determining with almost unerring accuracy, the exact second at which the target and the gun were in line. In a heavy seaway, of course, or even in a moderate blow, the work of the gun pointer is much more complicated, as a dozen different elements and movements are at work to confuse and spoil his aim. Then came the powder charge. Several canvas bags appeared on the ammunition hoist. "More like flourbags than powder," thought Herc to himself, as he helped slap them into the carrying tray. "Ram HOME!" The powder was shoved in with the same flash-like rapidity that had marked the placing of the huge projectile. "Ready, sir!" The chief of the loading crew saluted. "Ready, Cooper?" "Aye, aye, sir!" "Close breech! FIRE!" The two commands seemed to be merged into one, so rapidly did they come. The boys and the rest of the crew sprang to the back of the turret and crouched low, as did the others as the command was given. The gun pointer came last of all, springing backward like an acrobat. As he did so there was a sharp click. The lieutenant in command had thrown the switch that ignited the priming spark. The mighty charge had been touched off--in imagination. The lieutenant looked at his watch, which he had held on his open palm while the crew worked. "Twenty-five seconds! Good work," he announced. "Do as well as that at battle practice, men, and we shall beat the _Idaho_ to rags--on speed, at all events." "And on targets, too," grimly remarked Cooper, wiping his nervous hands with a bundle of waste. This was the final practice of the afternoon, and the rest of the time was devoted to familiarizing the two young recruits with their duties about the turret. Both were quick pupils and had already studied something of gunnery at the Newport Training School, so that in a short time they thoroughly understood the theory of firing the big guns. With quick eyes both lads had noticed that the other twelve-inch gun--the Varian projectile hurler--had not been unhooded, and its grim breech was swathed mysteriously in waterproof coverings. It was in the breech that lay the complicated mechanism which made it possible to handle the terrific explosive power of Chaosite--at least, so the inventor hoped. As a final lesson, the boys were instructed in the elementary theory of gun pointing, a much too technical subject to enter into here. Herc was amazed when he took his place on the gun-pointer's little steel platform, to find that by handling a lever close to his right hand he could point the ponderous gun, weighing fifty-four tons, up or down as easily as he used to sight his little "twenty-two" when he went shooting "chucks" at home. "That great gun is balanced as delicately as a microscope," explained the lieutenant. "How do you get it in lateral range?" inquired Herc. For reply, the lieutenant indicated another lever. Herc touched it. Instantly the great turret itself began to quake, and then, with a soft rattling of cogs, commenced slowly to revolve. "Reverse it!" shouted the lieutenant. Herc pulled the lever in the other direction. As obediently as if it had understanding, the tons of triple-riveted steel which composed the shelter for the heaviest guns in the navy began to turn in the opposite direction. "Electricity," laughed the officer. "Electricity is the life-blood of the modern battleship. A vessel like this has a more complicated system of circulation than the human body. We eat by electricity, fire the guns by it, read by it, cook by it, coal by it, and----" "Fight by it, sir," put in Ned quietly, carried away by enthusiasm. The lieutenant gave him a quick look, as if to rebuke him for his forwardness; but the shining light in the boy's eyes showed the officer that, after all, it was real enthusiasm for the United States fighting ships that had incited Ned's remark. "Yes," he said quietly also, "and fight by it, too, Strong." This concluded the great-gun drill, and the boys and the crew of the forward turret joined the other tars assembled on the forward deck, awaiting the sounding of the supper call. All over the ship, down to the marine's little six-inch batteries, the same practice had been going forward. Already they felt set apart somewhat from their comrades, and proud in the thought that they were part of the fighting force that commanded the actions of the biggest guns in the fleet. That it really did confer a sort of distinction upon them was evidenced, too, by the increased cordiality with which their shipmates greeted them. "Hurray! we're on our way to be admirals," whispered Herc to Ned, as they passed among the groups of resting jackies, returning the running fire of joking and congratulation to which they were subjected on every hand. "Only a very little way," laughed Ned, "though I feel as proud as if that was my flagship yonder and I was entitled to fly the two-starred blue flag." He pointed to the van of the squadron--the big _Connecticut_--on which flew the flag of Rear-Admiral Gibbons. "If we do our duty as well as we can," he went on seriously, "we are just as important to the fleet as any of the officers or our superiors." "I guess that's right," agreed Herc. "At any rate, that's just what I heard the captain saying the other day to two men who had the misfortune to be my cellmates, and, by the way, that reminds me----" Herc drew Ned into a quiet niche--a hard place to find on the busy, crowded fore deck of the man-o'-war--and in whispers told him of the conversation he had overheard. "Ought we to tell the captain?" he concluded. Ned hesitated. "I don't think so. Not yet, at any rate," he decided after an interval of thought. "We shall have shore leave at Guantanamo, I understand, and we will employ it by keeping close on the track of those two fellows. Neither of them imagine we know their plans, so that we have that advantage, and we may be able to do something that will bring us really in the line for promotion. I wonder how Kennell got into it, though?" "I suppose the fact that he was familiar with the Varian gun, from his detail in the fore turret, had something to do with their bribing him," suggested Herc. "However, we may be on the eve of finding out." Destiny was holding big things in reserve for the Dreadnought Boys. CHAPTER XIX. IN THE MIDST OF PEACE. As the sun was sinking that night in a blaze of red and gold behind the green-bowered coast of Cuba, the boys, leaning over the starboard rail with hundreds of other white-uniformed jackies, saw a sudden signal broken out on the after signal halliards of the flagship. "Coming to an anchorage," exclaimed old Tom, as the string of gayly colored signal flags fluttered out. "There's Guantanamo yonder." He pointed to a huddle of red roofs set among tall palms. "The signal's for flying moorings!" exclaimed Herc, who, as well as Ned, had received a thorough schooling in signaling at the training school. "That's right," rejoined old Tom approvingly, "flying moorings it is." And now all became activity throughout the fleet. Aboard the _Manhattan_, and, indeed, on every other ship of the squadron, the most active bustle prevailed. Coming to "flying moorings" is one of the greatest tests of a captain's ability to handle his ship, and right well did every commander in that squadron of ten mighty fighting ships show that he was entitled to wear his uniform. Master's mates flew about among the crew of the _Manhattan_, and a shrill sound of piping arose as the men assigned to the various posts connected with dropping the vessel's "mud hooks" hastened to their stations. "Look close now! You are going to see something worth watching," said old Tom, as the crucial moment drew near. On the flagship ahead the lads saw motion suddenly cease, following a mighty splash as her huge anchor shot downward twenty fathoms or more, and her engines ceased revolving for the first time in many days. At the same instant the boys' hands instinctively flew to their caps in a prompt salute as Old Glory broke out on the rear-admiral's jackstaff and fluttered in the evening breeze, a sign that the ship was at anchor. On the bridge of the _Manhattan_, Captain Dunham, his officers in full uniform at his side and an attentive midshipman at his elbow, was watching his flagship anxiously. As she swung to her anchor a sharp command was barked out: "Slow down!" The middy's hand shoved the engine-room telegraph indicator over, and instantly the strong vibration of the engines began to diminish. It felt strange, this sudden cessation of a sound and motion that the boys had come to regard almost as second nature. "Let go the star-bo-ard an-chor!" "Aye, aye, sir!" shouted a watchful boatswain's mate, springing forward. Instantly a shrill screeching of whistles broke out, and with a mighty roar the great anchor of the _Manhattan_ shot from the cat-heads and plunged into the water. After it roared thirty fathoms of chain before the further screams of the pipes stopped the rapid "paying out" of the iron-linked cable. The _Manhattan_, her engines idle at last, came to an anchorage. "Caught her to the eighth of an inch, sir!" remarked Lieutenant-Commander Scott to his chief. Sailor-like pride wreathed the faces of every man on the bridge. The _Manhattan_ swung at anchor behind her flagship at precisely the same distance as she had steamed in column behind her all the long voyage from New York. It was a feat to be proud of, and called for a high degree of seamanship. Behind the _Manhattan_ the other vessels came to similar moorings, the Stars and Stripes fluttering out from the stern staff of each as the anchor touched the bottom. It was a sight to make the heart of a patriot beat proudly. Ten of the finest ships in the United States Navy swung at exact intervals in a perfect line. The flag of their country whipped out from the stern staff of each, as if in defiance of their country's foes. Hardly had the anchor of the _Iowa_, the last ship in line, dropped before from the flagship another signal was broken out. "Well done!" read Ned, studying the bright bits of bunting. "Congratulations to officers and men." A great cheer went up from the fore deck of the _Manhattan_, and its echoes went winging down the line of grim fighting craft and was caught up by ship after ship. At almost the same instant the sun dipped behind the coast hills, and the bugles began to sound the musical call of "Retreat." It was the boys' first opportunity to see the impressive ceremony of "colors," as the lowering of the flag on a man-o'-war is termed. The ceremony is not gone through at sea, and the boys had been below when it had been carried out in New York on their first night on board. Now they were to witness one of the most impressive ceremonies of the United States Navy. Division after division of the crew was formed in line and marched aft, in rhythmic tread, to the stern deck, on which stood Captain Dunham and a group of his officers in full uniform, the last rays of the sun glinting on their gold braid. The men stood facing the flag and grouped on each side of the deck. Their hands raised uniformly in salute to the flag as at the last notes of the bugle it slowly descended the staff. As it reached the deck, the band, stationed with their shining instruments on the starboard side of the ship, burst forth into the "Star-Spangled Banner." The eyes of every man on that deck shone as the emblem for which they were pledged to fight fluttered down and the band blared forth the inspiring strains of the national anthem. Their officers stood in a little group, bare-headed, the chaplain conspicuous among them in his plain braided garb. "First division, right about face!" The sharp command of the ensign in charge of that division broke the impressive silence. "March!" Division after division, the men melted away from the after deck and left the little group of officers standing chatting alone. In all their after years in the navy, the two Dreadnought Boys never forgot that ceremony. Its recollection remained with them long after the annoying incidents and trials of their first year of service had faded. There were three men in that crew, however, on whose hearts the solemn scene made no impression. These men were Carl Schultz, his friend Silas, and Ralph Kennell. In the breast of the latter dark feelings of hatred burned, and a keen sense of humiliation over his deposition from the forward turret rendered him oblivious to any better feelings. As the second division, in which all three were stationed, wheeled to return forward, their eyes met, and in them there flashed something that seemed more than a mere gleam of recognition. Was there actually more in the glance they exchanged than seemed to be the case? Was it a mutual sense that they were at the scene which was to be the theatre of their daring attempt? We shall see. As the Dreadnought Boys sat discussing the ceremony they had witnessed and earnestly talking over their plans and ambitions, they became aware that a hush had fallen over the fore deck and that a group of men were carrying something aft. With the other men, they pressed closer to see what the burden was, and were startled to hear a sudden groan. On the stretcher the men carried lay a bronze-faced jackie, his skin a deadly white under the brown. Drops of sweat--the moisture of agony--jetted his forehead as he was borne past on his way to the sick bay, where the surgeon and his assistants were already prepared to begin a battle for his life. "It's Bill Hudgins," ran the word among the jackies. "He was crushed badly when the cable caught him as we dropped anchor." Although the boys afterward had the pleasure of meeting Hudgins and congratulating him on his recovery, the incident taught them that even in times of peace there is peril to be faced on board a man-o'-war, and that it is the duty of Uncle Sam's fighters to meet it unflinchingly. After supper that night, while the men were still discussing poor Hudgins' mishap, the boatswain's mate--the same one who had received them on board--hastened up to Ned and Herc as they lay on the fore deck, gazing at the soft tropic stars, and announced: "It's an ill wind that blows nobody any good. Hudgins was signalman of the target officer's wherry. You boys go out in his place to-morrow." CHAPTER XX. HERC--A LIVING TARGET. To the keen disappointment of the boys, however, they found out the next day that they were not, as they had anticipated, to go together in the target officer's "wherry," as the small boat he used was called. Ned was to accompany the officer--a young ensign named Rousseau--while Herc was to take his place as acting signalman in one of the two big whale boats that were detailed to attend to the targets. The man who ordinarily undertook this duty being assigned to the signal post in the "flying bridge" of the flagship. Immediately after breakfast, the _Manhattan_, which was to have sole charge of the target-placing, lowered the three boats and one of her "steamers." The targets were set up on the floats already provided for them before the call for the first meal of the day sounded. These targets were huge sheets of canvas twenty feet high and twenty-five feet broad, which were to be towed to a distance of a mile and a half from the battle-practice ground and anchored. Each was marked into squares by thin lines, with a big square of black in the center for a bull's-eye. There were ten of them, and they were to be ranged in a line. The first test to be applied was firing by the flagship from anchorage. This was more to get the range than anything else. The real practice would come later, when the ships in column steamed past the targets, firing one after the other at designated marks. This was to be the real test of the fleet's gunnery, and one in which the men of the _Idaho_ felt confident they would again shine preëminent. The _Manhattan's_ gun crews, on the contrary, felt just as sure of capturing the scarlet "meat ball," the trophy of the fleet. The _Manhattan's_ steamer lay, with a full head of power, alongside the man-o'-war as Ned and Herc, with their signal flags, emerged from their quarters forward with the rest of the men assigned to placing the targets. The targets, as has been said, had already been set in place on the big collapsible scows which had been towed out from the shore during the night. Nothing remained but to tow them out and place them. The range would then be picked up as soon as Ned wig-wagged the ensign's signal to the flagship that all was ready. For this purpose, the commanders of the different vessels had been summoned by signal to appear on the _Connecticut_ that morning and take part in a "counsel of war" in the rear-admiral's cabin. As Ned clambered down the sea ladder after the ensign and took his place in the little boat he was to occupy, he saw, with a start of surprise, that among Herc's companions in the whaleboat were Carl Schultz, the black-browed Silas, and Kennell. He felt further misgivings as he took notice of the black glances Kennell cast at the unconscious Herc, who was far too engrossed in the excitement of his first real duty to pay any attention to his shipmates. Rapidly the boats were towed out to the spot selected for placing the first target, and Ned, with a telescope to his eye, anxiously watched the flagship for the signal to stop. At last he spied the expected flags fluttering up on the halliards and notified the ensign. "Make it so," rejoined that officer, and Ned rapidly "wig-wagged" that the signal had been seen and would be carried out. Herc, at the same moment, was standing in the stern of the whaleboat, doing the same thing. The first target anchored, the "steamer" towed her convoy to the next position, which was indicated by a signal from the flagship as the first had been. One after another the targets were anchored in position, and at last, about an hour before eight bells--noon--everything was ready for the range testing, and the signal recalling the steamer fluttered from the flagship. The whaleboat on which Herc was stationed was in command of a petty officer, as was the other small craft. The only commissioned officer assigned to the comparatively unimportant duty of target placing was, therefore, the ensign in the wherry in which Ned was posted as signalman. In this boat there was but one oarsman; however, he seemed to be plenty for the craft, which was a light one and rowed easily. One after another a final inspection was made of the targets, and after a thorough overhauling, all was pronounced ready for the tests to begin. To ascertain if all was in order, the ensign had his boat rowed up to each of the targets in turn. Ned, at his side, sent the signal that each was O. K. successively back to the flagship as they were examined. "Rather awkward, sir, if they were to fire at a target while we were standing on the scow," remarked Ned, as they stood on the undulating platform supporting the last screen of canvas. "Well, rather, Strong," laughed the ensign. "I imagine our earthly troubles would be over very shortly." "But if the shell passed above us, sir?" asked Ned respectfully, as he wanted to accumulate all the knowledge he could of gunnery. "The air currents generated by the high velocity of the shell would sweep anything within even ten feet of it to destruction," rejoined the ensign learnedly. "Of course," he added laughingly, "nobody has ever tested it, but I should imagine that the gases generated by such a projectile would poison anything that happened to be in the vicinity as it passed." Ned nodded thoughtfully. As they regained the wherry he gazed about him. The sea stretched sparklingly blue under the tropic skies as far as the eye could reach. Right ahead of them was extended the line of snowy targets, seeming huge enough at such close range, small as they appeared to the battleships a mile and a quarter off. In spite of the beauty of the scene and the glorious crispness of the sea air, Ned felt an oppression, the cause of which he himself would have found difficult to determine. "If I was superstitious, I should say that I had a premon--a premon---- Oh, I forget the word! But, anyhow, that I had a 'hunch' that something was going to happen," mused Ned to himself. But it was no time for musing. The whaleboats were beginning to back away to safe quarters before the firing commenced. At the ensign's command, the wherry followed them. "Give them the signal to go ahead, Strong!" ordered the ensign sharply at length, as they lay bobbing at some distance from the targets. The bronzed arms of the oarsman were motionless and his eyes were fixed intently on the far-off line of battleships. Ned stood erect in the stern of the plunging wherry. Awkward as the motion would have been to a landsman, to the Dreadnought Boy it was hardly noticeable. His brown arms dipped and rose, and with their motion the red signal flag cut arcs against the blue sky. Far off, on the bridge of the flagship, the lookout, gazing through his telescope, reported to the anxious group of officers that all was ready. Rapidly the word was passed to the port twelve-inch turret, it having been decided to use the big guns on test work. Boom! The report followed a flash of red flame. The battleship trembled to her keel plates as the sound reverberated. The shell sped screeching through the air. "Phsiw-is-s-s-s-s-s-s-s!" Straight for the end target it sped, and a second later the lookout, reading off Ned's wig-wagging signals, announced in a curt voice: "Bull's-eye, sir." A little chorus of congratulation followed among the officers. "That's the stuff!" murmured the ensigns and middies. "Excellent work," was the comment of their more dignified senior officers. "Signal whaleboat Number One to replace canvas," ordered the ensign, and Ned promptly transmitted the signal to the boat in which Herc was signalman. The red-headed lad answered his chum's signal promptly, and in a minute the double-ender was scooting through the water on its errand. The work of placing fresh canvas on the target did not consume long, and in a short time Herc, standing in the stern of the whaler, wig-wagged back to Ned that all was ready. "Number One whaleboat signals 'all ready,' sir," announced Ned. "Very well. Order them to pull away," said the ensign. Ned transmitted the order, and the men who had been holding the boat to the scow by their boathooks cast off hastily. Ned's attention was instantly turned to the ensign, awaiting fresh orders. Had it not been for that, he would have seen something transpiring on the whaleboat which would have filled him with rage. Kennell it was who had charge of the stern boathook. His station was on the small grating astern of the petty officer's seat. On this grating Herc, too, was standing. As the boat was shoved off, Herc felt his feet suddenly twitched from under him, and the next minute he toppled headlong into the sea. The crew of the boat, bending to their oars at top speed--for they knew that the deadly projectile would soon be winging toward them--apparently did not see what had occurred, and bent over their oars without a thought of Herc's peril. Kennell, with an evil grin on his hard features, clambered back into the boat with the look on his face of a man who has done a good day's work. At the speed at which the whaleboat was urged through the water, it was out of earshot by the time Herc rose to the surface. Indeed, the unexpected immersion had resulted in his swallowing so much water that he was unable to shout. Blowing a stream of water from his lips, he struck out for the nearest target, the one which had just been replaced. "I'll just camp there till they see me," he thought. A few strokes brought him alongside the float once more, and he scrambled up its wet sides, not without some difficulty. In fact, when he gained the flat upper surface of the target's support he was breathing heavily. The sea, too, had risen since they had rowed out, and one of those sudden squalls that are so common in the tropics was whirling in from seaward. Herc did not see this, however--the mighty screen of canvas behind him veiled it from the boy's view. The men in the boats had, however, spied the approaching bad weather, and orders were given to get up spray hoods in the bows of the craft. "Well," thought Herc, "I'm being rocked in the cradle of the deep with a vengeance. However, I get a little rest from that eternal wig-wagging. That's one comfort." Suddenly a thought struck him that sent a cold shiver down his spine. In his new-found security he had given no thought to a peril that now loomed imminent. He was seated on the float at which the flagship was firing. At any moment they might send another shot toward it, and then what would happen? "I'll signal them," thought Herc; but even as the thought entered his mind he recollected that as he had gone overboard the flags had gone with him. He was marooned on a floating target, with every prospect of having a twelve-inch shell come shrieking toward him at any moment. Suddenly Herc saw a string of flags hoisted on the flagship. Instinctively he knew what they meant. Ned, his cousin and chum, had signaled that all was ready, and the _Connecticut_ was about to open fire! Situated far to the rear of the target as they were, Herc knew that those in the boats had not sighted him, and unless he was missed from the Number One whaleboat, his doom was sealed. He could have screamed aloud with real terror at the peril of his situation. At almost the same instant his burning eyes saw a burst of flame suddenly flash from the side of the battleship. Herc's brain reeled. Already he could hear the scream of the shell, and in fancy saw his dismembered body flung in torn fragments before it. "Phsiwis-is-s-s-s-s-s-s-s-s!" The projectile shrieked nearer and nearer and passed like a thunderbolt through the target, ripping it from top to bottom with a vicious hiss. It plunged into the sea far beyond, ricocheting from wave to wave for two miles or more. But the float was empty of life. Herc had vanished. CHAPTER XXI. AFLOAT AND ASHORE. The petty officer in command of Number One whaleboat noted the effect of the shot and then looked about for Herc. As we know, the red-headed lad was not on board, nor did any inquiry among the crew bring a satisfactory explanation of his whereabouts. The men had seen him standing on the stern, and then had lost track of him. They had supposed that he was "somewhere on board," they said. Kennell alone volunteered an explanation. "He may have tumbled overboard, sir," he suggested. "I saw him standing up in the stern-sheets as I cast off with my boathook." "We must communicate with Ensign Rosseau at once," said the officer, greatly agitated. He knew that a searching investigation would follow the loss of a man, and he foresaw that he would appear in no very creditable light without any explanation to offer as to the manner in which Herc had vanished. [Illustration: The triangular fin was now close upon the lad.] Rapidly the whaleboat was rowed to the wherry, which "lay to" some distance away, with the Number Two whaleboat alongside. The tidings of Herc's loss were received with some anxiety by the ensign. He turned to Ned, whose face had gone white at the news, and asked curtly if Herc could swim. "Like a fish, sir," was Ned's rejoinder, although he had hard work to keep his lips from quivering at the thought of his friend's possible fate. "Then there is a chance that he can be saved yet," breathed the ensign; "give way for that float yonder. Strong, signal the news to the flagship and inform them that we are standing by." Ned, badly unnerved as he was, made the necessary signals, and received an order to "carry on" from the flag-ship. The two whaleboats and the wherry at once got under way for the target near which Herc had last been seen. Suddenly Ned gave a shout and pointed ahead. "Look, sir, look!" he cried. Not more than a hundred feet from them a rubicund object, which a second glance showed to be Herc's head, was bobbing about on the waves. But the water had by this time grown dark and oily-looking. The approaching squall would burst in all its fury in a few minutes. The work of saving the swimming lad must be accomplished within a brief few minutes, or not at all. "Hold on, my lad, we'll get you," hailed the ensign encouragingly, as the wherry drew closer and closer to the plucky boy. "Aye, aye, sir," hailed back Herc, expelling a thin stream of water from his lips and giving a cheerful grin; "but hurry up, for I've forgotten my lightning-rod, and it looks like thunder." But, just as Herc's easy rescue seemed a matter of certainty, the intentions of his saviors were interfered with in a startling fashion. It was Ned who saw the impending peril first. "Look! Look there!" he shouted. "What's that, sir?" "That" was a black, triangular object, moving through the water toward the unconscious Herc, who was treading water easily. The dark object came on at a rapid pace, the ripples parting on each side of it as it cut its way along. The ensign's reply to Ned's exclamation was a cry of alarm. "Give way!" he shouted. "We've got to get that man quickly, if at all." Ned looked his question. "It's a shark!" shot out the ensign, his face ashy-white and his lips sternly compressed; "these waters swarm with them." Ned was almost unnerved. The boat was still some feet from Herc, and the triangular fin was now close upon the lad. Suddenly its steady motion ceased, and it shot forward with a rush. At the same instant Herc perceived his peril, and gave one harrowing shriek, as he saw the terrible nature of the approaching peril. He swam desperately toward the boats, his countenance strained and lined with the effort and the horror under which he labored. "Crack!" The sharp bark of a service revolver sounded. "Crack! crack!" Again and again the reports reverberated, and the water behind Herc grew troubled and crimson. The fin vanished and only a small whirlpool remained to show where the mortally wounded shark had sunk slowly downward. In the stern of the wherry stood Ned, his face set and stern, and in his hand the navy revolver that had done the work. It was the ensign's weapon, which he had laid on the stern seat for his greater ease in moving about. Ned, casting about for some means of saving Herc, had suddenly spied it, and, on the impulse of the moment, had snatched it up and fired. "Well done, my lad," said the ensign in a voice that still trembled from the keen tension of the past few minutes. "Sir--I----" began Ned, somewhat alarmed, now that Herc was out of danger. He had committed what he knew must be a breach of discipline in seizing the officer's pistol. "You mean that it wasn't quite the thing to do to use my revolver," laughed the ensign. "My lad, I'm proud that it was put to such good service; glad that you were quick enough of wit to use it in the nick of time." A few moments later Herc was on board the wherry, and in reply to the eager questions of its occupants, gave them a brief account of his accident. He did not mention the fact that it was Kennell who had tripped him for the second time, however, saving that for Ned's private ear later on. Herc had his own ideas about getting even with the brutal blue-jacket. "When I saw that nothing could save me from being 'wiped out,' I stayed on the float," related Herc. "I recollected that I had felt an iron brace on its subsurface with my foot, as I clambered up on to it. "The minute I saw the signal, therefore, I dived and hung on to the brace under water till I felt sure the shell had passed. Then I came up to the surface, and the rest you know." "Thanks to your friend Strong, here," amended the ensign, "whose gallant conduct and presence of mind I mean to mention especially to Captain Dunham on our return to the ship. Had it not been for Strong's quick and sure aim, your adventure might have had a different termination, my man." And now the long-expected squall burst in leaden-colored fury. To the boys, who had never witnessed a tropical squall, its rage was amazing. The flag-ship, which had seen its approach, had already signaled the recall, and the boats were on their way back to the _Manhattan_ when the tempest broke. "Bale boat!" was the order transmitted through the little flotilla as the waves began to come climbing over the bows of the small craft and torrents of rain invaded them also. By the time the battleship's side was reached, however, the squall was over and the sun shining out brightly once more. "That's the suddenest thing I ever saw," gasped Ned to Herc, as they regained the deck of their five-million-dollar home, as Herc called the big Dreadnought. "It's not half as sudden as what's going to happen to a young party named Kennell before very long," grinned Herc meaningly. * * * * * Two nights later there was a brilliant scene at the Hotel del Gran Plaza, the principal hostelry of Guantanamo. The mayor and civic dignitaries of the town, together with the merchants of the place, were giving a dinner and reception to the officers of the squadron. During the time that had elapsed since Herc's rescue, the Dreadnought Boys had been participating in their capacity as two of the crew of the forward turret in battle practice. They had in that time become used to the big twelve-inch gun, and proved themselves capable of the responsibility and confidence vested in them by their officers. Well pleased with themselves, therefore, the two lads had come off the ship that evening for shore leave. They had employed much of their time in strolling about, buying souvenirs and post-cards--which have even invaded Cuba--and seeing the few sights the town had to offer. Being both temperate, clean-cut young fellows, the low drinking dens and other resorts of the place had no attraction for them, although they were well patronized by a number of the sailors. To the credit of Uncle Sam's navy, though, be it said that the keepers of such places are coming to look less and less to the wearers of naval uniforms for their profits. The man-o'-warsman of to-day is an ambitious young fellow. He is far too anxious to get ahead in his chosen profession to haunt places of foolish dissipation. "Say, Ned--moving pictures!" Herc nudged his companion, as the two stood in front of a brilliantly lighted building on the main street of the Cuban town. "We've got some time yet before the shore boats leave; let's take them in," suggested Ned. As this was just what Herc had been anxious to do, no time was lost in buying tickets and securing two seats well down in front, where the two boys had a clear view of every film as it was displayed. After the exhibition of two or three of the pictures, stories familiar in such places, the screen suddenly announced that the next picture was to be a series of views taken in the Joliet penitentiary, showing the various phases of convict life. A note explained that the pictures had been taken a few years before, prior to the wave of prison reform that had swept over the country. The first scene showed the interior of a basket-making shop, with the rows of stripe-clothed unfortunates at work on their monotonous tasks. One after another similar repulsive views were shown. "Say, let's get out of this--the air seems bad," breathed Ned at last. As he spoke a fresh view was thrown on the screen. It showed a group of life-prisoners at work in the prison-yard. Unlike the other pictures, this one exhibited the figures at more than life-size. In their exaggerated proportions every form showed up clear as print, and the features of each hard face could be as clearly defined as if the pictured subject was a living being. The boys had risen to leave, but a sudden exclamation from Herc brought them to a sudden halt. Angry murmurs in Spanish rose about the boys. "W-what's the matter?" asked Ned in an astonished voice, gazing about. "Come on, you chump, and let's get out of here. We're blocking the views of the Cubanolas, or whatever they call themselves; but before you go, look at the two center convicts in that picture. Who do they remind you of?" Herc's voice shook with excitement. Ned gazed a few seconds fixedly at the screen, while the angry hum of protest increased. "Seat-a down," came voices. "By the big horn-spoon, those two wearers of stripes are Carl Schultz and his pal, Silas, or I'm a Dutchman," sputtered Ned, as the two boys, having exhausted the patience of the audience seated behind them, beat a hasty retreat. CHAPTER XXII. A MYSTERIOUS DISAPPEARANCE. "You are sure of it, aren't you?" Herc asked the question as they gained the street. "Certain," replied Ned; "no mistaking that underhung jaw and heavy brow of friend Silas." "Or that lady-like simper of the rascal Schultz. Ned, I feel that we are on the verge of big discoveries." "Why?" "I don't know; it's in the air--like electricity." "Well, they'll have to hurry along--those big discoveries of yours, I mean," laughed Ned; "for it's ten-thirty now, and the shore boats will be at the float at eleven-thirty." "That's an hour," responded Herc, "and many a big battle has been fought and won in that time. By Hookey!" he broke off suddenly, "did you see those two fellows who just passed?" "I saw two rather fleshy men in evening clothes hurry by in the direction of the hotel. Why?" "Did you recognize them?" Ned laid a hand on Herc's shoulder and wheeled the red-headed Dreadnought Boy about. "Say, Herc, what's the matter with you to-night? You've got rememberitis, or some similar disease. Who are you going to recognize next?" "I don't know; likely to run into Gran'pa Zack, if this keeps up. Those two fellows were the same pair of worthies we yanked out of the seats that day in the subway." Herc chuckled at the recollection. "No?" "Yes." "The Pulsifer Gun people. The concern that sells American-made guns to foreign powers?" "That's right." "Are you sure?" "As certain as I am that the two figures in that convict picture were Silas and Schultz." "If that is the case, we might just trail after them a little way. There's little danger of their recognizing us. I don't imagine that they are here, while the fleet is on battle practice and trying out new guns, for any good or patriotic purpose." "That's just my idea. Anyhow, they are going toward the hotel where all that glare of light is. As we want to have a peep at the festivities anyway, we might as well kill two birds with one stone." "I agree with you. Come on." The two Dreadnought Boys wheeled about and began to follow the course taken by the red-faced, be-diamonded men they had last encountered so strangely in New York. As they had guessed, the pair they were shadowing went directly to the hotel--the front of which bore a brilliantly illuminated set-piece, formed of hundreds of red, white and blue incandescents, the whole forming a representation of the Stars and Stripes. Instinctively the two lads saluted the colors, and then passed up the broad wooden steps on to a capacious veranda. Through windows opening on to it they could see the long dinner-tables, at which, the meal concluded, officers and civilians now sat listening to the more or less complimentary speeches of the citizens and dignitaries of Guantanamo. "Looking at the big wigs, eh?" The boys turned. Behind them stood old Tom. The boys greeted him warmly. "Coming down the street? I want to buy a few gim-cracks for the kids at home." The lads shook their heads. For reasons of their own they were anxious to remain about the hotel till they caught a further glimpse of the two red-faced men. "I'll meet you here in half an hour then," suggested old Tom. And so it was agreed. The old man-o'-warsman hurried off and left the boys standing behind one of the big palms, with which the veranda was decorated, discussing in low tones their next move. But, as things turned out, it was not left to the boys to determine their actions of the immediate future. A door leading from the banquet-room suddenly opened, and through their leafy screen the boys spied the two red-faced men emerge. They were accompanied by a tall, distinguished-looking man, who wore a Van Dyke beard and was garbed in evening dress. He was smoking a cigar. As the voices of the three fell on their ears, the boys gave a start. One of the red-faced men had addressed their ill-matched companion as "Varian." The boys at the same instant recognized the inventor of Chaosite and the untried gun for handling the powerful explosive, from the picture they had seen of him in the papers. Eagerly Ned and Herc listened to catch the drift of their talk, but the three spoke in low tones. Suddenly in a heightened voice, however, one of the red-faced men suggested that they should seek the garden to smoke their cigars. "You will really enjoy seeing the grounds here, Varian, if you have not done so," said Dave Pulsifer persuasively; "and under this moon they are one of the most beautiful sights the tropics have to offer." "I should like it above all things, gentlemen," responded Varian cordially, "and in the coolness we can talk over the proposition you say you have to make." The three, chatting easily, passed down the steps and strolled down a smooth path which led round the corner of the hotel and into the tropical gardens, which reached for a considerable area behind it. "_The proposition you have to make._" The words rang in Ned's ears. Could it be possible that Henry Varian, whose invention was already pledged to the United States navy, was dealing with one of the foreign powers represented by the Pulsifers for its purchase? There was only one way to learn if the navy was dealing with a traitor. Ned decided in a flash to adopt it. "Come on, Herc," he whispered. "We've got to follow them and hear what they are talking about." "But we shall be eavesdropping," objected Herc. "Yes; _eavesdropping for the flag_," snapped Ned in a low, tense tone, as, with a swift glance about him, he dropped over the rail of the veranda and on to the soft ground beneath. He landed as noiselessly as a cat. Herc followed him, but was not so successful. In fact, as he struck the ground with a crash, he ejaculated: "Ouch!" in a loud, startled tone. Luckily a burst of applause from within, at some sentiment expressed by one of the speech-makers, drowned his exclamation. Ned, in an angry whisper, demanded to know what was the matter with his red-headed companion. "Gee whitakers! I dropped into a porcupine, I think," moaned Herc. "I feel like a human pin-cushion." Ned looked at his chum, and then, serious as was the situation, he could not help breaking into a low laugh. "Herc, you poor fellow, I'm sorry for you," he exclaimed. "You've tumbled into a cactus-bush." "Oh, is that it?" rejoined Herc. "Well, whatever it is, I can't walk till I get some of these stickers out of me. You go ahead, Ned, and I'll meet you here in half an hour when Tom gets back." And so it was agreed that Herc was to await Ned's return and employ the time in extracting what he called "stickers." "Good-bye, Herc," said Ned, under his breath, as he slipped off cautiously, avoiding moonlit spots and dodging along in the black shadows. "So long," muttered Herc, as he painfully made toward the hotel steps. "If ever I get these things out of me," he added to himself, "I'll never put a tack in any one's chair again. I know just how it feels now. I'm full of that tack-tus, or whatever you call it." With the aid of a grinning colored bell-boy, Herc soon got rid of most of his "bristles." By the time old Tom arrived at the appointed meeting-place he was comparatively comfortable once more. "Where's Ned?" demanded the old salt, gazing about him, as Herc greeted him. "Oh, he'll be here in a minute. He just went off to talk to some old friends--or rather acquaintances," responded Herc lightly. "He'll be here immediately or sooner." But Ned was not "here" in a few minutes or in many minutes. Impatiently the two--the Dreadnought Boy and the old blue-jacket--awaited his coming, but the lad did not appear. Eleven o'clock struck and no Ned. The quarter past the hour chimed on the hotel clock and jackies on their way to the boat-landing began to hurry by. But of Ned there had been no sign. CHAPTER XXIII. A JACKIE AGAINST WOLVES. Ned, gliding softly as a cat stalking a mouse, among the trees--choosing the shady spots to conceal his movements--soon came within earshot of the three men in whose conversation he was so deeply interested. The moonlight, as intense as it usually is in the tropics, flooded the beautiful grounds of the hotel, making checker-work patterns of black and white beneath the tropical growth. The Pulsifers and Mr. Varian were standing full in the center of a moonlight flooded opening as the Dreadnought Boy approached them. "Now, see here, Varian," the elder of the two Pulsifers was saying, "it's sheer madness for a man in your position to refuse our offer." "I confess that your knowledge of my 'position,' as you call it, puzzles me," rejoined the inventor of the most powerful explosive known, quizzically. Ned, crouching low in the dark shadow of a poinsettia bush, saw the inventor's face in the flood of silver light, and noted that a smile of disdain had curled his lips. "Come, come, Varian," urged the other Pulsifer, "let's talk as men to a man. You are not wealthy. You have spent most of what little fortune you had in perfecting Chaosite, until it has become, as it is to-day, the most terrible destructive agent known. As if this were not enough, you have invented a gun-breech of sufficient strength and elasticity to withstand the terrific pressure exerted by the gases liberated when a charge of your explosive is fired." The inventor nodded, still in the same mocking manner, at the flattering tone. He blew a big cloud of smoke from his cigar, but said nothing. Obviously he was waiting for the other to go on; while Pulsifer, for his part, appeared to be expecting speech of some sort from the inventor. Disappointed in this, he continued. "You have, as I said, done all these things--crowned your life, I might say--if I wished to be florid--with a magnificent flower of achievement, and what are you going to do with it?" Pulsifer paused impressively, and came closer to the unmoved inventor, who stood like a figure of stone. "I say, what are you going to do with your achievement? Fling it away on a notoriously ungrateful government. Waste it on a navy which will not repay you a thousandth part of the sum we are prepared to offer? The power we represent is apt to become involved in war at any moment. The situation in Europe is, as you know, an extremely ticklish one. A spark in the powder-barrel, and 'Woof!' there is an explosion!" "What you say may be, and undoubtedly is, true," remarked Varian coolly, "but was that what you brought me out here to tell me? You told me you had important business matters to discuss--a proposition to make." Ned's heart sank. Could it be possible that the inventor was contemplating the dastardly act of selling out his country? He listened with eager attention as the conversation went on. "Ah, now we are getting down to business," smiled the elder Pulsifer amiably; "we did bring you out here to make a proposition to you, and one that we flatter ourselves will interest you deeply." Varian bowed gravely, and seemed to wait for the other to continue. "If you sell out Uncle Sam, I'll knock you down if it's the last thing I do," muttered Ned to himself, clenching his capable fist menacingly. "You are interested, above all things, in the success of the Varian type of gun--handling the Varian explosive, are you not?" The elder Pulsifer was doing the talking now. From his earnest manner things were evidently coming to a climax. "Why, of course, that is obvious. It has been, as you said, my life work. Naturally, I wish to see its full fruition." "Exactly; and Pulsifer Brothers are going to help you. You have heard of Baron Von----" To Ned's disappointment, the elder Pulsifer's oily voice sank to a mere whisper, and the lad could not catch the name the gun manufacturer breathed. "Of course, he----" "Is at the present time in Washington. Ah, Mr. Varian, there is a genius. He is actually engaged, or reported to be--it serves his purpose just as well--to one of our wealthiest women, and yet all the time his wonderful mind is plotting, planning, scheming for his country. Of course, I tell you this under the pledge of secrecy we exacted from you before leaving the banquet hall?" "That goes without saying; but you were going to remark?" "That the baron," again the name was omitted, "came armed with letters to us, and we have consented to transact this business for him. I need scarcely tell you, after having promised this much--that the baron's mission to this country is to acquire the formula of Chaosite; and not only that, but to take back with him the blueprints and specifications of the Varian breech-block and explosion-absorbing machinery, without which the other would be useless." "The baron is here for that purpose?" The inventor seemed deeply interested. He thoughtfully inhaled long puffs of his cigar and expelled the smoke slowly. The Pulsifers were watching him narrowly, without seeming to do so. His attitude, it appeared, puzzled them as much as it did Ned, watching from his leafy bower. In the case of the Dreadnought Boy, however, his mind was practically made up. Varian was prepared to sell his secret to a foreign power--possibly for use against his own country. He was, or so Ned judged the situation, only awaiting the naming of a price. "Yes, Mr. Varian, I will not conceal anything from you. We will be perfectly frank," went on Pulsifer. "The baron is here solely for that purpose, cleverly as he has masked the object of his visit. He has declared through the papers that he is here to study our society and write a book about it. I need scarcely add that the humorous interviews with him printed in the New York dailies--which have made him appear in a clownish light--have aided his plans tremendously." "How long has this--this--baron been here?" "Oh, but a short time. But, as you will have gathered, he has not let the grass grow under his feet." "So it would seem," agreed Varian, with a curious, dry intonation. "As I was about to say, Mr. Varian, the government he represents is a power of the first class. It has unlimited money at its control. The financial resources at its command are unquestioned. The war into which it may shortly be plunged will undermine its credit, its home prestige and its colonial power if it is not brought to a successful conclusion. To win that war, which will be largely an affair of naval engagements, it will spare no expense to acquire the tools of victory. The baron, and we also, regard the Varian gun and Chaosite as an unbeatable combination. At the trials at the Sandy Hook proving grounds, the gun----" "But the trials were secret," protested the inventor. "Money will open any door," suavely rejoined the elder Pulsifer; "it is to our interest to keep abreast of the times; therefore, we made it our business to acquire--I need not insult your intelligence by saying by what means--a complete record of the three-day tests." "Your enterprise is only equalled by your resourcefulness," remarked the inventor. Again Ned noted in his voice that queer, dry intonation, as if he were trying to mask some other feeling. "Oh, yes," smiled the elder Pulsifer greasily, "we are very enterprising, Mr. Varian." He fumbled in his pocket and drew out a paper. "Let me read you some of the gun's performances, and you can judge if I am speaking the truth or not. On Monday, April the 25th, target at two miles, wind thirty miles, weather clear: The first shot at nine forty-five scored a bulls-eye; but, the charge being light, three hundred pounds only, the projectile did not----" "Enough," snapped the inventor. "I see that you had some one there. It is getting late, gentlemen, and if you will come to the point, I shall feel vastly obliged." "Ah," exclaimed the elder Pulsifer, rubbing his bediamonded hands till they flashed and sparkled in the moonlight, "you are as anxious as we to conclude the negotiations. Well, to put the matter in a nutshell, Mr. Varian, we are authorized by the baron to offer you----" Ned's heart beat so loud and fast that he half-unconsciously placed his hand over it, as if he could in that way dull its sound. "Five hundred thousand dollars for the plans, specifications and formula." "Five hundred thousand, why, gentlemen, I----" "And a royalty which can be arranged later to suit your own terms," the younger Pulsifer hastened to add. "Look out, Hank Varian," Ned muttered to himself, as the inventor hesitated, or seemed to, "you are nearer getting a punch on your nose right now than you ever were before, you double-dyed traitor." "It is a very generous offer," rejoined the inventor, "but----" Again the Pulsifers interrupted him. "We are authorized, I may say," added the elder one, "to make the sum eight hundred thousand----" "Or more," put in his younger brother. "Eight hundred thousand dollars," mused the inventor in a quiet tone; "why, the government you act for must be made of money." "They are generous when they have determined to get a thing," smiled the elder Pulsifer, "and they have determined to get the Varian inventions. After all, you see, you can withdraw gracefully from negotiations with Washington. Nothing has been actually accomplished yet, and as matters have only reached an experimental stage nobody is compromised." "See here, gentlemen," asked Varian suddenly, as if his mind had been fixed on this question all the time Pulsifer had been speaking, "how much money has this government got to spend in cold cash?" "Why, my dear sir, what a question----" "Answer me!" "Well, if you must know--though it is wholly foreign to our discussion--I suppose they could raise a war fund to-morrow of seventy million dollars, to be raised by loans to a billion dollars and a half." "They could do all this in two days?" "Undoubtedly." "Well, you go back to your baron and tell him that if his government worked for ninety days and raised ninety times ninety millions _they would still be a million miles away from buying Henry Varian to betray his government_!" "You are insane!" The elder Pulsifer's fat face quivered, while his brother's already red visage deepened in color to an angry crimson. "No; not insane, gentlemen," quietly replied the inventor. "It is you who must be that for imagining for a moment that I would set a price for selling out Uncle Sam." "Hurray!" breathed Ned from behind his bush; "it's the Pulsifers I'm aching, twitching, dying to get a slam at now." "So, then, you have been trying to draw us out!" shouted the elder Pulsifer, beside himself with fury at the unexpected turn of affairs. "You have led us on, you cur, you sneak, you hound, you----" Smack! The inventor's palm shot out and struck Pulsifer's fat face a stinging blow. In the moonlight Ned could see a dark, angry patch appear where it had struck. The younger Pulsifer made a leap for the inventor as the blow resounded. The Dreadnought Boy saw something glitter in his hand as he leaped forward. It was a revolver that the would-be briber had drawn. At the same instant, and just as Ned was about to spring forward, the elder man drew from his coat-tail pocket a silver whistle. He placed it to his lips and blew a shrill blast. Simultaneously four dark forms leaped from behind a sort of summer-house shrouded in creepers, and flung themselves on the inventor. They bore him to the ground, as the Dreadnought Boy, with a loud shout of: "Stand clear!" dashed from his place of concealment. CHAPTER XXIV. IN THE PULSIFERS' HANDS. Sinewy and well-muscled as he was, Ned realized a moment later that he was in for such a battle against odds as he had never fought before. Hardly had he made his unexpected appearance and bowled the astonished younger Pulsifer over with a well-directed blow of his fist, before one of the quartet that had downed Mr. Varian sprang upon the lad and gripped him in a strong-armed embrace. As they swayed back and forth, Ned saw the fellow's features as the two emerged into a patch of moonlight. His astonishment almost caused him to lose his advantageous grip. "Hank Harkins!" he gasped. "Yes, Hank Harkins; and this is the time I even up old scores," grated the other, through his close-set teeth. "Not while I've got two arms," grunted Ned, striving to overset the other. But, as he felt Hank's body bend back and his sinews crack, two of the other men flung themselves on the Dreadnought Boy from behind. A few brief seconds later, Ned, borne down by overwhelming numbers, was a prisoner. Even as he fell he recognized the two who had come to Hank's aid as Carl Schultz and Ralph Kennell. "This is the kind of work I should have expected to find you taking part in," sneered Ned, as he lay on his back, his arms and legs pinioned by Hank and Carl Schultz and Kennell's evil face glaring down into his. "It's the kind of work you'll have no reason to like," grinned Hank meaningly. "I fancy that we'll be able to even up things now." Ned disdained to answer the fellow, and returned his threats with a stare of cold contempt. The next instant he set up a shout, which was instantly choked back by a rough hand on his throat. Kennell it was who had compressed the Dreadnought Boy's windpipe till breathing became painful. "Your handkerchief--quick!" Kennell ordered Schultz. The graceful Schultz brought out a scented piece of linen. "Now, younker, open your mouth again," ordered Kennell, taking his hand from Ned's throat. Ned set his teeth firmly, however. Kennell, beside himself with fury, struck him a cowardly blow across the face with his clenched fist. Still Ned's mouth was locked. The blue-jacket, seeing that it would take too long to force Ned's lips open in that way, then seized hold of the lad's nose, compressing the nostrils. In a short time Ned was compelled to open his mouth to breathe and the handkerchief was then thrust in between his teeth, making an effectual gag. The Dreadnought Boy was then rudely yanked to his feet. As he stood upright, he noticed a faint, sickly smell in the air. Chloroform! The inventor's figure, white-faced and outstretched as though in a deep sleep, lay a few paces away. His stupor showed to what purpose the drug had been put. "He'll give us no more bother," grinned Pulsifer, nodding in the direction of the recumbent inventor, over whom the scowling Silas stood guard. "Got any left for the kid, if he gets mussy?" inquired Kennell. "No, confound it," muttered the younger Pulsifer; "the stuff upset and spilled on the grass." "I should say it did. The place smells like a medical college," commented Kennell. "Now, guv'nor, where's the gasoline gig?" "Two of you fellows pick up Varian," ordered Pulsifer, "and follow me. Kennell, you take care of the boy--wherever he came from. Tie his hands. The rig is right outside the rear gate of the grounds." Ned, helpless as he was, had no recourse but to obey Kennell's rough order to "Look alive." In the meantime the traitorous Silas roped the lad's hands. In a few minutes they reached the back gate. Outside it stood a powerful touring car. There was a lamp on the rear gate, and Pulsifer, as he went by, reached up to turn it out. "The less light we have, the better. No knowing who is skulking around," he remarked. As he straightened up to reach the lamp, however, his eyes fell on Ned, whose face was illumined momentarily by the light. Pulsifer gave an exclamation of delight. "Look who's here, Dave," he cried exultingly; "little Johnny Fixit. Don't you remember him?" "Why," exclaimed the elder Pulsifer, "that's one of the rowdy kids who tried to get us out of our seats on the subway." "Tried to," thought Ned; "I guess we came pretty near doing it." "Oh, this is luck," grinned the younger Pulsifer; "talk about killing two birds with one stone. We'll attend to you, my young friend--you dirty young spy. We'll put you where what you overheard to-night will do you no more good than--this." He stepped lightly forward and deliberately struck the Dreadnought Boy an open-handed slap on the cheek. Ned's hands struggled with the rope that Kennell had twisted about his wrists. He palpitated, ached, and longed with a superhuman intensity, to get at the younger Pulsifer, and beat his sneering face into an unrecognizable mass. It was a lucky thing for that young man that Kennell had tied his knots with sailor-like thoroughness. In a few minutes--by the time they had been bundled into the tonneau of the machine, in fact--Ned was once more calm. He recognized the stern necessity for keeping absolutely cool. On the seat beside him in the tonneau lay the senseless form of the inventor. As a guard, Kennell, Schultz and Hank were seated also in that part of the car. Dave Pulsifer took the wheel and his brother sat at his side. Silas, the heavy-browed, occupied the small extension-seat at the elder Pulsifer's side. With the engine muffled down, till it made scarcely any noise, the car glided off into the night, leaving behind it what Ned could not help feeling was the last hope of rescue. As the wheels began to revolve, Dave Pulsifer leaned back, and, with one hand, extended to Kennell a revolver. "If our guests should object to our little surprise party and moonlight ride, just give them a leaden pill," he suggested pleasantly. "Say, guv'nor, it would be pretty dangerous firing off a gun at this time of night, wouldn't it? It might bring the alligator-zills, or whatever they call these Cuban cops, about our ears, mightn't it?" The younger Pulsifer laughed lightly. "No danger of that," he said. "In ten minutes now we'll be out in a desolate part of the country, inhabited only by a few cattle-grazers, and they've got too much horse-sense to inquire into a casual shot. So don't hesitate to pepper away if our guests get obstreperous." A few minutes later the car began to bound forward, the elder Pulsifer "opening her up," as they drew out of the few scattered huts on the outskirts of the town. They emerged into an arid, stony region, fringed with low, barren hills, clothed with scanty vegetation. Huge cacti stood up weirdly, like tombstones in the moonlight, and a few half-starved cattle plunged off to both sides of the track as the car sped along. So far as _one_ of the prisoners becoming obstreperous was concerned, there was no danger, or immediate danger, at any rate. Henry Varian lay like one dead, with his face of a marble whiteness, in the cold moonlight. "Say, the guv'nor must have given him a pretty heavy dose," muttered Kennell, bending over the inventor and feeling his heart. "I hope he hasn't overdone it." "What's the difference?" inquired the soft-voiced Carl, in a casual way. "We find plendy of places alretty vere ve get rid off him if he dond come back." "I don't know. I don't care much about taking such chances," muttered Kennell; "killing a man is bad business. I should think you and Silas would realize that, after your escape----" "Hush! der boy hear!" warned Schultz, holding up a thin, white hand. Kennell subsided with a growl of "what's the difference," but said no more, to Ned's intense disappointment. It was no trick of their eyesight, then, when the two Dreadnought Boys had recognized in the two pictured convicts, at the biograph exhibition, their two dastardly shipmates. Moreover, it seemed, from what Kennell had let drop, that both men were jail-breakers. Revolving this in his mind, Ned saw the cunningness of the two men's movements, if they had actually escaped from Joliet. What less likely place to find an escaped prisoner than in the United States navy? They must have forged papers of recommendation and character, and thus tricked the careful authorities. In fact, Ned learned later that this was the case. On and on droned the car, speeding through the same monotonous moonlit wastes of hills and scrub-grass--with here and there the gaunt form of a tall royal palm--as it had encountered on leaving the scattered outskirts of the town. All the time Ned had been working feverishly, but quietly, at his bonds, and now he began to feel what at first he scarcely dared believe--the ropes were becoming slightly loosened. In ten minutes more he had stretched the new rope, of which the thongs were made, till he could slip them off by dint of rubbing them against the cushion at his back. His mind was made up as to what he would do the instant he found himself at liberty to make his escape. He would drop from the car and trust to luck to get away. The surface of the hills was rough and creased with numerous deep gullies. If he could get into one of these, it would be impossible for the auto to follow, and on foot--well, Ned had a few records for sprinting behind him, and he was confident he could outdistance any one of the occupants of the car. He looked about him. The car was at this moment passing quite near to one of the arroyos--as they are called in our West--that Ned had noted. Kennell, his eyes half-closed, was hunched in a doze, the pistol in his lap. Carl Schultz and Hank Harkins were talking in low tones. Not a single one of them was watching the Dreadnought Boy. The moment to carry out his plan, if he was to put it into execution at all, had arrived. With a quick move, Ned slipped off his thongs, and sprang to his feet. Before any one of the occupants of the tonneau knew what was happening he was out of the auto and sprinting, as he had never sprinted before for the friendly darkness of the gully. Angry shouts instantly broke out. The gully seemed farther than Ned had judged. He had gained its edge, and, with a grateful prayer, was about to slide over into security, when he felt a sharp twinge in his right calf. At the same moment he heard the sharp crack of a revolver behind him. Nobody had ever accused Kennell of being a bad shot, and he had aimed true this time. Ned doubled up. He was halted by unbearable pain. In another instant his pursuers had seized him with exulting cries. CHAPTER XXV. THREE MINUTES OF LIFE. Before the first sharp sting of the wound that had halted the Dreadnought Boy had subsided, Ned found himself once more a prisoner. He had torn the gag from his mouth as he ran; but he made no effort to shout, knowing that it would do no good in that desolate region. He calmly submitted to being rebound, this time his legs also being tied tightly. "We'll take no further chances with you, my young rooster," commented Kennell, as he made a double half-hitch on Ned's leg thongs; "but you were a greeny to think you could get away as long as Ralph Kennell could hold a gun." Although the wound in his leg gave him acute pain, Ned was pretty sure it was only a flesh one, and had not shattered the bone; for which he felt thankful. Ned was made of that kind of stuff that never gives up hope, and, even in the desperate position in which he now was, he yet decided to make the best of it and watch for any chance that might present itself to extricate himself. "Come on, come on," growled the elder Pulsifer, as Ned was once more hustled roughly into the tonneau of the machine. "We can't waste all night on that cub. Silas and Carl told us that you were a good fast worker. We're not paying you to take all night over it." "All right, guv'nor; keep your shirt on," rejoined Kennell; "let her rip. We've got him hog-tied now, all right." Not long after, the auto shot into a dark, shadowed cañon, which seemed to bisect the range of rugged hills, and came to a halt on the other side. The stop was made before a small house, built in the native style, in front of which stood a row of royal palms. "Home, sweet home," grinned Kennell, with grim humor; "come on, younker, pile out, there." Ned almost yelled with pain as he straightened up on his injured leg, and Kennell, noticing him wince, gave a loud, brutal laugh. "Hamstrung, by the great bow-gun!" he exclaimed. "I guess you'll give us no more trouble." To Ned's relief, for he had almost begun to share Kennell's belief that Varian had been over-drugged, the inventor had opened his eyes a few moments before they reached the hut, and murmured feebly. His words lacked sense, however, under the influence of the drug as he still was. "Bring them both into the front room," ordered the elder Pulsifer, as he climbed down from the driver's seat. The "front room," it transpired, was a sparsely furnished apartment, containing a table and two or three chairs, and nothing else. The floors were bare and of polished wood after the manner of the country. Ned guessed that the place was occupied only temporarily by the Pulsifers as a quiet spot in which they could meet their agents, secure from outside observation. The fact that they had brought an auto to this part of Cuba, where horses are mostly used, lent color to this supposition. Dave Pulsifer's first act was to light a lamp, which he placed on the table; his second, to ignite a cigar, and his next to offer a chair to the white and shaky inventor. "Sit down, Varian," he said. "We don't wish to injure you, or hurt you unless we have to; but, as you wouldn't talk business over quietly, we have had to adopt these means of bringing you to terms." Glad enough of a chance to rest, Mr. Varian slipped wearily into the offered chair. Ned was shoved along by Kennell till he stood behind the inventor with Kennell close at his elbow. Since his frustrated escape, the wretches who held him captive were taking no chances of another runaway. Schultz, Silas, and Hank Harkins stood behind the younger Pulsifer, who had now joined his brother at the opposite side of the table to that at which Mr. Varian's chair had been placed. Before the younger of the worthy pair of brothers lay a revolver convenient to his hand. As he regarded Mr. Varian intently, his jeweled fingers played with its butt suggestively. The inventor made no reply to the elder Pulsifer's remarks, and the foreign agent--as he now stood revealed--continued in a sharp tone. This time he came right to the point. "Varian, we need not beat about the bush now. We want those plans and the formula." "I have not got them," replied the inventor, in a low, shaky voice. "You lie!" It was a sure indication of Mr. Varian's pitiable condition that he made no move or spoke no word at the insult. "You searched my pockets before you forced that stuff over my face," he breathed. "You know that I have not got them." "Again I say you lie. You were consulting with Captain Dunham, of the Dreadnought _Manhattan_, earlier this evening. You were seen to show him the papers, and explain some of the points of the test which is to be made of your gun shortly. Come, we don't want to be unnecessarily rough with you. Are you going to give the papers up?" "No!" The answer snapped out like the crack of a whip. Ned noted with satisfaction that the inventor's former fire and decision seemed to be returning. "Then we must search you. Men----" The elder Pulsifer pointed to the inventor, while the younger covered him with the revolver. One of the latter's bediamonded fingers was crooked on the trigger as if he longed to pull it. Instantly Carl Schultz, Silas and Hank, who had all three started forward at the command, seized and held Mr. Varian tightly, while the younger Pulsifer, still with his revolver in hand, tapped the inventor's coat to find the hiding-place of the papers. "Ah!" he exclaimed suddenly, with a cry of triumph. A crisp, crackling sound had rewarded his search. An instant later, from a secret pocket in the inventor's coat, he had drawn forth a flat bundle of papers. The two Pulsifers, their eyes shining greedily, scanned them closely beneath the lamp, and then uttered what was a perfect howl of baffled rage. The blueprints of the breech-block, without which the gun would be useless and the formula so much waste-paper, were not there. "Look here, Varian," snarled the elder Pulsifer, "we've been pretty lenient with you, so far. We intend to be so no longer. Where are those blueprints?" "Where you will never get them," bravely replied the inventor. "You are overconfident, my friend," sneered the elder Pulsifer. "We not only will get them, but by your own lips you will tell us where to go to acquire them." If the faces of the Pulsifers had borne an evil look before, they became as avid as those of vultures now. The inventor, who was fast overcoming the effects of the drug, folded his arms defiantly, his captors having released him when the search was given up by the younger Pulsifer. "Bind him!" The command was snapped out by the elder of the brothers. Instantly the three hired rascals who had held him before pounced on the inventor, and roped him tightly in the chair. Resistance was useless, and the inventor submitted to the ordeal with an unflinching countenance. "Now, then, Varian, have you changed your mind?" "Not yet; and I never shall if you wish to know, Dave Pulsifer." "Very well. We have tried fair means, now we'll adopt other tactics." The Pulsifers whispered together a few minutes, and then the younger brother left the room. He returned with a fair-sized keg, which seemed to be heavy. This he placed in a corner of the room. "What on earth are they going to do?" Ned wondered to himself. He was not to be left long in doubt. The younger Pulsifer's next move was to open a cupboard in one corner of the room and produce a short length of candle. He eyed this critically and then produced a silver match-box. A tense silence hung over the room, as the flabby-faced Pulsifer moved about making these preparations. Both Mr. Varian and Ned eyed him with close attention. They felt that somehow or other, incomprehensible as these preparations were, that they boded no good to themselves. The younger Pulsifer lit the candle and then turned to the two captives with a smile. "This candle will burn, roughly speaking, for five minutes," he said. "I am going to place it in this barrel of powder. The stuff is not as powerful as Chaosite, but it will serve the purpose," he added, with a side glance at the inventor. As he spoke, the wretch ripped off the wooden heading of the barrel, which had already been loosened, and placed the candle upright on its contents. This done, he once more turned to the inventor. "_Now_, will you tell us where those blueprints are, and give us an order for them?" he snarled. "Not in the longest day you ever lived," replied the inventor firmly. "Good for you," shouted Ned; "if we are to go to the bottom we'll go down with colors flying, Mr. Varian." "That's right, my boy; spoken like a true jackie of Uncle Sam," said the inventor approvingly. "Very fine, heroic and melodramatic," sneered Dave Pulsifer, "but think a moment, Henry Varian. That candle is getting shorter. In a few seconds we shall withdraw, not wishing to be present at the final act of the tragedy. Think of your wife and children----" This time the inventor groaned, but an instant later recovered himself. "I would rather leave them the memory of a loyal citizen and American, than give them the companionship of a coward and a traitor," he replied. "More heroics; really, Varian, if you were going to live, you might tackle a melodrama with good success. Come on, boys. Two minutes of time are up. In three minutes more this place and those in it will be blown to pieces. Good-night and--good-by, Varian, and you too, you spying, sneaking, informing cub. If you relent, Varian, shout loud, and we shall hear you." With this bitter fling at the Dreadnought Boy, the Pulsifers and their evil companions withdrew, Hank Harkins pausing at the door to remark: "I guess I'm on top now, Ned Strong." Ned disdained to reply, but, instead, as the door closed behind the men who had planned such a refinement of cruelty, he fixed his eyes on the candle in the barrel. Pulsifer had taken the lamp when he and the others withdrew. The light of the waxen illuminant, that was rapidly growing shorter and nearer to the powder, was the only radiance in the room. "In three minutes," Pulsifer had said. Ned's eyes regarded the flickering candle with a look of despair. It grew lower and flickered. One more such wavering of its steady flame and the end must come. CHAPTER XXVI. A BLUFF CALLED. Ned cast his eyes despairingly this way and that, in the hope of spying something that might promise even a faint hope of salvation. "Ned," it was the inventor's voice; but it sounded faint and far off, "shall I call out?" "And betray your trust--no, sir!" "Thank you; I thought you would say that. There is no chance of our getting away?" "Not a loophole that I can see, sir." "So be it. The explosion must come in a few seconds now, and all will be over." The inventor bowed his head. Ned's brain worked as it had never worked before, but, think as he would, he could not contrive any avenue of escape. "If only I could work these ropes loose; if only they'd left the lamp--I'd have risked knocking it over and burning them off. If only----" The boy came to a sudden stop. On the floor by the table he had espied a small, gleaming point of fire--the burning stub of a cigar, carelessly thrown aside by one of the Pulsifers. They smoked only the best of cigars and the weed burned red and strong. To Ned its spark rekindled hope. That tiny glow meant perhaps life and freedom. Without an instant's delay, he threw himself on the floor, for, bound as he was, he could not bend or move. Otherwise he would have taken a chance on burning through his thongs at the candle in the powder keg. The Dreadnought Boy rolled himself toward the burning cigar butt. Mr. Varian watched him wonderingly, but made no comment. He realized that the boy had found what he thought was a way of escape. Ned placed his mouth alongside the cigar, and after some difficulty got it between his teeth. He took a few sharp puffs, as he had seen smokers do, although the rank taste of the tobacco sickened him. It was Ned's first and last smoke. With the end of the cigar now blazing redly, he was ready for the next step. Dropping the "weed," he wriggled along the floor till he had brought his bound wrists up to the red end. Then he pressed the rope down on the glowing tobacco, with a silent prayer that he might be in time. A smell of burning rope filled the air. A second later Ned Strong, his hands free, uttered a low cry of triumph. He had won the first step of the desperate fight for liberty. Rapidly, with his freed hands, he felt in his pockets. His captors had forgotten--or, as was more probable, had not deemed it worth while--to search him. His jackknife was in his pocket. To sever his leg bonds was the work of two quick slashes. In his excitement the pain of his leg was forgotten. All that the Dreadnought Boy knew was that he had a fighting chance. Hastily he stepped up to the powder barrel and prepared to pluck out the candle. This was risky work. Not only might the Pulsifers or some of their gang be on the lookout, but he might, in his haste, spill a spark which would blow both himself and the inventor sky high. As he reached the side of the keg, however, Ned's first utterance was a gasp of surprise and then a low laugh. "Bluffed!" The exclamation came sharply as he plucked out the candle and threw it to the floor. Luckily it did not go out, for the next instant he realized that he would have to use its light. Hastily he made his way to the inventor's side. A few quick slashes of the knife, and Mr. Varian stood free, words of gratitude on his lips and a light of admiration in his eyes. Ned hastily checked the other's words. "Time for action now, sir," he said briskly. "Can you run an auto?" "Can you tie a running bowline?" smiled the inventor, who now seemed as cool as ice. Ned grinned appreciatively. If all went well, the next step of his hastily contrived plan of escape could be carried out. "One moment, sir," begged Ned, as the inventor whispered: "What next?" The boy was over at the side of the keg and rummaging there, it seemed. "For Heaven's sake, don't waste time on that, my lad," urged the inventor. "Let us make a dash for it. Those men may be near at hand." "All in good time, sir; but I want to cinch these rascals if we can and cinch them good and tight!" "But why waste time on that powder barrel?" "Powder barrel nothing---- I mean, it's not a powder barrel, sir." "What?" "That's right. Look here!" Ned held up a handful of papers which he had extracted from the keg. "When I said 'bluffed' just now, that's what I meant. But, Mr. Varian, we've called their bluff with these!" "These" were papers which seemed to be maps of different places carefully marked and figured, and other diagrams of different kinds. "What are they?" "As well as I can see, sir, material to forge steel chains on those rascals who brought us here. They appear to be plans of United States ports and details of our harbor defenses. But we've no time to look them over now. Come, sir!" The lad stuffed the papers in his blouse. He had noticed with his keen eyes that few things escaped, that the Pulsifers had not locked the front door when they entered their hut. He now flung it open, and, a second later, he and the inventor stood under the open starlight, their hearts leaping excitedly. In front of the door, a dark shadow in the gloom that had set in following the sinking of the moon, was the automobile. A little gasoline, and more than a little good luck, was all that lay between them and safety. "Crank her up, sir. I'll stand guard here," breathed Ned. The inventor bent over the front of the machine and jerked the cranking handle over. There was no explosion. Again he turned it, without result. "We'll have to hurry, sir, or else run for it," warned Ned. "Hark!" Inside the house they could hear trampling of feet. Evidently Pulsifer and his brother had decided that their "bluff" would have burned itself out by this time, and were returning to the room in which they confidently supposed their helpless victims were lying in agony of mind. "We'll have to try them another way, since they have withstood the ordeal of powder," Ned heard the elder Pulsifer's heavy voice boom out, half-amusedly, as the inner door of the room banged open. At the same instant there came a low "chug" from the motor. "Speed up that spark," ordered the laboring inventor. "No, not that lever. There, that little attachment on the wheel. That's it." Chug-chug-chug! "Hurray! that did the trick!" shouted Mr. Varian, forgetting his dignity in the excitement of the moment. As he spoke, from inside the house they heard, above the roar of the now awakened motor, the shouts of dismay with which Pulsifer and his mercenaries greeted their discovery that their "birds had flown." "They can't be far off!" Ned heard the heavy voice boom out. "Scatter, boys! After them! One hundred dollars to the lad who bags the first one!" The front door burst open and out rushed the men who a few minutes ago had been so confident of bluffing out one of Uncle Sam's sailors and one of his brainiest citizens. "There they are!" yelled Pulsifer, as his eyes lit on the two figures as they lightly swung into the auto. "Don't let them get away! Five hundred dollars if you stop them!" "Shoot 'em down!" bawled the shrill tones of Schultz. As the inventor opened up the motor and threw in the clutch several dark figures leaped in front of the machine, and one jumped on to the seat beside Ned. This last figure--it was that of Kennell--raised a knife high and then brought it down with a vicious swoop. The blade seemed to strike full at Ned's heart. The inventor gave a cry of dismay. But at the same instant, like a thing instinct with life, the car leaped forward. "Stand from under!" bawled the inventor, as he threw in the third-speed clutch. Ned saw the figures of Schultz and Hank Harkins flung aside by the wheels and go rolling down the steep hillside. At the same time he drew back his fist and sent it crashing into Kennell's face. The knife fell clattering twenty feet away, as the treacherous bluejacket, with a howl of alarm, fell backward. "Take that from Herc Taylor!" shouted Ned. Forward into the darkness plunged the car, leaping and rolling over the rough road. "Hurt, Ned?" It was the inventor speaking. His voice was anxious. Already the shouts and cries behind them were dying out. "No, sir, why?" "That blow with the knife. I thought it would have killed you." "Well, it might have, sir, but for _this_. I carried it for a luck piece, and I guess it's earned its name!" The Dreadnought Boy held up a tiny silver coin. It had a big dent in it, where Kennell's blade had been turned. It was old Zack's parting present, the Canadian dime. CHAPTER XXVII. A STRANGE RETURN. "You say Seaman Strong made his way after the men you suspected, and that was the last you saw of him?" Rear-Admiral Gibbons, Captain Dunham and several other officers were seated in a room on the lower floor of the hotel at which the banquet that had ended so disastrously for the inventor, Varian, had taken place. Herc shifted uneasily on his feet. He felt alarmed before this glittering court of inquiry that had convened as soon as it became apparent that the absence of Henry Varian, discovered shortly before midnight, was no mere accident. "Yes, sir," he replied to Captain Dunham, who had put the question. "Can it be possible that the man Strong was in league with the miscreants? The circumstances seem very suspicious," put in the rear-admiral. "I think, sir," said Captain Dunham, "that we shall find, when the mysterious affair is sifted, that young Strong acted the part of a United States sailor in the matter. I have kept a careful eye on him, and should be loath to believe him anything else than an upright, honest young fellow of uncommon capability." "Good for you," thought Herc to himself. "And what were you doing all this time?" inquired one of the officers of the embarrassed witness. "Picking stickers out of myself, sir." "What! Be careful, young man; this is no time for levity." "Well, sir, I guess if you had fallen into a tack-tus bush you'd have been picking those vegetable tenpenny nails out of your system for a while, too," replied Herc in an aggrieved tone, while suspicious twitches appeared about the corners of the mouths of several of the assembly. Rear-Admiral Gibbons got up and gazed out of the window for a moment to conceal his smiles at the naïve rejoinder of the red-headed youth. Suddenly he turned, with a sharp exclamation. "Gentlemen," he exclaimed, "here comes the automobile, or one just like it, that those two precious rascals, the Pulsifers, used. I've seen it before. As it was the only one in Guantanamo, I remarked it especially." The officers crowded to the window, and Herc would have joined them, but a marine barred his way. "Get back, young feller," he warned, suggestively pointing his bayonet. "Huh! I guess you never had a friend in trouble," grunted Herc, going back to his witness chair in high dudgeon. But the auto, instead of coming up to the hotel, turned off two blocks below. "Possibly I was mistaken," said the admiral. "Those two figures in it didn't look like the two scoundrels, but at the distance it is impossible to tell." "In any event, sir, they cannot escape from Cuba," spoke up one of the officers. "Every port has been telegraphed. Their capture is almost certain." This was indeed the case. An investigation of the garden had shown clear indications of the struggle that had taken place there the night before, and servants had been discovered who had seen the inventor issuing into the garden with the unsavory Pulsifers. The odor of chloroform still clinging to the grass decided the matter, and completed the chain of circumstantial evidence. Herc, too, had been able to supplement the mute testimony by his story of the convict film and the names of the conspirators. Already a launch full of marines had been sent to Boco del Toros to intercept the yacht Carl and Silas had mentioned in the lad's hearing. This much having been done, a code message had been sent to the secretary of the navy, who had at once ordered every port in Cuba watched, and detailed secret service men in the United States to special duty to apprehend the Pulsifers if they attempted to land in America. The examination of Herc, who was, of course, the principal witness, went on. At its conclusion an officer of the _Illinois_ begged permission to ask one more question. "My man, did you or your friend talk over this step of his?" "Not any more than I have told you, sir," rejoined Herc, somewhat puzzled. "I submit, sir," remarked the officer, turning to the rear-admiral, "this looks somewhat as if the lad was in league with the Pulsifers. We know now, from what this lad has told us, that other members of the crew were disaffected; possibly Strong was bribed, too." "You don't know Ned Strong, sir," spoke up Herc, "or----" "Silence, sir!" thundered the officer. "Huh!" grunted Herc, in a low tone, however. "As I was saying, sir, the whole thing looks, as you said, suspicious. We know that the lad was recently placed in the forward turret of the _Manhattan_, and would have had an opportunity to examine the breechblock of the Varian gun. He might even have made rough drawings of it." "What you say is plausible, Captain Stirling," nodded the rear-admiral gravely. "I don't believe a word of it!" snapped Captain Dunham hotly. "I'll stake a good deal on that youngster's honesty, and----" "You'll win!" came a crisp voice from the rear of the room. The officers turned, amazed, and set up a shout of astonishment as they beheld, framed in the door which they had entered noiselessly, the figures of the inventor, and, standing, cap in hand, by his side, the Dreadnought Boy, the lad to whose pluck and resourcefulness the inventor largely owed his liberty. "I repeat it, gentlemen," went on the inventor, for it was he who had voiced the interruption; "there isn't a finer, more capable or grittier lad in the service to-day than Ned Strong of the _Manhattan_." "But, but--gentlemen, pray sit down----" began the rear-admiral. "Really this is most irregular." He sat down resignedly as the officers pressed about the inventor and Ned. In a few moments order was restored, and the two newly escaped captives were telling their story. "But how did you get back from the Sierra Madre Mountains so quickly?" asked Captain Dunham, who was familiar with Cuba and had recognized the location of the Pulsifers' hut from the inventor's description. "Let Ned Strong tell that," smiled the inventor. "Why, gentlemen, we--we borrowed Mr. Pulsifer's automobile," explained the Dreadnought Boy. "Good for you!" burst out Herc, who had been dancing about in the background, hardly able to keep down his excitement. Of course, discipline did not permit his greeting Ned just then, and he had been on the point of exploding ever since his chum entered the room. In the general excitement no one reproved the impulsive youth, who turned as red as a winter sunset when he realized what a sad breach of naval etiquette he had committed. "Strong, stand forward," ordered Rear-Admiral Gibbons, as the inventor took up and concluded the story of how they had missed their road, but finally found their way into town, going first to a house occupied by some friends of Mr. Varian's before proceeding to the hotel. At the home of the inventor's friends they had got a wash and brush-up which both stood sadly in need of. Ned's leg, besides, had required dressing. It turned out to be, as he had guessed, only a flesh wound, but was sufficiently painful, though not dangerous in any way. In obedience to his superior's command, the young seaman took two paces to the front and saluted, bringing his heels together with a smart click, despite the pain his wound gave him as he did so. "Strong," went on the admiral, "you have done Mr. Varian and the United States Navy a great service. Had it not been for your quick, intelligent work, it might have been that the Pulsifers and the others implicated in this dastardly affair would have escaped. Mr. Varian might not have been with us this morning. I congratulate and thank you on behalf of the government and on behalf of the naval department and officers of this squadron." Ned's lips moved. Somehow he couldn't speak. Herc's face, bisected by a broad grin, thrust itself forward among the officers till it appeared, like a whimsical moon, between the elbows of Captain Dunham and the rear-admiral. "I shall see, Strong," went on the admiral, "that some signal notice is taken of your clever, plucky work. You are of the stuff of which real seamen are made and we want to encourage men like you in every way possible. And now, gentlemen, as we are not within hearing of Washington--or the papers--perhaps it might not be inconsistent with the occasion to give three cheers." "Oh, those crazy Americanoes!" exclaimed the little yellow-faced Cubans, as three long, resounding naval cheers, with a zipping "tiger," rang through the stagnant tropic air and went booming over the water as far as the grim sea bulldogs of Uncle Sam, lying at anchor off the town. CHAPTER XXVIII. A HIT WITH CHAOSITE. "General battle practice to-day," cried a bosn's mate, as he hastened forward through the scrubbing stations the next morning. Ned and Herc exchanged glances above their swabs. At last they were to see what actual battle conditions were like. The practice hitherto had been merely target practice and mine-laying--the latter being dummies, of course. To-day, they had learned earlier, the ships were to be "cleared for action" just as in actual service, and steaming at eighteen knots, were to fire at the targets as they steamed by as if they were repulsing a hostile fleet. No wonder the jackies were on the tiptoe of expectation. As for the two chums, they were in high spirits. Promotion loomed ahead of Ned, and Herc wished him success with all the warmth of his generous heart. Not a thought of envy entered his mind. He was as delighted as Ned himself over the big chance that had come to the Dreadnought Boy. Each of my readers can imagine for himself what the two boys had had to say the evening before, when they had been reunited; and Ned had to tell his adventures over and over again, till Herc advised him to invest in a phonograph and talk his narrative into it for indefinite reiteration. "Pills" had patched Ned's injured leg so deftly that it hurt him hardly at all, and the doctor's suggestion that he go on the "binnacle list," otherwise the sick roll, had met with Ned's unqualified disapproval. "I'm fit for duty. I want to do it, sir, if possible," he had said quietly but firmly, when the doctor suggested that he rest up for a few days. The doctor, a veteran of thirty years' service, had thrown up his hands in amazement. "I've been in the navy for more years than you've seen, my boy, by a long shot," he exclaimed, "and I never heard a seaman talk like that before. Well, if you want to work, go ahead, and my blessing go with you." "I hope that young man is quite right in his head," the man of medicine had muttered to himself, as he heard the door of his sanctum closed by the first bluejacket he had ever met who was not anxious to avail himself of the restful idleness afforded by being on the "binnacle list." Immediately after breakfast the _Manhattan_ was a scene of the liveliest activity. Rails came down and were stowed. Boats were lowered, ventilators shipped, war nets rigged, and every object on the deck that was not an absolute fixture vanished. The same thing occurred on other vessels of the fleet, in obedience to the flagship's signalled order: "Clear for action." It was like stripping human fighters for a ring contest. Bugles shrilly sang the order from ship to ship of the squadron. While the smiling jackies bustled about on deck, stewards and orderlies below were stowing pictures and bric-a-brac between mattresses and placing all the ship's crockery and glassware in places where it was not in danger of being jarred to fragments by the earthquake-like detonations of the big guns. In the meantime officers had invested themselves in their full-dress uniforms with side arms, and an hour after the order had been first transmitted the signal to "Up Anchor" fluttered out from the halliards of the flagship. Aboard the _Manhattan_ especially excitement ran at high tension, for Mr. Varian himself had come aboard that morning in a shore boat, and it was an open secret that the big twelve-inch gun, fitted with his Chaosite breech--was to receive its first sea test. The first sight that greeted the eyes of Herc and Ned, reporting for duty in their turret as the squadron got under way beneath a pall of black smoke, was the unveiling, so to speak, of the inventor's masterpiece. Mr. Varian and Lieutenant Timmons, the ship's gunnery officer in command of the turret, had their heads together over the intricate piece of machinery as the two Dreadnought Boys entered the steel-walled box, in which they were practically a part of the machinery. The inventor greeted them with a kindly nod. Perhaps the thought shot into his mind that had it not been for the pluck and clear-headedness of one of the Dreadnought Boys, he might not have been there. "Is there any news, sir?" Ned asked respectfully, as soon as he got a chance to speak to the inventor. "No. The launch that was sent to intercept the Pulsifers' vessel has not yet reported, but we may hear from her at any time now." "Let us hope that the rascals haven't got a start and boarded some passenger vessel at sea," put in Lieutenant Timmons. As the officer joined in the conversation Ned saluted and went to another part of the turret. It is not naval usage for an enlisted man to converse with an officer, and Ned was far too well-trained a young man-o'-warsman to break any rule, even the unwritten ones, which in the navy are almost as numerous as the codified regulations. The excitement under which all hands labored was, however, far too keen to allow even the thoughts of the Pulsifers' capture to interfere with present duty. Especially was this the case on two of the vessels of the squadron--the _Idaho_, the holder of the coveted meat-ball, and, as has been mentioned, the _Manhattan_, every jackie on board of which vessel longed with his whole soul to see the gunnery flag flying from the Dreadnought's main. The scores stood even between the big guns of the two battleships now, and the open secret that the morning practice was to be made, in large part, with the Varian gun and explosive made the _Manhattan's_ jackies fearful that they might lose, after all. Jim Cooper, nervous and high-strung as ever, crouched in his seat beside the big weapon as the charge was rammed home and the breech slapped to on the heavy load of Chaosite, which the two Dreadnought Boys beheld for the first time. It was a pinkish, crystalline-looking substance, and its inventor claimed, as safe to handle as ordinary clay, which it resembled in its plasticity. Just to show its properties, before the charge was placed, the inventor picked up a chunk of the explosive and compressed it in his hands. He moulded it into several different shapes, and concluded the exhibition by throwing it on the flooring of the turret with force enough to have detonated a charge of dynamite. "There is only one danger I apprehend from it," he had explained to Lieutenant Timmons, "and that is in the event of a 'flareback.' But under such conditions there is no powder made that is safe." In reply to the officer's questions, the inventor explained that Chaosite was a slow-burning explosive, and if the much-dreaded flareback ever occurred in a gun in which it was being used, blazing particles of the freed explosive would be scattered about the turret. As Chaosite would only explode when confined, these particles would glow like hot coals till they burned out. The deadly peril consisted in the fact that the doors of the ammunition hoist opened directly into the turret. There were safety shutters to the hoist, but in action the reloading followed so fast on the firing of the guns that there was little chance of the safety devices being used. The shaft of the ammunition hoist led directly down to the ammunition table below the water-line on which the explosive was piled, ready to be shot upward on electric elevators. Alongside the ammunition tables were the open doors of the ship's magazine. It does not require vivid imagination to picture what would be the result of blazing particles of a substance like Chaosite dropping down the hoist onto the powder and explosives piled below. Quick and utter annihilation would follow. Not a soul of the eight hundred odd crew and forty officers would stand any but the smallest chance of salvation. The Dreadnought Boys, as well as the rest of the crew in the turret, were interested listeners to the conversation. All of them knew what a flareback was. One had occurred on the _Georgia_ a year before, costing two lives. It is usually caused by fragments of burning powder being left in the chamber of the gun after a charge has been fired. An electric blower is attached to the big guns of Uncle Sam's navy, which is supposed to thoroughly clean the chamber after each discharge; but it is not careless sailor-proof, and occasionally the newspapers bear dreadful testimony to the result of a flareback, which occurs when the new load is ignited by the left-over fragments of the old one. But the talk between Mr. Varian and the officer was suddenly checked. "Boom!" The flagship had fired, and, as the glass brought to bear by Lieutenant Timmons showed, had missed the first target. At the distance of a mile and a half the targets, with their tiny boats bobbing at a safe distance, looked extremely small. Shooting at a potato on a fence post at twenty rods with a small rifle is easy compared to the task before Uncle Sam's gunners. "Now, Cooper, steady, my lad!" Lieutenant Timmons' voice sounded strained and harsh as the gun pointer squinted through his telescope and depressed his pointing lever ever so little. Already the range had been signaled from the fire-control wells. The _Manhattan_ was quivering to the speed of her engines, rushing her stripped form past the targets at eighteen knots. Every man of that gun crew was under as painful a tension as the officer. As for the inventor, his face took on a deadly pallor as he leaned against the rear wall of the turret. In a few moments now he would know if his invention was a failure or a glorious success. A tiny signal light--the message from the firing room glowed. Cooper looked round. His wrinkled face was grotesquely knotted, like an ape's, in his excitement. His hand shook, but there was a glitter in his eyes that showed he meant to get that target. "Brace yourselves, men!" warned the officer. The boys stood as they had been taught, their knees slightly bent, so as to be springy. As they got the last order they stuffed cotton in their ears. Otherwise, the drums would have been shattered by the discharge. "All ready, sir," breathed Cooper. "Fire!" There was a sharp click from the electric firing switch and a tiny spurt of bluish flame. A shock like that of an earthquake followed. The mighty explosion seemed to rend the turret. It had not died out before the glasses of the gunnery officer, the inventor and the gun-pointer were bearing on the distant target and the boats scurrying toward it. From the bridge and the quarter deck similar scrutiny was brought to bear. Chaosite was almost smokeless, so their vision was not obscured, as with the old-fashioned powder--even the so-called "smokeless" making quite a smother. "Hit, sir!" shot out Cooper dryly, as the signal man in the target boat wig-wagged the news. "Now let the _Idaho_ folks get busy!" cried the delighted gun crew. The new explosive and the new gun had proven themselves one of the biggest naval successes of many a day. CHAPTER XXIX. THE STUFF A JACKIE'S MADE OF. Hastily the gunnery officer scribbled a note and handed it to Herc. "Here, my man, take this to Captain Dunham," he said, thrusting the paper into Herc's hand. The red-headed boy was off like a flash, and a second later the captain, who had already witnessed the signaling of the successful hit, was reading the details of the wonderful results achieved with the new gun. He detained Herc several minutes while he asked him numerous questions about the handling of the gun, all of which the boy answered so intelligently as to bring nods of approbation from the group of officers surrounding the commander of the _Manhattan_ on the vessel's flying bridge. By the time Herc started back for the turret, the _Manhattan_ was close upon the second target. "I've got to hurry," thought the boy, quickening his pace. But before he had more than reached the midship section of the Dreadnought another mighty shock set her stout frame aquiver, and Herc knew another shot had been fired. "Another hit!" he heard a shout go up an instant later. "We've got the _Idaho_ folks lashed to the mast. They missed the first target." But even as the cry reverberated along the decks there came another sound that struck terror to the heart of the Dreadnought Boy. It was a heavy, smothered explosion that seemed to come from within the turret itself. At the same instant great clouds of yellow-colored smoke began to roll from the top ventilators. "It's a flareback!" Herc heard old Tom shout. "Heaven help the poor souls in there!" A flareback! What the words meant Herc knew only too well. In the poisonous fumes of the burning Chaosite, vomited backward from the big gun's breech, there was quick, sure death. Suddenly the small door in the barbette of the turret opened, and four half-crazed, reeling men staggered out, bearing a limp form of a fifth. It was Jim Cooper, the gun-pointer, they carried. Blackened and almost unrecognizable as the men were, the look of blank horror on their faces burned itself into Herc's mind. "Where's the lieutenant and Mr. Varian? Where's Ned Strong?" the jackies shouted, as they crowded round the staggering men. The survivors could only wave their limp arms back toward the inferno from which they had emerged. "B-b-blown to b-b-blazes!" gasped one in a choked voice. All at once, and before Captain Dunham and the officers could reach the scene, a red-headed figure ripped off its blouse, and, wrapping it about its head, plunged on all fours into the small door from which the smoke-blackened five had emerged. It was Herc Taylor. "Stop that man!" shouted Captain Dunham, as he arrived, just in time to see Herc vanish in the smoke. An ensign plunged forward. Half a dozen bluejackets followed him. "No, stop! Come back!" shouted the captain. "Enough lives have been sacrificed." Reluctantly the men came back. Tears rolled down the ensign's face as he begged to be allowed to enter the turret. But the commander was firm. No more lives would he have thrown away. For that Herc was doomed to the same death as it seemed sure had overtaken the officer, Mr. Varian and Ned Strong, seemed a definite certainty. [Illustration: Captain Dunham himself caught Ned Strong as he fell.] "Signal the flagship of the accident, Mr. Scott," ordered the captain, whose face was set and white, but whose voice was steady as if he were issuing a routine order. "Aye, aye, sir." The executive officer issued the necessary orders. A second later the boom of the _Idaho's_ gun sounded. Another miss. "The _Manhattan_ wins the meat ball!" shouted some jackie far back in the throng of anxious-faced, pallid men. "Stow that, you lummox!" growled old Tom, and his admonition was echoed angrily by a dozen tars. It would have fared hard with that jackie if they could have laid hands on him. The minutes rolled by and still there came no sign from within the turret. An ensign, despatched below by the captain, had reported that not a single spark had dropped down the hoist. "Gentlemen, that means that there was a hero in that turret!" exclaimed the captain. "Before death came he closed those doors and in all probability saved the ship." The others nodded. It was not a situation in which words seemed appropriate. From the turret ventilators little smoke was now issuing. If any of the four men inside that steel-walled trap remained alive, they stood a fighting chance now. Suddenly the jackies set up a roar. From the turret door there staggered a black, weird figure; its clothes hung in shreds and blood streamed from a dozen cuts and bruises. In its arms this reeling figure carried another scarecrow-like form, the latter half-naked, like its bearer. The first figure turned toward the dumfounded group of officers with a ghastly attempt at a smile on its blackened face, and then pitched forward with its burden. Captain Dunham himself caught Ned Strong as he fell. Mr. Scott, the executive officer, as swift to act as his commander, had at the same instant seized hold of the limp form of Lieutenant Timmons, which the Dreadnought Boy had dragged from the jaws of death. The doctor, a strange, soft light on his face, was still bending over his so strangely restored patients, when another roar came from the jackies. They seized each other and capered about like lunatics, and not an officer checked them. Temporarily the _Manhattan_ housed a mob of cheering, yelling maniacs. For through the turret door there now emerged a second figure, but this one bore a head of fiery red above his sooty countenance. It was Herc, and with him he dragged out the collapsed figure of the inventor. The Dreadnought Boys had beaten the flareback at its own grisly game. From the scorched lips of Lieutenant Timmons, who, besides a few burns and the effects of the severe shock, had, like the others, miraculously escaped injury, the captain that evening heard the whole story. The flareback had come like a bolt from the blue while the gun crew, still cheering Jim Cooper's second hit, were reloading. The officer had felt himself blown back across the turret and smashed against the steel wall. The place was filled with acrid smoke and yelling, terrified men. Through the smoke glowed the blazing fragments of Chaosite that had been spurted back out of the gun. Dimly the officer had seen Ned Strong stagger through the smoke toward the doors of the hoist, which were open preparatory to receiving another load. At the same time Lieutenant Timmons was trying with all his might to reach the same goal. He fell before he attained his object, however, and the last thing he knew was that he saw Ned seize the lever that swung the safety doors together and then collapse in a heap. The inventor had fared much as had the officer, except that he succumbed to the fumes more quickly. He had managed, however, to open the ventilators to their full capacity by seizing, with his last conscious movement, the control that elevated them. This action undoubtedly contributed in large measure to saving the lives of those imprisoned in the death trap, for even Jim Cooper recovered, and a court martial later acquitted Lieutenant Timmons of all blame. * * * * * The joy that ran through the fleet when it was learned that not a single serious injury had resulted from the accident on the _Manhattan_ may be imagined. Battle practice, which had stopped for that day, was ordered resumed on the morrow. But before that occurred another event happened which marked the end of one of the boldest attempts on record to steal one of Uncle Sam's most jealously guarded secrets. The squadron was at anchor that evening, and retreat had just blown, when the wireless operator of the Dreadnought sought Captain Dunham with a paper in his hand. It was a wireless from the launch sent after the Pulsifers and their gang, and reported that the yacht had been intercepted and boarded, off Boco del Toros, and that all the miscreants were captured. The captain himself it was who sought out Ned and Herc, in the sick bay, and communicated the news to them. Both boys had been placed on the "binnacle list" under their protests; but, gritty as they were, they had been ordered to the ship's hospital peremptorily. The rest of the gun crew shared their retreat, though each and every one of the rescued men declared that he was fit and able for duty. As a matter of fact, however, all of them had had a severe shock, and it was some days before they finally recovered and were about again receiving the congratulations of their shipmates. In the meantime battle practice went on, and the _Manhattan_ eventually won the "meat-ball." The boys received the news of the capture of the Pulsifers with a cheer, feeble but sincere. The summary court martial called to decide the cases of Carl Schultz, Silas, and Hank Harkins was convened the next day, when the crest-fallen prisoners were brought back on board. Schultz and Silas broke down under questioning and confessed that they were escaped prisoners, and were returned to the Illinois authorities to serve out life sentences for the murder of an old farmer near Springfield many years before. Ralph Kennell was sentenced to serve ten years in a government penitentiary and to be dishonorably discharged from the service. Hank Harkins escaped with a dishonorable discharge, on the boys' intercession for him. As for the Pulsifers, they were given over to the Federal authorities, and are now serving long terms at the Federal prison in Atlanta, Georgia. Simultaneously with the discovery of the plot, the Baron vanished from Washington, leaving a disappointed and mystified fiancée. It was never learned for just what government the Pulsifers had been engaged in their work of spying and bribing. How Hank Harkins got mixed up with the plotters he explained to the court martial. He had fallen into Schultz's and Silas' company in New York and gambled much of his money away to them. Afraid to write home for more, he had cast about for a way to recruit his finances, and when Schultz and Silas suggested that he join them in the work they had undertaken for the Pulsifers, he willingly agreed. A few days after Ned and Herc were once more up and about--for they had been "binnacled" while the above events transpired--they were summoned aft to the captain's cabin, and told that on the return of the fleet to American waters they were to report to the Secretary of the Navy at Washington without delay. This event occurred in the early part of June. The two lads, brown-faced and alert, but somewhat alarmed at the prospect of encountering such a mighty personage as the Secretary of the Navy, called at the department, according to instructions, and sent in their names. "Send them right in," came a hearty voice, although there was a long row of visitors ahead of the Dreadnought Boys. "And so you are the two lads that Captain Dunham thinks more about than any bluejackets in the service," began the secretary, a keen-faced, slender man, with a bristly black mustache and kindly, penetrating eyes. "These are the lads," he went on, turning to a portly man with a gray mustache and a pleasant smile, who stood behind him. The stout man stepped forward, and as he did so the boys were struck with an air of dignity he bore about him, which was even more impressive than that which hedged the secretary about. "My lads," he said, "I have heard with interest and deep admiration of your bravery, and, better than that, your cool-headedness when the accident that imperilled every soul on the _Manhattan_ occurred. Had it not been for the pluck of one of you, a disaster which would have been historic in its horror might have occurred. I refer to your action in closing the safety doors, Strong. "And you, Taylor"--Herc turned as red as his own thatch--"you are also deserving of the highest praise. Your action in entering what seemed a certain death trap was heroic in the extreme. The United States Government is proud of you both, and I am authorized to pin upon you, as unfading mementoes of your conduct, these." From two blue plush cases the portly man with the kind smile drew two gold badges which he pinned on the breast of each Dreadnought Boy. They were the coveted medals of honor. "I know that you will wear them with the highest appreciation of their significance. I congratulate you both." The portly man turned to the secretary with a smile. "I think that is all, Mr. Secretary," he said. "I believe so, Mr. President," said the secretary, rising and opening the door. The boys' eyes fairly popped in their heads. Herc's amazement actually overcame his sense of discipline. "Oh, sir, was that the President himself?" he quavered, as the secretary returned to his desk. "It was," smiled the secretary, "and he was here at his own special wish. He ordered a detailed report made of your actions to him and investigated your case carefully. You young men have been rarely and highly honored. And now one thing remains to be done. You have received the highest honor the navy can confer for heroism displayed in line of duty. The government has for actions like yours a more substantial reward. I present you with these two purses, each containing a hundred dollars in gold." The boys stammered their thanks somehow, while the room seemed to whirl round them. How they ever got out once more on to the sunlit Pennsylvania Avenue they often discussed afterward, but never arrived at any satisfactory conclusion. "I guess we flew," Herc always says; "I know I felt as if I was walking on air." The Dreadnought Boys had a two weeks' furlough before rejoining the fleet. They spent part of this in New York, seeing the sights, not forgetting a visit to the office where they had enlisted, and a portion of it in the old village, where, as may be imagined, they were the "heroes of the hour." Old Zack still exhibits a dented Canadian dime with which Ned presented him as a souvenir. The village band, not to be behindhand, learned to play a series of strange discords declared by them to be the navy's own, particular march, "Nancy Lee." And so, with their hearts overflowing with patriotism, and a fixed determination ever to serve the flag and their country with an unflagging devotion, we will for the present take our leave of the Dreadnought Boys. But many adventures, stranger and more fraught with peril than any through which they had yet passed, were ahead of them. A career in the navy is, even in "the piping times of peace," one full of excitement and action, and in their immediate future the boys were to realize this. Life on board a torpedo-boat destroyer is a strange one in many ways, and the boys, in their coming experience on such a craft were destined to have this borne in on them. Their adventures on one of Uncle Sam's sea-tigers in a strange country and among strange people will be related in full in the next volume of this series, THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ABOARD A DESTROYER. THE END. _Reasons why you should obtain a Catalogue of our Publications_ 1. You will possess a comprehensive and classified list of all the best standard books published, at prices less than offered by others. 2. You will find listed in our catalogue books on every topic: Poetry, Fiction, Romance, Travel, Adventure, Humor, Science, History, Religion, Biography, Drama, etc., besides Dictionaries and Manuals, Bibles, Recitation and Hand Books, Sets, Octavos, Presentation Books and Juvenile and Nursery Literature in immense variety. 3. You will be able to purchase books at prices within your reach; as low as 10 cents for paper covered books, to $5.00 for books bound in cloth or leather, adaptable for gift and presentation purposes, to suit the tastes of the most critical. 4. You will save considerable money by taking advantage of our SPECIAL DISCOUNTS, which we offer to those whose purchases are large enough to warrant us in making a reduction. _A postal to us will place it in your hands_ HURST & CO., _Publishers_, 395, 397, 399 Broadway, New York. Dreadnought Boys Series BY Capt. WILBUR LAWTON. Modern Stories of the New Navy. Cloth Bound Price, 50¢ per volume. The Dreadnought Boys on Battle Practice. How many times have you paused to gaze provided you live in a maritime town of course, at Uncle Sam's grim, gray sea-fighters swinging at their anchors, or steaming majestically by? Haven't you thought then that you would like to know something of the lives of the servers of their country who pass the best part of their adventurous lives within those steel walls? There are no books published which will tell you more of the new navy,--of the men, the ships, the huge guns, the submarine auxiliaries and all the hundred and one things that go to make up the fascination of the naval seaman's life, than these volumes. In the first volume of the series which bears the above title Ned Strong and Herc Taylor make their debut in Uncle Sam's navy. Of course they have to endure much rough joking. Ned, however, proves so handy with his fists in a notable set-to with the ship's bully that the boys soon set themselves on a footing. From that moment on adventures come thick and fast. At target practice Herc-by a mean trick of his enemy becomes a living target for a twelve inch gun. A flare-back in the forward turret of the Dreadnought on which they are serving gives the lads their longed-for opportunity to show the stuff they are made of. Real books for real boys. Sold by Booksellers Everywhere. HURST & CO., Publishers NEW YORK. DREADNOUGHT BOYS SERIES By Capt. WILBUR LAWTON Modern Stories of the New Navy Cloth Bound Price, 50¢ per volume. THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ABOARD A DESTROYER. The adventures of two young men of wars-men on board one of the wickedest types of sea-fighters,--the speedy, deadly, torpedo-boat destroyer. On board one of these sea-tigers the Dreadnought Boys voyage to a turbulent South American republic, in the internal troubles of which our country has, on account of her citizens' interests, a duty of protection and supervision to perform. The part the boys played in the revolution which threatened to bankrupt several American interests, and how they saved the day for the government by clever means and clear grit, is well told. At one stage of their adventures, the boys handle a South American destroyer with such cleverness and seamanship that they avert disastrous consequences to our flag and interests. Like its predecessor this book possesses the tang of the sea. Its action also takes place against the shifting, kaleidoscopic background of the revolution. The excitement of warfare on sea and land, the thrill of sustained interest in the lads' scrapes and difficulties is on every page. Best of all, the volume shows the part that our navy takes shaping world politics; how it does big things without fuss or fireworks. Emphatically a book for every lad who has felt the call of the sea or the thrill of good fighting and adventure in tropic climes. SOLD BY BOOKSELLERS EVERYWHERE HURST & CO. Publishers New York BOY SCOUT SERIES BY LIEUT. HOWARD PAYSON MODERN BOY SCOUT STORIES FOR BOYS Cloth Bound Price, 50¢ per volume. The Boy Scouts of the Eagle Patrol. A fascinating narrative of the doings of some bright boys who become part of the great Boy Scout movement. The first of a series dealing with this organization, which has caught on like wild fire among healthy boys of all ages and in all parts of the country. While in no sense a text-book, the volume deals, amid its exciting adventures, with the practical side of Scouting. To Rob Blake and his companions in the Eagle Patrol, surprising, and sometimes perilous things happen constantly. But the lads, who are, after all, typical of most young Americans of their type, are resourceful enough to overcome every one of their dangers and difficulties. How they discover the whereabouts of little Joe, the "kid" of the patrol, by means of smoke telegraphy and track his abductors to their disgrace; how they assist the passengers of a stranded steamer and foil a plot to harm and perhaps kill an aged sea-captain, one must read the book to learn. A swift-moving narrative of convincing interest and breathless incident. Sold by Booksellers Everywhere. Hurst & Co., Publishers New York BOY SCOUT SERIES BY LIEUT. HOWARD PAYSON MODERN BOY SCOUT STORIES FOR BOYS Cloth Bound, Price 50¢ per volume. The Boy Scouts on the Range. Connected with the dwellings of the vanished race of cliff-dwellers was a mystery. Who so fit to solve it as a band of adventurous Boy Scouts? The solving of the secret and the routing of a bold band of cattle thieves involved Rob Blake and his chums, including "Tubby" Hopkins, in grave difficulties. There are few boys who have not read of the weird snake dance and other tribal rites of Moquis. In this volume, the habits of these fast vanishing Indians are explained in interesting detail. Few boys' books hold more thrilling chapters than those concerning Rob's captivity among the Moquis. Through the fascinating pages of the narrative also stalks, like a grim figure of impending tragedy, the shaggy form of Silver Tip, the giant grizzly. In modern juvenile writing, there is little to be found as gripping as the scene in which Rob and Silver Tip meet face to face. The boy is weaponless and,--but it would not be fair to divulge the termination of the battle. A book which all Boy Scouts should secure and place upon their shelves to be read and re-read. Sold by Booksellers Everywhere. Hurst & Co., Publishers New York Motor Rangers Series By MARVIN WEST OUTDOOR LIFE STORIES FOR MODERN BOYS Cloth Bound Price, 50¢ per volume. The Motor Rangers' Lost Mine. A new series dealing with an idea altogether original in juvenile fiction,--the adventures of a party of bright, enterprising youngsters in a splendid motor car. Their first trip takes them to the dim and mysterious land of Lower California. Naturally, as one would judge from the title, the lost mine, which proves to be Nat Trevor's rightful inheritance,--occupies much of the interest of the book. But the mine was in the possession of enemies so powerful and wealthy that it taxed the boys' resources to the uttermost to overcome them. How they did so makes absorbing reading. In this book also, the young motor rangers solve the mystery of the haunted Mexican cabin, and exterminate for all time a strange terror of the mountains which has almost devastated a part of the peninsula. The Motor Rangers too, have an exciting encounter with Mexican cowboys, which beginning comically, comes very near having a serious termination for all hands. Emphatically "third speed" books. Sold by Booksellers Everywhere. Hurst & Co., Publishers New York The Oakdale Series By Morgan Scott HIGH CLASS COPYRIGHTED STORIES FOR BOYS Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 60c a Volume Ben Stone at Oakdale BY MORGAN SCOTT 12MO., CLOTH. ILLUSTRATED. PRICE 60c Never in the history of juvenile fiction have copyrighted books of this class been sold at a price so sensational, for beyond dispute the Oakdale Stories are of the highest grade, such as other publishers market to retail at $1 25 or $1 50 a volume. In no respect, save in price, can these be designated as cheap books; in manufacture, in literary finish, and in the clean, healthy, yet fascinating, nature of the stories they are destined to take rank with the works of the masters of fiction for the modern youth. The first volume is a narrative of school life and football, which, while in no way sensational, will cast a spell almost hypnotic upon every young reader, from which he will find it impossible to escape until he has read through to the last word of the last chapter. The tale of the struggles of Ben Stone, a boy misunderstood, an outcast, a pariah, will excite the sympathy of all; and his final triumph over adversity, the scheming of an enemy, and the seemingly malign rebuffs of fate, will be hailed with joy. FOR SALE WHEREVER BOOKS ARE SOLD, OR SENT POSTPAID UPON RECEIPT OF 60C BY HURST & COMPANY, 395 Broadway, NEW YORK The Oakdale Series By Morgan Scott High Class Copyrighted Stories for Boys Cloth Bound Illustrated Price, 60 cents a Volume For sale wherever books are sold, or sent postpaid upon receipt of 60c by Hurst & Co., 395 Broadway, New York Boys of Oakdale Academy By Morgan Scott 12mo., cloth. Illustrated. Price, 60c This is a brisk, vigorous, snappy, story in which winter sports--snowshoeing, skating, rabbit hunting, and such--are features. In the tale Rodney Grant, a young Texas cowboy, appears at Oakdale and attends the academy, being adjudged an imposter by the New England lads, who entertain a mistaken notion that all Texans swagger and bluster and talk in the vernacular. As Grant is quiet and gentlemanly in his bearing and will not, for some mysterious reason, take part in certain violent sports, they erroneously imagine him to be a coward; but eventually, through the demands of necessity and force of circumstances, the fellow from Texas is led to prove himself, which he does in a most effective manner, becoming, for the time being, at least, the hero of the village. This is a story of vigorous, healthy boys and their likes and dislikes; it is brimming over with human nature and, while true to real life, is as fascinating as the most imaginative yarn of adventure. * * * * * * Transcriber's note: Retained some inconsistent spacing and hyphenation from the original (e.g. "postoffice" vs. "post office" and "flagship" vs. "flag-ship"). Retained some hyphens from the original that might better be dashes (e.g. "er-er," "Herc-by"). Page 30, changed "exam-ing" to "examining" ("examining the prospects"). Page 59, italics around "I mean business" are inconsistent with italics around "mean business" in accompanying plate; this inconsistency is retained from the original. Page 79, changed "gasolene" to "gasoline" for consistency ("darted light gasoline boats"). Page 109, changed "steam-stearing gear" to "steam-steering gear." "Aboard a Destroyer" ad, added apostrophe to "citizens' interests" and changed "predecssor" to "predecessor." 
54496	----	of the Digital Library@Villanova University (http://digital.library.villanova.edu/)) [Illustration: "Great Heavens! He's risking the loss of his commission," exclaimed Ned. _Page 117_] THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS IN HOME WATERS BY CAPTAIN WILBUR LAWTON AUTHOR OF "THE BOY AVIATORS' SERIES," "THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ON BATTLE PRACTICE," "THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ABOARD A DESTROYER," "THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ON A SUBMARINE," "THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ON AERO SERVICE," "THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS' WORLD CRUISE," ETC., ETC. _WITH ILLUSTRATIONS BY CHARLES L. WRENN_ NEW YORK HURST & COMPANY PUBLISHERS Copyright, 1914, BY HURST & COMPANY CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. ON SPECIAL DUTY 5 II. RED VS. BLUE 14 III. "ARE WE AWAKE?" 24 IV. HERC "MIXES IN" 31 V. OFF TO THEIR FIRST COMMAND 39 VI. WELCOME TO THE "SENECA" 48 VII. MIDSHIPMAN KENWORTH 58 VIII. AGROUND! 67 IX. "YOUR DUTY IS TO OBEY!" 76 X. "THE EYES OF THE RED FLEET" 84 XI. THE EAVESDROPPER 91 XII. SAKI--STEWARD 97 XIII. ANOTHER WATCHER 104 XIV. NED AT A DISADVANTAGE 113 XV. A PRISONER ON "THE NECK" 121 XVI. THE FRIENDLY SUN 128 XVII. SURPRISES 136 XVIII. OFF FOR A CRUISE 144 XIX. THE STORM 151 XX. CONFESSION 158 XXI. ORDERS ARE ORDERS 165 XXII. ON THE "TWIN SISTERS" 173 XXIII. THE TRAIL 185 XXIV. THE JAPANESE STORE 192 XXV. A BOX OF MATCHES 200 XXVI. MYSTERIES 207 XXVII. THROUGH THE CRACK IN THE WALL 214 XXVIII. HERC'S SUBTERFUGE 222 XXIX. TABLES TURNED--TWICE! 228 XXX. IN FRESH TERROR 237 XXXI. NED'S ESCAPE 246 XXXII. IN THE ENEMY'S CAMP 254 XXXIII. WAITING FOR THE END 261 XXXIV. A NEW ASSIGNMENT 272 XXXV. THE OUTCOME 282 The Dreadnought Boys in Home Waters. CHAPTER I. ON SPECIAL DUTY. There was a sudden stir in the forward section of the stuffy, crowded railway coach. The interruption to the stolid apathy that had crept over the passengers, for the dust and heat had made them drowsy, came in the form of voices raised in anger and indignant protest. The racket proceeded from a cross-seat occupied by two young fellows. One of them was a youth of about eighteen with hair of a violent ruddy hue. His seat-mate was, perhaps, a trifle older, heavy set, rather sallow, with close-cropped black hair. Both were sunburned and bore, somehow, the unmistakable look of those who follow the sea. "See here, you, what have you got your hand in my pocket for, hey?" Thus the red-haired lad, before whom reposed a leather suit-case bearing the name,--neatly stenciled on one end,--"H. Taylor, U.S.N." "I've lost my wallet," came the rejoinder in angry, high-pitched tones. "It had most of my pay in it, too." "Well, what's the matter with looking in your own pocket?" sputtered Herc Taylor indignantly. "I did, but I can't find it." "So you assume that I'm the thief, do you?" This was certainly a conversation to attract attention. Both speakers appeared to be in highly belligerent moods. Several of the passengers seated in the vicinity of the excitement began to rise in their seats and crane their necks, the better to behold the "scrap" that appeared imminent. But those nearest to the pair saw that Herc Taylor's large, freckled fist had closed on the wrist of the other's investigating hand, so that, for the present at any rate, the latter was not able to attempt retaliation except verbally. Herc was neatly but quietly dressed in a gray-mixture suit. His seat-mate, the one who had made the ugly accusation, wore clothes that appeared to have been rather neglected recently. They were crumpled and stained and the whole air of the fellow, despite his healthy-looking tan, was slouchy and shiftless. Herc glared straight into the other's eyes for possibly the space of a minute or so. Before his direct glance the slouchy-looking youth's eyes fell. "Aw, leggo my hand, will yer?" he muttered. "Sure, it's no pleasure to me to hold it," rejoined Herc, relaxing his grip. Where he had held the other, a white bracelet of skin appeared, showing that Herc possessed a mighty set of muscles. "I'd advise you to keep your hand where it belongs in the future," added Herc. A third young fellow, who had been seated behind the quarreling pair, leaned forward. He had been reading a naval-service periodical. But now his attention was distracted, and he tapped the red-headed youth on the shoulder. "What appears to be the trouble, Herc?" "Oh, it's all right, Ned," rejoined the younger of the Dreadnought Boys, turning to his cousin, Ned Strong. "This fellow just suffered from a severe case of wandering hand, that's all." A smile came over Ned Strong's clean-cut, bronzed features. His blue eyes twinkled as he directed a glance to the floor of the section in front of him. "What's that lying on the floor right there by your feet, my friend?" he asked of Herc's seat-mate. "Gosh! if it isn't my wallet!" exclaimed the stranger. He stooped and picked it up, looking rather sheepish and foolish as he encountered Ned's smile. "You see, it isn't a good plan to go up in the air before you make quite sure you won't have to come down again with a hard bump," said the Dreadnought Boy quietly, but with a good-natured intonation. "Aw, stow that," growled the other. "I didn't do no harm." "No, but if I hadn't been a young person of marked coolness and restraint, I might have done _you_ some," grinned Herc. Here the incident appeared to be terminated for the time being. Soon after, the disgruntled neighbor of Herc Taylor arose and sought a seat in another part of the car. The smiling looks of the passengers in the vicinity of the little ruction had proved too much for his sensibilities. As he rose from his seat, he carried with him his suit-case. After he was beyond ear-shot, Ned turned to Herc. "That fellow may be one of our shipmates," he said in low tones. "How do you make that out?" "I saw the name 'Dilworth Rankin' and the letters 'U.S.N.' after it," was Ned's rejoinder. "Can't say that I'm much impressed with what I've seen of young Mr. Rankin," retorted Herc, carelessly. "At any rate we are under special commissions now, so that if he gets gay or anything like that, I'll have him put in the brig in short order. I always said, after I had that little session of mine in the brig, that if I ever got a chance I'd see how it felt to slap somebody else in there; and if he gets fresh it might just as well be Rankin as anyone else." "You'll do no such thing," retorted Ned seriously. "Just because we're holding little temporary commissions as junior officers, you can't show off your authority like that." "Huh! what's the use of being officers, then?" "To teach us something. To get some new ideas and experiences into that red head of yours." "See here, now that I'm an officer, I'll thank you to refer to my locks as auburn," muttered Herc. "I'll feel like using my new sword on anybody who calls attention to the color of my sky-piece hereafter." "All right," laughed Ned, "I'll call it any color you like. But, hullo! there's blue water. We must be getting near to Miller's Haven. I wonder if the _Seneca_ has arrived yet?" "Hope so," rejoined Herc. "I want to be boss just as quickly and just as long as possible. I wish some of the old boys on the _Manhattan_ could see us when we start out to sea. Have you opened your orders yet?" "Not yet. As you know, they are sealed and not to be opened till we have coaled and proceeded to sea. The first thing we must do when we reach Miller's Haven is to report to Ensign Summerville, at present in command of the _Seneca_, and hand him his orders." "His walking papers," interpolated Herc. "I wonder if we'll get orders to join the Red fleet right off?" "That's impossible to say," replied Ned. "As I understand it, we are to do duty as a scout cruiser, depending largely on our wireless for keeping in touch with the Red fleet and informing them of every move of the Blues." "Then we may not be with the fleet at all?" "Not necessarily. But I guess our work as scouts will keep us so busy that we won't notice the lack of company." "I'd rather be back with the fleet," muttered Herc. "I wouldn't," rejoined Ned, his eyes flashing and his cheeks flushing under the tan. "Why, Herc, boy, we've got the biggest chance of our lives! To my mind this detail to which we have been assigned will prove the most interesting work we have ever tackled." "Miller's Haven!" The voices of the trainmen rang raucously through the car. The boys arose and made their way to the forward door. As Ned had surmised, they were indeed on the threshold of some of the most interesting experiences they had ever encountered. CHAPTER II. RED VS. BLUE. Within the last week the Dreadnought Boys had taken their first big step upward. They entered Miller's Haven with their commissions on new, crackly parchment, tucked over a pair of as proud and happy hearts as there were in the navy. Great had been their surprise, when, some four days before we encountered them on the train for Miller's Haven, their commander, Captain Dunham, of the Dreadnought _Manhattan_, had sent for them. Both lads, as readers of other volumes of this series know, had already gained high non-commissioned ratings. Captain Dunham's unexpected summons had come on the eve of the long-looked-for "siege" of New York harbor. The Red fleet to which the _Manhattan_ had been commissioned as flagship, was to have the task of attacking the harbor at the gates of Long Island Sound. The Blue squadron was to have the defense of the port. Final arrangements for the biggest naval war game of its kind ever attempted had been made, with an attention to detail and probable actual conditions of a sea attack on the harbor which was little short of marvelous. With wireless, big guns, Argand signals, torpedoes and submarines every effort was to be made to duplicate as perfectly as possible conditions of a real attack. The newspapers had been carrying columns of copy concerning the big war game, and public interest was wrought to its highest pitch. But it was in the navy itself that enthusiasm ran the highest. Strategists from all over the world were to be present, and elaborate precautions had been taken to insure Uncle Sam's carefully guarded naval secrets from leaking out. In this connection, what practically amounted to a Secret Service had been established, both on board the great sea-fighters of the two squadrons and also at the twin forts, Totten and Schuyler, which guard the Sound entrance to the East River and the port of New York. Such, as has been said, was the interesting eve of "hostilities" which prevailed, when to Ned and Herc came the orders to report aft in the commander's quarters at once. The _Manhattan_ lay in the Brooklyn navy yard being groomed, like a thoroughbred on the eve of a great race, for the important part she was to play as the flagship of the Red fleet. Jackies, every one of them with an alert and keen pride in his work, were dismantling and fitting the big craft till everything about her grim, slate-colored hull was attuned to the condition in which she would be placed were she actually answering a summons to defend the Empire City from the invasion of a foreign foe. Captain Dunham sat in his cabin in the midst of a great pile of documents of all kinds. The pictures and other objects usually to be found adorning the commander's comfortable quarters were missing. The cabin had been stripped and everything breakable packed away, just as would have been the case had the _Manhattan_ been going to steam out and engage an actual foe. This had been done so that the earthquake-like shock and tremble of the mighty broadsides,--the grim fangs of this sea bulldog,--might not work havoc with breakable things. The two young non-commissioned officers were passed by the orderly and then stood smartly at attention, trim heels together, bright eyes looking straight in front of them till the commander looked up from some departmental papers he was perusing. During this interval they had time to notice that a tall, slender, alertly-built man, with threads of gray in his dark hair, was seated near the commander. He eyed the boys interestedly with the critical air of a man who is in the habit of making swift appraisal of those with whom he comes in contact. His keen gray eyes swept the two well-built, clean-cut and reliable-looking young sailors with a look that appeared to spell approval. As a matter of fact, the assistant secretary of the navy, for such was the office of Commander Dunham's companion, was deeply interested in his inspection of the two lads of whom he had heard much. It will be recalled that not long after they entered the service of Uncle Sam and deeded their lives to the flag, Ned and Herc had had an opportunity to distinguish themselves. How they foiled a desperate plot against the navy, then assembled in Guantanamo Bay in Cuba, at the naval base established there, and also their conspicuous bravery in the panic that followed a disastrous "flare-back" in a thirteen-inch turret, were told, with many other of their adventures, in the first volume of this series, "The Dreadnought Boys on Battle Practice." In the next book, devoted to describing the lives of the spruce young jack-tars of to-day on board the big, drab sea-fighters, we followed the lads through a long siege of mystery and intrigue, intermingled with plenty of stern fighting. This book was called "The Dreadnought Boys Aboard a Destroyer." Grim as the name of "destroyer" that she bore was the _Beale_; and when she was despatched to South America with the duty of straightening out a peculiar international tangle confronting her commander, the boys were detailed to duty on board her. In the midst of a revolution, involving the lives and property of American citizens, they played their parts right well, and by a display of clever strategy turned a defeat, which had seemed imminent to the interests amicable to the Americans, into a brilliant victory. Readers of that volume will not soon forget the defense of the hill, with the battery of machine guns breathing flame and destruction from their iron throats. "The Dreadnought Boys on a Submarine" showed an intimate picture of naval life on a diving torpedo boat. In realistic detail all that befell the lads on the surface and in the depths of old ocean was related, and their many adventures were faithfully set forth. As in previous chapters of their lives, the boys were not found wanting when perils and dangers called for quick, decisive action and cool, alert minds. In the submarine service they added new laurels to their already growing fame, and moved up more steps on the long ladder of promotion. When the navy department began its experiments with aeroplanes as important auxiliaries to modern battleships, Ned and Herc were among the first in the fleet to volunteer, although such service involved the signing of a grim paper which absolved the government of all responsibility for the naval aviator's life. As might be expected, the lads found things by no means tame in the aero squad. Ned's great feat of landing on a battleship,--a common enough maneuver now,--was long talked of in the fleet after the boy had successfully made the first attempt in the history of the world to accomplish such a thing. Naturally, too, the boys who had worked so ambitiously for name and fame had made enemies among small-minded and envious men. These foes made things exciting for the lads for a time; but in the end both Ned and Herc righted themselves and were vindicated from a severe charge which had resulted from the machinations of those who disliked them. This book, which was called "The Dreadnought Boys on Aero Service," teemed with incident and shifting scenes. Much attention was paid to the manipulation and flying of modern aeroplanes, and the book was instructive as well as interesting. The famous "Round the World Cruise of the American Navy," a voyage that will go down in history as one of the most effective demonstrations of sea power ever made, formed the theme of the succeeding volume, which was "The Dreadnought Boys' World Cruise." As petty officers of the first rank, Ned and Herc found many opportunities to distinguish themselves. Jack ashore is sometimes a difficult proposition to handle, and Ned, as a non-commissioned officer, had much responsibility to shoulder. In carrying out his duties he incurred the enmity of some of those he had been obliged to discipline, and a thrilling adventure in the pyramids of Egypt was the result. Then, too, Ned and Herc met with many other experiences in the various countries the fleet visited, including a laughable predicament on the Rock of Gibraltar, when, through the stupidity of an over-officious British army sergeant, they were compelled to spend some hours in a dungeon excavated in the rock. Herc solved the problem of escape and unlocked the dungeon doors by means of wig-wagged signals to the fleet, lying at anchor below the rock. And now you are better acquainted with Ned Strong and Herc Taylor, and can understand, by perusal of the preceding long but necessary digression, just why it was that they were admired and loved by their shipmates and respected by their officers; and why, too, Captain Dunham should have singled them out for the duty to which he was about to assign them. CHAPTER III. "ARE WE AWAKE?" The commander of the _Manhattan_, an imposing, bronzed figure of a man, and a thorough sailor, swung around in his chair and faced the two young Jackies he had summoned. "These are the lads I was speaking to you about, Mr. Secretary," he said, addressing his companion. The lads drew themselves up and saluted, not without a quickened action of their hearts. They guessed at once from the manner in which he had been addressed, that the stranger was one of the "big-wigs" of the naval department. Herc turned as red as his thatch, and the freckles stood out on his round and jolly countenance like the famous spots on the sun. Ned retained his self-possession better, but in reality he was quite as excited as was his shipmate and chum. Eagerly he waited for words which might offer a key to the meaning of this unusual summons. They were not long in coming. The Secretary nodded his head and looked approvingly at the boys. "They quite measure up, sir, to all that I have heard of them," he said. "And now," with a kindly smile at the two embarrassed lads, "I don't think we need keep them in suspense any longer." "I quite agree with you," rejoined the captain. "Lads, I have sent for you to confer upon you, at the request of the Secretary of the Navy, a most unusual honor. I know you will appreciate it as it merits." The boys did not utter, in words, a reply. It would not have been proper for them to have made any comments or to have spoken, except in answer to direct orders or to questions. The commander continued: "Your careers in the navy have been marked by more than ordinary devotion to duty and by frequent exhibitions of ability that have made you both appear to be worthy of still higher promotion than you have yet achieved. I think that you both possess executive ability, and the Secretary and myself have decided to assign you to roles in the coming war game that will give you ample opportunity to show of what sort of stuff you are made." The boys, with burning faces, drew themselves up and saluted. But within their breasts was a wild tumult despite their calm exteriors. What could be coming? "And now for what you are to do. You are to proceed to Miller's Haven on the Connecticut shore and there join the gunboat _Seneca_. You will convoy two submarines for use in scout work against the Blue fleet, which, of course, you know, is opposed to us and is defending the harbor of New York. You understand?" "Y-y-yes, sir," rejoined Ned; while Herc, so taken by surprise that he was deprived of articulate speech, merely mumbled something. "To whom are we to report, sir?" ventured Ned. Commander Dunham smiled and exchanged glances with the departmental visitor. "You will report to yourselves. That is, you will be in command of the _Seneca_." Even Ned's sense of discipline deserted him at this announcement. "In--in command? I--I'm afraid, sir, I----" "I said in command. Practically every commissioned officer in the service will be on other and more important duties. We have, therefore, secured for you temporary commissions, enduring, of course, only during your period of attachment to the _Seneca_. She is a small boat of not very modern design, but I shall expect to see you perform some important work with her. She is equipped with wireless, of course, and the fact that both of you understand wireless and the naval code has been another inducement to give you this big chance. You will each get a copy of the special code to be used in the war game when you join the ship." "Then we--we are officers?" stuttered Herc, unable to keep silent any longer. As for Ned, outwardly cool and collected, his glowing eyes showed what he thought. "Officers temporarily," was the reply. "Here are your commissions." From his desk Commander Dunham took the two documents which to the Dreadnought Boys appeared the most wonderful things they had ever set eyes on. Handing one to Ned, the commander then spoke some words that sent the boy soaring up into the seventh heaven of delight. "This confers on you, Strong, the rank, pay and authority of a lieutenant, junior grade, in the United States Navy. Taylor, your commission confers upon you the special rank of ensign. "That is all. Your uniforms will be secured from the yard tailor. Your instructions are in this sealed package. You are not to open them till you have cleared. From time to time you will get other instructions by wireless, couched in the terms of the secret code adopted by the Red fleet. Your duty, in a nutshell, will be to be the eyes of the Red squadron. Carry on!" With this crisp expression of dismissal, the commander turned to his table again. The lads saluted, and marched out of the cabin. They appeared to be traversing fleecy clouds of wonderful brightness as they made their way forward. "Hello, Red-head," hailed a gunner's mate as Herc strutted with all the pride of a peacock to the forward part of the ship, "what's biting you?" "Don't talk to me like that, Jenks," returned Herc with some hauteur. "I'm an officer." "A what?" roared Jenks. "Say, turn over. You're on your back. You haven't been working hard enough lately, Brick-top, and you're talking in your sleep." "Wonderful as it all seems, though, Jenks, it's true," said Ned, with dancing eyes. "But I can't realize yet that I'm not asleep and dreaming the greatest dream a fellow could ever have." Jenks stared for a minute and then clasped Ned's hand. "I'm mighty glad, shipmate," said he. "You had it coming to you." "But it isn't going to last," said Herc plaintively. "It will only hold out as long as the war game, and then we'll be back in the ranks--that is, if we don't fall out of bed first." Ned said nothing, but he gazed with absent eyes over the busy scene,--the swarming river and the great yard with its life and movement and busy note of preparation. He was indulging in the most delicious reverie he had ever experienced. CHAPTER IV. HERC "MIXES IN." Miller's Haven was a small place on the Sound shore, several miles up. It boasted a bay full of shoals and tricky channels and a group of islands lying in a cluster near the mouth of this bay. Ned knew from his previous instructions that the _Seneca_ would be lying in the shelter of one of these islands, as securely moored to avoid observation from the scouts of the Blue squadron as was possible. Miller's Haven was a sleepy spot,--little more than a fishing village, in truth,--and nobody in the place was likely to pay much attention to the fact that a small gunboat, looking more like a yacht than a vessel of the navy, lay, with every appearance of secrecy, off their hamlet. In fact, the _Seneca_ had been used in several capacities. Her latest work, before being told off as a scout and despatch craft, was with the Revenue Service. In this capacity the _Seneca_ had been deemed worthy of refitting so far as boilers and engines were concerned, so that, although she was not large, she was swift and powerful and just the craft for the work in which she was to be employed during the maneuvers. Her speed had been shown in several chases after motor-boat smugglers, in most cases she having easily overhauled even the fastest of these wasp-like violators of Uncle Sam's customs regulations. "We'll go to the hotel first," decided Ned as they stood on the wind-swept platform at Miller's Haven. Out on the Sound the blue water was flecked with white and a brisk wind, salt-laden and delightful to the boys' sea-going nostrils, had left the sky clear and cloudless. "You're going to meet Ensign Summerville there?" asked Herc. "Yes, he'll come ashore with a boat and take us out and introduce us to our first command." "Huh! it may be our last, too," grunted Herc. "Say, this thing of being a real, full-fledged officer scares me just a little. Suppose we fall down?" "We can only attend to our duty the best we know how," rejoined Ned. "If we can carry out the work cut out for us in good shape, it will mean that we'll go a few more rungs up the ladder." "Yes, if nobody pulls the ladder down," mumbled Herc pessimistically. The two trim, trig lads, in their quiet, unassuming clothes, attracted little or no attention on the single street that Miller's Haven boasted. True, one or two passers-by looked rather curiously at the yellow leather sword cases that they carried, but that was all. The hotel soon came in sight, a dingy-looking structure sadly in need of paint. A dejected-looking citizen with a drooping mustache, a drooping manner, drooping gray garments and a drooping way of draping himself in his chair, occupied the porch. "Doesn't look like much of a place," commented Ned, "but we can get a room here that will be good enough to change in, I dare say." "A room!" demanded Herc. "What do you want a room for? I thought we were going to eat." "No, we will change into our uniforms first. It would not be the correct thing to board our new command in ordinary clothes. I should think you'd know that." "Have we got to wear our swords?" inquired Herc with a rebellious look. "Don't you know enough of navy usages yet to be aware that officers must wear their swords under certain conditions, such as taking command of a new craft and other ceremonial occasions?" "Umph! Well, all I hope is I don't tumble over that cheese toaster of mine." "If you do anything like that, I'll disown you for a brother officer of mine," laughed Ned. "But, seriously, Herc, I want you to be on your best behavior and not make any bad breaks." "Huh! Just as if you were any more used to carrying a sticker,--I mean a sword,--than I am! I'll be all right. Don't you worry about me, Mister Lieutenant. I bet I will be just as good an officer as there is in the navy." "We'll wait and see----" began Ned good-naturedly, when Herc cut him short with an exclamation. "Look who's here! Right behind us!" "Well, what is it?" asked Ned, for he was half-way up the steps by this time and the drooping eyes of the landlord, as Ned had rightly conjectured that the dejected man was, were regarding him with languid interest. "It's that Rankin fellow! He's looking at us disrespectfully. I've a good mind to tell him that we are officers!" "You'll do no such thing. If he has been detailed to the _Seneca_, which I think probable, he'll find out our rank for himself soon enough." "Just the same, I'd like to make him salute me," grumbled Herc. Rankin ascended the steps behind the two Dreadnought Boys. He was close on their heels, when suddenly Herc's feet flew up and out behind him. In his new dignity he had been holding his head so high that he did not notice a bit of banana peel lying on the untidy steps of the Eagle Hotel. Crash! The newly created officer performed an almost complete back somersault with great effect. Plump! came down his not over-light form right on top of the ascending Rankin. Together they rolled down the steps and into the dusty road, while Ned looked on in dismay. "You done that a-purpose! I'll fix you for it!" bellowed Rankin furiously. "What are you talking about, you numbskull?" retaliated Herc, as the two rolled on the dusty street. "Don't be a fool! Let me up." But Rankin clung tightly to Herc, for whom he had conceived an intense dislike ever since the episode on the train. "You try to make a fool out of me, will you?" he growled; and as they clinched and tumbled about at the foot of the steps, Rankin aimed a vicious blow at Herc, who returned it with right good will. "Gracious! Here's a fine kettle of fish!" exclaimed Ned in consternation. He started back down the steps at top speed, determined to stop such a scene at all costs. It was really too bad that their arrival in Miller's Haven should be marked by such a disgraceful mix-up. Ned glanced anxiously down the street and was glad to see that no one was in sight. He would not, for the world, have had anyone witness the mêlée who was in any way connected with the navy. "Get up at once, Herc!" he cried, thoroughly angry. "Stop it instantly. Do you hear?" But despite Ned's admonitions, the pair on the ground continued their struggle, the noise of their thumps and pantings rising above Ned's voice. Flushed with vexation and indignation at Herc, Ned determined to take decisive action. He cleared the last two steps of the flight leading to the street in one jump. The next instant his hands shot out. "Stop this and stop it quick!" he ejaculated. "What sort of a way do you consider this to behave?" CHAPTER V. OFF TO THEIR FIRST COMMAND. Herc felt a strong hand on his collar. The next second he was yanked to his feet "all standing." Flushed, dust-covered and indignant he began a fusillade of irritated speech. But Ned cut short the flow with a peremptory gesture. "That's quite enough. Come inside at once." "But I----" "At once, I said; march!" Herc knew it was no use to disobey, and with a backward look at Rankin, he sulkily climbed up the steps. Rankin picked himself up out of the dust. He appeared to be about to say something, but before he could find words, the two Dreadnought Boys were through the door of the hotel and inside the small office. The drooping man, who had watched the battle without a shadow of interest or excitement, betrayed no great change in manner as he came forward. "'Kin I do fer yer?" he inquired. "We want to get a room here. Not for very long; just for sufficient time in which to change into our uniforms," explained Ned. "We are expecting a Mr. Summerville of the United States Navy to meet us here." "Be you in the navy?" inquired the drooping man, allowing himself to betray momentarily a slight, very slight accession of interest. "We are. We can get a room, I suppose?" "You kin, an' if you'll pardon my saying so, yer pardner sure needs a change." Herc colored hotly. The hotel man must have noticed this, for he went on. "You don't know that feller Rankin, then?" "We do not," replied Ned shortly. "'Cause if you did, you'd know he's always picking quarrels. He's an 'sistant 'gineer on the _Senecy_, which I reckon is the boat yer goin' ter jine." "Yes, I believe she is anchored off here. But will you show us to our room right away, please? We don't wish to keep Mr. Summerville waiting." The drooping and dejected landlord looked more dismal than ever as he showed the boys to a small room. It did not take them long to don the natty uniforms of junior officers in the United States Navy. While they changed their attire, Herc was roundly lectured by Ned for taking part in the scene in front of the hotel. "I'm sorry it happened," declared Ned; "Rankin being a petty officer of the _Seneca_, too, doesn't make it any the easier." "I ought to have lambasted him with my new sword," muttered Herc truculently. "And made a bad matter worse." "I don't see how it would. That fellow needs a good lesson." "You'll never teach him one in that way. Besides, naval officers don't behave in such a fashion. You must have dignity and self-control." "Huh! If I'd had foot control instead of self-control, I wouldn't have tumbled down those steps, and then nothing would have happened," grumbled Herc, tenderly patting a bump on the top of his head. "You look like an officer, Ned," he went on a few moments later, as, pausing in his own preparations, he gazed at the trim, natty figure of Ned Strong. Herc was right. The slender, yet strongly built lad did indeed look every inch fitted for the quarter-deck of a naval vessel when, having finished his other sartorial duties, he buckled on his sword and adjusted his cap. "Well, so do you, don't you?" laughed Ned, watching Herc as, with a face fiery red with his exertions, his comrade buckled himself into his tightly fitting uniform. "Don't know," responded Herc briefly, "I feel rather more like a tailor's dummy. How do I look?" "All right. But cool your face off in that water. It looks as if you'd been taking a turn in the fire room." "Well, so long as I don't do a flop over my sword, I don't care," rejoined Herc, as he carefully removed the scabbard of that weapon from between his knees where it threatened at any moment to cause disaster. Not many minutes later they descended from the room, just in time to be greeted by a stalwart coxswain. "Lieutenant Strong, sir?" asked the man, coming to attention just as Ned and Herc had done so often. It certainly felt strange to acknowledge the salute in an official way, not to mention being addressed as Lieutenant. Herc was, in fact, compelled to hide a grin behind his pocket handkerchief. Luckily, Ned did not see this, or Herc might have had another lecture. "Yes," rejoined Ned, returning the man's salute. "You are from the _Seneca_?" "Aye, aye, sir. The gig is waiting to take you aboard, sir. Ensign Summerville sent his regrets, sir, and he is too busy attending to matters wirelessed from the flagship to come ashore himself." "Very well, we may as well get aboard, then," said Ned. At this moment Rankin emerged from the hotel. He had evidently been busy removing traces of battle from his face, for his sallow countenance shone with soap. To say that he looked surprised when he saw Ned and Herc transformed into naval officers of rank much above his own, would be to put it mildly. That expressive word "flabbergasted" better describes the look on Rankin's well-soaped visage. He was far too well trained in naval usage to put his astonishment into words, however. Returning from a furlough, he knew nothing, of course, of the change in the commanding officers of the _Seneca_; but he recognized that Ned, as his uniform showed, outranked Ensign Summerville, and from this fact deduced that he must have come to take command of the little gunboat. He drew himself up and saluted with naval conciseness. The boys returned the salute with perfect gravity. To judge by the countenances of all three, no bystander would ever have guessed how it had been with them not so very long before. Herc, however, noted, perhaps not without a certain malicious satisfaction, that over Rankin's right eye was a plum-colored discoloration which appeared to be swelling. Once, too, when on the way to the boat he happened to glance in Rankin's direction, he surprised a glowering look on the assistant engineer's face which was instantly wiped off when Rankin saw that he was being observed. "Huh, that was a quick change, like sponging something off a slate," thought Herc to himself. "However, Mr. Rankin, I've no idea that you love your second in command any better than you ought to. I guess I'll keep my weather eye on you, for at times you certainly do look most uncommonly like a rattlesnake." The coxswain had taken charge of the boys' suit and sword cases. Rankin carried his own valise. It did not take them long to reach the little wharf, alongside which lay the _Seneca's_ gig, the four men of her crew smoking and lolling at their ease at her oarlocks. Like a flash all inertia vanished as Ned and Herc hove in sight. The coxswain saluted once more. The men saluted. Ned and Herc saluted. As the two lads sank into the stern thwart seat, Herc found opportunity to whisper to Ned, "Give me a teeny jab with that sword if you can." "Why on earth do you want me to do that?" demanded Ned, in astonishment at Herc's seemingly perfectly serious request. With his hand over his mouth Herc gave a veiled rejoinder. "Because if it doesn't hurt, I'll know I'm tucked in my little hammock and dreaming!" "All ready, sir," suggested the coxswain, taking his seat. "Give way," ordered Ned calmly, and the four oars struck the water like one. The boys were fairly off on their way to their first command. CHAPTER VI. WELCOME TO THE "SENECA." Swiftly, steadily urged on, like some great beetle moving across the surface of a sheet of burnished glass, the gig was impelled over the smooth expanse of the sheltered waters; for, although outside in the Sound itself the whitecaps were prancing under the lee of the islands, here it was almost a flat calm. The men rowed in perfect unison, like some accurately timed piece of mechanism. Before long they could make out, lying in under the shoulder of a distant island, the outlines of a slate-colored craft. "The _Seneca_?" asked Ned of the coxswain. "Yes, sir; that's the _Seneca_." "She looks a trim little hooker." "Aye, aye, sir; she's all of that, sir." Ned and Herc gazed with burning eyes and dancing pulses at the little craft. She was certainly not very large or imposing, but to them just then the finest Dreadnought ever launched could not have brought such emotions. Not more than two hundred and fifty feet long, the _Seneca_ appeared at first glance more like the ideal of a smart yacht than a craft of war. She had a sharp, overhanging bow and a beautifully modeled stern. Her rigging was of the schooner type, with the spider-web outlines of her wireless aerials slung between them. In respect, doubtless, of her yachty lines, the _Seneca_ had been used by a former President as a sort of official craft to convoy him to maneuvers and reviews. Ned felt his enthusiasm rising, too, as lying against the _Seneca's_ side, like the young of some sea monster, he made out the porpoise-like backs of the two submarines of which she was the parent ship. The sight of them brought back to him the stirring days when he and Herc had aided the inventor of that type of diving boat, both in his pioneer voyages and in his romance. He had only time to drink in this and other details with greedy eyes, when the gig swept around to the starboard gangway, reserved by immemorial custom for officers' embarkation. From the marine sentry stationed at the head of the gangway came a sharp hail. "Boat ahoy! What boat is that?" "Aye! aye!" came from the coxswain. This showed that there were commissioned officers on board. Had they been non-commissioned passengers, the reply to the hail would have been: "No! no!" For the captain and for other higher naval ranks there were other rejoinders, which have been enumerated in preceding volumes. The gig was made fast. With a springy step and glowing features, Ned stepped out first. He was followed closely by Herc. A rattling sound and an exclamation behind him, made Ned pause as he set foot on the gangway platform. For an instant there was every sign that poor Herc was going to get into hot water for the second time that day. That unlucky sword had become entangled in his long legs, and for a time he hovered on the brink of disaster. But the watchful coxswain caught his arm and saved him the humiliation of tumbling into the water, new uniform and all. It was all over in a moment and both boys hastened up to the head of the gangway. A corporal and four other marines besides the sentry now stood there. There was a sharp command and the sea-soldiers presented arms smartly. "Goodness, I'll wear out my new cap with much more of this," thought Herc, as he acknowledged the salute simultaneously with Ned. Just then a smart looking young naval officer behind the marines saluted. This, of course, called for another answer. "Lieutenant Strong, I presume?" inquired this personage. "Yes. And this is Ensign Taylor." They shook hands and then the young officer, who was Ensign Summerville, suggested that the new arrivals be shown to their quarters. "You may as well make yourselves at home as soon as possible," he said with a smile. "Thanks; you are very kind," rejoined Ned, speaking for himself and Herc, for the latter was in a sort of happy daze. "Then if you will come this way, please." At a word from the corporal of marines, the boys' baggage was picked up by two of his men who preceded the party along the deck and turned into an alleyway, from which in turn they descended a companionway into the wardroom from which the cabins opened. Up till the actual moment that he beheld his cabin, Ned still entertained fears that it might all be a vision which was likely to fade out at any moment. But the sight of the snug cabin with its big double ports and broad berth, bookcase, desk and chairs made him realize that it was no figment of his imagination. Knowing men-of-war of all types as well as he did, the boy appreciated with a throb of delight that this was no ordinary junior officer's cabin into which he had been ushered. Its size and the elaborateness of its fittings precluded that idea. "Why--why, this is a magnificent stateroom," he found himself saying. "It is the room that the commander of this vessel has always occupied," was the smiling rejoinder. Lieutenant Ned Strong gave one of his winning laughs in return. "Upon my word, Mr. Summerville," said he, "I can hardly wake up to the fact that I am to command this fine little craft." "Well, you certainly are, for the purposes of this war game, anyhow. They've got a notion that I'm rather a dab at strategic navigation, so they've passed me on to the Washington cruiser. Let me congratulate you on the command of a fine little craft." "Thank you, you are very good," replied Ned; "but I hate to dispossess you." "Pray don't mention it. You see I have often heard of you and your shipmate, and I am as glad as anyone of your deserved promotion. I only hope that it may be permanent." An inspection of Herc's cabin next door followed. It was smaller and very much plainer than Ned's and contained no desk and only two chairs. But had it been Aladdin's palace, it could not have gratified Herc's delighted eyes any more than it did. "But I'm forgetting something," said the Ensign suddenly. "Let us go back to your cabin, Mr. Strong. Your orders are on your desk. You will also find a secret code book, to which you, only, will possess the key with one of your junior officers, and signed copies of your commissions." As Ned already knew that the orders under which he sailed were sealed, he did not glance over them just then. Instead, he let his eyes feast on the engrossed copies of their commissions and a document which stated that Lieutenant Edward Strong was to take charge of the gunboat _Seneca_ till "further orders from this department," and that Ensign Hercules Taylor was to be his second in command and assume such duties as were assigned to him on board. "And now, sir," suggested Ensign Summerville, "the _Seneca_ is under steam. She is ready for your orders." Ned thrilled at the sound of the words. This trim little craft was absolutely at his command! "First, however, you will no doubt wish to see your other officers. There is Mr. Drayton, chief engineer; Mr. Rankin, his assistant, but you have already met him----" "We have," rejoined Ned with a certain grim note in his voice. "We most certainly have," added Herc, in a way which made the ensign give him a quick look of understanding. He made no audible comment, but those who knew Ensign Summerville would have guessed from a peculiar expression that came over his face that he recognized and sympathized with the antipathy the boys had formed for the assistant engineer. "Our only other commissioned officer besides yourselves is Mr. Kenworth, not long out of Annapolis. Ah! there he is now. Kenworth, come here a moment, will you?" He addressed a tall, slender, very erect young man in a midshipman's uniform who was just passing through the wardroom. "This is Lieutenant Strong, of whom I have already told you. He assumes my command. This is Mr. Taylor, the newly commissioned second in command. "Hullo, you fellows have met before?" he demanded the next instant, for Kenworth had drawn back slightly, a supercilious smile on his thin, dark face. "Yes, I have met _Lieutenant_ Strong as a boatswain's mate," said Kenworth, with a disagreeable intonation; "Mr. Taylor, too, I have seen before the mast." It was all true enough; both the Dreadnought Boys had good cause to recollect Mr. Kenworth. For a moment the air in the wardroom appeared charged with electricity. Ensign Summerville looked from one to the other in surprise. He saw hauteur and dislike on Kenworth's face, a look that might have meant anything on Ned's countenance and undisguised disgust on Herc's freckled features. CHAPTER VII. MIDSHIPMAN KENWORTH. It had all happened back early in the naval careers of young Strong and his chum Taylor. Kenworth, a sprig just out of Annapolis, had come to the _Manhattan_ with an idea not uncommon among young gentlemen just out of the Academy, that next to the captain he was probably the most important person on the ship. To strengthen him in this belief, he had influential relatives who had promised to smooth out his path in life for him. Despite this fact, though, Kenworth was still a midshipman. Why was this, when many of his own class had passed him? Possibly the incident which Ned and Herc had such good cause to recollect will throw a sidelight on Mr. Kenworth's character that may serve to explain this condition. It was one night when the wind was blowing "great guns." Ned and Herc, the former then a coxswain, were part of a crew sent to bring some young officers off to the ship from Guantanamo harbor. As it happened, the young officers were all middies and, by right of length of service, Kenworth outranked them. He was quarrelsome and inclined to be obstreperous when he came on board. He began by abusing Ned, who had incurred Kenworth's ill-will by his sturdy independence and the steady command of his temper, even under the fledgling officer's insults and slurs. The boat put off with a sea running that threatened momentarily to swamp her. It required the whole strength of Ned's arm to keep the craft, which was deeply loaded, headed into the seas in such a way as to insure safety. "Let her off a point there, you," ordered Kenworth, when they had proceeded a short distance. "It will hardly be safe, sir," rejoined Ned. "Hang your impudence," cried young Kenworth; "do what I tell you, do you hear?" "Very well, sir," and sorely against his will Ned did let the boat's head swing a trifle. The instant result was what he had anticipated. The crest of a sea broke on them, drenching Kenworth to the skin. He flew into a frenzy of rage. "You clumsy, incompetent nincompoop," he sputtered, "I'll have you up at the mast for that." "I obeyed your orders, sir," rejoined Ned simply, knowing there was nothing to be gained by getting into an argument with an officer. "Don't answer me, sir!" howled Kenworth. "Confound your impudence!" "Oh, look here, Kenworth," remonstrated another midshipman. "It wasn't his fault. He told you it wouldn't do and you insisted." "And got jolly well wet for your pains," came from one of the men at the oars in a low voice intended only for his mate's ears. But Kenworth heard him, heard, too, the smothered laugh from the men, none of whom bore him any liking, his ways having made him the most unpopular officer on the ship. "How dare you make such a remark to me, sir?" he demanded of Ned, choosing in his anger to make a victim of the man he disliked most. "I said nothing, sir," rejoined Ned. "That's right; he didn't utter a word," came from another midshipman. "He'll sing a different tune at the mast to-morrow, insolent waterfront scum," gritted out Kenworth. He said no more, but the next day the word was passed forward by the sergeant-at-arms for Ned to appear "at the mast," the man-o'-war tribunal where the captain deals out justice. Luckily Ned had no difficulty in clearing himself, thanks to friendly witnesses, and Kenworth was privately reprimanded by the captain for bringing a trumped-up charge against an enlisted man. From that day on, Kenworth had nourished such a hatred of Ned as only a mean nature like his could cherish. He never, while he remained on the _Manhattan_, lost a chance to "work him up," as it is called. On one occasion, he went so far as to order Ned to count the sails of every ship in the harbor of Hong Kong and report their number to him. Ned stood at the rail with a grave face for an hour enjoying the scenery, and then, stepping up to Kenworth, who was swelling with importance as officer of the deck, he saluted with a quiet smile. "Well, did you do what I told you?" blustered Kenworth. "Yes, sir; there are just three thousand nine hundred and ninety-five," replied Ned with great gravity. Kenworth looked sharply at him. "How do you know?" he asked. "I counted them, sir," was the reply. "You can check up my count if you like, sir; you'll find it correct." As Ned saluted and turned away, he heard a burst of laughter at Kenworth's expense from some Jackies who had heard the little dialogue, and who discreetly vanished before the arrogant middie's wrath could descend on them. Soon after this Kenworth had left the _Manhattan_ and Ned lost all track of him; not, indeed, that he felt any great interest in the matter. And now, by a strange quip of circumstance, they had come face to face once more in the wardroom of the little gunboat. But now their positions were reversed. Ned was in command, Herc was his second in authority, with Kenworth, although he shaved daily and boasted a blue chin, still a midshipman. "I'm very glad to meet Mr. Kenworth again," he said, when he had recovered his self-possession; "I recollect him on the _Manhattan_ very well indeed." Kenworth mumbled something about duty aft and hurried off. Ensign Summerville saw that there was an embarrassing situation in the air and hastened to suggest that they go on deck, where he would have the crew mustered and formally turn over the command of the Seneca to Ned. The crew was piped to quarters and the ensign handed Ned a complete roster of the men. The shrill sounds of the bos'un's whistles filled the air, reminding Ned and Herc of the days when a response was part of their duty. The inspection did not last long. It was actually more a ceremony of introduction. When it was over, the ensign tarried to help Ned in working out his course into the Sound. "I would suggest that Mr. Kenworth take the ship out to deep water, as he knows the channels hereabouts thoroughly," said the ensign, as he bade good-by to the new commander of the _Seneca_. "Mr. Kenworth, you will take the bridge, then," said Ned. Kenworth saluted and hurried off to take his post. But as he did so, he grinned to himself. "Good luck!" he exclaimed. "I think I see a chance to take the wind out of your sails before very long, you beggar on horseback, you forecastle Jack on the quarter deck! If I don't fix you and your ambitions and double spike 'em before this cruise is over, my name isn't Raymond Kenworth." Swords were removed and sent below as soon as Ensign Summerville was over the side. While waiting for the gig to return, Ned and Herc lingered over the charts and gave a few necessary orders. "Well, Ned," confided Herc in a lull, "this is actually real after all." "No doubt of that, old boy. I'm crazy to get under way and look at my orders. Who knows what they may contain and what lies before us?" What, indeed, did the future hold for these two ambitious young officers of Uncle Sam's? They were destined to learn ere long. Over the horizon of that day of life lay new experiences to be met, new problems and dangers to be faced like officers and gentlemen and true Americans. CHAPTER VIII. AGROUND! The anchor was hauled up immediately on the return of the gig. The crews of the submarines, already on board the diving craft, took their stations. "Captain" Ned gave the word and the _Seneca_ began to move slowly through the water. Having superintended the work of getting under way, Ned and Herc ascended to the bridge. They found Midshipman Kenworth there, standing by the side of the quartermaster, who had the wheel. Behind the wheel, which was a small, light affair controlling the steam steering gear, was a small house in which the machinery that operated the rudder control was situated. Ned caught Herc by the sleeve just as the red-headed lad was stepping impulsively forward, and drew him into the doorway of the structure. There was a small port in the place looking out over the bridge. It was open, and through it they could readily see. "What's the idea of this?" demanded Herc. "I don't like this spying business. I've no use for Kenworth, but----" "That's all right," responded Ned. "I don't wish to spy on the young man; I merely want to find out what sort of a pilot he is." They skirted the little cape that formed the end of the island, in the lee of which the _Seneca_ had been anchored. Beyond this island, the boys, somewhat to their surprise, saw that there was still quite an expanse of shoal water threaded by narrow channels between the outer island and the blue of the Sound itself. "Ticklish work through here," commented Ned in a low tone, as he observed how the darker color of the channels that threaded the numerous shallow places alternated with broad expanses of yellow water that showed the presence of dangerous sand banks. "You're dead right," responded Herc; "about as bad a place as I ever clapped eyes on." The rattle and roar of the steering machinery as the wheel was spun right and left drowned the sound of their voices. Kenworth was looking straight ahead. From time to time they could see him turn slightly and give some order to the helmsman; but what the orders were they could not catch. The _Seneca_ appeared to be following the channel perfectly, however, winding among the mazes of deeper waterways like a dancer. "Kenworth is no slouch at this work," said Ned in a low voice as they watched. "Shucks!" grunted Herc, "I guess the _Seneca_ has been in and out of here a hundred times. Anyhow, a blind man could see those channels." Ned turned on his companion with a stern look. "See here, Herc Taylor, we want peace and harmony on this craft; do you understand?" "Even if we have to scrap to get it," muttered Herc. "All right; from now on, I'm the greatest little peace delegate ever you saw." A minute later, while they were still watching, they saw something that gave them a momentary shock of surprise. Rankin appeared on the bridge. There was nothing extraordinary in his so doing, of course. He probably had something to report to the watch officer. But somehow Ned, with a quick flash of intuition that he could not explain, felt that more than that lay in this sudden conjunction of their two enemies; for that Rankin disliked them, Ned had no doubt. He laid a hand on Herc's arm to keep him quiet, for the impulsive red-headed youth was about, apparently, to break forth into some emphatic exclamation at what he had just seen. Rankin approached Kenworth with an air of familiarity that showed there existed some friendship between them. Kenworth greeted him with an easy nod, and then, after giving some directions to the man at the wheel, he placed his hand on Rankin's shoulder and drew him back toward the steering-gear house. "Come back here while we talk," the boys heard him say, "I don't want that quartermaster to overhear us." For a moment it appeared that they were coming into the steering house, but they merely stood close back against its metal wall. They had taken up positions right under the porthole through which Ned had been making his observations. But they had not seen their superior officers. Ned had been too quick for that. As the two approached the steering-gear structure, he grabbed Herc and drew him down. Now they crouched quietly under the porthole, through which they could catch perfectly everything that was said. "Well, here's a fine how-de-do," they heard Rankin complain in a grumbling tone; "a couple of snips that aren't dry behind the ears been set over us. I thought you were to get the command when Summerville left." "So did I; but it seems these two interlopers succeeded in getting it for themselves." "Didn't you tell me that they started in the navy just as enlisted men?" "Yes, the gutter-snipes never saw even the outside of Annapolis. I'd like to know what the service is coming to when good men are passed over for useless propositions like this!" "So would I. By the way, I had a row with them on the train coming down. They've no use for me, I fancy. I wish I could hit upon some plan to take them down a peg or two." "I have," was Kenworth's rejoinder, in a tone which was acid with malignant hatred. "Have what?" "Formed such a plan. I've got a scheme to discredit them with the department right from the jump." "Shoal ahead, sir!" The voice of the man at the wheel cut in raspingly like a file. Kenworth sprang up. Ned also ventured to steal a look through the port. He saw the shoal the helmsman had drawn attention to, a long daub of yellow stretching on their port bow. He saw in a flash that there was only one way to save the ship from going aground. "Stay here," he ordered Herc, and then bounded out of the steering-gear house, colliding with Rankin as he did so. "What, you here, sir?" exclaimed Rankin with a sickly smile as Ned shoved past him. The Dreadnought Boy, with a sinking sense of dread, guessed somehow that already the conspiracy against him was under way, and that, with the flukes of the anchor not yet dry at the cat-head! Rankin reeled and staggered as Ned brushed by with scant regard for gentleness. He turned and gazed after the figure of the young officer as he made for the steersman. Kenworth already stood at the man's side. "Hard a'port!" Ned heard Kenworth roar. It was precisely the command that, under the circumstances, would bring the bow of the _Seneca_ grating and rasping on the shoal. "Hard over! Hard over! For your life, man!" shouted Ned. "Aye, aye, sir!" cried the man, recognizing the superior authority of the temporary commander. But it was too late. The next instant it happened, even as Ned's hand jerked the engine-room telegraph over to "Full speed astern." With a grating, jarring succession of bumps, the _Seneca_, Ned's first command, slipped upon the shoal, even while her reversed engines were frantically biting the water astern. Before the lad's eyes arose a sickening vision of failure and disgrace, even at the very outset of his important commission. CHAPTER IX. "YOUR DUTY IS TO OBEY!" It was no time then to try to fix the blame. Turning to Kenworth, who was standing with chalky-white face by his side, Ned curtly ordered him to go below and summon the engineer and the ship's armorers to the bridge. When they came, he gave swift, incisive orders to have the ship examined from stem to stern, and any damage she might have sustained reported to him immediately. Herc, who by this time of course was by his young leader's side, was ordered to take charge of this work. The next half hour was the most anxious Ned had ever passed; but he knew that yet more suspense was bound to follow when it came to testing how hard and fast the _Seneca_ was piled on the shoal. There was a possibility that she might get off under her own steam. But of course this could not be foretold till an actual trial could be made. For the present, with engines that had ceased revolving, the _Seneca_ lay helpless and motionless on the shoal. Ned's naval training stood him in good stead then. Without a quiver of a lip or a flicker of an eyelid to betray the ordeal through which he was passing, he stood erect on the bridge awaiting the report of the investigators. Only the pallor under his tanned cheeks showed what he was enduring. If naval tugs had to be sent for to extricate the _Seneca_ from her predicament, Ned knew that his brief career as a naval commander was over before it had well begun. Then, too, with this thought mingled another. Had Kenworth deliberately given the order that had resulted in the grounding of the ship, or had he lost his head and "piled her up"? Judging from the conversation he had overheard, Kenworth was determined to stop at nothing to discredit and disgrace Herc and himself with the Navy Department. But it was inconceivable, almost, that he should have formed his plan and executed it so quickly. Ned was more inclined to put the entire affair down to stupidity. But he knew that as commander of the _Seneca_, he, and not Kenworth, would assuredly be held responsible for any damage done. It was at this moment that he was aroused by the clicking and whining of the wireless spark in its little metal house just abaft of the funnel. The stinging, whip-like crack and the crepitant sputter of the spark as it leaped back and forth across its gap like a caged animal was borne with clean-cut distinctness to his ears. "Somebody working the wireless," decided Ned, for the arrival of a message is not attended by any sound audible outside the ear receivers. "Who can it be? Trevor, the regular wireless man, is off duty. He was one of the emergency gang I sent below with all the other hands I could spare." There followed a moment of indecision, and then a flame of anger swept Ned's face. Whoever was sending out those thundering detonations of electricity that were splitting space like a scimitar was no novice. Moreover, he was trying to raise the _Manhattan_, the flagship of the Red Squadron, and using the secret code to do it. "I'll find out what this means in two shakes," exclaimed Ned to himself. "I miss my guess if it isn't somebody trying, absolutely without orders, to flash news of this accident to the flagship and put me in bad." He hastened from the bridge to the upper deck and through an alleyway to where a short flight of steel steps led to the wireless room, perched like a miniature pilot house astern of the funnel. As he gained the door of the place and looked in, he stopped as abruptly as if he had been struck a blow in the face. For an instant he stood there rigid, taking in the picture that had suddenly presented itself to his indignant gaze. Bending over the key and sending out impatient waves of sound into the atmosphere was Kenworth. His pale face was alight with poisonous glee, as again and again he sent out the secret call for the flagship of the Reds. Ned was into the room in a bound. In another instant he had Kenworth by the collar. The astonished and startled midshipman was as helpless as a puppy in Ned's powerful grasp. "I--how--what's the matter?" he sputtered. "What are you doing here, Mr. Kenworth?" demanded Ned sternly. He was in no mood to be trifled with. He fancied now that he saw the whole contemptible plot, swiftly as the storm had broken. [Illustration: In another instant he had Kenworth by the collar.--_Page 80_] "Well, you see, sir--I--that is, when----" "Answer me at once, please. What are you doing here?" "I--I thought I'd practice up a bit." "What!" Ned's eyes blazed and a dangerous flicker of white came around his nostrils. He despised a liar more than he held contempt for a coward, and if he was not much mistaken, Kenworth was both. "You see," stuttered Kenworth, absolutely shaken and flaccid, "I'm wireless officer, with Trevor as assistant. I'm not very good yet, and I----" "On the contrary, it strikes me that you are remarkably efficient, Mr. Kenworth," snapped Ned; "and as for practicing, you assuredly choose an extraordinary time for it when the ship, for anything you know, is in danger." "Danger?" exclaimed Kenworth, and Ned thought that he caught an evil glint in the midshipman's eyes. "That remains to be seen," rejoined Ned coldly. "Tell me if you can, why, without orders and without informing anyone, you were in here trying to raise the _Manhattan_. You are silent. Then I will tell you myself. You wanted to send out word of the accident." Kenworth shuffled from foot to foot uneasily. "My duty----" he began. Then Ned boiled over. "Your duty, Mr. Kenworth, is to obey my orders. You will now oblige me by going to your cabin, unless you wish me to adopt harsher measures." With a half-hearted salute, Kenworth turned and without a word left the wireless room. But as he descended the companionway stairs he muttered to himself: "I guess I've got you badly worried already, Mr. Monkey-on-a-Stick, and this is only the beginning. I said I'd fix you and I will, too. If only I could have raised the _Manhattan_ and got that message through with my version of the accident, Master Ned Strong's career would have ended with a hard bump." CHAPTER X. "THE EYES OF THE RED FLEET." While Kenworth, in his cabin, was consoling himself for his smart "dressing down" from Ned with the reflection that in the event of the _Seneca_ being badly damaged the lad he so disliked would lose his berth, Ned, on deck, had forgotten in the business of the moment the incident of the intercepted wireless. Herc reported that no serious strain had been found, and that so far as could be seen the _Seneca_ was resting on the edge of a sand bank. The tide, it had been ascertained, was rising, in itself a fortunate circumstance, and within a short time things would be propitious for an attempt to back the craft off under her own steam. "I hope to goodness we succeed, old fellow," said Ned fervently, "although I can't tell you what an unspeakable relief to me it has been to know that we are not damaged." "You can rest assured of that. Every plate and rivet from fore-peak to shaft tunnel has been gone over. Not a drop of water anywhere." "In that case, provided we can get afloat again without summoning assistance, we may get by without a reprimand or, even worse, a recall," declared Ned. "Oh, that would be terrible!" exclaimed Herc. "But say, Ned, have you done any thinking about this accident?" "What a question to ask! Thinking! I've been doing nothing else since we struck." "But you know what I mean?" "Putting two and two together?" asked Ned significantly, with a glance at the steering-wheel house that had been their place of concealment. "That's it exactly. Have you been doing that?" "Hum, yes, but they don't make four--yet." "But you've come to the conclusion that the accident may not have been quite so accidental as it appeared?" "I didn't say so. What I do say, though, is this, that there is one person on board who was quite willing to take advantage of it, accident or no accident, to discredit us." "And that was----?" "Mr. Midshipman Kenworth. The rascal! caught him in the wireless room trying to send a message to the _Manhattan_." Ned went on to relate all that had occurred at that momentous encounter, being frequently interrupted by Herc's exclamations of indignation. "You ought to have Kenworth put in the brig, or at least keep him in his cabin for the rest of the cruise," blustered Herc. "How can I do that? I have no proof against the fellow. Suspicion is one thing, proof quite another." "Anyone who knows the fellow----" "That's quite aside from the question. Kenworth has powerful influences behind him. We don't want to make any more enemies than we have to." "Oh, pshaw! If I had your powers----" "If I had the proof, I'd act quick enough, you may be sure. I wouldn't care if his father was Secretary of the Navy--yes, or President. All the more reason for getting rid of such a scalawag. But as it is----" "All ready, sir!" The chief bos'un's mate made the announcement. "Very well, Bowles. You may pass the word." "Now for the tug-of-war," said Ned grimly, as, warning the man at the wheel to keep his helm hard over, he sent the signal below for the engines to be started at reverse "slow." Once more the vibration of her machinery thrilled the hull of the _Seneca_; but--she did not move. Undisturbed, so far as anyone could see, Ned shoved the telegraph over till little by little the pointer stopped at "Full speed astern." He rang up on the bridge telephone. "Give her every ounce you've got," he ordered. The water churned whitely; the pipes of the safety valves roared with the pressure of the escaping steam from the high-pressure boilers. The _Seneca_ shook and trembled like a live thing. Then came a sudden impulse. Ned's eyes began to dance, but he dared not speak. The next instant he knew that he had not been mistaken. The _Seneca_ was moving. A cheer burst from the men, who knew that Ned had risen from the foredeck, and liked and admired him on that account. Nobody attempted to check it. Below, in his cabin, Kenworth heard the cheer and felt the slight movement. "Confound him! So he has managed to get her afloat, after all," he muttered. "I didn't pile her up quick enough. Well, I'll get another chance, and this time I won't fall down." Little by little the bulk of the gunboat began to slide backward off the shoal. From the leadsmen posted on the bow, bridge and stern, came every moment cries announcing deeper and deeper water. Herc silently wrung Ned's hand. Ned said nothing, but his face showed what he felt. At last there came a sudden backward lurch and the gunboat was freed from her sandy prison and floated in deep water once more. "We'll have no pilot this time," declared Ned, as he himself took the guidance of the ship, scanning the waters ahead with keen eyes and directing the helmsman on his course. They reached open water without accident. And then Ned was at leisure to forward his report of the accident to the _Manhattan_. To his relief no comment was made upon it, which he attributed to the fact that there had been no serious results. But through the air came an order that caused Ned to thrill with delight. He was commanded to peruse his sealed orders and follow them out without delay. The _Manhattan_ was then some miles north of Block Island, well out to sea with the Red Squadron. Of the Blues, nothing had been heard. It was for Ned's ship, as the "Eyes of the Red Fleet" to spy out and report the whereabouts of the "enemy." CHAPTER XI. THE EAVESDROPPER. Ned, after the receipt of the message authorizing him to open his orders, lost no time in hastening below. Herc, as his junior officer, went with him. Kenworth was ordered out of his cabin and told off to assume charge of the after-watch, an assignment on which Ned was sure the evilly disposed midshipman could not do any harm. In the meantime, the ship was steaming slowly down the Sound in charge of one of the junior warrant officers. "Now for the big secret," exclaimed Ned, as he opened his desk and took out the slender package. "We'll step into the wardroom to look it over, Herc." "Look out, somebody may have put a bomb in it while we were gone," warned Herc, leaning over Ned's shoulder, a look of intense interest on his freckled countenance. "Hardly any danger of that, I think," laughed Ned. He ripped open the envelope, glanced hastily at the first sheet of the numerous typewritten pages it contained, and gave vent to a low whistle. "Well, what do you think of that?" gasped Herc. "I thought we were to----" "Obey orders," said Ned quietly; "although I must admit this is a bit of a surprise. I suppose a change in plans came late so that we were not forewarned." "Well, let's hear what it is all about," prompted Herc impatiently. "Simple enough, apparently. The army folks are protecting the mouth of the harbor. There are important fortifications there, because in time of war the protecting fleet, or part of it, might gather there. "The army folks have planted mines there. While watching for the Blue fleet to arrive, we are to test those mines." "Phew!" gasped Herc. "There's only one way to test how much kick there is to a mine." "And what's that?" asked Ned. "To blow it up and--yourself with it," declared Herc sententiously. "Well, for a nice little holiday job, we have sure picked a dandy." "Hold on a minute, will you?" interrupted Ned. "Let me finish this. The mines are wired up by a new system. What we have to find out is if we can sneak into the harbor mouth in our submarines and disconnect the firing wires of the mines without blowing ourselves up. If we can do this, the system is a failure." "Humph! and so are we." "So are we what?" "Failures! If one of these mines blew up, what else would we be----" Ned exploded in a loud laugh. "Why, you chump," he exclaimed, "they are not loaded mines!" "Then how can they tell if they've been exploded or not when we go submarining around them?" "It's up to us to see if we can dodge the wires or contrive some way to disconnect them." "That disconnecting idea doesn't appear very feasible." "No, it does not," agreed Ned; "but I think I can find a way to evade them, for all that." "Hum! So long as they're not loaded, I don't care even if we run bumpety-bang into one," declared Herc; "but a loaded mine--no, thank you!" "Our orders after that are general. We are to use our own discretion entirely, acting as the eyes and ears of the Red fleet, and forwarding to the flagship, via wireless, every scrap of information we think might be valuable to the attacking party." "That's one thing I don't like about this command," muttered Herc. "What is that?" "Why, we're supposed to be enemies to the flag." "But only supposed to be, Herc, for the purposes of perfecting the strength of Uncle Sam's defenses, and playing a useful part in exposing any weakness in our nation's fortifications." "Huh; well, that's all the kind of enemy I ever want to be--a supposed one." "I'm going into my cabin to lay out our course," said Ned, after a few more words. "I want you on deck, Herc, to see how things are going on. It won't take me long and---- What on earth is the matter? Got a stroke?" There was a large glass skylight over the wardroom and, owing to the warmth of the weather, the flaps of this had been raised. With the expression of one who has been suddenly hypnotized, Herc was staring with open eyes and mouth straight up at the wardroom roof. "What do you see?" demanded Ned, springing to his feet. "Shall I get you a glass of water? Shall I----" "Umph! You might get me a gun," snorted Herc. "A gun! What on earth do you want with a gun?" "I want it to shoot a skunk!" "A skunk! Do you think you're back on the farm?" "No, but just the same I'd like to go gunning with grandpap's old scatter gun." "I wish we had a doctor on board, Herc. Any fellow who can go around seeing skunks----" "Ought to shoot 'em on sight," muttered Herc belligerently. "Well, Ned, this was a skunk I saw, all right, all right! And what do you think his name was?" Without waiting for a reply, Herc rushed on, "Kenworth! He'd been listening to every word we were saying!" CHAPTER XII. SAKI--STEWARD. For the time being there was no opportunity to investigate the case of the eavesdropper. It was important that they should get under way at once. Herc hastened on deck after a few hurried words with Ned. Just at that moment two bells--one o'clock--sounded in the slow, deep, mellow tones of the ship's bell. Simultaneously there appeared, through a doorway at one end of the wardroom, the figure of a dapper Japanese, dressed in white garments. "Hullo! Who are you?" demanded Ned, looking up from a reverie into which he had fallen, following Herc's departure. "Me Saki. Officer steward. Me getee lunch for honorable capitan," rejoined the Jap with a low bow. "Mr. Summerville made no mention to me of you," said Ned, looking the Jap over. "No doubt, sir, no doubt," was the reply; "me only joinee ship in New York." Ned said no more, but, telling the steward to summon him when the meal was ready, he resumed his meditations. Truly the young skipper of the _Seneca_ was in need of time to think and ponder. This command of his, of which he had been so proud, evidently was not going to prove any sinecure. Then, somehow, the face of the Jap floated before his mind. He had seen it somewhere before, he was certain. Perhaps it was on some other naval craft, for Japanese stewards are much affected in the United States Navy. It was a striking face, too: thick, bushy hair brushed up above a massive forehead, far squarer and more prominent than Jap's foreheads usually are, forming a sort of bristly aureole for a yellow face with dark, forbidding eyebrows and a heavy jaw. Saki was not a common type of Jap. He was heavier, less obsequious and smiling, more sure of himself. But such thoughts quickly flitted from Ned's mind as the problem of Kenworth put itself forward. Mated with this reflection came the image of Rankin. Both were men who disliked and, in one case at least, hated Ned and Herc. True, Rankin had no cause but a purely unreasonable one--as it were--for his antipathy to the young captain of the _Seneca_ and his first officer, but it was none the less plain, even without taking the overheard conversation on the bridge into account, that the man had made up his mind to do all the harm he could. How soon he would strike, of course, Ned had no idea; nor what form his malice would take. That Ned had concluded that Kenworth had purposely run upon the shoal, we already know, but with how much justice he had arrived at such a deduction, he could not determine. The course was soon worked out and Ned proceeded to the chart house. He summoned Herc and gave him his sailing directions, and then proceeded to make an inspection of the ship. On his return from this duty, he suddenly recollected that he had left the door of his stateroom unlocked. He descended the stairs swiftly and almost noiselessly. As he reached the foot of them, he saw a form suddenly emerge from his cabin and glide silently as a cat across the wardroom in the direction of the stern door, where he knew the steward's cabin and pantry, as well as the store-room, were located. "Who's that?" he called in a sharp, authoritative voice. "That you, Mr. Capitan, sir?" came in Saki's voice. "Me just go by your cabin, tell you lunch is ready, sir." "Very well. Come here, Saki." "Yes, sir," rejoined Saki, hurrying back and bowing low. "You must never enter my cabin, do you understand? That's private ground except when I am in it. And Saki." "Honorable naval mister." Saki again bowed low, spreading his hands. "Have I ever seen you before?" "I have never had the felicity of looking upon the honorable capitan's face." "Very well. You may call Ensign Taylor." For Ned and Herc, as befitted their respective ranks on board the _Seneca_, ate their meals in solitary state. Midshipman Kenworth and the other warrant officers followed them. Such was the strict etiquette of the navy, even on so small a craft as the _Seneca_. "Funny," thought Ned, "it's odd, but I can't get it out of my head that I _have_ seen him before somewhere. Jove! I have it! It was at Nagasaki, on the world cruise. He was found examining guns and firing systems on board the _Manhattan_. As he could give no satisfactory account of himself, he was ejected. I'm sure it's the same man. I wonder----" But the entrance of Herc put a stop to further speculation. Saki waited on them during the meal with silent dexterity. Once or twice Ned sought a chance to study his face without being observed, but every time he found that the Jap's eyes were fixed on him, although quickly averted when the Oriental saw that he was being noticed. After lunch he took an opportunity to make some inquiries concerning the Jap, and learned that he had come on board at New York, as he had said. Midshipman Kenworth was believed to have secured him, the Jap having been highly recommended as a servant by a relative of the former. "Kenworth, again," muttered Ned to himself. "It's odd, very odd, how he is always bobbing up. Jove," he broke off suddenly, "I never thought to overhaul that desk of mine. The way that Jap came out of there like a rabbit out of a hole was suspicious, to say the least. I'll go below and have a look." But a narrow inspection of the cabin showed that nothing had been disturbed. Carefully Ned locked up his orders in his desk, and when he went out, secured the door. "All right this time, but it's a risk I don't want to chance again," he said to himself as he ascended to the bridge. "Somehow I don't trust that Jap, any more than I do those other fellows." CHAPTER XIII. ANOTHER WATCHER. By mid-afternoon the _Seneca_ was well down the Sound. Several times she was in communication with the Red flagship, but no further orders came to Trevor, who was at the key. Nor had the flagship heard anything of the whereabouts of the Blues. It was generally believed that they had rallied off the Virginia Capes and were playing a game of hide-and-seek with their opponents. Ned knew the spot to which he had been directed for the mine test very well. Already he had planned just how he would proceed. From the mainland at this point there runs out a long finger of land, on one end of which is perched Fort Schuyler. It was his intention to leave the _Seneca_ anchored in a bay far up the Sound and then proceed on one of the submarines, under cover of night, himself commanding the diving boat. But when they had almost reached the snug bay that Ned had decided upon as a good anchoring place for a craft on such an errand, Trevor hastened out of his wireless box with a message in the secret code. Ned took it below and speedily read it off. He made a wry face of chagrin as he did so. It appeared that other work than going down with the submarine had been laid out for him. He was to get ashore somehow, land on the neck in the early morning, and make certain observations of the work of the diving boat. "Pshaw!" exclaimed Ned to himself; "too bad! I don't see the object of it all, but I suppose they know best. Well, Herc will have to take command of the submarine, of course, and I will have to do what's laid out for me." His mind at once began to busy itself with plans for the morrow's work when Trevor suddenly interrupted again. There had been a mistake in transmitting the details of the last message, it appeared. The submarine was not to make the tests the next day at all. Through other sources the flagship had learned that the mines had not yet been laid. Ned was to contrive to be on the watch during the process and note carefully where each was planted from a quartermaster's department tug. This was very important, as the mines were to be laid just as they would be for actual defenses. When Ned had secured all this information, the submarine test would come. If they succeeded in dodging the torpedoes, it would be several points for the Red side. When they reached the bay that Ned had in mind, the _Seneca_ was guided inside, and then, while her crew speculated as to what the next move could possibly be, she lay swinging at her anchor, idly waiting for darkness to fall. For Ned had decided not to let his crew know of the plans. Herc, of course, was familiar with them, but none of the others, except Trevor, the wireless operator. It was not long before dusk when Midshipman Kenworth presented himself before Ned. He saluted respectfully and appeared much more obsequious than he had been since the arrival of the boys on board. "Beg your pardon, sir," he asked, "but would there be any objection to my going ashore to-night? Some of my people live at Oakhurst, about nine miles inland, and I'd like to take this opportunity of seeing them." Ned thought a moment. Then he decided that if Kenworth was spying about the _Seneca_ with the object of injuring her young skipper, the further off he was during the next day the better. "Very well, Kenworth," said he, "you may go, but be sure to report on board to-morrow night at four bells." "Yes, sir," said the midshipman, saluting. He turned away and not long after reappeared on deck with his suit case. The shore boat was ordered away and was soon skimming off over the water. "Confound the fellow," said Ned to Herc as they watched the craft making its way over the bay, "I didn't want to let him go; but after all, I'd rather have his room than his company any day." "I'd have kept him aboard and worked him up to the king's taste," said Herc with positiveness. "I've no more use for him than I have for a snake in the grass, or for what I compared him to before." "After all, though, there is no possible way he could injure us," declared Ned. "Such fellows as he is generally end by hurting themselves more than the folks they have it in for." "That may all be as true as a preacher's words, Ned," declared Herc, "but we owe it to ourselves to look out for him." "Oh, that part of it is all right. But come on now, I'm going to get ready for the trip that I'm going to take to-night myself." "I wish I were going with you," said Herc. "Just think, you'll be able to lord it over the ship as a skipper all the time I'm gone," laughed Ned. "I'm afraid a skipper with a red head won't get as much respect as you do, Ned, but I'll do my best." After dark that night, Ned, clothed in an old suit of civilian clothes, and carrying in a small handbag some necessary instruments and a sketch block for recording his impressions, clambered down into the gig and was rowed ashore by two members of the crew who had been sworn to secrecy. Once ashore, where there was a community of summer cottages and hotels, he engaged a gasoline launch to take him to a small island known as Civic Island, not far from the Neck, to which it was joined, in fact, by a bridge. Going ashore at Civic Island, Ned turned in at a hotel and early in the morning rose, secured some provisions which he placed in his small handbag, and then set out on foot for the scene of his observations. The Neck was a lonely place and very little frequented. On one end of it was the fort, between which and some wooded heights in which it terminated, stretched the sandy, brush-covered peninsula of the Neck, scrawny and thin as that of a giraffe. Ned was provided with field glasses, of course, and having reached a point from which he could command a clear view of the fort, he surveyed it for some time to get his bearings. Meanwhile, of course, he concealed his body behind some bushes. He could see the tug perfectly plainly. There was a big crane at its bow and it was hoisting on board large metallic shapes of globular form that he knew were mines. At the top of the mast floated the flag of the quartermaster's department, so that Ned knew that he had the right craft spotted. "Well, they are in no hurry, anyhow," he said to himself, as he watched the leisurely way in which the craft was being loaded. "I reckon I'll sit down and take a rest. I didn't sleep much at that hotel last night, and I'd be glad of a seat in the shade. I can keep my eyes open just as well under this bush here as standing out there in the sun." But alas for good intentions! As he cast himself down in the shade, Ned appeared to slip gently out of the present and into the land of Nod. How long he slept he had no idea. But it could not have been very long, for when he opened his eyes again the tug, loaded with the big, black bulks of the submarine mines, was just leaving the fort. "Gracious! Lucky I woke up in time! A fine thing it would have been if I had blissfully slept right on!" exclaimed Ned to himself in mortified tones. He jumped to his feet. The next instant he threw himself just as hastily down again. He was not alone on the Neck. Not far off was a figure intently watching the tug as it slowly steamed out from the dock. CHAPTER XIV. NED AT A DISADVANTAGE. Reconnoitering cautiously from his point of vantage behind the bush, Ned could not suppress a start of surprise. There was something familiar about the figure of the fellow he was watching. Could it be----? Ned rubbed his eyes and looked again. Then his lips came together in a firm, thin line. His eyes hardened and his hands clenched. "The infernal rascal!" he muttered. He had not been mistaken when he thought he recognized the figure that was watching the tug as, with its crane stretched out like a long pointing finger, it steamed out into the center of the bay. It was Midshipman Kenworth--Kenworth, whom he supposed was visiting his relatives far inshore. Yet here he was in civilian clothes on this lonesome, sandy spit of land, apparently as much interested in the movements of the army tug as Ned himself. What could be the solution of the mystery? Why had Kenworth come there? A sinister thought flashed into Ned's mind. The next instant suspicion became conviction. He saw Kenworth draw out a pair of binoculars and focus them on the moving tug. Then the midshipman cast himself down into a sandy hollow, over the breast of which he pointed his binoculars at the tug. "So-o-o-o! That's your little game, is it!" breathed Ned disgustedly. "You're even blacker than I thought you, Kenworth. I guess I'll take a hand in this thing myself. Bagging a traitor to Uncle Sam, and one who is entitled to wear the uniform of an officer and a gentleman at that, ought to be even more important than a chart of the mine positions." Between the two, like a series of billows, stretched wave-like sand dunes. They were covered with a scant growth of wind-tortured beach plum and stiff, spiky sea grass. But yet the growth, scant as it was, afforded a certain amount of cover. Ned's mind was soon made up as to the course he would pursue. At all hazards, it was important to catch Kenworth red-handed. "And yet, what can his motive be?" wondered Ned to himself. "I can't conceive his purpose. He cannot be making his plans and observations for the benefit of the Blue fleet. If he dared offer them there, he would be booted over the flagship's side in two shakes. No, there is something under all this that I haven't fathomed. But I will." Ned's firm chin closed on his jaw with a snap. With stern purpose in his eyes, the young follower of the flag began to creep forward over the billowing sand dunes. His progress was slow, for although in the hollows he had no fear of being seen, yet when he breasted a rise he had to be careful. It was when he had attained the summit of one of these sandy acclivities that Ned noticed that the tug had come to a standstill. The crane arm swung inboard and one of the mines, looking like a huge black shoe button, was slowly hoisted from the pile on the deck. Then through the still air came the rattling sound of chains and the shrieking whir of the steam winch as the mine was lowered. From this, Ned turned his attention once more to Kenworth. The midshipman was squatting down in his hollow now, and with a note book on his knees, was recording some sort of observations. Risking detection, Ned centered his binoculars on that note book. What he saw through the powerful lenses caused him to flush angrily. Kenworth was making, not without considerable draughtsman's skill, a sketch map of the whole situation. "Oh! you miserable wretch!" exclaimed Ned, gritting his teeth. "I'd give a whole lot to get my hands on you for about five minutes, and that's just what I'm going to do, too." All unconscious of the concealed watcher, Kenworth sketched on. He actually appeared to take a pride in his work, from time to time holding it at arm's length as if to get a better perspective upon it. Then from his pocket he took a small camera, and made some pictures of the two forts and the stretch of water between. "Great heavens! He's risking the loss of his commission," exclaimed Ned to himself as he saw. "There must be some uncommon motive behind all this to make him take such chances. What can it be?" The tug was moving now, crawling like some ungainly black bug across the shimmering water. Once more the anchor rumbled down, and again the crane poised, swooped, and deposited another of the globular black objects, piled on the fore-deck, in the water. Ned, watching Kenworth intently, saw him place a surveyor's instrument to his eye, no doubt to make a rough calculation of the exact spot of the planting. Following a few seconds' observation through this, he jotted down some more notes in his book. "He's taking pains to be quite accurate," thought Ned. "He goes about his work as if it were some honorable duty he was engaged upon. I wonder how he knew about the mine planting, though? Can it be possible that he heard the message coming over the wireless, or in some manner gained access to a copy of it?" Loyalty to his flag and country was the Dreadnought Boy's ruling passion. The sight of Kenworth, engaged upon what Ned was certain could only be treacherous work, sent a flame that seethed like a white-hot blast through his frame. Again he moved forward, but faster now. Kenworth, all unconscious that another was creeping up on him, resumed his seat in the hollow and went on with the touching up of his rough drawings. Ned was close upon him now. Through the grass he glided along like a snake. But the rustle of some of the stiff grass behind him, or the fall of a miniature cascade of sand into his hollow, must have suddenly apprised Kenworth that somebody was in the vicinity. He sprang to his feet and looked about him. At the same instant something leaped through the air with the speed of a thunderbolt. With a roar of rage, Ned had sprung the instant that he saw that discovery was inevitable. A sharp exclamation broke from Kenworth. "You fool, I was prepared for you!" Simultaneously something flashed bright in his hand, glinting in the sunlight. The next instant Ned felt a hot flash of fire in his face and the stinging of a shower of needles. He staggered back, his hands to his eyes, as Kenworth, with a cry of triumph, sprang toward the Dreadnought Boy's reeling figure. "That's the time I got you, Mister Strong!" he exclaimed. CHAPTER XV. A PRISONER ON "THE NECK." But his triumph was just a little bit premature. The bullet from the revolver which Kenworth had so handy had only grazed Ned's cheek. It was the powder grains that had stung him like red-hot points. The next instant he had recovered from his temporary smoke blindness. As Kenworth jumped for him, Ned sprang at the other. As he did so, his arms shot out and Kenworth's pistol went flying through the air. Then Ned's strong hands seized the other's wrists with the force of steel handcuffs. "Confound you!" roared Kenworth. "I didn't get you, did I?" "Not just yet," panted Ned, "nor for some time to come. You're my prisoner, and if you don't want to accompany me quietly I'll find means to make you." Kenworth's reply was an odd one. He uttered a peculiar whistle. "Now what's that for?" wondered Ned. The question had hardly taken shape in his mind before it was answered, and in a surprising manner. A loop was thrown over him, he fell forward, and his arms were pinioned by an irresistible force to his side, while a knee pressed into the small of his back. "Honorable capitan lie quiet? No?" came a voice in his ear. "It's Saki! Let me go instantly," demanded Ned. A soft, gurgling laugh was the rejoinder. "Yes, me Saki all right, honorable capitan; but no can let you go. You lie down lilly while." With a trick that Ned recognized as one employed by the jiu-jitsu expert he had vanquished in the Far East, the yellow-skinned rascal, as he spoke, threw Ned sprawling on his back on the sand. Before he could make any defense another loop was slipped over his legs. "Help!" shouted the boy. "Help! Help!" There was a chance that his voice might carry to the distant tug. "Ah! That velly bad to make noise, honorable sir," came Saki's soft voice, and into the struggling lad's mouth was thrust a not over-clean rag. Effectually silenced now, Ned lay there with blazing eyes. He was beaten, as he realized with a bitter feeling at his heart. Saki and Kenworth were in league, as he had half guessed before. Kenworth's harsh laugh made him turn his eyes in that worthy's direction. "Well, how do you like it, eh?" he chuckled. "And you thought you could overreach me and give me orders, did you? Just take that!" The young ruffian swung a fist crashingly into his helpless victim's face. Again and again he struck, while Saki stood by, grinning. But suddenly the Jap interfered. "That plenty for now. We finish our work. Then maybe soon we go way lilly while. Come back night time. Takee honorable capitan nice hotel." The yellow man broke into a laugh as he spoke, and Kenworth, flushed and vicious from his display of vindictive fury, ceased belaboring Ned. He turned again to his sketch book and spy glasses. Saki took the opportunity to retrieve the pistol, which he handed back to Kenworth. "Maybe good thing you not better shot," he chuckled, with sinister meaning. The wind blew his coat aside as he stooped over, and Ned saw that, pinned within it, the Jap had a peculiar decoration. Ned knew what it was. He had seen similar ones in the Far East on the world cruise. It was the badge denoting that the wearer belonged to Samurai, or warrior caste of Japan. It also was conferred as a decoration on certain leaders after the Russo-Japanese war. This Saki, then, was not the ship's steward, as he had been masquerading. Instead, he was a soldier and a veteran, and evidently, too, of high rank. The whole thing came over Ned in a flash. What a fool he had been not to see through the plot before. The Jap, whose creature Kenworth plainly was, had seized the opportunity of the great naval maneuvers to smuggle himself into the midst of things and secure information about Uncle Sam's fighting ships and war methods that he could have gained in no other way. The careful maps that Kenworth was drawing were destined to be sent across the Pacific, for what purpose Ned could guess. He turned eyes that blazed slow fires of contempt upon Kenworth. The latter laughed harshly. "Thinking you'd like to nail me, aren't you?" he sneered. "But you'd have to get up a little earlier in the morning to do that. We knew every one of your plans long ago. Saki got them in your cabin----" The Japanese held up a warning hand. "No talk any more. Hurry up your map," he urged. "Pshaw! what harm does it do to tell him a few wholesome truths?" snarled Kenworth. "He's had a swelled head too long altogether. This is the time that he learns he's not as smart as he thinks, by a whole lot." But he regarded the Jap's hint and addressed no more remarks to Ned. The Dreadnought Boy lay on the hot sands with an ardent sun burning down upon him. But he was careful to give no sign of suffering, although his thirst was beginning to be excessive. As if he knew this, and delighted in torturing the helpless lad, Saki, from time to time, drew out an elaborately chased bottle and drank from it with much satisfaction. "Ah! nice, cool. Veree nice," he would say, smacking his lips and proffering it to Kenworth. "Lemonade, veree good 'Merican drink." But Ned, without the quiver of an eyelid, lay gazing up into the blazing firmament, although his throat felt as if it were cracking from a drought of centuries. CHAPTER XVI. THE FRIENDLY SUN. The sun grew hotter and hotter. From the whirring of winches and the clanking rattle of chains that was borne shoreward from time to time, Ned knew that the work of mine-laying was still going on. The work he had been sent to report! What would be thought of him by his superiors? He felt that it was doubtful if they would believe his story, even supposing he ever got back to his ship and was able to tell it. He wondered what his captors meant to do with him. Reasoning it out, he had not much fear that they would attempt any desperate course, but they were certain to place him where he could not give the alarm and cause their pursuit before they had had an opportunity to get clear away. Mingled with these reflections came others. Ned speculated vainly as to how long this treachery had been going on. Probably for some time; Kenworth's note book appeared well filled. Doubtless he had become disgusted with what he deemed the unfair treatment accorded him in the navy, and had fallen an easy prey to the foreign agents who are constantly trying to discover for their countries the secrets of Uncle Sam's coast defenses and naval arrangements. But it is rarely indeed that there is found in either branch of the service men who have fallen low enough to coöperate with these fellows. From time to time, though, such dastards are found and promptly weeded out. There was no doubt but that Kenworth belonged to the latter class. "I wonder if Rankin does, also," thought Ned. "He was a friend of Kenworth's. It's natural he should be mixed up in his nefarious schemes and plots." It must have been well after noon when Kenworth reported that the tug had finished her work and was going back. "Then we go 'way," decided Saki. "Me plenty hungry. Bimeby when get dark we come back and keep you company, Honorable Strong." "Yes, don't be afraid we'll forget you," sneered Kenworth, putting up his note book; "you've suddenly become important in my eyes." Bestowing a parting kick on Ned's helpless form, the miserable traitor followed Saki off across the sand hills. Ned turned his eyes and watched them as they went. So they were going to leave him there on the parching sand till nightfall, and then---- "Ned, old boy, you're sure in a bad fix," said the captive lad to himself. "There's not a chance on earth of getting away from here, and even if I could, I have failed in my mission." The thought that he had not accomplished the duty laid out for him pained the Dreadnought Boy far more than the contemplation of his predicament. With Ned, and with Herc, too, devotion to their ideals of duty was almost a religion. It is so with most of Uncle Sam's Jackies. But, as we know, a few black sheep are bound to crop up in every fold. Ned thought grimly that he had certainly encountered his share. The sun beat down hotter and hotter upon the boy. Its rays burned his eyes. His lips were swollen, his every bone aching. The tortures of his thirst had almost reached the point of delirium. Suddenly he felt an acute pain upon his hand. It stung like the thrust of a red-hot knife. "Ouch!" exclaimed Ned, and rolled over a little. The pain ceased, and the next instant he discovered what had caused it. His binoculars had been laid upon a rock, one of a few that cropped out here and there in the arid sand. Clearly the Jap and Kenworth had forgotten to take the glasses with them, for following his binding Ned had been stripped of everything he possessed. They lay with the small ends toward him. The sun streaming through the large lenses became concentrated into two tiny, burning dots of white light at the small end of the glasses. The binoculars had, in fact, become converted into a burning glass, and the sharp sting on Ned's hand had been caused by one of the discs of concentrated heat. Ned was still engaged on this explanation of his pained hand when there was borne to his nostrils the sharp, acrid odor of burning cloth. He realized in a flash what had happened. When he rolled over, the disc of burning essence of light had left his hand, but centered itself on some portion of his garments. The cloth was on fire and was smoldering. He was powerless to feel with his hands where the cloth had ignited and could feel as yet no pain. But the odor of the burning fabric was unmistakable. It is a curious fact, but it was not until some seconds later that Ned realized, with a thrill of horror, what that odor of burning cloth really meant. If he could not extinguish that slowly consuming fire, it might presently burst into flame. Powerless to save himself, he would be burned alive! For an instant he felt sick and faint. Then he rallied his faculties and began to roll over and over in the sand. After some moments of this, the odor of burning ceased. "Thank heaven for that," thought the boy with a shudder, as he sensed his terribly narrow escape. Suddenly his heart gave an exultant throb. A glad thought had been born in his mind. From whence the inspiration came, he did not know. It was enough that it had come. If the rays of the binoculars that had been so providentially placed would ignite cloth, they would surely set fire to rope! Ned rolled over once more till he could settle the tiny burning spot upon his wrist bonds. It was tedious work, and by the time he had the white hot circlet focused on the ropes, his hands were covered with tiny red burns that stung like hornets. But in the excitement of the moment he scarcely paid any attention to these. With shining eyes he watched the rope begin to smoke. It glowed red. The air was filled with a pungent odor. Ned gave a quick wrench. Like burned flax the charred and smoldering wrist gyves gave way. With his hands free, Ned sat up. He felt sick and dizzy, but his heart bounded with overflowing gratitude. He cast the burning ropes far from him. A jagged clam shell lay not far off. He made his way to it, half rolling and half staggering. Then, with the sharp shell edges he swiftly cut his leg bonds. He found himself shaking all over. There was an odd swimming feeling in his head. The sand about him flashed red as blood and the sun reeled through it like a blazing ball of copper. He spat the gag out of his mouth as the fit of weakness passed from him. "Now," he said half aloud, as he rose on his aching ankles, "now to try conclusions with two of the vilest traitors it has ever been my ill fortune to encounter." He stood thus a moment looking about him. Then, with painful footsteps, for his circulation was not yet fully restored, he set off along the Neck to where the squat, grim pile of dull red buildings marked the location of the fort. CHAPTER XVII. SURPRISES. "Halt!" The command came like the crack of a pistol. Facing Ned stood a sentry in the uniform of the Coast Artillery. In his hands he gripped a carbine with a sinister-looking, blue-steel bayonet attached to its barrel. "Here's where you turn back, friend, and _pronto_, too," grinned the sentry. He was a young fellow, with light blue eyes, stupid in expression, and a nose of the type generally described as "pug." "I've got to get to the fort, I tell you," protested Ned. His voice came from his parched throat like the cracked, whistling accents of a very old man. His clothes were torn in places from the beach plums, through which he had come with furious haste, his eyes were red-rimmed and wild, and his hat was gone. The sentry regarded him contemptuously. But his was a lonely post, a quarter of a mile out on the sandy Neck, and he decided to waste a little time with this peculiar stranger. "Say, friend, you don't want the fort. It's your cage you want. Why don't you go right back to the Bronx, climb in, and shut the gate?" "Look here," protested Ned, "I'm Lieutenant Strong of the Navy, at least I hold that temporary commission. I've been attacked by rascals while on duty and I'm suffering frightfully from thirst." "I guess you are suffering from _thirst_," grinned the sentry. "Be a good boy and get back to the bug-house now, or I'll have to help you." He glanced significantly at his bayonet. "Great Scott! Do you think I'm crazy!" cried poor Ned. "Think it?" the sentry raised his thin, pale eyebrows, "I know it, old pal. Run along and roll your hoop now, and don't give me no more trouble. If I was to let you into the fort, I'd be put in the guard-house for a month for letting a crank through." "But I'm Lieutenant Strong, I tell you----" The sentry interrupted by tapping his forehead. "Sure you are. That's all right. You can be the President if you like; it's none of my funeral." There was a sort of soothing intonation in his voice, as if he were trying to quiet a fractious child. The stupidity of the fellow almost drove Ned wild. He plunged a hand into his pocket. He would show the fellow by documents that he was not an impostor. "I'll show you papers that will prove who I am," he exclaimed. Then, with a sudden chill of horror, he recollected that all his papers--none of them, luckily, very important ones--had been taken from him by Saki and Kenworth. The sentry was watching him, as he frantically searched, with an amused expression. "Say, what kind of a game are you trying to work, Captain Jinks of the Horse Marines?" he asked. "It's not a game, I tell you," cried Ned furiously. "Those rascals who tied me took my papers. They have run off with them----" "I guess it's you that have run off from your keepers," said the sentry, nodding his head sententiously. It was hopeless. Even Ned, sore pressed as he was, saw that. The man was convinced that he was a crank or a crazy man of some sort and would have no dealings with him. Ned spied a canteen hung round the man's shoulder. "At least, you'll give me a drink," he almost begged, so keen was his need. "It ain't the sort of drink you want. Nothing but water," said the artilleryman. "Good heavens, man, that's what I want!" rasped Ned through his parched lips. "Give me just a little. Then I'll go." "Well, if that's all, drink hearty," said the man, in more friendly tones. He cast a look behind him to make sure he was not observed, and then, unslinging his canteen, he passed it to Ned. The water was warm and tasted leathery, but to Ned it was unspeakably delicious. He threw back his head and let it stream over his parched palate and down his cracked throat. "Cracky! I can hear it sizzle!" exclaimed the sentry. "Go on, take it all if you need it as badly as that. I ain't that thirsty, and besides I'll be relieved in a short time." Ned needed no second invitation. He drained the canteen to the last drop. "I'm ever so much obliged to you," he said turning away; "maybe some day I'll be able to reward you with more than thanks." "That's all right," replied the sentry heartily. "I hope you'll get over that bug of yours about being a lootenant. Why, friend, you might be an orficer in Coxey's army, but I guess that's the only branch of the service you ever had any dealings with." Ned said nothing in reply, but with a wave of his hand walked off. He had plenty of opportunity, as he plodded along the Neck, for philosophical reflections on the part that clothes play in this world. Had he worn his uniform, he could have marched past the sentry without question. But, as it was, the man more than suspected him of being an escaped lunatic. Ned's intention in going to the fort had been to establish instant communication with the authorities and warn them to look out for Kenworth and Saki. Of course, the fort was technically the enemy's country, but the lad rightly deemed that the capture of two such renegades as the Jap and the midshipman took precedence of every other consideration. Now, as he made his way back over the shifting sands, his mind was busy revolving plans for the arrest of the two who had served him in such rascally fashion. Musing thus, he was pressing steadily on, when, on topping a rise, he came in sight of a small, sandy cove. Drawn well up into it was a sharp-bowed motor boat. A long engine hood forward showed that she carried powerful engines. On shore, beside her, lay a figure dozing in the shade. The tide rippled pleasantly and the sand alongside the beached craft afforded a cool resting place. "The very thing!" exclaimed Ned. "Goodness knows how long it would take me to walk to Civic Island. Some time, anyhow, even if I felt in the humor to do it. I'm pretty sure those rascals must have made for there, and if I hurry up I might catch them yet." "Hello, there!" he hailed, running down the bank to where the man lay. "Can you start your motor on the jump? I'm in a big hurry and----" At the sound of a voice the dozing man rolled over. Right then Ned experienced the surprise of his life. The man was Saki! The shock of this discovery had hardly had time to sink in, and the two were still staring at each other, when from the boat came another voice. "If you're in a big hurry, come right aboard and save us the trouble of fetching you." Ned looked up from Saki and faced Kenworth. The renegade midshipman was regarding him with a sardonic grin. Ned saw that he held a revolver. The weapon was pointed straight at the Dreadnought Boy's heart. CHAPTER XVIII. OFF FOR A CRUISE. Kenworth had a look of triumph on his face. While Ned, dumbfounded at the turn events had taken, faced him, Saki sprang to his feet and also jerked out a pistol. "I advise you not to run, my honorable capitan, or to make resistance," said the Jap, smiling amiably. "It would not by any means suit our purposes to have you get away just now. We must, therefore, claim you as our guest." Ned feigned an indifference he was far indeed from feeling. "It seems that rascals do have all the luck on their side sometimes, doesn't it?" he said. The Jap did not reply. Instead, he turned to Kenworth, who was still standing on board the motor boat and keeping Ned relentlessly covered with his pistol. "Put over that gangplank," he said. "We are to have the honor of an unexpected visit from clever Mr. Strong. I cannot imagine how he managed to free himself, but it is greatly to our advantage that, after having done so, he took the path that he did. Now, my honorable sir, if you will give yourself the great trouble to walk up that plank I shall be your most obedient servant. Remember I am close behind you, and if you should feel tempted to jump or run, pray recollect that I am excessively nervous, and in my excitement I might press this trigger." "You mean you would do so," returned Ned. "I know you and your breed." "Complimentary, is he not?" grinned the Jap, addressing Kenworth. "It doesn't matter what he is," was the grumbling rejoinder, "we've got him tight this time, and by hookey, I mean to keep him safe and sound." "Oh, yes, there must be no more promenades, honorable Ned," chuckled the Jap. Ned could have throttled the grinning rascal then and there. But he reflected that to make any break to escape would probably result in serious consequences for himself. It was a lonely part of the Neck and concealed from the view of the little-traveled path that led through the brush. Besides, he thought that possibly another chance to get away might present itself. If he proved troublesome, the two rascals would take double pains to secure him, whereas if they thought he was thoroughly subdued they might not be so particular. With this thought in mind, he threw back his head proudly and walked across the rickety gangway with a firm step. "At least, I won't let them see that they can scare a sailor of Uncle Sam's," he thought, looking defiantly into the grimacing face of Kenworth. As soon as he was on board, the gangplank was drawn in. Then Saki addressed the involuntary guest. "Hold out your hands, please, honorable sir." "What for?" demanded Ned, although he guessed what was coming. They were going to bind him again. But this time Ned guessed wrong. That is, on the present occasion the two worthies had clearly decided to use no ordinary methods of insuring the safety of their prisoner. "I wish to present you with some jewelry," said Saki, with a grin that made Ned wild to give the oily, grimacing ruffian a good drubbing. The next instant he produced a pair of handcuffs. Ned, situated as he was, had no choice but to submit to being manacled. "It's what I might have expected of you," he said, as Saki snapped the locks shut. "May I ask what you mean to do with me?" "We will take a little cruise out into open water till it gets dark, and then we shall return to--to--well, we shall return you to a safe place on shore for the night." As the Jap spoke, Kenworth started the engine and then drew in the anchor. The clutch was slipped into forward speed and the motor boat moved out of the little cove, splitting the water at a good rate. "You said you were going to take a cruise?" inquired Ned. "Such is our intention," rejoined Kenworth, who had the wheel, with a scowl. "I should advise you not to," was the quiet rejoinder. "Why not?" For answer Ned pointed to great castellated clouds piled up in majestic masses on the horizon. They towered whitely against the blue sky and appeared to be traveling at some speed. "Well, what about those clouds?" asked Kenworth, with his customary sneer. "Thunder heads. We are in for a bad storm, or I miss my guess," said Ned, in the same quiet tones. "Hark at the scare-cat!" chuckled Kenworth. "Say, Ned Strong, for a braggart upstart you show the white feather mighty soon." "If only you were concerned," retorted Ned, "I shouldn't care what became of this craft or those in it. But I'd hate to be drowned, when some day I confidently expect to be the means of bringing you two traitors to justice." It was perhaps an unwise speech, but Ned was mad clear through. Kenworth looked at him keenly. "So that's your little plan, eh?" he asked. "Well, I guess we know ways to checkmate that, Saki." "Undoubtedly," responded the Jap, gravely nodding his head. "That's all I have to say," said Ned; "go ahead and work out your own salvation. I've warned you." "I always knew you were a coward at bottom, Strong," scoffed Kenworth, "and now I'm going to give you a cruise that will take the starch out of you for the rest of your life." He touched the control, which was on the steering wheel like that of an automobile. The craft leaped forward like a flying fish. The spray flew high on either bow. Kenworth, a wicked gleam in his eyes, headed straight up the Sound. CHAPTER XIX. THE STORM. As Ned had foreseen, a storm was brewing. It was one of those sudden summer storms that come up almost without warning and rage furiously over the Sound. The big thunder heads rolled up rapidly till the entire sky was overcast. Saki was sitting on the stern seat. Ned, with a gleam of satisfaction, saw that the Jap looked frightened. Indeed the weather promised to be bad enough to alarm even an experienced sailor, which Saki surely was not. Under the dark clouds the sky was shot with an angry, lurid, copper color. The sea had turned leaden and began to heave suddenly. Still Kenworth, driven by his hatred of Ned, kept on. It appeared that he hardly cared what became of himself or his companion, so that he could have his revenge upon Ned. As a matter of fact, Kenworth by no means liked the looks of the weather himself. But it would have been unsafe to remain ashore with Ned, as neither the midshipman nor Saki knew with whom he had been conversing during his brief liberty. For all they could tell, although it did not appear probable, an ambush might have been laid for them. Therefore, they had decided to cruise about till it grew dark. Ned, for his part, determined to say nothing more. He sat on a midship seat, the handcuffs on his wrists, watching the coming storm. The wind began to moan in an eerie sort of way. It sounded like the actual voice of the coming tempest. The sea began to whip up into white caps. Suddenly the black storm curtain was ripped and rent from top to bottom by a jagged streak of livid lightning. Saki turned a sort of pasty green. His knees almost knocked together. The motor boat was a narrow-waisted, wasp-like craft, and did not appear to be suited for heavy weather. "Maybe so we better go back," suggested the Jap in a shaky voice. He glanced apprehensively at the mighty canopy of the storm overhead. Kenworth turned on him almost savagely. "We'll go back when I get good and ready," he said. "I want to see how much this white-livered braggart can stand. Yes, I mean you, Strong." There was a sweeping blast of wind. It was followed by a blinding flash and then a roar like the rumble of a million celestial chariot wheels. The Jap hid his face while the lightning seared and streaked the sky as if an egg had been spattered to smithereens on a blackboard. The very air smelled sulphurous. "I--I guess we'll go back," said Kenworth. Just then a wave struck the side of the bow and reared its white crest high above the tossing craft. Saki sprang to his feet as the salt water came dousing down in a regular cloudburst. It drenched Kenworth to the skin and tore from the Jap a frightened shout. "Hope you like it," grinned Ned, the only collected person on the boat. The dark frenzy of Kenworth's mad passion had passed and now he saw with panic-stricken eyes the danger they were in. The wind was howling furiously and the waves were piling up on every side. It seemed impossible that the lightly built craft could live much longer in the tumult of waters. Saki was in a panic of fear. Crouched on the bottom of the boat, his yellow face looked, in the glare of the almost incessant lightning, like some hideous war-mask of the old Samurai. Ned gazed about him. The outlook was bad, very bad. And then there were those handcuffs. If only he could get them off. He addressed the terrified Saki. [Illustration: "You drop that wheel, and we'll all go to Davy Jones!" shouted Ned.--_Page 155_] "Here, you, take these handcuffs off. At once, do you hear me?" He felt no fear of the groveling wretch at his feet. He even emphasized his remarks by a threatening gesture of his foot. "Oh! Oh! Honorable Saki much frightened!" wailed the Jap. "You contemptible yellow cur," snapped Ned, "brace up! Do you hear me? Come now, quick, the key." The Jap actually managed to struggle to his feet and produce the key. Kenworth saw what he was doing. "Stop that!" he yelled, and began to let go of the wheel. A shout from Ned brought him to his senses. "You drop that wheel, and we'll all go to Davy Jones!" shouted Ned. Kenworth gripped the spokes again. If ever fear was written on a face, it was on his. The thought of the death that was so near paralyzed him. Perhaps he thought of that other storm off the Cuban coast when Ned had brought them safely aboard through a wilder sea than this. The Jap's teeth chattered as he unfastened the handcuffs and Ned jerked his hands free. "Now hand over that gun. Quick, now," snapped out Ned. The Jap was so terrified that he would have done anything he was told. With hands that shook, he handed over the pistol. Ned took possession of it with grim satisfaction. The chance that he had hoped against hope might come had arrived. He was on even terms with his foes. But would that fact do him any good? The storm was raging so furiously that Ned, with all his optimism, could not hope that the motor craft would live through it. The only thing to be done, as he saw it, was to run for the lee of a point of land some distance off. If they could reach this in safety, they might have a chance. If not, and the storm continued to increase in violence, there was hardly one chance in a thousand for them. The angry lightning hissed and crackled and the thunder boomed with ear-splitting clamor as Ned made his way forward to Kenworth's side. When he arrived there, he seized the other by the shoulder and shouted in his ear. "Steer for that point yonder! It's the only chance we've got." Kenworth, in his fear forgetting everything but the instinct of self-preservation, obediently headed the storm-stressed craft around. It was at that moment that another sea broke upon the little vessel. There was a sputter and a series of coughs from the engine, and simultaneously the motor, upon which all depended, went dead. CHAPTER XX. CONFESSION. "This is the finish!" Ned gasped out the words as he heard the last expiring cough of the motor. It was hopelessly short-circuited. The battery box was drenched, the spark-plugs dripping. Kenworth turned a white face on him. "You mean----" "That your wicked schemes have ended in this, Kenworth--a miserable death for us all. This tinder box cannot live more than five minutes longer, if that. You had best prepare to meet your Maker." Kenworth, moaning like the arrant coward he was, threw himself groveling on the floor of the boat. "Oh--oh--oh! Can nothing save us?" he moaned. "Listen, Strong, I have been wicked, I know. But I was poor, and gambling took away whatever money I could scrape together. I was threatened with exposure to my relatives if I did not pay my debts. "That would have meant ruin, for, influential as they were, they had become disgusted with the poor showing I had made in the navy. It was at this crisis that I met Saki. He tempted me to betray naval secrets with promises of money. He helped me pay my debts and gave me money lavishly. In return, I furnished him with every scrap of information I could pick up. He has secret code books, fire-control plans, night signals, and details of our ammunition resources." Ned looked at the wretch that groveled at his feet as if he could have struck him. "How long has this been going on?" he demanded. "For a long time. Saki had me in his power. I was helpless." "Don't be a weakling in addition to your other faults," said Ned imperiously. "Have you that book of drawings you have been making?" "Y-y-y-yes." "Give it to me." "B-b-b-but it is meant for----" "Give it to me. If I should be saved, I will see that the proper authorities get it. If not, there will no harm come of it. Come, hand it over." Quivering from head to foot, white-faced and limp-fingered, Kenworth fumbled in his pockets. He drew out a book and handed it over to Ned. The Dreadnought Boy took it and thrust it into his pocket. Hardly had he done so before a giant wave swept down on the motor boat. Caught in the trough of the seas, the craft wallowed helplessly. Then, half full of water, she sidled down the other side. Ned saw that the end was at hand. With a white, set face he ripped out some life preservers from under the seats. "Here, put these on," he commanded Kenworth and the Jap. As he spoke, he flung one to each. They seized them, their teeth chattering and their throats uttering sounds that were hardly human. Ned took one himself and buckled it on. "At least the stolen secrets of the United States Navy are in safe hands now," he muttered; "if I go to the bottom, there is no better keeper of confidences than old Davy Jones. If I should save my life, no power on earth will separate me from them till I have placed them in the hands of the naval authorities." The half-filled boat kept afloat with wonderful seaworthiness, considering her narrow build. Wave after wave, that it appeared must engulf her half water-logged hull, she rode right gallantly. Ned actually began to entertain a ray of hope that, after all, she might weather the tempest. But it was still blowing with malignant fury, and there did not appear to be any sign of abatement in the huge seas and constant display of angry lightning. "D-d-d-do you think she can live?" stammered Kenworth. Ned shook his head. He turned a glance of contempt upon the conscience-stricken coward. "Do you mean to tell me that you care for life after what you have confessed to me?" he demanded. "Why, Kenworth, if I had done one half of what you admit, I should not wish ever to meet one of my fellow men again. "Why, man, you had a glorious chance in the finest sea service in the world! What did you do with it? Chucked it away and became a pawn, a creature of your country's enemies." Kenworth whimpered like a whipped cur. "I--I needed the money," he stuttered; "I was helpless in the hands of the Jap. I tried to do better, but somehow I couldn't break away. I--I always liked you, Strong. I did indeed. Can you save us?" "Yes, you liked me so much that on every occasion you could you took advantage of the fact that you were an officer to insult and abuse me! Kenworth, now that you are frightened at the face of death, you are willing to cringe and cow to me. "If we were all to be saved, and our positions could ever be the same again, you would be just the same. It is the nature of such men as you. But we never shall be the same again, Kenworth. Your career is ended. Driven from the navy, branded as a traitor, you will find no peace." "B-b-b-but life is sweet, Strong. Can't you save us? Saki will give you money. Plenty of money." "Yes, yes, honorable sir," cried the Jap eagerly. "My emperor will reward you. I, too, am rich. I will give you much money. Only save us. There is nothing----" A scream of terror from Kenworth's white lips split the air. It sounded above the rumble of the thunder chariots. "Look! Look!" he shrieked, high above the noises of the storm. Towering over them, looming up through the flying wrack like the tremendous figure of fate itself, was a gigantic black form. It was right upon them. "It's a schooner!" shouted Ned. "She's----" There was a horrible crunching sound and the motor boat was no more. Severed clean in two, she sank, the storm-racked sea carrying with her those who a moment before had been of her company. CHAPTER XXI. ORDERS ARE ORDERS. Meantime, on board the _Seneca_, Herc had been feeling intense anxiety over the non-return of Midshipman Kenworth. To add to his uneasiness, also, Saki, who had been sent ashore to order some fresh provisions, had not returned. The crew of the gig had waited for the Jap that evening (the evening of Ned's departure) for more than two hours. The village was some little distance back from the shore and they allowed him ample time to go and return, considering the fact that a trolley line connected with the place. When he did not return within that time, the coxswain ordered a return to the ship to receive further orders from Herc, acting commandant. Herc, in some perplexity as to the best course to pursue, finally decided to order a picket party to find out what had become of the Oriental. A thorough search of the village was made and at length, in a garage, they struck the trail of the yellow man. It appeared that he had rented a car there and departed for parts unknown. Herc decided to wait for the return of the driver. He felt in a vague yet positive way that there was more underlying the disappearance of the Japanese than could be accounted for on the supposition that he had gone off on an undisciplined joy ride. The chauffeur returned at last. He had taken Saki to a town where the Jap had boarded a train of the main line of the Long Island Railroad. That was all he knew. He had been well paid, he volunteered, and also added that the Jap had paid him from a roll that "would trip a greyhound." "Now what would the steward of a gunboat be doing with all that money?" mused Herc. He pondered for a time the advisability of trying to follow the trail of the Jap; but reflection convinced him that this would be useless. Besides, the fact that he was responsible for the _Seneca_ would have precluded the idea. He could not make it an excuse for deserting his post that he had been in pursuit of a mere steward; and they had not any actual proof against Saki to show that he was anything more than a deserter. His description was, however, sent out broadcast, as a renegade from the navy. This done, Herc, feeling downcast and uneasy, returned to the ship. He felt depressed. Influences of evil were at work, he felt sure of it. But the very indefiniteness of his suspicions made them the harder to bear. "At least, I can find out if Saki was lying about being short of fresh vegetables," he said. The assistant steward, a negro named after the ship where he had last served, Tennessee, was summoned. Herc made an inspection with him and found his worst suspicions verified. Far from being short of fresh provisions, the ship's refrigerators were amply stocked. There was no shortage anywhere that would justify the decamping steward's excuse to get ashore. "Huh! if I'd only had horse sense enough to do this a while ago," mused Herc gloomily, "that fellow would have stood no more chance to get off this ship than a man would have to sell refrigerators at the North Pole. I'm a fine dunderhead, I am." No wireless messages came that night, and the morning brought no news of Ned. Nor did Kenworth reappear at the appointed time. Herc began to be seriously worried. What could have happened? The survey of the mine planting operations could not have taken more than a day. Ned should certainly have been heard from. The silence and mystery that were closing in about Herc began to get on his nerves. Still he attended dutifully to the routine of the ship, and Trevor, the operator, was under orders to report to him the instant anything came over the wireless. So the day wore away and with nightfall the wireless began to spit and splutter. What Herc had dreaded had happened. The flagship was asking for Ned. Herc was in a terrible quandary. He could not tell a lie and pretend that Ned was on board or had been heard from. Yet if he did not shield his comrade in some way, Ned was almost certain, unless he had an excellent excuse for his absence, to get into serious trouble. Even a courtmartial might result. At length the wireless became imperative. "If Lieutenant Strong not on board, get in instant communication with him. Important.--Dunham." "Try and get the flagship again," Herc ordered. Trevor bent over his key. For a long time he kept sending his crackling waves out into space. But no answer came. "Can't you get 'em?" demanded Herc impatiently. The operator shook his head dismally. "No use trying. The air is full of messages. They're buzzing like flies round a honey-pot. I'll try again later on, sir." Herc began to see that the command of the _Seneca_ was not going to prove any bed of roses. Already he was plunged into the middle of a puzzle to which there appeared to be no key. Not only had Kenworth and the Jap vanished, but Ned Strong was not to be found. Yet there were the orders: "Get in instant communication with him." Herc gave a dismal groan. The more he thought matters over, the more complicated did they become. "By the bald-headed American steer," he grunted, in the seclusion of his cabin, "this beats anything I ever tackled. However, orders are orders and must be obeyed to the letter. I've got to get into communication with Ned. Just as if I wouldn't have done that long ago if I'd had the chance!" Turning the command of the ship over to one of the warrant officers, Herc changed into plain clothes and then summoned the crew of his gig. He was rowed ashore and sought out the man from whom Ned had rented the gasoline craft which took him to Civic Island. The man could shed no light on the matter, beyond saying that he had taken Ned to his destination. A sudden determination came over Herc. Ned had, then, arrived at Civic Island. He must go there at once and take up the trail. "It's a blind one," he muttered, "but I'll follow it to the end if it costs me my commission." Some time later the same gasoline craft that had conveyed Ned, landed Herc at Civic Island. It had fought its way alongshore through the same storm that had brought disaster to Ned. Despite the idea he had formed of the difficulties of the task in front of him, Herc did not imagine, even in his more despondent moments, what a trail of trouble it was that he had set out upon. CHAPTER XXII. ON THE "TWIN SISTERS." Ned opened his eyes. His first thought was that he was in his bunk on the _Seneca_. But an instant's glance about at his surroundings soon dispelled that idea. He lay on a rough shelf, rather than bunk, on a pile of dirty blankets. Another frowsy covering was thrown over him. Above him were beams and cross planks by which he would have known, even had it not been for the motion, that he was on board a vessel of some sort. The place in which he found himself was clearly a small cabin. In the center of the forward bulkhead stood a rusty stove with a high rail to keep the pots and pans simmering on it from sliding off under the motion of the ship. Some sea clothes swung from a line stretched across the ceiling. In a corner, against a locker, stood some hip boots, above which oil-skin coats were hung. The place was dirty, stuffy and smoky to the last degree. The last mentioned attribute was not improved by the sooty radiance from a dim lantern swinging from one of the carlines. "Where on earth--what----?" muttered Ned, raising himself on one arm as he made his survey. And then, like the inrush of the tide, memory came back. The storm, the wild ride of the motor boat! The confession of Kenworth, the yielding of the note book, and then the last terrible scene when the immense black mountain that towered above them for a flash had engulfed and broken them! Ned felt weak and dizzy. But his mind rapidly cleared. He had a vague recollection of having been struck a blow when the motor boat was cut in half. Beyond that he knew nothing more. Yet he must have been rescued. Determined to unravel the mystery and also to ascertain if possible what had become of Kenworth and Saki, he made an effort to rise. But he was so weak that it was some moments after he had made the first attempt that he succeeded. His coat hung near him on a hook. His shirt and trousers he had on. His first action, when he reached for his coat, was to dive into its pockets in search of the book he had forced from Kenworth. He gave an exclamation of satisfaction as he felt its outlines and drew it forth. It was damp, but not wet within its covers, for the outside of the volume that contained so many of Uncle Sam's secrets was clasped tightly by a strong rubber band. This had kept the water from smudging any of the drawings or writing. But Ned just then did not give much thought to the book, precious to him though it was. His main object was to discover just where he was and how he came there. There was a steep little stairway, or ladder, opposite the stove. Ned climbed it and found himself on the stern deck of a small schooner. She was spanking along, eating her way up against a head breeze while great clouds of sparkling spray tossed over her thundering, pounding bow. Standing beside the wheel was a short, thick-set man with iron-gray whiskers shot with reddish hair. He was roughly dressed and a pipe,--short and thick like himself,--was in his mouth. By his side sat a one-eyed black and white dog, with one ear cropped and the other hanging down dejectedly. Forward, Ned saw two men attending to the jib sheets as the schooner came about and went away on another tack. The man at the wheel being too busy in attending to this maneuver to notice Ned, the Dreadnought Boy, with the thunder of the shivering sails in his ears, looked about him. He instantly recognized their whereabouts. The schooner was crossing New York Bay. Looking back he could see the battlemented spires and domes of the skyscrapers on the lower end of Manhattan Island, and further up the East River the spidery outlines of Brooklyn Bridge. Ferryboats moved rapidly to and from Staten Island, and close at hand a big tramp was coming along, making for her dock in the Erie Basin. As the rattle and bang of the sails ceased as they took the wind and the schooner filed off on the other tack, the thick-set man at the wheel gave his attention to Ned. So did the dog. It came sniffing around his ankles growling ominously. The bearded man removed his pipe. "Here you, Tops'l, go off on another tack, d'ye hear? Starboard, hard over!" The sea-going canine appeared to understand, for it relinquished its scrutiny of Ned and came over to its master. "Inter drydock with you, you flea-chawed stepson of a coyote," grunted the man, and then he was free to turn his attention to Ned. "Hello!" he grunted gruffly. "How yer feelin'?" "Pretty good, thanks," responded Ned. "I guess it's you I have to thank for saving me from the Sound last night, for I see by the sun that its near noon of another day." "'Tis that. We lost a lot of time down ther East River. It's gittin' so that tugs clutters up the river worser nor taxicabs does the streets. But we come down under sail. No fifteen dollars down fer me, thank you." He looked oddly at Ned from under his bushy eyebrows. "Can you anyways recall jes' what happened las' night?" he asked presently. Ned shook his head. "I've not the least idea," he said. "All I know is that something cut our motor boat in two and then everything got dark. By the bump I've got on my head, I imagine something hit me. But there were two other men in the boat with me. Do you know anything about them?" The bushy brows contracted. The man looked away, removed his pipe, spat reflectively and then faced Ned again. "I don't know nuthin' about nobody but you," he said, in the same odd way, and then he returned to his previous question. "You don't recklect nuthin' more'n what you told me?" "That is absolutely all," rejoined Ned, puzzled by the man's insistence on this one question. "Well, then it weren't me as run you down. I don't want no claim for damages on the _Twin Sisters_." "You won't have any, so far as I'm concerned," said Ned, a light beginning to dawn upon him; "but tell me how you came to pick me up?" "I'll tell you the way of it, no deception and no lies," said the bushy-browed man. "Cap'n Lemuel Briggs ain't the man to lie. Look at me. Do I look like a man who would inwent of malice aforethought a faberrycation?" "You don't," replied Ned, inwardly thinking that Captain Briggs did not to any vast extent measure up to his description of himself. "Very well, then, matey, you shall have the truth on it," said Captain Briggs, with a fine open air. "There ain't a man from here plumb to the Pearly Gates that could ever accuse me of ex-er-ager-ation. "Arter we--that is, arter we seen that other schooner run yer down, I puts my wheel hard over. Then I sends a man up in the bow to look out fer anyone that he could save, me being one of the most humane skippers that ever used a handspike on a frisky deckhand. He climbs down into the bobstay riggin' and the first thing he catches sight of is you, right under the bow. He grabs you and we gets you on deck and puts you to bed, and now here you are up again, bright and spry, and ready to pay liberal for yer rescue, I hopes." Ned looked embarrassed. Although he was pretty sure that Captain Briggs' schooner, despite the captain's asseverations to the contrary, was the one that had run down the motor boat, he still felt grateful to the man for being the means of saving his life. But his pocketbook had been stolen by Kenworth and Saki, no doubt in the hope that it might contain papers of value. He was penniless. His embarrassment must have showed pretty plainly on his face, for Captain Briggs gave a wave of his hand. "That's all right, matey," he said magnanimously. "I kin see that you come of good folks and kin pay well. If you ain't got much with you now, you can write me a check or we'll wait till you can take me to your folks." "But I haven't any folks here, nor have I a check-book or any large sums of money anywhere," said Ned, perplexed about getting out of this unforeseen difficulty. "Where are you bound for?" he added. The captain looked cunning. He laid his finger to one side of his pimply, bottle-shaped nose. "That's a bit of a secret, my lad. But I don't mind telling you this. It's on the Jersey shore above Perth Amboy." "Very well, then," said Ned relieved, "you put me ashore in Perth Amboy and I'll send you whatever money I can raise to any address you give." The captain stared at him as if in deep thought. For a moment he said nothing. Then he found words. "Ain't you a nice one ter try yer deceivin' ways on poor ole Cap'n Briggs?" said he in an injured tone. "Fellers like you ain't ridin' roun' in motor boats with no money to do it on. You'll stay right here with me till you send for a messenger or telegraft or find some way to have the money paid right over to me." "How much do you want?" asked Ned. "Three hundred dollars, my lad, and little enough that is to a young millionaire like you." "But I couldn't get that much, anyhow," gasped Ned. "Then I'm werry sorry to be obleeged to state that you'll stay here with me until yer do," responded Cap'n Briggs. He cast a cunning glance at Ned from under his bushy brows out of his bleary, blood-shot eyes. Then he dived into his pocket and produced a large flask. "I won't treat you no ways mean. Have a drink, matey?" he asked. "I wouldn't touch the stuff," said Ned, who began to see a partial reason for the captain's obstinacy. The captain shrugged his shoulders and took a long pull. Then, wiping his mouth with the back of his hand, he replaced the bottle and gave an order to "Haul sheets and go about once more." "Looks like I'm destined to get into tight places that I can never explain to anyone's satisfaction," mournfully muttered Ned to himself, as the little schooner yawed and pitched and finally clawed her way round on the other tack. CHAPTER XXIII. THE TRAIL. Herc decided to begin his investigation into Ned's mysterious disappearance by making a canvass of the hotels on Civic Island. There were not so very many of them, and by chance the third or fourth that he struck was the one in which Ned had put up. But he could not glean much information there. They informed him of the hour that Ned had left the place, and further questioning elicited the fact that, as we know, Ned had engaged a hack to convey him part way to his destination. Armed with this information, Herc, feeling not at all eased in his mind, started out to find the hackman. He had a long search for the man, but at last he discovered him in the person of a bulbous-nosed, bibulous-looking old specimen of the genus hack-driver. Yes, the man recollected Ned. Knew the very place he had dropped him. Would he drive Herc out there? Certainly. Ned jumped into the rickety old conveyance owned by the bulbous-nosed man, who rejoiced in the name of Chuck Chiggins. Chuck's bony old nag, in due time, landed the cab at the place where Ned had left it. Herc could see the Neck stretching out tenuously across the shining water. Telling Chuck to wait, he walked about for an hour or more trying rather vaguely to locate at least some clew to Ned's whereabouts. Needless almost is it to say, that he did not succeed in his purpose. In fact it was more for the sake of doing something to work off his anxiety that Herc made the idle search at all. "The Neck appears ter be gittin' a pop'lar place lately," volunteered Chuck, when Herc returned. "How's that?" asked Herc disinterestedly, as he resumed his place and told Chuck to drive back to the island. "Why, it's jes' this way. Right arter your friend drove down this way, I meets a Jap pluggin' along the road. He asks me to drive him to some point near to the Neck." "What's that?" Herc had suddenly galvanized into interest. A Jap! And in the vicinity of the place where Ned was carrying on his confidential observations! There was food for thought here. The old cabby, with a look of astonishment at Herc's sudden and vehement interest, repeated his story. "He were a mighty onery looking Jap, too," he volunteered; "but, Lord bless yer, if I was ter inquire into the character of everyone that rode in this here cab, it's not much business that I'd be doin'." As they jogged along over the sandy road, Herc had plenty of material for reflection. Of course, it might be only a far-fetched conclusion, but it appeared reasonable to suppose that the Jap whom Chuck had driven was none other than Saki. If this was the case, Herc was almost certain that the Oriental and Kenworth had an appointment on the Neck. It was not likely, either, that they were there for any legitimate purpose, inasmuch as one had deserted from his ship and the other had overstayed his leave for the purpose. "I'm certain that their presence there meant harm to good old Ned," muttered Herc gloomily. "My! what a tangle this thing is getting into." The old hack jolted over the bridge and began traversing the streets of Civic Island. Ordinarily Herc would have found much to look at. The Island is one of the most remarkable places in the vicinity of New York. In summer the inlet between the island and the main land is crowded with houseboats and pleasure craft of all kinds. Its one main street, bordered by gimcrack restaurants and rickety boarding-houses, interspersed with a few stores, is thronged with white-garbed yachtsmen and girls in brightly colored blazers and duck skirts. There is music everywhere, from wheezy orchestrions to wandering string orchestras. It is a veritable summer city by the sea. With the first blast of cold weather the pageant vanishes, and Civic Island is deserted of its butterfly population almost overnight. But there is another aspect to life on this remarkable island. On the side opposite to that devoted to catering to the summer guests, is a strange colony of beach-combers, fishermen and more or less languishing boat-works. In this part of the island, too, are laid up the gaunt skeletons of various yachts which have competed for the America Cup. Useless for any purpose but that for which they were built, racing machines pure and simple, the hulls of the once splendid sailing cracks lie moldering on ancient ways, dreaming of the days when they skimmed the seas with pyramids of snowy canvas rising above their deep-keeled bodies. In this part of the island can be found gaunt, rat-haunted factory buildings once devoted to sail-lofts and rope-walks. But with the passing of this branch of maritime trade from Civic Island the rickety structures with gaping windows and cracking boards stand tenantless and moss-grown like so many stranded hulks, the tide washing at the piles on which some of them extend out over the water. They were passing along the lower end of the "summer resort" street of the island when Herc gave a sudden exclamation. Before Chuck could utter a word, Herc was out of the rig and bounding off down the thoroughfare. The old cabby had not even time to shout out indignantly that Herc had forgotten the formality of paying his fare, before the tall, red-headed youth had vanished round a corner, his long legs going like piston rods. The cause of Herc's sudden change from the cab to the street was this: Rounding the corner, past which he himself dashed a moment later, he had caught a glimpse of two backs that appeared strikingly familiar to him. Like a flash, the reason for this familiar appearance had come over him. The two pedestrians who excited his attention were Kenworth, the renegade midshipman, and Saki, the mysterious Jap. CHAPTER XXIV. THE JAPANESE STORE. When Herc hit the sidewalk he utterly forgot all else in his anxiety to follow and trace out the destination of the two he had so providentially, he felt, sighted from the cab. He had a feeling that if he could run them down without their observing him, he would be able to discover the whereabouts of Ned, for the more he pondered it, the more the Dreadnought Boy felt certain that the two worthies he was trailing knew what had become of his chum. He was perfectly correct in his prompt recognition of the two men. A second glance as he cautiously negotiated the corner showed him that. The pair, who no doubt felt perfectly secure, were walking along at a moderate gait. From time to time they cast sharp glances at some shabby-looking little shops as if in search of something. It will, of course, be recalled that the last time we saw Saki and his accomplice they were on the point of being precipitated into the stormy sea, following the death-blow the schooner had dealt the frail motor boat. How they escaped a grave in the tumbling water rows we shall also learn before long. But just now let us follow Herc as, slipping in and out of doorways and taking advantage of every bit of cover, like a trained detective, he follows them. As they did not look back, Herc's task was rendered considerably more easy of accomplishment than would otherwise have been the case. He kept, however, some yards to the rear in order to guard against the danger of being recognized. The fact that he was in "mufti" or citizen's clothes was in his favor. Young Taylor, in his not very stylish gray suit, was an inconspicuous person compared with the somewhat swaggering air he bore when he was in Uncle Sam's uniform. They were leaving behind them the street that was crowded with summer-garbed promenaders. The stores were small and of no attraction. Dingy, uncleaned windows and slatternly-looking merchants began to make their appearance. At the foot of the down-at-heel side street, Herc could catch a glimpse of water and could sight the barn-like outlines of some of the deserted factories already referred to. "Where in the world can they be bound?" he found himself wondering. Could he have known the events of the last twelve hours, he would also have wondered at their being there at all. It is not given to everyone to come as close to the grim scythe of death and to escape scot-free as Saki and Kenworth had done. As it happened, Herc was not destined to have to wait long before his curiosity was, at least in part, gratified. The two men came to an abrupt halt in front of a store that was even more dingy in appearance than its neighbors. Grass was sprouting through the cracks in the rickety wooden sidewalk in front of it, and, so far as Herc could see, from the distance he was obliged to keep, the establishment bore no outward and visible sign of the goods for sale within. Yet its big, dirty window showed that it was a store of some sort. Herc dodged into a doorway as the two men came to a standstill in front of this place. By peeping cautiously out he was able to ascertain that they had apparently reached their destination. At any rate, he saw Saki step up to the door and open it. Then the portal swallowed them both, and Herc was left alone on the solitary by-street. "Umph, what's the next move?" he muttered to himself. "Looks like it's up to me to do something, but I'll be keel-hauled if I can think right now just what that 'something' is." He paused irresolute. Then suddenly he came to action. He had decided to cross the street and reconnoiter from there, where he could obtain a view of the place the two men he was tracking had entered. The maneuver did not take long, and was accomplished so far as the lad could see, without his being detected, or indeed the slightest notice being taken of him. So far, so good. Herc gazed across the street at the forlorn-looking place the two men had entered. It was painted a dirty red, the pigment blistered and peeling off in big patches as if the structure was suffering from some sort of unclean leprosy. A jagged crack ran across the show window, which was too thickly grimed with dirt to permit the goods offered within to be displayed to passers-by, if, indeed, any stock in trade was on view. Above the lower floor, the second story was equally inscrutable. The windows were veiled like closed eyes, with dark green shades of a faded hue. Above, came the roof, a steep-pitched, shingled affair, which surmounted the house like a battered hat on a shabby man. "Now what," mused Herc, "now what business can take a midshipman of Uncle Sam's navy into such a place in company with a yellow-skinned deserter of a wardroom steward?" Although it had not at first attracted his attention, he now became aware that there was a name over the door. It was in letters that had once been gilt but were now almost as black and faded as the board that bore them. "H. Nagasaki. Dealer in Cigars and Tobacco, Candy and Notions," was what Herc read. "Sounds innocent enough," he said. "I know that fellow Kenworth is an inveterate cigarette smoker,--which accounts for his narrow chest and pasty face,--and maybe they went in there to get some." For an instant or two Herc stood at pause, undetermined what course to pursue, but eying the doorway through which the two men had passed. While he stood thus, hesitant, the figure of another customer appeared in front of the Japanese store and passed within. This gave Herc, situated as he was, a chance to observe the interior of the place. He saw that within was a counter and at the further end of the store a flight of stairs. Up this flight of stairs, Herc glimpsed in the brief time the door was open the figures of Kenworth and Saki. They were in the act of ascending the stairway. "Now what----?" mused Herc, and then he stopped short. A bold thought had sprung unbidden into his mind. That the tumble-down, blighted store on the opposite side of the street held the secret of Ned's whereabouts, Herc felt suddenly convinced. Acting almost without conscious volition, he crossed the street, and the next instant boldly flung open the door of "H. Nagasaki's" place and passed within. CHAPTER XXV. A BOX OF MATCHES. The change from the bright sunlight without to the dim and dusty interior of the store was, at first, almost blinding to Herc. Before entering he had taken the precaution to pull the front of his soft hat down over his eyes, for, as will be recalled, he was wearing civilian clothing. This did not help to make things clearer to his vision in the gloom. His first impression was of a large apartment, bare of floor and wall, with a set of dusty show cases placed at one side behind a rickety counter. It did not look like a store where much business of the kind it ostensibly catered to was transacted. All this confirmed Herc's growing suspicions that the place was conducted as a blind. That it was nothing more than a haunt for Japanese spies and those allied with them in their schemes against Uncle Sam. A soft voice, a voice with a purring inflection as silky as that of a cream-fed cat, broke on his ears. "What will the gentleman please to 'ave?" Herc saw that a small, spectacled Japanese had glided rather than stepped in behind the counter, and now stood regarding the new customer with a face that might as well have been a mask for all the expression it conveyed. It is a curious fact, but Herc, who up to that moment had acted the part of a bold investigator, suddenly found himself embarrassed. He struggled to find an answer to the simple question that had been put to him. This Jap behind the counter regarded him with growing suspicion. "You come in for something--a cigar, maybe?" he purred. "Yes--oh, yes,--give me--give me a box of matches," blurted out Herc desperately. "A box of matches? Veree well." The Jap turned deftly to the show cases behind him, and inserting a long fingered hand in a drawer, drew out the required article. Herc fumbled in his pocket for the change necessary, but in so doing he drew out a navy button, cut from his first uniform, with the small silver. As he extended a nickel across the counter, with no very clear idea as to what he was to do next, he had the misfortune, for so he presently perceived it to be, to drop this pocket piece. It fell with a jingling sound and before he could pick it up, the Jap was out from behind the counter and had grasped and was extending it to him. "A navee button," said he suavely. "The honorable gentleman is in the service of the so estimable Uncle Sam?" There was one thing that Herc could not do, at no matter what cost, and that was to lie. Yet he had important reasons for not wishing his service to become known to the Jap. So he compromised. "Yes, it's a navy button," he said pocketing it. "Ah; it is a fine service," said the Jap, with a swift appraising look at Herc, and at the red hair that showed under his pulled-down hat. "I often deplore that I am Japanese and so cannot to enter it." "Yet there are Japs in the navy," said Herc, and then with one of those incautious bursts which Ned so often deprecated, he rushed on, "one came in here just now,--Saki, do you know him?" From behind the spectacles a swift look of comprehension flashed into the Jap's eyes, and then died out again like a suddenly extinguished fire. "Saki? I no know heem," he said. "Humph, I _am_ on the right trail," exclaimed Herc to himself. "This fellow knows all about Ned. I'm afraid, also, that he is suspicious of me, but that can't be helped now." "If you will wait one minute, I will bring you change," came the silky voice of the Jap. "Matches are one penny, you give me one nickel." "All right, get the change. I'll wait for you," said Herc, trying to mask his anxiety to penetrate the secrets of this place under an appearance of indifference. The Jap, with one swift backward glance at Herc, glided off and up the same stairway that Herc had seen Saki and Kenworth ascend. So he was going to join them and doubtless tell them of his suspicions. Herc was in a quandary. If he left the place to give the alarm to the authorities, by the time he came back the birds might have flown and with them all clew to Ned. On the other hand, he could not, single-handed, face the whole nest of them. But the next instant came another thought. After all, the place was not on the outposts of civilization. It was policed just as any other well-ordered district. Not a block away were gay summer cafés and promenaders. What harm could come to him here? It was while his mind was busied with these reflections that Herc's eye fell on the door at the end of the store, already mentioned. Where did it lead to? Perhaps to Ned's prison place. Herc glanced about him. The store was empty. Outside someone passed along whistling gaily. After all, he had nothing to fear and all to gain, if he could ascertain something concerning Ned's fate. With half a dozen swift strides, Herc was across the store and at the rear door. He fumbled with the latch an instant and then the portal swung open. Beyond was a dark passage. This rather surprised Herc, who had surmised that the door gave on to a back yard or another street, and who had thought that in case of emergency it might be utilized as a means of escape. It was at this moment that a murmur of voices reached his ears. Several persons were seemingly descending the stairway up which the spectacled Jap had passed to procure change. Herc was about to dart for the front door when he heard a sudden sharp clicking sound. As if by intuition he guessed what it meant. By some mechanical means a bolt had been shot and he was trapped. He sped back again to the rear door. Darting through it, he dashed into the dark passage beyond. Then he suddenly checked himself. Why not secure that rear door from the inside? But a second's fumbling in the dark showed him that there was no means of doing this. The voices grew louder. They swelled to an angry clamor. Herc hastily slammed the door and plunged forward into the blackness. As he ran, he heard the trample of feet behind him and knew that the hunt was up and that he was the quarry. CHAPTER XXVI. MYSTERIES. All that day, against head winds and tides, Captain Briggs' schooner clawed her way around Staten Island. Nightfall found her making her way up the staked channel in Raritan Bay with a fair breeze, and the bibulous skipper was in good humor. He even condescended to joke and laugh with Ned, who stood glumly by the wheel, watching the clumsy handling of the broad-beamed old craft. Ned had indulged in much speculation concerning Captain Briggs and his craft since he had become what he felt was virtually a prisoner on board her. He was puzzled to make out the vessel's mission. Captain Briggs waxed more and more mysterious as the contents of the bottle and the sun together grew lower. From time to time he threw out hints, which only served the purpose of further mystification. The Dreadnought Boy began to think that he was on board a smuggler. It was the only conclusion he could reach, although he was actually miles beside the mark in his guess. As it grew dusk, the schooner was brought up opposite a sandy, desolate-looking stretch of ground on the Jersey shore. It was a brush-grown point with here and there steep, reddish-colored miniature cliffs, where landslides had occurred in the sandy earth. On the summit of the point a tall, white semaphore, like some grotesque skeleton, spread its arms against the sky. A chill wind blew off shore. Ned felt that he had reached the last spot in civilization, even though off in the distance on the Staten Island shore the smoke from the factory chimneys of Tottenville could be seen like a dark and sooty pall. Ned was wondering whether they were going to anchor there, when his unspoken question was answered by the rattle of the schooner's hawser as the rusty mud-hook dropped into the yellow, turbid tide. "Well, of all queer cruises, this is the queerest," mused Ned, as he leaned against the rail and watched Captain Briggs bringing his craft to an anchorage. He could not forbear smiling at the captain's importance as he issued his orders. A rear admiral on his own quarter-deck could not have been a bit more pompous or consequential. At last all was arranged to Captain Briggs' satisfaction, and the schooner, under bare poles, swung at anchor. "What's coming now?" wondered Ned, as he saw the captain come sidling toward him like a red-nosed crab, if such a thing can be imagined. He was not left long in doubt. The captain eyed him with an oddly embarrassed air for a few seconds and then he spoke. "Seeing as how I'm looking to get a bit of money out of you, mate," he said at length, with a sidewise squint out of his red-rimmed eyes, "maybe what I'm agoin' to do ain't just right. But," and here the captain strengthened his resolution with a draft out of his bottle, "but," he resumed, wiping his lips with the back of his hand, "what's got to be has got to be, ain't it?" "Certainly," said Ned, with a smile at the captain's rather obvious logic. "And that bein' the case, it will be, I reckon?" pursued the captain with the air of one propounding a profound question. Again Ned agreed. This time he signified his entire understanding of the captain's views by a nod of his head. "Well," resumed the skipper, "it's got to be that you've got to go below, and----" "Go below?" repeated Ned indignantly. "See here, Captain Briggs, don't you think you're carrying this thing a little far?" "I dunno as I am, and if I am, why, then, I dunno as it's any of your clamjamfried business," retorted the captain. "You wasn't asked to come on board this here fine vessel, was yer?" "Certainly not, and as you know I'm more grateful than I can say to you for saving my life. But when----" The captain shut Ned off with a wave of his hand. "Least said, soonest mended," he remarked. "You an' me 'ull have our talk 'bout that later on. Cap'n Briggs, he gets paid fer his salvage, be it human or 'totherwise. The p'int is this, you've got to go below." "But what is your object in confining me in that stuffy cabin?" objected Ned. "Let me stay on deck and I'll pledge you my word that I wouldn't have a chance to escape from you,--that is, if you persist in your insane idea that I have wealthy relatives who will pay handsomely for my ransom." "'Tain't ransom, it's a man's rights," objected Captain Briggs; "but as I said before, tain't no manner o' use wasting of words. Below I want yer to go, and below you will go." "If I refuse?" "Wa'al," insinuated Captain Briggs, with a glance at his crew, who, as if they had been warned in advance, stood watching the scene, "wa'al, I op-pine t'wouldn't be just healthy like fer you to refuse. There's a heap of persuasion in a handspike and plenty of good argument in a capstan bar." "What, you would dare to use violence on me? Maybe two can play at that game." Ned's eyes flashed; his fists clenched. Yet he knew that he must control his temper with this pig-headed old mariner. "I'll use violence, or anything else I please, to hev my orders carried out," flared out Captain Briggs. "Now then, are you going below peaceable or do we hev ter make yer?" "Why are you so anxious to have me out of the way?" asked Ned. "What sort of nefarious business are you in?" "Ain't in no 'farious business," bellowed the captain. "I'm an honest man, I am. But I'm on secret business,--business of the navy, ef you must know. Business fer the Blue fleet, as they calls it, ef you must know. Now will you go below?" "Very well, if I must, I must," muttered Ned, with feigned reluctance, for at that instant he would not have left Captain Briggs' shabby little schooner for a king's ransom. "Business for the Blue fleet." Could it be that Fate, by ways devious for even that uncertain goddess, had led his feet into the arcanum of the Blue fleet's secrets? As Ned descended the cabin stairs into the malodorous little cabin, he determined to find out before he was many hours older the exact meaning of Captain Briggs' remark. CHAPTER XXVII. THROUGH THE CRACK IN THE WALL. As Ned's feet sounded on the boards of the stuffy little cuddy, he heard a sharp "bang" above him and then the grating of a rusty iron bolt, as it was shot to, making him a prisoner. The sound of the grating bolt and the sense that he was a captive, even though in a sense a voluntary one, made Ned see "red" for an instant. "So they couldn't even trust to my word!" he muttered angrily to himself; and then, "All this precaution shows that there is something very out of the ordinary going forward. Something, too, that unless I miss my guess is in the line of my commission to find out. Gee whiz, I'd give a lot to know right now what is at the bottom of all this how-d'ye-do!" Ned cast himself down on a transom. For a time silence reigned on deck. Then he became aware of a trampling of feet above him and the sound of hoarse voices hailing. "Somebody coming alongside," surmised Ned, with ready apprehension of what was going forward. "It must be dark by this time. Clearly whatever their business is, it is such that does not bear the light of day for its transaction." The noise on deck continued. Ned scrutinized his place of captivity for some means of seeing without its confines. But except for the scuttle which had been secured, the cabin was without openings. No port-holes or air vents were visible. "If only I could see out," he muttered, "that would help some." Then came more voices outside. Above them sounded sharp, authoritative tones. "By the great bow gun, whoever is giving orders out there is a man-o'-war's-man!" exclaimed the Dreadnought Boy. "Something _is_ in the wind in connection with the Blue fleet beyond a doubt. By hookey, I may be on the verge of making some discovery which will be invaluable to our side." He listened greedily now. His trained ears had not deceived him. It was a man-o'-war "steamer" that had glided up to Captain Briggs' down-at-heel craft. She now lay alongside, while her crew of Jackies hustled up upon the schooner's dirty decks and their leader, a petty officer, greeted Captain Briggs. "We'll get to work just as soon as you're ready," grunted Captain Briggs to this individual, who had introduced himself as Gunner's Mate Steffens of the destroyer _Truxton_. Presently, to Ned in the cabin below, came the sounds of hurrying action on deck. He heard the blows of hammers as the battens were ripped off hatchways and the cargo of the schooner, whatever it was, lay ready for the broachers. There was a partition forward in the cabin, and Ned guessed that beyond it must lie the hold with its mysterious contents. He stationed himself against the bulkhead awaiting developments. While he stood there listening to the creaking of blocks and tackles, as apparatus for transferring the cargo of the schooner to the "steamer" was in process of rigging, his eye was caught by a sudden gleam of light. The cabin was dark, so he the more easily saw the long, thin slice of radiance that he was not long in finding out leaked through a longitudinal crack in the bulkhead, which was of the flimsiest construction. Clearly enough, the hold was illuminated by the cargo broachers and this light filtered through from it. Ned lost no time in applying an eye to the crack thus luckily revealed. He stood at gaze for a moment or two, his optic riveted to the crack. Then he started back with an exclamation. "Great ginger! Talk about luck! Why, this is the very thing the commander was anxious to find out about. I heard him talking it over with some of the officers. He mentioned it, too, in my instructions." Ned applied himself afresh to the crack. He might have been carved out of stone, so motionless did he stand there. In the hold beyond, all was confusion, shouts, trampling feet and activity. One after another big boxes and bales were hoisted out to be lowered into the waiting steamer. Through his crack Ned overheard enough to show him that the cargo was being transferred as fast as was possible under cover of the night. As soon as she was filled to her capacity, the steamer scurried off and then returned again for a fresh cargo. From the brevity of these intervals of absence, Ned was able to argue that wherever the mysterious cargo was being taken, that place at least was not very far off. More than likely it was some spot along the lonesome shore. In fact, Ned now recalled that below the skeleton-like semaphore he had noticed the decaying remnants of what had plainly enough once been a dock. If it was desired to land the schooner's cargo in secret, what more likely spot would offer for the disposal of it than this abandoned dock on a desolate shore? Ned had seen enough of what was going forward in the hold and overheard enough, too, to convince him of the nature of the cargo that was being landed. By a stroke of fortune that seemed almost miraculous, he had, or he was very much mistaken, stumbled upon the headquarters of the Aero division of the Blue fleet. The cargo of the schooner consisted of supplies brought from the government station at Newport for the "Flying Squadron." There is hardly a boy in the land who does not know of the tremendous importance attached by modern governments to the aeroplane, or the hydro-aeroplane, as an adjunct to a battle fleet in time of war. Readers of "The Dreadnought Boys on Aero Service" are aware that Ned was proficient enough in this branch of the service to realize at once the importance of the discovery he had made. He knew, too, that according to reports, the Blue fleet's main attack was to be made by war-aeroplanes. It was ignorance of the number and location of these flying harpies of the air that had caused the authorities of the Red fleet much anxiety. To be "technically dynamited" by a squadron of aeroplanes would result in almost certain defeat. Small wonder was it then that Ned's heart leaped in elation as he realized that he had stumbled by sheer good luck upon the information wanted. But mingled with his delight came a sobering reflection. He might have located the Blue's Aero fleet; but he was hardly in a position to put his knowledge to much practical use. CHAPTER XXVIII. HERC'S SUBTERFUGE. On down the dark passage dashed Herc. As he sped he extended both hands in front of him. For all he knew he might be dashing into an ambush. It was all too plain now that the place into which he had so cheerfully blundered was of a sinister character. Suddenly his finger tips encountered something solid that the next instant gave way before them. A door swung open. Herc found himself in a large room, cluttered with rusty tools, benches, and boxes. High on one wall was a window, through the unwashed panes of which a gray light sifted wanly into the vacant room beneath. The room was plainly enough a cul-de-sac. There was no means of entering or leaving it, except by the door through which Herc had come,--that is, if the lofty window be excepted. Pantingly the Dreadnought Boy looked about him. He must have a hiding place and that quickly. If he was to be of any use to Ned, it would be the worst thing that could happen if he, too, were to be made prisoner. Poor Herc, if he had only known the true state of affairs! But with his customary impulsiveness the red-headed boy had followed his nose, and as not infrequently happened in Herc's affairs, it had led him into trouble. "This place must be a perfect nest of Japanese spies," he mused to himself, as he gazed swiftly about. "Poor old Ned, they've trapped him and got him hidden away some place. But they won't get me so easily!" He listened an instant. Footsteps were coming down the passage now. "They've guessed I came this way. In fact, they couldn't very well help doing it," thought Herc. He glanced up at the window above him. Would it be possible to escape that way? With frenzied haste he began pulling a dusty bench from one corner and flinging upon it the old boxes with which the room was littered. But his time was all too short. Herc had to give over his labors half completed at the nearer approach of footsteps. "I've got to hide some place, and that right quickly," he muttered, glancing about him in every direction. Herc darted for the dimmest corner and crouched behind a large open box that stood there. He had just time to squeeze himself back of it and draw it over him like the shell of a tortoise when the door was burst open. Half a dozen men, headed by Kenworth, Saki and the spectacled Jap, burst into the room. They gazed wildly about them. "Why--why, he's not here!" gasped out Kenworth. "The red-headed fox has escaped!" "Eem-poss-ible," the spectacled Jap informed him. "There is no way of getting out this room." "Then he must be here," declared Saki sententiously; "we must find him. He is one of the most dangerous enemies we have got. He is even worse than that Ned Strong, whose body now lies at the bottom of the Sound, for the meddling fool that he was." "Yes, he is drowned and out of the way," rejoined Kenworth, "and it was we, after all, that had the good fortune to be picked up by a fishing boat after drifting about in our life belts for hours, and to be brought ashore here. And now, confound it, just when everything looks like smooth sailing, Mister Red Head has to bob up and spoil it all." "Never mind that now," said Saki briskly, "he cannot have gone far. We must find him." "He must be in this room," declared the spectacled Jap; "he could not get out except----" He stopped short, gazing at the pile of boxes on the rickety bench. They stood right under the high window. Kenworth was the first to read his thoughts. "Could he have escaped that way?" he asked. "I will ask you another question, honorable Kenworth," was the reply. "Could he climb?" "Climb!" repeated the renegade midshipman with scorn. "Why, man, both those Dreadnought Boys would go in places that it would puzzle a cat to find a footing." "Then there is your answer. He has escaped by the window." "Confusion!" "Yes; but he cannot get far." "Why not?" "That window opens on to a roof." "Yes." "The roof was once an extension, but now it is blocked in on all sides by the high walls of abandoned sail lofts." "Then if he did get up there, he is a prisoner?" "Without doubt." "Good." The midshipman's face was flushed with malicious triumph. "He can't escape us this time. Saki, somebody, help me up, quick. This time he'll not get away. One Dreadnought Boy is at the bottom of the Sound. In a few minutes the other will be our prisoner." CHAPTER XXIX. TABLES TURNED--TWICE! Herc, crouched within the stifling confines of the upturned packing case, heard the recorded conversation with a sinking heart. After all, then, he had been mistaken. Ned was not in the place. Some casualty of which he had no knowledge had occurred and in the catastrophe in some way Ned, his chum, his shipmate, had been drowned. Right then Herc would not have given a straw for his own life. The thought that Ned had perished, beat into his heart like a death knell. Careless of what the consequences to himself might be, he was about to declare himself and trust to his fists to fight his way to liberty, when he hesitated. Kenworth, he knew by this time to be a miscreant and perverter of the truth. Was it not possible, then, that he had purposely aired the report of Ned's supposed death in the hope that he (Herc) might hear him and in a moment of desperation give himself up? The theory, based on what the Dreadnought Boy knew of the renegade midshipman, was at least tenable. After a moment's reflection Herc, now that the first shock was over, found himself unable to entertain the thought of Ned's death. It was impossible to believe that Ned Strong, the resourceful, the brave, had perished as Kenworth had described. If a weakling like the midshipman had escaped whatever disaster had happened, it was incredible that Ned had not saved himself. "Give me a leg up, Saki,--quick; I want to be the first to confront that red-headed idiot." It was Kenworth speaking again. Herc heard the others hoist more boxes on the top of his pile and then came the sound of scrambling feet ascending the wobbly pyramid. "Oh, what a sell for them when they find the roof is empty," chuckled Herc to himself. "I'd give a whole lot just to see their faces." But with this reflection came another thought. When they found the roof tenantless, would they not make a further search of the room? Undoubtedly, and once they began turning things over, one of the first things they would discover would be Herc. Under certain conditions Herc's mind worked quickly. It did so now. A sudden idea flashed into his head. In a trice he had slipped out of his box and stood free. Kenworth had already chinned himself through the window and Saki was following him. In the room were only the spectacled Jap, the white man whom Herc had observed enter the place earlier, and one or two other Japs and white men, all hard-looking characters. As Herc emerged from his box there came a shout from Kenworth on the roof. "Confound it all, he's not here!" "Whoop-ee! No, he isn't; he's right here! Wow!" Like a human battering ram, Herc charged at the pile of boxes. Crash! Bang! The Dreadnought Boy's broad shoulder struck the wobbly pedestal like the prow of a battleship. "Look out for squalls!" he yelled, as the boxes, in a crashing avalanche, came toppling down. The uproar was deafening. Stricken temporarily to immobility by the suddenness of the whole thing, the spectacled Jap and the others stood spellbound for an instant as the red-headed youth, having demolished the pile of boxes, came charging at them with his bullet head bent over like a young bull's. As he rushed ferociously at them Herc gave vent to a blood curdling yell. "Wow! Whoop-ee! Stand aside for the human torpedo!" he bellowed. Saki, who had been in the act of clambering from the boxes through the window when the box pile collapsed, hung teetering from its ledge with his feet beating a tattoo on thin air. He was howling piteously for aid. But right then things were moving far too swiftly for anyone to pay the least attention to the luckless Jap. Herc's red head struck the spectacled Jap in the stomach and butted him clean across the room. He fell jammed into one of the empty packing cases and remained there, his legs waving feebly as though imploring help. One of the hard-looking white men tried to intercept Herc as he dashed for the door, but at the same instant he felt as if a tornado had struck him and he, too, doubled up and went to the floor with a crash. From the roof came a loud shout from Kenworth. "What the dickens----!" He did not need to ask any more. One glance through the window showed him what was happening in the room below him: showed him, too, that he was marooned on the roof even as he had hoped to find Herc. "Help me! help me!" howled Saki. "No can hold on much longer!" "Confound you, this is all your fault," shouted Kenworth, beside himself with chagrin. "Hey there! Kester! Vaux! hold that fellow! Don't let him get away; it means all our necks in a halter if you do!" The two men addressed attempted to seize Herc. But they might as well have tried to capture a young hurricane. The red-headed lad's fighting blood was up. As they tried to intercept him, he rushed them and catching them both around the legs, he brought them down in one grand smash. As they fell, their heads bumped together with a noise like a pistol shot. "No more trouble from them," chuckled Herc gleefully. The red-headed lad was beginning to enjoy himself. The Japs who alone were left standing, were huddled in one corner of the room out of the way of the "white demon with the head of flames." "Any more?" howled Herc gleefully, and went charging for the door leading into the dark passage. His plan was made. Once he gained the front shop, he meant to force his way out to the street, if possible through the locked portal. If he could not batter his way out there, he meant to smash a window and run at top speed for the authorities. But as he dashed for the door, there came a yell of dismay and the noise of a heavy fall behind him. Kenworth, half through the window, had been trying to assist Saki. But he lost his balance just as the weight of the Jap came on him, and together he and Saki had come crashing down to the floor of the room below. Luckily for them, the two men that Herc had just attended to lay there and their bodies broke the force of the fall. Not injured in the least, owing to this--for him--lucky accident, Kenworth was on his feet again in the wink of an eyelid. As Herc's form vanished through the doorway, he drew a revolver and in the insane fury of his rage, fired a shot at the Dreadnought Boy's fleeing form. Herc felt the breeze of the bullet as it winged past him and buried itself harmlessly in the wall. "Blaze away!" he shouted. "In five minutes' time I'll have the whole boiling of you in----" The sentence was not completed. In the room he had left behind him, the spectacled Jap, who had recovered his wits, had darted for a lever in the wall. He pulled it toward him. At the same instant, Herc felt the floor of the passage drop from under his feet and found himself falling, falling, falling into a black void, while fires and lightnings wheeled and darted wildly through his confused brain. CHAPTER XXX. IN FRESH TERROR. Herc landed with a crash on something soft and yielding. For an instant or two he actually found himself wondering if he had been killed, but as soon as his rudely jolted senses reasserted themselves he found that, thanks to the soft substance he had landed upon, he was not even sprained. "Well, here's a nice kettle of fish!" exclaimed Herc to himself, rubbing his head ruefully. "I'm a whole lot worse off now than I was before." He sat up and tried to collect his thoughts. A moment's reflection placed him pretty well in possession of the facts as they were. He had been dashing at top speed down the dark passage when he suddenly found himself precipitated into space. There had been no trap-door or opening in the passage when he came down it before, of that he was certain; therefore it was plain that some sort of device must have been operated to open a pitfall under his feet and prevent his escape. "The question now is, though, where am I?" mused Herc. All about him was velvety blackness, so dark that it could almost be felt. The air was filled with an odd kind of musty odor, a damp reek as of some place infested with fungus growth and unclean things. "Some sort of a cellar," thought the lad, "and it's not likely there's any way out of it but the way I came. There might be a ladder there, of course, but I didn't notice it as I came down. Ouch! what a bump! I'm lucky it didn't break every bone in my body." Herc felt in his pockets for his matchbox. Having found it, he struck a lucifer. By its light he made a brief but comprehensive survey of his surroundings. He had fallen on a rotting pile of what appeared to be old sails, or canvas from which sails were made. From this he judged that the structure above him must have been at some time occupied by sail-makers, and that this cellar had formed a sort of rubbish heap for the refuse of the place. For the rest, the lighting of another match showed him that the cellar was about eighty feet square and evidently extended under the whole of the house above. There was no means of egress, and he could not even see the trap-door above him through which he had made such a hasty entrance into the place. The walls were smooth, and made of some sort of cement. There was no hope of scaling them, even had there been anything to gain by such a proceeding. So far as he could see, Herc was in as effectual a trap as it would have been possible to devise. Only a ladder could do him any good, and so far as obtaining that was concerned, he felt that he might just as well wish for anything impossible of attainment. But Herc was not the sort of lad to give anything up without making a try to better his condition. As soon as his head, which had been sadly shaken in his fall, stopped aching a little, he got up from the pile of old sails and began a further examination of the cellar. The first thing that struck him was that the floor was very wet. Slimy, slippery mud was under foot and a green weed grew wherever it could secure a roothold. His next discovery was that the walls were marked near to the top of the cellar by a distinct line. Above this line their color was the dirty gray of the cement; but below, it was stained green as if from the action of water. Herc puzzled a good deal over this. He could not account for it by any theory of mere dampness. Just then he was far indeed from guessing its true significance. One thing, however, he was sure of: the cellar was close to the sea, for the sharp, acrid tang of the salt water mingled with the damp, decaying odor of the place, like a healthy, wholesome influence in a fever-stricken hospital ward. His survey completed, Herc sank back on his pile of old sails to think matters over further. Not that he felt that there was really anything to be considered, save the fact that he was helpless and must depend upon outside aid for escaping from his predicament. But no outside aid, he knew, was likely to reach him there. He wondered what was going to become of him. Since he had taken that plunge through the suddenly opened trap, he had heard nothing from above, no trample of feet, no sound of voices. Was it possible that those in the house had deserted it precipitately and had left him there to perish miserably like a rat in a hole? The thought chilled the hot blood in his veins and started the cold perspiration on his forehead. Herc was no coward, but the thought of facing death alone in that dark, dank hole might have unmanned many a sterner soul than he. In his despair at the thought that he had been abandoned to his fate, Herc set up shout upon shout. But after a time he stopped this as being a useless waste of strength which it behooved him to husband for he knew not what emergency. Herc was not a lad given to beating about the bush. He faced the bald facts as he found them, and in the present situation he was unable to discover one crumb of comfort. Then, too, what Kenworth had said about Ned kept recurring to his mind with disquieting effect. He could not bring himself to believe that Ned was, as the midshipman had said, dead at the bottom of the Sound; but nevertheless the idea kept repeating itself over and over in his mind dishearteningly. "What a fool I was ever to come in here at all," he muttered to himself bitterly. "It all comes of following my nose. Every time I do it, I land in trouble--but this is just about the worst ever. I wonder----" He broke off short in his half spoken meditations. A sudden sound had arrested his attention. At first he could not identify it and then suddenly he realized what it was. The tinkle of running water! Water was coming into the cellar from somewhere. Ned stretched out his fingers for his matchbox, which he had placed near to him, and struck a light. As the lucifer flared up an exclamation of dismay broke from the Dreadnought Boy's lips. "Good gracious!" Over the floor of the cellar a thin layer of water, perhaps an inch deep, had spread like a liquid carpet. It had not yet reached Herc on his pile of sails, but even while the match burned, he could see that the water was rising. Chilled with a nameless dread he struck another match. This time he saw where the water was coming from. It was flowing in from an iron-barred vent near the floor of the place, which had escaped him on his previous survey. At the same instant, Herc thought of the green stain on the cellar walls; that regular line of demarcation limned with greenish water-weed. Then like a thunder-clap the hideous truth burst upon him: The cellar was below the water level and the water flowing into it was tidal. It came from the sea and rose till it reached that regular high-water mark he had noticed on the cellar wall. As he realized all this, a shout of terror broke, despite himself, from Herc's lips. Was this to be his fate, his destiny, to perish in this dark, hidden place beneath the waters of the incoming tide? "Help!" he shouted at the top pitch of his lungs. "Help!" But the lapping of the water as it slowly and remorselessly rose was the only reply to his wild outburst. CHAPTER XXXI. NED'S ESCAPE. At length the confusion and uproar in the hold of Captain Briggs' schooner died away. The work of unloading the craft was completed. Ned glanced at his watch. It was close on midnight. He wondered if now that the schooner had been emptied of her secret cargo, his hour of release had come. But apparently it was no part of Captain Briggs's plan to set his prisoner at liberty just then. At any rate, nobody came near Ned. He felt strangely lonely now that the tumult had died out, to be succeeded by a death-like stillness. But after a time, during which he sought in vain for a lamp to light up the cabin, Ned was able to distinguish some sounds that broke the silence. The sounds were nasal and were in three keys. In fact, it did not take Ned long to distinguish in his own mind the loud snoring of Captain Briggs from the gruntings and snortings of his crew. The night was warm and they were plainly enough taking their rest on deck after the arduous labors of the night. Inasmuch as the schooner lay in a lonely cove out of the path of navigation, it was also evident that Captain Briggs had not bothered to set a bright watch. "Now is my chance," thought Ned, "if only I could figure on some way of getting out of this coop." He sat on the transom a while, buried in thought. He was revolving in his mind the strange events of the last twenty-four hours and the possible effect they would have upon his future. Well did Ned know that his absence from his ship must have been noticed by this time. He wondered what Commander Dunham was thinking. He speculated, and the thought was not a pleasant one, on the chances of his being deemed derelict to his duty, and being supplanted by someone else. The Dreadnought Boy knew the iron rules of the navy, laws as inflexible as those of the Medes and Persians. He might be deprived of his temporary commission without even a chance to explain all that had happened. One thought cheered him. Come what might, he at least had safe within his pocket the book of plans by which Kenworth and Saki set such store. He hoped that if the worst came to the worst, the signal service he had rendered his country in redeeming these from the desperate hands of the spy and the renegade would at least plead some extenuation for him. "Confound that old shell-back of a Briggs," growled Ned to himself; "if it hadn't been for him I might have been back with my ship by this time. As it is----" Captain Briggs' stentorian snore filled in the pause eloquently. "At any rate," muttered Ned, "he's safe off in the land of Nod; so, to judge by the sounds, are his crew. What's the matter with--Jove! I'll try it." He ascended the cabin stairway and began cautiously to fumble with the fastenings of the companionway scuttle. He did not dare make much noise, as, although he was fairly sure that Captain Briggs was beyond an easy awakening, yet the risk of rousing him was an imminent one. Like everything else about Captain Briggs' schooner, the scuttle, now that Ned came to prove it, did not appear to be over and above secure. "I believe that with good luck I can force it clean off its hinges," murmured Ned as he investigated. Indeed it seemed so. The door worked about on its hinges so freely, it showed that those attachments were not securely fastened or else, as was more likely, the wood had rotted about the screws. Ned possessed a good stock of patience and he took plenty of time, working the door about till it moved easily. Then he placed his shoulder to it and gave a gentle but strong heave. The screws drew out of the rotten wood as if they had been fastened into cheese. Five minutes after he had first applied his strength, Ned, feeling like a modern Samson, lifted off the door of his place of captivity and was ready to step out on deck. But first he took a cautious look about him. There was a bright moon. By its beams Ned saw that, as he had suspected, Captain Briggs and his crew, worn out by their night's work, were sleeping the sleep of the just. They had turned in "all standing" and lay sprawled on the deck in any but picturesque attitudes. "So far, so good," murmured Ned to himself, "and the dinghy's out astern, too. Better and better. I believe that this is going to go through without a hitch." He cautiously replaced the hatchway and stepped boldly out on the deck. Captain Briggs stirred in his slumbers and growled out some orders that came to him in his dreams. "Stand by to go about! Mind sheets and braces!" he muttered. "My! but he's going to be a surprised man when he wakes up!" grinned Ned to himself. "I'm sorry for his crew; he'll take it out on them, for I verily believe that the old shell-back thought I was some boy millionaire and worth at least a thousand in reward money to him." But as chance would have it, it was Ned who was destined to be surprised first. Hardly had he stepped on deck, when from forward a squat shape came bounding across the moonlit decks. Simultaneously a low, angry growl greeted the Dreadnought Boy's ears. "Great guns! The skipper's dog! I'd clean forgotten him," exclaimed Ned in dismay. The dog hesitated a minute, sniffed and then, with an angry snarl, came bounding on again. "If I can't silence him, he'll have them all awake in a minute, and then I'll have a fine hornet's nest about my ears," muttered Ned. Ur-r-r-r-r-r-r-r! The dog sprang straight for Ned's throat. Luckily, the creature was not one of the barking kind. He plainly preferred action to noise. Ned saw him coming. Saw the white flash of his teeth in the moonlight. Swift as thought he stooped and picked up a barrel stave which happened to be lying near his feet. As the dog was in mid-spring, Ned let fly with his improvised weapon. Crack! It struck the dog right across the nose and sent him hurtling back in a coiled-up ball. "Jove! I hated to do that, old fellow," cried Ned in a low tone; "but it had to be, and you'll soon get over it." The dog lay crouched in a whimpering heap not far from Captain Briggs' side. Ned dared not delay longer. With swift, silent strides he made for the stern, dropped overboard and landed deftly in the dinghy. The oars were in it, and to cast off was the work of an instant only. Then with strong, noiseless strokes, he pulled toward the shore. There was not a sound of pursuit from the schooner and Ned's heart leaped exultingly as he threw his strength into the oars. Ten minutes later the dinghy's nose scraped the beach. At precisely the same instant the bow of Ned's craft was grasped by a pair of strong hands, and a gruff voice demanded to know his business. CHAPTER XXXII. IN THE ENEMY'S CAMP. "Whew! Out of the frying pan into the fire!" was Ned's instant thought. Facing him in the moonlight was a Jackie in uniform. He was armed with a carbine and looked very business-like. He regarded Ned with no friendly air. There was good reason for this, from the man's standpoint, anyway. He had been placed on guard duty there, and to be surprised after midnight by a stalwart youth who had sculled himself ashore in a small dinghy was a suspicious circumstance. "Who are you? Give an account of yourself," he said gruffly. "It's all right. I'm on business connected with the aero camp up above," said Ned glibly, making use of information he had gained through the crack in the bulkhead. "Humph! In the service?" "Certainly. Aero squad." "How am I to know you are not one of those newspaper fellows. We've been pestered to death with them for the last week. Fine thing it would be if they got hold of the Blue fleet's secrets and printed them." "Oh, you needn't have any fear of me. I'm not connected with any paper." "No, now I come to look at you, you appear like one of Uncle Sam's boys. But where have you come from?" "From that schooner out there." "Oh, the one we unloaded this evening?" "That's the idea. My business is urgent." "I should judge so. Everybody's is right now. The Red fleet is reported moving up on New York. The aero squadron sails to-morrow. Maybe we won't give 'em a surprise, eh?" Ned gave an inward chuckle. This was just the information he was after. "Oh, that'll surprise 'em all right, shipmate," said he, and struck off up a trail that appeared to lead over the little point of land. He had to trust to luck for it being the right one, for he did not dare disclose his unfamiliarity with the camp by asking the sentry questions. But the sentry suddenly halted him. Ned's heart sank. After all he had been discovered. The next instant his worst fears were realized. "You'll have to give me the password, shipmate," declared the sentry. Ned's heart sank into his boots. But suddenly he gave a glad exclamation, although not so loud as to attract the sentry's notice. While listening to the unloading of the cargo, he had heard the password given out by the petty officer in charge of the men. For the moment he had forgotten it, but now it came suddenly back to him. "Aerolite!" he said confidently. "Pass on, shipmate, you're all right," declared the sentry, and Ned, breathing freely once more, continued on his way. It was a daring enterprise, this that he had undertaken of penetrating into the "enemy's" camp and discovering just the strength of their aero fleet, and the exact method of attack that they meant to pursue. But Ned felt that it was up to him to "make good." His absence from his ship, he felt might be open to evil construction by his enemies. If he returned with the information, he hoped at least they could not say that whatever had been his ill luck, he had neglected his duty. With this thought in mind, Ned kept on along the trail which wound in eccentric fashion through brush and tall grass. "I ought surely to be nearing the camp now," he thought at length as the trail, after doubling and twisting upon itself like a chased rabbit, brought him out at a point overlooking a little bay. And there below him he saw that for which he was searching. Screened by trees, the tents lay in orderly rows,--big, high-walled canvas structures, housing, so Ned guessed, the aero fleet of the Blue squadron. Some little distance out from the shore were the lights of vessels. After some straining of his eyes, Ned made the craft out to be a flotilla of destroyers. They lay there waiting for the dawn, it appeared, hidden from the prying eyes of the scribes of the metropolitan papers who would have given their eyes, almost, to know the facts which Ned was now learning. He counted the tents. There were twenty of them, each housing a flying boat or a naval aeroplane. Truly a formidable fleet, and one which, swooping down upon the Reds unexpectedly, might "technically" blow up the whole squadron before action could be taken. But now Ned possessed knowledge which would be of incalculable value to his officers. He could not have felt more exultant had it been in actual war time. Standing there, carefully concealed, he made voluminous mental notes. It was then, and not till then, that he suddenly realized what in the haste of his flight he had forgotten: He was penniless and in the "enemy's" country without means of rejoining his ship. His delight turned to ashes. Of what use was all the information he had acquired if he could not communicate it to the fleet. "Bother the luck," exclaimed Ned. "What on earth am I to do?" It was truly a quandary. The camp was located in a lonely bit of country and it was without doubt a long walk to the nearest place of civilization. "Marooned, and all for the lack of a few dollars!" groaned Ned. "If only I had some money along, I might easily get some fisherman to run me to the nearest town, and once there, I could get hold of a telegraph wire and send some despatches. But now----" He stopped short. His gaze had lighted on something standing outside one of the tents. It did not take him long to make out what it was. The moonlight showed up its butterfly-like outlines to perfection. "Great hookey!" muttered Ned, "a flying boat! If--if--I only dared, I'd----" He paused irresolute a moment, and then, squaring his shoulders and thrusting out his chin with his old determined gesture, he strode off down the hill. A daring plan had come into Ned's mind and with his characteristic energy he was proceeding to act upon it at once. But it was a scheme so risky, so desperate, that sanguine as the Dreadnought Boy usually was, he had to admit that the chances were about five hundred to one against his putting it through successfully. CHAPTER XXXIII. WAITING FOR THE END. An hour had passed since Herc's despairing cry had reverberated through the gloomy cellar. Since his vain appeal for help, the Dreadnought Boy had sat, sunk in a sort of lethargy, on the pile of sail. As the water grew higher, he had mechanically dragged the heap of canvas closer together, raising it and forming a sort of island above the rising inundation. It was the instinct of life fighting against despair, for that he could ever escape from his prison Herc had long since deemed an impossibility. He sat there in the darkness listening to the lapping of the water against the walls. His head was sunk in his hands and as the heavy minutes went by, from time to time he would feel the water to convince himself that it actually was rising. The high water mark on the cellar walls told him how high the tide usually climbed. Long before it had reached that mark the water would be over his head. It was true that Herc was a first-rate swimmer, strong of limb and sound of wind. But what would that avail him, except to prolong his misery? Already in prospect he had tasted the bitterness of the last struggle against the incoming flood of waters, the battle that grew hourly less vigorous, and then the final chapter when, too exhausted to fight longer for his life, the slimy waters would engulf him. He wondered dully if they would ever find him. It seemed hardly likely. Who would dream of looking for him in that place? Again and again he reproached himself bitterly for the mad folly that had led him into such a trap. The fault was his. There was no one else to blame for it. Had he not acted so hastily on impulse, all might have been well with him. Too late he realized that he had accomplished no useful purpose by penetrating into the haunt of the spies. It would have been wisdom's part first to have notified the authorities and then made his attack on the place. "Well, I've been a chump and this is what I get for it," muttered the lad bitterly. "Good old Ned, I can't believe that he is really dead. I wonder if he'll ever learn how I ended my life in this wretched rat-hole of a place. It's a tough way to die. I wouldn't mind facing death in battle or in line of duty, but to die like this alone, in the dark, with the tide water waiting to drag me down----" Herc pursued this line of thought no further. It bade fair to unman him. He felt a desperate desire to hurl himself against the walls, to shout, to scream, to do anything to avert his fate. But he knew that nothing short of a miracle could save him now. He struck one of his few remaining matches. The water was up to his feet! Herc gave a groan. It was fairly forced from him. As the match spluttered out, he knew that before very long he would feel the chilly grasp of the tide at his knees, then at his waist, and then as it rose inch by inch, it would engulf him to his neck. Then would come the struggle for life, the hopeless battle against overwhelming odds, and then--the end. Fairly driven wild by these reflections, the unfortunate lad shouted and raved till his voice grew hoarse. But there was no answer except the ripple of the water against the cement walls and the hollow echo of his shouts as they were flung back mockingly at him. He felt a sharp shock as the water whelmed over his island of canvas. In a few minutes more it was at his waist. Herc stood up erect and stepped off his little pile of canvas, now useless as an isle of safety. He kindled another match. The yellow flame sputtered up and showed him the water all about him. It was knee deep and appeared to be coming in more rapidly. Over its surface was spread an oily scum from the damp floor. Herc was glad when the match died out. He determined not to light any more, but to wait his end with as much courage as he could muster. "I'll fight it out like a man-o'-war's-man, anyhow," he muttered, "but it's tough--tough to have to go this way." The water rose inch by inch as remorselessly as destiny itself. Herc stood in stoical silence and felt it creeping up his body till it had reached his chest. Only a few moments more, now, and then--the end. Herc found himself growing strangely calm. He wondered what they would think on the ship when he failed to return. If his messmates would miss him, if Ned was safe and sound and would ever learn how his shipmate had perished. The water was up to his chin. A slight movement on the lad's part and a tiny wavelet spattered against his mouth. He tasted the brackish water of the tide. Herc wished that it would end right then and there. He felt that it was hardly worth while even to swim. If he was to drown, he might as well not resist his fate, but meet it passively. But the instinct of self-preservation prevails even among the most pusillanimous. It can turn a coward into a dangerous foe. Herc struck out as the water reached his mouth. He swam easily about, hardly thinking. His mind felt dulled and bruised. He swam mechanically. He knew that the end was not far off now. And now, in the hope that he might have overlooked some projection on the walls to which he might cling, he began feeling along them. But the cement was smooth as glass, slimy to the touch, and cold as ice. Herc began to feel chilled. His limbs felt heavy. He no longer swam strongly about seeking, like a cornered rat, for some means of escape, but allowed himself to float or else tread water. Bit by bit his efforts began to grow weaker. He felt that he could not keep up much longer, and somehow he did not much care. It was just at that moment that something struck him a violent blow under the chin. It was an old plank. Thrown into the cellar at some forgotten time, it was floating on the top of the water and had rocked against the lad at a critical moment. Herc reached out and grasped it. Somehow the touch of it was almost as comforting to him as human companionship. Once more the tide of life, the desire to live, swelled through his veins. He was again a fighter. Supporting himself on the plank, he began to think. By stretching out his hand he could touch the ceiling of the cellar. Suddenly a thought flashed into his mind. If he could locate the trap-door, and it was not locked, he had a fighting chance for his life. The thought acted on him like a stimulant. All his apathy forgotten now, Herc began feeling about the ceiling of the place. Far from wishing that the tide would recede, he was now afraid that it would do so before he had had time to locate the trap-door. How he wished that he had a match! It was terribly tedious work feeling about that ceiling in the pitchy darkness. The planking above was rough, too, and Herc was by no means sure that he could distinguish the trap-door when he came to it. But at last, after what seemed to be an eternity of fumbling, his fingers encountered what felt like the under end of some bolts. He guessed that he had found the fastenings of the trap-door at last. Raising himself on his friendly plank, Herc exerted his strength and pushed upward. Sosh! The effort sent him under water. But he didn't mind that. He was sure that the door had yielded a little. The next time he tried, he braced himself on a supporting ceiling beam by one hand while he shoved upward with the other. He almost uttered a shout of joy as he did so. The door moved! He inserted his fingers in the crack, and then, using his head as a lever, he drew himself up till he could rest his chest on the flooring of the passage. The rest was easy. Within five minutes, Herc, dripping wet and chilled to the bone, was standing in the passage--safe and sound. As he stood there, he did not forget to offer up a fervent prayer of thankfulness to Providence for his deliverance. He made his way down the passage to the front shop. It was empty. As he had suspected, the conspirators, who had made it their headquarters, had decamped. On the floor near the door, which had been left open, Herc spied a scrap of paper. He picked it up and saw that there was writing upon it. With some difficulty he deciphered the scrawl: "Yacht _Halcyon_. Erie Basin. Thence Panama." "Now what does that mean?" said Herc to himself, scratching his head perplexedly. "I guess I'll keep this, anyhow; it may give the police a clew." A few moments later the nattily dressed summer residents of the island were astonished at the spectacle of a red-headed youth in dripping garments hurrying down the main street, inquiring anxiously the direction of the police station. When it was found, Herc had a story to tell that resulted in detectives being scattered broadcast through the island. But all efforts to locate the conspirators were unavailing. They had had a good start and had made the most of it. In the meantime, Herc made his way to a wireless station maintained on the island and secured communication with the gunboat. What he learned did not decrease his uneasiness on Ned's account. The young skipper had not returned and an officer had been detailed from the fleet to command the craft. Herc was peremptorily ordered to report on board the _Manhattan_ at once and give an account of himself. CHAPTER XXXIV. A NEW ASSIGNMENT. It was the next morning. In Captain Dunham's cabin on the _Manhattan_, Herc had just concluded reciting his story to the commander and to no less a person than the Secretary of the Navy. It had been a badly embarrassed boy who had at first faced the stern questioning of his commanding officer; but by degrees, as his story went on, Captain Dunham's manner relaxed. His stern air gave place to one of deep interest. And now, at the conclusion of Herc's narrative, he spoke: "I was at first inclined to very grave suspicions of you, Taylor, but your previous good record and your manner convince me that you are telling the truth, more particularly as the department has been aware for some time of the existence of a band of spies who had, in some way, secured the coöperation of renegades in our navy. We have been trying through the night to get some word of Strong; but we have failed. I'm afraid, my lad, that you must resign yourself to the inevitable. At any rate, Strong, so far as we know, died in the pursuit of his duty and lived up to the best traditions of the navy." "Then you believe that he is dead, sir?" Herc blurted out, his freckles showing like scars against his pale cheeks. "There is no other conclusion to be reached, Taylor. His long absence from duty, and the lack of all word from him, convince me of the worst. Strong is not the sort of lad to remain out of touch, if he were in the land of the living. You may go now, and the Secretary and myself will talk over the details of rounding up this gang of miscreants. If they had anything to do with Strong's death, I will give you the satisfaction of taking part in the pursuit and apprehension of them." The Secretary broke in. "That clew that Taylor has in the shape of that scrap of paper, I regard as valuable, Captain," he said. "I would recommend that inquiries be sent out concerning the yacht _Halcyon_. It is quite possible that the conspirators may be meaning to make good their escape on her. In that case, if we can trace her, she can be intercepted at sea and the men apprehended." "I shall see that it is done, Mr. Secretary. Taylor, you may carry on and---- Well, orderly?" Captain Dunham looked up inquiringly as his orderly entered the cabin in some haste, and, after saluting, stood respectfully at attention. But it was plain from the man's manner that he was laboring under some excitement. "The officer of the deck reports an airship coming this way, sir," said the orderly. "He told me to inform you at once, sir." "An airship!" "Yes, sir, or else a flying boat. We can't quite make out yet, sir." "I will come on deck at once. Mr. Secretary, this may prove interesting. Possibly it is one of the Blue scouts; if so, I hope to bring the craft down, 'technically,' of course." Herc saluted and hastened forward, while the captain and the Secretary of the Navy emerged on the deck. The Red fleet lay off Rock Island. They were awaiting word as to the movements of the "Blues" before steaming down the Sound to the attack. So far, the wireless had been barren of news, and the movements of the defending squadron were surrounded with considerable mystery. The suspense had been wearing, and so every eye in the squadron, from Dreadnought, battleship, cruiser, destroyer, and torpedo boat, was centered on the strange aeroplane that was flying toward them. Opinion was divided as to whether the distant flying machine was an aerial scout, or was a friendly craft bearing despatches from a portion of the squadron which had been sent around on the Atlantic side. On came the flying craft, and as it neared the grim fleet that lay swinging with smoking funnels at anchor on the blue tide, it was seen to swerve downward like a swooping fish-hawk. For a mile or more it skimmed along the surface of the water and then struck it with a splash. "A flying boat!" exclaimed Captain Dunham, who had the binoculars on it. The craft drove straight on over the water at a rapid rate of speed. As it drew closer, Captain Dunham exclaimed in a voice that trembled with excitement, despite his efforts to control it: "Great Scott! That's one of our men!" "A man attached to the Red fleet?" asked the Secretary. "Yes, he is wig-wagging with his free arm. It's--it's--great Scott! It's Ned Strong, by all that's wonderful!" * * * * * It was half an hour later, and Ned had told his story. It was a concise, crisp statement occupying no more time than was necessary, but embodying a wonderful amount of important information. When he came to relate how he had "appropriated" one of the Blue fleet's aeroplanes and had flown straight to the _Manhattan_ in it, the enthusiasm of his hearers knew no bounds. For the time being, interest in this phase of his adventures even overtopped the recovery of the book of plans and coast defences taken from Kenworth. The book was found to contain full details of fire-control systems, gun tests, and other naval data of the utmost importance. "By Neptune, lad, the United States Navy owes you a debt of gratitude it can hardly repay," exclaimed Captain Dunham, with shining eyes. "I shall see, however, that the service does what is in its power to recognize the signal ability you have displayed, Mr. Strong," remarked the Secretary. "Thank you, sir," responded Ned, with glowing cheeks, "but the knowledge that I have been of service to the Flag is in itself reward enough." "Hardly substantial, however," smiled the Secretary. A few moments later Ned was dismissed and joined Herc. Their greeting was not an effusive one on the surface. Both had been trained in a school where men are taught to restrain and control their emotions. But in the hearty handclasp, and the few spoken words, each friend recognized the glad emotion that the other was feeling over their reunion. Later in the day both lads were summoned to the captain's cabin. "Here is where we lose our commands," said Herc, with dismal foreboding. He was right. Captain Dunham's first words apprised both boys that they were no longer officers. "You are relieved of the command of your gunboat," said the captain crisply; and then, as the boys' faces fell, despite all their efforts to maintain "stiff upper lips," he added, "to take charge of an expedition which will be explained to you." The boys longed to exchange glances, but they stood stiffly at "eyes front." What could be coming now? "We have located the yacht _Halcyon_," said the Secretary briefly. "The secret service men have placed us in possession of facts which make it certain that Saki and the rest are on board her. She is to sail to-night." "Shall you not intercept her, sir?" asked Ned, betrayed by his interest into a breach of naval etiquette. "Of course. That will be your duty." "Our duty, sir?" "Yes. You are assigned, in virtue of your commissions, to the command of the _Henry_, second-class destroyer. You will intercept and place under arrest the men on board the _Halcyon_ and bring the craft back to New York harbor." "When do we start, sir?" "At once. The crew of the _Henry_ have been notified. Steam is up and everything in readiness. You will, of course, keep in constant communication by wireless, using the code. When you overhaul the _Halcyon_, use no half-way measures. Arrest everyone on board, seize all documents and denounce the ship. In particular, apprehend the man calling himself Saki. He is in reality Captain Hasamira of the Japanese Navy and a most dangerous man." "He certainly proved so to these lads," smiled Captain Dunham. "Now be off with you, boys, and bring back the men you are going after. We shall rely on you." "Aye, aye, sir," said both Dreadnought Boys saluting, though their hearts were in such a wild tumult that they hardly knew what they were saying. CHAPTER XXXV. THE OUTCOME. In the gray of the next morning the _Henry_, a squat, low craft of the destroyer type, with three fat funnels, lay tossing uneasily on the sweeping combers of the Atlantic some sixty-two miles south of Sandy Hook. She had lain there most of the night, using her searchlight freely. But no craft answering to the description of the _Halcyon_ had passed within her ken. On the conning tower, Ned and Herc, for the twentieth time at least, went over the last wireless they had received from the Secret Service squad,--_via_ the _Manhattan_. "Cruise slowly about off Sandy Hook. Sixty-two miles to the south about. _Halcyon_ should pass out in early morning. Is painted black, yellow deck houses, two masts, black stack amidships." "It isn't possible that she has slipped by us in the night, do you think?" exclaimed Herc, gazing anxiously about at the rolling waste of gray water. "Not likely. That despatch came only an hour ago. If we remain here we are almost bound to intercept her." "And if she does slip past us?" "Then I'll keep after her, if I have to crack on clear down to the South Pole," said Ned grimly. "I don't intend to let that gang slip through my fingers!" "I've got a few scores to settle myself," cried Herc. "When I think of that cellar----" He gritted his teeth and clenched his freckled fists. It would have fared ill with any of the gang within reach of his hands at that moment. "Well, let's go below to breakfast," said Ned presently. "The watch will notify us of anything unusual." "Breakfast!" scoffed Herc. "I suppose it will be the same as supper last night. Business of eating with one hand while you claw on to a stanchion with the other. Tell you what, Ned, these destroyers are too lively a type of craft for me." "They're just the type to overhaul those rascals we're after, and that's good enough for me," rejoined Ned. "I wouldn't care if I had to eat standing on my head just to get a chance at those fellows." "'Use no half-way measures,'" said Herc musingly, repeating the Secretary's instructions. "I guess we won't, Ned, eh?" "Well, if they should happen to want trouble, they'll get all that they're looking for," laughed Ned, as they descended the pitching, swinging iron ladder that led to the cramped cabin of the _Henry_. They had had hardly time to down some coffee and eat some bacon when there came a report from the bow watch. "Smoke to the north'ard, sir." Breakfast was forgotten in a flash. Snatching up his binoculars, Ned sprang for the iron ladder. Herc was right at his heels. On the northern horizon lay a smudge of black smoke. For some moments it was hard to make out whether it was receding or coming toward them. But presently Ned, with a cry of delight, announced that the stranger was coming due south. Not long after, the strange craft swam into the field of vision of the binoculars. Herc happened to be holding them on her at that moment. He gave an exclamation of disgust. "It's a yacht, all right, but not the right one." "How do you know?" "That description. I've got it by heart. Two masts, black funnel. This fellow's got three masts and a yellow stack." "Let me have a look at her." "Go ahead if you want to; you won't see any more than I've been telling you." "Well?" inquired Herc, after a somewhat long interval. The yacht had come closer now. She was being driven hard as they could see by the constant cloud of black smoke that came rolling out of her funnel. The crew of the destroyer, who in some mysterious way had some inkling of the mission of the _Henry_, watched the oncoming yacht with as much interest as their young officers. "Well, what do you make of her?" demanded Herc, repeating his question. "Hold on a minute! I'm studying her." "Studying her! There's not much to study over. It's the wrong craft; anyone could see that with half an eye." "I'm not so sure of that. She's a funny looking tub. Do you notice anything odd about her, Herc?" "Not I; except that she isn't the craft we are looking for, confound her." "Well, there _is_ something queer about her. Notice that after mast. It doesn't appear to fit, somehow, and that stern looks funny, too." "Jove! now that you speak of it, it does look queer. Say, Ned, you don't think they could have disguised her, do you?" "I don't know. I've heard of such things. I don't want to make any blunder, and yet that vessel looks to me as if she had been thimble-rigged in some sort of way." Midshipman Fuller, junior officer to the Dreadnought Boys, came on the bridge. Ned turned to him. "Mr. Fuller, what do you make of that yacht yonder?" asked Ned. "She's a queer looking craft, sir. Looks awkward by the stern," said the midshipman. "Just what I think. Mr. Fuller, you will take the bridge." "You are going to board her?" demanded Herc. "Yes, there's something wrong about her. I wouldn't dare to take a chance and let her get by." "Bully for you," said Herc under his breath. "Mr. Fuller, please have the boarding launch lowered with the regular crew. The bow gun may be uncovered and when I give you the order, you may fire a shot across that craft's bow. First, however, I'll signal her to heave to." The boarding launch referred to was a small power launch carried amidships on the destroyer. The sea was rather rough for such a small craft, but she was staunch, and Ned had no fear but that she would ride the combers without difficulty. In obedience to his command, a string of brightly colored bunting presently crawled up the destroyer's military mast. It was the signal to "heave to." But the strange yacht showed no inclination to obey. She kept right on plowing through the big seas with a crest of foam at her bow. "You may fire, Mr. Fuller." Ned's voice was perfectly calm; but Herc could hardly keep still. The bow rapid-fire gun had been stripped of its waterproof cover and its crew was "standing by." The order to fire came crisply. "Let her have it across the bows!" Bang! The gun barked out viciously. They could see the shot go ricocheting off over the waves. But the stranger kept serenely on. "Give it to her again," ordered Ned. Bang! Once more a shot whizzed across the recalcitrant stranger's prow. It struck the water not more than twenty-five feet ahead of her. "Concern 'em, that ought to stop 'em," growled Herc. But it didn't. More smoke rolled out of the yacht's stack. Her speed was increased, if anything. "I'm certain now that we're on the right track," grated out Ned; "no honest craft would ignore a signal like that." Then a moment later he turned to Herc. "Mr. Taylor, go below and sight that gun yourself. Let her have it across the fore-deck. I'll _make_ them heave to if I have to blow a hole in them." Herc was nothing loath. Repressing a grin in virtue of the dignity of his office, he took charge of the gun. He pointed it carefully and as the destroyer rose on the crest of a wave, Ned gave the command. "Fire!" Bang! The next instant an exultant cheer broke from the excited Jackies. The foremast of the stranger toppled, and then in a tangled wreck, came smashing down to the deck. "Bull's eye!" remarked Herc coolly, flicking a powder stain off his gloves. "Stopped her, sir!" exclaimed Midshipman Fuller an instant later. He was right. The last "hint" had been too strong to ignore. The stranger slackened speed and lay sullenly tossing on the sea. "Mr. Fuller, sir, take the bridge," ordered Ned, as he and Herc hastened to board the little power launch that lay tossing alongside, held off from crashing against the steel sides of the _Henry_ by the stalwart arms of its crew. Tossing like an eggshell, hurled dizzily skyward and then plunged downward, the dory-shaped power boat rapidly skimmed the distance between the destroyer and the yacht. Ned had ordered "side-arms," and the crew of six was fully armed. "Yacht, ahoy!" hailed Ned as they drew near and a uniformed figure appeared on the yacht's bridge. "What craft is that?" "The _Spendthrift_ of New London for New Orleans," came the reply. "What's the matter with you navy fellows?" "You'll soon find out," said Ned grimly. "Lay alongside, men. Be prepared for a surprise." An accommodation ladder had been lowered by order of the man on the bridge, a stout, bearded individual. Ned was just preparing to climb it, when there came a warning shout from Herc. The red-headed lad pulled his chum back just in time to dodge a heavy iron weight which some unseen hand had hurled from above. The weight fell harmlessly into the water. "It was a Jap threw that; I saw him sneaking along the deck," cried one of the men. "Hurrah! We've got the right craft, then!" cried Herc. "What is the matter, gentlemen?" demanded the man on the bridge. He appeared much agitated. "The matter is that you will consider yourself under arrest," cried Ned. "Remain where you are and order your crew forward." "You take things with a high hand. Who do you think we are?" "I don't know anything about _you_; but I know that this craft is the _Halcyon_ with a faked stern, a false mizzen-mast and a repainted funnel," retorted Ned angrily. "I shall hold you responsible for the behavior of your crew." The bearded man appeared to be about to collapse. In a feeble voice they heard him order his crew forward. "I call you to witness that this is a chartered yacht," he cried, "and that I'm obeying your orders. I don't want to get into trouble with Uncle Sam." "I guess you're in pretty bad," muttered Herc grimly. Without further opposition they boarded the yacht, which there was no longer reason to doubt was the _Halcyon_. As they gained the deck, some figures darted along it and vanished. Headed by Ned and Herc, three of the men dashed after them. The rest were left to guard the deck. "That was Kenworth and Saki," gasped Herc as they rushed down the companionway stairs and into the main saloon of the yacht. Ned nodded grimly. "We've rounded them up at last," he said drawing his revolver and ordering Herc to do the same. Slam! Just as they gained the saloon, the door of a stateroom opening from it was banged to. An instant later came the click of a bolt as it was shot. "Open that door, Kenworth," cried Ned with perfect coolness. "You're at the end of your rope." Crack! Ned dodged just in time to avoid a bullet fired through the panel of the door. Desperate, with nothing to hope for but a federal prison, Kenworth was fighting like a cornered rat. But Ned's voice did not shake, in spite of the narrowness of his escape, as he addressed the wretched man within the stateroom. "Kenworth, it is useless to resist. Be sensible and give yourself up. You are bound to be taken, and to try to stave it off makes it all the worse." Bang! Another bullet was the only answer vouchsafed. The missile fanned Herc's ear and buried itself in the moulding of the saloon wall. "I'll stand no more nonsense!" cried Ned sternly. "Are you going to surrender?" "Never. I'll die before I'll rot in a federal prison," cried Kenworth wildly. Ned turned to Herc. "We've got to force the door," he said in a low voice. "But, Ned, the man is half insane. Why not shoot him down from outside here?" "As if I'd do a thing like that! Come on!" Right then the Jackies standing behind the two young officers beheld an exhibition of pure nerve that they had never seen excelled. Ned raised his revolver and fired through the top of the stateroom door where his bullet would be certain to hurt no one. As he expected, it drew Kenworth's fire. Bang-Bang-Bang! came three shots. Ned knew that the cylinder of the crazed midshipman's revolver must be empty. "Now!" he shouted. "Stand by, men!" Rip-p-p-p! Cr-ash-h-h-h! The door was carried clean off its hinges as Ned and Herc rushed it. As it fell, the interior of the stateroom, reeking with blue powder smoke, was revealed. Huddled on the bunk in postures of abject terror were Saki and the spectacled Jap who had caused Herc so much trouble. [Illustration: Rip-p-p-p! Cr-ash-h-h-h! The door was carried off its hinges as Ned and Herc rushed in.--_Page 296_] In the center of the room stood Kenworth. His eyes blazed with a wild fire and he flourished an empty revolver, while he yelled incoherently. At the sight of Ned and Herc, the half insane man uttered a piercing cry. "I thought you were both dead!" he cried. "But you have risen from the grave to confront me!" He slipped another cartridge into his revolver, and Ned leaped forward just in time to dash the weapon from the wretched renegade's hand. He had turned the pistol on himself. Within half an hour, Kenworth, by that time a raging maniac, had been secured, and the two Japs in sullen silence had been escorted with the renegade midshipman on board the _Henry_. A search of the _Halcyon_ revealed several men among the crew whom Herc recalled having seen in the plotters' headquarters at Civic Island. Many papers and documents which there was not time to examine just then were also recovered. Ned placed three men in charge of the _Halcyon_ with orders to make her captain follow him into New York harbor. Then he wirelessed news of his success to the _Manhattan_ and received a warm reply of congratulation that made his blood glow and his eyes shine. Herc, too, came in for a share of commendation. With the congratulations, came orders to proceed to the Brooklyn Navy Yard and see that Kenworth was placed in a hospital, for he was no longer responsible. * * * * * It was two days later. The Dreadnought Boys stood facing the Secretary of the Navy in the office of the commander of the Brooklyn Navy Yard. What was to come, they did not know. They had not yet been relieved of their command of the _Henry_, and they feared that the summons to present themselves to the Secretary was for that purpose. "Well, gentlemen," said the Secretary, looking approvingly at the two spruce, smart, young officers, "I suppose that you have no wish to take off those uniforms?" "Naturally not, sir," returned Ned, for Herc was too embarrassed to speak. "It is the finest uniform in the world and no one would willingly doff it." "Just what I think, Strong," said the Secretary, "and I'm going to see to it that you do not change these uniforms except for those of a higher rank in the service." Ned's eyes grew dim. The room swam before him. He could hardly believe his ears. But the Secretary continued, "As I said the other day, both you young men have shown ability of no common order, native qualities that cannot be inducted by Naval Academies or colleges. I have therefore made arrangements to have your present appointments made permanent, and you will, hereafter, by special act, assume them with their rank, pay and dignity until you are ready for the next step upward; and I promise you that I shall keep my eye upon you." "Mr. Secretary, I--we--that is--we don't know what to say, except to thank you and assure you that it is the proudest moment of our lives," stammered Ned hoarsely in a voice that sounded to him faint and far away. As for Herc, he stood like one stunned, his freckles coming and going on his alternately ruddy and pale cheeks like pictures in a kaleidoscope. To relieve the situation, the Secretary changed the subject. "After the maneuvers, you will be granted a furlough of one month. For the present, you will retain command of the _Henry_ and will rejoin the Red fleet with all speed. By the way, I may tell you that Kenworth can never recover his reason. His mind is a total wreck. I suppose it is charitable to attribute his treachery to his weakened intellect. As for the Japanese spies, the government can only quietly see to it that they are escorted out of the country never to return. I understand that in Japan the life of a detected spy is not a happy one, so that they will meet their punishment even if the government of this country cannot inflict a penalty upon them. Against Rankin, of whose actions on the _Seneca_ we know, we have proved nothing; but he will be watched." And here, with the glory of their new honors upon them, we must say "Good-by" once more to the Dreadnought Boys. The events just chronicled are so recent that it may be some time before we can set down their further adventures. The lads have been accepted most cordially by their brother officers and are loved and respected by their men. Success has not turned their heads and as officers they are proving the same modest, self-respecting lads as ever. The Secretary and their immediate superiors are keeping their eyes on the two young officers, and ere long they will doubtless have further chances to distinguish themselves. But whether they are assigned to routine duty or to exciting, adventurous cruises, the Dreadnought Boys will always devote themselves, heart and soul, to the defence of one standard--the Flag of their country. THE END. OAKDALE ACADEMY SERIES Stories of Modern School Sports By MORGAN SCOTT. Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 60c. per vol., postpaid BEN STONE AT OAKDALE. [Illustration] Under peculiarly trying circumstances Ben Stone wins his way at Oakdale Academy, and at the same time enlists our sympathy, interest and respect. Through the enmity of Bern Hayden, the loyalty of Roger Eliot and the clever work of the "Sleuth," Ben is falsely accused, championed and vindicated. BOYS OF OAKDALE ACADEMY. "One thing I will claim, and that is that all Grants fight open and square and there never was a sneak among them." It was Rodney Grant, of Texas, who made the claim to his friend, Ben Stone, and this story shows how he proved the truth of this statement in the face of apparent evidence to the contrary. RIVAL PITCHERS OF OAKDALE. Baseball is the main theme of this interesting narrative, and that means not only clear and clever descriptions of thrilling games, but an intimate acquaintance with the members of the teams who played them. The Oakdale Boys were ambitious and loyal, and some were even disgruntled and jealous, but earnest, persistent work won out. OAKDALE BOYS IN CAMP. The typical vacation is the one that means much freedom, little restriction, and immediate contact with "all outdoors." These conditions prevailed in the summer camp of the Oakdale Boys and made it a scene of lively interest. THE GREAT OAKDALE MYSTERY. The "Sleuth" scents a mystery! He "follows his nose." The plot thickens! He makes deductions. There are surprises for the reader--and for the "Sleuth," as well. NEW BOYS AT OAKDALE. A new element creeps into Oakdale with another year's registration of students. The old and the new standards of conduct in and out of school meet, battle, and cause sweeping changes in the lives of several of the boys. Any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. HURST & COMPANY - Publishers - NEW YORK BOY INVENTORS SERIES Stories of Skill and Ingenuity By RICHARD BONNER Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 50c. per vol., postpaid THE BOY INVENTORS' WIRELESS TELEGRAPH. [Illustration] Blest with natural curiosity,--sometimes called the instinct of investigation,--favored with golden opportunity, and gifted with creative ability, the Boy Inventors meet emergencies and contrive mechanical wonders that interest and convince the reader because they always "work" when put to the test. THE BOY INVENTORS' VANISHING GUN. A thought, a belief, an experiment; discouragement, hope, effort and final success--this is the history of many an invention; a history in which excitement, competition, danger, despair and persistence figure. This merely suggests the circumstances which draw the daring Boy Inventors into strange experiences and startling adventures, and which demonstrate the practical use of their vanishing gun. THE BOY INVENTORS' DIVING TORPEDO BOAT. As in the previous stories of the Boy Inventors, new and interesting triumphs of mechanism are produced which become immediately valuable, and the stage for their proving and testing is again the water. On the surface and below it, the boys have jolly, contagious fun, and the story of their serious, purposeful inventions challenge the reader's deepest attention. Any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. HURST & COMPANY - Publishers - NEW YORK BUNGALOW BOYS SERIES LIVE STORIES OF OUTDOOR LIFE By DEXTER J. FORRESTER. Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 50c. per vol., postpaid [Illustration] THE BUNGALOW BOYS. How the Bungalow Boys received their title and how they retained the right to it in spite of much opposition makes a lively narrative for lively boys. THE BUNGALOW BOYS MAROONED IN THE TROPICS. A real treasure hunt of the most thrilling kind, with a sunken Spanish galleon as its object, makes a subject of intense interest at any time, but add to that a band of desperate men, a dark plot and a devil fish, and you have the combination that brings strange adventures into the lives of the Bungalow Boys. THE BUNGALOW BOYS IN THE GREAT NORTH WEST. The clever assistance of a young detective saves the boys from the clutches of Chinese smugglers, of whose nefarious trade they know too much. How the Professor's invention relieves a critical situation is also an exciting incident of this book. THE BUNGALOW BOYS ON THE GREAT LAKES. The Bungalow Boys start out for a quiet cruise on the Great Lakes and a visit to an island. A storm and a band of wreckers interfere with the serenity of their trip, and a submarine adds zest and adventure to it. Any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. HURST & COMPANY - Publishers - NEW YORK BORDER BOYS SERIES Mexican and Canadian Frontier Series By FREMONT B. DEERING. Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 50c. per vol., postpaid [Illustration] THE BORDER BOYS ON THE TRAIL. What it meant to make an enemy of Black Ramon De Barios--that is the problem that Jack Merrill and his friends, including Coyote Pete, face in this exciting tale. THE BORDER BOYS ACROSS THE FRONTIER. Read of the Haunted Mesa and its mysteries, of the Subterranean River and its strange uses, of the value of gasolene and steam "in running the gauntlet," and you will feel that not even the ancient splendors of the Old World can furnish a better setting for romantic action than the Border of the New. THE BORDER BOYS WITH THE MEXICAN RANGERS. As every day is making history--faster, it is said, than ever before--so books that keep pace with the changes are full of rapid action and accurate facts. This book deals with lively times on the Mexican border. THE BORDER BOYS WITH THE TEXAS RANGERS. The Border Boys have already had much excitement and adventure in their lives, but all this has served to prepare them for the experiences related in this volume. They are stronger, braver and more resourceful than ever, and the exigencies of their life in connection with the Texas Rangers demand all their trained ability. Any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. HURST & COMPANY - Publishers - NEW YORK MOTOR RANGERS SERIES HIGH SPEED MOTOR STORIES By MARVIN WEST. Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 50c. per vol., postpaid [Illustration] THE MOTOR RANGERS' LOST MINE. This is an absorbing story of the continuous adventures of a motor car in the hands of Nat Trevor and his friends. It does seemingly impossible "stunts," and yet everything happens "in the nick of time." THE MOTOR RANGERS THROUGH THE SIERRAS. Enemies in ambush, the peril of fire, and the guarding of treasure make exciting times for the Motor Rangers--yet there is a strong flavor of fun and freedom, with a typical Western mountaineer for spice. THE MOTOR RANGERS ON BLUE WATER; or, The Secret of the Derelict. The strange adventures of the sturdy craft "Nomad" and the stranger experiences of the Rangers themselves with Morello's schooner and a mysterious derelict form the basis of this well-spun yarn of the sea. THE MOTOR RANGERS' CLOUD CRUISER. From the "Nomad" to the "Discoverer," from the sea to the sky, the scene changes in which the Motor Rangers figure. They have experiences "that never were on land or sea," in heat and cold and storm, over mountain peak and lost city, with savages and reptiles; their ship of the air is attacked by huge birds of the air; they survive explosion and earthquake; they even live to tell the tale! Any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. HURST & COMPANY - Publishers - NEW YORK DREADNOUGHT BOYS SERIES Tales of the New Navy By CAPT. WILBUR LAWTON Author of "BOY AVIATORS SERIES." Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 50c. per vol., postpaid [Illustration] THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ON BATTLE PRACTICE. Especially interesting and timely is this book which introduces the reader with its heroes, Ned and Herc, to the great ships of modern warfare and to the intimate life and surprising adventures of Uncle Sam's sailors. THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ABOARD A DESTROYER. In this story real dangers threaten and the boys' patriotism is tested in a peculiar international tangle. The scene is laid on the South American coast. THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ON A SUBMARINE. To the inventive genius--trade-school boy or mechanic--this story has special charm, perhaps, but to every reader its mystery and clever action are fascinating. THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ON AERO SERVICE. Among the volunteers accepted for Aero Service are Ned and Herc. Their perilous adventures are not confined to the air, however, although they make daring and notable flights in the name of the Government; nor are they always able to fly beyond the reach of their old "enemies," who are also airmen. Any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. HURST & COMPANY - Publishers - NEW YORK FRANK ARMSTRONG SERIES Twentieth Century Athletic Stories By MATHEW M. COLTON. Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 60c. per vol., postpaid [Illustration] FRANK ARMSTRONG'S VACATION. How Frank's summer experience with his boy friends make him into a sturdy young athlete through swimming, boating, and baseball contests, and a tramp through the Everglades, is the subject of this splendid story. FRANK ARMSTRONG AT QUEENS. We find among the jolly boys at Queen's School, Frank, the student-athlete, Jimmy, the baseball enthusiast, and Lewis, the unconsciously-funny youth who furnishes comedy for every page that bears his name. Fall and winter sports between intensely rival school teams are expertly described. FRANK ARMSTRONG'S SECOND TERM. The gymnasium, the track and the field make the background for the stirring events of this volume, in which David, Jimmy, Lewis, the "Wee One" and the "Codfish" figure, while Frank "saves the day." FRANK ARMSTRONG, DROP KICKER With the same persistent determination that won him success in swimming, running and baseball playing, Frank Armstrong acquired the art of "drop kicking," and the Queen's football team profits thereby. Any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. HURST & COMPANY - Publishers - NEW YORK GIRL AVIATORS SERIES Clean Aviation Stories By MARGARET BURNHAM. Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 50c. per vol., postpaid [Illustration] THE GIRL AVIATORS AND THE PHANTOM AIRSHIP. Roy Prescott was fortunate in having a sister so clever and devoted to him and his interests that they could share work and play with mutual pleasure and to mutual advantage. This proved especially true in relation to the manufacture and manipulation of their aeroplane, and Peggy won well deserved fame for her skill and good sense as an aviator. There were many stumbling-blocks in their terrestrial path, but they soared above them all to ultimate success. THE GIRL AVIATORS ON GOLDEN WINGS. That there is a peculiar fascination about aviation that wins and holds girl enthusiasts as well as boys is proved by this tale. On golden wings the girl aviators rose for many an exciting flight, and met strange and unexpected experiences. THE GIRL AVIATORS' SKY CRUISE. To most girls a coaching or yachting trip is an adventure. How much more perilous an adventure a "sky cruise" might be is suggested by the title and proved by the story itself. THE GIRL AVIATORS' MOTOR BUTTERFLY. The delicacy of flight suggested by the word "butterfly," the mechanical power implied by "motor," the ability to control assured in the title "aviator," all combined with the personality and enthusiasm of girls themselves, make this story one for any girl or other reader "to go crazy over." Any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. HURST & COMPANY - Publishers - NEW YORK MOLLY BROWN SERIES College Life Stories for Girls By NELL SPEED. Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 60c. per vol., postpaid [Illustration] MOLLY BROWN'S FRESHMAN DAYS. Would you like to admit to your circle of friends the most charming of college girls--the typical college girl for whom we are always looking but not always finding; the type that contains so many delightful characteristics, yet without unpleasant perfection in any; the natural, unaffected, sweet-tempered girl, loved because she is lovable? Then seek an introduction to Molly Brown. You will find the baggage-master, the cook, the Professor of English Literature, and the College President in the same company. MOLLY BROWN'S SOPHOMORE DAYS. What is more delightful than a re-union of college girls after the summer vacation? Certainly nothing that precedes it in their experience--at least, if all class-mates are as happy together as the Wellington girls of this story. Among Molly's interesting friends of the second year is a young Japanese girl, who ingratiates her "humbly" self into everybody's affections speedily and permanently. MOLLY BROWN'S JUNIOR DAYS. Financial stumbling blocks are not the only things that hinder the ease and increase the strength of college girls. Their troubles and their triumphs are their own, often peculiar to their environment. How Wellington students meet the experiences outside the class-rooms is worth the doing, the telling and the reading. Any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. HURST & COMPANY - Publishers - NEW YORK MOTOR MAIDS SERIES Wholesome Stories of Adventure By KATHERINE STOKES. Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 50c. per vol., postpaid [Illustration] THE MOTOR MAIDS' SCHOOL DAYS. Billie Campbell was just the type of a straightforward, athletic girl to be successful as a practical Motor Maid. She took her car, as she did her class-mates, to her heart, and many a grand good time did they have all together. The road over which she ran her red machine had many an unexpected turning,--now it led her into peculiar danger; now into contact with strange travelers; and again into experiences by fire and water. But, best of all, "The Comet" never failed its brave girl owner. THE MOTOR MAIDS BY PALM AND PINE. Wherever the Motor Maids went there were lively times, for these were companionable girls who looked upon the world as a vastly interesting place full of unique adventures--and so, of course, they found them. THE MOTOR MAIDS ACROSS THE CONTINENT. It is always interesting to travel, and it is wonderfully entertaining to see old scenes through fresh eyes. It is that privilege, therefore, that makes it worth while to join the Motor Maids in their first 'cross-country run. THE MOTOR MAIDS BY ROSE, SHAMROCK AND HEATHER. South and West had the Motor Maids motored, nor could their education by travel have been more wisely begun. But now a speaking acquaintance with their own country enriched their anticipation of an introduction to the British Isles. How they made their polite American bow and how they were received on the other side is a tale of interest and inspiration. Any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. HURST & COMPANY - Publishers - NEW YORK MOTOR CYCLE SERIES Splendid Motor Cycle Stories By LIEUT. HOWARD PAYSON. Author of "Boy Scout Series." Cloth Bound. Illustrated. Price, 50c. per vol., postpaid [Illustration] THE MOTOR CYCLE CHUMS AROUND THE WORLD. Could Jules Verne have dreamed of encircling the globe with a motor cycle for emergencies he would have deemed it an achievement greater than any he describes in his account of the amusing travels of Philias Fogg. This, however, is the purpose successfully carried out by the Motor Cycle Chums, and the tale of their mishaps, hindrances and delays is one of intense interest, secret amusement, and incidental information to the reader. THE MOTOR CYCLE CHUMS OF THE NORTHWEST PATROL. The Great Northwest is a section of vast possibilities and in it the Motor Cycle Chums meet adventures even more unusual and exciting than many of their experiences on their tour around the world. There is not a dull page in this lively narrative of clever boys and their attendant "Chinee." THE MOTOR CYCLE CHUMS IN THE GOLD FIELDS. The gold fever which ran its rapid course through the veins of the historic "forty-niners" recurs at certain intervals, and seizes its victims with almost irresistible power. The search for gold is so fascinating to the seekers that hardship, danger and failure are obstacles that scarcely dampen their ardour. How the Motor Cycle Chums were caught by the lure of the gold and into what difficulties and novel experiences they were led, makes a tale of thrilling interest. Any volume sent postpaid upon receipt of price. HURST & COMPANY - Publishers - NEW YORK BOY SCOUT SERIES BY LIEUT. HOWARD PAYSON MODERN BOY SCOUT STORIES FOR BOYS Cloth Bound, Price 50¢ per volume. The Boy Scouts on the Range. Connected with the dwellings of the vanished race of cliff-dwellers was a mystery. Who so fit to solve it as a band of adventurous Boy Scouts? The solving of the secret and the routing of a bold band of cattle thieves involved Rob Blake and his chums, including "Tubby" Hopkins, in grave difficulties. There are few boys who have not read of the weird snake dance and other tribal rites of Moquis. In this volume, the habits of these fast vanishing Indians are explained in interesting detail. Few boys' books hold more thrilling chapters than those concerning Rob's captivity among the Moquis. Through the fascinating pages of the narrative also stalks, like a grim figure of impending tragedy, the shaggy form of Silver Tip, the giant grizzly. In modern juvenile writing, there is little to be found as gripping as the scene in which Rob and Silver Tip meet face to face. The boy is weaponless and,--but it would not be fair to divulge the termination of the battle. A book which all Boy Scouts should secure and place upon their shelves to be read and re-read. Sold by Booksellers Everywhere. Hurst & Co., Publishers New York Transcriber's Notes: Italics are represented using _underscores_. Some inconsistent hyphenation has been retained from the original (e.g. "foredeck" vs. "fore-deck"). Frontispiece caption, moved comma inside quotes. Page 22, removed duplicate "the" from "the book was instructive as well as interesting." Page 178, changed single to double quote after "Can you anyways recall jes' what happened las' night?" "Dreadnought Boys Series" ad, corrected "Areo Service" to "Aero Service" in plot summary. "Girl Aviators Series" ad, corrected "terrestial" to "terrestrial" and "abiltity" to "ability." "Molly Brown Series" ad, corrected "SOPHMORE" to "SOPHOMORE." 
32886	----	[Illustration: Cover art] [Frontispiece: Dan Headed the "Oriole" for the Harbor.] The Battleship Boys' First Step Upward OR Winning Their Grades as Petty Officers By FRANK GEE PATCHIN Illustrated THE SAALFIELD PUBLISHING COMPANY Akron, Ohio ---- New York Made in U. S. A. Copyright MCMXI By THE SAALFIELD PUBLISHING COMPANY PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA CONTENTS I. Sighting the Shooting Star II. Whaleboats to the Rescue III. Bombarded by Big Guns IV. Looking Death in the Face V. The Loss of the Tompion VI. The Red, White and Blue VII. Putting the Enemy Out VIII. Sam Gets a Pig's Foot IX. Lowering the Flag X. His Narrow Escape XI. On the Anchor Watch XII. Obeying His Orders XIII. The Battle of the Dinghies XIV. Ordered to the Sick Bay XV. Before the Summary Court XVI. A Surprise, Indeed XVII. At Torpedo Target Practice XVIII. Hard and Fast Aground XIX. A Trying Moment XX. Dan Before the Board XXI. In the Racing Gig XXII. An Exciting Moment XXIII. The Act of a Hero XXIV. Conclusion Illustrations Dan Headed the "Oriole" for the Harbor . . . . . . _Frontispiece_ The Battleship Boys Swung Into the Chorus. Dan Parried the Blow With the Captured Boat Hook. The Battleship Boys' First Step Upward CHAPTER I SIGHTING THE SHOOTING STAR "Green light off the starboard bow, sir." The voice came from the black void far above the navigating bridge of the battleship "Long Island." "Where away?" demanded the watch officer on the bridge. "Two points off starboard bow, sir." "What do you make her out?" "Don't make her out, sir," answered the red-haired Sam Hickey, who was doing lookout duty on the platform beside the number one searchlight. "Do you still see her!" "No, sir." The watch officer gazed through his night glass in the direction indicated, but was unable to pick up a light of any sort. The "Long Island" was plunging through a great gale, which she was taking head on. White-tipped seas, backed by solid walls of water were sweeping the bridge more than forty feet above the level of the sea. Even the red-haired boy clinging to the rail far above the bridge was now and again nearly swept from his feet by the rush of water that enveloped him. A sixty-mile gale was sweeping the Atlantic seaboard, with the wind shrieking weirdly through the huge cage masts, whose tops were lost in the darkness above the ship itself. Every man on deck was clinging to stanchion and rail in momentary danger of being swept overboard. "You must have been mistaken," shouted the watch officer. "No, sir. It was a light all right, sir," shouted Sam Hickey in a confident tone. "What did it look like?" "It looked like a shooting star, sir." "What was it?" "It was a shooting star, sir." A half articulated exclamation of disgust from the officer on the bridge reached the ears of the lookout. "It shot right up from the sea, sir." "What's that?" The question was hurled up at Sam with almost explosive force. "The star shot right up from the sea, sir." Now, the watch officer on the bridge of the battleship knew full well that shooting stars shoot downward, not upward. He knew also that with a sky overcast as was this one, with the clouds hanging low, no shooting star could be made out, even granting that one had fallen. "Boatswain's mate!" roared the officer. "Aye, aye, sir," answered a hoarse voice somewhere from the depths below. "Turn out the top watches. Man the tops on the jump!" "Aye, aye, sir." Loud words of command floated up from below and a moment later a group of sailors dashed up to the bridge, rubbing their eyes sleepily. Without awaiting a word of instruction, they began running up the iron ladders of the cage masts and were quickly lost to view. The watch officer raised his megaphone, pointing it up into the air. "Look sharp two points to starboard. See if you can pick up a light. Keep your eyes open. Boatswain's mate!" "Aye, aye, sir." "Station men all the way up the mast to pass the word down in case any lights are made out. I'll never hear the word shouted from up there in this howling gale." "Aye, aye, sir." "Green light four points off the starboard bow," howled Sam Hickey. "Green-light-off-the-starboard-bow," sang a chorus of voices from somewhere far up in the steel mast. "Man in the top says it's a rocket, sir," was passed down from mouth to mouth. "Aye, aye, I saw it," answered the watch officer. "Pass the word up to hold the watch. Messenger!" "Aye, aye, sir." "Run for the captain's quarters. Tell his orderly we have sighted green rockets off the starboard bow. We have made out no other lights, but there is a ship in trouble off there." The messenger saluted and was away in a twinkling, racing along the slippery superstructure, guided only by his knowledge of the ship, for he could not see a half dozen feet ahead of him. The word was passed to the commanding officer by the latter's orderly, and in an incredibly short time the captain emerged from his cabin, fully clothed, his uniform covered by shining black rainclothes. He quickly made his way to the navigator's bridge, arriving there only a few minutes behind the messenger. "What's this, Mr. Brant?" he demanded sharply in the ear of the watch officer. "Signal rockets, sir." "You are sure of this!" "Yes, sir. Half a dozen men aloft have sighted them. I saw one flash myself." "Where away?" "Four points off the starboard bow the last time we sighted the light, sir." "How are you heading?" "East southeast, three quarters, sir." "Hold the helm steady until we see if we can make out another signal. Up aloft, there!" "Aye, aye, sir." "Look sharp for lights. Report them quickly and make sure the word is passed down. Pass the word back after it reaches me, so that you may be sure I have it." "Aye, aye, sir." An interval followed, during which only the roar and shriek of the gale were heard. Then all at once the red-haired boy's voice sounded above the storm. "Shooting star again, three points----" "What's that?" roared the commanding officer. "I mean--I mean I sighted the green rocket again, sir," explained Sam Hickey lamely. "Don't you know----" "I caught the flash of it, sir," spoke the watch officer. "It was as Seaman Hickey said, three points off the starboard bow this time." "Starboard, two points!" commanded the captain. "Starboard two points," repeated the quartermaster on duty at the wheel, giving the steering wheel a sharp turn. "She's on the mark, sir." "Hold it." "You think it is a wreck, sir?" questioned the watch officer. "I know no more about it than do you. Naturally it is some vessel in distress, else they would not be making distress signals. You say you caught only the flash--you did not get a sight of the rocket itself?" "No, sir. I saw the flash, that was all." The captain glanced up into the darkness. "She should be ten miles away, then. We ought to be heading about dead on, if your sight was correct. Full speed ahead, both engines." The throb of the engines far below them rose to a steady purr. The "Long Island" plunged ahead, lurching more violently than before. It was an unsafe speed in such a sea, but perhaps there were human lives at stake off there in that wild swirl of water, and if so it was the first duty of an American seaman to go to their rescue, however great the peril to himself and crew might be. "There she goes again," shouted the lookout up by the searchlight. "I caught it that time. The vessel lies dead ahead. Hold your course, quartermaster." "Aye, aye, sir." "Ord'ly, turn out the executive officer. Tell him to order the boat crews and the first and second divisions out. Be quick about it." "Aye, aye, sir." Boatswains' whistles trilled faintly from the depths of the battleship; boatswains' mates roared out their commands, piping the men from their sleep, and a few minutes later the superstructure was thronged with half-clad figures. Every man of them was soaked to the skin the instant he reached the deck, but unmindful of this every eye was peering into the black mist ahead, the men anxiously questioning each other as to the cause of their being piped out. No one seemed to know, but older heads shrewdly suspected that somewhere off ahead was a sister ship in dire distress. "Boatswain's mate!" again came the warning call of the watch officer. "Aye, aye, sir." "Pipe all hands to stations." Once again whistles trilled. The entire crew of the battleship was being called to stations, for again the commanding officer had seen the warning signals shooting up into the sky. Powerful glasses were being leveled at the black abyss ahead, but as yet the officers, of whom there was now quite a group assembled on the bridge, were unable to make out anything on the sea, save the mountains of water that were leaping toward them. "We must be nearing the place, Mr. Coates," shouted the captain in the ear of his executive officer. "Keep a sharp lookout now. We don't want to have a collision with an old water-logged hulk in this gale. We should run an excellent chance of going to the bottom ourselves." "Yes, sir," agreed Mr. Coates, as, raising his megaphone, he warned all lookouts to be on their guard. Sam Hickey, proud in the consciousness that he had been the first to sight the signals of distress, was scanning the troubled seas with keen eyes, from which now and then he brushed the salt brine with an impatient hand. "If I could see, I'd see," he complained to himself. "I wonder if they have turned out Dan. He knows where I am anyway. There she blows!" suddenly shouted the red-haired boy. "He's sighted a whale," laughed a young midshipman. "What do you mean?" roared the captain. "Light dead ahead, sir. Rocket again, sir." "Aye, aye," was the answer from the bridge. The officers there had plainly seen the signal rocket this time, and the green ball seemed to shoot up into the clouds from directly beneath the bow of the "Long Island." The battleship was at that moment riding a mountainous swell, while the vessel from which the signal had been fired was wallowing in the trough of the sea far below. It seemed as if the battleship must slide down the steep wall of water and crush the vessel laboring in the hollow so far beneath them. "Port your helm!" commanded the captain. "Slow speed astern, starboard engine. Hold her there!" "There she is, sir," shouted the executive officer, leveling his night glass on the sea valley. "What do you make of her?" "Not much of anything. I see faint lights aboard, but that is all." "Number one searchlight there," called the captain. "Aye, aye, sir," answered the sailor in charge of the light. "Throw a light off the port quarter and see if you can pick up that ship." "Aye, aye, sir." An instant later a broad shaft of light pierced the blackness of the night. The beam of light traveled slowly about, finally coming to rest on an object in the sea some distance ahead. On this object the officers focused their night glasses. "Four-masted schooner, sir," called Sam Hickey from his elevated position beside the searchlight. "All sticks standing?" "No, sir." "No, she has only two poles standing now, sir," spoke up the executive officer. "She seems to be in a bad way." "Steady her," commanded the captain. "She's steady," answered the quartermaster at the wheel of the battleship. "Slow both engines ahead." The "Long Island" was rolling more heavily than before, now and then giving a violent lurch, forcing every person on deck to cling to whatever support was nearest to him. Otherwise men might have been hurled overboard and lost in the tumbling sea. By this time the schooner was fairly well outlined by the battleship's searchlight, but the lookouts were unable to make out any signs of life on board the distressed ship. They felt sure, however, that the schooner was on its last legs, and that it was a question of moments, perhaps, before she would take her final plunge. "All depends upon what she is loaded with, as to how long she lasts," decided the captain of the battleship. "She is flush with the water," answered the executive officer. "I should say she must be loaded with lumber. She would have been down long ago, otherwise." "I think you are right, Mr. Coates. Hail them with the megaphone as soon as you think you can make them hear. We are to the windward and your voice should carry." "Schooner ahoy!" shouted the executive officer. There was no answering word from the disabled schooner. The distance at which the battleship was compelled to keep for its own safety, to say nothing of the roar of the gale, made communication by word of mouth impossible. At this moment another rocket from the schooner seemed to emphasize the necessity for immediate help. Turning toward the men assembled on the gun deck, the captain addressed them: "Battleship crew there! A ship is sinking hard by. "Volunteers are wanted to man the whaleboats. It is a dangerous mission. All who are willing to volunteer, step forward." Every man within hearing distance stepped forward, and a crew was quickly chosen. Sam Hickey and Dan Davis were among the twenty-four men who scrambled into the two boats. Other sailors took their places by the ropes that controlled the raising and lowering of the life boats. The executive officer, now standing on the superstructure, watching the sea and his own ship, was awaiting the moment when, in his judgment, it would be most safe to launch the whaleboats. Not a man in the two boats spoke even in a whisper. They had cast aside their storm clothes, being clad only in trousers and jumpers. "Get ready." "Toss oars," commanded the coxswain of each boat. Every man raised his oar upright. "Let go the falls," commanded the executive officer. The two whaleboats struck the sea with a mighty splash. "Cast off! Go!" shouted the two coxswains, at which the men fell to their oars with a will. But those in the number two whaleboat either had not been quick enough, or else a wave had caught them unawares. Their frail craft was picked up on the crest of a wave and hurled with mighty force against the side of the ship, the smaller boat instantly going to pieces. In a second, thirteen men were struggling in the boiling sea, fighting desperately for their lives. CHAPTER II WHALEBOATS TO THE RESCUE "Number one whaleboat, there! Go on! You'll be dashed to pieces if you try to rescue them," shouted the executive officer, as the boat holding Dan Davis turned about, bent on rescuing the drowning sailors. "Cast the life buoys!" Life lings shot over the side of the battleship, grasped by eager hands, and one by one the unfortunate sailors were pulled on board, some with arms or legs broken from being dashed against the iron sides of the battleship. A quick roll call showed that every one of the boat's crew was accounted for. Sam Hickey had not been injured. "Man the cutter with a fresh crew," commanded the captain from the bridge, where he was directing operations. Sam was the first man to run up the ladder and take his place in the boat. No effort was made to turn him out. Three others, who had been in the unfortunate boat, were close at his heels, while the rest of the crew was made up of fresh volunteers. "Man the oars more quickly this time," shouted the captain from the bridge. The cutter was swung out and slowly lowered by the falls. At command the boat was let go, striking the sloping side of a wave which carried the boat some distance from the ship, so sure had been the judgment of the executive officer, who had given the command to let go. At the command "oars out," the oars were quickly slipped into place. There was no loss of time now in obeying orders. "Give way!" commanded the coxswain, at which the heavy cutter's bow raised clear of the sea and the boat began plunging toward the disabled schooner. The latter lay a long distance from the ship, the battleship's commander not daring to draw closer for fear of smashing into the sinking vessel, so strong was the sea. In the meantime the sailors in whaleboat number one were bending to their task, their boat drawing slowly toward the distressed ship. It required heroic effort to drive the boat through that sea. A greater part of the time the craft was hidden between the great swells, the powerful searchlight from the battleship being unable to locate them. Then slowly the boat would rise, dripping, from the sea. It seemed almost as if the whaleboat were shaking the brine from her shining sides as she righted herself on the crest of some great wave, poising there for a few brief seconds, then plunging out of sight. The whaleboat was the first to reach the lee side of the disabled schooner. The windward side of a ship is the side on which the wind is blowing; the lee side, is the opposite side, and is therefore the more quiet. In a storm a ship is always approached, if possible, on the lee side. "What ship is that?" called the officer in charge of the small boats. "The 'Oriole.'" "Where from?" "Rio de Janeiro. Cargo of mahogany." "Pass a line." A rope shot over the whaleboat and was quickly made secure. Slowly the whaleboat was pulled as close to the schooner as it was safe to go. At the command of the officer in charge, half a dozen sailors climbed up the rope and leaped to the deck of the "Oriole." Dan Davis was the first man over the rail. "How many persons have you on board?" "Twenty men, a woman and a child. The latter are my wife and daughter," the master of the craft informed him. The woman, lashed to the deck house, was clinging to her child, a girl of some seven years. Without further questioning, Dan sprang for the deck house, at the same time motioning to another jackie to come to his assistance. Together they cast off the lashings; and, grasping the woman and child, led them toward the lee quarter of the ship. By this time the cutter also had succeeded in making its way alongside, and the men of the crew of the "Oriole" began clambering over the side of the vessel in the effort to reach the life boats. "Stand back, you men!" commanded Dan, thrusting two sailors aside as they crowded the woman and the little girl, nearly precipitating them into the sea. One of the men attempted to strike the Battleship Boy, and was instantly knocked down for his pains. A second man came at Dan, but at that instant the red-haired Sam Hickey was projected at their very feet, where he had been thrown by a lurch of the ship as he was clambering over the rail. Sam sprang to his feet and made short work of the second sailor. "Help me get the woman and child over," shouted Dan. The woman was first lowered into the boat by means of ropes; then came the girl. As Dan lifted her, she laid an arm confidingly about his neck. "Please, man, won't you save Tommy?" she called in his ear. "Tommy?" "Yes." "Where is he?" "Down in the cabin. Tommy is sick, he is. Please; that's a good man." "Ahoy, down there, let some one catch the girl when I throw her." Then, addressing the officer in charge of the boat, he said: "If you don't mind, sir, you need not wait for me. There's someone else below, I hear. I'll go for him and then I'll catch the other lifeboat." The girl was safely caught, and, acting on Dan's suggestion, the officer ordered the oarsmen to give way together. "Cutter, wait for me!" cried the lad, dashing along the lee side on his way to the cabin. The master of the "Oriole" had already gone over the side, and was now on the way toward the battleship, with his wife and daughter and nearly a dozen exhausted sailors from the schooner. Unfortunately for Dan, the officer in charge of the cutter did not hear Dan's shout, but a few moments later gave the command to return to the battleship, Sam being in the boat. "Hello, Tom!" shouted Dan, half running, half falling down the companion way into the main corridor of the schooner's cabin. He stumbled into water that reached above his knees. "Tom! Tom!" he cried. There was no response. Dan dived into the little cuddy. The cuddy lamp was burning, swaying widely with each roll of the ship, shedding a faint light over the stuffy room, for everything had been closed up tightly to keep the water that was now everywhere in the ship from drowning out the master's quarters. A sewing basket, with a half-completed piece of work beside it, lay on the table, while two bunches of bananas hung suspended from the rudder casing. Dan Davis was dimly conscious of observing all these peaceful signs, though his mind was upon other things. Once more he raised his voice. "Tom!" he shouted with all the strength of his lusty lungs. "Git out, you lubber!" Dan actually jumped. The voice had seemed to be right at his ear. The voice was hoarse and jeering. The Battleship Boy glanced about him quickly, but could see nothing that looked like a human being. "That you, Tom?" he demanded. A shriek of wild laughter was the answer to his question. Glancing up among the beams, Dan Davis gave a gasp. He understood. "A parrot! Hello, Tom, is that your name?" he questioned. The parrot laughed shrilly. "So you are the Tom I came down here to rescue, are you? Well, this is a nice kettle of lobster! But you shall be rescued, just the same, Mr. Thomas--Mr. Thomas, what's your other name?" "Lubber," answered the bird of brilliant plumage. Dan grabbed the cage. Searching hastily about, he found a skirt, which he bound about the cage, knowing that the bird would surely be drowned on the journey to the ship unless the cage were well protected. Tom protested by sundry screeches and unseemly language, to all of which Dan gave no heed. "We must get out of here. The boat will get tired of waiting for us, and we're not going to stay here and drown," said Dan. The lad, having bound the cage to his satisfaction, ran up the companionway. As he reached the deck a great wall of water swept over him, a ton or more of it pouring down the open hatchway ere he could get it closed. For a moment he held on desperately, unable to see or hear, for the water that enveloped him. The wave passed and Dan staggered toward the stern, holding to the rail that was now half submerged under a foaming sea. "Lifeboat, there!" he called as he neared the stern. There was no response to his summons. Dan repeated his call, but his voice sounded weak and feeble in the roar of the storm. At last he reached the stern and, during a lull in the rush of water, peered over. The cutter was not there. Running to the other side, he looked over, but he saw nothing but a waste of tumbling sea. For a moment the Battleship Boy stood clinging to the rail in a dazed sort of a way. Then the truth dawned upon him. "They have gone back to the ship without me," he groaned. "I have been left on a sinking ship. Even if they discover my absence it will no doubt be too late to come to my rescue before this old tub goes down. Tom Lubber, it begins to look as if you and I were bound for Davy Jones's Locker at a twenty-knot gait." "Git out," jeered the parrot. CHAPTER III BOMBARDED BY BIG GUNS Dan was cool under the dreadful situation in which he found himself. His mind was clear and active now. He felt no sense of fear. Glancing about, he finally located the battleship, though he was able to see it only when the schooner rose on some mighty swell. The ship appeared to be far away, but from her forward cage mast a broad beam of light was being thrown down on the water. After a time Dan made out a speck on the water near the warship. "That's the cutter," he muttered. "Thank goodness, they have not been swamped. I wonder what became of the other boat? They must have gotten aboard before this. But how came the cutter to go away and leave me so soon, I cannot understand." Dan did not know that his warning to the cutter to wait for him had not been heard by the coxswain of the latter boat, the lifeboat having pulled away almost at once. The lad now shouted at the top of his voice, but he could not have been heard a ship's length away. Once the big searchlight fell across the wave-swept decks of the "Oriole," hovered there a moment, then was quickly withdrawn. "The boats are safe on board, I guess," decided Dan. "The ship is moving. They are going away. I am left. I guess I had better go below or I shall be swept into the sea. As it is, I shall not have very long to wait for the end, judging from the way the schooner is listing. Good-bye, old 'Long Island,'" muttered the boy, saluting, as he fixed his eyes on the spot where he figured the stern of the battleship should be. Then all was shut out in a blinding wave that swept the deck of the disabled craft. When the wave had passed, Dan was gripping the deck house, gasping, for he was almost choking with the salt water he had swallowed. He was still clinging to the bird. "Come, Tom, we had better go below," he said, quickly raising the hatch, letting it fall over him with a bang as he leaped down into the corridor that led to the cuddy. But, quick as he was, a flood of salt water poured down with him. For a moment Dan seemed to be swimming in it. "Tom Lubber, it strikes me that the safest place for you, just now, will be in your old billet up there. If you are going to be saved, I guess some one else will have to do it. I do not seem to be an entire success as a life saver." The bird-cage was placed on its hook, after which the lad stripped the covering from it, bringing from the parrot a chorus of protests and scornful epithets. Dan curled up on a bunk, leaning against a bulk-head. He was dripping wet, but to this he gave no thought. He did not even realize that such was the case. He was wondering how long it would be ere the old schooner would take a plunge to the bottom of the ocean. "It must be a long way to the bottom," decided the Battleship Boy. "I shan't know when we reach there, anyway, so what's the odds how far it is? Perhaps it would be better for me to jump overboard and put a quick end to it. Yet," he reflected, "while I am alive I am alive. I guess that's good sense, and it gives me an idea." For several moments the boy was lost in deep thought. "If the rudder is still in place I may be able to do something that will ease matters a little. Of course I do not know how much water there is in the hold. Perhaps the bottom has been burst open, and all that is keeping us together is the lumber. I'm going to make an investigation, at any rate. I wonder if they have discovered my absence on board the battleship?" * * * * * They had not discovered his absence. In boarding the battleship with the rescued crew the whaleboat had been wrecked, as had its mate in starting out. One of the rescued men was drowned in the sea just as he was reaching for a rope that had been cast to him by a sailor on the deck of the warship. For a time there was great excitement on board the battleship. At last, however, all hands were hauled aboard. The cutter's crew and passengers were landed without disaster, the daughter of the master of the "Oriole" looking upon the whole affair as a most delightful experience. After the rescued sailors had been cared for by their comrades on the battleship, and the master's family made comfortable in one of the cabins of the captain, the latter made his way to the bridge. "Let us get under way now, Coates," said the captain, addressing the executive officer. "I don't like to lie near that floating hulk there any longer than I am obliged to." The ship began to move. "I'll tell you what, Coates, I believe we had better break her up, don't you?" "The schooner, sir?" "Yes." "An excellent idea. Shall I do it?" "Yes. Use the seven-inch port battery." "Boatswain's mate!" roared the executive officer. "Aye, aye, sir." "Turn out the seven-inch starboard gun crews. Order them to take their stations and stand ready with six rounds of solid shot." "Aye, aye, sir." The orders were quickly transmitted to the gun crews by the mate. The men went to their stations on a run. This was an opportunity that delighted the hearts of every jackie on board. It was something more than the ordinary target practice. It was, in reality, battle practice. Ammunition was quickly hoisted to the seven-inch gun turret, and, taking a wide circle, the ship began swinging back toward the spot where the "Oriole" had last been seen. The searchlights were playing over the mountainous seas in search of her. "There she is, four points off the starboard bow, sir," shouted a lookout. "What is the range, Mr. Coates?" asked the captain. "About four thousand yards." "Better make it three." The outlines of the schooner could be faintly made out by focusing the searchlight upon her. "Within the range, sir." "Very well, when you are ready." A bell buzzed in the starboard seven-inch forward turret, while an indicator told the waiting gun crew that the doomed ship lay three thousand yards from them. An instant later a projectile had been shoved into the big gun, the breech closed and the gun pointer crawling to his station, was sighting the piece on the ghostly outline of the "Oriole." "Fire!" The battleship heeled ever so little, followed by a report as if the ship had blown up. Again the bell in the turret buzzed. "Aye, aye, sir," answered the gun captain. "An excellent shot," came the information in the voice of the executive officer. "You shot away the foremast. The schooner lies very low in the water. You will have to depress your gun a little more this time, or wait until the target rises on a swell. Drill her this time." "Aye, aye, sir; we'll drill her." "Boom!" roared the big seven-inch, as it hurled the second heavy projectile straight at the unfortunate schooner. "Fair hit," shouted the executive officer in a tone of exultation. "Hit her hard, sir?" "Dead amidships. Smash another in the same place and you'll have her on the way to Davy Jones's ditty box." Again the forward starboard seven-inch spoke. "Miss," came the warning. "Poor work. Cease firing and give the after turret's crew a chance." "Aye, aye, sir." The after-turret's crew sprang to their work with a shout of joy. In an incredibly short time after receiving the command, their weapon began to roar, shot following shot, as if they were engaged in record target practice for the silver cup. "Hit," came the call down the speaking tube after each shot. Projectile after projectile landed in the hull of the doomed schooner. "There she goes!" cried the captain, catching a faint glimpse of the "Oriole" as she slipped down a great sloping hill of water. "That's the last of her." "Shall we give her another round, sir?" "No; cease firing. She is no doubt broken to pieces by our shot by this time. You do not see her, do you?" "No, sir. The searchlight doesn't seem able to find the schooner." "Then we need trouble ourselves no further about her. It's a good job, Coates," smiled the captain, rubbing his palms together in keen satisfaction. "We have rescued the crew of a disabled ship in one of the worst gales that I ever saw on the Atlantic coast. We have lost none of our own men and only one of the seamen belonging to the schooner. Of course I'm sorry that he was lost, but we did all that human beings could accomplish." "We did, sir." At that moment the captain's orderly approached. "What is it?" demanded the captain, observing that the orderly wished to say something to him. "Seaman Sam Hickey asks permission to speak to the commanding officer, sir." "What does Seaman Hickey wish to say to me?" "He did not say, sir." "I will see him." Sam, his red hair standing straight up, for he was hatless as well as coatless still, approached the captain, came to attention and saluted. "Well, lad, what is it?" "I have not seen my friend Dan Davis since the boats returned, sir," he said. "What's that?" "I find that Davis did not return in either the whaleboat or the cutter. He went back to save some one that the girl begged him to save. I've made inquiry and learn that the somebody was a miserable parrot." "Seaman Davis on that schooner?" demanded the captain in a startled voice. "Yes, sir, I think so, sir." "And we have shot the decks from under him with our seven-inch guns!" groaned the captain. He immediately ordered that the searchlights try again to pick the schooner up. But no search revealed her. By reason of the violence of the gale, the battleship, for her own safety, had been compelled to steam some distance away. But she lay to throughout the night, and only when the early daylight revealed nothing of the schooner was she headed for the Delaware Breakwater. CHAPTER IV LOOKING DEATH IN THE FACE We left Dan curled up in a bunk, wondering how long it would be before the schooner would go to the bottom. "What's that?" exclaimed Dan, starting up from the narrow berth on which he was sitting. He had heard a crash and felt a jar that was different from the shocks he had been experiencing for the last half hour. Suddenly the Battleship Boy leaped from the berth, splashing into the water knee deep, as another shock, more violent than the other, set the doomed schooner trembling from stem to stern. "Another mast has gone by the board," he groaned. "Bang!" The sound was accompanied by a ripping and rending of woodwork as if the vessel were being torn apart by some strange, wonderful power. "I can't stand this any longer. I've got to go on deck and find out what is occurring, even if I am swept overboard. I'm not going to die down in this hole anyway. It's no way for a jackie in Uncle Sam's Navy to end his life. Tommy, you'll have to get along the best way you can. Good-bye if I do not see you again." There was a note of regret in the Battleship Boy's tone, as his glance lingered half regretfully on the ugly face of the parrot. "Lubber!" retorted the indignant parrot. "I guess I am all you accuse me of being," answered Dan with a mirthless laugh. Running up the companionway he crouched under the hatchway, listening in order to determine whether a wave were washing over the ship or just leaving the stern. Having decided on this, the lad quickly threw open the hatch and sprang out on deck. A cold blast of salt spray smote him full in the face. Dan cleared his eyes and glanced about him inquiringly. He was able to see but little of deck or mast, but he felt quite sure that only one of the latter had been left standing. There was a sudden angry flash off to port. "Lightning," muttered Dan. "We're going to have a thunderstorm to add to my other troubles." No sooner were the words out of his mouth than the ship received a shock so sudden and violent as to throw the boy flat on his face on the deck. "That's the time we were struck," he cried, springing up. Indeed the "Oriole" had been struck, but not in the way that Dan Davis thought. Instead of being struck by lightning another projectile from the seven-inch gun had torn its way through the stricken schooner. Dan never had been under fire; in fact, he never had taken part in target practice, so he knew little of what big-gun fire was like. A beam from a searchlight smote his face. "The 'Long Island'!" he fairly shouted. "They're coming back for me. Tom," he yelled, poking his head in through the hatchway, "they're coming after us. We shall yet be saved." "Get out!" answered the parrot in a shrill screaming voice. Dan dropped the hatchway, straightened up and shading his eyes as he gazed off across the waste of waters. Just then he caught sight of another of those sharp flashes that he had taken for lightning. This time he saw that the flash had come directly from the battleship itself. At the same instant he experienced another of those terrific shocks, this one sending him staggering to the rail. The truth suddenly dawned upon him. "They are shooting at me!" he gasped. "But why are they doing that terrible thing?" Dan pondered over this for a full moment. "I know," he cried. "They are trying to sink the schooner, to get her out of the way, so that no other ship will run into her in the darkness. Well, I certainly am in a fine fix. Not being able to drown myself in a respectable way, the ship has come to my help by shooting at me. I wonder what gun they are doing it with? It must be the twelve-inch, judging----" "Bang! Crash!" "There she goes again." The schooner heeled until the lad was sure that she was going to turn turtle. The Battleship Boy felt a shiver running up and down his spine. "If I had a light I might signal them and attract their attention. I don't believe they are able to pick me up with the searchlight. If they saw me they surely would not keep on shooting at me." Dan hastened to the cabin below. There was not a lantern to be found so he grabbed up the cuddy lamp and ran to the deck with it. The instant he reached the deck the wind blew the light out. The boy put the lamp down on the deck and crept over to the port rail which was the side nearest to the distant battleship. Once more the seven-inch gun let go, the projectile going just a little high and cutting a gash in the deck as it went screaming over, losing itself in the sea off to starboard somewhere. "About six feet nearer, and my name would have been Dennis," muttered the lad. He remembered, afterwards, that he had not experienced any feeling of fear. The sensation of being under fire, and that with the knowledge that a battleship was trying to sink the vessel under him, filled him with awe and curiosity. Dan found himself wondering just how long it would take for the guns of the warship to put the schooner under. Had she not been loaded with lumber the schooner no doubt would have gone down under the first projectile that struck her. "My, but those boys can shoot," he muttered with a feeling of pride. "Ah, that one went too high. Lower, lower!" fairly screamed the boy. "Crash!" "That's the time you did it," he shouted exultantly, picking himself up from the deck, his clothing torn, his body scratched from the splinters that the projectile had rained over him in a perfect shower. "A few more shots like that and you'll have her. But I'm glad there isn't any flag flying here. I'd have to take it down. I couldn't stand it to see them shooting at the Stars and Stripes." The next shot tore away a large section of the rail on the port side, and seemed at the same time to have twisted the ship about. But Dan was clinging to a stanchion, which fact saved him from being again thrown to the deck. "I guess they must have decided to cease firing," he said. "I hope they haven't given it up. I know I shall be disappointed. How I wish I were at that gun! Wouldn't it be fun! I believe I could shoot as straight as they do. But----" Dan did not finish the sentence. There came a report more terrific than those that had preceded it. The stanchion to which the lad bad been clinging suddenly doubled over, striking him on the head, felling him to the deck. The schooner lurched heavily, and, settling over on her starboard side, slipped slowly down a great sloping hill of water into a deep hollow of the sea. But Dan Davis lay still. The blow on his head had been a cruel one, the iron stanchion having been struck by a projectile from one of the seven-inch guns and bent double. The first gray streaks of the dawn were shooting up from the angry sea when Dan opened his eyes again. His first sensation was that of choking. He was, indeed, choking, for the deck on which he lay was a river of salt water. The lad, in falling, had become wedged between the rails, this being the only thing that had kept him from being washed overboard. The lad's first thought was that he was drowning. Soon, however, he managed to get his eyes open sufficiently to examine his surroundings. There was gray, turbulent water wherever the eye roamed, a waste of foaming sea, here and there heaping itself into great dark piles that seemed to tower higher than the masts of a ship. "It's a wonder I'm alive," exclaimed the Battleship Boy, as he began extricating himself from his uncomfortable position. "The sea is not nearly so high as it was last night, and this old craft is still on its legs. That is the most surprising thing about the whole business." Dan got to his feet, but he was very unsteady. His first business was to look over the ship and make up his mind how badly she had been hurt by the fire of the battleship. Wreck and ruin greeted him on every hand. The decks were a mass of tangled wreckage, broken masts, twisted stanchions and knotted ropes. In several places the decks were ripped wide open, the lumber beneath them split and torn into shreds. Peering over the side, the lad discovered a jagged hole in the hull, through which the water rushed with every roll of the ship. The "Oriole" was lying well over on her side, threatening every instant to complete the job by turning over entirely. Dan surveyed the ship with critical eyes. "I see now what has saved me. It is the lumber. The schooner was so far down in the sea, too, that the shots from the battleship could do her little serious damage. I wonder why they ceased firing. They must have thought we were sinking. Well, anyway, I'm still afloat, I wish I could see the sun so I could guess where I am." Dan consulted the compass critically, learning that the battered hulk was headed southeast. He tried the steering wheel, making the discovery that the ship's rudder had not been torn off. He uttered an exclamation. "I wonder if I could do it?" he muttered. "The land lies somewhere to the southwest. I know we are not far from the coast, for we sighted a lighthouse yesterday afternoon." The stump of a mast was still standing, the stick having broken off about thirty feet from the deck. Dan, after a moment's reflection, ran below. Wading about in the cuddy and storeroom in water up to his armpits, he found that of which he was in search. He staggered to the deck, dragging a jib sail after him. It was no slight effort to carry the heavy canvas, but the lad accomplished it. Now his purpose became evident. After great exertion he managed to climb the slippery mast, carrying a block and tackle with him. The roll of the ship made his task doubly difficult, but Dan pluckily held on, weak and lame as he was. He knew no such word as "fail." When he set about a certain task he did so with perfect confidence in himself. He knew he should succeed. "There. I'm not a half-bad sailor, after all," he cried, dropping to the deck. His next duty was to carry a rope from the sail that he had fastened to the stump of the mast, back to the steering wheel, first having passed the rope through tackle that he had made secure to a stanchion. Taking it all in all, he had accomplished something that would have been a credit to a much more experienced seaman. But Dan had not quite finished with his preparations. He was eyeing the heavy mast that lay lengthwise of the deck, amidst a tangled mass of ropes and stays. Procuring an axe from the deck house he cut the mast free; then, rigging some tackle, he worked with the stick until at last he had dumped it over the stern into the sea. Before doing so, however, he had made fast a line to it, securing the line at the stern of the schooner before launching the spar. The "Oriole" steadied considerably under the influence of the dragging spar. "Now, for the experiment!" cried Dan almost joyously. "I don't know, but perhaps the minute I get some wind in the sail the whole outfit will turn turtle. At least, that will be better than waiting for the ship to do so of her own accord." He drew the sail taut, after a long, comprehensive glance over the deck, at the same time crowding the wheel over to port. Then followed a minute of anxious suspense. The sail slowly filled, the shattered bow gradually swung about. With a "splash, splash, splash!" the battered hulk of the wrecked, shot-riddled "Oriole" began to move. "Hip, hip, hurrah!" shouted Dan Davis. "Right side up with care! Now, if we don't get any worse weather, we'll land somewhere, even if it's on the rocks." Dan decided upon the course that he would follow if he could, and, watching the compass, held the "Oriole" to that course as closely as possible. All during that day the sea continued gray and angry, the clouds hung low and the sea gulls swept screaming by him, bound for still water. Dan remained steadfast to his vigil, watching sea and sky and sail with keen, observant eyes. He could not tell how fast he was traveling, but so long as the schooner was under motion he did not care particularly. There was no sight of land, but still he might be within three or four miles of the coast and yet be unable to sight it, for the "Oriole" was low in the water. Now and then, as the schooner rose on a swell, he would catch sight of a wisp of smoke on the far-off horizon, showing that steamers were working their way up or down the coast. Dan began to feel faint and hungry. He decided to look for food. Lashing the wheel he went below and began his search in the dark, water-logged interior of the ship. "Git out!" shrieked the parrot. "I'm going to, just as soon as I find a cracker." The parrot shrieked with rage, which caused the Battleship Boy to laugh almost happily. After some searching about the lad came upon a tin case of hard tack that had not been water-soaked. A piece of this he gave to the parrot, the rest being stuffed into his own pockets. Then Dan returned to his wheel. It was late that afternoon when the lad caught sight of something ahead in the distance that attracted his attention instantly. He sprang up to the broken rail, and, supporting himself by a twisted stanchion, peered into the midst of the spray. "Land ho!" he shouted. "I think I see a light house." Dan danced about the deck gleefully, for a moment, then grabbed the wheel. "Gid-dap! You're a slow old poke," he jeered. After a time he was able to make out the beacon more clearly. "Somehow, that light house looks familiar to me," he muttered. "I know I have seen it before. Why, of course; I know where I am now. Hurrah! We're headed for the Delaware Breakwater. If I keep on in this way I'll be in Philadelphia--in the course of time," he added with a broad grin. As Dan Davis and his derelict craft drew nearer and nearer he discovered something else that caused him to gaze fixedly. What he saw was the towering cage masts of a battleship. "Saved!" cried the Battleship Boy. "And it's the 'Long Island.' I know it is. Won't they be surprised to see me, though? They must have gone in there to get out of the gale." The lad was swelling with pride. He had accomplished a great feat, and he knew it. By this time glasses from the warship were being leveled at the strange craft that was to be seen floundering through the sea, headed for the harbor where the battleship was at anchor. The officer of the deck sent word to the captain, who was below, and the captain, after one look at the wreck approaching, sent for the executive officer. "What do you make of her, Mr. Coates?" he questioned. The executive officer took a long, searching look at the schooner, then turned wonderingly toward his superior. "It's our schooner 'Oriole,' unless I am greatly mistaken, sir." "You don't mean it?" "I may be mistaken, but it looks very much like her." "But we smashed the hulk of the 'Oriole,' Mr. Coates. We saw her go under." "If we did she has pulled herself together and come back from Davy Jones's Locker to a certainty. There's a man at the wheel, sir. I believe that is Seaman Davis." "Send a boat's crew out to meet her at once." A cutter was quickly launched. By this time the rails of the battleship were crowded with jackies. The word had been passed around that the strange craft was none other than the schooner that officers and crew supposed they had broken to pieces in the gale the night before. Officers, through their glasses, saw the cutter run alongside the schooner. Then, with the lone mariner on board, they began the return trip to the battleship. The cutter came alongside, a few minutes later, and Seaman Daniel Davis ran up the sea ladder, leaped through the rope railing and came to attention before the commander of the battleship. The instant his salute was returned, Dan ran to the port side of the after deck, where stood a child, clinging to its mother's hand. "Young lady," he said, "I've brought your parrot to you. But I must say he has about the worst disposition of any parrot that I ever knew." Dan handed the parrot over to the eager hands of the child. "Lubber!" shrieked the parrot, making a vicious grab for the Battleship Boy's hand. The jackies of the "Long Island" set up a mighty cheer that was heard far off on the mainland, wafted there by the quarter gale that was still blowing. At the same time one by one the officers strode forward, grasping the hand of the plucky lad, showering him with congratulations. Dan Davis had performed a feat that would be talked of on shore as well as on the high seas for a long time to come. "Ord'ly," called the captain sharply. "Aye, aye, sir." "Tell the master-at-arms to see to it that Seaman Davis gets a warm meal, the best that the ship affords, and at once. Davis, you will draw a suit of clothes from the canteen at my expense. Yours are ruined. After that you will turn in and stay there till to-morrow morning." Dan saluted gravely. As the hulk of the "Oriole" would be dangerous to navigation, she was towed within the Delaware Breakwater and delivered to the proper authorities, and the passengers and crew of the ill-starred schooner went ashore. CHAPTER V THE LOSS OF THE TOMPION That night being Saturday the crew gave a banquet in honor of the Battleship Boy, following it with an entertainment. There were songs, buck and wing dancing, a little playlet and a lively boxing bout. Dan was dragged to the stage amid loud demands for a speech. "Tell us how you did it," shouted the jackies. "Tell us all about it." The Battleship Boy blushed furiously. "Mates, I can't do it. I--I----" then Dan fled. They found him, an hour later, hiding in the twelve-inch gun turret. The officers, however, felt a keen professional interest in the lad's accomplishment, and especially in the effect on the schooner of the big gun-fire. Hardly a man of all that crew of eight hundred men and officers ever had stood on the deck of a ship that was being bombarded by heavy projectiles. Dan was summoned to the captain's quarters. There, in the presence of the senior officers, he related in a clear, comprehensive manner all that had occurred, describing in detail the shock when the projectiles hit the schooner; giving as nearly as possible the degree of list that had followed and the number of hits. His technical knowledge was a surprise to the ship's officers. Such knowledge was unusual in a seaman, showing, as it did, that the lad had used his eyes and his brain to good purpose since he had been on shipboard. As a matter of fact, Dan had been studying ever since his enlistment. He had spent all his leisure moments in studying the technical works with which the ship's library was equipped, asking questions of the petty officers, until he had informed himself far beyond his grade. Both lads had by this time risen to the grade of full seamen, which carried with it a substantial increase in pay. "What, in your opinion, prevented our fire from sinking the schooner?" questioned the captain. "Why, the fact that the boat was loaded with lumber was all that kept her afloat, sir. Then, again, her hull lay so low in the water that the projectiles had no opportunity to do effective work. If you had elevated the seven-inch and dropped a projectile or so on the deck of the schooner, I might not have been here to tell you about what happened," added Dan with a suggestive smile. The captain smiled at his executive officer. "That is most excellent logic, Mr. Coates." "Yes, sir." "I think we shall have to make a full report of this to the Navy Department. Prepare a statement from what Seaman Davis has told us, together with any further technical information he may be able to give you. At the same time full credit should be given to Seaman Davis for his splendid work. Young man, I congratulate you. You are not unknown to me. I well recall other fine deeds on your part performed some time since. I trust you suffered no injury during your trying experience." "No, sir." "You are interested in guns?" "Very deeply interested." "But you have not been stationed at one of the guns?" "No, sir." "Would you like to be? Would you prefer to be a member of a gun crew?" "It has been my ambition to join a gun crew, sir. I feel that I should do well in that position." "Then you shall. Coates, will you be good enough to tell the ship's writer to enter Seaman Davis as a member of the starboard seven-inch crew?" "Yes, sir." "Thank you, sir," answered the Battleship Boy, his eyes gleaming with pleasure. "I shall try not to be a discredit to the seven-inch, sir." "You will not. That goes without saying." "May I ask a favor, sir?" "Certainly. What is it?" "Will it be possible for my friend, Seaman Hickey, to have a place in that gun squad?" "I think that can be arranged," answered the captain with an indulgent smile. "Has your friend also a desire to learn to shoot?" "Yes, sir." "His desire shall be gratified. And, as for you, Davis, continue in the way you have started and there is little doubt as to where you will eventually bring up. I shall watch your career with deep interest. I always take an interest in the young men who are striving to work themselves up. If I can be of assistance to you, at any time, communicate in the proper manner, and I shall be glad to do all I can for you." Dan rose, for they had invited him to be seated when he first entered the cabin. He came to stiff attention, saluted and, when the commanding officer waved his hand, the Battleship Boy executed a smart right-about-face and marched from the room. On the following morning Dan and Sam were marched to the quarter-deck with the seven-inch starboard gun crew at muster. They were proud boys, too, and, after quarters, they proceeded directly to their station, where they spent the forenoon receiving instruction under the captain of the gun's crew. Dan fondled the great gun almost affectionately. It already had become a thing of life to him, for had not this same gun been thundering away at him, hurling projectiles at him in a determined effort to sink the ship under him, only a few hours before? "Rather be at this end than the other, wouldn't you?" questioned Sam Hickey, with a grin. "Yes; now that I have had time to think the matter over, I believe I prefer this end," laughed Dan. "It was not so bad, though. You see, I never had been under fire before, and I was interested. It was a new experience." "One that few of us have had," spoke up the gun captain. "I know I should have run away if I had been there," decided Sam, with a thoughtful shake of the head. "Where would you have run to?" demanded Dan, at which there was a laugh all around. Sam was sitting on the deck of the turret, industriously at work polishing the brass tompion with which the end of the gun is plugged to keep out the sea water. Finishing his task, he turned up the tompion and sat down on it, as with chin in hands he listened to the conversation. "Makes a good seat, eh?" he grinned, as he saw the eyes of the gun captain upon him. "You will not think so if you damage the tompion. Get off from it. Do you know what those things are worth?" "'Bout a dollar and a half," answered Sam rather contemptuously. "I could buy enough to fit the ship with on a month's pay." "You could, eh?" "Yes." "You will have a chance to buy one if you are not careful. Those tompions cost twenty-five dollars apiece, and I ought to know, for I dropped one overboard once and it was checked up against me." Sam uttered a low whistle of surprise, then very gingerly carried the brass plug outside and inserted it in the muzzle of the big gun. As he did so Sam half turned his head, finding himself looking into the eyes of a dark-faced fellow, who was lounging against the rail. "Hello, Blackie," greeted the red-haired boy. The dark-faced boy scowled. He was one of two Hawaiians who had joined the ship about the same time that the Battleship Boys had come aboard. One of the Hawaiians was very dark and the other almost white, so the jackies named them Black and White, these names being easier of pronunciation than were the real names of the men. As it chanced, both Black and White had been shifted from the seven-inch gun crew to make room for Dan and Sam, while the Pacific Islanders were set to scrubbing decks and doing general work about the ship. The men did not dare rebel, but they had been ugly ever since the change had been made, and Sam's grin did not tend to make Black any the less ugly. "I said 'hello,'" repeated Sam. Still the Hawaiian made no reply. He simply scowled--scowled until his face was ridged with sharp wrinkles. "Don't you know how to salute, my man?" urged Sam, with the superior air that he had seen some officers employ. "Me know." "Then salute your superior." "No salute you. You nothing but red-head." "Oh, that's it, is it? Because I'm a red-head you won't salute me? Well, let me tell you, I had a sight rather have a red head than some other colors that I know about." Sam turned on his heel and strode into the gun turret without another word. He did not realize that he had made an enemy of the dark-skinned Hawaiian, an enemy who would never forget to do him an injury. Perhaps Sam would not have cared had he known. A few moments later the gun captain emerged from the turret and stood leaning over the rail of the ship, looking into the water, one hand resting lightly on the muzzle of the seven-inch gun. Suddenly his hand slipped and went right into the muzzle. The gun captain withdrew the hand with a surprised look on his face. "What's this?" he muttered. "What did that red-head do with the tompion, I wonder!" He glanced about the deck, and, failing to discover the brass gun plug, hurriedly entered the turret where Sam was now engaged in polishing the bright work on the gun butt. "Hickey!" "Yes, sir." "What did you do with that tompion after you polished it?" "The plug, you mean?" "Yes." "Why, I put it back where it belongs." "Where, I asked you?" "I stuck it in the gun." "Come out here." The gun captain led Sam to the outer deck, and, taking hold of the boy's arm, pointed to the muzzle of the seven-inch. "Do you see any tompion in that gun?" he demanded. "N-n-n-no," answered Sam hesitatingly. "Now, tell me where you put it." "I told you once. I put it in the muzzle. Where did you think I put it!" "I did not think. But it is now my opinion that you dropped it overboard." "I did nothing of the sort," protested Hickey indignantly. "You were the last man to handle the plug, were you not?" "Y-e-s." "Where is it?" "I--I don't know." "That will cost you twenty-five, young man. You will no doubt be put on the list for a reprimand, if not worse. That's all I've got to say to you." Sam stood with both hands thrust in his trousers' pockets, gazing absently off to sea. "Almost a whole month's pay gone to grass," he muttered. "Shoot the whole business!" CHAPTER VI THE RED, WHITE AND BLUE An hour later Sam Hickey ran across the fellow Black on the superstructure. "See here, Blackie." Black moved on as if he had not heard. A second later Sam had him by the collar. "You wait a minute. I've got something to say to you." Black halted because the grip on his collar forced him to do so, but he turned an angry face on the Battleship Boy. "I'm in a fix, Blackie, and you've got to help me out." Black grunted. "You were standing outside the seven-inch port when I came out on deck a while ago, weren't you?" "Yes." "You saw me put that tompion in the muzzle of the gun there, didn't you?" Black shook his head. "You didn't?" "Me not see." "Don't you remember, I was just putting the plug in when I said 'hello' to you, and you wrinkled up your face as if you had a colic, or some other kind of pain in your stomach?" urged Hickey. Black shook his head again. "Me see nothing," he declared sullenly. Sam surveyed him half suspiciously. "You're a thick-head, that's what you are. Here I am in a fix, and you won't even try to help me out. You just wait until you get in trouble, and see how quickly I will come to your rescue--not! I'll lose my memory entirely so far as what you want me to remember is concerned. Go on; I don't want anything more to do with you," added the red-haired boy, giving the other a shove. "What's the trouble, Sam?" demanded Dan Davis, who was passing along the deck at that moment. Sam explained briefly. "You are sure you put the tompion in the gun?" "Sure? Of course I'm sure. I couldn't possibly be mistaken about a thing like that, could I?" "I should think not." "Of course I couldn't." "Then it must have fallen out and gone overboard. Evidently you did not put it in tightly. I can't see but that you were negligent, so take your medicine like a man, Sam. In other words, grin and bear it," advised Dan. "Huh!" grunted Hickey in a tone of disgust. "Twenty-five dollars' worth, eh? All right; I'll bear it, but I'll not grin." While this conversation was taking place another was being held in the cabin of the captain, who was in consultation with Mr. Coates, his executive officer. "I have just received an order by wireless from the admiral to put ashore six signalmen to be used for landing practice up in Gardiner's Bay. They are going ashore this afternoon, when we move up near enough to put them off," said the captain. "How many signalmen will that leave us for our work?" "Let me see," mused the executive officer. "It will leave us three men. I presume you wish to send the most expert signalmen to the admiral?" "By all means." "That will leave us very short. We shall be practically without a signal corps. Three of our fellows are merely novices, and can hardly be depended upon." "Then I shall have to wire the admiral that we cannot spare the men. I dislike very much to do that, for we should have plenty of men on board who are experts with the wig-wag flags." "Yes, that is so. It would be rather humiliating to have to confess our weakness. Is there no other way out of it? Perhaps we could get along without a signal corps for the present." "Wait a minute. I have an idea," exclaimed the commanding officer, his face lighting with a smile. "Yes, sir." "Is not that young seaman, Dan Davis, handy with the flags?" "Right you are, sir." "Was he not one of the signalmen who did such fine work when we were laying mines, the time Bill Kester was rescued by this same boy?" "Yes, sir. Both boys took part in that rescue, if you recall the incident." "Yes, I remember. That will leave us in fine shape. You will see to it that the signal corps is put ashore this afternoon." "Yes, sir." "And, by the way, I think it might be a good idea to have Davis drill in some other men while we are about it. I want to see what we can do. He strikes me as being a most likely lad." "Both of them are, sir, though Davis is built of a little finer material than his companion. Have I your instructions to order him to go ahead with the instruction?" "Certainly." "How many men shall we try out?" "Oh, say a dozen. From the dozen we shall be able to pick at least six likely ones." "Shall we assign the men?" The captain reflected. "No, let Seaman Davis do that. If he chooses any men we cannot spare you will so advise him. I want to see what sort of material he will choose." "Very good, sir; I will attend to the matter at once." Shortly after that Dan received orders to report to the executive officer. The latter explained briefly what was wanted of him. "For the purpose of the instruction you are clothed with the authority of a petty officer," said Mr. Coates. "Your orders will be obeyed. When you have chosen your men hand me the list, and I will pass upon it." "Aye, aye, sir." "You are relieved from further duty for the present." "Aye, aye, sir." Dan made a dignified salute, and walked away with his shoulders a little more erect than usual. But the moment he was sure he had gotten out of sight of the officer, he started off on a run to carry the good news to Sam Hickey. Sam was not over enthusiastic. He was still grumbling over the loss of the tompion, which meant also the loss of twenty-five dollars to himself. Within the hour he had handed in the list of names of the men chosen for signal duty. This list was approved by the executive officer and the captain, and that afternoon Dan assembled his class on the forward deck for their first lesson. Not a man of them had ever before had signal instruction. In military formation the Battleship Boy marched his class up and out to the forward deck. "Halt!" he commanded. "Left face! Right dress! Front!" "Coates, that was pretty well done, eh?" chuckled the captain, who, with his executive officer, was leaning over the bridge railing, watching the proceedings. "Open order, march!" The men of the class spread out so that there was plenty of open space in front of each man. The Battleship Boy gave the men a brief talk on the general subject of signaling, impressing upon them the need of accuracy. "Do not try to be fast. Speed will come in good time, but make it your ambition both to send and to read messages with absolute accuracy. We will now begin with the code, which is as follows:" Davis ran through the code, signaling out each letter slowly in order to show the men how the movements were executed. The wig-wag code, as used in the United States Navy, consists of a series of numbers that represent the letters of the alphabet. They are delivered by a red flag bearing a white square in its center. The code that Dan spelled out is as follows: A .................. 22 O .................. 21 B .................. 2112 P .................. 1212 C .................. 121 Q .................. 1211 D .................. 222 R .................. 211 E .................. 12 S .................. 212 F .................. 2221 T .................. 2 G .................. 2211 U .................. 112 H .................. 122 V .................. 1222 I .................. 1 W .................. 1121 J .................. 1122 X .................. 2122 K .................. 2121 Y .................. 111 L .................. 221 Z .................. 2222 M .................. 1221 End of word ........ 3 N .................. 11 End of sentence .... 33 The flag with which the numbers are made is attached to a staff just long enough to handle easily. Before beginning the message the flag staff is held perpendicularly in front of the operator. Dipping the flag once to the left, at right angles to the body, indicates the figure two. Dipping it once to the right indicates the figure one. Dipping it forward once, away from the body means the figure three. For instance, if the flag be dipped twice to the left, the operator will have made the signal "twenty-two," meaning A. "I will now spell the words 'Battleship Boy,';' he said, beginning a slow movement of the wig-wag flag, making the following figures: "2112, 22, 2, 2, 221, 12, 212, 122, 1, 1212, 3, 2112, 21, 111, 212." "We will now begin practicing the code in groups of three letters," said the instructor. For a full hour he put the young jackies through their paces. By the time the bugle blew his class had learned nearly half the signal alphabet. "If you will practice these movements, using your hands in place of flags, this evening, you will have fixed the numbers and the letters that they represent so firmly in your minds that you will not be likely to forget them. Do it at every opportunity before turning in to-night. I shall expect each of you to be letter-perfect in the morning. Once more, now, call the letters as I make them. I will give you only what you have had this afternoon. Begin with the first man in line." [Illustration: The Battleship Boys Swung Into the Chorus.] The Battleship Boy made the figures, wigwagging slowly. Among the men on the forward deck there were only three who were not quick to read the signals. These Dan ordered to step forward. A few minutes proved, to his own satisfaction, that their minds were too sluggish to enable them to make very good signalmen. "You three men need not report to-morrow," he said. "That boy is bound to command, Coates," announced the captain with emphasis. "Davis!" "Aye, aye, sir," answered Dan, turning and saluting. "You and your friend, Seaman Hickey, turn to and give an exhibition of wig-wagging. It will be instructive, as well as entertaining, to all of us." Dan's eyes lighted with pleasure. "'Red, White and Blue,'" he said, as he passed a flag to Sam. "Follow me giving the next lines." "Will that save my twenty-five?" "It may." "All right, I'll take a chance on it. Go ahead." Dan stationed himself on one side of the deck, while Sam walked briskly to the opposite side. "Oh, Columbia, the gem of the ocean, The home of the brave and the free," wig-wagged Dan. "The shrine of each patriot's devotion, A world offers homage to thee," continued Sam Hickey, his red flag flashing up and down forming the letters of the code with such swiftness that few of the officers were able to follow. "Thy mandates make heroes assemble, When Liberty's form stands in view; Thy banners make tyranny tremble, When borne by the red, white and blue." The instant Dan's swift strokes with flag had ended the verse, both the Battleship Boys swung into the chorus, "When borne by the red, white and blue, When borne by the red, white and blue, Thy banners make tyranny tremble, When borne by the red, white and blue." "Thirty-three, thirty-three," finished the lads, bringing the butts of their flag staffs to the deck with a click that sounded as one. A perfect storm of applause from the officers rewarded the splendid performance of the Battleship Boys. The jackies on the deck, though few of them had been able to make out the message, the words of the beautiful anthem, realized that they were watching the work of two masters with the wig-wag flags, so they, too, added their quota to the applause. They did not do so by hand applause. The jackies threw up their hats and set up a loud cheer. "The most remarkable performance of its kind that I ever saw," announced the captain. "I never saw anything like it myself," agreed the executive officer. "It's lucky we happened to think of those boys." "Indeed it is." "Anything further, sir?" questioned Dan, saluting. "That will be sufficient. Thank you, my lads." The boys saluted, then marched from the forecastle, proud and happy, but not forgetting their dignity in their excitement and pleasure. "Three cheers for the Battleship Boys," shouted one of the bluejackets the instant the officers had left the bridge. "Hurrah for little Dynamite!" That last was Dan's nickname. And the cheers were given with a will. CHAPTER VII PUTTING THE ENEMY OUT By this time every officer and man on the battleship "Long Island" knew Dan Davis and Sam Hickey by name as well as by sight. But the lads bore their honors well. Neither of the boys sought to take advantage of the favor he had gained. If anything, the boys toiled harder than ever. They worked with the formidable seven-inch gun during all the hours that were allotted to this work. During the rest hour Dan and his companion would ordinarily be found in the turret, examining the gun and its carriage, quizzing each other to test their knowledge, committing to memory the name and use of every part of these complicated instruments of war. Late one afternoon, when the men were supposed to be at play on the forward deck, the captain was passing through on his way to his quarters, when he heard voices in the turret and peered in there. He saw Dan and Sam stripped to their undershirts, working the big gun and going through with their own examination. Dan was trying to explain to his companion the theory and practice of range-finding--learning the distance and location of the enemy. From that they drifted into the question of sighting the big guns, elevation and other technical subjects beyond their years and experience. The ship's commander smiled proudly. After a few moments of listening, he stepped inside. "Well, lads, do you never rest?" he questioned, in a kindly tone, for the commanding officer of the "Long Island" was a humane man, one who had the interests of his men at heart to a degree possessed by few commanding officers in the service. The lads saluted but made no reply, as an answer was not expected to the question. "Are you studying--I mean in books?" "Yes, sir," replied Dan. "Where do you get your books?" "From the ship's library, sir." "I am afraid you are in need of some more advanced works than you will find in the crew's library. If you will come to my quarters, this evening after your mess, I will see what I can find for you. I think I have some books that will be of use to you. By the way, I heard you mention electricity once or twice. Do you know anything about that branch?" "A little, sir, but we are studying that as well," Dan replied. "From books?" "Oh, yes, sir. Besides this we are taking a course in electricity with a correspondence school." The eyes of the commanding officer twinkled. "You are two very industrious boys. I am afraid not many of our boys are following your example." "Quite a few of them are, sir." "May I ask what you are seeking to accomplish?" Dan glanced up inquiringly. "I mean as to the future. What do you hope to do with yourself?" asked the captain. "Naturally, sir, I hope to gain promotion when I have earned it," was Dan's answer. "Ah, yes; to be sure. You have ambitions to become petty officers. Well, your prospects are good, young men, if you keep on in that way you have been going. You will come below for the books as I suggested, will you not?" "Yes, sir; thank you, sir." "As I have said before, whenever you wish advice or assistance, come to me, through your immediate superiors, and you will find me ever ready to aid you." "Thank you, sir," acknowledged the boys, in chorus. The captain saluted in answer to theirs; then, turning on his heel, left the turret. "That's what I call a right smart gentleman," announced Sam Hickey, with an emphatic nod of the head. "The captain is a magnificent man. We are lucky, old fellow, in being under such a commander. I'd face powder and bullets any day for him." "Say, Dan." "Yes." "He invited us to call on him, didn't he?" "Well, yes; something like that, though not in a social sense. That would be impossible." Sam pondered. "Do you know I'd give a month's pay if the rest of the bunch could see me sitting in one of those mahogany chairs in the Old Man's quarters, with my feet on his dining room table." "Sam Hickey, I am ashamed of you. You ought to be ashamed of yourself, to say a thing like that! Suppose the commanding officer had overheard those words, instead of what he did overhear. What would you have done then?" "What would I have done? Why, I'd have slipped out through the gun port, and left you to square things with him," answered the resourceful Sam. "You're hopeless," muttered Dan. "And, another thing, before you talk of giving a month's pay remember that you have nearly a month's pay charged against you for the loss of the tompion." "That's so. I'm going to ask the captain about that. Maybe, when he hears my side of the case, he will remit the fine. It's a shame to make me pay it." "Don't be a baby. Be a man and take your medicine like a man," advised Dan, as he pulled on his jacket and prepared to leave the turret. That evening they reported at the captain's quarters, as they had been directed. While, in this instance, the lads remained standing, their commanding officer talked with them as if they were really his equals; that is, as if there were no social barriers erected between them. The longer they remained in the service the more the Battleship Boys came to realize that the gulf between officers and men was not nearly so wide as it had been painted. The officer worked by the side of his men in the grime and dirt, and at all times made the comfort of the jackies his personal care. Strict forms, however, had to be lived up to for the sake of discipline. On the following morning, when the two boys reported to turret number four, where they were stationed, the gun captain lined up his men and looked them over after roll call. "What we need in this crew, just now, is gun pointers. Those of you who have tried that work aren't worth the powder to blow you through a ventilator. What we are going to do I'll confess I don't know. Here we are, within four weeks of battle practice, and not one of you could sight a gun so that it would send a ball through a barn if the barn were leaned up against the muzzle. Do any of you who haven't tried think you can sight a seven-inch gun!" "I used to shoot woodchucks with a shotgun, sir," Sam Hickey informed the gun captain. The gun crew laughed loudly. "Bosh!" exploded the gun captain. "I can shoot, sir," insisted Sam. "I'd be afraid to have you get near a bag of powder with that fiery head. It's a wonder you don't blow up with spontaneous combustion. You will, one of these times, if you don't look sharp." A pugnacious look flashed into Sam Hickey's eyes, but he dared not make a retort to the gun captain. "Davis, do you think you could learn to sight a gun?" "Yes, sir; I think so." "You'll get the chance. We will give you a try-out this morning. All hands line up for dotter practice." "What's dotter practice?" asked Sam. "Sh-h-h," warned Dan. "Haven't you learned what that is yet?" "No." "Dotter practice is target work in miniature. Listen! The gun captain is going to explain it to us." "Some of you understand the dotter," began the gun captain. "For the benefit of those of you who do not I will explain. The dotter is a little contrivance on the gun, which enables you to shoot at a target and proves your marksmanship. By looking through the finder you will see a little target that moves up and down like a ship at sea. When the crossed wires of your finder are right on the target you pull the trigger. A black spot will appear on the target--a dot, showing where your shot struck if you have hit the target at all. We call it a dotter because it makes a dot where it hits." "And the dotter makes you dotty," muttered Sam under his breath, yet loudly enough so that the man next to him heard it. The fellow laughed aloud, bringing down a sharp rebuke from the gun captain. "Hickey, try your hand at the dotter." Sam climbed up to the little platform on the right side of the gun, winking at his companions as he did so. "What shall I do now?" he questioned, taking his place. "Sight through the finder. I'll set the target going." "Yes, I see it. I'm afraid that thing will make me seasick if I keep on looking at it," declared Hickey, looking up at the instructor. "Attend to your practice!" "Bang!" Sam leaped up into the air. His head came into violent contact with the deck above him. "Ouch!" yelled the red-headed boy, as he collapsed in a heap on the deck. Sam had unwittingly pulled the trigger, firing the cap that bad been provided to explode the dotter, thus making the miniature target work the more realistic. "Did something hit me? I--I thought the seven-inch had gone off," stammered the boy, pulling himself to his feet and rubbing his head where it had hit the ceiling. "Just like a landlubber," growled the gun captain. "You'll make a fine gun pointer, you will." "I--I didn't know the thing was going off," complained Hickey. "I suppose, if we were to fire the piece in earnest, you would jump overboard," sneered the captain. "Get up there, now, and do it right, if you want to stay in this division." Sam took his place once more, the gun captain giving him suggestions and directions as to how to catch the moving target when it was moving upward as a ship does in riding a great swell. "Bang!" Sam had pulled the trigger, but this time he had done so intentionally. Instinctively the lad jumped, grinning sheepishly as he noted the smiles on the faces of his companions of the gun crew. "Well, what is your score?" "Score?" "Yes. Did you hit the target?" "I don't know." "Look at the target." "I see a fly speck over by the edge of the target," spoke up Sam. "That is where your shot struck. Had you been shooting at a battleship you might have raked her stern, but I reckon you would not have done her very great damage. However, it was not a half-bad shot for a landlubber. Number three, take your place." The man indicated made an even worse shot than had Hickey, though he had been practising with the dotter for three weeks. "You never will do at this work," decided the gun captain. "About all you will be good for will be to clean bright work and pass along ammunition. Davis, let's see what you can do." Dan was all expectation. He could hardly wait for his turn at the gun. "You understand how to work it?" "I think so." "Take your time. Make sure of your mark, then let go quickly. You will find in actual target work, or in shooting at an enemy, that a fraction of a second's delay will ordinarily roll the target out of your range. Better to shoot a second too soon than a second too late." Dan was peering through the sights, his eye fixed on the pin-head opening. One hand crept slowly to the trigger. It rested there for a few seconds without a tremor. His nerves were steady and true. "Bang!" "What luck?" "Squarely in the center. That's what I should call a bull's eye," announced Dan Davis triumphantly. "Am I right, sir?" "Yes; you hit the mark all right. It may have been a chance shot." "I think not, sir. I will see if I can do it again." Dan applied his eye to the finder. An instant's hesitation, then there followed the sharp report of the dotter. "Once more in the center, sir. Shall I fire again?" "No. You've sunk the ship, young man. You have put the enemy out of business. You are not only going to make a splendid gunner, but you are far above the average already." Ere Dan could express his thanks the bugle blew, piping gun crews down to other duties. CHAPTER VIII SAM GETS A PIG'S FOOT The "Long Island" was still lying inside the breakwater when the lads were piped to their gun station the following morning. "Seaman Dan Davis and Sam Hickey will hereafter act as gun pointers in number four turret," said the gun captain. "You will get your rating badges at the canteen, meaning the ship's storeroom. See that you have them before the afternoon practice at four bells." The Battleship Boys looked at each other triumphantly, and Sam winked wisely at his companion. How the lads did go through their work that day, performing each duty with a snap that drew nods of approval from the gun captain and wondering looks from their companions. After the noon meal they hastened to the canteen, where they procured the rating badges. This was a square of blue cloth on which was a white circle with two fine lines drawn across the circle at right angles to each other, representing the crossed sights such as one finds in a telescope rifle. The boys lost no time in sewing them on their sleeves, after which they paraded the forward deck, doing their best to look unconcerned. Their efforts in this direction were failures. "Hello, Dynamite! I see you've got your hash marks," greeted a companion. "Oh, you mean this," answered Dan, with glowing face, as he held up his arm. "I've got one, too, even if I couldn't hit the side of a barn," spoke up the red-headed Hickey. "I told the captain of number four how I had plugged woodchucks back home, though, and I guess that convinced him that I could shoot big guns." "Say, Hickey, speaking of hash marks, have you got any on you yet?" "I'm just telling you I have one here. I'm a gun pointer. If you don't believe it, come over to the turret and I'll point one at you. It'll make you jump when the pop-gun goes off, I'll bet." "No, no; I don't mean that kind of a hash mark," laughed his companion. "What kind, then?" "Tattoo marks. We call them hash marks." "I get tattooed--is that what you mean?" "Of course; every sailor--every real sailor--has that done." "What for?" "Just to be the real thing; that's all." "I don't know. I hadn't thought of it." "I'll take you over to Needle Johnson, if you want to have it done." "Well, I don't know," reflected Sam. "Does it hurt?" "Of course it doesn't. You will not even feel it. Doesn't hurt half as much as the sting of a Jersey mosquito." "I'll go and talk with What's-his-name----" "Needle Johnson." "Yes. Where's Dan?" "I think he has gone below. You come along, and he'll be surprised and envious when he finds you have had the job done," continued the boy's shipmate with a wink at some of the others standing by. Sam somewhat reluctantly followed the jackie below, where, after some searching about, they finally located Needle Johnson. Needle was an old-time sea dog, wearing a heavy crop of whiskers and with a voice that would have done credit to a boatswain's mate. "Here's a lad who hasn't had a hash mark put on his skin, and he's been on board for three months." Needle gazed at the red-headed boy pityingly. "You don't mean it?" "Yes. I told him he wouldn't be a real sailor until he had some paint stuck under his hide." "That's the sure thing, my lad, and I'm the salt that can give you the purtiest hashings you ever set eyes on. Where did you reckon you wanted the marks put?" "I hadn't reckoned anything about it. I guess I don't want any of those hash marks, as you call them," Sam returned. "What? Not want them? Of course you do." Sam reflected a moment, then gave a reluctant consent. "What kind of a tattoo would you suggest?" "A pig's foot, by all means, matey. That's the latest and most fashionable decoration that a gentleman can wear. How'll you have it!" "I'll take mine pickled, if it's all the same to you," answered Sam soberly. The jackies roared. "What do you take me for--a sea-cook?" growled Johnson. "Take off your right shoe if you want to do business with me." "What for?" "For the hash. You wouldn't have a pig's foot anywhere else, would you?" "I--I don't know." "That's the only place to put it, and it will bring you luck." In the meantime Needle Johnson had gotten out his case of needles and his coloring matter. "You are sure it won't hurt?" asked Sam. "You won't feel a thing. Now, hold perfectly still. If you jerked, or anything, I might make a pig's tail instead of a pig's foot. That would be tough, wouldn't it, matey?" "It might be tough for you. Ou-u-u-uch!" Sam Hickey's foot came up with such suddenness that Needle was unable to dodge it. The foot caught Needle fairly on the nose, bowling him over to the deck, while all hands were shrieking with delight over his discomfiture. "What--what do you mean, you--you lubber?" demanded Needle angrily, rubbing the injured member, then shaking a fist under the red-headed boy's nose. "You--you said it wouldn't hurt." "Hurt nothing!" "I should say it did hurt. What are you trying to do--drill a hole all the way through my foot? I don't want any hash marks. I'll get along with just my natural skin, whether I have any luck or not. Give me that shoe." "Say, fellows," spoke up a jackie. "I reckon Red-head had better have a pig's foot, eh!" "You bet he had," chorused the others. "And he won't do it of his own free will." "So he says." "Then it seems to be our solemn duty to take the job into our own hands, does it not, mates?" "It is." "All right, then. Seaman Hickey, do we get it straight that you defy the rules of our profession by refusing to wear the badge of that profession?" "Call it what you want to. I'm not going to have any heathen rites performed over me, or my skin pricked full of holes." "Then, shipmate, you'll have to take your medicine. Jump on him, boys!" Black and White, the two Hawaiians who had been standing by grinning, made a concerted rush for Hickey. He wheeled just as they threw themselves upon him. But the Pacific Islanders were reckoning without the cost. "So that's the game, is it?" gritted Sam. Grabbing Black by the collar and one leg, he pitched the fellow half way across the deck, standing the Hawaiian on his head. White followed. He, too, was sailing through the air before Black struck. Both landed on the same spot, and instantly were fighting each other in their efforts to get clear. But the admiring jackies had no time to spare. They would have liked nothing better than to have let that affair go on to a finish. Instead, the whole crowd, fifteen or twenty of them, fell upon the red-haired boy, hand and foot. Sam went down in a heap. He was not angry, but he was giving these fellows all they wanted in their attempts to hold him down. "Grab the foot!" shouted one. The jackie did so, but was promptly knocked over by a kick on the nose, causing that member to bleed freely. This time two sailors grasped the Battleship Boy's naked foot and straightened it out. "Get your tools out, Needle. Here's your foot." Despite their efforts, the foot was working back and forth so fast that Johnson was unable to do anything with it. "Pass a rope around it. That's the way we used to rope cattle out west. That's the idea." A line was passed about Hickey's ankle and made fast to a stanchion. "All right, Needle, drive the color in deep, so it won't wash out." "Give him two pig's feet," suggested another. "He'll have better luck if you do." "I'll trim the whole bunch of you for this," growled a voice from the bottom of the pile. The jackies laughed loudly. "Me fix him, me fix him," snarled Black, at that instant jumping into the pile, his face contorted with rage. "You get out and mind your own business," advised one of the men. "You got yours; now run along and be good. Take your white friend along with you, while you are about it, or we'll paint both of you." While this conversation was going on Johnson was plying his needle industriously, and under his hand Sam Hickey's foot was undergoing a great change. Little by little the outline of a pig's foot was appearing. The pig's foot was done in red, while the toe nails of the foot were in blue. "There; you can let the broncho up now," announced Johnson, after putting the final touches to his artistic achievement. The sailors piled off, while one of their number released the rope that held the foot. Sam struggled to a sitting posture, much the worse for wear, his hair standing up, his clothes soiled and disordered. But it was the foot that attracted his attention. He surveyed it dubiously, then his eyes wandered about the circle of laughing faces. Sam grinned a sheepish grin. "Fellows, you've insulted an officer and a gentleman, and I've got to get even with you--no; I'll have you before the mast, every one of you, so----" All hands began grunting in imitation of a herd of pigs. "I see I am not the only pig in the sty, after all," announced Seaman Hickey cuttingly, as he calmly began pulling on his shoe over the sore foot. CHAPTER IX LOWERING THE FLAG "Colors! Fall in for colors!" shouted petty officers in different parts of the ship as the bugle blew its warning notes. Sam Hickey limped into place with the gun squad, and awaited the order to march. "Colors," means the formalities that are observed at sunset on shipboard, consisting of impressive ceremonies when the Stars and Strips are lowered from the after flagstaff. The ceremony of colors, however, is never observed when the ship is under motion, but only when the vessel is at anchor. Just before the moment when the sun was to set, the different divisions, in charge of midshipmen and ensigns, were marched to the quarterdeck with measured step; then, facing toward amidships, they banked themselves on each side of the deck. Behind the jackies, next to the starboard and port rails, were the marines, carrying their rifles. Grouped aft on the starboard side was the band, its members resplendent in white and gold uniforms. Between these lines of color stood the captain and his executive officer, facing the Flag that was lazily fluttering in the soft evening breeze. All was silence, the only sound being the water lapping the steel sides of the battleship. "Attention!" The bugle blew a few short notes. The Flag began creeping slowly down the after flagstaff, with every eye fixed on the ensign as it fluttered toward the deck. Instantly upon the Flag's reaching the deck, the band broke forth into "The Star Spangled Banner." The hearts of the Battleship Boys swelled with patriotism, and the strains of the national anthem seemed to bring a deeper shade to the rows of tanned, manly faces lined up in solid ranks on the quarter-deck of the battleship "Long Island." "Attention! First division, right face! Forward march!" The command was repeated for the other divisions. Snare drums rolled, the band changed to a livelier tune, to which each division marched off in steady lines, one division following the other. Soon all had disappeared, save a group of officers who remained chatting on the quarter-deck. These, too, soon turned and went below for the evening mess. The day's work was done for all except those who were to go on watch duty for a two-hour trick. Mess finished, Sam went out to the forward deck to growl at the jackies who had been responsible for the pig's foot on his own right foot. The pig's foot hurt him, and the lad limped painfully. While Sam was forward Dan got out his ditty box, to which, by this time, he had become as much attached as were the other sailors to theirs. From the box he drew a recent letter from his mother, which the Battleship Boy, sitting on the steel deck under a wall lamp in a corridor, read over several times. It seemed a long time to Dan since he had left her at Piedmont, and had gone on to New York to enlist in the service of his country. "I think I must know this letter by heart," mused Dan, folding the letter and tenderly laying it away in the precious ditty box. Then, fixing up his fountain pen, he began writing industriously, using his elevated knees for a desk, on which he had laid his writing pad. "I have written in more comfortable places than this, but I never had more to say than I have this time," he said. Mails were not very regular on shipboard, and sometimes it was a matter of weeks before a single mail was put over the side. Dan was still writing, an hour later, when Sam came along looking for him. "Oh, here you are, eh?" "Yes." "Writing a book?" "No, I'm writing to mother. Is there any word you would like to send to the folks at Piedmont?" "You might say hello to Mrs. Davis for me. If they'd let a fellow change his mind in this business, you'd see me back there to-morrow. What are you writing to her?" Dan smiled quizzically. "If it were anyone else who asked me that question I might tell him it was none of his business." "But you don't dare tell me that, hey?" "Maybe, Sam," answered Dan with a good-natured laugh. "All right; what you are telling her?" "Want to know very much?" "I shouldn't have asked you if I didn't." "Very well; I'll tell you, You know I have something more than two hundred dollars laid up with the paymaster----" "Yes; aren't you afraid the Jack-o'-the-Dust will run away with it?" "Hardly. Even if he does, the Government would make the amount good." "What you going to do with the money?" "I was about to tell you. That is what I am writing to mother about. I am sending the money to her." "All of it?" interrupted Sam. "Yes, of course. Why not?" "You're a good sport, you are." "I am telling her to go buy a lot out on the Perkins road. That amount will just about purchase one. Then, as fast as I earn more money, I tell her, I will send it to her, and by next summer she will have enough to go on and build a house. Mother will have a home of her own then, and I'll feel much better when she has." "How much does a house cost in that neck-o'-the-woods?" "Well, I should say that eight hundred dollars will put up a very fair place. At least, it will satisfy us. Why do you ask?" "I was thinking. Say, did you hear about my pig's foot?" "Your pig's foot?" "Yes." "I don't know what you mean." "I've got one on my right foot." "I haven't the least idea what you are talking about." "You would have, if you'd got a pig's foot. It's a lot different from a rabbit's foot, and don't you make any mistake about that." "Somebody gave you a pig's foot, for luck, eh? I never heard they were lucky." "Oh, yes; they gave it to me, all right. Here, look at this." Sam pulled off a shoe and stocking, exhibiting his freshly tattooed foot. "Well, what do you think of that?" marveled Dan. "Not much," growled Sam. "Who did it?" "Old Pin Head--No, I mean old Needle Johnson." "Why did you let him do that, Sam?" "Let him? I didn't. The whole forecastle sat on me, and tied my foot up to a stanchion, while the head butcher performed the operation. I can hardly walk. But I forgot to tell you. Those black-faced fellows from the other side of the world sailed into me as if they wanted to eat me up. I don't like that pair a little bit, Dan." "Imagination, Sam. Just because they are a little darker than we are, you do not like them. That is foolish." "That's just the trouble. If it was only skin deep I wouldn't give a rap. The trouble with those fellows is that the black goes all the way through. I'll bet they are black clear to the bones. If Pills ever has to cut either of them open for anything I'm going to take a peek." "I am surprised at you, Sam," chided Davis. "You needn't be. You'll find, one of these days, that I am right. But how about that house and lot?" "If you keep on talking to me, hammocks will be piped up before I finish my letter." "Go on with your writing. I'm mum." Sam sat down and was soon lost in deep thought. "There," announced Dan finally. "I guess that's all I can write to-night. I've done eight pages. That's pretty good for a sailor." "I never wrote as much as that in all my life--that is, I never wrote as much as that in letters. Say, Dan." "Yes." "Do you mind if I say a few words to Mother Davis at the end of your letter!" "Of course, you may. Mother will be delighted." "All right. You go outside and take a walk for your health. I can't write with anybody looking at me. It makes me nervous." "Too bad about your sensitive nerves," retorted the other with a laugh. "All right; I'll go out. Do not be long, for it is nearly hammock time." Leaving Sam grumbling about having to go to bed at nine o'clock, Dan strolled out on the deck. "Dear Mother Davis," began Sam, "I want to tell you that your Dan isn't the only jackie who has money. I've got two hundred dollars, too. But I haven't any mother. The two hundred isn't any good to me. I've been thinking of giving it to the government some of these times, for they could use it where it would do some good. I've got a new idea, now. I'm going to send the two hundred to you, along with Dan's. You start that house right away, and, by the time all the money is used up, Dan and I will have some more for you. We're getting too rich. If Dan kicks about it, you know how to stop him. P. S. I'm a real sailor, now. I've got a rating and a pig's foot. The rating made me glad, but the pig's foot hurt worse than having a tooth pulled. Lovingly, Sam." CHAPTER X HIS NARROW ESCAPE Leaving Sam in the throes of composition, Dan walked out on deck. A few moments later he uttered a sharp exclamation and clapped a hand to his left ear, through which he felt a sudden, sharp pain. As he brought the hand away, the fingers felt wet. Dan stepped up under a port light that opened out to the deck, and, holding up the fingers, peered at them. "Blood, eh! Well, that's funny. Something must have hit me." He glanced about him. He was almost alone; there were not a half dozen sailors on deck, and these lay stretched out, sleeping soundly in the cool evening air. "That is strange," wondered the lad, trying to stanch the flow of blood with his handkerchief. He had been about to turn back and rejoin Sam when the incident occurred. Dan paused to think over just what had happened. "Oh, I remember, now. I heard something strike the deck. That must have been after it hit me. I'll see if I can find out what it was." Stepping carefully along over the deck, feeling with his toes, the boy almost tripped over some object which he knew did not belong there. With an exclamation Dan stooped over. His hand came in contact with a piece of cold steel. The instant his fingers touched it he knew what he had found. "A marline spike," breathed Dan. "No wonder it hurt." The missile that had hit him is used for twisting the strands of rope apart. It is of steel, about eight inches long, and tapers to a needle point. It makes a most dangerous weapon. Dan carried this to the light, examining it carefully. Its point was still moist where it had caught him. "Somebody must have tried to kill me," he muttered. "An inch further, and I certainly should have been a dead one. Who could have done such a dastardly thing? I can't understand it at all." The lad hurried back to where he had left his companion. Sam started to speak, but he saw something in the face of Dan Davis that suddenly checked his levity. "Why, what's the matter?" he cried. "Nothing, except that some one tried to kill me just now." "Tried to kill you?" "Yes; look here." Dan removed the handkerchief, and Sam, with gentle fingers, made a careful examination of the wound. "Punched a hole right through the lobe of your ear. Who did that?" he demanded in a low, tense voice. "I wish I knew." "How did they do it? It looks as if you had been shot." "They did it with this, Sam," answered Dan, exhibiting the marline spike. Sam uttered a low growl, as he took the pointed spike, holding it in his hand reflectively. "You must have that dressed, right away. Come along. We'll go to see Pills. There is time, if we hurry." "Yes; I guess it had better be attended to. I shall have such a big ear to-morrow that they will not have me on deck." "Worse cauliflower ear than you gave Bill Kester," laughed Sam. "We'll look into this business in the morning. We shan't have time to-night, I'm sorry to say." On their way to the sick bay, where they were hurrying to have the wound dressed, the boys were obliged to pass the quarters of the master-at-arms, the minor official who is responsible for the behavior of all hands on shipboard. Ere Dan could protest, Sam had rapped on the door casing, and an instant later was dragging his companion in through the curtained doorway. "Now what do you think of that, sir?" exclaimed the red-headed boy. "Seaman Davis got hurt, eh?" questioned the petty officer, noting the blood on Dan's cheek. "Yes, sir. I am on my way to see the surgeon. If I have to be a few moments late in reporting for hammocks, will you excuse me?" "Certainly. I will give you a half hour's leeway. How did you get that wound?" "Somebody handed him a marline spike, sir," interrupted Hickey. "A marline spike?" "Yes, they did." The master-at-arms turned inquiringly on Dan. "Is this true?" Dad nodded half reluctantly. "Tell me how it occurred." The boy did so briefly. "You have no idea who threw the spike?" "Not the slightest, sir." "Where were you, Hickey?" "Below, writing a letter. I knew nothing about it, until my chum came below and I saw the blood on his face." "Have you any enemies on board?" "Not that I know of, sir." "Was anyone except yourself on deck at the time?" "Yes; a few of the men were asleep further forward. I saw no one moving about." "Come with me." The master-at-arms conducted Dan to the surgeon, where a quick examination was made of the wound, after which the surgeon dressed it and put in several stitches. Dan did not even wince, though the pain was severe. Sam's face was pale, and the perspiration stood out on his forehead as he watched the stitching of the ragged ear-lobe. "Anybody would think you were being operated upon by the looks of you," laughed Dan. "I feel as if I were," answered Sam rather weakly. The wound attended to, the petty officer directed the boys to follow him, which they did, going directly to the forward deck. "Show me where and how you were standing at the time of the accident, Davis." Dan took the place, as nearly as he could, where he had been standing when the marline spike struck him. "Which way were you facing?" "Forward, sir." "The spike was thrown from behind you then?" "Yes, sir, it must have been." "Here is where it hit the deck, sir," called Sam. "Do you recall how it appeared when you took hold of it?" "I think the head of the spike was leaning aft. I should say it had about a forty-degree lean." The master-at-arms nodded. "It is quite clear that the spike was thrown at you from the superstructure. By the way, where's the spike?" "I have it," said Sam, extending the spike to the petty officer. "I will take care of this. Say nothing about what has occurred, but keep your eyes open. If you have reason to suspect any one, let me know at once. I can hardly believe that we have a man on board the 'Long Island' desperate enough to attempt a crime like this. If ever there was an attempted murder this is one. Go to your quarters now." In the excitement following the attempt on his life, Dan had forgotten all about the letter he had written to his mother. It did not occur to him until the boys were at gun practice with the seven-inch piece the following morning. He turned to Sam at the first opportunity. "What did you do with my letter?" he demanded. "I put it in my ditty box last night. I was too excited to remember that it belonged to you. I'll give it to you when we are piped down for mess." "All right; I want to add something to it." "Say, Dynamite," said a companion, "where did you get the game ear?" "It was hurt," answered Dan evasively. "It looks as if a bulldog had been chewing at it. You never did that of your own accord, did you?" "That is a foolish question. It isn't likely that I would tear half my ear off, just for the fun of the thing, is it?" Further conversation was interrupted by an order from the gun captain to resume dotter practice. For the next hour the attention of the boys was wholly taken up by this fascinating work. After mess Dan asked for his letter. Sam got out his ditty box and handed the letter back rather sheepishly; after which he busied himself with pawing over the articles in his box. "Am I to read what you have written?" questioned Dan with a smile. "You may read it, if you want to," answered Sam, growing very red. "I didn't figure on your doing so, though." "Well, you insisted on knowing what I had written to mother, so I guess you will have to take the same medicine," retorted Dan with a laugh, as he opened the sheet on which his companion had written his message to Mrs. Davis. Dan's face sobered as he read, but he made no comment until he had gone through the letter. He glanced up with swimming eyes. Sam was not looking at him. The red-headed boy was deeply absorbed in his ditty box at that moment. "Sam Hickey, look at me," commanded Dan. "I'm looking at you." "Do you mean that you want to give your two hundred dollars to mother?" "Yes, that's what I mean," answered Sam, defiantly. "I haven't any mother. Why shouldn't I give your mother my money? I haven't any use for it, except what I need for clothes, and I reckon I've got clothes enough to last me to the end of the cruise. By that time I'll have another wad. Don't you say a word. I've made up my mind. Maybe your mother would fix up a place in the garret where I could sleep when I go back home again." "In the garret? Well, I should think not. The best bedroom in the house will be none too good for you, Sam Hickey, and that without your contributing to the house fund either. I can't have it. I----" "Then I'll sling my hammock in the back yard and roost with the hens. That will be as good as some places I have had to sleep in since I joined the Navy." "I can't have it, Sam," answered Dan firmly. "No, I cannot accept your gift. Remember, old fellow," added Dan, grasping his companion by the hand, "you owe so much to yourself that you have no business to be generous." "There's the captain's orderly," interrupted Sam. "I guess he is looking for us. I hope nothing is wrong." "Are you Seaman Davis?" asked the orderly, who on this occasion was one of the marines. "Yes." "The captain wishes to see you in his office before you are piped up to work again." "I will be there at once. Sam, we'll talk this matter over later. But, remember, I shall not listen to your doing what you have planned, but I'll send your letter to mother so she may know what a great big-hearted fellow you are. I must go now." Sam had his way, however, and the money went with the letter. CHAPTER XI ON THE ANCHOR WATCH Dan hurried aft, without delay, for a summons from the captain meant that no unnecessary delay would be tolerated. Dan reported and the orderly announced him. The lad entered the captain's office, which was also used as a dining room and stood waiting for his superior to speak. Dan's ear was done up in adhesive plaster, and a bandage had been wound under his chin and up over his head, giving him the appearance of being much worse off than he really was. "Davis, I hear you have had an accident?" "Yes, sir; a slight one, sir. It is of no great consequence, sir." "I understand differently. I should say that it is of greater consequence than you imagine. The master-at-arms is quite sure that an attempt has been made to do you serious injury, if not worse." "Perhaps it was not so bad as that, sir. It was a pretty close call, just the same. I am sorry to have been the cause of so much disturbance on board, sir." "I am sorry, too, but not for that reason. I am sorry, deeply grieved that there is a man on board the 'Long Island' base enough to commit, or attempt to commit, such a crime. It is quite evident that you had a very narrow escape. I trust you are not suffering greatly from the wound?" "Very little, sir." "I am glad of that." "Thank you, sir." "In view of the fact that you are the person most directly interested, outside of myself, I have sent for you to direct you to devote every effort toward learning who your assailant was. It is of vital importance that we locate the man and send him up for general court-martial. Of course, he will be severely punished and then dismissed from the service. You have no suspicions?" "None at all, sir." "Have you had any difficulty with any of the men?" "Not that I can recall at the present moment, sir. I would not intentionally give any man cause for such enmity." "I am sure of that, lad. Have you watched the men who might possibly have been implicated in this?" "I have not had an opportunity, sir. And, besides, I should not know whom to watch. I am wholly at a loss to account for the attempt." "I understand. But keep your eyes open. You will be the best person to find the man. You will feel instinctively that you have the right man, before any of the rest of us could have a suspicion. Have your friend do a little investigating also. I have an idea that he is a very shrewd boy. If either of you need any leisure time in which to make your investigations, then inform the master-at-arms, and say that I told you to do so. I trust to your good sense to carry on this investigation in a discreet manner." "I think you may trust us, sir. I am as anxious as anyone to find the man who did this to me," touching his ear gingerly. "How are you getting along with your work on the seven-inch?" "Fairly, sir. I find there is a great deal to learn. May I ask your advice, sir?" "Go on, lad. I am listening." "I have been thinking that I should like to take a course in one of the seaman-gunner classes at the Torpedo Station in Newport. Will you tell me, sir, what to do to enter such a class?" "Certainly. Your ambition is a laudable one. However, you have not been in the service long enough for that as yet. I should advise you to continue your duties on shipboard for a year longer. Then you will be well fitted for the gunner class. Your marks on shipboard must average seventy-five per cent. That will entitle you to admission. The course is six months. In it you will learn the assembling of guns and everything to do with the practical part of ordnance. I can give you some further books along this line, if you wish." "I do, indeed, sir. I find I have considerable leisure time in which to study. I am working for promotion." "With your ability, my lad, you will get promotion eventually without going to the school. But it will be an excellent idea for you to go. There you will learn theory as well as practice. After you have served a year, then, it might not be a bad idea to take the eight months' course at the Torpedo Station, where you will learn all about torpedoes and mines. If you hope to rise in the service you will have to know all this, and more. Do you know anything of navigation?" "Yes, sir; I am studying that now." "Excellent. Who is teaching you?" "I am teaching myself." "I would suggest that you have one of the quartermasters help you. He will do so gladly, and you will possibly avoid falling into errors that you will find troublesome later in your course." "Yes, sir." "That will be all. The bugle is piping gun crews up, so you had better go to your station. Ord'ly!" The orderly stepped in and saluted. "Tell the chief quartermaster that I wish to see him when he is at leisure." "Yes, sir." Dan hastened to his station, more proud than ever. He could hardly wait until the crew was piped down again to tell Hickey of the encouragement he had received from the commanding officer. Dan determined that Sam should go with him when the time came to go to the gunners' class at Newport, and, with that in view, he had a long talk with his chum that afternoon, urging him to study and work hard that he might be far enough advanced to take the course. At quarters that night Dan Davis's name was called among those who were to go on watch. He was to take the anchor watch, which would place him on the quarter-deck from eight until twelve o'clock. Both lads had had other watches, but this was the first time either had been on anchor watch, the watch that is always set when the vessel is in port or at anchor. The Battleship Boy was pleased. Only those men in whom their superiors had confidence, were ever chosen for these duties, for no little responsibility rests on the watch, especially at night. The lad's superior on this watch was a midshipman named Carter, a clean-cut, bright young officer who had on several occasions had opportunity to speak to Dan complimenting him on certain well-performed duties. "Davis, are you on watch to-night?" he asked as Dan approached, saluting. "Yes, sir." "How is your wound?" "Improving, sir, thank you." "Seeing you are on anchor watch with me, I will let you take charge of the extra-duty squad." This squad is obliged to remain on duty after the regular hours of work because of some trifling offences. In such cases it is customary to give the squad some light work to do. Now and then the men would be obliged to stand at attention with their rifles for half an hour at a time. Different officers employ different methods with their extra-duty squads. "Aye, aye, sir," answered Dan, his heart giving a jump, for this was to be his first real command. To all intents he was an officer. He was to command this unhappy squad of shipmates and assist in their punishment. When this thought came to him the boy did not feel half so elated as he had been a moment before. "What do you wish me to do with them, sir?" "I will leave that to you. They are not doing anything just now. Perhaps you had better march them about the deck for a time. However, do as you think best." Dan walked over to where the six delinquents were standing ruefully, with guns over their shoulders. "Men, I am to have charge of you during this watch. How long are you to be on duty?" "Two hours, sir." "You are to be released at ten o'clock, then?" "Yes, sir." "Very good. We will now have a few moments in the manual of arms. Attention! Present arms! Carry arms! Port arms! Right face! Carry arms! Forward march!" The midshipman smiled as the measured tramp of feet attracted his attention, the extra-duty squad in single file marching steadily toward the stern of the vessel. "Column right, march! Column right, march! Halt!" The men halted. They were now facing the superstructure. "Right face!" "Men, I am going to form you into a guard. Count off." "One, two, three, four, five, six," counted the men. "Numbers one and two will take the forward end of the deck, three and four the port and starboard sides respectively, with numbers five and six at the stern. Each set will march back and forth from opposite ends of their stations, patroling their beats. You will carry yourselves like soldiers. Remember, you are on guard duty. You are responsible for this part of the ship. Let no person pass unless he is halted, and then gives the countersign." "What is the countersign, sir?" Dan reflected. He had not thought of that. It would not do to let them see that he was at a loss to answer the question. "I think, men," said Dan, with a smile, "that a pretty good countersign for you will be 'Never again.' Yes, that is the countersign. To your posts, forward march!" Six faces, reflecting as many grins of appreciation, marched to their posts, which they began patroling, marching back and forth in opposite directions. The midshipman, officer of the deck, halted in his leisurely pacing up and down the deck, glancing at the sentries with a puzzled look. "Now what is that boy Davis up to, I should like to know?" he wondered. "Ah, I see. He has turned out a guard. Not a half-bad idea, at that. He will do. He ought to be an officer, with such resourcefulness as he shows on every occasion." The officer of the deck resumed his walk, forgetting all about the formation for which Dan was responsible. But it was brought to his notice in a most forcible manner half an hour later. The night was moonless, and heavy clouds had settled down, enshrouding the ship in a gloom that was broken here and there by the faint rays from a port hole. Shortly after nine o'clock the captain came up from below for a look at the weather and a breath of fresh air before turning in. He paused at the top of the hatchway, glanced about the deck, then started pacing up and down as was the midshipman doing on the opposite side. "Halt!" ordered a voice sternly. The captain glanced up in surprise. He found himself facing a Krag rifle. "What--what----" "Who goes there?" "A friend," he answered instinctively. "Advance, friend, and give the countersign." Something of the truth began to dawn upon the quick mind of the commanding officer. "I do not know the countersign, my man. But I am the commander of this ship." "Officer of the deck, sir," called the sentry. The officer of the deck hastened to the spot. "Sir, stranger without the countersign." "Man, what do you mean? This is the captain of this ship whom you have halted. What do you mean?" "Orders, sir, to let no one pass unless he has the countersign." "Who is responsible for this?" demanded the captain in a half amused tone. "I let young Davis take charge of the extra-duty squad, and he formed the men into a guard. They had been patroling the deck for the last hour. I did not interfere, not having any idea the affair would be carried this far, sir. I'm sorry, sir. Man, lower your gun." "Wait, wait!" exclaimed the captain, raising a restraining hand. "This man has his orders. He is quite right. It is a most excellent idea. Fine training for these young men. What is the countersign, Carter?" "I--I don't know, sir." "What, you the officer of the deck and not know the countersign? I am surprised, sir. Where is Seaman Davis?" "He was here a moment ago." Dan at that moment was peering from behind the twelve-inch-gun turret, fairly aghast at the situation in which his efforts to do something original had involved them. "Davis!" called the officer of the deck, in a sharp voice. "This is where I get it!" muttered the boy. "Aye, aye, sir," he answered promptly, stepping from behind the turret and hastening toward the group. "What does this farce mean, sir?" demanded the midshipman. "I will attend to this, Mr. Carter. Davis, these are your men, are they not?" "Ye--yes, sir." "You ordered them to let no one pass unless he had the countersign?" "Yes, sir." "My man, you did quite right," announced the captain, addressing the sentry. "Davis, will you be good enough to give me the countersign?" "'Never again,'" whispered Dan in the ear of his commanding officer. "What's that? I asked you for the countersign." "The countersign is 'never again.'" For a moment the captain stared, then he roared with laughter. "'Never again,' my man," he said, whereat the sentry instantly lowered his rifle. "Well, if that doesn't beat anything I ever heard!" chuckled the captain, grasping Dan by the arm and leading him over to the starboard side of the deck. CHAPTER XII OBEYING HIS ORDERS "Davis, that was a stroke of genius on your part." "I--I beg your pardon, sir. I did not think how far my thoughtlessness might carry us. I am very sorry, sir." "You need not be, my lad. If some of our men had as much good sense as you have, there would be fewer extra-duty squads on the quarter-deck. The effect on those men will be most excellent. Besides learning to obey orders, they will carry the memory of that countersign with them for many a day, and unless they are beyond hope of reform, you will not see them on an extra-duty tour again for a long time. I commend you, Davis. You may dismiss the squad now. They need no further lessons for to-night." "Captain's orders, sir, to dismiss the squad," announced Dan, stepping up before the officer of the deck and saluting. "Very well. Get my raincoat if you will, then, for I think it is going to rain before the end of the watch." Dan saluted and hurried away below to fetch the officer's rain clothes. A light sprinkle set in that soon covered everything, making the decks slippery; it became hard to keep one's footing. Both the officer of the deck and the anchor watch pulled their rubber coats more closely about them, and, with lowered heads to protect their faces from the drizzle, began walking back and forth. Eleven o'clock, six bells, rang out; then silence settled over the ship again. Cautiously a head was thrust above the hatch of the upper deck. No one was in sight, save the dark figures of the midshipman and the anchor watch, far aft on the quarter-deck. The head lengthened out into a dark figure, which was drawn up through the hatch opening. Without a sound the man slunk across the deck. He appeared to be perfectly familiar with his way, but crouched low, probably so that his moving figure might not catch the watchful eyes of the officer of the deck, or of the anchor watch far below him. About this time Dan Davis climbed the ladder to the superstructure, took a long, sweeping observation of the upper deck, then descended to the quarter-deck again. "I thought I heard something up there," he muttered. "It must have been a chain shifting with the roll of the ship." In the meantime the figure had flattened itself on the deck. When sure that the anchor watch had gone aft, the man rose and crept silently toward the side of the ship. He was safe now. He knew that the watch was not likely to come to the superstructure for the next hour at least. The fellow had stumbled over a chain. The sound, faint and far away as it had been, caught Dan's ear instantly, leading him to mount the superstructure for an observation. "Everything secure above there?" demanded the officer of the deck. "Aye, aye, sir." "I thought perhaps you heard something, from the way you went up." "I thought so, too, sir, but I must have been mistaken. I saw no one." Reaching the side of the ship the figure hesitated a moment, then quickly climbed through the rail. He was just opposite the lower boom, the long, strong pole along which the sailors step to get down into the small boats. Trailing from a long rope at the end of the lower boat rode the ship's dinghy, where she had been left for the night, as had other boats on the opposite or starboard side. Now a second figure seemed to rise directly out of the deck, and an instant later it too had crept out on the lower boom. The men on the quarter-deck could not see forward to the lower boom without leaning out over the ship's rail, so the two men were unobserved. Reaching the end of the boom, the men quickly let themselves down the Jacob's ladder, dropping noiselessly into the dinghy. They had some little trouble in casting the boat off, it having been made doubly secure for the night. Unluckily one of them dropped an oar, which fell to the bottom of the boat with a loud clatter. "What's that?" demanded the officer of the deck sharply. "It sounded like an oar in a small boat, sir," answered Dan, making for the topside, which, he reached in a few swift bounds. "Something going on down there, sir." "Where away?" "Just aft of the port boom, sir." "Can you see the dinghy?" "Aye, aye, sir. Just make her out." "Is she all right?" "She looks to be, sir. I can't quite tell from here. I'll get over that way; I'll go further forward, sir, and let you know. I see two dinghies now. The port and starboard dinghies are moored to the port boom, sir." "Watch them while I turn out the guard." "The dinghy is moving, sir. I think there is some one in her." "Dinghy, there, ahoy!" bellowed the officer of the deck. There was no reply from the men in the dinghy, who, by this time, were making more frantic efforts to free themselves. "Dinghy, there!" shouted Dan. "What are you doing down there?" Dan's hail, like that of the midshipman, met with no response. "Lay forward, anchor watch!" shouted the officer of the deck. A quartermaster came running to the quarterdeck. "Lower away the first whaleboat. Turn out your men in a hurry. Boatswain's mate!" "Aye, aye, sir," bellowed a deep voice somewhere down one of the corridors leading off from the quarter-deck. "Turn out the coxswain of the second whaleboat. Look alive, everybody." "Aye, aye, sir," chorused several voices. "Anchor watch!" "Aye, aye, sir." "What are they doing?" "Casting off, I think, sir." "How many men?" "Two, I think, sir." The officer of the deck shouted a warning to the men and ordered them to return instantly to the ship; and then, addressing Dan, he shouted: "Stop them, if you can!" "Aye, aye, sir." Dan's raincoat and hat were off in a twinkling. These dropped one by one to the deck, as he sped along, bounding over obstructions that he did not even see, so familiar was he with the course he was following. "They're rowing away, sir. I'll get them," shouted the Battleship Boy confidently. He darted out on the lower boom, grasping the life line strung along its length for protection to the sailors passing over the boom. "Boat ahoy!" cried Dan. The men bent to their oars; that is, one of them did, for there is but one pair of oars in a dinghy. "It'll be the worse for you men, down there, if you try to get away. The whaleboats are being turned out to go for you, and I'm after you myself." His warning had no effect, unless it were to hasten the work of the man at the oars. In his excitement the fellow let an oar slip from its fastening, keeling him over on his back in the boat. A muttered exclamation reached the boy on the boom. Without an instant's hesitation Dan crouched down on the boom, letting himself down until he hung suspended over the sea by his hands. For a brief instant he peered down into the sea some thirty feet below him, taking mental measurement of the distance, figuring just how near he would come to hitting the dinghy were he to let himself go. "I'll chance it," he muttered. "It's my duty to try. I am under orders to stop them, and stop them I will!" The Battleship Boy let go. His body shot downward, striking the water with a splash that was heard far back on the quarter-deck. CHAPTER XIII THE BATTLE OF THE DINGHIES "Man overboard, off the port boom!" "Stand by the falls. Whaleboat number one!" cried the officer of the deck. "What's this, what's this?" shouted the captain, running to the deck in his pajamas. "Two men leaving ship in the port dinghy, sir," answered the officer of the deck. "Step lively there, lads. What does all this mean, Mr. Officer of the deck?" "I don't know, sir. The anchor watch discovered that there was something wrong. He's gone after them, sir." By this time the captain was leaning over the port rail, training his night glasses on the dark sea. "I make them out. Who is the anchor watch?" "Seaman Davis, sir." "You say the lad went after them?" "Yes, sir, so it seems." "How?" "He must have gone over the side, for someone just called man overboard." "The boy will be drowned! Have you ordered any one after him?" "Yes, sir." "Hurry, lads. The man may be drowning." Meantime, Dan was doing his best to overtake the fugitives. The moment he struck the water he threw out his hands to check his descent. This prevented his going under very far. He shot up, and, shaking the water from nose and eyes, struck out for the dinghy that was still moored to the port boom. He was clambering into the boat within the next minute. His knife, attached to the knife lanyard, was in his hands almost the instant he pulled himself into the boat. One swift stroke severed the line that held the dinghy to the boom. Dan sprang to the oars; throwing them into place in the locks, he sent the little boat through the water with long, swift strokes. "Dinghy number two, there!" shouted a voice from the deck. "Aye, aye, sir," answered Dan. "You all right?" "Yes, sir." "Better come back. The whaleboats will overhaul the other dinghy." "The whaleboats are on the other side of the ship. By the time they get around here the men will be out of sight. I'm under orders to get them, sir," answered the plucky lad, putting more force into his strokes. His frail little boat cut the water with a swish and a splash, as the swells slapped its sides, sending showers of spray over him. Dan now and then turned in his seat, to get the location of the other boat. He could but faintly make it out in the gloom of the night. He was unable to say, as yet, whether he were gaining on the fugitives or not. If he were gaining, it was but slowly. The whaleboats had not yet rounded the bow of the "Long Island." It seemed to take the boat crews a long time to launch the boats. The captain thought so too, for he was now shouting out his orders with explosive force, having taken command of the operations himself. "Have an officer go in that boat," he commanded. "Here, ensign," as an officer came up from below on the run, "take charge of those two boats. If you don't make haste there you'll lose the dinghies and the men. Remember, one man is out there in a little boat chasing two, perhaps, desperate characters." "Shall we hail Seaman Davis, and order him back to ship?" asked the executive officer. "That boy would not hear us, even if we were to blow the siren for him. He is obeying orders, Coates. He'll do what he was sent to do, no matter what the cost to himself. But the whaleboats should catch up with him in time to be on hand if he comes up with the others. I let him go on because, in that way, we shall keep track of the other boat. If he does that he will be doing his full duty." Dan was keeping the other dinghy in sight very well, indeed. He was doing more than that, he was gaining rapidly now. He could hear the splash of the oars in the other boat. The lad smiled grimly, for he knew that the others were rowing badly, perhaps because they were excited. Dan himself was an expert oarsman and every stroke in the race was made to tell. "Dinghy ahoy, there!" he called when within hailing distance. The fleeing men made no reply to his hail. "They are bound to get away. I wonder what it means? It may be that some one has been on board from the shore to steal. No; that cannot be it. It must be men from the ship, for they took a ship's boat. I'll bet they are deserters." He was now within a boat's length of the other dinghy, directly in its wake. Observing this, the Battleship Boy swung out a little, so as to come alongside of the other boat with several feet of water between the two boats. "Halt!" he commanded. "You're caught. I demand that you surrender and cease rowing." "No surrender. You go back if you know what is good for you." The voice sounded strangely familiar to Dan Davis. "I know you!" he shouted exultingly. "I know you now. You're Blackie. I'll bet that's White in the boat with you. Boys, stop rowing and go back to the ship. It's the only thing that will save you. I do not know why you have done this thing, but your punishment will be much less severe if you turn about and return at once." A jeering laugh answered him. "Then I shall have to take you back, and somebody is liable to get hurt in that operation, I am thinking." The boy gave his dinghy a sudden quick turn, and with one powerful stroke sent it dashing up to within half a boat length of the other craft. As he neared it he caught the swing of a body in the first dinghy. Dan ducked, flattening himself in his own frail craft just in time to avoid a vicious swing of the other's boat hook. The gunwales of his boat saved him from the blow. Quick as a flash Davis grabbed the boat hook. He gave a violent, sharp pull and the boat hook was in his possession. "So that's your game, is it? I'll show you that two can play that sort of game. You look out, or you'll get the pole over your own heads." He drove his boat right alongside the other. At that moment Blackie straightened up with an angry exclamation. At the same time he grabbed an oar from the hands of his companion, making a vicious swing at Dan, who, by this time, was half standing in his own boat. But Dan had been on the watch for just such villainy. He parried the blow with the captured boat hook. [Illustration: Dan Parried the Blow With the Captured Boat Hook.] "Smack, smack, smack!" boat hook and oar came together again and again. The battle waged so furiously that for the moment the lad forgot all about the other man in the boat. White was stealthily rising to his feet, watching the Battleship Boy with keen, menacing eyes. All at once he swung his oar. Dan heard it as it cut the air, but at that instant he was powerless to dodge the blow, being busy parrying one from Black. White's oar caught Dan on the head. The Battleship Boy wavered for a brief instant, seeking vainly to catch his balance; then he toppled over backwards into the sea. Fortunately for him, the blow had been a glancing one. "Row, row!" cried Black. His companion fell to the oars. The men, as they well knew, were now in a desperate situation. Dan twisted his body about in the water, his fingers closing over the gunwale of his own boat. The blow had dazed him, though he still had plenty of fight left in him. He clambered back into his own boat with no little effort, for his clothes were soaked and weighed him down, this being the second wetting he had had within a very short time. The other dinghy now had a slight start of him, but when the Hawaiians looked back a moment later, they saw Dan again in their wake. The Battleship Boy's jaws were set. His fighting blood was up. He would give no quarter now. "I'll get those heathens at any cost," he growled. He had forgotten all about the whaleboats that had been sent for the men. Perhaps they had lost their quarry on the dark waters. "I'm after you," shouted Dan. "This time I'm going to get you, you miserable deserters! Things like you deserve to be drowned without the formality of court-martial. Do you surrender?" "No." No sooner were the words out of the Hawaiian's mouth than Dan drove his dinghy bow-on against the other boat. So sudden and unexpected had been the movement that the islanders were taken wholly off their guard. Black fell forward, nearly going into the sea, while White, who was at the oars, lost his grip on them for the moment. A crunching sound accompanied the collision. The bow of Dan's boat was crushed in the thin planking of the other dinghy. The hurt was not deep enough to sink the little craft, but it made an opening through which the seas slopped persistently. Dan sought to swing his boat alongside the other, when a sea unexpectedly threw him off. A full minute of valuable time was thus lost. Still Dan persisted. He was working at high speed now. This time he drove his boat right up beside the other, so close that the two boats smashed together with a force that threatened to break in their gunwales. Black, in the time that it took Dan to get closer, had recovered himself and grasped an oar from his companion. Ere the Battleship Boy could ship his oars the enemy had swung an oar. It caught Dan a glancing blow on the forehead, the sharp edge of the oar cutting a deep gash there. The blood was in the lad's eyes instantly. He brushed his eyes clear with an exclamation of impatience. The oar was raised for another blow. Davis did not stand still to wait for it to land this time. With a bound he was in the other boat. He had jumped from the seat of his own dinghy, measuring the distance well. Black was taken by surprise. He had no time to dodge. Dan landed full upon him, the two falling to the bottom of the boat with a crash and a jolt that threatened to overturn the little craft. For a few seconds the men struggled desperately, Black squirming and twisting in his efforts to get his hands up. "He's trying to get his knife," was the Battleship Boy's swift conclusion. "I hate to do it, but I've got to, or they will have me in the sea." He raised Black's head, giving it two sharp thumps against the ribs of the boat. That settled Black for the time being. The Hawaiian straightened out and lay still. But Dan had been none too quick. White was standing over him with raised oar ready to bring it down at the first opportunity. He had not dared to strike before, not being able to make out his enemy as the two figures struggled at the bottom of the dinghy. The instant that he saw Dan scrambling up he brought the oar down. Dan dodged the blow cleverly, the blade of the oar landing on the side of Black's head, thus finishing the work that the Battleship Boy had begun. The two men sprang at each other at the same instant. This time the boy found that in White he had a far different antagonist. White met him with a swift blow which barely grazed Dan's head. Dan countered as best he could, planting a blow on the Hawaiian's chest, staggering the fellow and at the same time well-nigh upsetting the boat. Blow after blow was struck in the rocking boat, now and then each of the contestants landing a staggering punch on his adversary's head. All at once Dan lost his footing and fell. As he did so, he stretched forth a hand, and by desperate effort succeeded in fastening his hold upon the Hawaiian's arm. White lost his balance and pitched forward. Both men fell half over the side of the dinghy with heads and shoulders in the sea. For the next few seconds a desperate struggle followed. Dan held to his man, knowing full well that, were his adversary to get the upper hand now, it would go hard with Dan Davis. Using their free hands, the men managed to pull themselves back into the boat. By this time both were well-nigh exhausted. Their efforts were attended with little success compared with what they had done earlier in the battle. White was struggling to get his adversary overboard, while Dan was seeking to overcome the Hawaiian without doing him serious injury. All at once the men stumbled over a seat. Dan fell prone upon the prostrate Black, with White on top of him. And there the gladiators lay, breathing hard, gasping for breath, half suffocated with the salt water that was dashing into their faces. Everything about him seemed to Dan suddenly to grow blacker than before. He felt his head swimming. "I'm going to faint," he gasped. With one final supreme effort he threw the weight of White's body from him, and, rolling over, wrapped his arms about the Hawaiian, crushing the fellow down with all his strength. CHAPTER XIV ORDERED TO THE SICK BAY A light came dancing over the long, even swells, sending up a shower of spray as it smashed into the white crests of the swells. It was whaleboat number one from the battleship. "Sing out!" commanded the officer in charge of the boat. "Dinghy, ahoy!" shouted the seaman who was standing braced in the bow of the whaleboat, scanning the waters ahead. There was no response to his hail. The seaman put down the megaphone that he had been using, and, raising his telescope, swept the waters. "Boat, sir, two points off the port bow," sang the lookout. "Coxswain, lay your course two points to port." "Aye, aye, sir." The whaleboat headed for the speck that the lookout had made out through his glass. In a few minutes the whaleboat had drawn up alongside. "She's empty, sir." "Do you make out the other boat?" "No, sir." "I think I see her," said the officer. "Train your glass dead abeam to starboard." "Yes, sir, that's the other dinghy. She's drifting." "Then something has happened to those men. Lay to, men. Pull for all you're worth. They may be drowning while we are lying here. Coxswain, look alive." "Aye, aye, sir." The oars hit the water as one, and the heavy, sharp-pointed whaleboat sprang away, taking a long leap over the waves with every powerful stroke of the oars. "Her side is stove in, I think, sir," announced the lookout. The officer in charge made no reply. He was gazing at the bobbing dinghy through his night glasses. "Steady there, coxswain. We don't want to run her down. Come up on the lee side and draw in slowly. She rides as if she were loaded. We shall find men aboard the dinghy, unless I am much mistaken." They drew alongside slowly. "Out boat hooks!" The whaleboat made fast to the drifting dinghy. No sooner had they done so than the officer leaped lightly aboard. "Here they are. Lend a hand here, men. Be careful you don't upset her. The dinghy is half full of water." Willing hands quickly transferred Dan Davis and the two Hawaiians to the whaleboat. Dan was half unconscious, while his two prisoners were wholly so. "Take the dinghy in tow. Pick up the other one on your way, but be quick. Seaman Davis is wounded. I don't know how seriously, but he looks to be in pretty bad shape." The men needed no further urging. In a few minutes they were on their way back to the ship, towing both small boats behind them. "There's the other whaleboat, sir," announced the lookout. "Hail them. Tell them to turn about and return to ship," directed the officer. The lookout did so. As they approached the side the battleship's rails were seen to be lined with officers and men. Dan, by this time, was sitting up and the prisoners were coming around slowly. "Did you get them all?" called the executive officer. "Yes, sir." "Are they all right?" "Pretty well knocked out, sir." "Pull alongside the starboard gangway. Need any help?" "No, sir; I think we can manage them. But we need the doctor right away. Seaman Davis is hurt." "No, no," protested Dan. "I'm all right. I want to report. I'm not a baby, sir." "I should say you are not." Dan was permitted to stand up as the whaleboat drew up to the starboard gangway. Waiting until the boat rose on a swell he grasped a stanchion, swinging himself to the platform of the gangway by sheer grit, for he had little strength left. He poised on the landing planking, still clinging to the stanchion. A jackie ran down the gangway, extending a helping hand. "Never mind me. I'm all right, shipmate," said the boy pluckily. Directing all his strength to the task, the Battleship Boy climbed the gangway. Never before had the stairs seemed so long to him. At last he reached the quarter-deck. "You are hurt, my lad," exclaimed the captain, starting forward. "Surgeon, here!" Dan's face was covered with blood, while the white jacket was stained a deep crimson clear down to his duck trousers. All at once he started forward unsteadily. He had espied the officer of the deck, the one whose command he had nearly lost his life in obeying. "Sir, I beg to report that I have overhauled the dinghy and captured the men." The boy came to attention, saluting stiffly, for it hurt him to raise his hand to his forehead. "Very good, Seaman Davis." "Take that man to the sick bay," commanded the captain. "Don't you see that he is barely able to stand on his feet? How about those other men? Are they seriously hurt?" "I think not, sir," answered the surgeon, who had made a quick examination of the Hawaiians. "Then give them attention. Master-at-arms, if the surgeon decides that they are fit, lock them in the brig. As soon as all hands are in condition we will have a quick examination." The islanders proved to be in a more serious condition than had at first been supposed. Acting upon the surgeon's orders, they were taken to the sick bay, where their wounds were dressed and they were put to bed, with a guard placed over them. Dan's wounds were washed and dressed and his head bandaged. The cut on his forehead where the sharp edge of the oar had struck it was deep and wide, the oar blade having gone clear to the bone, while the lad himself was weak from loss of blood. "You are lucky that you did not sustain a fracture," decided the surgeon, as, with nimble fingers, he sewed the flesh together. "You will turn in and sleep here to-night." "I can't do that, sir." "Why not?" "I am on the anchor watch, sir. I'm under orders." "Anchor watch nothing; you'll remain here." "I am sorry, sir, but I cannot do so until I am relieved at eight bells. If they do not want me on watch they will tell me so. I am all right now. I feel fine." The surgeon grunted. "Very well; but I shall tell the captain that you are unfit for duty. You have lost more blood than is good for you." Dan left the sick bay, the surgeon watching his unsteady steps as the boy made his way down the dimly lighted corridor. A group of officers were gathered on the quarter-deck discussing the exciting incidents of the evening, when the Battleship Boy made his appearance there. "I report for duty, sir. I am ready to finish my watch, sir," he said, saluting the officer of the deck. The officer of the deck looked the boy over, who, with bandaged head and pale face, presented a woebegone appearance. "I thought you were ordered to the sick bay?" "I was, sir, to have my wounds dressed." "From your appearance I should say that was the place for you, not the quarter-deck." At that juncture the captain strode across the deck. "Davis, what are you doing here?" he demanded. "Finishing my watch, sir," answered the boy, saluting. "Did I not order you to the sick bay?" "You did, sir, but you did not order me to stay there." "I do so now, then. You will report at the sick bay at once, and remain there until you are released by the surgeon." The command was delivered sternly. "Aye, aye, sir," answered the Battleship Boy, saluting. "Boatswain's mate, order out another man to take Seaman Davis' watch until eight bells. Come here, my lad." Dan had started away to obey the captain's command. At that he turned, retracing his steps. The captain laid a hand on his shoulder. "My lad, I am proud of you. I know you would much prefer to remain on deck and do your duty as you see it. There is another side to this matter, however. Your duty just now lies in getting yourself into shape for the morrow. You are in no condition to work. You have done quite enough for one day." "I feel perfectly well, sir." "I know you think you do, but turn in and get a good night's rest. I shall require your services further in this matter, if you are able to get up in the morning. That will be all." Dan saluted and walked off, but it was evident, from his hesitating steps, that he was reluctant to do so. "That boy is all nerve," nodded the captain. "He has more pluck than any two men on this ship, and that is saying a good deal. Ord'ly, tell the surgeon I desire to speak with him when he is at leisure." "Yes," agreed the executive officer. "Davis and his red-headed friend are both a credit to the service." CHAPTER XV BEFORE THE SUMMARY COURT Dan was released from the sick bay late on the following afternoon. In the evening of the same day Black and White were removed to the brig, and a marine sentry placed in front of their cells to see that they were properly looked after. Dan wondered what would be done in their case. Being unfamiliar with forms on shipboard, he did not understand that punishments are not inflicted hastily. On the morning of the second day, after quarters, there was a stir below decks. Dan had rejoined the crew of the seven-inch gun when he was informed by the captain's orderly that his presence would be required in the captain's quarters promptly at ten o'clock. "I wish I were you to-day," whispered Sam. "Why?" "'Cause there's going to be a court-martial--a summary court-martial!" "What for?" "They're going to try Black and White. How I'd like to help soak those heathens." A few minutes before the hour named, Dan went below. He found the corridor of the captain's office thronged with shipmates. In front of the door stood a marine sentry. "Am I to go in?" he asked. "Are you a witness?" "Yes." "I guess you may enter, then." Dan did so. At one side of the room he espied Black and White, in charge of the master-at-arms; and the midshipman who had been officer of the deck the night the men escaped, together with two coxswains. Dan walked to the opposite side of the room, where he leaned against a bulkhead. The captain's dining-room table had been cleared and stood in the center of the room, four chairs having been placed around it. Presently three commissioned officers filed in, the executive officer of the ship taking his place at the head of the table as president of the court. It was his duty to swear in the judge advocate, who, in this instance, was a lieutenant. Following this the judge advocate swore in the others of the court and then proceeded to read the specifications, which were as follows: "'That on the 25th of August, 19--, while the United States battleship "Long Island" lay at anchor inside the Delaware Breakwater, after tattoo, when all hands had turned in for the night, save those on regular duty, among them being Ordinary Seaman Charlie Vavitao and Ordinary Seaman William Takaroa, the said men did secretly leave their billets and without permission take to one of the ship's dinghies, in which they rowed away from the ship with intent to desert. Secondly, it is charged that the said men did make a felonious assault on Seaman Daniel Davis while he was carrying out the orders of his superior officer, resulting in the seaman's disability, from which he has not yet wholly recovered.' How do you plead!" The prisoners pleaded "not guilty." All witnesses were then excluded from the room. Midshipman Carter, who had been the officer of the deck on the night in question, was called to testify. He was questioned by the judge advocate, who acted as the prosecutor and the attorney for the defence at the same time. The midshipman related briefly all that had come under his observation. He had but little information that was of value to the court, and he so told the court. "Seaman Davis, then, is the witness who knows the whole story?" questioned the judge advocate. "Yes, sir." "Call Seaman Daniel Davis to the witness chair." Dan was summoned by the sentry. The boy's face was still bandaged; his face was pale and there was a livid mark across the right cheek where an oar blade had struck him. Dan gave his name, age and date of enlistment, together with his station on shipboard. "You were on the anchor watch on the evening of the twenty-fifth of August, were you not?" "Yes, sir." "State what occurred." The witness related briefly the incidents leading up to the escape of the two ordinary seamen. "You discovered them going over the side of the ship, did you not?" "Yes sir." "Did you try to stop them?" "I did." "On whose orders?" "On the orders of the officer of the deck, sir." "Midshipman Carter?" "Yes, sir." "State what occurred." "I followed them, and after a time succeeded in overhauling the dinghy in which they were rowing away. I ordered them to surrender when I drew alongside. Black attempted to strike me with the boat hook, but I got it away from him. Black later hit me with an oar, at about the time I rammed them with the starboard dinghy." "Well, what else?" "Not much, sir. We mixed it up a little. I got Black, but I had a hard time with White. He almost got the better of me. I am not quite sure that he did not do so wholly." Dan had related his story in a simple, straight-forward manner, without the slightest trace of bravado. He really had done a plucky thing in attempting to capture the two men in a frail boat out on the rolling waters, but he did not seem to think he had accomplished anything very remarkable. "Did either man attempt to do more than defend himself?" "Well, it seemed so to me, sir," answered the Battleship Boy, with a faint smile. "Use a knife or anything of that sort?" "Black appeared to be seeking to get at his knife. Of course I could not say for sure, sir." "Did either man say anything?" "Not that I can recall now, sir, except that they refused to surrender to me." "You did not hear them say anything that would lead you to believe that they were deserting?" "Oh, no, sir." "You can think of nothing else that will aid us in getting at the facts in this case?" "No, sir. I have told you all I know about it." "Very good; that will be all." Black, who was believed to be the leader in the escape, was called up and given permission to relate his side of the story. He assured the court that neither he nor White had had the least intention of deserting. They had been on board for a long time. They said they had a friend not far from where the ship was lying, and they thought they could get away to go to see him and be back before morning. Asked the name of the friend, they gave it without the least hesitation. White also told a straightforward story. "If you were not deserting, why did you make such a murderous assault on Seaman Davis?" demanded the judge advocate sharply. "We get excited," answered White. "We want to get away then." "And had you gotten away, at that time, you would not have returned to the ship, eh?" "No, no; we come back," insisted the Hawaiian. "Have these men ever been up on charges before?" asked the judge advocate. "No, sir," replied the clerk of the court. "There are no marks against them. Their records are good, so far as the papers show." "Then we will close the case here." The court was cleared for deliberation. They found the accused men guilty of absenting themselves from the ship without leave, and also on the second count accusing them of felonious assault on Seaman Daniel Davis. The court decided that the charge of desertion had not been fully established, and this alone saved the men from a long term of imprisonment. Perhaps they were swayed in their verdict by the fact that the government was making a strong effort in every way to win the regard of the Hawaiian Islanders. To have carried out the punishment in its extreme form might, it was thought, have served only to embitter the Hawaiian people. The punishment was severe enough as it was. The recommendations of the court were that Black and White be locked up in the brig for thirty days, with rations of bread and water, with a full ration every third day. This peculiar sentence was on account of the regulation that forbids a prisoner on shipboard from being kept on bread and water for more than five consecutive days. By giving a full ration once in every five days the men can be kept under punishment for three months. The court also decided that both men should suffer a loss of two months' pay. The commanding officer approved the findings of the court, after reading them over, and duly affixed his signature. The prisoners did not know as yet what their punishment was to be. This was made known to them at muster that evening, when all hands were piped to quarters, the charges and findings being read before the ship's company. "Men," said the captain after the executive officer had read the verdict of the court, "I am of the opinion that both of you should be dismissed from the service. The evidence, however, did not fully warrant the court in finding for that. It appears to be your first offence, but remember, this is your first enlistment also, which gives me the right to discharge you dishonorably from the service. I shall do so upon the next serious breach of discipline hereafter. You may consider that you have had a very lucky escape from long imprisonment and from dismissal as well." "And, as for Seaman Davis, I desire to commend him thus publicly for his pluck, his faithful obedience of orders and the masterful way in which he has carried out his orders. Such men are a credit to the United States Navy. They make one forget that, now and then, we have some of the other sort among us. Davis, you will be mentioned in my communication to the department." CHAPTER XVI A SURPRISE, INDEED "I expect you'll be getting your whole head knocked off some of these days," growled Sam Hickey. "It has not been knocked off yet," answered Dan with a laugh, "though it has had a considerable list to starboard on occasions." "I should say it had. I'm glad those niggers are in the brig. They----" "Don't use that word, please. I never liked it. And, besides, they are not Africans; they are Hawaiians." "They ought to have been shot. Anyhow, all black looks the same color to me." The lads were lounging on deck in the forecastle. It was Wednesday afternoon, when all hands ordinarily take a half holiday, except those who are on duty. The battleship "Long Island" was plowing up the waters off the coast--"coasting," they call it on shipboard. The officers on the bridge were taking sights at the ranges--light houses--with their sextants, while the young midshipmen, under the direction of the ship's navigator, were mathematically working out the ship's position. "I never could understand why they have to go to all that trouble," said Sam. "They are figuring out our position--they are trying to find out where we are." "Don't we know where we are?" "We don't. Perhaps the officers do." "Pooh! I know where we are, and I don't have to get a sextant and a lot of other junk to tell me, either," scoffed the red-headed boy. "Well, where are we, Mr. Smarty, if you know so much?" "We're off Atlantic City. That's the Absecon light off the port bow. I could knock the top of it off with the seven-inch if I had half a chance." "That may be true, Sam, but suppose there were a fog, or the lights on shore went out, or one of many things were to occur--supposing we were hundreds of miles out at sea and--well, how would you find out where you were, if you had no instruments with which to take your observations, or did not know how to use those you had?" "Hold on; that's enough. Don't put on any more trimmings. I'd do without 'em, even if it were as bad as you say, and I'd never miss 'em, either." "What would you do?" "Do? I'd just keep going by the compass." "But supposing the compass were wrong?" "I'd keep going, just the same, till I got somewhere--till I plumped up against something solid; then I'd sing out, 'full speed astern, both engines,' just like the 'Old Man' does up there, when the man in the chains sings out 'by the mark five.' He's awful afraid the old ship will scrape over a sand bar. Between you and me it would be good for her. Why, don't you see, it would scrape the barnacles off her so she wouldn't have to go into dry dock and cost the government all that money. I know something about ships, I do." "And what you do not know would sink all the ships in the Navy," answered Dan, emphasizing his reply by several nods of his head. "Don't you believe it." "Here comes the boatswain's mate. I think he is looking for us. Yes, he's coming this way. I reckon we shall have to turn out for some duty." "I'll run and hide, then. I am not going to work this afternoon. He can't get me interested in any of his patriotic games to-day. No, siree!" But Sam was destined to become greatly interested in the work that the boatswain's mate had come to talk with them about. "Good afternoon, boys," he greeted them. "How is your head, Davis?" "Oh, I had almost forgotten that I had a head," laughed Dan, instinctively laying a hand on the bandage that was bound about his wound. "You did pretty well the other night in overhauling that boat. Have you done much rowing!" "Oh, yes; considerable on the river at home. I have rowed in races there--small rowboat races--and so has my friend Sam." "I thought you were pretty handy about small boats. It is a good thing for a seaman to know boats." "I wonder what he's getting at?" muttered Sam, eyeing the boatswain's mate suspiciously. "He isn't here for any good, I am sure of that." The boy had noted that the boatswain's mate was eyeing them closely, tilting his head to one side and squinting out of one eye as if he were sighting a big gun. "Don't shoot," laughed Sam. "What's that?" "Nothing, only I thought you were getting ready to shoot, the way you were squinting at me." "We are going to have some races ourselves in about three weeks." "Is that so?" exclaimed Dan. "Out here on the ocean?" demanded Sam. "Not exactly out here, but in some bay along the coast. These races are a big thing and arouse a lot of interest." "Whom do you race with?" asked Dan. "With crews from the other ships. We race for silver cups and the rivalry is very keen. You have seen our racing gig, have you not, boys?" "Oh, yes; that's so. I had forgotten about the gig. It's up on the upper deck, starboard side, isn't it?" queried Dan. "Yes; that's the boat. She's one of the slickest boats in the service." "Pretty heavy for racing, isn't she?" questioned Dan. "They have to be for sea racing. You see, we frequently run into some foul weather. No paper shells for that kind of racing. It's a man's game, every inch of it," announced the boatswain's mate, Joe Harper by name. "I should think it must be. What grand sport," breathed Dan. "How many men do you have in the boat?" "Twelve, including the coxswain. We have some likely material on board this season." "Who has charge of the race? Who is the captain of the crew?" "I am. That is, I am the coxswain, and have full charge of the boat and the picking of the crew." Sam was eyeing the boatswain's mate with new interest now. This time it was Sam Hickey who was squinting out of the corner of one eye. He was trying to figure out, in his own mind, what the boatswain's mate was getting at. As yet he had not been able to decide in his own mind. "There's a colored gentleman in the woodpile for sure," he muttered. "He'll show his woolly head in a minute or so, or my name's not Sam Hickey." The colored gentleman fulfilled Sam's expectations very soon after that. "Unfortunately, two of our men have been, taken away from us. I say unfortunately, though I don't exactly mean it in that way. I'm mighty glad we are rid of them, only that it makes necessary a change of plans." "Who are they, Mr. Harper?" "Those two islanders, Black and White. They are a fine pair of birds, but they certainly could pull an oar. Would you boys like to come up and look over the boat?" "Indeed we should," answered Dan enthusiastically. They made their way to the upper deck. Two sailors had stripped the canvas from the racing gig, and were preparing to go over it with sandpaper to smooth its sides down. "Why do you do that; to make it smoother?" asked Dan. "That is the idea exactly," answered the boatswain's mate, patting the gig affectionately. "We shall be working over this little craft for the next few weeks on every possible occasion." "You do not have sliding seats?" "Oh, no. It would not be advisable in this kind of a racing craft. You will observe, however, that the foot rests for the men's feet are made of old shoes. They slip their feet into these, which gives them a great purchase. They can release their feet at any instant, should we get upset in a heavy sea." "Each man pulls one oar, of course?" "One oar only," nodded the mate. "That is about all one healthy man could sit up and accomplish. None but the strongest and pluckiest can stand the kind of a race we run." "How long a course do you cover?" "Four miles. Two miles out to the stake boat and return. As I was saying, we have lost Black and White, and there are two vacancies on the crew at present." "Yes, sir," answered Dan in an unusually respectful tone. "Yes, sir," added the red-haired boy. "What about it?" "Well, as I said, there are two vacancies," replied the mate, with a significant smile. There followed a pause, during which Sam walked over to the rail, gazed off across the waters, apparently without being conscious of having seen them at all, then slowly returning to the gig, leaned up against it, gently smoothing the gunwale with his hand. "It is considered a great honor to be a member of a racing crew, especially a winning crew, boys." "Yes, sir; I should think it would be," agreed Dan. "How would you lads like to try out for the crew?" "We join the racing crew?" questioned Dan, his eyes opening wide in amazement. "W--we----" "Yes. You and your friend may try for the places vacated by Black and White. They will, of course, be out before the races come off, but their punishment forfeits their right to row with us. I have been looking you two lads over, and I am sure you have good material in you. I know you have the pluck. You have shown that you have, both of you, on more than one occasion. What do you say?" "What do I say?" answered Dan with glowing countenance. "I say that, if I could get on the racing crew, I should be the happiest boy in Uncle Sam's Navy." "That's me," nodded Sam in approval of his companion's sentiments. "I knew you were up here for something. The colored gentleman is out of the woodpile." "Say, Dan," remarked Sam as the boatswain's mate walked away, "speaking of Black and White, I've got an idea. I'll bet that fellow Black threw that seven-inch tompion overboard. I'll bet also that he's the black scoundrel who plugged your ear with a marline spike." Dan made no reply, but walked thoughtfully away. CHAPTER XVII AT TORPEDO TARGET PRACTICE "Hello, Dan." Sam Hickey peered over the edge of his hammock in the early morning. "What is it?" answered Davis sleepily. "I wonder whether we have missed reveille." "What's that?" Dan sat up very suddenly. "I thought that would fetch you awake in a hurry," chuckled the red-headed boy, snuggling down under his bedclothes, one eye peering over at his companion. "That's mean of you, to wake me up so early in the morning," grumbled Dan. "I was having such a fine sleep, too. I was dreaming----" "I was dreaming. I'll bet I had a better dream than you did. I dreamed I was the captain of the 'Long Island,' with four gold stripes around my sleeve. Then I woke up. That was too fine a dream to sleep over very long at a time." "Pipe down the guff," growled several voices from the depths of other hammocks. "What do you think this is--a pink tea?" "No; it's a deck picnic," answered Sam, as the bugle blew the reveille, summoning all hands from their hammocks. The men in the corridor with the Battleship Boys scrambled down from their hammocks in no enviable frame of mind, for Hickey had spoiled at least five minutes of their sleep, which was of no small consequence at that hour of the morning. Sam seized his clothes and ran for the shower bath, anxious to get his bath over before the men of his division got there. They were not in a pleasant frame of mind, and the boy considered it prudent to keep clear of them until they "got their eyes open," as he expressed it to himself. The early morning work was finished up and then came breakfast. By this time the battleship was swinging along past Fire Island light. The sea was fairly calm and the sun was shining brightly. "I wonder what we are going to do up here?" questioned a jackie, as they were at their breakfast. "Up here? Where are we headed for!" demanded Sam. "Looks to me as if we were going to butt into a sand bank, the way the ship was headed when I came below." "I think we are going into Fort Pond Bay," answered someone. "Never heard of the place. Is it a pond?" asked Hickey innocently. "Hear the landlubber talk. Yes, red-head, it's a pond; a sloppy-weather pond with the current so swift at times that if you were to go swimming in it, you'd want your port and starboard anchors out all the time." "What are we going to do in the pond?" "The Old Man hasn't taken me into his confidence yet," scoffed a sailor. "I am expecting to hear from him most any time now." "Ordering you to appear at mast court, eh?" questioned Sam maliciously. "That'll be about all for you, red-head." "Better look out or Dynamite will be mixing it up with you," warned another. "Won't you, Dynamite?" nodding at Dan. "I think I have had all the mixing-up that I want," answered Davis, with a short laugh. "If you don't believe it, just look at this bandage on my head." "Yes, Dynamite's a sore head," suggested a shipmate. "I'd be willing to trade heads with you, if what's in yours could go with it." At this there was a laugh all around the table. Dan blushed. He did not like these broad compliments. But, to Dan Davis' credit, be it said that, instead of making him conceited, they served quite the opposite purpose. They made him the more determined to merit the good things that were said of him. "Torpedo practice to-day," announced a sailor, coming in at that juncture from his watch on deck. "What range?" asked some one. "I hear it is a four-thousand-yard range." "That will give us all a chance to go out for a row." "For what?" questioned Sam. "For the exercise, red-head. We jackies never have anything to do, you know, so they have to send us out for a row, now and then." "We don't have to row in a common whaleboat or a cutter. We've got something better in which to row," retorted Hickey. "Got something better?" "Yes." "Maybe you're going to run the captain's motor boat." "No; not yet. Maybe we'll be doing that later. Just now we're going to content ourselves with the gig." "The gig!" "Sure thing." "What are you talking about?" "I'm talking about the racing gig. Didn't you know Dan and myself were members of the racing crew now?" "No; I didn't know anything of the sort. You kids on the crew? That's a joke. If we fellows who have been in the service a year or two get on the crew we think we're lucky." "Is that right, Davis?" spoke up one of the men further down the table. "Partly, Bob. We have been chosen for a tryout. We may make such a miserable failure of it that they will put us out of the boat after the first practice spin." "I'm not so sure about the red-head, but I'll risk your making a mess of anything that you try," answered the jackie addressed as Bob. "I won't say you're lucky, for the good things generally go to them that deserve them," continued the sailor wisely. "Leastwise, that's been my observation. I notice not many of them have ever come my way, though. What oars are you going to pull?" "I can't say, Bob. That depends upon Mr. Harper." Envious glances were directed upon the Battleship Boys from all parts of the mess. "I know how they happened to get in for a try-out," announced a member of the mess. "Black and White were to row in the crew. Instead, they'll be holding down the deck of the brig for the next thirty days." "I was in there once," said Sam, with a grin that brought a shout of laughter. "A fellow doesn't know what the sailor's life is like unless he gets in the brig." "I think I should be satisfied without knowing, then," answered Dan. "I came pretty close to it once. That was enough for me." By the time the jackies had finished their breakfast the "Long Island" was plowing into Fort Pond Bay, and an hour later her starboard anchor was let go. The ship's prow swung into the tide. The decks were thronged with sailors cleaning ship, while others were getting the small boats ready for the work of the day. It was a busy scene, one in which the Battleship Boys evinced the keenest interest, for they had never seen torpedo practice before. Dan had some knowledge of the operation of these weapons of modern warfare, but he was anxious to see the torpedoes fired. First, the two steamers were swung out and lowered to the water, where they were made secure to the lower booms. The captain's motor boat came next. Two officers went off in her to place the target for the torpedo practice. This was nothing more than a bamboo fish pole with a red flag secured to it. The target was planted in a shallow place in the bay off near the shore of Gardiner's Island, after they had measured off the course, a distance of four thousand yards from the ship. It was not intended that the torpedoes should hit the target, which was placed merely as a guide for the ordnance officer to fire at. Coming within a hundred feet of it, either way, would be considered pretty good shooting. In the meantime the torpedo officer was far down in the hold of the ship, in the torpedo room, getting ready the huge, fish-like monsters for the flight they were soon to take. There were six of the deadly instruments of warfare down there. Dan would have liked to go below to see how the torpedoes were fired by compressed air, but his duties would not permit him to do so. "Seaman Hickey and Davis report for signal duty!" called a boatswain's mate. "That's us," nodded Dan. "I guess we are going out. That will be fine." "Man the small boats and patrol the torpedo course," commanded an officer from the bridge. "Davis, you will go out with the motor boat. Hickey, remain on board for signal duty here. We will put some of your class in the small boats, and distribute them along the course," ordered a quartermaster. Dan's class in wig-wag work had made marvelous progress. They were now nearly as proficient in signal work as had been the regular signal corps, who were working on one of the other ships some five miles to the northeast from where the "Long Island" lay. None of Dan's men had worked at such long range before. He was glad, therefore, that he had been assigned to go out on the range, for he could keep a watchful eye on his men. He had perfect confidence in Sam. The station Hickey had was very important, for he was to receive messages and to send messages to all the small boats of the fleet. "Now, all small boats keep clear of the torpedo course, so that none of you get hit. Don't fall in too soon after the torpedo goes by. We want the course kept clear so that we can follow it with our glasses. Take your places on the range." The two steamers whistled shrilly, as, with a procession of small boats in tow, they started out over the course. "Hickey, take your place abaft of the bridge, within hailing distance of the commanding officer," ordered the quartermaster. Sam stationed himself by the side of the box where the signal flags were kept, and, leaning against it, focused his spyglass on the rapidly receding small boats. "Up starboard anchor!" commanded the executive officer. Anchor chains rattled as the huge anchor was slowly raised from the sandy bottom of the bay. The torpedoes were to be fired while the ship was under full speed. "Once over the course, then fire on the return," ordered the captain. "Port, fire first." "Aye, aye, sir." The battleship completed her course at right angles to the course over which the torpedo was to be fired, then swung about. "Full speed ahead, both engines. Raise the red flag." The firing signal was hoisted to the peak. "Are you ready, Mr. Ordnance Officer?" "All ready, sir." "Sound a long blast on the siren." The weird voice of the siren shrieked its warning over the waters, while the prow of the battleship was rolling up a great white wave as the ship raced along at full speed. "Fire!" came the quick word of command. The ordnance officer pressed a button, his eyes on the target. A dull, muffled explosion followed. CHAPTER XVIII HARD AND FAST AGROUND "Wow!" Sam, who had climbed to the top of the signal box for a better view of sea, was so startled that he lost his footing in leaping to one side. "Look out below!" he howled. "I'm coming!" "Gangway!" cried half a dozen sailors at once, as, with quick intuition, they discovered what was occurring. Hickey, in attempting to right himself, had plunged head foremost from the signal box. In his descent he caught a signal halyard. He bounded up into the air like a tight-rope walker. The next instant he struck a chain that had been rigged as a railing on the companionway to the lower bridge. "Look out below!" bellowed a voice. "Torpedo coming your way." Sam balanced, for one awful second, on the companionway chain, then pitched downward through the open hatchway. He disappeared in the direction of the gun deck. From the commotion below it was evident to those on the lower bridge that he had reached his destination. "What's all that racket?" demanded the captain, looking aft from the navigator's bridge. "Signalman fell off, sir." "Fell off where?" "Off the signal box, sir." "Where is he?" "I think the gun deck stopped him, sir." "Get another man up there to attend to the signaling. We cannot bother with such clumsy lubbers." "No other signalmen on board, sir." The captain uttered an exclamation of impatience. "Find out if he is hurt. Watch that torpedo, Mr. Coates." "We're watching it, sir. It is following a very straight course." For a few seconds after leaving the torpedo tube, far below the surface of the water, the torpedo wavered as if uncertain what course it should follow. All at once it straightened out and darted away off toward Gardiner's Island, where the target could be faintly made out through the officer's powerful glasses. The gyroscope, with which all torpedoes are equipped, caused the projectile to right itself. At its rear end might be seen, in that brief glance, a propeller whirling so rapidly as to cause the water to boil, the propeller being operated by a compressed-air engine within the shell of the torpedo itself. After righting itself the torpedo dived under the water several feet, but its course could be followed by the foam it left in its path. One of the dinghies, far out, lay too close to the course, the captain thought. "Signalman--where's that signalman?" he shouted. "He's coming, sir." Hickey's red head appeared through the open hatchway, followed by the body of the limping Sam. "Get on your station!" commanded the captain. "What's the matter with you?" "I got shot off the signal box, sir." "Shot off the signal box!" grumbled the commanding officer, in a tone of disgust. "Are you able to use the flag?" "Yes, sir." "Then signal that dinghy that they are in the path of the torpedo." By the time Hickey had clambered clumsily to the signal box again, he was too late to be of service. Fortunately the men in the dinghy had seen the torpedo just in time. A quick pull at the oars had turned the boat in such a way that the projectile shot past with only a few feet to spare. "She's heading very straight, sir," the executive officer informed his superior. "Yes; that's a fine run. But it isn't the fault of our signalman that the torpedo didn't run down the dinghy. Hickey, that was about the worst performance of its kind that I ever saw. See that you do not let it happen again. If you do, I shall take you off signal work entirely." "Aye, aye, sir," answered the Battleship Boy, whose face was now redder than the shock of fiery hair that was standing straight up on his head. "I'll show him," muttered Sam. "I'm a clumsy lummox, but I know my business just as well as he does his. Wait till I get a chance to wiggle this flag! I'll make those fellows out in the small boats think they're getting struck by lightning. I'll----" "Ask them if they can see the torpedo," broke in the voice of the captain. Sam set his flag dancing. The moment he began to work with it all his nervousness left him. The red-headed boy was himself again. "Steamer number one says they are after it, sir." "Do they know where it is?" "Yes, sir; they have it located." "Did you see the way that man Hickey, handled the signal flag, Coates?" "Yes, sir; I observed him." "The boy is all right, in spite of his clumsiness. Can you make out the torpedo, Coates?" "No; but I see the whaleboat putting off for it. The water there is evidently too shallow for the steamer to get in." Sam's glass was at his eye, as he balanced himself lightly on the iron railing surrounding the signal box. "Whaleboat number one signals that they have the torpedo, sir," sang out Sam Hickey. "Very good. You will fire the starboard torpedo next, will you not?" asked the captain of the ordnance officer. "Yes, sir, as soon as the men get that one on board." The whaleboat made fast a rope to the torpedo, and then the steamer, taking the smaller boat in tow, headed for the ship, towing the monster in their wake. Beaching the ship, the torpedo was hauled aboard with a derrick and placed on the deck, to be taken apart and shipped back to the torpedo room below. It had made a splendid flight, and all hands were pleased with the first shot. It had been fired exactly as it would be in war time, except that it carried no explosive on the practice flight. Dan, out on the water, was now improving his opportunity to put his signal corps through a series of practice messages. He was drilling the men of the signal corps in quick reading. First he would wig-wag a message to the fleet of small boats; then they would repeat it back to him as fast as they were able to operate the flags. "They're signaling out there, sir," said the executive officer to the captain. "Signalman, attention! Attend to your business." Hickey looked up to the bridge in surprise. "Aye, aye, sir." "Don't you see them signaling to you out there?" demanded the captain. "I see them signaling, yes, sir. I've been watching them for the past ten minutes, sir." "What do they want?" "Nothing, sir." "Then what are they wig-wagging for?" "Seaman Davis is drilling the squad, sir." "Oh!" The captain turned on his heel, giving the boy a view of his broad back. "Mebby that one didn't land under the belt!" chuckled the red-headed Battleship Boy. "I guess I know my business, I do." The ordnance officer announced that he was ready for another shot. "Very well; we will get under way," announced the captain, the ship having laid to while the torpedo was being shipped aboard. "Pull over pretty close to that shore there before you swing. Chains, there!" "Aye, aye, sir," answered the men in the chains, the little platform from which the lead is cast to determine the depth of water under the ship. "How much water have you?" The leadsman made a cast. "By the mark, ten," he called in a sing-song voice. "Keep it going." The ship was slowly drawing near a high, sandy bluff. "By the mark, seven." "Slow down both engines," commanded the captain. "Give us another sounding." "By the deep, six.... And a quarter, five." "Seaman Davis signaling, sir," called Sam Hickey. "What does he say?" "Begging the captain's pardon, when he went out on the range he crossed your present course. He says there is shoal water less than a fathom deep three ship's lengths ahead of you, sir." "How's your lead?" thundered the captain, turning to the men in the chains below him. "Quarter less ten," was the answer. "That is plenty of water. No cause for alarm there. Tell the engineer to go ahead." The "Long Island" took a bone in her teeth at once, and began forging ahead. "Signals again, sir." "What is it?" "Signalman wig-wags that there is a deep hole about where you are now. On the other side of it is shoal water." "Back both engines, full speed!" commanded the captain with almost explosive force. "Keep casting your lead! Tell me when she begins to go astern." "Aye, aye, sir." "Do you know of any shoal in here, Lieutenant Douglas?" questioned the captain of the navigator. "No, sir; there is nothing on the chart to show it. I guess the boy is in error." "If so, it is the first time I ever knew him to be. Ah! What's that?" There came a slight jolt, then a steadying of the ship. "She's stopped, sir," called the man with the lead. "And a half, two." "Is she backing?" The captain's voice showed deep concern. "No, sir. She's aground, sir." CHAPTER XIX A TRYING MOMENT "Keep those engines going full speed astern!" There was an anxious look on the face of the commanding officer of the battleship "Long Island," for it is a serious matter to run a ship of the Navy aground. Fortunately, however, owing to Dan Davis' timely warning, the ship had drifted very slowly on the sand bar. Had it not been for that warning the battleship would have dashed full speed into the shoal water, where she would have stuck fast for many a day, even if she did not in the end prove a total loss. "We seem to be fast and hard, sir," announced the executive officer. "I am afraid we are, Coates. It's too bad. How's the tide?" "About at the turn now, sir." "Is she making any headway astern?" "I'll ascertain, sir. Chains, there!" "Aye, aye, sir." "Is she going astern any?" "She is standing still, sir. She hasn't moved." "Keep your lead line out. Sing out the instant the ship begins to go astern," ordered the captain. "Aye, aye, sir." "I'm afraid she is swinging to port, sir," announced the executive. The captain took a shore bearing and glanced along his ship toward the stern. "Yes, this won't do at all. We'll be on the shoal broadside in a moment. Put out the starboard stern anchor. Draw her up tight. Be quick about it!" A splash far aft told them that the anchor had gone overboard. "Is she holding, Coates?" "I think so, sir." "Watch her. When the tide turns she may shift the other way, but I think that, by drawing the anchor chains taut, we can hold the ship where she is now." "I do not think she is very far on. We ought to float at high tide, sir." "Yes; we should, but you cannot always tell. This is too bad, though we did all we could. I hope this mishap has not injured her in any way." "I do not see how that could be possible, sir. It is soft ground into which she has poked her nose." "Yes; I could tell that by the way she went aground. Sandy bottom. Signalman!" "Aye, aye, sir." "Send a general recall to the boats. No need to keep them out there any longer. Besides, we shall need the boats here. Boatswain's mate!" "Aye, aye, sir." "Have the divers made ready to go down." "Had we not best stop the engines now, sir?" asked the executive. "No; keep them going. But watch her closely. In case they pull her off we shall have to be careful that we do not back into the anchor chain and foul the propellers." "Very good, sir." "Are the boats returning, signalman?" "Yes, sir; they are all returning, sir." The noon hour had arrived, and the crew was piped down to mess just as if nothing out of the ordinary had occurred. As the captain's motor boat drew alongside the captain called over to the boat to pull up by the starboard gangway. In a few moments he joined the boat there and boarded her. "Run up under the bow of the ship," he commanded. A few revolutions of the propeller brought them to the spot indicated. "Is this the place you signaled about, Davis?" he demanded sharply. "Yes, sir." The bottom, shining and white, lay in plain sight. One had only to glance over the side of the motor boat to see it. "Pass a lead line over the side." A line was dropped to them and at the captain's command Dan Davis took a sounding. "What do you make it?" "By the deep, one, sir." "As you signaled." "Yes, sir." "A close guess. You have a sharp eye, Davis." The captain peered down. He could, by getting between the sun and the bow of the ship, look down to where the prow of the battleship disappeared in the white sand on the bottom of the bay. "Do you want the divers over, sir?" called the executive officer. "I think not, just now. It will be useless until we get her nose out of the sand. They cannot tell us any more than we know now." The motor boat then made a tour of the ship, the captain surveying her from all points of view. The "Long Island" appeared to be resting easily, and the sea was comparatively smooth. A glance at the skies told the commanding officer that good weather might reasonably be expected for the rest of the day. "Return to the starboard gangway," he commanded tersely. The captain forgot to go to his luncheon that day. He paced the quarter-deck, watching the weather, receiving frequent reports from the forward end of the ship and having frequent tests made to determine the state of the tide. The afternoon was well along before the welcome intelligence was brought to him that the tide was flowing strong and would be high within the next thirty minutes. "Tell the engineer to stand by to go astern full speed," he said. "All hands not on necessary duty will gather on the quarter-deck, so that we may get all the weight possible aft. Pipe all hands aft, Mr. Coates." The boatswain's whistle trilled here and there, and was finally lost in the depths of the ship. Soon the sailors began marching to the quarter-deck until that part of the ship was packed with them. The captain, with his executive officer, went forward to the bridge. "I think we had better try it now, Coates," he said. "Give orders to have the anchor shipped." "Stand by the starboard anchor," commanded the executive. A few minutes of waiting followed. "Ship the starboard anchor!" "Signal the engineer to send both engines full speed astern," ordered the captain. The bridge telegraph clanked noisily, then a quiver ran through the ship. The commanding officer stood stolidly awaiting the result. It was an anxious moment for him, meaning perhaps the loss of his command, were he to fail to get his ship off the shoal on which it was grounded. But he was calm and self-possessed. For a full moment the screws churned the water, turning it into a sea of suds astern of the battleship. "Chains, there!" "Aye, aye, sir." "Is she going astern yet?" "No, sir." Commanding and executive officer exchanged significant glances. "It looks as if we were hard and fast, Coates." "Give her time to get a foothold. The next couple of minutes will tell the story, sir." The next few seconds did tell the story that they were waiting to hear in almost breathless expectancy. A slight lurch to port occurred. The beating of the engines seemed to be suddenly subdued. "Going--astern--sir," sang the man in the chains. "All clear," bellowed the bow watch. "Coates, we're off!" said the captain, lifting his cap and wiping the perspiration from his brow. The jackies on the after deck set up a great cheer. "Mr. Navigator, have you got this shoal down on your chart now?" "Yes, sir." "Please see that there is no mistake about it. Have you got the ranges marked on the chart also?" "Yes, sir." "Very good. We do not want this thing to happen to us again, or to any one else. We have been very lucky in getting off so easily." "Are you going to have the bottom examined?" asked the executive. "Yes, when we get to the other side of the bay. Quartermaster, head her east by south one half." "East by south one half she is. On the mark, sir." "Hold her there till you get that point of land abeam, then swing." "Aye, aye, sir." "Chains, there, keep the lead going." The ship swung slowly round, then headed away on the new course, which she followed as the captain had directed. When opposite the point of land indicated a sharp turn was made, the vessel heading for the opposite side of the bay. After half an hour the battleship had arrived at her first anchorage. At command, engines were stopped. Starboard anchor chains rattled loudly, sending up a shower of sparks as the anchor shot downward. Then the ship swung into the tide and came to rest. "Do you wish the divers to go down now?" "No; not until later. Have the hold examined, to see if she is leaking forward and report to me at once." "Very good, sir," answered the executive, saluting. "Where will you be--here on the bridge?" "No; I think I shall go to my cabin and have a good square meal. Strange to say, for the first time to-day I have an appetite." CHAPTER XX DAN BEFORE THE BOARD The reports that the commanding officer received in his cabin were very encouraging. No water was found in the hold forward, and there was no indication that any damage had been done to the ship. After finishing his lunch, the captain ordered the divers over to make an examination of the ship's bottom from the outside. They reported that the bottom was not even scratched by contact with the sand of the bay. "We will discontinue torpedo practice for the day, Coates. It will be too late to do anything more. To-morrow we will go on with the work where we left off. I shall be busy the rest of the afternoon making a report to the Navy Department of the accident." In his report the commanding officer told the full story, including the warning that Seaman Daniel Davis had wig-wagged to the ship from far out on the torpedo range. In the early evening Dan was hunted out by the captain's orderly, who told the lad that the captain wished to see him in the former's quarters. Dan was not sure whether he was in for a reprimand or not. But he hastened below as fast as he could. "Good evening, lad," greeted the captain in a kindly tone. "Good evening, sir," answered Dan. "You discovered the shoal spot on your way out to the range to-day, did you not?" "Yes, sir." "How did you come to do that!" "I try to observe everything, sir. The water there did not look like the rest of the water of the bay, so I looked over and saw the bottom." "Exactly. Why did you not notify the ship? You had reasons for not doing so, eh?" "Yes, sir." "What were they?" "In the first place, sir, it would have been presumptuous of me to have done so. In the second place, I thought that, of course, the navigator knew every inch of the bottom hereabouts." "So did I," nodded the captain. "Your suppositions were wise. Knowing of the shoal place, you kept watch of us?" "Yes, sir." "How did you discover our danger from where you were?" "I took shore sights as I went out, so that I might be able to locate the shoal if needed." The eyes of the commanding officer gleamed with appreciation. "You saw us heading on to it!" "Yes, sir, I was watching you through the glass. When I saw that you were going to strike it, if you kept your course, I took the great liberty of warning you." "Thank you, my lad. A board of inquiry will sit and pass upon the accident. That will, no doubt, be done within the next twenty-four hours. Other ships of the fleet will be in this afternoon, and the court will probably sit early to-morrow morning." "And now, my lad," continued the captain, "I wish to express my deep appreciation for what you have done." "I have done nothing, sir, except my duty, and I am not sure but that I have exceeded the limits of good discipline in that." "By no means. Had you not done as you did the 'Long Island' would have driven full speed on the sand bar. She would be there still; she might have been there for many days to come; in fact, it might have meant the loss of the battleship. The Navy Department and the commanding officer of this ship owe you a heavy debt of gratitude, Seaman Davis. I can show my appreciation only by recommending you to the Department at the present moment. They possibly may show theirs in another way, and then I shall be able to do more for you." "Thank you, sir. I am not looking for rewards. I am trying to do my duty, to serve my country and my Flag to the best of my ability." "Davis, you are a splendid fellow," said the captain, rising and grasping the Battleship Boy by the hand impulsively. "Go on as you have been going, and there is little doubt as to what the outcome will be. Rest assured that I shall leave nothing undone that I can do, consistently with good discipline, to further your interests. I hear you have been chosen for the racing crew," added the commanding officer with a twinkle in his eyes. "Yes, sir; that is, I am to be tried out, myself, and also my chum, Sam Hickey." "I have no doubt that you will do well. It will be a splendid thing for you, giving you a new viewpoint from which to look upon the life of the sailor in Uncle Sam's Navy. I may have something further to say to you later on. That will be all for the present." Dan saluted and left the captain's quarters. The boy said nothing of what had been discussed in the captain's cabin. Not even to his own chum did he repeat a word of it. On the following morning a board of inquiry which had been ordered at once by the Navy Department convened on board the "Long Island" in full dress. The court consisted of the captains and commanders of other ships of the fleet. The ship's company were in their best clothes for the occasion. As the officers came over the side, sailors manned the gangway, two on each side, as befitted the rank of the officers visiting the ship. With this inquiry no one except the captain and his executive officer had anything to do. The board of inquiry assembled in the reception room at the stern of the ship below, where they went into executive session, taking the evidence of the captain, the executive officer, and later the testimony of the navigator, who, by his charts, proved that the shoal had been indicated on none of them. Dan was summoned to the court after the evidence had been taken. He was a little excited, because he feared that his evidence would count against the captain; but he entered the room with confident, easy bearing and stood awaiting the command of the president of the court. Dan gave his name and rating in the service. The officers were struck with the clean-cut face, the intelligent eye and the steady nerve of the young seaman. There was approval of his type in every face there, but no one was more proud of the Battleship Boy than was the captain. To all the questions put to him by the board of inquiry the lad gave quick, comprehensive answers. He volunteered no information of his own accord, merely answering the questions that were asked of him. He told of having discovered the shoal water, and of measuring the depth with his eye. "How did you happen to discover that the water was shoal!" questioned one of the officers. "From the color of it, sir." "How long have you been in the service, did you say?" "Nearly a year, sir." "Did you volunteer to testify before this court?" "I did not, sir." "It is at my suggestion to you that the lad has been called here," spoke up the captain. "He was unaware that he was to testify, until you sent for him." "You saw that the ship was headed directly for the shoal?" asked one of the officers, addressing Davis. "Yes, sir." "And you signaled them of their danger?" "Yes, sir." "Could the shoal water not be seen from the bridge of the ship, do you think?" "I was not on the bridge, sir. I could not say. From the direction of the sun I should say the whole bay looked alike, judging from my observation when I have been up there, sir." "Very good." The officer was seeking to draw out the Battleship Boy to serve some purpose of his own. "Why did you not notify the ship at once of your discovery?" "I did not feel at liberty to do so, sir. I considered that it would be an impertinence to do so." "That will be all, Davis. You may retire." The court of inquiry closed soon after that, and the board took the evidence into consideration, excluding all persons from the cabin, including the captain. The whole ship's company seemed to feel a sense of depression. They did not believe their commanding officer had been at fault, but they knew that Seaman Davis had saved the ship. Envious eyes were cast at the lad during the rest of the day. Dan, however, appeared not to observe this. He was more worried than any of his fellows, feeling that perhaps had he acted upon his first impulse, and notified the ship's officers of his discovery, all this might have been avoided. After the inquiry the board lunched with the captain. Then they took their departure from the ship with the same formality that they had boarded it. It was noticed, after they had left, that the commanding officer appeared much relieved. His face brightened considerably, and the lines of worry that had appeared there after the accident seemed to have disappeared. "I guess the Old Man feels better," whispered Sam to his chum. "He must have got a hunch." They did not know it, but the board had held him blameless, subject to the approval of the Navy Department. "Don't use slang. And, besides, I do not like to hear you refer to our captain as the 'Old Man.' It is not respectful." "Everybody calls him that." "Well, you are not everybody. Be different, for a change." "Everybody in the Navy calls the captain the 'Old Man.'" "You never heard me do so, did you?" "Well, no," admitted Sam; "but you're not the whole Navy." "I'm a very little part of it, but I have my ideas as to what is right and wrong." The captain was standing on deck watching the work that was going on. The boatswain's mate was seen to come aft on the superstructure. "Harper," called the captain. "Aye, aye, sir." "This will be a good opportunity to get out the racing gig." "Now, sir?" "No; not now. This afternoon, after four o'clock. The tide will not be strong then and the weather is fine. Some of these lads are anxious to get their try-out, too," with a glance at Dan Davis and Sam Hickey, which brought a flush to the face of each of the Battleship Boys. There was a stir among the crew as the captain made the announcement. All their hopes were centered in the trim racing gig. To their way of thinking there was not another boat in the fleet in the same class with the "Long Island's" racing gig. Half a dozen men were instantly told off to rub the boat down under the watchful eyes of Joe Harper. All the rest of the afternoon they busied themselves about the gig, until, at last, the command was given, "Get ready for practice spin." The members of the racing crew hurried to their quarters, and, at four o'clock sharp, appeared on deck, clad only in short trunks and shoes. Each man carried an oar, which he stood butt down on the deck in front of him. The officers ran their eyes over the twelve muscular young men. The glances of all finally dwelt on Dan Davis and Sam Hickey and murmurs of surprise ran over the assemblage. Sam's arms were knotted with muscles, as were his back and legs. But it was Seaman Davis who, of the twelve, attracted the most attention. Dan's muscles were not bunched like those of his companion; they were rounded in beautiful curves, symmetrical like those of a well-groomed race horse. "No wonder Dynamite put a cauliflower ear on old Kester," laughed a shipmate. "He's in wonderful condition," confided the captain to one of his officers. "That boy is a born athlete." The gig was swinging over the side in a sling, being lowered by a big crane. "Stand by," commanded the boatswain's mate, who was the coxswain of the gig. The crew of the gig lined up at the rail. "All over!" They piled down the sea ladder, taking their places in the small boat. "Toss!" The oars were raised upright. "Out oars!" The oars were placed in the rowlocks. "Cast off!" The gig was shoved clear of the ship. "Give way together!" Eleven lusty sailors put their strength into the oars and the racing gig shot away from the side of the battleship, sending up a shower of white spray as it plunged into a rising swell. CHAPTER XXI IN THE RACING GIG Sam Hickey had been given the place nearest to the coxswain, with Dan just behind him. Some of the others were inclined to grumble at that, for Sam was next to the stroke oar, a position of honor. Joe Harper, however, had his own ideas. He wanted the Battleship Boys near him, so that he might watch their work more closely. "A little quicker on the recovery, there, Hickey. That's better. Davis, you're doing well. You pull like an old-timer. Number one, there, you're lagging. Swing your body from the hips and come forward as if you were going to throw yourself on your face. That's it! Now get in time as I count. When I say one, every man have his blade in the water and begin to pull. Now, one! one! one! one! one! one! Keep it up!" The gig danced over the water at increasing speed. All at once Sam Hickey uttered a yell. In attempting to turn his head to wink at Dan he had turned the blade of his oar forward. Of course he caught a crab. The boat was moving so swiftly that the force of the blow that Hickey got from the oar doubled him up, knocking him clear back into Dan's lap. "O-u-u-u-ch!" yelled Sam, holding his stomach, his face working convulsively in his effort to control himself. "Hurt you?" questioned Dan. "I--I think it turned me around inside." "You lubber, what did you do that for?" demanded the coxswain. "Wha--what did I do--it for! Do you think I did that for fun? Do you think I did it on purpose?" Sam groaned again. "You were looking around; you weren't attending to your business." "I was not looking around. I was just trying to look around. If I'd been looking around I wouldn't have fallen on my back, would I?" The men had ceased rowing, at command of the coxswain. Some of them were laughing at Hickey's predicament, while others were grumbling. "Nice kind of a lubber to put aboard the gig!" growled a voice. "Silence!" commanded the coxswain. "I'm commanding this boat just now. Hickey, sit up there!" Sam did so, at the same time making a wry face. "Are you able to go on? If not, we'll return to the ship and get a man who is." Sam straightened up instantly. "I'm all right, sir. I'll never go fishing for crabs in a gig again, sir." The crew roared with laughter, but the red-headed boy was as solemn as an owl. Once more they fell to their oars. Hickey redeemed himself during the rest of the practice. He caught no more crabs, but pulled a steady, quick stroke that brought nods of approval from the coxswain. As for Seaman Davis, he never missed a stroke, and as the boat shot on he seemed to pick up in strength like a powerful gasoline motor under low speed on a steep hill. His oar swung with the precision of a piece of automatic machinery. By this time the gig had gotten so far away that she could be made out from the ship only by the glasses of the officers. Finally they rounded a point of land, and the coxswain steered his boat into still water. "Toss oars!" he commanded. Eleven oars were raised upright, standing in two even rows. "Well done, lads. Out oars!" The oars struck the water with a single splash. "I'd like to see any boat crew beat that for drill," announced the coxswain. "Lads, if you do as well when we get in an actual race as you have done to-day, barring Hickey's crab-fishing, you may not get the flag, but you will be well up toward the head of the line, and that's no joke. When in a race you should row just as if you were out for practice. Never get excited. Never mind what the other fellow is doing. The coxswain is supposed to attend to that. If he wants you to know he will tell you. Put every other thought out of your mind except your rowing. At every stroke keep your eyes on your stroke oar. We will now take a sprint, when I shall give you no commands. Rely wholly on your stroke oar." At command the men began pulling. They did remarkably well, only two of them getting out of time during the entire run, which was a mile straight away. "Very well done," announced the coxswain in an approving voice. "Davis, will you take the stroke-oar seat?" "Yes, sir; if you wish." "I want to see how you will hold the seat." Dan and the stroke oar changed places. "I want you all to be familiar with the work in every part of the boat. Stroke, I have no intention of displacing you permanently." "I understand. That's all right, sir." "How fast a stroke do you wish me to hit?" questioned Davis. "About twenty to the minute. I thought you knew something about the game. Let's see if you can hit twenty." The coxswain took out his watch. "All ready. Stand by. Give way together." Dan bent far forward, allowing just enough time to elapse before straightening his back to permit the other men to get into position. Then every oar hit the water at the same instant and the gig started away, but at a slightly lower speed than they had been rowing before. "Minute's up. Exactly twenty strokes," announced the coxswain. "That was fine. Where did you learn how to time a boat! Were you ever in a race?" "Not a big one, but I have watched the college crews practising. What little I know I have just picked up; that's all." "You're a mighty good picker-up, then, that's all I've got to say about it," answered the coxswain, with a short laugh. "The battleship is making signals, sir," spoke up Dan. "How do you know?" "I caught the flutter of a flag up aloft." "No need of telescopes when you are around," said the coxswain, placing a glass to his eyes. "Recall for the gig is up," he said. "Get under way. Davis, you hold the stroke oar on the way back." "How fast, sir?" "About eighteen strokes to the minute for a time. We will increase it to twenty and so on up. Don't wear your men out before you get home, though." "No, sir; I won't." The men settled down to the long, leisurely stroke, which they kept up until they were within about a mile of the ship. "Shall I hit her up?" "Yes." "How fast?" "Use your judgment. Do you want to make a finish?" "Yes, sir; it will do us all good." "Go ahead." From eighteen strokes to the minute Dan worked it up to thirty, but so gradually that the men did not realize how fast they were going. They were drawing near the ship. "Now, every man of you look alive to his work," warned the coxswain. "We do not want to make an exhibition of ourselves when we get near the ship. The whole ship's crew would have the laugh on us. Row as if you were in a race. Watch your stroke oar. That's it. Settle right down and saw wood." The boat leaped ahead. Thirty-two strokes to the minute rolled up, then thirty-five. The white foam was shooting from the bow of the gig, while the coxswain was stooping forward, his glistening eyes fixed on the battleship. With a great burst of speed the gig dashed up, every man pulling, every back glistening, under the salt spray that covered it. The rails were lined with jackies. They set up a great cheer as the boat drew in and the command, "Toss oars!" was given. It had been a great practice cruise and the ship's company was filled with wild excitement and anticipation. Dan had made a wonderful sprint as the stroke oar. CHAPTER XXII AN EXCITING MOMENT "You are on the crew, you and Seaman Hickey," said the boatswain's mate later in the evening. "I think I will put you in the stroke-oar position, after all." "The other man will be displeased, will he not!" asked Dan. "Every man in that boat must be willing to do whatever he can to perfect our organization, to help us win the race, even if he has to jump overboard to do it." Dan nodded his approval. "I wouldn't jump overboard for any old race," muttered Sam. "I can get wet enough by staying on board." Every day thereafter the racing crew went out. No change in the crew had been found necessary, and her coxswain considered that he had the best crew in the fleet. Excitement was daily growing, as the time approached for the great gig race, when boats from all the ships of the fleet would enter the contest. A valuable silver cup was to be the trophy to be raced for. It would have a place of honor on the ship of the winning crew, where it would remain for a year and perhaps longer--remain until some other ship's racing crew should win it. Each afternoon the gig's crew was turned out for a practice spin. The men were working better and better, pulling almost as one man. Even the ship's officers felt that they had never had a better chance to win the cup, and were proportionately elated. A short cruise was made up to the Maine coast; then the ship returned to her former anchorage to complete the torpedo practice that had been interrupted when the battleship went aground. The first night on the anchorage proved an exciting one. Off some four miles, behind a point of land where her cage masts could be faintly made out, lay the flagship with the admiral of the fleet on board. He had come in while the "Long Island" was off up the coast on her short cruise. When an admiral is about it behooves the commanders of other ships to be on their guard, to keep a sharp lookout for surprises. Admirals are prone to give most unexpected orders at any time. For that reason the first night on the old anchorage saw more than one officer of the deck on duty. One was placed on the bridge and one aft on the quarter-deck. The ship settled down to silence at the usual hour; the seamen were in their hammocks and the officers had retired to their staterooms for a night's rest in the quiet waters of the bay. Eight bells had just struck, midnight, when a messenger rushed down to the captain's quarters from the quarter-deck. Without waiting to knock, he called loudly, as he poked his head in through the curtained doorway. "What is it?" "Abandon ship, sir!" Without an instant's hesitation the commanding officer reached up over his bed, pulling down a brass lever with a violent jerk. Gongs began to crash all over the ship, from the stoke hole to the navigating bridge. "Abandon ship!" bellowed boatswain's mates and masters-at-arms. "Abandon ship!" sang voices in the forecastle, the cry being taken up from lip to lip from one end to the other of the great battleship. Men tumbled from their hammocks, and, without waiting to pull on their clothes, dashed for the open decks. From far below black-faced stokers ran up the companion ladders and burst out on the topside. "Man the lifeboats! Everything overboard!" sang an officer through a megaphone. The signal gongs were clanging automatically all through the ship. They would continue to do so for full five minutes, giving no excuse for any one to be left on board. Boats and rafts were going over at a rapid rate, the great cranes swinging out the heavier boats with speed and precision. Most of the men were working coolly while others--the newer men on board--were showing signs of excitement. A red-haired boy came dashing up to the top of the superstructure. "What's the matter--what's the matter?" he shouted. "Oh, the ship's on fire," answered some one. "On fire--where?" "Over there. She's going down. You'll have to hurry or you'll get caught in the suction. Look over the side and you'll see the fire coming right up out of the sea." Sam Hickey dashed to the side of the ship and leaned forward to peer over. He did not know that the rope railings had come down at the first alarm in order to facilitate putting over the rafts and other deck equipment. When Sam leaned, there was nothing to lean upon. The result was that he toppled right on over. "Man overboard!" came the familiar cry. "Cast the life rings." "Look out below there. Man overboard!" roared an officer through his trumpet. "Where away?" answered a voice from the boats down in the darkness. "He fell over from topside," answered another. "Who is the man?" "Seaman Hickey." "Find him, find him! What are you doing down there, you lazy lubbers? You stand there letting a man drown without making an effort to save him!" "Who's drowning?" demanded a voice over the heads of the men in the small boats. "Hickey; Seaman Hickey!" "Pshaw! Seaman Hickey isn't drowning, and I don't believe the ship's on fire, either. What's the matter with you fellows! Whole ship's been having bad dreams, I guess." "Who are you?" "I'm Hickey. I guess I ought to know." "Where are you?" "I'm sitting on top of the steamer's awning just now, but if you wiggle around much more below there, I'll be in the foaming brine." "Is that you, Hickey?" called an officer from the quarter-deck. "Yes, sir." "How did you get there?" "Fell here, sir. I didn't jump, sir. Honest, I fell off the ship. I might have been going yet if----" "That will do," commanded the officer in a stern voice. "Get off the steamer's hood, and be quick about it!" Sam slid down a stanchion, causing the small steamer to careen dangerously. Two sailors grabbed him by the legs and hauled him aboard, Hickey's head and shoulders being plunged into the sea as they did so. Sam came aboard choking, sputtering and threatening to thrash the whole steamer's crew. "Silence in steamer number one!" roared an officer. "Aye, aye," answered Sam. "You shut up!" ordered the coxswain. "Do you think you are running this boat?" "I nearly ran my head through the roof of the confounded thing," retorted Sam, wringing the water out of his red hair. "What's all this row about, anyway? I don't see any fire or anything else worth getting out of bed for at this time of night." "Sam, is that you making all that noise?" questioned Dan Davis, from a whaleboat that had pulled alongside. "I don't know about the noise. I'm in steamer number one, if that's what you mean." "What happened to you?" "I didn't change my mind this time, and I fell overboard, that's all." "Did you fall in?" "No, I fell on--and that's worse." "On what?" "I fell on top of the steamer. I was headed all right, but the steamer got in my way. I'd have made a beauty dive into the salt sea if the steamer hadn't got in the way. But what's all this ruction for?" "It is a drill." "A drill!" exclaimed Hickey in disgust. "Yes." "What kind of drill?" "Abandoning ship." "Pshaw, if I'd have known that I'd stayed in bed. The idea of a drill in the middle of the night, and after I've rowed half way to Europe in the racing gig. Who started this thing, anyway?" "The admiral signaled all ships in the harbor to abandon ship. I presume all of them are taking the time, and we shall see who succeeded in getting away from their ship first." "I'll bet I'd have broken the record if they had taken my time. That's the only way to abandon ship in a hurry." "How's that, Hickey?" questioned a shipmate. "Head first," answered Sam. "Return to ship," came the command. "Be lively there, men. This counts on record, too. All boats to be hoisted aboard as they were." The men piled over the side of the ship to the decks in fully as quick time as they had left. In a very brief time the small boats were emptied, excepting for the men who were manning them, two men in each boat to attend to making fast the falls for hoisting and riding up to the decks in the little craft. The drill was ended without a mishap, save that which had occurred when Hickey tried to lean against the ship's rail and failed. Lights, red, white and blue, were twinkling from the masts of the various ships at anchor in the bay, while officers on the bridge of the "Long Island" were reading them. "Is signalman there?" called the captain from the bridge. "Aye, aye, sir," came the response. "Signal the flagship that the 'Long Island's' crew abandoned ship in four minutes and twenty seconds." The signalman did so, working the keyboard of his signal apparatus--that somewhat resembled a typewriter machine--causing colored lights to flash and twinkle far up on the forward mast of his own ship. "'Good work, sir,' the admiral says." "Ask him for the best time." "Flagship signals that the 'Long Island' has made a record for abandoning ship. Five minutes best time in previous record. To-night's second-best record, four minutes and fifty seconds." "Mr. Coates, will you pass the word to the men by megaphone?" asked the captain. "Aye, aye, sir. Battleship crew, there!" "Aye, aye, sir," roared a hundred or more voices. "The 'Long Island' beats all competitors in abandoning ship by thirty seconds, and has broken all previous records." A roar went up that fairly shook the ship; then two hundred voices were raised in song: "Oh, say, can you see, by the dawn's early light, What so proudly we hailed at the twilight's last gleaming?" The strains of the inspiring song floated out over the waters of the bay until one verse had been sung, the officers offering no objection to the jollification. But, ere the men could begin on the second verse, the bugle blared loudly, piping all hands back to hammocks. Ten minutes later the battleship was silent and the decks deserted. The "Long Island's" crew, almost to a man, was sound asleep. CHAPTER XXIII THE ACT OF A HERO "All hands prepare for torpedo practice," was again the command on the following morning. At least six torpedoes were to be fired that day, to complete the practice required of each ship. The "Long Island" got up steam and pulled away to a remote part of the bay, so as not to be bothered by the other ships of the fleet. In fact, every ship in the bay was doing the same thing--getting off by itself. The same tactics were to be followed as had been used on the day when the battleship went aground; that is, firing when the ship was traveling at full speed, about seventeen knots an hour. The red-headed boy was retained on shipboard to attend to the wig-wagging, Dan going out in the motor boat with an engineer and coxswain. "Red flag up!" shouted Dan. "Keep clear of the course." The ship's siren blew, and soon they saw the path made by the marine monster heading off in their direction. Dan, in the motor boat, was near the extreme end of the range. "Better sheer off, coxswain, because you can't tell where the old torpedo is going when it gets near the end of its run. There she goes." The torpedo took a long dive at an angle of about forty-five degrees from her course. "Look where she's going!" Off in the direction that the projectile was headed was a fleet of fishermen in small boats, tending to their nets, which were scattered over an area of a quarter of a mile, standing almost end to end. "Head toward them, head toward them! We must warn them!" The coxswain was a seaman, not a coxswain by appointment, and he did not appear to be as familiar with the work as he might have been. The regular coxswain of the motor boat was in the sick bay, though Dan did not know this. "Torpedo heading your way! Look out for her!" he shouted with hands to mouth. "Pull out, men; pull out for your lives!" The fishermen looked at the Battleship Boy, standing poised on the plunging bow of the motor boat, wondering if he had gone crazy. "Pull out, I tell you! There she comes!" The motor boat was driving; ahead full speed. "They'll be hit, sure as fate," groaned the boy. "They can't see her because they are so low in the water." A yell from the fishermen told him that they had made sudden discovery of their peril. Dan, with his wig-wag flag, motioned to them to separate at a certain point. For a wonder they understood and laid to their oars in great haste. All at once from the water right at the side of one of the fishing boats the torpedo emerged. It missed the boat by a matter of inches only, but the tail of the projectile hooked the keel. Like a flash the fishing boat turned over and the men were scrambling in the water. "Drive in there, full speed!" commanded Dan. "We'll get fouled in the fish nets." "Never mind the nets. Those men may drown. Drive in there, I say!" The man at the wheel did as the Battleship Boy had ordered him to. "Now, slow down. Drift in." A moment more and the life lines shot out, a half dozen wet and angry fishermen being hauled aboard the motor boat. The men were fighting angry. Shaking the water from their clothes, they started for Dan with angry imprecations. Not only had they been upset, but they discovered that the truant torpedo was driving through their nets. Yells of rage from the fishermen in other boats told Dan that they, too, had discovered what was occurring. On went the torpedo, ripping net after net. It seemed bent upon destruction, for, after passing through all the nets in its course, it turned almost squarely about and dived through the rest of the nets. Every net, with its burden of fish, was utterly destroyed. Dan grabbed up a boat hook as he saw the rescued men meant business. "Stand back!" he commanded. "I'll smash the first one of you who comes forward. Ahoy there, fishing boats. Come up here and take these men off, and no nonsense about it, either." The men hesitated. "Throw him overboard!" cried a more turbulent spirit. "Try it, if you want to, men, but I warn you this is a government boat. If you commit an assault on board, or on one of its crew, you will be in for a long term in a federal prison. Think you want to take that chance?" That settled it. The men realized that the young sailor was right, and their anger cooled almost at once. "The government will pay you for all the damage done to your nets, as you well know. Draw alongside here," he commanded to one of the boats. "Back out, coxswain. We are drifting around into the nets." Dan wig-wagged to one of the whaleboats, asking them to row in and make fast to the torpedo, for his own boat could get in no further. The fishermen, thinking he was signaling for assistance, did not wait for the fishing boat that was coming to take them off. They sprang overboard and swam for the boat. "You didn't have to do that," called Dan. "You'll be saying next that we made you jump overboard." The whaleboat made fast to the torpedo very quickly; then one of the steamers towed the huge projectile back to the ship, where it was hoisted aboard. For the next shot the motor boat took up its station down nearer to the ship, about half way between the end of the range and the battleship. Orders from the ship were to have the whaleboats take positions at the end of the course. They, being of lesser draught, could get in closer to shore and could get the torpedo out in case it drove into shallow water as before. Near by lay steamer number two with twelve men and an ensign on board. Both the motor boat and the steamer cruised slowly about while waiting for the red flag to go up on the signal halyard, warning them that another shot was about to be fired. "Lay back farther," came the signal from the battleship. "Motor boat or steamer?" wig-wagged Dan. "Both." "Steamer there!" called Dan. "Aye, aye." "Battleship orders you to lay back farther, and to keep off the course." The steamer shifted its position, and Dan's boat pulled farther away, at the same time moving off a little more toward the shore. The two boats were now on opposite sides of the course that the torpedo was expected to travel, though one can never be sure just where these instruments of war are likely to go. "Battleship under way," signaled Dan to the other small boats out on the field. For a time he watched the warship that was heading for the other side of the bay. Finally the ship turned and started back, with a big, white "bone between her teeth," as the saying goes when a ship is plowing up the sea. "Red flag going up," called the signal boy. "Wherry, there, ordered to lay to starboard of the target," he signaled to the little boat dancing on the waves half a mile away. The small boat quickly took its position as ordered from the ship. The siren blew a long blast, and with eyes turned toward the ship, all the boat crews pulled back to a safe distance. "Torpedo on the way," signaled Sam Hickey from his position on the ship. "Torpedo under way," wig-wagged Dan Davis to the other boats. "Get under way, the battleship signals," he told the little fleet. At the same time the motor boat started along the course that the torpedo was expected to follow, the small steamer a little in the lead. "She's running close to the surface," muttered the Battleship Boy, watching the projectile. "I can see the water spurting from her bows. She'll never complete the run." He turned to look at the steamer. He observed that she was at right angles to the course. "Sheer off! Sheer off!" shouted Dan. "You're right on the course. You'll be hit!" "We're disabled. Motor boat, there!" shouted the ensign in the small steamer. "Aye, aye, answered Dan. "Lay over and help us out. We've thrown our propeller." "Full speed ahead. May I take the tiller?" The acting coxswain good-naturedly stepped aside, Dan taking the steering wheel of the motor boat from his hands. The lad's eyes traveled rapidly from the advancing torpedo to the steamer that was rolling on a heavy swell, her crew of more than a dozen men leaning over the side, straining their eyes to make out the torpedo. "She's going to strike us, sir," shouted the coxswain. "Can't help it," answered the ensign. "All hands be ready to go overboard when I give the command. Some of us will be caught. We don't know where she is going to hit us." The officer knew that only a miracle could save some of his crew from being crushed to death when the heavy torpedo struck the little steamer. To move the men to safe parts of the boat was not possible, for it was impossible to say where the projectile would strike. Perhaps she might change her course and not hit them at all. That seemed to be the only hope now. Turning their eyes, they saw the motor boat smashing through the sea, throwing the water high from her bows. Dan Davis was leaning well forward, one hand on the steering wheel, the other on the engine control, his eyes watching the torpedo and the steamer. Now he would slow down ever so little, then drive ahead at full speed, as if jockeying to cross the line in an international race. The ensign was watching him with fascinated interest. He knew that the boy had some daring plan in mind, but what that plan was he could not understand. The officer was on the point of shouting to the Battleship Boy to turn in and push them out of the way, but he refrained. Dan had thought of this very thing, but he knew the chances were against his being able to do so. He chose a bolder and more brilliant way of saving the boat's crew, or of trying to save them. The engineer of the motor boat was under the hood watching the engines. "Get out of there quick!" commanded Dan. The engineer came tumbling out from his cramped quarters. "What--what----" he exclaimed. "Keep still! Don't talk to me. All hands hold fast, for something is going to happen in a minute." At that instant the lad swung the bow of his boat about, heading it directly toward the course of the advancing torpedo. "Look out! You'll run into her!" yelled the engineer. "Don't you see she's just under the surface. She'll be on top--there she is now!" "Stand fast!" roared the boy. Torpedo and motor boat were driving toward a point where they must surely meet. Now Dan threw the speed full on. Ere any of those wide-eyed observers realized what was occurring, the crash came. The prow of the motor boat and the nose of the torpedo met with a crash that was heard far down the line. For a brief instant, projectile and boat rose into the air like two locomotives in a head-on collision. Dan Davis was lifted clear off his feet and hurled through the air, head first, into the sea. The motor boat settled back and began filling with water, half drowning the two stunned seamen who lay in the bottom of the boat. The torpedo, however, like some living monster of the deep, seemed to shake herself angrily, then she settled down and shot forward, barely grazing the stern of the steamer. Dan Davis' heroic effort had deflected the torpedo slightly from its course, just enough to cause it to clear the little steamer, thus saving the lives of at least part of the crew aboard her. A life ring at the end of a rope brought Dan out of the salt water not much the worse for his thrilling experience. "How's the motor boat?" was his first question. "Pretty hard hit, I guess," answered the ensign. "But that doesn't matter." The other steamer, having observed that an accident had occurred, put on all steam and hastened to the scene of the wreck. About that time some one discovered that the ship was making signals, and the ensign asked Dan if he felt able to answer them. For answer the lad asked for a signal flag. One was placed in his hands, together with a spy glass. "Battleship asking what the trouble is," he called. "Tell them." "Aye, aye, sir." "And, while you are about it, you might tell them that Seaman Davis, by his quick wit and pluck, saved the steamer and perhaps all our lives." "Is that a command, sir?" "No. Only a suggestion," answered the ensign, with an indulgent smile, as he noted the boy's confusion. "Battleship signaling for motor boat and steamer to return, sir." "Tell them we both will have to come in in tow, then." "Orders for second steamer to tow us in, sir." The ensign gave the order to the other steamer. While all this was going on a whaleboat had run alongside the motor boat and had taken off the two men who had been left on her. They were more or less dazed, but not seriously hurt. A brief examination of the motor boat's engine developed the fact that the engine had been wrenched loose from its foundation. The nose of the boat had been badly smashed. Dan was of the opinion, however, that the damage to the boat could be repaired in a day. Things were not nearly so bad as they looked to be at first glance. The two disabled boats, towed by the steamer, made their way slowly back to the ship. "This torpedo practice has been a fine piece of business," Dan confided to a shipmate. "It strikes me that this will be a good time to quit, or somebody will get hurt." "I guess you are IT, then. You'll catch it when the captain sees his motor boat," answered the other, with a laugh. The captain's lips pursed as, through his glasses, he made out the broken bow of his boat. He said nothing until Dan and the ensign had boarded the battleship. "Ensign, who is responsible for the condition of that boat?" he demanded. The ensign stepped aside and held a few moments' earnest conversation with the commanding officer. As he went on the stern expression on the captain's face gave place to one of admiration. He nodded his head approvingly. Those who did not understand how the motor boat had been wrecked, felt sorry for Seaman Davis. In fact, Dan was beginning to feel sorry for himself, as he realized what he had done. "Davis, come here!" commanded the captain. The boy approached, saluting. "Mr. Brant has told me the story of your brilliant exploit. I congratulate you, my lad." "I--I am sorry, sir, that I smashed your boat." "What is the boat when compared to a human life?" "That--that is what I thought, sir. I did not think you would feel very sorry about the boat when you knew." "I should say not. But what about your own life? You gave no thought to that, did you?" "N--no, sir." "That is the way with all brave men, and that act of yours was one of the bravest I have ever seen. I want every man on board this ship to know about it--to hear the full story. Mr. Coates," beckoning to the executive officer. "Aye, aye, sir." "Call a general muster on the quarter-deck to-night and read my commendation of Seaman Davis' heroic conduct." "Aye, aye, sir," "But, Davis, I am sorry to say that your racing ambitions will not be gratified this fall." Dan's face showed his disappointment, but he said no word. "The first torpedo, one of the unlucky ones, fell on Boatswain's Mate Harper as it was being hoisted aboard, and broke a leg. Some one was to blame for the accident. I do not know who, but I shall know." "Oh, that is too bad!" breathed Dan, turning away to his disappointment. "It's all off, Sam," he said when a few minutes later he joined his chum. "What's off!" "The race we were to row day after to-morrow." "On account of Joe Harper?" "Yes, have you seen him?" "No; I guess they won't let anybody see him to-day." The boys went about their work for the rest of the day with downcast countenances. The entire crew was in the doldrums. All their hopes, pinned to the "Long Island's" racing crew, had been suddenly dashed. A race now seemed out of the question. There was neither laughter nor song in the forecastle that night. All hands went to bed surly and disgusted. On the following morning the captain's orderly called Dan Davis from his gun station, with the information that the captain directed Seaman Davis to proceed to the sick bay to see Boatswain's Mate Harper. Dan obeyed the order, wondering at its having come to him through the source it did. "Oh, I'm so sorry, Mr. Harper," said the lad as he entered the sick bay, and the boatswain's mate extended a hand to him. "I'm sorry for the race, and I am sorry for you. It's too bad." "Yes; I've got a bad knockout. I don't believe my leg ever will be right. I guess they will retire me, all right. But that isn't what I sent for you to talk about. I want to talk about the race." "The race? Why, there won't be any race now--that is, so far as we are concerned. Some of the other ships will carry off the cup now." Harper smiled wanly. "There must be. The crew must run the race just the same." "But it will not be possible without you." "Perhaps there is no one on board who understands the racing game quite as well as I do. I have run many of these gig races, Davis. But there is one man on board in whom I have great confidence. He has the pluck. He knows rowing. Even if he doesn't win, which could hardly be expected of him, he'll make some of the other fellows work for their laurels." Dan's eyes were glowing. "I--I am so glad to hear you say that, Mr. Harper. That is good news, indeed. Then we will have the race after all?" "Yes; the race will be run. They shall not have an opportunity to say that the battleship 'Long Island' got cold feet at the last minute." "They'd better not say it before me," answered Dan in a low voice. "That's the talk!" "May I ask who the man is who will act as coxswain of the racing gig in to-morrow's race, sir?" "Yes, you may. You will be surprised when I tell you. The man who is going to run the 'Long Island's' boat is named Daniel Davis." "Da--Da--I--I am to be coxswain to-morrow?" gasped the boy. "Yes, you, Dan. And you're going to do yourself and every man on this great ship proud." Dan sat down in a chair rather suddenly. His face was pale and his eyes seemed larger than usual. "I--I am to race the crew?" "You are to race the crew. I have asked that you be released from duty to-day. Go off somewhere by yourself and think it over. Get your balance; then come back here and we will talk it over." Dan walked out of the sick bay without a word. His emotions were so great that he could not talk. CHAPTER XXIV CONCLUSION The jackies of the battleship set up a great cheer. Coxswain Davis and the eleven men of his racing crew were lined up on the quarterdeck of the "Long Island." On the decks of a dozen other ships in the bay a similar spectacle might have been seen. The great race for the silver cup was about to be run. But, now that Joe Harper was unable to guide the boat of the "Long Island," the other ships feared none save the racing crew of the "Georgia." "Never mind if you don't win, Dynamite. You've got the pluck; you've got the sand. It won't be your fault. But make 'em hump. Make 'em work for what they get," shouted a jackie. Dan smiled faintly. There was little color in his face, but no one was able to find a trace of nervousness there. "If that boy had the experience, I should expect to see him win," confided an officer to his companion. "I don't know. This putting green men in a racing boat is bad business. I hear he has put his friend Sam Hickey in as stroke oar." "Yes." The officer shook his head. "All aboard," commanded Dan. The boy had received detailed instructions from Joe Harper; yet, for all of that, all depended upon Dan and his crew. No one could coach them to the winning point from a sick bed. The men took their places in the gig. A gun was fired from the flagship warning the crews to start for the stake boat. As they pulled away the sailors lined the side of the battleship, cheering until they could cheer no more. Something in the quiet determination of Dan Davis had filled them with hope. A practice spin, the night before, had put Dan and his men in closer touch. They, too, felt a confidence in the little coxswain who never lost his head nor got excited, no matter how great the emergency. The race was to be four miles, two miles and a turn, starting from the scratch, the bow of the flagship marking the starting point. The turning buoy was just past the "Long Island." The racing boats lined up off the flagship where the men received their instructions from the referee, who shouted out his orders through a megaphone. The racers were to start on a gun signal. The Battleship Boy's slender figure, hunched down in the stern of the "Long Island's" gig, brought a smile to the face of many men that bright afternoon. It seemed a joke that a boy--a mere apprentice--should be given so important a post as that. Dan understood; he knew that the other crews were laughing at him. "Lads," he said, as they were paddling around for the scratch, "they think we are some kind of joke. Let us show them that we can give, as well as take. Keep steady. There's credit enough to go all around. If we win, no one of us will have won. All of us will have. If we lose, all of us will have lost. All ready now; toss oars!" An interval of a few seconds followed. "Let fall! Attention! Stand by!" Every back was bent. "Steady, Sam. Do your prettiest." Sam made no reply. "Boom!" The flagship's six-pounder belched forth the starting signal. "Go!" The command from the little coxswain came out like the bark of a pistol. The racing gigs of the fleet leaped forward, driven by powerful arms and backs, the bows of each boat rising right out of the water under the first pull of the long oars. Sam, at command of the coxswain, had started in with twenty-five strokes per minute. The other racing boats had struck a higher pace, resulting in their forging ahead. The "Idaho's" boat took the lead at the start. Dan was sitting calmly in the stern of his racing gig, his hand resting lightly on the tiller, watching his men and at the same time keeping his eyes roaming over the water, noting the position of the other boats and steering his course. He used the "Long Island" for his mark, steering to starboard of her, for at the distance no skipper was able to make out the turning buoy. "Thirty-two!" Sam hit up the stroke. "Hold it there steady!" The "Long Island's" gig forged ahead a little. They were now half way to the battleship. "Thirty-five!" The little boat was beginning to send a shower of spray over the backs of the oarsmen. Other boats were astern of them now, but four leaders had a good start. "Thirty-eight! Make a good showing. We're going to pass our ship now. Give them a run for their money. 'Idaho,' 'Georgia' and 'Connecticut' now have the lead. Take it easy, boys; don't get excited. We'll drive them out pretty soon. 'Idaho' is splashing and 'Georgia' just caught a crab." The gig was rapidly closing the gap that lay between it and the three boats ahead of them. The fourth one was abreast, the others, a short distance astern. "We've got them, boys. They shot their big guns at the start. Now keep her going as if you were an old family clock." A roar sounded in their ears as they plunged past the battleship. The huge cage masts were white with jackies, yelling and swinging their hats, while every inch of rail on that side of the ship was occupied by officers and men. The turn was made. The "Long Island's" gig was leading the second boat by three boat lengths. "Snap!" The stroke oar tumbled over backwards. Sam's oar had snapped short off. A great groan went up from the decks of the "Long Island." "It's all off," cried an officer. "The stroke oar is broken." "Wait! What's going on over there?" "Jump!" shouted Coxswain Davis. "Jump, I say!" Sam hesitated, for an instant; then the purpose of his chum dawned upon him as he rose, crouching, from his seat. Dan gave his companion a mighty push and Sam Hickey went overboard. A life ring went soaring after him. "Into his place, number two!" The man who had been Joe Harper's stroke oar slipped over into the seat vacated by Sam Hickey. Dan sprang up on the rear seat with the tiller between his legs. "Go! One, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten," he counted rapidly, to get the new stroke started in his pace. The "Idaho" and "Connecticut" had gained a slight lead over Dan's boat in the brief delay. Observing Coxswain Davis' remarkable act, the sailors once more set up a yell, and such a yell as it was! A boat was quickly manned and a crew of jackies pulled to the place where the red-haired Sam was clinging lazily to the life ring that Dan had cast to him. "He threw me overboard," complained Sam. "That is the greatest piece of quick wit that I ever saw in my life," laughed the captain excitedly. "That boy deserves to win, but he can never do it with one man short in the boat." Coxswain Davis had other views. He was still standing on the seat of the rocking, plunging boat, snapping out his commands to his men, and every man in that boat was thrilled with the encouragement that the little coxswain had instilled into him. "Go it! Beef it! More steam, number four! Swing further, number eight! Hip! hip! hip! hip! hip! Hit her up! Faster, faster, I tell you! You're winning, I tell you! Drive it! Forty-five, stroke oar." "I--I can't," gasped the stroke. "Drive it, I tell you!" yelled Dan Davis, grabbing up the boat hook, brandishing it threateningly over the head of the stroke oar. "Hip! hip! hip! hip!" he began sharp and quick, setting the pace for the higher speed. The stroke oar, with the perspiration running down his body, reached the stroke demanded. "Now, hold it, or I'll bat you with the boat hook!" threatened Dan. "Hip! hip! hip! hip! Gaining on the 'Idaho.' We've passed her. Quarter of a boat length to the good. We've got to make it more, or she'll spurt us out at the finish. Hold her there. Here she comes. She's abreast. She's spurting. Hit her up to fifty. Hit it, if it kills you! You've got to win this race, if every man in the boat drops dead." Dan was dancing about on the slender support of the stern seat, yelling like a madman, though there was not the slightest trace of excitement to be seen in his face. Those on the flagship could hear him shout and see his body moving back and forth to set the pace for the stroke oar. It was a sight that not a man who saw it ever forgot. Discipline on board the ships near by was almost forgotten. The men were shouting and yelling in their excitement. The "Idaho" and the "Long Island" were bow and bow. Scarcely two boat lengths separated them abeam. Dan knew they were there, but he did not look. His eyes were on his men. A slip, a mistake now, and all would be lost. "Fifty-five for the last time. Every ounce of muscle on the oars, lads. Go it. Kill 'em! Eat 'em alive! Whoop it up! Hip! hip! hip! hip!" The words came out with explosive force, almost with the rapidity of a Gatling gun's fire. "Boom!" roared the flagship's six-pounder. Two boats shot over the line with every siren in the fleet wailing its greeting to the winning crew. The men in the "Long Island's" gig did not know they had finished. "Cease rowing!" commanded Dan in a weak voice. His strength was well-nigh spent. The gig's crew swayed in their seats as they feathered their oars, with difficulty holding their weary bodies from going overboard. They were almost wholly spent. "Long Island" wins by half a boat length," announced an officer from the deck of the flagship. A signal fluttered from the peak of the flagship's signal halyard, giving the news to the rest of the fleet. "Boom!" roared the "Long Island's" six-pounder; then her siren screeched madly. Dan stood up and saluted the officer of the deck of the flagship. The winning crew rowed slowly back to their own ship, after a few minutes' rest. As they approached the "Long Island" the siren let loose again. Sailors danced and yelled, throwing their caps into the air, mad with delight. "Enough way," commanded Dan as his boat drew alongside of their ship. A group of sailors dashed down the gangway, stretching out their hands for him. "Get the boys out first," he said, with a pale smile. "They've worked harder than I have." But the jackies would not have it that way. They hoisted Dan to their shoulders. Others did the same with the rest of the crew, and as the victorious men came up over the side, the ship's band struck up "The Star Spangled Banner." A scene of wild excitement followed. Nothing like it had ever been seen on the quarter-deck of the battleship. Dan Davis and his crew had won what had been considered a hopeless battle; they had won the cup in the greatest race in the history of the American Navy. The captain, with his officers, as soon as they could get near enough to do so, grasped Dan by the hand. He and Sam Hickey, and the others of the crew, were the heroes of the hour. Davis and Hickey were called before the captain a few minutes later, in the presence of the entire ship's company. "Lads, this has been a great day," said the commanding officer. "We are all proud of you. And this is a most appropriate time to tell you something else I have to say--to read an order from the Navy Department at Washington which directs that Seaman Daniel Davis, for meritorious conduct, in saving the battleship from wreck, be immediately advanced to the petty-officer class, with the rating of gunner's mate, first class. The same order directs that Seaman Samuel Hickey be advanced to coxswain. Lads, I congratulate you. You deserve it. Continue as you have been doing, and some day you will be on the quarter-deck." Another deafening roar of applause greeted the announcement. The Battleship Boys had made their first real step upward. They had won their grades as petty officers. But they were only at the beginning. The ladder that they had set themselves to climb still towered high above them. They were bound to climb, however. They determined that they would not remain on a lower rung of the ladder. This was merely a beginning. Other promotions were ahead of them, promotions that were destined to come sooner than either lad dreamed. The story of these new honors, of other brave deeds, valiant efforts and stirring experiences in other climes will be told in a following volume, entitled "THE BATTLESHIP BOYS IN FOREIGN SERVICE; Or, Earning New Ratings in European Seas." THE END. 
60196	----	[Frontispiece: "A destroyer is by no means a paradise of comfort"] FULL SPEED AHEAD Tales from the Log of a Correspondent with Our Navy BY HENRY B. BESTON GARDEN CITY NEW YORK DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY 1919 Copyright, 1919, by DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY All rights reserved, including that of translation into foreign languages, including the Scandinavian Copyright, 1918, by The Atlantic Monthly Company Copyright, 1918, by The Curtis Publishing Company Copyright, 1918, by The North American Review Pub. Co, Copyright, 1918, by The American National Red Cross Copyright, 1918, by The Outlook Company To MAJOR GEORGE MAURICE SHEAHAN HARVARD UNIT R.A.M.C. A Forerunner of the Great Crusade. PREFACE These tales are memories of several months spent as a special correspondent attached to the forces of the American Navy on foreign service. Many of the little stories are personal experiences, though some are "written up" from the records and others set down after interviews. In writing them, I have not sought the laurels of an official historian, but been content to chronicle the interesting incidents of the daily life as well as the achievements and heroisms of the friends who keep the highways of the sea. To my hosts of the United States Navy one and all, I am under deep obligation for the courtesy and hospitality everywhere extended to me on my visit. But surely the greatest of my obligations is that owed to Secretary Daniels for the personal permission which made possible my journey? and for the good will with which he saw me on my way. And no acknowledgment, no matter how studied or courtly its phrasing, can express what I owe to Admiral Sims for the friendliness of my reception, for his care that I be shown all the Navy's activities, and for his constant and kindly effort to advance my work in every possible way. To Admiral Hugh Rodman of the battleship squadron, his sometime guest here renders thanks for the opportunity given him to spend some ten days aboard the American flagship and for the welcome which makes his stay aboard so pleasant a memory. To the following officers, also, am I much indebted: Captain, now Admiral Hughes, Captain J. R. Poinsett Pringle, Chief of Staff at the Irish Base, Captain Thomas Hart, Chief of Staff directing submarine operations, Commander Babcock and Commander Daniels, both of Admiral Sims' staff, Commander Bryant and Commander Carpender, both of Captain Pringle's staff, Commander Henry W. Cooke and Commander Wilson Brown, both of the destroyer flotilla, Lieutenant Horace H. Jalbert of the U.S.S. Bushnell, Lieutenant Commander Morton L. Deyo, Chaplain J. L. Neff, Lieutenant F. H. King, Lieutenant Lanman, Lieutenant Herrick, and Lieutenant Lewis Hancock, Lieutenant George Hood and Lieutenant Bumpus of our submarines. I would not end without a word of thanks to the enlisted men for their unfailing good will and ever courteous behaviour. To Mr. Ellery Sedgwick of the _Atlantic Monthly_, under whose colours I had the honour to make my journalistic cruise, I am indebted for more friendly help, counsel and encouragement than I shall ever be able to repay. And I shall not easily forget the kindly offices and unfailing hospitality of Captain Luke C. Doyle of Washington, D.C., and Mr. Sidney A. Mitchell of the London Committee of the United States Food Administration. Lucky is the correspondent sent to the Navy! H. B. B. TOPSFIELD AND QUINCY, 1919 CONTENTS Preface I An Heroic Journey II Into the Dark III Friend or Foe? IV Running Submerged V The Return of the Captains VI Our Sailors VII The Base VIII The Destroyer and Her Problem IX Torpedoed X The End of a Submarine XI "Fishing" XII Amusements XIII Storm XIV On Night Patrol XV Camouflage XVI Tragedy XVII "Consolidation not Coöperation" XVIII Machine against Machine XIX The Legend of Kelley XX Sons of the Trident XXI The Fleet XXII The American Squadron XXIII To Sea with the Fleet XXIV "Sky Pilots" XXV In the Wireless Room XXVI Marines XXVII Ships of the Air XXVIII The Sailor in London XXIX The Armed Guard XXX Going Aboard XXXI Grain XXXII Collision XXXIII The Raid by the River XXXIV On Having been both a Soldier and a Sailor ILLUSTRATIONS "A destroyer is by no means a paradise of comfort" . . . _Frontispiece_ A flock of submarines and the "mother" ship in harbour American destroyer on patrol The last of a German U-boat To enjoy their leisure between watches these officers of an American destroyer lash themselves into their seats An American battleship fleet leaving the harbour Even a super-dreadnought is wet at times An American gun crew in heavy weather (winter) outfit FULL SPEED AHEAD I AN HEROIC JOURNEY A London day of soft and smoky skies darkened every now and then by capricious and intrusive little showers was drawing to a close in a twilight of gold and grey. Our table stood in a bay of plate glass windows over-looking the embankment close by Cleopatra's needle; we watched the little, double-decked tram cars gliding by, the opposing, interthreading streams of pedestrians, and a fleet of coal barges coming up the river solemn as a cloud. Behind us lay, splendid and somewhat theatric, the mottled marble, stiff, white napery, and bright silver of a fashionable dining hall. Only a few guests were at hand. At our little table sat the captain of a submarine who was then in London for a few days on richly merited leave, a distinguished young officer of the "mother ship" accompanying our under water craft, and myself. It is impossible to be long with submarine folk without realizing that they are a people apart, differing from the rest of the Naval personnel even as their vessels differ. A man must have something individual to his character to volunteer for the service, and every officer is a volunteer. An extraordinary power of quick decision, a certain keen, resolute look, a certain carriage; submarine folk are such men as all of us pray to have by our side in any great trial or crisis of our life. Guests began to come by twos and threes, girls in pretty shimmering dresses, young army officers with wound stripes and clumsy limps; a faint murmur of conversation rose, faint and continuous as the murmur of a distant stream. Because I requested him, the captain told me of the crossing of the submarines. It was the epic of an heroic journey. "After each boat had been examined in detail, we began to fill them with supplies for the voyage. The crew spent days manoeuvring cases of condensed milk, cans of butter, meat, and chocolate down the hatchways, food which the boat swallowed up as if she had been a kind of steel stomach. Until we had it all neatly and tightly stowed away, the Z looked like a corner grocery store. Then early one December morning we pulled out of the harbour. It wasn't very cold, merely raw and damp, and it was misty dark. I remember looking at the winter stars riding high just over the meridian. The port behind us was still and dead, but a handful of navy folk had come to one of the wharves to see us off. Yes, there was something of a stir, you know the kind of stir that's made when boats go to sea, shouted orders, the splash of dropped cables, vagrant noises. It didn't take a great time to get under way; we were ready, waiting for the word to go. The flotilla, mother-ship, tugs and all, was out to sea long before the dawn. You would have liked the picture, the immense stretch of the greyish, winter-stricken sea, the little covey of submarines running awash, the grey mother-ship going ahead casually as an excursion steamer into the featureless dawn. The weather was wonderful for two days, a touch of Indian summer on December's ocean, then on the night of the third day we ran into a blow, the worst I ever saw in my life. A storm.... Oh boy!" He paused for an instant to flick the ashes from his cigarette with a neat, deliberate gesture. One could see memories living in the fine, resolute eyes. The broken noises of the restaurant which had seemingly died away while he spoke crept back again to one's ears. A waiter dropped a clanging fork. "A storm. Never remember anything like it. A perfect terror. Everybody realized that any attempt to keep together would be hopeless. And night was coming on. One by one the submarines disappeared into that fury of wind and driving water; the mothership, because she was the largest vessel in the flotilla, being the last we saw. We snatched her last signal out of the teeth of the gale, and then she was gone, swallowed up in the storm. So we were alone. We got through the night somehow or other. The next morning the ocean was a dirty brown-grey, and knots and wisps of cloud were tearing by close over the water. Every once in a while a great, hollow-bellied wave would come rolling out of the hullaballoo and break thundering over us. On all the boats the lookout on the bridge had to be lashed in place, and every once in a while a couple of tons of water would come tumbling past him. Nobody at the job stayed dry for more than three minutes; a bathing suit would have been more to the point than oilers. Shaken, you ask? No, not very bad, a few assorted bruises and a wrenched thumb, though poor Jonesie on the Z3 had a wave knock him up against the rail and smash in a couple of ribs. But no being sick for him, he kept to his feet and carried on in spite of the pain, in spite of being in a boat which registered a roll of seventy degrees. I used to watch the old hooker rolling under me. You've never been on a submarine when she's rolling--talk about rolling--oh boy! We all say seventy degrees because that's as far as our instruments register. There were times when I almost thought she was on her way to make a complete revolution. You can imagine what it was like inside. To begin with, the oily air was none too sweet, because every time we opened a hatch we shipped enough water to make the old hooker look like a start at a swimming tank, and then she was lurching so continuously and violently that to move six feet was an expedition. But the men were wonderful, wonderful! Each man at his allotted task, and--what's that English word, ... carrying on. Our little cook couldn't do a thing with the stove, might as well have tried to cook on a miniature earthquake, but he saw that all of us had something to eat, doing his bit, game as could be." He paused again. The embankment was fading in the dark. A waiter appeared, and drew down the thick, light-proof curtains. "Yes, the men were wonderful--wonderful. And there wasn't very much sickness. Let's see, how far had I got--since it was impossible to make any headway we lay to for forty-eight hours. The deck began to go the second morning, some of the plates being ripped right off. And blow--well as I told you in the beginning, I never saw anything like it. The disk of the sea was just one great, ragged mass of foam all being hurled through space by a wind screaming by with the voice and force of a million express trains. Perhaps you are wondering why we didn't submerge. Simply couldn't use up our electricity. It takes oil running on the surface to create the electric power, and we had a long, long journey ahead. Then ice began to form on the superstructure, and we had to get out a crew to chop it off. It was something of a job; there wasn't much to hang on to, and the waves were still breaking over us. But we freed her of the danger, and she went on. We used to wonder where the other boys were in the midst of all the racket. One was drifting towards the New England coast, her compass smashed to flinders; others had run for Bermuda, others were still at sea. Then we had three days of good easterly wind. By jingo, but the good weather was great, were we glad to have it--oh boy! We had just got things ship-shape again when we had another blow but this second one was by no means as bad as the first. And after that we had another spell of decent weather. The crew used to start the phonograph and keep it going all day long. The weather was so good that I decided to keep right on to the harbour which was to be our base over here. I had enough oil, plenty of water, the only possible danger was a shortage of provisions. So I put us all on a ration, arranging to have the last grand meal on Christmas day. Can you imagine Christmas on a little, storm-bumped submarine some hundred miles off the coast? A day or two more and we ran calmly into ... Shall we say deleted harbour? Hungry, dirty, oh so dirty, we hadn't had any sort of bath or wash for about three weeks; we all were green looking from having been cooped up so long, and our unshaven, grease-streaked faces would have upset a dinosaur. The authorities were wonderfully kind and looked after us and our men in the very best style. I thought we could never stop eating and a real sleep, ... oh boy! "Did you fly the flag as you came in?" I asked. "You bet we did!" answered the captain, his keen, handsome face lighting at the memory. "You see," he continued in a practical spirit, "they would probably have pumped us full of holes if we hadn't." And that is the way that the American submarines crossed the Atlantic to do their share for the Great Cause. II INTO THE DARK I got to the Port of the Submarines just as an uncertain and rainy afternoon had finally decided to turn into a wild and disagreeable night. Short, drenching showers of rain fell one after the other like the strokes of a lash, a wind came up out of the sea, and one could hear the thunder of surf on the headlands. The mother ship lay moored in a wild, desolate and indescribably romantic bay; she floated in a sheltered pool a very oasis of modernity, a marvellous creature of another world and another time. There was just light enough for me to see that her lines were those of a giant yacht. Then a curtain of rain beat hissing down upon the sea, and the ship and the vague darkening landscape disappeared, disappeared as if it might have melted away in the shower. Presently the bulk of the vessel appeared again: gliding and tossing at once we drew alongside, and from that moment on, I was the guest of the vessel, recipient of a hospitality and courtesy for which I here make grateful acknowledgment to my friends and hosts. The mother ship of the submarines was a combination of flag ship, supply station, repair shop and hotel. The officers of the submarines had rooms aboard her which they occupied when off patrol, and the crews off duty slung their hammocks 'tween decks. The boat was pretty well crowded, having more submarines to look after than she had been built to care for, but thanks to the skill of her officers, everything was going as smoothly as could be. The vessel had, so to speak, a submarine atmosphere. Everybody aboard lived, worked and would have died for the submarine. They believed in the submarine, believed in it with an enthusiasm which rested on pillars of practical fact. The Chief of Staff was the youngest captain in our Navy, a man of hard energy and keen insight, one to whom our submarine service owes a very genuine debt. His officers were specialists. The surgeon of the vessel had been for years engaged in studying the hygiene of submarines, and was constantly working to free the atmosphere of the vessels from deleterious gases and to improve the living conditions of the crews. I remember listening one night to a history of the submarine told by one of the officers of the staff, and for the first time in my life I came to appreciate at its full value the heroism of the men who risked their lives in the first cranky, clumsy, uncertain little vessels, and the imagination and the faith of the men who believed in the type. Ten years ago, a descent in a sub was an adventure to be prefaced by tears and making of wills; to-day submarines are chasing submarines hundreds of miles at sea, are crossing the ocean, and have grown from a tube of steel not much larger than a life boat to underwater cruisers which carry six-inch guns. Said an officer to me: "The future of the submarine? Why, sir, the submarine is the only war vessel that's going to have a future!" [Illustration: A flock of submarines and the "mother" ship in harbor] On the night of my arrival, once dinner was over, I went on deck and looked down through the rain at the submarines moored alongside. They lay close by, one beside the other, in a pool of radiance cast by a number of electric lights hanging over each open hatchway. Beyond this pool lay the rain and the dark; within it, their sides awash in the clear green water of the bay, their grey bridges and rust-stained superstructures shining in the rain, lay the strange, bulging, crocodilian shapes of steel. There was something unearthly, something not of this world or time in the picture; I might have been looking at invaders of the sleeping earth. The wind swept past in great booming salvoes; rain fell in sloping, liquid rods through the brilliancy of electric lamps burning with a steadiness that had something in it of strange, incomprehensible and out of place in the motion and hullabaloo of the storm. And then, too, a hand appeared on the topmost rung of the nearer ladder, and a bulky sailor, a very human sailor in very human dungarees, poked his head out of the aperture, surveyed the inhospitable night, and disappeared. "He's on Branch's boat. They're going out to-night," said the officer who was guiding me about. "To-night? How on earth will he ever find his way to the open sea?" "Knows the bay like a book. However, if the weather gets any worse, I doubt if the captain will let him go. George will be wild if they don't let him out. Somebody has just reported wreckage off the coast, so there must be a Hun round." "But are not our subs sometimes mistaken for Germans?" "Oh, yes," was the calm answer. I thought of that ominous phrase I had noted in the British records "failed to report," and I remembered the stolid British captain who had said to me, speaking of submarines, "Sometimes nobody knows just what happened. Out there in the deep water, whatever happens, happens in a hurry." My guide and I went below to the officers' corridor. Now and then, through the quiet, a mandolin or guitar could be heard far off twanging some sentimental island ditty, and beneath these sweeter sounds lay a monotonous mechanical humming. "What's that sound?" I asked. "That's the Filipino mess boys having a little festino in their quarters. The humming? Oh, that's the mother-ship's dynamos charging the batteries of Branch's boat. Saves running on the surface." My guide knocked at a door. Within his tidy, little room, the captain who was to go out on patrol was packing the personal belongings he needed on the trip. "Hello, Jally!" he cried cheerily when he saw us. "Come on in. I am only doing a little packing up. What's it like outside?" "Raining same as ever, but I don't think it's blowing up any harder." "Hooray!" cried the young captain with heart-felt sincerity. "Then I'll get out to-night. You know the captain told me that if it got any worse he'd hold me till to-morrow morning. I told him I'd rather go out to-night. Perfect cinch once you get to the mouth of the bay, all you have to do is submerge and take it easy. What do you think of the news? Smithie thinks he saw a Hun yesterday.... Got anything good to read? Somebody's pinched that magazine I was reading. Thirteen, fourteen, fifteen, that ought to be enough handkerchiefs.... Hello, there goes the juice." The humming of the dynamo was dying away slowly, fading with an effect of lengthening distance. The guitar orchestra, as if to celebrate its deliverance, burst into a triumphant rendering of Sousa's "Stars and Stripes." My guide and I waited till after midnight to watch the going of Branch's Z5. Branch and his second, wearing black oilskins down whose gleaming surface ran beaded drops of rain, stood on the bridge; a number of sailors were busy doing various things along the deck. The electric lights shone in all their calm unearthly brilliance. Then slowly, very slowly, the Z5 began to gather headway, the clear water seemed to flow past her green sides, and she rode out of the pool of light into the darkness waiting close at hand. "Good-bye! Good luck!" we cried. A vagrant shower came roaring down into the shining pool. "Good-bye!" cried voices through the night. Three minutes later all trace of the Z5 had disappeared in the dark. III FRIEND OR FOE? Captain Bill of the Z3 was out on patrol. His vessel was running submerged. The air within, they had but recently dived, was new and sweet, and that raw cold which eats into submerged submarines had not begun to take the joy out of life. It was the third day out; the time, five o'clock in the afternoon. The outer world, however, did not penetrate into the submarine. Night or day, on the surface or submerged, only one time, a kind of motionless electric high noon existed within those concave walls of gleaming cream white enamel. Those of the crew not on watch were taking it easy. Like unto their officers, submarine sailors are an unusual lot. They are real sailors, or machinist sailors, boys for whose quality the Navy has a flattering, picturesque and quite unprintable adjective. A submarine man, mind you, works harder than perhaps any other man of his grade in the Navy, because the vessel in which he lives is nothing but a tremendously intricate machine. In one of the compartments the phonograph, the eternal, ubiquitous phonograph of the Navy, was bawling its raucous rags and mechano-nasal songs, and in the pauses between records one could just hear the low hum of the distant dynamos. A little group in blue dungarees held a conversation in a corner; a petty officer, blue cap tilted back on his head, was at work on a letter; the cook, whose genial art was customarily under an interdict while the vessel was running submerged, was reading an ancient paper from his own home town. Captain Bill sat in a retired nook, if a submarine can possibly be said to have a retired nook, with a chart spread open on his knees. The night before he had picked up a wireless message saying that a German had been seen at sundown in a certain spot on the edge of his patrol. So Captain Bill had planned to run submerged to the spot in question, and then pop up suddenly in the hope of potting the Hun. Some fifteen minutes before sun down, therefore, the Z3 arrived at the place where the Fritz had been observed. "I wish I knew just where the bird was," said an intent voice. "I'd drop a can right on his neck." These sentiments were not those of anybody aboard the Z3. An American destroyer had also come to the spot looking for the German, and the gentle thought recorded above was that of her captain. It was just sun down, a level train of splendour burned on the ruffled waters to the west; a light, cheerful breeze was blowing. The destroyer, ready for anything, was hurrying along at a smart clip. "This is the place all right, all right," said the navigator of the destroyer. "Come to think of it, that chap's been reported from here twice." Keen eyes swept the shining uneasy plain. Meanwhile, some seventy feet below, the Z3 manoeuvred, killing time. The phonograph had been hushed, and every man was ready at his post. The prospect of a go with the enemy had brought with it a keen thrill of anticipation. Now a submarine crew is a well trained machine. There are no shouted orders. If a submarine captain wants to send his boat under quickly, he simply touches the button of a Klaxon, the horn gives a demoniac yell throughout the ship, and each man does what he ought to do at once. Such a performance is called a "crash dive." "I'd like to see him come up so near that we could ram him," said the captain, gazing almost directly into the sun. "Find out what she's making." The engineer lieutenant stooped to a voice-tube that almost swallowed up his face, and yelled a question to the engine room. An answer came, quite unheard by the others. "Twenty-four, sir," said the engineer lieutenant. "Get her up to twenty-six," said the captain. The engineer cried again through the voice tube. The wake of the vessel roared like a mill race, the white foam tumbling rosily in the setting sun. Seventy feet below, Captain Bill was arranging the last little details with the second in command. "In about five minutes we'll come up and take a look-see (stick up the periscope) and if we see the bird, and we're in a good position to send him a fish (torpedo) we'll let him have one. If there is something there, and we're not in a good position, we'll manoeuvre till we get into one, and then let him have it. If there isn't anything to be seen, we'll go under again and take another look-see in half an hour. Reilly has his instructions." Reilly was chief of the torpedo room. "Something round here must have got it in the neck recently," said the destroyer captain, breaking a silence which had hung over the bridge. "Did not you think that wreckage a couple of miles back looked pretty fresh? Wonder if the boy we're after had anything to do with it. Keep an eye on that sun streak." An order was given in the Z3. It was followed instantly by a kind of commotion, sailors opened valves, compressed air ran down pipes, the ratchets of the wheel clattered noisily. On the moon-faced depth gauge with its shining brazen rim, the recording arrow fled swiftly, counter clockwise, from seventy to twenty to fifteen feet.... Captain Bill stood crouching at the periscope, and when it broke the surface, a greenish light poured down it and focussed in his eyes. He gazed keenly for a few seconds, and then reached for the horizontal wheel which turns the periscope round the horizon. He turned ... gazed, jumped back, and pushed the button for a crash dive. "She was almost on top of me," he explained afterwards. "Coming like H--l. I had to choose between being rammed or depth bombed." There was another swift commotion, another opening and closing of valves, and the arrow on the depth gauge leaped forward. Captain Bill was sending her down as far as he could as fast as he dared. Fifty feet, seventy feet, ... ninety feet. Hoping to throw the destroyer off, the Z3 doubled on her track. A hundred feet. Crash! Depth charge number one. According to Captain Bill, who is good at similes, it was as if a giant, wading along through the sea, had given the boat a vast and violent kick, and then leaning down had shaken it as a terrier shakes a rat. The Z3 rocked, lay on her side, and fell through the depths. A number of lights went out. Men picked themselves out of corners, one with the blood streaming down his face from a bad gash over his eye. Many of them told later of "seeing stars" when the vibration of the depth charge travelled through the hull and their own bodies; some averred that "white light" seemed to shoot out of the Z3's walls. Each man stood at his post waiting for the next charge. Crash! A second depth charge. To every one's relief, it was less violent than the first. A few more lights went out. Meanwhile the Z3 continued to sink and was rapidly nearing the danger point. Having escaped the first two depth charges, Captain Bill hastened to bring the boat up to a higher level. Then to make things cheerful, it was discovered that the Z3 showed absolutely no inclination to obey her controls. "At first," said Captain Bill, "I thought that the first depth bomb must have jammed all the external machinery, then I decided that our measures to rise had not yet overcome the impetus of our forced descent. Meanwhile the old hooker was heading for the bottom of the Irish Sea, though I'd blown out every bit of water in her tanks. Had to, fifty feet more, and she would have crushed in like an egg shell under the wheel of a touring car. But she kept on going down. The distance of the third, fourth and fifth depth bombs, however, put cheer in our hearts. Then, presently, she began to rise. The old girl came up like an elevator in a New York business block. I knew that the minute I came to the surface those destroyer brutes would try to fill me full of holes, so I had a man with a flag ready to jump on deck the minute we emerged. He was pretty damn spry about it, too. I took another look-see through the periscope, and saw that the destroyer lay about two miles away, and as I looked she came for me again. Meanwhile, my signal man was hauling himself out of the hatchway as if his legs were in boiling water." "We've got her!" cried somebody aboard the destroyer in a deep American voice full of the exultation of battle. The lean rifles swung, lowered.... "Point one, lower." They were about to hear "Fire!" when the Stars and Stripes and sundry other signals burst from the deck of the misused Z3. "Well what do you think of that?" said the gunner. "If it ain't one of our own gang. Say, we must have given it to 'em hard." "We'll go over and see who it is," said the captain of the destroyer. "The signals are O.K., but it may be a dodge of the Huns. Ask 'em who they are." In obedience to the order, a sailor on the destroyer's bridge wigwagged the message. "Z3," answered one of the dungaree-clad figures on the submarine's deck. Captain Bill came up himself, as the destroyer drew alongside, to see his would-be assassin. There was no resentment in his heart. The adventure was only part of the day's work. The destroyer neared; her bow overlooked them. The two captains looked at each other. The dialogue was laconic. "Hello, Bill," said the destroyer captain. "All right?" "Sure," answered Captain Bill, to one who had been his friend and class mate. "Ta, ta, then," said he of the destroyer, and the lean vessel swept away in the twilight. Captain Bill decided to stay on the surface for a while. Then he went below to look over things. The cook, standing over some unlovely slop which marked the end of a half dozen eggs broken by the concussion, was giving his opinion of the undue hastiness of destroyers. The cook was a child of Brooklyn, and could talk. The opinion was not flattering. "Give it to 'em, cooko," said one of the crew, patting the orator affectionately on the shoulder. "We're with you." And Captain Bill laughed. IV RUNNING SUBMERGED It was breakfast time, and the officers of the submarines then in port had gathered round one end of the long dining table in the wardroom of the mother ship. Two or three who had breakfasted early had taken places on a bench along the nearer wall and were examining a disintegrating heap of English and American magazines, whilst pushed back from the table and smoking an ancient briar, the senior of the group read the wireless news which had just arrived that morning. The news was not of great importance. The lecture done with, the tinkle of cutlery and silver, which had been politely hushed, broke forth again. "What are you doing this morning, Bill?" said one of the young captains to another who had appeared in old clothes. "Going out at about half past nine with the X10. (The X10 was a British submarine.) Just going to take a couple of shots at each other. What are you up to?" "Oh, I've got to give a bearing the once over, and then I've got to write a bunch of letters." "Wouldn't you like to come with us?" said the first speaker, pausing over a steaming dish of breakfast porridge. "Be mighty glad to take you." "Indeed I would," I replied with joy in my heart. "All my life long I have wanted to take a trip in a submarine." "That's fine! We'll get you some dungarees. Can't fool round a submarine in good clothes." The whole table began to take a friendly interest, and a dispute arose as to whose clothes would best fit me. I am a large person. "Give him my extra set, they're on the side of my locker." "Don't you want a cap or something?" "Hey, that's too small, wait and I'll get Tom's coat." "Try these on." They are a wonderful lot, the submarine officers. I felt frightfully submarinish in my outfit. We must have made a picturesque group. The captain led off, wearing a tattered, battered, old uniform of Annapolis days, I followed wearing an old Navy cap jammed on the side of my head and a suit of newly laundered dungarees; the second officer brought up the rear; his outfit consisted of dungaree trousers, a kind of aviator's waistcoat, and an old cloth cap. The submarines were moored close by the side of the mother ship, a double doorway in the wall of the machine shop on the lower deck opening directly upon them. A narrow runway connected the nearest vessel with the sill of this aperture, and mere planks led from one superstructure to another. The day, first real day after weeks of rain, was soft and clear, great low masses of vapour, neither mist nor cloud, but something of both, swept down the long bay on the wings of the wind from the clean, sweet-smelling sea; the sun shone like ancient silver. Little fretful waves of water clear as the water of a spring coursed down the alley ways between the submarines; gulls, piping and barking, whirled like snow flakes overhead. I crossed to one grey alligatorish superstructure, looked down a narrow circular hatch at whose floor I could see the captain waiting for my coming, grasped the steel rings of a narrow ladder, and descended into the submarine. The first impression was of being surrounded by tremendous, almost incredible complexity. A bewildering and intricate mass of delicate mechanical contrivances, valves, stop cocks, wheels, chains, shining pipes, ratchets, faucets, oil-cups, rods, gauges. Second impression, bright cleanliness, shining brass, gleams of steely radiance, stainless walls of white enamel paint. Third impression, size; there was much more room than I had expected. Of course everything is to be seen by floods of steady electric light, since practically no daylight filters down through an open hatchway. "This," said the captain, "is the control room. Notice the two depth gauges, two in case one gets out of order. That thick tube with a brass thread coiled about it is a periscope, and it's a peach! It's of the 'housing' kind and winds up and down along that screw. The thread prevents any leak of water. In here," we went through a lateral compartment with a steel door, thick as that of a small safe, "is a space where wee eat, sleep and live; our cook stove is that gadget in the corner. We don't do much cooking when we're running submerged; in here," we passed another stout partition, "is our Diesel engine, and our dynamos. Up forward is another living space which technically belongs to the officers, and the torpedo room." He took me along. "Now you've seen it all. A fat steel cigar, divided into various compartments and cram jammed full of shining machinery. Of course, there's no privacy, whatsoever. (Readers will have to guess what is occasionally used for the phonograph table.) Our space is so limited that designers will spend a year arguing where to put an object no bigger than a soap box. We get on very well however. Every crew gets used to its boat; the men get used to each other. They like the life; you couldn't drag them back to surface vessels. An ideal submarine crew works like a perfect machine. When we go out you'll see that we give our orders by Klaxon. There's too much noise for the voice. Suppose I had popped up on the surface right under the very nose of one of those destroyer brutes. She might start to ram me; in which case I might not have time to make recognition signals and would have to take my choice between getting rammed or depth bombed. I decide to submerge, push a button, the Klaxon gives a yell, and every man does automatically what he has been trained to do. A floods the tanks, B stands by the dynamos, C watches the depth gauges and so on. That's what we call a crash dive." "Over at the destroyer base," I said, "they told me that the Germans were having trouble because of lack of trained crews." "You can just bet they are," said the captain. "Must have lost several boats that way. Can't monkey with these boats; if somebody pulls a fool stunt--Good Night!" He opened a gold watch and closed it again with a click. "Nine o'clock, just time to shove off. Come up on the bridge until we get out in the bay." I climbed the narrow ladder again and crept along the superstructure to the bridge which rose for all the world like a little grey steel pulpit. One has to be reasonably sure-footed. It was curious to emerge from the electric lighted marvel to the sunlight of the bay, to the view of the wild mountains descending to the clear sea. The captain gave his orders. Faint, vague noises rose out of the hatchway; sailors standing at various points along the superstructure cast off the mooring ropes and took in bumpers shaped like monstrous sausages of cord which had protected one bulging hull from another; the submarine went ahead solemnly as a planet. Friendly faces leaned over the rail of the mother ship high above. Once out into the bay, I asked the second in command just what we were up to. The second in command was a well knit youngster with the coolest, most resolute blue eyes it has ever been my fortune to see. "We're going to take shots at a British submarine and then she's going to have a try at us. We don't really fire torpedoes--but manoeuvre for a position. Three shots apiece. There she is now, running on the surface. Just as soon as we get out to deep water we'll submerge and go for her. Great practice." A British submarine, somewhat larger than our American boat, was running down the bay, pushing curious little waves of water ahead of her. Several men stood on her deck. "Nice boat, isn't she? Her captain's a great scout. About two months ago a patrol boat shot off his periscope _after_ he made it reasonably clear he wasn't a Hun. You ought to hear him tell about it. Especially his opinion of patrol boat captains. Great command of language. Bully fellow, born submarine man." "I meant to ask you if you weren't sometimes mistaken for a German," I said. "Yes, it happens," he answered coolly. "You haven't seen Smithie yet, have you? Guess he was away when you came. A bunch of destroyers almost murdered him last month. He's come the nearest to kissing himself good-bye of any of us. Going to dive now, time to get under." Once more down the steel ladder. I was getting used to it. The handful of sailors who had been on deck waited for us to pass. Within, the strong, somewhat peppery smell of hot oil from the Diesel engines floated, and there was to be heard a hard, powerful knocking-spitting sound from the same source. The hatch cover was secured, a listener might have heard a steely thump and a grind as it closed. Men stood calmly by the depth gauges and the valves. Not being a "crash dive," the feat of getting under was accomplished quietly, accomplished with no more fracas than accompanies the running of a motor car up to a door. One instant we were on the surface, the next instant we were under, and the lean black arrow on the broad moon-faced depth gauge was beginning to creep from ten to fifteen, from fifteen to twenty, from twenty to twenty-five.... The clatter of the Diesel engine had ceased; in its place rose a low hum. And of course there was no alteration of light, nothing but that steady electric glow on those cold, clean bulging walls. "What's the programme, now?" "We are going down the bay a bit, put up our periscope, pick up the Britisher, and fire an imaginary tin fish at him. After each shot, we come to the surface for an instant to let him know we've had our turn." "What depth are we now?" "Only fifty-five feet." "What depth can you go?" "The Navy Regulations forbid our descending more than two hundred feet. Subs are always hiking around about fifty or seventy-five feet under, just deep enough to be well under the keel of anything going by." "Where are we now?" "Pretty close to the mouth of the bay. I'm going to shove up the periscope in a few minutes." The captain gave an order, the arrow on the dial retreated towards the left. "Keep her there." He applied his eye to the periscope. A strange, watery green light poured out of the lens, and focussing in his eye, lit the ball with wild demoniac glare. A consultation ensued between the captain and his junior. "Do you see her?" "Yes, she is in a line with that little white barn on the island.... She's heading down the bay now.... So many points this way (this last direction to the helmsman) ... there she is ... she's making about twelve ... she's turning, coming back ... steady ... five, ... six ... Fire!" There was a rush, a clatter, and a stir and the boat rose evenly to the surface. "Here, take a look at her," said the captain, pushing me towards the periscope. I fitted the eyepieces (they might have been those of field glasses embedded in the tube) to my eyes, and beheld again the outer world. The kind of a world one might see in a crystal, a mirror world, a glass world, but a remarkably clear little world. And as I peered, a drop of water cast up by some wave touched the outer lens of the tube, and a trickle big as a deluge slid down the visionary bay. Twice again we "attacked" the Britisher. Her turn came. Our boat rose to the surface, and I was once more invited to accompany the captain to the bridge. The British boat lay far away across the inlet. We cruised about watching her. "There she goes." The Britisher sank like a stone in a pond. We continued our course. The two officers peered over the water with young, searching, resolute eyes. Then they took to their binoculars. "There she is," cried the captain, "in a line with the oak tree." I searched for a few minutes in vain. Suddenly I saw her, that is to say, I saw with a great deal of difficulty a small dark rod moving through the water. It came closer; I saw the hatpin shaped trail behind it. Presently with a great swirl and roiling of foam the Britisher pushed herself out of the water. I could see my young captain judging the performance in his eye. Then we played victim two more times and went home. On the way we discussed the submarine patrol. Now there is no more thrilling game in the world than the game of periscope _vs._ periscope. "What do you do?" I asked. "Just what you saw us do to-day. We pack up grub and supplies, beat it out on the high seas and wait for a Fritz to come along. We give him a taste of his own medicine; given him one more enemy to dodge. Suppose a Hun baffles the destroyers, makes off to a lonely spot, and comes to the surface for a breath of air. There isn't a soul in sight, not a stir of smoke on the horizon. Just as Captain Otto, or Von Something is gloating over the last hospital ship he sunk, and thinking what a lovely afternoon it is, a tin fish comes for him like a bullet out of a gun, there comes a thundering pound, a vibration that sends little waves through the water, a great foul swirl, fragments of cork, and it's all over with the Watch on the Rhine. Sometimes Fritz's torpedo meets ours on the way. Then once in a while a destroyer or a patriotic but misguided tramp makes things interesting for a bit. But it's the most wonderful service of all. I wouldn't give it up for anything. We're all going out day after to-morrow. Can't you cable London for permission to go? You'll like it. Don't believe anything you hear about the air getting bad. The principal nuisance when you've been under a long while is the cold; the boat gets as raw and damp as an unoccupied house in winter. Jingo, quarter past one! We'll be late for dinner." Some time after this article had appeared, the captain of an American submarine gave me a copy of the following verses written by a submarine sailor. Poems of this sort, typewritten by some accommodating yeoman, are always being handed round in the Navy; I have seen dozens of them. Would that I knew the author of this picturesque and flavorous ditty, for I would gladly give him the credit he deserves. A SUBMARINE Born in the shops of the devil, Designed by the brains of a fiend; Filled with acid and crude oil, And christened "A Submarine." The posts send in their ditties Of battleships spick and clean; But never a word in their columns Do you see of a submarine. So I'll endeavour to depict our story In a very laconic way; So please have patience to listen Until I have finished my say. We eat where'er we can find it, And sleep hanging up on hooks; Conditions under which we're existing Are never published in books. Life on these boats is obnoxious And this is using mild terms; We are never bothered by sickness, There isn't any room for germs. We are never troubled with varmints, There are things even a cockroach can't stand; And any self-respecting rodent Quick as possible beats it for land. And that little one dollar per diem We receive to submerge out of sight, Is often earned more than double By charging batteries all night. And that extra compensation We receive on boats like these, We never really get at all. It's spent on soap and dungarees. Machinists get soaked in fuel oil, Electricians in H2SO4, Gunner's mates with 600 W, And torpedo slush galore. When we come into the Navy Yard We are looked upon with disgrace; And they make out some new regulation To fit our particular case. Now all you battleship sailors, When you are feeling disgruntled and mean, Just pack your bag and hammock And go to a submarine. V THE RETURN OF THE CAPTAINS The breakfast hour was drawing to its end, and the very last straggler sat alone at the ward room table. Presently an officer of the mother ship, passing through, called to the lingering group of submarine officers. "The X4 is coming up the bay, and the X12 has been reported from signal station." The news was received with a little hum of friendly interest. "Wonder what Ned will have to say for himself this time." "Must have struck pretty good weather." "Bet you John has been looking for another chance at that Hun of his." The talk drifted away into other channels. A little time passed. Then suddenly a door opened, and one after the other entered the three officers of the first home coming submarine. They were clad in various ancient uniforms which might have been worn by an apprentice lad in a garage, old grey flannel shirts, and stout grease stained shoes; several days had passed since their faces had felt a razor, and all were a little pale from their cruise. But the liveliest of keen eyes burned in each resolute young face, eyes smiling and glad. A friendly hullaballoo broke forth. Chairs scraped, one fell with a crash. "Hello, boys!" "Hi, John!" "For the love of Pete, Joe, shave off those whiskers of yours; they make you look like Trotsky." "See any Germans?" "What's the news?" "What's doing?" "Hi, Manuelo" (this to a Philipino mess boy who stood looking on with impassive curiosity), "save three more breakfasts." "Anything go for you?" "Well, if here isn't our old Bump!" The crowd gathered round Captain John who had established contact (this is military term quite out of place in a work on the Navy) with the eagerly sought, horribly elusive German. "Go on, John, give us an earful. What time did you say it was?" "About 5 A.M.," answered the captain. He stood leaning against a door and the fine head, the pallor, the touch of fatigue, all made a very striking and appealing picture. "Say about eight minutes after five. I'd just come up to take a look-see, and saw him just about two miles away on the surface, and moving right along. So I went under to get into a good position, came up again and let him have one. Well, the bird saw it just as it was almost on him, swung her round, and dived like a ton of lead." The audience listened in silent sympathy. One could see the disappointment on the captain's face. "Where was he?" "About so and so." "That's the jinx that got after the convoy sure as you live." The speaker had had his own adventures with the Germans. A month or so he shoved his periscope and spotted a Fritz on the surface in full noonday. The watchful Fritz, however, had been lucky enough to see the enemy almost at once and had dived. The American followed suit. The eyeless submarine manoeuvred about some eighty feet under, the German evidently "making his get-a-way," the American hoping to be lucky enough to pick up Fritz's trail, and get a shot at him when the enemy rose again, to the top. And while the two blind ships manoeuvred there in the dark of the abyss, the keel of the fleeing German had actually, by a curious chance, scraped along the top of the American vessel and carried away the wireless aerials! All were silent for a few seconds, thinking over the affair. It was not difficult to read the thought in every mind, the thought of _getting at the enemy_. The idea of our Navy is "Get after 'em, Keep after 'em, Stay after 'em, Don't give 'em an instant of security or rest." And none have this fighting spirit deeper in their hearts than our gallant men of the submarine patrol. "That's all," said Captain John. "I'm going to have a wash up." He lifted a grease stained hand to his cheek, and rubbed his unshaven beard, and grinned. "Any letters?" "Whole bag of stuff. Smithie put it on your desk." Captain John wandered off. Presently, the door opened again, and three more veterans of the patrol cruised in, also in ancient uniforms. There were more cheers; more friendly cries. It was unanimously decided that the "Trotsky" of the first lot had better take a back seat, since the second in command of the newcomers was "a perfect ringer for Rasputin." "See anything?" "Nothing much. There's a bit of wreckage just off shore. Saw a British patrol boat early Tuesday morning. I was on the surface, lying between her and the sunrise; she was hidden by a low lying swirl of fog; she saw us first. When we saw her, I made signals, and over she came. Guess what the old bird wanted ... _wanted to know if I'd seen a torpedo he'd fired at me_! An old scout with white whiskers, one of those retired captains, I suppose, who has gone back on the job. He admitted that he had received the Admiralty notes about us, but thought we acted suspicious.... Did you ever hear of such nerve!" When the war was young, I had a year of it on land. Now, I have seen the war at sea. To my mind, if there was one service of this war which more than any other required those qualities of endurance, skill and courage whose blend the fighting men so wisely call "_guts_," it surely was our submarine patrol. So here's to the L boats, their officers and crews, and to the _Bushnell_ and her brood of Bantry Bay! VI OUR SAILORS In the lingo of the Navy, the enlisted men are known as "gobs." This word is not to be understood as in any sense conveying a derogatory meaning. The men use it themselves;--"the _gobs_ on the 210." "What does a real _gob_ want with a wrist watch?" It is an unlovely syllable, but it has character. In the days before the war, our navy was, to use an officer's phrase, more of "a big training school" than anything else. There were, of course, a certain number of young men who intended to become sailors by profession, even as some entered the regular army with the intention of remaining in it, but the vast majority of sailors were "one enlistment men" who signed on for four years and then returned to civilian life. The personnel included boys just graduated from or weary of high school, young men from the western farms eager for a glimpse of the world, and city lads either uncertain as to just what trade or profession they should follow or thirsting for a man's cup of adventure before settling down to the prosaic task that gives the daily bread. To-day, the enlisted personnel of the Navy is a cross section of the Nation's youth. There are many college men, particularly among the engineers. There are young men who have abandoned professions to enter the Navy to do their bit. For instance, the yeoman who ran the little office on board Destroyer 66 was a young lawyer who had attained real distinction. On board the same destroyer was a lad who had been for a year or two a reporter on one of the New York papers, and a chubby earnest lad whose father is a distinguished leader of the Massachusetts bar. Of my four best friends, "Pop" had worked in some shop or other, "Giles" was a student from an agricultural college somewhere in western New York, "Idaho" was a high school boy fresh from a great ranch, and "Robie" was the son of a physician in a small southern city. The Napoleonic veterans of the new navy are the professional "gobs" of old; sailors with second enlistment stripes go down the deck the very _vieux de la veille_. The sailor suffers from the fact that many people have fixed in their minds an imaginary sailor whom they have created from light literature and the stage. Just as the soldier must always be a dashing fellow, so must the sailor be a rollicking soul, fond of the bottle and with a wife in every port. Is not the "comic sailor" a recognized literary figure? Yet whoever heard of the "comic soldier"? This silly phantom blinds us to the genuine charm of character with which the sea endows her adventurous children; we turn into a frolic a career that is really one of endurance, heroism, and downright hard work. Not that I am trying to make Jack a sobersides or a saint. He is full of fun and spirit. But the world ought to cease imagining him either as a mannerless "rough-houser" or a low comedian. Our sailors have no special partiality for the bottle; indeed, I feel quite certain that a majority of every crew "keep away from booze" entirely. As for having a wife in every port, the Chaplain says that a sailor is the most faithful husband in the world. As a lot, sailors are unusually good-hearted. This last Christmas the men of our American battleships now included in the Grand Fleet requested permission to invite aboard the orphan children of a great neighbouring city, and give them an "American good time." So the kiddies were brought aboard; Jack rigged up a Christmas tree, and distributed presents and sweets in a royal style. Said a witness of the scene to me, "I never saw children so happy." One of the passions which sway "the gobs" is to have a set of "tailor-made" liberty blues. By "liberty blues" you are to understand the sailor's best uniform, the picturesque outfit he wears ashore. Surely the uniform of our American sailor is quite the handsomest of all. On such a flimsy excuse, however, as that "the government stuff don't fit you round the neck" or "hasn't any _style_," Jack is forever rushing to some Louie Katzenstein in Norfolk, Va., or Sam Schwartz of Charlestown, Mass., to get a "real" suit made. Endless are the attempts to make these "a little bit _different_," attempts, alas, which invariably end in reprimand and disaster. The _dernier cri_ of sportiness is to have a right hand pocket lined with starboard green and a left hand pocket lined with port red. A second ambition is to own a heavy seal ring, "fourteen karat, Navy crest. Name and date of enlistment engraved free." Sailors pay anywhere from twenty to seventy dollars for these treasures. To-day, the style is to have a patriotic motto engraved within the band. I remember several inscribed "Democracy or Death." The desire of having a "real" watch comes next in hand, and if you ask a sailor the time he is very liable to haul out a watch worth anywhere from a hundred and fifty to two hundred dollars. Our sailors are the very finest fellows in the world to live with. I sailed with the Navy many thousand miles; I visited all the great bases, and _I did not see one single case of drunkenness or disorderly behaviour_. The work done by our sailors was a hard and gruelling labour, the seas which they patrolled were haunted by every danger, yet everywhere they were eager and keen, their energy unabated, their spirits unshaken. VII THE BASE The town which served as the base of the American destroyers has but one great street; it is called The Esplanade, and lies along the harbour edge and open to the sea. I saw it first in the wild darkness of a night in early March. Rain, the drenching, Irish rain, had been falling all the day, but toward evening the downpour had ceased, and a blustery south-east wind had thinned the clouds, and brought the harbour water to clashing and complaining in the dark. It was such a night as a man might peer at from a window, and be grateful for the roof which sheltered him, yet up and down the gloomy highway, past the darkened houses and street lamps shaded to mere lifeless lumps of light, there moved a large and orderly crowd. For the most part, this crowd consisted of American sailors from the destroyers in port, lean, wholesome-looking fellows these, with a certain active and eager manner very reassuring to find on this side of our cruelly tried and jaded world. Peering into a little lace shop decked with fragile knickknacks and crammed with bolts of table linen, I saw two great bronzed fellows in pea jackets and pancake hats buying something whose niceties of stitch and texture a little red-cheeked Irish lass explained with pedagogic seriousness; whilst at the other end of the counter a young officer with grey hair fished in his pockets for the purchase money of some yards of lace which the proprietress was slowly winding around a bit of blue cardboard. Back and forth, now swallowed up in the gloom of a dark stretch, now become visible in the light of a shop door, streamed the crowd of sailors, soldiers, officers, country folk and townspeople. I heard Devon drawling its oe's and oa's; America speaking with Yankee crispness, and Ireland mingling in the babel with a mild and genial brogue. By morning the wind had died down; the sun was shining merrily, and great mountain masses of rolling white cloud were sailing across the sky as soft and blue as that which lies above Fiesole. Going forth, I found the little town established on an edge of land between the water and the foot of a hill; a long hill whose sides were in places so precipitous that only masses of dark green shrubbery appeared between the line of dwellings along the top and the buildings of the Esplanade. The hill, however, has not had things all its way. Two streets, rising at an angle which would try the endurance of an Alpine ram actually go in a straight line from the water's edge to the high ground, taking with them, in their ascent, tier after tier of mean and grimy dwellings. All other streets, however, are less heroic, and climb the side of the hill in long, sloping lateral lines. A new Gothic cathedral, built just below the crest of the hill, but far overtopping it, dominates and crowns the town; perhaps crushes would be the better verb, for the monstrous bone-grey mass towers above the terraced roofs of the port with an ascendancy as much moral as physical. Yet for all its vastness and commanding situation, it is singularly lifeless, and only the trickery of a moonlight night can invest its mediocre, Albert-Memorial architecture with any trace of beauty. The day begins slowly there, partly because this south Irish climate is such stuff as dreams are made of, partly because good, old irreconcilables are suspicious of the daylight saving law as a British measure. There is little to be seen till near on ten o'clock. Then the day begins; a number of shrewd old fish wives, with faces wrinkled like wintered apples and hair still black as a raven's wing, set up their stalls in an open space by a line of deserted piers, and peasants from near by villages come to town driving little donkey carts laden with the wares; now one hears the real rural brogue, the shrewd give and take of jest and bargain, and a prodigious yapping and snarling from a prodigious multitude of curs. Never have I seen more collarless dogs. The streets are full of the hungry, furtive creatures; there is a fight every two or three minutes between some civic champion and one of the invading rural mongrels; many is the Homeric fray that has been settled by a good kick with a sea boot. Little by little the harbour, seeing that the land is at last awake, comes ashore to buy its fresh eggs, green vegetables, sweet milk and golden Tipperary butter. The Filipino and negro stewards from the American ships arrive with their baskets and cans; they are very popular with Queenstown folk who cherish the delusion that our trimly dressed, genially grinning negroes are the American Indians of boyhood's romance. From the cathedral's solitary spire, a chime jangles out the quarters, amusing all who pause to listen with its involuntary rendering of the first bar of "Strike up the band; here comes a sailor." And ever and anon, a breeze blows in from the harbour bringing with it a faint smell from the funnels of the oil-burning destroyers, a smell which suggests that a giant oil lamp somewhere in the distance has need of turning down. After the lull of noon, the men to whom liberty has been given begin to arrive in boatloads forty and fifty strong. The patrollers, distinguished from their fellows by leggins, belts, white hats, and police billie, descend first, form in line, and march off to their ungrateful task of keeping order where there is no disorder; then, scrambling up the water side stairs like youngsters out of school, follow the liberty men. If there is any newcomer to the fleet among them, it is an even chance that he will be rushed over the hill to the _Lusitania_ cemetery, a gruesome pilgrimage to which both British and American tars are horridly partial. Some are sure to stroll off to their club, some elect to wander about the Esplanade, others disappear in the highways and byways of the town. For Bill and Joe have made friends. There have been some fifty marriages at this base. I imagine a good deal of match-making goes on in those grimy streets, for the Irish marriage is, like the Continental one, no matter of silly sentiment, but a serious domestic transaction. All afternoon long, the sailors come and go. The supper hour takes them to their club; night divides them between the movies and the nightly promenade in the gloom. The glories of this base as a mercantile port, if there ever were any--and the Queenstown folk labour mightily to give you the impression that it was the only serious rival to London--are now over with the glories of Nineveh and Tyre. A few Cunard lithographs of leviathans now for the most part at the bottom of the sea, a few dusty show cases full of souvenirs, pigs and pipes of black, bog oak, "Beleek" china, a fragile, and vanilla candy kind of ware, and lace 'kerchiefs "made by the nuns" alone remain to recall the tourist traffic that once centred here. To-day, one is apt to find among the souvenirs an incongruous box of our most "breathy" (forgive my new-born adjective) variety of American chewing gum. If you would imagine our base as it was in the great days, better forget the port entirely and try to think of a great British and American naval base crammed with shipping flying the national ensigns, of waters thrashed by the propellers of oil tankers, destroyers, cruisers, armed sloops, mine layers, and submarines even. A busy dockyard clangs away from morning till night; a ferry boat with a whistle like the frightened scream of a giant's child runs back and forth from the docks to the Admiralty pier, little parti-coloured motor dories run swiftly from one destroyer to another. From the hill top, this harbour appears as a pleasant cove lying among green hills. On the map, it has something the outline of a blacksmith's anvil. Taking the narrow entrance channel to be the column on which the anvil rests, there extends to the right, a long tapering bay, stretching down to a village leading over hill, over dale to tumble-down Cloyne, where saintly Berkeley long meditated on the non-existence of matter; there lies to the right a squarer, blunter bay through which a river has worn a channel. This channel lies close to the shore, and serves as the anchorage. Over the tops of the headlands, rain-coloured and tilted up to a bank of grey eastern cloud, lay the vast ambush, the merciless gauntlet of the beleaguered sea. VIII THE DESTROYER AND HER PROBLEM About a quarter of a mile apart, one after the other along the ribbon of deep water just off the shore, lie a number of Admiralty buoys about the size and shape of a small factory boiler. At these buoys, sometimes attached in little groups of two, three, and even four to the same ring bolt, lie the American destroyers. From the shore one sees the long lean hull of the nearest vessel and a clump of funnels all tilted backwards at the same angle. The air above these waspish nests, though unstained with smoke, often broods vibrant with heat. All the destroyers are camouflaged, the favourite colours being black, West Point grey and flat white. This camouflage produces neither by colour nor line the repulsive and silly effect which is for the moment so popular. Going aboard a destroyer for the first time, a lay observer is struck by their extraordinary leanness, a natural enough impression when one recalls that the vessels measure some three hundred feet in length and only thirty-four in width. Many times have I watched from our hill these long, low, rapier shapes steal swiftly out to sea, and been struck with the terror, the genuine dread that lies in the word _destroyer_. For it is a terrible word, a word heavy with destruction and vengeance, a word that is akin to many an Old Testament phrase. Our great destroyer fleet may be divided into two squadrons, the first of larger boats called "thousand tonners," the second of smaller vessels known as "flivvers." Another division parts the thousand tonners into those which have a flush deck from bow to stern, and those which have a forward deck on a higher level than the main deck. All these types burn oil, the oil burner being nothing more than a kind of sprayer whose mist of fuel a forced draft whirls into a roar of flame; all can develop a speed of at least twenty-nine knots. The armament varies with the individual vessel, the usual outfit consisting of four four-inch guns, two sets of torpedo tubes, two mounted machine guns, and a store of depth charges. These charges deserve a eulogy of their own. They have done more towards winning the war than all the giant howitzers whose calibre has stupefied the world. In appearance and mechanism they are the simplest of affairs. The Navy always refers to them as cans: "I dropped a can right on his head"; "it was the last can that did the business." Imagine an ash can of medium size painted black and transformed into a ponderous thick walled cylinder of steel crammed with some three hundred pounds of T.N.T. and you have a perfect image of one. Now imagine at one end of this cylinder a detonator protected by an arrangement which can be set to resist the pressure of water at various levels. A sub appears, and sinks swiftly. If it is just below the surface, the destroyer drops a bomb set to explode at a depth of seventy feet. The bomb then sinks by its own weight to that level at which the outward force of the protective mechanism is over-balanced by the inward pressure of the water; the end yields, the detonator crushes, the bomb explodes, and your submarine is flung horribly out of the depths almost clear of the water, and while he is up, the destroyer's guns fill the hull full of holes. Or suppose the submarine to have gone down two hundred feet. Then you drop a bomb geared to that depth upon him, and blow in his sides like a cracked egg. The sound of these engines travels through the water some twenty or twenty-five miles, and there have been ships who have caught the vibration of a distant depth bomb through their hulls and thought themselves torpedoed. I once saw a depth bomb roll off a British sloop into a half filled dry dock; the men scrambled away like mad, but returned in a few minutes to fish out a "can," that had sixty more feet to go before it could burst. It lay on the bottom harmless as a stone. The charges rest at the stern of a vessel, lying one above the other on two sloping runways, and can be released either from the stern or by hydraulic pressure applied at the bridge. The credit for this exceedingly successful scheme belongs to a distinguished American naval officer. The destroyer has but one deck which is arranged in the following manner. I take one of the "thousand tonners" as an illustration. From an incredibly lean, high bow, a first deck falls back a considerable distance to a four-inch gun; behind the gun lies another open space closed by a two-storied structure whose upper section is the bridge and whose lower section a chart room. At the rear of this structure the hull of the boat is cut away, and one descends by a ladder from the deck which is on the level of the chart room floor, to the main deck level some eight feet below. Beyond this cut but one deck lies, the mere steel covering of the hull. Guns and torpedo tubes are mounted on it, the funnels rise flush from the plates; a life line lies strung along its length, and strips of cocoa matting try to give something of a footing. The officers' quarters are to be found under the forward deck. The sleeping rooms are situated on both sides of a narrow passageway which begins at the bow and leads to the open living room and dining room space known as the ward room. In the hull, in the space beneath the wardroom lie the quarters of the crew, amidships lie the boilers and the engine room, and beyond them, a second space for the crew and the petty officers. A destroyer is by no means a paradise of comfort, though when the vessel lies in a quiet port, she can be as attractive and livable as a yacht. But Heaven help the poor sailor aboard a destroyer at sea! The craft rolls, dips, shudders, plunges like a horse straight up at the stars, sinks rapidly and horribly, and even has spells of see-sawing violently from side to side. Its worst motion is an unearthly twist,--a swift appalling rise at a dreadful angle, a toss across space to the other side of a wave, a fearful descent sideways and down and a ghastly shudder. "You need an iron stomach" to be on a destroyer is a navy saying. Some, indeed, can never get used to them, and have to be transferred to other vessels. [Illustration: American destroyer on patrol] The destroyer is the capital weapon against the submarine. She can out-race a sub, can fight him with guns, torpedoes, or depth charges; she can send him bubbling to the bottom by ramming him amidships. She can confuse him by throwing a pall of smoke over his target; she can beat off his attacks either above or below the surface. He fires a torpedo at her, she dodges, runs down the trail of the torpedo, drops a depth bomb, and brings her prey to the surface, an actual incident this. Her problem is of a dual nature, being both defensive and offensive. To-day, her orders are to escort a convoy through the danger zone to a position in latitude x and longitude y; to-morrow, her orders are to patrol a certain area of the beleaguered sea or a given length of coast. Based upon a foreign port, working in strange waters, the destroyer flotilla added to the fine history of the American Navy a splendid record of endurance, heroism and daring achievement. IX TORPEDOED If you would understand the ocean we sailed in war-time, do not forget that it was essentially an ambush, that the foe was waiting for us in hiding. Nothing real or imagined brooded over the ocean to warn a vessel of the presence of danger, for the waters engulfed and forgot the tragedies of this war as they have engulfed and forgotten all disasters since the beginning of time. The great unquiet shield of the sea stretched afar to pale horizons, the sun shone as he might shine on a pretty village at high noon, the gulls followed alert and clamorous. Yet a thundering instant was capable of transforming this apparent calm into the most formidable insecurity. In four minutes you would have nothing left of your ship and its company but a few boats, some bodies, and a miscellaneous litter of wreckage strewn about the scene of the disaster. Of the assassin there was not a sign. All agreed that the torpedo arrived at a fearful speed. "Like a long white bullet through the water," said one survivor. "Honest to God, I never saw anything come so fast," said another. "Where did it strike?" I asked the first speaker, a fine intelligent English seaman who had been rescued by a destroyer and brought to an American base. "In a line with the funnel, sir. A great column of steam and water went up together, and the pieces of the two port boats fell all around the bridge. I think it was a bit of one of the boats that struck me here." He held up a bandaged hand. "What happened then?" "All the lights went out. It was just dusk, you see, so we had to abandon the boat in the darkness. A broken steam pipe was roaring so that you couldn't hear a word any one was saying. She sank very fast." "Did you see any sign of the submarine?" "The captain's steward thought he saw something come up just about three hundred yards away as we were going down. But in my judgment, it was too dark to see anything distinctly, and my notion is that he saw a bit of wreckage, perhaps a hatch." The next man to whom I talked was a chunky little stoker who might have stepped out of the pages of one of Jacobs' stories. I shall not aim to reproduce his dialect--it was of the "wot abaht it" order. "We were heading into Falmouth with a cargo of steel and barbed wire. I had a lot of special supplies which I bought myself in New York, some sugar, two very nice 'ams and one of those round Dutch cheeses. I was always thinking to myself how glad my old woman would be to see all those vittles. Just as we got off the Scillies, one of those bloody swine hit us with a torpedo between the boiler room and the thwart ship bunker, forward of the engine room, and about sixteen feet below the water line. Understand? I was in the boiler room. Down came the bunker doors, off went the tank tops in the engine room, two of the boilers threw out a mess of burning coal, and the water came pouring in like a flood. Let me tell you that cold sea water soon got bloody hot, the room was filled with steam, couldn't see anything. I expected the boilers to blow up any minute. I yelled out for my mates. Suddenly I heard one of 'em say: 'Where's the ladder?' and there was pore Jem with his face and chest burned cruel by the flying coal, and he had two ribs broke too, though we didn't know it at the time. Says 'e, 'Where's Ed?' and just then Ed came wading through the scalding water, pawing for the ladder. So up we all went, never expecting to reach the top. Then when we got into a boat, we 'eard that the wireless had been carried away, and that we'd have to wait for somebody to pick us up. So we waited for two days and a Yankee destroyer found us. Yes, both my mates are getting better, though sister 'ere tells me that pore Ed may lose his eye." Sometimes the torpedo was seen and avoided by a quick turn of the wheel. There were other occasions when the torpedo seems to follow a ship. I remember reading this tale. "At 2.14 I saw the torpedo and felt certain that it would mean a hit either in the engine or the fire room, so I ordered full speed ahead, and put the rudder over hard left. At a distance of between two and three hundred yards, the torpedo took a sheer to the left, but righted itself. For an instant it appeared as if the torpedo might pass astern, but porpoising again, it turned toward the ship and struck us close by the propellers." So much for blind chances. One hears curious tales. The column of water caused by the explosion tossed onto the forward hatch of one merchant ship a twisted half of the torpedo; there was a French boat struck by a torpedo which did not explode, but lay there at the side violently churning, and clinging to the boat as if it were possessed of some sinister intelligence. I heard of a boat laden with high explosives within whose hold a number of motor trucks had been arranged. A torpedo got her at the mouth of the channel. An explosion similar to the one at Halifax raked the sea, the vessel, blown into fragments, disappeared from sight in the twinkling of an eye, and an instant later there fell like bolides from the startled firmament a number of immense motor trucks, one of which actually crashed on to the deck of another vessel! Meanwhile, I suppose, some hundred and fifty feet or more below, "Fritz," seated at a neat folding table, wrote it all down in his log. X THE END OF A SUBMARINE Two days before, in a spot somewhat south of the area we were going out to patrol, a submarine had attacked a convoy and sunk a horse boat. I had the story of the affair months afterwards from an American sailor who had seen it all from a nearby ship. This sailor, no other than my friend Giles, had been stationed in the lookout when he heard a thundering pound, and looking to port, he saw a column of water hanging just amidships of the torpedoed vessel, a column that broke crashing over the decks. In about three minutes the ship broke in two, the bow and the stern rising like the points of a shallow V, and in five minutes she sank. The sea was strewn with straw; there were broken stanchions floating in the confused water, and a number of horses could be seen swimming about. "All you could see was their heads; they looked awful small in all that water. Some of the horses had men hanging to them. There was a lot of yelling for help." The other ships of the convoy had run for dear life; the destroyers had raced about like hornets whose nest is disturbed, but the submarine escaped. We left a certain harbour at about three in the afternoon. Many of the destroyers were out at sea taking in a big troop convoy and the harbour seemed unusually still. The town also partook of this quiet, the long lateral lines of climbing houses staring out blankly at us like unresponsive acquaintances. Very few folk were to be seen on the street. We were bound forth on an adventure that was drama itself, a drama which even then the Fates, unknown to us, were swiftly weaving into a tragedy of vengeance, yet I shall never forget how casual and undramatic the Esplanade appeared. A loafer or two lounged by the door of the public house, a little group of sailors passed, a jaunting car went swiftly on its way to the station; there was nothing to suggest that these isles were beleaguered; nothing told of the remorseless enemy at the gates of the sea. All night long under a gloomy, starless sky we patrolled waters dark as the very waves of the Styx. The hope that nourished us was the thought of finding a submarine on the surface, but we heard no noise through the mysterious dark, and a long, interminable dawn revealed to us nothing but the high crumbling cliffs of a lonely and ill-reputed bay. Where were _they_ then, I have often wondered? When had they their last look at the sun? Had they any consciousness of the end which time was bringing to them with a giant's hurrying step? At about six o'clock we swung off to the southward, and in a short time the coast had faded from sight. From six o'clock to about half past ten we swept in great circles and lines the mist encircled disk of the pale sea which had been entrusted to our keeping. We were at hand to answer any appeal for aid which might flutter through the air, to investigate any suspicious wreckage; above all, to fulfill our function of destruction. I have spoken elsewhere of the terror which lurks in the word _destroyer_. We were hunters; beaters of the ambush of the sea. About us lay the besieged waters, yellow green in colour, vexed with tide rips and mottled with shadows of haze and appearances of shoal. We were on the bridge. Suddenly a voice called down the tube from the lookout on the mast: "Smoke on the horizon just off the port bow, sir." In a little while a vague smudginess made itself seen along the humid southeast, and some fifteen minutes later there emerged from this smudge the advance vessels of a convoy. Now one by one, now in twos and threes, the vessels of the convoy climbed over the dim edge of the world, a handful of destroyers accompanying the fleet. Almost every ship was camouflaged, though the largest of all, a great ocean drudge of a cargo boat, still preserved her decency of dull grey. A southeast wind blowing from behind the convoy sent the smoke of the funnels over the bows and down the western sky. There was something indescribably furtive about the whole business. The ships were going at their very fastest, but to us they seemed to be going very slowly, to be drifting almost, across the southern sky. "We advanced," as our report read later, "to take up a position with the convoy." The watch, always keen on the 660, redoubled its vigilance. The bait was there; the hunt was on. Now, if ever, was the time for submarines. I remember somebody saying, "We may see a sub." The destroyer advanced to within three miles of the convoy, which was then across her bow. The morning was sunny and clear; the sun high in the north. "Periscope! Port bow," suddenly cried the surgeon of the ship, then on watch on the bridge. "About three hundred yards away, near that sort of a barrel thing over there. See it? It's gone now." Powerful glasses swept the suspected area. The captain, cool as ice, took his stand by the wheel. "There it is again, sir. About seventy-five yards nearer this way." This time it was seen by all who stood by. The periscope was extraordinarily small, hardly larger than a stout hoe handle, and not more than two feet above the choppy sea. "Full speed ahead," said the captain. "Sound general quarters." I do not think there was a heart there that was not beating high, but outwardly things went on just as calmly as they had before the periscope had been sighted. The fans of the extra boilers began to roar. The general quarters alarm, a continuous ringing, sounded its shrill call. Men tumbled to their stations from every corner of the ship, some going to the torpedo tubes, some to the guns, others to the depth charges at the stern. The wake of the destroyer, now tearing along at full speed, resembled a mill race. And now the destroyer began a beautiful manoeuvre. She became the killer, the avenger of blood. Leaving her direct course, she turned hard over to port, and at the point where her curve cut the estimated course of the German, she tossed over a buoy to mark the spot at which the German had been seen and released a depth bomb. The iron can rolled out of its chocks, and fell with a little splash into the foaming wake. The buoy, a mere wooden platform with a bit of rag, tied to an upright stick wobbled sillily behind. For about four seconds nothing happened. Then the seas behind us gave a curious, convulsive lift, one might have thought that the ocean had drawn a spasmodic breath; over this lifted water fled a frightful glassy tremor, and an instant later there broke forth with a thundering pound a huge turbid geyser which subsided, splashing noisily into streaks and eddies of foam and purplish dust. The destroyer then dropped three more in a circle round the first--a swift cycle of thundering crashes. Meanwhile the convoy, warned by our signal and by the uproar turned tail and fled from the spot. Great streamers of heavy black smoke poured from the many funnels, revealing the search for speed. In the area we had bombed, a number of dead fish began to be seen floating in the scum. By this time some of the vessels from the escort of the convoy had rushed to our assistance, and round and round the buoy they tore, dropping charge after charge. The ocean now became literally speckled with dead whiting, and I saw something that looked like an enormous eel floating belly upwards. [Illustration: The last of a German U-boat. The depth bomb that destroyed her was dropped by the destroyer shown in a corner of the picture] The convoy disappeared in a cloud of smoke. Little by little the excitement died away. Finally the only vessel left in sight on the broad shield of the sea was another American destroyer, our partner on patrol. The 305 was fitted with listening devices, and she agreed to remain behind to keep an eye and ear open. We were to have a word from her every half hour. From twelve noon to two o'clock there were no tidings of importance. At 2:20, however, this laconic message sent us hurrying back to the scene of the morning's combat. "Signs of oil coming to surface." What had happened in the darkness below those yellow green waves? I am of the opinion that our first bomb, dropped directly upon her, crushed the submarine in like an egg-shell, that she had then sunk to the bottom, and developed a slow leak. The 660 returned through a choppy sea to the battleground of the morning. We caught sight of the other destroyer from afar. She lay on the flank of a great area defiled by the bodies of fish, purple T.N.T. dust and various bits of muddy wreckage which the explosions had shaken free from the ooze. Gulls, already attracted to the spot, were circling about, uttering hoarse cries. In the heart of this disturbed area lay a great still pool of shining water and into this pool, from somewhere in the depths, huge bubbles of molasses-brown oil were rising. Reaching the surface, these bubbles spread into filmy pan cakes round whose edges little waves curled and broke. XI "FISHING" A young executive officer who had discovered that I came from his part of the world, took me there for tea. I fancy that few of the destroyer folk will forget the principal hotel at the Navy's Irish base. We sat in worn plush chairs in a vast rectangular salon lit by three giant sash windows of horrible proportions. Walls newly decked with paper of a lustrous, fiery red showered down upon us their imaginary warmth. The room was cold, horribly cold, and a minuscule fire of coke burning in a tiny grate seemed to be making no effort whatsoever to improve conditions. The little glow of fire in the nest of clinkers leered with a dull malevolence. Cold--a shivery cold. My eye fled to the pictures on the fiery wall. How in the d----l did these particular pictures ever land in this particular corner of south Ireland? Two were photographic studies of ragged Alabama darkies, pictures of the kind that used to be printed on calendars in the eighteen nineties. One was entitled "I want you, ma honey" (this being addressed to a watermelon), the other being called "I'se just tired of school." These two were varied by an engraving of a race horse, some Charles I cavaliers, and a framed newspaper photograph of the 71st New York Guards en route for Tampa in 1898! Sugar excepted, there is still plenty of good food in Ireland. The Exec. and I sat down to a very decent tea. I told all that I knew about the Exec.'s friends, that A was in a machine gun company; B in the naval aviation; C in the intelligence department and so forth. And when I had done my share of the talking, I demanded of the Exec, what he thought of his work "over there." He answered abruptly, as if he had long before settled the question in his own mind: "It's a game. Some of the sporting fishermen in the flotilla say that it's much like fishing ... now you use this bait, now that, now this rod, now another, and all the time you are following ... following the fish.... It's a game, the biggest game in all the world, for it has the biggest stakes in all the world. There's far more strategy to it than one would suspect. You see, it's not enough to hang round till a periscope pops up; we've got to fish out the periscope." "Fishing, then," said I. "Well, how and where do you fish?" "On the chequer board of the Irish Sea and the Channel. You see the surface of the endangered waters is divided up into a number of squares or areas, and over each area some kind of a patrol boat stands guard. She may be a destroyer, ... perhaps a 'sloop.' Now let's suppose she's out there looking for 'fish.'" "Yes, even as a fisherman might wade out into a river in which he knows that fish are to be caught. But how is your destroyer fisherman to know just what fish are to be caught, and in just what bays and inlets he ought to troll?" "That's the function of the Naval Intelligence. Have you realized the immense organization which Britain has created especially to fight the submarine? You'll find it all in the war cabinet report for 1917. Before the war, there were only twenty vessels employed as mine sweepers and on auxiliary patrol duties; to-day the number of such craft is about 3,800, and is constantly increasing. And don't forget the sea planes, balloons, and all the other parts of the outfit. So while our destroyer fisherman is casting about in square x, let us say, all these scouting friends of his are trying to find the 'fish' for him. So every once in a while he gets a message via wireless, 'fish seen off bay blank,' 'fish reported in latitude A and longitude B.' ... If these messages refer to spots in his neighbourhood, you can be sure that he keeps an extra sharp lookout. So no matter where the fish goes, there is certain to be a fisher." _During a recent month the mileage steamed by the auxiliary patrol forces in British home waters exceeded six million miles_. "Now while you are beating the waters for them, what about the fish himself?" "The fish himself? Well, the ocean is a pretty big place, and the fish has the tremendous advantage of being invisible. A submarine need only show _three inches_ of periscope if the weather is calm. She can travel a hundred miles completely submerged, and she can remain on the bottom for a full forty-eight hours. Squatting on the bottom is called "lying doggo." But she has to come up to breathe and recharge her batteries, and this she does at night. Hence the keenness of the night patrol. And here is another parallel to fishing. You know that when the wind is from a certain direction, you will find the fish in a certain pool, whilst if the wind blows from another quarter, you will find the fish in another place? Same way with submarines. Let the wind blow from a certain direction, and they will run up and down the surface off a certain lee shore. You can just bet that that strip of shore is well patrolled. Moreover, submarines can't go fooling round all over the sea, they _have_ to concentrate in certain squares, say the areas which lie outside big ports or through which a great marine highway lies." "Suppose that you manage to injure a fish, what then?" "Well, if the fish isn't too badly injured, he will probably make for one of the shallows, and lie doggo till he has time to effect repairs. Result, every shallow is watched as carefully as a miser watches his gold. And sea planes have a special patrol of the coast to keep them off the shallows by the shore." "Sometimes, then, in the murk of night, a destroyer must bump into one by sheer good luck?" "Oh, yes, indeed. Not long ago, a British destroyer racing through a pitch dark rainy night cut a sub almost in half. There was a tremendous bump that knocked the people on the bridge over backward, a lot of yelling, and then a wild salvo of rain blotted everything out. I think they managed to rescue one of the Germans. Pity they didn't get the fish itself. You know it's a great stunt to get your enemy's codes. We get them once in a while. Ever seen a pink booklet on any of your destroyer trips? It's a translation of a German book of instructions to submarine commanders. On British boats they call it 'Baby-Killing at a Glance or the Hun's Vade Mecum.' Great name, isn't it? Tells how to attack convoys and all that sort of thing. Lots of interesting tricks like squatting in the path of the sun so that the lookout, blinded by the glare, shan't see you; playing dead and so on. That playing-dead stunt, if it ever did work, which I greatly doubt, is certainly no favourite now." "Playing dead? Just what do you mean?" "Why, a destroyer would chase a sub into the shallows and bomb her. Then 'Fritz' would release a tremendous mess of oil to make believe that he was terribly injured, and lie doggo for hours and hours. The destroyer, of course, seeing the oil, and hearing nothing from 'Fritz' was expected to conclude that 'Fritz' had landed in Valhalla, and go away. Then when she had gone away, 'Fritz,' quite uninjured, went back to his job." "And now that stunt is out of fashion?" "You bet it is. Our instructions are to bomb until we get tangible results. Before it announces the end of a sub, the Admiralty has to have unmistakable evidence of the sub's destruction. Not long ago, they say a sub played dead somewhere off the Channel, sent up oil, and waited for the fishers to go. In a few seconds, 'Fritz' got a depth bomb right on his ear, and up he came to the top, the most surprised and angry Hun that ever was seen. Bagged him, boat and all. He must have had a head of solid ivory. "Got to be cruising along, now. It's four o'clock, and our tender must be waiting for me at the pier." "Going fishing?" I asked politely. "You bet!" he answered with a grin. XII AMUSEMENTS On every vessel in the Navy there is a phonograph, and on some destroyers there are two phonographs, one for the officers, and one for the men. The motion of the destroyer rarely permits the use of the machine at sea, but when the vessel lies quietly at her mooring buoy, you are likely to hear a battered old opera record sounding through the port holes of the ward room, and "When the midnight choo choo leaves for Alabam'" rising raucously out of the crew's quarters. When music fails, there are always plenty of magazines, thanks to good souls who read Mr. Burleson's offer and affix the harmless, necessary two cent stamps. Each batch is full of splendid novelettes. We gloat over the esoteric mysteries of the "American Buddhist," and wonder who sent it, we read the "Osteopath's Quarterly," the "Western Hog Breeder," and "Needlework." Petty officers with agricultural ambitions, and there are always a few on every boat, descend on the agricultural journals like wolves on the fold. No notice of Queenstown, no history of the Navy would be complete without a word about golf. It is _the_ Navy game. Golf clubs are to be found in every cabin; in the tiny libraries Harry Vardon rubs shoulders with naval historians and professors of thermodynamics. If you take the train, you are sure to find a carriage full of golfers bound for a course on the home side of the river. I remember seeing the captain of an American submarine just about to start upon the most dangerous kind of an errand one could possibly imagine. It was midnight; it was raining, the great Atlantic surges were sweeping into the bay in a manner which told of rough weather outside. Just as he was about to disappear into the clamorous bowels of his craft, the captain paused for an instant on the ladder, and shouted back to us, "Tell Sanderson to put that mashie in my room when he's through with it." Were it not for the great "United States Naval Men's Club," I fear that Jack ashore would have had but a dull time, for our amusements were limited to a dingy cinema exploiting American "serials" several years old, and a shed in which a company of odd people played pretentious melodramas of the "Worst Woman in London" type on a tiny Sunday school stage. Alas, there were not enough people in the company to complete the cast of characters, so the poor leading lady was forever disappearing into the wings as the wronged daughter of a ducal house, only to appear again in a few minutes as the dark female poisoner, whilst the little leading man with a Kerry Brogue was forever rushing back and forth between the old white-haired servitor and the Earl of Darnleycourt. Once in a while Jack came to these performances, bought the best seat, and left the theatre before the performance was ended. The British Tars, however, sat through it respectably and solemnly to the end. The Men's Club was to be found at one end of the town close by the water's edge. It was quite the most successful and attractive thing of its kind I have ever visited. The largest building was a factory-like affair of brick which once housed some swimming baths, then became a theatre, and finally failed and lay down to die; the smaller buildings were substantial huts of the Y.M.C.A. kind which had been attached to the original structure. This institution provided some several thousand sailors with a canteen, an excellent restaurant, a theatre, a library, a recreation room, and, if necessary, a lodging. Best of all, one could go to the Club and actually be warm and comfortable in the American style, a boon not to be lightly regarded in these islands where people all winter long huddle in freezing rooms round lilliputian grates. Enlisted men controlled the club, maintained it, and selected their stewards, cooks and attendants from their own ranks. Upon everybody concerned, the Club reflects the highest credit. There were "movies" every night, and on Saturday night a special concert by the "talent" in the flotilla. The opening number was always a selection by the Club Orchestra, perhaps a march of Sousa's, for the Navy is true to its own, or perhaps Meacham's "American Patrol." Then came a long four-reel movie, "Jim the Penman," "The Ring of the Borgias," "Gladiola" or "Davy Crockett." The last terrifying flickers die away, the footlights become rosy; the curtain rises on "The Musical Gobs." We behold a pleasant room in which two people in civilian clothes sit playing a soft, crooning air on violins. Suddenly a knock is heard at the door. One of the performers rises, goes to the door, then returns and says to his partner: "There's some sailors out there (great laughter in the audience); they say they can play too. Want to know if they can't come in and play with us." "Sure, tell 'em to come in." "Come in, boys." From behind the back drop, a subdued humming suddenly bursts and blossoms into "Strike up the band; here comes a sailor." Enter now three pleasant looking, amiably grinning lads playing the tune. Chairs are brought out for the newcomers and the "Musical Gobs," genuine artists all, play several airs. Another knock is heard and a singer, a petty officer with a good tenor, also begs to join them. The curtain goes down in a perfect tempest of applause. The screen descends once more, and all present sing together the popular songs whose text is shown, "Gimme a kiss, Mirandy," and "It's a long way to Berlin, but we'll get there." This feature was always a favourite. We then have a clog dancer, two more comic films and the National anthems. When the show is over, almost everybody wandered to the canteen to get "a bite to eat." To o'erleap the bars of the ration system with a real plate of ham and eggs, served club style, was an experience. So if you were aboard a destroyer that night, you would have heard Jack whistling the new tunes, and his officers discussing golf scores. XIII STORM Sooner or later, destroyer folk are sure to say something about _the_ storm. It happened in December and raged for a full three days. Readers will have to imagine what it meant to destroyer sailors; the boat dancing, tipping and rolling crazily without a second's respite; no warm food to eat because a saucepan could not be kept on the stove or liquids in a saucepan; no rest to be had. Imagine being in the lookout's station in such a storm, wondering when the tops of the masts were going to crash down on one's head. It was a hard time. Yet two-thirds of the American flotilla were out in it, and _not a single vessel lost an hour from her patrol_. Indeed the American vessels were about the only patrol boats to stay out during the tempest. One day in the wardroom of the good old Z, some of the officers began to tell of it. The first narrator was the radio officer, a tall blond Westerner with big grey eyes, and a little sandy moustache. "I knew we were in for something when I saw the clouds racing over _against_ the wind. Didn't you notice that, Duke? It kept up for quite a while, and kept getting colder and colder. It wasn't one of these squally storms, but one of these storms that starts with a repressed grouch, nurses it along, and finally decides to have it out. Whoopee! Some night, that first one. Everybody stayed on their feet. Couldn't have slept if you'd had the chance to. To get about, you grabbed the nearest thing handy, hung on for dear life, took a step, grabbed the next thing handy and so on. The old hooker did the darndest stunts I ever saw or felt. I came in to get my coat hanging in that corner, and the first thing I knew I was lying on the floor over in the other corner trying to fight my way to my feet again. One of the men in the boiler room got burned by being thrown against a hot surface. Did I tell you how I tried to lie down? Well, just as I had actually succeeded in getting over to this transom and stretching out preparatory to strapping myself in (you have to strap yourself tight in these destroyer bunks same as in an aeroplane) the old craft sank or swooped or did something more than usually funny, and left me hanging in the air about a foot and a half above the bunk. I must have looked like the subject of an experiment in levitation. A minute later either the bunk came up and caught me a wallop in the back, or I fell down like a ton of brick or we met in mid air, anyway, I thought my spine had been carried away. Then all of a sudden the library door opened and dumped about a hundred pounds of books on me. "It was really dangerous to go on deck, for the waves could easily have torn one from the life line. One of the boats did, I think, lose a man overboard, but by wonderful luck managed to fish him out again." It is the engineer officer speaking. He is somewhat older than the average destroyer officer; somewhere on the edge of the forties, I should say; of medium height, lean; and with hazel eyes, a thin high nose and a thin, firm mouth. "I was just getting through my watch, had my foot on the ladder, in fact, when the boat that we lost got smashed in. A wave about the size of a young mountain climbed aboard, hit the deck, caught the boat, and then poured off with the kindling wood. Then to make things interesting, right when it was blowing the hardest, the men's dog took it into his head to come on deck. Of course, he was only a three months' pup then, and didn't know any better. (He does now though, he won't stick his nose out when the weather's bad.) Well, he slipped his collar or something, and ran on deck. The water was washing about under the torpedo tubes like the breakers at Atlantic City, and the deck plates were buckling. Takes a destroyer to do that. But I keep forgetting the dog. The little brute backed up between two of the stacks and started yapping out a puppyish bark at the world to starboard. It was funny in a way to see the little brute there with his short hair blown backwards and his feet braced on the wet deck. Everybody yelled, and one of the men ran out hanging on to the life line, and not a minute too soon either, for a second later a big wave came thumping down on us, and there was Maloney, the big dark fellow you were talking to this morning, hanging on to the wire by one arm, with the fool dog squashed under the other, and the whole Irish Sea trying to wash them both overboard. I was afraid he'd lose his balance or have the handle that travels along the wire torn out of his grasp. But he got to shelter all right, the darn dog yapping steadily all the time. We had two, almost three days of it, and it never let up one bit. One of our boats got caught in it with only a meagre supply of oil, but managed to make a French port. I've heard that there actually wasn't enough oil left in her tanks to have taken her three miles further. Other destroyers, too, had boats smashed up, and one of 'em came in with her smokestacks bent up for all the world like the crooked fingers of a hand. Some had depth charges washed overboard. It certainly was the worst blow that I remember." Here the navigator came over with a twinkle in his eye, and touched me on the shoulder. "Don't let him fill you with that dope," said he, "that storm wasn't in it with the storms we have on the other side off Hatteras." "Hatteras, my neck," said the other. "What do you think you are, anyway--Hell-Roaring Jake the Storm King?" And then the talk shifted to something else. XIV ON NIGHT PATROL It was the end of the afternoon, there was light in the western sky and on the winding bay astern, but ahead, leaden, still, and slightly tilted up to a grey bank of eastern cloud, lay the forsaken and beleaguered sea. The destroyer, nosing slowly through the gap in the nets by the harbour mouth, entered the swept channel, increased her speed, and trembling to the growing vibration, hurried on into the dark. High, crumbling, and excessively romantic, the Irish coast behind her died away. Tragic waters lay before her. Whatever illusory friendliness men had read into the sea had vanished; the great leaden disk about the vessel seemed as insecure as a mountain road down whose length travellers cease from speaking for fear of avalanches. "A vast circular ambush." Somehow the beholder cannot help feeling that the waters should show some sign of the horrors they have seen. But the sea has engulfed all, memories as well as living men, engulfing a thousand wrecks as completely as time engulfs a thousand years. The dark came swiftly, almost as if the destroyer had sailed to find it in that bank of eastern cloud. There was an interval of twilight, no dying glow, but a mere pause in the pale ebb of the day. The destroyer had begun to roll. Looking back from the bridge one saw the lean, inconceivably lean, steel deck, the joints of the plates still visible, the guns to each side with their attendant crews, a machine gun, swinging on a pivot like a weather vane, the gently swaying bulk of the suspended motor dories and life boats, the four great tubes of the funnels rising flush from the plates, and crowned with a tremble of vibration from the oil flames below. And all this lean world swung slowly from side to side, rocking as gently as a child's cradle, swayed as if by some gentle force from within. The destroyer was out on patrol. A part of the threatened sea had been given to her to watch and ward. She was the guardian, ... the avenger. The supper hour arrived, men came in groups to the galley door, some to depart with steamy pannikins, there was a smell of good food very satisfying to children of earth. In the officer's wardroom when dinner was over, and the negro mess boys were silently folding the white cloth, securing the chairs, and tidying up, those not on watch settled down to a friendly talk. All the lights except one bulb hanging over the table in a pyramidal tin shade had been switched off. It was very quiet. Now and then one could hear the splash of a wave against the side, a footfall on the deck overhead, or the tinkle of the knives and forks which the steward was putting away in a drawer. The hanging light swayed with the motion of the ship, trailing a pool of light up and down the oaken table. Cigarette smoke rose in wisps and long, languorous oriental coils to the clean ceiling. A sailor or two came in for his orders. Hushed voices talking apart, a direction to do this or that, a respectful business-like "yes, sir," a quiet withdrawal by the only door. It was all very calm, it had the atmosphere of a cruise, yet those aboard might have been torpedoed any minute, struck a mine, crashed into a submarine fooling about too near the surface (this has happened) or been sunk in thirty seconds by some hurrying, furtive brute of a liner which would have ridden over them as easily as a snake goes over a branch. The talk flowed in many channels, on the problems of destroyers, on the adventures of other boats, on members of the crew soon to be advanced to commissioned rating, and under the thought under the words, could be discerned the one fierce purpose of these fighting lives; the will to strike down the submarine and open the lanes of the sea. Oh, the vigilance, the energy, the keenness of the American patrol! There were tales of U-boats hiding in suspected bays, of merchantmen swiftly and terribly avenged, of voices that cried for help in the night, of life boats almost awash in whose foul waters the dead floated swollen and horrible. The war of the destroyer against the submarine is a matter of tragic melodrama. The wandering glow of the swaying lamp now was reflected from the varnished table to one keen young face, now to another. "Running a destroyer is a young man's game," says the Navy. True enough. Pray do not imagine them, as a crew of "hell-driving boys." The destroyer service is the achievement of the man in the early thirties, of the officer with a young man's vigour and energy and the resolution of maturity. After all, the Navy Department is not yet trusting vessels worth several million dollars and carrying over a hundred men to eager youngsters who have no background of experience to their energy, good-will and bravery. If you would imagine a destroyer captain, take your man of thirty-two or -three, give him blue eyes, a keen, clear-cut face essentially American in its features, a sailor's tan, and a sprinkling of grey hair. A type to remember, for to the destroyer captain more than to any other single figure do we owe our opportunity of winning the war. The evening waned, the officers who were to go on watch at twelve stole off to get a little sleep before being called. The navigator and the senior engineer slept on the transoms of the wardroom. A junior officer lingered beneath the solitary ever-swinging light, reading a magazine. A little hitch worked itself into the destroyer's motion, a swift upward leap, a little catch in mid air, a descent ending in a quiver. The voice of the waters grew louder, there were hissing splashes, watery blows, bubbly gurgles. The sleeping officers had not paused to undress. Nobody bothers to strip on a destroyer. There isn't time, and a man has to be ready on the instant for any eventuality. The door giving on a narrow passageway to the deck opened, and as it stood ajar, the hissing of the water alongside invaded the silent room. A sailor in a blue reefer, a big lad with big hands and simple, friendly face, entered quietly, walked over a transom and said: "Twelve o'clock, sir." "All right, Simmons," said the engineer, sitting up and kicking off the clothes at once with a quick gesture. Then he swung his legs over the side of the bunk, pulled on a coat and hat and wandered out to take his trick at the bridge. He found a lovely, starlit night, a night rich in serenity and promised peace, a night for lovers, a poet's night. There was phosphorescence in the water, and as the destroyer rolled from side to side, now the guns and rails to port, now those to starboard stood shaped against the spectral trail of foam running river-like alongside. One could see some distance ahead over the haunted plain. The men by the guns were changing watch; black figures came down the lane by the funnels. A sailor was drawing cocoa in a white enamel cup from a tap off the galley wall. The hatchway leading to the quarters of the crew was open; it was dark within; the engineer heard the wiry creak of a bunk into which some one had just tumbled. The engineer climbed two little flights of steps to the bridge. It was just midnight. It was very still on the bridge, for all of the ten or twelve people standing by. All very quiet and rather solemn. One can't escape from the rich melodrama of it all. The bridge was a little, low-roofed space perhaps ten feet wide and eight feet long, it had a front wall shaped like a wide, outward pointing V, its sides and rear were open to the night. The handful of officers and men on watch stood at various points along the walls peering out into the darkness. Phosphorescent crests of low, breaking waves flecked the waters about; it was incredibly spectral. In the heart of the bridge burned its only light, a binnacle lamp burning as steadily as a light in the chancel of a darkened church, the glow cast the shadow of the helmsman and the bars of the wheel down upon the floor in radiations of light and shade like the stripes of a Japanese flag. The captain, keeping a sharp lookout over the bow, gave his orders now and then to the helmsman, a petty officer with a sober, serious face. Suddenly there were steps on the companionway behind, the dark outline of some messenger appeared, a shadow on a background of shades. The sailor peered round for his chief and said, "Mr. Andrews sent me up, sir, to report hearing a depth bomb or a mine explode at 12.25." "Was it very loud, Williams?" "Yes, sir, I should have said that it wasn't more than a few miles away. We all heard it quite distinctly down below." Evidently some devil's work was going on in the heart of the darkness. The vibration had travelled through the water and had been heard, as always, in that part of the ship below the water line. Williams withdrew. The destroyer rushed on into the romantic night. "Must have spotted something on the surface," said some one.... A radio operator appeared with a sheaf of telegrams. "Submarine seen in latitude x and longitude y," "Derelict awash in position so and so." "Gun fire heard off Cape Z at half past eleven"--it all had to do with the channel zone to the south. The captain shoved the sheaf into a pocket of his jacket. Suddenly, through the dark, was heard a hard, thundering pound. "By jingo, there's another," said somebody. "Nearby, too. Wonder what's up?" "Sounded more like a torpedo this time," said an invisible speaker in a heavy, dogged voice. A stir of interest gripped the bridge; one could see it in the shining eyes of the young helmsman. Two of the sailors discussed the thing in whispers, fragments of conversation might have been overheard.--"No, I should have said off the port bow." "Isn't this about the place where the _Welsh Prince_ got hers?" "Listen, didn't you hear something then?" From somewhere in the distance came three long blasts, blasts of a deep roaring whistle. "Something's up, sure!" The destroyer, in obedience to an order of the captain, took a sharp turn to port, and turning, left far behind a curving, luminous trail upon the sea. The wind was dying down. Again there were steps on the way. "Distress signal, sir," said the messenger from the radio room, a shock-haired lad who spoke with the precise intonation of a Bostonian. The captain stepped to the side of the binnacle, lowered the flimsy sheet into the glow of the lamp, and summoned his officers. The message read: "S.S. _Zemblan_, position x y z torpedoed, request immediate assistance." An instant later several things happened all at once. The "general quarters" alarm bell which sends every man to his station began to ring, full speed ahead was rung on in the engine room, and the destroyer's course was altered once more. Men began to tumble up out of the hatchways, figures rushed along the dark deck; there were voices, questions, names. The alarm bell rang as monotonously as an ordinary door bell whose switch has jammed. But soon one sound, the roaring of the giant blowers sucking in air for the forced draught in the boiler room, overtopped and crushed all other fragments of noise, even as an advancing wave gathers into itself and destroys pools and rills left along the beach by the tide. A roaring sound, a deep windy hum. Gathering speed at once, the destroyer leaped ahead. And even as violence overtook the lives and works of men, the calm upon the sea became ironically more than ever assuring and serene. [Illustration: To enjoy their leisure between watches these officers of an American destroyer lash themselves into their seats. A destroyer travelling at high speed in a heavy sea is like a bucking broncho.] "Good visibility," said somebody on the bridge. "She can't be more than three miles away now. Hello, there's a rocket." A faint bronzy golden trail, suddenly flowering into a drooping cluster of darting white lights gleamed for a furtive instant among the westering winter stars. "I saw her, sir!" cried one of the lookouts. "Where is she, O'Farrell?" "Quite a bit to the left of the rocket, sir. She's settling by the head." The beautiful night closed in again. O'Farrell and the engineer continued to peer out into the dark. Suddenly both of them cried out, using exactly the same words at exactly the same time, "Torpedo off the port bow, sir!" The thing had become visible in an instant. It could be seen as a rushing white streak in the dark water, and was coming towards the destroyer with the speed of an express train, coming like a bullet out of a gun. The captain uttered a quick word of command. The wheel spun, the roaring, trembling ship turned in the dark. A strange thing happened. Just as the destroyer had cleared the danger line, the torpedo, as if actuated by some malevolent intelligence, porpoised, and actually turned again towards the vessel. The fate of the destroyer lay on the knees of the gods. Those on the bridge instinctively braced themselves for the shock. The affair seemed to be taking a long time, a terribly long time. An instant later, the contrivance rushed through the foaming wake of the destroyer only a few yards astern, and continuing on, disappeared in the calm and glittering dark. A floating red light suddenly appeared just ahead and at the same moment all caught sight of the _Zemblan_. She was hardly more than half a mile away. Somebody aboard her had evidently just thrown over one of those life buoys with a self-igniting torch attachment, and this buoy burned a steady orange red just off that side on which the vessel was listing. The dark, stricken, motionless bulk leaned over the little pool of orange radiance gleaming in a fitful pool; round the floating torch one could see vague figures working on a boat by the stern, and one figure walking briskly down the deck to join them. There was not a sign of any explosion, no breakage, no splintered wood. Some ships are stricken, and go to their death in flames and eddying steam, go to their death as a wounded soldier goes; other ships resemble a strong man suddenly stricken by some incurable and mysterious disease. The unhappy _Zemblan_ was of this latter class. There were two boats on the water, splashing their oars with a calm regularity of the college crews; there were inarticulate and lonely cries. Away from the light, and but vaguely seen against the midnight sky, lay a British patrol boat which had happened to be very close at hand. And other boats were signalling--"_Zemblan_--am coming." The sloop signalled the destroyer that she would look after the survivors. Cries were no longer heard. Round and round the ship in great sweeps went the destroyer, seeking a chance to be of use,--to avenge. Other vessels arrived, talked by wireless and disappeared before they had been but vaguely seen. Just after two o'clock, the _Zemblan's_ stem rose in the air, and hung suspended motionless. The tilted bulk might have been a rock thrust suddenly out of the deep towards the starry sky. Then suddenly, as if released from a pose, the stern plunged under, plunged as if it were the last act of the vessel's conscious will. The destroyer cruised about till dawn. A breeze sprang up with the first glow of day, and scattered the little wreckage which had floated silly-solemnly about. Nothing remained to tell of an act more terrible than murder, more base than assassination. XV CAMOUFLAGE In the annals of the Navy one may read of many a famous duel, and if the code duello were in existence to-day, I feel certain that the present would not be less fiery than the past. The subject which stirs up all the discussion is camouflage. To ask at a crowded table: "What do you think of camouflage," is to hurl a very apple of discord down among your hosts. For there will be some who will stand by camouflage to the last bright drop of blood, and strive to win you to their mind with tales that do "amaze the very faculties of eyes and ears." You will hear of ships melting into cloud, of vessels apparently going full speed backward, of ships whose funnels have one and all been rendered invisible. And now the mocker is sure to ask the pro-camouflager in the most serious of tones if he ever saw the ship disguised as a sunset which the Germans unhappily discovered on a rainy day. The signal gun of the anti-camouflage squad now having sounded, the assault begins with a demand of "What's your theory?" The pro's reply something about breaking up spaces of colour, optical illusions--"if you draw horizontal lines along a boat's hull, she will appear longer; if you draw vertical or angular parallels, the vessel will appear shorter." The anti's answer that such an expedient might possibly, just possibly, deceive an idiot child for exactly five and one-eighths seconds, as for deceiving a wily Hun,--Good Night! "Do you mean to tell me," cries the devotee of camouflage, growing angry, "that a ship painted one flat, dead colour is less visible against the sea than one whose surface is broken up into many colours?" "Yes, that's what I mean," retorts the anti. "You know as well as I do that a thing that looks like Vesuvius in eruption is ten times more easily seen than a boat painted a dull neutral grey." "Yes," cries some one else, "but hasn't camouflage on land proved its utility?" "I'm talking about naval camouflage," answers the anti. "On land your camouflaged object is usually stationary itself, and stands in relation to a surface which is always stationary,--the surrounding landscape. Out here, both surfaces, sea and vessel, are constantly in motion and constantly changing their relation to each other." "But I _saw_ a boat--" begins a pro. "Oh, cut it out," cries somebody else wholeheartedly, and the discussion ends exactly where a thousand others have ended. Whether camouflage be valuable or not, it certainly is the fad of the hour. The good, old-fashioned, one-colour boat has practically disappeared from the seas, and the ships that cross the ocean in these perilous times have been docked to make a cubist holiday; the futurists are saving democracy. There are countless tricks. I remember seeing one boat with a false water line floating in a painted sea whose roaring waves contrasted oddly with a frightfully placid horizon, and I recall another with the silhouette of a schooner painted on her side. I remember a little tramp remorselessly striped, funnels and all with alternate slanting bands of apple-green and snuff brown; I have an indistinct memory of a terrible mess of milky-pink, lemon-yellow and rusty black, which earned for the vessel displaying it the odious title of "The Boil." We saw the prize monstrosity in midocean. Every school of camouflage had evidently had a chance at her. She was striped, she was blotched; she was painted in curves; she was slashed with jagged angles; she was bone grey; she was pink; she was purple; she was green; she was blue; she was egg yellow. To see her was to gasp and turn aside. We had quite a time picking a suitable name for her, but finally decided on the Conscientious Objector, though her full title was "The State of Mind of a C.O. on Being Sent to the Front." Finally destiny put in my path just the man I wanted to see, the captain of a British submarine. "What do you think of camouflage?" I asked. "Well," he answered, after a pause, "I can't remember that it ever hindered us from seeing a ship. Visibility at sea strikes me as being more a matter of mass than of colour. The optical illusion tricks are too priceless silly. Must amuse the Huns. You see if the eye does play him false, Fritz detects the error with his gauges." The P.C's, I am sure, will put this down as a bit of typical submarine "side." Indignant letters, care H.M.S. X999. XVI TRAGEDY Just at the fall of night, three days before, a weak and fragmentary wireless had cried forlornly over the face of the waters for immediate help, and had then ceased abruptly like a lamp blown out by a gust of wind. The destroyers, stationed here and there in the vast loneliness of the gathering dark, had heard and waited for "the position" of the disaster, but nothing more came through the night. Presently, it had begun to rain. And now for three interminable and tedious days and nights rain had been falling, falling with the monotony and purpose of water over a dam. There being little or no wind the drops fell straight as plummets from a sky flat as a vast ceiling, and the air reverberated with that murmuring hum which is the voice of the rain mingling with the sea. Rain greasy with oil it had gathered from the plates poured in little streams off the deck; drops hissed on the iron of the hot stacks. Clad in stout waterproof clothes, and wearing their waterproof hoods, the crew went casually about their duties, their hardy faces showing no sign of discomfort or weariness. It was about three o'clock in the afternoon of a January day. Presently the lookout, from his station on the mast, reported: "Floating object off starboard bow," and a few minutes later one of the watch on the bridge reported two more floating masses, this time visible to port. The destroyer was making her way into a vast field of wreckage. Within the radius of visibility, there lay, drifting silently about in the incessant rain, an incredible quantity of barrels, boxes, bits of wood, crates, vegetables, apples, onions, fragments of coke, life preservers and planks. "See if you can spot a name on anything," said the destroyer's captain. But though everybody looked carefully, not a sign of a name could be seen. Mile after mile went the destroyer down the rain lashed sea, mile after mile of wreckage opened before her. "Life boat ahead showing flag!" The captain raised to his eyes the pair of binoculars he wore hanging from his neck, and peered out of the window by the wheel. "Found her yet, sir?" "Yes ... it's a small grey boat. Barely afloat, I guess. They've got a shirt or something tied to a mast or an oar. We'll have a look at it. Tell Mullens to have a couple of men stand by with boat hooks in case we run alongside." The swamped boat, motionless as a stone in the driving rain, lay no more than half a mile off. Voices eagerly discussed the possibility of finding survivors. "Alive? Course they ain't. Why, the boat's awash." "Sure, but look at the flag." "Those poor guys are gonners long ago." Handled skilfully the destroyer crept alongside the motionless boat, and presently those on the bridge looked directly down upon it. It lay, floating on even keel, not more than six or seven feet off the starboard side, and was held up by its tanks. A red flannel shirt hung soggily against an upright pole, and coloured the shaft with the drippings of its dye. The interior of the boat was but a deep puddle, a dark puddle into which the rain fell monotonous and implacable. Floating face down and side by side in the water lay the fully clothed bodies of two men, whilst at the stern, sitting on a seat just under water, with his feet in the water and his body toppled over on the gunwale, could be seen a third figure dressed in a kind of seaman's jacket. The wet cloth of his trousers clung lightly to his thin legs and revealed the taut muscles of his thighs. Then boat hooks fished out from the side of the destroyer and drew the heavy craft in. A sailor cried out that all were dead. "Any name on the boat, Hardy?" asked the officer standing by. "No, sir." "Very well. Cast off!" The life boat, watched by some rather horrified eyes, slid alongside the destroyers, and drifted solemnly behind. "Now," said the captain, who had come on deck, "I want one tidy shot put into that boat, Butler." Ten seconds later, the roar of the four-inch at the stern burst asunder the murmur of the rain, and the watchers saw the boat of the dead crumple and disappear in the loneliness and rain. XVII "CONSOLIDATION, NOT COÖPERATION" Talking one day with an English member of the House of Commons, I asked him what he held to be the most important result of American intervention. "The spirit of coöperation which you have stirred up among the Allies," he answered. "Not that I mean to say that the Allies were continually quarrelling among themselves; the manner in which Britain has shared her ships with other hard pressed nations would refute any such insinuation, but not until you came on the scene was there a really scientific attempt at the coördination of our various forces. You were quite right to insist on a generalissimo. But of course the great lesson you've given us has been through your Navy. There's been nothing like it in the history of the allied forces. What an extraordinary position Admiral Sims has won in England! His influence is perfectly tremendous; there isn't another allied leader who has a tithe of his power. I really do not think that there is a parallel to it in English history." Now this is no over-statement of the case. The influence of Admiral Sims over the British people _is_ tremendous. All along he has had but one watchword, "Consolidation, not Coöperation." It is a splendid phrase, and Admiral Sims has turned it into action. The way, I gathered from various members of the Staff and the Embassy, had not been without its obstacles. For instance, once upon a time certain American forces were to be sent into a distant area, and a member of the Allied Naval Council sitting in London had taken the stand that the little force should be supplied from the United States. Immediately Admiral Sims pointed out that these American forces must be considered as _allied_ forces and must be supplied from the nearest and most convenient _allied_ sources of supply. And he carried the day. Not only has the Admiral insisted on the _consolidation_ of material forces; but he has also insisted on a consolidation of the allied spirit. Himself a master of diplomacy and tact, he loses no opportunity of reminding the individual officers under his control to bear in mind the good points of other services and to remember the fact that the success of this work would be directly affected by their relations with their comrades of the Great Cause. And this extraordinary consolidation of force and spirit is precisely the thing which more than anything else takes the attention of the visiting correspondent. "Consolidation, not Coöperation"--it is a phrase that well might have been our allied motto from the first. While in London, I had several talks with Admiral Sims in his office in Grosvenor Gardens. Of the many distinguished men it has been my lot to interview, Admiral Sims stands first for the ability to put a guest at ease. Tall, spare, erect, and walking with a fine carriage, our Admiral is a personality whom the interviewer can never forget. One has but to talk with him a few minutes to realize the secret of the extraordinary personal loyalty he inspires. And he is as popular in France as he is in England. Speaking French fluently, he is able to carry on discussion with the French members of the Naval Council in their own language. "Consolidation, not Coöperation." There's a real phrase. And thanks to the great man who said it and insisted upon it, we defeated the common enemy. XVIII MACHINE AGAINST MACHINE The year stood at the threshold of the spring; a promise of warmth lay in the climbing sun; on land one might have heard the first songs of the birds. At sea, the mists of winter were lifting from the waters, and the sun, for many months shrunk and silver pale, shone hard and golden bright. A fresh, clear wind was blowing from the west, driving ahead of it a multitude of low foam-streaked waves. There was not a sign of life to be seen anywhere on the vast disk of the sea, not a trail, not a smudge of smoke on the horizon's circle, not even a solitary gull or diver. The destroyer, dwarfed by her world, ran up and down the square she had been chosen to guard. She had the air of performing a casual evolution. There was never anything to be found in this particular square. It lay beyond the great highways; even the sight of a coaster was there something of a rarity. Periscopes were never reported from that area, never had been reported, and probably never would be. Caressed by the sun, enveloped in the serenity of the day as in a mantle, the destroyer went back and forth on her patrol. The emergence of the periscope a quarter of a mile ahead off the starboard bow had in it something so unattended that the incident had a character of abnormality ... much as if a familiar hill should suddenly turn into a volcano. It is greatly to the honour of the ship's discipline, that those aboard were not staled by months of unfruitful vigil, and acted as swiftly as if the destruction of a submarine were matter of daily practice. There it lay, going steadily along about two hundred yards away, ... a simple, most unromantic black rod rising two feet or so above the waves. A white furrow like a kind of comet's tail, streamed behind it, forever widening at the end. Later on, they asked themselves what the submarine could possibly have been doing. Seeking a quiet place to come up to breathe, to effect repairs, to send out a hurried wireless message? It might have been a rendezvous between the two vessels. One felt that the gods had brought to pass there no careless drama, but a tragedy long meditated and skillfully prepared. The morning sun watched, a casual spectator, the duel between the two engines of violence. There had been a command, a call of the summoning bell, a release of power carefully stored for just such an event, and the destroyer leaped ahead like a runner from the starting line. The periscope, meanwhile, continued to plough its way straight ahead almost into the teeth of the wind and the flattened, marbly waves. Presently, either because the destroyer had been seen or heard on the submarine telephone, the submarine began to submerge, sucking in a kind of a foaming hollow as she sank. Aboard the destroyer, they wondered if the keel would clear her, and waited for the shock, the rasping grind. But nothing happened. The first depth bomb fell into the heart of the submarine's swirl even as a well placed stone falls in the heart of a pool. Trembling to the roar of her fans, the destroyer fled across the spot, and turned. The wake of her passing had almost obliterated the platter-shaped swirl the submarine had left behind; one had a vision of the great steel cylinder tumbling, bubbling down through green water to dark, harmless as a spool of thread on the surface, but presently to be changed by the wisdom and cunning of men into monstrous and chaotic strength. One, two, three, four, five ... a thundering pound.... The submarine rose behind them, her bow on the crest of the geyser, an immense, tapering rusty mass, wet and shining in the placid glance of the day. From a kind of hole some distance up the side, a stream of oil ran much like blood from a small deep wound.... A gun spoke, and spoke again, a careening whizz, ... ugly hollow crashes of tearing steel ... the sub heeled far over on her starboard side ... those nearest heard, or thought they heard, screaming ... the bow sank, tilting up the great planes and propellers. A monstrous bubble or two broke on the tormented surface just before she disappeared ... and with her going, the calm of the spring morning, which had been frightened away like a singing bird, returned once more to the tragic and mysterious sea. XIX THE LEGEND OF KELLEY Kelley, not Von Biberstein or Hans Bratwurst, is his name, Kelley spelled with an "e." The first destroyer officer whom you question will very possibly have never heard of him, the second will have heard the legend, the third will tell you of a radio officer, a friend of his, who received one of Kelley's messages. So day by day the legend grows apace. Kelley is the captain of a German submarine. The first time that I heard about him he figured as a young Irishman of good family who had attached himself to the German cause in order to settle old scores. "Lots of people know him in the west of Ireland; he goes ashore there any time he cares to." Another version, perhaps the true one, if there be any truth at all in this fantastic business, is that Kelley is no Irishman but a cosmopolitan, jesting German with a Celtic camouflage. No less a person than Captain James Norman Hall testifies that the Germans in the trenches often tried to anger the British troops by pretending they were disloyal Irish. So perhaps Kelley is Von Biberstein after all. A third version has it that Kelley is a Californian of Irish origin. Those who hold to this last view have it that Kelley spares all American ships but sends the Union Jack to the bottom without mercy. Many and varied are Kelley's activities. He has penchant for sending messages. "I am in latitude x and longitude y; come and get me--Kelley," has come at the dead of night into the ears of many an astounded radio operator. Others declare that these messages were sent by Hans Rose, the skipper of the submarine which attacked the shipping off Nantucket in 1916. All agree that Kelley was the beau ideal of pirates. He sinks a ship and apologizes for his action, he sees the women passengers into the boats with the grace and urbanity of a Chesterfield, he comes alongside a wretched huddle of survivors, supplies them with food, and sends out notice of their position. When they ask his name, he replies "Captain Kelley," and disappears from view beneath the sea. He goes ashore, and proves his visit with theatre tickets and hotel bills. "London hotel bills made out to Kelley, Esquire." He requests the survivors as a slight favour to tell Captain Nameless of the Destroyer XYZ that his propeller shaft needs repairing; that he, Kelley, has been seriously annoyed by having to listen to the imperfect beat via the submarine telephone. There is certainly a flavour of Celt in this chivalry tinged with mockery. I could never find anybody who had actually seen him, much to my regret, for I should have been glad to describe so famous a person. Months have passed since last I heard of him. Perhaps he is still in the Irish Sea; perhaps he is now at Harwich, perhaps he has gone aloft to join his kinsman "The Flying Dutchman." If so, let us keep his memory green, for he was a pirate _sans peur et sans reproche_. XX SONS OF THE TRIDENT Any essay on the British sailor must rise from a foundation of wholesome respect. One cannot look at the master of the world without philosophy. And British Jack is the world's master, for he holds in his hands that mastery of the seas which is the mastery of the land. He is a sailor of the mightiest of all navies, an inheritor of the world's most remarkable naval tradition, a true son of Britannia's ancient trident. What is he like, British Jack? How does he impress those companions who share the vigil of the seas? To begin with the Briton is, on the average, an older man than our bluejacket. British Jack has not gone into the Royal Navy "for the fun of it" or "to see the world," as our posters say, but as the serious business of his life. His enlistment is an eight-year affair, and by the time that he has completed it, he rarely thinks of returning to a prosaic life ashore. Thus it comes about that whilst our American sailors are usually somewhere in the eager, irresponsible twenties, British tars are often men of sober middle age. One is sure to see, in any of the "home ports," the fleet's married men out walking on Sunday with their wives and children, forming together a number of honest, steady little groups whose hold on the durable satisfactions of life it is a pleasure to see. The "home ports" idea has well proved its value. It is simple enough in operation. Each ship, according to the plan, bases on some definite port, thus permitting poor Jack (who has enough of roaming at sea) to have a steady home on land. In all the great British bases, therefore, you will find these sailor colonies. I was well acquainted with a retired Navy chaplain who ministered to such a group. These families form a distinct group dependent on the Navy. Marriages are performed by the naval chaplain, the ills of the flesh are looked after by the fleet surgeons, and the rare troubles are brought to the judgment of Jack's favourite officers. Our American crews are gathered together from all over the vast continent, British crews are often recruited from one section of the country. For instance, a ship manned by a crew from "out o' Devon" is known as a "West Country" ship and its sailors as "Westos." A real Royal Navy man knows in an instant the character of any ship which he happens to visit. The drawled "oa's" and oe's" of the West tell the story. I once heard a "Westo" refer to an officious wharf tender as a "bloody to-ad," a phrase that certainly has character. Then there be ships based on Irish ports. Indeed, there are sure to be Irish sailors on every ship, irresponsible, keen-witted Celts to whom all devilment is entrusted. The war has not been without influence on the naval personnel. British Jack had, in his own social system, a place of his own. He is not looked down upon, for the British bluejacket has been, is, and forever ought to be the best loved of national figures. Sons of "gentlemen," however, I use the word here in its British sense, did not join the Royal Navy as enlisted men. Such a thing would have been regarded as "queer" (no mild word, in Britain), and the crew certainly would have looked upon any such arrival as an intruder. But just as the war has placed University men side by side in the ranks with troopers like Kipling's Ortheris, so has it placed among the enlisted personnel of the Royal Navy a large number of men from the educated and wealthier class. There hung in the Royal Academy this spring a portrait of a British bluejacket, a pleasant-looking lad some nineteen or twenty years of age with blond hair, a long face and honest eyes of English grey. It was entitled "My Son." Almost invariably the older visitors to the exhibition, when looking at this picture, would fall to talking of the change in the social system which the portrait symbolized. There are always a number of boys on British ships, for the British hold that to be a good sailor, one should early become familiar with the sea. The status of "boy" is a kind of distinct rating, and these youngsters are addressed by their last names, viz., Boy Bumblechook or Boy Stiggins. They have shown up wonderfully well. One has but to recall little Cornell of Jutland to see of what stuff these lads are made. The British sailor's uniform is picturesque and characteristic, but certainly less attractive than ours. It is cut not of broadcloth or of serge, but of heavy blue worsted, and a detachable collar of blue linen falls back upon the blouse. Our sailors are forever washing the blouses to keep the white stripes of the collar clean; the Briton has only his collar to care for. And there is a difference between the national builds as marked as the difference twixt the uniforms. Our Jack is rangy, lean and quick-moving, the Briton heavier, shorter, and more deliberate. In hours of leisure, the Briton busies himself with knitting, wood-carving or weaving rag rugs; the American, driven by the mechanical genius of the nation, hurries to the ship's machine shop to pound a half-crown into a ring. The sons of Columbia and the sons of Britannia get on very well together. At the big club house at the Irish base, there are always little groups of British sailors to be seen, quiet, well-behaved fellows who watch everything with British dignity. Our bluejackets, however, are far more chummy with British soldiers than with Britons of their own calling. Navy blue and khaki are forever going down the street arm in arm. The tar is always keen to hear of the front. Tommy does the talking. After all, there is a difference in the vernacular. Witness this poem which I reprint from the August number of _Our Navy_. It is by a Navy man, Mr. R. P. Maulsley. The word Limey, here shortened to "Lima," means, used as a noun, a British sailorman; used as an adjective, British. The term had its origin in the ancient British custom of giving lime juice to ward off scurvy. THE LIMA AND THE YANKS By R. P. Maulsley It was nice and cozy in the "Pub," And blowing cold outside. By the fireplace sat two gobbies, America's joy and pride. When a Lima from a cruiser Thought their talk he'd like to hear, And sat down just behind them, With a half o' pint of beer. And o'er a flowing mug of ale, That held about a quart, He heard them swapping stories About their stay in port. "Say, this is sure some burg, Tho' it ain't the U.S.A., But did you pipe the classy Jane, That passed us on the quay? "She gave me some sweet smile, bo, And winked her pretty eye," "Get out, you big hay-maker, It was for me she meant to sigh." "G'wan you homely piece of cheese, You're talkin' thru' your hat, I'll betsha just ten plasters, It was me she was smiling at." "I'll take that up old-timer, Why, that's some easy dough, We'll have another round, And then we'll have to blow. "And if I lamp that broad, kid, And she cottons to me quick, I'll buy her everything in town, And make that ten look sick." They arose and left the Lima, A gasping in some chairs, And as they left the room, He heard them on the stairs. "Like candy from a baby, I'll take your coin this day, And have a high old time and-- Say, how did you get that way?" The Lima emptied his tankard, And caught the barmaid's eye, "I 'eard them Yanks a tarkin', But what the bloomin' ell'd they seye?" XXI THE FLEET The fleet lay in the Firth of Forth. It was one o'clock in the afternoon, and the little suburban train which leaves and pauses at the Edinburgh Grand Fleet pier had not yet been brought to its platform. The cold sunlight of a northern spring fell upon the vast, empty station, and burnished the lines of rail beyond the entrance arch. Two porters from the adjoining hotel, wearing coats of orange-red with dull brass buttons, stood lackadaisically by a booking office closed for the dinner hour. Presently, after a piercing shriek intensified by the surrounding quiet, the suburban train backed in with a smooth, crawling noise. Various folk began to appear on the platform, a group of young British naval officers, a handful of older sailors, a captain carrying a small leather affair much like a miniature suit-case, a number of civilians, two "Jacks" evidently on furlough, and a young sailor lad with a fine bull terrier bitch on a leash. No one entered to share my compartment. The train left behind the clean, grim town ... rolled on through suburbs and through fields barely awake to the spring ... paused here and there at tidy, little stations ... reached the station above the pier. Somewhat uncertain of my path to the landing, I followed a group of officers. A middle-aged soldier sentry with grey hair and ruddy cheeks held me up for my pass, unfolded and folded it again with extraordinary deliberation, and courteously set me on my way. As yet there was no sign of the sea, nor had it once been visible during the journey. One might have been on the way to play golf at an inland field. The path to the pier descended a great flight of steps and passed a space in which men were playing football.... A turn down a bit of road, and I was looking at the fleet. It lay in the great firth, in a monstrous estuary enclosed between barren banks rising to no great height. Bare, scattered woodlands were to be seen, a clump of cottages, a castellated house in a solitary spot, a great wharf with a trumpery traveller's bookstall in a wooden shed at its entrance, a huddle of grey roofs at the water's edge on the distant side. Over a spur of land the smoke of a giant dockyard rose in a hazy reek to the obscured and silvery sun. The water in which the squadrons lay was for the moment as calm as a woodland pool; in colour, green-grey.... An incredible number of ships of war lying lengthwise in orderly lines, bows turned to the unseen river of the rising tide, ... row after row, squadron after squadron, fleet after fleet, ships of war, dark, terrible and huge, no more to be counted than the leaves of trees. As far as the eye could reach up and down the firth, ships. One beheld there the mastery of the sea made visible, the mastery of all the highways and the secret paths of the waters of earth. Because of this fleet ships were able to bring grain from distant fields, great hopes were kept aflame, and the life blood of evil ambitions poured upon the ground. A grey haze lay at the mouth of the roads and somewhere in the heart of it was target practice being held, for violent blots of light again and again burst open the dim and veiling fog. Small gulls passed on motionless wings, whistling. Now and then a vessel would run up a tangle of flags. The signal light of a flagship suddenly uttered a message with intermittent flashes of an unnatural violet white glare. Over earth and sea brooded the peace of empire. XXII THE AMERICAN SQUADRON The morning found me a guest aboard the flagship of the American battleship squadron attached to the Grand Fleet. Going on deck, I found the sun struggling through thin, motionless mists. A layer of webby drops lay on wall and rail, on turret and gun. Presently a little cool wind, blowing from the land, fled over the calm water in mottled, scaly spots, bringing with it a piping beat of rhythmic music. Half a mile beyond the flagship, the crew of a British warship were running in a column round and round her decks to the music of the ship's band. An endless file of white clad figures bent forward, a faint regular tattoo of running feet. Round and about several of the giants were signalling in blinker. Beyond us stood a titanic bridge, whose network was here and there smouched with clinging vapour, and beneath this giant, a tanker laden with oil for the fleet passed solemnly, followed by wheeling gulls. Presently two American sailors, lads of that alert, eager type that is so intensely and honestly American, popped out of a doorway and began to polish bright work. America was there. Surely it was one of the finest thoughts of the war to send this squadron of ours. Putting aside for the instant any thought of the squadron as a unit of naval strength, Americans and Britons will do well to consider it rather as a splendid symbol of a union dedicated to the most honourable of purposes, to the defence of that ideal of fraternity and international good faith now menaced. They say that when the American squadron came steaming into the fleet's more northern base one bitter winter day, cheer after cheer broke from the British vessels as they passed, till even the forlorn, snow-covered land rang with the shouting. It has recently been announced that our battleship squadron is under the command of Admiral Hugh Rodman, which announcement the Germans must have taken to heart, for Admiral Rodman is a man of action if ever one there was. Tall, strongly built, vigorous and alert, he dominates whatever group he happens to find himself in by sheer force of personality. It would fare ill with a German who brought his fleet under the sweep of those keen eyes. Admiral Rodman is a Kentuckian, and a union of blue grass and blue sea is pretty hard to beat, especially when accompanied by a shrewd sense of humour. I talked with Admiral Rodman about the squadron and its work. "Always remember," said he, "that this squadron is not over here, as somebody put it, 'helping the British.' Nor are we 'coöperating' with the British fleet. Such ideas are erroneous, and would mislead your readers. Think of this great fleet which you see here as a unit of force, controlled by one ideal, one spirit and one mind, and of the American squadron as an integral part of that fleet. Take, as an instance of what I mean, the change in our signalling system. We came over here using the American system of signals. Well, we could not have two sets of signals going, so in order to get right into things, we learned the British signals, and it's the British system we are using to-day.... There are American _ships_ here and British ships but _only one fleet_. Everywhere I went, I found both British and American officers keen to emphasize this unity. Said a Briton---"Why we no longer think of the Americans of 'the Americans'; we think of squadron X of the fleet. It's just wonderful the way your chaps have got down to business and fallen in with the technique and the traditions. We expected to see you spend some time getting into the life of the fleet and all that, you know; the sort of thing that a boy in a public school goes through before he gets the spirit and the ways of the place, but your people came along in the morning and had picked up everything by the afternoon." And I found the Americans proud of the fleet's essential oneness, proud to share in its great tradition, and to be a part of its history. America is taking no obscure place. Her hosts have given her the place of honour in the battle line. [Illustration: An American battleship fleet leaving the harbor] Battle--that was the thought of everybody aboard the fleet. If only the German "High Canal" fleet would really come out and fight it to a finish, or as an American lieutenant put it, "start something." The Germans, however, knew only too well that the famous betoasted _Der Tag_ would turn swiftly into a _Dies Iræe_ and preferred to surrender. So for lack of an antagonist, the fleet had to be content to keep steam up all the time and to know that everything was prepared for a day of battle. But the fleet did far more than wait. No statement of the Germans was more empty of truth than the silly cry that the British fleet lies "skulking in harbour for fear of submarines." The fleet was busy all the time. Again and again, a visible defiance, it swept by the mine sealed mouths of the German bases. For five years now, the fleet has been on a war footing prepared for instant action, a tremendous task this. "If they only had come out, the beggars." A day with the fleet in port passed casually and calmly enough. There was none of that melodrama which invests the war of the destroyer and the submarine, and human problems seemed to lack importance, for in the fleet man is somewhat shadowed by the immense force he has created. On board there were various drills, perhaps a general quarters practice drill that sends everybody scurrying to his station. Hour after hour, the visitor sees the continuous and multitudinous activity needed to keep a dreadnaught in shape as a fortress, an engine, and a ship. Then, when the evening has come, such officers as are off duty may sit down to a game of bridge or go to their rooms to read or study quietly. There are great days when kings and queens come aboard and are royally entertained. Twice a week the entertainment committee of the fleet sent round a steel box full of "movies." However, everybody enjoys them, and laughs. But it is good to escape on deck again, and see the squadron and the fleet beneath the haloed moon. The shores about are quite in darkness, though now and then a glow appears over the hidden dockyard as if some one there had opened a furnace door. A little breeze is blowing a thin, flat sheet of cloud across the moon; one can hear water slapping against the sides. The sailors on watch walk up and down the decks, shouldering their guns. In the light one might believe the basketry of the woven masts to be spun of delicate silver bars. Behind us ride the other vessels of the squadron, a row of dark, triangular shapes. The great columnar guns, sealed with a brazen plug, seem mute and dead. The curtain of a hatchway parts, and a little group of officers come on deck to watch a squadron go to sea. One by one the vessels, battleships and attendant destroyers glide past us into the dark, and so swift and silent their motion is that they seem to be less self-propelled than drawn forward by some mysterious force dwelling far beyond in the moonlit sea. A slight hiss of cleaving water, the length of a hurrying grey fortress beneath the moon, and the last of the squadron vanishes down the roads. For a little time one may see the diminishing glares of blinker lights. Squadrons of various kinds are forever leaving a fleet base to go on mysterious errands, squadrons are ever returning home from the mystery and silence of the sea. A friend comes to tell me that we have been put on "short notice," and may leave at any instant. XXIII TO SEA WITH THE FLEET On the morning of the day that the fleet went out, there was to be felt aboard that tensity which follows on a "short notice" warning. Officers rushed into the wardroom for a hasty cup of coffee and hurried back to their beloved engines; the bluejackets, too, knew that something was in the air. A visitor to the flagship will not have to study long the faces of his hosts to see that they are an exceptional lot of men. Whilst among the destroyers there is a good deal of the grey-eyed ram-you, damn-you type; on a battleship there is a union of the elements of thought and action which is very fine to see. Nor is the artist element lacking in many a countenance. I remember a chief engineer whose ability as an engineer was a word in the fleet; it was easy to see, when he took you through his marvellous engine room, that he enjoyed his labour as much for the wonder of the delicacy, the power and the precision of his giant engines as he did for their mere mechanical side of pressures and horsepower. Nor shall I ever see a more perfect example of coördination and competence than a turret drill at which I was invited to assist. From the distinguished young executive to the lowest rated officer in "the steerage," every man brought to his task not only an expert's understanding of it, but a love of his work, which, I think it is Kipling that says it, is the most wonderful thing in all the world. The vessel was very much what Navy folk call a "happy ship." I must say the prospect of going out with the fleet and with such a wonderful crowd did not make me keenly miserable. "If they only would come out, ah, if...!" "So we are still on an hour's notice," I said to one of my hosts in the hope of getting some information. "Yes, back again. At two o'clock this morning the time was extended, but after seven we were put back on short time once more." "I suppose the time is always shifting and changing?" "Yes, indeed. You know we are always on an hour's notice. Pretty short, isn't it? You see we don't want the Germans to get away with anything if we can help it. Got to be ready to sail right down and smash them. Nobody knows just why the time changes come. Somebody knows something of course. Perhaps one of the British submarines on outpost duty off the German coast has seen something, and sent it along by wireless. I asked about the German watch on the British bases. "Subs. Everybody's doing it. I suppose that two or three are hanging off this coast all the time trying to get a squint at the fleet. It's what we call keeping a 'periscope watch' ... run by the naval intelligence. Little good anything they pick up about us does the Germans! Safety first is their daring game. What they are itching to do is to pick off one of our patrol squadrons that's gone on a little prospecting toot all by itself. They'd try, I think, if they weren't mighty well aware that not a single ship of the crowd that did the stunt would ever get back to the old home canal." Presently a sailor messenger arrived, stood to attention, saluted snappily, and presented a paper. The officer read and signed. "You're in luck," said he. "We are going out ... due to leave in three hours. Whole fleet together, evidently. Something's on for sure.... Hope they're out." And off he hurried to his quarters. I saw "the exec." going from place to place taking a look at everything. Pretty soon the chaplain of the flagship, an officer to whose friendly welcome and thoughtful courtesy I am in real debt, came looking for me. "Come along," he cried, "you are missing the show. They're beginning to go out already. You ought to be on deck," and seizing me by the arm, he rushed me energetically up a companionway to the world without. There I learned that the departure of the Grand Fleet was no simultaneous movement such as the start of an automobile convoy, but a kind of tremendous process occupying several hours. The scout vessels, were to go first, then the various classes of cruisers and the destroyer flotillas with whom they acted in concert, last of all the squadrons of battleships. Our own sailing time was three hours distant and the outward movement had already begun. [Illustration: Even a super-dreadnought is wet at times] The day was a pleasant one, the sun was shining clear and a fresh salty breeze was blowing down the estuary. The officers, however, shook their heads, talked of "low visibility," and pointed out that an invisible mist hung over the water, whose cumulative effect was not at all to their liking. First there went out a new variety of submarine, steam submarines of extraordinary size and speed; there followed a swift procession of destroyers and lighter cruisers, many signalling with blinker and flag. The outgoing of the destroyers was a sight not to be forgotten, for more than anything else did it impress upon me the titanic character of the fleet. _Destroyers passed one every fifty seconds for a space of many hours_. You would hear a hiss, and a lean, low rapier of a vessel would pass within a hundred yards of the flagship and hurry on, rolling, into the waiting haze of the open sea, and as you watched this first vessel leave your bow astern, you would hear another watery hiss prophetic of the following boat. On our own vessel all boats had long before been hoisted to their places; there were mysterious crashing noises, bugle calls, a deal of orderly action. Time passed; a long time full of movement and stir. The greater vessels began to go out, titans of heroic name, _The Iron Duke_, _Queen Elizabeth_, _Lion_. A broad swirling road of water lay behind them as one by one they melted into that ever mysterious obscurity ahead. Then with a jar, and a torrent of crashing iron thunder dreadful as a disintegration of the universe itself, our own immense anchor chains rose from the water below, and the American flagship got under way. We looked with a meditative eye on the bare shores of the firth wondering what adventures we were to have before we saw them again. Behind us the mist gathered, ahead, it melted away. And thus we stood out to the open sea. Night came, starlit and cold. Just at sun-down one of the British ships destroyed a floating mine with gun fire. I sought information from an officer friend. "What about the mine problem?" "Never bothers us a bit, though the Germans have planted mines everywhere. This North Sea is as full of them as a pudding is of plums." "Why is it then that the fleet doesn't lose ships when out on these expeditions?" "Because the British mine sweepers have done so bully a job." "But once you get beyond the swept channels at the harbour mouths, what then?" "The mine-sweepers attend to the whole North Sea." "You mean to say that the Admiralty actually clears an ocean of mines?" "To all intents and purposes, yes. Haven't you read of naval skirmishes in the North Sea? They are always having them. Many of those skirmishes take place between patrol boats of ours and enemy patrols. Of course it's a task, but the British have done it. One of the most wonderful achievements of the war." "Suppose the Germans try to reach the British coast?" "They do their best to find the British path. As a result, the Germans are always either bumping into their own mines or into ours. I feel pretty sure that their loss from mines has been quite heavy." "Where, then, are the German cruising grounds? Doesn't their fleet get out once in a while?" "Not to the outer sea. Once in a while they parade up the Danish coast, never going more than two or three hours from their base. Our steady game, of course, is to nab them when they are out, and cut off their retreat. If the weather had held good at Jutland, this would have been done. But the Germans now hardly ever venture out. Destroyers of theirs, based on the Belgian coast, try to mix things up in the Channel once or twice a year, but the fleet seems to stick pretty closely to dear old Kiel." "Any more information in regard to this present trip?" "Not a thing. It's always mysterious like this. Yet in twenty minutes we may be right in the thick of the world's greatest naval battle." The next morning I rose at dawn to see the fleet emerge from the dark of night. A North Sea morning was at hand, cold, windy and clear. Now seas have their characters even as various areas of land, and there is as much difference between the North Sea and the Irish Sea as there is between a rocky New England pasture and a stretch of prairie. The shallow North Sea is in colour an honest salty, ocean green, and its surface is ever in motion; a sea without respite or rest. It has a franker, more masculine character than the beleaguered sea to the west with its mottlings of shadow and shoal and weaving, white-crested tide rips. A great armament, scouts, destroyers, and light cruisers had already passed over the edge of the world, and only a very thin haze revealed their presence. Miles ahead of us in a great lateral line, a number of great warships, vast triangular bulks, ploughed along side by side, then came the American squadron in a perpendicular line, each vessel escorted by destroyers. Behind us, immense, stately, formidable and dark, the second American ship followed down the broad river of our wake which flowed like liquid marble from the beat of the propellers. And behind the American squadron lay other ships, and over the horizon the bows of more ships still were pointing to the mine-strewn German coast. The Grand Fleet line, _eighty miles long_, rode the sea, a symbol of power, an august and visible defiance. Standing beneath the forward turret, beside the muzzles of the titan guns, I felt that I had at last beheld the mightiest element of the war. Tightly wrapped in a navy great coat, the young officer whose guest I had been at turret drill walked up and down the deck watching the southeastern horizon. What eagerness lay in his eyes! If we only might then have heard a heavy detonation from over the edge of the dawn-illumined sky! ... All day long we cried our challenge over the sealed waters ahead. Were "they" out? To this day, I do not know. The ways of the fleet are mysterious. Certainly, none came forth to accept our gage of battle. A time passed, and we were in port again. We saw the vessels we had left behind, the supply ships, tugs, oil tenders, colliers ... all the servants of the fleet. Down in the wardroom, the tension relaxed. The anchor chain rattled out; once more the universe seemed to part asunder. The mail had arrived, joyous event. Somebody put a roll of music into a rather passé player piano, and let loose an avalanche of horribly orderly chords. And all the time the Olympians were preparing, not the battle of the ages, but the Great Surrender! XXIV "SKY PILOTS" We know him as chaplain, the gobs use the good old term "Sky Pilot," and the British call him "Padre." His task, no light one, is to look after the spiritual and moral welfare of some thousand sailor souls. He is general counsellor, friend in need, mender of broken hearts, counsel for the defence, censor, and show manager. Now he comes to the defence of seaman, first class, Billy Jones, whose frail bark of life has come to grief on the treacherous reef of the installment plan, and for whose misdemeanours a clamouring merchant is on deck threatening to "attach the ship." Now he is assuring the clergyman of the church on the hill that 2nd class petty officer Edgar K. Lee (who is going to marry pretty little Norah Desmond) is not, as far as he knows, committing bigamy. They tell of a chaplain of the destroyer force who, pestered beyond bearing by these demands that the American bridegroom be declared officially and stainlessly single, floored his tormentor by replying: "I've told you that as far as we know the man's unmarried. We can't give you any assurance more official. He may be bigamous, trigamous, quadrugamous, or," here he paused for effect, "pentagamous, but I advise you to risk it." The land sky pilot is said to have collapsed. Aboard the flagship of the Grand Fleet, the chaplain of the vessel was my guide, counsellor, and friend. In the words of one of the sailors, "Our chaplain is a real feller." And indeed it would have been hard to find a better man for the task than this padre of ours with his young man's idealism, friendliness, and energy. In addition to his welfare work, he had his duties as a de-coder, and his spare time he spent tutoring several of the enlisted personnel who were about to take examinations for higher ratings. It is a great mistake, by the way, to imagine that a violent gulf lies between the commissioned officer and the enlisted man. One finds the higher officer only too glad to help the sailor advance, and many times have they said to me, "Don't write about us, write about the sailors; get to know them; get their story." On this particular ship many of the younger officers were, like the chaplain, giving up their spare time to help the ambitious men along. Correspondence school courses are great favourites in the Navy, and have undoubtedly helped many a sailor on to a responsible rating. Our flagship chaplain used to make several rounds of the ship every day, "tours of welfare inspection," he used to call them humorously. Everywhere would he go, from wardroom to torpedo station, not neglecting an occasional visit to the boiler room. Friendly grins used to salute him on his passage; as the sailor said he was a "real feller." I often accompanied him on his rounds. When the tour was over, we would go to the chaplain's room for a quiet smoke and a good talk. The chaplain's room was always clean and quiet, and on the bookshelf, instead of weighty books on thermodynamics and navigation, were the pleasant kind of books one found in friendly houses over home. "Do you know," said the chaplain to me one day, "you have landed here at an interesting time. There's very little shore leave being given because it can't be given, and as a result the life of the ship is thrown back upon itself for all its amusements and social activities. What do you think of the morale here?" "I think it's very high," I answered. "The men seem very contented and keen. I've talked with a great many of them. How do you keep the morale up?" "Well, this ship has always been famous as a 'happy ship'" (here I ventured to say that any other condition would be impossible under the captain we had) "and when men get into the habit of working together good-naturedly, that habit is liable to stick. And I find the men sustained by the thought of active service. You may think it calm here, having just arrived from a destroyer base, but think of what it is over on the American coast." "Calm?" said I. "Don't put that down to me. The very idea of being with the Grand Fleet is thrilling. It's the experience of a lifetime. And let me tell you right from personal experience that no sight of the land war can match the impressiveness and grandeur of the first view of the fleet." "I feel just as you do. The whole thing is a constant wonder. And some day the Germans may come out. Moreover, summer is now at hand, and we shall have a chance to use the deck more for sports. This long, raw, rainy winter doesn't permit much outdoor exercise. As soon as it gets warm, however, we shall have boxing matches on the deck between various members of the crew and the champions of the different ships. We have some good wrestlers, too. At present we are reduced to vaudeville competitions between our various vessels, and movies. I'm doing my best to get better movies. So we shan't fare badly after all." "When do you hold Sunday services?" "I have a service in the morning and another in the evening. Yes, I muster a pretty big congregation. But I'm afraid I've got to be going now, got to ram a little algebra into the head of one of the boys. See you at dinner." And our sky pilot was gone. May good luck go with him, and good friends be ever at hand to return him the friendliness he grants. They tell a story of a favourite chaplain who retired from the Navy to take charge of a parish on land. "Good-bye, sir," said one of the old salts to him, as he was leaving the ship. "Good-bye, sir. We'll all look to see you come back with a _bishop's rating_." XXV IN THE WIRELESS ROOM I haven't the slightest idea where the wireless room is or how to find it. All that I remember is that some kind soul took me by the hand, led me through various passages and down several ladders, and landed me in a small compartment which I felt sure must have been hollowed out of the keel. The wireless room of a great ship is, by the way, a kind of holy of holies, and my visit to it more than an ordinary privilege. There are as many messages in the air these times as there were wasps in the orchard in boyhood days after one had thrown a large, carefully-selected stone into the big nest. Messages in all keys and tunes, messages in all the known languages, messages in the most baffling of codes. Now the operator picks up a merchantman asking for advice in English, this against all rules and regulations; a request once answered by a profane somebody with "Use the code, you damned fool." At intervals the Eiffel Tower signals the time; listening to it, one seems to hear the clear, monotonous tick-tock of a giant pendulum. Now it is a British land station talking to a British squadron on watch in the North Sea, now the destroyers are at it, now one hears the great station at Wilhelmshaven sending out instructions to the submarine fleet in ambush off these isles. How strange it is to come here at midnight and hear the Germans talking! Germany has been so successfully cut off from contact with the civilization she assaulted that these communications have the air of being messages from Mars. There are times when the radio operator picks up frantic cries sent by one U-boat to another; I have before me as I write a record of such a call. It began at 2.14 A.M., shortly after a certain submarine was depth-bombed by an American destroyer. First to be received was _OLN's_ clear, insistent call for _RXK_ and _ZZN_, probably the two nearest members of the U-boat fleet. Were they cries for help? Probably. Again and again the spark uttered its despairing message. For some time there was no answer. The other two boats may have been submerged; quite possibly sunk. Then at 2.40 from far, far away came _ADL_ calling _OLN_. At 2.45 _OLN_ answered very faintly. A minute or two later, _ADL_ tried and tried again to get either _RXK_ and _ZZN_. But there was no answer. Was she trying to send them to the help of the stricken vessel? At 2.57 _ADL_ tries for the hard pressed _OLN_, but no answer comes to her across the darkness of the sea. Night and day, a force of operators sit here taking down the messages, sending important ones directly to the chief officers, and letting unimportant ones accumulate in batches of four and five. The messages are written or typewritten on a form in shape and make-up not unlike that of an ordinary telegram blank. All day and all night long, the messengers hurry through the corridors of the great ship with bundles of these naval signals. And since everything intended for the Navy comes in code, decoders too must be at hand at all hours to unravel the messages. It is no easy task, for the codes are changed for safety's sake every little while. On board the great ship I visited, the chaplain did a big share of this work. I can see him now bent over his table in the wireless room, spelling out sentences far more complicated than the Latin and Greek of his university days. There is one wireless service which will not be remembered with affection by our sailors over there, the Government Wireless Press Service. I was in the Grand Fleet when that dashing business of the first Zeebrugge raid occurred. The "Press News" on the following morning mentioned it, and warned us impressively to keep our knowledge to ourselves. As a result we spoke of it at breakfast time with bated breath. I myself, a modest person, was stricken with a sudden access of importance at possessing a Grand Fleet secret. Then at ten o'clock the morning papers came down from a certain great city with a full, detailed account of the raid! The thing that we have most against it, however, is its conduct during the great offensive of the spring of 1918. The air was resounding with the wireless pæans of the on-rushing Germans; and everybody was worried, and anxious to know the fortunes of our troops. One rushed to breakfast early to have first chance at the press news. Friends gathered behind one's shoulder, and tried to read before sitting down. What's the news? What's the news? This (or something very like it) was the news: "Dr. Ostropantski, president of the Græco-Lettish Diet, denounced yesterday at a meeting of the Novoe Vremya the German assault on the liberties of Beluchistan." There was one vast, concerted groan from the sons of the Grand Fleet. Some wondered what the anxious folk far out at sea on the destroyers were saying. Finally the wit of the table shook his head gravely. "Boys," said he, "where _would_ we be if the civilians refused to tell?" XXVI MARINES This paper does not deal with the marines fighting in France, but with the marines such as one finds them on the greater ships. The gallant "devil dogs" now adding fresh laurels to the corps have army correspondents to tell of them, for though they are trained by the Navy and are the Navy's men, the Army has them now under its command. It is rather of the genuine marine, the true "soldier of the sea" that I would speak. Having been myself something of a soldier and a sailor, the marines were good enough to receive me in a friendly fashion when I was a guest on one of the battleships now on foreign service. Even as the traditional nickname for the sailor is "gob," so is "leatherneck" the seaman's traditional word for the marine. I am guileless enough not to know just how marines take this term, but if there is any doubt, I advise readers to be easy with it, for marines will fight at the drop of a hat. All those aboard declared, by the way, that the antipathy between the sailor and the marine in which the public believes, does not exist, nor do the marines according to the popular notion "police the ship." The marine has his place; the sailor has his, and they do not mix, not because they dislike each other, but simply because the marine and the sailor are the products of two widely different systems of training. Moreover, the marine is bound to his own people by an _esprit de corps_ without equal in the world. It was very fine to see each man's anxiety that the corps should not merely have a good name, but the best of names. We swopped yarns. In return for my gory tales of shelled cities, gas attacks, and air raids, they gave me gorgeous ... gorgeous tales of the little wars they have fought in the Caribbean. I realized for the first time just what it meant to Uncle Sam to be Central America's policeman. Now, as they spun their yarns, I could see the low, white buildings of a Consulate against the luminous West Indian sky, the boats on the beach, the marines on patrol; now the sugar plantation menaced by some political robber-rebel, the little tents under the trees, the business-like machine gun. A harassed American planter is often the _deux ex machina_ of these tales. We used to talk in a little office aboard the battleships down by the marines' quarters, which lie aft. I believe it was the sergeant's sanctum sanctorum. There were marine posters on the wall, a neat little stack of the marines' magazines handy by, a few books, and some filing cabinets. Just outside were the marine lockers, each one in the most perfect order, and a gun breech used for loading drills. The sergeant, himself, was a fine, keen fellow who had been in the corps for some time. His men declared themselves, for the most part, city born and bred. "What happened then?" "Just as soon as they got the message, a detail was sent into the hills for the defence of the plantation. It was a big sugar plantation. The American manager was seeing red he was so peeved, the harvesting season had come and the help, scared by the insurgents, were beating it off into the hills. What's more, the insurgents had told the manager that if he didn't pony up with five thousand dollars by a certain date, they'd burn the place. Actually had the nerve..." "In fiction," said I, "a lean, dark, villainous fellow mounted on a magnificent horse which he has looted from some fine stable dashes up to the plantation door, delivers his threat in an icy tone and gallops back into the bush. Or else a message wrapped round a stone crashes through the window onto the family breakfast table. Which was it?" I think the marine telling the story wanted very much to utter: "How do you get that way?" however, he merely grinned and answered: "Neither. A big, fat greaser in a dirty, Palm Beach suit came ambling up one morning as if somebody had asked him to chow. This was his game. A holdup? Oh, no! Only his men were getting a bit restless under the neck, about five thousand dollars restless, and if they didn't get it, there's no telling what they wouldn't do. He thought he could restrain them till Tuesday night, of course it would be a pretty stiff job to hold them in, but if something crisp and green hadn't shown up by Tuesday P.M., those devils might actually burn the plantation. Did you ever hear such a line of bull? And that's the honest truth of it, too; none of this stone in the mashed potatoes guff." "And then," I broke in, "the faithful servant gallops through the valley to the shore; a stray bullet knocks off his hat, but he gets there, and delivers his message to the warship in the bay. A bugle blows, the marines rally, launches take them to the beach; they rush over the hills, and get to the plantation just as Devil's-hoof Gomez or Pink-eyed Pedro has set fire to a corner of the bungalow. Rifles crack, bugles sound a charge, the marines rush the Gomez gang who take to their heels. Brave hearts put out the fire. Isn't there always an exquisitely beautiful señorita to be rescued? There always is in the movies. Now, please don't destroy any more of my illusions." "The message comes all right, all right, but I doubt very much if that faithful servant comes in a hurry. Down there, if a man goes by in a hurry, everybody in the village will be out to look at him.... The major gets the message, works out his plan of campaign, and away we go. Arrived at the plantation, we pitch camp, establish pickets, and generally get things ready to give the restless greasers a hot time. Sometimes the greasers try their luck at sniping; other times, they go away quietly and don't give you a bit of trouble. There aren't any beautiful señoritas, ... no broken hearts. Yes, it's tough luck." Thus were my illusions dispelled by a group of Uncle Sam's marines. They forgot to tell me that many members of their little company had been wounded, and seriously wounded in these West Indian shindies. The list of wounds and honours in the records was an impressive roll. The visitor aboard a warship will see marines acting as orderlies and corporals of the guard and manning the secondary batteries. I attended many of their drills, and never shall forget the snap and "pep," of the evolutions. Nor shall I forget the courtesies and friendly help of the gallant officer under whose command these soldiers of the sea have the good luck to be stationed. N.B. (Very secret), to Huns only. The marines man the gun in the "Exec's" office and the corresponding one in the line officers' reading room. If you want to get home to the old home canal, ... keep away from their range. XXVII SHIPS OF THE AIR After I had been to visit several of the bases, I returned to London, and called at the Navy headquarters. A young officer of the admiral's staff who was always ready and willing to help the writers assigned to the Navy in every possible way, came down to talk with me. "Had I been to Base X? To Base Y? Had I been to see the American submarines? The Naval Aviation?" I grasped at the last phrase. "Tell me about it," I said. "I had no idea that the sea flyers were over here. Last fall the streets of Boston were so thick with boys of that service that you could hardly move round. And now they are on this side. Where can I find them?" The officer drew me to a large scale map of the British Isles and the French coast which hung on the wall, plentifully jabbed with little flags. His finger fairly flew from one dot to another. "Well," said he, "we have a station here, another station here, another station there, ... there's a station on this point of land; right about here we're putting up buildings for a depot but there is nobody at hand yet, here's a big station...." I believe that he could have continued for five minutes. "You seem to have a big affair well in hand," I suggested, rather surprised. "No," he corrected, "just beginning. The department scheme for the naval aviation service is one of the big things of the war. It's so big, so comprehensive that people over there haven't woken up to it yet. Aren't you going to Base L next week? Why don't you go down the coast a few miles and see the outfit at Z? Only don't forget that we've 'just begun to fight.' Come upstairs and let me give you a letter." A few days later I ran down to see the aviators in their eyrie. The naval station lay in a sheltered cove hidden away in a green and ragged coast. Landing at a somewhat tumble-down old pier, I saw ahead of me a gentle slope descending to a broad beach of shingle. Mid-way along this beach, ending under the water, was to be seen a wide concrete runway which I judged to be but newly finished, for empty barrels of cement and gravel separators stood nearby. At the top of the slope, in a great field behind mossy trees, lay the corrugated iron dormitories of a vast, deserted camp once the repose quarters of a famous fighting regiment. There was something of the atmosphere of an abandoned picnic ground to the place. Sailor sentries stood at the entrance of the quiet roads leading to the empty barracks, and directed me to those in authority. The naval aviation is a new service. For a long time the uniform of the cadets was so unfamiliar that even in their own America the boys used to be taken for foreign officers. It was a case of "I say he's an Italian. No, dear, I'm _sure_ he's a Belgian." A not unnatural mistake, for the uniform has a certain foreign jauntiness. In colour, it is almost an olive green, and consists of a short, high-collared tunic cut snugly to the figure, shaped breeches of the riding pattern, and putties to match. Add the ensign's solitary stripe and star on shoulder and sleeve and you have it. I found a group of the flyers in one of the tin barracks that did duty as a kind of recreation centre. The spokesman of the party was a serious lad from Boston. "Fire away," they yelled good-naturedly to my announcement that I was going to bomb with questions. "First of all, about how many of you are there helping to make it home-like for Fritz in this amiable spot?" "About fifty of us." "Been here long?" "No, just came. You see the station is not really finished yet, but they are hurrying it along to beat the cars. Did you spot that concrete runway as you came up? A daisy, isn't it? Slope just right, and no skimping on the width. Well, that's only one of the runways we're going to have. Over on the other side, the plans call for three or four more." "And what do these sailors do?" I had noticed a large number of sailors about. "They look after our machines and the balloons. You see this is a regular aviation section just the same as the army has, and the sailors are trained mechanics, repair men, clerks and so forth. They're rather taking it easy now because the planes have been somewhat slow in reaching us. You know as well as I do the rumpus that's been made in the States over the air program. Things are breezing up mighty fast now, however, and every supply ship that puts into the harbour brings some of our equipment. The Navy's ready, the camps are being organized, the men are trained; it's up to the manufacturers to hustle along our machines. Please try to make them realize that when you write." "But, say," put in another, "don't, for the love of Pete, run away with the idea that we haven't any equipment. We've got some planes and some balloons. But we want more, more, more. Anything to keep the Germans on the go." "What do you use?" I asked. "Mostly balloons," put in a third speaker, a quiet young Westerner who had thus far not joined in the conversation. "Most of us are balloon observers, though Jos here," he indicated the Bostonian, "is a sea-plane artist. He runs one of the planes." "Come," said I, "tell the thrilling story." "There isn't any story," groaned Jos, "that's just the trouble. I've been fooling round these coasts and out by the harbour mouth in the hope of spotting a sub till I feel as if I'd used up all the gasoline in the British Isles. Those destroyers have spilled the beans. Fritz doesn't dare to come round. Ever try fishing in a place from which the fish have been thoroughly scared away? It's like that. Mine laying submarines used to be round the mouth of the harbour all the time, now Fritz is never seen or heard from.... The destroyers have spilled the beans. The balloon hounds are the whole show here. Tell him about it, Mac. You've taken more trips than any of the others." The disgruntled sea planer knocked a bull-dog pipe on his shoe, and was still. "I can't tell much," drawled Mac, a wiry, black little Southerner with a wonderful accent. "They fill the balloon up here, take it out to a destroyer or some patrol boat and tie it on, jes like a can to purp's tail. Then you go out in the Irish Sea and watch for subs. If you observe anything that looks like a Hun, you simply telephone it down to the destroyer's deck, and she rushes ahead and investigates. Sometimes the observer in the balloon sees something which can't be seen from the level of the destroyer's bridge, and in that case the balloonist practically steers the vessel, ... so many points to port, so many to starboard, and so on till you land them in the suspected area." "What's it like up above there in a balloon? From the deck of a battleship or a destroyer, it seems to be a calm matter." "Don't be too sure of that. I know it looks calm, calm as a regular up-in-the-air old feather baid. And it isn't bad if you have a decent wind with which the course and speed of the ship are in some sort of an agreement. But if the ship's course lies in one direction and the wind is blowing from another, the balloon blows all over the place. When the wind blows from behind, you float on ahead and try to pull the ship after you; if the wind is from ahead, you are dragged along at the end of a chain like a mean dawg. There is always sure to be a party if the ship zigzags. Now you are pulling towards the bow, now you are floating serenely to port, now you are tugging behind, now you are nowhere in particular and apparently standing on yo' haid." We went to walk in the grounds. I was shown where the balloon shed was to be, the generators, and a dozen other houses. Evidently the station was going to be "some outfit." Already a big gang of civilian labourers, electrified by American energy, were hard at work laying the foundations of a large structure. "Yes," said one of the boys, "this is going to be a great place. When it's completed we shall have regular sea-plane patrols of this entire coast, and a balloon squadron ready to coöperate with either the British or the American destroyer fleets. Our boys along the French coast have already made it hot for some Huns, and believe me, if there are any subs left, you just bet we want a chance at 'em?" Such is the spirit that has driven the Germans from the seas. XXVIII THE SAILOR IN LONDON The convalescent English Tommy in his sky-blue flannel suit, white shirt, and orange four-in-hand, the heavier, tropic-bred Australian with his hat brim knocked jauntily up to one side, the dark, grey-eyed Scotch highlander very braw and bony in his plaited kilt, these be picturesque figures on the streets of London, but the most picturesque of all is our own American tar. Our "gobs" are always so spruce and clean, and so young, young with their own youth and the youth of the nation. Jack ashore is to be found at the Abbey at almost any hour of the day, he wanders into the National Gallery, and stands before Nelson at St. Paul's; he causes fair hearts to break asunder at Hampton Court. Wherever you go in London, the wonderful wide trousers, and the good old pancake hat, this last worn cockily over one eye, are always to be seen in what nautical writers of the Victorian school call "the offing." Our boys come in liberty parties of thirty and forty from the various bases, usually under the wing of a chief petty officer very conscious of his responsibility for these wild sailor souls. Accommodations are taken either at a good London hotel with which the authorities have some arrangement, or the personnel is distributed among various huts and hospitable dwellings. The great rallying centre is sure to be the Eagle Hut off the Strand. This famous hut, which every soldier or sailor who visits London will long remember, is situated, by a happy coincidence, in modern London's most New Yorkish area. It stands, a huddle of low, inconspicuous buildings, in just such a raw open space between three streets as on this side prefigures the building of a new skyscraper; the great, modern mass of Australia House lifts its imposing Beaux Arts façade a little distance above it, whilst the front of a fashionable hotel rises against the sky just beyond. The ragged island, the sense of open space, the fine high buildings, ... "say, wouldn't you think you were back in America again?" Yet only a few hundred feet down the Strand, old St. Clement Danes lies like a ship of stone anchored in the thoroughfare, and Samuel Johnson, LL.D., stands bareheaded in the sun wondering what has happened to the world. The hut within is simply an agglomeration of big, clean, rectangular spaces, reading rooms, living rooms, dormitories, and baths always full of husky, pink figures, steam and the smell of soap. Physically, Eagle hut is merely the larger counterpart of some thousand others. The wonder of the place is its atmosphere. The narrow threshold might be three thousand miles in width, for cross it, and you will find yourself in America. All the dear, distinctive national things for which your soul and body have hungered and thirsted are gathered here. There is actually an American shoe shining stand, an American barber chair, and, Heaven be praised, "good American grub." It is a sight to see the long counter thronged with the eager, hungry bluejackets, to hear the buzz of lively conversation carried on in the pervading aroma of fried eggs, favourite dish or sandwich of apparently every doughboy and tar. One's admiration grows for the Y. workers who keep at the weary grind of washing floors, picking up stray cigarette buts, and washing innumerable eggy plates. I realized to the full what a poor old college professor who "helped" in a hut on the French front meant when he had said to me, "life is just one damned egg after another." Of course sometimes the "hen fruit"--one hears all kinds of facetious aliases at the Hut--gives way to _soi disant_ buckwheat cakes, a dainty, lately honoured by royal attention. Should you stroll about the buildings, you will see sailors and soldiers reading in good, comfortable chairs; some playing various games, others sitting in quiet corners writing letters home. There is inevitably a crowd round the information bureau. Alas, for the poor human encyclopedia, he lives a bewildering life. On the morning that I called he had been asked to supply the address of a goat farm by a quartermaster charged with the buying of a mascot, and he was just recovering from this when a sailor from the Grand Fleet demanded a complete and careful résumé of the British marriage regulations! Everybody seems cheerful and contented; the officials are attentive and kind; the guests good-natured and well-behaved. Such is the combination of club, restaurant, and hotel to which our Jack resorts. And there he lives content in his islet of America, while London roars about him. During the week, he wanders, as he says himself, "all over the place." The good time ends with the Saturday ball game. Everybody goes. Posters announce it through London in large black type on yellow paper. "U.S. Army _vs._ U.S. Navy." The field is most American looking; the "bleachers" might be those in any great American town. The great game, the game to remember, was played in the presence of the king. The day was a good one, though now and then obscured with clouds; a strangely mixed audience was at hand, wounded Tommies, American soldiers speaking in all the tongues of all the forty-eight states, a number of American civilians from the embassy and the London colony, groups of dignified staff officers from the army and the navy headquarters, and even a decorous group of Britons dressed in the formal garments which are de rigueur in England at any high-class sporting event. Then in came the king walking ahead of his retinue, ... a man of medium height with a most kind and chivalrous face. Our admiral walked beside him. The band played, eager eyes looked down, the king, looking up, smiled, and won the good-will of every friendly young heart. A few minutes later, the noise broke forth again, "Oh you Army!" "Oh you Navy," a hullaballoo that culminated in a roar, "Play Ball!" The Navy men, wearing uniforms of blue with red stripes, walked out first, closely followed by the army in uniforms of grey-green. The admiral, towering straight and tall above his entourage, threw the ball. A pandemonium of yells broke forth. "Now's the time, give it to 'em, boys, soak it to 'em, soak it to 'em, steady Army, give him a can, run Smithie!" In a corner by themselves, a group of bluejackets made a fearful noise with some kind of whirligig rattles. Songs rose in spots from the audience, collided with other songs, and melted away in indistinguishable tunes. British Tommies looked on phlegmatically, enjoying it all just the same. There were stray, mocking cat calls. It was a real effort to bring one's self back to London, old London of decorous cricket, tea, and white flannels. And of course, the Navy won. Over the heads of the vanishing crowd floated, Give 'em the axe, the axe, the axe, Where? Where? Where? Right in the neck, the neck, the neck, There! There! There! Who gets the axe? ARMY Who says so! NAVY It ends with a roar. Then there is a celebration, and the next morning, his holiday over, Jack is rounded up, and put into a railway carriage. The roofs of London die away, and Jack, dozing over his magazines, sees in a dream the great grey shapes of the battleships that wait for him in the endless northern rain. XXIX THE ARMED GUARD When the Germans began to sink our unarmed merchant vessels, and announced that they intended to continue that course of action, it was immediately seen that the only possible military answer to this infamous policy lay in arming every ship. There were obstacles, however, to this defensive programme. We were at the time engaged in what was essentially a legal controversy with the Germans, a controversy in which the case of America and civilization was stated with a clarity, a sincerity, and a spirit of idealism which perhaps only the future can justly appreciate. We could not afford to weaken our case by involving in doubt the legal status of the merchantman. The enemy, driven brilliantly point by point from the pseudo-legal defences of an outrageous campaign, had taken refuge in quibbling, "the ship was armed," "a gun was seen," "such vessels must be considered as war vessels." We all know the sorry story. For a while, our hands were tied. Then came our declaration of war which left our Navy free to take protective measures. The merchantmen were fitted with guns, and given crews of Navy gunners. This service, devoted to the protection of the merchant ship, was known as the Armed Guard. It was not long before tanker and tramp, big merchantman and grimy collier sailed from our ports fully equipped. Vessels whose helplessness before the submarine had been extreme, the helplessness of a wretched sparrow gripped in the talons of a hawk, became fighting units which the submarine encountered at her peril. Moreover, finding it no longer easy to sink ships with gunfire, the submarines were forced to make greater use of their torpedoes, and this in turn compelled them to attempt at frequent intervals the highly dangerous voyage to the German bases on the Belgian coast. Sometimes the gun crews were British; sometimes American. The coöperation between the two Navies was at once friendly and scientific. The guns with which the vessels were equipped were of the best, and the gun crews were recruited from the trained personnel of the fleet. One occasionally hears, aboard the greater vessels, lamentations for gunners who have been sent on to the Guard. These crews consisted of some half-dozen men usually under the command of a chief petty officer. A splendid record, theirs. They have been in action time and time again against the Germans, and have destroyed submarines. There is many a fine tale in the records of crews who kept up the battle till the tilt of their sinking vessel made the firing of the gun an impossibility. So far, the gunners on the merchant ships have come in for the lion's share of attention. But there is another and important side of the Armed Guard service which has not yet, I believe, been called to the public notice. I mean the work of the signal men of the Guard. [Illustration: An American gun crew in heavy weather (winter) outfit] The arming of the merchant ships was the first defensive measure to be adopted; the second, the gathering of merchantmen into escorted groups known as convoys. Now a convoy has before it several definite problems. If it was to make the most of its chances of getting through the German ambush, it must act as a well coördinated naval unit, obeying orders, answering signals, and performing designated evolutions in the manner of a battleship squadron. For instance, convoys follow certain zigzag plans, prepared in advance by naval experts. Frequently these schemes are changed at sea. Now if all the vessels change from plan X to plan Y simultaneously, all will go well, but if some delay, there is certain to be a most dangerous confusion, perhaps a collision. It is no easy task to keep twenty or so boats zigzagging in convoy formation, and travelling in a general direction eastward at the same time. Merchant captains have had to accustom themselves to these strict orders, no easy task for some old-fashioned masters; merchant crews have had to be educated to the discipline and method of naval crews. Moreover, there have been occasional foreign vessels to deal with, and the problem presented by a foreign personnel. In order, therefore, to assure that communication between the guide ship of the convoy and its attendant vessels which is, in the true sense of an abused word, vital to the success of the expedition, the Navy placed one of its keenest signalmen on the vessels which required one. He was there to give and to send signals, by flag, by international flag code, by "blinker" and by semaphore. The wireless was used as little as possible between the various vessels of the merchant fleet, indeed, practically not at all. The system of signalling by holding two flags at various angles is fairly familiar since a number of organizations began to teach it, and the semaphore system is the same system carried into action by two mechanical arms. The method called "Blinker" has a Morse alphabet, and is sent by exposing and shutting off a light, the shorter exposures being the dots, the longer exposures, the dashes. Sometimes "blinker" is sent by the ship's search light, a number of horizontal shutters attached to one perpendicular rod serving to open and close the light aperture. One used to see the same scheme on the lower halves of old-fashioned window blinds. The international flag code is perhaps the hardest signal system to remember. It requires not only what a naval friend calls a good "brute" memory, but also a good visual memory. Many have seen the flags, gay pieces of various striped, patched, chequered, and dotted bunting reminiscent of a Tokio street fair. The signalman must learn the flag alphabet, committing to memory the colours and their geometric arrangement; he must also learn the special signification of each particular letter. For instance, one letter of the alphabet stands for "I wish to communicate"; there are also numbers to remember, phrases, and sentences. If a signalman cares to specialize, he can study certain minor systems, for instance the one in which a dot and a dash are symbolized by different coloured lights. A signalman must have a good eye, a quick brain, and a good memory. It is a feat in itself to remember what one has already received while continuing to receive a long, perhaps complicated message. Because of these intellectual requirements, you will find among the signalmen some of the cleverest lads in the Navy. "Giles" such a lad, "Idaho," another, and "Pop" was always "on the job." The Guard has its barracks in a great American port. One saw there the men being sorted out, equipped for their special service, and assigned to their posts. A fine lot of real seafaring youngsters, tanned almost black. The Navy looked after them in a splendid fashion. Said one of the boys to me, "If I had only known what a wonderful place the Navy was, I'd been in it long ago." The boys were sent over in the merchant ships, were cleanly lodged in excellent hotels once they got to land, and were then sent back on various liners. The Armed Guard was a real seafaring service, and its men one and all were touched by the romance and mystery of the sea. They fell in with strange old tramps hurried from the East, they broke bread with strange crews, they beheld the sea in the sullen wrath it cherishes beneath the winter skies. One and all they have stood by their guns, one and all stood by their tasks, good, sturdy, American lads, gentlemen unafraid. XXX GOING ABOARD Giles, who had just been sent to the Armed Guard from the fleet, was waiting for orders in a room at the naval barracks. It was early in the spring, the sun shone renewed and clear; a hurdy gurdy sounded far, far away. The big room was clean, clean with that hard, orderly tidiness which marks the habitations of men under military rule. A number of sailors, likewise waiting for their orders, stood about. There was a genuine sea-going quality in the tanned, eager young faces. The conversation dealt with their journeys, with the ships, with the men, the life aboard, the furloughs in London. "Bunch of Danes ... good eats ... chucked Bill right out of his bunk ... regular peach ... saw Jeff at the Eagle Hut..." Presently a bosun entered. A man somewhere in the thirties, brisk and athletic. One could see him counting the assembled sailors as he came, the numbers forming on his soundless lips. The talk died away. "How many men here?" said the bosun abruptly. Several of the sailors began counting. There was much turning round, a deal of whispered estimations. Every one appeared to be looking at everybody else. Finally a deep voice from a corner said: "Thirty-five." "Any one down for leave?" Some half dozen members of a gun crew just home from a long journey, called out that leave had been given them. "Anybody on sick list?" There was no answer. In the ensuing silence, the bosun checked off the answers on his list. "I suppose you all want to go out." "Sure!" "Get in line." The bosun backed away, and looked with an official eye at the sturdy group. "All here, pack up and stand by. At eleven o'clock have all your baggage at the drill office. I'll send a man up to get the mail." The line broke up, keen for the coming adventure. Giles, the signalman, walked at a brisk pace to his quarters... You would have seen a lad of about twenty-two years of age, between medium height and tall, and unusually well built. Some years of wrestling--he had won distinction in this sport at school--had given him a tremendously powerful neck and chest, but with all the strength there was no suggestion of beefiness. The friendliest of brown eyes shone in the clean-cut, handsome head, he had a delightful smile, always a sign of good breeding. In habit he was industrious and persevering, in manner of life clean and true beyond reproach. Giles is an American sailor lad, a _real gob_, and I have described him at some length because of this same reality. The sooner we get to know our sailors the better. Back in his quarters, he busied himself with packing his bag. Now packing one of those cylindrical bags is an art in itself. First of all, each garment must be folded or rolled in a certain way, the sleeve in this manner, the collar in that (it is all patiently taught at training stations) then the articles themselves must be placed within the bag in an orderly arrangement, and last of all, toilet articles and such gear must be stowed within convenient reach. A clean smell of freshly washed clothes and good, yellow, kitchen soap rose from the tidy bundles. In went an extra suit--"those trousers are real broadcloth, don't get 'em nowadays, none of that bum serge they're trying to wish on you," a packet of underwear tied and knotted with wonderful sailor knots, and last of all handkerchiefs, soap, and other minor impedimenta done up in blue and red bandanna handkerchiefs. You simply put the articles on the handkerchiefs and knot the four corners neatly over the top. There you have the sailor. Only at sea does one realize to what an extent the bandanna handkerchief is a boon to mankind. When the bag was packed, it was a triumph of industry and skill. Shouldering it, the sailor walked to the drill office. He was early. A good substantial luncheon had been prepared. There were plates of hearty sandwiches. Just before noon, a fleet of "buses" took them to the pier. The day was clear but none too warm, and great buffeting salvos of dust-laden wind blew across the befouled and busy waters of the port. A young, almost boyish ensign gave each man his final orders, and a kind of identification slip for their captains. The sailors of the Guard, wearing reefers and with round hats jammed tightly on their heads, stood backed against a wind that curled the wide ends of their blue trousers close about their ankles. Presently, grimy, hot, and pouring out coils of brownish, choking smoke, a big ocean-going tug glided over to the wharf and took them aboard. Then bells ran, the propeller churned, and the tug turned her corded nose down the bay. The convoy lay at anchor at the very mouth of the roads. A miscellaneous lot of vessels, mostly of British registration; some new, some very, very old. The pick of the group was a fine large vessel with an outlandish Maori name; Giles heard later that she had just been brought over from New Zealand. The inevitable grimy-decked tankers and ammoniacal mule boat completed the lot. An American cruiser lay at the very head of the line, men could be seen moving about on her, and there was much washing flapping in the wind. The tug went from vessel to vessel, landing a signalman here, a gun crew there. One by one the lads clambered aboard to shouts of "See you later," and "Soak 'em one for me." Giles was almost the last man left aboard the tug. Presently he darted off busily to a clean little tramp camouflaged in tones of pink, grey, and rusty black. The tug slid alongside caressingly. There were more bells; a noise of churning of water. Over the side of the greater vessel leaned a number of the crew, a casual curiosity in their eyes. Seafaring men in dingy jerseys opening at the throat and showing hairy chests. A putty-faced ship's boy watched the show a little to one side. Presently an officer of the ship, young, deep-chested and with a freshly-healed, puckering, star-shaped wound at the left hand corner of his mouth, came briskly down the deck and stood by the head of the ladder. Giles caught up his bag, clambered aboard, and reported. The officer brought him to the captain. Then when the formalities were over, the second mate took him in charge, and assigned the lad his quarters and his watches. The convoy set sail the next morning just as a pale, cold, and unutterably laggard dawn rose over a sea stretching, vast and empty, to the clearly marked line of a distant and leaden horizon. The escorting cruiser, flying a number of flags, was the first to get under way; and behind her followed the merchantmen in their allotted positions, each ship flying its position flag. Giles watched the departure from the bridge. Behind him the vast city rose silent above the harbour mist; ahead, rich in promise of adventure and romance, lay the great plain of the dark, the inhospitable, the unsullied, the heroic sea. XXXI GRAIN This is "Idaho's" story. He told it to me when I met him coming home early this summer. We were crossing in a worthy old transatlantic which has since gone to the bottom, and Idaho, at his ease in the deserted smoking room, unfolded the adventure. "Idaho, U.S.N.," we called him that aboard, is a very real personage. I think he told me that he was eighteen years old, medium height, solidly built, wholesome looking. The leading characteristic of the young, open countenance is intelligence, an intelligence that has grown of itself behind those clear grey eyes, not a power that has grown from premature contact with the world. Until he joined the Navy, I imagine that Idaho knew little of the world beyond his own magnificent West. I consider him very well educated; he declares that preferring life on his father's ranch to knowledge, he cut high school after the second year. He is a great reader, and likes good, stirring poetry. He is an idealist, and stands by his ideals with a fervour which only youth possesses. And I ought to add that Idaho, in the words of one of his friends, is "one first-class signalman." This is Idaho's story, pieced together from his own recital, and from a handful of his letters. The crowd aboard the naval tug was so festive that morning, and there was such a lot of scuffling, punching, imitation boxing and jollying generally that Idaho did not see the vessel to which he had been assigned till the tug was close alongside. Then, hearing his name called out, the lad caught up his baggage, and walked on into the open side of a vast, disreputable tramp. The lad later learned that she had been brought from somewhere in the China Sea. The _Sebastopol_, Heaven knows where she originally got the name, was a ship that had served her term in the west, had grown old and out of date, and then been purchased by some Oriental firm. Out there, she had carried on, always seaworthy in an old-fashioned way, always excessively dirty, always a day over due. When the submarine had made ships worth their weight in silver, the _Sebastopol_ must have been almost on the point of giving up the ghost. Presently, the war brought the old ship back to England again. Her return to an English harbour must have resembled the return of a disreputable relative to an anxious family. And in England, in some tremendously busy shipyard, they had patched her up, added a modern electrical equipment and even gone to the length of new boilers. But her engines they had merely tuned up, and as for her ancient hull, that they had dedicated to the mercy of the gods of the sea. Once aboard, and assigned to his station and watches, the lad had leisure to look over his companions. The _Sebastopol_ carried a crew from Liverpool, and was officered by three Englishmen and a little Welsh third mate. The Captain, a first mate of many years' experience, to whom the war had given the chance of a ship, was in the forties; tall and with a thin, stern mouth under a heavy brown moustache; the first mate was a mere youngster: the second, a middle-aged volunteer, the third, an undersized, excitable Celt with grey eyes and coal black hair touched with snow white above the ears. The Welshman took a liking for Idaho; used to question him in regard to the West, being especially keen to know about "opportunities there after the war." He had a brother in Wales whom he thought might share in a farming venture. Of the captain the lad saw very little; and the first mate was somewhat on his dignity. Practically every man of the crew had been torpedoed at least once, many had been injured, and had scars to exhibit. All had picturesque tales to tell, the gruesomest ones being the favourites. The best narrator was a fireman from London, a man of thirty with a lean chest and grotesquely strong arms; he would sit on the edge of a bunk or a chair and tell of sudden thundering crashes, of the roaring of steam, of bodies lying on the deck over which one tripped as one ran, of water pouring into engine rooms, and of boilers suddenly vomiting masses of white hot coal upon dazed and scalded stokers. It was the melodrama of below the water line. Then for days the narrator would keep silent, troubled by a pain in one of his fragmentary teeth. All the men kept their few belongings tied in a bundle, ready to seize the instant trouble was at hand. The cook complained to Idaho that he had lost a gold watch when the _Lady Esther_ was torpedoed off the coast of France, and advised him paternally to keep his things handy. One of the oilers, a good-natured fellow of twenty-eight or nine, had been a soldier, having been invalided out of the service because of wounds received late in the summer on the Somme. An interesting lot of men for an American boy to be tossed with, particularly for a lad as intelligent and observing as our Idaho. The boy was pleased with his job and worked well. He did not have very much to do. Signalling aboard a convoyed ship, though a frequent business, is not an incessant one. He knew that his work would come at the entrance to the zone. Sometimes he picked up messages intended for others. "_Mt. Ida_, you are out of line," "_Vulcanian_, keep strictly to the prescribed zigzag plan." Now he would see the _Sicilian_ asking for advice; now there would be a kind of telegraphic tiff between two of the vessels of the "Keep further away, hang you" order. Twenty ships running without lights through the ambush of the sea, twenty ships, twenty pledges of life, satisfied hunger ... victory. In other days, one's world at sea was one's ship; a convoy is a kind of solar system of solitary worlds. Hour after hour, the assembled ships straggled across the great loneliness of the sea. The crew had a grievance. It was not against their officers, but against his majesty's government, against "a bloody lot of top hats." A recent regulation had forbidden sailors to import food into the United Kingdom, and all the dreams of stocking up "the missus'" larder with American abundance had come to naught. Idaho says that there was an engineer who was particularly fierce. "Don't we risk our lives, I arsk yer," he would say, "bringing stuff to fill their ruddy guts, and now they won't even let us bring in a bit of sugar for ourselves." The rest of the crew would take up the angry refrain; a mention of the food regulations was enough to set the entire crew "grousing" for hours. And then came trouble, real trouble. On the fifth day out Idaho, called for his early watch, found the boat wallowing in a heavy sea. The wind was not particularly heavy, but it blew steadily from one point of the compass, and the seas were running dark, wind-flecked, and high. The _Sebastopol_, accustomed to the calm of eastern seas, was pitching and rolling heavily. Presently the cargo began to shift. Now, to have the cargo shift is about the most dangerous thing that can happen to a vessel. One never can tell just when the centre of gravity of the mass will be displaced, and when that contingency occurs, the big iron ship will roll over as casually and as easily as a dog before the fire. It takes courage, plenty of courage, to keep such a ship running, especially if you are down by the boilers or in the engine room. You have to be prepared to find yourself lying in a corner somewhere looking up at a ceiling which, strange to say, has a door in it. The _Sebastopol_ leaned away from the wind like a stricken man crouching before a pitiless enemy; the angle of her smokestack more than anything else betraying the alarming list. In her stricken condition, the ship seemed to become more than ever personal and human. Presently her old plates bulged somewhere and she began to leak. The vessel carried a cargo of grain, in these days more than ever a cargo epical and symbolic; a holdful of rich grain, grain engendered out of fields vast as the sea, bred by the fruitful fire of the sun, rippled by the passing of winds from the mysterious hills, grain, symbolic of satisfied hunger, ... victory. A cargo of grain, life to those on land, to those on board, danger and the possibility of a violent if romantic death. The crew, too occupied with the emergency to curse the stevedores, ran hither and thither on swift, obscure errands. And the weather grew steadily worse, the leak increasing with the advance of the storm. Down below, meanwhile, a force of men hardly able to keep their balance, buffeted here and there by the motion of the ship, and working in an atmosphere of choking dust, transferred a number of bags from one side to another. Unhappily, the real mischief was due to grain in bins, and with this store little could be done. And always the water in the hold increased in depth. The pumps, orders had been given to start them directly the leak was noticed. Three minutes later, the machinery and the pipes, fouled with grain, refused to work. They saw bubbles, steam, a trickle of water that presently stopped, and lumps of wet grain that some one might have chewed together, and spat forth again. Idaho did a lot of signalling in code to the guide ship of the convoy. The _Sebastopol_ began to drop behind. An order being given to sleep up on the boat deck so as to be ready to leave at any instant, the men dragged their bedding to whatever shelter they could find. The captain appeared never to take any time off for sleep. Day after day, through heavy seas, under a sky torn and dirty as a rag, the old _Sebastopol_ listing badly and sodden as cold porridge, carried her precious cargo to the waiting and hungry east. Giving up all hope of keeping up with her sisters, she fell behind, now straggling ten, now fifteen miles astern. At length the weather changed; the sea became smooth, blue and sparkling, the sky radiant and clear. Then the destroyers came. There was a parley, and the other vessels of the convoy zigzagged wildly for a while in order to allow the _Sebastopol_ to catch up. But in spite of all attempts, the old ship fell behind again and was suffered to do so, lest the others, compelled to adopt her slow speed, be seriously handicapped in their race down the gauntlet. Then it was discovered that the leak had gained alarmingly; there was even talk of abandoning the vessel and taking to the boats. A try was made to pump out the boat with an ancient hand engine. The contrivance clogged almost at once. According to Idaho, it was much like trying to pump out a thick bran mash such as they give sick calves. And they were only two days from land. Barely afloat, just crawling, and with the submarine zone ahead of them.... But the gods were kind, and the old boat and the solitary destroyer went down the Channel and across the Irish Sea as safely as clockwork toys across a garden pool. Yet they passed quite a tidy lot of wreckage. Nearer ... nearer all the time, till late one afternoon two big tugs raced to meet them at the mouth of a giant estuary. The _Sebastopol_ was at the end of her tether. Another day, and it would have been a case of taking to the boats. The tugs hurried her into a waiting dry dock. Idaho, his papers signed, his bag upon his shoulder, got into a little tender which was to take him over to the harbour landing. Looking up, he saw some of the crew leaning over the rail.... They grinned with friendly, soot-streaked faces, waved their arms.... The _Sebastopol_ was safe, the rich cargo of grain, the life-giving yellow grain was safe.... The tug slid off into the busy, noisy riverway. And thus came Idaho of the Armed Guard to the Beleaguered Isles. XXXII COLLISION "......Regret to report collision in latitude x and longitude y between tank steamships _Tampico_ and _Peruvian_......"--_Extract from an Admiralty paper_. When supper was over, the two sailors of the Armed Guard attached to the ship went out on deck for a breath of evening air. It was just after sundown, a clean calm rested upon the monstrous plain of the sea; one golden star shone tranquil and lonely in the west. The convoy was almost at the border of the zone. To the left the lads could see the twin funnels of the big grain ship; the tattered, befouled horse boat, the little, rolling tramp said to be full of T.N.T., and the long low bulks and squat houses of the two tanks. "Whoever's on that tramp is some bird at signals," said the bigger of the boys, my friend "Pop." "Generally starts to answer my signal before I'm through. Know who's aboard her, Robbie?" "I think it's that big new guy from the Pennsylvania" answered Robbie, meditatively. "Dalton's on the horse boat, isn't he?" "Sure, either he or Ricci. Pete Johnson's on the first tank, and that fresh little Rogers guy's on the other." There was a pause. Pop spat with unction over the side. Suddenly their vessel entered a fog bank, passing through a detached island or two of it before plunging on into the central mass. The convoy instantly faded from sight. Every now and then, out of the wall of grey ahead, a little swirl of fog detached itself, and floating down the darkening deck, melted into the opaque obscurity behind. Drops of moisture began to gather on the lower surface of the brass rails of the companion ways; wires grew slippery to the touch; little worm-like trails of over-laden drops slid mechanically down sloping surfaces. The fog, thickening, flowed alongside like a vaporous current. Overhead, however, the sky was fairly clear, though the greater stars shone aureoled and pale. There was very little sound, merely the steady hissing of the calm water alongside, occasional voices heard in a tone of consultation,--the heavy slam of a door. An hour passed. The fog showed no sign of lifting, seeming rather to become of denser substance with the dark. Pop was glad that there was no ship following directly behind, and wondered if the others were dragging fog buoys. The ship's bell rang muffled and morne in the fog. Suddenly, out of the clinging darkness, out of the oppressive obscurity, there came, momentary, brazen, and incredibly distant a dull and muffled sound. So far away and mysterious was its source that the sound might have been imagined as coming from the dark beyond the stars. An instant later, as if the only purpose of its mysterious existence had been to sink a tanker, the fog melted into the night, and a little wind, a little, timid, trembling breath brushed the great plume of smoke from the funnel lightly aside. A bright starlit night came into being as if by enchantment, as if created out of the fog by the intervention of divine will. The motionless black shapes of the colliding tankers could be seen far, far astern. After the crash, they had drifted apart. The wireless was crackling, blinker lights flashed their dots and dashes of violet white, a whistle blew. "Am standing by," came a message. The chief of the convoy sent out a peremptory command. Presently a light appeared on one of the vessels, a little rosy glow like a Chinese lantern. The glow sank, disappeared, and rose again, having gathered strength. One of the tankers was on fire. Soon a second glow appeared close by its stern. A glow of warm, rosy orange. In a few minutes they could see tongues of fire, and two boats rowing away from the vessel. They did not know that the men in the boats were rowing for their lives through a pool of oil which might take fire at any instant. A few minutes passed; the light grew brighter. Suddenly, there was a kind of flaming burst: a great victory of fire. The tanker, well down by the head, floated flaming in an ocean that was itself a flame, floated black, silent, and doomed to find an ironic grave in the waters under the fire. Great masses of smoke rose from the burning pool into the serene sky, and hid the vessel when she sank. Half an hour later, a little, rosy light lay at the horizon's rim. Suddenly, like a lamp blown out, it died. XXXIII THE RAID BY THE RIVER The convoy of merchantmen, after a calm, quite uneventful voyage across the ambushed sea, put into a port on the Channel for the night, and the following morning dispersed to their various harbours. Some sort of coast patrol boat "not much bigger than an Admiral's launch," the words are those of my friend Steve Holzer of the Armed Guard, took the S.S. _Snowdon_ under her metaphorical wing, and brought her up the Thames. This _Snowdon_ was one of a fleet of twelve spry little tramps named for the principal mountains of the kingdom, a smart, well-equipped, well-ordered product of the Tyne. Steve, quick, clever, and alert, had got along capitally with the "limeys." His particular pals were a pair of twin lads about his own age, young, English, blond, and grey-eyed; young, slow to understand a joke, honest, good-tempered, and sincere. I have seen the postcard photograph of themselves which they gave Steve as a parting gift. Steve himself is a Yankee from the word go, a genuine Yankee from somewhere along the coast of Maine. He stands somewhat below medium height, is lean-faced and lean-bodied; his eyes twinkle with a shrewd good humour. A great lad. He tells me that his people have been seafaring folk for generations. The _Snowdon_, escorted by her tiny guard, ran down the coast, entered the Thames estuary, passed the barriers, and finally resigned herself to the charge of a tug. Late in the afternoon, the mass of London began to enclose them, they became conscious of strange, somewhat foul, land smells; the soot in the air irritated their nostrils. The ship was docked close after dusk. The feeling of satisfaction which seizes on the hearts of seamen who have successfully brought a ship into port entered into their bosoms; everybody was happy, happy in the retrospect of achievement, in the prospect of peace, security, good pay, and good times. Their vessel lay in a basin just off a great bend in the river, in a kind of gigantic concrete swimming pool bordered with steel arc-light poles planted in rows like impossibly perfect trees. To starboard, through another row of arc poles and over a wall of concrete, they could see the dirty majesty of the great brown river and the square silhouetted bulks of the tenements and warehouses on the other side. To port, lay a landing stage some two hundred feet wide, backed by a huge warehouse over whose dingy roof two immense chimneys towered like guardians. The space stank of horse; the river had lost the clean smell of the sea, and breathed a reek of humanity and inland mire. A mean cobbled-stone street led from a corner of the landing space past wretched tenements, fried fish shops, and pawnbrokers' windows exhibiting second rate nautical instruments, concertinas, and fraternal emblems. It was all surprisingly quiet. Steve, hospitably invited to remain aboard, went to the starboard rail and stood studying the river. The last smoky light had ebbed from the sky; night, rich and strewn with autumnal stars, hung over the gigantic city, and a moon just passing the first quarter hung close by the meridian, and shone reflected in the pool-like basin and the river's moving tide. One of the huge chimneys suddenly assumed a great, creamy-curling plume of smoke which dissolved mysteriously into the exhalations of the city. From down in the crew's quarters came the musical squeals of a concertina, and occasional voices whose words could but rarely be distinguished. The arc lights by the basin edge suddenly flowered into a dismal glow of whitish yellow light strangled by the opaque hoods and under cups affixed by the anti-aircraft regulations. Another concertina sounded further down the street. The moonlight, like a kind of supernal benediction, fell on smokestack and funnel, on shining grey wire and solemn, rusted anchor, on burnished capstan and finger smoutched door. Heat haze, flowing in a swift and glassy river, shone above the smokestack in the moon. Suddenly, Steve heard down the street a sustained note from something on the order of a penny whistle, and an instant later, a window was flung up, and a figure leaned out. It was too dark to see whether it was a man or a woman. Then the same whistle was blown again several times as if by a conscientious boy, and a factory siren with a sobbing human cry rose over the warehouses. At the same moment, the lights about the dock flickered, clicked, and died. There was a confused noise of steps behind, there were voices--"Hey, listen!" "Wot's that?" the last in pure cockney, and a questioning, doubting Thomas voice said: "A raid?" The figure of the captain was seen on the bridge. One of the ships' boys went hurrying round, doing something or other, probably closing doors. The twins strolled over to Steve, and informed him in the most casual manner that they were in for a raid. It was Steve's first introduction to British unemotionalism, and I imagine that it rather let him down. He says that he himself was "right up on his tiptoes." He also had a notion that bombs would begin to rain from the sky directly after the warning. The twins soon made it clear, however, that the warning was given when the raiders were picked up on the east coast, and that there was generally some twenty minutes or half an hour to wait before "the show" began. Every once in a while, somebody in the group would steal a look at the pale worlds beyond the serried chimney pots and at the moon, guiltless accomplice of the violence and imbecilities of men. Presently, a number of star shells burst in fountains of coppery bronze. Every hatch covered, every port and window sealed, the _Snowdon_ awaited the coming of the raiders. Whistles continued to be heard, faint and far away. From no word, tone, or gesture of that English crew could one have gathered that they were in the most dangerous quarter of the city. For the one indispensable element of a London raid is the attack on the waterfront, the attack on the ships, the ships of wood, the ships of steel, the hollow ships through which imperial Britain lives. There is little to be seen in a London raid unless you happen to be close by something struck by a bomb. The affair is almost entirely a strange and terrible movement of sound, a rising, catastrophic tide of sound, a flood of thundering tumult, a slow and sullen ebb. "There! 'Ear that?" said some one. Far away, on the edge of the Essex marshes and the moon-lit sea, a number of anti-aircraft guns had picked up the raiders. The air was full of a faint, sullen murmur, continuous as the roar of ocean on a distant beach. Searchlight beams, sweeping swift and mechanical, appeared over London, the pale rays searching the black islands between the dimmed constellations like figures of the blind. They descended, rose, glared, met, melted together. The sullen roaring grew louder and nearer, no longer a blend, but a sustained crescendo of pounding sounds and muffled crashes. A belated star shell broke, and was reflected in the river. A police boat passed swiftly and noiselessly, a solitary red spark floating from her funnel as she sped. The roaring gathered strength, the guns on the coast were still; now, one heard the guns on the inland moors, the guns in the fields beyond quiet little villages, the guns lower down the river--they were following the river--now the guns in the outer suburbs, now the guns in the very London spaces, ring, crash, tinkle, roar, pound! The great city flung her defiance at her enemies. Steve became so absorbed in the tumult that he obeyed the order to take shelter below quite mechanically. A new sound came screaming into their retreat, a horrible kind of whistling zoom, followed by a heavy pound. Steve was told that he had heard a bomb fall. "Somewhere down the river." Nearer, instant by instant, crept the swift, deadly menace. A lonely fragment of an anti-aircraft shell dropped clanging on the steel deck. "You see," explained one of the twins in the careful passionless tone that he would have used in giving street directions to a stranger, "the Huns are on their way up the river, dropping a kettle on any boat that looks like a good mark, and trying to set the docks afire. The docks always get it. Listen!" There was a second "zoom," and a third close on its heels. "Those are probably on the _Ætna_ basins," said the other twin. "Their aim's beastly rotten as a rule. If this light were out, we might be able to see something from a hatchway. Mr. Millen (the first mate) makes an awful fuss if he finds any one on deck." "I know what's what, let's go to the galley, there's a window that can't be shut." ... The three lads stole off. Beneath a lamp turned down to a bluish-yellow flame, the older seaman waited placidly for the end of the raid, and discussed, sailor fashion, a hundred irrelevant subjects. The darkened space grew chokingly thick with tobacco smoke. And the truth of it was that every single sailor in there knew that the last two bombs had fallen on the _Ætna_ basins, and that the _Snowdon_ would be sure to catch it next. By a trick of the gods of chance, the vessel happened to be alone in the basin, and presented a shining mark. The lads reached the galley window. By crowding in, shoulder to shoulder, they could all see. The pool and its concrete wall were hidden; the window opened directly on the river. Presently came a lull in the tumult, and during it, Steve heard a low, monotonous hum, the song of the raiding planes. More fragments of shrapnel fell upon the deck. The moon had travelled westward, and lay, large and golden, well clear of the town. The winter stars, bright and inexorable, had advanced ... the city was fighting on. Suddenly, the three boys heard the ominous aerial whistle, one of the twins slammed the window to, and an instant later there was a sound within the dark little galley as if somebody had touched off an enormous invisible rocket, ... a frightful "zoom," and impact ... silence. They guessed what had happened. A bomb intended for the _Snowdon_ had fallen in the river. Later somewhere on land was heard a thundering crash which shook the vessel violently. A pan or something of the kind hanging on the galley wall fell with a startling crash. "Get out of there, you boys," called the cook. Ship's galleys are sacred places, and are to be respected even in air raids. And then even more slowly and gradually than it had gathered to a flood, the uproar ebbed. The firing grew spasmodic, ceased within the city limits, lingered as a distant rumble from the outlying fields, and finally died away altogether. The sailors, released by a curt order, came on deck. The top of the concrete wall was splashed and mottled with dark puddles and spatters of water. All agreed that the bomb had fallen "bloody close." The peace of the abyss rules above. Far down the river, there was an unimportant fire. Said Steve--"I certainly was sore when I didn't have any excitement on the way over in the convoy, but after that night in the _Snowdon_, I decided that being with the Armed Guard let you in for some real stuff. It's a great service." With which opinion all who know the Guard will agree. XXXIV ON HAVING BEEN BOTH A SOLDIER AND A SAILOR When this cruel war is over, and the mad rounds of parades, banquets and reunions begin, I shall immediately set to work to organize the most exclusive of clubs. A mocking and envious friend suggests that our uniform consist of a white sailor hat, a soldier's tunic, British, French, or American according to the flags under which we served, and a pair of sailor trousers with an extra wide flare. For the club is to be composed of those fortunate souls who like myself have seen "the show" on land and on sea. To my mind, however, instead of mixing the uniforms, it would be better to dress in khaki when we feel military; in blue when our temperament is nautical. Think of belonging to a club whose members can dissect a trench mortar with ease and at the same time say: "Three points off the port bow" without turning a hair. I should admit marines only after a special consideration of each case. Not that I don't admire the marines. I do. I yield to no one in my admiration of our gallant "devil dogs." But the applicant for admission to our club must have first served as a bona fide soldier and then as a bona fide sailor or vice versa. Not that I am a sailor or ever was a sailor in Uncle Sam's Navy. All that I can claim to have been is a correspondent attached to the Navy "over there." But four months' service, most of it spent at sea on the destroyers, subs, and battleships entitles me, I think, to membership, consequently, being president, I have admitted myself. "Well, you've seen the war both on land and on sea; which service do you prefer ... the army or the Navy?" This question is hurled at me everywhere I go. I answer it with deliberation, enjoying the while to the full the consciousness of being an extraordinary person, a sort of literary Æneas, _multum jactatus et terris et alto_. And I answer briefly: "The Navy." I hasten to add, however, that you will find my answer coloured by a passion for the beauty and the mystery of the sea with which some good spirit endowed me in my cradle. I was born in one of the most historic of New England seacoast towns where brine was anciently said to flow through the veins of the inhabitants. On midsummer days the fierce heat distils from the cracked, caked mud of tidal meadows the clean, salty smell of the unsullied sea; dark ships, trailing far behind them long, dissolving plumes of smoke, weave in and out between the tawny, whale-backed islands of the bay, and tame little sea birds almost the colour of the shingle run along at the edge of the in-coming tide. So I admit a bias for the service of the sea. Does the Navy demand as much of the sailor as the Army does of the soldier? A vexed question. The Army, comparing grimly its own casualty lists with the Navy's occasional roll sometimes imagines naturally enough that the sailor lives, as the old hymn has it, "on flowery beds of ease." As a whole there is no denying that living conditions are far better in the naval service, though much depends on the boat to which the sailor is assigned. A soldier in the trenches sleeps in his clothes, so does a sailor on a destroyer or a patrol boat, and I do not believe that I felt much more comfortable at the end of a long trip in an old destroyer during which the vessel rolled, pitched, tossed, careened, stood on her head, sat on her tail and buckled than I did after a week or so at the front. Certainly, there was little to choose between the overcrowded living quarters of the sailors and a decent "dug-out." True, the "Toto," alias greyback, alias "Cootie" or his occasional but less famous accomplice the "crimson rambler" does not infest a Navy ship. How many times have I not heard Army folk say in heartfelt tones, "Those Navy people can keep _clean_." But a truce to the Cootie. Much more has been made of him than he deserves. During the first six months of the war the creature was in evidence, but after the hostilities began to limit themselves to the trench swathe, and this localizing war made possible a stable system of hospitals, cantonments and baths, the Cootie became as rare as a day in June and to have such guest was an indication of abysmally bad luck or personal uncleanliness. Moreover, a little gasoline begged from a lorry driver and sprinkled on one's clothes confers unconditional immunity. Consider the crew of a submarine. They do not have to splash about in a gulley of smelly mud the consistency of thick soup, or wander down alleyways of red brown mud, so cheesy that it sticks to the boots till one no longer lifts feet from the ground, but shapeless, heavy, thrice cussed lumps of mire. No one has yet risen to sing the epic of the mud of France; yet 'tis the soul of the war. The submarine sailors are spared the mud, but they live in a sealed cylinder into which sunlight does not penetrate, live in the close atmosphere of a garage; they can not get exercise or change clothes. A submarine crew that has had a hard time of it looks quite as worn out as soldiers just out of battle and their colour is far worse. And if there is a more heroic service than this submarine patrol, I should like to know of it. And now the army in me rises to protest. "I admit," says the military voice, "that service on ships may be a confounded sight more disagreeable than I had imagined, but the sailor has a chance when he gets to port of changing his uniform, whilst a poor lad of a soldier must fight, eat, and sleep in the same old uniform, and must limit his changes to a change of underclothes." True, oh military spirit. Civilian, and thou, too, oh sailor, do you know what it is to be confined, to be wedded, without jest, "till death do us part" to _one_ suit. One faithful, persistent, necessary uniform and _one_ only. Two-thirds of the joy of permission is the pleasure of getting out of a dirty, stale, besweated uniform. Heaven bless, Heaven shower a Niagara of happiness on those kindly ladies who sent us supplies of socks and jerseys! Don't be content to knit Johnny socks and a sweater, keep on knitting him a number of them, and send them over at intervals. The dandies of a section used to leave extra clothes in villages behind the lines. Alas, sometimes, the group, after service "_aux tranchées_" was not marched back to the same village, and it was difficult to get permission to visit the other village, even were it near. Such expedients, however, are for luxurious times. Quite often there are no habitable villages for miles behind the lines, or else the civilian inhabitants have been ruthlessly warned away. In such circumstances there is no clean cache of clothes to be left behind in Madame's closet. But the sailor ... though he returns as grimy as a printers' devil and as bearded as a comic tramp, there is always a clean suit of "liberty blues" in his bag, and to-morrow, clad in the handsomest of all naval uniforms, he will be found ashore, breaking fair British or Irish hearts. I have tried to show that in the judgment of an ex-soldier, the difference between the life of a sailor in a fighting ship and the life of a soldier in a fighting regiment is by no means as great as it has been imagined. The army, I suppose, will grumble at such a pronunciamento. Let an objector, then, try being a lookout man all winter long on a destroyer ... or try firing a while. All is not quite purgatorial even at the front. Most army men know of quiet places along the line held on our side by rubicund, wine-bibbing, middle-aged French "territoriaux," _bons pères de famille_ who show you pictures of Etienne and Maurice; and garrisoned on the enemy's border by fat old Huns who want very, very much to get home to their great pipe and steaming sauerkraut. In such places each side apologizes for the bad taste of their supporting artillery, whilst grenade throwing is regarded as the bottom level of viciousness. Once in a while people die there of old age, gout, or chronic liver. No one is ever killed. Such "ententes cordiales" were far more frequent than those behind the line have ever suspected. On the other hand, some twenty miles down the trench swathe there may be a hillock constantly contested, a strategic point which burns up the lives of men as casually as the sustaining of a fire consumes faggots. Now it is the quick, merciful bullet in the head, now the hot, whizzing éclat of a high explosive, now the earthquake of the subterranean mine. But after all, a mine at sea is no more gentle than one on land, and to have a mine exploded under him is perhaps the eventuality which a soldier fears more than anything else. On land, the thundering release of a giant breath from out of the earth, a monstrous pall of fragments of soil, stones, and dust ... perhaps of fragments more ghastly, at sea, a thundering pound, a column of water which seems to stand upright for a second or two and then falls crashing on whatever is left of the vessel. _Quelle monde!_ There is a distinct difference between the psychology of the soldier and that of the sailor. A soldier of any army is sure to be drilled, and drilled, and drilled again till he becomes what he ought to be, a cog in an immense machine scientifically designed for the release of violence; a sailor, drilled scientifically enough but not so machinally, preserves some of the ancient freedom of the sea. Then, too, the soldier with his bayonet is a fighting force; the sailor, though prepared for it, himself rarely fights, but works a fighting mechanism, ... the ship. The battleship X may sink the cruiser Y, but there is rarely a "_corps a corps_" such as takes place for instance in a disputed shell crater. Thus removed from the baser brutalities of war, the sailor never reveals that vein of Berserker savagery which soldiers will often reveal in a conquered province. As a class, sailors are the best-natured, good-hearted souls in the world. Rough some may be, some may be scamps, but brutal, never. Moreover, living under a discipline easier to bear than the soldiers, Jack has not the sullen streaks that overtake betimes men under arms. Of course, he grumbles, enlisted men are not normal if they don't grumble, but Jack's grumbling is as nothing compared to the fierce, smothered hate for things in general which every soldier sometimes feels. I would follow the sea, because I am a lover of the mystery and beauty of the sea, and because my comrades would be sailormen. I would knock at the Navy's door because, after all is said and done, the naval power is the ultima ratio of this titanic affair. I have seen many of the great scenes of this war, among them Verdun on the first night of the historic battle, but nothing that I saw on land impressed me as did my first view of the British Grand Fleet in its northern harbour, ... the dark ships, the hollow ships, rulers of the past, rulers of the future, unconquered and unconquerable. H.B.B. The Parson Capen House, Topsfield, 1919. END THE COUNTRY LIFE PRESS GARDEN CITY, N.Y. 
19058	----	file was produced from images generously made available by The University of Michigan Making of America collection) ORDNANCE INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 1866. +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | Transcriber's Note: | | | | There are some very wide tables in this work, either on | | one page or across two pages. These have been broken | | apart to fit within a 75 character width; they can all | | be put back together, with some minor adjustments for | | those sections that have information across multiple | | columns. | | | | Inconsistent spelling is maintained in this document. | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ ORDNANCE INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE UNITED STATES NAVY. PART I. RELATING TO THE PREPARATION OF VESSELS OF WAR FOR BATTLE, AND TO THE DUTIES OF OFFICERS AND OTHERS WHEN AT QUARTERS. PART II. THE EQUIPMENT AND MANOEUVRE OF BOATS AND EXERCISE OF BOAT HOWITZERS. PART III. ORDNANCE AND ORDNANCE STORES. FOURTH EDITION.--PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE NAVY DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE, 1866. Officers are requested to communicate to the Bureau of Ordnance any suggestions relative to future additions or corrections, with the reasons for any proposed changes, quoting part, page, and paragraph by its number. CONTENTS. [A full index will be found at the end of the book.] PART PAGE Captain 1 3-6 Executive Officer 1 6, 7 Officers in charge of divisions 1 8, 9 Master 1 9 Chief Engineer 1 9 Gunner 1 9-12 Carpenter 1 12 Yeoman 1 13 General distribution of officers and men at quarters 1 14-20 Distribution and arms of men at the guns 1 21-25 Duties at quarters in battle or exercise 1 26-40 Equipments and Implements 1 33-35 Broadside guns, stations and gun-numbers 1 35 Calls for assembling at quarters 1 36, 37 Preparations for exercise at general quarters 1 38-40 Arrangements for delivering and distributing powder 1 41-45 Naval gun-carriages 1 45 Exercise of broadside-guns 1 46-60 Exercise of pivot-guns 1 61-73 Notes upon the manual exercise 1 74-88 The use of fuzes 1 89-91 Boarders 1 92, 93 General precautions to be observed in time of war 1 94-96 Directions in case of fire 1 97-100 Rifled Cannon 1 101-107 Monitors 1 108-112 Mortars 1 113-127 Miscellaneous Operations 1 128-131 Equipment of boats 2 3-9 Fixtures in boats for boat-guns 2 6-9 Exercise and Manoeuvre for boat-howitzers 2 10-18 Exercise with howitzer on field-carriage 2 19, 20 Remarks on the use of Naval Light Artillery 2 21, 22 Notes on the use of boat-howitzers 2 22-24 Manoeuvres of boats armed for service 2 24 Landing seamen, marines, and howitzers 2 25-27 Ordnance and Ordnance Stores 3 3-80 Inspection and Proof of Naval guns 3 8-17 Use of the Inspecting Instruments 3 18-21 Powder-Proof 3 22 Water-Proof 3 23 Marking guns 3 23 Extreme proof of trial guns 3 24-26 Preparation of guns for service 3 27-29 Preservation of guns 3 30-32 Examination of guns 3 33-35 Inspection of shot and shells 3 36-38 Shot and shell gauges 3 39, 40 Piling of balls 3 41, 42 Preservation of shot and empty shells 3 43 Preparation of shell for service 3 44-47 Gunpowder 3 48-55 Preservation and storage of powder 3 48-53 Service-charges for naval guns 3 53, 54 Boxes for small-arm ammunition 3 55, 56 Cannon and Friction primers 3 56, 57 Cartridge-bags 3 57-59 Magazines and shell rooms 3 60-64 Gun-carriages 3 65, 66 Gun-gear 3 66, 67 Griolet 3 68 Directions for cleaning arms 3 80-82 Paints and Lacquers 3 83-89 APPENDIX. Directions as to using the allowance tables of crews A iii-v Table I. Showing the number of hands for various kinds of guns A vi Table II. Allowance of Petty Officers for various kinds of vessels A vii, viii Table III. Allowance of Officers, when A ix Table IV. Allowance of Marines, when A x Graduation of sights and ranges, of 32 pds.: of 27 or 33 cwt.: No. 1 B xi Graduation of sights and ranges, 32 pds.: of 42 or 57 cwt.: No. 2 B xii Graduation of sights and ranges, 8 in.: of 55 or 63 cwt.: No. 3 B xiii Graduation of sights and ranges, 9 and 11 in. shell guns, No. 4 B xiv Approximate ranges of Shell guns No. 5 B xv Approximate ranges of Shot guns and howitzers No. 6 B xvi Approximate ranges of Rifle guns No. 7 B xvii Table for finding the distance of an object at sea No. 8 B xviii Form of Report of Target Practice with great guns No. 9. B xx, xxi Form of Report of Target Practice with small arms No. 9. B xxii Directions as to preparing Reports of Target Practice No. 10 B xxiii Form of Reports of Inspection No. 1 C xxiv-xxvi Questions to be embraced in Reports of Target Practice No. 2 C xxvii Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores D xxviii-li PART I. RELATING TO THE PREPARATION OF VESSELS OF WAR FOR BATTLE. BUREAU OF ORDNANCE, } NAVY DEPARTMENT. January 1st, 1866. } SIR:-- The Ordnance Instructions for the Navy having been again carefully revised, and such additions and corrections made as the new armaments of vessels of the Navy rendered necessary, they are approved by the Bureau, and I have the honor to submit them for the adoption of the Navy Department. I am, Sir, with high respect, Your obedient servant, H.A. WISE, U.S.N., _Chief of Bureau._ * * * * * NAVY DEPARTMENT, } WASHINGTON, January 1st, 1866. } SIR:-- The revised Ordnance Instructions for the Navy, submitted with your letter of this date, are hereby approved and adopted by the Department, and all officers of the Navy will strictly observe and enforce them. Very respectfully, GIDEON WELLES, _Secretary of the Navy._ Commander H.A. WISE, U.S.N. _Chief of Bureau of Ordnance._ CHAPTER I. GENERAL DUTIES OF OFFICERS IN RELATION TO ORDNANCE AND GUNNERY, AND TO MILITARY EQUIPMENTS AND EXERCISES. CAPTAIN. 1. THE CAPTAIN OR COMMANDING OFFICER will be careful to require that all the Ordnance Instructions are strictly enforced on board the vessel under his command; and although particular duties are assigned, and various instructions given to the other officers of the vessel, yet he is to see that the duties are performed, and the instructions obeyed, by the officers to whom they are respectively addressed. 2. As soon as the crew is received on board the vessel, he shall cause a fire-bill to be prepared, the crew shown their stations, and see that they are duly stationed at quarters for battle (_See_ Articles 78 to 103), and exercised at general quarters, and by divisions, particularly the powder division (_See_ Articles 180 to 201), until each officer and man is thoroughly instructed in his duties; after which the exercises are to be frequent during the cruise. Exercises which are short and spirited are preferable to those which are long and fatiguing. Distinctions and indulgences to those who excel are recommended. When the men have become well acquainted with their duties at the guns, and in passing powder, or when the general duties of the ship are unusually fatiguing, the divisional exercises may be confined to those belonging to one watch. It is directed that, unless bad weather prevent, Monday of each week be set apart for general quarters. 3. He will, at least once in two months for the first year of the cruise, and once in three months for the remainder thereof, assemble the crew at quarters in the night, without any previous intimation of his intention to do so, and have a general exercise. He will inspect the ship throughout, and cause an entry to be made in the log-book of the length of time required between the beginning of the call to quarters and the complete preparation for commencing action; also, when every gun is ready for a second fire. 4. In order to ascertain whether the equipments are complete and their uses understood, as soon after the ship has been commissioned as circumstances will permit, he will cause at least one round to be fired, with shot or shell, according to the nature of the gun; and, when practicable, at targets at known distances and with the appropriate service charges. (_See_ TABLES OF RANGES, Appendix.) 5. He will immediately endeavor to discover whether defects or deficiencies in the armament or equipment exist, and, if any be found, will remedy them as far as in his power consistently with instructions, representing them to the Commandant of the yard of outfit, if near it; and, if important, to the Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance. 6. On the representation of the Gunner that the Ordnance Stores are injured or liable to injury, he will order the survey called for by Article 49. 7. He will, in each quarter of the first year of the cruise, expend in target-practice six rounds, and in each succeeding quarter-year six broadsides, making the report required by Art. 14. He will not, however, either for this purpose or for saluting, reduce his supply of ammunition below 100 broadsides. 8. In order to accustom the men to the use of loaded shells, they are frequently to be used in preference to shot. For this purpose, however, empty shells, or those that are "bouched" only, will be carefully fitted, filled, and fused on board, in season, according to the directions (Chap. I. Part III.), and first expended. They should be fitted only as required to replace those expended; a principal object in supplying a certain number of shells to be fitted on board ships, is to disseminate information on this subject. 9. The relative proportions of "distant," "ordinary," and "near-firing" charges are to be preserved (_See_ TABLE OF CHARGES, Part III.) as nearly as practicable, and after action or exercise, deficiencies caused by the expenditure of any particular kind of charge will be made up, without unnecessary delay, from the others on hand. 10. The allowances for target-practice are not to be expended in one or two exercises, but are to be divided in such proportions as to allow target-practice once a fortnight, or at least once a month, when practicable; and at least three-fourths of the charges allowed shall be expended in practice at sea, when it can be conveniently done, opportunities being chosen for that purpose under all the circumstances of wind and weather in which vessels of war are liable to engage in battle. 11. When in port, and circumstances will admit, such places are to be selected for practice as are favorable for the recovery of the projectiles; when the effect of the bursting charge is not important, a blowing charge may be used in shells, to test the efficiency of the fuze without destroying the shell. In practice the service charges for which the sights are marked are alone to be employed. Distances within half a mile are preferable for solid shot, as best showing the result. Targets of ten feet high by twenty long will afford the means of general comparison, especially with the practice at the experimental battery at Washington. For shells, the distances should suit the ranges of their fuzes, or time of burning, that the degree of certainty of explosion in direct or ricochet fire may be seen and noted. 12. The whole crew is to be exercised in the use of the musket, carbine, pistol, and sword, and in firing at a target with small arms, by suitable persons, each division under the superintendence of its respective commanding officer. The company and the battalion drill is recommended as often as convenient opportunities of exercise present themselves. 13. He will cause the boats' crews to be exercised in all the preparations for attacking an enemy, either by land or water, and in the use of "boat and field howitzers," and small arms, under all the various circumstances likely to arise in such service, and particularly in embarking and disembarking the "boat and field" guns and ammunition. (_See_ Part II.) 14. At the expiration of each quarter he will cause to be prepared, and forward, by the earliest favorable opportunity, to the Bureau of Ordnance, a report of all firing, with or without projectiles, according to the detail given in form C. Appendix; also the Quarterly return of receipts and expenditures in the Ordnance Department. 15. He will, once in every quarter, cause a thorough examination to be made into the condition of the armament, shot and shells; and will see that care is taken to keep the shot and shell lockers dry; that the shot and shells stowed therein are clean and free from rust, and, also, that the diameter of shot kept on deck is not increased above the high gauge by injudicious lacquering or painting, and report to the Bureau of Ordnance that this has been done. 16. He is to take care that especial attention is paid to the fuzes, whether spare or in the shells; and if there be reason to suspect injury from dampness or any other cause, he will have one or more fuzes burned for trial. 17. He will not permit shells to be filled, or their fuzes to be shifted or shortened, without his order; and whenever these operations are to be performed, he will see that a suitable and properly secured place, not in the shell-room, and as far from the magazine as convenient, is selected for the purpose. On such occasions the fires and lights are to be extinguished, and also the further precautions are to be observed, as to the manner of performing the work, contained in the directions for filling and emptying shells. (_See_ Chap. I., Part III.) 18. He is not to dismount, strike below, or otherwise render unfit for immediate use, any of the guns on board the ship he commands, except imperative necessity should require it for the safety of the vessel. The particular circumstances of such necessity are to be immediately entered at large in the log, and information is to be given to the Commander of the squadron, and to the Secretary of the Navy. When guns are to be struck below, or when shipped for transportation, he shall cause all the precautions to be taken to guard them from injury, prescribed in Article 46 of these instructions, and such others as circumstances require. 19. He is prohibited from giving away the arms of any description belonging to the vessel under his command. 20. He will keep the keys of the magazines and shell-rooms, and of the receptacles for percussion caps and primers, and of the cocks for flooding magazines and shell-rooms, in the cabin, where they may be obtained by the Executive Officer in case they should be wanted when the Captain is absent from the vessel; and they are only to be delivered to the Executive Officer, or the Officer of the Powder Division. 21. Before entering any friendly port, he will cause every gun to be drawn and reloaded with cartridge, if necessary to salute. 22. He will not permit friction-matches to be on board under any circumstances, and before sailing will notify all persons of this regulation, and institute a search to see that it has been complied with. EXECUTIVE OFFICER. 23. The Executive Officer will, under the orders and direction of the Captain, ascertain that all the ordnance stores and equipments ordered or allowed for the vessel are received on board in good order; that they are properly distributed and stowed; that they are only used or expended according to directions from proper authority, and that they are duly accounted for, according to the directions and forms which are or may be prescribed by the Bureau of Ordnance. In small vessels which have no Gunner, he shall receipt for and be accountable for all ordnance stores, making all the returns which the Gunner is herein directed to prepare. 24. He will be particularly attentive to the state of the batteries, small arms, magazines, shell-rooms, and shot-lockers; to the passages leading to and scuttles connected with them; and take care that they are kept clear and ready for action. 25. He will cause convenient places to be assigned for the stowage of spare articles which may be required in action, and see that shot for at least twenty broadsides for shot-guns, and one shell for each shell-gun, are always in readiness upon the respective decks. 26. When salutes are to be fired he is personally to examine, or to direct one of the Officers Commanding a Division to examine, ascertain and report that the necessary preparations are made and precautions taken to avoid accidents. The guns, if loaded, are to be drawn, wormed, sponged and reloaded. They are, nevertheless, to be so laid as to prevent the possibility of mischief, even in the contingency of a shot or wad being left in any of them. Hard wads are not to be used in firing salutes, nor are port-fires. The guns are to be fired either with percussion or friction primers, as the Captain may prefer. These, when in good order, are not apt to fail if the lock-string be properly pulled; as, however, a slight deterioration may interfere with the regularity of salutes, the precaution of dropping a few grains of gunpowder into the vent will be found effectual. Guns of the lowest calibre and class, when sufficient in number, are to be used for saluting; and no heavier than their "near-firing" charge is to be used. (_See_ TABLE OF CHARGES, Part III.) Two boats' howitzers will be found sufficient for saluting. "Saluting powder" to be used in all guns for this purpose, in preference to "Service powder." 27. In large vessels he will cause a cot with a spare sacking-bottom, or such other apparatus as may be approved by the Surgeon, to be prepared and kept for the purpose of lowering the wounded to the orlop or berth deck. 28. Before the powder is received on board, he, with the Gunner, will carefully inspect the magazines and shell-rooms, their passages and light-rooms, and have them thoroughly cleaned, dried and aired, and will see that the pipes and stop-cocks, and every thing connected with flooding the magazines, are in order, and acquaint himself with their position and mode of operation; the lighting apparatus cleaned and dried; and particularly that the glasses for transmitting light into the magazines and shell-rooms are clear and without fracture; that the light burns clearly, and the box is well ventilated; and shall report to the Ordnance Officer when the magazines are ready to receive the ammunition. (_See_ Chap. II., Part III.) OFFICERS IN CHARGE OF DIVISIONS. 29. OFFICERS IN CHARGE OF DIVISIONS OF GUNS are required to make themselves thoroughly conversant with every particular relating to the equipment, exercise, and management of the guns, as set forth in these instructions, and especially to familiarize themselves with the charges prescribed and the ranges given in the Tables; the principles and practice of pointing guns under all circumstances, and also with every precaution connected with the use of shells, and of percussion and time fuzes. 30. They are carefully to inspect their divisions when called to quarters for inspection or exercise, and see that every thing is, at all times, in place and in order for service; and in case of discovering any defect or deficiency, will report it to the Executive Officer. 31. They will be careful, when instructing the men at quarters, to require a strict adherence to the prescribed mode of performing their duties, and to all the details of execution, in order that general uniformity and the efficiency dependent on it may be secured. When the individuals of the guns' crews have become expert in the performance of their particular duties, then each man shall be instructed by the officer of his division, until he shall have become acquainted with the special duties of every station at the gun. 32. They are at least once a week to examine the guns and all the iron work of the carriages, and see that they are kept free from rust, and especially the eccentric axles, elevating screws, and pivot-bolts, which must be protected by a mixture of tallow and white-lead, or other similar coating. The cap-squares must be frequently removed, the guns lifted and the trunnions cleaned; the elevating screws oiled, but never cleaned with brick or emery paper. Once a quarter at least, all the connecting bolts, such as cap-square, bracket, breast, and transom bolts, are to be examined and tightened if they require it. To do this it is necessary, after lifting the gun, to turn the carriage bottom up. The threads of the screws of the bolts above named must be coated with the lacquer for small arms. 33. THE OFFICER OF THE POWDER DIVISION will, in like manner, carefully instruct and drill his men, and test the efficiency of the arrangements for passing powder, shot, and shell, in order to insure a sufficient supply of each to all parts of the batteries, without the danger of misdirection or of accumulations in any part thereof. To this end blocks of proper shapes and colors may be provided in the appropriate tanks of the magazines, and passed up instead of powder, when that is not used. These are to be counted and reported by the Officers of the Gun Divisions, and will enable the Executive Officer, and the Officer of the Powder Division, to detect and remedy defects or deficiencies in the system or its details, and to be sure that the men are properly stationed and instructed. MASTER. 34. The MASTER will see that the number of fighting-stoppers, whips for preventer-stays, preventer-braces, slings for yards and gaffs, relieving-tackles, and other articles in his division which are directed, are all fitted and ready for use in action. At general quarters his division must be regularly drilled in fishing masts and spars, stoppering and knotting rigging, and trimming sails. CHIEF ENGINEER. 35. The CHIEF ENGINEER will ascertain that all the tools and implements necessary for the prompt and effectual repair of injuries which the engine and its dependencies may receive in action, are received on board and placed at hand. GUNNER. 36. He shall attend personally at the ordnance store where his stores shall be delivered to him, the Ordnance Officer furnishing him with means of transportation and men for stowing them in their appointed places on board ship, when the crew is not available for this purpose. He is to be especially careful that the equipments and stores belonging to the magazine are arranged therein in conformity to Ordnance Instructions. (_See_ Chap. I., Part III. for further directions relative to his duties and responsibilities.) 37. The powder-tanks containing charges for each class of guns are to be stowed on their sides, with the lids next the alleys and hinges down, near the magazine scuttles through which these charges are to be delivered; the charges for "ordinary firing" nearest the scuttle. When tanks are emptied they are to be stowed on the upper shelves in order that the powder may be kept, as much as possible, below the water line. 38. In time of war, passing-boxes are to have charges for "ordinary firing" kept in them ready for passing up at once. 39. In future white will be used for all cylinders, the calibre and weight distinctly stencilled on each bag. In case of a deficiency of white cartridge cloth, the different charges for all classes of guns may be distinguished by the color of the cartridge-bags; white being used for distant firing, blue for "ordinary" firing, and red for "near" firing. The lid ends of the powder-tanks for service charges are to be painted of the same colors as the cartridge-bags which they contain, and must be distinctly marked with the calibre and weight of the gun for which the cartridges are intended. Tanks for musket-powder must be marked MUSKET-POWDER; and this powder may be put up in either of the kind of charges allowed which will make the best stowage, the bags properly stencilled. Tanks containing saluting powder are to be marked "SALUTING." It is to be kept in bags, stencilled "saluting." 40. No loose powder is ever to be taken or carried on board ship, and all, whether public or private belonging to officers, must be safely stowed in the magazines. 41. All metallic cartridges for small arms, percussion caps, and percussion or friction primers, or other articles containing fulminating matter, must be kept in boxes prepared for the purpose, and the boxes must be stowed separately from other articles, in a dry, secure, and safe place, under lock and key, and are on no account to be put in the magazine. It is recommended that they be distributed in two or three places, a portion conveniently at hand. 42. The fireworks, after carefully removing all fulminating matter, such as caps or primers, if any such be used to ignite them, are to be stowed in their proper packing-boxes in other light boxes of suitable length, made water-tight, with lock and key, and to fit between the beams and carlines of the gun decks of frigates and berth decks of single-decked vessels. Those for instant use must be placed near the after hatch, and the remainder abaft that position, if possible, so as to be constantly under the care of the sentinel at the cabin doors. In no case, however, are they to be placed over any standing light or lantern on any deck. 43. All ammunition packing-boxes, shell-bags, and metal cases are to be preserved, and returned into store at the end of the cruise. 44. No coopering is ever to be done in the magazines of ships. Should powder be received on board in barrels, the hoops and heads must be started on the orlop or berth deck before entering the magazine. 45. In stowing shell-rooms, filled shells are to be stowed together in boxes or bags; those having fuzes of different times of burning, and each kind of fuze, will be placed in tiers or ranges distinctly separate. (_See_ Article ON FUZES, C. IV.) Empty shells are to be stowed by themselves, unsabotted, in bulk, in a dry place. 46. Whenever guns are to be struck below, or prepared for transportation, the gunner will see that the bores are washed with fresh water, carefully sponged, thoroughly dried, and coated with melted tallow, and a wad dipped in the same material inserted, and connected with a tompion by a lanyard. He is to see that the tompion is put in securely, and the vent and all screw-holes stopped by a plug of soft wood, and puttied over. 47. He is to examine and report daily, before 10 A.M. and 8 P.M., whether the guns and all their equipments; the whips for supplying shot and shells; the arm-chests, armory, and small arms; the supply and reserve division boxes, and other articles furnished as ordnance and ordnance stores, are in good order and in place, and make immediate report to the Commanding or Executive Officer of any defects or deficiencies which he may discover at any other time. 48. The guns and their equipments are to be kept as dry as possible, and no salt water used in cleaning them. 49. If he shall discover any articles to be injured, or liable to injury from any cause, he will ask, in writing, for a survey to be held, to determine the amount, cause, or liability of any of the stores or equipments to damage or deterioration; a copy of this request and report of survey to be furnished to him as a voucher, by the officer ordering the survey. 50. Whenever the magazines or shell-rooms are opened, he is to take every precaution to guard against accident by fire; to examine particularly that all the men stationed in any way in or about the magazine, embracing all stationed within the magazine screen, put on the magazine dress and shoes, and on no account have any thing metallic about them, and that no improper articles are introduced. He will also see that all the articles required for sweeping and removing loose powder are at hand, and that those operations are performed before the magazine is closed. 51. The tanks are never to be opened unless by special order, or when powder is actually required for service; and then no more of the lids are to be unscrewed than is necessary for immediate supply. The strictest attention to this regulation is required of the Gunner, as experience has proved that the preservation of the powder in good condition depends upon the entire exclusion of damp air. 52. When the guns are ordered to be drawn before entering a friendly port, the Gunner is to be particularly attentive to assure himself that no shot or wad is left in any gun. 53. In saluting, he is to guard against accident in loading, pointing, and firing, and to be particularly careful in reloading, where that operation is unavoidable. 54. In the absence or illness of the Gunner, his general duties will devolve on a Gunner's Mate, under the supervision of the Executive Officer. 55. The Gunner shall keep a minute-book of all expenditures in the Ordnance Department, and on Monday of each week shall submit it to the Executive Officer for examination and approval. Within ten days after the expiration of the quarter, he shall make out his quarterly return in the required form, which shall be signed by him, certified correct by the Executive Officer, approved by the Commander, and forwarded to the Bureau by the first opportunity. At the same time the ledger shall be posted. 56. When a vessel returns from a cruise to be refitted or repaired, or placed in ordinary, the Gunner, or person performing the duty of Gunner, is not to leave the ship, unless specially authorized by the Secretary of the Navy, until all the guns, powder, small arms, ammunition, and other articles under his charge, shall have been examined and surveyed, and turned over to his successor, or other person appointed to receive them, or to the Inspector of Ordnance, the receipt for which he shall show to the officer to whom he applies for leave. CARPENTER. 57. The CARPENTER shall ascertain and report to the Executive Officer that there are a sufficient number of tarpaulins to cover all the hatches leading to the fore and after orlops; that the pump-gear of every description is ready and in order for rigging the pumps, and that every preparation can be promptly made before going into action to free the ship, in case of receiving injuries below the water-line. 58. He is also to examine and keep in order the force and channel pumps, the fire-engine, the division-tubs, and, in short, all the apparatus necessary to give a good and speedy supply of water in case of fire in action. 59. He is specially charged with the care and distribution of articles for stopping shot-holes or repairing other injuries to the hull, which may be received in action, viz.: shot-plugs and mauls; pieces of pine board from eighteen inches to three feet long, and from twelve to fifteen inches wide, covered with felt or fearnaught, previously coated with tar or white lead; patches of sheet-lead, all with nail-holes punched; and trouser-slings for lowering men outside the vessel, to be provided with a pouch or pocket, to contain a hammer and nails. Tarred canvas or oakum should be prepared to shove into the shot-holes before the patches of board or lead are nailed on. Although shot-plugs are still to be allowed, the means just described are most to be relied on. 60. In case it shall not have already been done, the Carpenter, under the direction of the Commander or Executive Officer of the ship, will draw a black line, two inches broad, on the ceiling of the ship, to correspond with the ordinary height of the water-line. On this is to be marked, by corresponding intervals and numbers, the position of the ports on the lowest of the gun-decks. By this arrangement the position of the shot-hole can be easily ascertained and communicated, through the Officer Commanding the Powder Division, and a remedy promptly applied. To this end he is to pay habitual attention to keeping the wings clear to four feet below the water-line, and report any obstructions to the Executive Officer. YEOMAN. 61. The YEOMAN is to charge himself with, and is to be accountable for, all articles of ordnance stores which may be placed in the storeroom under his charge, and is not to issue or expend any article, except by order of, or authority from, the Captain or Executive Officer. 62. On the return of a ship, to be laid up at a yard, or to be refitted or repaired, the Yeoman will be retained to deliver the ordnance stores in his charge into the hands of the Ordnance Officer. If any deficiency in the stores under his charge be discovered, or they are in bad order, the Ordnance Officer will report the same to the Commandant of the yard, who will order a survey, to ascertain the nature and extent of the deficiency, or injury, and whether either were caused by the Yeoman's negligence or fault. If the surveying officers shall find just cause for suspecting fraud or negligence, the Commandant shall suspend the payment and discharge of the Yeoman, until he shall report the case to the Bureau and receive the orders of the Department. 63. No person is to be knowingly appointed Yeoman who has already served in that capacity in any vessel of war of the United States, who cannot produce a satisfactory certificate of his former good conduct as Yeoman. CHAPTER II. GENERAL DISTRIBUTION OF OFFICERS AND MEN AT QUARTERS. 64. The following directions for the general distribution of a ship's company at quarters, or for action, are intended to secure, upon the most important points, a degree of uniformity which will promote efficiency, and at the same time leave to the Captains the selection and arrangement of many individuals under their command, according to their own views of the particular qualifications of each. 65. The CAPTAIN'S station, in action, is upon the quarter-deck. 66. The Executive Officer, the Midshipmen acting as Aides to the Captain, and the Signal Officer, are also to be stationed on the quarter-deck. 67. The stations of the other Officers are to be regulated by divisions, as follows: The guns upon each deck are to be numbered from forward, beginning with No. 1, and continuing aft, in succession, each gun and its opposite being designated by the same number, excepting pivot and shifting guns, each of which is to have a separate number. The guns on each deck are then to be divided as equally as possible into three or two divisions, according to the number of Lieutenants or other Watch Officers on board, so that each division of guns, and the persons belonging to it, may be commanded by a Lieutenant or other Watch Officer. These divisions are to be numbered consecutively, designating the forward division on the lowest gun-deck as the first division, and passing from the after division of one deck to the forward division of the next deck above it. 68. The command of these divisions of guns is to be assigned, in the order of their numbers, to the Lieutenants or other Watch Officers, according to their rank, assigning the first division to the officer next in rank to the Executive Officer. In case of a deficiency of Watch Officers, the quarter-deck division may be assigned to an Ensign or Midshipman, who will act under the general supervision of the Executive Officer. When the number of officers on board of vessels having pivot-guns will permit, each pivot-gun will be placed under the special charge of a suitable officer of the division of which it forms a part. MASTER'S DIVISION. 69. This division will comprise all those stationed in the tops, and those appointed to attend to the rigging, sails, steerage, and signals. The Master is to be stationed on the quarter-deck, and to be assisted by the Boatswain, whose station will be on the forecastle. The Boatswain will be charged with all his divisional duties in the event of his death or absence. (For ARMS, _see_ Table in Article 101.) POWDER DIVISION. 70. This division will be under the direction either of a Lieutenant, Master, Ensign, or competent Midshipman. It will consist of all those stationed below the gun-decks, except persons belonging to the Surgeon's Division and the Paymaster and his Clerk. The Gunner is to be stationed in the main magazine, and a Gunner's Mate or Quarter Gunner in the other magazine when there are two; and those persons of this division who may be stationed in the magazines and passages are to be under the immediate direction of the Gunner and his Mate, respectively. Those of the Carpenter's crew stationed in the hold or wings are to be under the immediate direction of the Carpenter's Mate, who will be stationed with them. All reports, however, are to be made through the Commanding Officer of the division. DIVISION OF MARINES. 71. All the Marines who may not be distributed to other divisions for action are to compose a Division of Marines, to be under the immediate command of the Senior Officer of Marines on board. He will form his division on such part or parts of the spar or upper deck as the Captain may direct. SURGEON'S DIVISION. 72. The SURGEON or senior Medical Officer will have the direction of this division, which shall comprise all the Medical Officers and such other persons as may be designated by the Captain to assist in the care of the wounded in action. This division will occupy the cockpit, or such other convenient place as the Captain of the vessel may direct. THE CHAPLAIN. 73. The CHAPLAIN will be in attendance to perform the duties of his sacred office, and to render such other service as may be in his power. PAYMASTER. 74. The PAYMASTER'S station will be in the ward-room and on the berth-deck, in charge of the money, books and stores belonging to his Department. ENGINEER DIVISION. 75. The Engineer Division shall be under the direction of the Chief Engineer, and shall comprise the Assistant Engineers and such of the Firemen and Coalheavers as may be detailed for the purpose. An Assistant will be appointed to take charge of the fire party detailed from this Division. MISCELLANEOUS OFFICERS. 76. Ensigns, Midshipmen, Mates, Captain's and other Clerks, the Sailmaker, and other officers not enumerated, are to be assigned to the different divisions at the discretion of the Captain. 77. In distributing the Petty Officers, Seamen, and others to the guns and other stations in the several divisions, it is desirable, as a general rule, that those stationed at the same gun or near each other at quarters, should be drawn from different stations for working ship; so that a great loss at any one gun may not fall too heavily on any watch station. Exceptions to this general rule may be advantageously made where the duties of men require their habitual attendance on particular decks. In such cases it will generally be advisable to station them at quarters near to the places of their ordinary duties. DISTRIBUTION OF THE CREW. 78. Table showing the number of men for the service of each kind and class of gun in use in the Navy, assuming the vessel to have the established complement. PIVOT GUNS: XI-inch of 16,000 lbs., X-inch of 10,000 lbs. 24 X-inch of 12,000 lbs., 64-pdr. of 106 cwt. 20 IX-inch of 9,000 lbs., 100-pdr. rifle. 16 60-pdr. rifle. 10 30-pdr. rifle. 8 20-pdr. rifle. 6 BROADSIDE GUNS: IX-inch of 9,000 lbs., 100-pdr. rifle. 16 8-inch of 68 cwt. 14 8-inch of 6,500 lbs., 8-inch of 56 cwt. 12 32-pdr. of 57 cwt. 12 32-pdr. of 4,500 lbs., 32-pdr. of 42 cwt., 60-pdr. rifle. 10 32-pdr. of 33 cwt., 30-pdr. rifle. 8 32-pdr. of 27 cwt., 20-pdr. rifle. 6 To the XI, X, and IX-inch 100-pounder rifle, and 64-pounder pivot guns, a Powderman, and to all other guns a Powder-boy is to be added. The number of men to form crews of guns mounted on carriages of special character, is to be regulated as may be found most advantageous by the Commanding Officer. 79. In designating the Petty Officers and others for particular stations, it is assumed that the intelligence, skill, and force of the men have been equally divided between the two watches, and that the men in the starboard watch have all odd numbers, as 1, 3, 5, and those of the port watch even numbers, as 2, 4, 6. To preserve this equality, and to secure the ability of those who may be upon deck to prepare the ship for action at night, whilst the watch below are bringing up and stowing the hammocks, all the odd-numbered guns will be entirely manned by men belonging to the starboard watch, and all the even-numbered guns by those belonging to the port watch, as far as practicable. The crews of pivot-guns to be taken half from each watch. 80. Where ports on opposite sides of the same deck are numbered the same, and are both provided with a gun, guns' crews are only to be furnished for the guns on one side. Pivot and shifting guns are each to have full guns' crews. 81. When the complements allowed to vessels of the Navy will permit, it is recommended as a general arrangement that the guns' crews be formed of about one-third Petty Officers and Seamen, one-third Ordinary Seamen, and one-third Landsmen and Boys, and that this system be observed as nearly as practicable. 82. At least one Quarter Gunner should be stationed at each division of guns; and a Gunner's Mate or Quarter Gunner in the smaller magazine, and in each shell-room. If there be more shell-rooms than there are disposable Quarter Gunners to attend them, other careful and suitable persons are to be selected to supply the deficiency. 83. Before permanently assigning the individuals which form a gun's crew, to the performance of particular duties connected with its service in action, it is important to ascertain their respective qualifications, as far as may be practicable, by questioning them or by exercising them at the guns. 84. The Captains, especially, should be selected from those in whose skill, coolness, and judgment the greatest reliance can be placed, without regard to their ratings, though at the same time care should be taken to avoid stationing men of a higher rating than the Captains of the guns, to perform subordinate duties at the same guns. They should be examined by the Surgeon with reference to eyesight. Spongers and Loaders rank next in importance, and, with activity and coolness, should possess the necessary physical strength and stature. For Handspikemen, weight is important, in addition to strength and coolness. 85. Very careful men should be selected for attending the Powder-scuttles on the different decks, as well to prevent noise and contention among the Powder-boys as to guard against accidents, and speedily to repair such as may occur. The boys should be trained to fall into line, to insure an equal distribution of powder. 86. Unless some special reason should require a different arrangement with regard to Boarders, Pikemen, Firemen, Sail-trimmers, and Pumpmen, the following will be observed: BOARDERS. 87. Half the men composing a gun's crew, excluding the Powderman or Boy, are to be Boarders. When this rule gives an odd number of men, the odd one is to be a Second Boarder. 88. The Boarders are to constitute two divisions, called First and Second Boarders. 89. First Boarders are, generally, to be taken from the second part of a gun's crew; and Second Boarders from the first part. 90. All Petty Officers on the spar-deck, except the Quartermaster at the conn and the Quartermaster at the wheel, are to be First Boarders.--(For ARMS OF BOARDERS, _see_ Table, Article 101.) The Executive Officer leads the Boarders. All the Division Officers on the spar-deck shall be First Boarders, except the officer commanding the quarter-deck division, who shall lead the Pikemen. On gun-decks the officer commanding the second division shall be a First Boarder; the commanding officers of the other divisions shall be Second Boarders. If there are two officers in any division, the second shall lead those Boarders who do not go with his principal. A Lieutenant or other responsible officer should be detailed to command the gun-deck in the absence of the boarders and pikemen. PIKEMEN. 91. One-fourth of the number of men composing a gun's crew, rejecting fractions, and excepting the Powderman or Boy, and all the men of the Master's division on the spar-deck, except those designated as Boarders and those at the wheel and conn, are to be Pikemen, and compose but one division. 92. For each Pikeman at a gun there is to be a musket or carbine provided, which in action, when not in use, is to be kept with the bayonet unfixed, hooked securely against a carline or beam near the gun; or on a spar-deck placed conveniently at hand. When they are called away they will repair on deck with these arms, when, if ordered, they will place them in a secure place, to be designated by the Executive Officer, and arm themselves with pikes. Pikemen will wear a cartridge-box whenever at general quarters or in action. Pikemen of the spar-deck divisions will, on being called away, arm themselves as directed. Should it become necessary, in an emergency, to call "all hands" from below to repel an enemy, the Pikemen will, if not already so armed, arm themselves with muskets or carbines, leaving their pikes to be used by those whose arms are not designated--that is, by the remainder of the gun's crew and Powder Division. 93. One boarding-pike for each gun on covered decks is always to be kept triced up conveniently near it, and this is to be used by the Powderman, or any other person left at the gun to guard the port. 94. Pikemen are to be covered by the Marines with their bayonets fixed. FIREMEN. 95. With broadside guns, one Fireman is to be taken from each gun's crew, and from pivot-guns two. Each Fireman is to have a fire-bucket at hand near his gun, and to wear his battle-axe in a belt around his waist. SAIL-TRIMMERS. 98. In all vessels there shall be two divisions of Sail-trimmers, composed of all the men at the spar-deck guns, except 1st Captains, 1st Spongers, 1st Loaders, and Powder-boys. The 1st Sail-trimmers are to be taken from the guns on the forward half, and the 2d Sail-trimmers from those on the after half of the spar-deck. 97. In vessels carrying guns on more than one deck there are to be three divisions of Sail-trimmers, called 1st, 2d, and 3d Sail-trimmers, and the third division is to be made up of one man from each gun's crew on the other deck or decks, as designated in the tables.--(Article 101.) This third division of Sail-trimmers is to be regarded as a reserved force, and is not to repair on deck at the general call for Sail-trimmers, nor except when specially ordered. Besides serving to re-enforce the other two divisions when absolutely necessary, it is also to re-enforce either the Firemen or the Pumpmen in cases of need. 98. The third division of Sail-trimmers, and all the Pikemen of the guns' crews, and others armed with muskets (_See_ Tables, Article 101), may be made to assemble together as a body of Musketeers, either for landing or otherwise. No one gun more than another will be weakened by so doing; and this suggests the propriety of preferring these men ordinarily for the crews of boats. PUMPMEN. 99. Each gun's crew composed of as many as 14 men is to furnish two, but, when of less than 14 men, one Pumpman only. 100. When Pumpmen are sufficiently numerous to admit of working the pumps with one-half their force, they should compose two divisions, to be called 1st and 2d Pumpmen. DISTRIBUTION AND ARMS OF MEN AT THE GUNS. 101. The annexed Tables show the stations of guns' crews at pivot-guns, and at broadside-guns, when composed, respectively, of the following numbers of men: 24, 16, 14, 12, 10, 8, or 6; how each man of a gun's crew is to be armed, and the number of small arms of all kinds required for each gun's crew. N.B.--To these Tables is annexed another, showing the small arms of the Master's Division. PIVOT-GUN'S CREW, _composed of_ 24 MEN _and a_ POWDERMAN. KEY: A: SWORDS. B: REVOLVERS. C: PISTOLS. D: PIKES. E: MUSKETS. F: BATTLE-AXES. ------------------------+-----+--------------------------+-----------------+ | | | ARMS. | | | +-----------------+ TITLES OF GUN'S CREW |GUN | TITLES OF GUN'S CREW |A |B |C |D |E |F | ON LEFT SIDE OF GUN. |NOS. | ON RIGHT SIDE OF GUN. | | | | | | | ------------------------+-----+--------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ 1st Loader, 2 B. | 3| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| | | 4|1st Sponger, 2 B. | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| 2d Loader, 1 B. | 5| | | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| | | 6|2d Sponger, 1 B. | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| 1st Shellman and Pump. | 7| | | -| -| -| -| -| 1| | | 8|2d Shellman and Pump. | -| -| -| -| -| 1| 1st Front Lever., 2 B. | 9| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| | |10|2d Front Lever., 1 B. | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| 1st Compressor. | | | | | | | | | | and Pike. |13| | | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| | |14|2d Compressor. and Pike. | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| 1st Rear Lever. | | | | | | | | | | and Pike. |11| | | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| | |12|2d Rear Lever. and Pike. | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| Tr.-tkl., Deck-block, | | | | | | | | | | 2 B. |17| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| | |18|Tr.-tkl., Deck-block, 1 B.| 1| 1| -| -| -| -| Tr.-tkl., Side-block, | | | | | | | | | | 2 B. |19| | | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| | |20|Tr.-tkl., Side-block, 1 B.| 1| -| 1| -| -| -| Shifting-tkl., Deck- | | | | | | | | | | block, and Pikeman. |21| | | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| | |22|Shifting-tkl., Deck-block,| | | | | | | | | | and Pikeman. | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| Shifting-tkl., | | | | | | | | | | Slide-block. |23| | | -| -| -| -| 1| 1| | |24|Shifting-tkl., | | | | | | | | | | Slide-block. | -| -| -| -| 1| 1| 1st Tr. Lev. and | | | | | | | | | | Fireman. |15| | | -| -| -| -| -| 1| | |16|2d Tr. Lev. and Fireman. | -| -| -| -| -| 1| 1st Captain, 2 B. | 1| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| | | 2|2d Captain, 1 B. | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| Powderman |25| | | -| -| -| -| -| -| ------------------------+-----+--------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ Total number of Arms |12| 7| 5| 6| 8| 6| ---------------------------------------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ GUN'S CREW _composed of_ 16 MEN _and a_ POWDERMAN. KEY: A: SWORDS. B: REVOLVERS. C: PISTOLS. D: PIKES. E: MUSKETS. F: BATTLE-AXES. ------------------------+-----+--------------------------+-----------------+ | | | ARMS. | | | +-----------------+ TITLES OF GUN'S CREW |GUN | TITLES OF GUN'S CREW |A |B |C |D |E |F | ON LEFT SIDE OF GUN. |NOS. | ON RIGHT SIDE OF GUN. | | | | | | | ------------------------+--+--+--------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ | | 4|1st Sponger, 2 B. | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| 1st Loader, 2 B. | 3| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| | | 6|2d Sponger, 1 B. | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| 2d Loader, 1 B. | 5| | | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| | | 8|2d Shell. and 1st Pump. | -| -| -| -| -| 1| 1st Shellman, 2d Pump. | 7| | | -| -| -| -| -| 1| | |10|2d Handspike., 1 B. | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| 1st Handspikeman, 2 B. | 9| | | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| | |14|2d Side-tackle. and Pike. | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| 1st Side-tackle. | | | | | | | | | | and Pike. |13| | | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| | |16|2d Port-tackle. and Pike. | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| 1st Port-tackle. | | | | | | | | | | and Pike. |15| | | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| | |12|2d Tr.-tack. and | | | | | | | | | | Sail-trim. | -| -| -| -| 1| 1| 1st Train-tackle. | | | | | | | | | | and Fire. |11| | | -| -| -| -| -| 1| | | 2|2d Captain, 1 B. | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| 1st Captain, 2 B. | 1| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| Powderman | | | | -| -| -| -| -| -| ------------------------+--+--+--------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ Total number of Arms | 8| 4| 4| 4| 5| 4| ---------------------------------------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ N.B.--On other than lower decks, for Port-tacklemen substitute 3d and 4th Side-tacklemen. GUN'S CREW _composed of_ 14 MEN _and a_ POWDER-BOY. KEY: A: SWORDS. B: REVOLVERS. C: PISTOLS. D: PIKES. E: MUSKETS. F: BATTLE-AXES. ------------------------+-----+--------------------------+-----------------+ | | | ARMS. | | | +-----------------+ TITLES OF GUN'S CREW | GUN | TITLES OF GUN'S CREW |A |B |C |D |E |F | ON LEFT SIDE OF GUN. | NOS.| ON RIGHT SIDE OF GUN. | | | | | | | ------------------------+--+--+--------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ | | 4|1st Sponger, 2 B. | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| 1st Loader, 2 B. | 3| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| | | 6|2d Sponger, 1 B. | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| 2d Loader, 1 B. | 5| | | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| | | 8|2d Shell. and 1st Pump. | -| -| -| -| -| 1| 1st Shell. and 2d Pump. | 7| | | -| -| -| -| -| 1| | |10|2d Handspike. and Pike. | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| 1st Handspike., 2 B. | 9| | | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| | |14|2d Side-tackle. and Pike. | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| 1st Side-tackle. | | | | | | | | | | and Pike. |13| | | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| | |12|2d Tr.-tack. and | | | | | | | | | | Sail-trim. | -| -| -| -| 1| 1| 1st Train-tackle. | | | | | | | | | | and Fire. |11| | | -| -| -| -| -| 1| | | 2|2d Captain, 1 B. | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| 1st Captain, 2 B. | 1| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| Powder-boy | | | | -| -| -| -| -| -| ------------------------+--+--+--------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ Total number of Arms | 7| 4| 3| 3| 4| 4| ---------------------------------------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ GUN'S CREW _composed of_ 12 MEN _and a_ POWDER-BOY. KEY: A: SWORDS. B: REVOLVERS. C: PISTOLS. D: PIKES. E: MUSKETS. F: BATTLE-AXES. ------------------------+-----+--------------------------+-----------------+ | | | ARMS. | | | +-----------------+ TITLES OF GUN'S CREW | GUN | TITLES OF GUN'S CREW |A |B |C |D |E |F | ON LEFT SIDE OF GUN. | NOS.| ON RIGHT SIDE OF GUN. | | | | | | | ------------------------+--+--+--------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ | | 4|1st Sponger, 2 B. | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| 1st Loader, 2 B. | 3| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| | | 6|2d Sponger, 1 B. | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| 2d Loader, 1 B. | 5| | | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| | | 8|2d Shellman and Pump. | -| -| -| -| -| 1| 1st Shellman and Pike. | 7| | | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| | |10|2d Handspike. and Pike. | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| 1st Handspike. and Pike.| 9| | | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| | |12|2d Tr.-tkl. and | | | | | | | | | | Sail-trim. | -| -| -| -| 1| 1| 1st Train-tackle. | | | | | | | | | | and Fire. |11| | | -| -| -| -| -| 1| | | 2|2d Captain, 1 B. | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| 1st Captain, 2 B. | 1| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| Powder-boy | | | | -| -| -| -| -| -| ------------------------+-----+--------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ Total number of Arms | 6| 3| 3| 3| 4| 3| ---------------------------------------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ GUN'S CREW _composed of_ 10 MEN _and a_ POWDER-BOY. KEY: A: SWORDS. B: REVOLVERS. C: PISTOLS. D: PIKES. E: MUSKETS. F: BATTLE-AXES. --------------------------+-----+------------------------+-----------------+ | | | ARMS. | | | +-----------------+ TITLES OF GUN'S CREW | GUN | TITLES OF GUN'S CREW |A |B |C |D |E |F | ON LEFT SIDE OF GUN. | NOS.| ON RIGHT SIDE OF GUN. | | | | | | | --------------------------+--+--+------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ | | 4|1st Sponger, 2 B. | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| 1st Loader, 2 B. | 3| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| | | 6|2d Sponger, 1 B. | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| 2d Loader and Pike. | 5| | | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| | | 8|2d Shellman and Pump | -| -| -| -| -| 1| 1st Shellman and Fire. | 7| | | -| -| -| -| -| 1| | |10|Train-tackle | -| -| -| -| 1| 1| 1st Handspike. and Pike. | 9| | | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| | | 2|2d Captain, 1 B. | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| 1st Captain, 2 B. | 1| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| Powder-boy | | | | -| -| -| -| -| -| --------------------------+--+--+------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ Total number of Arms | 5| 3| 2| 2| 3| 3| ---------------------------------------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ GUN'S CREW _composed of_ 8 MEN _and a_ POWDER-BOY. KEY: A: SWORDS. B: REVOLVERS. C: PISTOLS. D: PIKES. E: MUSKETS. F: BATTLE-AXES. ---------------------+-----+---------------------------+-----------------+ | | | ARMS. | | | +-----------------+ TITLES OF GUN'S CREW |GUN | TITLES OF GUN'S CREW |A |B |C |D |E |F | ON LEFT SIDE OF GUN. |NOS. | ON RIGHT SIDE OF GUN. | | | | | | | ---------------------+--+--+---------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ | | 4|1st Sponger, 2 B. | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| 1st Loader, 2 B. | 3| | | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| | | 6|2d Sponger and Pike. | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| 2d Loader and | | | | | | | | | | Pikeman. | 5| | | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| | | 8|Tr.-tkl., Fireman. | -| -| -| -| 1| 1| Shotman and Pumpman. | 7| | | -| -| -| -| -| 1| | | 2|2d Capt. and Handsp., 1 B. | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| 1st Captain, 2 B. | 1| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| Powder-boy | | | | -| -| -| -| -| -| ---------------------+--+--+---------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ Total number of Arms. | 4| 2| 2| 2| 3| 2| -------------------------------------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ GUN'S CREW _composed of_ 6 MEN _and a_ POWDER-BOY. KEY: A: SWORDS. B: REVOLVERS. C: PISTOLS. D: PIKES. E: MUSKETS. F: BATTLE-AXES. -----------------------+-----+---------------------------+-----------------+ | | | ARMS. | | | +-----------------+ TITLES OF GUN'S CREW |GUN | TITLES OF GUN'S CREW |A |B |C |D |E |F | ON LEFT SIDE OF GUN. |NOS. | ON RIGHT SIDE OF GUN. | | | | | | | -----------------------+--+--+---------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ | | 4|1st Sponger and Pikeman. | -| -| -| 1| 1| -| 1st Loader, 2 B. | 3| | | 1| -| 1| -| -| -| | | 6|2d Sponger, Fireman. | -| -| -| -| 1| 1| 2d Ldr., Shot., | | | | | | | | | | and Pump. | 5| | | -| -| -| -| -| 1| | | 2|2d Captain, and Handspike.,| | | | | | | | | | Train-tackle., 1 B. | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| 1st Captain, 2 B. | 1| | | 1| 1| -| -| -| -| Powder-boy | | | | -| -| -| -| -| -| -----------------------+--+--+---------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ Total number of Arms. | 3| 2| 1| 1| 2| 2| ---------------------------------------------------------+--+--+--+--+--+--+ SMALL ARMS OF MASTER'S DIVISION. ------------------+-------------------------+------------------------------ STATIONS. |RATINGS. |ARMS. ------------------+-------------------------+------------------------------ Conn |Quartermaster |Pistol and Sword. Wheel |Quartermaster and Seamen | do. do. Signals |Quartermaster | do. do. do. |Boys |Pikes. Relieving Tackles |Quartermaster and O.S. |Swords. Main Braces |C.A.C. |Pistol and Sword. Mastmen |B.M. |Pistol, sword, and Battle-axe. do. |Seamen and O.S. |Pikes and Battle-axes. Topmen | do. do. |Muskets Forecastle |C.F. |Pistol and Sword. Bell |S.C. | do. do. ------------------+-------------------------+------------------------------ [NOTE.--It is proposed to abandon the pike and all muzzle-loading small arms for a breech-loading carbine and pistol, with one uniform metallic cartridge for both. The revolver pistol does not realize in service with seamen the advantages claimed for that description of arm.] 102. The Captain will designate the different hatchways which shall be used by the Boarders and others from each gun when they are called upon deck at quarters. Cutlasses should not be drawn nor bayonets fixed until ordered, and, in moving from one part of the deck to another, should be sheathed, to avoid accidents. 103. The use of fire-arms in the tops being dangerous, and only admissible under very peculiar circumstances, they are never to be used there without the express direction of the Captain. CHAPTER III. DUTIES AT QUARTERS, IN BATTLE OR EXERCISE. CAPTAIN. 104. The CAPTAIN, when at general quarters, either for exercise or in action, is to superintend and take the general direction of every thing connected with the management of the ship and the service of her armament. 105. He will from time to time carefully inspect the ship, in order, before commencing a general exercise, to ascertain that all the required and proper preparations have been made for battle. When time and other circumstances will permit, he will always make this inspection before going into action, and when prevented from making it personally, he will direct it to be made by the Executive Officer. 106. When engaged with an enemy at so great a distance as to require the guns to be elevated, he will, if practicable, cause the distance to be ascertained by observation, and, when that cannot be done, will estimate the distance, and from time to time send directions to the Officers of gun divisions for what distances the sights of their guns should be set, and the nature of the projectile, and, if a shell be used, the time of the fuze (_See_ Article 326), and also the cartridges to be used, whether for "distant," "ordinary," or "near" firing. 107. He will determine and direct when two shot may be fired; when "quick-firing" may be permitted; when small arms shall be distributed and loaded; when Boarders shall be called up, and when they shall assail an enemy. He will receive, through the Executive Officer, the reports from all Officers commanding divisions. EXECUTIVE OFFICER. 108. The EXECUTIVE OFFICER, under the direction of the Captain, and with the aid of the Master, will work the ship when in action or at general quarters. He will receive the reports of the officers of the different divisions and others, and communicate them to the Captain of the ship. SIGNAL OFFICER. 109. The SIGNAL OFFICER is to see that every thing is prepared for making and answering signals promptly, and will make all such as the Captain may direct. He will provide himself with a watch, pencil, and signal note-book properly ruled. 110. He will note and report to the Captain all signals that are made to or by other vessels of the squadron, or other vessels in sight, and also note the time at which each signal was made. He will observe and report any material change which may take place in the positions of the vessels of the squadron, or of other vessels, and every event of moment that may occur. MASTER'S DIVISION. 111. The MASTER will cause the persons in his division to sling the yards and gaffs, to stopper the topsail sheets, to lead out the preventer and other braces, and will see that they are clear, and toggled, to prevent them from unreeving. 112. He will have the fighting stoppers at hand in the chains and tops for stoppering the rigging; hatchets and axes ready for clearing away any casual encumbrances from the guns; axes and hatchets for this purpose must be sharpened, covered with painted canvas, and labelled "not for general use;" and will cause proper arrangements to be made for applying and securing grapnels, if they should be required. 113. He will see that the hammocks are compactly stowed, covered, and stopped down, and will cause the boat and boom covers to be hauled over and securely stopped down; the relieving tackles to be hooked and ready for use; a compass to be placed to steer by; and see the spare tiller at hand, the chronometer and other instruments put out of the reach of shot, and relieved as much as possible from the jar of the guns. 114. In case the Captain should give orders for sending small arms and ammunition into the tops, he will attend to having them sent there, and will be watchful that they are not so used as to expose the sails and rigging to danger from taking fire; and in order to furnish a sufficient supply of water, in case of accident, he will have four fire-buckets fitted for each top, with lanyards long enough to reach the water from the yard-arms, and these should be filled with water in preparing for action. 115. On the probability of an engagement, when the ship is on soundings, the Master will have the ground-tackling ready and clear; boats ready for getting out, and every preparation made for towing, warping, anchoring, and getting springs upon the cables; and have leads and lines in the chains. If at anchor, he will have the boats dropped astern, the oars secured to the thwarts, and, if directed, have the plugs ready to be taken out that the boats may fill, and also cause the spare spars to be put overboard. 116. Whenever the cables are bent, they shall be kept stoppered until wanted for use. 117. In action, besides aiding the Executive Officer in working ship, the Master is to pay special attention to the steerage of the vessel, and to the rigging, sails, and spars, and will see that the stoppers are properly applied, and damages repaired as speedily as possible. In vessels where there is no Signal Officer, the Master, in action or general exercise, may be directed to perform the duties of Signal Officer. 118. The Boatswain being the assistant of the Master, is to see that the rigging, especially forward, is kept clear, and that all damages are promptly reported and repaired. In the absence of the Master, all the above preparations will be at once made by the Boatswain, and reported to the Executive Officer by him. ENGINEER'S DIVISION. 119. The CHIEF ENGINEER will see all proper preparations made for repairing damages to the engine and its dependencies, and will have the apparatus for extinguishing fire ready for immediate use. As soon as these preparations are fully made, and his men mustered, he will report his division ready to the Executive Officer. He will also report such damages as may be received in action, and what assistance is required to repair them, and he will have charge of the preparations made for extinguishing fires below. POWDER DIVISION. 120. The Officer commanding this division, when called to quarters for general exercise or action, will receive from the Captain the keys of the magazines and shell-rooms, and of their respective water-cocks, and will deliver them to the persons in charge, who are not to open them without his special order. 121. He will have the fire-screens let down, and the light-rooms and the deck under his charge lighted. 122. He will see that the shot and shell whips are in place and in working order, and that shot-troughs are placed for conveying shot where required; that the Gunner and his Mates at the magazine hatches and scuttles, and the persons stationed at the shell-room scuttles, are ready to open them when the order is given. 123. That all the precautions mentioned in the duties of Gunner and Carpenter have been taken against fire, namely: that the division-tubs are filled with water, and that wet swabs are placed by them, and under all the lower scuttles through which passing-boxes are returned; that a fire-tub is placed at the bottom of each chute for the return of empty boxes; that it is nearly filled with water, and has its wire grating shipped; that a proper supply of fresh water is provided for the use of the men; that the hatchways of the decks next above that on which the Powder Division is stationed are properly covered; that the air-ports are closed and secured; and that the hose is screwed to the force-pumps and ready for use. 124. He is to see that the means which are provided for lowering the wounded are ready and properly fitted, and that the wounded, when lowered down, are conveyed to the part of the vessel set apart for the Surgeon's Division, by the persons detailed for that purpose. 125. He will also see that all obstructions to the safe and rapid passage of powder, shot, and shells are removed; and when every preparation for action has been made in his division, will report it ready to the Executive Officer. 126. When the order is given from the Captain to open the magazines, shell-rooms, and scuttles, he will direct the Gunner and Gunner's Mate to repair to their respective scuttles, put on their magazine dresses and shoes, divest themselves of every article of metal, and see that the men stationed with them do the same; they are also to see that wet swabs and cans of fresh water are provided. 127. The magazines being opened, the lids of the tanks are not to be unscrewed until orders are given to that effect. Then the Gunner and his Mate, and their assistants in their respective magazines, will open as many, and no more, tanks than are necessary to supply charges of the kind ordered, which they will pass up to the men stationed on the deck above to receive them. These men will be particularly careful to observe the orders transmitted from time to time, designating the kind of charges required at the guns. 128. While at general quarters he will see that the men preserve their proper stations in silence, order, and coolness; and he will give particular attention to the sufficient and correct supply of powder and projectiles to the various divisions, and take care that in time of action, or of exercise with powder, the passing-boxes, after being once taken out of the magazine, are not passed into it again, or even inside of the screen, during the whole of such action or exercise. These duties are of the highest importance. 129. In exercise where no powder is used, he will see that such substitutes for the various charges as the Captain may direct are passed up in their proper boxes, so that the number of rounds and the kind of charge, whether "distant," "ordinary," or "near," may be ascertained, and compared with those ordered. Should any defect or deficiency in the arrangement for giving a full supply to the guns be discovered, it is to be reported immediately to the Captain, in order that a remedy may be applied as speedily as possible, by additional men or other proper means. 130. The Carpenter will see that the hatches on the deck next above the berth-deck or orlop are properly covered with gratings and tarpaulins, and that the air-ports are closed and secured. 131. He will then cause all the pumps to be rigged, namely, the main pumps, for freeing the ship in case of leaks, and the force and channel pumps. He will have the engine also rigged and filled to supply water for extinguishing fire. 132. He will attend particularly to the preparations for stopping shot-holes, and see that all the articles enumerated in his general duties (Article 59) are distributed among his mates and crew. 133. He will, when directed, cause the cabin and other bulkheads to be taken down, and every other obstruction removed which comes within his department, that may interfere with the working of the guns or the passage of ammunition; and having performed this service, will report to that effect to the Officers of the Divisions in which such obstructions existed. 134. When these preparations are completed, he will see that the men under his direction are in their proper stations, and, when all their preparatory duties have been performed, will so report to the Executive Officer, and to the Officer commanding the Powder Division what relates to that division. 135. During an action the Carpenter will attend the pumps, sound the well frequently, and, should he discover indications of serious injury below the water-line, will immediately make them known personally, either to the Captain or to the Executive Officer, and to them only. 136. During an action, such of the Carpenter's crew as are stationed in the wings, or on the orlop, in line-of-battle ships, or on the berth-deck in other vessels, will be constantly on the look-out for shot-holes. When a shot enters they are to make its position known by reference to the numbers of the ports under or near which the hole is found, and its distance below or above the water-line, as shown by the interior line corresponding to it, already described in the general duties of the Carpenter (Article 60); and are also to apply promptly such remedy themselves as may be in their power. 137. The MASTER-AT-ARMS, assisted by the Ship's Corporals, will see the galley fire and all unauthorized lights put out; that the lamps are in their places, properly trimmed and lighted; and that the lenses and reflectors are cleaned and polished. After the magazines have been swept, closed, and secured, and the retreat has been beaten, the Master-at-arms will see that the lights in the light-rooms are extinguished, and apply to the Executive Officer for permission to renew the usual lights and fires. SURGEON'S DIVISION. 138. The SURGEON or senior Medical Officer will see that all necessary preparations are made for the reception and treatment of the wounded, in the part of the ship which may have been set apart by the Captain for that purpose, and report to the Executive Officer when such preparations are completed. 139. He will cause a sufficient number of tourniquets, or temporary substitutes for them, to be distributed to such men of the different divisions, and in each top, as may be appointed to receive them; and he will take care that the persons in his division, and such others as the Captain may direct, are instructed in the use of tourniquets, to prevent, as far as possible, any dangerous loss of blood before the Surgeon or his Assistants can attend to wounded men. OFFICERS COMMANDING DIVISIONS OF GUNS. 140. Each Officer Commanding a Division of Guns is to see that all persons belonging to it are present; that all the prescribed arrangements are duly and promptly made; that every article designated for use in the division is in order and in place; that the decks are wet and well sanded; that the hand-swabs at the guns are wet; and that any small arms that may be distributed among the men of his division are properly loaded at the time directed by the Captain. 141. In action he will cause the wounded of his division to be promptly and properly conveyed to the Surgeon, but will see that no man leaves his quarters on pretence of assisting the wounded. Four men, "aids to wounded", should be attached to each Division of Guns, so as not to take men from guns for that purpose. 142. On the lower deck of line-of-battle ships, or the main deck of frigates and spar-deck of single-deck vessels, he will see the hatchways in the range of his division properly covered by the Carpenter's crew, assisted by the handspikemen or compressor-men of the nearest guns, and the scuttles and whips duly prepared for passing powder, shot, and shells. 143. He will be particularly careful to prevent the men from loading the guns improperly, or otherwise than may be specially ordered, and will prevent any unnecessary noise. 144. He will see that the guns are very carefully pointed and properly aimed; that there is no firing until correct sight can be obtained, as random firing is not only a waste of ammunition, but it encourages an enemy, when he sees shot and shell falling harmlessly about and beyond him. He will carefully impress upon the Captains of guns that there is no excuse for several successive bad shots, as observation of the first or second will surely indicate an erroneous estimate of distance, and afford means of correcting it. Accuracy of fire is to be encouraged rather than rapidity. It is essential to rapidity and accuracy of fire, particularly on covered decks, that the Division Officers shall keep the Gun Captains constantly advised of the position and distance of the object. 145. He will also take care to prevent confusion at the powder-scuttles in the range of his division, and that all orders which require to be repeated are duly passed. In case of accident to the Powder-passers, he will promptly supply their places by such men as can be best spared from his division. 146. He will take care that each gun in his division is provided with all the "Equipments and Implements" prescribed for its use; and that the "spare" articles which may be required in his division in action are in place.--(Article 148.) 147. He will report to the Executive Officer when all preparations have been made for action; and also after action and exercise, when the guns have been properly secured, and the stores and implements belonging to his division have been returned to their places. EQUIPMENTS AND IMPLEMENTS. 148. Those for broadside-guns, whether mounted on two or four truck carriages, or on slides, are to be as follows, viz.: --------------------------------------+--------------------------------- ARTICLES FOR EACH GUN. | WHERE THEY ARE TO BE PUT | WHEN THE GUN IS SECURED. --------------------------------------+---------------------------------- Carriage complete, with bed and | quoin, or elevating screw |At its port. | Breeching with shackle-bolts and pins |At the gun. | Compressors and levers, pivot-bolt | and housing-chock, for Friction | Carriages |At the gun. | Two side-tackles |Hooked to the securing-bolts on each | side of the port and to the | carriage. | One train-tackle |Hooked to the securing-bolts in the | side, with the parts of the fall | round the breech of the gun. | Two handspikes[1] |Resting on the bed-bolt, in-board | ends secured by beckets. | One tompion with lanyard and wad |In the muzzle of the gun. | One sponge and cap[2] |On the beam or carling over the | right side of the gun | (on movable brackets). | One rammer[2] |On the beam or carling over the left | side of the gun (on movable | brackets). | One lock with string and vent-plug | complete |In place on the gun. | One breech-sight with cover |In place on the gun. | One reinforce-sight with cover |In place on the gun. | One priming-wire and one boring-bit, |Inside of the brackets of the with beckets for the wrist | carriage, near the breech. | One fire-bucket with lanyard |On gun-decks, close to the side, | near the beam over the gun; on | spar-decks, round the capstan and | the boats forward. | One bucket of prepared grease or oil | for rifle cannon |On the breast-piece. | One battle-lantern, with candle or | lamp trimmed and primed, but | provided for gun-decks only; none |In the fire-buckets. The candle in for spar-decks | supply box. | Battle-axes (as prescribed according | to the number of men at gun).-- | _See_ Art. 101 |Inside of the brackets. | One hand-swab |On the breast-piece of the | carriage. | One deck-bucket and large swab |To be kept in the hold until wanted. | Two chocking-quoins for |When not in use, between the truck-carriages | brackets and the bed. | Two lanyards for each half port |In place. | Lanyards, chain pendents, runners and | tackles for tricing up, and bars and | keys for securing lower deck ports |In place. | Ten shot for shot-guns |In racks round hatches nearest the | gun. | For shell-guns, one shell in its box |Between the trucks on the left side | of the gun. | Ten selvagee wads for shot and shell |On the breast-piece of the carriage, guns | strung on a pin. | Two housing-chocks for lower deck |Placed before the _front trucks_ guns | when the gun is run in for housing. --------------------------------------+------------------------------------ 149. He will also assure himself that the following articles, which may be required, are in readiness in his division, and prepared for use, namely: One rattle for calling Boarders; one division-tub for fresh water; one spare bed and quoin for carriages requiring them; two spare gun-trucks; four spare handspikes; one worm; one scraper; one bristle sponge for cleaning guns; two spare breechings; four swabs, and, if any of the guns be on slides, a spare pivot-bolt. Of these articles the worm, scraper, sponge, and spare breechings[3] are to be becketed up between the beams and carlings on the gun-decks as far as practicable, and those which cannot be so placed will be kept at hand in the storeroom or other convenient place. A ladle is supplied for each calibre on board, and will be kept ready in such place as may be designated by the Executive Officer. The above allowance of articles designated as "spare," including worm, scraper, sponge, and swabs, is upon the supposition that each division is composed of five guns and their opposites. In case the number of guns should be either more or less, the articles will be increased or diminished proportionally to the nearest whole number. 150. He will take care that the Quarter Gunners of his division keep the two division-boxes marked "supply" and "reserve" constantly provided with the following articles, all in good order, viz.: The "Supply" box with a waist-belt for each Boarder, Pikeman, Fireman, Sail-trimmer, and Pumpman; a primed candle for each battle-lantern; a thumbstall and vent-guard for the 1st and 2d Captains of each gun. The belts of Boarders to be furnished with a frog for a pistol, with its cartridges and percussion-caps; those of 1st and 2d Captains of guns with a box containing fifty primers fitted to slip on the waist-belt. Those for Firemen, Sail-trimmers, and Pumpmen to have each a frog for the battle-axe. The "Reserve" box with one drill-brace; three vent-drills; one vent-punch; two gun-locks and strings complete; a flask of priming-powder; two boring-bits; three priming-wires; eight thumbstalls; four boxes of percussion-primers; one box of friction-primers; one spare lock-string for each gun, and one fuze-wrench; a shackle-punch and pin, and some rags for wiping. These boxes are to be placed by the Quarter Gunners in their respective divisions, near the mast, and on the opposite side to that engaged. In vessels of the class of Frigates and upward, these boxes are to be, on covered decks, kept in their several divisions and secured overhead. On spar-decks they are to be kept under the break of the poop and the topgallant forecastle, and, in vessels having neither poop nor topgallant forecastle, between the beams on the berth-deck. They will be kept under lock and key. 151. He will see that such men of the divisions, and others who are appointed for the purpose, obtain the requisite number of tourniquets, and distribute them to the men selected to use them. (_See_ Article 139.) BROADSIDE GUNS. STATIONS AND GUN-NUMBERS. 152. The following are to be the gun-numbers and stations for a gun's crew composed of sixteen Men and a Powderman, when working broadside-guns on lower decks; on other decks 15 and 16 are 3d and 4th Side-Tacklemen. -------------------------+-----------+------------------------- LEFT SIDE. | GUN-NOS. | RIGHT SIDE. -------------------------+-----+-----+------------------------- First Loader. | 3 | 4 | First Sponger. Second Loader. | 5 | 6 | Second Sponger. First Shellman. | 7 | 8 | Second Shellman. First Handspikeman. | 9 | 10 | Second Handspikeman. First Side-Tackleman. | 13 | 14 | Second Side-Tackleman. First Port-Tackleman. | 15 | 16 | Second Port-Tackleman. First Train-Tackleman. | 11 | 12 | Second Train-Tackleman. First Captain. | 1 | 2 | Second Captain. -------------------------+-----+-----+------------------------- Powderman near the midships, and on the left of the gun. For a gun's crew of fourteen men and a Powder-boy, or of twelve men, the higher numbers are those to be omitted, and the stations and duties of all the others remain unchanged. With a gun's crew of ten men, all the numbers continue with the same stations and duties excepting No. 10, who becomes Train-Tackleman, and the 2d Captain handles the handspike. With a gun's crew of eight men, numbers from 1 to 7 inclusive retain the same stations and duties; No. 2 will, in addition to his duties as 2d Captain, also attend to the handspike, and No. 8 becomes Train-Tackleman. With a gun's crew of six men, all the numbers retain the same stations and duties, excepting that No. 5 also acts as Shotman, and No. 2 attends to the handspike and train-tackle in addition to the duties of 2d Captain. 153. This arrangement exhibits the gun's crew placed as the men should stand when first assembled at quarters, either for inspection or any ordinary exercise. It is intended that the men are then to stand parallel with the gun, and facing in-board. CALLS FOR ASSEMBLING AT QUARTERS. 154. BEATS OF DRUM. 1st. THE ORDINARY BEAT will be the call for INSPECTION at general quarters. 2d. The ORDINARY BEAT, preceded by ONE ROLL--EXERCISE at general quarters, without powder. 3d. The BEAT QUICK--ACTION; or EXERCISE at general quarters with powder, as though engaged in BATTLE. 4th. WHEN AT QUARTERS, a roll of the drum will be a signal for "SILENCE AND ATTENTION!" All firing or other noise will immediately cease, and the next order be awaited in perfect silence. It is of the utmost importance to impress this upon the officers and crew. 5th. When the Captain is satisfied that his order has been delivered and understood, he will order TWO TAPS to be beaten, as a signal for the "EXECUTION OF THE ORDER." The roll and the taps to be given sharply and distinctly. 155. On assembling at quarters for inspection or general exercise, unless directed otherwise, in port, the men are first to go to the starboard guns on the spar-deck, the port guns on the main deck, the starboard guns on the next deck below, and so on. At sea they are first to go to the weather guns, or, if the ship be dead before the wind, to the same sides as in port. 156. When assembled for inspection, besides seeing that all the guns and articles belonging to them are in order and in place, it is directed that the men, without arms or implements, or casting loose the guns, shall be frequently called away and mustered in their stations as Boarders, Pikemen, Sail-trimmers, and Firemen; and also practised in shifting from one side to the other, and in taking their places for fighting both sides at once. 157. On assembling for exercise at general quarters without powder, after the men have been mustered and the divisional reports made, the order will be given: "CAST LOOSE AND PROVIDE!" Then the starboard watch will provide and cast loose the odd-numbered guns, and the port watch will provide and cast loose the even-numbered guns. The 1st parts of guns' crews on the starboard side providing and casting loose the starboard, and the 2d parts the port guns. The 1st parts of guns' crews on the port side the port, and the 2d parts the starboard guns. In securing guns the same order of distributing the men is to be observed. When both these services of providing and casting loose have been performed, and the luffs choked or hitched and trucks chocked, the men are all to return to the guns at which they were mustered, and, taking their places, await in silence further orders, if not already given. 158. When assembled for exercise as though actually engaged in battle, besides what is prescribed for an exercise at general quarters without powder, the further preparations indicated hereafter will be made. The guns' crews will proceed at once to provide and cast loose both sides without waiting to be mustered, or for any further orders. 159. The call for BOARDERS to repair to the spar-deck will be by the rattle and verbal order, repeated by the Officer of each division of guns. They should be trained to form promptly on the opposite side to that engaged, near the hatch by which they ascend. On the first call or order, the first division only will repair to the spar-deck, led by their officers. If the call or order should be repeated before the first division shall have returned to their guns, the second division will immediately repair to the spar-deck. 160. The call for PIKEMEN to "repel boarders" will be by sounding the Gong. At this signal all the Pikemen will assemble on the spar-deck with their muskets. 161. ALL HANDS will be summoned to repel boarders (_See_ Article 92) by springing the rattles and sounding the gong together, and by verbal orders. 162. SAIL-TRIMMERS. The particular division that may be wanted at a time will be called by passing the word for it. 163. The call for FIREMEN to repair to the spar-deck will be given verbally and by striking the ship's bell rapidly. The rapid ringing of the bell will be the FIRE-ALARM at all times, when the crew will immediately assemble at quarters. 164. Boarders, Pikemen, and Sail-trimmers of the spar-deck guns, or any portion of them, and of the Master's division, as well as the Marines, may be ordered from their quarters to perform a particular service, without any call, whenever the Captain may deem proper. 165. Men called for any of the foregoing duties will, on reaching the spar-deck, form on the gangway, upon the side not engaged with the enemy, unless otherwise directed at the time. 166. When called to quarters, every person is to repair to his station promptly and without unnecessary noise; and on the order, "to your quarters," all will return to their stations in the same manner. PREPARATIONS FOR EXERCISE AT GENERAL QUARTERS, WITHOUT POWDER. 167. Sling the topsail yards and gaffs, and put the preventer braces in place; distribute fighting stoppers and jiggers; stopper the clews of the topsails; get whips on each side of the lower masts for tricing up the pendant tackles, and also the mast-bands and fishes required for securing a crippled mast. Make arrangements for using grapnels; get hauling-lines ready for sending small arms and ammunition into the tops; if not on soundings, haul over boat and boom covers and stop them down; bring up and stow, if down, such hammocks as interfere with the guns, or are in the way of the powder division;[4] haul over and secure the hammock-cloths; hook and mouse the relieving-tackles; place the spare tiller and compass at hand; put the chronometers, and other instruments of navigation, out of the reach of shot; distribute the small arms together with their accoutrements and a supply of filled cartridges, to the men appointed to use them; place axes and hatchets at hand on the spar-deck for clearing away incumbrances at guns; grapnels in mizzen channels with whips to after-davits and spanker-boom end, to hook up any gear likely to foul the screw. In steam vessels, topgallant masts and rigging ready to be sent down and all unnecessary gear unrove. If underway and on soundings, get the boats ready for hoisting out; the ground-tackle ready for use and keep it clear, and make every preparation for towing, warping, and anchoring with springs on cables; stopper the chains; get lights in the light-rooms, including those of the shell-rooms; light powder division; also gun-decks, if at night, and it be ordered by the Captain; drop magazine screens; get shot and shell whips, and buckets or nets, in place; rig canvas chutes for returning empty passing-boxes; remove every obstruction to the free passage of powder; clear away and open shot-lockers; see the hatchways of the next deck above the powder division properly covered; division and fire-tubs in place, with wet swabs by them, and at the landing of each line of scuttles through which the passing-boxes pass; rig main, force, and channel pumps and fire-engine, which fill with water; get light Jacob-ladders and slings ready for lowering the Carpenters outside, and materials for stopping shot-holes; take down cabin and other bulkheads, when directed, and pass them below; sand the decks; place a bucket of water and a wet swab in rear of each gun, and for all rifle-guns a bucket of oil or prepared grease; have spare breechings at hand; rope ladders for hatchways in place; a bag, to be supplied from one reserve-box, containing a flask of priming-powder and the following spare articles: two locks, four lock-strings, eight thumbstalls, two boring-bits, two priming-wires, a shackle-punch and pins and some old rags, to be slung round the neck of the Quarter Gunner of each division of guns; rammers and sponges placed, and the latter uncapped; one worm in place, on each side of the deck, for each division, and a ladle at hand for each calibre on board; pistols, in frogs furnished with cartridges and caps, and cutlasses and battle-axes, belted round the respective persons designated to wear them; marines accoutred and under arms, and distributed as the Captain may direct; tourniquets to be distributed as may be judged necessary. (_See_ Articles 139 and 151.) PREPARATIONS FOR EXERCISE AT GENERAL QUARTERS, WITH POWDER, AS THOUGH ENGAGED IN BATTLE. 168. Crew cast loose the guns; shell-rooms and magazine are opened; powder and shells passed up, and every thing ready for firing, the order for which is awaited. If the beat is followed by orders from the quarter-deck to fire, then this is performed as soon as each gun is ready. In this case, besides what has just been prescribed for a General Exercise without powder, the following further preparations will be made: Put out galley fire and all unauthorized lights; light match and place it in manger; open magazines and powder-tanks, and also shell-rooms, when ordered; close and secure air-ports; fill division and fire tubs with fresh water; place cans of fresh water and wet swabs in magazines and shell-rooms; light up the cockpit, or other place, for the wounded; place mattresses, and if there be room, sling spare cots; get ready the amputating-table, instruments, bandages, lint, medicines; have a plentiful supply of fresh water and swabs, and sprinkle the decks. Make a particular examination of all the arrangements for extinguishing fire; see that force-pumps and hose are in good order, and the men stationed at them in their places. Speed being one of the principal elements of military force, steamers will, on going into action, have all the furnaces clean, and the fires in condition to make steam rapidly. The beat to quarters for action is therefore a signal to start fires in any furnaces not in use. PROVIDING BROADSIDE-GUNS. 169. When the exercise of broadside-guns is to be confined to one side only, each gun's crew is to provide its own gun, on the side at which it is ordered to assemble, as follows: but when the guns on both sides are to be exercised at once, each part of a gun's crew is to provide its own gun; each Captain, Loader, Sponger, &c., doing separately what is done by both himself and his second when the exercise is confined to one side only. 170. Captains of guns to provide themselves with percussion-primers, thumbstalls, and priming-wire, and to see that the men of their respective parts of the gun's crew discharge their several duties promptly and carefully. 171. Spongers provide sponges and rammers. 172. Loaders provide a bucket of water and a wet swab; and, for rifle cannon, a pot of oil or prepared grease. 173. Shell or shotmen provide a sufficient supply of selvagee and six junk-wads, and supply the racks around the hatchways with shot from the lockers as required. 174. Handspikemen see the handspikes in place, and then assist in getting up shot for the guns; and, if necessary, in covering hatchways in the division. 175. The Powderman or Boy is to provide an empty passing-box, if no powder is to be used; otherwise he is to present himself at the appointed place to receive a full one. 176. The Fireman is to take down the fire-bucket, and place it and the battle-lantern in their appointed places. On gun-decks the lantern should be hung up at the ship's side, or in rear of and between the guns, as may be directed, and lighted when ordered by the Captain, and the fire-bucket directly in rear of the gun. On spar-decks the bucket may be laid on the deck, or hung up in any convenient place in rear of and near the gun. 177. Side-tacklemen provide sand and water, and sprinkle and sand the decks, if directed; and get bucket and swab from the hold, fill the bucket with water, wet the sponge and the swab, and lay it on deck under the sponge. 178. Quarter Gunners of divisions, besides equipping themselves, as already directed (Article 167), with a bag of spare implements, will attend to the "Supply" and "Reserve" boxes of their divisions (_See_ Article 150), and distribute the belts, primer-boxes, and other articles which they contain, to the guns' crews, as soon as practicable, and then keep themselves ready to furnish any reserved or spare articles which may be required, such as spare breechings, ladles, and worms, and will see the battle-lanterns provided with candles with primed wicks, ready for lighting when ordered by the Captain. 179. The swords and pistols should be always available for the Boarders, at the shortest notice; but their particular disposition at quarters, and at what time the pistols shall be loaded, will be determined by the Captain, as in his judgment circumstances at the time may require. Pistols should be loaded, on the probability of action, without further orders. [Illustration: (STEAMER "POMPANOOSUC" CLASS.) Passing Powder Lith. by J.F. Gedney, Washn. C.K. Stellwagen, del.] ARRANGEMENTS FOR DELIVERING AND DISTRIBUTING POWDER. 180. In making arrangements to deliver and distribute powder from the magazines, for action, the following general considerations and rules should govern: 181. Cartridges, as experience proves, can be passed up each independent chain of scuttles leading from the magazine to the point at which the Powder-boys are to receive the full boxes, at the rate of one every six or seven seconds. 182. Experience also proves that, under the most favorable circumstances, the broadside-guns of a man-of-war cannot be advantageously fired oftener than once in every seventy-five seconds. Hence it may be received as a rule, that a single chain of passing-scuttles is abundantly sufficient to supply powder for a division of guns as large even as eight of a side; and that it is also sufficient when both sides of such a division are to be used at once, for then the firing of each piece is unavoidably retarded by the division of the guns' crews. 183. No one chain of scuttles should be required to supply cartridges for more than a single description of guns,[5] unless their cartridges be the same in diameter, weight, and form, and their passing-boxes alike, as in the case of the 8-inch shell-gun of 63 cwt. and the 32-pounder of 57 cwt. If, therefore, there be on a deck of guns but one differing from the rest in calibre, class, or assimilation of cartridges, that one should have a separate chain of scuttles for its supply, in order to guard effectually against confusion, or, at least, delay. In a word, each additional calibre or class of guns, unless the cartridges be assimilated and the passing-boxes alike, involves an additional chain of passing-scuttles for its supply; and it should be borne in mind that errors with respect to cartridges of guns of the same calibre, but differing in class, are more to be apprehended than with guns differing only in calibre. 184. If the guns on a deck be all of the same calibre and class, or of like cartridges and passing-boxes, then one chain of scuttles to supply the forward half of those guns, and another to supply the after half, will be all-sufficient. 185. For each chain of passing-scuttles there will probably have to be-- One man in the magazine to deliver charges from the tanks. One man in the passage to receive and pass those charges through the scuttle in the orlop or berth deck. One man at the passage-scuttle on the orlop or berth deck, to receive the charges and pass them to the screen. One man just outside of the screen, to receive the charges through a flapped hole therein, and put them in the empty passing-boxes. One, two, or three Runner-boys (according to the distance) to run, on the orlop or berth deck, with full passing-boxes, from the screen to the scuttles through the deck, and back again with the empty boxes to the screen. One man, a very careful one, at the bottom of the canvas chute, to receive the empty passing-boxes, strike them, in an inverted position, over the fire-tub, and inspect them carefully before allowing them to be taken away to be replenished. One man, on the orlop or berth deck, at the passing-scuttle through the deck above, to pass up full boxes. One man at the passing-scuttle on the next deck above the orlop or berth deck, to receive and pass up full boxes, or, in the case of a single-deck vessel, or of distribution on the main deck of a frigate, or on the lower deck of a ship-of-the-line, to receive and deliver them to Powder-boys. One man at the passing-scuttle on the second deck above the orlop or berth deck, to receive and pass up full boxes; or, in the case of a frigate, or distribution on the main deck of a ship-of-the-line of two decks, to receive and deliver them to Powder-boys. And one man at the passing-scuttle on the third deck above the orlop, to receive and deliver full boxes to Powder-boys on the spar-deck of a ship-of-the-line of two decks. Thus each chain of scuttles will require-- Seven men to supply its guns on the first deck above; as, for example, the lower deck of a ship-of-the-line, the main deck of a frigate, or the spar-deck of a sloop-of-war, or other single-deck vessel. Eight men for the spar-deck of a frigate, for the main deck of a ship-of-the-line of two decks, or for the middle gun-deck of a ship-of-the-line of three decks. Nine men for the spar-deck of a ship-of-the-line of two decks, or for the main deck of a ship-of-the line of three decks. And ten men for the spar-deck of a ship-of-the-line of three decks. Besides, each of these numbers--7, 8, 9, and 10--is to be increased by two or three Runner-boys, for the purposes above described. 186. In vessels of and above the class of frigates, or having two magazines--one forward and the other aft--the forward half of the guns on each deck is to be supplied from the forward magazine, and the after half from the after magazine. Thus, for each deck of guns, one scuttle at each of the two magazines, together with its corresponding chain of scuttles, will be sufficient, if all the guns be of the same calibre and class, or have like charges. But the introduction on board of any vessel of guns differing in either of these respects will involve the necessity above stated of a separate scuttle of delivery at the magazine, and also of a distinct chain of scuttles connected with it, for the exclusive supply of each variety of charges that may be introduced. In this case, the exceptional guns should be supplied, whenever practicable, from the larger magazine, when there are two differing in size. 187. In single-deck vessels carrying more than sixteen guns, all of the same calibre and class, and having but one magazine, two scuttles at that magazine will be sufficient--one to supply the forward half of guns, and the other the after half. 188. In single-deck vessels carrying only sixteen guns, or less, all of the same calibre and class, or having like charges, one scuttle at the magazine will suffice. 189. Should any single-deck vessel be of such great length, or so remarkable in her armament of guns, although all of the same calibre and class, as to render additional scuttles advisable, they are to be cut. PASSING-SCUTTLES. 190. All the powder is to be passed up from the orlop or berth deck through circular scuttles, cut in the deck or decks at places, as nearly as circumstances will permit, immediately abreast of the middle of the particular set of guns to the supply of which each chain of scuttles is specially appropriated. Besides these scuttles for passing the powder up, there are to be corresponding ones for each set, provided with a canvas chute for returning the empty boxes below. The drawing shows the manner of supplying an upper deck and returning the empty boxes from it. Each deck is to be supplied in like manner, by a distinct and separate arrangement, through as many independent sets of scuttles as may be required by the preceding "Arrangements for delivering and distributing powder." 191. Each scuttle is to have a tompion or other means of closing it, so as to be water-tight when not in use, and to be so placed or regulated in height as not to interfere with the transportation of guns. 192. Should any serious difficulty arise in finding places for cutting any of the different sets of scuttles through the decks, or in the cases of small or very wet vessels, recourse may be had to the gratings of the hatchways. Still, they are always to be cut through the decks whenever it can be done with propriety. 193. For each scuttle at the magazine for the delivery of powder there must be a corresponding flap-hole in the magazine screen, and this is to be regarded as a part of the chain of supply equally with the scuttle itself. 194. When on board ship there are any guns of the same calibre and class, or of assimilated charges, carried on two consecutive decks, all of them may be supplied by the same chain of scuttles, provided the whole number of guns thus made to depend upon this chain does not exceed eight of a side. For instance, under the circumstances stated, the chase, or a few shell or other guns on a spar-deck, may be supplied by a chain of scuttles intended principally for the main-deck guns; or, the shell-guns on a main deck being few, may be supplied by a chain intended principally for the deck below. 195. In delivering cartridges from the magazines for serving guns, they are to be passed up from the magazine to the orlop or berth deck before they are put into the passing-boxes, which, in time of action, or when exercising with powder, after being once taken out of the magazine, are not, on any account, to be allowed to go into it again, or even inside of the screen, during the whole time of such action or exercise. They are to be replenished at the screen, but outside of it. 196. All passing-boxes shall be painted black, with the calibre and charge painted in white letters, two and one-half inches (2-1/2) long on the side, and one and a half (1-1/2) on the top. 197. If, however, there are any guns of the same calibre on spar-decks requiring lighter charges, the lower half of the box shall be painted white. For gun-decks in similar case the lower half shall be painted red. 198. Empty passing-boxes returned by the chutes are always to be landed upon wet swabs, and then to be turned upside down, and so struck over a fire-tub, as before directed, to free them from any loose powder. 199. One fire-tub, nearly filled with water, is to be placed on the deck, alongside the bottom of each chute for returning empty boxes. The top of this tub is to be provided with a stout hoop to ship and unship, with a grating of stout copper wire, the meshes of which are to be made small enough to prevent the passing-box from falling into the water, in case of slipping from the man's hand while being struck over the tub. SHOT AND SHELL. 200. Shot and shell are to be passed up by hand, or whipped up, by the most convenient hatchways. The hands stationed below at the lockers are to work the whips, each of which, being fitted with a toggle, will indicate when the projectiles are hoisted high enough. In case a shot-locker should be somewhat removed from the hatchway, up which the shot are to be passed or whipped, the shot may be speedily conveyed over the distance by means of a wooden trough fitted for the purpose. HATCHWAY FOR THE WOUNDED. 201. One hatchway, or portion of a hatchway, and that as nearly amidships as possible, is to be reserved for lowering the wounded below, and to be properly provided with a cot or cots, having a whip to each. [Illustration: NAVAL TRUCK CARRIAGE D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] NAVAL GUN-CARRIAGES. 202. All gun-carriages and their equipments are to be made in conformity with directions from the Bureau of Ordnance. NOMENCLATURE OF ORDINARY NAVAL TRUCK-CARRIAGE. WOODEN PARTS. _Carriage._ A. Brackets of large truck-carriages are made each of two pieces, joined by a jog _a_, and dowelled. The remaining parts of the brackets are the trunnion-holes _b_, steps _c_, quarter-rounds _d_, and arch _e_. B. Transom, let into brackets. C. Breast-piece, in two parts--the inner part fixed, by two bolts, into transom; the outer part movable, connected by hinges. D. Front and rear axletrees, consisting each of square body _f_, and arms _g_, jogged into brackets. E. Front and rear trucks. F. Dumb trucks. G. Bed and stool. H. Quoin. _Implements._ I. Handspikes. K. Chocking-quoin. METAL PARTS. _Carriage._ 1. Two cap-squares. 2. Four cap-square bolts and two keys and chains. 3. Two bracket-bolts. 4. Two rear axletree-bolts. 5. Two side-tackle eye-bolts. 6. One train-tackle eye-bolt. 7. One transporting eye-bolt. 8. Two breast-bolts. 9. Two hinges of breast-pieces. 10. Two transom-bolts (upper and lower). 11. Two breeching side-shackles and pins. 12. Bed-bolt. 13. Four axletree bands. 14. Chafing-plates of steps and brackets. 15. Four linchpins and washers. 16. Quoin-plate and stop. 17. Ratchet for quoin-stop. 18. Four training loops. 19. Breeching-thimble (cast iron). 20. Side-shackle bolts for breechings. 21. Shackle-pin, plates, and keys. 22. Two axle-stays. 23. Handspike-shoe. OF PARTS PECULIAR TO MARSILLY CARRIAGE. A. The lowest piece of the bracket, in place of the rear truck of ordinary carriages. B. Rear transom, in place of rear axle. C. Breast-piece (fixed). D. E. Sweep-pieces. D. Fixed below the port-sill E. Movable, with brass catches (_f f_) and hooks and eyes (_g g_). H. Elevating screw and lever, with saucer (I) in place of bed and quoin. K. Roller handspike. L. Loop for handspike. FOOTNOTES: [1] _Marsilly_ carriages require a roller handspike each. [2] The rammers and sponges belonging to the broadside-guns of spar-deck divisions of all ships having topgallant forecastles, or other light decks, may be kept under the forecastle or light deck when not in use. In ships not provided with these decks they are to be kept at the guns inside the brackets; or, if that cannot be done, triced up overhead on the next deck below. [3] The spare breechings should never be stowed near the galley nor Engine-room, lest they be damaged by heat and moisture. [4] The Executive Officer of the ship should appoint a sufficient number of men in each watch for the purpose of stowing the hammocks of the watch below in case of being called to quarters in the night, so as to prevent confusion and insure the greatest possible dispatch in clearing for action. [5] See Table of Charges for Great Guns. CHAPTER IV. MANUAL EXERCISE. EXERCISE OF BROADSIDE-GUNS, ON ONE SIDE ONLY.[6] IX-INCH SHELL-GUN (_as an example_). 203. WORDS OF COMMAND. I. "SILENCE! MAN THE STARBOARD (OR PORT) GUNS!" II. "CAST LOOSE AND PROVIDE!" III. "RUN IN!" (preparatory). IV. "SERVE VENT AND SPONGE!" V. "LOAD!" VI. "RUN OUT!" VII. "PRIME!" VIII. "POINT!" IX. "READY--FIRE!" X. "SECURE!" It is customary to keep the guns of the Battery loaded at sea; it has been found that the fire of a ship could be commenced in three minutes from the beat of drum, the guns being secured for sea, and no notice of what was contemplated announced to men or officers save by the signal for quarters. This form of exercise therefore proceeds on the assumption that the cannon are not loaded, but the order of the commands may be varied to suit the circumstances of the case. 204. Guns should never remain loaded longer than necessary, as the cartridge speedily deteriorates by the effects of moisture. If a shell has been loaded twenty-four hours it should be drawn and refuzed. [Illustration: MARSILLY CARRIAGE FOR IX. INCH SHELL GUN D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] I. "SILENCE! MAN THE STARBOARD (OR PORT) GUNS!" 205. At this preparatory order the strictest silence is to be observed. The Captain faces the port, the men, on the right and left, stand facing the gun; all fix their eyes on the Captain and attentively wait for orders. II. "CAST LOOSE AND PROVIDE!" 206. The GUN CAPTAIN commands, sees his gun cleared and cast loose, portlid unbarred ready for tricing up, or half ports taken out; side and train tackles hooked, the side-tackle to the side training-bolt, and the train-tackle to the eye-bolt in the deck in the rear of the gun; casts loose and middles breeching and places selvagee straps and toggles amidships; takes off lock-cover, and hands it to the train-tackleman, who places it amidships; buckles on his waist-belt (furnished as directed in Article 150); provides himself with a priming-wire; puts on and secures his thumbstall; and sees that the gear and implements for the service of the gun are all in place and ready for use, and that the men are properly equipped. When the gun is ready for action he sees that the men take their proper positions, and reports to the Officer of the subdivision to which he belongs. It is important that the battery shall be completely provided at every exercise, otherwise something is sure to be omitted in preparing for action. 207. 2D CAPTAIN assists in casting loose and middling breeching; takes off and places amidships sight-covers, selvagee straps, and toggles; handles quoin; provides thumbstalls, priming-wires, and boring-bit, and equips himself with the first two; clears lock-string and lays it in a loose coil round the lock, convenient for use, and buckles on his waist-belt furnished as 1st Captain's. If the gun is furnished with an elevating screw, elevates the gun, that the lower half port may be let down. 208. 1ST LOADER, aided by 1st Sponger, casts loose port-lanyards, removes upper half port, and passes it to the men on the left side of the gun, who lay it amidships; lets down the lower half port. On lower deck casts off port-lanyards and muzzle-lashing; removes port-bar and passes it to the men at the left side of the gun, who lay it amidships; bears out port. On all decks places hand-swab and chocking-quoin near the ship's side on the left side of the gun; aids 1st Sponger in taking out tompion. 209. 2D LOADER assists in casting loose; sees the wads in place, and for rifle cannon a pot of grease at hand; hooks outer block of side-tackle to side training-bolt, on the left side of the gun. 210. 1ST SPONGER casts loose port-lanyards and aids 1st Loader in removing upper half ports and letting down lower ones, and on lower decks in removing the port-bar, bearing out the port and taking off the muzzle-lashings; takes out tompion, and passes it to 2d Sponger, who hangs it amidships; places chocking-quoin on the right side of the gun, near the ship's side. 211. 2D SPONGER assists in casting loose; hooks outer block of side-tackle to the side training-bolt, on the right side of the gun. The Spongers take down the sponges and rammers; take off the sponge-cap and hang it up out of the way; place sponges and rammers together, on the right side of the gun, heads toward the breech, in the brackets overhead on covered decks, otherwise on deck. The SIDE-TACKLEMEN assist in casting loose; on lower decks, aid Port-tacklemen; moisten the sponge, being certain that the end of the sponge which touches the bottom of the bore is thoroughly wet. 212. SHELLMEN assist in casting loose, provide shot and wads, and proceed to hatchway, ready to pass loaded shell, if ordered. 213. TRAIN-TACKLEMEN lead out and hook train-tackle. 214. HANDSPIKEMEN take out the handspikes on their respective sides, and with carriages using a quoin, each standing between his handspike and the side of the ship, place the heels of their handspikes on the steps of the carriage and under the breech of the gun, and raise it so that the quoin may be eased and the lower half port let down, or, when housed, the bed and quoin adjusted. Then each Handspikeman will lay his handspike on deck, on his own side of the gun, parallel with its axis, clear of the trucks and butt to the rear. 215. POWDER-BOY repairs to his proper scuttle for his passing-box, which having received he returns and stands a little to the left and in rear of the gun, keeping the passing-box under his left arm and the cover closely pressed down with his right hand. 216. When there are fourteen or more men at a gun, the PORT-TACKLEMEN and SIDE-TACKLEMEN, on lower decks, lead out port-tackle falls and assist in tricing up the port, and, when high enough, belay the fall. 217. In the temporary absence of the first Captains, Loaders, or Spongers, when at quarters on one side, their Seconds will take their places and perform their respective duties. When exercising by divisions, or single gun's crews, every station should be filled; if necessary, taking men from the Master's or Powder division to fill vacancies. The guns will be sufficiently exercised in working with reduced crews at general quarters. 218. With a gun's crew of ten or more men, No. 7 will take the place of No. 5, and No. 8 of No. 6, when Nos. 5 or 6 are absent temporarily. [Illustration: RUN-IN. {Diagram No. 2.} D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] [Illustration: SPONGE-LOAD {Diagram No. 2.} D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] III. "RUN IN!" (_preparatory_). (Diagram No. 1.) 219. Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16 (and, if necessary, 5, 6), man the Train-tackle. 2d Captain ships and works Roller Handspike. Nos. 3, 4, overhaul or tend the Side-tackles. The gun having been run in, No. 12 chokes luff of Train-tackle, assisted, if there is much motion, by No. 11. Nos. 3, 4 place Truck-quoins in front of Trucks. No. 6, with back square to gun, and facing over left shoulder to Sponger, takes up the Sponge, head in-board, and stands ready to hand it to 4. No. 8, facing to the gun, and outside of 6, does the same with the Rammer. The rest of the men go to their stations. IV. "SERVE VENT AND SPONGE!"[7] (Diagram No. 2.) 220. Gun Captain serves and then stops the Vent. No. 4 receives the moist Sponge from 3, right hand over, left under, sends it home, and, assisted by 3, presses it to bottom of bore; then, turning it round two or three times, from left to right, in the direction which is needed to have the worm take, withdraws it, and, when out, strikes the staff several smart taps under the muzzle, then hands it back to 6, who lays it on the deck or lodges it overhead on the hooks, if they are provided. No. 10 examines and clears sponge-head and worm. After the Sponge is withdrawn, Gun Captain serves the vent with his priming-wire and again closes it. No. 8 hands Rammer to 4 as soon as the Sponge is taken from him by 6. Should 4 observe that the Gun Captain neglected to serve the vent, he is to call his attention to it. No. 3 stands ready with Charge he has taken from Powderman. No. 5, assisted by Shellman, opens Shell-box, disengages the Shell, and has it in readiness to pass to No. 3. V. "LOAD!" (Diagram No. 2.) 221. No. 3 places Charge in muzzle, seam from the Vent, small end in, and pushes it well into the Bore. No. 4 stands ready with the Rammer, enters it into the muzzle, and pushes the Charge steadily to the bottom of the Bore, which will be shown by the mark on the rammer handle; 3 assists with one hand, and the charge is on no account to be struck. While 4 withdraws the Rammer, 3 is to receive the Shell from 5, lift and enter it, sabot first, into muzzle, fuze out, as soon as the rammer is clear thereof. As the shell lies just fair with muzzle, 3 removes cap from Fuze, which is to be passed along to the Gun Captain, and pushes the Shell into the Bore. No. 4 enters Rammer, and, assisted by 3, pushes in the Shell until the mark on handle shows it to be in place. It is most strictly forbidden to strike the Shell with the Rammer. No. 6 takes Rammer from 4 and lays it down. Whilst this has been doing, the preparation for the next order has been proceeding, thus: 2d Captain ships Roller Handspike. Nos. 7, 9, 11, 13, 15,--8, 10, 12, 14, 16 take hold of Side-tackles; Gun Captain feels if Vent is clear, and Charge home. _Action._ (This is equivalent to the order "Together.") Nos. 5, 6 assist at Side-tackles. Nos. 3, 4 attend Truck-quoins and keep the Breeching clear of Front-trucks. No. 12, assisted in heavy rolling of lee guns by 11, prepares to tend Train-tackle. If necessary with a round turn round all parts of the fall. VI. "RUN OUT!" (Diagram No. 3.) 222. The execution of this order is to be controlled by the gun being to windward or to leeward, and also by the nature of the Roll. To _leeward_, and with much motion, the cannon will rush out violently unless prevented; therefore 11 assists 12 at the Train-tackle; 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, and 8, 10, 12, 14, 16 start the gun cautiously. 2d Captain heaves up on Roller Handspike, but is careful to let down the Carriage if it begins to start out rapidly; it may even be advisable not to use the Roller Handspike at all. Nos. 3, 4 remove Truck-quoins and tend breeching. _Action._ If to _windward_, 2d Captain heaves up Carriage fully on Roller Handspike. Nos. 5 and 6 assist at Side-tackles. No. 12 only tends Train-tackle if the Roll should need it; otherwise he overhauls it and assists at Side-tackles. Nos. 3, 4 remove Truck-quoins, and keep Breeching from fouling the Front-trucks; 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, and 8, 10, 12, 14, 16 set taut the Side-tackles. [Illustration: RUN OUT (TO LEEWARD) [Diagram. No. 3.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] [Illustration: PRIME-POINT. [Diagram No. 4.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] When the gun is out the 2d Captain swivels the Roller Handspike for training, or removes it altogether if the Handspike alone be preferred for this operation. Nos. 5, 6 choke and retain hold of luffs of Side-tackles, while 3, 4 place Truck-quoins in rear of trucks, if the movement of the ship requires it. Crew close up; rear man coils end of fall, clear for running. If the training is to be sharp, the proper Side-tackle will be hooked to the further eye-bolt inside; 12 unhooks the Train-tackle, and hooks it also to the proper eye-bolt in deck. VII. "PRIME!" (Diagram No. 4.) 223. Gun Captain again makes sure that the Vent is clear, and, in so doing, lets down his wire quickly into the charge. He inserts a Primer, and turns down the Hammer upon it. Meanwhile 9, 10 take up handspikes, and place themselves at rear of bracket conveniently to heave forward or aft. In sharp training Nos. 13, 14 assist them. Nos. 3, 5, 7, 11, 13, 15, and 4, 6, 8, 12, 14, 16 man Side-tackles. VIII. "POINT!" (Diagram No. 4.) 224. Gun Captain adjusts or verifies Sliding-Bar of Rear Sight to proper distance given by the Officer of Division, and falls back so as to be clear of the recoil, lanyard in hand, face to the Port, standing _directly in the rear of the gun_, with his eye ranging over the sights, and keeping in view the water-line of the opposing ship, trains the gun by voice or sign. No. 6 throws back the Hammer, and takes hold of lever of Elevating Screw. (If Roller Handspike is not used in training, 2d Captain performs this.) At word "Right" or "Left," 3, 5, 7, 11, 13, 15, or 4, 6, 8, 12, 14, 16 haul on the proper Side-tackle, and 9, 10 heave correspondingly on handspikes. Nos. 3 and 4 keep their eyes on handspikemen opposite to them, to give the time to the other Nos. for hauling on the fall. No. 6 (or 2d Captain) Elevates or Depresses as directed. _Action._ 2d Captain unships the Roller Handspike if it has been used in training. Nos. 9, 10 withdraw handspikes, and step back clear of recoil. Nos. 3, 4 overhaul Side-tackles to mark, unless the motion does not admit of it. No. 12 overhauls or holds up Train-tackle. Nos. 7, 8 remove quoins from Trucks. Men to their stations. IX. "READY--FIRE!" (Diagram No. 5.) 225. The Gun Captain, standing as already placed, waits patiently, but sharply, for the coincidence of the sights upon the object, which, if a ship, is always the water-line. When a correction of elevation or of direction is required, he repeats such of the previous orders as may be necessary; and these are to be re-executed accordingly. If the gun is to leeward, the men stand ready to take hold of the Train-tackle and jerk the cannon into a taut breeching. When sure of his aim the Gun Captain, who has held the lock-lanyard just taut, draws it promptly and firmly, bearing in mind that in no case is he to attempt moving from his post. The 2d Captain stands ready with a primer, and, in the case of failure, throws back the hammer and inserts another. If necessary, serves the Vent. If a second failure occurs, it is a certain indication that the charge is not home. _Action._ Instantly with the explosion, 11, 12 jerk away the parts of the train-tackle, or hook it if it has been unhooked. Nos. 3, 4 place quoins in front of trucks. 9, 10 lay down handspikes. When the gun is not in to a taut breeching, the 2d Captain ships the Roller Handspike. Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, take hold quickly of Train-tackle, and run in to a taut breeching. When in, 3, 4 move up the Truck-quoins, 12 chokes luff of Train-tackle. Gun Captain puts back the hammer and coils up lanyard. No. 6 takes up Sponge, and the exercise proceeds as already directed. If necessary, No. 2 levels the gun for loading, and lays it fair for running out. 226. If the exercise is to be continued, it is resumed at the fourth command: "SERVE VENT AND SPONGE!" "CEASE FIRING!" 227. Whenever this order is given, either by the roll of the drum, or by passing the word, if the gun is primed, the Gun Captain immediately removes the primer, and with the crew stands at "Attention." [Illustration: READY-FIRE. [Diagram No. 5.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] 228. NOTE.--The breechings of IX-in. guns are to be so fitted that the face of muzzle when in shall be 18 inches from inner face of side, for two reasons: To prevent the gun from returning to the port, and to give room for the handling of such large shells. Seventeen men are a proper number for working a IX-in. gun under any circumstances. Rammer handles are to be marked for place of charge and of shell. Side and train tackles are also to be marked to the proper overhaul, so as to avoid slack rope. Breast-sweeps are useful at lower sill of port, for training more than a point. X. "SECURE!" 229. The Powder-boy returns the spare powder and the passing-boxes to the magazine. The Shellmen return the shells and empty shell-boxes, if any remain on deck, to the shell-room. The Gun Captain directs the gun to be laid square in the middle of the port. When the guns are to be secured without being housed the Loader and Sponger place the chocking-quoins square up against the rear part of the front trucks and put in the tompion. The Handspikemen, if there is a quoin, free the quoin and lower the breech, the 2d Captain handling the quoin. When the gun is fitted with an elevating screw this operation is performed by the 2d Captain alone, who handles the screw. The Gun Captain, assisted by the 2d Captain, hauls the breeching through the jaws of the cascabel to the left side of the gun, forming with the bight a turn over the breech and cylinder, taking care to keep the breeching well clear of the elevating screw to prevent chafe, and securing the parts on each side with selvagees and heavers; or, if this should interfere with the breech-sight, by crossing the breeching at the side and securing it with selvagee straps and toggles. In this case the breeching should be secured after alternate exercises right and left. The Loader and Sponger haul up and secure the lower half-ports, put in tompion, and secure muzzle-bag. The Gun Captain puts in the vent-plug, lays the hammer of the lock in its place, and the lock-string in a coil around it. The 2d Captain takes the lock-cover from the Train-tackleman and secures it over the lock, and in like manner covers the breech and reinforce sights. The men at the side-tackles unhook the outer blocks from the training-bolts and hand them to the Loader and Sponger, who hook them to the securing-bolts at the sides of the port. The men on both sides haul them taut and stop the parts of the tackles together, with knittles provided by the Quarter Gunner, and then expend the remainder of the falls by passing them around the breech of the gun, through the jaws of the cascabel, and stopping the bights alternately to the eye-bolts on each side of the port until expended; or, at four-truck carriages, take two half hitches over the tail of the brackets, and expend the ends of the falls. The Train-tackle men hook the train-tackle to the side-tackle bolts on each side of the port, the double block on the left side, haul the tackle taut, expend the end round the breech, and stop the parts in with the side-tackles.[8] The Gun Captain then directs the Handspikemen, or if the screw is used, the 2d Captain, to raise the breech so as to level the gun and bring all parts of the tackles and breeching taut. The Loader and Sponger put in and secure the upper half-ports, if directed, and the Loader swabs the deck to collect any loose powder which may have been scattered on it. The several persons who provided the arms and implements used in the exercise, return them to their proper places, or to the persons appointed to take charge of them, care being taken that the small arms are unloaded and reported so before they are sent below, unless otherwise directed by the Captain. HOUSING LOWER-DECK GUNS. 230. If the lower-deck guns are to be housed, the Gun Captain directs the gun to be laid square in the middle of the port and run in to a taut breeching, and if loaded, the load to be drawn. The Loader and Sponger place the housing-chocks before the front trucks. The gun is then run close up against the housing-chocks, and the chocking-quoins are placed square up behind the rear trucks. The Handspikemen raise the breech to free the quoin; the 2d Captain withdraws it and the bed; the Handspikemen lower the breech upon the axletree, so that in case the gun should break adrift, the muzzle will take the upper port-sill; and the Port-tacklemen lower the port-lid. The 2d Loader and 1st Shellman bring the port-bar to the Loader and Sponger, who put it in place across the port, hook the port-hooks in the ring-bolts in the port-lids, and drive in the keys until the port is perfectly closed. The men on both sides shift the side-tackles from the training-bolts to the securing-bolts, haul them taut, and expend the ends between the blocks. The Loader and Sponger pass the frapping lashing round both parts of the breeching, in front of the brackets, and with the assistance of the men nearest them bowse it well taut; and secure the muzzle by placing the grommet over it and the housing hook-bolt, and by frapping the two parts together with the lashing. When the housing-bolt is an eye-bolt, a toggle will be necessary to keep the grommet in its place. In moderate weather the train-tackle is unhooked from the deck, and made up and stopped along the side-tackle, on the forward side of the gun. In bad weather it is kept hooked, bowsed taut, and the end expended through the ring-bolt and round the arms of the rear axle. The manner of housing guns, mounted on truck-carriages, on other decks, in bad weather, does not vary materially from that just described, excepting that the upper half-ports and the port-bucklers are put in and secured. When there are no housing-chocks the ordinary chocking-quoins may be used as such. It will be an additional security to take off the rear trucks, and to tighten the muzzle-lashing by raising the breech. GENERAL REMARKS ON THE MANUAL EXERCISE. 231. The exercise of the great guns has a double object: 1st, To teach the crew all the details necessary to Load, Point, and Fire the gun; 2d, To develop their activity, intelligence, and muscular force. The principal object, the base of all this instruction, is loading and pointing; too much care and attention cannot be devoted to obtain exactitude in all the movements. There is a tendency to devote too much time to such exercises as shifting carriages from side to side. There is always sufficient time for these manoeuvres. The most important are the management of the rammer and sponge in loading and the handspikes in pointing. 232. At the time of reception on board, the crew may be considered as made up of three classes: 1st, The Captains, Loaders, and Spongers of guns, who may be considered as competently instructed in the manual; 2d, another part, who have had some instruction and are competent to fill the secondary duties; 3d, The remainder, who are entirely ignorant. The directions in the manual are more particularly devoted to the instruction of a crew completely formed, omitting all the minor details of position and exactness in the performance of the motions under the different commands, which are to be supplied by the Instructor. These details would break the connection of the several commands, and increase the bulk of the work. The precepts of the manual are not for self-instruction of the ignorant, but to produce a uniform system of commands in the Instructors. The important point, is to instruct the last two classes by gun's crews, and then by divisions. This is accomplished by drilling the guns' crews separately, until each man has acquired some facility in his particular duties, and then selecting the most deficient for special instruction, combining them as a gun's crew, in order not to uselessly fatigue those who are already expert or readily acquire the drill. Whenever a new order is to be executed, it should be first thoroughly and minutely explained; and as soon as all have heard and appear to understand, execute it. If not correctly performed, repeat the explanation. 233. When the individuals of each gun's crew have become well acquainted with, and expert in the performance of their several special duties, they are to be successively transferred, temporarily, to the performance of the duties of some other station, until each man shall have become acquainted with the special duties of every station at the gun. In exercising each man of a gun's crew in the duties of all the other men of that crew besides his own, it is to be done thus: The system supposes that, beginning with the 2d Captain to take the place of the 1st Captain, the men are to be called to perform the duties of the latter in a regular succession agreeably to the way they are placed at the gun; i.e., after the 2d Captain, the 2d Train-tackleman is to do the duties of Gun Captain; and so on all round the gun. Each man is to fleet his position one remove or place, in a direction "with the sun," so that instead of the interchange of duties being confined to two individuals only, it is to extend to the whole gun's crew. Thus, for instance, when the 2d Captain is called upon to do the duties of 1st Captain, the latter, by moving one place "with the sun," becomes the 1st Train-tackleman, the 1st Train-tackleman the 1st Port-tackleman, and so on all around the gun throughout the whole crew, the person at the muzzle of the gun on its left side crossing over and taking the place of the one at the muzzle on the right side. Next in order, the 2d Train-tackle. is required to take the place of the 1st Captain, then the 2d Captain becomes 1st Train-tackle., the 1st Captain the 1st Port-tackleman, the 2d Port-tackleman the 2d Captain, and so on throughout. If it should be desired to take, at first, a man from the middle of the crew of the gun, or even still further towards the muzzle, to do the duties of 1st Captain, then it must be done under the supposition that all the men preceding him in the order above mentioned have already been exercised in those duties, and the men are then to take their stands accordingly. After the guns' crews have been well trained by giving the words of command, it will be expedient to exercise them without giving the several detailed commands, by directing them to "load and fire!" At this command the different individuals should, each in proper order of time, silently perform his prescribed duties of sponging, loading, running out, training, and pointing, the Captain of the gun regulating the elevation and depression, by raising or lowering his hand, and by holding it horizontally and steady when the gun is "well;" and in pointing, by moving his hand to "right" or "left" as the gun requires to be trained, and by bringing it down to his side when it is "well." Before firing, he is to throw his hand well up as a signal for the men to "drop tackles," and is to give the word "fire" when he pulls the lock-string. When casualties occur at the guns, the Captain of the gun will order "close up," and then equalize the crew on each side. If the Powderman is disabled the highest number takes his place. 234. Whenever the crew of a gun becomes so greatly reduced in action that men enough are not left to work the piece, it may be fired while partially run in. In such case, however, the breeching should be frapped forward of the carriage, the ends crossed under the muzzle or otherwise arranged so as to keep the muzzle outside of the port; the side-tackles left loose; the chocking-quoins placed square up against the outer part of the front trucks; the train-tackle hauled taut, the end of the fall passed through the train-bolt and well secured, and wet swabs placed up against the forward part of the rear trucks and sprinkled with sand or ashes. After three or four rounds the train-tackle should be re-secured; the chocking-quoins will require re-placing after each fire. The greatest possible care should be taken to guard against accident from fire, and minimum charges of powder used. Experiment proves that a gun may be fired in this manner without injury to the ship's side or the breeching, and by three or four men. It must be apparent to every officer that both the rapidity and the accuracy of fire to be obtained from guns in vessels at sea, must depend, in a great degree, upon the care which may be taken to explain to the men the best mode of performing their respective parts of the exercise, and the particular object for which each part is intended, and especially on such frequency of exercise and target-firing as will make the men perfectly familiar with their prescribed duties. The importance of this instruction, which may decide whether an action shall result in victory or defeat, will, it is hoped, insure due attention to it from all officers, and especially from the officers of divisions at quarters. THE GUNS ON ONE SIDE BEING MANNED, TO CHANGE SIDES, OR BOTH SIDES BEING MANNED, TO MAN ONE SIDE ONLY; COMMAND. "MAN THE STARBOARD (OR PORT) GUNS!" 235. Whenever this or any other order is given which requires all the men suddenly to leave the gun which they are working, they are not to do so until it is properly loaded, and well secured by hauling taut the side and train tackles, and hitching their falls around the straps of the inner blocks; nor on lower decks of ships-of-the-line till the ports are down and secured by their lanyards. A strict compliance with this injunction is indispensable to guard against excessive or imperfect loading and other accidents. When these precautions have been duly taken, the men will shift over in obedience to the command. EXERCISE OF BROADSIDE-GUNS, ON BOTH SIDES AT ONCE, BY MANNING ALTERNATE GUNS WITH FULL CREWS. 236. In the event of being required to fight both sides, it is generally conceded that a more effective fire is maintained by handling alternate guns with full crews. In this case the preparatory order will be given: "SILENCE! MAN BOTH SIDES, EVERY OTHER GUN WITH FULL CREWS." Upon which the guns' crews of the guns of the starboard watch will man the odd-numbered guns on the starboard side, and the guns' crews of the port watch will man the even-numbered guns on the port side, and the exercise will be the same as prescribed for "broadside guns on one side only." MANNING ALL THE GUNS. GENERAL REMARKS. 237. Arrangements have been made to enable each gun's crew to work together and fire alternately a pair of guns on the same side of the deck. Experience, however, shows that this can only be continued with effect for three or four rounds, and is in general results inferior to those obtained by manning alternate guns with full crews. QUICK FIRING. 238. The service of the guns consists, essentially, of two distinct parts, pointing and loading. The first of these, pointing, cannot be performed too carefully and methodically, and requires extreme coolness and attention on the part of the Captain of the gun; loading, on the contrary, cannot be executed with too much rapidity, provided neither the safety of the gun nor of its crew be compromised. It is clear that if two hostile vessels meet equally matched in all the ordinary points of equipment and preparation, and manned by crews equally skilled in gunnery, the advantage will be in favor of the ship that loads quickest; and should it happen that nicety of aim becomes a matter of secondary importance, in consequence of the closeness of the action, then, evidently, rapidity of fire will determine the affair. These considerations appear decisive, and every care should be taken in the instruction of guns' crews, that pointing be executed with deliberation, care, and method, and loading with all possible dispatch. In order, therefore, to insure the great advantage of rapid firing, officers are enjoined frequently to exercise the crews in setting the cartridge, shot, and wad home together, in one motion, of such guns as may be loaded in this manner, without inconvenience. This is the case with all the guns, chambered as well as unchambered, excepting the 8-inch shell-gun of 63 cwt. of patterns earlier than 1851; it is not recommended, however, to practise simultaneous loading with guns of higher calibre, such as IX-inch and upwards, as nothing will be gained by it in point of time. To prevent the shot from rolling on the tie of the cartridge and jamming it, the end of the cartridge-bag, outside of the tie, should be shortened as much as security will permit, unless it has been specially prepared for this use, by stitching back the end in the form of a cockade. With the view of affording the Loader a certain and independent means of knowing when the whole load is really home, the handle of the rammer should have a mark upon it, easily distinguishable either by day or night, and this should be suited to the "ordinary firing" charge of powder, due allowance being made for the others. COMMAND. "LOAD IN ONE MOTION!" 239. The Loader receives the cartridge and puts it in the gun, as already described; he also receives the shell or shot and wad and introduces them accordingly. As soon as the whole charge has been introduced, the Sponger and Loader together thrust it down smartly with the rammer, as in ordinary loading. When home, the men run the gun out as quickly as possible; the Captain of the gun clears the vent, primes in running out, points and fires in the usual manner, but as rapidly as is consistent with a good aim, taking care that the muzzle is clear of the port-sill, and on lower decks that the port is triced up clear of the explosion. SHIFTING BREECHINGS IN ACTION. COMMAND. "SPONGE, LOAD, AND SHIFT BREECHING!" 240. Supposing the gun's crew to be reduced to six men and the Powder-boy, that being the least number required to perform the evolution, and the gun to be discharged and run in. The Captain hauls taut the train-tackle and chokes the luff, and the Loader and Sponger place the chocking-quoins forward of the front trucks, and proceed to sponge and load the gun in the usual manner. The 2d Sponger and 2d Loader haul taut side-tackles and choke luffs, or, if rolling deep, hitch the falls round the straps of the blocks, and then unshackle the old breeching and shackle the new, which is to be brought to the gun by the 2d Captain. The Captain removes the old breeching from, and places and secures the bight of the new one in the jaws of the cascabel, after the gun is sponged. The 2d Captain passes the old breeching amidships, and the men resume their usual duties at the gun. When there are more than six men at the gun, the 2d Sponger and 2d Loader, after securing the side-tackle falls, will assist to load the gun, and the additional men will assist in unshackling the old and shackling the new breeching, but one of these will do all the duties just assigned to the 1st Captain, so as not to interfere with his ordinary duties in loading. SHIFTING TRUCKS. 241. The operation of shifting a truck can only be required when the gun is "run in" after firing. At the order to shift any one of the trucks that may be designated: With the MARSILLY CARRIAGE.--Heave up with the roller handspike under the end of the bracket on the side on which the truck is to be removed; handspikemen pass inside the breeching and place their handspikes under the axletree as near the truck as possible, and, assisted by 5 and 6, lift the gun while the shellman removes the old truck and side-tackleman puts on new one. With the ORDINARY CARRIAGE.--To shift a rear truck, handspikemen lift under the rear axletree. To shift a front truck the rear truck on the opposite side should first be taken off, then handspikemen lift under the fore axletree. [Illustration: SIDE ELEVATION OF XI-INCH GUN CARRIAGE AND SLIDE D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] [Illustration: SECTIONAL VIEW OF XI INCH GUN CARRIAGE AND SLIDE D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] [Illustration: PLAN OF XI INCH GUN CARRIAGE AND SLIDE D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] [Illustration: PLAN OF SLIDE FOR XI-INCH GUN CARRIAGE D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] EXERCISE OF PIVOT-GUNS. XI-INCH SHELL-GUN (_As an example._) 242. Arranged to traverse on circles fitted with Bossed Sockets for pivoting, and with clevis-bolts and sockets for housing. EQUIPMENTS AND IMPLEMENTS. ---------------------------------------------------------------------- ARTICLES FOR EACH GUN. | WHERE THEY ARE TO BE PUT | WHEN THE GUN IS SECURED. -----------------------------------+---------------------------------- Carriage and slide complete, with | In place. elevating screw and pivot-bolts | Two front roller levers |} Two rear do. |} Becketed to brackets. Two levers for training and |} shifting trucks |} Two in-tackles | Hooked in place. Two out-tackles | Do. do. Two shifting-tackles | Made up on slide. Two training-tackles | Do. do. Breeching | In place. Preventer | Do. Lashings for securing gun | Do. Tompion, with wad and lanyard | Do. Sponge and cap |} Becketed to beams between decks, Rammer |} or inside the brackets. A pot of oil or prepared grease | Breast of carriage. for rifle cannon | Lock, with string |} In place. Vent-plug |} Lock-cover and strap | In place on gun. Breech-sight and cover | Do. do. Reinforce-sight and cover | Do. do. Trunnion-sight | In box between decks. Priming-wires | Inside brackets Boring-bits | Inside brackets Water-buckets and large swab | Hold, until wanted. Hand-swabs | Breast of carriage. Selvagee-wads | Do. do. Battle-axes, as allowed (Art. 101) | On breast-transom. Two transporting axles and trucks | In storeroom, at hand. One shell in box | On slide. Shell-bearer | Do. Rail transom-chocks[9] | Under rails. -----------------------------------+---------------------------------- STATIONS AND GUN-NUMBERS. 243. The following are to be the gun-numbers and stations for a gun's crew of twenty-five, including the Powderman, the XI-inch shell-gun being taken as an example: +------------------------+-------------+---------------------------+ | | | | | LEFT SIDE. | GUN-NOS. | RIGHT SIDE. | +------------------------+-------------+---------------------------+ | | | | | | First Loader | 3 | 4 | First Sponger. | | Second Loader | 5 | 6 | Second Sponger. | | First Shellman | 7 | 8 | Second Shellman. | | First Front-Leverman | 9 | 10 | Second Front-Leverman. | | First Compressman | 13 | 14 | Second Compressman. | | First Rear-Leverman | 11 | 12 | Second Rear-Leverman. | | | | | | | | {17 | 18} | | | Tacklemen | {19 | 20} | Tacklemen. | | | {21 | 22} | | | | {23 | 24} | | | | | | | | First Train-Leverman | 15 | 16 | Second Train-Leverman. | | First Captain | 1 | 2 | Second Captain. | | Powderman | 25 | | | +------------------------+------+------+---------------------------+ To reduce from 24 men and Powderman to 20, omit four highest numbers. To reduce from 20 men and Powderman to 16 men and Powderman, omit four next highest numbers. To reduce from 16 men and Powderman to 12 men and Powder-boy, omit four highest numbers; 7, 9, and 10 become Pikemen, 11 and 12 Compressmen and Train-Levermen, in addition to other duties. To reduce from 12 men and boy to 10 men and boy, omit two highest numbers; 5 becomes Pikeman, 7 becomes Fireman, 9 and 10 Compressor and Train-Levermen, in addition to other duties. EXERCISE FOR HEAVY GUNS MOUNTED ON PIVOT-CARRIAGES. XI-INCH SHELL-GUN. (_As an example._) 244. The gun is supposed to be secured amidships, fore and aft, over the housing pivot, and not loaded. The exercise will proceed in conformity to the following words of command, viz.: I. "SILENCE! CAST LOOSE AND PROVIDE!" II. "RUN IN!" III. "SHIFT PIVOT!" (TO THE RIGHT OR LEFT!) IV. "SERVE VENT AND SPONGE!" V. "LOAD!" VI. "RUN OUT!" VII. "PRIME!" VIII. "POINT!" IX. "READY--FIRE!" X. "SHIFT TO HOUSING-PIVOT, AND SECURE!" _N.B.--It is always to be understood that when any of their respective duties under one command are executed, the men will at once proceed to prepare for those which follow next in order. The exercise must be considered as a whole, though the details are necessarily divided under the several words of command._ EXERCISE OF PIVOT XI-IN. CANNON. GUN SECURED FOR SEA AMIDSHIPS. I. "SILENCE! CAST LOOSE AND PROVIDE!" 245. No. 1, Commands; sees his gun cleared and cast loose; circles cleared and swept; tackles hooked; levers shipped; lock and sights in place; elevating apparatus, pivot-bolts, and compressors in working order; takes off lock-cover and hands it to 23, who lays it clear of circle: provides himself with waist-belt and primers, priming-wire, boring-bit, and thumbstall; and sees that all the gear and implements are ready for use, and the men at their respective stations. No. 2, Takes off sight-covers and hands them to 22, who lays them clear of circle; removes rail-chocks and assists in casting loose. He provides waist-belt and primers, and sees that the men on his side of the gun execute promptly their several duties. CAST LOOSE. (Diagram No. 1.) Clear away the Bulwarks 15.16.17.18.23.24. Lashings of Gun--Adrift 3.4.11.12. In-Tackles--Cast loose 15.16. Out-Tackles--Cast loose 13.14. Training-Tackles--Cast loose 19.20.21.22.23.24. IMPLEMENTS QR. GUNNER. Powder 25. Shells, Shell-Ladle, &c. 7.8. Sponge } Rammer } Take down 5.6. Front Carriage-Levers, Ship[10] 9.10. Rear Carriage-Levers--Ship 11.12. Slide-Levers--Ship forward 15.16. Sight-Covers--Take off. 2d Capt. and hands to 22. Buckets of Water[11]--Fill; } Wet Swabs--Bring. } 5.6. Outer Tackles hook as } to Deck 21.22. Shifting-Tackles } to Slide 23.24. Inner Tackle[12] hook { to Deck 17.18. { to Slide 19.20. Attend Compressors 13.14. Man In-Tackle { 11.15.17.19.21.23. { 12.16.18.20.22.24. Man Carriage-Levers { Front. 9.10. { Rear. 11.12. [Illustration: STATIONS BEFORE CASTING LOOSE [Diagram No. 1.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] [Illustration: STAND BY TO RUN IN [Diagram No. 2.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] 246. STAND BY TO RUN IN. (Diagram No. 2.) Ease Compressors[13] and go to In-Tackles 13.14. Up Carriage-Levers[14] { Front. 3.9. and 4.10. { Rear. 11.12. Tend Out-Tackles 5.6. II. "RUN IN!"[15] Haul on In-Tackles { 11.13.15.17.19.21.23. { 12.14.16.18.20.22.24. Out-Tackle block--Unhook from Slide, to leave room for hooking Inner Shifting-Tackle 5.6 Down Carriage-Levers { Front. 3.9. and 4.10. { Rear. 11.12. Tauten Compressors 13.14. 247. STAND BY TO PIVOT. (Diagram No. 3.) Draw Fore Pivot-Bolt 3.4. Up Shifting Slide-Levers 15.16. { 3.11.5.9.13.15.17.19.21.23. { | | | | Man Outer Shifting-Tackle { or or or or { | | | | { 4.12.6.10.14.16.18.20.22.24. Attend opposite Outer Shifting-Tackle 19.3. or 20.4. Stand by to hook Inner Tackle, when the Outer Shifting-Tackle is a-block 17 or 18. III. "PIVOT TO RIGHT OR LEFT!" (Diagram No. 3.) { 3.11.5.9.13.15.17.19.21.23.[A] { | | | | Haul on--Outer Shifting-Tackle[16] { or or or or { | | | | { 4.12.6.10.14.16.18.20.22.24. Ease away opposite Shifting-Tackle 19.3 or 20.4. Hook to Slide, Inner Tackle and Haul Taut 17. or 18. Unhook Outer Shifting-Tackles 21.22.23.24. In Fore Pivot-Bolt 3. or 4. Shift Inner Tackles as { To rear of Slide 19.20. Train-Tackles { To Deck 17.18. Down Shifting Slide-Levers, unship them and ship them on Rear Slide Training-Trucks[17] 15.16. Hook Out-Tackle Block to Slide 5.6. Take stations for next order--which, if the gun is loaded, will be "Run Out;" if not loaded, will be "Sponge."[18] When the Gun is Run Out-- Shackle Breeching[19] 3.13.--4.14. Draw the Rear Pivot-Bolt 2. Note A: Other numbers may be called to assist, if needed. [Illustration: STAND BY TO PIVOT STARBOARD [Diagram No. 3.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] [Illustration: SPONGE-LOAD [Diagram No. 4.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] IV. "SERVE VENT AND SPONGE!" (Diagram No. 4.) 248. No. 4 is to receive the moist sponge from No. 6, right hand over, left under, to send it home, and, assisted by No. 3, to press it to the bottom of the Bore, then to turn it around two or three times from left to right, in the direction that the worm may take,[20] withdraw it, strike the staff several smart taps under the muzzle, then return it to No. 6, who will receive it and lay it down;[21] the Gun Captain serves, then stops the Vent,[22] and as soon as the sponge has been withdrawn, serves the Vent with his priming-wire and again stops it. This being done-- No. 20 hands the Rammer to No. 4 as soon as the latter has been relieved of the Sponge by No. 6. Should No. 4 observe that the Gun Captain has neglected to serve the Vent, he is to call his attention to it. No. 3 stands ready with the Powder which he has taken from No. 5, to whom it was passed by No. 25. Nos. 7, 8, open the Shell-Box, disengage[23] the Shell, and place it in the Ladle, in readiness to pass to Nos. 3 and 5. (Special drill.) V. "LOAD!" (Diagram No. 4.) 249. No. 3 places the charge in the muzzle, seam from the Vent,[24] small end in, and pushes it well into the Bore. No. 4, who stands ready with the Rammer, enters it into the muzzle, and pushes the charge home steadily, until the mark on the Rammer handle shows the charge to be in place.[25] No. 3 assists with one hand, and the charge is on no account to be struck.[26] Whilst No. 4 withdraws the Rammer, Nos. 7, 8 each take a handle of the Ladle, lift up the Shell,[27] and, assisted by No. 5, pass it on to Nos. 3 and 4, who enter the shell into the muzzle, sabot first and Fuze out, as soon as the Rammer is clear of the muzzle. As the Shell lies just fair with the muzzle, No. 3 removes the cap from Fuze,[28] which is passed along to the Gun Captain, and pushes the Shell into the Bore. No. 4 enters the Rammer, and, assisted by No. 3, pushes in the shell until the mark on the handle shows it to be in place. It is most strictly forbidden to strike the shell with the Rammer.[29] No. 6 takes the Rammer from No. 4 and lays it down, or lodges it overhead on the hooks. Whilst this has been doing, the preparation for the next order is to go on.[30] Nos. 13, 14 ease compressors, if no motion. If there is, they stand ready to ease at next order. The Out-Tackles are manned by Nos. 19, 21, 23, 17, 15, 11, 13, and 20, 22, 24, 18, 16, 12, 14. The Inner Tackles tended by No. 2 and Qr. Gunner. The Front Carriage-Levers grasped by 3, 9, and 4, 10. The Rear by 11, 12 [Illustration: RUN-OUT TO LEEWARD [Diagram No. 5.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] VI. "RUN OUT!" (Diagram No. 5.) 250. The mode of executing this order will vary with circumstances--by the gun being to windward or to leeward, and by the nature of the rolling motion. To leeward, and with much motion, the tendency is to go out with dangerous violence.[31] Therefore, Nos. 5, 19, 21, 23, 17, 15, 13, and 6, 20, 22, 24, 18, 16, 14, haul cautiously on the Out-Tackles, the Qr. Gunner and No. 2, assisted by 15, 16, holding well back on the In-Tackles with a turn caught; 13, 14 ease the compressors; Nos. 3, 9, and 4, 10 heave up the Front Carriage-Levers; Nos. 11, 12 keep down the Rear Carriage-Levers, unless it is seen that they are necessary. In running out to windward[32] the compressors may be eased at once, the In-Tackles slacked, the Carriage hove up on its trucks, and the gun run out by the Out-Tacklemen, assisted by any of the numbers not employed in other duties. When out, the Carriage-Levers are let down promptly and unshipped. The compressors are set[33] and Rear Slide-Lever shipped. VII. "PRIME!" (Diagram No. 6.) 251. The Gun Captain again makes sure that the Vent is clear,[34] and in so doing lets his wire down quickly into the charge.[35] If all is right, he inserts a primer. If the Slide-Levers have not been shipped, or have been unshipped, they must now be put on the axles of the Rear Slide-Trucks--15, 16. The Rear Train-Tackles will be manned by Nos. { 13.15.17.19.21.23.5. { 14.16.18.20.22.24.6. VIII. "POINT!" 252. The Gun Captain adjusts or verifies the Sliding-Bar of the Rear sight to the desired range,[36] and steps off the slide directly to the rear, lock-lanyard in hand. The 2d Captain takes hold of the Elevating screw,[37] 15, 16 heave up the levers of Rear Slide-Trucks, and the Training-Tackles are manned by Nos. { 13.15.17.19.21.23.5. { 14.16.18.20.22.24.6. (Right or Left.) [Illustration: PRIME-POINT-FIRE [Diagram No. 6.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] IX. "READY--FIRE!" 253. The Gun Captain, with lock-lanyard just taut and his eye ranging over the sights, but kept well down to the bottom of the notch in head of sliding-bar, and over the point of middle sight, awaits these being brought into coincidence by the roll with the object, which is always the WATER-LINE--the Slide being trained constantly as desired by voice or sign.[38] When sure of his aim, the Gun Captain draws the lock-lanyard promptly and firmly. If the primer miss, the 2d Captain removes it, clears the vent, and puts in a fresh primer. If the gun, when fired, does not come into its place for loading, ship Carriage-Levers, heave up, and run in by the In-Tackles to a taut breeching. Down all levers and set Compressors. If the firing or exercise is to continue, the next order is "Sponge." If not, unshackle the breeching, then--Run in, back to rear hurter for pivoting--"Stand by to Pivot"--"Pivot to right or left;" when amidships--In Pivot-Bolt--"Run out," and secure for sea. X. "SHIFT TO HOUSING-PIVOT, AND SECURE!" 254. The gun is brought into the housing position amidships and pivoted to the socket farthest from the extremity of the vessel, and run out. No. 1 puts in the vent-plug, wipes and lays the hammer in place and the lock-string around it, then puts on the lock-cover; sees his gun properly secured, and the implements and spare articles returned to their places. No. 2 levels the gun and wipes off and re-lacquers rear pivot-bolt and elevating screw; puts on sight-aprons; puts in rail-chocks and assists in securing lashings and breeching. Loaders put in the tompion and on muzzle-bag, and wipe off and re-lacquer the front pivot-bolt. Spongers return rammer and sponge to place, and assist in securing lashings and breeching. Levermen wipe off and re-lacquer their respective levers and eccentrics, secure levers in place, and assist in securing the gun. Compressormen wipe off, re-lacquer, and tighten the compressors, and assist Carpenter in replacing and securing bulwarks. Shellmen return shells, empty boxes, and shell-bearer to their places, and assist in securing bulwarks. Powderman returns spare powder and passing-box to the magazine. Tacklemen tighten and secure "in" and "out tackles," and make up and stow "shifting" and "training tackles" on the slide; ship the clevis-bolts, pass and tighten the gun-lashings, and assist in replacing bulwarks. The men who provide implements and spare articles return them to their places. TRANSPORTING PIVOT-GUNS FROM ONE END OF A VESSEL TO THE OTHER. 255. The gun must be pivoted and trained so as to bring its muzzle towards the direction in which it is to be transported, the transporting-trucks shipped and secured to their axles, the chocking-quoins placed, the training-trucks thrown out of action, the compressors brought to bear to confine the gun near the middle of the slide, some of the tackles hooked for dragging, and others, with capstan-bars, for guiding and steadying it. The pivot-bolts are to be removed, and the gun's crew, aided by others if required, transport it to the desired position at the other end of the vessel. The slide is then brought over and pivoted upon a fighting or outer centre, the transporting-trucks removed, and the training-trucks brought into action. When the implements for working and loading the gun are brought to it, it will then be ready for action. When the forward and after slides are of different lengths, and the traversing circles of different diameters, the longest slide will be fitted with an additional rear pivot-hole and plate, to correspond with the smaller circle, in order that the gun may be worked from the midship pivot-bolt and shifted to the different fighting centres or pivot-bolts of the smaller circle. Thus, when only one pivot-gun is mounted forward and one aft, and when they can both be brought to bear from only one end of the vessel, the force may be doubled at that extremity by pivoting one gun on each bow or quarter, as the case may be. For heavy guns this is practicable in smooth water only. Arrangements are made for shifting the broadside-guns both to the bow and stern, in aid of the pivot-guns, when the distance of the enemy is not too great. When the stern gun is pivoted over the rudder, one of the broadside-guns may be worked on each side of it, in firing right aft. Guns mounted on pivot-carriages may be fought upon the rear pivot, on the common or shifting centre, and fired from any point of the traversing or shifting circle, if the elevation be such as will not endanger the decks. In this case the training must be done with the gun run in over the rear pivot, as after it is run out the training will be difficult, and the helm must be relied on to bring the gun on with the object. Guns should never be transported about the deck of a ship when loaded. NOTES UPON THE MANUAL EXERCISE. FOURTH COMMAND. "SERVE VENT AND SPONGE!" _"The Gun Captain-serves, then stops the vent!"_ 256. A difference of opinion being entertained among artillerists with regard to the utility of stopping the vent, the continuance of the practice, as directed in the text, is recommended. The thumbstall has been made of various materials, but its use is somewhat inconvenient for the Gun Captain, and he cannot feel that the vent is stopped. At the Experimental Battery of the Ordnance Yard the naked thumb is used, and experience shows that the gun is never so hot as to occasion the least inconvenience, except with howitzers. 257. It has been the uniform practice at the Experimental Battery at the Ordnance Yard, Washington, and also on board the Gunnery Ship _Plymouth_, in 1857-'58, to use a moist sponge; and as no accident from premature explosion has taken place in either case, the inference is that the method is a safe one, and might obviate other precautions, especially where reloading is necessary, as in firing salutes, when, there being no shot over the cartridge, it is imperfectly consumed. 258. "Strikes the staff several smart taps under the muzzle!" to shake off any adhering fragments of the cartridge. Should any burning fragments be drawn out, the Loader extinguishes them with the wet swab; the Gun Captain again commands "Sponge." 259. Gun Captain "serves the vent with his priming-wire!" If at any time he should find the vent obstructed, and be unable to clear it with the priming-wire or boring-bit, he will at once report to the officer of division, who will order the vent-punch used; or, if this should fail, have recourse to the vent-drill and brace in charge of the Quarter Gunner. The boring-bit, vent-punch, and drills should be used with caution, as, being of steel, they are liable to be broken off in the vent and thus effectually spike the gun. After clearing the vent the bore should be sponged. 260. Spongers and Loaders are to be careful to keep their bodies as much within the port as practicable, otherwise at close quarters they will be picked off by musketry. FIFTH COMMAND. "LOAD!" "_No. 3 removes cap from fuze!_"[39] 261. The cap is never to be removed until the shell has been entered in the gun. With high elevations, or when rolling, care should be taken that the shell does not slip down the bore before this is done. The cap or patch is removed by taking hold of the lug with the forefinger and thumb, first raising it a little, and without twisting; a pull readily removes it. The patch is passed to the Gun Captain, as an evidence that the priming has been exposed; the patches to be preserved and accounted for at the end of the firing. 262. The Loader must be careful not to touch the fuze composition with his fingers, for fear of injuring it by moisture. Where the firing is not hurried it is advisable to raise the priming of the fuze, to insure its ignition. All of these details should be carefully explained to the crew. 263. No wad is required over a shell, but a selvagee wad may be used in heavy rolling. 264. When loading with shot a selvagee wad is placed over it. A part--half or a third--of a selvagee wad, is equally efficient in holding the shot in place. 265. Shells should be used against Ships at all distances where the penetration would be sufficient to lodge them. They are of no service in breaching solid stone walls, but are very effective against earthworks, ordinary buildings, and for bombarding. For these purposes a good percussion or concussion fuze is desirable, but no reliable fuzes of these kinds have as yet been devised. 266. Solid shot should only be used when great accuracy, at very long range, and penetration are required. 267. If, in loading, a shot or shell jams in the bore, no attempt should be made to force it down, but it should be withdrawn. This may be done with the ladle, by depressing and striking the muzzle against the lower sill of the port, or by running the gun out hard against the side at extreme depression. 268. A gun is not to be loaded with more than a single shot at once, without the express sanction of the Captain, and never with more than a single shell. Solid shot are not to be fired from shell-guns without a direct order from the Captain. 269. Experiments show that firing two loaded shells together should never be practised. With quite reduced charges [of from 1/8th to 1/12th the weight of the single shell], of 88 loaded shells thus fired, 25 were broken and 48 did not explode, and some of the remainder were exploded too soon by the shock of discharge. Of 50 unloaded 8-inch shells, fired two at the same time, with 6 lbs. of powder, only one was broken by the shock of the discharge. This difference between loaded and empty shells is accounted for by the fact that a small hole is generally broken into the outer shell, through which its charge is ignited. _See_ p. 13, Report of Admiral Farragut, dated August 31, 1853, on experiments made at Old Point Comfort. 270. In loading with a shell, the most exact attention is required to all the precautions relating to the position of the fuze and the mode of setting home the shell. The Loader is to be specially instructed that unless the leaden patch is stripped off, to expose the priming, the fuze will not ignite, and consequently the shell cannot explode. 271. Grape-shot have not sufficient penetration to be used with effect, generally, against ships-of-war beyond 150 yards. When the men on the spar-decks of the enemy are exposed, by the heeling of the ship, grape or canister may be used against them, at distances varying from 200 to 300 yards. Against light vessels, a single stand of grape from heavy guns may be used at about 400 yards. The dispersion of the balls is about one-tenth the distance, and is practically independent of the charge. 272. The XI-inch gun, at 10° elevation, gives for the mass of grape or canister a range of about 1,300 yards; the spread about 10°. They may therefore be used with great effect against boats or exposed bodies of men. 273. A stand of grape is not to be used with any other projectile. 274. Canister or case-shot, prepared for immediate use, are supplied for all guns, including boat and field howitzers, and are effective at short distances against boats or exposed bodies of men; they may be used also, under favorable circumstances, against the tops of an enemy. 275. Shrapnel-shell or spherical case-shot is intended to exceed the range of canister, and is to be used only under the same circumstances, but at an increased distance. Canister is more effective at from 250 yards with the 12-pdr. howitzer, to 400 yards with the XI-inch; but beyond those distances shrapnel should be used up to 900 yards for the 12-pdr., and 1,500 with the XI-inch. A well-delivered shrapnel-shell from a heavy gun must sweep away the crew of a pivot or other gun, on a spar-deck not protected by bulwarks. The 'distant firing' charge is always to be used with shrapnel. SEVENTH COMMAND. "PRIME!" "_He inserts a primer and turns the hammer down upon it._" 276. To prevent the primer from being blown out of the vent by the blast of the next gun, as occasionally happens on light-covered decks. With guns of the old pattern this cannot be done, because, if turned down, it would interfere with the aim. 277. It is essential that the head of the primer shall be placed flat and pressed close upon the vent, that the hammer may strike it fairly. The tip of shellac, by which the lower end of the tube is sealed, occasionally obstructs the jet of flame so as to split the tube. In this case the flame is dispersed laterally, and fails to ignite the charge; it is therefore a good precaution to pinch the end of the tube before putting it into the vent.[40] 278. The tubes of all the primers are carefully gauged before issuing them for service; but such as, from any cause, become so much enlarged as not to go easily into the vent, should be rejected without attempting to force them down. It will occasionally happen, either from carelessness or inattention to the instructions given for the proper manner of pulling the lock-string, that the head of the primer will be crushed without exploding it. Frequently a second and stronger pull will have the desired effect, if the fulminate has not been dispersed; in case, however, this attempt should prove unsuccessful, the tube of the primer should be drawn out, if possible, before using the priming-wire to clear the vent. 279. In case either lock or primer should entirely fail, recourse will be had to the friction-primers or to the spur-tubes. In using the first, the Captain of the gun, after taking the primer from the box, will raise up the twisted wire-loop until it is on a line with the spur; place the tube in the vent with the spur towards the muzzle of the gun, and so that this spur will rest on the lock-piece; then hook the lanyard into the raised loop, and pull it, when otherwise ready to fire the gun, as though it were a lock-string, using, however, a less degree of force. The lanyard may be hooked to the loop before the tube is put into the vent. When the spur-tubes are used, the Gun Captain exposes the priming and the 2d Captain applies the match. 280. The men should be practised at unloaded guns, in placing the primers, both percussion and friction, properly, and in pulling the lock-string so as to insure their explosion, until this very essential knowledge and skill have been perfectly attained. EIGHTH COMMAND. "POINT!" "_His eye ranging over the sights!_" 281. The Gun Captain gives the necessary order, "Right" or "Left," "Raise" or "Lower," by voice or sign. He alone should speak, giving his orders in a sharp, clear tone, but not louder than necessary for his own crew to hear him. 282. He should make use of the following signs to assist in making himself understood, which, when the crew become well drilled, are sufficient without the verbal orders. IN POINTING.--He should move the left hand, held vertically, to the right or left, according as he wishes the right or left tackle hauled upon. IN ELEVATING.--He should move the hand, held horizontally, up or down, according as he wishes the breech raised or lowered. 283. Officers of divisions, while instructing the men in aiming, should be particular in impressing upon their minds the necessity of bringing the eye to an exact level with the bottom of the sight-notch, as otherwise they will fire too high. 284. In lateral training, when the direction of the gun is frequently changed by the coming up or falling off of the ship, or when the position of the object to be fired at is rapidly changing by passing in opposite directions, or from other causes, it is better to train a little beyond, and then watch the proper moment for firing, instead of endeavoring to train at once directly on the object. 285. The lateral training, or pointing, when considerable, should always precede the elevation; because, the jarring of the gun is apt to alter the elevation. 286. "If roller handspike is not used in training." A great difference of opinion exists on this point. The use of the roller handspike somewhat facilitates extreme train, but the gun cannot be fired until it is unshipped, which alters the elevation and consumes time. It is perhaps preferable to use one handspike under the bracket, manned by two men, and the other to lift and slue the gun, manned by one man, under the transom. 287. "Elevate or Depress as directed!" If the carriage is fitted with a quoin, handspikemen standing between the handspikes and the side of the ship, place their handspikes on the steps of the carriage and raise the breech. As soon as the quoin is free, the 2d Captain takes hold of it with both hands and withdraws the quoin to the full extent; handspikemen "raise" or "lower" the gun slowly and steadily. When the proper elevation is given, the Gun Captain gives the word "Well!" and the 2d Captain forces the quoin tight under the breech, giving the word "Down!" 288. To facilitate the operation of pointing guns according to the distance of the object aimed at, sights are prepared and fitted to each gun; and breast-sweeps for all truck-carriages of heavy guns. The ordinary sights consist of two pieces of bronze gun-metal, one of which, called the reinforce-sight, is a fixed point, firmly secured to the sight-mass, upon the upper surface of the gun between the trunnions. The heads of the sights should not be bright, otherwise it interferes with the aim when they are exposed to a bright sun. 289. The other, or breech-sight, is a square bar or stem, with a head, in the top of which is a sight-notch. It is set diagonally, so as to expose two faces to the rear; the rear angle chamfered, to afford a bearing for the clamp-screw. This bar or stem is made to slide in a vertical plane, in the sight-box fixed to the breech sight-mass, and is held at the various elevations for which it is graduated by means of a thumb-screw. Its length is sufficient for all the elevation which can be given--about 5°--before the muzzle appears above the front sight, after which a long wooden sight must be used, graduated for the whole length of the gun, using the notch in the muzzle. The bar or stem of the sight has lines across its faces denoting for all the old guns degrees of elevation, each of which is marked with the number of yards at which a shot or shell will strike the point aimed at, when that line is brought to a level with the top of the sight-box, and the gun is loaded with a specified charge of powder; for the guns of the new system, the ranges are marked in even hundreds of yards. The uppermost line on the stem marked level is the zero of the other graduations, and when adjusted to the level of the top of the sight-box, the bottom of the notch in the head of the breech-sight and the apex of the reinforce-sight show the dispart of the gun. When the line of sight coincides with these points, it is parallel to the bore, and when continued to a distant horizon, the gun is laid level or horizontal. Sights should invariably be made so that the level line on the stem will correspond with the bottom of the head when it rests on the sight-box, and thus secure a dispart-sight in case of accident to the screw in the sight-box. A white line, one-fourth (.25) of an inch wide, drawn on top of the gun from the breech-sight to the notch on the swell of the muzzle, has been found to greatly facilitate the aim. For night-firing a broad wooden block, painted dead-white, to ship over the reinforce-sight, leaving 1/4 of an inch of the sight exposed, will assist in preventing the aim from being too high. 290. For shot-guns the ranges in yards for one shot with the distant-firing charge of powder are marked for each degree of elevation on the right in-board face of the sight-bar; for the ordinary firing, on the left face. 291. The gun being placed a certain height above the water, depending on the class of vessel and the deck on which it is mounted, it is evident that, when the axis of the bore is horizontal, the shot will have a range proportionate to this height. This range or distance is commonly called point-blank, or point-blank range, and is the number noted in the column marked P.B., or 0°, or level in range tables. This point-blank, therefore, depends on the class of gun, the charge, and the height above the water. 292. A preferable definition of this distance is "range at level." 293. The aim is always supposed to be directed at the water-line. But, with the sight-bar at level, if a gun is aimed by it at the water-line of a vessel at point-blank range, the shot would strike short of the point aimed at by about one-quarter of the distance; or, if aimed, under similar conditions, at the upper part of the hull, the shot would fall a distance below the point aimed at equal to the height of the gun. 294. In firing at small objects, particularly boats, within point-blank range, it is therefore important to attend to this source of error. It is desirable that all sights should be marked, from 100 yards to the greatest range, and thus avoid all consideration of point-blank. In fitting new guns, or those upon which the sights require replacing, the sight-bar will be fitted as described in Article 289, and graduated from 100 yards downwards. For shell-guns the ranges are marked for shells on the sight-bars, in the same manner as those for the shot of shot-guns. 295. These sights being each adjusted to a particular gun, and marked with its class and number, do not, in strictness, admit of being transferred to other guns, even of the same class. 296. When used, the stem of the breech-sight must be raised or lowered, to correspond with the ascertained or estimated distance, in yards, of the object aimed at, and firmly secured there by the thumb-screw. Then, if the ship be steady, elevate or depress the gun until the line of sight from the bottom of the notch of the breech-sight, the top of the reinforce-sight, and the point to be struck, will coincide; but if the ship have a rolling motion the gun must be so laid, after the sight is set for the distance, that this coincidence may be obtained, if possible, at the most favorable part of every roll which the ship makes. 297. The inclination of the line of metal to the axis of the bore varies in guns of the same class, as well as in those of different classes. Aiming, therefore, by the line of metal cannot be relied on for definite ranges; besides that, within those ranges, it is apt to mislead by giving too much elevation to the piece. Therefore, when the established sights are not furnished, or have become unserviceable, wooden dispart-sights lashed on the reinforce should be immediately substituted. A narrow groove in the upper surface of the wooden sight, made to coincide with the plane of the line of sight marked on the gun, will assist the Gun Captain in getting the true direction quickly. Half the difference between the diameters of the gun at the base-ring and swell of the muzzle, or at any intermediate point on the line of metal, will give the proper height of the dispart-sight at the point where the least diameter was taken, to which must be added the height of the lock-piece above the base-ring, in order to get a line of sight over it, parallel to the axis of the bore. The guns of the Dahlgren pattern are cylindrical for a certain distance forward of the base-line, always giving a line of sight parallel to the axis of the bore. 298. All the new guns are marked on the top of the lock-piece, base-ring, the reinforce sight-mass, and the swell of the muzzle, by notches which indicate a vertical plane passing through the axis of the bore, at right angles to the axis of the trunnions. 299. Pivot-guns have been supplied with trunnion-sights, designed to be used when the ordinary sights do not give the required elevation. This instrument, however, gives but a rude approximation in either elevation or direction. 300. The rifled cannon in service have the breech-sight on the side of the breech and the front sight on the rimbase, which permits the gun to be accurately aimed and the object kept in view at all elevations. It is intended in future to apply this arrangement to all cannon mounted on pivot-carriages. 301. Various modes have been practised to ascertain at sea the distance from the object aimed at, so as to regulate the elevation of guns, but none can be depended upon for giving it with minute accuracy, and even when obtained it is continually varying; therefore, when the projectile is seen to exceed or fall short of the object considerably, the sight-bar must be readjusted accordingly. It thus becomes, under ordinary circumstances, the best instrument for approximating distances. In correcting the elevation, however, the variation of range to the first graze, attributable to eccentricity, differences of windage, and other causes, must be taken into consideration, as, under the most favorable circumstances, at the Experimental Battery of the Ordnance Yard, this variation is found to equal fifty yards, more or less. 302. In addition to the errors arising from these sources, we have also those due to the direction and force of the wind, the movement of the ship across the line of fire, and to sheering round a pivot when performing evolutions. 303. They can be obviated or diminished by the following means: 1st. Allow the Gun Captain to estimate the distance to windward or to leeward, right or left, to be allowed for the deflection; or, 2d. Indicate the number of yards right or left of the object; which, after all, depends on his estimation of distance. 3d. Furnish a sight which, in addition to the elevation, allows for the deviation, and permits the Gun Captain in all cases to aim directly at the target. Such a sight is furnished to the Parrott rifles, and is desirable for all guns. 304. In case the ordinary sights should be lost or rendered useless, tangent firing may be resorted to against ships, by pointing with the wooden dispart-sight at such part of the ship as the Tables indicate for the distance, and according to the class of gun in use at the time. A Table of this kind is appended, which has been calculated for the 8-inch and some of the heavier of the 32-pounder guns when loaded with single shot and distant-firing charges. The different classes of sailing ships-of-war, whether of the same or of different nations, are not of the same length, nor are their masts of the same height from the deck, or from the water. They, however, correspond so nearly, for the same class of ships of the same nation, that calculations made from the angles subtended by the average height of their masts, will generally give their distance with sufficient accuracy for general firing. Tables are inserted at the end of the book, in which the distances corresponding to different angles made by the masts of English and French ships-of-war are shown--from which the intermediate distances due to other angles may be estimated, and the sights regulated accordingly, if circumstances should render it desirable. Also an abridged Table, in which the height of our own mast is used as the base. 305. Officers of divisions and Captains of guns should be occasionally practised in measuring the distances of objects by the eye, at times when opportunities offer of verifying the accuracy of their estimate by comparing it with the distance obtained by the foregoing methods, or any other which will afford the best means of comparison. 306. Within point-blank range, if the hull of an enemy's vessel is obscured by smoke or darkness, the aim may be directed by the flashes of his guns. 307. Most naval guns are now fitted with elevating screws, passing through a hole in the cascabel of the Dahlgren system, and for those of the old system attached to the carriage: but the ordinary beds and quoins are also still in use; they are arranged to allow the extreme elevation and depression of the guns which the ports will admit with safety. When the inner or thick end of the quoin is fair with the end of the bed in place, the gun is level in the carriage; or horizontal, when the ship is upright. The degrees of elevation above this level, which may be given to the gun by drawing out the quoin when laid on its base, are marked on the side or edge, and those of depression on the flat part of the quoin, so that when the quoin is turned on its side for depressing, the marks may be seen. The level mark on the quoin is to correspond with the end of the bed. When the quoin is entirely removed, and the breech of the gun rests on the bed, the gun has its greatest safe elevation; and when the quoin is pushed home on its side, the gun has the greatest safe depression that the port will admit. Care must be taken that the stop on the quoin is always properly lodged, to prevent the quoin from flying out or changing its position, and that the bed is secured to the bed-bolt. Porter's bed and quoin has been adopted for all carriages requiring quoins. This quoin, being graduated to whole degrees, requires a small additional quoin for slight differences of elevation in smooth water. When the elevating screw is used, a quoin should be at hand to place under the breech of the gun, when at extreme elevation, to relieve the screw from the shock of the discharge, and prevent a change of the elevation, as well as to take the place of the screw if it should be disabled. When the fire is continuous at the same distance, the lever of the elevating screw should be secured by a lanyard, to prevent the screw from turning and altering the elevation. 308. If a greater elevation for broadside-guns should be desired for any special purpose, it may be obtained by placing inclined planes behind the rear trucks, for them to recoil over and produce a corresponding depression of the muzzle of the gun as it comes within the port. But it will be observed that, beyond the elevation which the ports will admit of, the sights can no longer be taken by the tangent or any other top sight, as the upper sill of the port interferes. The gun must therefore be laid by the quoin and pendulum. Additional depression may also be obtained by placing inclined planes for the front trucks to recoil upon, or by raising the breech by means of a wooden toggle placed vertically under it. One end of a tripping-line is fastened to the middle of the toggle, and the other to the breeching-bolt in the side of the ship; by this arrangement the toggle is tripped from its place at the commencement of the recoil, and the muzzle is raised so as to clear the port-sill by the preponderance of the breech. NINTH COMMAND. "READY--FIRE!" _"Waits patiently for the coincidence of the sights upon the object."_ 309. The exact moment for firing, at sea, necessarily varies with circumstances; but when these are favorable the following general principles should govern: 310. When the ship is steady, the gun should be fired when the line of sight is brought upon the object; but when the ship has much rolling motion, the moment for firing should be chosen a little before, so that the shot will probably leave the gun when the roll brings the line of sight upon the object aimed at. When practicable, and too much time will not be lost, it will be best to fire when the vessel is on the top of a wave and just begins to roll towards the object. If the loss of time should be found objectionable, the gun may be fired at any other instant, when properly pointed, giving a preference, however, to the moment when rolling towards rather than when rolling from the object, and making due allowance for the probable change of elevation by the roll of the ship before the shot leaves the gun. 311. If, from any cause, the firing should be delayed after the gun has been pointed, it should be carefully pointed again before the order to fire is given. 312. The great object is to fire low enough to strike the hull if the shot preserve the intended direction, and as a general rule to strike it near the water-line. 313. To avoid loss of shot from lateral deviations, it is recommended to direct all the guns to be pointed to strike somewhere between the fore and mizzen masts of an enemy; when quite near, the guns of the forward divisions should be pointed in preference to that part of the hull about the foremast, and one or two of the after guns at the rudder, if it should be fairly exposed. REMARKS ON THE DIFFERENT KINDS OF FIRING. 314. FIRING AT WILL.--By this is meant firing the guns independently of each other, each Captain of a gun seizing the most favorable opportunity. This firing should always be used in action--unless ordered to the contrary--whenever the object is visible, the smoke from one gun not greatly impeding the firing of another. 315. FIRING IN SUCCESSION.--By this is meant firing one gun after another in regular order, commencing from the foremost or after gun, according as the wind is blowing from aft or forward. This firing may be used with advantage in the commencement of an action, or whenever a continuous, steady fire is desired, as the smoke from one gun will not impede the firing of the next. 316. QUICK FIRING.--By this is meant rapid firing at will, the tangent-sight not being raised. This firing should be used only when close alongside an enemy, as then but little pointing would be required. 317. When the guns are laid for the projectile to strike the object aimed at without grazing between the gun and the object, the firing is said to be direct. This mode of firing is to be preferred when the object fired at is so near that the chances of hitting it are very great, and also when the intervening surface between the gun and object is so rough or irregular that a projectile striking it would have its velocity much diminished or destroyed, and its direction injuriously affected. DIRECT FIRING requires a good knowledge of distance, and precision both of elevation and lateral direction, in order to strike an object which is comparatively a point. It is always to be preferred when the distance is accurately known. 318. When the guns are so laid that the projectile makes numerous grazes between the gun and the object, and continues its flight, the firing is denominated ricochet. That properly so called is performed at level, or at most at three degrees of elevation; shot will often ricochet at much greater angles, but it is not what is meant by ricochet firing. RICOCHET FIRING, upon a smooth surface within certain distances, has some important advantages over direct firing. When the guns have very little or no elevation, and are near the water, as they are in a ship's battery, the projectile strikes the water at a very small angle; its flight is not greatly retarded by the graze, and it rises but little above the surface in its course. The distant charge should always be used, but the penetration is not to be depended on beyond 1,500 yards against ships-of-war. Ricochet firing at low elevations requires only correct lateral direction, since the projectile would rarely pass over and would probably strike a vessel if within its effective range, whether the actual distance had been correctly ascertained or not. The deviation of projectiles is, however, generally increased by ricochet, and in proportion to the roughness of the surface of the water. Even a slight ripple will make a perceptible difference not only in direction, but in range and penetration, and the height to which the projectile will rise in its bounds. Although these facts demand attention, yet when the estimated distance does not require an elevation of more than three degrees, projectiles from guns pointed rather too low for direct firing will probably ricochet and strike the object with effect, even when the water is considerably rough. This may be called "accidental ricochet." When the water is not smooth, the most favorable circumstances for ricochet firing are when the flight of the shot is with the roll of the sea, and that roll is long and regular. Ricochet will be effective against small objects up to 2,000 yards, but should not commence at less than 600 yards; at less distances it is preferable to fire direct. Ricochet is of no value from rifled guns firing elongated projectiles, as they lose all certainty of direction on the rebound. Upon smooth water, a shot fired horizontally from the 32-pdr. of 33 cwt., with 4-1/2 lbs. powder, ricocheted and rolled about 3,000 yards; the greatest range obtained from an elevation of 5°, with the same gun and charge, was less than 1,800 yards. _See_ Dahlgren's Report on 32-pdr. of 32 cwt., p. 90. Shot rarely ricochet at all with elevations above 5°, and the bounds are always higher, with equal charges from the same gun, as the elevation of the gun is increased. 319. Concentration of fire may be desirable under certain circumstances; and arrangements have been sometimes made to secure it by the simultaneous discharge of a number of guns upon some part of an object whose distance is known. The advantages of these arrangements are not very obvious, excepting in cases where the position of the enemy may be visible from one part of a ship and not from all the guns in the batteries. The object sought to be obtained is therefore to aim from in-board at an invisible target, the distance and direction of which are indicated by the Captain. It is consequently necessary that he shall be so placed as to obtain a distinct view of the enemy, or have suitable observers to inform him of his exact position. 320. In general, this sort of fire has been of little efficacy; but by the aid of a simple implement, readily made on board ship, it is believed that good results may be obtained, and particularly at night, when firing from guns on covered decks is now absolutely ineffective. It consists of a simple metal or wooden batten, sliding in two beckets attached to the outer or inner sides of each of the brackets of the carriage, retained in any position by a thumb-screw. This batten is graduated by experiment or calculation for either the parallel or converging fire, for such points on the bow, beam, or quarter, as may be deemed advisable. A small knob is screwed into the inner end of each batten, and a cod-line provided, with a loop in each end, somewhat longer than the width across the transom. If, then, one of the battens be drawn out to the graduation representing the degree of train required, the line stretched taut from the two knobs and hitched, and guns trained until this line is parallel to a mark on the deck, or one of the seams of the deck-plank--if they are parallel to the keel--the guns will all make the required angle, and may be fired simultaneously or in succession, as ordered. [Illustration] 321. The principal object in view, therefore, is so to prepare the training by anticipation, that when the smoke rises, or on sheering the vessel, the enemy shall be visible to all the Gun Captains at the same time; giving them the choice to fire at will, or on a given signal, if simultaneous fire be desired. It diminishes the great disadvantages of guns on covered decks, where the Gun Captains can only with difficulty ascertain the direction of the enemy; and places the whole battery more completely under the control of the Commander. 322. The principal care of the Commander must be to keep his guns always bearing on the enemy, and never pass the limits of extreme train for all his guns, unless absolutely necessary in manoeuvring. This he must regulate, either by one of the guns in his vicinity, or, better, by the aid of a bearing-plate, a species of plane-table which gives the angular bearing of the object. 323. Concentration of fire upon a particular part of an enemy's vessel may also be obtained by a general order for the guns to be aimed to strike that part when visible, leaving the Captains of guns to determine the proper time for firing, according to circumstances at the moment. This obviates the objections due to simultaneous firing, and would generally be equally effective at distances beyond point-blank. In this, as in all other cases of firing at sea, success depends mainly upon the skill, judgment, and coolness of the Captains of the guns. THE USE OF FUZES. 324. All spherical shells, except those for the 24 and 12 pdr. howitzer, and all shrapnell, are fitted with the Navy time-fuze. This fuze is composed of a composition driven in a paper case, and then inserted in a metal stock which screws into a bouching fitted to the shell. The composition is covered with a safety-cap, which protects it from moisture and accidental ignition; also with a water-cap of peculiar construction, intended to protect the flame from being extinguished on ricochet. A safety-plug at the lower extremity prevents the communication of fire to the powder in the shell, in the event of the accidental ignition of the fuze after being uncapped. 325. It is strictly forbidden to show or explain to foreigners or others the construction of any fuzes, except so far as may be necessary for the service of the guns. 326. These fuzes are of 3-1/2, 5, 7, 10, 15, and 20 seconds time of burning; which are supposed to offer a sufficient variety for most of the exigencies of service. There are also supplied paper-case fuzes of greater length, which, when used, are always to be inserted in metal stocks. All the Navy time-fuzes--paper case as well as metal stock--being intended for use under a water-cap, burn a longer time in the open air. All shells, unless otherwise ordered, are fitted and issued from the shell-houses with the 5-seconds fuze, which is to be regarded as the general working fuze. For greater or less distances this fuze may be drawn, and any of the others substituted. The Navy time-fuze is rarely extinguished by several ricochets on water; and near the end of its flight, when fired direct, frequently acts by concussion. The fuze used should not be of longer time of burning than requisite to reach the object; the shorter times are of quicker composition, therefore more certain; also in firing on ricochet the shell may sink short of the distance necessary for its explosion, and consequently be supposed to fail. 327. For special firing, as for example at shore-batteries or masses of uncovered troops, any of these fuzes may be shortened. To do this, unscrew the water-cap and back the paper case out from the lower end with a drift and mallet; cut off from the lower end with a fine saw, or sharp knife struck with a mallet, the proportional part required, and insert the upper part in the stock, forcing it down with a few gentle blows with the drift; screw on the water-cap. It is preferable, however, when circumstances will admit, to take up such distance as will correspond with the time of flight of one of the regulation lengths. When firing against ships or earthworks, the fuze should be a little longer than necessary, in order to reach the object before bursting; but a little shorter when firing against boats or masses of troops, in order to insure its bursting in front of them. 328. The Bormann fuze is fitted to the 24-pdr. and 12-pdr. howitzer ammunition, and all shrapnell. It has also been fitted to certain shells used for special firing. The length of fuze is the limit of the distance within which this fire is effective. This fuze is opened at the required number of seconds, by cutting close to the right of the mark on the index-plate. The cut should be made down to the plane of the table, in order to expose the composition; and is best made at two or three efforts, instead of trying to effect the cut at once. This fuze should be carefully explained to the men, as shells have been taken from guns with the cut made into the priming-magazine, which would explode them at the muzzle. 329. There are also on trial for the rifled cannon the percussion and time fuzes of Schenkl, Hotchkiss, Parrott, and others. No reliable percussion or concussion-fuze has as yet been arranged for spherical shells. 330. These fuzes will be exhibited and explained by the Ordnance Officer on the application of Commanders of vessels, who, with the Executive Officer and Gunner, are enjoined to make themselves thoroughly acquainted with this most important part of the equipment. 331. Commanders of vessels will carefully note and report the efficiency of all fuzes fired in action or exercise; giving the elevation of the gun, the estimated or measured range, the number fired, the name of the inventor, whether percussion or time, the number of failures to explode the shell, premature explosions, and satisfactory action. Great waste of ammunition is frequently occasioned by an under-estimate of the distance. 332. The times of flight and length of fuze for all projectiles, so far as ascertained at the Experimental Battery at Washington, are given in the TABLE OF RANGES, Appendix B. 333. The best effect of a percussion-fuze is obtained by firing into a mass of timber. They frequently fail if fired into a bank of soft earth, sand, or other material which does not offer a sufficiently sudden resistance; also, if fired at high angles of elevation, owing to the fact that the rifle-shells do not generally strike point foremost. 334. Time-fuzes are also very unreliable in rifle-guns; expanding projectiles cut off the flame from the fuze. With the Parrott shell, however, the Navy time-fuze is the most certain of ignition and regular in its time of burning. The safety-plug should be removed when the Navy time-fuse is used in rifled cannon, as recent experiments show that it is a probable cause of premature explosions of shells. In testing the Navy time-fuse by the watch, or michronometer, the safety-plug must be removed: otherwise the fuze will burn longer than the time for which it is marked. BOARDERS. 335. It is not supposed that any directions can be framed which will entirely provide for all the various circumstances which may require attention when about to board an enemy, or to repel a similar assault made by an enemy upon our vessels. The following general suggestions are, however, presented for the consideration of Captains, in order that some degree of uniformity may be preserved when other more important considerations do not prevent it. 336. Upon the signal for Boarders, the divisions called should form on the gangway of the side which is not engaged, properly armed, and remain there until ordered elsewhere, provided there be time to make this disposition of them. In all movements from one part of the ship to another, cutlasses should be sheathed and pistols in the frogs. The men of each division should be united as much as possible under their own officer. Bayonets not fixed until ordered. "PREPARE TO BOARD!" (FROM ANY SPECIFIED PART OF THE SHIP.) 337. The Boarders should repair to the place directed, taking care to keep themselves down so as not to be seen by the enemy, and form close to the bulwarks, until the order is given to-- "BOARD THE ENEMY!" 338. The Boarders should then gain the enemy's deck as quickly as possible, keeping near enough to each other for mutual support, and to act in concert against the opposing force, using every possible exertion to clear the enemy's decks by disabling or driving the men below. In case the intention of boarding should be discovered by the enemy, and he collects his men to repel the attack, the marines and small-arm men should take positions where they can best fire upon the men thus collected; and, if possible, the spar-deck guns loaded with grape, and howitzers loaded with canister, should be used for the same purpose before the Boarders are ordered to make the attack. So long as the contest is continued after boarding, the fire should be kept up against the enemy from all the guns with as much vigor as the number of men remaining at them will allow. The guns should then be much depressed, in order that there may be little or no danger to our own men. Much positive injury may be inflicted on the enemy in this way, besides the advantages of dividing his attention at such an important moment. If it should be necessary to repel Boarders from the enemy, the Boarders and Pikemen must be called, and at the order-- "PREPARE TO REPEL BOARDERS!" (AT ANY SPECIFIED PART OF THE SHIP.) 339. The Pikemen should arrange themselves in rear of those armed with swords, and in situations which will allow them to rest the points of their pikes on the hammocks or rail, and cover that part of the ship and the parts where the assault is expected. The marines, with their muskets loaded and bayonets fixed, may be formed behind the Pikemen, or at any other place from which their fire on an assailing enemy may be most effective and least dangerous to our own men. 340. The moment an enemy commences his assault, the order-- "REPEL BOARDERS!" Should be given, and every effort made to prevent his gaining or retaining any foothold in the ship. It will, of course, be important to bring grape and musketry to bear at once upon the enemy's men when they are assembled for boarding, if they should be discovered in time. The men left at the guns must be watchful that the enemy does not gain an entrance through ports or quarter-galleries. 341. In case the enemy should effect a landing on the decks, the pikes may, from their length and the press of the contending parties, become less efficient than the swords. Whenever this occurs, the sword must be brought into full use, as the most efficient weapon for attack or defence at such close quarters. 342. The howitzers, mounted on the field-carriage and charged with canister, should be ready for use in case of the enemy's getting a footing on the spar-deck. 343. Unless induced by circumstances to attempt to board the enemy first, the most favorable opportunity for attack will present itself when his men have been driven back; and to guard against the contingency of being repulsed, in all cases where the Boarders are called to attack the enemy they are to be covered by the marines and all the available small-arm men on deck. 344. The men, and especially the Boarders and Pikemen, must be exercised and encouraged to practise with the single stick and sword, as far as circumstances will allow. GENERAL PRECAUTIONS TO BE OBSERVED IN TIME OF WAR. 345. In time of war, unless otherwise ordered by the Admiral commanding, every cruiser should at nightfall carefully extinguish all lights not absolutely necessary, and shade all those that are indispensable, that they may not be visible from out-board. 346. The watch on deck shall be mustered at their quarters, and the guns so far cast loose as the state of the weather will permit. 347. The officer of the watch shall, on taking the deck, ascertain that the means of making and answering signals and a competent signal-man are always at hand. It is his duty to make himself fully acquainted with all the day and night signals. 348. Before making night-signals, every light should be extinguished or covered. 349. Particular care is required, when it is expedient to conceal the lights of the ship, to look well to the cabin and wardroom lights. Ports and air-scuttles there, are more apt to be imperfectly masked or thrown open heedlessly by servants. 350. If in company with other vessels, two guns in each broadside must always be ready for making signals of immediate or urgent necessity. 351. No vessel cruising shall allow a strange or suspected vessel to come within gunshot, without the watch being at quarters and ready to open fire. 352. It is the duty of the officer of the watch to immediately inform the Commander of all suspicious movements which he may observe, or which may be reported to him, and of all unknown vessels or boats that may appear in sight. 353. Speed being one of the principal elements of military force, Steamers will, on going into action, have all the fires lighted and in condition to make steam. The beat to quarters for action is therefore a signal to start fires in all the furnaces not in operation. 354. If at anchor singly or in squadron in our own waters, in those of an ally, or elsewhere within our right to exercise control, and where liable to an attack by an enemy in any form, no strange or suspicious vessel must be permitted to be underway between evening gun-fire and daylight. The nearest vessel must require her to anchor, and send an armed boat to ascertain her character. 355. If the Senior Officer opens fire on any vessel, the nearest vessel in a position to do so will also be prepared to fire to bring her to, if signalled. All boats to be hailed and ordered alongside to give the countersign, or to lay off on their oars to be visited by the guard-boat. 356. If at anchor in or about an enemy's waters, steam shall be kept up at night at all times, sufficient to move the vessel at half speed at least, and the engines moved certainly every hour, or oftener if necessary, to keep them in a condition for immediate service. In vessels with single engine, liable to be caught on the centres, means for turning it off to be kept at hand, and suitable persons stationed to attend to it. 357. The cable must be kept ready in every respect for slipping, with a stopper forward of the bits, and even unshackled, if the weather will permit, with a steady man stationed to slip or cut as may be requisite. 358. Some of the guns, and those such as may be brought most conveniently to bear upon the probable quarter of attack, must be loaded with grape and some with canister, and ample supplies for reloading be kept on deck. Appliances for extreme depression should be at hand for broadside-guns; a gun here and there depressed extremely. The Howitzers, on field-carriages, in place, and loaded with canister. Pikes distributed about the decks ready for use. 359. Small vessels lying in rivers or sounds, and liable to be attacked and carried by boarding, will have their boarding-nettings of wire rope secured at evening quarters; the guns cast loose; the watch completely armed and on the alert, and every preparation made for instantly slipping and getting under way and repelling boarders. 360. At the hail by the look-out of "Boat ahoy," without further orders or the striking of the bell, the engine should be started _immediately_, the slip-rope cut, and all boats are to be received while under way and the crew at quarters. 361. It is important that the arms of the watch below should be as accessible as possible, that no confusion may take place in case of being summoned suddenly. The engineer and watch in the fire and engine room must always be armed. 362. On dark, foggy, or hazy nights, no lights should be shown, nor the bell struck or watch piped to indicate the position of the vessel. The look-outs, increased and cautioned to greater vigilance, relieved at least hourly, and visited by either the Commander or Executive Officer half hourly. 363. The safety of small vessels at night requires that they shall be always either underway, or else in readiness to be got so at the shortest warning. 364. If circumstances prevent this, the greater the necessity for increased precaution and vigilance, and therefore a picket or advice boat should be kept out in the direction from which attack may be expected; and, indeed, the resort of picket-boats should be observed whenever practicable and at all likely to be of service. 365. In case of sending away a boat that is to return before sunrise--which is always to be avoided, if possible--a concerted signal, such as a certain number of flashes of a light, preceded or followed by the firing of a certain number of muskets, must be made at the distance from the vessel of about one-half mile, the number to be agreed upon for each night as the boat leaves the vessel. A countersign is also to be given; but if not understood by the look-out, he is to call out "Enemy," at the same time warning the boat to keep off, at which the vessel will be got underway at once. 366. The boat must be furnished with suitable and reliable fireworks or other means for announcing instantly the approach of an enemy, and no excuse can be taken for a failure on the part of the picket to give the alarm. The capture of the picket-boat is a minor consideration. 367. When confident of being able to repel any force, the boat should return to give timely notice for preparation; and in this case it may be expedient to be prepared to light up the adjacent waters, to enable an effective fire to be opened on the enemy from guns and howitzers. 368. Commanding Officers of vessels situated as described in Art. 359, are required to practise their crews, by going on deck and hailing, "Boat ahoy," at least once a week. The time taken for the execution of this order to be noted on the log. 369. In times of anticipated attack from rams or mail-clad vessels upon a fleet or single ship, it is recommended to load the guns with maximum charges and solid shot; but where there is doubt of the character of the assailant, the guns should only be loaded with the service powder charge having ready at hand shot, shell, shrapnell, grape, or canister, as the case may demand. DIRECTIONS IN CASE OF FIRE. 370. In the following directions, no other object is proposed than to notice some of the more prominent and common preparations which may be generally made, and the measures to be adopted in vessels on the alarm of fire. The variety of circumstances under which that danger may be presented can only be successfully met by properly stationed, well-trained and disciplined men, judiciously directed by the Captain, and superintended by officers whose coolness and presence of mind are proof against every form and degree of danger, which alone will enable them to adopt and execute the best plans the emergency may require. To this end the Captain will, as soon as the crew is organized, cause a FIRE-BILL to be prepared, adapted to the particular arrangements of his ship, and in accordance with these Directions, by which the crew is to be drilled once a week till expert, and after that occasionally. This fire-bill should, as far as possible, conform to the arrangement for extinguishing fire during exercise at General Quarters. Much confusion has been known to arise from requiring different duties from the same person at Fire Quarters, and in case of fire when at General Quarters. 371. Should the alarm of fire be given when the men are not at Quarters, that alarm of itself is to be considered as a call to Quarters, and the men must repair to their stations at once. This must be impressed upon the men by the Division Officers. But the ordinary call for inspection is to be given as soon as practicable, by way of enforcing the order. The alarm will be given by the sentinel near the bell, by ringing quickly and loudly successive peals for ten or fifteen seconds, with short intervals between. The bell is to cease, however, as soon as the drum begins to sound the call to Quarters. Should it be deemed necessary to water and provision the boats, preparatory to lowering them, the drum will beat the usual call for provisions, when the men stationed for these purposes will promptly proceed with their duties. In this case the shot shall be drawn or discharged from the guns, to guard against accidents in leaving the vessel, should it be impossible to save her. 372. The Captain will direct the Executive Officer, and such others as he may deem proper, to visit the place of the fire, and to transmit reports to him, by officers, of its character and extent, and to suggest the measures which will most speedily and certainly subdue it, or prevent its extension. 373. He will, if at sea, cause the ship to be hove-to, or steered in such direction as will be least likely to increase the activity of the fire, or will best enable the men to use the means in their power for controlling and extinguishing it. 374. If fire should take place in a ship at anchor in port or harbor, his attention must be given to prevent the communication of the fire to other vessels or combustible objects, and to have the cables ready for slipping, boats ready, and, if advisable, springs prepared to change the position of the ship, in order to prevent danger to other vessels. 375. He will decide whether the magazines and shell-rooms shall be flooded, and give orders accordingly; whether the hammocks shall be brought up and stowed; where sentinels shall be placed, and what disposition shall be made of the sick and prisoners. If hammocks are to be brought up, each man not a Fireman, Pumpman, Hoseman, Axeman, or Smotherer, or belonging to the Carpenter's gang, or detailed as a Sentinel over boats' falls or spirit-room, will lash and carry up two hammocks and stow them in the nettings on his way to Quarters. Blankets, or other woollen materials, when wet, afford an excellent means of smothering fire, and should be left out by the party lashing up the hammocks and collected by the Smothering party, in charge of an officer, whose duty it will be to see them properly used. 376. The Officers of the respective divisions will enforce the strictest observance of orders from those under their command, and allow no one to leave his station, unless by express orders or permission. At the same time they will direct the most trustworthy of their men to perform any particular duty within their divisions which may tend to check the spreading of the fire, or furnish the means of extinguishing it. 377. Officers of gun-deck divisions will be prompt to detach, under proper officers, men who may be directed for any particular service, or who may be called from the guns by the calls for Firemen, Sail-Trimmers, or Boarders. Should the call for Boarders be made in case of fire, the men will answer it without any other arms than their swords or battle-axes. Divisional Officers near the main or other pumps, will cause the men of their divisions to aid in rigging and working them. The ship's buckets are to be passed up to the pumps, as soon as possible, by the persons who may be stationed near them, and these and the fire-buckets and division-tubs filled. The swabs are also to be got up and thoroughly wetted. Division-boxes, and all powder or explosive materials not in the magazines, must be taken in charge by the Quarter-Gunners and placed in the safest positions, ready to be thrown overboard if ordered. 378. The Officer commanding the Powder division will himself deliver the keys of the magazines, shell-rooms, and water-cocks to the Gunner, his Mate, and the men stationed at the water-cocks, and see that they are prepared to flood the magazines, if orders should be given to that effect; but he must take especial care that the magazines, passages, and shell-rooms are kept closed until orders to open them are received from the Captain. 379. He will also take care that the air-ports are immediately closed, and all other means adopted for diminishing currents of air, especially if there should be a hope of confining the fire to the lower parts of the vessel. He will at once have the hose led from the bilge-cock, the cock turned, and, if the forcing-pump or engine is worked below the gun-deck, will see it manned and worked by some of the men of his division. 380. The Master will cause windsails to be taken down; and, if set, courses, spanker, and all lower sails hauled close up; head, channel, and all other pumps which work on upper deck, and fire-engine, if on deck, to be rigged and worked by the men of his division stationed nearest to each of them. If practicable, sails, rigging, boats, spars, and the sides of ship must be kept wet, and every exertion made to furnish a full supply of water for extinguishing the fire. Rigging-axes and battle-axes must be ready for use, in case they should be wanted for any purpose. 381. The Chief Engineer will detail such Assistant Engineers and men as may be needed to take charge of steam-pumps, to lead out hose, and to use such other means of extinguishing the fire as may be ordered or deemed advisable. If under steam, the main engine will be slowed on the first alarm of fire, unless otherwise expressly ordered, and the steam-pumps started. 382. The Surgeon and his assistants will be in readiness to destroy, if required, all inflammable fluids, or other medical stores which would increase the fire; and to superintend the removal, if necessary, of patients who may be lame or confined to hammocks or cots. 383. Exercises, by order of the Captain, following false alarms of fire, known only to him and the Executive Officer to be false at the time of giving the alarm, may, it is believed, be resorted to with advantage, especially at night. Such alarms furnish the best means of ascertaining practically whether the necessary preparations for extinguishing fire have been duly attended to; and what degree of silence, calmness, and promptitude may be expected from officers and men in repairing to their stations, as well as in the performance of their duties in a real case of fire. False alarms, frequently repeated, may perhaps lead some of the men to move slowly, under the impression that every alarm given is false, and merely intended for exercise; and this impression may be entertained even when a fire has actually taken place. This evil would, however, be comparatively small, since it will be readily admitted by any one who has witnessed the effect of a fire upon a crew at sea, that the great difficulty in such cases is to obtain that necessary quiet and orderly attendance at Quarters which is essential to the success of all subsequent measures. FOOTNOTES: [6] NOTE:--In order not to incumber the text with details, they are transferred to the "Notes on the Manual Exercise" (Art. 288 to 357), which are to be carefully studied. Also the notes to Pivot-Gun Exercise. [7] See notes on this command and the succeeding one, "LOAD," for further important details. [8] With the nib-blocks the train-tackle cannot be used to assist in securing the gun, unless a special eye-bolt is placed for this purpose. [9] These should always be kept under the centre transom when the carriage is not in use; also in firing at high angles of elevation to relieve the rails of the shock. [10] When the trucks are to be brought into play, the levers should be shipped on their axle-squares so as to heave upwards, past the centre, and rest against the wood of the Carriage or Slide; otherwise they must be kept in place by hand or by a pin, neither of which entirely secures the Levers from flying back and doing mischief. If hove down, they are apt to interfere with the Tackles. In order to ship the Levers expeditiously on the proper square, both are to be marked with a cold chisel. The Fore Carriage-Levers require the efforts of two men at each, as the weight of the gun has most bearing there; each of the other levers is readily worked by one man. [11] Principally to moisten the Sponge, which ought never to be omitted, as there is nothing so effectual in extinguishing any fragments that might remain burning in the Bore, and cause accidental explosion in loading, particularly in blank firing. It is a mistake to suppose that this practice increases the foulness of the Bore; on the contrary, it prevents it from hardening and accumulating, as long experience has shown. Sometimes it is convenient for the Spongers to dip the Sponge alongside, and they soon acquire the habit. Superfluous moisture is easily gotten rid of by twirling the Sponge at the handle. [12] Were it practicable to hook a tackle so that it would move the gun, even from amidships to the port, without being shifted, or were it prudent to leave the gun free while shifting the tackle, there would be no need of a second tackle. But it is not possible, in pivoting, to exert direct action for more than the eighth of a circle by one position of a tackle, and it is absolutely dangerous at sea to leave the Slide unconfined for an instant. When, therefore, the Outer-Tackle is a-block, the second tackle must be hooked and set taut. [13, 14, & 15] These orders are to be executed in quick succession, so as to be nearly simultaneous; that is, the compression is first relieved by backing its lever, upon which the Front-Levermen instantly bring the carriage on its trucks, and the gun is run back by the In-Tackles, the Out-Tackles being eased gradually, so as to check any violent movement; for the trucks, being fitted with friction rollers, allow the heavy piece to move suddenly and rapidly. [16] The pivoting of so heavy a Gun is the most complicated of all the operations with it, and demands special drill. When done to windward, the hearty effort of the whole Gun's crew is required, particularly if there be much crown to the deck and no deck circles; to leeward there is no difficulty, and the time at sea to pivot from side to side may vary from four to seven minutes. The advantage of the Pivot-Boss will now appear, as it secures the coincidence of the hole in Slide with that of the Socket, and permits the Bolt to be removed out or in easily. Hitherto the difficulty of doing so without a Boss has caused delay, and contributed more than any thing else to the objections entertained against such heavy Ordnance, which have been in nowise obviated by either the Pivot Shifting-Screws of our own Navy, or the Pivot-Flap of the English Navy. [17] Some difference of opinion may arise in regard to the shipping of these levers before the gun is run out, and they are required for pointing. To ship them now amounts to having them on the whole time--to which the only objection is, that if on, before wanted in pointing they may be in the way of the men; and, on the other hand, if not on, more attention may be demanded from 15, 16. The question will not be material when the men are well drilled. [18] The gun being now pivoted to the Port, the Breechings should be shackled and the rear Pivot-Bolt drawn, in regular order. But neither of these can be done without running out the gun a few feet. For in order to pivot with the greatest ease, the carriage had been previously run back on the Slide to the rear Hurter, so as to bring the weight of the gun as near as possible to the Rear pivot, the very best position being with the Trunnions of the Gun just forward of the Rear pivot. The shackling of the Breeching and the removal of the Bolt are, therefore, deferred until the Gun has been run out in the subsequent proceedings. The Breeching is always to be shackled to the Ship's side--not to the Slide, which needlessly strains the pivoting, and also causes the shackle with its appliances to interfere with the working parts at the forward end of the Slide. [19] It is generally expected that the Compressors are to supersede the necessity for a Breeching. But experience shows that in firing it is better to rely habitually on the Breeching, and use the Compressors to assist. Thus, in firing to windward at Sea, the Compressors are always to be set, but only so hard as may be required to ease the shock on the Breeching. In firing to leeward, the Compressors are not wanted, except to secure the gun in its place when in. When the Ship is not steady, but rolling, the discretion is to be exercised. The Preventer, or Inner Breeching, will be found indispensable to avoid accident when running out to leeward in a sea-way. For with a trained crew, and all precaution in handling the levers and In-Tackles, there is a liability to the gun getting away, in which case it moves out with great violence, and may do serious damage. On one such occasion an XI-in. gun cracked the stout iron straps of the Compressors, and seemed but just prevented from freeing itself entirely and going overboard over the Port-sill. Not being able to replace the Straps, the Compressors were useless till late in the cruise. Preventer Breechings were then fitted, and answered so well that the practice was continued at sea as usual. They now form part of the equipment of all XI-in. guns, and should be just taut when the gun is out, and the Trucks of the Carriage reach but do not ascend the curve of the forward Hurter. [20] This is to detach from the bottom of the Chamber the fragments of burnt Flannel that are apt to adhere and solidify. [21] This practice encumbers the deck, and interferes materially at times with the management of the gun. Trial was therefore made on board the _Plymouth_, where the gun was on a covered deck, of hooks attached to the beams above, near each piece, in which the Sponges and Rammers were placed after having been used. The only objection was, that too much time might be lost in so doing; but after continued trials this was found not to be the case, when the men had been properly trained. [22] Stopping the Vent is omitted by many practised artillerists, as unnecessary in extinguishing fragments of the cartridges. But as so much importance has been and still is attached to its performance, and it costs so little trouble, it seems better to continue the practice, particularly when so many accidents occur from premature explosion, not only to untaught and careless people, in saluting on holidays, but also on shipboard, where they ought not to happen. [23] Sometimes the box has been fitted too tightly to the Shell, or has contracted on it, and delay is caused in loading. This should be attended to in season. [24] Otherwise the stout stuff and seams found necessary with heavy charges might resist the primer, and cause a failure to explode the powder. [25] It was the habit at the Experimental Battery, and in the experimental cruise of the _Plymouth_, to mark the handle of the Rammer, so that there should be no doubt as to the charge being home. This is always useful, but particularly so in case of the gun bursting, as it makes sure of an important fact. [26] It is a common practice in loading, to expend much zeal in striking the cartridge one or two blows to insure its being home, which is quite unnecessary when the mark on the handle affords so much better evidence thereof. [27] The XI-in. Shell weighs, when loaded, 135 lbs.; the lifting and entering it into the muzzle was one of the objections of those who were opposed to the use of heavy calibres. There was not one of the crew of the _Plymouths_ XI-in. gun who was not found able, on trial, to take up the Shell and unassisted to put it in the Bore, when the ship was still. At sea a very simple implement was used--an iron segment with a bent handle on opposite sides. The Shellmen, 7, 8, turned the shell out of the box into this ladle, placed on the deck near No. 3, the Loader, who, when ready, took the left handle, and No. 5 (the 2d Loader) the right. These two lifted the Shell towards the muzzle, and No. 4 (Sponger), standing on the Slide, received the right hand from No. 5 as soon as within reach. No. 3, stepping on the Slide, and No. 4 continued to raise the Shell to the muzzle, which was not difficult, because of the Bore being conveniently high above the Slide on which they were standing; the Sabot projecting beyond the Ladle was entered into the muzzle, and the Shell pushed in, No. 5 taking the ladle back and laying it on the deck. [28] As this is very firmly fixed in the recess of the metal stock, it is to be removed by pulling directly on the tail, which, if twisted, will be likely to break, and thus cause a loss of time. The patch is passed to the Gun Captain, who puts it in his belt-box, and is afterwards handed to the Quarter deck by the Lieut. of Division, in order to verify the number of shells fired. When the Fuze has been uncovered, care must be taken not to let it be touched by the moisture of the hand, or by the sea-water. [29] As the blow might dislodge the priming of the Fuze and prevent its ignition. It is well to dispense with any wad, even a grommet, if possible. [30] A good exemplification of the principle assumed for this exercise, that when any one of the men has executed an order, he shall not remain in position until the order is given which requires him elsewhere; for he may not have any part in the next order, or even in that second next, as occurs after pivoting, when only a few numbers participate in the following orders: Sponge--Load, the remainder only doing so at the third following, viz.: Run Out. [31] No operation with this gun requires more care. There is a weight of 20,000 lbs. moving on friction Rollers along a metal plate, down an inclined plane--if once permitted to get loose and to be propelled by the motion of the ship, the momentum is immense, and must disable some of the apparatus, perhaps the Gun-Carriage itself. On such an occasion the preventer breeching is invaluable, and will be the best safeguard, if fitted so that when well stretched it will not permit the fore trucks to ascend on the curve of the Fore-hurter, for it is this which strains the strap of the Compressor. Permitting the gun to go out with much force also displaces the shell, whether a grommet-wad be used or not. [32] To windward, with a steady inclination, the precautions used to leeward are unnecessary. On the contrary, the difficulty is to move so great a weight up the inclined plane. Therefore, the carriage is released from all restraint, and all the available force put at the Out-Tackles, taking advantage also of whatever roll there may be to windward. [33] This must, of course, be regulated by circumstances, as already mentioned in Note 10; as to windward, set the compressors moderately; to leeward, not at all; off the wind, according to the roll. Let the compression be so adjusted as to allow the muzzle just to come in. [34] It is an old custom for the Gun Captain to keep the Priming-Wire in the vent while the loading is going on, feeling from time to time if the charge is home. It is a bad practice, because there is a liability of being caught by the charge as it comes along the Bore, and having the wire bent, thus spiking the vent, for a while at least. The mark on the Rammer handle is the best evidence that the charge is in place. The object now is only to clear the vent of pieces of cartridge stuff, which not unfrequently get into the vent, and choke it so as to prevent the primer from exploding the powder. [35] Though the primers seldom fail to penetrate the flannel stuff of the cartridge, it is well to pierce the latter with the wire, so as not to omit any means that may insure the instant discharge of the gun. [36] The Sight-Bar of the XI-in. Gun is graduated to its own charge only; if reduced charges are ever used, it will only be at short distances, when the gun needs no elevation. The Bar will then be down entirely, its head resting on the Box. [37] One turn of which is equal to one degree of the quadrant, and may be of service when the Sight-Bars are not. The carriages of Gun Sloops and other vessels carrying XI-in. guns allow of an elevation of 20°. [38] When the vessels are moving, it is best to train the gun a little ahead, watching when the object draws in line; then, as the roll brings the piece right in elevation, it is fired. [39] Many officers are of the opinion that this order should be divided--"Load with Cartridge," and "Load with Shell." But those guns would be very badly served which should wait until this time to give the order for the species of projectile or class of fuze required. _After_ "Load," is the proper time to give subsidiary order to Shellmen what projectile and length of fuze to bring for next fire. [40] "In 10,000 fires, when testing guns of different calibres, with the regulation locks, less than fifty primers failed from all causes." CHAPTER V. RIFLED CANNON. 384. The rifled cannon at present in service are-- PARROTT. -------------------------+-------+--------------------+---------+---------+ DENOMINATION. |WEIGHT.| CHARGE. | WEIGHT | WEIGHT | | | | OF | OF | | | | SHELL. | SHOT. | -------------------------+-------+--------------------+---------+---------+ | lbs. | | | | 6.4-inch, or 100-pounder | 9,700 | 8 lbs. rifle. | 80 lbs. | 70 lbs. | 5.3-inch, or 60-pounder | 5,400 | 6 lbs. rifle. | 50 lbs. | 60 lbs. | 4.2-inch, or 30-pounder | 3,550 | 3-1/4 lbs. cannon. | 29 lbs. | 30 lbs. | 3.67-inch, or 20-pounder | 1,750 | 2 lbs. cannon. | 18 lbs. | 20 lbs. | -------------------------+-------+--------------------+---------+---------+ DAHLGREN. -------------------------+-------+----------------+---------+----------+ DENOMINATION. |WEIGHT.| CHARGE. | WEIGHT | CHARGE. | | | | OF | | | | | SHELL. | | -------------------------+-------+----------------+---------+----------+ | lbs. | | | | 4-inch, or 20-pounder, | | | | | bronze howitzer | 1,340 | 2 lbs. cannon. | 18 lbs. | 0.86 lb. | 3.4-inch, or 12-pounder, | | | | | bronze howitzer | 880 | 1 lb. cannon. | 11 lbs. | 0.50 lb. | -------------------------+-------+----------------+---------+----------+ 385. CHARGES FOR PARROTT'S SHELL. -----------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+---------+ | 8-INCH. | 100-PDR. | 60-PDR. | 30-PDR. | 20-PDR. | -----------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+---------+ | lbs. oz. | lbs. oz. | lbs. oz. | lbs. oz. | lb. oz. | Long | -- | -- | 3.4 | 1.8 | 1. | Short | -- | 3.11 | 2.2 | -- | -- | -----------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+---------+ 386. SHELL AND SHOT GAUGES. ---------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ | 100-PDR. | 60-PDR. | 80-PDR. | 20-PDR. | ---------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ Greatest | 6.36 | 5.27 | 4.17 | 3.64 | True diameter | 6.35 | 5.26 | 4.15 | 3.63 | Least | 6.33 | 5.24 | 4.14 | 3.61 | ---------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ 387. In the rifle-guns of Mr. Parrott, provisionally adopted, it is intended to retain the full charge of powder which a smooth-bore gun of the same calibre would have with a round shot. The projectile for the rifled gun is to be usually ten times the weight of this charge.[41] 388. To obtain greater initial velocity, projectiles of less than the full weight have been provided--solid shot of 70 pounds for the 100-pounder, with the front end "chilled." Such projectiles, though not suited for long ranges, will be effective at 1,000 yards or less, and are well calculated to act against oblique surfaces of iron. 389. The powder for the 100-pounder and 60-pounder should be of Rifle (or, as formerly called, No. 7):--for the smaller calibres, 30-pounder and 20-pounder, of Navy cannon powder. The cartridge-bags are the same as those prescribed for similar calibres of smooth-bore guns. 390. The Parrott guns have been arranged for the use of a certain kind of projectile, supplied by the inventor. These have reference not only to the calibre and mode of rifling, but to the design of the gun itself. For these reasons, the inventor objects to the use of any other than his own form of projectile in the guns of his invention. This request has been acceded to in the heavier calibres. The shells of Schenkl and Hotchkiss have also been used, however, in the smaller calibres. It is not considered expedient to describe these projectiles, and it is therefore directed that the Commander, Executive Officer, and Gunner shall make themselves thoroughly acquainted with their construction, and the percussion and time fuzes issued with them, before sailing. The Ordnance Officer will furnish them with any information on these subjects in his possession. 391. The projectiles consist of shells, shrapnel, and solid shot. All rifled projectiles used in the Navy are of the expanding class; that is, forced into the grooves by the action of the charge of powder, and require no other precautions in loading than common spherical shells. 392. It is, however, essential-- 1st. That the base of every rifle-projectile, especially the Parrott, shall be thickly greased before entering it into the gun.[42] For this purpose common pork slush, prepared by several washings in hot fresh water, may be used. 2d. That the bores of all guns shall be frequently washed, the grooves of rifled guns cleaned of all residuum and dirt, and a moist sponge invariably used. After firing, the bore should be oiled with a sponge. The attention of Commanding Officers is especially called to this requirement; and the Bureau desires that the action of Parrott's and other rifle-projectiles fired under the above conditions, may be carefully observed and reported; for it is believed that nearly all the failures of projectiles in actual service result from the grooves being filled, after a few rounds, with a hardened residuum of powder. 393. It is also necessary that the shell shall be close home on the powder, otherwise the necessary expansion will not take place, and the shell will tumble immediately after leaving the gun, utterly destroying its range and accuracy. 394. In order to be certain that the projectile is properly home, the rammer-handle must be marked to indicate it. 395. It is very important that dirt, sand, or other foreign substances should not be carried into the gun on the sponge or the projectile, or by the wind in batteries on shore. In using guns on shore, a canvas muzzle-bag, a soft wad, or a light stopper of wood, suggest themselves as means of security during the interval between loading and firing the gun. The cover or stopper might be removed, or left to be blown away at each discharge. The longer the interval above alluded to, and the higher the elevation at which the gun is kept, the more important and necessary are these precautions. 396. Much care is taken to give the projectiles uniformity of size; and if the powder is of suitable quality, those now supplied will almost invariably take the grooves. Should difficulty in this respect, however, be experienced, it may be remedied by separating the brass ring from the iron at three or four points of the circumference. This should be done with a cold chisel, very slightly, and so as not to interfere with the loading. It is only necessary to sever the contact of the two metals. 397. As the projectile slides in the gun with very little friction, particularly when greased, the gun should therefore be elevated and eased out when firing to leeward, that the shot may not be started from its seat. An experiment to test this, showed that running a 100-pounder out with the force of its crew against the forward hurter, the gun being level, started the shot forward nearly two feet. Placing a grommet or other wad over elongated projectiles is positively prohibited. 398. The 100-pounder and 60-pounder guns being, respectively, of the calibres of the 32-pounder and 18-pounder spherical shot, and fired with the same charges, these shot may be fired from them with excellent effect, particularly on ricochet. The round shot should be sewed up in canvas or felt, strapped to a sabot, or snaked between two grommet-wads. 399. Both percussion and time fuzes are supplied for these rifle-guns. When the object to be fired at presents a sufficient resistance, such as masses of timber or earth, ships, or solidly-built houses, the percussion-fuzes alone should be used from rifled cannon. They will, however, frequently fail to explode the shell at long ranges, owing to the shell not striking on its apex; or, if fired into loose earth, which checks its momentum too slowly to make the plunger strike with sufficient force. 400. It has been observed that time-fuzes burn with greater rapidity in shell thrown from rifled cannon. Being in front, they are subjected to greater pressure from the air. A similar effect is produced when the fuze is confined under a water-cap, as in the naval time-fuze. 401. The fuze-holes of the heavy shells are cast larger than the diameter of the regular fuze-stocks of the navy, which can, however, be used with the aid of a bouching or an adapting ring, always sent with the shells. This bouching has heretofore been made of cast zinc. Others with a flange and washer and the thread cut are now supplied, and the use of the old rings is prohibited. 402. If it be desired to explode the shell in front of or in the midst of a body of troops, or after having penetrated some resisting obstacle, the time-fuze should be used. This is the only fuze to be used with shrapnel. 403. The Vent is made in a bouching of pure copper screwed into the gun. In the largest calibres the interior orifice is lined with platinum. The upper portion of the copper in naval guns is replaced by steel, to obtain a harder surface for receiving the blow of the hammer. The steel is three-fourths (3/4) of an inch thick. A new vent can be readily put in, after getting out the old one, without injury to the screw-thread. This can be done by boring out the bouching with a drill, which leaves a thin shell containing the thread. Into the hole thus made insert a square mandrel about four inches, driving it lightly; by wrenching it, a portion of the shell of the bouching can be detached and removed by unscrewing. This may be repeated, and the whole of the old copper removed. The screw-thread is then to be cleaned out, and the new vent-plug screwed in. 404. SIGHTS.--These consist of a fixed sight upon the right rimbase, and a brass movable sight placed in a socket which is screwed into the rear of the reinforce at the breech of the gun. The movable sight is furnished with a sliding eye-piece, and is graduated up to 10°. The eye-piece is also capable of lateral adjustment to allow for the drift as far as 10°, and for the effect of the wind. It is desirable that the sights should be placed on both sides of the breech; otherwise, in firing from a port at extreme train, there is a considerable loss of lateral aim. Furthermore, with the sight on the right rimbase, it is not convenient for the 2d Captain to attend the screw without interfering with the aim. 405. These guns are all rifled to the right, by which it is understood that the upper surface of the projectile is made to turn from left to right, the observer looking from the breech towards the muzzle of the gun. 406. DRIFT.--This is a deviation caused by the direction of the rifling, is always to the right when uninfluenced by the wind, and is to be allowed for. 407. The drift is in practice confounded with the deviation produced by the direction and force of the wind, which may either annul or increase it, according to whether it blows from right or left across the line of fire. At long range it is also necessary to consider the motion of the vessel across the line of fire. Suppose this to be at the rate of six knots, and the gun is elevated 15°, the time of flight would be by the Tables, 18 sec., while the deviation arising from this cause would be upwards of 60 yards. It is therefore of great importance that the Captain of the gun shall be carefully instructed in making this adjustment of the eye-piece. 408. ELEVATING SCREW.--To obtain readily the changes of elevation necessary in the use of rifled cannon, the heavier calibres are made with very small preponderance, and are supplied with an elevating screw which is attached to the carriage at the lower end, while the nut is connected with the cascabel of the gun. Both screw and nut admit of movements by which the screw can take any position required in the various degrees of elevation. The parts should be allowed a certain amount of play; if binding is prevented, it is believed that the evident advantages of the screw may always be obtained. 409. RANGES AND TIME OF FLIGHT.--So far as ascertained, are contained in Table VII., Appendix B. 410. PRECAUTIONS TO BE OBSERVED.--In the use of these rifled cannon, it is of the utmost importance that all the directions relative to the lubrication of the shell, its being close home, charge and kind of powder used, and lining of the shells, shall be carefully observed. Many premature explosions of shells having taken place in these guns, which are attributed to various causes, such as,--defects of metal, porosity, faulty fuzes, concussion and friction of the powder within the shell,--it is ordered that, on the occurrence of a premature explosion or rupture of a shell within the gun, it shall be immediately washed out and a careful examination made of the interior of the bore, by the mirror and by taking impressions in wax (_see_ Mode of Taking Impressions, p. 16, Part III.), and all the circumstances of the case reported to the Bureau, specifying the kind and calibre of the shells, kind of fuzes, the charge and kind of powder, with its manufacturer's name: and, Were the shells filled completely, and with what kind of powder? Were the shells coated inside with any kind of composition? Are any cracks or marks of scoring visible in the bores? In rifled cannon, cracks or injuries produced by firing, or the rupture of shells, are to be sought for--thus, 1. Around and in rear of the vent-bouching. 2. On the top of the bore, between the trunnions and reinforce-band. 3. On the lower side of the bore, near the seat of the shot, at the junction of the lands and grooves. 4. Near the inside of the muzzle, caused by explosion of shells. Although shells have been frequently ruptured in the guns without leaving any visible traces of injury, yet they may be developed after a certain number of rounds. Thus, in proving a gun at West Point, a shell exploded in the gun at the second fire: on examination, no traces of injury could be perceived; but, on a re-examination of the gun after the tenth fire, a fine transverse crack was discovered in the rear of the vent, extending two-thirds round the bore. It is therefore important that frequent examinations shall be made, even if no apparent injuries exist, as it is the opinion of the inventor of the guns that the principal, if not the only cause of failure of these guns in service, is due to the rupture of shells within the bore. Experiments have been made, and are still in progress, which appear to show that these premature explosions may be to a great extent obviated, if not altogether prevented, by lining or coating the rough surface of the interior of the shell with a smooth and elastic coating. All rifle-shells, except those for howitzers, before being issued for service, shall therefore be lined or coated on the interior with a mixture composed of-- 16 ounces of soap--common yellow, not salt-water soap. 7 ounces of tallow. 7 ounces of rosin. The tallow should be melted first, then melt and add the rosin, and, lastly, the soap, bringing the mass to a heat that will make it _very_ fluid. The shells having been first thoroughly cleaned, fill them about one-third full of the composition, roll them slowly so as to spread the mixture over the whole interior surface, and then pour off the residue. This coating should be about five-hundredths (0.05) of an inch in thickness, and is expected, from a series of experiments made for the purpose, to prevent the premature explosion of shells in the bores of rifled guns. The Bureau further directs that hereafter the charge of the 100-pounder, or 6.4 inch, Parrott rifle, shall be reduced to eight (8) pounds of rifle, or No. 7 powder, and that only the short shell or solid shot, not exceeding eighty (80) pounds weight, and spherical projectiles, prepared as directed in the Circulars of February 24th and July 6th, 1864, be used in this gun. 411. EXTERIOR DIMENSIONS OF BOXES CONTAINING PARROTT'S PROJECTILES. --------------------------------+---------+---------+--------- | LONG. | WIDE. | HIGH. --------------------------------+---------+---------+--------- | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 100-pounder, short 1 | 18-3/4 | 8-3/4 | 8-3/4 60-pounder, | | | 30-pounder, containing 10 | 25-1/4 | 11 | 15-3/4 20-pounder, containing 10 | 25-1/4 | 10-1/2 | 13 --------------------------------+---------+---------+--------- 412. HOTCHKISS'S PROJECTILE FOR 20-POUNDER AND 12-POUNDER HOWITZER. --------------------------------+---------+---------+--------- 20-pounder, containing 5 | 24 | 12 | 6-1/2 12-pounder, containing 10 | 20 | 9 | 9 --------------------------------+---------+---------+--------- 413. SCHENKL'S PROJECTILE FOR 20-POUNDER AND 12-POUNDER HOWITZER. --------------------------------+---------+---------+--------- 20-pounder, containing 5 | 24 | 14 | 7 12-pounder, containing 10 | 22-1/4 | 9-1/2 | 11-1/2 --------------------------------+---------+---------+--------- 414. J.A.D. PROJECTILE FOR 20-POUNDER AND 12-POUNDER HOWITZER. --------------------------------+---------+---------+--------- 20-pounder, containing 3 | 15 | 12-1/4 | 7 12-pounder, containing 5 | 19 | 10-1/4 | 6 --------------------------------+---------+---------+--------- FOOTNOTES: [41] Owing to the recent accidents which have taken place with these guns, the 150-pounder has been withdrawn from service, and the charge of the 100-pounder provisionally reduced to eight (8) lbs. of Rifle powder, and the short shell of eighty (80) lbs. only is to be used. [42] The Schenkl, Hotchkiss, and some other projectiles, have a small quantity of grease attached. CHAPTER VI. MONITORS. The diagram represents the interior arrangement of the turret of the Monitors for the long and short XV-inch guns. 415. NOMENCLATURE. A. Ammunition-scuttle. B. Starting-bar for revolving turret and training gun. C. Shaft on which turret revolves. D. Travelling-bar on which moves the shell-whip. E. Position of Engineer stationed at bar to revolve turret and train guns. F. Compressor-wheel to check recoil, hove taut before firing. G. Crank for running gun in and out. H. Smoke-box of XV-inch (_Passaic_ class). O. Officer at sight-hole. P. Port-hole. R. Port-stopper. S. Sight-hole. 416. In the _Passaic_ class the ports for the XV-in. gun are only of sufficient dimensions to allow the passage of the shot at such elevations and depressions as were judged necessary: the gun being fired entirely within the turret. In order to protect the crew of the gun from the blast of the explosion, the smoke-box was devised, which to a certain extent accomplished the desired object, but at the expense of rapidity of loading. 417. In designing the _Tecumseh_ class it was decided to enlarge the port, so as to allow the face of the muzzle to run out flush with the exterior of the turret. The gun was therefore lengthened sixteen (16) inches, and the muzzle turned down to the minimum size. 418. The contracted space within the turret rendered it necessary to introduce additional mechanical aids in lieu of manual labor in running out, loading, and checking the recoil. [Illustration: MONITOR TURRET. D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] 419. The exercise therefore conforms to the established exercise for great guns only as far as circumstances will admit. The gun is supposed to be run in, and not loaded. 420. WORDS OF COMMAND. I. "PROVIDE THE GUN!" II. "SERVE VENT AND SPONGE!" III. "LOAD!" IV. "PRIME!" V. "ELEVATE!" (OR DEPRESS). VI. "RUN OUT!" VII. "TRAIN!" VIII. "READY--FIRE!" IX. "RUN IN!" X. "SECURE!" MANUAL EXERCISE. (RIGHT GUN.) II. "SERVE VENT AND SPONGE!" 421. Gun Captain serves, then stops the Vent. No. 3 passes to left of muzzle. No. 4 receives the moist Sponge-head from 6, and, assisted by 3, enters it in the Bore and forces it down as far as the first section. No. 6 passes the successive sections of the staff to 4 as needed, and receives them from him as the sponge is withdrawn. After the sponge is withdrawn, Captain serves the Vent with his priming-wire, and again closes it. III. "LOAD!" 422. No. 4 receives Cartridge from 5, to whom the box has been passed by 13, assisted by 3, enters it in the Bore; receives Rammer-head and successive sections from 6, and, assisted by 3, rams home. Nos. 3 and 4 fall back from the muzzle. Gun Captain serves the Vent to feel if the Charge is home. Nos. 3 and 4 return the rammer. Nos. 7 and 8, 11 and 12 whip up Shot (or shell), as has been previously ordered. Nos. 11 and 12 choke luff of whip. Nos. 7 and 8 run shot (or shell) to the muzzle. No. 5, assisted, if necessary, by No. 6, bears over, when 3 and 4 enter and ram home by sections. No. 4 removes Patches and passes them to 7, who hands them to Gun Captain. IV. "PRIME!" 423. Gun Captain again makes sure that the Vent is clear. No. 2 primes with priming-powder from a flask or a blank musket-cartridge. V. "ELEVATE!" (OR DEPRESS). (Always done before running out.) 424. No. 2 handles lever of Elevating screw under the direction of the Officer of the piece, who sets the trunnion-sight at the proper degree of elevation and clamps it there. When the bubble of the trunnion-level is in the centre,--"Well." Nos. 3 and 4 lift the muzzle by a section of the rammer-handle; the preponderance not being sufficient to overcome the friction of the trunnions in the cap-squares. No. 3 passes to the right of the muzzle. VI. "RUN OUT!" 425. Nos. 7, 8, 11, and 12 man Truck-crank to run out. Nos. 9 and 10 ease compressor. Nos. 3, 4, 5, and 6 man port-tackle: as muzzle approaches port-stopper, "Open Port!" As soon as the gun is out, Nos. 11 and 12 unship truck-crank and place it clear of gun-slide. No. 9 to Compressor-wheel, which he heaves hand taut. No 10 ships ratchet-levers and heaves well taut.[43] Gun Captain inserts percussion-primer. VII. "TRAIN RIGHT!" (OR LEFT). 426. The officer of the gun sights through sight-hole, and orders "Right!" or "Left!" as the muzzle is to go. The Engineer at the starting-bar revolves the turret. No. 1 to lock-string; when the object comes in view, Officer of piece gives order. VIII. "READY--FIRE!" 427. Gun Captain pulls lock-string. No. 3 lets go port-tackle. No. 5 closes port. Engineer revolves the turret so as to point the gun abeam. (This gets the scuttle clear for passing up ammunition.) [Illustration: TRUNNION LEDGE AND LEVEL FOR XV INCH GUN. D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] _If necessary,_ Nos. 11 and 12 ship crank, and, with 7 and 8, run the gun in; Nos. 9 and 10 easing compressor. No. 10 ships ratchet-lever to ease compressor, No. 9 easing it further by hand. The gun is now ready for loading, and the exercise proceeds as before. 428. The exercise of the left gun is in all respects the same, except that Nos. 3 and 4 exchange duties. 429. The crew of the XV-in. gun consists ordinarily of 14 men, but the gun may be readily worked by 8 men; indeed, some officers prefer the smaller number as being equally efficient, giving more room in the turret, and affording the very great advantage of relief crews during a protracted engagement. The same remarks apply to the XI-in. gun. WORKING XV-IN. BY HALF-CREW. "SERVE VENT AND SPONGE!" 430. No. 1 stops vent. 3 passes to left of muzzle. 5 passes sponge-head and sections as required to 3, and assists in sponging. "LOAD!" 431. No. 13 receives passing-box at scuttle and holds it to 5. 5 receives cartridge from 13, enters it in muzzle, passes rammer-head and sections, and, assisted by 3, rams home. Gun Captain serves the vent, 3 and 5 falling back. Nos. 9, 11, 13, and 15 whip up shell and attend it to muzzle. Nos. 5 and 3 steady shell and enter it in muzzle. No. 5 removes patch, passes it to 7, who hands it to 1. Nos. 5 and 3 ram home by sections as before. "ELEVATE!" 432. Nos. 3 and 5 raise muzzle by section of rammer. No. 1 tends elevating screw. "PRIME!" 433. No. 1 serves vent and primes with powder. "RUN OUT!" 434. Nos. 7, 11, and 15 man crank. No. 9 eases compressor. Nos. 3, 5, and 13 open port. _When out,_ No. 1, Gun Captain, inserts percussion-primer. No. 11 unships crank. No. 9 heaves compressor hand taut. No. 15 ships lever and heaves well taut. The gun is trained as before. "FIRE!" 435. Nos. 3 and 5 close port. Nos. 7, 11, and 15 man crank, and 9 eases compressor. The above is given for the 1st part of gun's crew; for 2d part substitute next high numbers in each station. SHELL AND POWDER DIVISION. 436. To the Shell and Powder Division is assigned the most laborious and difficult of all the duties--that of keeping up a supply of projectiles. 437. It is therefore necessary to have it strongly manned, and a system of frequent reliefs for all the important stations, particularly in the magazine and shell-locker. 438. There are required three gangs of four each for the passage of projectiles: one to whip them out of the hold, or shell-room; a second to pass them to the door of the turret-chamber; and a third to pass them to the scuttle and adjust them in the bearer. When working with half-crews, the third gang assists at the shell-whip, the fall being dropped down to them. 439. The XV-in. passing-box requires two men to carry it to the turret-chamber. 440. The allowance of projectiles can only be determined by the character of the service expected, and the stowage capacity of the vessel, which is limited to about 150 rounds per gun for sea-service. 441. By reason of the contracted space in these vessels, all shell should be filled, and all powder must be made up into cartridges. 442. All XV-in. shell shall be fitted with three fuze-holes, and issued for service fuzed with 3-1/2, 5, and 7 seconds fuzes. 443. When the distance of the object is known to be less than the range of the shortest fuze, and time will admit of doing so, uncap all the fuzes. At other times uncap the fuze suited to the distance, and the one of longest time of burning. [Illustration: NOMENCLATURE OF 13 INCH MORTAR. CARRIAGE AND CIRCLE. D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] FOOTNOTES: [43] The compressor-shaft should be marked as a guide to No. 1 to know when compressed sufficiently. CHAPTER VII. MORTARS. 444. TITLES OF MORTAR CREW. (See Diagram 1.) No. 1. First Captain. No. 2. Second Captain. No. 3. First Loader and Trainer. No. 4. First Sponger and Trainer. No. 5. Second Loader, Front Eccentric Trainer. No. 6. Second Sponger, Front Eccentric Trainer. No. 7. Left Circle Eccentric Trainer and Shell-carrier. No. 8. Right Circle Eccentric Trainer and Shell-carrier. No. 9. Left Circle Eccentric Trainer and Shell-hoister. No. 10. Right Circle Eccentric Trainer and Shell-hoister. No. 11. Rear Circle Eccentric Trainer and Shell-hoister. No. 12. Rear Circle Eccentric Trainer and Shell-hoister. No. 13. Powder-man. During exercise or action, Nos. 9, 10, 11, and 12, in addition to their other duties, will hoist up shell from below. 445. IMPLEMENTS AND EQUIPMENTS. -----------------+--------------------------------------------------------- ARTICLES. | WHERE THEY ARE PLACED. -----------------+--------------------------------------------------------- Handspikes. | Two on each side of the bed against the cheeks, leaning | upon the manoeuvring-bolts, the ends towards the | vessel's sides, and those of the front handspikes even | with the front of the cheeks. | Haversack. | Containing fuzes, and a pair of sleeves, attached to | the tompion. | Tube-pouch. | Containing the priming-wire, friction-tubes, and | lanyard, attached to the tompion, and lying on the | mortar. | Gunner's Pouch. | Containing gunner's level, gimlet, vent-punch and | chalk, attached to tompion. | Quadrant. |} Plummet. |} Scraper. |} In a basket between the cheeks of the mortar-bed. Wiper. |} Shell-hooks. |} | Tompion. | In the muzzle. | Quoin. | Under the mortar upon the bolster, with handle to | the left. | Maul. |} Wrench. |} With the basket. Pincers. |} Broom. |} -----------------+------------------------------------------------------- Directly over each mortar must be rigged a gun-tackle purchase-whip, with seven-inch block, to whip up and lower the bomb into the mortar. One empty bomb and one empty cartridge-bag must be ready for drill. [Illustration: SILENCE [Diagram 1.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] MANUAL EXERCISE. XIII-IN. MORTAR. 446. WORDS OF COMMAND. I. "SILENCE!" II. "CAST LOOSE AND PROVIDE!" III. "TRAIN!" (RIGHT OR LEFT). IV. "SERVE VENT AND SPONGE!" V. "LOAD!" VI. "ELEVATE!" VII. "PRIME!" VIII. "READY--FIRE!" IX. "MORTAR FRONT!" X. "SECURE!" The exercise commences with the supposition that the Mortar is secured fore and aft, but not loaded. I. "SILENCE!" (Diagram 1.) 447. At this preparatory order the strictest silence is to be observed. The Captain faces the breech, the men on the right and left stand facing the mortar; all fix their eyes on the Captain, and attentively wait for orders. II. "CAST LOOSE AND PROVIDE!" (Diagram 2.) 448. 1st Captain commands; sees his mortar cleared and cast loose; canvas covers taken off; Eccentric Bars in their place; Train-Tackles overhauled and placed fore and aft on deck; Shell-whip hooked into mast-head span; small shell-hooks moused on lower block of shell-whip; Shell-tongs ready for use; Grommet for resting shell on deck at hand; basket of implements on deck to the rear of mortar; Tompion taken out and placed to the rear; sees that there is a Gunner's Quadrant and plumb-line in the basket; a boring-bit between beckets; a breeching and tackle, if it should be wanted; buckles on his waist-belt, furnished with a primer-box; equips himself with a priming-wire and lanyard; places elevating lever on the right side of mortar ready for use. 2d Captain gets basket of implements and spirit-level from the Gunner; places basket on deck to the rear of the mortar; screws spirit-level to trunnion, and adjusts it to an angle of 45° with the axis of the bore. No. 3, First Loader, removes mortar-cover; takes out tompion and places it to the rear of mortar-circle, out of the way; provides grommet for resting shell on deck; gets scrapers and spatulas out of basket. No. 4, First Sponger, assists in removing mortar-cover; gets his sleeves out of basket and puts them on; provides an empty cartridge-bag for wiping shell. Nos. 5 and 6, Second Loader and Second Sponger, hook shell-whip into mast-head span, and bring it perpendicular over the bore; mouse small shell-hooks on to lower block; get breechings and tackles ready for hooking; ship front eccentric bars. Nos. 7 and 8, Shell-carriers, get shell-tongs for carrying shell; assist in shipping eccentric bars on their respective sides of circle. Nos. 9 and 11 overhaul left train-tackle to its full length, and place it on deck fore and aft, near the ship's side; ship left circle eccentric bar, and place lever for carriage-eccentric on the circle, butt to the front, and close to the side of carriage. Nos. 10 and 12 execute the same duties on the right side of the mortar. Nos. 11 and 12 also ship rear eccentrics. Nos. 9, 10, 11, 12, hook tackles for hoisting shell from below. No. 13, Powder-man, repairs to the proper scuttle for his passing-box, returns, and stands a little to the left and in rear of the circle. III. "TRAIN!" (RIGHT OR LEFT). (Diagram 3.) 449. Nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12, throw circle eccentric into gear, and pin eccentric bars down. Nos. 5 and 6 then hook double blocks of train-tackles into circle on their respective sides. All the crew, except Nos. 1 and 2, will bowse on train-tackles, until the mortar is in the desired direction, when the order "Well!" will be given by No. 2, who attends spirit-level and trunnion-sight. At the command "Well!" Nos. 5 and 6, 11 and 12 will unhook their respective blocks and lay the train-tackle fore and aft on deck, near the ship's side; Nos. 5 and 6, 7 and 9, 8 and 10, 11 and 12, throw the circle eccentrics out of gear. IV. "SERVE VENT AND SPONGE!" 450. 1st Captain inserts his priming-wire and clears the vent. No. 3 scrapes the chamber and bore, removes scrapings with the spoon. No. 4 takes the empty cartridge-bag and wipes out the mortar, then uses the sponge to thoroughly cleanse the chamber and bore; as soon as this operation is performed, the Captain again serves the vent. Should there be any fire or dirt pushed down, the sponging will be repeated. [Illustration: TRAIN. [Diagram 2.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] [Illustration: RIGHT OR LEFT [Diagram 3.] D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] V. "LOAD!" 451. The Powder-man, No. 13, goes to the scuttle for a cartridge, and brings it to No. 3 (always passing on the side not engaged), who empties it carefully into the chamber, keeping the cartridge-bag in his hand, to be used in wiping the shell before it is lowered into the bore. No. 4 takes spatulas, levels off the powder, and calls out "Shell!" which is brought to the front of the mortar by Nos. 7 and 8, Shell-carriers, and landed in the grommet, which has been put in its proper place by No. 5. Nos. 5 and 6 hook shell on and whip it up; when high enough, No. 3 calls out, "High!" wipes it clean with empty cartridge-bag, and, assisted by No. 4, steadies it over the bore; it is then lowered carefully upon the charge, keeping the fuze exactly in the axis of the bore. No. 4 then removes the paper covering and exposes the priming of the fuze, handing the covering to No. 2, as an evidence that it has been removed. After an exercise or an action, these paper coverings will be compared with the account kept by the Officer having charge of the Powder Division. Nos. 3 and 4 now step down on deck, ready to assist in training, should any be required. VI. "ELEVATE!" 452. The 2d Captain, having adjusted the trunnion-sight[44] to a given angle with the axis of the bore (usually 45°), orders "Raise" or "Lower;" and at the same time the 1st Captain inserts the elevating lever through elevating loop, on to ratchet, and raises or lowers according to direction from 2d Captain, who will give the word "Well!" when the mortar has its proper elevation. VII. "PRIME!" 453. 1st Captain inserts his priming-wire to ascertain that the vent is clear; takes a friction-primer, raises the loop nearly in line with the spur, hooks it on his lanyard and inserts the primer into the vent, being careful that the lanyard has been led through the loop at the rear of mortar-carriage for that purpose; then retires to the rear of mortar to the full length of the lanyard, and gives the word. Officer in charge takes station to watch the effect of the bomb, which shall be recorded in a suitably ruled note-book. VIII. "READY--FIRE!" 454. At the word "Fire!" the Captain pulls the lanyard with a quick draw: there should be a pause of about two seconds between the words "Ready" and "Fire," in order to allow every one time to retire to the rear.[45] IX. "MORTAR--FRONT!" 455. Nos. 1 and 5, on the left side, Nos. 2 and 6, on the right side, step on the circle; take carriage eccentric levers and throw eccentrics into gear; withdraw the lever from the sockets, and insert them into holes in the wheel, and heave the mortar-carriage up against the front hurter; throw eccentric out of gear; place levers on the circle close to Brackets, butts forward, and retire to their stations. X. "SECURE!" (Diagram 1.) 456. Train fore and aft, face of mortar forward, throw circle out of gear; 1st Captain stops vent; 2d Captain unscrews spirit-level. Nos. 3 and 4 put in tompion, put on mortar-cover, put scrapers, spoons, sleeves, and empty cartridge-bags into basket. Nos. 5 and 6 unhook shell-whip and coil it up on the lower step of carriage; put small shell-hooks into basket; put grommet between brackets of carriage; coil up breeching-tackle, and put it on the lower step of carriage; secure the mast-head span to the rigging; unship front circle eccentric. Nos. 7 and 9 coil left train-tackle on the circle, left side of carriage, unship left circle eccentric bar. Nos. 8 and 10 coil right train-tackle on the circle, right side of carriage, unship right circle eccentric bar. Nos. 11 and 12 coil shell-tackle on the circle in rear of carriage; unship rear circle eccentric bar. Eccentric bars to be placed on the circle in the following manner: left and front bars, on left side of brackets; right and rear bars on the right side of brackets. Nos. 7 and 8 put shell-tongs on circle to the rear of carriage. 1st Captain puts his lanyard and priming-wire into the basket, which, together with the spirit-level, is carried to the Gunner by 2d Captain; the crew then resume their stations as at "SILENCE." MAGAZINE AND SHELL-ROOM. 457. Vessels specially constructed for mortar purposes have regularly-built shell-rooms, while others, fitted for temporary service, have merely spaces set apart, which should be protected by screens fitting tightly to the beams and deck, with tubs of water always at hand during practice, and likewise wet swabs laid to cut off trains of powder. 458. Before the vessels leave port, every thing must be arranged in the magazines for the rapid and safe transmission of ammunition to the mortars, and any deficiencies should be promptly reported to the Officer commanding the division, and by him to the Officer in charge of ordnance. 459. The Officer in command of each vessel is to be present at the embarkation of the ordnance, to stow and check the lists. 460. All the implements accompanying the mortars are to be kept in lockers used solely for that purpose, and under the charge of the Gunner or his mate. 461. The full service-charges for the mortars will be sent on board ready filled in white cotton bags, and their transmission from the magazines will be in leather passing-boxes. 462. The powder is to be emptied into the mortar, the bag well shaken and beaten over the lee-side to remove dust and fine grains of powder, and the bag placed in the rear to wipe out the mortar-chamber after every round. None of these bags should be returned to the magazine during the action, as the loose powder would be likely to form trains. 463. Large tubs of water are to be kept near the magazines, with buckets at hand to drown the cartridges, or to extinguish fire; and every precaution taken to cut off trains of powder with wet swabs. 464. The forward part of the vessel above decks will be used as the most convenient place for cutting or preparing fuzes, and a heavy screen, spread tent-fashion, should be rigged to protect the fuzes from fire from the mortars, or rain. In filling shells, the Gunner and two assistants will be detailed for this purpose, besides the men stationed to pass powder from the magazines. All fire and lights must be put out when the magazine is opened for action. 465. In firing against the wind, the flame is thrown back in-board; therefore care should be taken beforehand to wet the sides, decks, and rigging of the vessel; the sails covered with tarpaulins; and men stationed with buckets to put out fire. 466. One hundred bombs are at all times to be kept ready filled in the shell-room. A vessel properly organized ought to throw at least 20 bombs an hour; but should circumstances prevent, the mortar may be properly served if even one bomb can be filled before the previous one is fired. 467. A beech plug must be temporarily put in the fuze-hole of the bomb when filled; and the men who fill cartridges and charge the bombs are to wear flannel sleeves and magazine-shoes. 468. When ranges are desired to be obtained by reduced charges, the measuring and filling of the cartridges must always be done in the magazine, no matter how inconvenient it may be; and the utmost exactness is to be observed in filling the powder-measures and levelling off the top, as an ounce of powder makes an important variation in the range of the bomb. 469. Extra cotton bags are to be provided to receive the reduced charges, which are to be stowed in half barrels. 470. Every precaution that suggests itself to the officers in command to prevent accidents, should immediately be put in force, and a memorandum of the matter transmitted to the Ordnance Officer of the squadron. GENERAL RULES AND OBSERVATIONS. 471. To estimate the distance by the bursting of a bomb, where the flash can be seen, multiply the number of seconds which elapse between it and the sound of the report by 1,100, and the product will be nearly the distance in feet. 472. The officer in charge of a mortar must always note the time of flight and distance, by the above rule, for every bomb that is fired, and likewise note when the report is not heard from the bursting charge. 473. When going into action for a bombardment, the fore-rigging must be come up on the side where the mortar is to be used, the fore-topmast sent down, foresail unbent, boom and gaff laid on deck, rigging lashed in close to the mast, head-sails to be thoroughly wetted, spring on the cable, boats lowered from the side davits, and all the hatches covered with tarpaulins. 474. The broadside-guns must be kept ready for action, and muskets loaded and at hand, in case the squadron should be attacked by the enemy's gunboats. 475. Besides bombs, various other projectiles are fired from mortars, such as carcasses, which are shells having three holes of similar dimensions to the fuze-hole, pierced at equal distances apart in the upper hemisphere, with their exterior openings touching the great circle which is perpendicular to the axis of the bore. 476. These carcasses are placed in the mortar in the same manner as the bomb, and are filled with inflammable mixtures, and should be transported in a vessel by themselves, as they are dangerous companions. Thirteen-inch carcasses weigh 194 pounds each. 477. Bombs are sometimes fired with a port fire stuck into the fuze-hole, which is an almost certain mode of igniting many kinds of buildings. 478. Mortars can also be fired with a bag of one-pound balls, or ordinary grape-shot, with very reduced charges, and a wad between the powder and the balls. One pound of powder will project a 200-lb. bomb 302 yards; the same weight of grape-shot thrown in among boats would prove destructive; and especially a lot of canister fired in this manner would cause great havoc. 479. It is not expected, however, that much execution could be done after the first discharge in a fleet of boats moving rapidly; but combined with the batteries of the Squadron, it is presumed that an enemy would be deterred from an attempt to capture a vessel by boarding. TAKING THE DISTANCE. 480. An inexperienced officer will find difficulty in estimating distances by the eye alone, as it requires long practice and studied observation. The sextant, however, offers a surer method of approximately fixing a position by taking the angles between any three points, which are generally found to be accurately laid down on the Coast Survey charts; then plotting the angles with a horn protractor, or working them out by the three-point problem, which is given in all surveying books. 481. If the object to be assaulted is a large one, a practical man can, by the exercise of moderate judgment after two or three fires, throw the bombs near the work; but, at the same time, the sextant is the more certain means for determining the true distance, and the Officer in command should make himself acquainted with the simple manner of measuring horizontal angles. 482. If points are not visible in line, then measure a base on shore, angle on the object to be aimed at, and from the angles of the base-line, you can fix the position of the mortar-vessel. 483. When a vessel once gets her position accurately determined, and it becomes necessary after a bombardment to remove out of the line of battle, a small buoy with the vessel's name or number should be dropped under foot, so that the same position may, if necessary, be resumed. LOADING MORTARS. 484. After the powder has been emptied through the funnel out of the cotton bag into the chamber, the bomb, loaded and fuzed, is to be carefully lowered into the bore by the hooks, and allowed to rest upon the charge. 485. The friction-tube is not put into the vent until the piece is about to be fired. FUZES. 486. The wooden fuzes used at present for the 13-inch bombs are in sections, and marked according to the estimated distance in practice, viz.: Seven inches extreme length; and each section one inch, giving a flight for every section of seven seconds, and a total of forty-nine seconds. 487. The plugs are of the proper size for the fuze-hole; the axis bored cylindrically from the large end down, to within a short distance of the small end, which is left solid; the orifice is filled with composition pressed hard and evenly as possible. At the large end a cup is hollowed out and filled with mealed powder moistened with alcohol. 488. The rate of burning is ascertained by experiment, and marked on a water-proof cap, which is tied over the cup. 489. A fuze-saw must be at hand during practice to cut the fuze the required length. 490. Fuzes for sea-coast mortars are also driven in a conical paper case, which is inserted in a metal or wooden plug previously driven in the fuze-hole and accurately reamed out. 491. The paper-case fuze is marked with the number of seconds it burns per inch, and it may be cut, where no danger from ignition can take place, with a sharp knife. PROCESS OF FILLING BOMBS. 492. Having been inspected to see that they are clean and dry, place the bombs on a block made for the purpose, or on grommets of rope, or on the ground, with the eyes up. The charge, having been carefully measured, is then poured into the chamber through a funnel, while, at the same time, the fuze is cut to the proper length by resting it on a groove made in the block, and sawing it across. The fuze is then tried in the hole, and should enter 3/4ths of its length; if it does not, it must be reduced by rasping. 493. The head of the fuze having been covered with tow to prevent breaking the composition, the fuze-setter is placed on it, and the fuze driven with the mallet until the head is about 2/10ths of an inch above the surface of the bomb. POINTING MORTARS. 494. First give the elevation by applying the quadrant to the face of the piece, and adjusting the quoin or ratchet until the required number of degrees is obtained. 495. In pointing mortars on shore, it is an easy matter to get the direction, because the mortar is stationary; but on shipboard, owing to the motion, it is attended with difficulty, especially when the vessel is rolling and the line of fire can only be approximate. 496. On shore, the plan of giving the direction is to determine practically two fixed points, which shall be in a line with the piece and the object, and sufficiently near to be readily distinguished by the eye. These points being covered by a plummet, is the vertical plane including the line of metal, which becomes the plane of fire. 497. In mortar-vessels other expedients are resorted to, such as trunnion-sights, or a white line painted on the mortar-bed parallel to the axis of the bore when level; but the first plan is preferable. 498. The circles on which the mortars stand being fitted with eccentrics, are made to revolve so as to point the mortar at the object without the trouble of swinging the vessel or moving the mortar round with handspikes. 499. Before firing, care must be taken that the eccentrics are thrown out of gear, and the circle flat upon the platform on which it revolves. TABLES OF CHARGES, ELEVATIONS, AND RANGES FOR 13-INCH MORTARS. 500. CHARGES FOR 13-INCH MORTAR-BOMBS. ---------------------------------------------+-------------+ Charge. | 13-Inch. | ---------------------------------------------+-------------+ | lbs. oz. | Of shell filled | 11 0 | To burst shell | 6 0 | To blow out fuze | 0 6 | Ordinary service-charge | 7 0 | Incendiary, match, or other composition | 0 8 | ---------------------------------------------+-------------+ 501. RANGES WITH SEA-COAST 13-INCH MORTARS, 20° ELEVATION. -----------------------------------------------------------+ Charge. | Mean Time of | Least | Greatest | Mean | | Flight. | Range. | Range. | Range. | ---------+--------------+------------+----------+----------+ Lbs. | Seconds. | Yards. | Yards. | Yards. | 4 | 8. | 840 | 877 | 869 | 6 | 9.5 | 1209 | 1317 | 1263 | 8 | 11.66 | 1653 | 1840 | 1744 | 10 | 12.50 | 2010 | 2128 | 2066 | 12 | 14.25 | 2369 | 2688 | 2528 | 14 | 15.25 | 2664 | 2780 | 2722 | ---------+--------------+------------+----------+----------+ 502. RANGES WITH 13-INCH MORTARS, AT 45° ELEVATION. Weight of Shell, 200 lbs. +----------+----------+-----------------+--------+ | CHARGE. | FLIGHT. | FUZE. | RANGE. | +----------+----------+-----------------+--------+ | Lbs. oz. | Seconds. | Inches. 10ths. | Yards. | | 7 | 21.4 | 4 2-2/3 | 2190 | | 7 8 | 22.4 | 4 4 | 2346 | | 8 | 23.2 | 4 6 | 2480 | | 8 8 | 23.8 | 4 7-1/2 | 2600 | | 9 | 24.4 | 4 8-3/4 | 2734 | | 9 8 | 24.9 | 4 9-3/4 | 2853 | | 10 | 25.4 | 5 1 | 2958 | | 10 8 | 25.9 | 5 1-3/4 | 3026 | | 11 | 26.3 | 5 2-1/2 | 3150 | | 11 8 | 26.7 | 5 3-1/2 | 3246 | | 12 | 27.0 | 5 4 | 3327 | | 12 8 | 27.4 | 5 4-3/4 | 3404 | | 13 | 27.7 | 5 5-1/2 | 3470 | | 13 8 | 28.0 | 5 6 | 3552 | | 14 | 28.3 | 5 6-1/2 | 3617 | | 14 8 | 28.5 | 5 7 | 3681 | | 15 | 29.0 | 5 8 | 3739 | | 15 8 | 29.1 | 5 8-1/4 | 3797 | | 16 | 29.2 | 5 8-1/2 | 3849 | | 16 8 | 29.4 | 5 8-3/4 | 3901 | | 17 | 29.6 | 5 9 | 3949 | | 17 8 | 29.8 | 5 9-1/2 | 3997 | | 18 | 29.8 | 5 9-3/4 | 4040 | | 18 8 | 30.0 | 6 | 4085 | | 19 | 30.2 | 6 0-1/4 | 4123 | | 19 8 | 30.3 | 6 0-1/2 | 4160 | | 20 | 30.5 | 6 1 | 4200 | +----------+----------+-----------------+--------+ 503. TABLE OF ALLOWANCES. Subjoined is a list of articles which are indispensable for the service required, and must be kept in readiness at or near every mortar, in some secure position: Tube-boxes 4 Straps for boxes 4 Quill-tubes 400 Friction-tubes 600 Fuze-composition for priming 12 lbs. Powder-bags 250 Port-fires 100 Port fire-sticks 4 Rasps, half round 4 Cotton wick 4 lbs. Hand-hatchets 2 Sheep-skins 6 Diagonal scale 1 Compasses 2 Copper funnel, 13 in. 1 Wood mallets 2 Fuze-extractor 1 Iron pincers 2 Augurs 2 Cutting-knives 2 Scissors 2 Thread 1 lb. Brass quadrants 1 Sponges with staves, 13 in. 2 Handspikes 6 Claw-hammers 1 Lead plummets 3 Tallow 20 lbs. Shell-hooks, 13 in. 2 Shell-hooks, with thimbles 2 Cotton quick-match 6 Punches for mortar-vents 2 Corkscrews 2 Blocks for driving fuzes 2 Drifts of iron tapped with copper 4 Copper ladles for fuzes 2 Leather buckets 3 Elm plugs 60 Brass pickers 2 SPARE ARTICLES. Cap-squares Eye-pins Keys for pintles, large 2 Keys for pintles, small 2 Washers 2 Bolts, traversing 4 Bolts, dog 4 FOOTNOTES: [44] If the Spirit-Level should be damaged, he will apply the Gunner's Quadrant to the face of the mortar. [45] To lessen the shock of the discharge and the concussion on the ear, the crew should be instructed to stand on their toes at the moment of firing, keeping at the same time their mouths and ears open. CHAPTER VIII. MISCELLANEOUS OPERATIONS. GETTING IN GUNS ON COVERED DECKS. 504. After bracing the yard over the port through which it is intended to take the guns, secure the lizard round the yard five or six feet outside of the ship, and hook the top burtons just outside of the lizard. Haul taut, and bring an equal strain on the burtons and lifts. Hook a rolling-tackle on the opposite side of the yard, bowse it well taut, and the trusses also, if they be of rope. Pass the end of the pendant of the gun-purchase through the thimble of the lizard; take the end up and make it fast round the top-mast, just above the lower cap. Have the port lined with pine boards, to keep it from being chafed. Bore a hole in the deck or decks through which it is intended to pass the garnet, as nearly as possible over the rear end of the gun-carriage, and as near in line with the centre of the port into which the guns are to come as the beams will allow. Pass the upper end of the garnet through the hole, and turn in the thimble, to which hook the pendant-tackle. Place a tackle across the deck ready for bowsing the gun into its carriage through the port. Bring the gun under the yard and sling it as follows: place one bight of the slings under the neck of the cascabel, and pass the lashing which is attached to the slings round the chase, at such a distance from the trunnions as will allow them to go into the trunnion-holes without bringing too great a pressure of the slings against the upper port-sill. Then toggle or hook the gun-purchase to the outer bight of the slings, and sway away. When the breech of the gun is above the port-sill, hook the garnet and the thwart-ship-tackle to the cascabel, and bowse on both. When the slings bear hard on the upper port-sill, lower the gun-purchase, and bowse on the garnet until the breech is high enough for the trunnions to clear the cap-square bolts in the carriage; then bowse on the thwart-ship-tackle until the trunnions are over the trunnion-holes, lowering the purchase as required to bring the gun into its place. As each gun is mounted unhook the purchase and garnet, take off the slings, run the carriage to its proper port, and place another for the next gun. TAKING IN GUNS OVER ALL. 505. Sling the gun slightly breech-heavy, to render it more manageable. If it is to be mounted on the spar-deck, place the carriage in the gangway; if on the main-deck, close to the main hatchway on that deck. In place of the garnet, hook the stay-purchase for lowering the gun into its carriage. GETTING OUT GUNS THROUGH PORTS. 506. Secure the yard as in getting in guns, and sling the gun in the same manner. Hook the garnet and haul it taut, so as to raise the breech of the gun as much as the port-sill will permit; hook or toggle the gun-purchase, and sway away. As soon as the trunnions are clear of the carriage haul it from under the gun, ease away the garnet, and let the gun go out the port. As soon as the gun is perpendicular to the purchase, unhook the garnet and lower the gun into the lighter, or on the wharf, as the case may be. If the gun is to be taken out over all, the stay-tackle is to be substituted for the garnet, only it is to be hooked to the same end of the slings as the gun-purchase, and the lashing on the slings is to be passed around the chase of the gun, as near the trunnions as possible, without being in the way of the brackets. MANNER OF USING THE GRIOLET PURCHASE FOR DISMOUNTING OR MOUNTING GUNS ON COVERED DECKS. 507. In practice, guns are rarely shifted from one carriage to another during action: it is only during a cessation of firing. While the action is going on, the crew of a disabled gun are more usefully employed in replacing the killed and wounded. Furthermore, spare carriages are not so numerous as to permit this operation to be performed frequently. Nevertheless, each gun's crew should be thoroughly exercised, in order to develop their strength and skill. 508. The gun is to be run in, in the direction required to bring the muzzle under the housing-bolt, and the breech under the hole bored in the deck to receive the screw-bolt of the upper block of the breech-purchase. This hole should be bored through the plank in the deck, as nearly abreast the middle of the port as the beams will allow, giving the block room to play clear of the beams and carlings. With a gun's crew of twelve men the operation may be performed as follows: At the word "Stand by to dismount!" the Quarter-Gunner of the division on the deck above that in which the gun is to be dismounted removes the screw-tap, and stands ready to place the washer, key and un-key the bolt of the breech-purchase block. All the numbers, except 1, 2, 3, and 4, man the train-tackle. No. 1 gives the word "Run in!" While the gun is coming in, Nos. 1 and 2 remove breeching from jaws of cascabel, and 7 and 8 remove it from side-shackle. Nos. 1 and 2 throw its bight over the reinforce. No. 1 removes sight-bar and screws up the thumb-screw firmly. When the gun is in position--Nos. 1 and 2 adjust upper and lower block of breech-purchase and secure the latter with the cascabel-pin. Nos. 3 and 4 chock fore-trucks, provide muzzle-purchase, and, assisted if necessary by 5 and 6, adjust its upper block. Nos. 5 and 6 unshackle breeching from ship's side, and shove toggle-block of muzzle-purchase into the bore and back it to the breech-purchase. Nos. 7 and 8 un-key and throw back cap-squares and choke luffs of side-tackles, or, if rolling deeply, hitch them round the straps of the blocks. Nos. 9 and 10 provide breech-purchase and assist 1 and 2 in adjusting it. No. 11 chokes luff of train-tackle, or hitches it, if required; provides and hooks tackle of muzzle-purchase; belays and lowers. No. 12 provides and hooks tackle of breech-purchase; belays and lowers. These preparations made, all the numbers man the breech-tackle fall, or divide themselves to bowse upon both falls together, as the position of the gun in the battery may render either mode most convenient. At the word "Dismount!" the gun is swayed out of the carriage. Nos. 3 and 4 attend chocking-quoins, and 11 attends train-tackle, if required. All the numbers, excepting 11 and 12, who attend purchase-falls, move up to their ordinary stations for serving the gun, unhook side-tackles, and remove the old carriage, under the direction of No. 1: and-- At the word "Mount!" the same men bring the new carriage into position for mounting. At the word "Lower!" Nos. 11 and 12 lower the gun into its place; all the numbers then proceed, respectively, to reverse what they had done in dismounting. Guns on covered decks may also be dismounted by means of a muzzle-lashing, the runner and the train-tackles, assisted by the handspikes. The gun is run in and laid square under the housing-bolt, the bed and quoin removed, the muzzle elevated and secured as in the housing position; then, after un-keying and throwing back the cap-squares, the breech is bowsed up clear of the carriage by means of the train-tackle, hooked in the eye of a runner, the block of which hooks in an eye-bolt in the beam over the gun. If preferred, this mode of dismounting may be adopted by substituting the muzzle-lashing for the toggle-block of the griolet, and toggling the runner-block in the hole made in the deck for the breech-purchase of the griolet. THROWING GUNS OVERBOARD. 509. The gun's crew being assembled at Quarters, remove the pin and chock from the cascabel, into the jaws of which place a selvagee strap; hook the double block of the train-tackle into the housing-bolt over the port, and its single block into the selvagee strap; remove the cap-squares, and place a round block of wood on the sill of the port, high enough to let the chase bear on it when slightly depressed; raise the breech as much as possible, without lifting the gun out of the carriage. When all is ready man the train-tackle well; have the handspikemen also ready to assist in raising the breech; and if the vessel is not rolling, it will be well to have additional handspikes under the rear of the carriage to lift it also, so as to give free egress to the gun. When all is ready, give the order: "All together--launch!" In a gale of wind advantage should be taken of a favorable roll to give the word, that the action of the sea and of the men at the guns may be simultaneous. If the guns are to be thrown overboard for the purpose of lightening a ship which is aground, they must be buoyed, and care is to be taken that each buoy-rope is of a proper length and strong enough to weigh the gun. The best mode of securing the buoy-rope to the gun is to form a clinch or splice an eye in the end which goes over the cascabel, and take a half-hitch with the bight around the chase of the gun, and stop it with spun-yarn. The buoy must be sufficient to float the rope when saturated; or, in deep water, a smaller line may be used for the buoy, and attached to the rope intended for weighing the gun, that it may be hauled up when wanted. PART II. EQUIPMENT AND MANOEUVRE OF BOATS. EQUIPMENT AND MANOEUVRE OF BOATS. EQUIPMENT OF BOATS. WHEN DIRECTED TO BE MANNED AND ARMED FOR SERVICE. 1. Boats must be provided according to the time of absence and nature of the service they are to perform, keeping in view the details prescribed in Table (Article 5). The number and class of Boat-Howitzers are assigned by the Bureau of Ordnance. 2. When boats manned and armed are ordered, the Officers detailed to command them will see that they are thus furnished, and report when the boats are ready. They will also see that all articles are safely returned, or duly accounted for, when the boats return to the vessel. If the boats are directed to assemble alongside of any particular vessel, the officers must report as they arrive there. If signalled alongside of the ship of the Commander of the Squadron for exercise or for inspection, they are to be inspected, if he shall so direct, by an Officer appointed by him, whose duty it shall be to report those which may be particularly well prepared, and those which he may find deficient in equipment or arrangement, specifying particulars. 3. Whenever the Howitzers are to be used in boats they must be fitted for the purpose as directed in "EXERCISE AND MANOEUVRE OF BOAT-HOWITZERS;" their crews being armed with swords and revolvers. 4. Boarding-parties are to be supplied with swords, revolvers, and rifles loading at the breech, with filled cartridge-boxes. EQUIPMENT OF BOATS ARMED FOR SERVICE. 5.--TABLE OF BOAT EQUIPMENTS, ARMS, AND STORES FOR EXPEDITIONS KEY: A: LINE SHIPS AND 1ST CLASS SCREW FRIGATES. B: ALL OTHER FRIGATES. C: RAZEED FRIGATES AND 1ST CLASS SCREW SLOOPS. D: ALL OTHER SLOOPS AND BRIGS. E: LAUNCHES F: 1st and 2nd CUTTERS. G: 3rd and 4th CUTTERS. H: 1st CUTTERS. I: 2nd and 3rd CUTTERS. J: 3rd CUTTERS. ------------------------------------------+-----------+-----------------+ | | A | B | DEPARTMENTS.| NAMES OF +-----------+-----------------+ | ARTICLES. | E | F | G | E | F | G | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+---+---+---------+---+ |Boat-Carriage, complete |1ea|1ea|-- |1ea|1 to 1st |-- | |Field-Carriage, complete |-- |1ea|-- |1ea| -- |-- | | Ammunition-Chests |Either one or all, as the | | (various in size | nature of the service may | | & contents) | require. | | | | | Ammunition-Pouches |One for each man of the | | | field-howitzer's crew, | | | except Nos. 1 & 3. | | | | |Match-Rope (lengths)|1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Primers (tin-boxes)|2ea|2ea|-- |2ea|2 to 1st |-- | |Spare Lock, complete |1ea|1ea|-- |1ea| 1 ea. |-- | GUNNER'S. |Haversack for Captain | | | | | | | | of Howitzer |One for each field gun. | |Swords |One for each man in the boat.| | | | |Breech-Loading Arms |One for each man of the | | |boat's crew. | | | | |Minié-Rifles |When extra men in the boat, | | |one for each. | | | | |Revolvers |One for each man of the | | |boat's crew. | | | | |Cartridge-boxes, filled |One for each rifle, | | |breech-loading gun, and | | |revolver. | | | | |Empty Powder-Tank, as a | | | | | | | | Magazine. |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Boat Arm-Chest |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+---+---+---------+---+ |Masts and Spars (set)|1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Cranes for Spars and | | | | | | | | Spare Oars (set)|1ea|-- |-- |1ea| -- |-- | |Set of Oars |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| CARPENTER'S |Spare Oars for one | | | | | | | | Thwart (set)|1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Boat-Hooks |3ea|3ea|3ea|3ea| 3 ea. |3ea| |Tools and articles | | | | | | | | for repairing | | | | | | | | damages (set fixed)|1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Bucket |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Tarpaulin |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+---+---+---------+---+ SAILMAKER'S.|Sails (set)|1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Awning |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Tent-Awning (see drawing)|1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+---+---+---------+---+ BOATSWAIN'S.|Thrum-Mats for muffling | | | | | | | | oars (sets)|1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Hand-Grapnels |2ea|2ea|1ea|2ea| 2 ea. |1ea| |Anchors |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Chain or Rope for | | | | | | | | Anchor (15 f'ms long)|1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Marlinspike |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Spun-Yarn (balls of)|1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Grease (lbs.)|1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Fishing-Lines and Hooks |Three lines for the larger | | |boats and two for the | | |smaller, with 1 dozen | | |assorted hooks per boat. | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+---+---+---------+---+ MASTER'S. |Boat-Compasses |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Lead and Line |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Signals (sets)|One for the senior officer of| | | the boats belonging to each | | | ship. | | | | |Spy-Glasses |One for the senior officer of| | | the boats belonging to each | | | ship. | | | | |Ensign |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Lantern |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Candles (lbs.)|1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| |Tinder-Box, with Flint | | | | | | | | and Steel |1ea|1ea|1ea|1ea| 1 ea. |1ea| ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+---+---+---------+---+ YEOMAN'S. |Boat-Stove and utensils | | | | | | | | for cooking (set)|1ea|-- |-- |1ea| -- |-- | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+---+---+---------+---+ MASTER'S. |Fuel (quantity)|As may be judged necessary. | |Breakers of Water (number)|To be regulated, like the | | |fuel, according to the | | |nature of the expedition and | | |ballast required. | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+---+---+---------+---+ PAYMASTER'S.|Provisions |To be regulated, like the | | |fuel, according to the | | |nature of the expedition and | | |ballast required. | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+---+---+---------+---+ SURGEON'S. |Articles for treatment of |To be regulated, like the | | sick and wounded |fuel, according to the | | |nature of the expedition and | | |ballast required. | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+---+---+---------+---+ [Part 2] ------------------------------------------+------------------+-----------+ | | C | D | DEPARTMENTS.| NAMES OF +------------------+-----------+ | ARTICLES. | E | H | I | E | F | J | ------------+-----------------------------+----+----+--------+---+---+---+ |Boat-Carriage, complete | 1 | 1 | -- | 1 |-- |-- | |Field-Carriage, complete | 1 | -- | -- | 1 | | | | Ammunition-Chests |Either one or all,| | | | | (various in size |as the nature of | | | | | & contents) |the service may | | | | | |require. | | | | | Ammunition-Pouches |One for each man | | | | | |of the field- | | | | | |howitzer's crew, | | | | | |except Nos. 1 & 3.| | | | |Match-Rope (lengths)| 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Primers (tin-boxes)| 2 | 2 | -- | 2 | | | |Spare Lock, complete | 1 | 1 | -- | 1 | | | GUNNER'S. |Haversack for Captain |One for each | | | | | of Howitzer |field gun. | | | | |Swords |One for each man | | | | | |in the boat. | | | | |Breech-Loading Arms |One for each man | | | | | |of the boat's | | | | | |crew. | | | | |Minié-Rifles |When extra men in | | | | | |the boat, one for | | | | | |each. | | | | |Revolvers |One for each man | | | | | |of the boat's | | | | | |crew. | | | | |Cartridge-boxes, filled |One for each | | | | | |rifle, breech- | | | | | |loading gun, and | | | | | |revolver. | | | | |Empty Powder-Tank, as a | | | | | | | | Magazine. | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Boat Arm-Chest | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+----------+---+---+---+ |Masts and Spars (set)| 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Cranes for Spars and | | | | | | | | Spare Oars (set)| 1 |-- | -- | 1 |-- |-- | |Set of Oars | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | CARPENTER'S |Spare Oars for one | | | | | | | | Thwart (set)| 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Boat-Hooks | 3 | 3 | 3ea | 3 |3ea| 3 | |Tools and articles | | | | | | | | for repairing | | | | | | | | damages (set fixed)| 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Bucket | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Tarpaulin | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+----------+---+---+---+ SAILMAKER'S.|Sails (set)| 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Awning | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Tent-Awning (see drawing)| 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+----------+---+---+---+ BOATSWAIN'S.|Thrum-Mats for muffling | | | | | | | | oars (sets)| 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Hand-Grapnels | 2 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Anchors | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Chain or Rope for | | | | | | | | Anchor (15 f'ms long)| 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Marlinspike | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Spun-Yarn (balls of)| 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Grease (lbs.)| 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Fishing-Lines and Hooks |Three lines for the larger | | |boats and two for the | | |smaller, with 1 dozen | | |assorted hooks per boat. | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+----------+---+---+---+ MASTER'S. |Boat-Compasses | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Lead and Line | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Signals (sets)|One for the senior| | | | | |officer of the | | | | | |boats belonging to| | | | | |each ship. | | | | |Spy-Glasses |One for the senior| | | | | |officer of the | | | | | |boats belonging to| | | | | |each ship. | | | | |Ensign | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Lantern | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Candles (lbs.)| 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | |Tinder-Box, with Flint | | | | | | | | and Steel | 1 | 1 | 1ea | 1 |1ea| 1 | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+----------+---+---+---+ YEOMAN'S. |Boat-Stove and utensils | | | | | | | | for cooking (set)|1ea|-- | -- |1ea|-- |-- | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+----------+---+---+---+ MASTER'S. |Fuel (quantity)|As may be judged necessary. | |Breakers of Water (number)|To be regulated, like the | | |fuel, according to the | | |nature of the expedition and | | |ballast required. | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+----------+---+---+---+ PAYMASTER'S.|Provisions |To be regulated, like the | | | fuel, according to the | | |nature of the expedition and | | | ballast required. | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+----------+---+---+---+ SURGEON'S. |Articles for treatment of |To be regulated, like the | | sick and wounded | fuel, according to the | | | nature of the expedition and | | | ballast required. | ------------+-----------------------------+---+---+----------+---+---+---+ DETAILS OF THE FOREGOING TABLE. FIXTURES IN BOATS FOR BOAT-GUNS. 6. Two eye-bolts on each bow, to receive the hooks of the skid; two cross-pieces, of yellow pine, to bear the carriage, so as to carry the muzzle of the howitzer just above and clear of the gunwale and stem. One piece of yellow pine scantling, placed lengthwise and amidship, mortised into the rear cross-piece to sustain the carriage in sweeping. MOVABLE PIECES. 7. Six pivot plates and bolts--one at the stem, one at the stern, one at each bow, and one on each quarter; two light wooden tracks to lay along the thwarts for the wheels of field-carriages and the slide of boat-carriage; one midship wheel-track for the trail of field-carriage; two stout skids, each fitted at one end with two hooks, and connected at the shore end by an iron brace. The chocks with rollers at the stem and stern posts of launches, are arranged to be removed when the gun is used. 8. _Implements for Shifting the Howitzer from Boat to Field-Carriage._ One muzzle-block. One selvagee strap. One shifting-spar. One short iron or wooden bolt, to keep the piece on the right slue. 9. _Implements, complete, for Serving and Working the Howitzer._ Breeching for boat-gun, if deemed necessary. Lock with lock-string. Elevating screw. Sight. Priming-wire. Boring-bit. Vent-cloth. Sponge and rammer. " " spare. Spring-spike. Rat-tail file. Haversack, with strap, for Captain of howitzer, to contain a supply of primers, spare fuzes, spare lock, vent-bit, vent-cloth, and implements for spiking; leather ammunition-pouches for each of the men of the field-gun, except Nos. 1 and 3, to be supplied by the Quarter Gunner, with one round of ammunition each, and two primers, when the order to land is given. Drag-rope, fitted with hooks and handles. Trail handspike. A rope, or chain, to lock the wheels in descending slopes. Transporting-boxes. 10. AMMUNITION. A chest containing shrapnel. A chest containing shell. A chest containing canister. These chests are of two sizes; the single, holding nine, and double, eighteen rounds. A key is becketed to each box for unscrewing the lid. Cutting-tool for opening the Bormann fuze, one in each box of shell and shrapnel. FOR SMALL ARMS. 11. Cartridge-boxes and belts, furnished with cartridges and percussion-caps, screw-driver, cone-key, and wiper. An empty powder-tank for magazine, to contain filled cartridge-boxes and spare cartridges. SMALL ARMS. 12. Breech-loaders, in loops or brackets, under the gunwale of the boat, protected by a water-proof canvas covering, running round the rising of the boat. Rifles. Revolvers. Swords. Boat arm-chest. A good tarpaulin to cover ammunition. 13. PROVISIONS. Pork. To be cooked if there be time. Bread, in water-proof bag. Cheese, or canned meats. Fresh water, in breakers; always to be used for ballast when ballast is required. Fuel and kindling. 14. UTENSILS AND ARRANGEMENTS FOR COOKING. Launch-stove and utensils. Mess-kettle. Tin pots and spoons. Funnel. Bucket. 15. TOOLS AND ARTICLES FOR REPAIRING DAMAGES. Axe, One for each boat. Hatchet, One for each boat. Hammer, One for each boat. Hand-saw, One for each boat. Nails, 2 pds. for each launch; 1-1/2 pds. for each large cutter; and 1 pd. for each of the rest. Sheet-lead, 3 square feet for each launch; and 2 square feet for each cutter. Tacks (number), 100 for each launch; 75 for each large cutter; and 50 for each of the rest. Marlinspike. Spun-yarn. Grease. 16. MISCELLANEOUS ARTICLES. Boat ensign. Set of signals for boat of Senior Officer. Boat-compass. Spy-glass. Lead and line. Lantern. Candles. Tinder-box, with flint and steel. Fishing-lines and hooks. 17. FOR TREATMENT OF SICK AND WOUNDED. Tourniquets. Bandages. Lint. Medicines. Surgical instruments. 18. BOAT-GEAR. Masts. Spars. Rigging. A set of oars, fitted with trailing-lines long enough to allow them to trail alongside in the water. Three boat-hooks. Spare oars, with trailing-lines, for one thwart. Cranes on the gunwale to hold spars and spare oars, raised sufficiently high above the gunwale (9 inches) to allow the oars to be got out or trailed. The spars thus arranged form a considerable protection against musketry. Small thrum-mats for muffling oars when required. Anchor. Chain or rope. Hand-grapnels, fitted with a fathom of light chain, and five fathoms of line. Sails. Awning and stanchions. Tent awning. (_See_ Drawing.) N.B.--In order to avoid delay and confusion when boats are called away for service, it is recommended that the articles required by the foregoing lists should be kept separately in the store-rooms, in convenient packages for stowage in the boats and protection against the weather. The contents of each package must be marked on it, together with the name of the boat for which it is intended. Particular attention should be paid by the Executive Officer of the vessel to the best and most compact stowage of all articles required for boat expeditions, which will, necessarily, vary according to the size of the boat and the nature of the service she is to perform. The occasions will be very rare when all of these articles are required at the same time. FORM OF EXERCISE AND MANOEUVRE FOR THE BOAT-HOWITZERS OF THE UNITED STATES NAVY. NOMENCLATURE. 19. THE CASCABEL is the part of the gun in the rear of the base-ring; and is composed of-- The breech-plate. The knob. The neck. Base-ring. Cylinder. Chase. Loop, with hole for bolt. Lock-lugs. Mass-sight. Mass for breech-sight. The BORE includes all the part bored out, viz.: Cylinder of bore. Chamber. These guns must not be polished bright. BOAT-CARRIAGE COMPLETE, consists of-- Bed. Slide. Compressor-plate. Compressor-bolts. Compressor-handles. Lugs for loop. FIELD-CARRIAGE COMPLETE, consists of-- Axle. Trail. Braces. Supports for transporting boxes. Lugs for loop. Trail-wheel or runner. Bolt for trail-wheel or runner. Socket for handspike. Elevator. Disk of elevator. Box for elevator. [Illustration: HOWITZER AND BOAT CARRIAGE. D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] [Illustration: HOWITZER ON FIELD CARRIAGE. D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] EXERCISE OF THE BOAT-HOWITZER. 20. While preparations are in progress for clearing out the boats, the Officer of each boat will see that the howitzer, and its various equipments, are also in readiness. The Junior Officer or Officer of the piece will attend to the gun itself and its carriages. The Quarter Gunner will get up the ammunition from below; also the lock, sights, sponges, spare fuzes, ammunition-pouches, and primers. Spare article box. This will be the proper time for examining the shrapnel and shells, which must receive the particular attention of the Officer who is to command the boat. The Captain of the gun will look after the traverses, tracks, and pivot-plates. The Coxswain will have ready the thwarts, oars, masts and sails. When the boat has been cleared for hoisting out, lay the thwarts and traverses, and bolt the pivot-plates on the bows and quarters; if the stem and stern pivot-plates interfere with the purchases, they can be secured after the boat is in the water. If the field-carriage is to accompany the gun, lay the wheel and trail tracks. In a sea-way, it may be better to place the howitzer in the launch, laying it athwartships, and bolting the two ends of the slide into the bow pivot-plates, which will hold it perfectly firm. As a general rule, the howitzer is not to be handled separately from one of its carriages. It may be hoisted into the launch on either field or boat carriage, as circumstances may dictate. When the boat-carriage is preferred, sling it with a stout strap passed through the loop-lugs and brought up round the gun, into which hook the purchase; previously shove the bed a little towards the rear end of the slide, so that the carriage will hang square, and set the compressors tight. When the boat has been hoisted out, the howitzer, its ammunition, and equipments, should be stowed in it conformably to the requirements of the occasion. Ordinarily, the howitzer may be placed in the bow on its boat-carriage, bolted to the stem-pivot; the field-carriage aft, with its wheels resting on the floor of the stern-sheets and bearing against the after thwart; the trail laid over the quarter-rail, so as not to interfere with the steering; and the ammunition stowed in the stern-sheets, or elsewhere, as may be most convenient for trim of boat, or for its own preservation. These arrangements can be subsequently changed as circumstances may require. The Captain of the howitzer slings his haversack and deposits in it a supply of primers, a vent-bit, and vent-cloth, which are handed to him by the Quarter Gunner. The equipment of the boat will be much facilitated by assigning to each man special duties of preparation and providing articles. As the bow-oars cannot well be pulled when the howitzer is mounted in the bow, Nos. 1 and 2 do not ordinarily assist at the oars. [Illustration: FRIGATES LAUNCH D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] STATIONS. 21. For 20 men the stations in the boat and at the howitzer will be as follows; if fewer are employed, the higher numbers are to be omitted: BOAT. | HOWITZER. | _Stations._ | _Duty._ | Quarter Master, Stern-Sheets. | Signals and assists with ammunition. Quarter Gunner, Ammunition. | Ammunition. Cockswain, Helm. | Chief of Piece, Bow. | Superintends the firing. | _Port._ _Starboard._ | | 1. ---- Bow-oar. | Captain of howitzer, points and fires the If the lock and sight are on | gun, superintends orders, and gives left side Captain will take | orders in absence of an Officer. station on port side. | | | 2. Bow-oar. ---- | 2d Captain, tends vent and primes. 3. ---- 2d oar. | Sponger, sponges and pushes home charge. 4. 2d oar. ---- | Loader, receives and enters ammunition. 5. ---- 3d oar. | Tends forward compressor. 6. 3d oar. ---- | Tends after compressor. 7. ---- 4th oar. | Train rope. 8. 4th oar. ---- | 9. ---- 5th oar. | 10. 5th oar. ---- | 11. ---- 6th oar. | 12. 6th oar. ---- | 13. ---- 7th oar. | 14. 7th oar. ---- | 15. ---- 8th oar. | 16. 8th oar. ---- | 17. ---- 9th oar. | Runs field-carriage forward when landing. 18. 9th oar. ---- | Runs field-carriage forward when landing. | Officer of boat directs the whole of the operations, or may take especial charge of the howitzer. Officer of the gun is in command of the piece, unless otherwise ordered by the Officer of the boat. (Preliminary Order)--"MAN THE HOWITZER!" 22. The Captain of the gun sees that the elevator, sight and lock are in order for firing. Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. Trail oars. No. 3 goes to starboard side of muzzle, having the sponge and rammer ready. No. 4 goes to port side of muzzle, takes out tompion. No. 5 to starboard side, near forward compressor. No. 6 port side, near after compressor. No. 7 after-end of slide, and hooks training-rope. No. 2 tends the vent and puts in primer. If the gun is unloaded, it must be run in. I. "SPONGE!" 23. No. 2 closes vent, (_a_) No. 3 enters the sponge, and, pressing it firmly to the bottom of bore, turns it round and withdraws it. (_b_) Quarter Gunner takes a round from the ammunition-box, and, if shell or shrapnel be used, holds it for the Officer in command of gun to adjust the fuze. II. "LOAD!" 24. Quarter Gunner passes forward with the fixed charge, protecting it under his jacket, (_c_) No. 4 receives the charge from Quarter Gunner and enters it. No. 3 pushes home to the mark on rammer-handle, (_d_) No. 2 puts in primer and covers it with his hand until Nos. 3 and 4 are clear of the gun. (_e_) III. "POINT!" 25. Nos. 5 and 6 ease compressors. (_f_) All six men and Captain of gun run out the howitzer, (_g_) Nos. 5 and 6 then tighten compressors. Officer of gun puts up the sight as directed by Officer of boat. (_h_) Captain of gun brings the elevation within the limits of the boat's motion, and causes No. 7, with the assistance of some others, to train nearly to object if the boat is under way. IV. "FIRE!" 26. If the boat has motion, or is under way, a discretionary execution of this order is necessarily implied. The assumed elevation having been given by the elevator, a slight motion of the helm is made to sweep the piece laterally, so as to cross the object. The Captain of the gun closely watches this movement, with his eye down on the sights, and holding the lock-lanyard firmly, draws it as soon as the sights coincide with the object. Immediately after firing he coils up the lanyard and pulls from the vent any pieces of the quill that may remain, and also enters the bit to clear it entirely through, (_i_) NOTES TO THE FORM OF BOAT EXERCISE. 27. (a) The necessity for closing the vent is a mooted question; but as the operation itself is a slight one, having no appreciable effect in complicating or delaying the manoeuvre of the gun, it is not deemed advisable to omit it in this "Form." An equally sure method, is merely to lay a piece of untwilled woollen cloth over the vent, and press it down with the hand; or else turn the lock on it, and hold that down. (b) Too much care cannot be used in sponging, as a premature explosion endangers life and limb. A moist sponge is to be preferred, for contact with it must surely extinguish every trace of fire in the bore. It may be considered as a safeguard against accident, for during many years' practice, in proving pieces and exercising the men to fire rapidly--ordinarily, seven or eight times in a minute--not a single instance of premature explosion has occurred. (c) The head of the fuze-composition must be guarded against moisture from the fingers, rain, or spray of the sea; otherwise, there will be a failure to ignite. (d) The ammunition is never to be struck with the rammer-head, but pushed home, and with very moderate force; particularly omitting a very common practice of forcing the charge after it reaches the bottom of the bore. In pushing home the charge, No. 2 should always keep his body at the side of the chase, and not before the muzzle. (e) It is not necessary to pierce the cartridge when percussion-primers are used; their fire being always sufficient to pass through it. (f) It is only necessary to give the compressors a turn, or a part of a turn; this will relieve the nip completely, and time is saved subsequently in compressing. (g) Some will take hold of the standard of the carriage-bed that receives the loop of the piece, others of the breech or bed, as may be convenient, to run out the gun. (h) In tightening the thumb-screw that holds the breech-sight in position, do not turn it too hard; the thread may be stripped by continuing to do so. The sight may descend by the shock of the discharge, but this is of no moment. In point-blank firing, the breech-sight is not required; the eye must then range along the cylinder and muzzle-sight. (i) The charge may not be fired; if this arises from not properly drawing the lock, it will be evident at sight, as the wafer of the primer will not flash; in this case No. 2 throws back the lock. If the primer explodes without acting on the charge, care must be taken not to approach the piece too soon, as it may only hang fire, and the recoil will injure any one in the way of it. After a seasonable pause, the Captain of the howitzer will remove the residue of the primer, pass the bit down the vent, and insert another primer. PIVOTING THE HOWITZER. 28. The sweep allowed by the stem-pivot is about one point and a half, starboard or port; if this is not sufficient to train the piece on the object, without diverging too much from the course or position of the boat, then the bow-pivots may be used. The Officer of the boat gives the order-- "PIVOT ON THE PORT (OR STARBOARD) BOW!" 29. No. 7, with the assistance of the others, trains the rear end of the slide into the bow-pivot which is not to be used. No. 2 bolts it in. No. 3 draws bolt out of stem-pivot, and, with assistance, draws round the forward end of the slide into the pivot to be used; drops in the bolt. No. 2 withdraws the bolt from rear end of slide. The sweep on the bow-pivots includes an arc of about 120 degrees. It is not advisable to train the howitzer more than a point abaft the beam if forward, or more than a point forward the beam if aft; as the accidental explosion of a shell near the muzzle, and even of a shrapnel, might be dangerous to those in the boat. On the bow-pivot, the piece may be pointed nearly from the direction of the keel to a little abaft the beam. SHIFTING THE HOWITZER. 30. If the howitzer does not bear on the object with such assistance as is admissible from the helm, then the Officer in command may direct it to be shifted to the other end of the boat. The light 12-pounders, with their boat-carriages, average 660 pounds each; and can be transported by hand from one end of the boat to another. With their boat-carriages, the 12-pounders of 750 average 1,200 pounds each; the 24-pounders about 2,000 pounds, and will probably be more conveniently managed, especially if the boat has motion, by placing rollers 2-1/2 to 2-3/4 inches in diameter on the tracks laid for the field-carriage. On these the boat-carriage can be shifted from one end of the boat to the other, using light falls to keep it under command. DISEMBARKATION OF THE HOWITZER. I. "PREPARE TO LAND!" 31. The Quarter Gunner fills the pouches with one round each, and passes them to the men, each of whom, except Nos. 1 and 3, slings a pouch over the right shoulder, and buckles the strap as short as possible, so as to keep the ammunition clear of the water when leaving the boat. The Captain of the gun also shortens the strap of his haversack. "TRAIL BOW AND STROKE OARS!" 32. Nos. 1 and 2 adjust the bed of the boat-carriage to its proper place on the slide for shifting; place the muzzle-block, and make the muzzle bear on it by means of the elevator; pass the strap around the neck of the cascabel and put the shifting-spar through the strap; the Quarter Gunner, assisted by the men from the after oars, raises the field-carriage up on the tracks. II. "TRAIL!" 33. The boat being beached in season, the men trail oars and jump to their stations. Nos. 3 and 4 over the bow to adjust the skids, which are launched by Nos. 5 and 6. No. 2 attends the elevator. No. 3 attends the muzzle. Nos. 8, 10, 11, and 13, the shifting-spar, assisted by as many of the crew as can take hold. No. 7 draws the loop-bolt. The Stroke Oarsmen run the field-carriage forward, the Quarter Gunner guiding it on the track by the trail. III. "SHIFT THE HOWITZER!" 34. Nos. 1 and 2 clear the elevator; heave up the breech of the gun by the spar; Nos. 5 and 6 back the bed on the slide; run the field-carriage a little forward, so that its lugs come under the loop of the howitzer; lower the piece; put in the loop-bolt and elevator; hook on the drag-rope and ship the trail-handspike in its socket. IV. "LAND!" 35. Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 now jump out of the boat, and, with Nos. 3 and 4, divide to each skid; not standing between them, but keeping outside of them. The Stroke Oarsmen wheel the piece up to the gunwale by the spokes, the Quarter Gunner guiding the trail by the trail-handspike, and the rest of the crew take hold of the drag-rope to ease the gun down from the bow, the Quarter Gunner still guiding it down the skids. When down off the skids and on the bottom, the drag-rope is hooked around the axle, and the howitzer run up on the beach. The Captain of the howitzer superintends and assists whenever it may be necessary. The sponges and rammers are now to be attached in their places on the trail. The transporting-boxes will also be filled. EMBARKATION OF THE HOWITZER. 36. When the howitzer is to be embarked, the transporting-boxes should be taken off and put in the boat separately. The men unsling the ammunition-pouches, and pass them into the boat, which is to be brought to a convenient distance from the beach, and the skids laid and secured. The field-carriage is then pointed with the trail towards the boat, and drawn down to the skids, with a wheel resting on each. Nos. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 divide at the wheels, and take hold of the spokes, so as to assist the carriage up. No. 14 ships the trail-handspike and tends it with No. 15. The rest of the men get into the boat and take hold of the drag-rope. At the word "HEAVE!" the men at the wheels bear the carriage up on the skids, those in the boat haul on the drag-rope, and the two at the trail bear it up, so that the Quarter Gunner, who stands at the bow, can get hold of the trail-handspike and guide the carriage fairly. When the howitzer is in the boat, the skids are unhooked and put in the boat by Nos. 3, 4, 5, and 6. The howitzer may now be shifted to the boat-carriage, by reversing the process already described in orders Nos. 1, 2, and 3, for shifting to the field-carriage. [Illustration: Fig. 3. CREW AT THEIR STATIONS FOR ACTION; Fig. 1. CREW AT THE DRAG ROPE.; Fig. 2. D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] 37. EXERCISE WITH HOWITZER ON FIELD-CARRIAGE. GUN'S CREW. STATIONS. | DUTY. | Quarter Gunner |Charge of ammunition and spare | equipments. | No. 1. Captain, rear of breech, to |Captain of piece -- points and fires the right (or left, depending | the howitzer, superintends orders, on the position of lock and | and gives orders in absence of an sight). | officer. | 2. Rear to breech, to the left. |Closes the vent, put in primer. | 3. Right side of muzzle. |Sponges and rams home. | 4. Left side of muzzle. |Receives and enters ammunition. | 5. Rear and outside of right |Assists at right wheel. wheel. | | 6. Rear and outside of left |Passes ammunition, assists at left wheel. | wheel. | 7. Five yards rear of right |Assists at right wheel, attends bolt wheel. | of trail-wheel and trail-handspike. | 8. Five yards rear of left |Passes ammunition, assists at left wheel. | wheel. | 9. With No. 7. |Assists at right wheel. | 10. With No. 8. |Assists at left wheel. | (Preparatory Order)--"MAN THE HOWITZER!" 38. The men go to their stations as above designated, the Captain of the howitzer with his haversack, previously supplied, and all the men, except Nos. 1 and 3, with one round in a pouch. No. 3 takes the sponge and rammer. No. 6 unbolts trail-wheel, and ships handspike in its socket of trail. The transporting-boxes, if there be any with the howitzer, are to be deposited about twenty-five yards in its rear, in charge of Quarter Gunner. The drag-rope is deposited with the ammunition-boxes. I. "SPONGE!" 39. No. 3 enters the sponge, and, pressing it firmly to the bottom, turns it round and withdraws it. No. 2 serves the vent. Quarter Gunner takes a round from the ammunition-box, or from the pouch or passing-box of one of the men; and, if shell or shrapnel be used, holds it for the Officer in command of the piece to adjust the fuze. II. "LOAD!" 40. The charge is to be passed along by the Quarter Gunner to No. 8, and by No. 8 to No. 6, and by No. 6 to No. 4, who enters it into the muzzle. No. 3 pushes home to the mark on rammer-handle. No. 2 puts in primer, and covers it with his hand until Nos. 3 and 4 have withdrawn to their stations outside the wheels. III. "POINT!" 41. Officer of gun puts up the sight, as directed by Officer in command. The Captain of the gun gives the piece the proper elevation with the screw, and causes No. 7 to train the gun with the trail-handspike to the desired direction. He then withdraws as far as the lock-lanyard permits, standing on the quarter of the breech, and outside of the wheel. No. 2 stands outside of the left wheel. Nos. 3 and 4 fall back, and the remainder of the gun's crew take the stations first assigned them. IV. "FIRE!" 42. The Captain of the howitzer instantly draws the lanyard at the word. No. 2 closes the vent. Nos. 4, 6, and 8 go to the left wheel; 5, 7, and 9 to the right wheel, taking hold of the spokes, ready to wheel the carriage forward, as may be directed by the Officer in command. (Concluding Order)--"SECURE THE HOWITZER!" 43. The Quarter Gunner secures the transporting-boxes, and gets ready the lashing. The Captain of the howitzer coils the lanyard around the lock. No. 7 bolts the trail-wheel. No. 3 may carry the sponge in his hand if the fire is merely suspended. No. 7 may also carry the trail-handspike. Nos. 8 and 9 hook on the drag-rope, and lead its parts fair for taking hold. Wheel the piece to the ammunition-boxes, and place them on the axle. The piece is now ready for any change of position. REMARKS ON THE USE OF NAVAL LIGHT ARTILLERY. 44. The facility with which the Naval Howitzers are handled is apt to cause a misconception of the purposes for which Naval Light Artillery should ordinarily be used on shore; which are, to be landed from boats in such numbers as may be required, or admitted by circumstances, supported by the seamen and marines of a squadron, and not to be assembled as a battery, to replace, or be substituted for, regular field-artillery. 45. The force landed should be handled as light infantry, for which the individuality of sailor-life so well fits the men; while the character of the gun, and the usually broken nature of the shore-line renders this formation necessary. 46. Open order in approach, in landing, in motion, and in action, is therefore advisable; because a compact formation requires too much attention to position, distances, and alignments in any of them, with more perfect drill than can well be obtained; and which, under fire, exposes too much of a mark to every shot fired. 47. The evolutions in the field should constitute but a small part of the general system of drill, either with a single howitzer or a battery, and should be assimilated to those of light infantry,--that is, the most extended order that the ground admits of,--never massing the guns in close order, but habituating the seamen to open out with them in skirmishing order, keeping on their flanks, never in their rear, using every cover of ground, trees, or, if time will admit, throwing up some earth as a protection against riflemen or the wide-spread fire of shrapnel,--while at the same time the fire is concentrated to prevent attack on the pieces in detail, or is dispersed, as may be required. 48. Such a drill will best develop the scope and efficiency of the gun as a naval arm, and will render most effective the peculiar advantages of its lightness and mobility in rapid movements. 49. Evolutions in action, or preparatory thereto, should always be performed with the ammunition in the pouches; it being a common error in the service to use the ammunition-boxes at such times, when they are only designed for service out of action. 50. If liable to be attacked, all the ground within musket range, especially if it is broken by ravines, should be reconnoitred, particularly on the flanks; and, if possible, all the approaches by which the enemy, and particularly cavalry can approach, should be obstructed; and all obstacles to a retreat or change of position removed. 51. Although commanding positions are to be preferred, the top of a hill should not be chosen where the men and pieces are relieved against the sky, forming a much better mark. 52. Shell and Shrapnel produce a greater moral effect than grape or canister, and in general a greater real injury, as the latter are generally fired at too great distances. NOTES ON THE USE OF BOAT-HOWITZERS. 53. N.B.--Before equipping boats with howitzers, notice attentively the Hints for General Service, commencing at page 146, Boat Armament of the U.S. Navy, and Suggestions for Landing, of that system, which relate more especially to the condition and management of boat-guns. 54. Too much care cannot be taken to be fully provided, and to have each detail in good condition; for, after the boat has left the ship, it may be impossible to compensate for failure in some seemingly trivial article. 55. The chief purposes of naval light artillery are: 1. To attack small vessels that are lightly armed, and furnish but slight protection to the crews. 2. To contend with other armed boats. 3. To cover the landing of troops. 56. The landing of seamen is rather a remote contingency in the naval service, and should never be resorted to when opposed by good infantry, or when the object to be attained would take the seamen too far from their boats, which should be the base of operations. 57. BOAT-GUNS.--No tackles are required to run out 12-pdrs.; but 24-pdrs. may possibly require them. 58. The hole in the cascabel for reeving a breeching has been purposely omitted in howitzers, as hitherto the use of a breeching has not been found necessary. Should one be required, a thimble may be fitted to the neck of the knob to serve in place of this hole. With a breeching, the piece may be fired as if on an ordinary carriage. 59. The recoil is controlled by compressing the slide between the bed and the lower plate. It is necessary, however, that the surfaces of the carriage in contact should be plane. If they are not so, dismount the gun and examine them, and where the wood is worn smooth, remove it in the slightest manner, and correct the surfaces generally. In making the surface plane, it is by no means necessary that it should be rendered smooth. It ought to be as little so as possible for the present purpose. [Illustration: IMPROVED SHRAPNEL SECTION OF 12 PDR. SHRAPNEL With Bormann Fuze and Filling of Sulphur. D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] 60. FIELD-CARRIAGE.--In order to moderate the recoil on smooth ground, take out the axle or pin of the trail-wheel and turn the wheel up on the trail. For using the howitzer on shore, two transporting-boxes are supplied, placed on a support and lashed to the axle of the field-carriage. When more than a single piece is landed, it may be found convenient to secure the trail of one field-carriage to the axle of another, and then, by means of pieces of stuff, or boat's spars, secured from axle to axle, to place the ammunition-boxes, provisions, and pouches upon them. 61. Shrapnel may be effectively used where the dispersion of common canister becomes too great and its effects feeble. It takes the place of common shell, to a great extent, when uncovered masses of men are in view, and is designed to burst in front of troops, at just such a distance and height as to disperse the balls among them. 62. Similar terms are used in marking the sight and the fuze. Thus, if the fuze be adjusted to 2 seconds, and the piece elevated by the sight raised to the line on it marked 2 seconds, then the shrapnel will burst about 500 yards from the piece, and spread its balls from that point to a considerable distance further--effectively at least 150 yards. The adjustment of the fuze to the distance and the altitude of explosion are regulated to the elevation; and, therefore, the three conditions to good effect may be said to depend mainly on a correct knowledge of distance. 63. The 12-pdr. shrapnel contains 80 musket-balls, and if its explosion occurs at one hundred or one hundred and twenty yards in front of and fifteen to twenty yards above the object, one-seventh of the number of balls may be relied on to take effect upon an object 20 by 10 feet in size. 64. Shells may be advantageously substituted for shrapnel when the hostile force is sheltered, especially by such quarters as small craft or merchantmen afford, or when material of any kind is the object of the fire. 65. At two hundred yards canister, only, is required. In case of a want of canister, the shrapnel or common shell furnishes an excellent substitute by cutting into the magazine of the Bormann fuze, which will cause it to explode at the muzzle. 66. When provided with the Bormann fuze, the shrapnel, or shell, as issued, is complete. The upper surface of this fuze is graduated into seconds and fourths of seconds; and it is only necessary to lay bare the composition contained in the fuze, by the cutting-tool, to prepare the projectile for instant use. In this respect the Bormann fuze has an advantage over the ordinary fuze. The length of the fuzes limits the distance within which the fire of these guns is considered as effective. 67. The introduction of the 12-pounder rifled howitzer has greatly extended the accuracy and effective range of the boat and field artillery. Solid shot and shell have sufficient penetration to be effective against ordinary wooden vessels at any distance which the elevation allowed by the respective carriages will reach. _See_ TABLE OF RANGES. The shrapnel has sufficient velocity at 2,000 yards to disable men and horses. Hitherto no certain or efficient time-fuze has been adopted for rifled howitzers. There are objections to firing grape and canister from rifled guns, as the grooves are injured thereby, and the rotary and irregular motion given to the mass diminishes its effect. If used, the balls should be of lead or zinc. 68. Fixed ammunition is preferable, on the score of greater convenience, and of avoiding difficulties. * * * * * For MANOEUVRES OF BOATS ARMED FOR SERVICE, see "Naval Howitzers Afloat;" by Commander Foxhall A. Parker, U.S.N. LANDING SEAMEN, MARINES, AND HOWITZERS FOR EXERCISE OR SERVICE ON SHORE. 69. As the efficiency of seamen when landed in any considerable number depends most materially upon a proper system of organization and training previous to their being landed, and without which they are inefficient, the following system is recommended: 70. The small-arm men are to be formed into companies of 80 men, with four petty officers. Each company to be commanded by a Lieutenant, with two other officers. The company to be subdivided into two platoons, and each platoon into two sections, and to be exercised in such movements as are absolutely necessary to manoeuvre as a company and in battalion, by the officers who are to command them. 71. Small vessels should furnish a platoon of 40 or section of 20 men, that the companies formed by their aggregation may be of equal strength. 72. The companies when landed are to fall in, and number from the right according to the seniority of the Captains of their respective ships, so that they at once will fall into their places according to their number when landed. 73. Each ship landing two companies is to be prepared to land with the small-arm men six Pioneers--2 with a saw and axe each, 2 with a pickaxe and spade each, 2 with a small crowbar and sledge-hammer, or such intrenching or other tools as the nature of the expedition may require; the tools to be slung on the men's backs; smaller detachments a proportionate number. 74. The ship's bugler, if she have one, or drummer, will be sent with the men. He is to be able to sound the "Assembly," "Retreat," "Close," "Extend," "Commence Firing," and "Cease Firing," which sounds the men are to be accustomed to on board ship. 75. If the men are likely to be on shore during the night, they should have a haversack and blanket slung across their shoulders. 76. As muskets are apt to miss fire the first time if not properly clean, the greatest precaution is to be taken to see that the nipple is perfectly clear before loading; first, by blowing down the barrel and placing the finger before the nipple, to feel that the air passes through it, and afterwards snapping a cap off to dry up any oil or moisture that may be in the barrel. To avoid accidents, it is better not to cap the muskets until after landing. 77. When field-pieces are landed, the guns shall be numbered from the right in the same manner as a company. 78. One or more armorers should be sent with each landing party with cleaning-rods, screw-drivers, and spare nipples. 79. The boats should be formed in divisions, according to the seniority of the Captains of their respective ships--or of the Commanding Officers of the divisions--numbering from the right. The seamen and marines, having been told off in companies previous to leaving their ships, on landing they will form immediately in the same order. 80. The howitzers being mounted as boat's guns and prepared for landing are brought at once into action, or remain in the boats, according to circumstances. 81. Each division of boats should have a distinguishing flag; and scaling-ladders, intrenching tools, and other implements, should be carried by designated boats. 82. The boats will always land a boat's length apart. Before leaving the ship four boat-keepers should be appointed to each boat carrying a howitzer, and two for the others, with an officer in charge of each division of boats, who are on no account to leave them. Should there be a probability of the landing party being attacked on a re-embarkation, the boats should be hauled off to their anchors, with a long scope of cable, having a stern-line to the beach, and a man in the boat to veer in, that the troops may be readily embarked. The officer left in charge of the boats should be careful to avoid being surprised; and, if circumstances admit, strengthen his position by cutting down trees and throwing up small breastworks a short distance in front. 83. A fast-pulling boat with Medical Officers will attend in rear of the line, designated by a yellow flag. 84. Should the distance from the point of landing be considerable, the boats of each division, in tow of each other, lightest boats leading, will fall in--the leading boat of each division abreast (Art. 72), leaving space for the whole line to form abreast when ordered. On approaching the beach the tow-ropes should be cast off, and the launches with howitzers dress up in line ready to open fire, if necessary, to clear the landing. The officer in command will commence firing from the howitzers when he thinks fit; but no musketry is to be fired without special orders. 85. When the Commanding Officer perceives the beach to be clear, or when he considers it proper, he will order "Cease firing!" and direct the boats with skirmishers and light howitzers to pull in and land as quickly as possible. On landing they will immediately extend, advance, and seize the first cover near the beach, if there be any, but will not open fire till the Officer commanding them sounds "Commence firing." The main body then pull steadily in and land, forming line in rear of the covering party. The howitzers form on the flanks of their divisions, or as ordered. Pioneers and scaling-ladders as ordered. The main body being formed, will advance in line or column, according to circumstances, preceded by the skirmishers firing, if necessary. When firing in close order the front rank should fire kneeling, as, owing to the shortness of muskets, accidents frequently occur. Under certain circumstances, as advancing on an open beach, the boats might be employed on the flanks to cover the advance or retreat. 86. Should the boats be employed for the disembarkation of troops, the same arrangement should be made. It will then be desirable that every boat should carry a flag similar to that of the Commanding Officer of its division; and, when in large numbers, the boats should also be painted according to the colors of the flags, that the troops may readily know their own boats. 87. The re-embarkation should be conducted on similar principles to the disembarkation--the skirmishers and light howitzers extending in rear of the line, which will then pass through the intervals, forming again, if necessary, to support the skirmishers, who will retire firing, and re-form in rear of the line. The main body will then embark, followed by the covering party under cover of the boats' guns. 88. When landing in a heavy surf, the ammunition should be put in one or more small powder-tanks, with the lids well screwed down. PART III. ORDNANCE AND ORDNANCE STORES. PART III. CHAPTER I. ORDNANCE AND ORDNANCE STORES. 1. All articles of Ordnance and Ordnance Stores, when duly delivered at any Navy Yard, are to be borne on the books of the Inspector of Ordnance, and duly accounted for, according to such regulations as may, from time to time, be established by proper authority. 2. He will make monthly estimates and requisitions for all materials and articles which may be required by the master workmen in the Ordnance Department, and which he may deem necessary; which requisitions are to be forwarded to the Chief of the Bureau for his approval. No articles are to be purchased without previous requisitions, nor any to be used until duly inspected, approved, and receipted for. Before reception, every article shall be carefully examined by the master workman in whose department it is required, and such other person as the Inspector shall appoint, and compared with samples, to see that it conforms to the standard, and is, in quantity and quality, as called for by the requisition or order of the Bureau for its delivery. He will keep on hand standard Patterns and Drawings, approved by the Bureau of Ordnance, to which all articles of manufacture or issue shall strictly conform; notifying the Bureau of any discrepancies therefrom in articles received from other Yards, that unauthorized variations may be checked and the manufactures of each Yard be identical. 3. The Inspectors of Ordnance at all Navy Yards shall have the immediate custody of all articles appertaining to ordnance, and they shall be kept in suitable places, separate from the other articles in the Yard. And they will promptly inform the Bureau of all orders received from Senior Officers, which may in the least affect the execution of the instructions given by the Bureau in relation to their duties. 4. Inspectors of Ordnance having charge of the articles above mentioned are, under the direction of the Commandant of the Yard, to be responsible for their being carefully attended to, and preserved from injury. 5. Whenever any of them shall require repairs, other than those which can be made in the ordnance workshops, the Inspector will apply to the Commandant of the Yard, or to the Bureau through him, for the necessary means to keep all articles in his charge in order and ready for service. 6. He shall require from master workmen employed on ordnance work reports in the required form (see blank forms) of the expenditure of materials and labor upon each and every object under their immediate superintendence, at which time they will make a return of all unexpended material on hand. They will also be responsible for all waste and improper use of material by those under their general superintendence. 7. The Inspector of Ordnance shall have authority over all master and other workmen employed on ordnance work, and direct all its details. He will examine and certify to the correctness of all bills rendered for materials, supplies, or labor in the Ordnance Department, and examine and certify to the correctness of the pay-roll of all persons employed on ordnance work. 8. No Inspecting Officer or person employed by the Bureau is to show to, or leave in the way of persons not authorized by the Bureau, any drawing, descriptions, or dimensions of guns under contract, nor to permit the examination by such persons of the guns themselves. 9. The resident and other Inspectors are to inform the contractors of this strict requirement on the part of the Bureau, and to request them to cause it to be rigidly enforced by all persons under their control. 10. It is most positively forbidden to communicate any information whatever in relation to ordnance matters, or to show or describe ordnance work, of any description, to any person not in the employ of the government, unless by superior authority. Inspectors are also directed not to hold correspondence in writing with manufacturers, contractors, or other parties in relation to ordnance supplies, unless specially directed by the Bureau. Officers on Ordnance duty will give no official opinion, to Inventors or others, upon the merits of any invention appertaining to Ordnance, which may be submitted to them officially or unofficially for examination, unless by special direction of the Bureau of Ordnance. All such opinions will be forwarded to the Bureau, to whom parties must be referred for information. 11. The Inspectors of Ordnance at the several Yards and stations are required to enjoin upon all their employés the strictest secrecy in relation to every thing connected with their duties. No information whatever is to be given to any one in relation to the prices of articles, the details of work, or the condition of ordnance or ordnance supplies. Any breach of this order is to be followed by prompt dismissal from employment. 12. Whenever any ordnance stores shall be furnished to vessels, or for any other purpose, the Ordnance Officer shall take proper receipts for them from the officer to whom they are delivered. These receipts shall be signed at the Ordnance office, and the commander is required to ascertain before sailing if the proper officers have signed all receipts and vouchers. 13. The Ordnance Officer will deliver with them an Invoice of the number and cost of such stores, retaining a receipted duplicate, approved by the commander, to be forwarded to the Bureau of Ordnance. One Ledger, one Invoice, and twenty blanks for Quarterly Returns to the Bureau of Ordnance, are to be furnished each vessel fitted for sea. If any articles are purchased abroad, or obtained from other stations after the vessel is regularly fitted for sea, they should be duly entered in the Ledger, and a note made therein stating when, and from what source received; and, if practicable, their number and cost should be inserted in the Invoice of other articles supplied the vessel. 14. A separate list shall be furnished to all commanders of vessels of the ammunition furnished, which list is to be returned to the Ordnance Officer of the Yard to which the vessel shall return, with any additional supplies which she may receive during the cruise entered on it. 15. The allowances which are prescribed for the different classes of vessels in the Table of Allowances are not to be exceeded, except by the express sanction of the Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance. 16. It shall be the duty of any commander of a vessel, before making or approving requisitions, to examine the allowance table and expenditure books, to see that the amount required, together with that on hand, does not exceed the allowance, and that the articles required are allowed. If these articles are not allowed, or are in excess of the allowance, but are, in his opinion, necessary for the use of the ship under his command, he will state on the requisition, opposite the article, "in excess of allowance," or, "not allowed," and the reason why considered necessary, before sending it to the Commandant of the Yard or Squadron for his approval. In case he shall neglect so to do, the Inspector of Ordnance will only furnish the allowance, and shall return the requisition for correction, calling the attention of the approving officer to this neglect. 17. All Ordnance Stores, except the ammunition, shall be delivered to the Gunner, or other officer appointed to receive them, at the ordnance store-houses, the Inspector of Ordnance furnishing him with the means of transportation, and men for stowing them in their appointed places on board, when the crew are not available for this purpose. In order to guard against the loss or misdirection of Ordnance Stores, which has frequently been found to occur whilst they were being transferred from the Ordnance Store-houses to vessels going into commission, or in the case of vessels landing their stores on returning from a cruise: The Bureau directs that whenever Ordnance Stores of any kind are to be received from or delivered on board of a vessel, a responsible officer be present, whose duty it shall be to take an exact account of them and see them safely delivered at their destination, indorsing the Receipts and Invoices with his name. For any loss that may occur in the performance of this duty, that officer will be held pecuniarily responsible; and whenever any stores are found to be missing, the name of the officer who superintended their removal is immediately to be forwarded to the Bureau. The Inspector of Ordnance will be vigilant in seeing this order strictly carried out. 18. All stores landed from ships will be received at the Ordnance Store-houses, when all responsibility on the part of the officer delivering them shall cease, and a survey be held, as soon thereafter as practicable, to determine the quantity of stores, and the condition in which they are delivered.--(See form of survey.) When the vessel returns to a yard to be refitted or to be laid up at the end of the cruise, her Ledger and Invoice are to be handed to the Ordnance Officer of the yard for his examination, and for the use of the officers who may be ordered to hold a survey upon the Ordnance Equipments and Stores; and when the survey is completed, both Ledger and Invoice are to be forwarded to the Bureau of Ordnance with the report of survey. 19. It having been found that in the "Reports of Survey" made at the different Navy Yards on the Ordnance Stores of vessels returning from sea, many articles are put down as "deficient by Returns" without these deficiencies being in any way accounted for, the Bureau directs that the Surveying Officers shall require the Gunner (or other officer having charge of the Ordnance Stores, in case there be no Gunner on board) to show a just cause for said deficiencies; a statement of which, properly signed, is to be forwarded to the Bureau with the Report of Survey. In case of his failure to do so, he will be held responsible for the loss, and the value of the deficient articles checked against his pay. Where arms or other articles are lost or destroyed in action, the fact must be properly authenticated by the signature of the Commanding or Executive Officer. 20. Ordnance Ledgers of all vessels coming from a cruise shall be signed by the Gunner or Executive Officer and the officer in command before leaving the Yard or station. Invoices and Receipts must invariably be given and taken of all ordnance, ordnance stores, equipments, and small arms, when transferred from the keeping of one officer to another. And whenever any article of ordnance is lost or mutilated, the fact shall be reported to the Bureau, with all the circumstances of the case, and the value of the same will be deducted from the pay of the person having it in his possession at the time, unless sufficient reason for a contrary course should appear. 21. It shall be the duty of the Inspector of Ordnance (or of the officers who inspect a ship on her return from a cruise) to report to the Bureau the condition in which the articles under the charge of the Gunner may be transferred, that his care and attention may be properly known and appreciated. 22. Officers upon Ordnance duty at Navy Yards may correspond with the Bureau on subjects connected with Ordnance duties, forwarding their communications open, to the Commandant of the Yard for transmission. 23. The dates of all circulars, orders, telegrams, or letters to which reference is made in corresponding with the Bureau, shall be distinctly quoted. And the same rule is to be observed in forwarding triplicate Bills, Bills of Lading, and Invoices, the date of the order or orders being written across the face in red ink; and the receipt of all telegrams must be immediately acknowledged. 24. The Commandants will, in forwarding communications, accompany them with such remarks or recommendations as they may deem proper, and at any other time make such suggestions as they may consider will promote the public interest. 25. In shipping or forwarding stores each box or package shall be numbered, and have the nature of its contents stencilled or marked on the outside, and noted on the Invoice. The Invoice should in all cases of shipment accompany the articles. All stores intended for shipment to squadrons, shall be legibly and conspicuously addressed to the Commander-in-Chief of the squadron, and marked for that squadron. INSPECTION AND PROOF OF NAVAL GUNS 26. All cannon for the navy, cast at private foundries, will be fabricated in strict accordance with the terms of the contract made with the Bureau of Ordnance, and subject to the inspection of an officer detailed to supervise the operations. (See "Instructions for the Inspection and Proof of Cannon, 1864," for further details.) 27. New guns are to be closely examined and measured, inside and out, for defects of metal or manufacture, and the results recorded in the prescribed forms by the Inspector resident at the foundry, as soon after being finished as possible, if he has not already done so in the various stages of manufacture, which is preferable, as the detection of errors which pass the limits of toleration may save useless subsequent labor. Internal defects of metal will, for instance, generally be betrayed by a close examination of the core-pieces. As rust tends to conceal defects, this examination of the guns is to take place before exposure to the weather. And previously to the final examination and proof of guns, they are not to be covered with paint, lacquer, oil, or any material which may hide defects of metal. If it is ascertained that any attempt has been made to conceal defects, the gun or guns so treated are to be rejected without further examination. As the water-proof, which is of great importance in detecting defects of metal not otherwise developed, necessarily succeeds immediately the powder-proof, and can be effectively applied only in fine weather, and when the temperature is above the freezing-point, final inspections are to be made at such times only. DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF INSTRUMENTS REQUIRED AND USED IN THE INSPECTION AND PROOF OF GUNS. 28. 1st. A mirror for reflecting the sun's rays into the bores. Two will be required if the sun be in the rear of the Inspector. 2d. A lamp attached to a staff for examining the bores when the sun is obscured, or the guns are under cover. 3d. A standard cylinder gauge. This is a hollow cylinder of iron, turned to the least allowed diameter of the bore, and one calibre in length. It has a cross-head at each end, one of which has a smooth hole through its axis to fit the staff, and the other is tapped to receive the screw in the end of it. [Illustration: DAHLGREN SHELL GUN PARROTT RIFLE GUN 1864. D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] 4th. A measuring-staff of steel or iron, in joints of suitable length, connected together by screws. Each joint is provided with a light brass disk, the diameter of which is 0.05 inches less than that of the bore. Through the centre of the disk there is a hole which fits upon a shoulder at the joint; the whole is so arranged that when the joints are screwed together the disks between them are held firmly in place, while the length of the staff is not affected by them. A steel point is screwed on to the end. When pushed to the bottom of the bore, the staff coincides very nearly with its axis. The outer joint is graduated to inches and tenths. A slide is made to play upon it with a vernier scale, graduated to hundredths of an inch. On the inner end of the slide a branch projects at a right angle, sufficiently long to reach across the muzzle face, and, when in contact with it, to indicate the precise length obtained from that point to the end of the measuring-point on the other end of the staff. A half disk of wood, made to fit the bore, with a groove for the staff to rest in, placed just inside of the muzzle, is useful in preventing any springing of the staff. The point being taken off, the staff can be used with the cylinder gauge, to measure the distance to which the latter descends. But as the graduation is intended for the points, care must be taken in this case to allow for the difference. 5th. A chamber-gauge for verifying the shape and size of conical chambers. The head should be made of close-grained, well-seasoned wood, and of the exact dimensions of the chamber. Two planes, crossing each other at a right angle, coinciding with the vertical and horizontal central sections, have been found better than a solid block. The edges should be bevelled. A metal socket in its centre connects it with the measuring-staff. Being pushed to the bottom of the bore, if the length coincides with that obtained by the point, it is obvious that the chamber is large enough, provided the cylindrical part has not been bored too deep, in which case a shoulder would be found at the junction. The edges of the gauge should be chalked before it is inserted. When withdrawn, if the chalk-marks are visible all around the chamber, it is evident the chamber is not too large. With slight modifications, this arrangement may be applied to the slope of cylindrical chambers, and to the curve at the bottom of the bore of any guns. Should the inspection of guns with conical chambers or slopes take place at the foundry, an examination of the chamber reamer will be very satisfactory. If found correct in size and shape, the impossibility of making the chamber too large will be apparent. 6th. A star-gauge, for measuring the diameters of the bores and of cylindrical chambers. This instrument is composed of the staff, the handle, and a set of points for each calibre. The staff is a brass tube, made in three pieces, for convenience of stowage, and connected together, when required, by screws. Its inner end expands into a head, in which are placed four steel sockets, at equal distances from each other, which receive the points. Two of the sockets opposite to each other are secured permanently. The two others are movable. A tapering plate or wedge, the sides of which are cylindrical, runs through a slit in the head; an aperture in the inner ends of the movable socket embraces the cylinder, so that when the plate is moved forward or backward, the sockets are projected or withdrawn. The tapering of the plate has a certain known proportion to its length, so that if it is moved in either direction a given distance, a proportional movement is imparted to the sockets, and to the points which they contain. It is easy to see how, in this manner, a movement of .10 in. may increase or diminish the distance between the points .01 in. Therefore there would be no difficulty in estimating, to a considerable degree of accuracy, a difference of .001 in. between the points. In general, however, the distance on the plate required to move the points .01 in. is about .06 in. only. A square sliding rod is connected with the tapering plate, and runs through the whole length of the tube, projecting some inches beyond the outer end. This rod has as many parts as there are joints in the staff, and, like them, connects by screws. Each section of the rod works in its proper joint, through a square socket at each end, and is prevented from falling out by pins. When screwing the joints together, if the ends of the rod are pressed up to each other they become connected by the same motion. The staff is graduated to inches and quarters, so that the distance of the points from the muzzle of the gun may always be known. A centre line, starting from the centre of the upper socket, is marked upon the staff throughout its length. The handle in use at present is of brass, made to fit over the outer end of the staff, and to connect with the sliding rod by a screw, having a large milled head at the outer extremity of the handle. It may be used on either joint, as required. A slit through the handle permits a part of the staff near the end to be seen beneath. A scale on one side of the slit is graduated with the distance that the rod moves, to throw the points .01 in. apart. That part of the handle containing the slit and scale is separated from the other part; it is made to fit closely over it. On each side there is a small tube; a thread is cut in one, through which a fine screw, held by a stud on the permanent part of the handle, works and gives it motion; a guide runs through the other. Seen through the slit is a small plate of silver inserted in the staff, and a fine mark upon it to show the place of zero, when the points are adjusted. The zero-mark on the scale is made to correspond with it by means of the screw just mentioned. The points are of steel, with a strong shoulder at one end, below which the screw is cut that fits into the socket in the head. A wrench is made to fit the other end, so as to turn the point firmly into its place. They are made of such a length that they will just pass into the adjusting-ring when they are all in place. To this instrument belong the adjusting-rings and the muzzle-rest in the form of T; of the rings there is one for each calibre, reamed out to the exact minimum diameter of the bore. The latter can be used for any class of guns. Its office is to keep the staff of the star-gauge in the axis of the bore. For this purpose it contains a groove, above the perpendicular branch, to receive the lower half of the staff. There is a movable slide on each branch, which can be adjusted to marks for each calibre, so that points projecting from their rear will enter the muzzle and hold the rest in place. In this position the upper edge of the transverse branch coincides with the diameter of the bore. A hook is pivoted on the inner side of the transverse branch, on one side of the groove, and so fitted that when the star-gauge is in the gun, it embraces one-half of that portion of the staff which is above the groove. Therefore, if the transverse branch be placed so as to coincide with the axis of the trunnions, the hook thrown over the staff, and the latter turned so that the centre line just meets the end of the hook, the perpendicular points will be perpendicular to the axis of the trunnions. If the staff is then drawn out carefully, the measurements will all be taken in the same plane. A notch in the end of the hook, made to coincide with the plane of the muzzle, may be used for marking the distances on the staff. The upright branch is movable, and is made to fit into the end of the transverse branch, for convenience and security in packing. In examining the bores after proof, it has been found that the greatest indentation occurs in general near the seat of the projectiles. But, as it is not always found at precisely the same point of the circle of the bore, a convenient mode of searching for it is desirable. This is supplied by a disk for circular measurements, which may also be considered as belonging to the star-gauge. It is made of composition, and is divided into halves, with a hole through the centre to receive the staff of the star-gauge. It is turned so as to fit into the muzzle of the gun closely, with a projecting lip two or three inches broad to hold it in place, and with cleats overlapping the edges, to keep it from going in too far. The face is a plane surface. The circumference is divided into as many equal parts as may be thought desirable, which are numbered in regular order. The centre hole is reinforced on the inside by a projection which is turned to receive a collar that fits closely around it, and holds the two halves together when they are placed on the staff. When ready for use, the face is in the plane of the muzzle-face. Its zero-mark is made to coincide with a light punch-mark on the muzzle-face, directly below the line of sight. On the staff of the star-gauge a brass slide is fitted, having a thumb-screw to hold it in any position; from the inner end a point extends at a right angle to its axis, of sufficient length to meet the points at the circumference of the disk; a centre line extends from the base to the apex. The slide being moved so as to make its inner end coincide with any mark upon the staff, at which a circular measurement is required, and the centre line of the point being made to coincide with that of the staff, it is secured by the thumb-screw. The point of the slide is then in the same plane with the perpendicular measuring-points, and its direction always indicates them; a series of measurements, made before proof, may thus be compared with another made at the same points after proof. It is obvious that the determinations will not be absolutely accurate, for when the gun is worn, should the stationary points be perpendicular, the movable points, being then horizontal, would fall below the true horizontal diameter, and the measurements would be more in error than it would be with the points in any other direction. Still, if care is taken to preserve the points at the greatest length possible, a very tolerable degree of accuracy may be attained. In the inspection of guns arranged on skids, the gun itself should be turned, which will insure accurate measurements. Care must also be taken not to allow the joints of the staff to become so loose that the coincidence of the centre line is destroyed when they are screwed together. If this should occur, however, a few turns of thread, placed between them at the time of putting the instrument together, would remedy the difficulty. 7th. An instrument for verifying the interior position of vents. When the vent is drilled in the vertical plane of the axis, as in the guns of old patterns, a simple head, shaped to fit the bottom of the bore, or the chamber, with a staff fitted to it, is sufficient. But for the Dahlgren guns, with two vents, some other plan is better. The following has been found satisfactory: A head of well-seasoned wood, which is fitted to the chamber, is attached to a wooden disk of the diameter of the main bore. The surface of the head corresponds with a longitudinal central section of the chamber; at the point where the projection of the vent would meet it a piece of hard wood is inserted. A central line drawn through its length, crossed at a right angle by another line at any known point from the smaller end, will afford convenient points to measure from. A stout square wooden staff is attached to the axis of the head; at a distance equal to the length of the bore, the end is jogged into the centre of a half disk of wood, which is fitted to the bore. The whole is so constructed that the straight edge of the half disk (or the chord) is in the same plane as a horizontal section of the head. A few holes are bored through the disk attached to the half head, to allow the instrument to pass freely into the gun and out of it. A wire of untempered steel, of the size of the vent, with a sharp, well-centred point, and a small spirit-level, are required to use with this instrument. The gun being levelled, and the instrument being pushed to the bottom of the bore, the upper edge of the half disk near the outer end of the staff is then brought to a level. The surface of the half head then corresponds with the horizontal central section of the chamber. The point of the wire being pushed gently to meet it, will show very accurately the interior position of the vent. 8th. Profile-boards for distances in front and rear of the base line. Their lower edges are adapted to the shape of the gun, and the upper ones are parallel to the axis of the bore. The distances from the base-line of the several parts, and of the points at which diameters are to be measured, are laid off accurately on the upper edge, and then marked in lines perpendicular to it on the sides and lower edges of the profile. An iron strip is attached to the upper edge to prevent warping, and the whole is well coated with shellac varnish, to keep it from absorbing moisture. The following instruments are used in connection with the profile-boards: A rule for verifying the marks, of such a length that not more than one fleeting may be necessary, to be graduated decimally according to the standard. A small square of steel, to be used in referring the marks on the board to those on the rule. A steel straight-edge, long enough to extend across the muzzle-face, and several inches on the board, to ascertain the extreme length from base to muzzle. It is also used for the same purpose at the extreme end of the cascabel. A steel scratcher, to mark the gun at points not otherwise indicated, where diameters are to be measured. 9th. A trunnion-square of steel or iron for ascertaining the position of the trunnions, with reference to the axis of the bore. This instrument is a square with two branches, one of which is fixed and the other movable. The foot of each branch is in the same plane, and is parallel to the upper edge of the main piece which connects them. The latter is graduated to inches and tenths. The movable branch slides on the main piece, and may be secured to it by two thumb-screws. It is provided with a vernier scale graduated to hundredths of an inch. Between the branches there is a slide, also provided with a vernier graduated as before, with a thumb-screw to secure it firmly; in its centre there is a sliding-point, moving vertically, with a thumb-screw to fasten it. Above the foot of each branch there is a slit to receive the shank of a plate, on the end of which a thread is cut; the lower edge of the plate forms a right angle with the branch, and the plate is fastened to the branch by a nut, at a point from the end equal to the semi-diameter of the trunnion, which is marked on each branch. When the feet of the branches, or the lower edge of the plates, rest upon the trunnions, the upper edge of the main piece is parallel to their axis, if their alignment is correct. When in the latter position, the edges of the feet will lie close against the sides of the trunnions. A graduated steel wedge is used to measure the deviation of the trunnions from the feet of the square. 10th. A trunnion-gauge, which is an iron ring of the proper diameter of the trunnions. Its outer edge coincides with the diameter of the rimbases. 11th. A trunnion-rule, to measure the distance of the trunnions from the base ring, or line. This is an iron rod with a head at one end, through which passes one branch of a small square. The centre of the rod is marked on the end, and the square is set so that the inner edge of the branch which is parallel to the rod is at a distance equal to the semi-diameter of the trunnion from the centre. It is secured in this position by screws and clamps. The upper side of the rod is graduated to inches and tenths. A slide with a slot through it, to show the graduation beneath, traverses upon it, and is kept from turning by a guide on the lower side. There is a vernier upon the slide, graduated to hundredths of an inch; a thumb-screw serves to secure the slide at any point on the rod. That end of the slide from which the graduation of the rod commences has both of its sides drawn out, to form knife-edges; the knife-edges and the end of the slide are in the same plane. When the square at the end is placed on the trunnion, the end of the rod will touch its side at the point of its greatest diameter. The rod being held parallel to the axis of the bore, with the side of the head pressing the rimbase, the knife-edge will be in a proper position to fall into the base line when moved to find it. 12th. A beam-calliper for measuring diameters is a square of steel or iron, with two branches, one of which is fixed and the other sliding. The inner edges of the two branches, when pushed together, lie, of course, in contact with each other throughout their length. The beam is graduated to inches and tenths. A vernier is attached to the sliding branch, graduated to hundredths of an inch. The latter is provided with a thumb-screw, to fasten it at any point. The length of the beam must be rather greater than the diameter; and that of the branches than the semi-diameter of the guns to be inspected, at their largest points. 13th. A cascabel-block is a wooden cylinder of the proper diameter of the breeching-hole, the size of which it is used to verify. The opening between the jaws may be ascertained by measuring the iron block which is fitted to go between them, or by a template. 14th. A vent-guide, to be used with vents in guns of Dahlgren's pattern. This instrument is made of bronze or composition. When placed upon the gun, one of its branches coincides with the curve of the cylinder, and the other, starting from its centre, lies along the cylinder in contact with it longitudinally. The lower edges of the branches are a right line and a curved line, making two right angles with each other. The length of that of the transverse branch is equal to the distance between the centre of the two vents. The rear surface of the transverse branch is curved and quadrilateral. Its sides are inclined, so that their rear edges show the exact direction of the vents. Every point in the upper edge lies in the same horizontal plane. The height is sufficient to permit the edges to give an accurate direction to the drill. The upper edge of the other branch runs off in a sloping curve to its extremity. A centre line is drawn through the lower edge of the longitudinal branch, and is continued upwards on the rear surface of the transverse branch to the top. The guide being placed with its centre upon the centre mark of the gun, and the centre line of the longitudinal branch being made to coincide with the centre line scribed upon the cylinder, the rear lower edge of the transverse branch will then coincide with the base-line, its extremities will indicate the centres of the vents, and the rear edges of the sides will show their true direction. 15th. Vent-gauges of untempered steel wire, with shoulders to prevent them from slipping into the vent. One should be of the proper diameter of the vent, one of the greatest, and one of the least diameter allowed. 16th. A vent-searcher, a steel wire of the length of the vent, bent to a right angle at the lower end and pointed. It is used for detecting imperfections in the sides of the vents. 17th. A semicircular protractor of metal for measuring the inclination of vents, or for ascertaining their deviation from the guide. 18th. A set of templates for verifying the shape of lock-lugs, the angle of the rear sight mass, the curve between the base-line and the front of rear sight mass, that at the end of the cascabel, the bevel of the breeching-hole, the opening of the cascabel, and the shape of the muzzle swell. If the inspection should take place at the foundry, the templates used in chipping might be verified and used for inspection. For guns of Dahlgren's pattern, a bronze model, showing the shape of the lugs and rear sight mass, and the position of the vents, is furnished as a guide to the contractors. 19th. A standard foot-rule for verifying measures. 20th. A foot-rule of steel for measuring the masses, the length of the trunnions, and for other purposes. The graduation should be extended to each end. 21st. A set of ring-gauges, large, medium, and small, for inspecting the projectiles used in proof. 22d. A small beam-calliper, with outside edges, for examining the adjusting rings and the ring-gauges. 23d. A platform balance, for weighing the projectiles used in proof, and for bringing the shells up to the standard weight. For use with the above there should be provided a bag of dry sand, a funnel, some wooden plugs for the fuze-holes, and a hammer. 24th. A set of implements for loading and cleaning, viz.: A rammer, faced with hard wood or metal, with a graduated scale on the staff, near the muzzle, to show the distance of the front of the projectiles from the muzzle. A bristle sponge with a worm in its end, for ordinary use in firing. A sheepskin sponge, for drying the bore after cleaning it. A gun-scraper. A ladle. A boring-bit. A priming-wire. A lock and lanyard, should navy primers be used in firing; but if friction primers are used, then a lanyard with a hook in its end will be required, only. A breeching and a couple of tackles, if the guns should be fired on skids. Six handspikes. Six buckets and a large tub, for washing out the guns. If the firing is made into a butt, a couple of wheelbarrows, with two or three pickaxes and half a dozen shovels, will be necessary. 25th. A searcher, with six or more points, to detect injuries or cavities in the bore. 26th. A machine for taking the interior impression of vents. This consists of a wooden head, one-half of which is cylindrical, and the other half is of the shape of the chamber, both being rather smaller than the parts of the bore that they are intended for. A staff, flat on its upper side, and rounded on its under side to fit the curve of the bore, is mortised into the circumference of the cylindrical part of the head. A mortise is cut through the chamber part of the head, extending several inches in rear and front of the position of the vent. Into this mortise a loose piece is fitted, capable of free motion upwards and downwards, the top of which is pierced with holes to secure the wax or composition which is spread over its surface. This movable piece rests on a wedge attached to a flat rod running through a slot in the head; there is a slot in this rod about four inches long, a pin passing through it into the staff. To use the instrument, withdraw the rod as far as the slot will permit, which will allow the movable piece on which the composition has been spread to drop below the surface of the head, and protect it. Push the head to the bottom of the chamber, and arrange the position of the staff so that the movable piece will cover the vent, then press the end of the rod home. This motion will throw out the composition, and a distinct impression of the vent and of fire-cracks (should there be any) will be left upon its surface; draw the rod back as far as the slot will allow, and withdraw the instrument: the impression, being protected thereby, will come out uninjured. Impressions of injuries or cavities in the bore may easily be taken by a similar contrivance. 27th. Hydraulic pump and apparatus for the water-proof. Any of the various patterns of this machine may be applied to the proof of guns. An iron cross-head is secured to a stout wooden block which fits into the muzzle, and which has a flange or shoulder to cover the muzzle-face; rings of caoutchouc or gutta-percha are placed between them; an iron rod with a ring in one end, to fit over the trunnion, and with a thread cut on the other end, is used on each side of the gun, to connect the trunnion with the cross-head. The whole is set up with nuts, and the pressure upon the rings makes a tight joint; a coupling upon the cross-head receives the hose, and the water is forced into the gun through a hole in the wooden block. Care should be taken that the valve is loaded with the proper weight for proof. 28th. Dies for marking guns.--A full set of figures, with such capital letters as may be required for the inspection-marks; these should be one inch in length. Also, small letters of suitable size to mark "lbs.," and a full set of half-inch figures. USE OF THE INSPECTING INSTRUMENTS. 29. The guns having been freed from rust, and their foundry numbers noted, in the order of their relative positions, on the field-book, the inspecting officer will proceed to verify the instruments to be used in their measurement, if this has not been previously done in a manner entirely satisfactory to him. He will then examine carefully the guns, inside and out, for defects of metal or of manufacture, and note the results. The interior of the bore is to be examined by reflecting the rays of the sun into it from a mirror or mirrors; or, if the sun is obscured, and there can be no delay, by means of a spirit-lamp, or of a wax taper, on the end of a rod, taking care not to smoke the surface of the bore. The cylinder-gauge is then to be introduced, which must pass freely to the bottom of the cylindrical part of the bore. If obstructed, the depth to which it reaches should be noted. The star-gauge is used to ascertain the exact diameter of the bore, and of the cylindrical part of the chamber. The bore must be measured at intervals of 1/4 inch from the bottom of the cylindrical part to the seat of the shot; of 1 inch from that point to the trunnions; and of 5 inches from the trunnions to the muzzle. If any marks of the reamer or other defects are seen in the bore, they are to be searched for, and their depths and positions noted. These results are to be tabulated according to the blank forms furnished. The whole length of the bore is ascertained by means of the measuring-staff, with the point screwed on, supported in the axis of the bore by the disks and half-tompion. In the absence of this instrument, a pine rod, having the proper length of the bore marked on it, and the end rounded to the curve of the bottom of the bore, will answer as well, using a thread or a straight-edge across the face of the muzzle. The shape and dimensions of the chamber, and the position of the interior orifice of the vent, are verified by means of the chamber-gauge, the description of which will explain its use. An inspection of the chamber-reamer will be generally satisfactory in determining the size and shape of the chamber. The vent is measured by the appropriate gauges, the smaller of which must enter freely, and the larger not at all. It is searched for roughness, or for cavities in the metal around it, by means of the searcher, the point of which should feel every part of it carefully. Its inclination to the surface, and its position externally, are verified by means of the vent-guide furnished for the Dahlgren guns, and by the semicircular protractor and the vent-gauge. In guns of the ordinary construction, the position of the vent is marked on the profile-board, and its inclination to the surface is determined by the protractor and vent-gauge. The exterior lengths of the gun are measured by the profile-board, marked with the true dimensions, the differences being measured by the foot-rule, or, if minute, estimated by the eye. The exterior diameters are measured with the calipers and square, or by the set-gauges used in turning, and a graduated wedge. To verify the position and alignment of the trunnions of a gun, it is first necessary to ascertain, by means of the trunnion-gauge and of the calipers, their cylindrical form and their diameters, which should be the same, or allowance must be made for half the difference in measuring their axial distances from the base-line, by the trunnion-rule, which should next be done. These distances should be equal, or their axes do not coincide--an error not tolerated. The trunnion-square is then placed upon the trunnions in the plane of their axis. The feet of its branches should coincide with the surfaces of both trunnions, throughout their length, above and in rear, and their inner edges with the faces of the rimbases. Then, with the beam-compass, scribe on the upper surface of the gun the distance of the axis of the trunnions from the base-line, and push the sliding-point of the square down, till, at that distance, it touches the surface of the gun, and screw it fast. Then turn the gun over, and again scribe on it the same distance from the base-line. The square, being again applied, will determine whether the trunnions are above or below the axis of the bore, which will coincide with that of the gun, if accurately bored, and turned on the same centres and bearings. If the branches rest upon the trunnions before the point of the slider touches the gun at the scribe, their axis is below; but if the point touch first, above the axis of the bore, by half the space between. The graduated wedge, being placed under the vertical sliding-point, will determine the amount. If both touch at once, both axes are in the same plane. No gun can be received, the axis of the trunnions of which is above that of the bore. The lengths of the trunnions are measured with the foot-rule, and the diameters of the rimbases by that of the exterior rim of the trunnion-gauge. If the alignment of the trunnions be correct, it will serve as a means of determining the correctness of the line of sight, which, before the gun is removed from the lathe, should be distinctly traced on the sight-masses and the swell of the muzzle, and should be at right angles to the base-line, to the axes of the trunnions, and to the connecting piece of the trunnion-square, when its branches rest against their rear, with the plates across their upper surfaces. The Inspector will further satisfy himself of the correct tracing of the line of sight on the gun, by examining the lathe and the manner of tracing it in the plane of the axis of the bore, at right angles to the axis of the trunnions, as by it are placed the sights and vent, and in their absence it serves as a line of metal sight. The positions of the sight-masses are verified by the profile-board, and by reference to the line of sight, traced on them; their form and dimensions by the templates. The positions of the lock-lugs and their forms are verified by means of the bronze pattern furnished to each foundry for each class of the Dahlgren guns, and their dimensions by the templates. For other guns the position of the lock-piece is marked on the profile-board, and their measures taken as above. The opening of the cascabel and its curves, and those of the breech and the muzzle-swell, are verified by means of the "cylinder-block" and the templates. 30. The following variations from the proper dimensions may be tolerated by the Inspector, though every effort should be made to conform exactly to the drafts furnished by the Bureau of Ordnance. In the diameter of the bore { more 0.03 { less 0.00 Exterior diameter { where turned } more .05 { or planed } less .05 { { where not } more .20 { turned or planed } less .05 In the length { of the bore, more or less .10 { from rear of base-ring or line to face of { the muzzle, more or less .25 { of the cascabel, from rear of base-ring to { the end, more or less .20 { of the reinforce, more or less .15 From the axis of trunnions to base-line, more or less .05 In the length of chamber, more or less .10 In the position of the axis { above axis of the bore .00 of the trunnions { below axis of the bore .20 In the length of trunnions, more or less .05 Diameter of trunnions, less 0.05 In the same gun, no variations to be tolerated in the position of the trunnions, or in their alignment. In the vent { diameter more 0.025 { do. less .000 In lock-piece any dimensions {more .10 {less .00 Variation of position of exterior orifice of vent .05 Idem of interior do. do. .20 Depth of cavities { in the bore or vent .00 { on exterior surface of reinforces, { where turned or planed .10 { elsewhere, where turned or planed .25 { on trunnions, within one inch of rimbases .10 { on trunnions, elsewhere .25 Enlargement or indentation of bore by proof, not to exceed .02 The measures are to be taken by scales corresponding with the standard measures of the United States. If two or more cavities should be near each other on the exterior, the gun may be rejected, though the cavities should be of less depth than tolerated in the table. If the trunnions are placed within the limits of toleration, the preponderance must not vary more than 5 per cent., more or less, from that fixed in the contract. POWDER-PROOF. 31. The proof-charges shall be as follows: ----------------------------------+-------+------------------+------+------+ CALIBRE AND CLASS OF GUN. |CHARGE | PROJECTILE. |WADS. | NO. | | OF | | | OF | |POWDER.| | |FIRES.| ----------------------------------+-------+------------------+------+------+ Shell-guns. |Pounds.| | | | {| 35 |Shell 330 lbs.| | 3 | XV-inch 43,000 lbs.{| 45 |Shell 330 lbs.| | 3 | {| 55 |Cored sh. 400 lbs.| | 3 | | | | | | XI-inch 16,000 lbs.{| 25 |Solid shot |Gromet| 1 | {| 15 |Shell | | 10 | | | | | | X-inch 12,500 lbs.{| 18 |Solid shot |Gromet| 1 | {| 12 |Shell | | 10 | | | | | | IX-inch 9,000 lbs.{| 15 |Solid shot |Gromet| 1 | {| 10 |Shell | | 10 | | | | | | 8-inch of 63 cwt., or 7,000 lbs.{| 12 |Shot |Gromet| 1 | {| 10 |Shell | | 10 | | | | | | 8-inch of 6,500 lbs.{| 10 |Shot |Gromet| 1 | | | | | | 8-inch of 55 cwt., or 6,000 lbs.{| 10 |Shot | | 1 | {| 8 |Shell | | 10 | | | | | | 32-pdr. of 4,500 lbs. | 8 |Shot | | 10 | ----------------------------------+-------+------------------+------+------+ Shot-guns. | | | | | 130-pdr. of -- cwt., or | | | | | 16,000 lbs.| 30 |1 Shot |Gromet| 10 | 64-pdr. of 106 cwt., or | | | | | 12,000 lbs.| 20 | do. | do. | 10 | 32-pdr. of 57 cwt., or | | | | | 6,400 lbs.| 15 | do. | do. | 10 | 32-pdr. of 51 cwt., or | | | | | 5,700 lbs.| 13 | do. | do. | 10 | 32-pdr. of 42 cwt., or | | | | | 4,700 lbs.| 10 | do. | do. | 10 | 32-pdr. of 33 cwt., or | | | | | 3,600 lbs.| 10 | do. | do. | 10 | 32-pdr. of 27 cwt., or | | | | | 3,000 lbs.| 9 | do. | do. | 10 | ----------------------------------+-------+------------------+------+------+ The cannon-powder for proof shall be of not less than 1,500 feet initial velocity, as determined by the gun-pendulum at the Ordnance Yard, Washington. It shall be filled in service cylinders, and well settled. For chambered pieces the increased charges should fill the chamber and necessary portion of the bore. The projectiles shall be of full weight, and not below the mean gauge; the shells shall be filled with a mixture of sand and ashes, to bring them up to the proper weight of the filled shell. Sabots for the shell and a gromet wad over the shot. The gun should be fired on skids or a proving-carriage, to test the trunnions. If five per cent. out of any lot offered for ordinary proof under a contract shall fail to sustain it, the whole may be rejected, as may be stipulated in the contract. WATER-PROOF. 32. The pressure to be applied in the water-proof will be two atmospheres, or thirty pounds to the square inch. The penetration of water in this proof through the metal of the piece, in any place, will cause the rejection of the gun; and if, on examination after the water-proof, there shall be any defects indicated by weeping or dampness in the bore, the gun shall be rejected. The water-proof is alone to be depended on to detect minute clusters of cavities in the bore, which for this purpose should be perfectly dry, and examined by sunlight. All inspections, consequently, should take place in fair weather, and when the temperature is above the freezing-point. MARKING GUNS. 33. Guns for the naval service, received by authority of the Bureau of Ordnance, are to be marked in the following manner, viz.: On the cylinder, in the line of sight near the sight-mass, all accepted guns are to have stamped an anchor two inches long. Drawings of these stamps will be furnished by the Bureau of Ordnance. On the base ring or line, the initials of the foundry, the register number, and the weight of gun in pounds. On the right trunnion, the calibre and year of fabrication. On the left trunnion, the letter P. and the initials of the inspecting officer; all the above in one-inch letters. On the upper jaw of the cascabel, the preponderance in pounds to be stamped lightly with half-inch figures. On the end of the upper jaw, the cascabel block and head of the pin, the foundry number in quarter-inch figures. The foundry number is also to be marked on the right rimbase. Guns rejected for imperfections of any kind will have the letter C. stamped on the anchor, so as to partially obliterate it. The founders are to be dissuaded from selling such guns to other parties, and required to break them up. Guns rejected for such defects as render them dangerous to those who fire them, should be irreparably mutilated, with the consent of the founder. EXTREME PROOF OF TRIAL-GUNS. 34. The extreme proof of guns intended for trial of metal, subject to such modifications by the Bureau as future experience may dictate, will be conducted as follows: A suitable 'butt' shall be erected to arrest the flight of the projectiles used in proof, and to admit of their easy recovery, and a bomb-proof, readily accessible, for the protection of the firing party. When practicable, the 'butt' should be made thick enough to allow the shot to just pass through, and be stopped by another beyond it, without penetrating the latter; this is, for XI-inch, about 12 feet. With care, it is estimated that 130 shells may be fired 1,000 times, at the rate of one hundred rounds, per day. After undergoing the ordinary proof established for its calibre and class, the gun selected for extreme proof shall be subjected to at least 1,000 rounds with service charges. It may be fired from the skids, or suspended, as the Bureau may direct. During the trial the gun shall be frequently and critically examined, inside and out, for cracks or defects, especially about the interior orifice of the vent, of which impressions are to be taken in wax at regular intervals, in the manner prescribed on page 16, or in such other manner as the Bureau may direct. If they show that the vent is corroded in furrows, and enlarged considerably in diameter at its junction with the bore, a permanent impression is to be taken in lead, to show the conical enlargement. The following manner, practised at the Experimental Battery at Washington, is recommended: IMPLEMENTS REQUIRED. 35. 1. A soft wire about 0.07 in. in diameter, and 3 or 4 fathoms long. 2. A lever about twice the length of the bore, and about 3 inches in diameter, and shod to suit the curve of the bore nearly. 3. A small button of soft lead, judged to be of sufficient size to fill the vent at least one inch from the bore. This is to be pierced lengthwise to receive the wire. TO TAKE THE IMPRESSION. 36. Shove the wire through the vent; let it pass along the bore and out at the muzzle; put it through the leaden button and tie a knot at the end. Draw the wire back through the vent until the leaden button is introduced firmly into the inner orifice. [Illustration: TYPES OF VENTS. Lith. by J.F. Gedney, Washn.] Apply the lever, making its shoe bear on the button, and force it well in by repeated blows, the muzzle being the fulcrum. This done, disengage the button by pushing in the priming-wire. In taking impressions of the vent and cracks, each button in turn is used as a pattern for moulding its successor, allowing for the progressive enlargement of the vent, or the cracks emanating from it. When the crack shows itself, the head of the button should be so enlarged as to include it. These examinations should take place after every twenty fires, at least, and more frequently when any unusual enlargement of the vent or extension of cracks shall be developed, and indicate its speedy destruction. Before each examination the bore of the gun is to be carefully washed and dried. In recording the measurements of the bore in extreme proof and after service, distinguish between "indentation," which is the depression at the "seat of the shot," which is always below, and the "wear of the bore," which is generally above, and increase of bore, or "enlargement" from any other cause. When from the appearance of the bore at the interior orifice of the vent, and especially when a crack or cracks appear to be extending rapidly, the vent so enlarged may be filled with melted tin, zinc, or Babbitt metal,--a tight-fitting sponge-head being pushed to the bottom of the chamber to close the interior orifice,--and the other vent be drilled through for the purpose of continuing the firing. The precise time at which this is to be done will vary, according to circumstances; such as quality of metal, charge, and elevation. The endurance of a smooth-bored gun with service charges may be surely predicted by observation of the progressive wear of the interior orifice of the vent. There are certain general forms in which this enlargement takes place. They may be classed as triangular, lozenge, quadrilateral, star, circular, and elliptic. (See Plate.) With the ordinary central vent, when subjected to a rapid, continuous fire, the enlargement usually takes the form of an isosceles triangle, the apex of one of the angles towards the muzzle, and the other two perpendicular to it. With the lateral vent of the Dahlgren system it usually takes the lozenge form, the cracks extending from the opposite angles lengthwise of the bore. With those rifled cannon in which the vent is bouched, the cracks appear around the bouching; and although the bouching preserves the vent, yet the formation of fissures around the enlarged orifice, when once commenced, causes a greater tendency to rupture. With the vent not bouched, the wear in rifled cannon is about double that of the smooth-bore. So long as the wear of the vent is regular and without cracks, a mere enlargement is not indicative of danger; but when it reaches a diameter of four-tenths (.4) of an inch the vent should be closed and a new one opened. A gun of large calibre should not in service be expected to endure more than 400 or 500 rounds before it will be necessary to open the new vent, which, however, will be of no advantage, unless the old one be closed at its interior orifice, on which the gases would otherwise continue to act as a wedge. The first distinct appearance of the cracks, as shown by the button, is the proper limit. After the gun bursts, make a sketch or draft showing lines of fracture, and reserve specimens to be sent to the Ordnance Yard at Washington for trial of density and tensile strength; and, if practicable, a photograph should be taken. [Illustration: XI IN. GUN No. 897. Lith. by J.F. Gedney, Washn.] PREPARATION OF GUNS FOR SERVICE. 37. After the guns have been received at the Navy Yards it is necessary to adjust the sights, and, in the guns of the Dahlgren pattern, cut the screw hole in the cascabel. CUTTING THE SCREW-HOLE. 38. The boring and screw-cutting machine is a convenient portable hand drill-press, the use of which is readily understood by any machinist. The gun being carefully levelled, and the trunnions placed horizontal, the position of the centre of the screw-hole, which in the guns of the Dahlgren pattern is tangent to the radius of the breech, is marked on the neck of the cascabel with a centre punch. The machine is placed on the cascabel, the boring shaft inserted in the hollow leading bar, and its movable centre placed on the mark. The instrument is then set vertical, by a spirit-level on the cogged driving-wheel, and the four pairs of set screws on the clamp-head embracing the cascabel. The centre is then removed, and a drill inserted in the lower extremity of the boring-shaft, which, being held firmly by a shoulder and turned by a four-armed wrench, while pressed up to the metal by slowly turning the cogged driving-wheel, cuts the hole. This is successively enlarged, by two or more counterbits, to the size of the body of the screw. The cutter is then inserted in the leading bar, and the thread cut. ADJUSTMENT OF THE SIGHTS. 39. The bore having been thoroughly cleaned, the axis is levelled by a spirit-level; this may be very conveniently done by the aid of the levelling-bar. The axis of the trunnions is to be laid horizontal, either by placing a small level on the trunnions, or, as more exact, by using the trunnion-square. If the trunnion-square is used it will be proper to verify the position of the line of sight, which is frequently incorrectly placed at the foundries. The breech-sight is then to be adjusted. A brass head or tompion, fitted with a vertical arm, on which there is a ledge for a spirit-level, is then introduced into the bore, and the arm placed vertical by the spirit-level and a tangent screw. The arm is pierced on its centre line with two holes--one at the height of the prescribed diameter of the muzzle, the other at a height equal to the proper distance of the bottom of the sight-notch from the axis of the bore. A waxed thread or fine wire, being stretched from the upper hole to the centre of the sight-notch, will coincide with the line of sight traced on the swell of the muzzle, the top of the reinforce sight-mass, and the base-line, if they are correctly placed. It will also be parallel to the axis of the bore if the adjustment of the breech-sight is exact, and the top of the reinforce-sight is made to coincide with it. This is, however, seldom the case, and after the adjustment of the reinforce-sight it is necessary to verify it. This is done by the levelling-bar--a square steel bar with parallel faces, somewhat longer than the distance between the sights, the rear end of which is bevelled at 60° (the angle at which the sight is placed). The outer end of this bar is placed on the reinforce-sight, which has been previously adjusted to the proper height, and the bevelled end in contact with the outer face of the sight-bar. The bar is then levelled by two screws placed near the inner end, and a spirit-level on its upper surface. If then the bottom of the sight-notch coincides with the bottom of the bar, the line of sight is parallel to the axis; otherwise, the reinforce-sight or the sight-bar must be lowered until coincidence is obtained. A centre line on the bar verifies the coincidence of the line of sight, and also the motion of the sight-bar in the vertical plane. The bevel verifies the angle of the bar; and the distance between the outer faces of the sight-notch and of the reinforce-sight, being also marked on the levelling-bar, verifies this adjustment. Another method is sometimes and more advantageously used in adjusting the sights of guns which have not been turned. Two iron or wooden disks are turned to the exact diameter of the bore, and placed on a rod two or three feet longer than the bore. One of the disks is placed near the bottom of the bore, the other just within the muzzle. On the part projecting beyond the muzzle there is a double square, each arm of which is divided into equal parts and traversed by a fine slit. The square being set vertical by a spirit-level or plumb-line, and a waxed thread or wire stretched taut from the outer arm through the slit, cutting equal divisions on each, and passing through the centre of the slit, it is evident that a line of sight is obtained through the centre of metal and parallel to the axis of the bore. This method has the advantage of adjusting the sights in any plane parallel to the axis, as in the case of the side-sights of rifled and other cannon. ADJUSTMENT OF THE SIDE-SIGHTS. 40. The gun having been levelled, and the trunnions placed horizontal, a centre line is to be drawn on the top of the left (or right) rimbase. The support for the sight is then to be fitted to the breech, at the distance from this line marked on the pattern-sight for its calibre, with the bottom of the sight-notch in the bar, exactly the height of the front sight (one inch) above the upper surface of the rimbase; the sight-bar perpendicular. It is advisable to place a very thin sheet of rubber under the support, to prevent the heads of the screws from being jumped off by the vibration. The screws have the same thread as those for the present reinforce-sight. After the breech-sight is adjusted, a parallel to the axis of the bore is to be drawn in the usual manner, and the front sight screwed in on the rimbase. Some trifling adjustment may then be required, to bring the height of the top of the front sight and the bottom of the sight-notch parallel to the axis of the bore in both the horizontal and vertical planes. PRESERVATION OF GUNS. 41. Guns received at Navy Yards are to be carefully placed on the ranges of masonry, capped with iron skids or bars. It is intended that these shall be so high that the guns may be rolled upon them without their trunnions touching the ground, and that the earth will not be beaten up against their muzzles by heavy rains. 42. The surface over which guns are to be stowed should be kept firm and clear of all vegetation, and for this purpose should be covered with cinders from the smiths' forges, or other substance unfavorable to or destructive of the growth of plants and grasses. 43. In stowing the guns they should be made to rest on one of the skids or bars, a little forward of the base-ring, the muzzle depressed, but not so much as to prevent the use of the sponge to clean out the gun; the axis of the trunnion of each to be inclined the same way, and just enough not to touch the adjoining gun; the vents to be upwards. 44. Before the stowage is finally made they should be carefully and thoroughly cleaned from rust and all improper coatings, and be lacquered internally and externally with such composition as may be directed by the Bureau. This should be applied, when practicable, when the guns are well warmed by the rays of the sun. The vents and all screw-holes are to be stopped with plugs made of soft wood or oakum dipped in tallow, after they have been protected by an application of beeswax dissolved in spirits of turpentine, or other composition that may be directed by the Bureau. 45. No tompions are to be put into the guns when they are stowed unless expressly directed by the Bureau; if so ordered, a score must be cut out from them on the lower side, half an inch wide and equally deep. 46. In lacquering guns care is to be taken to leave the distinguishing marks and numbers distinctly visible. 47. Shell-guns are always to be denominated by the diameter of the bore; shot-guns by the weight of their shot. 48. Guns of the same calibre and class, when it can be conveniently done, are to be stowed in the same tier or range, and those of each class belonging to or selected for any particular vessel kept together. Each tier or range of guns of a particular calibre or class is to be marked accordingly with paint on a sign-board, and the first gun of each class belonging to a vessel is to be marked with the name of the vessel. 49. The Officer on Ordnance duty will examine all the guns in the yard and on board vessels in ordinary, at least once in every two weeks, and take care that they are kept protected from rust or any other injury, and will report to the Bureau whenever any additional precautions or arrangements are required for their proper preservation, and which may not be furnished by the order of the Commandant of the Yard. 50. No cutting, boring, or chiselling of guns is to be done at any time without express authority from the Bureau. 51. No condemnation of guns or small arms belonging to the Navy is to be made, except upon surveys specially ordered, and confirmed by the Chief of the Bureau; nor of other articles which have been furnished under his authority, or by his direction, unless by surveys ordered or sanctioned by him. 52. When guns and their equipments are to be put on board vessels for their armament, the guns are to be carefully and thoroughly cleaned and examined, to see that they are in all respects in proper serviceable condition. The vents should be examined with the vent-gauges and searchers, to see that they are clear from any substance which may obstruct the use of priming-wires and primers. 53. The carriages are also to be carefully examined, the trunnion-holes and arms of the axletrees cleaned, and saturated with boiled linseed oil, the cracks filled with putty, and rubbed smooth, and the trunnion-holes black-leaded. The iron work should be freed from rust, all screws be made to work easily, and be well cleaned and coated with proper composition. 54. The Ordnance Officers will see that the sights are properly fitted and marked for their proper guns. The greatest care should be taken that they are properly adjusted, as the efficiency of the ship depends on it, and it is difficult to detect or remedy any error after they are placed on board; that the beds and quoins are fitted and adjusted, and the quoins graduated to degrees or distances to correspond with those marked on the sight-bars. Porter's quoin is adopted for all carriages requiring quoins. 55. New guns are to have locks fitted to them before being put on board ship. Those having two lugs will have the one on the right fitted; the other is to be left solid. 56. When the guns are to be shipped for transportation merely, the same precautions are to be taken to guard them from injury as on shore, with the addition of a wad dipped into the composition which covers the bore, thrust into the muzzle, and connected with the tompion by a lanyard. In the transportation of guns by rail--unboxed--the vents are to be plugged with soft wood, puttied over, and turned vent downwards on the trucks. All bronze howitzers transported by rail shall be boxed. 57. At the termination of a cruise the guns composing the battery of every vessel-of-war of the United States, shall be carefully examined by the Ordnance Officer of the Yard, and such others as may be directed, with the view to discover and report any injuries which they may have sustained in service, or any defects which may not have been developed in the original proof. In this examination the attention of the Inspecting Officers is to be directed to the following points, viz.: Enlargement of the interior or exterior orifice of the vent. Indentations or hollows produced by the shot balloting against the surface of the bore, or by the action of the gases. Cuts or scratches in the bore, produced by fragments of broken or the roughness of imperfect shot. Roughness or corrosion of the metal on the exterior, produced by neglect or exposure. Similar injuries in the bore, or any enlargement of the bore, which is to be ascertained by measuring with the star-gauge, at every one-fourth (1/4) of an inch from the bottom of the cylindrical part to the seat of the shot, every inch from that point to the trunnion, thence every 5 inches to the muzzle, and the results recorded in the usual form, and reported to the Bureau, that they may be compared with those noted at the original inspection. In rifled cannon, cracks or injuries produced by firing, or the rupture of shells, are to be sought for:-- Around and in rear of the vent bouching; On the top of the bore, between the trunnions and reinforce band. On the lower side of the bore, near the seat of the shot, at the junction of the lands and grooves. Near the inside of the muzzle, caused by explosion of shells. Care is to be taken that the distinguishing marks and numbers are always accurately noted, that the correct history of each gun may be preserved. 58. Before sailing, the Inspector of Ordnance will furnish the commander with a descriptive list of his battery, together with a statement of the number of times each gun on board has been fired, in the following form; a copy of which the commander shall transmit to the Bureau before sailing: this list shall be returned to the Inspector of the Yard to which she may return, with all additional firing noted opposite the number of each gun, certified "correct" by the commander. In the list furnished by the Inspector, if the "number of fires" is _estimated_, it is to be entered in red ink (_See_ Arts. 62-64), and so carried forward in the subsequent returns. NAME OF VESSEL. STATION. ( ) ( ) -----+-------------------------+------------+----------+---------+--------+ CLASS| MARKS ON BASE-RING. | TRUNNIONS. |PIVOT, OR | WHERE |NUMBER | OF +-------------------------+------------+BROADSIDE.|RECEIVED.|FIRES OF| GUN.|Reg. No.|Weight.|Foundry.|Right.|Left.| | |TO DATE.| -----+--------+-------+--------+------+-----+----------+---------+--------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -----+--------+-------+--------+------+-----+----------+---------+--------+ _________________________________ Forwarded by _Commanding._ 59. The Bureau directs that, whenever a gun is taken on board a vessel, the number of rounds which have been fired from it be ascertained by the Commander, a record made thereof, and forwarded with the descriptive list, in the above form, to the Bureau; and whenever a gun is landed or transferred to another vessel, a similar record is to be furnished the officer receiving it, which must be stated in the receipt for the gun, and a copy forwarded to the Bureau of Ordnance by the officer delivering the gun. The Commander shall also transmit to the Bureau a quarterly return, according to the prescribed form (_See_ Appendix B, No. X.) of all firing whether with or without projectiles, in action or otherwise; noting particularly the kind of shell, species of fuze, kind, charge, and name of maker of the powder used in the gun and shell. He shall take care to note also the number of premature explosions of shells, and the point at which they take place, with the supposed causes thereof. 60. The Inspector will also furnish the commander with a set of leaden impressions of the interior orifice of the vents of the guns, secured in a suitable box, that he may be able to compare the wear and gradual enlargement. These will be transferred with the guns to other ships or when landed. 61. The protracted firing to which the Navy cannon have been subjected, and to which they will continue to be liable, renders it necessary not to exceed the number of fires designated for each vent. These must never exceed five hundred (500) fires for each vent. In the IX-in., XI-in., and guns of similar form, the right vent is always bored through, and the left initiated sufficiently to give it direction. When five hundred (500) rounds have been fired from the right vent, it is to be closed by filling it with molten zinc or lead, and the left vent is to be bored, which will require a skilful mechanic. When the left vent has been fired five hundred (500) rounds, the gun is to be disused, as it will then have been fired one thousand (1,000) times. It may happen, from some peculiarity in the nature of the iron, that the vent may be worn to its full extent before five hundred (500) rounds have been fired, in which case the vent is then to be closed, and the other vent opened. The gun should be frequently and critically examined inside and out for cracks or defects, especially about the interior orifice of the vent, of which impressions should be taken after every ten shotted rounds in practice, and at the close of an action. The instrument described on p. 16 is convenient, but by no means indispensable--any small spar, such as a boat's mast, or even the rammer handle with a curved piece of wood seized to the end, will, in expert hands, take an impression of the vent or crack equally well. 62. As the best indication of the amount of firing to which any smooth-bored gun has been exposed, when it is not otherwise known, is given by the enlargement of the vent, particular attention will be paid, in the reinspection of the guns, to this point. The standard gauge will be used to ascertain the general enlargement, and the searcher to detect defects which may have been developed in firing. Impressions are to be taken of the lower orifice of the vent with softened wax, and if they show that the vent is corroded in furrows and enlarged considerably in diameter at its junction with the bore, a permanent impression is to be taken in lead to show the conical enlargement. (See mode of taking impressions, Arts. 35 and 36.) 63. When the number of rounds fired is not known, an estimate may be made from an examination of the vent by cylindrical gauges differing from each other by .01 of an inch passed through it. If the number is estimated, it is to be entered in red ink. 64. In all the guns of the Dahlgren pattern the vents are (.2) two-tenths of an inch in diameter. In all other guns .22 of an inch exterior, .2 of an inch on the interior. Observation of the wear of the vent in proof firing of smooth-bored guns gives the following as the average diameter of the vent, after the undermentioned number of fires: No. of rounds 100 200 300 400 500 Diameter of vent .24 .26 .30 .35 .40 These, combined with examination of the interior orifice, will enable a very correct judgment to be formed of the probable number of fires sustained and duration of the gun. The larger the calibre and the heavier the charge the more promptly the wear is manifested on the interior and exterior. This enlargement does not extend very far from the lower orifice until the enlargement on the exterior has reached a diameter of .3 of an inch. 65. So long as the wear is regular, and the cracks, although numerous, do not exceed .5 of an inch in length, the indications are good. If the cracks are but few or diminish in number, running into each other and extending rapidly, it is a very unfavorable sign. In the rifle cannon (Parrott's) cracks athwart the bore either running into the bouching or in the rear of it are very unfavorable to the gun's endurance. 66. Whenever any premature explosions of shells take place within the gun or near the muzzle, a careful examination of the gun shall be made; and all the circumstances of the case, together with the opinions of the commander and officers in immediate charge as to the cause thereof, reported to the Bureau; taking care to state the kind of shell and species of fuze used; the mode of loading; whether the shell was lined or coated on the interior; kind, charge, and name of maker of the powder which was used in the gun and shell. There is reason to believe that few failures of the Parrott rifles have occurred where the guns have not been previously, or at the time, injuriously strained by the explosion of shells within the bore. 67 Whenever a gun shall give away under fire, or an accident of any kind happen to one, the Bureau desires to be immediately informed of all the facts in relation thereto. Particular attention should be paid to the following points: 1. The manner in which the gun was loaded, stating the charge and kind of powder used, and character and weight of projectiles. 2. The condition and appearance of the gun after it gave way, and what effect was produced on the carriage by the explosion. 3. What injuries, if any, occurred to the crew of the gun or vessel. Sketches of the gun and fragments which remain should also be sent to the Ordnance Yard at Washington for trial of density and tensile strength, accompanied by the written statement in detail of the officers in immediate charge of the gun, and if practicable a photograph should be taken. INSPECTION OF SHOT AND SHELLS. RULES AND MEMORANDA FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF INSPECTORS. 68. All shot and shells for the naval service must be-- 1st. Made from gray or mottled charcoal pig-iron. 2d. This iron most not be blasted with anthracite coal. 3d. It must be poured into sand moulds. 69. After being cast in this manner, the shot and shells must be-- 1st. Spherical. 2d. Smooth on the surface. 3d. Free from the defects named in the following rules for the use of the inspecting instruments: FOR SHOT. 70. INSPECTING INSTRUMENTS.--One large, small, and one medium ring gauge, and one cylinder-gauge for each calibre. The cylinder-gauge shall have the same diameter as the large gauge, made of cast iron, and three calibres in length. One hammer weighing two pounds, and having a flat face and a conical point; one searcher, of steel wire, with a handle; one pair of calipers and standard scale; one cold chisel; steel punches. 71. After having been well cleaned, each shot is placed upon a table, and examined to see that its surface is smooth, and that the metal is sound and free from seams, flaws, and blisters. If clusters of cavities or small holes appear on the surface, strike the point of the hammer into them, and ascertain their depth with the searcher. If the depth of the cavity exceeds 0.2 inch, the shot shall be rejected; it shall also be rejected if any attempt is made to conceal defects by plugging or filling holes in any mode whatever. 72. The shot must pass in every direction through the large gauge, and not at all through the small one; the calipers and scale will determine exactly the difference of diameters of the same projectile. 73. The ring and cylinder gauges shall be examined before each inspection, and when found to have enlarged 0.01 of an inch, must be laid aside and marked as unserviceable. 74. The shot are next to be passed through the cylinder-gauge, placed at an inclination of about two inches between the ends, and supported in such a manner as to be easily turned from time to time, to prevent its being worn in furrows. Shot which slide or stick in the cylinder shall be rejected; the latter must be pushed out from the lower end of the cylinder with a wooden rammer. [Illustration: PRINCIPAL INSPECTING INSTRUMENTS FOR SHELLS D. Van Nostrand Publisher. Julius Bien, pr.] 75. The next proof of shot is to drop a few taken indiscriminately from the lot under inspection from a height of twenty feet on a solid platform of iron, or roll them down an inclined plane of the same height against a mass of iron; after which they are again examined for defects of metal. 76. The average weight of shot shall be determined by weighing at least three parcels, of from 20 to 50 each, taken indiscriminately from the lot. As many of the lightest shall be weighed separately as the inspecting officer may deem necessary, and all found to fall below the least weight allowed in the annexed table of the dimensions of shot and shells shall be rejected. Shot made of charcoal iron will be stamped with a * or "burr" near the gate. SHELLS. 77. Shells should be cast on a half-inch hollow spindle, to allow the gas to pass freely from the core; the fuze-hole would then be sufficiently large to admit the gauge for thickness before the shells leave the foundry. 78. INSPECTING INSTRUMENTS.--In addition to the instruments for shot, there will be required calipers with steel points for measuring the thickness of the shell at points on the great circle at right angles with the axis of the fuze-hole; gauges for the thickness at and opposite the fuze-hole; a conical flat steel gauge for the fuze-hole, marked at the point to which it should enter; a pair of strong hand-bellows, with a wooden plug to fit the fuze-hole and the nozzle air-tight. (See Plate.) INSPECTION. 79. The surface of the shell and its exterior dimensions, form, weight, and strength, are to be examined and tested as in the case of shot, and subject to all the conditions there specified. 80. The greatest care is to be taken to remove every particle of sand or fragment of iron from the interior when they are about to be loaded for service. And the Inspectors of Ordnance at foundries or Navy Yards will satisfy themselves that this has been done before accepting or preparing them for service. 81. The shell is next struck with a hammer, to judge by the ring or sound whether it is free from cracks; and the exterior and interior diameters of the fuze-hole (which should be accurately reamed) are to be verified, and the soundness of the metal about the inside of the fuze-hole ascertained. To determine the thickness of the metal, three points, at least, on the great circle at right angles to the axis of the fuze-hole are to be measured; also one at the fuze-hole and one at the bottom. No shell shall be received which deviates more than one-tenth of an inch from the proper thickness in any part. 82. The shell is next placed in a tub of water, which should be deep enough to completely cover the shell. Air is then forced by the bellows into the shell. If there are any holes in it, air-bubbles will rise on the surface of the water, and the shell shall be rejected. 83. This occasionally occurs from the escape of air from porous spots which do not extend to the interior of the shells. In this case the action of the bellows produces no increase of bubbles, which cease rising as soon as the spots or cavities are filled with water. Porous spots are also detected by their absorbing water and drying slowly when exposed to the air, and shall likewise cause the rejection of the shell. 84. The Inspecting Officers will stamp the shell at one inch from the fuze-hole with their initials, also those of the foundry at which they are cast. The Inspector or one of his assistants must be present when shot or shell are inspected; and the stamps and marks are always to be retained in the possession of the Inspector. 85. Rejected shells are to be mutilated by chipping a piece out at the fuze-hole. 86. If, upon the inspection of shot or shells, any of them should be found not to conform strictly to these instructions or to the requirements of the contract under which they are offered for reception, the Inspecting Officer is not to receive them; but if, in his opinion, the defects, taken in connection with the general character of the articles, will not impair their efficacy or render them unsafe or hazardous, he may refer to the Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance for his decision, forwarding to him minute and full information on the subject. 87. Shot and shells shall be delivered for inspection at the places specified in the contract, at the expense of the contractor; and those which are rejected shall be immediately removed, also at his expense. TABLE OF SHOT AND SHELL GAUGES. 88. SHOT. DIMENSIONS, WEIGHT. | XV. |XIII. | XI. | X. | IX. | 8. | 32. | |(Cored.)| | | | | | | --------------------------+--------+------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+ Diameter of large gauge | | | | | | | | for foundries. | 14.83 | 12.83| 10.83| 9.83| 8.83| 7.88| 6.28| Diameter of small gauge | | | | | | | | for foundries. | 14.77 | 12.77| 10.77| 9.77| 8.77| 7.82| 6.22| Mean of gauge for | | | | | | | | foundries. in.| 14.80 | 12.80| 10.80| 9.80| 8.80| 7.85| 6.25| Mean weight required | | | | | | | | of foundries. lbs.| 400. |276. |166. |124. |90. |65. |32.5 | Least weight allowed | | | | | | | | foundries. lbs.| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- |64.5 |32. | Diameter of small gauges | | | | | | | | for service. | | | | | | | | {1st class in.| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 7.82| 6.22| {2d class in.| -- | -- | -- | -- | -- | 7.80| 6.20| --------------------------+--------+------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+ 89. SHELL. DIMENSIONS, WEIGHT. | XV. |XIII. | XI. | X. | IX. | 8. | 32. | ---------------------------+-------+------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+ Diameter of large gauge | | | | | | | | for foundries. | 14.83| 12.83| 10.87| 9.87| 8.87| 7.88| 6.28| Diameter of small gauge | | | | | | | | for foundries. | 14.77| 12.77| 10.83| 9.83| 8.83| 7.82| 6.22| Mean of gauge for | | | | | | | | foundries. in.| 14.80| 12.80| 10.85| 9.85| 8.85| 7.85| 6.25| {Proper in.| 2.85| 2.37| 2. | 1.80| 1.60| 1.50| 1.25| Thickness. {Greatest in.| 2.95| 2.47| 2.10| 1.90| 1.70| 1.60| 1.35| {Least in.| 2.75| 2.27| 1.90| 1.70| 1.50| 1.40| 1.15| Diameter of fuze-hole. | | | | | | | | {Proper and least | .65| .65| .65| .65| .65| .65| .65| {Greatest | .75| .75| .75| .75| .75| .75| .75| Diameter of large gauge | | | | | | | | for strapped. | 14.93| 12.93| 10.93| 9.93| 8.98| 7.93| 6.33| Mean weight required | | | | | | | | for foundries. lbs.| 330. |208. |127. | 95. |68.50|50. |25. | Least weight allowed | | | | | | | | foundries for | | | | | | | | any one. lbs.| -- | -- |126. | 94. |67.50|49. |24.5 | Weight of filled and | | | | | | | | sabotted. lbs.| 352. |216.5 |135.5 |101.50|73.50|52.75|26.5 | ---------------------------+-------+------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+ For gauges of boat-gun fixed ammunition, see Boat Armament of United States Navy, by Admiral Dahlgren, 2d edition, 1856. 90. SHRAPNEL. DIMENSIONS, WEIGHT. | XV. | XI. | X. | IX. | --------------------------+-------+------+------+------+ Mean of empty case. | | | | | { Gauge in.| 14.8 | 10.85| 9.85| 8.85| { Thickness in.| 1.25| 1. | .87| .75| { Weight lbs.| 178. | 76. | 57. | 38. | Balls { Number |1000. |625. |435. |350. | { Diameter lbs.| 1. | .85| .85| .85| { Weight lbs.| 140. | 51. | 33.5 | 27. | Sulphur. lbs.| 30. | 10. | 8.5 | 7. | Bursting charge. oz.| 10. | 6. | 4. | 3. | | | | | | Weight complete. } | | | | | Weight sabotted. } lbs.| 358. |141. |101. | 75. | --------------------------+-------+------+------+------+ DIMENSIONS, WEIGHT. | 8. | 32. | 24 | 12 | --------------------------+-------+---------+---------+---------+ Mean of empty case. | | | | | { Gauge in.| 7.85| 6.25 | 5.67 | 4.52 | { Thickness in.| .69| .60 | .55 | .45 | { Weight lbs.| 29. | 15. | 11. | 6.5 | Balls { Number | 220. |235. lead|175. lead| 80. lead| { Diameter lbs.| .85| .65 | .65 | .65 | { Weight lbs.| 17. | 14. | 10.5 | 4.75 | Sulphur. lbs.| 5. | 2.25 | 1.5 | .75 | Bursting charge. oz.| 2.5 | 1.25 |450. |350. | | | | grs. | grs. | Weight complete. } | | | | | Weight sabotted. } lbs.| 52. | 32. | 24. | 12. | --------------------------+-------+---------+---------+---------+ 91. DIMENSIONS OF SABOTS AND STRAPS FOR SHELL AND SHRAPNEL. DIMENSIONS, WEIGHT. | XV. |XIII.| XI. | X. | IX. | 8. | 32. | 24. | 12. | --------------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+ Thickness in.| 5. | 4.50| 2.75| 2.75| 2.40| 2. | 1.50 |1.90 |1.50 | Diameter | | | | | | | | | | {greatest in.|14.25|12.25|10.50| 9.50| 8.60| 6.90| 6. |5.7 |4.60 | {least in.|14.25|12.25|10.50| 9.50| 8.60| 6.80| 5.50 |5.55 |4.40 | Depth of saucers in.| 2.50| 2.25| 1.80| 1.60| 1.40| 1.20| 1. |1.50 |1.30 | Weights lbs.| 8.90| 5.50| 2.70| 2.40| 1.85| .90| .50 | .46 | .22 | Shell-straps | | | | | | | | | | {Length in.|25.75|22.5 |17.25|17.25|14.75|13.25|10.25 |7.625|6.375| {Width in.| 1.25| 1. | .75| .75| .75| .75| .625| .50 | .375| {Tin No.| XXD | XXD | XXD | XXD | IX | IX | IC | IC | IC | Tacks No.| 20 | 16 | 12 | 12 | 8 | 8 | 8 | 4 | 4 | --------------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+ 92. GRAPE. | | | | | | | | |RIFLE | | | | | | | | | +-------+ DIMENSIONS, WEIGHT. | XV.|XI. |X. |IX. | 8. |32. |24.|12.|20.|12.| ----------------------+----+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+---+---+---+---+ Weight of stand lbs.| -- | 34.75|26.10|20.4 |15.7 | 8.75| | | | | Weight of balls lbs.| -- | 89.10|71.70|25.20|37.12|24.80| | | | | Number of balls | -- | 15. |15. |18. |18. |12. | | | | | Diameter of balls in.| -- | 3.55| 3.34| 2.80| 2.50| 2.50| | | | | Weight complete lbs.| -- |125.08|98.62|74.10|58.25|33.50| | | | | ----------------------+----+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+---+---+---+---+ 93. CANISTER. DIMENSIONS, WEIGHT. |XV. |XI. |X. |IX. | ----------------------+------+------+------+-------+ Windage in.| .25| .25| .25| .25 | Height | | | | | {Empty case in.| 15.50| 13.50| 11.75|10.5 | {Finished in.| 14. | 12. | 10.5 | 9.5 | Case notched, and | | | | | turned over in.| .75| .75| .65| .50 | Thickness of head | | | | | {Top in.| 1. | 5/8 | 5/8 | 5/8 | {Middle in.| 1. | 5/8 | | | {Bottom in.| 2. | 1. | 1. | 1. | Size of | | | | | {Rod in.|13/16 | 1/2 | 1/2 | 1/2 | {Nut {diameter in.| 2.75| 1.75| 1.75| 1.75 | {thickness in.| 1.50| 1. | 1. | 1. | {Bale in.| 1/2 | 3/5 | 5/8 | 3/5 | Metal and thickness | | | | | {Iron No.| 20. | 25. | 25. | 25. | {Tin No.| -- | -- | -- | -- | Balls | | | | | {Number |600. |315. |290. |230. | {Diameter in.| 1.30| 1.30| 1.30| 1.30 | {Weight lbs.|150. | 85. | 70. | 65. | Weight finished lbs.|207. |120. | 98. | 70. | ----------------------+------+------+------+-------+ DIMENSIONS, WEIGHT. |8. |32. |24. |12. | ----------------------+------+------+-----+-----+ Windage in.| .25| .25| .15| .15| Height | | | | | {Empty case in.| 9.75| 8.65| 5. | 3.85| {Finished in.| 8.75| 7.75| 6. | 5. | Case notched, and | | | | | turned over in.| .50| .45| 4.65| 3.52| Thickness of head | | | | | {Top in.| .75| .50| .35| .3 | {Middle in.| | | | | {Bottom in.| .75| .50| 1.90| 1.90| Size of | | | | | {Rod in.| | | | | {Nut { diameter in.| | | | | {thickness in.| | | | | {Bale in.| | | | | Metal and thickness | | | | | {Iron No.| | | | | {Tin No.| XXD | XXD | IC | IC | Balls | | | | | {Number |162. |100. |39. |39. | {Diameter in.| 1.30| 1.30| 1.30| 1. | {Weight lbs.| 45. | 28. |12.5 | 5.85| Weight finished lbs.| 50. | 30. |14.55| 7.75| ----------------------+------+------+-----+-----+ NOTE.--Bottom of XV-inch canister, of two thicknesses of oak, ash, or beech, crossing each other; put together with wrought-iron nails, clinched; spindle riveting on the bottom through a 3 inches square plate, 1/4 thick; cast-iron hexagonal nut, with wrought-iron bale. For XI, X, and IX-inch, bottom-head one thickness of one-inch oak, ash, or beech; spindle riveting on a plate 1-1/4 inches wide, by 1/4 thick, running across the grain the whole width of bottom, with a rivet at each end of plate. Top and centre heads of all made of white pine. Iron cases to be well painted inside with red before filling. 94. Shot of the first class, or which do not exceed 0.18 of an inch windage, are to be entirely black, and those of the second class, having from 0.18 to 0.20 of an inch windage, to be marked partly white. Each class is to be piled and kept separate from every other. Both classes are to be considered and supplied as "serviceable shot;" but are to be stowed separately on board ship, and the returns to the Bureau are to show the number of each, respectively. The number of those having more than 0.20 of an inch windage are to be reported and retained until special orders may be given for their disposition. In case any should be taken as the foundation for piling serviceable shot, they are to be painted entirely white and their number returned as unserviceable. PILING OF BALLS. 95. To find the number of balls in a pile--Multiply the sum of the three parallel edges by one-third of the number of balls in a triangular face. In a square pile one of the parallel edges contains but one ball; in a triangular pile two of the edges have but one ball in each. The number of balls in a triangular face is x(x+1)/2; x being the number in the bottom row. The sum of the three parallel edges in a triangular pile is x+2; in a square pile, 2x+1; in an oblong pile, 3X + 2x-2; X being the length of the top row, and x the width of the bottom tier; or 3m-x+1; m being the length, x the width of the bottom tier. If a pile consists of two piles joined at a right angle, calculate the contents of one as a common oblong pile, and of the other as a pile of which the three parallel edges are equal. 96. TABLE GIVING THE NUMBER OF BALLS IN A TRIANGULAR PILE, THE BASE OF WHICH IS X. VALUE OF | VALUE OF | VALUE OF | VALUE OF | VALUE OF | -----+------+-----+------+-----+------+-----+------+-----+------+ X. | S. | X. | S. | X. | S. | X. | S. | X. | S. | -----+------+-----+------+-----+------+-----+------+-----+------+ 1 | 1 | 6 | 56 | 11 | 286 | 16 | 816 | 21 | 1771 | 2 | 4 | 7 | 84 | 12 | 364 | 17 | 969 | 22 | 2024 | 3 | 10 | 8 | 120 | 13 | 455 | 18 | 1140 | 23 | 2300 | 4 | 20 | 9 | 165 | 14 | 560 | 19 | 1330 | 24 | 2600 | 5 | 35 | 10 | 220 | 15 | 680 | 20 | 1540 | 25 | 2925 | -----+------+-----+------+-----+------+-----+------+-----+------+ 97. TABLE GIVING THE NUMBER OF BALLS CONTAINED IN A SQUARE PILE, THE BASE OF WHICH IS X, AND IN A RECTANGULAR PILE, THE SIDES OF WHICH ARE X AND X + N. VALUE | DIFFERENCES | VALUE OF N. OF +-------------+----------------------------------- X. | 2d. | 1st. | 0. | 1. | 2. | 3. | 4. | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+ 2 | 7 | 9 | 5 | 8 | 11 | 14 | 17 | 3 | 9 | 16 | 14 | 20 | 26 | 32 | 38 | 4 | 11 | 25 | 30 | 40 | 50 | 60 | 70 | 5 | 13 | 36 | 53 | 30 | 85 | 100 | 115 | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+ 6 | 15 | 49 | 91 | 112 | 133 | 154 | 175 | 7 | 17 | 64 | 140 | 168 | 196 | 224 | 552 | 8 | 19 | 81 | 204 | 240 | 276 | 312 | 348 | 9 | 21 | 100 | 285 | 330 | 375 | 420 | 465 | 10 | 23 | 121 | 385 | 440 | 495 | 550 | 605 | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+ 11 | 23 | 144 | 506 | 572 | 638 | 704 | 770 | 12 | 27 | 159 | 650 | 728 | 805 | 884 | 962 | 13 | 29 | 196 | 819 | 910 | 1001 | 1092 | 1183 | 14 | 31 | 225 | 1015 | 1120 | 1225 | 1330 | 1435 | 15 | 33 | 255 | 1240 | 1360 | 1480 | 1600 | 1720 | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+ 16 | 35 | 286 | 1496 | 1632 | 1768 | 1904 | 2040 | 17 | 37 | 324 | 1785 | 1988 | 2091 | 2244 | 2397 | 18 | 39 | 361 | 2109 | 2280 | 2451 | 2622 | 2793 | 19 | 41 | 400 | 2470 | 2660 | 2850 | 3040 | 3239 | 20 | 43 | 441 | 2870 | 3080 | 3290 | 3500 | 3710 | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+ 21 | 45 | 484 | 3311 | 3542 | 3773 | 4004 | 4235 | 22 | 47 | 529 | 3795 | 4048 | 4301 | 4554 | 4807 | 23 | 49 | 576 | 4325 | 4600 | 4876 | 5152 | 5428 | 24 | 51 | 625 | 4900 | 5200 | 5500 | 5800 | 6100 | 25 | 53 | 676 | 8525 | 5850 | 6175 | 6500 | 6825 | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+ VALUE OF N. | DIFFERENCES| -----------------------------------------+------------+ 5. | 6. | 7. | 8. | 9. | 10. | 1st. | 2d. | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+-----+ 20 | 23 | 26 | 29 | 32 | 35 | 3 | 3 | 44 | 50 | 56 | 62 | 68 | 74 | 6 | 4 | 80 | 90 | 100 | 110 | 120 | 130 | 10 | 5 | 130 | 145 | 160 | 175 | 190 | 205 | 15 | 6 | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+-----+ 196 | 217 | 238 | 259 | 280 | 301 | 21 | 7 | 280 | 308 | 336 | 364 | 392 | 420 | 28 | 8 | 384 | 420 | 456 | 492 | 528 | 564 | 36 | 9 | 510 | 555 | 100 | 645 | 690 | 735 | 45 | 10 | 660 | 715 | 770 | 825 | 880 | 935 | 55 | 11 | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+-----+ 838 | 902 | 968 | 1034 | 1100 | 1166 | 66 | 12 | 1040 | 1118 | 1196 | 1274 | 1352 | 1430 | 78 | 13 | 1274 | 1365 | 1456 | 1547 | 1638 | 1729 | 91 | 14 | 1540 | 1645 | 1750 | 1855 | 1960 | 2065 | 105 | 15 | 1840 | 1960 | 2080 | 2200 | 2320 | 2440 | 120 | 16 | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+-----+ 2126 | 2312 | 2448 | 2584 | 2720 | 2856 | 136 | 17 | 2550 | 2703 | 2556 | 3009 | 3162 | 3315 | 154 | 18 | 2964 | 3135 | 3806 | 3477 | 3648 | 3819 | 111 | 19 | 3420 | 3610 | 3800 | 3990 | 4180 | 4370 | 190 | 20 | 3920 | 4130 | 4340 | 4550 | 4760 | 4970 | 210 | 21 | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+-----+ 4466 | 4697 | 4928 | 5159 | 5390 | 5621 | 231 | 22 | 5060 | 5313 | 5566 | 5819 | 6072 | 6325 | 253 | 23 | 5704 | 3980 | 6256 | 6532 | 6803 | 7084 | 276 | 24 | 6400 | 6700 | 7000 | 7300 | 7600 | 7900 | 300 | 25 | 7150 | 7475 | 7800 | 8125 | 8450 | 8775 | 325 | 26 | ------+------+------+------+------+------+------+-----+ The number contained in a square pile is found in the column opposite the number X. In a rectangular pile let the smaller side be 19 = X, the longer side be 26 = X + N. Then N = 7. Under 7 and opposite 19 we have 3,800. This table may be indefinitely extended by the aid of the columns of differences. PRESERVATION OF SHOT AND EMPTY SHELL. 98. All round shot and shell are to be cleaned from rust and covered with a thin lacquer of such composition as may be directed by the Bureau when they are first received and when they are restowed. 99. For the present the following colors are established when put on board ship: All shot, black; shell, red; shrapnel, white; length of fuze stencilled on the shell. Special kinds of shell, as may be directed by Bureau. (Crane's shell, yellow; Pevey, blue.) 100. Empty shell, whether in store or in transportation, shall be most carefully protected from damp, and are to have the fuze-bouching coated with such composition as may be directed, and be stopped by a plug of very soft wood, well coated with a mixture of oil and tallow, screwed into them. The ends of the plugs should not be sawed off even with the shell, but left square and project sufficiently to allow them to be unscrewed by means of a wrench, and whenever these plugs are removed for the purpose of fitting the shells for service, they are not to be thrown away but preserved for future use. They are to be piled with the fuze-holes down, and free from contact; under cover when practicable, but with free ventilation. 101. Platforms of masonry, or of condemned shot, are to be prepared to pile shot and shell upon, and are not to be wider, if space can be found than to stow fourteen 32-pdr. shot, or not exceeding eight feet in width. Square piles are to be preferred where there is room, but where this may be deficient, the piles may be extended in length. 102. Shot and shell, after having been piled, are to be so far examined in the first week of June in each year as to ascertain if they require to be cleaned, relacquered, and repiled to secure their proper preservation; and their condition reported to the Bureau, that if any work upon them is necessary it may be finished during the warm months of the year, when the lacquer can be best applied. 103. Whenever shot or shell are to receive lacquer care must be taken that the quantity applied does not increase the diameter more than is indispensably necessary, and in no case above the established high gauge. Old lacquer and rust should be removed by scraping, as far as can be conveniently done before a new coating is applied. For use at the Navy Yards, a milling machine performs this very expeditiously. Neither hammering nor heating is to be resorted to for this purpose. NOTE.--After numerous experiments upon different lacquers employed for the preservation of shot and shell from rust, the French have abandoned all of them. The shot and shell are simply piled, under sheds when practicable, or in the open air, and when put on board ship cleaned of rust and rubbed over with whale oil--the same means adopted every three months during the cruise. PREPARATION OF SHELL FOR SERVICE. 104. The fuzes for shell will be prepared at the Laboratory in the Ordnance Yard at Washington, and distributed to other Navy Yards as they may be required. All fuzes taken from shell, or returned from ships which have been more than one year in service, are to be sent to the laboratory to be refitted. Fuzes of over two years date of manufacture, are not to be issued for service, but returned to the laboratory. 105. The charges of powder for spherical shell are to be as follows: |XV- |XI- |X- |IX- |8- |32- |BOAT AND FIELD |INCH|INCH|INCH|INCH|INCH|PDR.|HOWITZERS. | | | | | | +---------------- | | | | | | |24-pdr.|12-pdr. ---------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+----+-------+-------- |Lbs.|Lbs.|Lbs.|Lbs.|Lbs.|Lbs.| Lbs. | Lbs. Bursting or Service Charge |13 |6.00|4.00|3.00|1.85|0.90| 1.0 | 0.5 Blowing Charge | 1.0|0.25|0.25|0.25|0.25|0.25| | ---------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+----+-------+-------- NOTE.--The weight of charges for shells will vary slightly from those given in the table according to the size of the grain and density of the powder. 106. All empty shell, whether in store or in transportation, shall be most carefully protected from dampness, and their fuze-holes invariably closed with wooden plugs. Whenever these plugs are removed for the purpose of fitting the shells for service, they are not to be thrown away, but preserved for future use. If by any accident the shell should be damp in the interior, they are to be heated and dried, on the grillage prepared for that purpose. 107. The number of shell to be kept fitted at the Navy Yards will be determined by special directions from the Bureau. In fitting shell to receive the bouching, great carelessness has been observed. The hole should be tapped with a full thread, and the proper shoulder left at the bottom to prevent the bouching from being driven in by the shock of firing and causing premature explosion. 108. All shell shall be filled with musket-powder of the highest initial velocity. The shell must be filled, and the powder well shaken down, leaving only room for the insertion of the fuze. A wooden plug the size of the lower part of the fuze will always determine this. The very common, but slovenly, practice of filling the shell, and then pouring out a quantity sufficient to allow the fuze to be inserted, is expressly prohibited. Shell have also been returned with the powder in the vicinity of the fuze compressed into a solid mass, owing to the fact that sufficient room had not been left for its insertion. No shell shall be fuzed unless it has been filled. 109. The date when shell are fuzed or filled, as well as that on which any of these arrangements are changed, or the shell are examined before issue to vessels, together with the initials of the officer superintending these operations, should be legibly written and pasted on the shell, or stencilled on the box. 110. The Ordnance Officer, or the Gunner of the Yard, is to see the shell supplied to all vessels properly conveyed on board, superintend the stowage, and furnish the Commanding Officer with a statement showing the number of each description of shell and fuze, and a plan of their stowage. 111. The condition of the shell, and especially of their fuzes, is to be frequently and carefully examined into, taking out a fuze occasionally so as to detect any injury which may arise from moisture, and to have such as may be found damaged replaced by the spare fuzes. Boat shell and their spare fuzes are also to undergo a similar examination. Shell have been sometimes returned with their fuzes entirely destroyed by moisture!! 112. It has been found recently, on drawing the charge of a 12-pounder howitzer in one of the small gunboats, that in cutting its fuze (Bormann) the incision had been made directly into the magazine. Had the gun been fired, the explosion of the shrapnell must have occurred at the muzzle of the gun. There is no doubt such errors will often account for the supposed defects of the fuze. The attention of officers is therefore required to this subject; and, in making reports of defective ammunition, samples should be forwarded to Washington for examination. It is of the gravest importance, not only because it involves the failure of the shell to act properly upon the object of fire, but may also endanger the lives of our own men. 113. Whenever it is expedient or necessary to examine the fuzes and loading of shell which have been already prepared, great care must be observed in removing the fuze. It should never be done in the shell-room. 114. The fuze-stock may generally be safely unscrewed with the fuze-wrench, taking care, in the first place, to strike the side of the shell gently with a wooden mallet, to detach the powder from the fuze, to work very slowly, and not to endeavor to overcome any unusual resistance. 115. Whenever it shall be necessary to load and fuze shell on board ship--a properly secured place being first prepared, as directed by the Captain, not in the shell-room and as far from the magazine as convenient--the shell, being strapped and sabotted, are to be examined to see that they are clean, both inside and out, and thoroughly dry. The greatest care is to be taken to remove every particle of sand or fragment of iron from the interior. The prescribed charge of powder is next to be poured into them through a proper funnel; care is to be taken that the end of the funnel passes below the screw-thread in the tap or bouching, to prevent any grains of powder entering it; any grains of it which may remain sticking to the thread of the bouching are to be brushed away carefully, and then, after putting a light coat of lacquer for small arms, or sperm oil, on this thread and on that of the fuze, the latter is to be screwed in carefully with the fuze-wrench. The lacquer should be of the consistency of cream, and when from evaporation, it becomes too stiff, should be thinned by adding more spirits of turpentine. 116. In emptying shell they are to be handled carefully and placed on a bench with a hole in it to receive and support the inverted shell. A wooden vessel placed below will receive the powder. _The powder which has been removed from shell shall only be used for filling shell, as it always contains a small quantity of grit, which renders it unfit for general service._ Should the powder have become caked, so as not to be easily removed from the shell, it is to be drowned and removed by washing out the shell. A handful of small iron shot put in the shell will facilitate this operation. 117. Loaded shell are to be painted red and placed in boxes or bags marked with a red cross, which boxes are to have the lengths of fuze painted on them in black. Shrapnel shell and the tops of their boxes shall be painted white, with the length of fuze stencilled on them in black. They are to be stowed in shell-houses prepared for that purpose. Loaded shell, whether in or out of their boxes, must be handled carefully. Shell-bags will be preserved, accounted for by the Gunner, and returned. 118. The greatest precaution must be taken in handling loaded shells fitted with percussion-fuzes. When returned from ships they must not be taken into the shell-houses until after the fuzes shall have been removed and the shell plugged. 119. Shell-houses, and the general condition of the shell they contain, are to be examined as often as once a fortnight by the Ordnance Officer, and every precaution taken to keep them as dry as possible. 120. The shell for boat guns are to be stowed in "the shell-houses" on shore, and "shell-rooms" on board of vessels, in their proper boxes. 121. One-fourth of the whole number of spare fuzes allowed for the great guns is to be for 5 seconds of time; one-fourth for 10 seconds; one-fourth for 15 seconds; one-fourth assorted of 3, 5, 7, and 20 seconds. 122. All the spherical shell, however, put on board ship, filled and fitted for immediate use, are to be provided with none other than the 5-second fuze. No fuze is, under any circumstances, to be put in shell which are not filled. 123. For rifled cannon the shell shall be fitted with one-half percussion, one-half time fuze. Parrott's shell will have bouching, or "adapting" rings for the naval time fuze. The new form of adapter, with a shoulder and washer beneath it, shall alone be used. 124. At ranges exceeding 1,400 yards the 10 or 15-second fuzes, according to such excess, are to be substituted for the 5-second fuze, by removing one and putting in the other; or, if preferred, those fuzes may be applied to shell which are not already fitted. The 5-second fuze is to be regarded as the general working fuze, and hence the reason the filled shell are to be fitted with it, as mentioned above. (See TABLE OF RANGES for proper lengths of fuze for all distances.) 125. The different kinds of fuzes shall be made up in separate packages, distinctly marked with the kind and length of fuze, and their use carefully explained to the Executive Officer and Gunner by the Inspector of Ordnance. 126. In consequence of numerous reports received from vessels in service of the inefficiency of certain fuzes, commanders of vessels are required to observe carefully the action and result of all fuzes, and report in detail to the Bureau of Ordnance whenever opportunities may occur, particularly specifying the number and kind fired, elevation of gun, range, premature explosions, failures to explode, and satisfactory action. Also, whether the fire was direct or ricochet. 127. EXTERIOR DIMENSIONS, IN INCHES, FOR SHELL-BOXES. For XV-inch shell, 18 � 18 by 20 high. For XI-inch shell, 12.75 � 12.75 by 14.5 high. For X-inch shell, 11.65 � 11.65 by 13.9 high. For IX-inch shell, 10.63 � 10.63 by 12.9 high. For 8-inch shell, 10.20 � 10.10 by 12.2 high. For 32-pounder shell, 8.60 � 8.50 by 10.2 high. 128. AREAS OCCUPIED BY ONE TIER OF SHELL-BOXES. XI-INCH. | X-INCH. | IX-INCH. | 8-INCH. | 32-POUNDER. ---+------------+---+-----------+---+------------+---+--------+---+-------- No.|Ft. In.|No.|Ft. In.|No.|Ft. In.|No.|Ft. In.|No.|Ft. In. ---+------------+---+-----------+---+------------+---+--------+---+-------- 72 | 15.5-1/2 � | 75| 15.2 � |102| 15.8-1/4 � |108| 16 � 6 |176| 16 � 6 | 5.8-1/2 | | 5.3-1/2 | | 5.9-1/4 | | | | 52 | 14.4 � | 56| 14.2 � | 80| 14.9-1/4 � | 85| 15 � 5 |140| 15 � 5 | 4.6-1/2 | | 4.1-1/2 | | 4.9-1/2 | | | | ---+------------+---+-----------+---+------------+---+--------+---+-------- GUNPOWDER. STOWAGE, PRESERVATION, HANDLING, AND CHARGES. 129. The Bureau having adopted a new system of granulating Navy powder, the different classes will in future be known and designated as RIFLE, CANNON, and MUSKET. Gunpowder intended for ordinary use in cannon is to have sufficient strength to give a 6-pounder shot the under-mentioned Initial Velocities, determinable by the gun-pendulum of the Ordnance Yard at Washington. 130. The size of the grains is determined by sieves, made by piercing round holes in thin plates of brass. These sieves are five in number, the holes being of the following diameters, viz.: No. 1, .3 of an inch } Initial Velocity required, No. 2, .15 do. } 1450 feet + 50 - 50, for Rifle. No. 2, .15 do. } Initial Velocity required, No. 3, .10 do. } 1500 feet + 50 - 50, for Cannon. No. 4, .06 do. } Initial Velocity required, No. 5, .02 do. } 1550 feet + 50 - 50, for Musket. Rifle powder is used in the Parrott rifles of 8-inch, 100-pounder, and 60-pounder. Navy cannon powder in all other rifles and all smooth-bores. 131. Size of the grain is required to conform to the following: Pass through No. 1 } Remain on No. 2 } all Rifle. Pass through No. 2 } Remain on No. 3 } all Cannon. Pass through No. 4 } Remain on No. 5 } all Musket. Ten per cent. variation tolerated. 132. GRAVIMETRIC DENSITY, is the weight of a given measured quantity: it is usually expressed by the weight of a cubic foot in ounces. This cannot be relied on for the true density, as the size and shape of the grain may make the denser powder seem the lighter. Cannon powder should have a gravimetric density of about 875 oz., and not exceeding 900 oz., to the cubic foot. (It actually varies with different makers from 875 to 975.) 133. SPECIFIC GRAVITY.--The specific gravity of gunpowder is between 1.70 and 1.75. All the powder of any lot being made of the same mill-cake, the specific gravities are equal although the gravimetric densities may vary. 134. Powder for small arms, or musket powder, should all pass through No. 4, none through No. 5, and average from 2,000 to 2,500 kernels in tea grains Troy. All powder should be well glazed; for small arms more highly than for cannon. 135. The system of granulation adopted by the Army differs from that of the Navy, as follows: ALL THROUGH-- ALL ON-- Mammoth 0.9 in. 0.6 in. Cannon 0.35 0.25 Mortar 0.10 0.06 Musket 0.06 0.03 It will be seen by this Table that under the Army nomenclature, Navy Rifle nearly corresponds to Army Cannon; that the Army Mortar is the nearest equivalent to Navy Cannon, but with much more fine grain, as it is what passes through the cannon-sieve, but remains on the musket-sieve; and that the Navy Musket has the same size for the larger grain, but contains more small grain than the Army. In exchanging powder with the Army, it is necessary to attend to these distinctions. 136. Powder-houses or magazines on shore are to be inspected by the Ordnance Officers at least once in every week, and every precaution taken to guard them against danger of explosion, and to preserve the powder dry and in good condition. 137. Powder-barrels in magazines, where there are no racks, should be placed on their sides, with their marked ends towards the alleys, three tiers high, or four tiers, if necessary, with small skids on the floor and between the several tiers of barrels, using chocks at intervals on the lower skids to prevent the barrels from rolling. If it can be avoided, fixed ammunition should not be put in the same magazine with powder in barrels. 138. If it is necessary to pile the barrels more than four tiers high, the upper tiers should be supported by a frame resting on the floor; or the barrels may be placed on their heads, with boards between the tiers. There should be an unencumbered space of 6 or 8 feet square at the doors of the magazine. 139. Whenever practicable, the barrels should be arranged in double rows, with a passage-way between the rows, so that the marks on each barrel may be seen at a glance, and any barrel easily reached. 140. Besides being recorded in the magazine-book, each lot of powder should be inscribed on a ticket attached to the lot showing the entries and the issues. 141. Magazines should be opened and aired in clear, dry weather, the ventilators kept free, and no shrubbery or trees allowed to grow so near as to shade the building from the sun. 142. The moisture of a magazine may be absorbed by chloride of lime, or charcoal, suspended in an open box under the arch, and renewed from time to time. The use of quicklime is dangerous, and forbidden. 143. When powder is handled in powder-houses on shore, either for the purpose of inspection or preparation for delivery to ships, the baize-cloth is to be spread, and the people, before entering the magazine, must divest themselves of every metal implement, empty their pockets, that nothing likely to produce fire may escape detection, and put on the magazine dresses and slippers. The barrels must be opened only on the floor-cloth, and no metallic setter used in driving either copper or wooden hoops. Powder-barrels should never be opened except when required for use, as grains of powder falling between the staves would prevent their being tightened. Samples must be taken from the bung. 144. The attention of the Inspectors of Ordnance and Commanders of vessels is called to the Regulations regarding the stowage and service of powder and loaded shells in Magazines and Shell-rooms, ashore and afloat, and to the precautions which must be observed by every one who enters, or approaches for the purpose of entering, any Magazine or Shell-room. The former Regulations are modified so far as to dispense entirely with the use of slippers made of either India-rubber or woollen; and in lieu thereof, slippers made wholly of buckskin or cotton canvas will be used in future. In hot climates, or in warm weather generally, the naked feet are preferred. The terrible effect of the explosion of a Magazine or Shell-room, ashore or on board ship, can only be imagined. To avert it, by every human precaution, is an imperative duty with every one. The Bureau therefore directs that the Inspectors of Ordnance on shore and the Commanders of all vessels afloat will cause the existing Powder Regulations to be read, and copies placed within the reach of every officer and man connected in the remotest degree with the service of the Magazine and Shell-rooms; and no officer or other person is to be continued in such service who cannot within a reasonable time answer clearly and fully any questions relating to the requirements of existing Powder Regulations as contained in these "Ordnance Instructions." 145. The powder in barrels should be turned from time to time, at least as often as every three months, and, being arranged as mentioned above, the oldest powder will be at all times accessible for first delivery without disturbing that of more recent manufacture. 146. When powder is sent on board any vessel at the Yard, an Ordnance Officer or the Gunner is to see it properly stowed, and the Ordnance Officer is to hand to the Captain of the vessel a statement showing the quantity of powder, number and capacity of tanks, kind of charges contained in each, with the initial velocity, maker, and date of reception, with a list of small-arm and boat ammunition, fireworks, filled and other shells and projectiles, together with all the information directed by the three articles immediately following, with such remarks as he may deem proper to secure better precaution or more convenient arrangement, with a request that the memorandum, or a copy of it, may be delivered to the Ordnance Officer at the Yard where the vessel is refitted or laid up at the end of the cruise. 147. When cartridges are filled for issue to any vessel, the powder should be selected, as far as practicable, from deliveries made by the same person, and at the same time or date; and the tanks in which they are stowed must be marked with white paint on the upper sides, with the same marks as the barrels from which the powder was taken, giving the date of manufacture and the maker's name. 148. Great irregularities having been observed in the weights of cartridges supplied from different stations, it is ordered that at least ten measures shall be weighed at each filling, and allowance made for different densities. (See Art. 171.) 149. Whenever powder is returned into the powder-houses from vessels, and the powder emptied from the cartridges, care must be taken to have the barrels or other vessels in which the powder may be placed marked in the same manner and registered in the Magazine Ledger, so that the maker's name and date of manufacture of all powder may be correctly known and carefully preserved for reference. 150. The names of vessels from which powder is received, the length of time which the powder has been on board, and the station on which the vessel has been employed, should also be noted and reported by the Ordnance Officer, that reference may be had to the notes in case it should be desired in subsequent examinations of the powder. 151. In some instances where powder has been condemned by survey, it has been directed to be thrown overboard. This should never be done; the nitre contained, which forms three-fourths (3/4) of the powder, is still perfectly good, and can be made serviceable. In future, condemned powder is always to be returned to the United States. 152. The Ordnance Officers, when they supply vessels with powder, or remove any from them, must report to the Bureau by the earliest opportunity all the information which is required to be noted by Articles 147, 149, 150, immediately preceding; and when powder is received from vessels returning from cruises, or after it has been long embarked, they are to forward to the Ordnance Yard, Washington, a sample of two pounds and one-fourth, properly labelled, for every five hundred pounds landed, selected so as to show fair average samples of the whole, in order that its strength may be ascertained by the pendulum. 153. In case of necessity, powder for saluting may be purchased abroad in order to preserve a supply of our own proof powder for battle. 154. When a vessel is about to leave a foreign station and return directly to the United States, and other vessels belonging to the Navy are left on the station without a full supply of powder, the vessel which is about to leave may be directed to transfer to those remaining on the station any excess of powder that may be on board beyond fifty rounds. 155. Should it become necessary to use powder for service charges which has not been regularly inspected and proved in the manner required by regulations, such tests of it must be made as circumstances will admit. The ranges given by it may be compared with those of service powder of known good quality under the same circumstances. If deficient in strength, the quantity of the charges should be increased until the ranges are equalized, in order that the sight-bars may still indicate the proper elevations for each charge and distance. 156. It is directed that vessels of war shall always receive their powder and loaded shells in the stream; unless, upon some great emergency, the nature of which shall be reported to the Bureau, it is deemed essential to put them on board at the Navy Yard. 157. When receiving or landing powder, the red flag is to be always hoisted at the fore, and all proper precautions taken to guard against accidents from fires and lights. The tanks should be passed through the ports most convenient to the magazines, and landed on mats, to prevent injury. The red flag is always to be hoisted at the powder-houses when they are opened, and kept flying until they are closed. 158. When avoidable, gunpowder is not to be sent from vessels to powder-houses, nor from powder-houses to vessels, in wet weather, nor when there is a probability of wetting the barrels or cases; and the packages must be conveyed in covered boats or wagons showing a red flag. 159. The wharf or landing-place must be spread with old canvas, so that the barrels or cases may not come in contact with and convey sand or gravel to the powder-house. The barrels must not be rolled, but carried in slings to the trucks running on tramways of either wood or bronze, into the magazine. 160. The service charges for the different calibres and classes of naval smooth-bore guns now used in the Navy are as follows, and the cartridges are to be filled accordingly, viz.: SERVICE CHARGES FOR NAVAL GUNS. KEY: A: For distant firing, 0.1 B: For ordinary firing, 0.6 C: For near firing or two projectiles, 0.3 D: DIAMETER OF CARTRIDGE-GAUGE. E: SALUTING CHARGES, NO. 50. | CHARGES OF NAVY | | ORDNANCE. | POWDER. | | -----------------------------------+-----+-----+-------+ D | E Calibre. | Weight. | A | B | C | | ----------------------+------------+-----+-----+-------+--------------+----- | lbs. | lbs.| lbs.| lbs. | Cylindrical. |lbs. X-inch or 130-pounder | 16,000 lbs.| 30. | 18. | 15. | 9.00 inches. | 6. 64-pounder | 106 cwt. | 16. | 12. | 8. | 7.00 inches. | 4. 32-pounder | 61 cwt. | 10. | 8. | 6. | 5.50 inches. | 4. 32 do. | 57 cwt. | 9. | 8. | 6. | 5.50 inches. | 4. 32 do. | 51 cwt. | 8. | 7. | 5. | 5.50 inches. | 4. 32 do. | 46 cwt. | 7 | 7. | 5. | 5.50 inches. | 4. 32 do. | 42 cwt. | 6. | 6. | 4. | 5.50 inches. | 4. 32 do. | 33 cwt. | 4.5| 4.5| 4. | 5.50 inches. | 4. 32 do. | 27 cwt. | 4. | 4. | 3. | 5.50 inches. | 3. | | | | | | Shell-guns | | | | For | Conical. | | | | | near | | | | | |firing.| | XV-inch | 42,000 lbs.| 50. | 35. | 35. | | XI-inch | 15,700 lbs.| 20. | 15. | 15. |11 � 5.5 � 11 | 7. X-inch | 12,000 lbs.| 15. | 12.5| 12.5 |10 � 5. � 10 | 6. IX-inch | 9,000 lbs.| 13. | 10. | 10. | 9 � 4.5 � 9 | 5. 8-inch | 6,500 lbs.| 7. | 7. | 7. | 8 � 5. � 8 | 4. 32-pounder | 4,500 lbs.| 6. | 6. | 6. | | | | | | | | | | | | | Cylindrical. | 8-inch | 63 cwt. | 9. | 8. | 6. | 5.50 | 4. 8-inch | 55 cwt. | 7. | 7. | 6. | 5.50 | 4. ----------------------+------------+-----+-----+-------+--------------+----- N.B.--Two projectiles are not to be fired from any gun at the same time, except at objects within 200 yards' distance, and only when the advantages at the moment may be deemed by the Captain sufficient to justify the risk of injuring the guns and their equipments by the extra strain to which they will be exposed. With the 15-inch guns at close quarters against iron-clads, 60 lbs. and a solid shot _may_ be used for 20 rounds. So also with the 11-inch, 30 lbs. and a solid shot. With all the other guns, under like circumstances, and where penetration is desired, the _distant_ firing charges should be substituted for the _near_ firing. Of the service charges, one-tenth shall be for distant firing, six-tenths for ordinary firing, three-tenths for near firing, or for two projectiles. Saluting charges to be of under-proof powder. The calibre and class of guns for which the cartridges are intended must be distinctly marked near the top of the lid end of the tanks. 161. TABLE OF CHARGES FOR NAVY RIFLE GUNS. ----------+------------------------------+-------------------------------- | ORDNANCE. | CHARGE OF POWDER. +------------------------------+-------------------------------- GUN. | | | | | |Diameter of | Calibre.| Diameter | Weight. | Weight. | Kind. | Cartridge- | | of Bore. | | | | Gauge. ----------+---------+----------+---------+---------+---------+------------ | Pounder.| Inches. | Lbs. | Lbs. | | Inches. Parrott | 100 | 6.40 | 9,700 | 8. | Rifle. | 5.50 Do. | 60 | 5.30 | 5,400 | 6. | Rifle. | 4.60 Do. | 30 | 4.20 | 3,550 | 3.25 | Cannon. | 3.70 Do. | 20 | 3.67 | 1,750 | 2. | Cannon. | 3.25 Dahlgren | 20 | 4.00 | 1,340 | 2. | Cannon. | Do. | 12 | 3.40 | 880 | 1. | Cannon. | ----------+---------+----------+---------+---------+---------+------------ 162. POWDER-TANKS. ------------+---------------------------+----------------+--------------- | EXTERIOR DIMENSIONS. | | +---------------------------+ | CAPACITY OF| Height | | | APPROXIMATE TANK FOR |in inches| | WEIGHT, WHEN | WEIGHT, WHEN POWDER IN |including| | EMPTY. | FILLED WITH GRAIN. | Lid and | Sides in inches.| | CYLINDERS. | Handle. | | | ------------+---------+-----------------+----------------+--------------- 200 pounds | 22-1/4 | 16-1/2 � 16-1/2 | 67-1/2 pounds. |218 Pounds. 150 pounds | 22-1/8 | 15 � 15 | 59-1/2 pounds. |170 to 180 lbs. 100 pounds | 20-1/2 | 13 � 13 | | 50 pounds | 16-3/4 | 10-1/4 � 10-1/4 | | ------------+---------+-----------------+----------------+--------------- 163. ACCOMMODATION AFFORDED BY POWDER-TANKS OF DIFFERENT SIZES FOR CARTRIDGES OF VARIOUS KINDS WHEN CLOSELY PACKED. -----------------+-----------------------------------------------------+ CAPACITY OF | | TANK FOR POWDER | WILL STOW CARTRIDGES AS FOLLOWS: | IN GRAIN. | | -----------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ DENOMINATION. | lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| | 20 | 16 | 15 | 12.5| 10 | 9 | 8 | 7 | 6 | -----------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 200 pounds. | 9 | 11 | 12 | 14 | 18 | 20 | 22 | 25 | 30 | 150 pounds. | 6 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 13 | 15 | 16 | 20 | 24 | 100 pounds. | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 13 | 16 | 50 pounds. | 2 | 2 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | Powder-barrel. | 4 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 14 | 15 | -----------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ -----------------+-----------------------------------------------+ CAPACITY OF | | TANK FOR POWDER | WILL STOW CARTRIDGES AS FOLLOWS: | IN GRAIN. | | -----------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ DENOMINATION. | lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| lbs.| | 5 | 4.5 | 4 | 3.25| 3 | 2 | 1.85| 1 | -----------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 200 pounds. | 36 | 40 | 45 | 52 | 60 | 95 | 100 | 190 | 150 pounds. | 27 | 30 | 36 | 40 | 45 | 71 | 72 | 145 | 100 pounds. | 18 | 20 | 24 | 27 | 31 | 46 | 48 | 95 | 50 pounds. | 9 | 10 | 11 | 13 | 15 | 21 | 23 | 46 | Powder-barrel. | -- | -- | 26 | -- | 35 | 52 | 55 | 108 | -----------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ FIXED AMMUNITION FOR BOAT GUNS AND SMALL ARMS. 164. The charges for "boat and field howitzers" are-- lbs. For the 24-pounder of 1,310 lbs. 2.00 For the medium 12-pounder of 760 lbs. 1.00 For the light 12-pounder of 430 lbs. 0.625 165. DIMENSIONS OF BOXES FOR BOAT AMMUNITION. PROJECTILES WITH CHARGE OF POWDER FOR HOWITZER ATTACHED, NOT TO BE STOWED IN THE MAGAZINE. -------------+-----------+-----------+-----------------+--------------+ CALIBRE | KIND OF |NUMBER OF | DIMENSION OF | WEIGHT, IN | OF BOAT |PROJECTILE.|PROJECTILES| BOXES, IN | POUNDS. | HOWITZER. | | BOX | INCHES. |--------------| | | CONTAINS. | |Empty.|Filled.| -------------+-----------+-----------+-----------------+------+-------+ 24-Pdr. | Shrapnel | 9 |22 � 20.75 | | | | | | by 13.75 high |35-1/3|270-1/2| 24-Pdr. | Canister | 9 |22 � 20.75 | | | | | | by 13.50 high |36-1/3|217-5/6| 12-pdr. heavy| Shrapnel | 9 |18.75 � 17.75 | | | | | | by 11.13 high |22-7/8|140-1/2| 12-pdr. heavy| Canister | 9 |18.75 � 17.75 | | | | | | by 12.25 high |25-1/2|114-3/4| -------------+-----------+-----------+-----------------+------+-------+ 166. The cartridges for small arms are to contain the following quantities of powder: For muskets 70 grains, Troy. For muskets (marine) 60 grains, Troy. For pistols 30 grains, Troy. For revolvers 18 grains, Troy. The ball-cartridges for rifles and rifled muskets are to be made with a single Minié ball. 167. EXTERIOR DIMENSIONS AND CONTENTS OF BOXES FOR SMALL-ARM AMMUNITION AND FIREWORKS. ------------------------+--------------------------+----------+------------ | EXTERIOR DIMENSIONS. | | ARTICLES. +--------+--------+--------+ EACH BOX | REMARKS. | Length.| Width. | Depth. | CONTAINS | ------------------------+--------+--------+--------+----------+------------ | Inches.| Inches.| Inches.| | Musket-ball cartridges | 12-1/2 | 8-1/4 | 8-1/4 | 500 | Musket blank cartridges | 9-5/8 | 7-3/4 | 8-1/2 | 500 | Carbine rifle-ball | | | | | cartridges | 14-1/2 | 9-1/4 | 7-3/8 | 1000 | Pistol-ball cartridges | 13-3/4 | 6-3/4 | 7-1/4 | 1000 | Blue-lights | 20-1/2 | 13 | 6-7/8 | 30 | False lights | 20-1/2 | 13 | 6-7/8 | 30 | Port-fires | 19-3/4 | 10-1/4 | 10-1/4 | 100 |First size. Port-fires | 19-3/4 | 10-1/4 | 6-1/4 | 50 |Second size. Signal rockets | 15-1/4 | 9-1/2 | 8-1/4 | 30 | Percussion-caps | 11-3/4 | 9-1/4 | 7-3/8 | 6300 | ------------------------+--------+--------+--------+----------+------------ N.B.--There is a variation in the dimensions of the above boxes, as made, of 1/3 of an inch, on an average, in their exteriors. 168. Percussion-caps and bullets for small arms will be supplied from the Ordnance Yard at Washington. 169. The boxes in which cartridges for small arms, caps, primers, etc., are packed for distribution to vessels, are to be marked with the number they contain, and the kind of arm for which they are intended. At the expiration of the cruise they must be carefully returned into store, and the Gunner will be held peculiarly responsible for their loss. 170. Standard powder-measures for filling cartridges for great guns will be made at the Ordnance Yard, Washington, and distributed as they may be required for the use of vessels and shore magazines. As the gravimetric density of powder varies from 860 to 940, the weight of the contents of ten measures should be ascertained for each lot, and allowance made accordingly before filling the cartridges. 171. In taking the weights, the powder is to be scooped up from the filling-chest with the measure until it is heaped, tapped twice moderately on the sides with the palms of the hands, and then struck with a wooden straight-edge. If the weight differs materially from that marked on the measure, a small compensating measure should be used to supply the deficiency or remove the excess. CANNON-PRIMERS. 172. These are of two kinds, percussion and friction. Each percussion-primer is composed of a quill tube capped by an explosive wafer. The quills used for this purpose are first inspected by passing them through a gauge rather smaller than the vent. The tube is filled with fine-grained powder. The wafer is composed of a cap of cartridge-paper, enclosing a layer of fulminate of mercury combined with a small quantity of mealed powder. When pressed and perfectly dry, the wafer is coated with uncolored shellac, to preserve it from dampness. 173. Primers are to be kept in tin boxes containing fifty each, the lids of which are luted with shellac to exclude moisture until wanted for immediate use. These boxes are intended to fit in and form a lining to the primer-boxes which slip on the waist-belts worn by Captains of guns. For purposes of exercise no more of these boxes should be opened than are required; but for action a full box should be delivered to each Captain and 2d Captain of a gun. 174. A friction-primer consists of a tube charged with gunpowder, to the top of which is fastened a spur containing friction-powder, which is exploded by means of a slider pulled out by a lanyard. It is intended for use in case the lock should be out of order, or the other primers fail from any unforeseen cause. Friction-primers are packed in tin boxes in the same manner as percussion-primers. They are obtained from the Army as required. 175. Filled boxes of primers are kept in close laboratory cases, for which stowage must be provided in the general store-room of the ship, or other safe place.[1] They are on no account to be placed in the magazine, and the boxes must be so labelled before being put on board ship. 176. When primers have been returned from cruising ships, or have remained in store for one or more years, they must be tested by firing five per cent. of the number, and not issued again without special orders. 177. Damaged fuzes, primers, caps, and tubes, are always to be returned to the Ordnance Yard at Washington, in the condition in which they were received on the return of the ship. 178. The boxes containing metallic cartridges for breech-loading arms require the same care as percussion-caps, and are to be labelled, "On no account to be placed in the magazine." 179. PERCUSSION-CAPS for muskets, carbines, and pistols are made in the laboratory at the Washington Navy Yard. They are put up in small packages of water-proof paper, labelled with the number contained in the package and the date of fabrication, and stowed in tin cases containing 350 caps each. 180. Laboratory boxes, in which these are packed, are of the following dimensions: 11-3/4 � 9-1/4 � 7-3/8 inches, and will contain 6,300 percussion-caps each. These boxes are to be labelled, "On no account to be placed in the magazine." Stowage is provided for them in the general store-room. CARTRIDGE-BAGS. 181. The material of which cartridge-bags are made is woven expressly for the purpose, and furnished by the Bureau of Ordnance as required. The color is white, and the calibre of the gun and the weight of the charge must be stencilled on the bag in figures two and a half (2-1/2) inches long. When procured of necessity elsewhere, the stuff should be chosen of wool, entirely free from any mixture of thread or cotton, and of sufficiently close texture to prevent the finer particles of powder from sifting through. Wildbore, rattinet, merino, and bombazette are named as proper materials for cartridge-bags; of these the thinnest stuff, not twilled, but having the requisite strength and closeness of texture, is the best. 182. MAKING CARTRIDGE-BAGS.--Cartridge-bags for cylindrical chambers are made of a rectangle to form the cylinder, and a circular piece to form the bottom. The flat patterns, by which the cartridge-bags for the 8-inch and 32-pounder guns are cut, are, consequently, to be made rectangular for the cylindrical part of the bag, and circular for the bottom. The length of the rectangle is equal to the development of the cylinder, together with the allowance for seam; and its width, to the whole length of the bag before sewing, including the allowance for seam and tie. Special patterns are furnished for those of XV-in., XI-in., X-in., IX-in., 8-inch of 6,500 lbs., and 32-pounder of 4,500 lbs. shell-guns, all of which have gomer chambers. 183. DIMENSIONS OF FLAT PATTERNS FOR CUTTING OUT CARTRIDGE-BAGS. TO BE MADE OF PINE FOR THE 8-INCH AND 32-PDR. GUNS, AND OF METAL PLATES FOR THE "GOMER" CHAMBERS OF OTHER GUNS.[2] ------------------------------+---------------+-----------------+ | 10-INCH, | 64-PDR. GUN | DIMENSIONS. | OR | OF 106 CWT. | | 130-POUNDER. | 8-IN. RIFLE. | ------------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+-----+-----+ Charges lbs.| 30 | 18 | 15 | 16 | 12 | 8 | Width of rectangle | | | | | | | (length of bag cut), | | | | | | | including tie and | | | | | | | four-tenths of an inch | | | | | | | for seam. in.| 20 | 15.2| 14 | 18.7| 15.7| 12.7| | ------^-------|--------^------- | | Inches. | Inches. | Length of rectangle | | | (cylinder developed), | | | including eight-tenths | | | of an inch for seam. | 29.01 | 23.80 | Radius of circular pattern | | | of bottom, including | | | four-tenths of an inch | | | for seam. | 4.9 | 3.60 | Diameters of cylindrical | | | formers for inspection | | | of cartridge-bags. | 9.00 | 7.00 | Additional length for | | | one pound of powder. | 0.40 | 0.80 | ------------------------------+---------------+-----------------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------------- | 100-POUNDER RIFLE, 32-POUNDER GUN, DIMENSIONS. | AND 8-INCH SHELL-GUNS, HAVING | CHAMBERS OF 32-POUNDER CALIBRE. ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+---- Charges lbs.| 10 | 9 | 8 | 7 | 6 | 5 | 4.5| 4 |3 Width of rectangle | | | | | | | | | (length of bag cut), | | | | | | | | | including tie and | | | | | | | | | four-tenths of an inch | | | | | | | | | for seam. in.|16.6|14.6|18.0|12.6|11.6|10.6|10.1| 9.6|8.6 | ------------------^----------------------- | Inches. Length of rectangle | (cylinder developed), | including eight-tenths | of an inch for seam. | 18.10 Radius of circular pattern | of bottom, including | four-tenths of an inch | for seam. | 2.95 Diameters of cylindrical | formers for inspection | of cartridge-bags. | 5.50 Additional length for | one pound of powder. | 1.22 ------------------------------+-------------------------------------------- 184. DETAILS OF CARTRIDGE-BAGS. SHELL-GUNS WITH CONICAL CHAMBERS. ---------------------------------+-----------------+-----------+----------+ | | | | CALIBRE OF GUN. | XV-IN. | XI-IN. | X-IN. | ---------------------------------+-----------------+-----------+----------+ Charge of powder. lbs.| 35. | 50. | 60. |20. |15. |15. |12.5 | Diameter of cartridge. | | | | | | | | large end. | 13.5| 13.5|13.5 | 9.85| 9.85| 9. | 9. | small end. | - | - | - | 5.50| 5.50| 5. | 5. | Width of stuff required to | | | | | | | | cut bag. in.| 24. | 28. |30. |22. |20. |20. |20. | Whole length of bag cut, | | | | | | | | including tie and seam. | 21.5| 25.5|27.5 |10. |17.5 |18.5|17.75| Length of filled cartridge. in.| 12. | 15.5|18. |12. |10.5 |10. | 9. | Additional length for one | | | | | | | | pound of powder. in.| | | | | | | | Quantity of stuff required | | | | | | | | to cut one hundred bags. yds.|122. |122. |122. |92. |92. |86. |86. | ---------------------------------+-----------------+-----------+----------+ ---------------------------------+---------------+----------+-----------+ | | 8-IN. OF | 32-PR. OF | CALIBRE OF GUN. | IX-IN. | 6500. | 4500. | ---------------------------------+-------+-------+----------+-----------+ Charge of powder. lbs.| 13. | 10. | 7. | 6. | Diameter of cartridge. | | | | | large end. | 8.13 | 8.13 | 7.25 | 6. | small end. | 4.50 | 4.50 | 4. | 8.5 | Width of stuff required to | | | | | cut bag. in.| 18. | 18. | 24. | 22. | Whole length of bag cut, | | | | | including tie and seam. | 16.5 | 15.5 | 12.0 | 11.0 | Length of filled cartridge. in.| 11.5 | 10.5 | 7.5 | 9.5 | Additional length for one | | | | | pound of powder. in.| | | | | Quantity of stuff required | | | | | to cut one hundred bags. yds.| 78. | 78. | 30. | 30. | ---------------------------------+-------+-------+----------+-----------+ In cutting, the length of the rectangle should be taken in the direction of the length of the stuff, as it does not stretch in that direction, and the material should be chosen, as nearly as possible, of the width required for the length of the bags, to save waste in cutting. The bags are to be sewed with worsted yarn, with not less than eight stitches to an inch; they must be stitched within four-tenths of an inch of each edge, and the two edges of the seam felled down upon the same side, to prevent the powder from sifting through. The edges of the bottom are felled down upon the sides. The bags, when filled, must be tied with woollen thrums. 185. CARTRIDGE-BAGS FOR SALUTING CHARGES.--Old cartridge-bags which have been condemned for service charges are to be repaired and used for saluting charges; and whenever it is necessary to make bags expressly for the purpose, or for immediate use, they may be formed by sewing together two rectangular pieces with semicircular ends. 186. INSPECTION.--The material especially procured for cartridge-bags is to be carefully inspected to detect any mixture of cotton with the wool, by burning a few bits taken at hazard from each piece; or, by dissolving it in a solution of 1 ounce of caustic potassa in a pint of water--the cloth to be put in when the water is boiling, which is to continue until dissolution takes place. The texture of the stuff is also to be examined and its strength tried, such standard for the latter being established as may be found sufficient to insure perfect efficiency. After being made up, the empty bags are to be inspected, and those which are sewed with too long stitches, or in any other than the prescribed manner, must be rejected. The dimensions of each bag are to be verified, first by laying it flattened out, between two marks on a table showing the width of a pattern bag. A variation of 0.1 inch greater or less is allowed. The bags are also to be tried on mandrels, or formers, made according to the dimensions given on the preceding page. 187. PRESERVATION FROM MOTHS.--Serge or any other woollen material employed for making cartridge-bags is never to be exposed on the shelves in store, either in the piece or when made up. It is to be protected by packing with the hydraulic press, by sewing it up in linen cloth, or by enveloping it in water-proof paper, hermetically sealed. An infusion of coloquintida, in the proportion of 15-1/2 grains Troy to a quart of water, is said to be a good preservative against moths. In case of using this preparation, the cartridge-bags should be steeped in the infusion, and, after being thoroughly dried, may be packed by the hydraulic press, and headed up in old whiskey barrels, if stored on shore, or packed in empty tanks, if on board ship. Cartridge-bags, as well as the material for making them, must be frequently examined, to prevent their being damaged by moisture, as well as to guard against moths. FOOTNOTES: [1] Primers and percussion-caps should be divided into two or three lots, and stowed in different parts of the ship, so that an accidental explosion would not deprive the ship of the means of firing cannon and small arms. [2] The dimensions of those for the XV, IX, X, and XI inch guns, which have Corner chambers, and cannot be conveniently tabulated, will be furnished to all vessels mounting such guns. The formers for inspection of bags will have the forms and dimensions of the Gomer chambers less 0.87 inch for the IX-inch, 1.0 inch for the X-inch, 1.15 inch for the XI-inch, and 1.50 inch for XV-inch guns, for windage at the large end, in accordance with the flat patterns furnished for cutting. CHAPTER II. MAGAZINES AND SHELL-ROOMS. CONSTRUCTION, LIGHTING, STOWING, AND FLOODING. 188. No details of internal arrangement should be more carefully considered and executed than those relating to the stowage and delivery of powder, since a defect in these particulars, apparently insignificant, may lead to the instantaneous destruction of the ship; or, with the incendiary and explosive projectiles now used, to her becoming, comparatively, an easy prey to an antagonist. Every possible precaution, therefore, is to be taken to accommodate the full allowance of powder completely; to guard it to the utmost against injury and accidental explosion; and to deliver it at the magazine, as required, with facility and certainty. To these ends, and in view of the fact that all the powder for great guns is now put up in cubical copper tanks, made water-tight, THE FORM OF MAGAZINES should be as nearly rectangular as the shape of the vessel will admit, and they should be built strong enough to resist sufficiently the effect of her working in heavy weather, and also the pressure of water they will have to sustain in case of being flooded. 189. All magazines should have a light-box for each alley at one end, and a passage to deliver powder at the other; and the magazine and its passage, considered as one, must be made perfectly water-tight by caulking the bottom and sides, and then lining them internally, first with white pine boards, tongued and grooved, and again with sheets of lead of extra thickness, soldered together, over these boards. Both these linings are to extend entirely over the bottom or floor, and all the way up to the crown on all the sides. 190. When the magazine reaches the ceiling of the ship it must be battened off two inches; the lining of the floor must be battened up one, and also the magazine-deck, so that water leaking through the sides of the vessel may run by and under, and not into the magazine. An external lining of sheet-iron must also be resorted to as a protection against fire, and to prevent the intrusion of rats. 191. A magazine aft in a ship is to have its passage for delivering powder adjoining its forward part; and one forward in a ship is to have this passage adjoining its after part, in order that it may not be necessary to pass the powder over the light-box scuttle. 192. As many doors are to be cut in the bulkhead separating this passage from the magazine-room as there are alleys to be left in the latter, between the racks or shelves on which the tanks are stowed, and these doors must correspond with those alleys. They are not only to afford a means of entrance to the magazine, but also for passing the tanks in and out. Through the upper part of each door a small scuttle is to be cut,--two, if necessary,--for the purpose of passing the cartridges out of the magazine-room with the door itself closed; and it is to have a lid so arranged as to open outwards only, and to close of itself when the scuttle is not actually in use. 193. Sailing ships-of-the-line and frigates should have two alleys for each magazine. In screw-vessels of large class, where the shaft will interfere with this arrangement, two alleys for the forward magazine. In smaller vessels one alley will suffice. In all cases the alley is to be not less than two feet and ten inches in breadth, and it ought to be more, if practicable, to prevent confusion and delay. Each alley is to be illuminated by a separate light. If there is room in the magazine, there should be space left, at the end nearest the light, for a man to pass from one alley to the other without going into the passage. 194. Ships with two magazines--one forward and the other aft--are to have them as nearly equal, in point of capacity, as the shape of the vessel and other circumstances will admit. Magazines should be constructed as low down as possible. Their floors may rest on the keelson, but should not come below it. Their height should be equal, only, to an exact number of times the height of a powder-tank when lying on its side, in addition to the thickness of the shelving. An additional inch for each shelf should be allowed for play or spring. The whole height in the clear should be limited by the condition that a man standing on the floor may reach the upper tier of tanks with ease. Four tiers of 200-lb. tanks, three of them resting on shelves two inches thick, and the other on inch battens on the magazine-floor, will, with an allowance of one and a half inch for play and spring, require a height, in the clear, of six feet two inches. Both safety and convenience would suggest this as the maximum limit in height, even for the largest magazine. Three tiers of these tanks will require a height, in the clear, of about four feet eight inches. If, however, in ships of great draught of water, it should be found practicable to extend the height of a magazine so as to accommodate five tiers of tanks, then the lower or ground tier may be laid so as to occupy the whole of the magazine-floor; and on the top of this tier, in the alley-way, a light false bottom is to be placed for the men to stand upon to enable them to reach the upper tier, which is the one that should first be exhausted. This false bottom should be made of gratings, and in sections convenient for speedy removal. 195. When it is impossible to avoid extending the sides of the magazine so far out towards the skin of the ship as to leave only an air-passage on either side, the crown should be at least six feet below the deep load-line. In all cases where this crown is less than six feet below that line, the sides should be made susceptible of protection by allowing a space to interpose materials, such as sand, coal, or water in tanks, between them and the inner planking of the ship. An average space of six feet or more on both sides will be sufficient. Under no circumstances, however well the sides be guarded, should the crown of the magazine, if it can be avoided, be less than four feet below the deep load-line. 196. It is proper to add, in connection with this most important subject, that in order to increase security against the effects of lightning, a magazine should be placed, if practicable, so as not to include a part of a mast. 197. All the metallic fixtures about a magazine, delivering-passages, and light-rooms, must be of copper. 198. Each delivering-passage is to have, for the distribution of powder, at least as many passing-scuttles communicating with the orlop or berth deck as there are chains of scuttles above. The powder-man will thus always find at the scuttle the proper passing-box. MAGAZINE-COCKS. 199. Each magazine, as a whole--that is, including the delivering-passage--being made, as stated above, water-tight, is to be provided with an independent cock for filling it rapidly with water; a waste-pipe leading from above the upper tier of tanks to carry off the superfluous water; and a cock just at the floor for letting the water off when the magazine is to be emptied after having been flooded. Both the cocks must be turned from the deck above, each having a lever to its spindle for the purpose, distinctly marked, with engraved letters, what it is and how it is to be used, and kept secured by a proper lock, the key of which is to be kept among those of the magazines. A short pipe to lead the water down into the hold is to be attached to the emptying cock, and with this the waste-pipe is to connect. All are to be well boxed over for protection against injury. A perforated disk, or strainer, is to be secured inside of the hole, at the upper part of the magazine, for the waste-pipe. All couplings of hose shall conform to the general naval standard. LIGHTING THE MAGAZINE. 200. The magazine is to be lighted by means of one regulation-lamp, to correspond with each alley of the magazine-room, placed in a box arranged for the purpose. This box, of which a portion of the magazine bulkhead forms a part, is to be lined, internally, with soldered sheets of copper, and have a few inches of water in it whenever the lamp is lighted. The entrance to it is at the top, through a scuttle in the deck large enough to admit the lamp. For single-decked vessels this scuttle may be surrounded by a composition coaming pierced with holes one-fourth of an inch in diameter, on the forward and after sides near the top. The cover must be so arranged that, when placed in one position, all the holes will be closed--by turning it half round, they are all open; thus supplying air to the lamp and carrying off smoke. In the portion of the magazine bulkhead just alluded to, and so as to throw as much light as possible into the magazine-room, an opening with great bevelling is to be cut, which is to be covered by two plane glasses of suitable thickness, somewhat separated from each other, one of which, that next to the lamp, must be permanently fixed; and the other, or that next to the magazine, is to be let into a wooden frame so that it may be easily removed, and thus both glasses cleaned at any time with convenience and safety. The glasses are to be held in place by brass screws, after being closely fitted and having their edges made perfectly tight. A small dome or reversed funnel of copper, where it can be conveniently done, is to be placed above the lamp and fitted with a pipe of the same metal to convey the smoke off. This pipe may pass up through the covering of the light-box, which is to have a plug-hole, lined with brass, for the purpose, and then led farther, if necessary, taking care, however, to consult perfect safety throughout. The admission of air to the light-box may be from the division of the hold in which it is placed, by small holes, near its top, through its side or back, protected with copper wire-gauze, inside and outside of the box. The ceiling and bulkheads of all magazines and shell-rooms should be thoroughly whitewashed. STOWING THE MAGAZINES. 201. In the stowage of magazines, reference must be had to the Gunner's duties (Art. 36, Part I.), and to Arrangements for Delivering and Distributing Powder (Art. 180, Part I.). Ledges on the shelves, or a bar of wood to ship and unship with facility, will be provided for each tier of tanks, on both sides of the alleys, to secure them from getting out of place when the ship rolls. The Inspector of Ordnance will furnish the commander of the ship with an exact plan of the magazine and shell-rooms, which shall be returned to the Inspector of the Yard at which the ship refits or is placed in ordinary, with any suggestions the Commander may have to make relative to practicable changes which will render the service more safe or convenient. SHELL-ROOMS. 202. Rooms for the stowage of loaded shells require the same care in construction and protection against an enemy's shot, and in provision for lighting and flooding, as magazines. Therefore, they should always be built with reference to these objects, as well as to affording room enough to accommodate conveniently the number of loaded shells allowed in their boxes, stowed in bulk. Each should have one light, arranged like those for magazines. 203. In vessels partially armed with shell-guns, the best place, perhaps, for these rooms is immediately forward of the spirit-room, but not communicating with it; and in those armed entirely with such guns, the additional shell-rooms necessary may be, perhaps, more conveniently placed abaft, and adjoining the delivering-passage of the forward magazine, than elsewhere. 204. With the introduction of rifled cannon, and various special projectiles, it is essential to devote more care to the stowage of shells, in order to avoid confusion in battle. Not only each kind and calibre, but each length of fuze, is to be stowed in separate tiers. DAMPNESS OF MAGAZINES AND SHELL-ROOMS. 205. Sponge clipped in a solution of salt water, dried and weighed, is a means of ascertaining if dampness exists in these places. If it become heavier, the room is damp. VENTILATION. 206. Provision must be made, by means of grating-hatches, for sufficient ventilation in action, to supply the magazine-men with fresh air, and allow the dampness caused by perspiration to pass off; and fan-blowers are to be fitted to increase the supply of fresh air, and assist the ventilation. The magazine should be opened and aired, at least once a fortnight, for a few hours, on bright, clear days. [Illustration: SPACES REQUIRED for working DIFFERENT CLASSES OF GUNS ON TRUCK CARRIAGES. (_with muzzle 18 in. inside of centre of Port_) C.K. Stellwagen, del. Lith. by J.F. Gedney, Washn.] [Illustration: SPACES REQUIRED for working DIFFERENT CLASSES OF GUNS ON TRUCK CARRIAGES. (_with muzzle 18in inside of centre of Port_) C.K. Stellwagen, del. Lith. by J.F. Gedney, Washn.] CHAPTER III. GUN-CARRIAGES, GEAR, IMPLEMENTS AND EQUIPMENTS. GUN-CARRIAGES. 207. All gun-carriages shall be constructed in exact conformity to the drawings furnished by the Bureau, and no alterations whatever will be permitted without its express sanction. The Inspector of Ordnance will keep approved copies of all plans, and, in order to insure uniformity, will report to the Bureau any deviations from the standard drawings which he may observe in carriages received from other Yards. The spaces required for efficient working of all guns are represented in diagrams X, Y, Z, and these, as well as the distances between pivot-centres, sizes and positions of bolts, are to be strictly adhered to. The distance between pivot-centres of all XI-in., X-in., IX-in., and 100-pdr. carriages shall be either 142 or 117-3/4 inches, depending on the breadth of beam, position of hatches and other obstructions, and shall not be deviated from except by explicit directions of the Bureau, on a report of the particular circumstances in each case. For the 60-pdr. Parrott, 130 inches between centres; and for the 30-pdr., 120 inches. The sizes of sockets and pivot-bolts are established as follows: FOR XI-IN., X-IN., FOR 60, 30, IX.-IN., AND 100-PDR. AND 20-PDR. Inches. Inches. Length of bolt under the head 18. 14. Diameter of bolt 4. 3. Do. hole in socket 4.1 3.1 Do. boss 10.5 8. Height of boss 1.5 1.1 Slot in the pivot-plate, 1/16 larger than the boss. For XI-in., X-in., IX-in., and 100-pdr. carriages, the fighting and shifting sockets are bossed, the housing-socket plain. For 60-pdr., 30-pdr., and 20-pdr. carriages, the shifting-socket alone is bossed. For broadside-guns, the following positions for bolts are established: 20 AND 24 IN. 16 AND 18 IN. PORT-SILLS. PORT-SILLS. Inches. Inches. Height of centre of lower bolt from deck 14.75 10.75 Distance between the bolts 3.75 3.75 Distance of centre of 1st bolt from side of port 14. 14. Distance of centre of 2d bolt from side of port 22. 22. Distance of centre of training-bolt from side of port 36. 36. Height of training-bolt from deck 21. 14. & 16. Height of securing-bolt (side-tackle bolt) above port-sill 8. 8. For IX-in. guns, the port-sill should not be less than 20 inches in height, and no port-sill less than 16 inches; otherwise, the carriages will not give sufficient elevation, and the position of the Gun Captain in aiming is exceedingly awkward and inconvenient. Scraping and staining gun-carriages or keeping them bright is prohibited; they should be kept well painted, and the trucks, axletrees, and trunnion-holes oiled. All new work shall be primed with red-lead. Wrought-iron Broadside carriages, for IX-inch, new 8-in. of 6,500 lbs., and 32-pdr. of 4,500 lbs. shell-guns, have been designed by the Ordnance Bureau, submitted to trial with success, and are being issued for service at sea. GUN-GEAR. 208. Breechings for all guns are to be made of the best hemp, of three-stranded rope, shroud-laid, and soft; and for smooth-bore guns not to measure less than seven and a half nor more than eight inches in the coil, excepting those for IX-inch guns, which are to measure nine and a half inches, and for XI-inch ten and a half inches. 209. The breeching-bolts must never be of less dimensions than those prescribed by regulation, and there must be double sets for the IX and XI inch guns. 210. In fitting breechings, a thimble is to be spliced into one end, the strands stuck through twice, and marled down. A thimble is to be turned into the other end, so that the length of the breeching may be conveniently altered. Thus fitted, when the gun is run in and levelled, breechings must be long enough to allow the muzzle of the gun to come a foot inside of the upper port-sill, if the breadth of the vessel will allow it. With guns of violent recoil this distance may be advantageously doubled, where there is room enough, as thereby the strain will be much lessened. Breechings are neither to be covered, blackened, nor rendered less pliable in any way. [Illustration: New 8 in. Gun of 6500 lbs. and Iron Carriage. Lith. by J.F. Gedney, Washn. C.K. Stellwagen, del.] BREECHINGS. KEY: A: LENGTH OF BREECHING WHEN CUT. B: LENGTH OF BREECHING WHEN FINISHED. C: CIRCUMFERENCE OF BREECHING. D: Diameter. E: Depth. F: Radius of Score. G: Diam. bolt-hole. H: WEIGHT, INCLUDING THIMBLE. --------------------------+-----+-----+-----+-----------------------+------+ | | | | THIMBLE. | | CLASS | | | +-----------------------+ | OF GUN. | A | B | C | D | E | F | G | H | --------------------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+------+ |Feet.|Feet.|Inch.|Inch.|Inch.|Inch.|Inch.| Lbs. | _Pivot._ | | | | | | | | | XI-inch | 38. | 32. | 10.5| 6. | 4. | 1.75| 2.05| 172. | X-inch | 37.5| 31.5| 10. | 6. | 6. | 1.75| 2.05| 170. | IX-inch | 34. | 28.5| 9.5| 6. | 3.6 | 1.6 | 2.05| 110. | 100-pounder | 37.5| 31.5| 9.5| 6. | 3.6 | 1.6 | 2.05| 130. | 60-pounder | 33. | 28. | 8. | 5.5 | - | 1.3 | 1.55| 91. | 30-pounder | 27.5| 23.5| 7. | 5. | - | 1.2 | 1.55| 43. | 20-pounder | 26. | 21. | 6. | 4. | - | 1.0 | 1.55| 40. | | | | | | | | | | _Broadside._ | | | | | | | | | XI-inch |38.0 | 32.0| 10.5| 6. | 4. | 1.75| 2.05| 172. | X-inch |34.5 | 28.5| 10. | 6. | 4. | 1.75| 2.05| 160. | IX-inch |31.5 | 25.5| 9.5| 6. | 3.6 | 1.6 | 2.05| 100. | 8-in. 63 cwt. |28. | 23.3| 8. | 5.5 | - | 1.3 | 1.55| 76. | 8-in. { 55 cwt.}|27. | 22.3| 8. | 5.5 | - | 1.3 | 1.55| 72. | {6,500 lbs.}| | | | | | | | | 32-pounder 57 cwt. |28.5 | 24. | 8. | 5.5 | - | 1.3 | 1.55| 76. | 32-pounder { 42 cwt.}|26. | 21.5| 8. | 5.5 | - | 1.3 | 1.55| 70. | {4,500 lbs.}| | | | | | | | | 32-pounder 33 cwt. |23.5 | 19. | 8. | 5.5 | - | 1.3 | 1.55| 65. | 32-pounder 27 cwt. |22. | 17.5| 8. | 5.5 | - | 1.3 | 1.55| 61. | | | | | | | | | | _Broadside Rifle._ | | | | | | | | | 100-pounder |35.5 | 31. | 9.5| 6. | 3.6 | 1.6 | 2.05| 115. | 60-pounder |28. | 23.5| 8. | 5.5 | - | 1.3 | 1.55| 80. | 30-pounder |25.5 | 21.5| 7. | 5. | - | 1.2 | 1.55| 39. | 20-pounder |23. | 17.5| 6. | 4. | - | 1. | 1.55| 34. | --------------------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+------+ 211. Gun-tackle falls will be made of Manilla or such other pliable rope as may be directed from time to time by the Bureau of Ordnance. It is prohibited to blacken them or to diminish their pliability. Three-inch rope will be found large enough for the heaviest, and from 2-1/2 to 2-1/4 inch for the lighter guns. The rope being well stretched, the falls are to be cut of sufficient length to allow the full recoil, leaving end enough to hitch round the straps of their inner blocks, when hooked to the middle bolts. 212. Blocks for gun-tackles should have pins of hardened copper, turned smooth, and sheaves of lignum-vitæ without bouching. Those to reeve 3-inch falls to be 10 inches, those for 2-1/2 inch falls 9 inches, and those for 2-1/4 inch falls 8 inches long. The hooks of gun-tackle blocks are not to be less than one and a half inch diameter at the bend for heavy, and one and a quarter for light, broadside-guns. Metallic blocks with nibs, which keep the blocks fair with the falls, and thus prevent the falls from fouling in the recoil, are to be supplied to all Marsilly and heavy pivot carriages. GRIOLET. 213. The GRIOLET-PURCHASE for dismounting guns on covered decks is composed of-- A toggle-block, made of elm or oak, the outer end or head of which is made rather larger in diameter than the inner one, which exactly fits the bore of the gun. The head has two sheaves in it, so as to form the lower block of the muzzle-purchase, and is bound at the outer end with an iron band. A double cascabel-block of iron is made either with a shackle or to fit between the jaws of the cascabel, where it is secured by the cascabel-pin. The iron pins on which the sheaves revolve are formed with eyes, for the convenience of hitching the standing part of the purchase. Two iron treble-blocks, one for the muzzle and the other for the breech-purchase. The muzzle-purchase block is so fitted as to be either shackled or toggled to the housing-bolt above the port, and the breech-purchase block has an iron strap terminating above, with an eye by which it is shackled to a bolt passing through the deck above the gun. This bolt has an eye in one end, and a screw or key-slit at the other, and, when in place, is secured above the deck with a nut or key, between which and the deck a washer of hard wood or iron of suitable breadth and thickness is placed. The hole through which this bolt is put should be directly above the cascabel-block when the muzzle of the gun is under the housing-bolt, and may be bored at the time the gun is to be dismounted; it is to be stopped afterwards with a plug of wood coated with white-lead. But as it is desirable that every division on the gun-deck should be exercised in mounting and dismounting its guns, a hole may be made in the deck above each division and bouched with a composition screw-tap. The purchase-falls should not be less than three and a half inches in size, and should be made of Manilla rope, of sufficient length to reeve full, the gun being supposed to be on deck and the upper blocks in place, allowing also sufficient end for splicing in the thimbles and hitching the standing part of the purchase when rove. An iron thimble, large enough to hook the double-block of a side or train tackle, is spliced into the end of each purchase-fall. SELVAGEE WADS. 214. Selvagee wads are made by the wad-machine at the Navy Yards. This consists of pairs of disks adapted to each calibre of guns, which being placed face to face on a spindle and keyed, present an annular score, grooved in such a way as to make, when filled, a grommet of the requisite size. Transverse notches are cut in the circumference of the disks to the bottom of the score, for the convenience of marling the wad before taking it off the mould. [Illustration: SPACES REQUIRED for working DIFFERENT CLASSES OF GUNS on PIVOT CARRIAGES. Lith. by J.F. Gedney, Washn. C.K. Stellwagen, del.] In making the wad, the end of a rope-yarn is fixed in the score, and the mould is turned by a crank until the score is filled. The grommet thus formed is marled like a selvagee strap, and a section of about an inch is taken out of it, in order to make the wad, when swelled by dampness, enter the bore of the gun readily. Selvagee wads should be made neither too hard nor too soft; and to avoid either of these extremes, a sufficient number of hitches only will be taken to give the wad the consistency required for service. Sections of one-third or one-fourth of these wads will answer as well, in case of need. MAGAZINE-SCREENS. 215. Are made of thick fearnaught, or of double baize, with holes through which to pass the powder; these holes to be covered by broad flaps of the same material. One screen is to be hung abaft, and another forward of the magazine passing-hatch and scuttles in sloops-of-war; in ships-of-the-line and frigates, one is usually to be hung abaft the fore, and one forward of the after, magazine-scuttle; but as ships are differently arranged, two to each magazine will be allowed, if required. Canvas chutes for returning empty passing-boxes are to be supplied to each scuttle. MAGAZINE-DRESSES. 216. Are to be of worsted, like a simple shirt, to reach to the knees--no metal buttons to be worn. The shoes must be made wholly of cotton canvas or buckskin. In hot climates or warm weather generally, the naked feet are preferred. India-rubber and woollen slippers are prohibited. RATTLES FOR CALLING BOARDERS. 217. To be made like those used by watchmen, of white oak, or some other similar wood. Rattle, 12 inches long; ratchet, 2 inches in diameter; spring, one inch in width, and of sufficient thickness and elasticity to produce the requisite sound. Weight enough should be given to the butt to cause it to revolve round the handle with ease. Fixed rattles of greater power will be attached to suitable places on each deck. SHELL-WHIPS. 218. To be made of two-inch rope, rove through two single blocks one above the other, in the shell-hatchway, and the ends knotted together. A hook is fixed on each part of the whip, near the block, so that the parts being bowsed on alternately, a full box is brought up on one hook and an empty one lowered by the other, at the same time. FLASH-PANS. 219. Shallow copper bowls, large enough to hold an ounce of powder, with a handle two feet long, to be supplied to all vessels. DARK LANTERNS. 220. To be made of copper, tinned inside, with two handles at the side, that the shade may be turned without taking hold of the top. The whole height, 12 inches; diameter, 4 inches. BOAT GRAPNELS. 221. Are made of round iron, quite light, for throwing into the rigging or chains of the enemy, for the purpose of holding on when boarding; their prongs are barbed. Six feet of small chain are to be attached to the ring, and connected with six fathoms of one and three quarter rope. TARGETS. 222. In the construction of targets for practice at sea, the chief object will be to give buoyancy and stability to the screen, with sufficient development of its surface. To these ends, whiskey or beef barrels, supporting boards of sufficient length, will afford staging for the masts, yards, and screen; the heel of the mast passing through the stage, and having ballast attached to it. The stage should be so fitted as to be readily put together when wanted, and taken apart for stowage. Harbor targets may be anchored, or supported on stakes; but it would conduce to good practice to stretch a screen of sufficient length to show, distinctly, four or six ports, with the proper intervals between. This will the better exhibit the lateral effect of the firing of each gun, and of the concentration of fire from several guns at known distances. PACKING-BOXES. 223. Cartridges for small arms, primers, spur-tubes, percussion-caps, spare fuzes, false-fires, blue-lights, port-fires, and signal-rockets, will generally be supplied to vessels in boxes, in which they can be kept with little liability to injury, until wanted for use. (See Part I., Page 10, Art. 42.) These boxes are to be safely kept and returned into store, or accounted for in the same manner as other articles of Ordnance stores, by those persons in whose charge they may be placed. They will be held pecuniarily responsible for their loss. GUN-SLINGS 224. Must be made of chain of 3/4-inch iron, and tested, to secure proper strength; the rings are to be of 1-1/4-inch iron. The length of the slings should exceed by one foot that of the longest gun on board. The two parts should be parcelled and marled together for a space of two feet before and one foot behind the trunnions of the longest gun, and a piece of three-inch rope spliced around both parts in the wake of the parcelling, long enough to take four or five turns round the chase of the largest gun. TRUNNION-SIGHT FOR MORTARS AND PIVOT-GUNS. 225. The trunnion-sight is designed to be used only when the required elevation passes the limits of the other sights. It is formed of a bar of mahogany, or other hard wood not liable to warp, of about forty inches in length, two inches wide, and one inch thick, with a brass notch at the rear end and a point at the other, fixed in, and parallel to, the upper edge. It is attached, by a stout thumb-screw, to the axis of the left trunnion, around which it revolves when the screw is slack. A semicircular plate, graduated to degrees, is attached to the bar, so that the sight may be used with the tables showing the corresponding ranges of the several classes of guns with their distant firing-charge. (_See_ TABLES OF RANGES, Appendix D.) The upper edge of the sight-bar corresponds with 0° when the line of sight is parallel to the axis of the bore. A small level let into the upper surface of the rear end of the bar shows when the bar is level. In using this sight, the thumb-screw is first loosened, and the rear end of the sight raised until the mark on the trunnion coincides with the degree of elevation required for the range, as given in the Tables: clamp the thumb-screw, and elevate the gun until the bubble is at 0°, then give the lateral training. 226. Tangent-sights placed on the side of the breech, with a fixed front sight on the rimbase, as in rifled cannon, will hereafter be supplied to all pivot-guns; and these will give the sight with equal accuracy at all elevations. RAMMERS AND SPONGES. 227. Rammer-heads are to be made of well-seasoned ash, birch, beech, or other tough wood, of the form and dimensions given in the drawings furnished by the Bureau to the different Navy Yards. The face of the rammer is hollowed, so as to embrace the front of the ball and press the selvagee wad home in its place. A hole is bored lengthwise through the head to admit the tenon, which is fastened by a pin of hard wood, three-tenths of an inch in diameter, passing transversely through the head and tenon. The diameter of the staff is 1.75, and that of the tenon 1.5 inch. The diameter of the rammer-head will be 0.25 inch less than that of the bore or chamber to which it is adapted. For all chambered guns except those of the Dahlgren pattern, the rammers will be adapted to the chamber, but, as above described, will answer equally well for the shot and selvagee wad. Staves are made of tough ash, and are one foot longer than the bores of the guns for which they are intended: they are to have grooves 1/16 of an inch deep and 1/4 of an inch broad cut in them to show when the "ordinary charges" are in place, and, by due allowances, the others also. For rifled cannon, rammer-heads are made of composition, of the pattern prescribed by the Bureau. 228. Sponge-heads are to be made of poplar, or other suitable light wood. A hole 1.5 inch in diameter is bored through the axis to admit the tenon of the staff, into which the worm is previously secured by means of a brass pin which passes through an eye in its shank and the tenon. The worm is intended to project half an inch beyond the face of the sponge-head, when the tenon is in place, and to have free play back into its socket when pressed against the bottom of the bore. It must be two inches in length and one and a quarter inch in diameter, made of elastic brass or composition wire two-tenths of an inch in diameter, and tapering at the points, so as to preserve its elasticity and firmness. It is to be left-handed, in order to act when turned to the right, or with the sun. The wood of which sponge-heads are made should be well seasoned, and gotten out of a size but little greater than the diameter of the heads for which it is intended, so that there may be as little shrinkage as possible in the finished heads. The heads, when finished, should also be primed with several coats of boiled linseed oil or varnish, as the porous wood of which they are made is apt to become water-soaked, or to split on exposure to the air. 229. For chambered guns the sponges must fit the chambers and slopes, and a portion of the main bore, as shown in the drawings furnished by the Bureau. When made of wool, the whole surface is covered, and so sheared as to have no windage, and to be even with the points of the worm, that they make take effect. The heads for woollen sponges should be one inch less in diameter than the bores or chambers of the guns for which they are intended. In future, sheepskins will not be allowed, but covers for sponge-heads made up ready to slip over the head and be tacked on. 230. The heads for the sponges of unchambered guns are to be eight inches long; and all sponge-heads intended to be covered with woollen material must be slightly tapered and secured by a thin copper hoop, fastened with copper tacks, on the inner end. 231. For Bristle Sponges the heads must be 1.5 inch less in diameter than the bores or chambers for which they are designed. The bristles are to be sheared so as to work easily and leave no windage. The worm must project one-fourth of an inch, in order to take the bottom of the bore, and special care is to be taken by the Inspector that it has both the necessary stiffness to act efficiently and elastically enough, when pressed home, to yield sufficiently to allow the bristles to act also. Spiral spaces extending the whole length of the sponge-head, including the portion adapted to the main bore in chambered guns, are to be left, in order to bring out the unconsumed portions of cartridges. These spaces must be left-handed like the worm. Great care is necessary, in stowing them, to prevent the bristles from being crushed down by contact with hard substances. For this purpose fenders will be provided with copper tacks, on the inner end. One will be allowed to each division, for each calibre, for cleaning guns. 232. Sponge-staves are to be made of tough ash, 1.75 inch in diameter, and must be 18 inches longer than the bores of the guns for which they are intended. 233. Sponge-caps are made of duck, and, except for spar-deck guns where they are exposed to the weather, should not be painted, but they, as well as the staves, should be kept clean by scrubbing. A becket should be attached to the end to haul them off by. Sponges should be washed carefully and dried after use before putting the caps on, and frequently examined and dried to prevent their rotting. ROBINSON'S WORM. 234. This worm consists of a screw, 1-1/4 inch in diameter, of two turns, at the end of a cylindrical iron shank, with a socket and straps riveted to the staff, which is 1.5 inch in diameter. The worm is supported in the axis of the bore by means of a guide-ring of composition, kept in place on the shank, six inches from the end, by a shoulder and forelock. Thus adjusted, it is used to draw the junk-wad and cartridge; the latter being laid hold of by the tie, if the staff be held in the axis of the bore, is uninjured. When the ring is removed the worm will be equally efficient in drawing the selvagee wad. LADLES. 235. Ladles, when required, are to be made according to the patterns sent to each of the Navy Yards. Ladles which may be on hand are to be tried in drawing projectiles from the guns before they are issued for service. The Ladle will not draw rifle projectiles, and should not be used for that purpose. SCRAPERS FOR BOTTOM OF BORE. 236. These consist of two steel blades, crossing each other in the middle, and having their edges conformed to the curve of the bottom of the bore. They are inserted in a sponge-bead, and are designed to remove the cake usually caused by the adherence of the bottoms of the cylinders to the bottom of the bore. The edges of the scrapers are so bevelled as to act only when turned to the right, or with the sun. Scrapers are also to be supplied for rifled cannon, made to clean a groove and the adjacent lands. ORDINARY HANDSPIKES. 237. Handspikes are to be made of well-seasoned white hickory, of the form and dimensions directed by the Bureau. They are always to be shod, stained black, and oiled. The Ordnance Officer of the Navy Yard will ascertain that they ship freely in the training-loops or sockets, and that the toe is sufficiently rounded not to cut the decks when held vertically. DETAILS OF HANDSPIKES. | No. 1. | No. 2. | No. 3. ----------------------------------+--------+--------+-------- { Total in. | 64. | 60. | { Square part in. | 20. | 20. | Length { Octagon part in. | 6. | 6. | { Round part in. | 38. | 34. | { Shoe in. | 18. | 18. | Diameter { of square in. | 2.75 | 2.50 | { of small end in. | 1.75 | 1.6 | Radius of quarter round in. | 4.5 | 3.5 | Weight lbs. | 16. | 12. | ----------------------------------+--------+--------+-------- ROLLER HANDSPIKES. 238. There are two sizes of roller handspikes: No. 1 for the IX-in. shell-gun and 100-pdr. Marsilly, or two-truck carriage; No. 2 for all other guns. They are composed of--the head and socket of bronze, handle of hickory, and the roller of lignum-vitæ. The boss on the head makes, with the handle, an angle of 70°, and, when vertical, lifts the carriage half an inch (0.5). Commander Beaumont's roller handspike has been adopted. It is a common error of seamen to stoop, with a view of raising the carriage higher. The lift is greatest when the end of the handle is at the hip. DETAILS OF ROLLER HANDSPIKES. | No. 1. | No. 2. ------------------------------------------------+---------+-------- { Extreme in. | 70.5 | 66. { of handle in. | 63.0 | 62.5 Length { of socket in. | 12. | 7.5 { of boss in. | 1.6 | 1.3 { of boss from centre of roller in. | 4.5 | 3.6 { of axle-pin in. | 9.5 | 7.5 { of roller in. | 4.5 | 3.4 { of socket in. | 2.9 | 2.5 Diameter { of hole in socket in. | 2.6 | 2.25 { Small end of handle in. | 1.5 | 1.50 { of hole for axle-pin in. | .75 | .62 Width { of roller in. | 3.60 | 3.00 { Exterior of head in. | 9.00 | 7.00 Weight lbs. | 32. | 19.5 ------------------------------------------------+---------+-------- IMPRESSION-TAKERS. 239. All vessels carrying XI and IX inch guns, and all iron rifles, are to be furnished with an impression-taker and wax. Impressions of the vent and bore, as described in Art. 57, are to be taken after every ten shotted rounds in practice, and at the close of an action. The last one should be preserved for comparison with the succeeding one; and when, in the opinion of the Commanding Officer, the wear becomes excessive, or a decided crack shows itself, a duplicate must be forwarded to the Bureau for examination. In forwarding them, they should be tacked on a piece of thin board secured in the bottom of a box. If wrapped in cotton or oakum they are generally defaced. The date, number of fires, Register Nos. of guns, ship from which forwarded, and other remarks written and pasted on the under side of the box-cover. In expert hands any small spar--such as a boat's mast--will take the impression equally well. PASSING-BOXES. 240. Passing-boxes are to be made of strong and well-tanned harness or sole leather, strongly sewed, or of such other material as may be directed. For 8-inch and 32-pounder guns they are to be of sufficient height to contain two near-firing charges. Their diameters, in the clear, must be half an inch greater than those of the cartridges they are to contain. Their tops must be distinctly lettered, in letters one inch and a half long, with the calibre and class of gun they are intended to serve, and made to slide on the beckets. 241. All passing-boxes are to be painted black, with the calibre and charge painted in white letters two and one-half (2-1/2) inches long on the side, and one and one-half (1-1/2) on the top. 242. If, however, there are any guns of the same calibre on spar-decks requiring lighter charges, the lower half of the box shall be painted white. For gun-decks in similar cases the lower half shall be painted red. FIRE-TUBS. 243. Fire-tubs should be made of oak, of the patterns furnished by the Bureau, the hoops being of iron. The top is to be provided with a stout hoop of wood, to ship and unship, with a grating across it of stout copper wire, the meshes of which must be small enough to prevent the passing-boxes from falling into the water when struck over the tub. FIRE-BUCKETS. 244. Fire-buckets should be made of light well-tanned sole leather, according to pattern. A few Rubber buckets have been issued for trial and report. THE GROMMET MUZZLE-LASHING FOR HOUSING GUNS. 245. Consists of a grommet made of rope double the size of the gun-tackle falls, with two cringles worked into it for the frapping lashing, which will be of stuff half the size of the tackle-falls. The grommet will be made large enough just to slip over the swell of the muzzle when the bight is over the housing hook-bolt, and the gun is in position for housing. It will be wormed throughout, and parcelled in the wake of the housing-bolt and frapping lashing, and where there is no swell, in the wake of the muzzle-ring. Where the housing-bolt is an eye-bolt, the grommet is secured to it by means of a toggle which has a lanyard. FUZE-WRENCHES. 246. For the Navy time-fuze these are made of steel, with a round shank, four inches long, four-tenths of an inch diameter. Prongs round, one and a half inch long, three-tenths of an inch diameter. Cross-handle of wood, with small forked screw-driver in one end for water-cap. The prongs of the wrench are flattened at the ends, and are nine-tenths of an inch apart. A three-armed wrench is also required for the Parrott, Schenkl, and Hotchkiss fuzes, all of which differ. Two to be allowed to each shell-room. RIGGING STOPPERS. 247. Standing rigging, when stranded or shot away, is most readily and effectually secured for the moment by using stoppers composed of two small dead-eyes, fitted with double selvagee tails and lanyards, of sizes suitable to the rigging, whether lower or topmast. These are to be fitted on board ship, and set up by means of pendant-tackles or jiggers, as the case may require. HARNESS-CASKS FOR BOATS. 248. For expeditions, the launches and first cutters of all vessels are each to be provided with a week's supply of pork, sufficient for all the boats' crews of the ship, kept in quarter barrels or kegs, adapted to the form of the boat and to convenient stowage. ACCOUTREMENTS FOR CAPTAINS OF GUNS, BOARDERS, AND SMALL-ARMS MEN. 249. WAIST-BELTS, to be made of buff leather--grained leather becomes stiff and horny when exposed to the sea-air--two inches wide, and from forty to forty-four inches long; a pattern buckle has been adopted. The same belt is used by Captains of guns and boarders, as well as by small-arms men and the crews of field-howitzers; the frogs and boxes to hold the arms and ammunition being fitted with loops to slip on and off the belt as circumstances require, and in the following order: 1st and 2d Captains of guns, and of field and boat howitzers, wear the primer-box in front; if they are boarders, the sword on the left and the pistol-frog on the right hip. These equipments, consequently, will be slid on towards the loop end of the belt, in the order just named. Other boarders, and guns' crews of howitzers when used as field-guns, wear their arms, as in the preceding case, without the primer-box. Men armed with muskets, and acting on shore, will wear musket cartridge-boxes, fitted with frog and scabbard for bayonet on the waist-belt. Men who may be armed with carbines on shore duty will wear cartridge-boxes with waist-belts. For boat duty, or when armed with pistols and swords, they will wear the waist-belt with the proper frog and boxes. 250. Instead of the sword-frog, the sword scabbards of Admiral D.D. Porter's pattern are fitted with a loop to slide on the waist-belt. This scabbard also dispenses with the brass mountings, which are replaced by leather ones. The whole is fastened by copper rivets, instead of being sewed. 251. PRIMER-BOXES, of black bridle leather, rectangular in form, and of the size to contain, loosely, the tin packing-box. Flap covering the top and front with a button-hole strap one inch in width, sewed near the bottom: brass button riveted to the bottom of the box. Loop, two inches wide, placed upright on the back of the box for the waist-belt to pass through. 252. PISTOL-FROG--buff leather--wide enough at the mouth to cover the cock of the pistol, and at the lower part to accommodate the stock; upper part of the back of it turned down to form a loop large enough to admit the waist-belt. The stitches forming the side seams not to come nearer than 0.25 inch from the edges of the leather. To be worn on right hip. Pocket--thin bridle leather--to contain three cartridges; flap, tongue, and loop. Cap-pocket, like the cartridge-pocket; lining, a strip of sheepskin with the wool on, glued with fish-glue and sewed to the back at the mouth of the pocket. These two pockets are of the same depth, and occupy the whole breadth of the pistol-frog. 253. THUMBSTALLS, of buckskin, with hair-stuffed pad, and thongs for the wrist. 254. MUSKET CARTRIDGE-BOX--black bridle leather--length, 7.2 inches; width, 1.6 inch; depth in front, 5.8 inches; inner cover--upper leather--4 inches wide, with end pieces sewed to it so as to cover the ends of the box; flap--harness leather--8.5 inches wide at the bottom, 8 inches at top, stamped U.S.N. in an oval on the outside; a button-hole strap, sewed near the bottom; brass button riveted to the bottom of the box; loop--bridle leather--with a hole in the middle to hook the shoulder-belt to, sewed to the back of the box for the waist-belt to pass through. Cap-pocket--light upper leather--sewed to the front of the box; length, 4-1/2; depth, 2-1/2 inches; flap, tongue, and loop--bridle leather; lining, a strip of sheepskin with the wool on, 1.5 inch wide, glued with fish-glue and sewed at the mouth of the pocket; pocket for ball-screw and wiper sewed on the right, and for cone-key and cone-pick on the left of the cap-pocket. Two tin linings, each with a lower division, 3 inches by 3.3 inches, open in front, to contain a bundle of ten cartridges, and two bundles of caps containing 25 each, packed in water-proof paper. Each tin has also two upper divisions, 2.7 inches deep--one of 2 inches by 1.35 inch for six cartridges; the other, 1.35 inch square, for four cartridges. The edges of the tins are turned over and soldered down, to prevent them from cutting the fingers. All the tin linings should be made to slide freely in the boxes. 255. CARBINE CARTRIDGE-BOX.--The leather parts are like those of the musket cartridge-box; length, 6.4 inches; depth in front, 3.7 inches; width, 1.3 inch; inner cover, 3.5 inches wide; flap, 6.6 inches wide at top, 6.8 at bottom, 6 deep. Tin linings; two lower divisions, 2 inches deep, 2.9 inches long, 1.2 wide; five upper divisions, 1.2 inch wide by 1.15 inch long, and 1.5 inch deep, to contain forty cartridges, those below in bundles of water-proof paper. 256. CONE-PICK of steel wire, No. 18, 1.5 inch long, with a ring-handle 0.5 inch in diameter; it is carried, with the cone-key, in the pocket in front of the musket cartridge-box. 257. BAYONET SCABBARD--black bridle leather--length, 19.3 inches. Frog--buff leather--sewed to a socket of black leather, which is fastened to the top of the scabbard; the loop of the frog to be made wide enough to slide on the waist-belt. MARKING SMALL ARMS. 258. It is directed that hereafter all small arms, when passed by the Inspector, be stamped in the following manner: MUSKETS, CARBINES, AND PISTOLS. On the top of the barrel, near the breech, with an anchor; and, on the lock-plate, the letter P over the initials of the Inspector, thus: P./A.B. REVOLVERS. On the top of the barrel, near the cylinder, with an anchor; and, on the face of the cylinder, the letter P over the initials of the Inspector, as above. CUTLASSES. On the blade, immediately below the guard, with an anchor; and the letter P over the initials of the Inspector, as above. All arms in store or returned from ships will be stamped with the anchor before being issued. The Bureau will furnish to each Inspector two sizes of stamps. MUSKETS, CARBINES, and CUTLASSES are to be marked with the larger, .15-in., and PISTOLS and REVOLVERS with the smaller, 0.1-in., size of stamps. PRESERVATION OF SMALL ARMS. 259. The Captain will take care that the Small Arms are carefully cleaned and wiped dry after every exercise or use of them, before they are put away. 260. He will cause them to be frequently examined at other times, to prevent their being clogged with oil or lacquer, and to be sure that they are always ready for use. He will strictly prohibit their being marked or otherwise defaced. 261. It is directed that the men who use them be taught to clean them properly, and to remedy any slight defects or obstructions to their use. Chests not lined preserve them best, if there be no proper armory. DIRECTIONS FOR CLEANING ARMS. 262. In taking apart and cleaning guns, there are required a screw-driver, wiper, wire-tumbler punch, and a spring vice. No other implements should be used in taking arms apart, or in setting them up. 263. DISMOUNTING AND CLEANING.--The rifle-musket should be dismounted in the following order, viz.: 1st. Unfix the bayonet. 2d. Insert the tompion. 3d. Draw the ramrod. 4th. Turn out the tang-screw. 5th. Take off the lock; to do this, put the hammer at half-cock, and partially unscrew the side screws; then, with a slight tap on the head of each screw with a wooden instrument, loosen the lock from its bed in the stock; turn out the side screws, and remove the lock with the left hand. 6th. Remove the side screws without disturbing the washers. 7th. Take off the bands in order, commencing with the uppermost. 8th. Take out the barrel; in doing this, turn the musket horizontally, with the barrel downward, holding it loosely, with the left hand below the rear sight and the right hand grasping the stock by the handle; tap the muzzle on the ground, if necessary, to loosen the breech. If an attempt were made to pull the barrel out by the muzzle, it would, in case it were wood-bound, be liable to split at the head of the stock. The foregoing parts of the rifle-musket are all that should usually be taken off or dismounted. The breech-screw should be taken out only by an armorer, and never in ordinary cleaning. The mountings, cone and cone-seat screw, should not be taken off, nor should the lock be taken apart, except by permission of an officer. 264. TO CLEAN THE BARREL.--1st. Stop the vent with a peg of soft wood, or piece of rag or soft leather pressed down by the hammer; pour a gill of water, warm, if it can be had, into the muzzle; let it stand a short time to soften the deposit of powder; put a plug of soft wood into the muzzle and shake the water up and down the barrel; pour it out and repeat the washing until the water comes out clear; remove the peg from the cone and stand the barrel muzzle downward, to drain, for a few moments. 2d. Screw the wiper on the end of the ramrod, and put a piece of dry cloth or tow round it sufficient to prevent it from chafing the grooves of the barrel; wipe the barrel dry, changing the cloth two or three times. 3d. Do not put oil into the vent, as it will clog the passage and cause the first cap to miss fire; but, with a slightly oiled rag on the wiper, rub the bore of the barrel and the face of the breech-screw, and immediately insert the tompion into the muzzle. 4th. To clean the exterior of the barrel, lay it flat on a bench or board, to avoid bending it. The practice of supporting the barrel at each end, and rubbing it with a strap, buffstick, ramrod, or any other instrument to burnish it, is pernicious, and should be strictly forbidden. 5th. After firing, the barrel should always be washed as soon as practicable; when the water comes off clear, wipe the barrel dry and pass into it an oiled rag. Fine flour of emery cloth is the best article to clean the exterior of the barrel. 265. TO CLEAN THE LOCK.--Wipe every part with a moist rag, and then a dry one; if any part of the interior shows rust, put a drop of oil on the point or end of a piece of soft wood dipped into flour of emery; rub out the rust and wipe the surface dry; then rub every part with a slightly oiled rag. 266. TO CLEAN THE MOUNTINGS.--For iron and steel parts, use fine emery moistened with oil, or emery cloth. For brass parts, use rotten-stone moistened with vinegar or water, applied with a rag, brush, or stick; oil or grease should be avoided. The dirt may be removed from the screw-holes by screwing a piece of soft wood into them. Wipe all parts with a linen rag, and leave the parts slightly oiled. 267. DISMOUNTING BY AN ARMORER.--The parts which are specially assigned to be dismounted by an experienced armorer will be stated in their regular order, following No. 8, viz.: 9th. Unscrew cone. 10th. Take out cone-seat screw, 11th. Take out band-springs, using a wire punch. 12th. Take out the guard-screws. Be careful that the screw-driver does not slip and mar the stock. 13th. Remove the guard without injuring the wood at either end of the plate. 14th. Remove the side screw-washers with a drift-punch. 15th. Remove the butt-plate. 16th. Remove the rear-sight. 17th. Turn out the breech-screw by means of a "breech screw-wrench" suited to the tenon of the screw. No other wrench should ever be used for this purpose, and the barrel should be held in clamps neatly fitting the breech. 268. LOCK.--To take the lock apart: 1st. Cock the piece and apply the spring-piece to the mainspring; give the thumb-screw a turn sufficient to liberate the spring from the swivel and mainspring notch; remove the spring. 2d. The sear-spring screw. 3d. The sear-screw and sear. 4th. The bridle-screw and bridle. 5th. The tumbler-screw. 6th. The tumbler. This is driven out with a punch inserted in the screw-hole, which at the same time liberates the hammer. 7th. Detach the mainspring swivel from the tumbler with a drift-punch. 8th. Take out the feed-finger and spring. 9th. The catch-spring and screw. 269. As a general rule, all parts of the musket are assembled in the inverse order in which they are dismounted. Before replacing screws, oil them slightly with good sperm oil, as inferior oil is converted into a gum, which clogs the operation of the parts. Screws should not be turned in so hard as to make the parts bind. When a lock has, from any cause, become gummed with oil and dirt, it may be cleaned by boiling in soap-suds, or in pearlash or soda-water; heat should never be applied in any other way. 270. PRECAUTIONS IN USING.--In ordering arms on parade, let the butt be brought gently to the ground, especially if the ground be hard. This will save the mechanism of the lock from shocks, which are very injurious to it, and which tend to loosen and mar the screws and split the wood-work. The ramrod should not be sprung with unnecessary force, for fear of injuring the corners of the grooves; and, in stacking arms, care should be taken not to injure the bayonets by forcibly straining the edges against each other. No cutting, marking, or scraping the wood or iron should be allowed, and no part of the gun should be touched with a file. Take every possible care to prevent water from getting between the lock, or barrel and stock. If any should get there, dismount the gun as soon as possible, clean and oil the parts as directed, and see that they are perfectly dry before assembling them. PAINTS AND LACQUERS. COMPOSITION AND PREPARATION. 271. The proportions are given for 100 parts by weight of prepared colors, when not otherwise designated. A gallon of linseed oil weighs 7.5 lbs. A gallon of spirits of turpentine 7.25 lbs. A gallon of Japan varnish 7. lbs. A gallon of sperm oil 7.12 lbs. A gallon of neatsfoot oil 7.63 lbs. PAINTS AND LACQUERS. _Boiled oil._ Raw linseed 103. lbs. Copperas 3.15 lbs. Litharge 6.3 lbs. _Dryings._ Mixture of copperas and litharge taken from the boiled oil 60 lbs. Spirits turpentine 56 lbs. Boiled oil 2 lbs. _Putty_ (for filling cracks in wood). Spanish whiting, pulverized 81.6 lbs. Boiled oil 20.4 lbs. Another kind of putty, for the same purpose, is made by mixing fine sifted oak sawdust with linseed oil which has been boiled till glutinous. _White paint._ PROPORTIONS. For inside work. For outside work. White-lead, ground in oil 80. lbs. 80 lbs. Boiled oil 14.5 lbs. 9 lbs. Raw oil 0. lbs. 9 lbs. Spirits turpentine 8. lbs. 4 lbs. Grind the white-lead in the oil, and add the spirits of turpentine. New wood-work requires about 1 lb. to the square yard for three coats. _Lead color._ White-lead, ground in oil 75. lbs. Lampblack 1. lb. Boiled linseed oil 23. lbs. Litharge 0.5 lb. Japan varnish 0.5 lb. Spirits turpentine 2.5 lbs. The lampblack and litharge are ground separately upon the stone, in oil, then stirred into the white-lead and oil; the turpentine and varnish are added as the paint is required for use, or when it is packed in kegs for transportation. _Black paint._ Lampblack 28 lbs. Litharge 1 lb. Japan varnish 1 lb. Linseed oil, boiled 73 lbs. Spirits turpentine 1 lb. Grind the lampblack in oil; mix it with the oil, then grind the litharge in oil and add it, stirring it well into the mixture. The varnish and turpentine are added last. This paint is used for the iron-work of carriages. _Paint for tarpaulins._ A square yard takes 2 lbs. for three coats. 1. Olive.--Liquid olive color 100 lbs. Beeswax 6 lbs. Spirits turpentine 6 lbs. Dissolve the beeswax in the spirits of turpentine, with a gentle heat, and mix the paint warm. 2. Add 12 ounces of beeswax to a gallon of linseed oil, and boil it two hours; prime the cloth with this mixture, and use the same in place of _boiled oil_ for mixing the paint. Give two coats of paint. _Lacquers for iron ordnance._ 1. Black-lead, pulverized 12 lbs. Red-lead 12 lbs. Litharge 5 lbs. Lampblack 5 lbs. Linseed oil 66 lbs. Boil it gently about twenty minutes, during which time it must be constantly stirred. 2. Umber, ground 3.75 lbs. Gum-shellac, pulverized 3.75 lbs. Ivory-black 3.75 lbs. Litharge 3.75 lbs. Linseed oil 78. lbs. Spirits turpentine 7.25 lbs. The oil must be first boiled half an hour. The mixture is then boiled twenty-four hours, poured off from the sediment, put in jugs and corked. 3. Coal tar of good quality 2 galls. Spirits turpentine 1 pint. The turpentine to be added in small quantities during the application of the lacquer. 4. Anti-corrosion 40 lbs. Grant's black, ground in oil 4 lbs. Red-lead, as a dryer 3 lbs. Linseed oil 4 galls. Spirits turpentine 1 pint. This mixture, when well stirred and incorporated, will be fit for use; but, as by long keeping in this state it becomes hard, no more should be mixed than may be required for immediate use. Anti-Corrosion.--Slag from iron foundries, pounded 12 lbs. Chalk 12 lbs. Soot, common 1 lb. In applying lacquer, the surface of the iron must be first cleaned with a scraper and a wire brush, if necessary, and the lacquer applied hot, in two thin coats, with a paint-brush. It is best done in summer. Old lacquer should be removed with a scraper, or by scouring, and not by heating the guns or balls, by which the metal is injured. PLANTOU'S COMPOSITION FOR COATING IRON OR WOOD AS A PRESERVATIVE. _First composition._ Pulverized rosin 3 lbs. Pulverized shellac 2 oz. Pulverized charcoal, or cannel-coal 1 lb. Spirits turpentine 1 oz. _Second composition._ Pulverized rosin 3 lbs. Beeswax 4 oz. Pulverized charcoal, or cannel-coal 1 lb. Spirits turpentine 1 oz. The first two articles are to be dissolved in an iron vessel over the fire; the charcoal is then added, and briskly stirred until the whole is well intermixed; after which the turpentine is added, and stirred until it is well incorporated with the other ingredients. It is not safely made on board ship. The composition is to be applied when hot, with a brush or spatula, and smoothed over with a hot iron. The wood, or iron should be perfectly dry, and freed from rust or other loose substances. _Lacquer for small arms, or for water-proof paper._ Beeswax 13 lbs. Spirits turpentine 13 galls. Boiled linseed oil 1 gall. All the ingredients should be pure, and of the best quality. Heat them together in a copper or earthen vessel, over a gentle fire, in a water-bath, until they are well mixed. _Lacquer for bright iron-work._ Linseed oil, boiled 80.5 lbs. Litharge 5.5 lbs. White-lead, ground in oil 11.25 lbs. Rosin, pulverized 2.75 lbs. Add the litharge to the oil, let it simmer over a slow fire for three hours; strain it, and add the rosin and white-lead; keep it gently warmed, and stir it until the rosin is dissolved. Apply it with a paint-brush. _Varnish for scabbards, or patent leather._ For 1st and 2d coats.-- Prussian blue, in lumps 4. lbs. Sugar-of-lead 0.7 lb. Aquafortis 0.7 lb. Linseed oil, boiled 70. lbs. Spirits turpentine 24.6 lb. The ingredients, except the turpentine, are boiled together, in an iron kettle, eight hours, when the mixture will assume a brilliant black color. When the varnish is nearly cool, stir in the turpentine. The kettle in which the varnish is made should be of a capacity to hold double the quantity of varnish to be boiled. It cannot be safely made on board ship. _For the third or finishing coat._--COPAL VARNISH. Gum-copal, in clear lumps 26.5 lbs. Boiled linseed oil 42.5 lbs. Spirits turpentine 31. lbs. This varnish is made in a copper vessel, smallest at the top, in the form of a still. Put the copal in the vessel, set it on a charcoal fire for one hour, in which time it will melt, and all the watery particles will evaporate. Add the oil whilst the copal is warm, but not boiling hot. When nearly cool add the turpentine, which will give it a proper consistency for use. For 5 lbs. copal, and the proper proportions of oil and turpentine, the vessel should hold six gallons. Not safely made on board ship. _Japan varnish._ Litharge 4 lbs. Boiled oil 87 lbs. Spirits turpentine 2 lbs. Red-lead 6 lbs. Umber 1 lb. Gum-shellac 8 lbs. Sugar-of-lead 2 lbs. White vitriol 1 lb. Japan varnish is generally purchased from the paint-sellers. It is made by boiling on a slow charcoal fire for five hours all the ingredients except the turpentine and a small portion of the oil. The latter is added as required to check the ebullition and to allay the froth which rises to the surface. It must be continually stirred with a wooden spatula. Great care is necessary to prevent it from taking fire, and therefore it cannot be safely made on board ship. The turpentine is added after the varnish is nearly cool, and is stirred well in. The varnish must be kept in tin cans closely corked. _Olive paste._ Yellow ochre, pulverized 68. lbs. Lampblack 1.1 lbs. Boiled oil 37. lbs. Spirits turpentine 0.4 lb. Make a thick paste with the ochre and oil in a paint-pot, and with the lampblack and oil in another. Grind them together in small portions, and keep the mixture in a tin vessel. _Liquid olive color._ Olive paste 61.5 lbs. Boiled oil 29.5 lbs. Spirits turpentine 5.5 lbs. Dryings 3.5 lbs. Japan varnish 2. lbs. Stirred together in a paint-pot. _Brainard's paint._ Dissolve 10 pounds of shellac in 10 gallons of boiling water, adding 30 ounces of saleratus. Mix this solution with an equal quantity of paint prepared in the usual manner. This paint is economical and durable. _Black stain_ (for wood-work). Copperas 1 lb. Nutgalls 1 lb. Sal ammoniac 1/4 lb. Vinegar 1 gal. Stir it occasionally for a few hours, and it will be ready for use. The wood must be clean and smooth, and the cracks filled with black putty, which must be allowed to dry. The stain to be applied two or three times, and left to dry for a day or two. Then it is to be rubbed with boiled oil until sufficiently polished. Until the oil is applied the color will be bluish. Scraping and staining gun-carriages, or keeping them bright, is prohibited. They should be kept well painted. _Impression wax for vents._ Beeswax 4 parts. Tallow 2 parts. Charcoal, finely powdered 1 part. Melt the beeswax and tallow, and stir in the charcoal. _Paper parchment._ Immerse unsized paper for a few seconds in sulphuric acid, diluted with half its volume of water at about 60°; wash it well in cold water, then immerse it in a weak solution of caustic ammonia, and again wash. It absorbs water, and becomes soft and pliable like animal parchment, but is water-proof. It is not affected by boiling water, is indestructible by most acids, and is not diminished in strength by wetting. It has about 2/3 the strength of animal parchment when dry; the thinner kinds make capital tracing-paper, which takes ink readily. _Cement for the above._ Cheese--fresh, without salt, if possible 3 parts. Quicklime 1 part. Wash the cheese thoroughly three or four times in boiling water, and grind the materials on a stone and muller, adding cold water until it is of the consistency of honey. _Composition for lining the interior of rifle-shells._ Soap--common yellow, not salt-water soap 16 ounces. Tallow 7 ounces. Rosin 7 ounces. The tallow should be melted first, then melt and add the rosin, and lastly the soap, bringing the mass to a heat that will make it _very_ fluid. The shells having been first thoroughly cleaned, fill them about one-third full of the composition, roll them slowly so as to spread the mixture over the whole interior surface, and then pour off the residue. This coating should be about one-tenth (0.1) of an inch in thickness, except at the bottom of the shell, where it should be about three-quarters of an inch thick. To obtain these thicknesses, the operation of coating should be performed twice; then pour into the shell enough of the composition to produce the desired thickness at the bottom, the shell standing on its base. After the composition is perfectly cool, immerse the shell in hot water at as high a temperature as the composition will stand without "running"--about 170 degrees. This second heating of the composition in the bath toughens it, and causes it to adhere more closely to the shell. APPENDIX. A. ALLOWANCE TABLE OF CREWS. B. TABLES OF GUNNERY PRACTICE. C. FORMS OF REPORTS OF INSPECTION AND OF TARGET PRACTICE. D. TABLES OF ALLOWANCES OF ORDNANCE STORES. APPENDIX A. ALLOWANCE OF CREWS: _Embracing Officers and all others to be allowed each Vessel of the Navy, whatever may be her class, kind, or armament._ The number of men assigned in each case will be found adequate to man properly the battery, and also the Powder Division, together with the divisions of the Master and Surgeon. DIRECTIONS. 1. Take from Table I., columns 3 or 4 (either or both, as the case may happen to require), the number of hands designated for each kind or class of gun the vessel may carry, and multiply these figures respectively by the number of guns of each kind to which they refer. In this way is to be obtained the aggregate number of hands necessary to man properly the battery itself. Call the result A.[1] 2. Then, in order to get at the additional number of hands necessary to man properly the powder division and the divisions of the Master and Surgeon, which additional number is to be called B, multiply A by the decimal-- SAILING VESSELS. .25 for a sailing vessel carrying on 3 decks from 74 to 90 guns. .29 for a sailing vessel carrying on 2 decks from 36 to 60 guns. .34 for a sailing vessel carrying on 1 or 2 decks from 20 to 26 guns. .36 for a sailing vessel carrying on 1 decks from 16 to 20 guns medium of calibre. .60 for a sailing vessel carrying on 1 decks from 14 to 18 guns light of calibre. .34 for a sailing vessel carrying on 1 decks from 9 to 7 guns heaviest of calibre. .40 for a sailing vessel carrying on 1 decks from 6 to 5 guns heaviest of calibre. .50 for a sailing vessel carrying on 1 decks from 4 to 3 guns heaviest of calibre. .70 for a sailing vessel carrying on 1 decks from 2 to 1 guns heaviest of calibre. STEAMERS. .25 for a steamer carrying on 2 decks from 36 to 60 guns, with broadside-guns on upper deck lighter than those on the other. .22 for a steamer carrying on 2 decks from 36 to 60 guns, with broadside-guns on upper deck as heavy as those on the other. .34 for all other steamers, including iron-clads. In the case of a sailing vessel, _about_ one-third of B will be the proportion of hands to be taken for the Master's division, and the rest, less those for the Surgeon's division (which is to be composed of the surgeon's steward and the nurses allowed), will be the number for the powder division. And, too, in the case of a steamer of any kind, _about_ one-third of B will also be the proportion of hands to be taken for the Master's division; but the rest, less those just mentioned for the Surgeon's division, is to be increased by one-third of the number of firemen and coal-heavers allowed, to constitute the powder division. It is to be borne in mind that the powder division is always to command a preference over the master's, on the score of being sufficiently manned. 3. Add A and B together, and call their sum C. 4. To ascertain how many of the whole number of C are to be petty officers, &c., consult Table II. 5. One-sixth part of the whole number of C will give the number of seamen. 6. One-fourth part of the whole number of C will give the number of ordinary seamen. 7. One-fortieth part of the whole number of C will give the number of musicians (exclusive of the master of the band), when musicians are allowed, which is to be only to ships-of-the-line, frigates, and flag vessels having a totality of crew amounting to not less than 350 souls.[2] 8. The total number of petty officers, &c., seamen, ordinary seamen, and musicians, deducted from the whole number of C, will give the number of landsmen and boys. 9. The number of hands, in addition to the whole number of C, to serve as firemen and coal-heavers, when these are required, is to be ascertained by the annexed rule relating to the subject. 10. For the number and grades of officers, consult Table III. 11. For the number and grades of marines, consult Table IV. 12. An admiral of any grade, when appointed as the commander-in-chief of a fleet or squadron, is authorized to nominate to the Navy Department an officer not below the grade of a commander to serve as the head of his staff, or as the captain of the fleet, and to be borne on the books of the vessel carrying his flag in addition to her established complement. 13. Every officer appointed to the command of a fleet or squadron is authorized to nominate to the Navy Department an officer not higher in grade than a lieutenant, nor lower than an ensign, to serve as his flag lieutenant, or aid, and to be borne on the books of the vessel carrying his flag or broad pennant in addition to her established complement. 14. An admiral of any grade, appointed the commander-in-chief of a fleet or squadron, is to be allowed two seamen and two ordinary seamen, to be borne on the books of the vessel carrying his flag in addition to her established complement. 15. Every other officer appointed to the command of a fleet or squadron is to be allowed one seaman and two ordinary seamen, to be borne on the books of the vessel carrying his broad pennant in addition to her established complement. 16. The number of men in any rating, as above directed, is not to be exceeded, in any case, without the authority of the Secretary of the Navy, unless it be to make good deficiencies in superior ratings; and vessels, in time of peace, when otherwise ready for sea, are not to be detained on account of deficiencies in their complements, if the whole number of petty officers and persons of inferior rating be equal to nine-tenths of the number allowed as their crews. 17. The total number of a crew, as allowed above, is never to be exceeded without the express direction or sanction of the Secretary of the Navy. 18. Complements will be designated by the Navy Department for receiving vessels, practice vessels, apprentice vessels, store and supply vessels, and for any others intended for special or peculiar service. TABLE I. SHOWING THE NUMBER OF HANDS (_powder-man or boy included_) APPLICABLE TO VARIOUS KINDS OF GUNS IN USE, TO SERVE AS A BASIS TO DETERMINE THE NUMBER TO COMPOSE A VESSEL'S CREW, EXCLUSIVE OF OFFICERS, MARINES, FIREMEN, AND COAL-HEAVERS. KEY: A: KIND OR CLASS OF GUN. B: WEIGHT OF GUN, IN POUNDS, OR CWT., WHEN SO EXPRESSED. C: Gun, when a pivot, or used singly. D: Gun of both broadsides. -------------+-------------------+---------------------------+-------------+ | | |NUMBER OF | | | |HANDS FOR | | | |EACH-- | | | +------+------+ A | B | NOTICES. | C | D | -------------+-------------------+ +------+------+ Col. | Col. | | Col. | Col. | 1 | 2. | | 3. | 4. | -------------+-------------------+---------------------------+------+------+ | {|In turrets of an iron-clad,|} | | XV-inch | 42,000 {|and on carriage requiring |} 20 *| | XI-inch or | {|but ten hands for a XV-inch|} | | 150-pounder | 16,000 to 17,000 {|and seven for an XI-inch, |} 14 *| | | {|powdermen included. |} | | | | | | | XI-inch or | |Elsewhere than in said | | | 150-pounder | 16,000 to 17,000 | turrets. | 25 | 12.5 | X-inch or | | | | | 64-pounder | 12,000 | | 21 | 10.5 | IX-inch or | | | | | 100-pounder | 9,000 to 10,000 | | 17 | 8.5 | 60-pounder | 5,000 | | 11 | 5.5 | 30-pounder | | | | | rifle | 3,000 to 4,000 | | 9 | 4.5 | 20-pounder | | | | | rifle | 1,600 to 2,000 | | 7 | 3.5 | 8-inch |63 cwt. |On lower deck of | | | | | ship-of-the-line. | 17 | 8.5 | 8-inch |63 " |Elsewhere than on said | | | | | deck. | 15 | 7.5 | 8-inch |56 " or 6,500 lbs.| | 13 | 6.5 | 32-pounder |57 " |On lower deck of | | | | | ship-of-the-line. | 15 | 7.5 | 32-pounder |57 " |Elsewhere than on | | | | | said deck. | 13 | 6.5 | 32-pounder |42 " or 4,500 lbs.| | 11 | 5.5 | 32-pounder |33 " | | 9 | 4.5 | 32-pounder |27 " | | 7 | 3.5 | 24-pounder | | | | | howitzer | 1,300 to 1,400 | | 7 | 3.5 | 12-pounder | | | | | howitzer | 700 to 800 | | 5 | 2.5 | -------------+-------------------+----------------------------------+------+ NOTE *: These numbers, 20 and 14, give, intentionally, double crews. TABLE II _Allowance of Petty Officers, and also of others_ NOT _Seamen, Ordinary Seamen, Landsmen, Boys, Firemen, Coal-heavers, nor Musicians, other than Master of the Band, for Sailing Vessels and Steamers of every description, including Iron-clads, when the amount of C is_-- -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | | THAN 570 | THAN 375 | THAN 225 | THAN 175 | RATINGS. | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | | THAN 760 | THAN 570 | THAN 375 | THAN 225 | -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ S.V. means a Sailing Vessel. | Col. 1 | Col. 2 | Col. 3 | Col. 4 | STMR. means a Steamer. +----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ |S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.| -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ Chief Boatswain's Mate | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Boatswain's Mate in charge | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Boatswain's Mates | 5 | .. | 3 | 3 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | Chief Gunner's Mates | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | Gunner's Mates in charge | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Gunner's Mates | 3 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Chief Quartermasters | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Quartermasters | 9 | .. | 7 | 7 | 5 | 5 | 3 | 3 | Coxswains | 10 | .. | 8 | 8 | 7 | 7 | 6 | 6 | Captains of Forecastle | 4 | .. | 4 | 4 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | Captains of Tops | 8 | .. | 6 | 6 | 6 | 4 | 4 | 2 | Captains of After-Guard | 2 | .. | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | Quarter Gunners | 18 | .. | 12 | 12 | 6 | 6 | 4 | 4 | Carpenter's Mates | 2 | .. | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Sailmaker's Mates | 2 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Painters--1st class | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Painters--2d class | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | Coopers | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Armorers | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Armorer's Mates | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | .. | 1 | .. | .. | Captains of Hold | 2 | .. | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | Ship's Cooks | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Bakers | 2 | .. | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Yeomen | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Master-at-Arms | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Surgeon's Steward in charge |When there is no Medical Officer provided, | | the Surgeon's Steward allowed is to become| | the Surgeon's Steward in charge. | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | | THAN 100 | THAN 80 | THAN 60 | THAN 40 | RATINGS. | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | | THAN 175 | THAN 100 | THAN 80 | THAN 60 | -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ S.V. means a Sailing Vessel. | Col. 5 | Col. 6 | Col. 7 | Col. 8 | STMR. means a Steamer. +----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ |S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.| -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ Chief Boatswain's Mate | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Boatswain's Mate in charge | .. | .. | .. | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Boatswain's Mates | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Chief Gunner's Mates | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Gunner's Mates in charge | .. | .. | .. | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Gunner's Mates | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Chief Quartermasters | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Quartermasters | 3 | 3 | 3 | 3 | 3 | 3 | 3 | 3 | Coxswains | 4 | 4 | 4 | 4 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | Captains of Forecastle | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 1 | .. | Captains of Tops | 2 | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | .. | 1 | .. | Captains of After-Guard | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Quarter Gunners | 4 | 3 | 3 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | Carpenter's Mates | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Sailmaker's Mates | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Painters--1st class | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Painters--2d class | .. | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Coopers | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Armorers | 1 | 1 | .. | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | Armorer's Mates | .. | .. | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Captains of Hold | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Ship's Cooks | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Bakers | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Yeomen | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Master-at-Arms | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Surgeon's Steward in charge |When there is no Medical Officer provided, | | the Surgeon's Steward allowed is to become| | the Surgeon's Steward in charge. | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ -----------------------------+----------+----------+ | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | | THAN 25 | THAN 12 | RATINGS. | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | | THAN 40 | THAN 25 | -----------------------------+----------+----------+ S.V. means a Sailing Vessel. | Col. 9 | Col. 10 | STMR. means a Steamer. +----+-----+----+-----+ |S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.| -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+ Chief Boatswain's Mate | .. | .. | .. | .. | Boatswain's Mate in charge | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Boatswain's Mates | .. | .. | .. | .. | Chief Gunner's Mates | .. | .. | .. | .. | Gunner's Mates in charge | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Gunner's Mates | .. | .. | .. | .. | Chief Quartermasters | .. | .. | .. | .. | Quartermasters | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | Coxswains | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Captains of Forecastle | 1 | .. | .. | .. | Captains of Tops | .. | .. | .. | .. | Captains of After-Guard | .. | .. | .. | .. | Quarter Gunners | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Carpenter's Mates | .. | .. | .. | .. | Sailmaker's Mates | .. | .. | .. | .. | Painters--1st class | .. | .. | .. | .. | Painters--2d class | .. | .. | .. | .. | Coopers | .. | .. | .. | .. | Armorers | .. | .. | .. | .. | Armorer's Mates | .. | .. | .. | .. | Captains of Hold | .. | .. | .. | .. | Ship's Cooks | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Bakers | .. | .. | .. | .. | Yeomen | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Master-at-Arms | .. | .. | .. | .. | Surgeon's Steward in charge |When there is no | |Medical Officer | |provided, the | |Surgeon's Steward | |allowed is to become | |the Surgeon's Steward| |in charge. | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+ TABLE II.--Continued. -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | | THAN 570 | THAN 375 | THAN 225 | THAN 175 | RATINGS. | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | | THAN 760 | THAN 570 | THAN 375 | THAN 225 | -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ S.V. means a Sailing Vessel. | Col. 1 | Col. 2 | Col. 3 | Col. 4 | STMR. means a Steamer. +----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ |S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.| -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ Surgeon's Stewards | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Paymaster's Stewards | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Schoolmasters | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Ship's Writers | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Ship's Corporals | 2 | .. | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | Masters of the Band | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 |and one to every | | | | | |other vessel allowed | | | | | |a band. | Coxswains to | One of each to be borne on the books of | Commander-in-Chief |the vessel carrying his flag in | |addition to her compliment. | | | | | Stewards to | One of each to be borne on the books of | Commander-in-Chief |the vessel carrying his flag in | |addition to her compliment. | | | | | Cooks to | One of each to be borne on the books of | Commander-in-Chief |the vessel carrying his flag in | |addition to her compliment. | | | | | Cabin Stewards | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Cabin Cooks | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Ward-Room Stewards | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Ward-Room Cooks | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | *Steerage Stewards | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | *Steerage Cooks | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | *Foreward Officer's Stewards | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | *Foreward Officer's Cooks | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | *Carpenters, including | | | | | | | | | Caulkers | 12 | .. | 10 | 10 | 8 | 8 | 6 | 6 | Nurses | 2 | .. | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ TOTAL |107 | .. | 88 | 88 | 68 | 67 | 58 | 56 | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ NOTE.--Those rankings marked * are _not_ Petty Officers. Iron-clads without spars not to be allowed any Captains of Tops. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | | THAN 100 | THAN 80 | THAN 60 | THAN 40 | RATINGS. | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | | THAN 175 | THAN 100 | THAN 80 | THAN 60 | -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ S.V. means a Sailing Vessel. | Col. 5 | Col. 6 | Col. 7 | Col. 8 | STMR. means a Steamer. +----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ |S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.| -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ Surgeon's Stewards | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Paymaster's Stewards | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Schoolmasters | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Ship's Writers | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Ship's Corporals | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | 1 | 1 | Masters of the Band |and one to every | |other vessel allowed | |a band. | Coxswains to |One of each to be borne on the books of | Commander-in-Chief | the vessel carrying his flag in | | addition to her compliment. | | | | | Coxswains to |One of each to be borne on the books of | Commander-in-Chief | the vessel carrying his flag in | | addition to her compliment. | | | | | Coxswains to |One of each to be borne on the books of | Commander-in-Chief | the vessel carrying his flag in | | addition to her compliment. | | | | | Cabin Stewards | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Cabin Cooks | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Ward-Room Stewards | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Ward-Room Cooks | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | *Steerage Stewards | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | *Steerage Cooks | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | *Foreward Officer's Stewards | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | *Foreward Officer's Cooks | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | *Carpenters, including | | | | | | | | | Caulkers | 4 | 4 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | Nurses | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ TOTAL | 51 | 47 | 44 | 41 | 38 | 36 | 30 | 28 | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ NOTE.--Those rankings marked * are _not_ Petty Officers. Iron-clads without spars not to be allowed any Captains of Tops. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- -----------------------------+----------+----------+ | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | | THAN 25 | THAN 12 | RATINGS. | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | | THAN 40 | THAN 25 | -----------------------------+----------+----------+ S.V. means a Sailing Vessel. | Col. 9 | Col. 10 | STMR. means a Steamer. +----+-----+----+-----+ |S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.| -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+ Surgeon's Stewards | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Paymaster's Stewards | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Schoolmasters | .. | .. | .. | .. | Ship's Writers | .. | .. | .. | .. | Ship's Corporals | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Masters of the Band |and one to every | |other vessel allowed | |a band. | Coxswains to |One of each to be | Commander-in-Chief |borne on the books of| |the vessel carrying | |his flag in addition | |to her compliment. | Coxswains to |One of each to be | Commander-in-Chief |borne on the books of| |the vessel carrying | |his flag in addition | |to her compliment. | Coxswains to |One of each to be | Commander-in-Chief |borne on the books of| |the vessel carrying | |his flag in addition | |to her compliment. | Cabin Stewards | .. | .. | .. | .. | Cabin Cooks | .. | .. | .. | .. | Ward-Room Stewards | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Ward-Room Cooks | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | *Steerage Stewards | .. | .. | 1 | 1 | *Steerage Cooks | .. | .. | 1 | 1 | *Foreward Officer's Stewards | .. | .. | .. | .. | *Foreward Officer's Cooks | .. | .. | .. | .. | *Carpenters, including | | | | | Caulkers | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Nurses | .. | .. | .. | .. | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+ TOTAL | 15 | 14 | 5 | 5 | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+ NOTE.--Those rankings marked * are _not_ Petty | Officers. Iron-clads without spars not to | be allowed any Captains of Tops. | ---------------------------------------------------+ TABLE III. _Allowance of Officers when the amount of C is_-- -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | | THAN 570 | THAN 375 | THAN 225 | THAN 175 | GRADES. | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | | THAN 760 | THAN 570 | THAN 375 | THAN 225 | -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ S.V. means a Sailing Vessel. | Col. 1 | Col. 2 | Col. 3 | Col. 4 | STMR. means a Steamer. +----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ |S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.| -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ Commodore | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | Captain | .. | .. | .. | .. | 1 | 1 | .. | 1 | Commander | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | 1 | .. | Lieut.-Commander | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Lieutenant | 2 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Master | 3 | .. | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Ensign | 3 | .. | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | Midshipman | 12 | .. | 8 | 8 | 6 | 6 | 4 | 4 | Surgeon | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Assistant Surgeons | 3 | .. | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | Paymaster | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Assistant Paymaster | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Chaplain | One to each Flagship. | | | | Boatswain | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Gunner | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Carpenter | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Sailmaker | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Chief Engineer | .. | .. | .. | 1 | .. | 1 | .. | 1 | 1st Assistant Engineer | .. | .. | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | 2d Assistant Engineer | .. | .. | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | 3d Assistant Engineer | .. | .. | .. | 3 | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | Secretary | One for each Commander of a Squadron. | Clerk to Commanding Officer | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Clerk to Paymaster | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Master's Mates | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ TOTAL | 33 | .. | 25 | 33 | 22 | 29 | 19 | 26 | | to | | to | to | to | to | | | | 35 | | 27 | 35 | 24 | 31 | | | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | | THAN 100 | THAN 80 | THAN 60 | THAN 40 | GRADES. | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | | THAN 175 | THAN 100 | THAN 80 | THAN 60 | -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ S.V. means a Sailing Vessel. | Col. 5 | Col. 6 | Col. 7 | Col. 8 | STMR. means a Steamer. +----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ |S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.| -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ Commodore | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Captain | .. | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Commander | 1 | .. | .. | 1 | .. | 1 | .. | .. | Lieut.-Commander | 1 | 1 | 1 | .. | 1 | .. | 1 | 1 | Lieutenant | 1 | 1 | .. | 1 | .. | 1 | .. | .. | Master | 1 | 1 | 3 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Ensign | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 3 | 3 | 4 | 4 | Midshipman | 4 | 4 | 4 | 4 | .. | .. | .. | .. | Surgeon | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Assistant Surgeons | 1 | 1 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Paymaster | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Assistant Paymaster | .. | .. | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Chaplain | | | | | | | | | Boatswain | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | Gunner | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | Carpenter | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | Sailmaker | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Chief Engineer | .. | 1 | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | 1st Assistant Engineer | .. | 1 | .. | 2 | .. | 1 | .. | 1 | 2d Assistant Engineer | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | 3d Assistant Engineer | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | Secretary | | | | | | | | | Clerk to Commanding Officer | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Clerk to Paymaster | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | .. | Master's Mates | .. | .. | .. | .. | 3 | 3 | 2 | 2 | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ TOTAL | 18 | 24 | 17 | 23 | 12 | 17 | 11 | 16 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ -----------------------------+----------+----------+ | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | | THAN 25 | THAN 12 | GRADES. | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | | THAN 40 | THAN 25 | -----------------------------+----------+----------+ S.V. means a Sailing Vessel. | Col. 9 | Col. 10 | STMR. means a Steamer. +----+-----+----+-----+ |S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Tugs.| -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+ Commodore | .. | .. | .. | .. | Captain | .. | .. | .. | .. | Commander | .. | .. | .. | .. | Lieut.-Commander | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Lieutenant | .. | .. | .. | .. | Master | 1 | 1 | .. | 1 | Ensign | 3 | 3 | 1 | .. | Midshipman | .. | .. | .. | .. | Surgeon | .. | .. | .. | .. | Assistant Surgeons | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Paymaster | .. | .. | .. | .. | Assistant Paymaster | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Chaplain | | | | | Boatswain | .. | .. | .. | .. | Gunner | .. | .. | .. | .. | Carpenter | .. | .. | .. | .. | Sailmaker | .. | .. | .. | .. | Chief Engineer | .. | .. | .. | .. | 1st Assistant Engineer | .. | 1 | .. | .. | 2d Assistant Engineer | .. | 1 | .. | 1 | 3d Assistant Engineer | .. | 2 | .. | 2 | Secretary | | | | | Clerk to Commanding Officer | 1 | 1 | .. | .. | Clerk to Paymaster | .. | .. | .. | .. | Master's Mates | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+ TOTAL | 10 | 14 | 2 | 5 | | | | | | | | | | | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+ NOTE.--Iron-clads without Spars are not to be allowed either Boatswains or Sailmakers. No Paymaster or Assistant Paymaster shall be allowed a clerk in a vessel having the complement of one hundred and seventy-five persons or less, excepting in supply steamers and store vessels. TABLE IV. _Allowance of Marines when the amount of C is_-- | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | | THAN 570 | THAN 375 | THAN 225 | THAN 175 | GRADES. | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | | THAN 760 | THAN 570 | THAN 375 | THAN 225 | -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ S.V. means a Sailing Vessel. | Col. 1 | Col. 2 | Col. 3 | Col. 4 | STMR. means a Steamer. +----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ |S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.| -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ Captain | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | | | | | Lieutenants | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Sergeants | 3 | 3 | 3 | 3 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | Corporals | 4 | 4 | 4 | 4 | 4 | 4 | 3 | 3 | Drummers | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Pipers | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | Privates | 50 | 50 | 40 | 40 | 30 | 30 | 20 | 20 | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ TOTAL | 64 | 64 | 51 | 51 | 39 | 39 | 28 | 28 | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | NOT LESS | | THAN 100 | THAN 80 | THAN 60 | THAN 40 | GRADES. | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | NOR MORE | | THAN 175 | THAN 100 | THAN 80 | THAN 60 | -----------------------------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ S.V. means a Sailing Vessel. | Col. 5 | Col. 6 | Col. 7 | Col. 8 | STMR. means a Steamer. +----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ |S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.|S.V.|Stmr.| -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ Captain | | | | | | | | | Lieutenants | 1 | 1 | | | | | | | Sergeants | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 1 | 1 | Corporals | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | Drummers | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | | | Pipers | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | | | Privates | 16 | 16 | 12 | 12 | 10 | 10 | 8 | 8 | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ TOTAL | 23 | 23 | 18 | 18 | 16 | 16 | 11 | 11 | -----------------------------+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+----+-----+ FOOTNOTES: [1] NOTE 1.--Howitzers, when not really essentials of a battery, but intended rather as appendages to it for boat and field service, and for particular occasions, than to be used as commonly as the other guns of the vessel in general exercises, or in an engagement, are _not_ to be included in applying these directions. The marines and available hands of the master's division are to be kept drilled to them, for the purpose of clearing the deck of an enemy. [2] NOTE 2.--If the number of musicians thus derived be even, one-half of them are to be of the first class, and one-half of the second class; otherwise, the bare majority are to be of the first class, and the rest of the second. APPENDIX B.--No. I. GRADUATION OF SIGHTS AND MEAN RANGES OF UNITED STATES NAVAL SMOOTH-BORE GUNS. (_From Results of Practice, by Admiral_ DAHLGREN, _United States Navy._) The graduation commences from the bottom of the head of the bar resting on the sight-box. The aim is supposed to be taken at the water-line of a ship. ---------------------+-------------------------+-----------------------+ | 32-POUNDER OF 27 CWT. | 32-POUNDER OF 33 CWT. | +-------------------------+-----------------------+ Charge | 4 lbs. | 4-1/2 lbs. | | | | Axis of bore above | | | load-line | 7 feet. | 7-1/2 feet. | | | | Distance between | Old Model. | New Model. | | sights | 29-1/4 | 26-3/4 | | | inches. | inches. | 31 inches. | ----------+----------+------------+------------+-----------+-----------+ ELEVATION.| RANGE. |GRADUATION. |GRADUATION. | RANGE. |GRADUATION.| ----------+----------+------------+------------+-----------+-----------+ Degrees. | Yards. | Inches. | Inches. | Yards. | Inches. | Level. | 250 | 0.353 | 0.324 | 287 | 0.350 | 1° | 545 | 0.746 | 0.684 | 581 | 0.792 | 2° | 800 | 1.266 | 1.161 | 857 | 1.343 | 3° | 1,047 | 1.801 | 1.652 | 1,140 | 1.909 | 4° | 1,278 | 2.337 | 2.144 | 1,398 | 2.478 | 5° | 1,469 | 2.870 | 2.633 | 1,598 | 3.044 | 6° | 1,637 | 3.398 | 3.116 | ... | ... | ----------+----------+------------+------------+-----------+-----------+ APPENDIX B.--No. II. ---------------------+-------------------------+-----------------------+ | 32-POUNDER OF 42 CWT. | 32-POUNDER OF 57 CWT. | +-------------------------+-----------------------+ Charge | 6 lbs. | 9 lbs. | | | | Axis of bore above | | | load-line | 7-1/2 feet. | 8 feet. | | | | Distance between | Old Model. | New Model. | | sights. |40.5 inches.|37.1 inches.| 42.5 inches. | ----------+----------+------------+------------+-----------+-----------+ ELEVATION.| RANGE. |GRADUATION. |GRADUATION. | RANGE. |GRADUATION.| ----------+----------+------------+------------+-----------+-----------+ Degrees. | Yards. | Inches. | Inches. | Yards. | Inches. | Level. | 313 | 0.446 | 0.408 | 360 | 0.412 | 1° | 672 | 1.016 | 0.931 | 760 | 1.042 | 2° | 988 | 1.742 | 1.596 | 1,150 | 1.808 | 3° | 1,274 | 2.488 | 2.280 | 1,440 | 2.597 | 4° | 1,505 | 3.235 | 2.964 | 1,710 | 3.384 | 5° | 1,756 | 3.974 | 3.641 | 1,930 | 4.162 | 6° | ... | ... | ... | 2,140 | 4.930 | ----------+----------+------------+------------+-----------+-----------+ APPENDIX B.--No. III. -----------------------------------++-------------------------------------+ 8-INCH OF 55 CWT. || 8-INCH OF 63 CWT. | -----------------------------------++-------------------------------------+ Charge ... 7 lbs. || 9 lbs. | || | Shell ... 51-1/2 lbs. || 51-1/2 lbs. | || | Axis of bore above || | load-line ... 7-1/2 feet.|| 8 feet. | || | Distance between || |Old Model. | New Model. | sights ... 37 inches || |43.50 inches.| 38.20 inches.| -----------------------------------++--------+-------------+--------------+ ELEVATION. | RANGE. |GRADUATION. || RANGE. | GRADUATION. | GRADUATION. | -----------------------------------++--------+-------------+--------------+ Degrees. | Yards. | Inches. || Yards. | Inches. | Inches. | Level. | 283 | 0.429 || 330 | 0.460 | 0.402 | 1° | 579 | 0.949 || 660 | 1.100 | 0.964 | 2° | 869 | 1.603 || 970 | 1.878 | 1.647 | 3° | 1,148 | 2.280 || 1,260 | 2.678 | 2.350 | 4° | 1,413 | 2.958 || 1,540 | 3.478 | 3.051 | 5° | 1,657 | 3.632 || 1,770 | 4.273 | 3.749 | 6° | 1,866 | 4.300 || ... | ... | ... | -----------------------------------++-------------------------------------+ APPENDIX B.--No. IV. ------------------+------------------+------------------+------------------+ | IX-INCH | XI-INCH | XI-INCH | | SHELL-GUN. | SHELL-GUN. | SHELL-GUN. | ------------------+------------------+------------------+------------------+ | | | | Charge |10 lbs. |15 lbs. |15 lbs. | | | | | Shell |72 lbs. |135 lbs. |135 lbs. | | | | | Axis of bore |10 feet. |10 feet. |20 feet. | above load-line | | | | | |[Screw-sloops.] |[2d deck above | | | | water.] | Distance | | | | between sights |39 inches. |48 inches. |48 inches. | | | | | ------------------+-------+----------+-------+----------+-------+----------+ ELEVATION |RANGE |GRADUATION|RANGE |GRADUATION|RANGE |GRADUATION| ------------------+-------+----------+-------+----------+-------+----------+ Degrees. | Yards.| Inches. | Yards.| Inches. | Yards.| Inches. | Level. | 340 | 0.461 | 306 | 0.600 | 420 | 0.87 | ... | 700 | 0.983 | 500 | 0.945 | 700 | 1.48 | ... | 900 | 1.514 | 700 | 1.442 | 900 | 2.01 | ... | 1,100 | 2.073 | 900 | 2.040 | 1,100 | 2.62 | ... | 1,300 | 2.646 | 1,100 | 2.651 | 1,300 | 3.25 | ... | 1,500 | 3.222 | 1,300 | 3.295 | 1,500 | 4.92 | ... | 1,700 | 3.813 | 1,500 | 3.953 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,700 | 4.681 | ... | ... | ------------------+-------+----------+-------+----------+-------+----------+ APPENDIX B.--No. V.--_Approximate Ranges of Shell-Guns._ ------------+-----------+-----------+-------+------+-----------------------+ | | | | | ELEVATION IN DEGREES. | | | | | | RANGES IN YARDS. | | | | | | TIME OF FLIGHT IN | | | | | | SECONDS. | CLASS | | WEIGHT | |HEIGHT+-----+-----+-----+-----+ OF | KIND OF | OF |CHARGE,|ABOVE |P.B. | | | | GUN. |PROJECTILE.|PROJECTILE.| lbs. |PLANE.|or 0°| 1° | 2° | 3° | ------------+-----------+-----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ XV-inch |Cored shot | 400 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | |Shell | 350 | 35 | ... | 300| 620| 920|1,200| | | | | | | | 1.9 | 3.7 | ------------+-----------+-----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ XI-inch | Shell | 136 | 15 | 10 | 306| 631| 918|1,208| | | | | | .84| 1.72| 2.8 | 3.88| | Shell | 136 | 15 | 20 | 421| 679| 992|1,257| | | | | | 1.16| 1.96| 3. | 3.94| | Shell | 136 | 20 | 10 | 410| 665|1,000|1,340| | | | | | | 1.9 | | 4.1 | | Shrapnel | 141 | 15 | 10 | 295| 620| 910|1,200| | | | | | .8 | 1.7 | 2.7 | 3.7 | ------------+-----------+-----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ X-inch | Shell | 103 | 12-1/2| 11 | 340| 705| 970|1,230| | | | | | .1 | 2. | 2.9 | 3.9 | | Shrapnel | 101 | 12-1/2| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ------------+-----------+-----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ IX-inch | Shell | 72-1/2 | 10 |10-3/4| 332| 718| 962|1,218| | | | | | .9 | 1.96| 3. | 4. | | Shell | 72-1/2 | 13 | ... | 350| 740| 980|1,275| | | | | | .1 | 2.08| 2.84| 4.04| | Shrapnel | 75 | 10 | ... | 332| 718| 960|1,215| | | | | | .8 | 1.9 | 2.9 | 4. | ------------+-----------+-----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 8-inch, | Shell | 51-1/2 | 9 | 8 | 330| 660| 970|1,260| 63-cwt. | | | | | .8 | 1.89| 3.07| 4.34| | Shrapnel | 52 | 9 | ... | 340| 670| 980|1,270| | | | | | .9 | 1.8 | 3. | 4.2 | ------------+-----------+-----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 8-inch, | Shell | 51-1/2 | 7 | 7-1/2| 283| 579| 869|1,148| 55-cwt. | | | | | .8 | 1.7 | 2.9 | 3.75| and | Shrapnel | 52 | 7 | ... | 290| 590| 880|1,160| of 6,500 lbs| | | | | .8 | 1.6 | 2.8 | 3.9 | ------------+-----------+-----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ ------------+-----------+-----------------------------------------------+ | | ELEVATION IN DEGREES. | | | RANGES IN YARDS. | | | TIME OF FLIGHT IN SECONDS. | | | | CLASS | |-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ OF | KIND OF | | | | | | | | | GUN. |PROJECTILE.| 4° | 5° | 6° | 7° | 8° | 9° | 10° | 11° | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ XV-inch |Cored shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | |Shell |1,470|1,700|1,900|2,100| ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 4.3 | 5.7 | 6.5 | 7.7 | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ XI-inch | Shell |1,472|1,712|1,914|2,105|2,300|2,500|2,687|2,870| | | 4.9 | 5.81| 6.74| | | |10.2 |11.70| | Shell |1,524|1,757|1,950|2,140| ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 4.99| 6.04| | | | | | | | Shell |1,660|1,975|2,255|2,490|2,690|2,870|3,025|3,170| | | | | | 8.6 | |10.2 | |11.8 | | Shrapnel |1,465|1,710| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 4.7 | 5.6 | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ X-inch | Shell |1,490|1,740|1,960|2,210|2,430|2,640|2,840|3,000| | | 4.9 | 5.8 | 6.7 | | 8.5 | |10.1 | | | Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ IX-inch | Shell |1,471|1,710|1,933|2,133|2,314|2,484|2,644|2,788| | | 5.1 | 5.96| | 8. | | 8.6 |11.5 |12.9 | | Shell |1,520|1,750|1,980|2,200|2,395|2,580|2,750|2,910| | | 5.20| 6.24| 7.16| 8.36| | | | | | Shrapnel |1,470|1,690| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 5. | 5.9 | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 8-inch, | Shell |1,540|1,770| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 63-cwt | | 5.32| 6.32| | | | | | | | Shrapnel |1,550|1,775| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 5.2 | 6.2 | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 8-inch, | Shell |1,413|1,657|1,866| ... |2,315| ... |2,600| ... | 55-cwt. | | 4.78| 5.82| 6.90| | | | 9.70| | and | Shrapnel |1,420|1,660| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | of 6,500 lbs| | 4.9 | 5.8 | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ ------------+-----------+-----------------------+ | | ELEVATION IN DEGREES. | | | RANGES IN YARDS. | | | TIME OF FLIGHT IN | | | SECONDS. | CLASS | |-----+-----+-----+-----+ OF | KIND OF | | | | | GUN. |PROJECTILE.| 12° | 13° | 14° | 15° | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ XV-inch |Cored shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | |Shell | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ XI-inch | Shell |3,022|3,160|3,300|3,400| | |12.15| | | | | Shell | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | Shell |3,305|3,435|3,550|3,650| | | |14. | |16.5 | | Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ X-inch | Shell | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ IX-inch | Shell |2,927|3,045|3,190|3,357| | | |13.5 | |14.7 | | Shell |3,055|3,190|3,320|3,450| | | | | | | | Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 8-inch, | Shell | ... | ... | ... | ... | 63-cwt. | | | | | | | Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 8-inch, | Shell | ... | ... | ... | ... | 55-cwt. | | | | | | and | Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | of 6,500 lbs| | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ APPENDIX B.--No. VI.--_Approximate Ranges of Shot-Guns and Howitzers._ ------------+-----------+----------+------+------+-----------------------+ | | | | |ELEVATION IN DEGREES. | | | | | |RANGES IN YARDS. | | | | | |TIME OF FLIGHT IN | | | | | |SECONDS. | CLASS | | WEIGHT | |HEIGHT+-----+-----+-----+-----+ OF | KIND OF | OF |CHARGE|ABOVE |P.B. | | | | GUN. |PROJECTILE |PROJECTILE| |PLANE.|or 0°| 1° | 2° | 3° | ------------+-----------+----------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. | Shot | 32 | 9 | 8 | 360 | 760 |1,150|1,440| of | | | | | 1.0 | 2.2 | 3.4 | 4.3 | 57 cwt. | Shell | 26 | 6 | ... | 370 | 780 |1,090|1,360| | | | | | 1.04| 2.00| 3.14| 4.20| |Shrapnel | 32 | 9 | ... | 360 | 760 |1,150|1.440| | | | | | 1.0 | 2.2 | 3.4 | 4.3 | ------------+-----------+----------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. |Shot | 32 | 6 | 7-1/2| 313 | 672 | 988 |1,274| of 42 cwt. | | | | | .90 | 2.0 | 3.0 | 4.0 | and of |Shell | 26 | 6 | ... | 330 | 710 |1,012|1,270| 4,500 lbs. | | | | | .90 | 1.90| 3.05| 4.15| |Shrapnel | 32 | 6 | ... | 313 | 672 | 988 |1,274| | | | | | .8 | 1.8 | 2.8 | 3.8 | ------------+-----------+----------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. |Shot | 32 | 4-1/2| 7-1/2| 287 | 581 | 857 |1,140| of 33 cwt. |Shot | 32 | 4-1/2|15-1/3| 366 | 655 | 929 |1,152| | | | | | 1.1 | 2. | 2.9 | 3.9 | |Shell | 26 | 4-1/2| 7-1/2| 295 | 660 | 952 |1,205| | | | | | .90 | 1.85| 2.85| 3.85| |Shrapnel | 32 | 4-1/2| 7-1/2| 297 | 581 | 857 |1,140| | | | | | 1. | 1.8 | 2.7 | 3.8 | ------------+-----------+----------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. |Shot | 32 | 4 | 7 | 250 | 545 | 800 |1.047| of 27 cwt. | | | | | .7 | 1.4 | 2.6 | 3.7 | |Shell | 26 | 4 | ... | 320 | 660 | 920 |1,120| | | | | | 1. | 1.95| 2.90| 3.85| |Shrapnel | 32 | 4 | ... | 250 | 545 | 800 |1,047| | | | | | .7 | 1.4 | 2.6 | 3.7 | ------------+-----------+----------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 24-pdr. |Shell | 20 | 2 | 7 | 280 | 590 | 810 | 980 | howitzer. | | | | | .90 | 1.80| 2.75| 3.65| |Shrapnel | 26 | 2 | ... | 255 | 555 | 790 | 960 | | | | | | .96 | 1.92| 2.87| 3.80| ------------+-----------+----------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 12-pdr. |Shell | 10 | 1 | 7 | 270 | 516 | 730 | 875 | heavy | | | | | 1.0 | 1.65| 2.35| 3.1 | howitzer. |Shrapnel | 13 | 1 | ... | 250 | 500 | 700 | 870 | | | | | | 1. | 1.9 | 2.8 | 3.7 | ------------+-----------+----------+------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ ------------+-----------+-----------------------------------------------+ | |ELEVATION IN DEGREES. | | |RANGES IN YARDS. | | |TIME OF FLIGHT IN | | |SECONDS. | CLASS | |-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ OF | KIND OF | | | | | | | | | GUN. |PROJECTILE | 4° | 5° | 6° | 7° | 8° | 9° | 10° | 11° | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. | Shot |1,710|1,930|2,140|2,310|2,460|2,610|2,731| ... | of | | 5.3 | 6.6 | 7.7 | | | | 10.7| | 57 cwt. | Shell |1,620|1,850| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 5.30| 6.40| | | | | | | |Shrapnel |1,710|1,930| ... | ... | ... | ... |2,619| ... | | | 5.3 | 6.6 | | | | | 10.8| | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. |Shot |1,505|1,756| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | of 42 cwt. | | 5.0 | 6.0 | | | | | | | and of |Shell |1,495|1,710| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 4,500 lbs. | | 5.32| 6.50| | | | | | | |Shrapnel |1,505|1,756| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 4.8 | 5.8 | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. |Shot |1,398|1,598| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | of 33 cwt. | |1,385| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | |Shot | 4.9 | | | | | | | | | |1,435|1,648| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | |Shell | 4.90| 6.00| | | | | | | | |1,398|1,598| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | |Shrapnel | 4.9 | 6. | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. |Shot |1,278|1,469|1,637| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | of 27 cwt. | | 4.5 | 5.4 | 6.3 | | | | | | |Shell |1,300|1,460|1,610| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 4.80| 5.75| 6.7 | | | | | | |Shrapnel |1,278|1,469|1,637| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 4.5 | 5.4 | 6.3 | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 24-pdr. |Shell |1,125|1,270| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | howitzer. | | 4.63| 5.68| | | | | | | |Shrapnel |1.140|1,308| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 4.75| 5.70| | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 12-pdr. |Shell | 990 |1,085| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | heavy | | 3.9 | 4.8 | | | | | | | howitzer. |Shrapnel |1,015|1,150| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 4.6 | 5.4 | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ ------------+-----------+-----------------------+ | |ELEVATION IN DEGREES. | | |RANGES IN YARDS. | | |TIME OF FLIGHT IN | | |SECONDS. | CLASS | |-----+-----+-----+-----+ OF | KIND OF | | | | | GUN. |PROJECTILE | 12° | 13° | 14° | 15° | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. | Shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | of | | | | | | 57 cwt. | Shell | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. |Shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | of 42 cwt. | | | | | | and of |Shell | ... | ... | ... | ... | 4,500 lbs. | | | | | | |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. |Shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | of 33 cwt. | | ... | ... | ... | ... | |Shot | | | | | | | ... | ... | ... | ... | |Shell | | | | | | | ... | ... | ... | ... | |Shrapnel | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 32-pdr. |Shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | of 27 cwt. | | | | | | |Shell | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 24-pdr. |Shell | ... | ... | ... | ... | howitzer. | | | | | | |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ 12-pdr. |Shell | ... | ... | ... | ... | heavy | | | | | | howitzer. |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ APPENDIX B.--No. VII.--_Approximate Ranges of Rifle-Guns._ ------------+-----------+----------+-------+------+-----------------------+ | | | | |ELEVATION IN DEGREES. | | | | | |RANGES IN YARDS. | | | | | |TIME OF FLIGHT IN | | | | | |SECONDS. | CLASS | | WEIGHT | |HEIGHT+-----+-----+-----+-----+ OF | KIND OF | OF |CHARGE,|ABOVE |P.B. | | | | GUN. |PROJECTILE |PROJECTILE| lbs. |PLANE.|or 0°| 1° | 2° | 3° | ------------+-----------+----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ | | |No. 7 | | | | | | Parrott-- |Solid shot | 100 | 10 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 100-pounder | | | | | | | | | |Hollow shot| 80 | 10 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | | |Long shot | 100 | 10 | ... | ... | 500 | 920 |1,400| | | | | | | | |4-1/4| |Short shot | 80 | 10 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | | |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ------------+-----------+----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ Parrott-- |Shot | 60 | 6 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 60-pounder |Shell | 50 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ------------+-----------+----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ |Shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | Can. | | | | | | Parrott-- |Shell | 29 | 3-1/4 | ... | ... | 660 |1,100|1,500| 30-pounder | | | | | | | | | |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ------------+-----------+----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ |Shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | Can. | | | | | | Parrott-- |Shell | 19 | 2 | ... | ... | 600 |1,020|1,365| 20-pounder | | | Can. | | | | | | |Shrapnel | 20 | 2 | ... | ... | 620 | 950| ... | | | | Can. | | |1-7/8|3-1/8| | ------------+-----------+----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ Dahlgren-- |Shot | ... | 2 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 20-pounder |Shell | 20 | 2 | 8 | 370 | 815 |1,155|1,440| | | | | | 1.4 | 2.4 |3.4 | 4.5 | ------------+-----------+----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ | | | Can. | | | | | | Dahlgren-- |Shot | ... | 1 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 12-pounder |Shell | 12 | 1 | 8 | 360 | 750 |1,050|1,305| | | | | | 1.0 | 2.0 | 3.0 | 4.0 | ------------+-----------+----------+-------+------+-----+-----+-----+-----+ ------------+-----------+-----------------------------------------------------+ | |ELEVATION IN DEGREES. | | |RANGES IN YARDS. | | |TIME OF FLIGHT IN SECONDS. | | | | CLASS | |-----+-----+------+------+------+------+------+------+ OF | KIND OF | | | | | | | | | GUN. |PROJECTILE | 4° | 5° | 10° | 15° | 20° | 25° | 30° | 35° | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+------+------+ | | | | | | | | | | Parrott-- |Solid shot | ... |2,200|3,810 |5,030 | 6,125|6,910 | ... | ... | 100-pounder | | |6-1/2| 13 |18-1/4|22-1/2| 29 | | | |Hollow shot| ... | ... | ... |5,190 |6,338 |7,180 |7,988 |8,453 | | | | | | 19 | 23 |29-1/2|32-1/4|36-1/4| |Long shot |1,700|2,150|3,700 |4,790 |5,830 |6,820 | ... | ... | | |5-1/2|6-1/2| 13 | 18 |21-3/4| 28 | | | |Short shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... |7,810 | ... | | | | | | | | |32-1/2| | |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+------+------| Parrott-- |Shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 60-pounder |Shell | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+------+------| |Shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | | | Parrott-- |Shell |1,860|2,200|3,500 | 4,800|5,700 |6,700 | ... | ... | 30-pounder | | |6-7/8|12-1/4|17-5/8|21-1/4| 27 | | | |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+------+------+ |Shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | | | Parrott-- |Shell |1,700|2,100|3,350 |4,400 | ... | ... | ... | ... | 20-pounder | | |6-1/2|11-1/4|17-1/4| | | | | |Shrapnel | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | | | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+------+------+ Dahlgren-- |Shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 20-pounder |Shell |1,715|1,960| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 5.5 | 6.5 | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+------+------+ | | | | | | | | | | Dahlgren-- |Shot | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 12-pounder |Shell |1,550|1,770| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | | | 5.0 | 6.0 | | | | | | | ------------+-----------+-----+-----+------+------+------+------+------+------+ APPENDIX B.--No. VIII. _Table for Finding the Distance of an Object at Sea._[1] To use the Table, let an observer from the cross-trees measure the angle between the distant horizon and the enemy's water-line, and look into the Table with that angle; opposite to it, in the column marked distances, will be found the distance of the object in yards. -----------+--------------------------------------------------------------+ YARDS. | HEIGHT OF THE EYE ABOVE THE LEVEL OF THE SEA, IN FEET. | -----------+--------------------------------------------------------------+ Distance. | 20 | 30 | 40 | 50 | 60 | 70 | 80 | 90 | 100 | -----------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+ | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | 100 | 3.44 | 5.37 | 7.29 | 9.21 |11.11 |13.00 |14.47 |16.34 |18.16 | 200 | 1.50 | 2.46 | 3.43 | 4.39 | 5.35 | 6.31 | 7.27 | 8.23 | 9.18 | 300 | 1.12 | 1.49 | 2.26 | 3.04 | 3.41 | 4.19 | 4.56 | 5.33 | 6.11 | 400 | .52 | 1.21 | 1.48 | 2.16 | 2.44 | 3.12 | 3.40 | 4.03 | 4.36 | 500 | .41 | 1.03 | 1.25 | 1.48 | 2.10 | 2.32 | 2.54 | 3.17 | 3.39 | 600 | .34 | .52 | 1.10 | 1.29 | 1.47 | 2.05 | 2.24 | 2.42 | 3.01 | 700 | .28 | .44 | 1.01 | 1.15 | 1.31 | 1.46 | 2.01 | 2.18 | 2.34 | 800 | .24 | .38 | .51 | 1.05 | 1.18 | 1.32 | 1.46 | 2.00 | 2.13 | 900 | .21 | .33 | .45 | .57 | 1.09 | 1.22 | 1.33 | 1.45 | 1.57 | 1000 | .18 | .29 | .40 | .50 | 1.01 | 1.12 | 1.23 | 1.34 | 1.45 | 1100 | .16 | .26 | .35 | .45 | .55 | 1.05 | 1.15 | 1.24 | 1.34 | 1200 | .15 | .23 | .32 | .41 | .50 | .59 | 1.08 | 1.17 | 1.26 | 1300 | .13 | .21 | .29 | .37 | .45 | .53 | 1.02 | 1.10 | 1.18 | 1400 | .12 | .19 | .27 | .34 | .41 | .49 | .57 | 1.04 | 1.12 | 1500 | .11 | .18 | .24 | .31 | .38 | .45 | .52 | .59 | 1.07 | 1600 | .10 | .16 | .22 | .29 | .35 | .42 | .48 | .55 | 1.02 | 1700 | .09 | .15 | .21 | .27 | .33 | .39 | .45 | .51 | .58 | 1800 | .08 | .14 | .19 | .25 | .31 | .36 | .42 | .48 | .54 | 1900 | .08 | .13 | .18 | .23 | .29 | .34 | .39 | .45 | .50 | 2000 | .07 | .12 | .17 | .22 | .27 | .32 | .37 | .42 | .47 | 2100 | .06 | .11 | .16 | .20 | .25 | .30 | .35 | .40 | .45 | 2200 | .06 | .10 | .15 | .19 | .24 | .28 | .33 | .38 | .42 | 2300 | .05 | .10 | .14 | .18 | .22 | .27 | .31 | .36 | .40 | 2400 | .05 | .09 | .13 | .17 | .21 | .25 | .29 | .34 | .38 | 2500 | .05 | .08 | .12 | .16 | .20 | .24 | .28 | .32 | .36 | -----------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+------+ No correct use of this Table can be made when the proximity of land may interfere with the distance of the horizon. APPENDIX B.--No. IX. REPORT OF TARGET PRACTICE WITH GREAT GUNS ON BOARD U.S.S. __________________________, ______________________COMMANDING, MADE THIS _______ DAY OF ______ 18 , AT _____________________. } ________________________________ { ARMAMENT } ________________________________ { } ________________________________ { KEY: Column A: KIND OF PROJECTILE. Column B: DISTANCE OF TARGET, IN YARDS. Column C: CALIBRE OF GUN. Column D: CLASS OF GUN. Column E: CHARGE OF POWDER. Column F: NUMBER OF FIRES. Column G: LENGTH OF FUZE, IN SECONDS OF TIME. Column H: ELEVATION OF GUN, FOR YARDS. Column J: No. of Hits. Column K: Short of Target. Column L: Beyond Target. Column M: Right of Target. Column N: Left of Target. Column O: At or near Proper Time. Column P: Too soon. Column Q: How much too soon. Column R: Not at all. S: No. Patches of Fuzed returned. T: Range sufficient to burn Fuzes. U: Range not sufficient to burn Fuzes. V: No. FIRES DIRECT. W: No. FIRES RICOCHET. [Transcriber's note: table is two pages wide] ---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ | | | | | | | |FALL OF PROJECTILE.| BURSTING OF | | | | | | | | | | SHELLS. | | | | | | | | |---+---+---+---+---|---+---+---+---| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | A | B | C | D | E | F | G | H | J | K | L | M | N | O | P | Q | R | ---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ +-----------+-------+---------------------------------------- | SHELLS NOT| | |N.B.--Each kind of projectile, distance | BURST. | | |of target (measured or estimated), +---+---+---+ | |class of gun, and charge of powder | | | | | |require a separate line across the page. | | | | | | | S | T | U | V | W | REMARKS. +---+---+---+---+---+---------------------------------------- | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | +---+---+---+---+---+---------------------------------------- REPORT OF TARGET PRACTICE WITH SMALL-ARMS ON BOARD THE U.S.S. ------------,-------------- COMMANDING, MADE THIS-------DAY OF--------, 18--, AT---------. KEY: A: DISTANCE OF TARGET, IN YARDS. B: SIZE OF TARGET, IN FEET (SAY 6 BY 1-1/2 FEET) C: Number Fired. D: Number Shot in each Volley. E: Number of Hits. F: No. within 6 inches of Centre of Bull's-Eye. G: WHOLE SHOTS FIRED. H: KIND OF BALL USED. I: CHARGES OF POWDER. | | | SINGLE SHOTS | | | | | KIND OF ARM USED. | A | B |WITH DELIBERATE| VOLLEYS AT | | | | (Each kind | | | AIM | ORDER "FIRE" | G | H | I | requires a | | +---------------+---+---+---+---+ | | | separate line.) | | | C | E | F | C | D | E | F | | | | ------------------+---+---+----+-----+----+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ------------------+---+---+----+-----+----+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ Remarks on each kind of arm used, and the general results of practice; names of those who made the best _average_ of shots; Officers whose _divisions_ fired best. APPENDIX B.--No. X. It being of great importance to know the endurance of guns in service, Commanding Officers are directed to fill up the blanks of the annexed Circular issued by the Bureau of Ordnance, November 5, 1863, as far as in their power, and forward it to the Bureau at the expiration of every quarter. When the "total number of fires to date" cannot be ascertained, the number since the vessel has been in commission is to be stated. Column A. Class of Gun Column B. Register No. Column C. Foundry Column D. Date of Fabrication Column E. Charge of Powder Column F. Shot Column G. Shell Column H. Shrapnel Column I. Grape Column J. Canister Column K. No. of Fires During Quarter Column L. Total No. of Fires to Date NAME OF VESSEL. STATION. ---------------------------- ---------------------- +-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ | A | B | C | D | E | F | G | H | I | J | K | L | +-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | +-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+ --------------, 186-. --------------, _Commander._ The object of this circular is to enable the Bureau to know, _at all times_, how many rounds have been fired _from every gun in the service_; and the following directions are to be observed in making the quarterly return of firing: "CLASS OF GUN."--Under this head give the kind of gun; if rifled, state it; and if a 32-pounder or 8-inch, give the _weight_. It is not necessary to give the position of the gun in the vessel. "REGISTER NO."--Be careful to give the register number correctly, as this is most important. "FOUNDRY,"--Under this head give the initials on the base-ring. "Date of fabrication" will be found on the right trunnion. "Charge of powder" in pounds. "Projectiles" to be entered under their appropriate heads in the blank. "Kind of fuze" to be stated. "Number of fires during quarter," must be given _for each gun separately_. "Total number of fires to date," must include _all rounds fired from each gun separately_; and each succeeding quarterly report must have the "total number of fires to date" from the report next preceding (a copy of which is always to be kept on board the vessel) brought forward, added to the total for the quarter, and the aggregate placed in the last column. The Bureau often receives reports _with the last column left blank_, or with "not known" written therein. Reports sent in this way are of no value whatever to the Bureau. If a record of the total number of fires of any gun has not been kept, or if it cannot be ascertained from the Log, then vent-impressions of such gun are to be taken; and the Commanding Officer must determine, as nearly as possible, judging from these impressions, the total number of fires, and enter the same on his return. (_See_ ORDNANCE INSTRUCTIONS, Part III.) The Bureau expects that all Commanding Officers will, in future, have this return _carefully made out_; and that they will not sign or forward one of them without first being satisfied of its correctness. FOOTNOTES: [1] By Lieutenant W.P. Buckner, U.S.N. See a pamphlet "On the Determination of Distances at Sea," by Captain A.P. Ryder, R.N., for more extended tables of this and other methods. APPENDIX C.--No. I. REPORT OF AN INSPECTION _Of the U.S.-----------, -------------- Commanding, made by -----------, this -------- day of ---------, 186-, at --------------------._ ARMAMENT. {-------------------------------------------------------------------} { } {-------------------------------------------------------------------} [These inspections are required to be made of each vessel--when first commissioned and before proceeding to sea, chiefly with reference to the completeness of her equipment and the proper stationing of her crew; semi-annually during the cruise; and at the end of it, before being paid off. As a general rule, the first and last inspections are _not_ to take place alongside of the Navy Yard, but in the stream.] 1. What time has the vessel been in commission, and what opportunities has she had for exercise and target practice? 2. Date of last inspection? 3. Date of last target practice? 4. Hours. Minutes. { _Gun Divisions._ Times { 1st, commanded by in which { 2nd, " " each { 3rd, " " division { 4th, " " reported { 5th, etc. " " ready { Master's " " for { Powder " " action. { Engineer " " { Marine " " 5. Were _all_ the divisions properly prepared? If not, state what divisions were found defective, in what particulars, and from what causes. Include in the answer to this question the condition of _division-boxes, spare implements, and equipments_, and their readiness for use. 6. Are the men well skilled in the exercise of the great guns, including working both sides at once, and in pointing and firing? 7. Time required to dismount, shift carriage, remount, load, and run out any broadside-gun selected by the Inspecting Officer. State its position and weight. 8. Time required to transport a gun from one side to the other, and back, giving numbers of ports and weight of gun. 9. Time required to shift breechings, trucks, and tackles. 10. Have the prescribed arrangements been correctly made for supplying the batteries with powder and projectiles; are the men properly stationed for these purposes, and are they expert in the performance of these duties? Is the supply ample, and without confusion of charges? 11. Condition of magazines, shell-rooms, shot-lockers, and lighting apparatus. 12. Are the men well trained in securing masts and spars, stoppering rigging, and repairing injuries to the steering apparatus, and in getting springs on the cables? State the time required to perform _efficiently_ the most important of these operations; for instance: Bowsprit shot away, to secure foremast; Port main rigging and main stays disabled, to secure mainmast; To fish a lower mast and yard; Steering apparatus disabled, what means of repairs or substitutes prepared. 13. Are the prescribed arrangements for stopping shot-holes complete, and the men well trained to that duty? 14. Are the arrangements for boarding and repelling boarders efficient? Note the time required to assemble each division properly armed. Are the boarders and others well trained in the use of the single-stick or broadsword? 15. Is the _whole crew_ well trained in the use of small-arms, and in company and battalion drill? If not, state the reasons assigned. State also the condition of the armory, small-arms, and their ammunition. 16. What is the state of the equipment and preparation of boats for armed service? If defective, in what particulars and for what assigned reasons? 17. Times from the call "ARM AND AWAY" to the shoving off of each boat. Time to form a line abreast. Time required for other evolutions. Time required to land small-arm men, from the signal or order given when near the shore. Time to land howitzers, specifying their weights. Time to embark them; to shift from bow to stern. Time to load properly and fire safely three rounds. Are the crews expert in these points? 18. Are the arrangements and apparatus for extinguishing fire efficient? If not, state deficiencies and their causes. Times required to get the several streams of water to the designated point; time required for complete readiness. 19. Have the "ORDNANCE INSTRUCTIONS" been fully complied with in this ship? State exceptions and reasons assigned, if any. 20. General condition of the vessel in point of armament, carriages, and other ordnance equipments, and of the crew as to efficiency for action, stating particular exceptions, if any, and what remedies have been suggested or applied. * * * * * GENERAL ORDER. NAVY DEPARTMENT, _April_ 5, 1861. Flag Officers are required to hold the semi-annual inspection of each vessel under their command, according to the foregoing form given in Appendix C, No. 1, ORDNANCE INSTRUCTIONS. Commanding Officers of vessels acting singly will hold the same general inspection, and in either case, the reports will be forwarded to the Bureau of Ordnance by the first favorable opportunity after the inspection has taken place. GIDEON WELLES, _Secretary of the Navy._ APPENDIX C.--No. II. FORM OF REPORTS OF TARGET PRACTICE. QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED AT LENGTH IN THE "REMARKS" ON TARGET PRACTICE, IN ADDITION TO FILLING THE TABLES. APPENDIX B.--No. IX. Was the ship at anchor or under way? Under what sail? Water rough or smooth? Force and direction of wind in reference to line of fire? Roll of the ship, in degrees by pendulum, during firing? When "carrying sail" by the wind, does heel of ship cause the weather or lee guns to "wood" before they are level? Was target to windward or to leeward? How was its distance measured? Append sketch of target, showing its dimensions, mode of construction, and materials, with the "hits," and fall of projectiles around it. The degree of strain on breechings of weather batteries? Were the chocking-quoins necessary? Probable causes of the failure of the shells to burst? Such other remarks as appear important or suggestive of improvement; such as the best mode of constructing a floating target of 20 by 10 feet (the size used at the Experimental Battery of the Ordnance Yard, Washington). APPENDIX D. TABLES OF ALLOWANCES OF ORDNANCE EQUIPMENTS AND STORES. NOTE.--Allowances not proportioned to guns or to ships are proportioned to the complements of Petty Officers, Seamen, Ordinary Seamen, Landsmen, and Boys, and must vary with them. The Armaments are designated by special order of the Bureau of Ordnance. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Howitzers, Equipments, | | | | and Implements._ | | | | | | | | AMMUNITION-CHESTS | 11 | | | Containing Canister No.| 27 | | | Containing Shell No.| 18 | | | Containing Shrapnel No.| 54 | | | BOAT, Pivot-Clamps No.| |One set for each | | |boat carrying a | | |gun. | BOAT, Traverses for | |One set for each | Boat-Carriages sets.| |boat carrying a | | |gun. | BOAT, Skids for landing sets.| |One set for each | | |boat carrying a | | |gun. | BOAT, Tracks for | |One set for each | Field-Carriages sets.| |boat carrying a | | |gun. | BOAT, Wrenches for | |One set for each | Pivot-Clamps No.| |boat carrying a | | |gun. | BORING-BITS No.| 2 | | | BOXES, PASSING, 24-pounder | | | | and 20-pounder, No.| 3 | | | BOXES, PASSING, 12-pounder, | |Two only, if used| field No.| 12 |only as guns of | | |battery. | BOXES, for spare articles No.| 1 | | | BOXES, Caisson, or | |Two to each | Transporting No.| -- |field-carriage. | BOXES, Primer No.| 2 | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Howitzers, Equipments, | | | | | | | and Implements._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | AMMUNITION-CHESTS | | | | | | | Containing Canister No.| | | | | | | Containing Shell No.| | | | | | | Containing Shrapnel No.| | | | | | | BOAT, Pivot-Clamps No.| One set for each | | | boat carrying a | | | gun. | | BOAT, Traverses for | One set for each | | Boat-Carriages sets.| boat carrying a | | | gun. | | BOAT, Skids for landing sets.| One set for each | | | boat carrying a | | | gun. | | BOAT, Tracks for | One set for each | | Field-Carriages sets.| boat carrying a | | | gun. | | BOAT, Wrenches for | One set for each | | Pivot-Clamps No.| boat carrying a | | | gun. | | BORING-BITS No.| | | | | | | BOXES, PASSING, 24-pounder | | | | | | | and 20-pounder, No.| | | | | | | BOXES, PASSING, 12-pounder, | Two only, if used | | field No.| only as guns of | | | battery. | | BOXES, for spare articles No.| | | | | | | BOXES, Caisson, or | Two to each | | Transporting No.| field-carriage. | | BOXES, Primer No.| | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Howitzers, Equipments, | | | | | | | | | and Implements._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | AMMUNITION-CHESTS | | | | | | | | | Containing Canister No.| | | | | | | | | Containing Shell No.| | | | | | | | | Containing Shrapnel No.| | | | | | | | | BOAT, Pivot-Clamps No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BOAT, Traverses for | | | | | | | | | Boat-Carriages sets.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BOAT, Skids for landing sets.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BOAT, Tracks for | | | | | | | | | Field-Carriages sets.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BOAT, Wrenches for | | | | | | | | | Pivot-Clamps No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BORING-BITS No.| | | | | | | | | BOXES, PASSING, 24-pounder | | | | | | | | | and 20-pounder, No.| | | | | | | | | BOXES, PASSING, 12-pounder, | | | | | | | | | field No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BOXES, for spare articles No.| | | | | | | | | BOXES, Caisson, or | | | | | | | | | Transporting No.| | | | | | | | | BOXES, Primer No.| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Howitzers, Equipments, and | | | | Implements._--Continued | | | | | | | | BREECHINGS, for Broadside | | | | 24 and 20 pounders No.| 1 | If required. | CHARGERS, for Rifle-shells, | | | | copper No.| 1 | | | CHOCKS, Shifting No.| 1 | | | COMPRESSORS, spare, for | | | | Boat-Guns No.| 1 | | | DISMOUNTING BARS No.| 1 | | | DISMOUNTING STRAPS No.| 1 | | | DRAG-ROPES for Field-Guns No.| 1 | | | ELEVATING SCREWS, | | Three to two | 24 and 20 pounders No.| 2 | guns, if used as| | | guns of the | | | battery. | ELEVATING SCREWS, | | Three to two | 12 pounders No.| 2 | guns, if used as| | | guns of the | | | battery. | FORMERS, for | | One for each | Cartridge-Bags No.| | class of | | | howitzers. | FUNNELS, Copper No.| 1 | | | FUZE-CUTTERS No.| | One for each box| | | of shell and | | | shrapnel. To be | | | accounted for. | FUZE EXTRACTORS, wrench No.| 1 | If required by | | | kind of fuze | | | furnished. | FUZE GAUGES for | | If required by | Rifle-Howitzers No.| 1 | kind of fuze | | | furnished. | FUZE MALLETS for | | If required by | Rifle-Howitzers No.| 1 | kind of fuze | | | furnished. | FUZE PLUG EXTRACTORS for | | If required by | Rifle-Howitzers No.| 1 | kind of fuze | | | furnished. | FUZE REAMERS for | | If required by | Rifle-Howitzers No.| 1 | kind of fuze | | | furnished. | FUZES, BORMANN'S, spare No.| 5 | For exercising | | | crews in cutting| | | fuzes. | HAVERSACKS No.| 1 | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Howitzers, Equipments, and | | | | | | | Implements._--Continued | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BREECHINGS, for Broadside | | | | | | | 24 and 20 pounders No.| | | | | | | CHARGERS, for Rifle-shells, | | | | | | | copper No.| | | | | | | CHOCKS, Shifting No.| | | | | | | COMPRESSORS, spare, for | | | | | | | Boat-Guns No.| | | | | | | DISMOUNTING BARS No.| | | | | | | DISMOUNTING STRAPS No.| | | | | | | DRAG-ROPES for Field-Guns No.| | | | | | | ELEVATING SCREWS, | Three to two guns, if used as | 24 and 20 pounders No.| guns of the battery. | | | | | ELEVATING SCREWS, | Three to two guns, if used as | 12 pounders No.| guns of the battery. | | | | | FORMERS, for | One for each class of | Cartridge-Bags No.| howitzers. | | | FUNNELS, Copper No.| | | | | | | FUZE-CUTTERS No.| One for each box of shell and | | shrapnel. To be accounted for.| | | | | FUZE EXTRACTORS, wrench No.| If required by kind of fuze | | furnished. | | | FUZE GAUGES for | If required by kind of fuze | Rifle-Howitzers No.| furnished. | | | FUZE MALLETS for | If required by kind of fuze | Rifle-Howitzers No.| furnished. | | | FUZE PLUG EXTRACTORS for | If required by kind of fuze | Rifle-Howitzers No.| furnished. | | | FUZE REAMERS for | If required by kind of fuze | Rifle-Howitzers No.| furnished. | | | FUZES, BORMANN'S, spare No.| For exercising crews in | | cutting fuzes. | | | HAVERSACKS No.| | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Howitzers, Equipments, and | | | | | | | | | Implements._--Continued | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BREECHINGS, for Broadside | | | | | | | | | 24 and 20 pounders No.| | | | | | | | | CHARGERS, for Rifle-shells, | | | | | | | | | copper No.| | | | | | | | | CHOCKS, Shifting No.| | | | | | | | | COMPRESSORS, spare, for | | | | | | | | | Boat-Guns No.| | | | | | | | | DISMOUNTING BARS No.| | | | | | | | | DISMOUNTING STRAPS No.| | | | | | | | | DRAG-ROPES for Field-Guns No.| | | | | | | | | ELEVATING SCREWS, | Three to two | | | | | 24 and 20 pounders No.| guns, if used as | | | | | | guns of the | | | | | | battery. | | | | | ELEVATING SCREWS, | Three to two | | | | | 12 pounders No.| guns, if used as | | | | | | guns of the | | | | | | battery. | | | | | FORMERS, for | One for each | | | | | Cartridge-Bags No.| class of | | | | | | howitzers | | | | | FUNNELS, Copper No.| | | | | | | | | FUZE-CUTTERS No.| One for each box | | | | | | of shell and | | | | | | shrapnel. To be | | | | | | accounted for. | | | | | FUZE EXTRACTORS, wrench No.| If required by | | | | | | kind of fuze | | | | | | furnished. | | | | | FUZE GAUGES for | If required by | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| kind of fuze | | | | | | furnished. | | | | | FUZE MALLETS for | If required by | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| kind of fuze | | | | | | furnished. | | | | | FUZE PLUG EXTRACTORS for | If required by | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| kind of fuze | | | | | | furnished. | | | | | FUZE REAMERS for | If required by | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| kind of fuze | | | | | | furnished. | | | | | FUZES, BORMANN'S, spare No.| For exercising | | | | | | crews in cutting | | | | | | fuzes. | | | | | HAVERSACKS No.| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Howitzers, Equipments, and | | | | Implements._--Continued | | | | | | | | HOWITZER No.| | As may be | | | ordered. | " Boat-Carriage. No.| 1 | | | " Field-Carriage. No.| 1 | | | LADLES No.| 1 | | | LOCKS for Howitzers No.| 2 | | | LOCK-LANYARDS No.| 3 | | | LOCK-TOGGLES No.| 2 | | | LOOP-PINS No.| 2 | | | PIVOT-BOLTS No.| 2 | | | PRIMING-WIRES No.| 2 | | | PRIMERS for Howitzers No.| 250 | | | RAMMERS and SPONGES, | | | | connected No.| 2 | | | SHIFTING-SPAR No.| | One to each | | | class of | | | howitzers. | SIGHTS for Howitzers (long | | | | and short) No.| 2 | | | SIGHT, Thumb-screws No.| 2 | | | SCREW-DRIVERS for Fuzes | | Three-armed to | for Rifle-Howitzers No.| 1 | unscrew the | | | different kinds.| TACKLES for Broadside | | | | 24-pounders and 20-pdrs. set.| 1 | | | TOMPIONS, with wads and | | | | lanyards No.| 1-1/10 | | | | 1 | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Howitzers, Equipments, and | | | | | | | Implements._--Continued | | | | | | | | | | | | | | HOWITZER No.|As may be| | | | | |ordered. | | | | | " Boat-Carriage. No.| | | | | | | " Field-Carriage. No.| | | | | | | LADLES No.| | | | | | | LOCKS for Howitzers No.| | | | | | | LOCK-LANYARDS No.| | | | | | | LOCK-TOGGLES No.| | | | | | | LOOP-PINS No.| | | | | | | PIVOT-BOLTS No.| | | | | | | PRIMING-WIRES No.| | | | | | | PRIMERS for Howitzers No.| | | | | | | RAMMERS and SPONGES, | | | | | | | connected No.| | | | | | | SHIFTING-SPAR No.| One to each class | | | of howitzers. | | | | | SIGHTS for Howitzers (long | | | | | | | and short) No.| | | | | | | SIGHT, Thumb-screws No.| | | | | | | SCREW-DRIVERS for Fuzes | Three-armed to unscrew | for Rifle-Howitzers No.| the different kinds. | | | TACKLES for Broadside | | | | | | | 24-pounders and 20-pdrs. set.| | | | | | | TOMPIONS, with wads and | | | | | | | lanyards No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Howitzers, Equipments, and | | | | | | | | | Implements._--Continued | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | HOWITZER No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | " Boat-Carriage. No.| | | | | | | | | " Field-Carriage. No.| | | | | | | | | LADLES No.| | | | | | | | | LOCKS for Howitzers No.| | | | | | | | | LOCK-LANYARDS No.| | | | | | | | | LOCK-TOGGLES No.| | | | | | | | | LOOP-PINS No.| | | | | | | | | PIVOT-BOLTS No.| | | | | | | | | PRIMING-WIRES No.| | | | | | | | | PRIMERS for Howitzers No.| | | | | | | | | RAMMERS and SPONGES, | | | | | | | | | connected No.| | | | | | | | | SHIFTING-SPAR No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SIGHTS for Howitzers (long | | | | | | | | | and short) No.| | | | | | | | | SIGHT, Thumb-screws No.| | | | | | | | | SCREW-DRIVERS for Fuzes | | | | | | | | | for Rifle-Howitzers No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | TACKLES for Broadside | | | | | | | | | 24-pounders and 20-pdrs. set.| | | | | | | | | TOMPIONS, with wads and | | | | | | | | | lanyards No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Howitzers, Equipments, and | | | | Implements._--Continued | | | | | | | | TRAIL-BARS for | | | | Field-Howitzers No.| 1 | | | TRAIN-ROPES for Broadside | | | | 24-pdrs. and 20-pdrs. No.| 3 | | | VENT-GUARDS No.| 1 | | | WHEELS, spare, for | | | | Field-Carriages No.| 1 | | | SHELLS for | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| 90 | | | SHRAPNEL for | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| 10 | | | CANISTER for | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| 10 | | | CHARGES for | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| 100 | | | JUNK-WADS for | | | | Rifle-Canister No.| 10 | | | | | | | | | | | _Articles under proportion | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | | APRONS, Brass, for Locks set.| 1-1/10 | | | APRONS, Brass, for | | | | Breech-sights set.| 1-1/10 | | | APRONS, Brass, for | | | | Reinforce-sights set.| 1-1/10 | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Howitzers, Equipments, and | | | | | | | Implements._--Continued | | | | | | | | | | | | | | TRAIL-BARS for | | | | | | | Field-Howitzers No.| | | | | | | TRAIN-ROPES for Broadside | | | | | | | 24-pdrs. and 20-pdrs. No.| | | | | | | VENT-GUARDS No.| | | | | | | WHEELS, spare, for | | | | | | | Field-Carriages No.| | | | | | | SHELLS for | | | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| | | | | | | SHRAPNEL for | | | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| | | | | | | CANISTER for | | | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| | | | | | | CHARGES for | | | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| | | | | | | JUNK-WADS for | | | | | | | Rifle-Canister No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | APRONS, Brass, for Locks set.| | | | | | | APRONS, Brass, for | | | | | | | Breech-sights set.| | | | | | | APRONS, Brass, for | | | | | | | Reinforce-sights set.| | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Howitzers, Equipments, and | | | | | | | | | Implements._--Continued | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | TRAIL-BARS for | | | | | | | | | Field-Howitzers No.| | | | | | | | | TRAIN-ROPES for Broadside | | | | | | | | | 24-pdrs. and 20-pdrs. No.| | | | | | | | | VENT-GUARDS No.| | | | | | | | | WHEELS, spare, for | | | | | | | | | Field-Carriages No.| | | | | | | | | SHELLS for | | | | | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| | | | | | | | | SHRAPNEL for | | | | | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| | | | | | | | | CANISTER for | | | | | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| | | | | | | | | CHARGES for | | | | | | | | | Rifle-Howitzers No.| | | | | | | | | JUNK-WADS for | | | | | | | | | Rifle-Canister No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | APRONS, Brass, for Locks set.| | | | | | | | | APRONS, Brass, for | | | | | | | | | Breech-sights set.| | | | | | | | | APRONS, Brass, for | | | | | | | | | Reinforce-sights set.| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ NOTE.--Each rifle or smooth-bore howitzer used, in the ship's battery, and also as a boat and field gun, shall be furnished with fifty per cent. addition to the above ammunition. _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | BEDS No.| 1-1/10 | | | BLOCKS, double, spare No.| 2/10 | | | BLOCKS, single, spare No.| 2/10 | | | BOLTS, Pivot, for Pivot-Guns, | | | | spare, bronze No.| 1 | | | BOLTS, Breeching, spare No.| 2/10 | | | BORING-BITS, Cannon No.| 1-4/10 | | | BOXES, Passing, for Guns No.| 1-1/10 | | | BOXES, Primer, for Gun | | | | Captains No.| 1-1/10 | | | BREECHINGS, fitted, for | | and 2 for | Friction-Carriage No.| 1 | pivot-guns. | BREECHINGS, fitted, for | | | | Truck-Carriage No.| 2 | | | BUCKETS, Fire No.| 1 | and four for | | | each top. | BUCKETS, Fire lanyards No.| 1 | and four for | | | each top. | CANISTER, for smooth-bore | | | | Pivot-Gun No.| 10 | | | CANISTER, for smooth-bore | | | | Broadside-Gun No.| 5 | | | CANISTER, for XV-in. Guns No.| 5 | | | CARRIAGES, Gun No.| 1 | | | CARRIAGES, Gun spare, in | | One for each | parts No.| -- | class of guns | | | on trucks over | | | 32 cwt. | | | | | | | CHOCKS, Shifting, for | | | | Pivot-Guns No.| 4 | | | CHOCKS, Rail for | | | | Pivot-Guns No.| 2 | | | CHOCKS, Housing, | | | | lower deck No.| 2 | | | COVERS, canvas, for | | | | Pivot-Guns No.| 1 | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BEDS No.| | | | | | | BLOCKS, double, spare No.| | | | | | | BLOCKS, single, spare No.| | | | | | | BOLTS, Pivot, for Pivot-Guns, | | | | | | | spare, bronze No.| | | | | | | BOLTS, Breeching, spare No.| | | | | | | BORING-BITS, Cannon No.| | | | | | | BOXES, Passing, for Guns No.| | | | | | | BOXES, Primer, for Gun | | | | | | | Captains No.| | | | | | | BREECHINGS, fitted, for | and 2 for | | | | Friction-Carriage No.| pivot-guns. | | | | BREECHINGS, fitted, for | | | | | | | Truck-Carriage No.| | | | | | | BUCKETS, Fire No.| and four for | | | | | each top. | | | | BUCKETS, Fire lanyards No.| and four for | | | | | each top. | | | | CANISTER, for smooth-bore | | | | | | | Pivot-Gun No.| | | | | | | CANISTER, for smooth-bore | | | | | | | Broadside-Gun No.| | | | | | | CANISTER, for XV-in. Guns No.| | | | | | | CARRIAGES, Gun No.| | | | | | | CARRIAGES, Gun spare, in | One for each | parts No.| class of guns | | on trucks over | | 32 cwt. | | | | | CHOCKS, Shifting, for | | | | | | | Pivot-Guns No.| | | | | | | CHOCKS, Rail for | | | | | | | Pivot-Guns No.| | | | | | | CHOCKS, Housing, | | | | | | | lower deck No.| | | | | | | COVERS, canvas, for | | | | | | | Pivot-Guns No.| | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BEDS No.| | | | | | | | | BLOCKS, double, spare No.| | | | | | | | | BLOCKS, single, spare No.| | | | | | | | | BOLTS, Pivot, for Pivot-Guns, | | | | | | | | | spare, bronze No.| | | | | | | | | BOLTS, Breeching, spare No.| | | | | | | | | BORING-BITS, Cannon No.| | | | | | | | | BOXES, Passing, for Guns No.| | | | | | | | | BOXES, Primer, for Gun | | | | | | | | | Captains No.| | | | | | | | | BREECHINGS, fitted, for | | | | | | | | | Friction-Carriage No.| | | | | | | | | BREECHINGS, fitted, for | | | | | | | | | Truck-Carriage No.| | | | | | | | | BUCKETS, Fire No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BUCKETS, Fire lanyards No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CANISTER, for smooth-bore | | | | | | | | | Pivot-Gun No.| | | | | | | | | CANISTER, for smooth-bore | | | | | | | | | Broadside-Gun No.| | | | | | | | | CANISTER, for XV-in. Guns No.| | | | | | | | | CARRIAGES, Gun No.| | | | | | | | | CARRIAGES, Gun spare, in |One for | | | | | | | parts No.|each class | | | | | | |of guns on | | | | | | |trucks | | | | | | | |over 32 | | | | | | | |cwt. | | | | | | | CHOCKS, Shifting, for | | | | | | | | | Pivot-Guns No.| | | | | | | | | CHOCKS, Rail for | | | | | | | | | Pivot-Guns No.| | | | | | | | | CHOCKS, Housing, | | | | | | | | | lower deck No.| | | | | | | | | COVERS, canvas, for | | | | | | | | | Pivot-Guns No.| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | DISMOUNTING APPARATUS | | | | (Griolet) No.| | One to each | | |gun-deck. | DIVISION-BAGS No.| | One to each | | |division, of | | |No. 8 canvas. | FLASKS, Powder No.| 1/4 | | | FUZE-PICKERS No.| 2 | | | GAUGES, SHELL No.| | One for strapped| | |shell for each | | |calibre on board,| | |and one for each | | |calibre of rifled| | |projectiles. | GRENADES, Hand, 3 pounds No.| | | | GRENADES, Hand, 5 pounds No.| | | | GUNS OF BATTERY No.| | As may be | | | ordered. | GUN-SCRAPERS No.| 1/10 | | | GUN-SCRAPERS to fit on | | | | Rammer-head No.| | One to each | | |calibre of | | |chamber. | HANDSPIKES, Ordinary No.| 2-1/2 | | | HANDSPIKES, Roller No.| 1-2/10 | | | HEAVERS for SELVAGEES set.| 1 | | | IMPRESSION-TAKER for | | For each class | Vents No.| 1 |of gun of 32-pdr.| | |calibre and | | |upwards, and all | | |iron rifles. | LADLES, Shot No.| | One to each | | |calibre. | LANYARDS, Port No.| 5 | And one | | |tricing-line for | | |ports requiring | | |them. | LANTERNS, Battle, | | | | gun-decks No.| 1 | | | LASHINGS, Breast No.| 1 | | | LASHINGS, Housing-straps No.| 1 | | | LINCH-PINS, Spare No.| 1/10 | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | DISMOUNTING APPARATUS | | | | | | | (Griolet) No.| One to each | | | | |gun-deck. | | | | DIVISION-BAGS No.| One to each division, of | |No. 8 canvas. | | | FLASKS, Powder No.| | | | | | | FUZE-PICKERS No.| | | | | | | GAUGES, SHELL No.| One for strapped shell for | |each calibre on board, and one | |for each calibre of rifled | |projectiles. | | | | | GRENADES, Hand, 3 pounds No.| | | | | | | GRENADES, Hand, 5 pounds No.| | | | | | | GUNS OF BATTERY No.|As may be| | | | | |ordered | | | | | GUN-SCRAPERS No.| | | | | | | GUN-SCRAPERS to fit on | | | | | | | Rammer-head No.| One to each calibre | | |of chamber. | | | | | HANDSPIKES, Ordinary No.| | | | | | | HANDSPIKES, Roller No.| | | | | | | HEAVERS for SELVAGEES set.| | | | | | | IMPRESSION-TAKER for | For each class of gun of | Vents No.|32-pdr. calibre and upwards, | |and all iron rifles. | | | | | LADLES, Shot No.| One to each calibre. | | | LANYARDS, Port No.| And one tricing-line for | |ports requiring them. | | | | | LANTERNS, Battle, | | | | | | | gun-decks No.| | | | | | | LASHINGS, Breast No.| | | | | | | LASHINGS, Housing-straps No.| | | | | | | LINCH-PINS, Spare No.| | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | DISMOUNTING APPARATUS | | | | | | | | | (Griolet) No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | DIVISION-BAGS No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FLASKS, Powder No.| | | | | | | | | FUZE-PICKERS No.| | | | | | | | | GAUGES, SHELL No.| One for strapped shell for each | |calibre on board, and one for each | |calibre of rifled projectiles. | | | | | | | GRENADES, Hand, 3 pounds No.| | | | | | | | | GRENADES, Hand, 5 pounds No.| | | | | | | | | GUNS OF BATTERY No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | GUN-SCRAPERS No.| | | | | | | | | GUN-SCRAPERS to fit on | | | | | | | | | Rammer-head No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | HANDSPIKES, Ordinary No.| | | | | | | | | HANDSPIKES, Roller No.| | | | | | | | | HEAVERS for SELVAGEES set.| | | | | | | | | IMPRESSION-TAKER for | For each class of gun | | | Vents No.|of 32-pdr. calibre and | | | |upwards, and all iron | | | |rifles. | | | | | | | LADLES, Shot No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | LANYARDS, Port No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | LANTERNS, Battle, | | | | | | | | | gun-decks No.| | | | | | | | | LASHINGS, Breast No.| | | | | | | | | LASHINGS, Housing-straps No.| | | | | | | | | LINCH-PINS, Spare No.| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | LOCKS, Cannon No.| 1-1/4 | | | " strings No.| 3 | | | " Toggles No.| 2 | | | " screws and nuts set.| 1-1/4 | | | " Blanks, Composition No.| 1-1/4 | | | MATCH-STAVES No.| 1/10 | | | MUZZLE-BAGS No.| 1 | | | PINS, for Breeching | | | | Shackles, spare No.| 2 | | | PINS, for Shackles in | | | | brackets of Carriages, | | | | spare No.| 2 | | | PORT-FIRE STAVES No.| 1/10 | | | PRIMERS for CANNON, quill No.| | One hundred and | | |twenty for each | | |100 rounds. | PRIMERS for CANNON, | | | | friction (copper) No.| 50 | | | PRIMERS for CANNON, friction | | | | lanyards, complete No.| 2 | | | PRIMERS Packing-boxes, | | As many as | wood No.| |needed, to be | | |accounted for by | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | PRIMERS Packing-boxes, | | As many as | tin No.| |needed, to be | | |accounted for by | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | PRIMERS Packing-boxes, | | As many as | Keys for No.| |needed, to be | | |accounted for by | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | PRIMING-WIRES, Cannon No.| 2 | | | PUNCHES for SHACKLE-PINS No.| 2/10 | | | QUOINS, Ordinary, for | | | | Carriages requiring them No.| 1-1/10 | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | LOCKS, Cannon No.| | | | | | | " strings No.| | | | | | | " Toggles No.| | | | | | | " screws and nuts set.| | | | | | | " Blanks, Composition No.| | | | | | | MATCH-STAVES No.| | | | | | | MUZZLE-BAGS No.| | | | | | | PINS, for Breeching | | | | | | | Shackles, spare No.| | | | | | | PINS, for Shackles in | | | | | | | brackets of Carriages, | | | | | | | spare No.| | | | | | | PORT-FIRE STAVES No.| | | | | | | PRIMERS for CANNON, quill No.| One hundred and | |twenty for each | |100 rounds. | PRIMERS for CANNON, | | | | | | | friction (copper) No.| | | | | | | PRIMERS for CANNON, friction | | | | | | | lanyards, complete No.| | | | | | | PRIMERS Packing-boxes, | As many as | wood No.|needed, to be | |accounted for by | |Gunner. | | | | | PRIMERS Packing-boxes, | As many as | tin No.|needed, to be | |accounted for by | |Gunner. | | | | | PRIMERS Packing-boxes, | As many as | Keys for No.|needed, to be | |accounted for by | |Gunner. | | | | | PRIMING-WIRES, Cannon No.| | | | | | | PUNCHES for SHACKLE-PINS No.| | | | | | | QUOINS, Ordinary, for | | | | | | | Carriages requiring them No.| | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | LOCKS, Cannon No.| | | | | | | | | " strings No.| | | | | | | | | " Toggles No.| | | | | | | | | " screws and nuts set.| | | | | | | | | " Blanks, Composition No.| | | | | | | | | MATCH-STAVES No.| | | | | | | | | MUZZLE-BAGS No.| | | | | | | | | PINS, for Breeching | | | | | | | | | Shackles, spare No.| | | | | | | | | PINS, for Shackles in | | | | | | | | | brackets of Carriages, | | | | | | | | | spare No.| | | | | | | | | PORT-FIRE STAVES No.| | | | | | | | | PRIMERS for CANNON, quill No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | PRIMERS for CANNON, | | | | | | | | | friction (copper) No.| | | | | | | | | PRIMERS for CANNON, friction | | | | | | | | | lanyards, complete No.| | | | | | | | | PRIMERS Packing-boxes, | As many | | | | | | | wood No.|as needed| | | | | | | |to be | | | | | | | |accounted| | | | | | | |for by | | | | | | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | PRIMERS Packing-boxes, | As many | | | | | | | tin No.|as needed| | | | | | | |to be | | | | | | | |accounted| | | | | | | |for by | | | | | | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | PRIMERS Packing-boxes, | As many | | | | | | | Keys for No.|as needed| | | | | | | |to be | | | | | | | |accounted| | | | | | | |for by | | | | | | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | PRIMING-WIRES, Cannon No.| | | | | | | | | PUNCHES for SHACKLE-PINS No.| | | | | | | | | QUOINS, Ordinary, for | | | | | | | | | Carriages requiring them No.| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | QUOINS, Chocking No.| | | | | | | | | QUOINS, Transom, for | | | | | | | | | Pivot-Guns No.| | | | | | | | | RAMMERS No.| | | | | | | | | SABOTS, for Bouched Shells No.| | | | | | | | SCREWS, Compressing, for | | | | | | | | | Friction-Carriages, spare No.| | | | | | | | | SCREWS, Elevating, for guns | | | | | | | | | needing them No.| | | | | | | | | SELVAGEES for BREECHINGS sets.| | | | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes, loaded and | | | | | | | | | fuzed, for Broadside | | | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes, loaded | | | | | | | | | and fuzed, for Pivot | | | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes, loaded and | | | | | | | | | fuzed, for Broadside | | | | | | | | | Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes, loaded and | | | | | | | | | fuzed, for Pivot Rifled | | | | | | | | | Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes, not loaded | | | | | | | | | nor fuzed, for Broadside | | | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes, not loaded | | | | | | | | | nor fuzed, for Pivot | | | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes, not loaded | | | | | | | | | nor fuzed, for Broadside | | | | | | | | | Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ Note *: Fuzes, one-half percussion, one-half time. _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes, not loaded | | | | nor fuzed, for Pivot | | | | Rifled-Guns No.| 35[A] | | | SHELLS in boxes or bags, | | | | loaded and fuzed, for | | | | XV-inch Guns No.| 50 | | | SHOT, Grape, stands for each | | | | Smooth-bore Pivot-Gun No.| 5 | | | SHOT, Grape, stands for | | | | each Smooth-bore | | | | Broadside-Gun No.| 5 | | | SHOT, Cored, for XV-inch | | | | Guns No.| 5 | | | SHOT,[B] Solid, for XV-inch | | | | Guns No.| 10 | | | SHOT, Solid, for Broadside | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| 10 | | | SHOT, Solid, for Pivot | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| 10 | | | SHOT, Solid, Rifle, for | | | | Broadside Rifled Guns No.| 10 | | | SHOT, Solid, Rifle, for | | | | Pivot Rifled Guns No.| 15 | | | SHOT, Solid, (round) for | | | | Broadside Rifled Guns No.| 10 | | | SHOT, Solid, (round) for | | | | Pivot Rifled Guns No.| 15 | | | SHRAPNEL, for Broadside, | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| 15 | | | SHRAPNEL, for Pivot | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| 35 | | | SHRAPNEL, for Broadside | | | | Rifled Guns No.| 15 | | | SHRAPNEL, for Pivot Rifled | | | | Guns No.| 25 | | | SHRAPNEL, for XV-inch guns No.| 15 | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes, not loaded | | | | | | | nor fuzed, for Pivot | | | | | | | Rifled-Guns No.| | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes or bags, | | | | | | | loaded and fuzed, for | | | | | | | XV-inch Guns No.| | | | | | | SHOT, Grape, stands for each | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Pivot-Gun No.| | | | | | | SHOT, Grape, stands for | | | | | | | each Smooth-bore | | | | | | | Broadside-Gun No.| | | | | | | SHOT, Cored, for XV-inch | | | | | | | Guns No.| | | | | | | SHOT,[B] Solid, for XV-inch | | | | | | | Guns No.| | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, for Broadside | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, for Pivot | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, Rifle, for | | | | | | | Broadside Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, Rifle, for | | | | | | | Pivot Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, (round) for | | | | | | | Broadside Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, (round) for | | | | | | | Pivot Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | SHRAPNEL, for Broadside, | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | SHRAPNEL, for Pivot | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | SHRAPNEL, for Broadside | | | | | | | Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | SHRAPNEL, for Pivot Rifled | | | | | | | Guns No.| | | | | | | SHRAPNEL, for XV-inch guns No.| | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes, not loaded | | | | | | | | | nor fuzed, for Pivot | | | | | | | | | Rifled-Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHELLS in boxes or bags, | | | | | | | | | loaded and fuzed, for | | | | | | | | | XV-inch Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHOT, Grape, stands for each | | | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Pivot-Gun No.| | | | | | | | | SHOT, Grape, stands for | | | | | | | | | each Smooth-bore | | | | | | | | | Broadside-Gun No.| | | | | | | | | SHOT, Cored, for XV-inch | | | | | | | | | Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHOT,[B] Solid, for XV-inch | | | | | | | | | Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, for Broadside | | | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, for Pivot | | | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, Rifle, for | | | | | | | | | Broadside Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, Rifle, for | | | | | | | | | Pivot Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, (round) for | | | | | | | | | Broadside Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHOT, Solid, (round) for | | | | | | | | | Pivot Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHRAPNEL, for Broadside, | | | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHRAPNEL, for Pivot | | | | | | | | | Smooth-bore Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHRAPNEL, for Broadside | | | | | | | | | Rifled Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHRAPNEL, for Pivot Rifled | | | | | | | | | Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SHRAPNEL, for XV-inch guns No.| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ Note A: Fuzes, one-half percussion, one-half time. Note B: When _steel_ shot are to be furnished, the number will be designated by the Bureau. _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | SHELL-BEARERS for all | | | | Pivot-guns of heavy | | | | calibre. No.| 2 | | | SIGHTS sets.| 1-1/10 | | | SIGHTS Reinforce No.| 1-1/10 | | | SIGHTS Reinforce Bands, | | | | Screws No.| 1-1/10 | | | SIGHTS Bolts and Nuts No.| 1-1/10 | | | SIGHTS Screws for | | | | Reinforce No.| 1-1/10 | | | SIGHTS Thumb-screws, spare No.| 1 | | | SIGHTS Breech-side or | | | | Trunnion, for Pivot-Guns No.| 1 | | | SPONGES, Sheepskin No.| 1-3/10 | | | SPONGES, Bristle No.| | One to each | | |division for each| | |calibre, for | | |cleaning guns. | | | | SPONGE-CAPS, Canvas No.| 1-3/10 | | | STRAPS for Bouched Shells No.| | One for each | | |empty shell. | TACKLES, Gun set.| 1 | | | TACKLES, Gun Spare No.| 1 | | | TACKLES, Gun Pivot, if | | | | required No.| 1 | | | TACKLES, Gun Port, lower | | | | deck set.| 2 | | | THUMB-STALLS No.| 2 | Eight to each | | |reserve box. | TOMPIONS, with wads and | | | | lanyards No.| 1-1/10 | | | TRUCKS, spare, | | | | lignum-vitæ No.| 2/10 | | | TRANSPORTING TRUCKS sets.| | One for each | | |class of guns on | | |friction | | |carriages. | | | | TRANSPORTING AXLES No.| | One for each | | |class of guns on | | |friction | | |carriages. | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SHELL-BEARERS for all | | | | | | | Pivot-guns of heavy | | | | | | | calibre. No.| | | | | | | SIGHTS sets.| | | | | | | SIGHTS Reinforce No.| | | | | | | SIGHTS Reinforce Bands, | | | | | | | Screws No.| | | | | | | SIGHTS Bolts and Nuts No.| | | | | | | SIGHTS Screws for | | | | | | | Reinforce No.| | | | | | | SIGHTS Thumb-screws, spare No.| | | | | | | SIGHTS Breech-side or | | | | | | | Trunnion, for Pivot-Guns No.| | | | | | | SPONGES, Sheepskin No.| | | | | | | SPONGES, Bristle No.| One to each division for each | |calibre, for cleaning guns. | | | | | | | SPONGE-CAPS, Canvas No.| | | | | | | STRAPS for Bouched Shells No.| One for each | | | | |empty shell. | | | | TACKLES, Gun set.| | | | | | | TACKLES, Gun Spare No.| | | | | | | TACKLES, Gun Pivot, if | | | | | | | required set.| | | | | | | TACKLES, Gun Port, lower | | | | | | | deck No.| | | | | | | THUMB-STALLS No.| Eight to each | | | |reserve box. | | | TOMPIONS, with wads and | | | | | | | lanyards No.| | | | | | | TRUCKS, spare, | | | | | | | lignum-vitæ No.| | | | | | | TRANSPORTING TRUCKS sets.| One for each class of guns on | |friction carriages. | | | | | | | TRANSPORTING AXLES No.| One for each class of guns on | |friction carriages. | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SHELL-BEARERS for all | | | | | | | | | Pivot-guns of heavy | | | | | | | | | calibre. No.| | | | | | | | | SIGHTS sets.| | | | | | | | | SIGHTS Reinforce No.| | | | | | | | | SIGHTS Reinforce Bands, | | | | | | | | | Screws No.| | | | | | | | | SIGHTS Bolts and Nuts No.| | | | | | | | | SIGHTS Screws for | | | | | | | | | Reinforce No.| | | | | | | | | SIGHTS Thumb-screws, spare No.| | | | | | | | | SIGHTS Breech-side or | | | | | | | | | Trunnion, for Pivot-Guns No.| | | | | | | | | SPONGES, Sheepskin No.| | | | | | | | | SPONGES, Bristle No.| One to each | | | | | | |division for | | | | | | |each calibre, | | | | | | |for cleaning | | | | | | |guns. | | | | | | SPONGE-CAPS, Canvas No.| | | | | | | | | STRAPS for Bouched Shells No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | TACKLES, Gun set.| | | | | | | | | TACKLES, Gun Spare No.| | | | | | | | | TACKLES, Gun Pivot, if | | | | | | | | | required set.| | | | | | | | | TACKLES, Gun Port, lower | | | | | | | | | deck No.| | | | | | | | | THUMB-STALLS No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | TOMPIONS, with wads and | | | | | | | | | lanyards No.| | | | | | | | | TRUCKS, spare, | | | | | | | | | lignum-vitæ No.| | | | | | | | | TRANSPORTING TRUCKS sets.| One for | | | | | | | |each class | | | | | | |of guns on | | | | | | |friction | | | | | | |carriages| | | | | | | TRANSPORTING AXLES No.| One for | | | | | | | |each class | | | | | | |of guns on | | | | | | |friction | | | | | | | |carriages| | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | TUBS, Division No.| | One for each | | |division | VENT-DRILLS, with Braces sets.| | One for each | | |division | VENT-GUARDS No.| 1 | | | VENT-PUNCHES No.| 2/10 | | | WADS, Junk No.| 10 | | | WADS, Selvagee No.| | One to each shot| | |and shell. Not to| | |be put in box. | | | | | | | | | | WORMS, Robinson's No.| 2/10 | | | WRENCHES, Fuze, with | | | | water-cap drivers No.| 2/10 | | | WRENCHES, Screw, Patent No.| | Two to each | | |vessel for | | |tightening bolts.| | | | | | | | | _Small Arms._ | | | | | | | | ARM-CHESTS (not lined) No.| | As required. | AXES, Battle, with frogs No.| | Number required | | |by Article 101, | | |Part I., to arm | | |crew. | | | | BELTS, Waist No.| | Sufficient to | | |supply arms | | |furnished. | CAPS, Percussion, Navy No.| | 200 per piece. | CAPS, Percussion, Revolver No.| | 200 per piece. | CAPS, Percussion, | | As many as | Packing-boxes, wood No.| |needed. To be | | |accounted for by | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, | | As many as | Packing-boxes, tin No.| |needed. To be | | |accounted for by | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, | | As many as | Packing-boxes, Keys for No.| |needed. To be | | |accounted for by | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | TUBS, Division No.| One for each | | | | |division | | | | VENT-DRILLS, with Braces sets.| One for each | | | | |division | | | | VENT-GUARDS No.| | | | | | | VENT-PUNCHES No.| | | | | | | WADS, Junk No.| | | | | | | WADS, Selvagee No.| One to each shot and shell. | |Not to be put in box. | | | | | | | | | WORMS, Robinson's No.| | | | | | | WRENCHES, Fuze, with | | | | | | | water-cap drivers No.| | | | | | | WRENCHES, Screw, Patent No.| Two to each vessel for | |tightening bolts. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | _Small Arms._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ARM-CHESTS (not lined) No.| | | | | | | AXES, Battle, with frogs No.| Number required by Article | |101, Part I., to arm crew. | | | | | | | BELTS, Waist No.| Sufficient to supply | | |arms furnished. | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, Navy No.| | | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, Revolver No.| | | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, | As many as needed. To be | Packing-boxes, wood No.|accounted for by Gunner. | | | | | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, | As many as needed. To be | Packing-boxes, tin No.|accounted for by Gunner. | | | | | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, | As many as needed. To be | Packing-boxes, Keys for No.|accounted for by Gunner. | | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Articles under proportion | | | | | | | | | to Guns of Battery._ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | TUBS, Division No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | VENT-DRILLS, with Braces sets.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | VENT-GUARDS No.| | | | | | | | | VENT-PUNCHES No.| | | | | | | | | WADS, Junk No.| | | | | | | | | WADS, Selvagee No.| One to | | | | | | | |each shot| | | | | | | |and shell| | | | | | | |Not to be| | | | | | | |put in | | | | | | | |box. | | | | | | | WORMS, Robinson's No.| | | | | | | | | WRENCHES, Fuze, with | | | | | | | | | water-cap drivers No.| | | | | | | | | WRENCHES, Screw, Patent No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | _Small Arms._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ARM-CHESTS (not lined) No.| | | | | | | | | AXES, Battle, with frogs No.| Number | | | | | | | |required | | | | | | | |by Article | | | | | | |101, Part I., | | | | | | |to arm crew. | | | | | | BELTS, Waist No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, Navy No.| | | | | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, Revolver No.| | | | | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, | As many | | | | | | | Packing-boxes, wood No.|as needed| | | | | | | |To be | | | | | | | |accounted| | | | | | | |for by | | | | | | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, | As many | | | | | | | Packing-boxes, tin No.|as needed| | | | | | | |To be | | | | | | | |accounted| | | | | | | |for by | | | | | | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | CAPS, Percussion, | As many | | | | | | | Packing-boxes, Keys for No.|as needed| | | | | | | |To be | | | | | | | |accounted| | | | | | | |for by | | | | | | | |Gunner. | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Musket, | | Sufficient to | leather No.| | supply arms | | |furnished. | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Carbine or | | Sufficient to | Rifle, leather No.| | supply arms | | |furnished. | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Pistol or | | Sufficient to | Revolver, leather No.| | supply arms | | |furnished. | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Revolver, | | Sufficient to | leather No.| | supply arms | | |furnished. | CARTRIDGE PAPER, reams No.| | 3 | 2 | CARBINES or RIFLES No.| | Number required | | |to arm the crew | | |as allowed by | | |Art. 101, Part 1.| CARBINES Ball-moulds No.| | If needed. | CARBINES Bayonets, if needed, | | Number required | with scabbards & frogs No.| |to arm the crew | | |as allowed by | | |Art. 101, Part 1.| CARBINES Cones No.| | 120 | 100 | CARBINES Cones-picks No.| | 12 | 10 | CARBINES Screw-drivers | | | | and Cone-keys No.| | 12 | 10 | CARBINES Wiper-rods No.| | 12 | 10 | CARBINES Wipers No.| | | | CUTLASSES and SCABBARDS No.| | Number required | | |to arm the crew | | |as allowed by | | |Art. 101, Part 1.| CUTLASSES Frogs No.| | Number required | | |to arm the crew | | |as allowed by | | |Art. 101, Part 1.| LACQUER, for small arms galls.| | 8 | 6 | LACQUER, Tin Cans for No.| | As required. | MUSKETS, Rifled No.| | Number required | | |to arm the crew | | |as allowed by | | |Art. 101, Part 1.| MUSKETS, Ball-Moulds No.| | 1 | 1 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Musket, | Sufficient to | | leather No.|supply arms | | |furnished. | | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Carbine or | Sufficient to | | Rifle, leather No.|supply arms | | |furnished. | | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Pistol or | Sufficient to | | Revolver, leather No.|supply arms | | |furnished. | | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Revolver, | Sufficient to | | leather No.|supply arms | | |furnished. | | CARTRIDGE PAPER, reams No.| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1/2 | CARBINES or RIFLES No.| Number required to arm the | |crew as allowed by Art. 101 | |Part 1. | | | CARBINES Ball-moulds No.| If needed. | CARBINES Bayonets, if needed, | Number required to arm the | with scabbards & frogs No.|crew as allowed by Art. 101 | |Part 1. | | | CARBINES Cones No.| 80| 80| 70| 60| 50| 20 | CARBINES Cones-picks No.| 8| 8| 7| 6| 5| 2 | CARBINES Screw-drivers | | | | | | | and Cone-keys No.| 8| 8| 7| 6| 5| 2 | CARBINES Wiper-rods No.| 8| 8| 7| 6| 5| 2 | CARBINES Wipers No.| | | | | | | CUTLASSES and SCABBARDS No.| Number required to arm the | |crew as allowed by Art. 101 | |Part 1. | | | CUTLASSES Frogs No.| Number required to arm the | |crew as allowed by Art. 101 | |Part 1. | | | LACQUER, for small arms galls.| 5| 5| 5| 5| 5| 2 | LACQUER, Tin Cans for No.| | | | | | | MUSKETS, Rifled No.| Number required to arm the | |crew as allowed by Art. 101 | |Part 1. | | | MUSKETS, Ball-Moulds No.| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Musket, | | | | | | | | | leather No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Carbine or | | | | | | | | | Rifle, leather No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Pistol or | | | | | | | | | Revolver, leather No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGE-BOXES, Revolver, | | | | | | | | | leather No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGE PAPER, reams No.| 2| 1| 1|1/2| 2| 1| 1/2|1/2| CARBINES or RIFLES No.| Number required | | | | | |to arm the crew as| | | | | |allowed by Art. | | | | | |101, Part 1. | | | | | | CARBINES Ball-moulds No.| If needed. | | | | CARBINES Bayonets, if needed, | Number required | | | | | with scabbards & frogs No.|to arm the crew as| | | | | |allowed by Art. | | | | | |101, Part 1. | | | | | | CARBINES Cones No.| 100| 80| 50| 20| 80| 70| 30| 20| CARBINES Cones-picks No.| 10| 8| 5| 2| 8| 7| 3| 2| CARBINES Screw-drivers | | | | | | | | | and Cone-keys No.| 10| 8| 5| 2| 8| 7| 3| 2| CARBINES Wiper-rods No.| 10| 8| 5| 2| 8| 7| 3| 2| CARBINES Wipers No.| | | | | | | | | CUTLASSES and SCABBARDS No.| Number required | | | | | |to arm the crew as| | | | | |allowed by Art. | | | | | |101, Part 1. | | | | | | CUTLASSES Frogs No.| Number required | | | | | |to arm the crew as| | | | | |allowed by Art. | | | | | |101, Part 1. | | | | | | LACQUER, for small arms galls.| 6| 5| 5| 3| 5| 5| 3| 2| LACQUER, Tin Cans for No.| | | | | | | | | MUSKETS, Rifled No.| Number required | | | | | |to arm the crew as| | | | | |allowed by Art. | | | | | |101, Part 1. | | | | | | MUSKETS, Ball-Moulds No.| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+$/ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | MUSKETS, Ball screws and | | | | wipers No.| | 27 | 13 | MUSKETS, Bands, sets No.| | 14 | 6 | MUSKETS, Bayonets, Scabbards, | | Sufficient for | and Frogs No.| |arms furnished. | MUSKETS, Breech-screws No.| | 7 | 3 | MUSKETS, | | | | Cartridge-formers sets.| | 2 | 2 | MUSKETS, Cones No.| | 270 | 120 | MUSKETS, Cones picks No.| | 27 | 12 | MUSKETS, Guard-screws No.| | 14 | 6 | MUSKETS, Hammers No.| | 14 | 6 | MUSKETS, Hand-vices, | | | | spring No.| | 14 | 6 | MUSKETS, Locks, complete No.| | 7 | 3 | MUSKETS, Lock-screws, | | | | spare, small No.| | 75 | 30 | MUSKETS, Screw-drivers | | | | and Cone-keys No.| | 27 | 12 | MUSKETS, Side-screws, | | | | spare No.| | 27 | 12 | MUSKETS, Springs sets.| | 14 | 6 | MUSKETS, Tang-screws No.| | 14 | 6 | MUSKETS, Triggers No.| | 7 | 3 | MUSKETS, Wire and Tumbler | | | | Punches No.| | 14 | 6 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | MUSKETS, Ball screws and | | | | | | | wipers No.| 8| 8| 7| 6| 5| 2 | MUSKETS, Bands, sets No.| 4| 4| 3| 3| 2| 1 | MUSKETS, Bayonets, Scabbards, | Sufficient for | | | and Frogs No.|arms furnished. | | | MUSKETS, Breech-screws No.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 1 | MUSKETS, | | | | | | | Cartridge-formers sets.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 1 | MUSKETS, Cones No.| 80| 80| 70| 60| 50| 20 | MUSKETS, Cones picks No.| 8| 8| 7| 6| 5| 2 | MUSKETS, Guard-screws No.| 4| 4| 4| 3| 3| 1 | MUSKETS, Hammers No.| 4| 4| 4| 3| 3| 1 | MUSKETS, Hand-vices, | | | | | | | spring No.| 4| 4| 4| 3| 3| 1 | MUSKETS, Locks, complete No.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 1 | MUSKETS, Lock-screws, | | | | | | | spare, small No.| 20| 20| 18| 15| 13| 5 | MUSKETS, Screw-drivers | | | | | | | and Cone-keys No.| 8| 8| 7| 6| 5| 2 | MUSKETS, Side-screws, | | | | | | | spare No.| 8| 8| 7| 6| 5| 2 | MUSKETS, Springs sets.| 4| 4| 3| 3| 2| 1 | MUSKETS, Tang-screws No.| 4| 4| 3| 3| 2| 1 | MUSKETS, Triggers No.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 1 | MUSKETS, Wire and Tumbler | | | | | | | Punches No.| 4| 4| 4| 3| 3| 2 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | MUSKETS, Ball screws and | | | | | | | | | wipers No.| 12| 8| 5| 2| 8| 7| 3| 2| MUSKETS, Bands, sets No.| 6| 4| 3| 1| 4| 3| 2| 1| MUSKETS, Bayonets, Scabbards, | | | | | | | | | and Frogs No.| | | | | | | | | MUSKETS, Breech-screws No.| 3| 2| 2| 1| 2| 2| 1| 1| MUSKETS, | | | | | | | | | Cartridge-formers sets.| 2| 2| 2| 1| 2| 2| 2| 1| MUSKETS, Cones No.| 120| 80| 50| 20| 80| 70| 30| 20| MUSKETS, Cones picks No.| 12| 8| 5| 2| 8| 7| 3| 2| MUSKETS, Guard-screws No.| 6| 4| 3| 1| 4| 4| 2| 1| MUSKETS, Hammers No.| 6| 4| 3| 1| 4| 4| 2| 1| MUSKETS, Hand-vices, | | | | | | | | | spring No.| 6| 4| 3| 1| 4| 4| 2| 1| MUSKETS, Locks, complete No.| 3| 2| 2| 1| 2| 2| 1| 1| MUSKETS, Lock-screws, | | | | | | | | | spare, small No.| 30| 20| 13| 5| 20| 18| 8| 5| MUSKETS, Screw-drivers | | | | | | | | | and Cone-keys No.| 12| 8| 5| 2| 8| 7| 3| 2| MUSKETS, Side-screws, | | | | | | | | | spare No.| 12| 8| 5| 2| 8| 7| 3| 2| MUSKETS, Springs sets.| 6| 4| 3| 1| 4| 3| 2| 1| MUSKETS, Tang-screws No.| 6| 4| 3| 1| 4| 3| 2| 1| MUSKETS, Triggers No.| 3| 2| 2| 1| 2| 2| 1| 1| MUSKETS, Wire and Tumbler | | | | | | | | | Punches No.| 6| 4| 3| 2| 4| 4| 2| 2| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | MUSKETS, Wipers, bristle No.| | 27 | 12 | MUSKETS, Worms and | | | | Scrapers No.| | 14 | 6 | MUSKETS, Scraper, Crane's No.| | Half the above. | PISTOLS, Navy No.| | Number required | | |to arm the crew | | |as allowed by | | |Art. 101, Part 1.| PISTOLS, Ball-moulds No.| | 2 | 2 | PISTOLS, Cartridge-formers No.| | 2 | 2 | PISTOLS, Cones, spare No.| | 18 | 11 | PISTOLS, Frogs No.| | Sufficient for | | |arms furnished. | PISTOLS, Screw-drivers and | | | | Cone-keys No.| | 18 | 11 | PISTOLS, Worms and | | | | Scrapers No.| | 18 | 11 | PISTOLS, Revolvers No.| | Number required | | |to arm the crew | | |as allowed by | | |Art. 101, Part 1.| PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | Bullet-moulds No.| | 2 | 2 | PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | Cone-wrenches No.| | 18 | 11 | PISTOLS, Revolvers Extra | | | | bolts No.| | 18 | 11 | PISTOLS, Revolvers Cones No.| | 185 | 110 | PISTOLS, Revolvers Hammers No.| | 30 | 20 | PISTOLS, Revolvers Hands No.| | 18 | 11 | PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | Lock-screws No.| | 18 | 11 | PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | Triggers No.| | 18 | 11 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | MUSKETS, Wipers, bristle No.| 8| 8| 7| 6| 5| 2 | MUSKETS, Worms and | | | | | | | Scrapers No.| 4| 4| 4| 3| 3| 2 | MUSKETS, Scraper, Crane's No.| Half the above. | PISTOLS, Navy No.| Number required to arm the | |crew as allowed by Art. 101 | |Part 1. | | | PISTOLS, Ball-moulds No.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2 | PISTOLS, Cartridge-formers No.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2 | PISTOLS, Cones, spare No.| 8| 8| 6| 5| 4| 2 | PISTOLS, Frogs No.| Sufficient for arms furnished.| | | PISTOLS, Screw-drivers and | | | | | | | Cone-keys No.| 8| 8| 6| 5| 4| 2 | PISTOLS, Worms and | | | | | | | Scrapers No.| 8| 8| 6| 5| 4| 2 | PISTOLS, Revolvers No.| Number required to arm the | |crew as allowed by Art. 101 | |Part 1. | | | PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | | | | Bullet-moulds No.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 1 | PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | | | | Cone-wrenches No.| 8| 8| 6| 5| 4| 2 | PISTOLS, Revolvers Extra | | | | | | | bolts No.| 7| 7| 6| 5| 4| 2 | PISTOLS, Revolvers Cones No.| 76| 76| 60| 50| 40| 20 | PISTOLS, Revolvers Hammers No.| 15| 15| 10| 10| 8| 5 | PISTOLS, Revolvers Hands No.| 7| 7| 6| 5| 4| 2 | PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | | | | Lock-screws No.| 7| 7| 6| 5| 4| 2 | PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | | | | Triggers No.| 7| 7| 6| 5| 4| 2 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | MUSKETS, Wipers, bristle No.| 12| 8| 5| 2| 8| 7| 3| 2| MUSKETS, Worms and | | | | | | | | | Scrapers No.| 6| 4| 3| 1| 4| 4| 2| 2| MUSKETS, Scraper, Crane's No.| Half the above. | | | | PISTOLS, Navy No.| Number required | | | | | |to arm the crew as| | | | | |allowed by Art. | | | | | |101, Part 1. | | | | | | PISTOLS, Ball-moulds No.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| PISTOLS, Cartridge-formers No.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| PISTOLS, Cones, spare No.| 12| 8| 4| 2| 8| 6| 3| 2| PISTOLS, Frogs No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | PISTOLS, Screw-drivers and | | | | | | | | | Cone-keys No.| 12| 8| 4| 2| 8| 6| 3| 2| PISTOLS, Worms and | | | | | | | | | Scrapers No.| 12| 8| 4| 2| 8| 6| 3| 2| PISTOLS, Revolvers No.| Number required | | | | | |to arm the crew as| | | | | |allowed by Art. | | | | | |101, Part 1. | | | | | | PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | | | | | | Bullet-moulds No.| 2| 2| 2| 1| 2| 2| 2| 1 | PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | | | | | | Cone-wrenches No.| 12| 8| 4| 2| 8| 6| 3| 2| PISTOLS, Revolvers Extra | | | | | | | | | bolts No.| 12| 8| 4| 2| 7| 6| 2| 2| PISTOLS, Revolvers Cones No.| 120| 80| 40| 20| 76| 60| 25| 20| PISTOLS, Revolvers Hammers No.| 20| 15| 10| 5| 15| 10| 5| 5| PISTOLS, Revolvers Hands No.| 12| 8| 4| 2| 7| 6| 2| 2| PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | | | | | | Lock-screws No.| 12| 8| 4| 2| 7| 6| 2| 2| PISTOLS, Revolvers | | | | | | | | | Triggers No.| 12| 8| 4| 2| 7| 6| 2| 2| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | PISTOLS, Revolvers, Main | | | | and Sear Springs No.| | 30 | 20 | PISTOLS, Flasks No.| | | | PISTOLS, Frogs No.| | Sufficient for | | | arms furnished. | PISTOLS, Spring-vices No.| | | | PIKES, Boarding No.| | Number required | | |to arm the crew | | |as per Art. 101, | | |Part 1. | PIKES, Boarding Guards No.| | Number required | | |to arm the crew | | |as per Art. 101, | | |Part 1. | SINGLE STICKS No.| | 70 | 60 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | PISTOLS, Revolvers, Main | | | | | | | and Sear Springs No.| 15| 15| 10| 10| 8| 5 | PISTOLS, Flasks No.| | | | | | | PISTOLS, Frogs No.| Sufficient for | | |arms furnished. | | PISTOLS, Spring-vices No.| | | | | | | PIKES, Boarding No.| Number required to arm the | |crew as per Art. 101 Part 1. | | | | | PIKES, Boarding Guards No.| Number required to arm the | |crew as per Art. 101 Part 1. | | | | | SINGLE STICKS No.| 50| 50| 40| 40| 30| 20 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Small Arms_--Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | PISTOLS, Revolvers, Main | | | | | | | | | and Sear Springs No.| 20| 15| 10| 5| 15| 10| 5| 5| PISTOLS, Flasks No.| | | | | | | | | PISTOLS, Frogs No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | PISTOLS, Spring-vices No.| | | | | | | | | PIKES, Boarding No.| Number required | | | | | |to arm the crew as| | | | | |per Art. 101, | | | | | |Part 1. | | | | | PIKES, Boarding Guards No.| Number required | | | | | |to arm the crew as| | | | | |per Art. 101, | | | | | |Part 1. | | | | | SINGLE STICKS No.| 60| 50| 40| 20| 50| 40| 30| 20| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | | | | | ADZES, Copper No.| | One to each | | |magazine. | BUCKETS, Water, | | One to each | Copper-bound No.| |magazine and | | |shell-room. | BRUSHES, Dusting No.| | Two to each | | |magazine. | BRUSHES, Paint No.| | Two to each gun,| | |assorted sizes. | CANS, Water, Copper-bound No.| | Two to each | | |magazine and one | | |to each | | |shell-room. | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Carbine, ball No.| | 100 per piece, | | |200 if | | |breech-loader. | CARTRIDGES, Musket, ball No.| | 100 per piece. | CARTRIDGES, Musket, blank No.| | 20 per piece. | CARTRIDGES, Buckshot No.| | 20 per piece. | CARTRIDGES, Pistol, ball No.| | 100 per piece. | CARTRIDGES, Revolver, ball No.| | 100 per piece. | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | As required. To | for Carbine No.| |be accounted | | |for by Gunner. | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | As required. To | for Musket No.| |be accounted | | |for by Gunner. | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | As required. To | for Rifle No.| |be accounted | | |for by Gunner. | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | As required. To | for Pistol No.| |be accounted | | |for by Gunner. | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | As required. To | for Revolver No.| |be accounted | | |for by Gunner. | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | As required. To | Keys for No.| |be accounted | | |for by Gunner. | CARTRIDGE-BAGS, spare No.| 10 | | | DUST-PANS, Copper No.| | One to each | | |magazine. | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ADZES, Copper No.|One to each | | | | |magazine. | | | | BUCKETS, Water, | One to each magazine and | Copper-bound No.|shell-room. | | | BRUSHES, Dusting No.| Two to each | | | | |magazine. | | | | BRUSHES, Paint No.| Two to each gun, | | |assorted sizes. | | CANS, Water, Copper-bound No.| Two to each magazine and one | |to each shell-room. | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Carbine, ball No.| 100 per piece, 200 if | |breech-loader. | | | CARTRIDGES, Musket, ball No.| | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Musket, blank No.| | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Buckshot No.| | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Pistol, ball No.| | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Revolver, ball No.| | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | As required. To be accounted | for Carbine No.|for by Gunner. | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | As required. To be accounted | for Musket No.|for by Gunner. | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | As required. To be accounted | for Rifle No.|for by Gunner. | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | As required. To be accounted | for Pistol No.|for by Gunner. | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | As required. To be accounted | for Revolver No.|for by Gunner. | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | As required. To be accounted | Keys for No.|for by Gunner. | | | CARTRIDGE-BAGS, spare No.| | | | | | | DUST-PANS, Copper No.| One to each magazine. | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ADZES, Copper No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BUCKETS, Water, | | | | | | | | | Copper-bound No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BRUSHES, Dusting No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | BRUSHES, Paint No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CANS, Water, Copper-bound No.| Two to | | | | | | | |each | | | | | | | |magazine | | | | | | | |and one | | | | | | | |to each | | | | | | | |shell-room. | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Carbine, ball No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Musket, ball No.| | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Musket, blank No.| | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Buckshot No.| | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Pistol, ball No.| | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Revolver, ball No.| | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | | | | | | | | for Carbine No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | | | | | | | | for Musket No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | | | | | | | | for Rifle No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | | | | | | | | for Pistol No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | | | | | | | | for Revolver No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGES, Packing-boxes | | | | | | | | | Keys for No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CARTRIDGE-BAGS, spare No.| | | | | | | | | DUST-PANS, Copper No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | FIREWORKS, Blue-lights, | | | | new pattern No.| | 50 | 45 | FIREWORKS, Red-lights, | | | | new pattern No.| | 50 | 45 | FIREWORKS, White-lights, | | | | new pattern No.| | 50 | 45 | FIREWORKS, Port-fires No.| | 25 | 20 | FIREWORKS, Rockets and | | | | Staves No.| | 100 | 60 | FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes | | As needed. To | for blue, white, and red | |be accounted for | lights No.| |by Gunner. | FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes | | As needed. To | for Port-fires No.| |be accounted for | | |by Gunner. | FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes | | As needed. To | for Rockets No.| |be accounted for | | |by Gunner. | FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes, | | As needed. To | Keys for No.| |be accounted for | | |by Gunner. | FORMERS, for cutting | | One set to each | Cartridge-Bags sets.| |class of | | |cartridge. | FUNNELS, for filling | | One to each | Cartridges No.| |magazine. | FUNNELS, for filling | | Two to each | Shells No.| |shell-room. | FUZES in metal stocks, 5" No.| | One in each | | |loaded shell. | | |Spherical. | FUZES in metal stocks, 5" No.| | One for every | | |four empty shells| | | Spherical. | FUZES in metal stocks, 10" No.| | One for every | | |four empty shells| | | Spherical. | FUZES in metal stocks, 15" No.| | One for every | | |four empty shells| | | Spherical. | FUZES in metal stocks, 20" No.| | One for every | | |four empty shells| | | Spherical. | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FIREWORKS, Blue-lights, | | | | | | | new pattern No.| 40| 40| 25| 20| 15| 10 | FIREWORKS, Red-lights, | | | | | | | new pattern No.| 40| 40| 25| 20| 15| 10 | FIREWORKS, White-lights, | | | | | | | new pattern No.| 40| 40| 25| 20| 15| 10 | FIREWORKS, Port-fires No.| 15| 15| 10| 5| 5| 5 | FIREWORKS, Rockets and | | | | | | | Staves No.| 50| 50| 40| 20| 20| 20 | FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes | As needed. To be accounted | for blue, white, and red |for by Gunner. | lights No.| | FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes | As needed. To be accounted | for Port-fires No.|for by Gunner. | | | FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes | As needed. To be accounted | for Rockets No.|for by Gunner. | | | FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes, | As needed. To be accounted | Keys for No.|for by Gunner. | | | FORMERS, for cutting |One set to each class of | Cartridge-Bags sets.|cartridge. | | | FUNNELS, for filling | One to each | | | | Cartridges No.|magazine. | | | | FUNNELS, for filling | Two to each | | | | Shells No.|shell-room. | | | | FUZES in metal stocks, 5" No.| One in each loaded shell. | | Spherical. | | | FUZES in metal stocks, 5" No.| One for every four empty | |shells. Spherical. | | | FUZES in metal stocks, 10" No.| One for every four empty | |shells. Spherical. | | | FUZES in metal stocks, 15" No.| One for every four empty | |shells. Spherical. | | | FUZES in metal stocks, 20" No.| One for every four empty | |shells. Spherical. | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FIREWORKS, Blue-lights, | | | | | | | | | new pattern No.| 50| 40| 25| 10| 40| 25| 15| 20| FIREWORKS, Red-lights, | | | | | | | | | new pattern No.| 50| 40| 25| 10| 46| 25| 15| 20| FIREWORKS, White-lights, | | | | | | | | | new pattern No.| 50| 40| 25| 10| 40| 25| 15| 20| FIREWORKS, Port-fires No.| 25| 12| 10| 5| 12| 10| 5| 5| FIREWORKS, Rockets and | | | | | | | | | Staves No.| 100| 50| 40| 20| 50| 40| 20| 20| FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes | | | | | | | | | for blue, white, and red | | | | | | | | | lights No.| | | | | | | | | FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes | | | | | | | | | for Port-fires No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes | | | | | | | | | for Rockets No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FIREWORKS, Packing-boxes, | | | | | | | | | Keys for No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FORMERS, for cutting | | | | | | | | | Cartridge-Bags sets.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FUNNELS, for filling | | | | | | | | | Cartridges No.| | | | | | | | | FUNNELS, for filling | | | | | | | | | Shells No.| | | | | | | | | FUZES in metal stocks, 5" No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FUZES in metal stocks, 5" No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FUZES in metal stocks, 10" No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FUZES in metal stocks, 15" No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FUZES in metal stocks, 20" No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | FUZES, PERCUSSION for | | One-half the | Rifle-Shell No.| |number of shell. | FUZES, in metal stocks, | | | spare, assorted 3-1/2, | |One to four | 7, 20 sec. No.| |shells. | FUZES, TIME, for | | One-half the | Rifle-Shell No.| |number of shell. | FUZES, Packing-boxes for No.| | As needed. To | | |be accounted for | | |by Gunner. | FUZES, Packing-boxes | | As needed. To | Keys for No.| |be accounted for | | |by Gunner. | FUZES, Plug-extractor No.| | One to each | | |shell-room. | HOSE, with Pipes No.| | One to each | | |magazine and | | |shell-room. | KNIVES, Copper No.| | One to each | | |magazine. | LAMP-FEEDERS, Tin No.| | One to each | | |magazine. | LANTERNS, Copper, with | | One to each | Lamps No.| |light-box. | LANTERNS, Glass Chimneys | | Six to each lamp| for No.| |requiring them. | MAGAZINE-DRESSES suits.| | 10 | 8 | MAGAZINE Shoes pair.| | 10 | 8 | POWDER, Rounds | 110 and 65 extra for | | |each Pivot-gun. | POWDER, Musket lbs.| | 150 | 100 | POWDER, Saluting | 50 and 730 extra for | | |each flag ship. | | |Not to be given | | |to vessels less | | |than six guns. | POWDER, Shell-Charges in Bags | | One to each | | |empty shell. | POWDER, Measures, | | One to each | Copper sets.| |magazine and | | |shell-room. | POWDER, Whips No.| | As required. | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FUZES, PERCUSSION for | One-half the | | | Rifle-Shell No.|number of shell. | | | FUZES, in metal stocks, | | | | spare, assorted 3-1/2, |One to four shells.| | | 7, 20 sec. No.| | | | FUZES, TIME, for | One-half the | | | Rifle-Shell No.|number of shell. | | | FUZES, Packing-boxes for No.| As needed. To be accounted | |for by Gunner. | | | FUZES, Packing-boxes | As needed. To be accounted | Keys for No.|for by Gunner. | | | FUZES, Plug-extractor No.| One to each shell-room. | | | HOSE, with Pipes No.| One to each magazine and | |shell-room. | | | KNIVES, Copper No.| One to each | | | | |magazine. | | | | LAMP-FEEDERS, Tin No.| One to each | | | | |magazine. | | | | LANTERNS, Copper, with |One to each | | | | Lamps No.|light-box. | | | | LANTERNS, Glass Chimneys | Six to each lamp | | for No.|requiring them. | | MAGAZINE-DRESSES suits.| 8| 8| 6| 3| 4| 2 | MAGAZINE Shoes pair.| 8| 8| 6| 3| 4| 2 | POWDER, Rounds | 110, and 65 extra for | | |each Pivot-gun. | | POWDER, Musket lbs.| 60| 60| 50| 50| 50| 50 | POWDER, Saluting |50 and 730 extra for each flag | |ship. Not to be given to | |vessels less than six guns. | | | | | POWDER, Shell-Charges in Bags | One to each empty shell. | | | POWDER, Measures, | One to each magazine and | Copper sets.|shell-room. | | | POWDER, Whips No.| As required. | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FUZES, PERCUSSION for | | | | | | | | | Rifle-Shell No.| | | | | | | | | FUZES, in metal stocks, | | | | | | | | | spare, assorted 3-1/2, | | | | | | | | | 7, 20 sec. No.| | | | | | | | | FUZES, TIME, for | | | | | | | | | Rifle-Shell No.| | | | | | | | | FUZES, Packing-boxes for No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FUZES, Packing-boxes | | | | | | | | | Keys for No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | FUZES, Plug-extractor No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | HOSE, with Pipes No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | KNIVES, Copper No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | LAMP-FEEDERS, Tin No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | LANTERNS, Copper, with | | | | | | | | | Lamps No.| | | | | | | | | LANTERNS, Glass Chimneys | | | | | | | | | for No.| | | | | | | | | MAGAZINE-DRESSES suits.| 8| 6| 4| 2| 8| 6| 4| 2| MAGAZINE Shoes pair.| 8| 6| 4| 2| 8| 6| 4| 2| POWDER, Rounds | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | POWDER, Musket lbs.| 110| 65| 50| 50| 60| 50| 50| 50| POWDER, Saluting |50 and 730 extra for each flag ship. | |Not to be given to vessels | |less than six guns. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | POWDER, Shell-Charges in Bags | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | POWDER, Measures, | | | | | | | | | Copper sets.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | POWDER, Whips No.| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | SCISSORS, Lamp No.| | One pair to each| | |light-box. | SCOOPS, Copper No.| | Two to each | | |magazine. | SCREENS, Baize No.| | Two to each | | |magazine and | | |shell-room, if | | |required. | SWABS No.| | Two to each | | |magazine, if | | |required. | TANKS, Powder, Copper No.| | Enough to hold | | |_all_ the powder.| TANK-SCREWS, Spare No.| |One to ten tanks.| TANK Wrenches No.| | One to each | | |magazine when | | |necessary. | TANK Heavers, Copper No.| | One to each | | |magazine. | VICES, Copper No.| | One to each | | |vessel. | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SCISSORS, Lamp No.| One pair to each | | |light-box. | | SCOOPS, Copper No.| Two to each magazine. | | | | | SCREENS, Baize No.| Two to each magazine | | |and shell-room, if | | |required. | | | | | SWABS No.|Two to each magazine, | | |if required. | | | | | TANKS, Powder, Copper No.| Enough to hold _all_ | | |the powder. | | TANK-SCREWS, Spare No.| One to ten tanks. | | | TANK Wrenches No.| One to each magazine | | |when necessary. | | | | | TANK Heavers, Copper No.| One to each | | | | |magazine. | | | | VICES, Copper No.|One to each | | | | |vessel. | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Magazine Stores, &c._ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SCISSORS, Lamp No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SCOOPS, Copper No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SCREENS, Baize No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SWABS No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | TANKS, Powder, Copper No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | TANK-SCREWS, Spare No.| | | | | | | | | TANK Wrenches No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | TANK Heavers, Copper No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | VICES, Copper No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | | | | | AWLS, Saddlers No.| | 36 | 24 | AXES, Wood No.| | 6 | 5 | BEESWAX lbs.| | One pound to | | |each gun, two to | | |each shell and | | |pivot gun. | BOLTS, Clevis No.| | As required. | BOXES, Division, Supply and | | | | Reserve No.| | One of each to | | |each division of | | |guns. | CALLIPERS No.| | | | CAMPHOR lbs.| | 6 | 5 | CHESTS, Arm, for Boats No.| | One to each | | |launch and first | | |cutter. | CHUTE, Powder No.| | One to each | | |scuttle. | EMERY (for Armorer's use) lbs.| | 5 | 4 | FILES, Rat-tail, for Spikes | | | | for Howitzers No.| 2 | | | FLASH-PANS, Copper No.| | 2 | 2 | GLASS, thick plates No.| | Half set to each| | |battle-lantern, | | |cut to fit. | GONGS No.| | One to each | | |gun-deck. | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | AWLS, Saddlers No.| 18| 18| 12| 12| 12| 6 | AXES, Wood No.| 5| 5| 4| 4| 3| 2 | BEESWAX lbs.| One pound to each gun, two to | |each shell and pivot gun. | | | | | BOLTS, Clevis No.| As required. | BOXES, Division, Supply and | | | | | | | Reserve No.| One of each to each division | |of guns. | | | CALLIPERS No.| | | | | | | CAMPHOR lbs.| 4| 4| 3| 3| 2| 1 | CHESTS, Arm, for Boats No.|One to each launch and | | |first cutter. | | | | | CHUTE, Powder No.| One to each | | | | |scuttle. | | | | EMERY (for Armorer's use) lbs.| 3| 3| 2| 2| 2| 1 | FILES, Rat-tail, for Spikes | | | | | | | for Howitzers No.| | | | | | | FLASH-PANS, Copper No.| 2| 2| 2| 1| 1| 1 | GLASS, thick plates No.| Half set to each | |battle-lantern, cut to fit. | | | GONGS No.|One to each | | | | |gun-deck. | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | AWLS, Saddlers No.| 24| 18| 12| 6| 24| 18| 12| 6| AXES, Wood No.| 5| 5| 4| 3| 5| 4| 3| 2| BEESWAX lbs.| One pound to | | | | | | |each gun, two | | | | | | |to each shell | | | | | | |and pivot gun.| | | | | | BOLTS, Clevis No.| | | | | | | | | BOXES, Division, Supply and | | | | | | | | | Reserve No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CALLIPERS No.| | | | | | | | | CAMPHOR lbs.| 5| 4| 2| 1| 4| 3| 2| 1| CHESTS, Arm, for Boats No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | CHUTE, Powder No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | EMERY (for Armorer's use) lbs.| 4| 3| 2| 1| 4| 3| 2| 1| FILES, Rat-tail, for Spikes | | | | | | | | | for Howitzers No.| | | | | | | | | FLASH-PANS, Copper No.| 2| 2| 1| 1| 2| 2| 1| 1| GLASS, thick plates No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | GONGS No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | GRUBBING-HOE and PICKAXE, | | One to each | combined No.| |field-carriage. | HAMMERS, Claw No.| | 2 | 2 | HAMMERS, Saddler's No.| | 2 | 2 | KNIVES, Shoe No.| | 3 | 2 | LADLES, Shot, great guns No.| | One to each | | |calibre. | LANTERNS, Dark, (small, | | | | with Reflectors) No.| 1/10 | | | LEAD, Black, pulverized lbs.| | 24 | 12 | LOCK-STRINGS, spare faths.| 3 | | | LOCKS, PAD, Brass, | | | | and Keys No.| | Two to each | | |magazine and | | |light box scuttle| | |and arm-chest. | MATCH-ROPE lbs.| | 50 | 40 | MUSLIN for TARGETS yds.| | 50 | 50 | OIL, Sperm, for Small | | | | Arms galls.| | 10 | 8 | OIL, Sperm, Tin Cans for No.| | As needed. | NAILS, 3d, for strapping | | | | Shell lbs.| | 10 | 5 | PENDULUM No.| | | | PUTTY, in Bladders lbs.| | 100 | 75 | QUADRANT, GUNNER'S No.| | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | GRUBBING-HOE and PICKAXE, | One to each | | | combined No.|field-carriage. | | | HAMMERS, Claw No.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 1 | HAMMERS, Saddler's No.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 1 | KNIVES, Shoe No.| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2| 2 | LADLES, Shot, great guns No.| One to each | | | | |calibre. | | | | LANTERNS, Dark, (small, | | | | | | | with Reflectors) No.| | | | | | | LEAD, Black, pulverized lbs.| 6| 6| 6| 5| 4| 3 | LOCK-STRINGS, spare faths.| | | | | | | LOCKS, PAD, Brass, | | | | | | | and Keys No.| Two to each magazine and light| |box scuttle and arm-chest. | | | | | MATCH-ROPE lbs.| 30| 30| 25| 25| 20| 10 | MUSLIN for TARGETS yds.| 50| 50| 40| 40| 40| 20 | OIL, Sperm, for Small | | | | | | | Arms galls.| 6| 6| 5| 5| 5| 3 | OIL, Sperm, Tin Cans for No.| | | | | | | NAILS, 3d, for strapping | | | | | | | Shell lbs.| 3| 3| 2| 1| 2| 1 | PENDULUM No.| | | | | | | PUTTY, in Bladders lbs.| 50| 50| 45| 20| 40| 20 | QUADRANT, GUNNER'S No.| | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | GRUBBING-HOE and PICKAXE, | | | | | | | | | combined No.| | | | | | | | | HAMMERS, Claw No.| 2| 2| 2| 1| 2| 2| 1| 1| HAMMERS, Saddler's No.| 2| 2| 2| 1| 2| 2| 1| 1| KNIVES, Shoe No.| 2| 2| 2| 1| 2| 2| 1| 1| LADLES, Shot, great guns No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | LANTERNS, Dark, (small, | | | | | | | | | with Reflectors) No.| | | | | | | | | LEAD, Black, pulverized lbs.| 12| 6| 5| 3| 6| 5| 4| 3| LOCK-STRINGS, spare faths.| | | | | | | | | LOCKS, PAD, Brass, | | | | | | | | | and Keys No.| Two to each | | | | | |magazine and light| | | | | |box scuttle and | | | | | |arm-chest. | | | | | MATCH-ROPE lbs.| 40| 30| 20| 10| 40| 30| 20| 10| MUSLIN for TARGETS yds.| 50| 50| 40| 20| 50| 50| 40| 20| OIL, Sperm, for Small | | | | | | | | | Arms galls.| 8| 6| 5| 3| 6| 5| 3| 3| OIL, Sperm, Tin Cans for No.| | | | | | | | | NAILS, 3d, for strapping | | | | | | | | | Shell lbs.| 5| 3| 2| 1| 5| 3| 2| 1| PENDULUM No.| | | | | | | | | PUTTY, in Bladders lbs.| 75| 50| 40| 20| 50| 40| 20| 20| QUADRANT, GUNNER'S No.| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | RATTLES for calling Boarders, | | | | Hand No.| 2/10 | | | RATTLES for calling Boarders, | | One at wheel and| Fixed No.| |one on each | | |gun-deck. | SCREW-DRIVERS No.| | | | SCREW-PLATE and TAP, fuze, | | One set for each| Navy No.| |vessel armed with| | |shell-guns. | SCREW-PLATE and TAP, fuze, | | One set for each| Parrott No.| |vessel armed with| | |these guns. | SHEARS, Sheep No.| | One pair to each| | |vessel. | SHELL-WHIPS No.| | As required. | SHOVELS, Intrenching No.| | Two for each | | |field-carriage. | SIGNAL-LIGHT DISCHARGERS No.| | One for each | | |vessel. | SHEEPSKIN, covers for | | | | Sponge-heads (made up) No.| 1-1/2 | | | SLINGS, Gun, chain No.| | 2 | 2 | TACKS, Copper, for | | | | Sponge-heads No.| | 1000 | 500 | TACKS, Iron, for strapping | | | | Shell No.| | 4000 | 2000 | TARGET FRAME No.| | One to each | | |vessel; to be | | |fitted on board. | THREAD, Shoe lbs.| | 3 | 2 | TONGS, Shot No.| | As required. | TUBS, Fire No.| |One to each chain| | |of scuttles. | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | RATTLES for calling Boarders, | | | | | | | Hand No.| | | | | | | RATTLES for calling Boarders, | One at wheel and one on each | Fixed No.|gun-deck. | | | SCREW-DRIVERS No.| | | | | | | SCREW-PLATE and TAP, fuze, | One set for each vessel armed | Navy No.|with shell-guns. | | | SCREW-PLATE and TAP, fuze, | One set for each vessel armed | Parrott No.|with these guns. | | | SHEARS, Sheep No.| One pair to each | | | |vessel. | | | SHELL-WHIPS No.| As required. | | | SHOVELS, Intrenching No.| Two for each | | | |field-carriage. | | | SIGNAL-LIGHT DISCHARGERS No.| One for each | | | | |vessel. | | | | SHEEPSKIN, covers for | | | | | | | Sponge-heads (made up) No.| | | | | | | SLINGS, Gun, chain No.| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1 | TACKS, Copper, for | | | | | | | Sponge-heads No.| 300| 300| 200| 200| 200| 100 | TACKS, Iron, for strapping | | | | | | | Shell No.|1200|1200|1000|1000|1000| 600 | TARGET FRAME No.|One to each vessel; to be | |fitted on board. | | | THREAD, Shoe lbs.| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1/2 | TONGS, Shot No.| | | | | | | TUBS, Fire No.|One to each chain of | | |scuttles. | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+---------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+--------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+-----+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| 4th | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+-----+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+-----+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | RATTLES for calling Boarders, | | | | | | | | | Hand No.| | | | | | | | | RATTLES for calling Boarders, | | | | | | | | | Fixed No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SCREW-DRIVERS No.| | | | | | | | | SCREW-PLATE and TAP, fuze, | | | | | | | | | Navy No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SCREW-PLATE and TAP, fuze, | | | | | | | | | Parrott No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SHEARS, Sheep No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SHELL-WHIPS No.| | | | | | | | | SHOVELS, Intrenching No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SIGNAL-LIGHT DISCHARGERS No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | SHEEPSKIN, covers for | | | | | | | | | Sponge-heads (made up) No.| | | | | | | | | SLINGS, Gun, chain No.| 2| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1| 1 | TACKS, Copper, for | | | | | | | | | Sponge-heads No.| 500| 300| 200|100| 500| 300| 200|100 | TACKS, Iron, for strapping | | | | | | | | | Shell No.|2000|1200|1000|600|2000|1200|1000|600 | TARGET FRAME No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | THREAD, Shoe lbs.| 2| 1| 1|1/2| 2| 1| 1|1-1/2| TONGS, Shot No.| | | | | | | | | TUBS, Fire No.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+-----+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ |PROPORTION|SHIPS- |FRIGATES.| | TO EACH |OF-THE | | NAMES OF ARTICLES. | GUN. |-LINE. | + | | | | | | | + | | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ COMPLEMENTS | | 721 | 402 | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | WAX, for taking Vent | | | | Impressions lbs.| 1/2 | | | WICKS, Woven gross.| | One-half to each| | | lamp requiring | | | them. | WICKS, Cotton lbs.| | | | YARN, Worsted lbs.| | 2 | 1 | YARN, Coarse Woollen | | | | ("Thrums") lbs.| | 2 | 1 | 21-thd. HEMP, Boat's | | | | service lbs.| | | | 18-thd. HEMP, Boat's | | | | service lbs.| | | | ------------------------------+----------+-------+---------+ ------------------------------+------------------------+------+ | SLOOPS-OF-WAR. |BRIGS.| | Classes. | + NAMES OF ARTICLES. +---------+--------------+ | | Razees. | | | +----+----+----+----+----+ + | 1st| 2nd| 1st| 2nd| 3rd| | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ COMPLEMENTS | 265| 235| 156| 135| 97| 67 | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | WAX, for taking Vent | | | | | | | Impressions lbs.| | | | | | | WICKS, Woven gross.| One-half to each | | lamp requiring | | them. | WICKS, Cotton lbs.| | | | | | | YARN, Worsted lbs.| 1| 1| 1/2| 1/2| 1/2| 1/2 | YARN, Coarse Woollen | | | | | | | ("Thrums") lbs.| 1| 1| 1/2| 1/2| 1/2| 1/2 | 21-thd. HEMP, Boat's | | | | | | | service lbs.| | | | | | | 18-thd. HEMP, Boat's | | | | | | | service lbs.| | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+----+----+------+ ------------------------------+-------------------------------------+ | STEAMERS. | +------------------+------------------+ NAMES OF ARTICLES. | Screw. | Side-wheel. | | Classes. | Classes. | +----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ | 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| 1st| 2nd| 3rd|4th| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ COMPLEMENTS | 521| 333| 110| 61| 224| 187| 75| 50| ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Miscellaneous Articles_ | | | | | | | | | --Continued. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | WAX, for taking Vent | | | | | | | | | Impressions lbs.| | | | | | | | | WICKS, Woven gross.| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | WICKS, Cotton lbs.| | | | | | | | | YARN, Worsted lbs.| 1 | 1 | 1/2|1/2| 1 | 1 | 1/2|1/2| YARN, Coarse Woollen | | | | | | | | | ("Thrums") lbs.| 1 | 1 | 1/2|1/2| 1 | 1 | 1/2|1/2| 21-thd. HEMP, Boat's | | | | | | | | | service lbs.| | | | | | | | | 18-thd. HEMP, Boat's | | | | | | | | | service lbs.| | | | | | | | | ------------------------------+----+----+----+---+----+----+----+---+ _Tables of Allowances of Ordnance Equipments and Stores_--Continued. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------+ BOOKS. | -----------------------------+---------------------------------------------+ 1. ORDNANCE INSTRUCTIONS | One to Commander, one to Executive Officer, | | one to each divisional officer, and one to | | the Gunner of every ship.[A] | | | 2. BOAT ARMAMENT--Dahlgren's | One to each vessel of 1st, 2d, and 3d rates.| | | 3. SHELLS AND SHELL-GUNS, do.| One to each vessel of 1st, 2d, and 3d rates.| | | 4. THE NAVAL HOWITZER ASHORE | | AND AFLOAT--Parker | Two to each vessel above 4th rate; one to | | 4th rate. | | | 5. NAVAL GUNNERY--Sir | | H. Douglas | One to each vessel above 4th rate. | | | 6. NAVAL GUNNERY--Simpson | One to each vessel. | | | 7. ORDNANCE AND ARMOR--Holley| One to 1st and 2d rates. | | | 8. EXPERIMENTS ON | | GUNPOWDER--Mordecai | One to 1st, 2d, and 3d rates. | | | 9. GUNNERY CATECHISM--Brandt | Same allowance as the "Ordnance | | Instructions" with the addition of one to | | each Captain of a gun.[A] | | | 10. ORDNANCE CIRCULARS | Same allowance as the "Ordnance | | Instructions."[A] | | | 11. BLANK-BOOKS AND RETURNS | One set to each vessel. | | | 12. TABLE OF RANGES--Buckner | Two to each vessel above 4th rate; one to | | 4th rate. | -----------------------------+---------------------------------------------+ Note A: All of these books to be receipted for by the persons receiving them, accounted for, and turned over to successor or Inspector of Ordnance. INDEX. A. ABSENCES, temporary, of some of a gun's crew, how supplied 1; 48; 217, 218 ACCIDENTS, to guns, to be reported in detail 3; 35; 67 AIMING, precautions to be observed in 1; 78; 283 by the line of metal, not to be relied on, &c. 1; 80; 297 AIR-PORTS, to be closed and secured in exercise with powder 1; 39; 168 ALL-HANDS, the call for, and duties of 1; 19, 37; 92, 161 ALLOWANCES, for target practice, how to be expended 1; 4; 10 for mortars 1; 126; 503 of ordnance and ordnance stores, not to be exceeded 3; 5; 15, 16 AMMUNITION, allowance of, for target practice; not to be reduced by target practice, or saluting, below 100 broadsides 1; 4; 7 expenditure of, for target practice, directions as to 1; 4; 10 for boats, on armed expeditions 2; 7; 10 fixed, preferable on the score of convenience, &c. 2; 24; 68 fixed, should not be put where barreled powder is 3; 49; 137 a statement of the, to be furnished by the Ordnance Officer, to Commanding Officers of vessels 3; 51; 146 for small arms, dimensions of boxes for 3; 55; 167 AMMUNITION-BOXES, to be preserved, and returned into store 1; 10; 43 ARMAMENT, defects in, to be remedied or reported 1; 4; 5 quarterly examinations of, to be made, &c. 1; 5; 15 ARMORERS, to accompany landing-parties with their tools 2; 26; 78 ARMS, of any description, not to be given away 1; 6; 19 for the men at the guns 1; 21-24; 101 of men in the master's division 1; 25; 101 fire, use of, in the tops, dangerous, &c. 1; 25; 103 for the watch below, to be ready for use in time of war 1; 95; 361 kind of, to be furnished to boarders 2; 3; 4 table of, for boat expeditions 2; 4; 5 pecuniary responsibility for the loss of 3; 6; 17 lost or destroyed in action, to be certified to, &c. 3; 6; 19 ASSEMBLING AT QUARTERS, the drum beats for 1; 36; 154 in what order the men proceed to their guns 1; 36; 155 without powder, orders to the men 1; 36; 157 with powder, orders to the men 1; 37; 158 the call for boarders 1; 37; 159 the call for pikemen to repel boarders 1; 37; 160 the call for all-hands 1; 37; 161 the call for sail-trimmers 1; 37; 162 the call for firemen 1; 37; 163 at the call for, every person repairs to his station, &c. 1; 37; 166 ASSISTANT ENGINEERS, part of the Engineer's division, when at quarters 1; 16; 75 ARTILLERY, NAVAL LIGHT, remarks on the use of, ashore and in boats 2; 21-24; 44-68 B. BALLS, the piling of; to find the number of 3; 41; 95 the number of, in a triangular pile 3; 42; 96 the number of, in a square pile 3; 42; 97 BATTERIES, to be kept clean and ready for action 1; 7; 24 BATTLE-AXES, the number allowed for pivot and other guns 1; 21; 101 BAYONET-SCABBARDS, the materials and sizes of 3; 79; 257 BEAUMONT, his roller handspike adopted for the service 3; 75; 238 BEDS FOR GUNS, the arrangement of 1; 83; 307 BELLS, the ringing of, indicative of a case of fire 1; 97; 371 BLACK-STAIN, for wood or iron, its composition 3; 88; 271 BOARDERS, of whom to be composed 1; 18; 87-90 to be in two divisions 1; 18; 88 assignment of officers to the divisions of 1; 18; 90 the call for, and duties of 1; 37; 159-165 may be ordered for service without the call 1; 37; 164 swords and pistols to be ready for the use of 1; 40; 179 general directions and orders; when first called away 1; 92; 336 general directions and orders; "prepare to board" 1; 92; 337 general directions and orders; "board the enemy" 1; 92; 338 general directions and orders; "prepare to repel boarders" 1; 93; 339 to be exercised with the single-stick and sword 1; 93; 344 what arms to be supplied with 2; 3; 4 rattles for calling 3; 69; 217 BOARDING-NETTINGS, in time of war, to be secured at evening quarters 1; 95; 359 BOATS, crews of, to be frequently exercised 1; 5; 13 equipment of, when being armed for service 2; 3-9; 1-18 howitzers for, exercises of 2; 11-24; 20-68 armed for service, manoeuvres of 2; 24; 69 grapnels for, description and use of 3; 70; 221 harness-casks for, use and size of 3; 77; 248 BOAT-CARRIAGES, for howitzers, of what they consist 2; 10; 19 BOAT-GUNS, tackles not required for 12-pdrs 2; 22; 57 proper charges for 3; 54; 164 BOATSWAINS, in action, their stations and duties 1; 15; 69 duties of, at general quarters 1; 28; 118 BOMBS, for mortars, 100 to be kept always ready filled 1; 120; 468 to estimate distance by the bursting of 1; 120; 471 filling, directions concerning 1; 122; 492, 493 BORMANN FUZES, the description and use of 1; 90; 328 for shrapnell or shell, a description of, &c. 2; 23; 66 the danger of cutting them improperly 3; 45; 112 BOYS, distribution of, when at quarters 1; 17; 81 BREECHINGS, for all guns, materials, sizes, &c., of 3; 66; 208 BRISTLE-SPONGES, sizes and description of 3; 73; 231 BROADSIDE-GUNS, equipments and implements for 1; 33; 148 stations and gun-numbers of crews of 1; 35; 152 exercises at, directions as to 1; 39, 40; 169-179 may be advantageously fired once in 75 seconds 1; 41; 182 manual exercise of, on one side; orders for, &c. 1; 46-54; 204-229 shifting positions of the crews of 1; 56; 233 firing them when partially run in 1; 57; 234 changing sides, or manning one side only 1; 57; 235 exercise of, on both sides at once 1; 58; 236 firing alternately, inferior to manning alternate guns with full crews 1; 58; 237 quick firing of, directions as to 1; 58; 238, 239 shifting breechings of, in action 1; 59; 240 position of the bolts for carriages of 3; 66; 207 C. CABLES, in time of war, to be kept ready for slipping 1; 95; 357 CALLIPERS, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 14, 19; 28, 29 CANISTER, in action, the proper use of 1; 76; 274 in action, the proper use of, for boat-howitzers 2; 23; 65 dimensions, weight, &c., of 3; 40; 93 CAPTAINS. See COMMANDING OFFICERS. CAPTAINS OF GUNS, the selection and examination of 1; 18; 84 stations and numbers of, for broadside guns 1; 35; 152 duties of, when preparing for exercise at broadside guns 1; 40; 170 duties of, when exercising broadside guns on one side 1; 47-54; 206-229 duties of, when housing lower-deck guns 1; 54; 230 duties of, when shifting breechings in action 1; 59; 240 stations, &c., of, for pivot guns 1; 62; 243 duties of, when the vents are obstructed 1; 74; 259 duties of, when the locks or primers fail 1; 77; 279 duties of, in pointing the guns 1; 74-78; 281-308 duties of, in preparing howitzers for boats 2; 11; 20 duties of, in aiming and firing boat-howitzers 2; 15; 26 duties of, in disembarking howitzers 2; 17, 18; 31-35 waist belts for, materials and sizes 3; 77; 249 CARBINES, crews to be exercised in the use of 1; 5; 12 how to be stamped 3; 79; 258 CARCASSES, for mortars, description and use of 1; 121; 475, 476 CARPENTERS, general and special duties of 1; 12; 57-60 duties of, in preparing for action, &c. 1; 12; 57 duties of, in guarding against fire 1; 12; 58 duties of, in repairing injuries from shot 1; 12; 59 directions to, for finding the position of shot holes, &c. 1; 12; 60 duties of, at general quarters 1; 30; 130-136 CARPENTER'S MATES, the stations of, when at quarters 1; 15; 70 CARRIAGES. See GUN-CARRIAGES. CASCABELS, of boat-howitzers, a description of 2; 10; 19 CASCABEL-BLOCKS, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 14, 20; 28, 29 CARTRIDGES, metallic, how to be kept and stowed 1; 10; 41 passing them from the magazines 1; 41; 181-183 when to be put in the passing-boxes 1; 44; 195-179 when filled for issue, directions as to 3; 51; 147, 148 for small-arms, the quantity of powder for each 3; 55; 166 CARTRIDGE-BOXES, materials, description and sizes of 3; 78, 79; 254, 255 CEMENT, the composition of 3; 88; 271 CHAPLAINS, their stations when at quarters 1; 15; 73 CHARGES, distinguishing marks of, for all classes of guns 1; 19; 39 for Parrott-shells 1; 101; 385 for mortars, directions as to 1; 119; 461, 462 for 13-inch, mortar-bombs 1; 124; 500 for proving shot and shell guns 3; 22; 31 of powder, for spherical shells 3; 44; 105 for smooth-bore guns, service 3; 53; 160 for rifled guns, service 3; 54; 161 for boat and field howitzers, service 3; 54; 164 old cylinders may be used for saluting 3; 59; 185 CHIEF ENGINEERS. See ENGINEERS-CHIEF. CLEANING, small-arms, directions as to 3; 80-82; 262-269 CLERKS, their stations when at quarters 1; 16; 76 COAL-HEAVERS, when at quarters, part of the Engineer's division 1; 16; 75 COCKS, for magazines, the proper mode of their construction 3; 62; 199 COCKSWAINS, duties of, in preparing for boat expeditions 2; 11; 20 COMMANDING OFFICERS, to require all ordnance instructions to be duly enforced and obeyed by all under them, &c. 1; 3; 1 duties of, as to exercising crews when first received on board, and subsequently 1; 3; 2 exercising their crews at night 1; 3; 3 to ascertain by firing one round, whether all the gun equipments are complete, &c. 1; 4; 4 duties of, when defects or deficiencies exist in the armament or equipments 1; 4; 5 when to order surveys on ordnance stores 1; 4; 6 directions to, in expenditures for target practice 1; 4; 7, 10 to accustom the men to the use of loaded shells 1; 4; 8 to have duly preserved the relative proportions of the respective charges of powder on hand 1; 4; 9 when practising at the guns in port, directions 1; 5; 11 to exercise their crews in the use of small-arms 1; 5; 12 to exercise boats' crews in the use of howitzers, &c. 1; 5; 13 to forward quarterly reports of all firing 1; 5; 14 to make quarterly examinations of the armament 1; 5; 15 special attention required as to condition of fuzes 1; 5; 16 precautions to be taken when filling shells, &c. 1; 5; 17 never to have the guns unfit for instant use, unless 1; 6; 18 not to give away arms of any description 1; 6; 19 to keep the keys of the ordnance store-rooms in the cabin 1; 6; 20 entering friendly ports, gun charges to be drawn, &c. 1; 6; 21 not to allow friction matches on board 1; 6; 22 their stations when in action 1; 14; 65 to designate the hatchways to be used by boarders 1; 25; 102 alone to permit the use of fire-arms in the tops 1; 25; 103 their duties at general quarters 1; 26; 104-107 to understand thoroughly the use of fuzes 1; 90; 330 to report the efficiency of all fuzes fired, &c. 1; 90; 331 of small vessels, lying in rivers in time of war, duties of 1; 95, 96; 359-368 duties of, in case of fire 1; 97-100; 370-383 to understand the construction of Parrott projectiles 1; 102; 390 to forward reports on rifle projectiles 1; 102; 392 to refer to the Allowance Tables, before making requisitions for ordnance or ordnance stores 3; 5; 16 to certify as to arms lost or destroyed in action 3; 6; 19 to sign Ordnance Ledgers before leaving the Navy Yard 3; 7; 20 before sailing, to be furnished with a descriptive list of their batteries 3; 32; 58 before sailing, to be furnished with impressions of the vents of their guns 3; 33; 60 to report in detail the action of all fuzes 3; 47; 126 before sailing, to be furnished with a statement of the powder, small-arms, projectiles, &c., put on board 3; 51; 146 COMMANDS. See WORDS OF COMMAND. COMPRESSORMEN, for pivot-guns, their stations and numbers 1; 62; 243 COMPOSITIONS, Plantou's 3; 85; 271 Brainard's 3; 88; 271 for lining rifle shells 3; 89; 271 CONCUSSION-FUZES, none reliable yet for spherical shells 1; 90; 329 CONDEMNATIONS, of guns or small-arms, not allowed, except 3; 31; 51 CONE-PICKS, materials and description of 3; 79; 256 CONTRACTORS, to be enjoined to secrecy in regard to guns, &c. 3; 4; 9 COOKING-UTENSILS, for boats on armed expeditions 2; 7; 14 COOPERING, never to be done in magazines 1; 10; 44 CORRESPONDENCE, routine of, between ordnance officers and the Bureau 3; 7; 22-24 CREWS, the stationing and exercising of 1; 3 2 to be exercised in the use of small-arms 1; 5; 12 to be instructed in their duties by division officers 1; 8; 31 distribution of, for each class of guns 1; 16; 78-81 qualifications of, to be known, prior to assignment, &c. 1; 17; 83 of pivot and other guns, distribution and arms of 1; 21; 101 of broadside guns, stations and gun-numbers of 1; 35; 152 when assembled at quarters for inspection 1; 36; 156 exercising at broadside-guns 1; 39; 169 temporary absences at exercises, how supplied 1; 48; 217, 218 respective duties of, when exercising broadside-guns 1; 49; 219-229 of guns, directions as to shifting places of 1; 56; 233 of guns, directions as to changing sides, or manning one side only 1; 57; 235 instructions to be given to, for quick firing 1; 58; 238, 239 of pivot-guns, stations and gun-numbers of 1; 62; 243 of the guns of monitors, the duties of 1; 109-112; 421-435 of mortars, with their titles, &c 1; 113; 444 of boat-howitzers, with their stations and duties 2; 13; 21 CUTLASSES, how to be stamped 3; 79; 258 CYLINDERS, white alone to be used in future 1; 9; 39 materials, sizes and marks of 3; 57; 181 the making of, and patterns for 3; 58; 182-184 for saluting charges 3; 58; 185 preservation of, from moths 3; 59; 187 D. DAHLGREN RIFLED-CANNON, denominations, weights, charges, &c., of. 1; 101; 384 prerequisites to the proper use of, &c 1; 102; 392 cutting the screw-holes for 3; 27; 38 size of vents in 3; 34; 64 DESCRIPTIVE-LISTS, of guns, form of, &c. 3; 33; 58 DIES, for marking guns, description of, &c 3; 17; 28 DISTANCES OF OBJECTS AT SEA, how to be determined 1; 81, 82; 301-305 how to be determined when using mortars 1; 121; 480-483 DISTINGUISHING-FLAGS, to be supplied to each division of boats, when 2; 26; 81 yellow, to indicate the boat with medical officers 2; 26; 83 DIVISIONS, of Officers and guns on each deck 1; 14; 67, 68 Masters', station and duties of, when at quarters, &c. 1; 15; 69 Powder, station and duties of, when at quarters, &c. 1; 15; 70 Marines, station and duties of, when at quarters, &c. 1; 15; 71 Surgeons', station and duties of, when at quarters, &c. 1; 15; 72 Engineers', station and duties of, when at quarters, &c. 1; 15; 75 Masters', distribution of small-arms for 1; 25; 101 Masters', duties of, in battle 1; 27; 111 Engineers', duties of, in battle 1; 28; 119 Powder, duties of, in battle 1; 28-31; 120-137 Surgeons', duties of, in battle 1; 31; 138, 139 of guns, duties of Officers Commanding, in action 1; 31-33; 140-151 Shell and Powder, in Monitors, the duties of 1; 112; 436-443 DRESSES. See MAGAZINE DRESSES. DRIFT, in rifle-guns, always to the right, &c. 1; 105; 406, 407 DRILLS, company and battalion, recommended 1; 5; 12 for howitzers in the field, the proper kind of 2; 21; 46-49 DRUMS, the beats on, for assembling at Quarters 1; 36; 154 E. ELEVATING-SCREWS, description, use of, &c. 1; 83; 307 for rifle-guns, description and use of 1; 105; 408 ENGINEERS-CHIEF, duties of, in relation to tools and implements 1; 9; 35 to be in charge of their divisions when at quarters 1; 16; 75 duties of, when at general quarters 1; 28; 119 duties of, in cases of fire on board a ship 1; 99; 381 ENSIGNS, stations and duties of, when at quarters 1; 16; 76 EQUIPMENTS, one round to be fired to ascertain the completeness of 1; 4; 4 when deficiencies exist in, duty of Commanding Officers 1; 4; 5 to be kept dry, and salt water not to be used in cleaning 1; 11; 48 for broadside-guns 1; 33; 148 for pivot-guns 1; 61; 242 for mortars 1; 114; 445 of Captains of Guns 3; 77; 249 ESTIMATES, for ordnance materials, to be made by Ordnance Officers 3; 3; 2 EVOLUTIONS, of howitzers in the field, directions as to 2; 21; 47 EXAMINATIONS, of guns, directions as to making 3; 32-35; 57-67 EXECUTIVE OFFICERS, duties of, in receiving, stowing, and using ordnance stores 1; 6; 23 duties of, in connection with the batteries, magazines, small-arms, &c. 1; 7; 24 to arrange for the stowage of all spare articles, and to have the shot and shells ready for action 1; 7; 25 duties of, when salutes are to be fired 1; 7; 28 to have cots ready for lowering the wounded 1; 7; 28 to inspect the magazines, before receiving powder 1; 7; 27 the stations of, in battle 1; 14; 66 to lead the boarders 1; 18; 90 duties of, when at general quarters 1; 27; 108 to understand perfectly the use, &c., of fuzes 1; 90; 330 to understand perfectly the use of Parrott projectiles 1; 102; 390 to certify as to arms lost or destroyed in action 3; 6; 19 to sign the Ordnance Ledgers of vessels returning home 3; 6; 20 EXERCISES, short and spirited preferable; indulgences recommended for those who excel in 1; 3; 2 of crews, in the use of small-arms 1; 5; 12 of crews, at general quarters, without powder 1; 38; 167 of crews, at general quarters, with powder 1; 39; 168 of crews, at broadside-guns 1; 39; 169 of broadside-guns on one side only 1; 46-54; 203-229 general remarks on the manual 1; 55-57; 231-235 of broadside-guns, on both sides at once 1; 58; 236 of pivot-guns, with orders and mode of executing 1; 63-73; 244-254 of pivot-guns, notes upon 1; 74-88; 256-313 for alarms of fire on board ship 1; 99; 383 for boat-howitzers 2; 11; 20 for boat-howitzers, stations, &c., of the men 2; 13; 21 for boat-howitzers, orders and mode of executing 2; 14-18; 22-36 for howitzers on field-carriages, stations of the crews, orders and mode of manoeuvring 2; 19, 20; 37-43 F. FIELD-CARRIAGES, for howitzers, of what they consist 2; 10; 19 moderating the recoil of, on smooth ground 2; 22; 60 FILLING, shells, directions as to 3; 44; 108, 109 cartridges, directions as to 3; 51; 147 FIRES, to be put out, when preparing for action 1; 39; 168 alarm of, given when the men are not at quarters 1; 97; 371 taking place when at anchor in port 1; 98; 374 FIRING, of one round directed, to see that the gun equipments are complete, &c 1; 4; 4 charges for "distant," "ordinary," and "near," the relative proportions of, to be preserved, &c 1; 4; 9 for target practice, directions as to 1; 4; 10, 11 quarterly reports of, to be prepared and forwarded 1; 5; 14 salutes, directions as to 1; 7; 26 quick, or with 2 shot, to be determined by the Commanding Officers, &c 1; 26; 107 two loaded shells together, disapproved 1; 76; 269 grape-hot, the proper occasions for 1; 76; 271 canister, the proper occasions for 1; 76; 274 shrapnell, the proper occasions for 1; 76; 275 at boats, within point blank range 1; 80; 294 at sea, general directions as to 1; 84; 310-313 at will, directions as to 1; 85; 314 in succession, directions as to 1; 85; 315 quick, directions as to 1; 85; 316 direct, directions as to 1; 85; 317 ricochet, directions as to 1; 85; 318 concentration of, directions as to 1; 86-88; 319-323 solid shot from rifled guns 1; 103; 398 mortars against the wind, precautions required 1; 119; 465 boat-howitzers point blank, breech sights not required 2; 16; 27 amount of, for each vent, directions upon 3; 33; 61 FIREMEN, part of the Engineer Division when at quarters 1; 16; 75 at quarters, the selection and duties of 1; 19; 95 the call for, to repair to the spar-deck, and duties of 1; 37; 163-165 duties of, in preparing for the use of broadside-guns 1; 40; 176 FIRE-BILLS, to be prepared as soon as crews are on board 1; 3, 97; 2, 370 FIRE-BUCKETS, materials of, &c 3; 76; 244 FIRE-TUBS, materials of, &c 3; 76; 243 FIREWORKS, how and where to be stowed 1; 10; 42 a list of, to be furnished Commanding Officers 3; 51; 146 boxes for, their exterior dimensions, &c 3; 55; 167 FLAGS, distinguishing, each division of boats to have 2; 26; 81 yellow, to indicate the boats with Medical Officers 2; 26; 83 red, to indicate the handling of powder 3; 52; 157 FLASH-PANS, description and use of 3; 70; 219 FRICTION-MATCHES. See MATCHES, FRICTION. special attention to be paid to the condition of, &c 1; 5; 16 not to be shifted nor shortened, except 1; 5; 17 the times of, to be governed by Commanding Officers 1; 26; 106 construction and composition of 1; 89; 324 FUZES, construction of, not to be explained to foreigners, &c. 1; 89; 325 times of burning, and use of 1; 89; 326 shortening, manner of doing it 1; 89; 327 Bormann, description and use of 1; 90; 328 percussion, nor concussion, none yet for spherical shells 1; 90; 329 times and lengths of, see Appendix B 1; 90; 332 percussion, how to obtain the best effects from 1; 90; 333 time, not reliable in rifle-guns 1; 91; 334 percussion, and time, when to be used on rifle-guns 1; 104; 399-402 for mortars, description and use of 1; 122; 486-491 examination of, directions as to 3; 45; 113, 114 proportions of, for the different times of 3; 46; 121 of 5" times, to be ready for spherical shells, if required for immediate use, &c. 3; 46; 122 the different kinds of, to be separately and distinctly packed and marked 3; 47; 125 FUZE-WRENCHES, description and use of 3; 77; 246 G. GAUGES, for shot and shell of rifled cannon 1; 101; 386 cylinder, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 8, 18; 28, 29 chamber, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 9, 18; 28, 29 star, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 9, 18; 28, 29 trunnion, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 14, 19; 28, 29 vent, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 15, 18; 28, 29 for inspection of shot and shell, with their uses 3; 36; 70-74 for shot and shell 3; 39; 88-90 GENERAL-QUARTERS, Mondays to be set apart for, unless 1; 3; 2 calls for assembling at 1; 36, 37; 154-166 preparations for exercises at, without powder 1; 38; 167 preparations for exercises at, with powder 1; 39; 168 GRAPE-SHOT, the proper occasions for the use of 1; 76; 271-273 dimensions, weight, &c., of 3; 40; 92 GRAPNELS, for boats, description and use of 3; 70; 221 GRAVIMETRIC DENSITY, of powder, what it is and ought to be 3; 48; 132 GRAVITY, SPECIFIC, of powder 3; 48; 133 GRIOLET-PURCHASE, the use of 1; 129; 507, 508 a detailed description of 3; 68; 213 GROMMETS, over elongated projectiles, prohibited 1; 103; 396 GROMMET-MUZZLE-LASHINGS, the description and use of 3; 76; 245 GUNS, not to be dismounted, nor struck below, unless, &c. 1; 6; 18 charges of, to be drawn, on entering friendly ports 1; 6; 21 to be examined by Division Officers 1; 8; 32 when about to be struck below, or prepared for transportation, directions as to 1; 10; 46 to be kept dry; salt water not to be used in cleaning 1; 11; 48 when ordered to be drawn, precautions to be taken 1; 11; 52 numbering and arrangement of, on each deck 1; 14; 67 distribution of crews, for each class of 1; 16; 78-80 crews of, their qualifications to be ascertained, prior to assignment to 1; 17; 83 the selection and examination of Captains of 1; 18; 84 distribution of crews and arms for the 1; 21; 101 elevation of, to be directed by Commanding Officers 1; 26; 106 not to be kept loaded longer than necessary 1; 46; 203 housing lower deck, how to be done 1; 54; 230 broadside, exercises of, objects to be attained 1; 55; 231, 232 broadside, crews of, directions as to shifting places 1; 56; 233 broadside, the firing of, when partially run in 1; 57; 234 fighting both sides at once, directions as to 1; 58; 236 when all are to be manned 1; 58; 237 quick firing of, directions as to 1; 58; 238 pivot, words of command, and mode of execution 1; 63-72; 244-254 pivot, moving them from one end of the vessel to the other 1; 72; 255 not to be loaded with two shells, nor two shots, except 1; 75; 268 loading with shells, great attention required 1; 76; 270 elevating or depressing them, directions as to 1; 78; 287 elevating screws for, directions for their use, &c. 1; 83; 307, 308 training of, general directions upon 1; 88; 321, 322 to be kept ready for use, in time of war 1; 94; 346-358 loading with maximum charges, &c., in time of war 1; 96; 369 rifled, must be kept free from sand, dirt, &c. 1; 103; 395 rifled, description of the sights of 1; 104; 404 getting them in on covered decks, how to be done 1; 128; 504 taking them in over all, how to be done 1; 129; 505 getting them out through ports, how to be done 1; 129; 506 mounting or dismounting them on covered decks, with the Griolet-purchase 1; 129; 507, 508 throwing them overboard, mode of execution 1; 131; 509 secrecy in the manufacture of, strictly required 3; 4; 8-11 inspection and proof of, directions as to 3; 8-21; 26-30 proof charges for shot and shell 3; 22; 31 water-proof of 3; 23; 32 marking them, directions as to 3; 23; 33 trial, extreme proof of, directions as to 3; 24-26; 34-36 Dahlgren, cutting the screw-holes of the 3; 27; 38 sights of, the manner of adjusting 3; 27-29; 39, 40 preservation of, their stowage, &c. 3; 30-32; 41-58 shot and shell, how to be denominated 3; 30; 47 condemnations of, not allowed, except 3; 31; 51 when about to be put on board ship 3; 31; 52-55 when shipped for transportation only 3; 31; 56 of all vessels returning from cruises to be carefully examined, &c. 3; 32; 57 descriptive lists of, forms for, &c. 3; 33; 58 to be frequently examined for cracks or defects 3; 34; 61 Dahlgren, the sizes of vents in 3; 34; 64 all accidents to, to be reported in detail 3; 35; 67 smooth-bore, service charges for 3; 53; 160 rifled, service charges for 3; 54; 161 cylinders for, directions as to making, &c. 3; 57, 58; 181-185 breechings for, their materials and sizes 3; 66; 208 GUNS-BROADSIDE. See BROADSIDE-GUNS. GUN-CARRIAGES, implements, and names of the parts of common truck 1; 45; 202 names of the parts of, peculiar to the Marsilly 1; 45; 202 directions as to shifting trucks 1; 60; 241 the construction of, directions concerning 3; 65; 207 GUN-GEAR, with directions as to breechings, falls, blocks, &c. 3; 66, 67; 208-212 GUNNERS, general and special duties of 1; 9-12; 36-56 to attend personally to receive ordnance stores 1; 9; 36 to stow and arrange the powder tanks 1; 9; 37 duties of, when guns are to be struck below, &c. 1; 10; 46 to report twice a day on articles in their charge 1; 10; 47 to keep the guns and equipments as dry as possible 1; 11; 48 discovering articles injured, to ask in writing for a survey 1; 11; 49 duties of, when magazines or shell-rooms are opened 1; 11; 50 duties of, when opening powder-tanks 1; 11; 51 duties of, when guns are ordered to be drawn 1; 11; 52 duties of, when salutes are being fired 1; 11; 53 sick or absent, their duties to be performed by a Gunner's Mate 1; 11; 54 to keep minute books of all expenditures, &c., and render quarterly returns thereof 1; 11; 55 duties of, when vessels return from cruises 1; 12; 56 stations of, at quarters 1; 15; 70 duties of, at general quarters 1; 29; 123 to understand perfectly all about fuzes 1; 90; 330 to receive all ordnance stores except the ammunition 3; 5; 17 responsible for all deficiencies in ordnance stores, &c. 3; 6; 19, 20 duties of, when supplying ships with shells 3; 45; 110 duties of, when powder is sent on board ships 3; 51; 156 GUNNERS' MATES, when to perform the duties of the Gunners 1; 11; 54 the stations of, at quarters 1; 15, 17; 70, 82 GUNNERS-QUARTER. See QUARTER-GUNNERS. GUNS-PIVOT. See PIVOT-GUNS. GUNPOWDER. See POWDER. GUNS-RIFLED. See RIFLED-CANNON. GUN-SLINGS, description and use of 3; 71; 224 H. HANDSPIKES, ordinary, materials, sizes, &c., of 3; 74; 237 roller, materials, sizes, &c., of 3; 75; 238 HANDSPIKE-MEN, the selection and requirements of 1; 18; 84 for broadside-guns, stations and numbers of 1; 35; 152 duties of, in preparing for exercise of broadside-guns 1; 40; 174 duties of, when exercising broadside-guns, on one side only 1; 48; 214 duties of, when housing lower deck guns 1; 54; 230 HARNESS-CASKS, for boats, use and size of 3; 77; 248 HATCHWAYS, arrangements of, for the wounded 1; 44; 201 HOWITZERS, boats' crews to be exercised in the use of, &c. 1; 5; 13 Borrman fuzes are fitted for the 12 and 24 pdrs. 1; 90; 328 the use of, in repelling boarders 1; 90; 342 the number, &c., of, for boats, assigned by Bureau 2; 3; 1 fixtures, &c., for, in boat expeditions 2; 4-9; 6-18 exercise and manoeuvre of boat 2; 10-24; 19-68 getting them ready for boat expeditions 2; 11; 20 stations and duties of men for boat 2; 11; 21 closing the vents of 2; 15; 27 pivoting them, manner of doing 2; 16; 28, 29 shifting them, how to be done 2; 16; 30 disembarkation of, commands and execution 2; 17, 18; 31-35 embarkation of, commands and execution 2; 18; 36 on field-carriages, the exercises of, commands, &c. 2; 19-21; 37-43 remarks on the use of, ashore and in boats 2; 21-24; 44-68 rifled 12-pdrs., the advantages of 2; 23; 67 landing them for exercise or service 2; 25-27; 69-88 service charges for 3; 54; 164 boat, dimensions of boxes for the ammunition of 3; 55; 165 HYDRAULIC PUMP, for proving guns, a description of 3; 17; 28 I. IMPLEMENTS, for broadside-guns 1; 33; 148 for common truck and Marsilly carriages 1; 45; 202 for pivot-guns, with their places 1; 61; 242 for mortars 1; 114; 445 for boats, when landed for service 2; 29; 91 for extreme proof of trial guns 3; 24; 35 IMPRESSION-TAKERS, what guns to be provided with, and their use 3; 75; 239 INSPECTION, of naval guns, directions as to 3; 8-21; 26-30 of shot and shell, directions as to 3; 36-38; 68-87 of cylinders, directions as to 3; 59; 186 INSPECTING-INSTRUMENTS, for examining and proving guns, names and description of 3; 8-17; 28 for examining and proving guns, the use of 3; 18-21; 28, 29 for measuring the interior position of vents 3; 12-18; 28, 29 for examining shot and shell, with the use of, &c. 3; 36, 37; 70-78 INVOICES, of all ordnance stores, to be duly given and taken 3; 7; 20 K. KEYS, of ordnance store-rooms, &c., where to be kept 1; 6; 20 LACQUERS, for iron ordnance, composition of 3; 84; 271 for small-arms, or water-proof paper 3; 86; 271 for bright iron work 3; 86; 271 L. LADLES, to be made according to patterns, and not used for drawing rifle-projectiles 3; 74; 235 LAMPS, for magazines, the proper arrangement, &c., of 3; 63; 200 LANDING, crews for exercise or service, directions as to 2; 25-27; 69-88 LANDSMEN, distribution of, when at quarters 1; 17; 81 LANTERNS, dark, description of 3; 70; 220 LEVERMEN, stations and numbers of, for pivot-guns 1; 62; 243 LIGHTS, precautions as to use of, in time of war 1; 94; 345 LOADERS, the selection and requirements of 1; 18; 84 for broadside-guns, stations and numbers of 1; 35; 152 duties of, when preparing for exercise at the broadside-guns 1; 40; 172 duties of, at the manual exercise of the broadside-guns, on one side only 1; 47-53; 208-229 duties of, when housing lower-deck guns 1; 54; 230 duties of, when firing quick 1; 59; 238, 239 duties of, when shifting breechings in action 1; 59; 240 for pivot-guns, stations, &c., of 1; 62; 243 to keep within the ports, as much as possible 1; 74; 260 LOG-BOOK, the time required for complete preparation for action, &c., to be duly noted in the 1; 3; 3 M. MAGAZINES, to be carefully cleaned, &c., before receiving powder, 1; 7; 28 coopering never to be done in the 1; 10; 44 when opened, precautions to be taken against fire 1; 11; 50 passing powder from, directions as to 1; 41-43; 181-189 for mortars, directions concerning 1; 119, 120; 457-470 on shore, the inspection and stowage of powder in 3; 49; 136-139 on shore, directions as to keeping them dry, &c 3; 50; 141, 142 the proper construction of on board ship 3; 60-62; 188-198 the proper arrangement of the cocks for 3; 62; 199 the proper mode of lighting 3; 63; 200 the proper mode of stowing 3; 63; 201 how to ascertain the dryness of 3; 64; 205 the proper ventilation of 3; 64; 206 MAGAZINE-DRESSES, the materials of 3; 69; 216 MAGAZINE-SCREWS, the use and description of 3; 69; 215 MANOEUVRES, for boat-howitzers 2; 10-24; 19-68 MANUAL EXERCISES, of broadside-guns, on one side only 1; 46-54; 203-229 general remarks on 1; 55-57; 231-235 of broadside-guns, on both sides at once 1; 58-60; 236-240 of pivot-guns with commands, &c. 1; 61-73; 242-255 notes and suggestions upon the 1; 74-88; 256-323 of monitors, with words of command, &c. 1; 109-112; 420-435 of mortars, with words of command, &c. 1; 115-118; 446-456 MARINES, their stations when at quarters 1; 15; 71 their stations for repelling boarders 1; 93; 339 landing them for exercise or service 2; 25-28; 69-88 MARKING, guns, directions as to 3; 23; 33 small-arms, directions as to 3; 79; 258 MARSILLY-GUN-CARRIAGES, names of parts peculiar to 1; 45; 202 shifting trucks of, directions as to 1; 60; 241 MASTERS, to have all articles in their divisions ready for use, &c. 1; 9; 34 divisions, where stationed in action 1; 15; 69 divisions, distribution of small-arms for 1; 25; 101 duties of, at general quarters 1; 27; 111-118 duties of, in cases of fire on board ship 1; 99; 380 MASTERS-AT-ARMS, duties of, at general quarters 1; 31; 137 MATES, stations and duties of, when at quarters 1; 16; 76 MATCHES--FRICTION, not allowed on board ship 1; 6; 22 MEASURING-STAFF, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 8, 18; 28, 29 MEDICAL-OFFICERS, stations of, when at quarters 1; 15; 72 MIDSHIPMEN, stations in action, when Aids to Commanding Officers 1; 14; 66 stations in action, when not Aids to Commanding Officers 1; 16; 76 MIRRORS, for proving guns, description and use of 3; 8, 18; 28, 29 MONDAYS, to be set apart for general quarters, unless 1; 3; 2 MONITORS, description of the turrets, &c., of 1; 108; 415-418 manual exercise of 1; 109-112; 420-435 shell and powder divisions of, their duties 1; 112; 436-443 MORTARS, titles of the crews of 1; 113; 444 implements and equipments of 1; 114; 445 exercise of, with words of command, and execution 1; 115-118; 446-456 magazines and shell-rooms for, description, &c., of 1; 119, 120; 457-470 when fired against the wind, precautions required 1; 119; 465 rules and observations upon the use of 1; 120, 121; 471-479 loading, directions as to 1; 122; 484, 485 fuzes for, description and use of 1; 122; 486-491 filling bombs for 1; 122; 492, 493 pointing, directions as to 1; 123; 494-499 charges for 13-inch 1; 124; 500 ranges for 13-inch 1; 124, 125; 501, 502 allowances of implements, &c., for 1; 126; 503 trunnion-sights for, description and use of 3; 71; 225 MOTHS, preservation of cartridge-bags from 3; 59; 187 MUSKETS, crews to be exercised in the use of 1; 5; 12 number allowed for each pivot and other gun 1; 21; 101 missing fire, precautions to be used against 2; 25; 76 quantity of powder for the cartridges of 3; 55; 166 how to be stamped 3; 79; 258 how to be cleaned 3; 80-82; 262-269 MUSKETEERS, of whom composed, and their duties 1; 20; 98 N. NOMENCLATURE, of common truck and Marsilly carriages 1; 45; 202 of the parts of the turrets of monitors 1; 108; 415 of boat-howitzers 2; 10; 19 NITRE, of condemned powder, can be made use of 3; 51; 151 O. OFFICERS, the stations, &c., of, at quarters--the Captain 1; 14; 65 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--the Executive Officer 1; 14; 66 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Midshipmen as Aids 1; 14; 66 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Signal Officer 1; 14; 66 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Division Officers 1; 14; 67, 68 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Master 1; 15; 69 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Boatswain 1; 15; 69 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Powder-division 1; 15; 70 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Marine-division 1; 15; 71 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Surgeon's-division 1; 15; 72 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Chaplain 1; 15; 73 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Paymaster 1; 16; 74 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Engineer's-division. 1; 16; 75 the stations, &c., of, at quarters--Miscellaneous 1; 16; 76 assignment of, to the divisions of boarders 1; 18; 90 in charge of powder-divisions, the duties of 1; 28-31; 120-137 in charge of gun-divisions, the duties of 1; 31-33; 140-151 of the watch, their duties in time of war, &c. 1; 94; 347-352 of boats armed for service, the duties 2; 3; 2 duties of, in preparing the boat-howitzers 2; 11; 20 OFFICERS-IN-CHARGE-OF-DIVISIONS, to be thoroughly conversant with the exercise, management, &c., of the guns 1; 8; 29 to inspect thoroughly, when called to quarters 1; 8; 30 to instruct their men fully in their duties 1; 8; 31 to examine weekly, &c., their guns and attachments 1; 8; 32 the stations of, at quarters 1; 14; 67, 68 to teach the men how to point the guns 1; 78; 283 duties of, in case of fire on board ship 1; 98; 376, 377 OFFICERS-OF-POWDER-DIVISIONS, to instruct their men fully in all their duties, &c. 1; 8; 33 duties of, in case of fire on board ship 1; 98; 378, 379 OFFICERS, PETTY. See PETTY-OFFICERS. OILS, linseed, weight of a gallon of 3; 83; 271 sperm, weight of a gallon of 3; 83; 271 neat's-foot, weight of a gallon of 3; 83; 271 OLIVE-PASTE, the composition of 3; 87; 271 ORDINARY SEAMEN, distribution of, when at quarters 1; 17; 81 ORDNANCE-INSTRUCTIONS, obedience to, required from all on board ship 1; 3; 1 ORDNANCE-LEDGERS, to be signed by the Executive Officer, or Gunner, and the Commanding Officer 3; 6; 20 ORDNANCE-OFFICERS, to explain the use, &c., of fuzes 1; 90; 330 duties of; to have charge of all ordnance and ordnance stores, at Navy Yards, &c. 3; 3-7; 1-25 enjoined to secrecy, in relation to the mode of manufacturing guns, &c. 3; 4; 8-11 to give no official opinions to inventors, or others 3; 4; 10 to furnish ordnance and ordnance stores, in accordance with the allowance tables, except 3; 5; 16 pecuniarily responsible for the loss of ordnance stores, &c. 3; 6; 17 routine, &c., of their correspondence with the Bureau 3; 7; 22-24 to make fortnightly examinations of all guns, &c., under their charge 3; 31; 49 duties of, when guns are to be placed on board ship 3; 31; 52-55 duties of, when guns are to be shipped for transportation 3; 31; 56 to examine carefully all the guns of vessels returning from cruises 3; 32; 57 to furnish Commanding Officers of vessels with descriptive lists of their batteries 3; 32; 58 to furnish Commanding Officers of vessels with impressions of the vents of their guns 3; 33; 60 duties of, when supplying ships with shells 3; 45; 110 to examine the shell-houses, and the condition of the shells, every fortnight 3; 46; 119 to inspect the powder-houses every week, &c. 3; 49; 136 duties of, when powder is to be sent on board ship 3; 51; 146 reports to be made by, when supplying or receiving powder 3; 51; 152 instructions to, as to marking small-arms 3; 79; 258 ORDNANCE-STORES, surveys on, when to be ordered 1; 4; 6 the receiving, stowing, and expenditure of, to be attended to by Executive Officers 1; 6; 23 at Navy Yards, to be in charge of Ordnance Officers 3; 3; 2, 3 the delivery of, to the Gunner, and his responsibility 3; 5; 17 when landed from ships, directions as to 3; 6; 18 P. PACKING-BOXES, to be preserved, duly accounted for, &c. 3; 71; 223 PAINTS, white, the composition of 3; 83; 271 lead-color, the composition of 3; 84; 271 black, the composition of 3; 84; 271 for tarpaulins, the composition of 3; 84; 271 Brainard's, the composition of 3; 84; 271 PAPER-PARCHMENT, how to make it, and its use 3; 88; 271 PARROTT-RIFLED-CANNON, denominations, weights, charges, &c., of 1; 101; 384 the full charge for; the 150-pdrs. withdrawn from service 1; 102; 387 PARROTT-SHELLS, time-fuzes for, the most certain of ignition, &c. 1; 91; 334 charges for 1; 101; 385 size of boxes containing 1; 107; 411 PASSING-BOXES, in time of war, to have charges ready for passing up at once 1; 9; 38 putting cartridges from the magazine into, &c. 1; 44; 195 color and size of lettering on 1; 44; 196, 197 empty, the handling of, when returned by the shoots 1; 44; 198 empty, fire-tubs with water, to be placed for 1; 44; 199 materials, sizes, &c., of 3; 76; 240 how to be painted 3; 76; 241, 242 PASSING-SCUTTLES. See POWDER-SCUTTLES. PAYMASTERS, the stations of, when at quarters 1; 16; 74 PERCUSSION-CAPS, the proper stowage of 1; 10; 41 for small arms, will be furnished from Washington 3; 55; 168 PERCUSSION-FUZES, none reliable as yet for spherical shells 1; 90; 329 how to obtain the best effects from 1; 90; 333 when to be used in rifled guns 1; 104; 399 PETTY-OFFICERS, distribution of, when at quarters 1; 16; 77-81 PICKET-BOATS, to be kept out in direction of the enemy 1; 96; 364 PIKEMEN, of whom to be composed, with the duties of 1; 19; 91, 92 to be covered by Marines with fixed bayonets 1; 19; 94 the calls for and duties of 1; 37; 160, 165 the stations of, when repelling boarders 1; 93; 339-341 to be exercised with the single-stick and sword 1; 93; 344 PIKES-BOARDING, to be near each gun on covered decks 1; 19; 93 number allowed for each pivot, and other gun 1; 21; 101 PILING, of balls, to ascertain the number of, &c. 3; 41, 42; 95-97 PISTOL-FROGS, materials and description of 3; 78; 252 PISTOLS, crews to be exercised in the use of 1; 5; 12 number allowed for each pivot, and other gun 1; 21; 101 to be kept ready for the use of the boarders 1; 40; 179 quantity of powder in the cartridges for 3; 55; 166 how to be stamped 3; 79; 258 PIVOT-GUNS, when practicable, each to be in charge of an Officer of the division, &c. 1; 14; 68 to have full gun's-crews 1; 17; 80 distribution and arms for crews of 1; 21; 101 equipments and implements belonging to 1; 61; 242 stations, and gun-numbers of crews of 1; 62; 243 exercises of, with commands, and the mode of their execution 1; 63-72; 244-254 moving them from one end of the vessel to the other 1; 72; 255 the trunnion-sights of, with their use 1; 81; 299 the trunnion-sights of, a description of 3; 71; 225 to be supplied with tangent-sights 3; 71; 226 PLANTOU'S COMPOSITIONS, for preserving iron or wood 3; 85; 271 POINT-BLANK-RANGE, what it signifies, &c. 1; 80; 291 PORTER'S-SCABBARD, a description of 3; 78; 250 PORT-FIRES, not to be used when firing salutes 1; 7; 26 POWDER, "saluting," to be used when firing salutes 1; 7; 26 charges of, how to be distinguished 1; 9; 39 loose, never to be carried on board ship 1; 10; 40 the delivery and distribution of, at quarters 1; 41-43; 180-189 proper kind of, for rifled cannon 1; 102; 389 proof, for shot and shell guns 3; 22; 31 charges of, for spherical shells 3; 44; 105 classifications of 3; 48; 130, 131 size of the grains of, and initial velocities, &c. 3; 48; 130, 131 gravimetric density of 3; 48; 132 specific gravity of 3; 48; 133 for small-arms, size of 3; 49; 134 differences in the Army and Navy granulations of 3; 49; 135 stowage, &c., of, in powder-houses, &c., directions as to 3; 49, 50; 136-145 a statement of, to be furnished to Commanding Officers of vessels, before sailing, &c. 3; 51; 146 filling cartridges with, directions as to 3; 51; 147 when returned from ships, directions as to 3; 51; 149, 150 condemned, never to be thrown overboard, &c. 3; 51; 151 samples of, to be forwarded by Ordnance Officers, &c. 3; 52; 152 for saluting, may be purchased abroad, when 3; 52; 153 may be transferred to vessels remaining on a foreign station, by those returning, &c. 3; 52; 154 when to be used, though not regularly inspected, &c. 3; 52; 155 putting it on board ship, directions as to 3; 52; 156 when received or landed, the red flag to be hoisted 3; 52; 157 moving it from or to vessels, precautions required 3; 52; 158, 159 quantity of, for cartridges for small-arms 3; 55; 166 POWDER-BARRELS, directions as to stowage of 3; 49; 137-139 should be turned once in three months, &c. 3; 50; 145 POWDER-DIVISIONS, stations of, when in action 1; 15; 70 duties of, at general quarters 1; 28-31; 120-137 on board monitors, their duties 1; 112; 436, 443 POWDER-HOUSES, to be inspected once a week, &c. 3; 49; 136-139 directions as to keeping them dry, &c. 3; 50; 141, 142 POWDER-MEN, duties of, in preparing for the use of broadside-guns 1; 40; 175 duties of, at the manual exercise of broadside-guns, on one side only 1; 48; 215 stations, &c., of, for pivot-guns 1; 62; 243 POWDER-SCUTTLES, careful men to be selected for attending 1; 18; 85 directions as to use of, in passing cartridges 1; 41; 181-189 position of, on each deck 1; 43; 190-192 to be provided with water-tight tompions 1; 43; 191 flap-holes in magazine screens to be provided for 1; 43; 193 when guns of the same calibre on different decks may be supplied from the same 1; 43; 194 POWDER-TANKS, stowage and arrangement of, by Gunners 1; 9; 37 distinguishing colors and marks of 1; 9; 39 when opened, precautions required 1; 11; 51 tables of capacities, sizes, &c., of 3; 54; 162, 163 PRECAUTIONS, in time of war, general instructions as to 1; 94-96; 345-369 to be observed, in the use of rifled-guns 1; 105-107; 410 to be observed, in the use of small-arms 3; 82; 270 PRIMERS, the proper stowage of 1; 10; 41 for cannon, directions as to management of 1; 77; 276-280 for cannon, description, use, and preservation of, with their boxes, &c. 3; 56; 172-180 PRIMER-BOXES, materials, and description of 3; 78; 251 PROFILE-BOARDS, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 13, 19; 28, 29 PROJECTILES, for Parrott-guns, a peculiar kind, &c. 1; 102; 390 for rifled-cannon, are shells, shrapnel, and solid shot 1; 102; 391 rifled, the bases of, to be thickly greased, &c. 1; 102; 392 rifled, uniformity in size of, requisite, &c. 1; 103; 396 care required in placing them in the guns 1; 103; 397 Parrott's, size of boxes containing 1; 107; 411 Hotchkiss's, size of boxes containing 1; 107; 412 Schenkl's, size of boxes containing 1; 107; 413 Dahlgren's, size of boxes containing 1; 107; 414 PROOF, of naval-guns directions as to 3; 8-21; 26-30 of shot and shell-guns, charges for 3; 22; 31 extreme, of trial-guns 3; 24-26; 34-36 PROVISIONS, for boats, on armed expeditions 2; 7; 13 PUMPMEN, the selection of, &c. 1; 20; 99 when to be in two divisions 1; 20; 100 to be at their stations, when preparing for action, &c. 1; 39; 168 PUTTY, the composition of 3; 83; 271 Q. QUARTER-GUNNERS, the stations of, at quarters 1; 17; 82 implements for, when exercising without powder 1; 39; 167 duties of, in preparing for using broadside-guns 1; 40; 178 duties of, in case of fire on board ship 1; 98; 377 duties of, in preparing howitzers for boats 2; 11; 20 duties of, in disembarking howitzers 2; 17; 31 QUOINS FOR GUNS, the arrangement of 1; 83; 307 R. RAMMERS, materials, sizes, &c., of 3; 72; 227 RANGES, for shot-guns, how and when marked 1; 79; 290 point-blank, firing at 1; 80; 294 for shell-guns, how marked 1; 80; 294 for 13-inch mortars 1; 124, 125; 501, 502 exceeding 1400 yards, kind of fuzes for, &c 3; 47; 124 RATTLES, use and description of 3; 69; 217 RECEIPTS, for all ordnance materials, to be duly given and taken 3; 7; 20 REPORTS, quarterly, of all firing, to be forwarded 1; 5; 14 quarterly, of the condition of the armament, &c., to be prepared and forwarded 1; 5; 15 twice a day, to be made by Gunners, nature of 1; 10; 47 to be made of the expenditures of ordnance materials 3; 4; 6 in detail, to be prepared and forwarded, of all accidents to guns 3; 35; 67 to be forwarded of the action, &c., of all fuzes 3; 47; 126 to be forwarded by Ordnance Officers, when issuing or receiving powder 3; 51; 152 REQUISITIONS, for ordnance materials, to be made by Ordnance Officers 3; 3; 2 RESPONSIBILITY, of Officers, for loss of ordnance stores 3; 6; 19, 20 RETURNS, quarterly, of receipts and issues of ordnance, to be forwarded by Commanding Officers 1; 5; 14 quarterly, to be rendered by Gunners 1; 11; 55 REVOLVERS, number of, allowed for each pivot and other gun 1; 21-24; 101 quantity of powder in the cartridges for 3; 55; 166 how to be stamped 3; 79; 258 REWARDS, recommended to those excelling in ordnance exercises 1; 3; 2 RIFLED-CANNON, the breech-sights in the side of, with their use, &c. 1; 81; 300 time-fuzes very unreliable for 1; 91; 334 denominations, &c., of the Parrott and Dahlgren 1; 101; 384 the bores and grooves of, to be carefully cleaned, &c. 1; 102; 392 the shells in, must be close home on the powder 1; 103; 393, 394 must be kept free from sand, dust, &c 1; 103; 395 projectiles for, to be uniform in size 1; 103; 396 vents of, how to replace old ones 1; 104; 403 sights of, description and use of 1; 104; 404 all are rifled to the right 1; 105; 405 precautions required in the use of 1; 105-107; 410 kind of fuzes to be used for the shells of 3; 47; 123, 124 table of charges for 3; 54; 161 rammer-heads for, made of composition 3; 72; 227 RICOCHET, firing, directions as to 1; 85; 318 RIGGING-STOPPERS, description and use of 3; 77; 247 ROBINSON'S-WORMS, description and use of 3; 73; 234 S. SABOTS, for shells, dimensions, &c., of 3; 39; 91 SAILMAKERS, the stations of, when at quarters 1; 16; 76 SAIL-TRIMMERS, when to be in two divisions, and the stations of 1; 19; 96 when to be in three divisions, and the stations of 1; 19; 97 the call for and duties of 1; 37; 162, 165 SALT-WATER, not to be used in cleaning guns nor equipments 1; 11; 48 SALUTES, directions as to firing 1; 7; 26 precautions required when firing 1; 11; 53 powder for, may be purchased abroad, when 3; 52; 153 old bags may be used for cylinders for 3; 59; 185 SCABBARDS, for swords, Porter's, description of 3; 78; 250 for bayonets, materials, size, &c., of 3; 79; 257 varnish for, its composition 3; 86; 271 SCALING-LADDERS, to be furnished each division of boats landed for service 2; 29; 91 SCRAPERS, for bottoms of bores, description and use of 3; 74; 236 SCREENS. See MAGAZINE-SCREENS. SEAMEN, distribution of, when at quarters 1; 16; 77 the landing of, for battle, a remote contingency, &c. 2; 22; 56 the landing of, for exercise or service, directions as to 2; 25-27; 69-88 SEAMEN ORDINARY. See ORDINARY-SEAMEN. SHELLS, loaded, to be frequently used in target practice, &c. 1; 4; 8 precautions required in filling 1; 5; 17 stowage of, in the shell-rooms 1; 10; 45 how to be passed up for use 1; 44; 200 should be drawn if loaded more than 24 hours 1; 46; 204 loading with, directions as to 1; 75; 261-263 in battle, proper occasions for using 1; 75; 265 getting jammed in the bore, should be withdrawn 1; 75; 267 loading with, precautions to be observed 1; 76; 270 all spherical, fitted with time-fuzes, except 1; 89; 324 Parrott, the navy time-fuze the most certain for 1; 91; 334 Parrott, charges for 1; 101; 385 for rifled-cannon, gauges for 1; 101; 386 for rifled-guns, to be close home on the powder 1; 103; 393, 394 preferable for light artillery in the field 2; 22; 52 when useful in boat-howitzers 2; 23; 64 inspection of, with instruments to be used 3; 37, 38; 77-87 gauges, and dimensions of sabots and straps for 3; 39; 89-91 preservation of, directions as to piling, painting, &c. 3; 43; 98-103 preparation of, for service, directions as to 3; 44-47; 104-128 filling, directions as to 3; 44; 108 emptying, directions as to 3; 46; 116 boxes for, dimensions and areas occupied by 3; 47; 127, 128 loaded, directions as to putting them on board ship 3; 52; 157 SHELL-BAGS, to be preserved and returned into store 1; 10; 43 SHELL-DIVISIONS, on board monitors, the duties of 1; 112; 436-443 SHELL-GUNS, proof-charges for 3; 22; 31 denominated by the diameters of their bores 3; 30; 47 cylinders for, directions as to making &c. 3; 57, 58; 181-185 SHELL-MEN, stations and numbers of, for broadside-guns 1; 35; 152 duties of, in preparing for exercise of broadside-guns 1; 40; 173 duties of, at the exercise of broadside-guns 1; 48; 212 duties of, when housing lower-deck guns 1; 54; 230 stations, &c., of, for pivot-guns 1; 62; 243 SHELL-ROOMS, to be thoroughly cleaned, dried, and aired 1; 7; 28 when opened, precautions to be taken against fire 1; 11; 50 for mortars, directions concerning 1; 119, 120; 457-470 the position and construction of, on board ships 3; 64; 202-204 to ascertain the dryness of 3; 64; 205 SHELL-WHIPS, description and use of 3; 70; 218 SHIFTING GUNS, to have full gun's crews 1; 17; 80 SHIPS' CORPORALS, the duties of, at general quarters 1; 31; 137 SHOT, how to be passed up for use 1; 44; 200 solid when to be used in action 1; 75; 266 if jammed in the bore, should be withdrawn 1; 75; 267 solid, not to be fired from shell-guns, except 1; 75; 268 grape, the use of 1; 76; 271-273 canister, the use of 1; 76; 274 shrapnel-shell, or spherical case, the use of 1; 76; 275 for rifled-cannon, the gauges for 1; 101; 386 the 32-pdr. and 18-pdr., may be fired from the 100-pdr. and 60-pdr. guns, especially on ricochet, &c. 1; 103; 398 manner of inspecting, with the instruments used 3; 36, 37; 68-76 to determine the average weight of, &c. 3; 37; 76 gauges for, with their dimensions, &c. 3; 39; 88 preservation of, with directions as to piling, painting, &c. 3; 43; 98-103 SHOT-GUNS, proof-charges for 3; 22; 31 denominated by the weight of their shot 3; 30; 47 cylinders for, directions as to making, &c. 3; 57, 58; 181-185 SHRAPNEL-SHELL, in action, the proper use of 1; 76; 275 time-fuzes, only to be used with 1; 104; 402 useful with light artillery in the field 2; 22; 52 when useful with boat-howitzers 2; 23; 61-63 gauges and dimensions of sabots and straps for 3; 39; 90, 91 SIGHTS, for broadside-guns, description and use of 1; 79-83; 288-308 kind of, furnished to the Parrott-rifles 1; 82; 303 for rifled-guns, description and use of 1; 104; 404 trunnion, for mortars and pivot-guns, use, &c., of 3; 71; 225 tangent, to be supplied to all pivot-guns 3; 71; 226 SIGNALS, making and answering, in time of war 1; 94; 347-350 for returning boats, in time of war 1; 96; 365 SIGNAL-OFFICERS, in action, stationed upon the quarter-deck 1; 14; 66 the duties of, at general quarters 1; 27; 109, 110 SELVAGEE-WADS, to be placed over shot 1; 75; 264 description of, and mode of making 3; 68; 214 SINGLE-STICK, practice with the, to be encouraged 1; 93; 344 SLINGS. See GUN-SLINGS. SMALL-ARMS, crews to be exercised in the use of 1; 5; 12 to be turned over at the end of cruises, &c. 1; 12; 56 not to be used in the tops, without 1; 25; 103 loading and distribution of 1; 26; 107 to be unloaded after exercise or battle 1; 54; 229 proper for boats on armed expeditions 2; 7; 11, 12 condemnations of, not allowed, except 3; 31; 51 size of powder for 3; 49; 134 a list of, to be furnished commanding officers of vessels 3; 51; 146 quantity of powder for the cartridges of 3; 55; 166 dimensions of the boxes for the ammunition, &c., of 3; 55; 167 percussion-caps, and bullets for, will be furnished from the Washington Yard 3; 55; 168 how to be stamped 3; 79; 258 to be carefully cleaned, &c., after use 3; 80; 259 to be frequently examined, &c. 3; 80; 260 cleaning them, directions as to 3; 80-82; 262-269 precautions required in using 3; 82; 270 lacquer for, its composition 3; 86; 271 SMALL-ARM-MEN, formation, &c., of, when landed for service 2; 25; 70-75 accoutrements and equipments for 3; 77; 249 SMOOTH-BORE GUNS, service charges for 3; 53; 160 SPARE-ARTICLES, required in action, the stowage, &c., of 1; 7; 25 SPHERICAL-CASE SHOT, in action, the proper use of 1; 76; 27 SPONGES, moist, the use of, recommended in wiping out, &c. 1; 74; 25 SPONGERS, the selection for guns, merits of 1; 18; 84 the selection and requirements of 1; 18; 84 stations and numbers of, for broadside-guns 1; 35; 15 duties of, in preparing for exercise at the broadside-guns, &c., 1; 40; 171 duties of, at the exercise of broadside-guns, on one side only 1; 47; 210-229 duties of, when housing lower-deck guns 1; 54; 230 duties of, when shifting breechings in action 1; 59; 240 to keep within the ports, as much as possible 1; 74; 260 SPONGE-CAPS, materials and description of 3; 73; 233 SPONGE-HEADS, materials, sizes, &c., of 3; 72, 73; 228-230 SPONGE-STAVES, materials, sizes, &c., of 3; 73; 232 STEAMSHIPS, preparations on board of, when going into action 1; 39; 168 going into action, to have all the fires lighted, &c. 1; 94; 353-356 STORES, table of, for armed boat expeditions 2; 4, 5; 5 STRAPS FOR SHELLS, dimensions, &c., of 3; 39; 91 SURGEONS, their stations when at quarters, with their divisions, 1; 15; 72 the duties of, at general quarters 1; 31; 138, 139 the duties of, in case of fire on board ship 1; 99; 382 to accompany armed boat expeditions 2; 26; 83 SURVEYS, on ordnance stores, when to be ordered 1; 4; 6 on ordnance stores, when to be asked for by gunners 1; 11; 49 on ordnance stores landed from ships, reports of, directions as to preparing, &c. 3; 6; 19 SWORDS, crews to be exercised in the use of 1; 5; 12 number allowed for pivot and other guns 1; 21; 101 to be kept ready for the use of boarders 1; 40; 179 the efficient use of, in repelling boarders 1; 93; 341 the practice with, to be encouraged 1; 93; 344 SWORD-SCABBARDS, of Porter's pattern, a description of 3; 78; 250 T. TABLES, of the number of men for each kind of gun 1; 16; 78 of the number of men and their stations, for pivot-guns 1; 21; 101 of the number of men, with their stations, &c., for different classes of guns 1; 22-24; 101 of small-arms, allowed the master's division 1; 25; 101 of equipments and implements for broadside-guns 1; 33; 148 of stations and gun-numbers for broadside-guns 1; 35; 152 of the wooden parts of ordinary truck-carriages 1; 45; 202 of the metal parts of ordinary truck-carriages 1; 45; 202 of parts peculiar to the Marsilly carriage 1; 45; 202 of equipments and implements for pivot-guns 1; 61; 242 of stations and gun-numbers for pivot-guns 1; 62; 243 of the weight, charges, &c., of rifled-guns, with their shot, shell, &c. 1; 101; 384 of the sizes of boxes for rifled projectiles 1; 107; 411-414 of equipments, arms, and stores for boats 2; 4; 5 of the stations, &c., of the men of boat-howitzers 2; 13; 21 of the stations, &c., of the men for field-howitzers 2; 19; 37 of allowed variations in guns from the proper dimensions 3; 20; 30 of proof charges for shot and shell guns 3; 22; 31 of shot and shell gauges 3; 39, 40; 88-93 of the number of balls in a triangular pile 3; 42; 96 of the number of balls in a square pile 3; 42; 97 of charges of powder for spherical shells 3; 44; 105 of exterior dimensions of shell-boxes 3; 47; 127 of areas occupied by one tier of shell-boxes 3; 47; 128 of the sizes of grains of different classes of powder 3; 48; 130, 131 of differences between the army and navy powder granulations 3; 49; 135 of service-charges for smooth-bore guns 3; 53; 160 of service-charges for navy rifle-guns 3; 54; 161 of the capacity, weight &c., of powder-tanks 3; 54; 162 of the stowage of cartridges in powder-tanks 3; 54; 163 of charges for boat and field howitzers 3; 54; 164 of dimensions, weight, &c., of boxes for boat-howitzer projectiles 3; 55; 165 of the quantity of powder in small-arm cartridges 3; 55; 166 of the dimensions, &c., of boxes for small-arm ammunition and fireworks 3; 55; 167 of the dimensions, &c., of cylinders for guns 3; 58; 183, 184 of the dimensions, &c., of sockets and pivots for carriages 3; 65; 207 of the dimensions, &c., of breechings for guns 3; 67; 210 of the dimensions, &c., of ordinary handspikes 3; 74; 237 of the dimensions, &c., of roller handspikes 3; 75; 238 of the compositions of paints, varnishes, lacquers, &c. 3; 82-89; 271 [For Appendix Tables, see "CONTENTS OF APPENDIX."] TACKLEMEN, stations and numbers of, for broadside-guns 1; 35; 152 the duties of, in preparing for use of broadside-guns 1; 40; 177 the duties of, at the exercises of broadside-guns on one side only 1; 48; 211-216 stations, &c., of, for pivot-guns 1; 62; 243 TARGETS, materials, construction, &c., of 3; 70; 222 TARGET-PRACTICE, numbers of rounds and broadsides to be expended in 1; 4; 7 the expenditure for the allowances for 1; 4; 10 in port, directions as to 1; 5; 11 quarterly reports of, to be prepared and forwarded 1; 5; 15 THUMBSTALLS, the naked thumb may be used, except for howitzers 1; 74; 256 materials of 3; 78; 253 TIME-FUZES, times and lengths of, see Appendix B 1; 90; 332 unreliable in rifle-guns 1; 91; 334 when may be used in rifle-guns 1; 104; 402 TOOLS, for boats on armed expeditions 2; 8; 15 intrenching, to be furnished for each division of boats, when 2; 26; 81 TOMPIONS, not to be put in guns when stowed, except 3; 30; 45 TRAINING, guns sharp, directions as to 1; 51 222 guns lateral, directions as to 1; 78; 284 guns, general directions as to 1; 88; 321, 322 TRIAL-GUNS, extreme proof for, directions for 3; 24-26; 34-36 TRUCKS, shifting, directions as to 1; 60; 241 TRUCK-CARRIAGES, the names, &c., of the parts of 1; 45; 202 TRUNNION, gauges, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 14, 19; 28, 29 rules, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 14, 19; 28, 29 sights, for mortars and pivot-guns, description and use of 3; 71; 225 squares, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 13, 19; 29, 29 V. VARNISHES, for scabbards or patent leather 3; 86; 271 Copal, the composition of 3; 86; 271 Japan, the composition of 3; 87; 271 VENTS, the stopping of, recommended 1; 74; 256 obstructed how to be cleared 1; 74; 259 of rifle-guns, description of 1; 104; 403 of boat-howitzers, as to closing them, &c. 2; 15; 27 measuring them, in examining guns 3; 18; 29 to take the impressions of 3; 24; 36 the amount of firing allowed for each, &c. 3; 33, 34; 61-65 wax for taking impressions of, its composition 3; 88; 271 VENT-GAUGES, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 15, 18; 28, 29 VENT-GUIDES, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 14, 18; 28, 29 VENT-SEARCHERS, for examining guns, description and use of 3; 15, 18; 28, 29 VENTILATION, for magazines and for magazine-men 3; 64; 206 W. WADS, hard, not to be used in firing salutes 1; 7; 26 selvagee, to be placed over shot 1; 75; 264 over elongated projectiles, prohibited 1; 103; 397 selvagee, a description of 3; 68; 214 WAIST-BELTS, materials and sizes of 3; 77; 249 WATER-PROOF, of guns, directions for 3; 23; 32 WAX, for taking impressions of vents, its composition 3; 88; 271 WHIPS. See SHELL-WHIPS. WORDS OF COMMAND, for broadside guns, on one side only "Silence." 1; 47; 205 for broadside guns, on one side only "Cast loose," &c. 1; 47, 48; 206-218 for broadside guns, on one side only "Run in." 1; 49; 219 for broadside guns, on one side only "Serve vent and sponge." 1; 49; 220 for broadside guns, on one side only "Load." 1; 49; 221 for broadside guns, on one side only "Run out." 1; 50; 222 for broadside guns, on one side only "Prime." 1; 51; 223 for broadside guns, on one side only "Point." 1; 51; 224 for broadside guns, on one side only "Ready--Fire." 1; 52; 225 for broadside guns, on one side only "Cease Firing." 1; 52; 227 for broadside guns, on one side only "Secure." 1; 53, 54; 229 for quick-firing "Load, in one motion." 1; 58, 59; 238, 239 shifting breechings in action "Sponge, Load, and Shift," &c. 1; 59, 60; 240 for pivot-guns "Silence! Cast Loose and Provide." 1; 63, 65; 244, 245 for pivot-guns "Run in." 1; 65; 246 for pivot-guns "Shift Pivot," &c. 1; 65, 66; 247 for pivot-guns "Serve vent and sponge." 1; 67; 248 for pivot-guns "Load." 1; 68; 249 for pivot-guns "Run out." 1; 69; 250 for pivot-guns "Prime." 1; 70; 251 for pivot-guns "Point." 1; 70; 252 for pivot-guns "Ready--Fire." 1; 71; 253 for pivot-guns "Shift to housing-pivot and Secure." 1; 71; 254 for monitors "Serve vent and sponge." 1; 109; 421 for monitors "Load." 1; 109; 422 for monitors "Prime." 1; 110; 423 for monitors "Elevate" [or "Depress."] 1; 110; 424 for monitors "Run out." 1; 110; 425 for monitors "Train Right" [or "Left."] 1; 110; 426 for monitors "Ready--Fire." 1; 110; 427 for mortars "Silence." 1; 115; 447 for mortars "Cast Loose and Provide." 1; 115; 448 for mortars "Train" [Right or Left.] 1; 116; 449 for mortars "Serve vent and sponge." 1; 116; 450 for mortars "Load." 1; 117; 451 for mortars "Elevate." 1; 117; 452 for mortars "Prime." 1; 117; 453 for mortars "Ready--Fire." 1; 118; 454 for mortars "Mortar--Front." 1; 118; 455 for mortars "Secure." 1; 118; 456 for boat-howitzers "Man the Howitzer." 2; 14; 22 for boat-howitzers "Sponge." 2; 14; 23 for boat-howitzers "Load." 2; 14; 24 for boat-howitzers "Point." 2; 14; 25 for boat-howitzers "Fire." 2; 14; 26 for disembarking howitzers "Prepare to Land" 2; 17; 31 for disembarking howitzers "Trail bow and stroke oars." 2; 17; 32 for disembarking howitzers "Trail." 2; 17; 33 for disembarking howitzers "Shift the Howitzer." 2; 17; 34 for disembarking howitzers "Land." 2; 18; 35 for embarking Howitzers 2; 18; 36 for field-Howitzers "Man the Howitzer." 2; 19; 38 for field-Howitzers "Sponge." 2; 19; 39 for field-Howitzers "Load." 2; 19; 40 for field-Howitzers "Point." 2; 19; 41 for field-Howitzers "Fire." 2; 19; 42 for field-Howitzers "Secure the Howitzer." 2; 19; 43 WORMS. See ROBINSON'S WORMS. WOUNDED, arrangements for lowering the 1; 44; 201 implements for, on armed boat expeditions 2; 8; 17 Y. YEOMEN, what articles of ordnance stores to be accountable for 1; 13; 61 duties of, when their ships are to be laid up 1; 13; 62 appointments and qualifications of. 1; 13; 63 
52637	----	of the Digital Library@Villanova University (http://digital.library.villanova.edu/)) [Illustration: AS HERC TURNED, HE WAS CERTAIN THAT HE HAD SEEN A FACE VANISH QUICKLY FROM THE CASEMENT. --Page 62. ] THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ON AERO SERVICE BY CAPTAIN WILBUR LAWTON AUTHOR OF "THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ON BATTLE PRACTICE," "THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ABOARD A DESTROYER," "THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ON A SUBMARINE," ETC. NEW YORK HURST & COMPANY PUBLISHERS Copyright, 1912, BY HURST & COMPANY CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. SOMETHING NEW IN NAVAL LIFE 5 II. "IF HE'S A MAN, HE'LL STAND UP" 17 III. FOR THE TROPHY OF THE FLEET 30 IV. THE AERO SQUAD 39 V. UNCLE SAM'S MEN-BIRDS 50 VI. NED INVENTS SOMETHING 59 VII. A RESCUE BY AEROPLANE 73 VIII. HERC GETS A "TALKING TO" 84 IX. A CONSPIRACY IS RIPENING 93 X. A DREADNOUGHT BOY AT BAY 103 XI. IN THEIR ENEMIES' HANDS 113 XII. "STOP WHERE YOU ARE!" 123 XIII. HARMLESS AS A RATTLESNAKE 136 XIV. FLYING FOR A RECORD 148 XV. A DROP FROM SPACE 156 XVI. THE SETTING OF A TRAP 167 XVII. THE SPRINGING THEREOF 178 XVIII. ON BOARD THE SLOOP 190 XIX. "BY WIRELESS!" 200 XX. NED, CAST AWAY 213 XXI. A STRIKE FOR UNCLE SAM 223 XXII. SOME ADVENTURES BY THE WAY 233 XXIII. "YOU ARE A PRISONER OF THE GOVERNMENT!" 243 XXIV. A DASH FOR FREEDOM 255 XXV. THE MYSTERIOUS SCHOONER--CONCLUSION 267 The Dreadnought Boys on Aero Service CHAPTER I. SOMETHING NEW IN NAVAL LIFE. One breezy day in early June, when a fresh wind off shore was whipping the water into sparkling white caps, excitement and comment fairly hummed about the crowded foredecks of the big Dreadnought _Manhattan_. The formidable looking sea-fighter lay with half a dozen other smaller naval vessels--battleships and cruisers--in the stretch of water known as Hampton Roads, which, sheltered by rising ground, has, from time immemorial, formed an anchorage for our fighting-ships, and is as rich in historical associations as any strip of sea within the jurisdiction of the United States. The cause of all the turmoil, which was agitating every jackie on the vessel, was a notice which had been posted on the ship's bulletin board that morning. It was tacked up in the midst of notices of band concerts, challenges to boxing matches, lost or found articles, and the like. At first it had not attracted much attention. But soon one jackie, and then another, had scanned it till, by means of the thought-wireless, which prevails on a man-of-war, the whole fore part of the ship was now vibrant and buzzing with the intelligence. The notice which had excited so much attention read as follows: "Enlisted Men and Petty Officers: You are instructed to send your volunteer applications for positions in the experimental Aero squad. All applications to be made in writing to Lieutenant De Frees in charge of the experiment station." "Aero service, eh?" grunted more than one grizzled old shell-back, "well, I've served my time in many an old sea-going hooker, but hanged if I'd venture my precious skin on board a sky-clipper." "Aye, aye, mate. Let the youngsters risk their lily-white necks if they want to," formed the burden of the growled responses, "but you and me 'ull smoke Uncle Sam's baccy, and take our pay with a good deck under our feet." But this state of caution did not extend to the younger members of the ship's company. Least of all to Boatswain's Mate Herc--otherwise Hercules--Taylor and his inseparable chum, Ned Strong, the latter of whom was now chief gunner's mate of the biggest vessel in the navy. Neither Ned nor Herc smoked. By observation of those who did indulge in the practice, they had discovered that the use of tobacco affected more senses than one, and rendered a man incapable of the highest physical proficiency. The custom of smoking not only impaired the eyesight of many a gunner, but in the athletic sports, of which both lads were so fond, it also showed its bad effects. Ned knew of more than one promising young gun-pointer who had been compelled to relinquish his laurels on account of tobacco-affected eyesight. As a consequence, the two trim, clean-cut lads, their faces bronzed and clear from sea air and clean living, stood apart from the group about the "smoke-lamp." "I'm going to send in my name," announced Ned with twinkling eyes. "The aero section of the navy is going to be an important one in the future. There is a good chance for a chap to advance himself in such work." "By the great horn spoon!" muttered Herc, in his enthusiastic, whimsical way, "I'm with you, Ned. We'll be regular sky-pilots before the summer's out!" He began to rub his shoulder-blades, while a humorous smile played over his freckled, straightforward features. "What's the matter?" asked Ned, noting Herc's brisk rubbing of the part aforesaid. "Oh, hum! I thought I felt my wings sprouting," replied Herc, with a broad grin. "Tell you what, we've a few minutes yet. Let's get our ditty boxes--or 'ditto' boxes, as you used to call them--and write our applications at once." "Let's talk a while longer," said Herc, with an odd look. "Why, what's the matter? Surely you aren't regretting your determination already." Herc, for reply, bent over and touched his feet. "No; they're not cold," he said; "I thought for a minute they were." Then he looked up into the cloudless blue vault of the heavens. "Say, Ned, it's an awful long way up there, isn't it? How far, I wonder?" "What do you want to know for?" asked Ned, moving away. "Oh, nothing. Only I'd like to know how far we are likely to tumble, in case we get our applications accepted, and in case we fly as high as the sky, and in case----" "Oh, come on, Herc," urged Ned; "time enough to worry about that when we are assigned to aero duty." "All that goes up must come down," said Herc sagely, joining Ned nevertheless, "but we've reversed the process." "How do you make that out?" "Well, when we were on submarine duty we explored the bottom of the sea, didn't we? And now, if all goes well, we're going to venture aloft." Ned burst into a laugh, and they moved off arm in arm, exchanging greetings with the crowd of blue jackets lounging about at the after-dinner rest. As they threaded their way among them, Herc burst into song: "'There's a sweet little cherub that sits up aloft!' That's me, Ned." "First freckled cherub I ever heard of," chuckled Ned. Leaving the two lads to write their letters, we feel that it is now our duty to let our readers know something more about Ned Strong and Herc Taylor. They are two lads worth knowing. Neither of them much over eighteen years of age, they had, during their short career in the navy, each made his mark in no uncertain fashion. In his chosen branch of the service, Ned Strong was admired by the officers and adored by the men. His advance had been rapid, and some of his more enthusiastic friends were already hinting at a commission in sight for him in the time to come. As for the merry, light-hearted Herc Taylor, that befreckled youth had as many friends among officers and men as Ned, and was one of the youngest bos'un's mates in the navy. As readers of the Dreadnought Boys series know, both lads had entered the navy, like so many other "likely" recruits, from a farm. From the first a measure of luck had been theirs. But dogged perseverance, and a determination to overcome all obstacles by honorable means, had, also, aided them not a little in their rapid advance. In "_The Dreadnought Boys on Battle Practice_," we followed the early steps of their life in the navy. It was not all as pleasant as they had imagined it would be. To the boys, as "rookies," much hard, and not over-pleasant work, fell. But scrubbing decks, cleaning paint and the like, they accepted in good part. "It's helping to keep our $5,000,000 home trim and fit," was the way Ned used to put it. A ship's bully tried his best to make their paths thorny, but Ned, in a battle that will live long in forecastle annals, bested him. Kennell tried to take a despicable revenge. With a gang of rascals, he concerned himself in a plot to injure the Dreadnought Boys. But his machinations came to naught. Instead, Ned became the means of saving the inventor of a new explosive and type of gun from a serious predicament. Right after this, Herc's turn came, when he displayed wonderful heroism following a disastrous "flare-back." Following the stirring days at Guantanamo, came a voyage on a torpedo-boat destroyer, the celebrated _Beale_. The two lads, on this cruise, found themselves plunged into the very thick of a South American revolution. The uprising seriously affected American interests, and, by a stroke of good fortune, our lads were able to play a prominent part in bringing the situation to a successful outcome. In this book one of the many exciting adventures described was the lads' escape from a prison, when it was shelled during a hot engagement, and their subsequent daredevil dash on board a revolutionary torpedo craft. By this time, although, of course, their participation in the revolution could not be "mentioned in the despatches," the boys had placed themselves in line for promotion. The eyes of their superiors were on them. But success did not spoil them or "swell their heads." They were still just as ready to fulfill an order promptly and cheerfully as in their apprentice days. As that is the spirit that wins in the navy, the Dreadnought Boys were singled out for some hazardous work on board a new type of submarine. Enemies of Uncle Sam nearly succeeded in sinking the diving boat for good and all with an infernal machine, but the boys providentially discovered the plot in time, and saved many lives. In that book, too, they had an interesting encounter with Sound pirates, and played a rather prominent part in the pretty romance of the diving boat's inventor. The opening of this book finds them back on regular duty. Although the routine of battleship life in times of peace may seem tame and humdrum, the boys, nevertheless, devoted themselves to it with the same cheerful zest which had carried them through so many dashing adventures. But the quiet and monotonous daily existence which they had enjoyed during and since the winter cruise to European stations, was not to last long. Although they did not know it, the Dreadnought Boys were on the brink of some most remarkable happenings. "By the way," said Herc, as, their letters written and deposited in the ship's post-office, the two chums emerged on deck once more, "you haven't let this aerial business drive the recollection of to-morrow's races out of your mind, have you?" He referred to some contests ashore, which had been arranged with enthusiasm by the officers and crews of the ships of the squadron. "I should say not," laughed Ned. "Why?" "Nothing, only there are a few chaps in the fleet who'd like to see us both fall down hard. You're in good trim, Ned?" "I think so. Feel fit, anyway." "I needn't have asked you. I know you're always in good shape." "I can return the compliment," laughed Ned. Just then the bugles began singing the calls for the busy afternoon's practice-work on guns and at drill. With a hasty word, the chums separated and hurried to take their places in the big machine of which they were already important cogs. CHAPTER II. "IF HE'S A MAN, HE'LL STAND UP." The passage of Ned and Herc from the foredeck in quest of their ditty-boxes had not gone unnoted by two men lounging at ease under the shadow of the great 13-inch guns projecting from the forward turret. The big circular steel structure acted as a wind-break, and the pair lay here smoking and talking in low tones. "I'd give fifty dollars to know Ned Strong's secret," observed one of them, flicking the ashes from a cigar upon the spotless decks, a deliberate infraction of the ship's laws. Selden Merritt was one of the few "before the mast" men on board who smoked cigars. A pipe and a plug of black, rank tobacco usually does for your jackie, but Merritt was an exception to the rule. "It would be worth it," agreed his companion, a heavily-set chap of about nineteen. His cap was off, and his black, bristly hair, cut pompadour, stood straight up from his rather low forehead. Merritt was a man of about twenty-four, blonde, thin and "race-horsey" in build. He had the reputation of having been a college man and champion runner, until, losing prestige and reputation through dissipation, he had been forced to enlist. It had proved the best thing he ever did. Four years in the navy had given him a pink, clear skin, a bright eye and an erect carriage. But it had not taken a furtive sneer out of his expression, nor altered his disposition, which was mean and crafty. His bearing, however, was rather distinguished, with a certain swagger, and his talk showed that he was an educated man. "Did you have much to do with them on their first cruise?" inquired Merritt's companion, Ray Chance. "No, they were both enlisted men. But they managed to give a black eye, in a figurative way, to a good friend of mine." "You mean Bill Kennell?" "Yes. I hear that he's been pardoned from prison--political pull. But that doesn't alter the fact that they accomplished his downfall." "Well, I never liked either of them. I heard about them by reputation before I came to the _Manhattan_ from the _Dixie_. I like them still less from what I've seen of them on board here. I think this fellow Strong is a big faker." "Yes. I'm sick and disgusted with him and the airs he gives himself. His dear chum and inseparable is almost as bad. I'd like to take a fall out of both of them." "You'll get your chance to-morrow in the squadron's games. You can beat Ned Strong running the best day he ever stepped on a track." "I ought to be able to, and I mean to do it, too. I don't like bluffs, and this chap Strong is a false alarm if ever there was one." "Say, you fellows," suddenly interpolated a voice, "if you think Strong is such a bluff, why don't you tell him so?" The interruption came from a short, stocky, little blue-jacket, lounging nearby. He had been reading a book on gunnery, but the raised voices of the Dreadnought Boy's detractors had aroused his attention. His blue eyes twinkled rather humorously, as he eyed the agile, long-limbed Merritt and his sallow, dark-haired companion. "Hullo, Benjamin Franklin; were you rubbering on our conversation?" said Merritt, assuming an indignant expression. "Ben Franklin" was the nickname given to the studious tar whose right name was Stephen Wynn. "It didn't take any 'rubbering,' as you call it, to overhear you," said Wynn quietly; "if you take my advice, when you want to say mean things about Ned Strong or his chum, you'll lower your voice aboard this ship. They've got quite a few friends." "Just the same," maintained Merritt, "the chap isn't all he sets up to be. He's got some secret, like all such fellows." "I guess his secret is hard work and attention to duty," said Wynn rather shortly, returning to his reading. "You don't seriously think that there is any chance of Strong's giving you a tussle for the first place?" asked Ray Chance. "Frankly, I don't. But there is always a possibility of mistaking one's man. I'm wise enough to know that." "But you have arranged in some way to make success certain?" Merritt gave Chance a quizzical look. "You know me," he said, with a knowing wink, "Chalmers of the old _Luzzy_ (sailor slang for the _Louisiana_) is an old friend of mine. He dislikes Strong as much as I do. He's the next best man in the race. If things go wrong, we've got a little system arranged to pocket friend Strong. But how about you? You are pitted against Taylor in the pole vault, aren't you?" "Yes, and I ain't worrying, you bet." Merritt still retained a good choice of diction, a relic of his college days, but Chance's talk was was more uncouth and less polished. "Good! I don't mind telling you I've got some money out on myself. Enough to swamp a good deal of my pay, in fact. I've got to win." "About the same thing here," grinned Chance; "if I lose, it's all up with me financially. I'm in pretty deep." "Tell you what," said Merritt suddenly, "I hear that there will be extra pay and bonuses attaching to this aero duty. Let's send in applications, and then if we get trimmed in the races and jumps we will have a chance to get some extra coin." "That's a good idea," agreed Chance. But as they started to carry out their intention, the same bugle calls that had hastened the steps of Ned and Herc recalled them to duty. Stephen Wynn arose with a sigh, and thrust his book inside his loose blouse. "Ben Franklin" disliked to leave his studies for duty. But he was a smart sailor, and formed one of Ned's gun crew. Merritt and Chance were on one of the after turrets. "Those fellows took care to sink their voices after they found out I'd overheard them," said Wynn to himself, as he fell in with the rest of the blue-jackets. "I'll bet that they were plotting some mischief to Strong and Taylor. At any rate, I'll put them on their guard at the first opportunity I get." At three-thirty, or seven bells, the gun drills and calisthenic exercises were over, and a brief space of leisure ensued. Wynn, according to his determination, sought out Ned and Herc. He lost no time in communicating his suspicions to them. But, somewhat to his astonishment, neither of the lads seemed much impressed. "A fellow who plots and backbites in dark corners is not one to be scared of," said Ned. "But just the same, Ben Franklin, I'm obliged to you. I guess we'll keep our eyes on our two friends, eh, Herc?" "Not worth bothering with," observed Herc, "as the car conductor said when the fellow offered him a plugged dime. If they can win fair and square, we won't grudge it to them." "Well, I've warned you," said "Ben Franklin." "By the way, what makes those fellows so sore at you?" "Oh, Merritt, so I've heard, was a friend of Bill Kennell. He was the fellow, you know, who kidnapped Mr. Varian in Cuba. He naturally dislikes us for the part we played in apprehending Kennell. As for Chance, he was in my gun crew up to a few weeks ago. I had to have him up 'at the stick' for insubordination once or twice, and I guess it's stuck in his craw." "If it hadn't been for you, Ned, he'd have gone to the brig," put in Herc. "Oh, well, I thought that a taste of the brig would be too severe," said Ned. "I hoped a good wigging by the 'old man' (the captain) would be sufficient, but it wasn't. Then Chance sulked and played sick. He took in the doctor for a while, but it didn't last. He was punished and restored to duty with an after gun crew following that." "And blames you for all his troubles," said Herc indignantly, "and I guess I come in for a share of his dislike." "Oh, life's too short to worry about Merritt and Chance," said Ned, breaking off the conversation. "It looks as if we'd have a glorious day to-morrow," he went on, adroitly turning the topic of talk. The ruse succeeded. The three shipmates fell to discussing the coming games. Others joined them, and the time passed rapidly till five-thirty,--three bells--when all hands were piped to supper, a plain but substantial meal. For the benefit of our non-seafaring reader, we will tell him that on this particular night it consisted of:--hot roast-beef hash, cold boiled ham, canned peaches, bread, butter and tea or coffee. Thus, it will be seen that Uncle Sam does not starve his blue-jackets. Supper was in full swing when Ned, who was at the head of the table which seated his "mess," was the recipient of a surprising testimonial. It came in the shape of a hot baked potato, flung with accuracy and speed. It struck the Dreadnought Boy in the eye, and burst, spreading its pasty contents over his features. Herc, who sat by Ned, leaped to his feet in a flash, while Ned hastily pawed the mass out of his eyes. "I saw who threw that," cried Herc, his face aflame, the freckles looming up like spots on the sun; "if he's a man, he'll stand up." A stir ran through the forecastle. Herc's finger pointed to a distant table and rested on the form of Merritt. Chance sat by him. Both had been laughing an instant before, but as Merritt saw that he had been found out his face assumed a rather sickly grin. "Sit down, Herc," ordered Ned rather sternly, "I'll attend to this. Am I to understand that you threw that potato?" he demanded, fixing his gaze straight on Merritt's face. The other's eyes sank. He looked disturbed and a bit scared. Ned's voice had held no uncertain ring. "It--it was just a joke," he said. "You don't need to get huffy about it." "Rather a strenuous joke, wasn't it?" asked Ned in a firm, calm voice, while the eyes of every man in the place were fixed on him in breathless attention. "I--I didn't mean to hit you," went on Merritt. "I just wanted to give you a jump. It was just a joke--that's all." "That being the case," resumed Ned, "I shall have to ask you to remove the consequences of your _joke_." So saying, he deliberately threw the remains of the potato on the deck. "Now, come here and pick that up and carry it back," he said, with a flash in his eyes. "We'll carry this joke through to its conclusion." Merritt turned pale and hesitated. Then he caught Ned's eye. A certain glint in it seemed to galvanize him into action. Amid a roar of laughter from the entire assemblage, Merritt, red and white by turns, crossed to Ned's table and carefully picked up every scrap of the débris. "What are you laughing at?" he glared at Herc, as he made his way back to his own place. "At your joke," sputtered Herc, affecting a spasm of amusement. "Ho! ho! ho! That's one of the best jokes I've ever seen." "It is, is it?" glowered Merritt. "Yes, but it isn't as big a joke as it would have been if you hadn't done as Ned told you. Ho! ho! ho! It isn't every puppy that will fetch and carry at the first lesson." The shout of laughter was taken up by the rest of the blue-jackets. Amid this storm of merriment, Merritt made his way to his seat. He reached it just as the officer of the deck entered. "Merritt, what are you out of your place for?" demanded this dignitary, who was noted as a strict disciplinarian. "I--I dropped a potato, sir, and was picking it up," stammered Merritt, trembling with rage and mortification. CHAPTER III. FOR THE TROPHY OF THE FLEET. As Ned had prophesied, the next day was bright and clear. There was just enough of the coolness of early summer to give a crisp tang to the air. It stirred the blood like martial music. It was a day which challenged every athlete in the squadron to do his best. That is, so far as external conditions were concerned. The ground selected for the trying out of the championship of the squadron was a flat field, some five acres in extent, not far from the shore. It stood on slightly rising ground. Trees, fresh and green, stood in a thick mass on one side. Seaward the ground sloped gently, and beyond could be seen the grim sea-fighters, swinging at anchor; from some of the smoke-stacks vapor curled lazily. The basket-like fighting masts resembled the work of some geometrically inclined spider. Cheering and laughing, the contingents from the various ships were landed after dinner. In their midst, guarding them jealously, as bees would their queen, each ship's company surrounded their group of athletes. And a fine showing they made when they assembled in the dressing-rooms under the grandstand. This structure was already occupied by the officers of the division, headed by Rear Admiral Cochran, a white-haired veteran of the seven seas. A sprinkling of ladies in bright costumes lent a dash of color to the scene. The course had been laid out, and the officers who had constituted themselves a committee in charge of the sports were already busy about it, when the _Manhattan's_ boats landed their laughing, singing, cheering blue-jackets. Among them were Ned and Herc. Neither of them had yet changed to their running togs. Merritt and Chance had, however, but they both wore long raincoats, which prevented Ned from sizing them up, as he was anxious to do. Both the Dreadnought Boys were quiet and self-contained as usual. But Merritt and Chance were talking loudly and flinging remarks right and left. Atwell, Turner, Simpkins, Jessup and a dozen other _Manhattan_ entries in various events formed the remainder of the athletic contingent from the big dreadnought. As they entered the dressing-rooms--or rather the big space under the grandstand--a babel of cries of welcome and jocular defiance surged about the Manhattanites. "Here come the champions of the squadron," shouted some one. "Say, Jack, wait till they are champions before you start giving the title to them," hailed another voice. It was that of Chalmers of the _Louisiana_. He wore dark-green running trunks with a white shirt. Across his chest was a red, white and blue sash, on which was blazoned the name of his ship. Several of the other runners and athletes affected this touch of dandyism. Ned and Herc, however, wore plain running suits: trunks and sleeveless shirts and good track shoes. Chalmers lost no time in seeking out Merritt. The two conversed in a corner in low tones. After a time, Ned and Herc, too, succeeded in getting away from a crowd of their shipmates and found time to pass a word or two. Merritt had cast off his long coat to adjust his trunks. Ned found his eyes riveted on the fellow. If physique were any criterion, Merritt should have been a fine runner. Clean-cut as a race-horse, his skin was smooth and of good color, with lithe muscles playing under it. He was the beau ideal in build of a speed machine. Chance, on the other hand, was heavier-set, but he showed up well in that assemblage of athletically built men and youths. Both Ned and Herc agreed that the two whom they instinctively regarded as enemies were by no means to be rated lightly. But a sharp bugle call cut short further observation. The games were beginning. The hundred-yard dash was third on the program, and Ned did not emerge till just before the starting time. The wind was sharp, and he did not want to contract his muscles by letting the cold air blow on his limbs. Herc, in a heavy navy coat, went to the starting line with him. He stood by his chum, giving him some last words of advice. Ned appeared to listen, but his thoughts were actually elsewhere. He had already made up his mind to his course of action. He was going to run a waiting race, depending on a sharp spurt to win. In a quick glance over the six entrants, he saw that Chalmers and Merritt were the only ones he had cause to fear. He noticed them whispering together, and resolved to keep a sharp lookout on their actions. The air was filled with shouts and suggestions and greetings from blue-jackets, who were encouraging the men from their own ship. Every man in the squadron who could be spared was there. They made a big throng, lining the track on the side away from the grandstand. "Hey, there, Springer! Do your prettiest for the _Merrimac_." "Oh, you Polthew! Don't forget the _Massachusetts_!" "Say, Polly, look out for that _Manhattan_ bunch." "Hi, Chalmers, you're the man. You're carrying the _Luzzy's_ money." "That's right, and don't you forget it." "And you, Strong! My month's pay's on you." "You'll lose, then; Merritt's the man." "What's the matter with Carter? Guess you'll know there's a _Kansas_ in the fleet." "Stand back, please! Stand back!" cried those in charge of the course. The line-up was quickly arranged. The starters crouched ready to dart off. Carter made a false start, and the excitement waxed furious. "Ready?" Lieutenant Steedforth, of the _Louisiana_, the starter, put the question. Like greyhounds preparing to leave the leash, the contestants flexed their muscles. The starter lifted the pistol. A puff of smoke and sharp report followed. Merritt, Chalmers and Polthew got off at the same instant. They made a showy start, and the grandstand as well as the field buzzed with enthusiasm. Springer, of the _Merrimac_, and Carter, of the _Kansas_, came next. Strong came last, and was almost unnoticed in the frenzy of excitement. The pace was terrific. In the first twenty-five yards Polthew and Carter dropped behind, hopelessly out of it. Far in front, Merritt, Chalmers and Springer were fighting it grimly out. Springer hung like death on the heels of the two leaders. Ned had crept up, and kept his pace steadily. Suddenly Springer spurted. This carried him past Chalmers and Merritt, who were about even. But the effort had been made too soon. In a second's time he dropped back again. The Dreadnought Boy knew that the two tricksters in front were going to concentrate on stopping him if he crept up too soon. So he crawled up till he felt it would be foolish to delay longer. Then, letting out all his reserve power, Ned spurted. His burst of speed was easy and genuine. It was not forced. In a flash he was abreast of Chalmers before the latter could "pocket" him according to prearranged plans. Merritt, as he saw this, exerted every ounce of strength in his wiry body. The jackies went wild. It was anybody's race, for now Chalmers had recovered from his surprise. Spurting, he caught up with the leaders. Spurt followed spurt. The air vibrated with cheers, yells, whoops and every kind of noisy demonstration. Above it all, there suddenly rang out from the throats of the _Manhattan's_ crew, one ear-splitting cry of triumph. In the midst of it, carried on its wings as it were, Ned suddenly dashed ahead of his competitors and staggered across the tape into the arms of his shipmates. Chalmers was second and Merritt a bad third. Tobacco had found the weak spot in his heart. He was almost exhausted as he reeled across the line. CHAPTER IV. THE AERO SQUAD. One by one the other contests were decided. The hammer throw was won by Melvin, of the _Idaho_, a giant of a man. Smithers, of the _Manhattan_, was second in this event. So the Dreadnought's crew continued to keep up their spirits. The half-mile was captured by Remington, of the _Louisiana_, while the mile went to Hickey, of the _Manhattan_, a man with hair of right good fighting red, and a great chest development. Then came the pole jump. As usual, this picturesque event excited great interest. Chance came first, and set a mark that made the other contestants gasp. "You'll have to be a grasshopper to beat that, Herc," whispered Ned. Herc nodded. "I'll do my best," he said simply. "That's the stuff, shipmate," said "Ben Franklin," who happened to be close at hand, "as poor Richard said: "'You'll beat the rest; If you do your best.'" "I never saw that in 'Poor Richard' that I can recollect," said Ned, with a laugh. Steve Wynn looked pained, as he usually did when any of his quotations was questioned as to its accuracy. "It's in the book some place," he said confidently. "Well, maybe it is," agreed Ned. "It's good advice, anyhow." At last came Herc's turn. Merritt had now been joined by Chance. With set teeth, they stood watching the agile lad from the farm prepare for his preliminary run. "You want to watch closely now," said Chance, with an unholy grin, "you're going to see something." "What? You've----" But a horrified cry from the spectators interrupted the words. Herc had risen gracefully at the bar, and had seemed about to sail over it. Instantly bedlam had seethed about the field. "Taylor, of the _Manhattan_, wins!" "Good boy, red-top!" "Go to it, freckles!" But in a flash the cries of enthusiasm had been changed to that peculiar sighing gasp that runs through a crowd at a sudden turn to the tragic in their emotions. As Herc had lifted his body outward to sail over the bar, the pole had suddenly snapped beneath him. The horrified spectators saw the lad's body hurtled downward. Herc, as he fell, narrowly missed impalement on the jagged, broken end of the pole. But the lad's muscles were under prime control. Even as he fell, he seemed to make a marvelous twist. The cheers broke forth anew as Herc, instead of landing in a heap, came to earth gracefully on his feet. He had not sustained the least injury, a fact which he soon demonstrated to the judges and other officials of the track who crowded about him. "I tell you, it's that blamed secret of theirs," growled Chance, turning pale. "We'd better get out of here," warned Merritt hastily. "Look, they are examining the pole. I imagine that they'll find it was cut." "I imagine so, too," said Chance, in a low, rather frightened tone, as the unworthy two hastened off. "But they can't prove anything on me," he added defiantly. In the meantime Herc had selected another pole. He examined it carefully and found it perfect. Bracing himself for the effort of his life, he essayed the jump once more. He sailed over the bar as gracefully as a soaring sea gull. "Chance is tied! Taylor's tied him!" yelled the crowd. "Good boy, Herc," whispered Ned, as Herc prepared for a fresh effort. "Now this time beat him, and beat him good." Herc set his teeth grimly. His usually good-natured face held an expression very foreign to it. "I'll do it," he said. "And then," he added significantly, "I've got another job to attend to." Flexing his muscles, Herc crouched for an instant. Then he hurled himself at the bar. He cleared it with almost six inches to spare above Chance's hitherto unapproached record. If the field had known enthusiasm before, it was pandemonium that broke loose now. Like wild-fire, the word had gone about that Herc's pole had been tampered with. The spirit of the Yankee blue-jacket is keen for fair play. A foul trick stirs his blood as nothing else will. If Ned or Herc had breathed their suspicions at that instant, it is likely that, in spite of discipline, it would have gone hard with Merritt and Chance. But Herc sought another way. That night word ran through the fleet that Hercules Taylor, of the _Manhattan_, had challenged Chance, of the same ship, to a boxing match, and that Chance had refused. Possibly he anticipated that Herc might lose control of himself and strike out a little harder than is consistent with "sparring." At any rate, from that time on, Chance was rated as "a flunker," which, in the navy, is a very undesirable appellation. Herc, however, was the idol of the _Manhattan_. His winning of the pole jump had captured the athletic supremacy pennant for the _Manhattan_. It had been the climax of a day of triumphs for the lads of the Dreadnought. From thenceforth the big fighting craft was entitled to float both the athletic pennant and the coveted "Meat Ball," the latter the red flag for the best gunnery. How the meat ball was won at Guantanamo, readers of "_The Dreadnought Boys on Battle Practice_" are aware. It was on a Monday, a week after the sports, that a line of trim, athletic looking, young blue-jackets were lined up in a field, some ten miles out of Hampton, and in the heart of a rural community. Off, at one side of the meadow, was a row of barn-like structures, painted a dull gray color and numbered. There were six of them. These sheds housed the aeroplanes with which the experiments for the purpose of selecting a naval "aerial-scout class" were to be conducted. The eyes of the row of aspirants, who had been winnowed from a perfect crop of such applicants, were fixed longingly on the gray barns. They housed, not only the aeroplanes, but the ambitions and hopes of that row of young men--the pick of the squadron. But there were more than twenty candidates for the scout corps lined up, and only nine would be selected. No wonder that there was anxiety reflected in their eyes, as Lieutenant De Frees and his assistants, Ensigns Walters and Jackson, paced down the row of blue-jackets, putting questions here and there, and weeding out those who were either too heavy or cumbersome for aero work, or else did not give evidence of the keen, hawk-like intellectual faculties that an airman must have. These include the power of instant decision in an emergency, courage of a high order, but not recklessness, and a mind capable of grasping the mechanical qualities of the craft with which they have to deal. As may be imagined, then, the task of the officers was not a simple one. One by one, the eager applicants were sorted and sifted, till finally, the chosen nine stood shoulder to shoulder. Ned and Herc had both passed, although, for a time, the fate of the latter had hung in the balance. His heavy frame was against him. But the naval officers had decided that the lad's quick intelligence and bulldog tenacity made him desirable in other ways. For the present Herc Taylor would be held in reserve. There was a certain grim suggestiveness in this--a hint of the dangers of aerial navigation which might result in the ranks being thinned before long. Ned had had no trouble in getting by. Lieutenant De Frees had said with a pleasant nod: "I've heard of you, Strong. We want you. You are, of course, willing to sign a paper absolving the navy from responsibility in case of your death or serious injury?" This question had been put to all the applicants in turn. They had all signified their willingness to do this. It was understood, of course, that the contract, or pledge, did not in any way affect their pensions or "disability" money. When Ned's turn came, he thought a moment. Such was his habit. Then he spoke. "If I'd thought only of the risks, sir, I wouldn't be here," he said, in a respectful but decisive manner. Among the others who passed the ordeal were Merritt and Chance; a slender, greyhound-like chap from the _Kansas_, named Terry Mulligan; a bos'un's mate from the _Louisiana_, called Sim Yeemans, a typical Yankee from Vermont, or "Vairmont," as he called it; a comical German blue-jacket from the _Idaho_, Hans Dunderblitz, and some others whom we shall probably become acquainted with as our narrative progresses. The disappointed ones were spun back to the ships in a big auto chartered for the purpose. The successful candidates and the defeated ones parted without animosity. "Better luck next time," hailed the chosen nine, as their shipmates drove off. "Oh, your ranks will thin out quick enough," cried one of the departing ones, with sinister humor. The men selected for the aviation "classes," as they may be called, were, they soon found out, to board at a big stone farmhouse not far from the aviation field. Little more was done that day than to pay a series of visits to the different sheds--or "hangars," in airmen's parlance. In each of these the embryo airmen listened to a short talk on the type of machine they were viewing and heard its qualities discussed. In addition, that night, each of the ambitious ones received a set of books on the science of mastering the air, with instructions to study them carefully. It was implied that those who failed to pass certain examinations at a future date would not be allowed to partake further in the experiments. "Well, talk about your ease and luxury," said Herc that night when the Dreadnought Boys were in the room assigned to them at the farmhouse, "we're as well off here as middies at Annapolis. What a contrast to the forecastle! I feel like a millionaire already." "Umph!" grunted Ned, who was already deep in his books. "You'd better get to work and study. We've lots of hard work ahead of us." "And excitement too, I guess," said Herc, dragging a bulky volume toward him. Neither of the two lads at the time fully appreciated how much of both was shortly to be crowded into their lives. CHAPTER V. UNCLE SAM'S MEN-BIRDS. "Py golly, dot feller Neddie he fly like vun birdt, alretty, ain'd it?" exclaimed Hans Dunderblitz one day two weeks later. He was standing by the side of Herc Taylor, watching the evolutions of the bi-plane of Bright-Sturgess model, which Ned Strong was manipulating far above them. "You're pretty good yourself, Hans," encouraged Herc. "Ach nein! Efferey time I gedt oop midt der air I schneeze. Undt den--down I go tumble, alretty." "You'll have to learn to stop sneezing," commented Herc; "maybe the engine doesn't like it--see a doctor." "Phwat's thot about docthors?" asked Mulligan, coming up. "Shure talkin' uv doctors reminds me uv one we had at home in Galway. He was a successful docthor, understan', but whin he wos a young mon he was not so well-to-do. In fact, the only ornament he had in his parlor was Patience on a Monument, a stathoo, ye understan'. Wun day a frind calls ter see him in the days whin the doc was prosperous. "'Doc,' says he, 'you ain't got Patience on a Monument any more.' "'No,' says the docthor, says he, 'shure I've got monumints on all my patients now, begob!'" "Puts me in mind of what I once read in a paper up in the Catskills," laughed Herc. "The item read: 'Dr. Jones was called, and under his prompt and skilful treatment Hiram Scroggs died Wednesday night.'" "By Chermany, dere vos a docthor vunce----" began Hans. But what the doctor "by Chermany" did or said, was destined not to be known, for an order came to the group to resume their practice. Immediately they hastened off to get their machines in trim once more. Lieutenant De Frees' system of instruction had proved effectual. By this time almost all of his squad had learned to fly. Some of them could only take "grasshopper jumps," but others, Ned, Merritt and Chance among them, had proven themselves really capable airmen. They had learned with wonderful aptitude. Ned would never forget his first day in an aeroplane. The officer had taken up a biplane and given a daring exhibition. Then he descended and announced that instruction would begin. His assistants took up Herc and Merritt, while Ned was ordered to seat himself on the narrow little place beside the officer. The Dreadnought Boy experienced then, not exactly fear, but a curious sort of sinking feeling born of his initiation into a hitherto unknown experience. He braced his feet against the slender struts of the machine, as he was instructed, and held tightly to the handholds provided for the purpose. Then he stole a glance at Lieutenant De Frees. The officer's face was as calm as that of a man who was about to take an afternoon's drive behind a favorite horse. Suddenly the officer twitched a brass contrivance attached to a quadrant on his steering handle, which was not unlike that of an automobile. He pressed a pedal with his foot and a mighty roar and vibration began at once as the motor opened up. The acrid reek of castor oil, which is used to lubricate aeroplanes, filled the air. The stuff was expelled from the cylinder vents in blue clouds, shot with lambent smoky flame. The mighty power exerted by the eight cylinders shook the frail fabric of the aeroplane as an earthquake might. "Hold on tight now!" shouted the officer to the pupils, who were gripping the machine tightly, grasping on to the rear structure. Had they not done so, it would have darted off at once before the two propellers gained top speed and driving power. "Now!" shouted the officer suddenly. Instantly they let go, as they had been instructed. Ned felt as if he had suddenly been plunged into a runaway express train that was careening over a newly ploughed field. The shocks and vibration of the machine, as it rushed straight forward, like a scared jackrabbit, over the uneven surface of the field, made it hard to hold on. Just as Ned felt that he must inevitably be hurled from his seat, the motion suddenly changed. The contrast was violent. From the jouncing, rattling, bumping onrush of a second before, the novice seemed to have been suddenly transported to the softest of feather-beds. The aeroplane glided upward without any apparent effort. It appeared to Ned as if the land was dropping from under his feet, rather than that they were rising from the earth. Higher they soared and higher. Suddenly their pleasant drifting, as it seemed, though the aeroplane was making sixty miles an hour, changed to a terrifying drop. It was like rushing downward in a runaway elevator. Ned choked, caught his breath, and turned faint and dizzy. Without wishing to do so, he found himself compelled to close his eyes. The qualms of incipient nausea began to rack him. His head pained, too. "Gracious," he thought impatiently, "what's the matter with me, anyway? Am I a baby or a girl? If the lieutenant can stand it, I can." With a supreme effort of will, the Dreadnought Boy compelled himself to open his eyes. He stole a side glance at his companion. Lieutenant De Frees was as cool as an iceberg. "I must be, too," thought Ned, steeling himself. As he did so, the alarming downward motion ceased. They began to rise once more, swinging upward and climbing the sky in long, lazy circles. It was then and there that Ned's attack of air fever left him, never to return. Compared to the experiences of his companions, he learned later he had had a comparatively mild attack. Ned now began to look about him. The other two aeroplanes were soaring below them, like big birds of the buzzard kind. He felt a wild desire suddenly gripping his heart to go higher--right up among the fleecy clouds that hung above them. Perhaps the officer read his thoughts. At any rate, they continued to climb the aerial staircase. At a height of four thousand feet, they plunged into a fog. The sudden change from the bright sunlight was bewildering. "We are passing through one of those clouds that you saw from below," volunteered the officer. He glanced at the barograph and read off to Ned the height to which they had arisen. "Good gracious," thought the lad, "four thousand feet above the earth, and nothing between me and it but the soles of my shoes!" But Ned's terror had gone. He began to take a real interest in the operation of the aeroplane now. It was fascinating to a degree. All at once they emerged from the wet fog bank and glided into the sunlight. Condensed moisture covered the planes. Drops of water, turned to miniature rainbows by the sunlight, slid down the wire stays and supports. "Want to go higher?" asked the officer presently. "If you want to, sir," said Ned. "We might as well. You are standing it splendidly, Strong." Ned felt himself glow with pleasure. Words of praise from an officer are not plentiful in our or any other navy. But, as we have seen, the discipline on the aviation squad was not exactly as rigid as on board a battleship. But presently Ned's pleasant glow gave way to a shivering sensation. It was growing bitterly cold. His teeth chattered and his hands turned a beautiful plum color. The moisture from the cloud began to freeze on the machine. "Enough for to-day," decided the officer, and he started to descend. The drop was rapid, yet now that Ned was more used to it, he felt no particular alarm. In an incredibly short time, so it seemed, the earth rushed up to meet them, and they landed on the aviation field as lightly as a wind-wafted feather. The next day Ned and the two other most proficient pupils--Merritt and Chance--were given a chance to handle the levers alone. They acquitted themselves well. Their advancement proved rapid, living up to the promise of their first efforts. On the day which we described at the beginning of this chapter, Ned, as we have seen, was capable of handling an aeroplane alone. So were Merritt and Chance. Herc was a fair airman, and the others were progressing favorably. But the real rivals of the air were, at present, Ned, Merritt and Chance. CHAPTER VI. NED INVENTS SOMETHING. "What are you so busy over, my lad?" inquired Lieutenant De Frees one morning, stopping in front of the Dreadnought Boys' hangar. Ned looked up from the sheet of paper over which he had been poring. It was covered with figures and geometrical scrawlings made by a stumpy lead pencil. The lad was a bit abashed. Herc was busy tuning up his aeroplane, and Ned, by this time, should have been busy on his machine, for it was a clear, calm day, ideal for a flight. But Ned had not yet even donned his aviation togs. Instead, he had been putting in the best part of an hour on his figuring, bending over it with a puckered brow. A moment before the officer had poked his head in at the door, the boy had started up with a glad cry: "Herc, I've got it!" "Catching?" inquired Herc, as he tightened the turnbuckle of a slack stay-wire. "I hope so," laughed Ned. "I hope it proves catching enough for Uncle Sam to adopt. You see, an aeroplane fitted with pontoons----" "Oh, choke it off. I've heard it all a hundred times," began Herc, and then, dropping his bantering expression, the freckled lad went on: "It's a great thing, Ned, not a doubt of it. But are you sure you've got it at last?" "Certain sure," smiled Ned confidently; "it was to attain cubic capacity, combined with strength and lightness, that bothered me. But I think I've figured it out now so that it will work." So saying, he had resumed his calculations and had been engaged on them but a few seconds when the interruption occurred. "Why, it's an idea I've been working out for some time, sir," said Ned modestly, in reply to the officer's question. "I'd rather like to have your opinion on it, sir, if it isn't too much to ask. You see, it's a scheme to attach pontoons to an aeroplane, making the machine practicable for both air and water. Inasmuch as our experiments are to select a naval type, it seemed to me that----" "A machine that could fly and swim, too, if necessary, would be a great thing," broke in the officer enthusiastically. "Well, my boy, if you really have such an idea in practicable shape, I think I can encourage you to hope great things for it. Any one of a hundred manufacturers would be willing to buy your secret and pay you well for it, too." Ned flushed. A flicker of something akin to indignation crossed his face. "If it's any good, sir," he said quietly, "I intended that our navy should have it." The officer brought down his hand with a hearty slap on Ned's broad shoulder. "Good for you," he said. "I spoke as I did to test your motives in working on this invention, and I am not disappointed in you. If you will visit me at my quarters to-night, we'll talk more of the matter." "Thank you, sir," rejoined Ned, flushing gratefully, and his eyes shining, "at what time, sir?" "About nine o'clock. I've some friends coming over this evening and shall not be at liberty before that time." Ned saluted, and Herc likewise clicked his heels together and raised his hand, as the officer left the hangar to resume his morning tour of inspection. The tall form of their superior had hardly vanished from the doorway before Herc, who had turned to search for some tool, gave a sudden sharp outcry. There was a small window, high up in the rear of the shed, which had been left open for ventilation. As Herc turned, he was as certain as he was that it was daylight, that he had seen a face vanish quickly from the casement. Its owner had evidently dropped from the opening through which he had chosen to spy on the Dreadnought Boys. "What's up, Herc?" asked Ned, as he caught his chum's smothered exclamation. "Why--why," exclaimed Herc, "I could be almost certain that I saw the face of Chance vanish from that window as I turned round." "Eavesdropping, eh?" "Looks like it. I guess he saw Lieutenant De Frees come in here and remain longer than ordinarily. It must have aroused their curiosity." "What do you mean by 'they'?" "Merritt and Chance, of course. You know how much love they bear us. I guess they felt afraid we were stealing a march of some kind on them. "It's a mean trick!" continued Herc. "If I'd only caught him before I'd--I'd have bust his face." "Let's go round to the back of the shed. We can soon find out if anyone was really there, or if your imagination played you a trick." Herc readily agreed. He was fairly boiling with anger. But, on investigation, the fresh paint at the rear of the shed proved not to be scratched, as must have been the case had any one clambered up to the window. "Looks to me as if you're seeing things," teased Ned. "Does look rather like it," confessed Herc. "It seems as if--hullo, what--what's that? I guess that's how he reached the window without scratching the paint." He pointed to a short ladder, evidently left behind by the workmen who had fitted up the hangars. It lay in some tall grass, a short distance from where the Dreadnought Boys stood. A hasty attempt seemed to have been made to hide it, but if this had been the case, it was unsuccessful. "Just as I thought," declared Herc, after a minute. "The grass here is freshly trampled by the chap who threw the ladder back." Ned was silent a minute. Then he spoke. "I wonder how much they overheard?" he said slowly. "All our conversation, I guess, if they arrived in time. Why?" "Because I wanted to keep my pontoon idea secret till I'd tried it out. It isn't exactly for general publication--yet." Herc seemed to catch a deeper meaning in the words. "You're thinking of that chap who's been snooping around here for the last week posing as a newspaper photographer?" he asked quickly. "Yes. I'm convinced, somehow, that he is nothing of the sort. For one thing, he's far too curious about the mechanical details of the aeroplanes, and the results of the experiments so far as we've conducted them. Another thing is, that he seems unusually well supplied with money, and he also appears to be a man of far greater ability than his supposed job would indicate." "Gee whillakers!" gasped Herc. "You're not after thinking he's a foreign spy?" "That's just what I am," rejoined Ned firmly. "He won't get much information here." "Not if he depended on most of us for it. But there's Chance and Merritt. It's a mean thing to say, Herc, but I wouldn't trust those fellows any farther than I could see them, and not so far as that." "We-el!" whistled Herc, with huge assumed surprise, "you don't say so? I was always under the delusion that they were honest, above-board sports, who wouldn't do a mean thing for all the wealth on Wall Street." But just then the assembly bugle rang out sharply, summoning the aero squad to its labors. The lads hastened to get their machines out on the field. As they trundled them forth, assisted by some of the men employed about the grounds for such jobs, Ned's machine almost collided with a short, rather thick-set man, with a huge pair of moustaches and luxuriant blonde hair. The latter hung in a tangle from under a battered derby hat. The rest of the man's garments were in keeping with his disreputable head-gear. They consisted of a long, and very greasy-looking frock coat, a pair of checked trousers, badly frayed at the bottoms, broken boots and a soiled shirt and collar. [Illustration: Sigmund Muller, free-lance photographer, bore an indescribable air of being something other than he pretended to be.] Over his back was strapped a black leather box, which evidently contained a camera, for under his arm he bore a folded tripod. But, despite his disreputable appearance, Sigmund Muller, free-lance photographer, as he termed himself, bore an indescribable air of being something other than he pretended to be. Ned was skilled in reading human faces, and the first time he had set eyes on Herr Muller, he had decided that under the battered exterior and slouching gait lay hidden a keen, lance-like intellect, and an unscrupulous daring. The lad was impressed with the conviction that here was a man to be reckoned with. As the advancing aeroplane almost knocked him down, Herr Muller jumped nimbly to one side. Then he assumed what was meant to be a free-and-easy sort of manner. "Chust for dot," he exclaimed, "I dakes me a picdgure of your aeromoplane. Yes--no?" He began to unsling his camera, but Ned stopped him in a flash. "Don't bother yourself," he said sharply. "You recollect that I told you the other day that it was against the rules to take pictures of any of the aeroplanes on the grounds." "Undt I voss ordered off, too," chuckled Herr Muller, without displaying the slightest trace of irritation, "budt, you see, mein young friendt, I coom back--yah." "Do you mind standing out of the way?" cut in Herc suddenly. "I'd hate to run you down, but if you stand in the road any longer I'll have to." Once more Herr Muller jumped nimbly aside. "Dot'll be all righdt," he said amicably, "go on! Go ahead! Some day you break your neck, undt den I take picdgure of you--yes, no?" He fixed the freckled-faced boy with a glance as he spoke. Herc, despite his usual equanimity, felt a shudder run through him, as he encountered the look. It seemed to penetrate like the white-hot flame of a blow-pipe. "Whoof!" he exclaimed, as he hastened along, "that chap's about as pleasant a thing to have around as a rattlesnake. He gives me the shivers." As the Dreadnought Boys hastened to the assembling place, Merritt and Chance, with their machines, emerged. They passed close to Herr Muller, and as they went by he overheard every word they said. "So Ned Strong is trying to sneak into favor again, eh?" snarled Merritt, who had just been listening to Chance's account of what he had overheard at the hangar window. "Yes, confound him. I wish we could find some way to put them both out of business. If it wasn't for them, we'd be----" A soft touch on Chance's arm interrupted him. He faced round and was rather startled to see the shambling figure of Sigmund Muller at his elbow. The man's face bore a peculiar, searching look. Chance felt a sort of shiver run through him as he faced him. But he shook it off. "Well, what is it?" he demanded gruffly. "You were talking about Ned Strong and Herc Taylor and some plans they had?" said the photographer in quiet tones. "Why, y-y-y-yes," stammered Chance, rather taken aback. But then, with a return to his former bravado: "What business have you eavesdropping, anyhow? What business is it of yours, eh?" The other paid no attention to this outburst. "You don't like Ned Strong or Herc Taylor?" he said in the same even tone. "Like them," repeated Chance indignantly, "I should say not, I hate--but what do you want to know for?" "Because I don't like them either," was the reply. "If you'll meet me at eight o'clock to-night at the old barn, the other side of the stone bridge on the Medford Road, I'll have a proposition of interest to make to you." "What do you think I am--crazy, as you are?" burst out Chance. "Meet you to talk moonshine? What could you do?" "Put you in the way of making a lot of money," was the rejoinder. "Money!" Chance laughed scornfully. "Why, you're nothing but a hobo yourself. If you know where there's so much money, why don't you---- Great Scott!" Herr Muller had quietly thrust his hand into an inside pocket and withdrawn an immense roll of bills. Chance could see that they were all of big denominations. But he only got a brief look at the roll, for it was almost instantaneously replaced. "Well," said Herr Muller, with a quiet smile tinged with some contempt, "what do you think of my credentials?" "They're--they're all right," gasped Chance, still staring as if fascinated at the shabby figure before him. "You and your friend will agree, then, that I am worth talking business with?" The other thought a minute. "My name's Chance, and I'll take one," he said, as he turned and swiftly hastened off. He had lingered a long time and faced a reprimand. But he took it philosophically, for an idea had occurred to him, a plan which might be the means of freeing himself and his chosen companion from what they deemed the drudgery and hardships of the life of a sailor. CHAPTER VII. A RESCUE BY AEROPLANE. "Men, I have an announcement to make," said Lieutenant De Frees, when they had all assembled with their various types of machines. Ned noticed that the officer held in his hand a sheet of blue paper of official appearance. It was closely covered with typewritten matter. "Py golly, vot now comes?" whispered Hans to Mulligan. "Whist, can't ye, and listen to the officer!" warned Mulligan. Like the rest, the two whisperers fell into attitudes of deep attention. "As you all are aware," began the officer, "it is the purpose of the navy to determine the advisability of equipping every vessel in the fleet with an aeroplane suitable for bomb dropping or scout duty. Naturally one of the most essential features of such a craft would be its ability to fly both to and from the parent ship. In other words, not only must it be able to fly from the ship to the shore, a comparatively simple matter, but it must be able to land back on the deck of the ship from whence it came--a far more hazardous feat." "Vos is idt, dot 'haz-az-abluss'?" whispered Hans. "You all follow my meaning?" asked the officer. A chorus of "Aye, aye, sir," came from the throats of the "Aviation Class." "Py Chimmy Hill, I follow you all righd, budt I'm a long, long vay behindt, as der terrapin remarked to der rappit," commented Hans in a low undertone which was lost in the hearty roar of the concerted response. "Very good," resumed the officer. "Now, then, I have here," he referred to the sheet of typewritten paper, "an announcement from the department that one week hence a landing platform will be erected on the after-deck of the _Manhattan_. She will anchor in the Roads, and those desiring to attempt the feat of landing on her deck may notify me at the earliest opportunity. I may add, that to the successful aviator, will accrue an award of $100, beside certain promotion for efficiency." "Nodt for vun million billion bundtles of dollars vould I preak my neck," commented Hans to Mulligan. "By gorry, Dutchy, I don't blame ye. 'Twould be a day's wu-urk fer a burrd to do the thrick," was the response. "We will now take up morning practice," came the next announcement. "I think that some of you are far enough advanced to try passenger carrying across country. Strong, I assign you to take up Taylor. Merritt, you will carry Chance as your companion." A sort of buzz of excitement ran through the squad, as the chosen ones hurried off to make ready. "The remainder of the squad," came the next order, "will resume ordinary practice." "Dot's all ve do, is resuming," muttered Hans. "I hope I don't resume my sneezing, py crickety." It did not take Ned and Herc long to get ready. With a buzz and whirr, they were up and into the air before Merritt and Chance got their engines tuned up. No directions as to the course they should take had been given them, so Ned headed the flying machine off inland, where fields and hedges showed in a pretty patchwork beneath them, with a rim of blue mountains in the distance. "Say, this is great," exclaimed Herc, as they sped on,-- "Take a trip up to the sky; Say, but it's a dream to fly; From the ground we'll take a jump, I hope we don't land with a bump." "You're improving as a poet every minute," laughed Ned, his alert eyes peering straight ahead and his hands firmly grasping the controlling wheel. "Let's hope you're not a prophet as well as a poet. By the way, just take a look round and see if you can catch a glimpse of those other two fellows." "I see them, about ten miles behind," announced Herc presently. "They're coming right ahead, too. Traveling at a faster clip than we are, I judge." "Let them risk their necks if they want to. We'll jog along easily," replied Ned. For some time they sped on, above pastures and grain fields, and patches of woodland and meadow, threaded here and there by narrow streams which glittered in the bright sunlight like silver ribbons. It was, as Herc had said, "great." The blood ran faster, and every nerve tingled invigoratingly under the stimulus of the rapid advance through the air. All about them the shining stay-wires hummed and buzzed, giving out a shrill accompaniment to the steady drone of the motor. "I'll slow down a bit now," said Ned presently. "I'm anxious to see how she'll behave at reduced speed with extra weight on board." As he shut down the power, the aeroplane descended perceptibly. The added weight of another passenger made her far less buoyant, as was to have been expected. They were quite low, hovering like a big hawk above a small farm-house, when a sudden scream from below was borne to their ears quite distinctly. "Hullo! What's that?" exclaimed Ned. "It was a woman screaming," was the rejoinder. "We'd better drop down and see what's the trouble." "Just what I think. It came from that farm-house." "I know. Hold on tight, now; I'm going to drop fast." Like a stone the aeroplane fell. The rapidity of the drop made both the aviators gasp. Just as it seemed inevitable that they must be dashed to bits on the ground beneath, Ned, by a skilful bit of airmanship, brought his craft to a level keel, and alighted without a jolt. They came to earth in an open meadow at the rear of the farm-house, a white-painted, green-shuttered place of comfortable appearance. As the machine stopped its motion, both lads leaped out and began running toward the house. As they neared it, a voice struck on their ears: "Come on, now; no nonsense. Give me the money your husband has hidden here, or I'll hurt you." Had the two Dreadnought Boys been able to see through the walls of the house, they would have beheld a terrified woman, in a gingham gown and white apron, cowering before a heavy-set man, who was brandishing a stout club. The fellow's look was desperate. His deep little eyes glittered menacingly under heavy, black brows. His bluish, bristly chin thrust forward truculently. "Take these silver spoons," the woman begged, "and leave me alone. They are all I have." "Don't try lying to me," growled the man, stepping forward a pace. "It won't go. I've heard around here that your husband is a miser, and I want the money he has hidden. Come, now, are you going to give it to me, or----" He raised the club threateningly. The woman paled, but stood her ground bravely. "I have given you all the valuables we have in the house," she said. "If anyone told you my husband was a miser, they must have done it out of malice. We are poor farmers, and----" "That'll do! That'll do! I'm tired of argying with yer. I'll look for myself. Stand aside, and look jumpy now, or----" A scream burst from the woman's lips, as her brutal annoyer came toward her, his upper lip curled in a snarl. But he had not advanced more than a couple of paces before an unexpected interruption occurred. A third voice struck into the scene. "Stop right where you are, Bill Kennell, or there'll be trouble." Kennell, for it was the disgraced and desperate bully formerly of the _Manhattan_, whipped round in a flash. His recognition of the Dreadnought Boys, who stood in the opened kitchen door, was swift as theirs had been of him. "Ned Strong!" he exclaimed in a husky voice. "Not forgetting Herc Taylor, Bill," grinned the freckle-faced youth. "You don't seem exactly glad to see us." "Oh, whoever you are, thank heaven you have come!" cried the woman. She reeled backward, overcome by the reaction of her feelings, and would have fallen if Herc had not jumped forward and seized her in his arms. At the same instant, Kennell, who had lost none of his former agility, crouched and sprung like a wildcat at Ned. But if he had thought to catch the Dreadnought Boy off his guard, he was dreadfully mistaken. Ned jumped nimbly to one side, as Kennell rushed at him, and the bully carried by the impetus of his onrush, crashed against the wall. He recovered himself in an instant and came back at Ned with formidable force. But once more Ned was ready for him. The Dreadnought Boy dived suddenly, as Kennell raised his knotted club, and, coming up under the man's arm, caught him a blow on the chin that caused the former bully of the _Manhattan_ to reel and stagger. But, as if he had been prepared for some such result of his onslaught, Kennell, without an instant's loss of time, produced a pistol from somewhere amid his tattered garments. Before Ned could make another move, a hot flame fanned his face; a loud report rang in his ears, and he felt a sharp, stinging pain in his head. Then he lost consciousness. As he fell with a crash against a chair, bringing it a splintered wreck to the floor with him, Herc deposited the fainting woman on an old-fashioned settee, and sprang with a roar of anger at Kennell. But as he did so, two other figures suddenly appeared in the open doorway of the farm-house kitchen. "It's Bill Kennell!" cried one of them, who was no other than Merritt. He and Chance had seen Ned's descent, and had dropped, too, to see if, perchance, some bad luck had not overtaken their rivals. Hearing the uproar in the kitchen, they had hastened to it. As Herc fairly leaped on Kennell, before the ruffian had a chance to fire another shot, Merritt took in the whole situation with the quick intuition of a man of his intellect. Kennell, with Herc on the top of him, was tottering backward, and on the verge of falling helplessly before his powerful young antagonist, when Merritt, with a quick movement, picked up a heavy chair. Raising it, he brought it down with all his might on the unconscious Herc's head. The next instant the two Dreadnought Boys lay senseless on the floor of the kitchen, one of them seemingly badly wounded. CHAPTER VIII. HERC GETS "A TALKING TO." When Ned came to himself, it was to find the farmer's wife bending over him and laving the wound on his head with warm water. Herc, with a quizzical look on his face, stood nearby. "Whoof!" he exclaimed, as Ned opened his eyes. "What struck us?" "I guess a bullet nicked me," grinned Ned; "it isn't much of a wound, is it?" "Only grazed the skin," the farmer's wife assured him. "I am so thankful. It would have been terrible if either of you had come to serious harm through your brave act in my defence." "Oh, that's all right, ma'am," said Ned, scrambling to his feet, "glad to have been of service. But whatever hit you, Herc?" For Herc was holding his head now, with a lugubrious expression. "Blessed if I know. Wish I did. I saw you fall, and jumped in to land Kennell. I grabbed him, and was bearing him down, when something that felt like a locomotive hit me a fearful wallop. Then I went to slumberland." "Oh, how frightened I was, when I recovered my senses, and saw you two brave lads lying on the floor," said the farmer's wife, almost overcome at the recollection. "Well, unless this house is haunted by spooks, who can hit as hard as steam-hammers, we'll have to come to the conclusion that Kennell had some confederates," decided Herc. "The whole thing has a queer look to me," admitted Ned, with a puzzled look. "I can't make it out at all. You are sure that the fellow who annoyed you had no companions, madam?" "I'm certain," declared the farmer's wife positively. "He came here soon after my husband drove off to town. He asked for something to eat, which I gave him. When he had finished he frightened me by demanding money. I gave him what little I had, but he insisted that my husband had more concealed about the premises. If you had not come in time, I do not know what I should have done. But whom have I got to thank? You--you," looking hesitatingly at the queer combination of aviation costume and regulation jackie uniform the lads wore, "you aren't soldiers, be you?" "Not yet, ma'am," rejoined Herc gravely, "although at times we are tempted to soldier." "We're soldiers' first cousins," laughed Ned. "Oh, I see, sailors. But then, what is that contraption out there?" She pointed out of the window at the aeroplane. "I saw one like it at the county fair. Be you flying sailors?" "I guess that's just what we are, ma'am," laughed Ned. "And that reminds me that we must be getting along. It is going on for noon." He appeared about to go, and Herc was following his example, when the woman checked them. "Oh, you must not go till you have told me your names," she said. "My husband would like to thank you personally for your bravery." "As for our names, they are soon given," said Ned. "But for thanks--I guess it's the duty of Uncle Sam's sailors to do all they can to help the weak, and----" "Land the bullies," finished Herc, with a flourish of his fist. "Only this time it looks as if the bully had landed us," put in Ned, with a chuckle. "Humph!" grunted Herc, feeling his head ruefully. "But," he added, cheering up vastly, "we had him on the run, anyhow." "That's so," agreed Ned, "and I see, 'by the same token,' as Mulligan says, that he was in such a hurry he left the spoons behind him." He pointed to a scattered heap at the door which the farmer's wife pounced upon gratefully. The spoons were all there but one, and Kennell's exit must have been hurried, to judge by this fact. Evidently he had dropped them by accident and had not tarried to pick them up. While the farmer's wife looked on in wonderment, and not a little fear, Ned and Herc prepared their machine for flight. In a little less than ten minutes' time, they had taken the air with a roar and whirr, throwing the domestic animals about the place into panic. Without incident they winged their way back to the aviation field, arriving there in time for a hearty noon-day dinner at the farmhouse. Ned's head was bandaged, and Herc's cheek was swollen, but they volunteered no explanation of their injuries, and Lieutenant De Frees concluded that they had met with some slight accident of which they did not care to speak, and deemed it best not to ask questions. During the noon-day meal, Ned watched the countenances of Merritt and Chance narrowly. Although he had not the slightest thing to base his belief upon, an obstinate idea had entered his head and would not leave it, and that was, that they had, in some manner, something to do with the occurrences of the morning. He mentioned this to Herc afterward, but was laughed at for his pains. "It was some sort of a hard-hitting ghost that landed me that sleep wallop," declared Herc, who, as we know, was reprehensibly given to slang on all occasions. The afternoon passed quietly. Merritt and Chance asked leave to go into the town, which was not far off, and they were granted an afternoon's furlough. In what manner they employed it, we shall learn before long. Ned and Herc watched them go off, arm in arm, and Herc turned to Ned with an indignant snort. "Whoof! I'll bet those chaps are up to some more cussedness. Look how they've got their heads together. Wonder what they are plotting now?" "Don't know, and don't much care," laughed Ned; "tell you what, Herc, you'd better get out and practice, instead of wasting time on speculations over Merritt, Chance and Co. By the way, I wonder what they would say if they knew that their old acquaintance, Kennell, was at large and up to his old tricks?" "Join him, probably. Especially if it was in anything that would make trouble for us," returned Herc. "But what are you going to do this afternoon?" Herc had noticed that Ned had not donned his aviation "uniform." "I? Oh, Lieutenant De Frees told me I could get my drawings in shape for his examination of them to-night. He is to have one or two naval experts at his quarters, whom he is anxious to show them to. Herc, old boy, maybe we're on the highway to fame." "Maybe you are, you mean," flashed back Herc. "I guess I'll be the same old stick-in-the-mud till the end of the chapter." "Nonsense. Use your initiative. Think up something new in connection with our present line of work." "A new way to tumble, for instance," grinned Herc. "There you go. That's your great fault. You can never be serious for two minutes together." "I can, too," remonstrated Herc indignantly. "That time I was in the brig on the _Manhattan_ I was serious till--till they brought my dinner." Ned couldn't help laughing at his whimsical chum's frank way of putting things. But presently he resumed, more seriously. "Come, Herc, you don't do yourself justice. You laugh away your real ability. Look here, I'll give you an idea to work on. See what you can do with it." "I'm all cheers--ears, I mean," declared Herc, leaning forward in interested fashion. Ned realized that the flippant tone hid real interest. Without seeming to notice it, he went on. "One of the most needed improvements in the modern aeroplane--I mean where it is used in warfare--is a perfected appliance for bomb-dropping. The present way is pretty clumsy. An aviator has to let go of his controls with one hand while he manipulates his bomb-dropping device with the other. Some bit of apparatus that would do the work, say by foot-power, would be a big improvement, and add a whole lot to the effectiveness of the machine using it." Herc kindled to enthusiasm while Ned talked. His careless manner vanished. "That's like you, Ned," he said with real warmth of affection, "always ready to help a fellow out. I'll try to work out something on the lines you suggested. It's time I did something, anyhow. But the idea will still be yours, no matter what I do with it." "Pshaw!" chuckled Ned, "didn't Shakespeare work over old stories into great plays?" "I suppose so," agreed Herc, who did not care to display his almost total darkness concerning the late Mr. Shakespeare and his methods. CHAPTER IX. A CONSPIRACY IS RIPENING. "That you, boys?" The speaker emerged from a patch of gloomy looking bushes, masking an old stone bridge. "Yes, it's us all right, Herr Muller. On time, ain't we?" It was Chance who spoke. Close behind came Merritt and another figure. "Yes, you're on time, all right. But who's that with you? I don't want outsiders mixed up in this." Merritt came forward with the third member of the newly arrived party. "This is Bill Kennell, an old chum of ours," he said. "He's all right, and we may find him useful in our plans." "Very well, if you'll vouch for him." It was noticeable that all trace of accent had now vanished from Herr Muller's tone. In fact, except for a very slight trace of foreign pronunciation, impossible to reproduce, he spoke remarkably good English. "Oh, we'll vouch for him. And now to business," said Merritt, seating himself on the coping of the bridge. "You said this afternoon that you, as representative of the New York group of International Anarchists, would pay us well to keep you in possession of the latest moves of the United States navy." "Yes, yes," responded the other eagerly, "we wish to know all--everything--I am authorized to pay you well for such information." "But why--why do you want it?" demanded Chance bluntly. "I will tell you. We anarchists hate all law and order. We wish to be a law to ourselves. All law is oppression. Such is our teaching. Navies and armies represent power and help to keep law and order, therefore, when the time comes, we wish"--he paused reflectively--"to destroy all such tools of oppression." Chance, calloused as he was, gasped. "You mean you would dare to destroy or try to damage, the property of the United States?" he gasped. "I mean what I said, my young man." "Oh, say, count us out, then. That's too much for me. Say, Merritt, let's be getting back." "Hold on a minute," snarled the masquerading photographer, changing in an instant from a docile creature into an alert, dangerous martinet, "you can't refuse to fall in with my plans now. If you do I shall crush you. You are in my power now." "Pooh!" scoffed Merritt. "How do you make that out?" But, though he strove to make his tone easy, there was an under note of anxiety in it. "How do I make it out? In this way, my friends: If you are false to your promises to me, I shall denounce you to the government authorities. I have witnesses to all that you said this afternoon in my room at the hotel. The man you thought was a waiter was in my employ, and is an anarchist, like myself. That shabby little peddler who came to sell some cheap jewelry was another of the same belief. They heard all you said. Moreover, they saw you accept money from me----" "But you told us that all you wanted us to do was to get those plans from Ned Strong when he comes along this way from the lieutenant's house to-night," gasped Chance. "Yes; but I may have other uses for you. Rest assured that you are in a web from which you cannot escape. If you try to play false to me, I will have you sent to the place which Uncle Sam reserves for traitors and spies." "Oh, well," said Merritt slyly, "we may as well make the best of it. Let's talk business. In the first place, did you bring the disguises?" Herr Muller, as we must know him, rejoined in the affirmative. "I have them in that old barn," he said. "Very well. The time is getting along. We had better go up there and assume them. By the way, have you any pistols for us? We couldn't smuggle out our service revolvers." "Pistols!" scoffed the other. "What do you want pistols for? Are there not three of you against one? And I will be in reserve in case he proves too much for you." "Um, I know; that's all very well," muttered Chance, "but you don't know this fellow Strong. He's as powerful as a bull, and will fight like a wild-cat." "But he's up against overpowering odds to-night," Merritt rejoined, with regained confidence. "This is the time that Ned Strong, the favored paragon of the navy, is going to get his--and get it good." "You can bet he is," agreed Chance and Kennell, with clenched teeth. "I've got a few scores to pay off on my own account," added the latter. "Well, here are your disguises," said Herr Muller, striking a match and indicating a bundle in one corner of the barn. Presently he produced a pocket flash-lamp, and held it cautiously while Merritt and Chance, two traitors to the United States, invested themselves in the rough-looking garments he had provided. They were complete, even to false whiskers. When they had attired themselves in the tattered clothes and adjusted the remainder of their disguises, two more disreputable-looking specimens of the genus tramp than Merritt and Chance presented could not have been imagined. "You'll do finely," declared Herr Muller, with deep satisfaction, when the preparations were concluded. "I'd be scared of you myself, if I met you on a dark road," he added, with peculiar humor. "How about me?" asked Kennell. "That 'Dreadnought Boy,' as they call him, knows me." "Pshaw! that's so," said Herr Muller. "Well, see here," producing a handkerchief, "tie this over the lower part of your face and you will be well enough disguised." "I reckon so," agreed Kennell, adopting the suggestion. In the meantime, Ned had been practically the guest of honor at Lieutenant De Free's quarters. Two or three other naval officers were present, and they all displayed frank interest in the bright, intelligent youth and his invention, which he explained at length. "But, my dear De Frees," one of them--a young ensign named Tandy--had declared, "you can say all you like about the aeroplane in warfare. In efficiency it will never take the place of the submarine, for instance. I'm willing to wager any amount that on any night that I held the deck, an aeroplane, equipped with pontoons or anything else, could not, by any possibility, approach within a hundred yards of my vessel." "You really think so, Tandy?" queried Lieutenant De Frees good-naturedly. "Well, I tell you what we will do: At some other time we'll meet and talk it over. If you are still in the same mind, we will draw up conditions for such a test. It should be interesting and of great value theoretically." "Yes," laughed Tandy, "it will demonstrate the fact that no aerial craft could torpedo or blew up a war vessel at night without being perceived in time. Therefore, what is the use of equipping the ships with such craft? They take up valuable room and waste a lot of money which would be better spent on guns and ordnance." "I agree with you, Tandy," said Lieutenant Morrow, a veteran of many years' service, "from my observation of aeroplanes, one could not get within bomb-dropping or torpedo-aiming distance of a war vessel at night. Why, the noise of their engines would alone betray their nearness." "But what if she glided up on pontoons?" smiled Lieutenant De Frees. "The same thing would hold good," declared young Ensign Tandy, with a confident air. Of course, Ned, as a petty officer, could not take part in this conversation, but it made a deep impression on him. After warm good-nights from the officers, who really felt an admiration for this clean-cut and self-respecting, although perfectly respectful young sailor, Ned set out on his homeward way. In his breast-pocket--or rather tucked inside his loose blouse--he carried the plans of his invention. It was quite dark, with the exception of a pallid light given out by a sickly moon, that was every now and then obscured altogether by hurrying clouds. Ned walked along quickly, at his usual swinging pace. His thoughts were too much upon his invention for him to pay much attention to his surroundings. All at once, however, he stopped short and listened for an instant. But not a sound, except the sighing of a light, night wind in the trees that bordered the road, disturbed the stillness. "Funny," mused Ned; "I could have been certain I saw a light flash by that old bridge right ahead. I guess I'm seeing things, too, like Herc." So thinking, he struck once more into his regular pace. A few steps brought him into a patch of velvety shadow caused by the thick-growing shrubs and alders that edged the creek which the bridge spanned. "What a spot for a hold-up!" thought the young man-o'-war's-man, when he entered the blackness. As he did so, a sharp chill struck him. A keen sense of impending danger caused him to swing sharply around. It was well he had heeded his intuition, for, as he turned, a heavy bludgeon whistled by his ear. It had been aimed for his head, but his sudden and unexpected move had saved him. For a breath, Ned stood rooted to the spot. Then his eyes blazed with anger. "Come on, you skulking thieves!" he cried in a high, clear voice, "I'm ready for you!" CHAPTER X. A DREADNOUGHT BOY AT BAY. The Dreadnought Boy's challenge was still vibrating when, from every side, dark figures seemed to spring. They rushed at him like so many tigers. Ned struck out blindly. It was hard to distinguish anything in the darkness, but twice in the first few seconds of his desperate battle against odds, he felt his fists encounter some one's features. The feeling gave him a sense of distinct satisfaction. "One! Two!" counted the young man-o'-war's-man grimly, as his fists shot out right and left like sledge-hammers. But Ned knew, as well as his opponents, that four to one are almost insurmountable odds. Already he had knocked two of his foes sprawling, when he was struck a blow from behind that staggered him. But it was only for an instant. The next moment he had turned and seized by the throat the man who had aimed the blow. He shook him as a terrier shakes a rat. He could hear the fellow's teeth chatter, but it was too dark to distinguish features. In the meantime, his fallen opponents had picked themselves up. So far the fight had progressed in ominous silence, save for the deep breaths and stamping feet of those engaged in it. But now, fury at this unexpectedly stubborn resistance brought words to the lips of his foes. They were not nice words, and Ned thrilled with a desire to silence their utterers, for he was a clean-spoken boy, who hated profanity in any form. Suddenly, as if by concerted consent, his foes ceased their separate attacks, and massed like a wolf pack preparing to finish its prey. Ned had hardly sensed the new situation and braced himself to meet it before they were upon him. Thud! thud! The lad's fists met their mark fairly, and once more two of his opponents reeled back. But this time they did not fall. Instead, they rallied to the attack. As if they had been one, all four of his assailants hurled themselves on the Dreadnought Boy. Strive as he would, Ned felt his arms pinioned to his sides, and he was borne down by sheer weight of numbers. He struggled with every steel-like muscle in his powerful young body. With teeth set and eyes that flamed, he fought with every fraction of an ounce of strength he possessed. But, with two men hanging like bulldogs to his neck from behind, and two more clinging to his arms and battering him in front, the lad could do nothing. With a sickening sense of helplessness, he felt a leg slide under his, and tottered backward. With his four foes still clinging like leeches to him, Ned felt himself borne to earth, and then, despite his frantic struggles, a hand was thrust rapidly into each of his pockets. A cry escaped him for the first time--a cry of rage. The rascals were rifling him of the plans of the pontoon-equipped aeroplane! All at once a voice struck into the scene. Some one was coming down the road. At the top of a pair of lusty lungs the approaching individual was singing: "A sailor's wife, a sail-or's star should be! Star-r-r-r-r-r should be! Star-r-r-r-r-r should be!" "Herc!" shouted Ned. "Ahoy, there!" came the hearty response, as Herc, who had been sauntering along the road, on his way to meet Ned, broke into a run. Something in the accent of Ned's cry had warned him that his comrade's need for help was urgent. "Scatter!" came a sharp voice from one of the hitherto silent waylayers of the Dreadnought Boy. Like so many leaves before a sharp puff of autumn wind, they instantly dissolved into the night. Ned, dusty, battered and furious, picked himself up. As he did so Herc plunged into the dark patch in which the desperate fight had taken place. He hailed Ned and received an instant response. "What on earth has happened?" he exclaimed. Ned soon told his story. His voice throbbed with anger as he talked. Ned was slow to wrath, but once aroused he was whole-souled in his anger, and surely he had justification for his rage. "The scoundrels!" burst out Herc, "couldn't you recognize any of them?" "No. They chose the place well. I could hardly tell you if it wasn't for your voice." "I'll bet the hole out of a doughnut that Merritt and Chance had something to do with this." "I don't know. I hardly know anything I'm so mad. At any rate I must have marked one or two of them. My knuckles are skinned where I hit them." "Let's hope that Merritt and Chance were the two you walloped. If so, we shan't have much difficulty in identifying two of your assailants." "You talk as if you were certain they had something to do with it." "I am," responded Herc briefly. "Tell you what we'll do," said Ned, suddenly, "let's light a match and look the ground over. Maybe we can find some trace of the fellows' identity. There's one thing sure, they were not common robbers." "That's evident enough. It was the plans they were after. But who that knows about them could use them to advantage?" "That remains to be seen. In the meantime, on second thoughts, I can do better than matches. I've got that small electric torch I use about the aeroplane." "Good. Switch it on and we'll see what we can see." Ned drew out a small object from his pocket. There was a sharp click and a bright ray of light shot out. Here and there about the ground the Dreadnought Boy flashed the tiny searchlight. "Look here!" cried Herc suddenly. In triumph he held up a tangled looking object. "What is it?" asked Ned in a puzzled tone. "That's easy. It's false hair like the kind we used on the _Manhattan_ when we gave that show. The chaps that attacked you were disguised and this was a part of their makeup." "I think so, too. But--shades of immortal Farragut!--look here, Herc!" Ned, as he spoke, pounced on a roll of papers lying in the dust at one side of the road, right under a clump of alder bushes. "It's the plans!" gasped Herc. "That's right," rejoined Ned, opening the roll and glancing at its contents, "they're all intact, too. One of the rascals that took them must have placed them in his pocket. Then, in pushing into this brush to escape, they were caught and thrown out." "I guess that's it, and a good thing for us, too. But--gee whiz!" Without another word Herc plunged into the brush. He fought his way through it furiously. Happening to look up while they had been talking he had caught the glint of a pair of eyes as the light from Ned's torch reflected in them. One of the men had noted the loss of the plans and had returned for them. That much was evident. At any rate, Herc, as usual, acted before he thought, and in two bounds was swallowed in the brush. Ned, not realizing in the least what had happened, and half inclined to think that Herc had gone suddenly crazy, followed instantly. Presently he found himself at Herc's side. The freckle-faced lad gasped out a few disconnected sentences. Broken as they were, they apprised Ned of what had happened. "The rascal must have come back to get the plans," he concluded; "I suppose he was watching us and waiting his chance to emerge into the road when the light glinted on his eyeballs." "Oh, if we could only have captured him!" "More especially," put in Herc dryly, "as I recognized the man as Chance." "What! You did!" "Sure. I could swear to it. This is the time they've overreached themselves. They tried to steal the plans for some reason best known to themselves, and failed. They tried to disguise their part in the job and failed. I guess their career in the navy has ended for good and all now. In the morning we----" A pair of arms were thrown round Herc's neck from behind. Caught all unprepared, he was carried off his feet in a flash and in a second a stout cord had been whipped about his wrists confining his hands helplessly behind his back. While this had been going on Ned was served the same trick. In a trice the two Dreadnought Boys were rendered helpless, where an instant before Herc had been crowing over their triumph. Somebody aimed a vicious kick at Ned's face which he dodged by rolling over on his side. At the same time a spiteful voice snarled: "Our career has ended, eh? Well, it looks to me more as if you were rapidly approaching your own finish." The voice was that of Chance, and his chuckle of triumph was echoed by his three companions who stood about the recumbent boys, rejoicing in the bit of strategy which had wrought their undoing. CHAPTER XI. IN THEIR ENEMIES' HANDS. "Well," said Ned, in the calm, even tone which seemed to come to him in all emergencies, "what do you mean to do with us now?" "Yah!" jeered Chance, thrusting his face forward evilly, "you think we'll tell you, don't yer? You just lie there and don't get up if you know what's good for you." As he spoke he produced a pistol as if to emphasize his warning. "You can't scare us in that way, Chance," resumed Ned, "you wouldn't dare to----" "You don't know what I'd dare," retorted Chance; "I hate you, Ned Strong, and now it's my chance to get even with you and with your butting-in chum." "Come, don't talk any more nonsense," rejoined Ned, "I can make allowances for a small nature actuated by motives of meanness and jealousy. But it's about time to end this nonsense. We'll be late for lights out if we don't all get back. If you'll come to your proper minds and end this foolishness, I'll promise not to report anything about to-night's work, unless questions are asked, and then I'll have to tell the truth." Merritt had been talking apart with the two others, whom we know were Herr Muller and Bill Kennell, but whose identity was, of course, a mystery to the boys. He now came forward. He was just in time to catch Ned's last words. "Maybe you won't get a chance to tell the truth or anything else, Ned Strong," he said; "as for injuring us with the navy, you couldn't do that if you tried. We're through with it." "You're going to desert?" demanded Ned. "Just what I'd have expected of you two rats," snorted Herc. "Call it deserting, if you like," parried Merritt, "I call it quitting just as----" "Oh, you're a quitter all right," struck in Herc, "a quitter from Quitterville--one of the first settlers there, I guess." "Are you going to be quiet?" hissed Chance. "When I get good and ready, as the thunderstorm said to the old maid who complained she couldn't sleep," responded the freckle-faced lad. "Leave him alone," said Merritt, "we can afford to let them talk their heads off if they want, to; they'll be quiet enough before long." "Well, come on. Let us be moving," interpolated Herr Muller's voice; "himmel! we have a long tramp before us." "That's right," assented Merritt, then, turning to Chance, he went on in a low tone, "It was a good thing that we decided on that place this afternoon. It's not more than three miles from here. We can get there, put these two cubs under lock and key, and be snug in bed without giving the alarm, if we're cautious." Chance nodded and gave his unpleasant chuckle. "Has Muller got the keys?" he asked. "Yes. On the plea that we wanted to explore the place the old watchman, who hasn't been near it for a month, loaned them to him." Ned caught some of this conversation and his heart sank. It appeared plain enough that their rascally captors had already decided on a place to confine them. Some isolated building, so he judged, though what its nature could be he could not imagine. "Come, get up," snarled Chance, addressing the lads as soon as his colloquy with Merritt was concluded. "We will when you take these bracelets off our ankles," rejoined Herc, motioning with his head at the ropes which bound their feet. Merritt and Chance quickly cut loose the Dreadnought Boys' foot thongs and Ned and Herc stood erect. But if they had entertained any idea of escape, it was quickly cut short. "See this," warned Chance, tapping a pistol which belonged to Kennell. "It's got a silencer on it, and if either of you try to run you'll get a dose of lead, and, as the report isn't louder than an air rifle, nobody will be the wiser." Ned nodded. "I compliment you on your generalship," he said contemptuously. A few seconds later they moved off. Muller led the way. By his side shuffled a figure strangely familiar to both lads, but neither of them could place it. All their efforts to catch a glimpse of the two leaders' features were cheated too, both by the light and the fact that they kept their faces studiously turned away. They pressed on for a mile or two through woods and across fields, and presently a whiff of salt-laden air struck Ned in the face. "We're getting near the sea," he thought. "I wonder if they mean to take us off some place in a boat?" But conversation had now ceased between Chance and Merritt, and the others were too far ahead for the lads to catch a word. Before long they emerged, without warning, from a clump of woods, directly upon a wide expanse of salt meadows. The lonely wastes stretched as far as the eye could see. Fleeting glimpses of moonlight, as the clouds swept across the sky, showed the glimmer of the ocean beyond. They could catch the sullen roar of the surf on the beach. Without hesitation, Herr Muller struck out across the salt meadows, following a narrow path between the hummocks of salt grass. Here and there they crossed stretches of marshy land where the oozy mud came to their ankles. All at once there suddenly shot up from the gloomy wastes the rectangular outlines of a large building of some kind. As they drew closer to the dark bulk the boys could see that the walls were pierced with numerous windows in monotonous rows. Soon the further fact became evident that each window was barred. There was something indescribably depressing about the aspect,--the gloomy, vast outlines of the dark, deserted building ahead of them, and the pallidly moonlit wastes of salt meadow all about it. What could the place be? No light appeared in any of the numerous apertures, and the silence hung heavily about it. Suddenly there flashed across Ned the recollection of a flight he had taken some days before when he had soared above a building which, in the daylight, resembled this lonely place. The sight of it standing isolated and vast in the midst of its wild surroundings had impressed him, and on his return he had inquired about it. They had told him that it was an old lunatic asylum. The state had erected it there some years before, but the atmosphere of the salt meadows had proved malarious, and it had been abandoned. A bulbous-nosed, red-faced old tippler in the village had also been pointed out to him as a man who held down "a soft snap," by being appointed "watchman" to the deserted pile. Evidently the keys had been obtained from him and the gloomy buildings were their destination. That this was the case they were speedily to learn. Herr Muller approached a stout-looking door, in the top of which was a small, grated opening. Inserting a key he turned the lock and flung the door open. A damp, decaying odor,--the breath of a deserted human dwelling place,--rushed out. In spite of himself Ned shuddered. It reminded him of the crypt of an old church he had inspected in Spain when the ships were on their European cruise. Muller, who seemed to know the way, threaded several long passages carrying a candle which he had ignited at the doorway. In this manner they traversed a considerable distance. At every turn fresh corridors, long and empty, appeared. The place was a maze of passages and stairways. At length he paused in front of a rather small door at the end of a hall which, judging from the stairs they had climbed, must have been near the top of the building. He flung this door open, and the next instant the candle was extinguished,--evidently with the intention of concealing his features,--and the boys were roughly thrust forward. If they had not been taken totally by surprise they might have resisted. But the shoves came suddenly, and projected them into a room through the door before they realized what was happening. The next instant the door clanged behind them, just as Herc hurled himself against it. They heard the lock grate and some bolts clang heavily as they were fastened in. "Bottled!" gasped Herc, truthfully if slangily. But Ned had pulled out his pocket lantern and was examining the place in which they had been imprisoned. He was struck by something peculiar about it. He reached out a hand and felt the walls. They were smooth and yielding. They had been covered with some soft substance. High up was a small window with thick metal bars. "What sort of a place is this?" gasped Herc as he, in his turn, felt the yielding, cushioned walls. "These walls feel like the upholstered chairs in the skipper's cabin." Ned battled with a catch in his voice before he replied. He had grasped the truth of their almost hopeless situation. "Herc, old boy," he said, putting a hand on his shipmate's shoulder, "brace up for a shock. This place is a deserted lunatic asylum, and they've locked us in what was formerly used as a padded cell for solitary confinement." CHAPTER XII. "STOP WHERE YOU ARE!" It is a curious fact that most absolutely overwhelming predicaments do not at first strike in upon their victims with the crushing force that would be imagined. This was evidenced by Herc's rejoinder to Ned's startling information. "Great ginger!" he exclaimed, "I guess we're in just the place where we belong. If we hadn't gone blundering into that trap we wouldn't have been in this fix, and if we hadn't----" "Left the farm and enlisted in the navy we wouldn't have been here either," retorted Ned. A scrutiny of their prison confirmed Ned in his first judgment of its character. The walls, though padded, were solid, and seemingly impenetrable. The window was far too high up to be reached, and even if they could have got to it, it could be seen that the steel bars were set solidly into the masonry. The door, which was examined in its turn, proved to be likewise of solid oak. No lock appeared on it. Doubtless this was to prevent any of the unfortunates formerly confined in the place from injuring themselves on projecting bolts. At the bottom of the door, however, a peculiar contrivance appeared. It was a small, hinged flap, which, when raised, revealed an opening some six inches square. The thought suggested itself to Ned that it might have been used once as a means for giving food or drink to the incurables confined within during their violent spells. He opened the flap and thrust his hand through. A vague hope had entered his mind that he might be able to reach up as far as the bolts on the outside. If he could have done this he could have opened them. But, as might have been expected, this was not feasible. Ned had the exasperating experience of being able, by the utmost exertion, to touch the bottom of the bolt with his finger-tips, but that was all. Even then he had to shove his arm so far through the hole that it was grazed and sore when he withdrew it. "W-e-l-l?" said Herc slowly, as they sank down side by side on a sort of bench, padded like the rest of the interior of the place. "W-e-l-l?" retorted Ned, "so far as I can see, if we were sealed up in one of the _Manhattan's_ air-tight magazines we would have just about as good a chance of getting out as we have of escaping from this place." "Same here," agreed Herc woefully. "What are we going to do? Do you think they'll starve us to death?" Barren of hope as the situation appeared, Ned could not help smiling at Herc's woebegone tone. "They'd hardly dare to do that," he rejoined; "this is the twentieth century, and such things as law and order prevail. No, I guess they have some sort of trickery on hand with which we might interfere, and they mean to keep us locked up here till they have carried out their rascally plans." "Talking of plans, did they take back the ones of the pontoon aeroplane?" "No," exclaimed Ned, brightening, "thank goodness that's one thing they seem to have forgotten. Anyhow I suppose they know they have us at their mercy and can get them any time they want them." "Reckon that's it," agreed Herc. Silence ensued. The two boys sat side by side in the pitchy blackness of their prison, for Ned, anxious to reserve it for emergencies, had extinguished the electric torch. Neither of them was a nervous sort of youth, but the long vigil in the dark was enough to get on anybody's nerves. "This is certainly a tough situation," remarked Ned after a time. He spoke more for the sake of hearing his own voice than for any novel idea the words might convey. "Not giving up, are you, Ned?" inquired Herc. "Giving up?" grated out the elder Dreadnought Boy, "I'm like Paul Jones--I've just begun to fight." "When did Paul Jones say that?" asked Herc. "Why, that time that the British captain, Pearson, peered through the smoke surrounding his majesty's ship _Serapis_ and the little _Bonhomme Richard_. "Pearson hailed Paul Jones and shouted out, 'Have you struck your colors yet?' "It was then that Paul Jones sent back that answer. Those were grand words, Herc. They ought to be framed and placed on board every vessel in Uncle Sam's navy." "Yes, Paul Jones was a wonderful sea-fighter all right," agreed Herc, "but I wonder what he'd have done if he'd been cooped up in here." "Figured on some way of getting out," rejoined Ned promptly. "Time after time British frigates hemmed him in. They thought they had him trapped. But every time he slipped through their fingers and resumed his career as a sea tiger. With his little bit of a junk-shop fleet he did more to establish the name of Americans as sea fighters than any man in the republic." "But how about Ben Franklin, who advanced the money to buy the ships, or at least saw that it was raised?" asked the practical Herc. "Well, of course he helped," admitted Ned, "but even he couldn't save Paul Jones from his country's ingratitude. Why, it was a hundred years or more before his bones were discovered in an obscure spot in Paris, where he died in poverty, and were brought back to this country and buried with the honors they deserved." "Humph!" observed Herc, "that was a pretty shabby way to treat one of our biggest naval heroes. Wish we had him here now. What was that old anecdote you told me once about Paul burning his way out of a prison some place?" "Oh, that!" laughed Ned. "I guess that was a bit of imagination on the part of the writer. At any rate it isn't mentioned in the histories. It was one time that they locked Paul Jones in the cabin of a British vessel. They thought they had him safe. But he ripped out the lining of stuffed cushions of the captain's sofas and burned a way out through a port hole that they thought was securely locked. I read it in an old book I picked up in Philadelphia, but I guess the book was more fiction than fact." Another silence ensued, and then Herc spoke. He took up the conversation where it had been left off. "It's worth trying," he said in a matter-of-fact tone. "What's worth trying?" asked Ned, through the darkness. "Why Paul Jones' trick--or rather the trick he is supposed to have played." "Oh, burning himself out of prison?" "Yes." "I don't see the connection with our case." "Then you are a whole lot denser than I gave you credit for being." "Thanks. But I see you've got an idea of some sort simmering in that massive brain of yours. What is it?" "Just this, that we duplicate the trick." "By ginger, Herc, there's nothing slow about you. You mean that we burn ourselves out of here?" "That's just what I do. See any obstacles in the way?" "A whole fleet of them. For one thing we'd suffocate ourselves if we tried to burn the door down, which is, I suppose, what you are driving at. Another thing--how about matches?" "I've got lots of those. Now see here, Ned," went on Herc enthusiastically, "my plan may seem just moonshine, but it's worth trying. You know that little swinging trap at the bottom of the door?" "Yes." "Well, we can build our fire _outside_ the door by thrusting our fuel through it and out into the passage. My idea is that the flames will rise against the surface of the door, and if we make them hot enough will burn off the bolts without setting the whole door on fire. The oak is thick enough, I think, to remove all danger of that." "Humph!" said Ned. "There's only one thing you haven't thought of, Herc." "What's that?" "What are we going to build a fire with?" "With the same stuff as Paul Jones did--or rather stuff somewhat like it--the soft lining of these padded walls." "Say, Herc, you're a wonder! I always said you had a great brain," cried Ned banteringly, "but hasn't it occurred to you that your fire would burn out the floor of the passage and set the place on fire before it would get the bolts hot enough to make them drop off?" "It might if the floors and walls were not concrete. I noticed them as we came along," rejoined Herc in a quiet voice. "Herc, you ought to be director of the Smithsonian Institute or--or something big," declared Ned admiringly. "It does begin to look as if we might have a chance to get out, after all. At any rate, it's worth trying. It will give us something to do." "Of course it will," responded Herc cheerfully; "and now, if you'll switch on that light of yours, we'll start pulling the materials for our fire off these walls." It didn't take long to rip out a great pile of the batting and shavings with which the walls were stuffed. These were thrust through the hole in the bottom of the door into the passage outside as fast as they were pulled out. At last the pile was declared large enough, and, with a big heap in reserve for use when the other had burned out, the boys prepared to light the mass of inflammable stuff. It blazed up fiercely when the match was applied, but, of course, as it was outside the door in the concrete passage, the flames did not bother the boys or imperil the building. On their hands and knees the two young prisoners crouched, feeding the flames assiduously when they showed signs of dying down. There was plenty of fuel, and a roaring fire was maintained. [Illustration: The remaining bolt tore loose from its blackened foundations.] All at once there was a soft thud outside the door, and something dropped into the flames. It was one of the heavy bolts which had torn loose from its charred and weakened fastenings. A few minutes later another crash announced that the second one had fallen. The lads waited a few minutes, till the fire died down, and then, with beating hearts, they put their shoulders to the door. "Heave!" roared Ned, and the next moment, under their united efforts, the remaining bolt tore loose from its blackened foundations, and the two Dreadnought Boys stood outside in the smoke-filled passage. "Let's give three cheers!" cried Herc. "Better be careful about making a noise," counselled Ned. "No telling but some of those rascals may be hiding in the building somewhere." "That's right," agreed Herc. "Another thing has occurred to me, too. All the windows of this delightful place are barred, and if the door has been locked and the place vacated, we're going to have a hard time to get out, even now." "That's right. Well, we'd better start on our tour of exploration right away." Guided by Ned, with his torch ready for instant darkening, the two lads began to thread the maze of corridors and passages. They had been doing this for several minutes, and were beginning to get rather bewildered, when Ned stopped suddenly just as they entered a long corridor pierced with doors, with the same monotonous regularity as the others. He extinguished the light in the wink of an eye, and drew Herc swiftly into the embrasure of a doorway as he did so. Far down the corridor a footstep had sounded, and another light had flashed. As they crouched in the darkness, prepared for any emergency, a sudden voice sounded from the end of the corridor: "Stop right where you are, or I'll fire!" CHAPTER XIII. HARMLESS AS A RATTLESNAKE. "I beg your pardon, sir, but could I speak to you a moment?" "Certainly; come in, Chance," rejoined Lieutenant De Frees, who was sitting in his quarters on the aviation testing ground the morning after the events narrated in our last chapter. "It's--it's about Strong and Taylor, sir, that I wished to speak," said Chance, twisting his cap in his hands. His crafty face looked more fox-like and mean than ever. His manner was almost cringing. Lieutenant De Frees jumped to his feet. "You've got news of them?" he exclaimed. "Out with it, my lad. They are not the boys to be absent without good reasons, although I fear that if they have overstayed their leave without just cause they must be disciplined." "That's just it, sir," said Chance. "I--I don't want to make trouble, sir, but I'm afraid that Strong and Taylor are not all that you think them, sir. I would have spoken at roll-call this morning when they were reported absent without leave, but I thought that maybe they would turn up." "Well, what do you know about them? Come, out with it," urged the officer sharply. He had never liked Chance, and the seaman's furtive manner irritated him. "Why, you see, sir, Merritt and I happened to be in town last night, sir, and we saw Strong and Taylor associating with some disreputable characters, sir. We warned them, but they laughed at us, sir. We continued to urge them to come with us, however, but they only swore at us." "What!" exclaimed the officer, startled out of his official calm, "you saw Strong and Taylor in undesirable surroundings and with disreputable characters, and you mean to say that that is the reason for their non-appearance this morning?" "That's just it, sir," rejoined Chance. "The last we saw of them was as they were turning into a drinking resort. I fear that some harm must have come to them, sir." "Why--why--confound it all, I'd almost rather cut off my right hand than hear such a report, Chance. You are certain that you are correct in your report?" "Absolutely certain, sir," was the response; "there could be no mistake. I hope I am not doing wrong in reporting this, sir?" "No, no, my man, you have done perfectly right," was the answer, although the officer's face was troubled. The news that his most trusted pupils should have misconducted themselves had shaken him a good deal. "Good heavens, can one place no trust in human nature?" he thought. "I'd have staked my commission that those boys were absolutely clean-lived and upright." "Is--is there anything else you'd like to know, sir?" Chance edged toward the door as he spoke. "No, no. That's all, my man. You may go." "Thank you, sir." And Chance, his despicable errand performed, slid through the door in the same furtive way in which he had entered. "If they haven't returned by eight bells, and there is no news of them in the meantime, I'll have to send out a picket to bring them in," mused the officer when Chance had departed. "Then disgrace and 'the brig' will follow, and two promising careers will be blasted. Strong and Taylor, of all people. I can't understand it. And yet there can be no other explanation of their absence." Dismissing the matter from his mind for the time being, Lieutenant De Frees continued his official work. Outside on the field his subordinates attended to the morning practice of the flying squad. Half an hour must have passed thus, when a sudden knock at the door caused him to look up. "Come in!" he said, in a sharper voice than usual. The news that his favorites had so fallen from grace had distressed him more than even he cared to own to himself. In response to his words, the door swung open, and there, framed in the doorway, stood the two very individuals whose absence had so worried him. Ned and Herc clicked their heels together sharply and gave the salute in a precise manner. "We've reported on duty, sir," said Ned in a steady voice. The officer looked at them blankly. Their clothes were torn, although an effort had seemingly been made to mend them and clean them of traces of mud and dirt. A bruise appeared on Ned's face, while Herc's hair was rumpled and standing up wildly. Their appearance bore out the story the officer had heard. Two more disreputable-looking beings it would have been hard to picture. "So this is the way you men repay my trust in you?" said the officer in sharp, harsh tones, very unlike his usual ones. "You will both consider yourselves under arrest, pending an inquiry. Remain standing till I summon a guard." The lads' absolutely dumfounded looks at this reception did not escape the officer's attention. "Well, have you any explanation to offer?" he demanded. "Mind, don't attempt to lie to me. I know all of your proceedings, dating from the hour that you, Strong, left my quarters." "You mean that you have heard we have been engaged in some discreditable prank, sir?" asked Ned firmly, but respectfully, and still standing--as did Herc--stiffly at attention. "I mean just that," was the response. "Since when has it been the custom in the United States navy for men to disgrace the service and go unpunished?" "And yet," said Ned, in the same well-disciplined tones, "it hasn't been the custom to condemn men unheard, sir." "I have heard quite enough, already," was the sharp answer. "If you have anything to add to what Chance has told me, you may. But I warn you that any explanation you may offer will be investigated thoroughly, and if it is found you have been lying, it will go harder with you than otherwise." "I think you will find it is Chance who has been lying, sir," said Ned calmly. "May I tell you our side of the story, dating from the hour you mentioned?" "You may, but make it brief. My time is fully occupied," was the cold response. But, as Ned struck into his story, telling it in a calm, even tone, the officer's expression changed from one of hard incredulity to blank astonishment, passing rapidly to deep indignation. "We were startled soon after gaining our freedom," related Ned, going on with his narrative from the point where we left the lads, "by the sound of a voice calling on us to halt. A few minutes later we found that the man who had given the order was the local constable, Ezra Timmons. He is a farmer on the outskirts of the town, and had been driving home late from selling some produce, when he noticed lights in the old asylum. He decided to investigate, and did so. He found the door open, and, penetrating the place, soon encountered us. He took us home with him, and helped us clean up a bit, and then we hastened over here to report." "And that's true, by gum, every dinged word uv it!" came a voice outside the open door. Farmer--and Constable--Timmons stepped into the room, dramatically throwing back his coat and exposing a big tin star, just as he had seen constables in rural dramas do. "But they ain't told it all," he rushed on. "These two lads here saved my wife frum some ruffians what wanted ter rob her the t'other day. They sailed by in their sky-buggy jus' in time ter save ther spoons thet Gran'ma Timmons willed me on her dyin' bed, by heck!---- and it's my idee that this same gang of roustabouts was consarned in thet, frum what I kin judge." The officer pressed a button. An orderly responded, coming smartly to attention. "Send for Merritt and Chance at once," he ordered. The orderly saluted and turned like an automaton. Constable Timmons gazed at him in amazement. "Is thet feller real or jes' one uv them clockwork dummies yer read about?" he asked. "He's real, constable," smiled Lieutenant De Frees, with some amusement. He then began questioning the boys concerning every detail of their experiences. Nor did he forget to acknowledge that he had wronged them on the word of a rascal. "It must have been their intention to keep you there until they had made up their minds what to do with you," he said. "But they shall not go unpunished. If a summary court martial can deal with their cases it shall do so, and at once. Well?" he added interrogatively, as the orderly entered the room once more. He saluted as before, to Constable Timmons' undisguised wonder, and then said in precise tones: "There is no trace of the men you sent for, sir." "What!" demanded the officer. "They were last seen leaving the grounds in an automobile, sir." "Good heavens! This is confirmation, indeed, of their guilt," said the officer. "Were they alone?" "No, sir. The car was driven by a person some of the men recognized as a wandering photographer who has been around the grounds for some days, sir." "Herr Muller!" exclaimed Ned, forgetting all discipline. "I know now why the third man seemed so familiar. I--I beg your pardon, sir, but----" "That's all right, Strong," said the officer. "Constable, you can rely on the department cooperating with you in every way to capture these men. I can't conceive how the photographer Muller fits into the matter, but if they can be arrested we shall soon find out." But, despite the officer's hopes of capturing the gang that had made so much trouble for Ned and Herc, they managed to conceal their traces cleverly enough to avoid arrest. The automobile in which they had taken flight--and which had been hired from a local garage--was found abandoned near a small wayside station, where they might have boarded a train for some distant point. As for the presence of the automobile, it was assumed that Herr Muller had visited the abandoned asylum early that day and discovered that the prisoners had escaped. Realizing that he must act quickly, he had evidently set out at once to warn Chance and Merritt. Incidentally, it was found out that Muller, on account of his anarchistic tendencies, had once been confined in the abandoned asylum, before its condemnation, which accounted for his familiarity with it. He had been discharged as "harmless" some time before. "Humph! He's about as harmless as a rattlesnake!" grunted Herc, when he heard of this. CHAPTER XIV. FLYING FOR A RECORD. On the day set for the flight to the _Manhattan_, which had anchored two days before in the "Roads," Ned found that he was to be the only competitor. Herc had been anxious to take part, and so had several of the other naval aviators, but Lieutenant De Frees decided that the aeroplane which Ned was to fly was the only one really suited for the work. This aeroplane, which had been equipped with pontoons, in order to test Ned's invention, presented a peculiar appearance. Under its substructure, long, galvanized metal tanks had been fitted, in much the same way as runners are attached to a sled. The tanks were cylindrical in shape, and provided with valves, by means of which they could be "ballasted." They had been already tested and found to be suited for the work for which they were designed. They were as light as was compatible with safety, and hung far enough above the ground so as not to interfere with the landing-wheels. A holiday from routine practice had been declared about the aviation testing grounds on the day of the daring flight. The men hung about in little groups, discussing Ned's chances of winning out in the risky feat he meant to perform. It would be the first time such a thing had ever been attempted, and they were not slow to give him full measure of praise for his daring. The flight was to be more or less of a secret. Few on board the battleship but the naval board invited to witness the attempt, knew of the test. As a consequence, there was nobody about the grounds but the regular quota of pupils and officers when, at 10:30 a. m. the _Manhattan_ wirelessed to the "Field outfit" maintained on the grounds, that all was in readiness for the trial. A steel landing platform, made collapsible, so that it could be instantly stowed away, had been erected on the after deck of the battleship. Ned knew its approximate position, but the time had been too brief to allow him to visit the vessel and make personal observations. But if Ned realized the risk he ran in thus undertaking a flight into the practically unknown, he did not show it. In fact, he was the coolest person on the field. At length all was in readiness, and, drawing on a pair of gauntlets, and adjusting a life-preserver, Ned stepped up to the aeroplane and clambered into his seat. A minute later the roar of the motor, as he set it going, drowned all other sounds. But the lad caught above the uproar of the engine Lieutenant De Frees' shouted farewell: "Good luck, my boy!" Ned responded with a wave and a shouted cry: "Thank you, sir." The next instant he waved his hand in token that he was ready to start. The men holding the struggling aeroplane released it, and it shot forward, taking the air within a few feet of the starting point. It rocketed skyward in a trail of blue smoke, leaving behind a reek of gasolene and burning lubricating oil. Ned directed his course as high as possible, for he wished thoroughly to inspect the surroundings before he commenced his attempt. It was a bright, clear day, almost windless. As he rose higher, the glorious panorama of the open roadstead spread before his eyes. On its glistening surface lay a dark object, like a slumbering leviathan. Ned knew it in a flash for the anchored _Manhattan_--his goal. Already a wireless had gone vibrating through the air announcing his departure, and a dozen glasses were aimed at the sky from the big fighting machine. Ned was watched for as eagerly as if he had been a real aerial enemy. The lad circled about for a few minutes, making sure that his motor was working perfectly, and then he turned his prow toward the distant warship. Straight toward her he flew, holding his course as true as a homing pigeon. The wind sang by his ears, and vibrated in the steel wire rigging of his sky-clipper as he raced along. The motor's drone behind him was as steady as a heart beat. Ned's eyes shone with the desire of achievement. He was making a flight which might have a material effect upon the future armament of United States war vessels. He realized to the full the importance of his flight, and how much depended on it. All at once his practiced eye detected, on the mirror-like surface of the stretch of water beneath him, a slight ruffle. It was some distance off. But Ned knew it spelled only one thing: Wind! "Bother it all," he thought, "just like the luck. However, it will only be a squall, I imagine." He braced himself for a battle with the airman's greatest enemy. In a few seconds the squall was upon him. For an instant the aeroplane hesitated and thrilled like a live thing. Ned applied more power. Like a horse under the whip, his aeroplane shot forward. Every bolt and rivet in it strained and creaked under the tension. Ned was doing a daring thing in bucking the wind and fighting with it, instead of jockeying for some advantage. But then Ned had a fighting nature in the best sense. An obstacle only aroused him to fresh effort. "Obstacles are things made to be conquered," he said, with another famous battler, whose name lives in history. Zee-e-e-e-e-e-e-e-e-e! The wind screamed and tore about him, while below, the water was lashed into white-caps. "Gee whiz!" exclaimed Ned to himself. "If anything parts, I'm due to test out the floating abilities of the pontoons sooner than I expected." But, although sadly racked and strained, the aeroplane, under her operator's skilful handling, weathered the squall. Ned turned his head and watched it go whistling and howling shoreward, with deep satisfaction. "A fine end to the test it would have been," he muttered, "if I'd been dumped in the sea by a squall at the outset." A few minutes later he was maneuvering above the big Dreadnought. The vessel looked queer and dwarfed from the height at which he hovered. But Ned could not help thinking what a fine object she would offer for an aerial marksman. As the lad knew, there is a limit to the perpendicular aiming of a gun, and skimming directly above the vessel, as he was, it was doubtful if the most skilful gunner on board could have hit his aeroplane. At the stern of the big ship, the young aviator now noticed a platform--evidently the one on which he was expected to land. His heart gave a thump, as he gazed down on it. "It doesn't look much bigger than a checkerboard," he thought, "and if I don't hit it--wow! as Herc would say." As carefully and coolly as if he were on a practice flight, Ned regulated his levers. Then, with a quick intake of his breath, he darted downward. Down--down, he shot, the blood singing in his ears with the rapidity of his descent. It was thrilling, desperate--dangerous! Suddenly, as Ned placed his foot on a pedal and applied a warping appliance, there was a sharp "crack!" The aeroplane hesitated for an instant. Then, without the slightest warning, it lurched in sickening fashion, almost unseating him. The next instant Ned was hurtling downward through space like a plummet. Disaster, swift and certain, rushed up to meet him from the steel fighting machine beneath. CHAPTER XV. A DROP FROM SPACE. But even in that awful drop through space Ned's nerve did not desert him. His brain worked faster, in the few seconds allowed it to do effective work, than it had ever acted before. Just as it seemed to those on board the battleship that the lad was doomed--in the event of the pontoons not working--to be drowned in the wreck of the aeroplane, they were astonished to see it recover and rise, from the very wave tips, in a graceful curve. Straight up it shot--the motor whirring and buzzing deafeningly. Then, without an instant's hesitation, it dropped like a fish hawk toward the stern platform, and a moment later Ned Strong and his aeroplane rested on the solid foundation of the landing stage. The first flight from land to a fighting ship's deck had been successfully performed, with an added thrill thrown in for good measure, as it were. Before Ned could clamber out of his seat, the officers, assembled to view the test, came crowding up on the platform. The lad was not embarrassed, but he felt a slight sense of shyness, which speedily wore off, as so many dignitaries pressed about him, shaking his hand and congratulating him. "Jove, lad, but you gave us a fright for a minute!" exclaimed one gray-mustached captain. "I didn't think it possible that a heavier-than-air craft could recover from such a tumble as you took." "Yes, tell us about it, lad," urged another naval dignitary. "Well, gentlemen," said Ned, "I guess it was just one of those accidents that will happen in the best-regulated aeroplanes. Something went wrong with the warping appliances, that was all." "Aren't your nerves shaken?" asked a young officer. "You'd better have a glass of wine." "Thank you, sir, I never touch alcoholic liquors," rejoined Ned simply. "But I wouldn't mind a glass of water, sir. Flying is rather thirsty work." An orderly was at once dispatched for a carafe and a glass, and while he was gone Ned obtained leave to locate and repair the break that had come so close to causing him disaster. It was soon found, and a new turnbuckle put on in place of the one that had cracked when a flaw in its construction parted. By this time every jackie who could find business in the after part of the ship was on the decks below. A sea of faces was upturned to gaze at the flying marvel. Questions flew thick and fast. "Would it be possible to carry a sharpshooter, for instance, from the deck of this vessel, circle a hostile craft and return?" asked one of the naval officers standing about. "I think so, sir," was Ned's response. "Well, providing you feel there is no danger, why not try such an experiment?" asked Commander Dunham, Ned's old chief officer. "I should like to, above all things, sir," rejoined Ned, with sparkling eyes; "but who will go?" "I think you will have no lack of volunteers," smiled Commander Dunham, as half a dozen young ensigns and midshipmen pressed forward. "Mr. Shrike, I think you are as good a subject as any. At any rate, sir, your weight will not seriously embarrass the craft." Mr. Shrike proved to be an extremely thin young midshipman, whose weight, as Commander Dunham had humorously hinted, was not excessive. In fact, among his intimates he was known as "The Shrimp." He lost no time in preparing for the ride, providing himself with a light rifle. When all was in readiness, Ned showed him where to sit, and how to hold on, and then, the aeroplane having already been swung about, he started up the engine once more. Several blue-jackets had been detailed to hold the machine back, and at a given signal from Ned they let go. The aeroplane shot from the platform out over the stern of the battleship, and soared out above the sea. As they shot past Old Glory, waving proudly at the stern, Ned saluted with one hand. The young middy at his side followed his example. The aeroplane took a perilous swoop as she dropped from the platform, but Ned had his craft well in hand. He averted the drop with a quick movement and speedily swung out seaward. "See, there is a small sloop off there," said Midshipman Shrike presently. "Let's try if we can circle it, just as if it were a hostile vessel." "Very well, sir," rejoined Ned, and steered straight for a white sail glistening some distance out at sea. Closer and closer they drew to it, and before long they could see men on its deck pointing upward excitedly. "They've seen us, anyway," laughed the middy. "Wonder if they think we're some big sort of a gull?" Suddenly, as they drew closer to the sloop, Ned saw one of the men go in the cabin for a moment and emerge with a gun--or at least something that looked like one. "Hullo! What's that fellow doing now?" asked Midshipman Shrike, as he saw this. "Is that a gun he has there, Strong?" "Looks like it, sir," rejoined Ned, "and he's----" "Aiming at us, by Jove! Hi, there, you rascal, put that gun down!" A puff of smoke came simultaneously with the words. It was followed by a screaming sound, as a bullet whizzed past the aerial voyagers. It was followed by another and another, the rifle evidently being a repeater. "I say, I can't stand this any longer," shrilled the middy, as Ned kept the aeroplane swinging in rapid circles. As he spoke, he jerked the rifle to his shoulder, and, with a cry of "Stop that shooting instantly!" fired a shot across the sloop's bow. Ned could see the white water whipped up as the bullet ricochetted. But, in firing his weapon, the young officer had released his hold with both hands. At the same instant a puff of wind swung the aeroplane sharply on her beam ends. Ned righted her instantly, but, as he did so, he was horrified to observe that he was alone. The sharp lurch had dislodged his companion, and below Ned saw him whirling downward. The midshipman's body struck the water close by the sloop and instantly vanished. With the automatic movements of one in a nightmare, Ned dropped downward. As he did so, he was immensely relieved to see the young officer's head bob up to the surface for an instant. Ned shouted and an answering hail came upward. "Thank heaven, I've got the pontoons on," he thought. But even while his mind and body were thus busied, Ned had time to observe the sloop. She had taken advantage of the puff of wind, and was now rapidly slipping off toward a not far distant point of land. Ned's eye took in her every detail. She was black and squat, yet with a certain raciness of line, and heavily canvassed. Round her bulwarks ran a bright crimson line. She bore no name that Ned could see. The aeroplane struck the water with a splash that threw the spray high above her planes. But the pontoons saved her from being submerged. A moment after she had struck the surface of the water she was floating like a sea-bird on its surface. "Ahoy, there!" came a hail. Ned glanced in the direction and saw the young middy striking out boldly for the floating aeroplane. "Hurt, sir?" demanded Ned. "Not a bit; the water's fine," was the cheery response. "But, confound it all, I've lost my rifle." Ned swung the aeroplane round, using the regular aerial propellers to drive her over the water. It was not many minutes before a dripping but cheerful middy was seated once more by his side. "I say, Strong," he remarked, "I guess the less said about this adventure the better. You understand. I had no business to fire at those chaps on the sloop, as a matter of fact, but I couldn't help it. What do you think they fired at us for?" "I've no idea, sir," was Ned's reply. "Guess they were crazy, or had been drinking, or something." "Possibly that was it, Mr. Shrike." But in the Dreadnought Boy's mind he had reached a far different conclusion. The shots that whistled about them had not been aimed by any irresponsible hand, of that he was sure. They had been aimed to do harm. That they had not succeeded was due to good fortune more than anything else. There were only certain men whom Ned could think of who could be guilty of such an outrage. Those men were the implacable enemies of himself and Herc. "Better cruise about a bit till I get dried out," said the middy presently. "If they ask us why we dropped like that, I'll say we were trying out the pontoons, eh?" Ned agreed. He did not countenance untruths or an approach to them, as a rule, but in this case he felt that to tell the whole story might get Midshipman Shrike in trouble, as well as involve him in some difficulties. However, he resolved that if questions were asked, he would tell the truth, as he would then have no other recourse. But, to his relief, no interrogations were put to him, and he supposed that the midshipman had explained the case, as was, indeed, the fact. Soon after their return, Ned winged back to the shore. Here he was the recipient of more congratulations, but his mind was busy elsewhere than with his signal triumph in aerial navigation. As soon as he got a chance, he sought out Herc. The astonishment of the freckle-faced Dreadnought Boy, on hearing the news, may be imagined. "Then you are sure that it was Muller and that crowd?" he asked. "Practically certain," rejoined Ned. "Who else would have done such a thing?" "Do you think they have some rendezvous in the neighborhood?" "I'm sure of it. Their possession of the sloop indicates that. I'd like to unearth their hiding-place and put the rascals to rout." "So would I," agreed Herc, "and maybe we will. At any rate, that sloop should be easy to identify." "Yes. We'll keep a bright lookout, and perhaps before long we may have something tangible to work on." That time was to come sooner than they expected. CHAPTER XVI. THE SETTING OF A TRAP. "I've just received a telegram that a freight wreck has tied up our new motors and spare aeroplane parts at Bartonville," said Lieutenant De Frees, one afternoon a few days after Ned's adventures with the pontoon-fitted aeroplane. "Most annoying," responded the ensign with whom he was talking. "We need them in a hurry, too." "That's so. I guess I'll have to send a couple of men after them. There is a big auto truck at Bartonville. I remember it, because it brought out some stuff for us before. It can easily carry the delayed parts. Strong and Taylor have been working pretty hard lately. I guess a little trip will do them good. I'll send them. At any rate, I'll know I can depend upon them." "That's right. They are two of the most promising lads I've ever seen. By the way, has anything further ever been heard of those rascals who tried to discredit them?" "Not a word. But the secret service reports that this man Muller, as he calls himself, is known in Europe as a most dangerous anarchist. The fellow is, in fact, a maniac on the subject." "Ha! I suppose we can call ourselves lucky that he didn't blow us all up. Those anarchist chaps are bitterly opposed to all navies and armies, and some of the worst of them have even attempted to destroy transatlantic liners." "Yes, I read in the paper the other day about an infernal machine having been found among the cargo of a large vessel just as she was about to sail for Europe. By the way, of course you heard about the clever manner in which Strong and Taylor prevented the destruction of the submarine?" "I did hear something about it, but not the full story, I fancy. Would you mind telling it?" "Not in the least. But first let me send for Strong and Taylor. I'll despatch them on their errand at once. They will have to get a rig and drive over. Bartonville is ten miles away, and they may experience some delay when they arrive there." Thus it came about that that afternoon Ned and Herc found themselves in Bartonville, registered as guests at the Bartonville House. As the lieutenant had anticipated, they experienced some delay in getting permission to transship the goods from the delayed freight train. But the magic word "Navy" soon smoothed out all obstacles. It would be necessary for them to wait till the following day, however, before finishing up their business. Ned's first duty was to send a telegram to Lieutenant De Frees to that effect. In return he received orders for both Herc and himself to remain and see the business through. "Well," grinned Herc, as the two lads sat in the lobby of the hotel in soft leather-upholstered chairs, "this is certainly solid comfort for a pair of petty officers." "It's a long cry from here to the forecastle of the _Manhattan_, and that's a fact," admitted Ned. "But somehow I'd rather be on duty than lounging around here." "Oh, bother duty," blurted out Herc, "when first we entered the navy, it was always duty--although that duty was mostly scrubbing decks, painting and cleaning brasswork. And now it's duty still, and----" "So it will be to the end, old fellow," said Ned seriously. "Everyone in the navy has his duty to attend to, too. Wasn't it attention to duty that won Manila Bay, and duty that took Farragut---- Great Scott!" The lads had been sitting facing the street near a big plate glass window. The sight that had brought Ned to his feet with such a sharp exclamation was the momentary glimpse of a familiar face passing on the street. "Wait here for me for a while, Herc," he said. "I'll be back directly." "What--why?" spluttered Herc, but before he could voice any more interrogations, Ned dashed from the room with the swiftness of a skyrocket, and, jamming his hat on his head, was out of the doors of the hotel in a flash, almost upsetting the porter in his haste. Herc sprang after him, but before he gained the doorway Ned was round the corner and hopelessly lost. Herc retraced his steps to the hotel and resumed his seat. It was something like an hour later that he heard his name called through the lobby by a bell-boy. He hastened to the desk and the clerk motioned toward an ill-kempt looking man who was standing there. "Mr. Taylor?" asked this individual. "That's me," responded the rough-and-ready Herc, with a grin. "I've a message for you from Mr. Strong," went on the other. "He wishes you to come to him at once." Herc's suspicions were aroused in an instant. Perhaps this was a trap of some sort. He resolved to be cautious. "Where is he?" he asked. The man beckoned him to one side. "I don't want everybody to hear our business," he said. "Your chum has succeeded in locating that rascally band of Muller's. They are at a place on the outside of the town. You and I will go to him in a hack, that was his message." The man seemed sincere, but Herc was still inclined to doubt him. "Where did you meet my shipmate?" he asked. "Why, I'm a fisherman on the headwaters of the bay that runs up into Bartonville," was the rejoinder, with every appearance of frankness. "Your chum didn't want to leave the place where he had spotted the band, so he sent me after you and told me that you'd give me some money for my trouble." This request for money lulled Herc's suspicions at once. Had the man not asked for it, the thing might have looked suspicious, but the fact that he expected to be rewarded for coming with the message seemed to indicate that he was honest and above board. But he had one more question to ask. "Wouldn't it be a good plan to notify the police?" he said. "He told me to do that," replied the man. "I stopped in at the station on the way up, and a patrol-wagon full of cops has started. We'll have to go fast to catch them." Herc searched his pockets. But, as luck would have it, he could not find more than a few bits of silver. But the boys on their arrival had deposited in the hotel safe the money entrusted to them to pay their expenses, and also to defray the charges on the freighted goods. Herc recollected this, and thinking that it might be a good plan to have some money along, he withdrew a considerable part of their funds. Had he caught the glitter in the man's eyes, he would have been warned. "Now, I'm ready," he said, as he thrust the money into his breast pocket. "All right, guv'ner," was the response, "the carriage is right outside." Herc, following his conductor, soon found himself inside a closed hack drawn by two horses. The messenger said something to the coachman and then threw himself in beside Herc. The carriage at once moved off at a rapid pace. Bartonville was not a very large place, and the town and its scattering outskirts were speedily left behind. The carriage began to roll and bump along over country roads. "How far off is the place?" Herc kept asking, and each time he was assured that it was "only a little way further." At last the carriage stopped on a deserted bit of roadway. "Here's where we get out," said Herc's conductor, "we'll have to hike it across that field and through that bit of woods before we get to your pal." Herc paid the coachman and the man at once drove off. "This way," said the man, climbing over a rail fence and striking off across a field, on the further side of which was a patch of ragged woods. Through the trees Herc could catch the glint of water. It was a lonely spot. He looked about him, but could not see any trace of a human habitation. "If this should be a trap I'm nicely in it, all right," he muttered to himself as he followed his guide into the shadows of the wood. "How much further?" he asked, as they stumbled along over the rough path. "Right ahead down by the creek," said the man. "We're almost there now." With a few paces more they emerged on the banks of a slow-flowing and muddy creek, which was evidently tidal and joined the Bartonville Bay lower down. About a hundred yards off stood a rickety looking shack, and anchored in the creek opposite to it was a sloop with a red band painted round its bulwarks. Suddenly and for no reason that he could assign, the recollection flashed across Herc that he had heard Ned speak of such a sloop. At the time though he could not recall in what connection. "Is this the place?" asked Herc, as his guide slackened his pace. "This is it," nodded the man, and again a sharp presentiment that all was not right, flashed through Herc. But it was too late to hold back now. "I'll give him the signal," said the man, placing his fingers to his lips. A shrill whistle followed. As if by magic, from the tall, spiky grass about them, half a dozen men sprang erect. "It is a trap!" shouted Herc, flinging himself furiously upon the first man who rushed at him. The lad fought valiantly, but the contest was too uneven to last long. Within five minutes, Herc, raging like a lion, and inwardly abusing his own gullibility that had led him into such an ambush, was bound hand and foot and stretched a prisoner on the floor of the old rookery of a shanty. CHAPTER XVII. THE SPRINGING THEREOF. The rude hut, which, judging by its odor and condition, was used as an occasional shelter for the bay fishermen, was full of talk and smoke. Herc could not catch much meaning from the confused babel of tongues, but judged from the intelligible snatches he could seize upon, that it related to himself and Ned. He was hardly surprised to recognize, among the occupants of the place, Chance and Merritt, as well as Herr Muller. There were four or five other men, including the one who had led him into the trap. Herc's keen eyes also noticed one peculiarity about each of the men about him. Every one of them wore in his buttonhole a tiny strip of bright red ribbon. What its significance might be, he had no way of telling, of course, but it impressed him. "Well," said Herr Muller at last, his voice rising masterfully above those of the rest, "we had better be getting on board. The tide is on the turn, and we have much to do. Besides, they may pursue us from the town." "No chance of that, comrade," rejoined the man who had conducted Herc from Bartonville. "I got the lad away without any one noticing our departure." "Just the same, both those Dreadnought Boys are tricky as cats," snarled Merritt. "My advice is to get away at once." A general bustle followed. Herc was lifted bodily, and carried down a narrow plank gangway leading to the sloop. Once on board, he was half-thrown, half-pushed, into a stuffy cabin, and the door above him closed with a sharp bang. He heard a metallic clang, as the bolts and lock, which evidently held it, were closed. "Wow!" exclaimed the Dreadnought Boy. "If this isn't what old Ben Franklin would call 'the logical limit of the uttermost.'" The cabin was almost dark, being lighted only by two dirty and very small port holes. It was, moreover, stuffy and malodorous. Herc tried to get on his feet, but, being bound hand and foot, he was compelled to lie as he had fallen at the foot of the stairs. On deck he could hear the trampling of feet, and before long the motion of the sloop told him that she was under way. "Going to sea, I guess," mused Herc. "I wonder what they mean to do with me?" He was left to speculate on this topic for some time. The motion of a choppy sea was already manifest when a man descended into the cabin with some bread and some cold meat. He also had a stone jug presumably containing water. "Here you are," he said, thrusting it in front of Herc. "You'd better eat while you get a chance." "I can't do that very well while I'm all trussed up like a roasting chicken," objected Herc. "That's so," assented the man. "Well, I guess there's no harm in setting you loose for a while. We've cleared the bay, and the only place you can go to if you want to get away is overboard." So saying, he loosened Herc's bonds, to the immense satisfaction of the freckle-faced boy. The man seemed to be a shade less rough than his companions, so Herc ventured to ask him a question. "What is the occasion for all this?" he inquired in a half-humorous tone. "Now, don't ask questions, and you won't hear untruths," said the man. With this, he hastened out of the cabin, carefully relocking the companionway door on the outside. "Wow!" exclaimed Herc, giving vent to his favorite exclamation. Then he fell to eating with a will. The meal, coarse as it was, revived his spirits. It was only when he came to taste the water that he put it down with a wry face. It was bitter, and had a nauseating flavor. "I'm not certain," mused Herc, "but nevertheless, I'm pretty sure that some sort of drug has been placed in that stuff. Too bad. I'm thirsty enough to drink it all, too." The motion of the sloop was quite lively now. It was evident that they were some distance out at sea. Occasionally, too, a green wave, washing over one of the port-holes, partially obscured what little light there was. "Guess I might as well explore the place and see what sort of a craft this is," said Herc, as inactivity grew irksome. He started up from the locker on which he had been sitting, and made toward a door at the stern of the cabin. It was not locked, and the lad threw it open without effort. What was his astonishment to see, stretched on a bunk, apparently in deep slumber, the form of his missing comrade. "Ned! Ned!" exclaimed Herc, springing forward. Usually Ned, as sailors say, "slept with one eye open." This was a quality he shared with most seamen. Herc was heartily astonished, therefore, to find that his shipmate did not respond at once to his vigorous shakings and shoutings. At length however, he bestirred himself, and yawned, moving in an inert fashion, much unlike his usual movements, which were full of activity and life. "Oh-ho! Hi-hum!" he yawned, gaping broadly, and gazing about him. "What's up, watch turning out?" "Wish it was, and that we were safe back on the old _Manhattan_," muttered Herc. "No, my hearty," he went on, "the watch isn't being turned out; but it's time you woke up, just the same. It's my opinion that you've been drugged with some of that stuff they tried to give me." After renewed efforts, Herc finally succeeded in getting Ned broad awake. But it was some minutes before his befogged brain took in the situation. As Herc had suspected, he had been drugged by some substance placed in a drink of water he had asked for. Ned, once restored to himself, speedily explained how it was the sight of Kennell passing the hotel that had caused him to make his hasty exit, and indirectly bring about the present situation. He had followed Kennell through the outskirts of the town, he said, wishing to find out where he was going. He succeeded in this beyond his hopes, but Kennell, it appeared subsequently, had been aware that Ned was following him, from the moment the Dreadnought Boy had left the hotel. Cunningly he had led him right up to the lone fisher hut, and Ned's capture had been swift and easy for the nefarious band. Herc's story followed. "There's something mysterious about the band," he said. "Take that bit of ribbon they wear, for instance--what is it? What does it signify?" "I heard enough of their talk before I drank the drugged water to apprise me of that," said Ned. "These fellows are a bunch of desperate anarchists. They are acting, as far as I can make out, in the interests of some European power, and mean to do all the harm they can to Uncle Sam's navy." "The despicable scoundrels!" gasped Herc. "But how did Chance and Merritt come to join them?" "Money, I suppose. They seem to be well supplied. I guess Chance and Merritt are being well paid for the information they can impart to the rascals concerning the secrets of our naval organization." "Do you think it is possible they could be such traitors?" "Anything is possible where they are concerned. By the way, Herc, this is no ordinary sloop we are on. In the first place, it is the same craft as that from which I was fired on at the time Midshipman Shrike fell from the aeroplane." Herc nodded. "Now I know why that red stripe seemed so familiar," he said. "Moreover," resumed Ned, "she is fitted with wireless." "With wireless!" "Yes. The instruments are in another cabin forward of this one. I noticed the aerial wires on her mast, too, as I was brought on board. Muller ordered them hauled down, but not before I had seen them." "What does she want with a wireless apparatus?" "I can't imagine, unless it is to catch the messages that the ships of the navy are sending concerning plans, and so on." "But they are in cipher." "Yes, but there are two men on board who know that cipher--Chance and Merritt. That fact alone explains their value to the anarchists." "Humph! That's so," agreed Herc. "But what's the matter with our looking about a bit more? We might discover something else." "All right. My head still aches a little, but otherwise I'm well enough," responded Ned. "I guess we are safe from interruption for a time. The wind seems to be freshening, and the men will all be busy on deck. I reckon they think we are both drugged, too, and are safe not to awaken for some time." "Wow! I'm glad I didn't drink that water, or there would be more truth than poetry in that," said Herc. "I guess they gave me a light dose, for I didn't taste it," said Ned. "Good thing they did, or I couldn't have roused you so easily." The two boys cautiously set about exploring the cabin. It was a bare little place, and did not contain much subject matter for investigation. There was a door forward leading to the wireless room, but it was locked. Ned listened at the keyhole, but the instruments were silent. "Hullo!" said Herc, suddenly halting and pointing downward at the cabin floor. "What's under here, I wonder?" There was a ring at his feet. Ned lost no time in laying hold of it. He gave it a sharp tug, and it came up easily, bringing with it a section of flooring to which it had been attached. It revealed a dark, yawning space under the cabin floor, into which both boys peered eagerly. "There's something in there, but I can't make out what," said Ned presently. "Wait a jiffy, till I strike a match." A lucifer was soon lighted, and Ned, bending over, held it inside the hole in the cabin floor. He recoiled with a jump and a suppressed cry, as if he had suddenly discovered a nest of rattlesnakes. "What's up?" demanded Herc, who had been able to detect nothing but a metallic glitter, like that of steel. "Torpedoes!" gasped Ned; "six Whiteheads! enough to destroy all the finest and newest vessels of Uncle Sam's navy." CHAPTER XVIII. ON BOARD THE SLOOP. They had no further opportunity, just then, to comment on their discovery. For, just as Ned voiced it, somebody could be heard fumbling with the lock on the companionway door. It was the work of an instant for Herc to replace the removable section of the flooring while Ned slid silently and swiftly back into the cabin he had vacated. Herc had just time to resume his seat on the locker, together with a vacant expression of countenance, when the door was flung open. It admitted a gust of fresh, crisp air and a shower of spray. "Wish I was up on deck inhaling some of that," commented Herc to himself, as he turned his head to see who the newcomer might be. It proved to be Herr Muller. He came down the steps slowly, glancing about him sharply as he came. He seemed somewhat surprised as his eyes lit on Herc perched up on his locker. "Ah, ha! awake!" he exclaimed. "You hadn't any reason to suppose I'd be asleep, had you?" inquired Herc blandly. "No. You boys are too wide-awake altogether. That is why we have taken you off on this cruise," chuckled the anarchist grimly. "Very considerate of you, I'm sure," rejoined Herc. "And this--this cruise, I presume, it isn't for our health?" "Hardly," rejoined the other, with a smile; "I mean to make you useful to us and--to the cause!" His eyes glittered as he spoke. The glare of a fanatic filled them. "How is your comrade?" he asked the next instant. Herc saw the trap instantly. Muller had thought to trap him into answering without thought. Had he done so, the crafty anarchist would have known that the boys had been talking together. So Herc assumed his most unworldly expression. "What, is Ned on board?" he exclaimed. "You didn't know it?" "Not I. You are clever fellows to have trapped both of us." Herr Muller looked at the lad sharply. He did not know what to make of this careless, debonair manner. "Well, as you observed," he said at length, "we have trapped you." "But what for? What do you want with little us?" grinned Herc. "You are making fun of me, Mister Yankee." "Not any more fun than you make of yourself," parried Herc quickly. Herr Muller looked more puzzled than ever. Then he frowned suddenly. "You do not seem to realize the seriousness of your position," he said. "Not I. Oh, I'm a care-free sail-o-r-r-r-r oh!" sang Herc. "How do you like my singing?" he inquired. "Not very much," replied the other, looking at him with the same puzzled expression. Herr Muller couldn't make out whether Herc was crazy or simply light-headed. "Sorry you don't like it," rejoined Herc; "when I sing in big cities it brings crowds. Sometimes it brings the police." "I don't wonder. But I did not come down here to talk nonsense. Where is your companion?" "I told you before I didn't know," rejoined Herc, seemingly with all the carelessness in the world. For the second time the crafty foreign anarchist had failed to trap Herc into an admission that he and Ned had met. "I'll go and get him," said Herr Muller, starting for the cabin. "I wish you'd bring me a glass of water," said Herc. "There is water in that stone jug," said Herr Muller, indicating the drugged receptacle. "Oh, I drank all that a long time ago," rejoined Herc, "I'm very fond of water." For a reason we know of, Herr Muller looked surprised. "You drank _all_ that water!" he exclaimed. "Sure," rejoined Herc. "Our water supply has run rather low," said Herr Muller, watching the Dreadnought Boy narrowly, "did you notice anything peculiar about that water?" "Ah, now you come to speak of it, I did notice a peculiar taste to it," said Herc, restraining a desire to chuckle at the other's amazement, "a sort of bitter flavor. Is it that which you refer to?" "Perhaps. But--but didn't it make you sleepy?" queried the other, his curiosity overcoming his discretion. "Never felt more wide awake in my life," responded Herc, "I could sing this instant. I----" But Herr Muller had fled into Ned's cabin. He found the boy apparently just wakening from a sound slumber, although Ned had enjoyed every word of Herc's foolish banter. "Ah, so you are awake at last, Mister Sailor," said Herr Muller; "may I trouble you to come into the other cabin? I have business of importance to discuss." "I beg your pardon," said Ned shortly. "What do you mean?" "Just this: that I have no business to discuss with a scoundrel." The reply was like the crack of a whip. The other grew livid. "Be careful how you speak," he said, striving to retain control of himself, "I am not accustomed to being made game of by whipper-snappers." "Well, what do you want?" asked Ned, feeling that, after all, he might learn something by pretending to fall in with the rascal's plans, whatever they might prove to be. "Then you are willing to talk business with us?" "That depends," rejoined Ned, "on whether it's profitable business. But I warn you," he went on, raising his voice, "my comrade and I want to be paid in full and well, too, for anything we do." Herc in the outer cabin heard the heightened tones. "What's Ned up to now?" he wondered to himself, "I'll bet he's hit on some plan. I guess that whatever he says I'll follow his lead. I don't like playing at being a traitor, though, just the same." Herr Muller and Ned now emerged into the outer cabin. "Sit down," said the anarchist, pointing to a place beside Herc. Both boys instantly simulated great delight and surprise at seeing each other. Herr Muller looked on somewhat glumly. "I wonder if they are making fools of me," he thought. "They are both sharp as steel traps, as they say in this country. It is possible. Well, I shall govern myself accordingly and watch them closely." "Well," said Ned, when the first apparently warm greetings were over, "what is it you want us to do?" "Just this," said Herr Muller, "you are a good mechanic and a fair draughtsman. I want you to draw me a sectional design of the _Manhattan_. When that is done I've got other work for you to do." "A design of the _Manhattan_?" repeated Ned slowly as if he had not quite understood. He was in reality trying to gain time to think. "Yes. You are familiar with her, and I believe she is the finest ship of your navy." "I can say 'yes,' to both questions," rejoined Ned. "What would you want this drawing to show?" "For one thing, I should like to know where her armor is thinnest," was the rejoinder. Herr Muller's eyes narrowed as he spoke, and he gazed sharply at the lad before him. "You understand?" he asked, as Ned did not reply. "Perfectly. I was just trying to collect my thoughts. So you want a sectional plan of the _Manhattan_, showing where her armor is thinnest," he said slowly. "Well, supposing I make one, what is there in it for me?" "That depends on the success of the grand project," was the rejoinder. Ned looked puzzled. Into the anarchist's eyes there had come the same glare of fanatical fire that Herc had noted there before. "What is this grand project, if I may ask?" he said presently. "You may ask," was the reply, "but I shall not answer. The accomplishment itself shall be your reply--and the world's." The man had risen to his feet and was pacing up and down the cabin excitedly. Suddenly he turned sharply. "I shall ask for your reply in half an hour," he said abruptly, and plunged, rather than mounted, up the cabin stairs. Ned sat lost in thought after his departure. After a long period of speechlessness, Herc spoke. "What are you thinking about, Ned?" he asked. "I'm trying to put two and two together," said Ned softly. "If I'm right in my conclusions, this fellow Muller is one of the most diabolical scoundrels that ever encumbered the face of the earth." CHAPTER XIX. "BY WIRELESS!" "Ye-es," drawled Herc judicially, "even without putting two and two together, I must say that I agree with you. But what particular brand of mischief is he up to now, do you think?" "Well, in the first place, he doesn't want the plans of the _Manhattan_ just because of his interest in naval architecture." "No, hardly. But it gets me what he does want them for." "I've formed a pretty definite idea," rejoined Ned. "It was those torpedoes that set me thinking. Herc, I believe that a gigantic plot to injure the American navy is on foot. Those torpedoes are aboard to be used in pursuance of that purpose." "Jiminy crickets!" yelled Herc, fairly brought to his feet; "and you talk about it as calmly as if you were asking me to come and have an ice-cream soda. By the same token, if I don't get something to drink pretty soon I'll dry up and wither away." "We've got to keep calm," rejoined Ned. "Getting excited won't do any good. Look here, Herc, have you anything in the shape of a wrench about you?" "I've got that small one I use on the motor of my aeroplane." "Not any too big," commented Ned. "But it'll have to do. Now, Herc, you watch the stairway while I get busy." "If any one comes down, shall I tackle them?" asked the freckle-faced youth, who was always ready for a rough-and-tumble. "Good gracious, no! To arouse their suspicions that we are anything but friendly to them would never do. Just tell me if you hear any one fumbling with the door." "All right," said Herc, taking up his position at the foot of the stairway. Ned at once yanked up the section of flooring operated by the ring. By dint of wriggling and twisting, he managed to work himself down into the compartment containing the deadly implements. Then he set to work with his wrench. The task kept him busy for half an hour or more. When he finally emerged from his cramped quarters into the cabin, he carried something very carefully wrapped in his handkerchief. Whatever it was, he threw it out of the cabin port and breathed a sigh of relief when he had done so. Two more trips were necessary before the flooring was replaced, and each time Ned threw something out. Herc was about to ask his comrade what he was doing, when the preliminary fumbling at the bolts above warned him that they were about to have a visitor. Instantly both lads resumed the same positions they had occupied when Herr Muller left the cabin. They had just time to assume them when the man himself opened the companionway doorway and descended. "Well, have you made up your minds?" he began, without any preliminaries. "We have," replied Ned. "I'll do as you wish in regard to the plan of the battleship. But you haven't mentioned anything about compensation as yet." "It will be large. You have my word for that. Isn't that enough?" Ned, inwardly thinking that it certainly wasn't, agreed that it was. "I'll get you pencils and paper, and you can set to work right away," said Herr Muller. But just as he spoke there came a loud crash on deck, and a series of alarmed shouts. Herr Muller turned and sprang quickly back up the stairway. The boys, feeling certain that some calamity had occurred, followed him. As they gained the deck they were astonished to find that the sloop was out of sight of land. A desolate expanse of gray, tumbling billows was stretched about her. But their glances only dwelt on this for an instant. Their immediate attention was caught by a group in the stern, bending over a prostrate figure. "It's Chance!" exclaimed Ned, hastening aft, followed by Herc. "A block tore loose from above and struck him on the head," one of the followers of Herr Muller was explaining as the boys came up. The leader of the strange band bent over the unconscious man and felt his head with a manner that betokened some medical skill. "It is only a flesh wound," he said, "but the shock has made him unconscious. Carry him below, some of you. He'll soon be all right again." Kennell was one of those who volunteered for this service. Merritt was another. As they passed the two boys, carrying their limp burden, Kennell turned to Ned: "Well, my young sneak, they've got you collared this time," he said with a leer, "you walked into the trap like a baby taking candy." Ned did not deign to reply to the fellow. Instead, he listened to Herr Muller who was talking excitedly. "Of all unlucky things to happen at this time," he was saying. "We shall be within the wireless zone of the fleet at any time now, and the only man on board who understands wireless is incapacitated. It is most unfortunate." A sudden idea came to Ned. Possibly by volunteering to act in Chance's place he might find a way out of the maze that involved them. Acting on his impulse he stepped up to Muller. "I understand wireless," he said; "what messages do you want taken?" "I don't know yet," rejoined Herr Muller, looking much relieved. Then suddenly his manner changed. "But you understand the naval code, too, don't you?" The manner in which the question was worded put Ned on his guard. He saw that it would be better to reply in the negative. "No," he said, shaking his head, "I haven't had much to do with the signal part of man-o'-war work; but, of course, I learned something of wireless at the naval school." "Good!" exclaimed Herr Muller; "come with me." He ushered the boys below--for Herc had trailed along--and into the small wireless room Ned had noticed. "I am expecting a message at any time now," he said; "but it will come in cipher. Get it absolutely accurate and you will not suffer by it." Ned nodded. "Better see about hoisting your aerials," he said. Herr Muller hurried off on this errand, while Ned looked over the instruments surrounding him. They glistened with brass and polished steel in the smoky light of a bulkhead lamp. But despite the evident haste with which they had been installed, it was easy to see that the apparatus was the finest obtainable. "What on earth can be up now?" wondered Herc, as Ned took up the metal headpiece and adjusted it. "Don't know yet," said Ned. "It's evident, though, that Muller is in hopes of picking up some information from the fleet by eavesdropping on its wireless. I'm mighty glad now that I didn't tell him I could read cipher." Further conversation was interrupted by the re-entrance of Herr Muller. He stepped brusquely up to Ned. "You had better be ready to catch anything you can," he said; "everything is in readiness above, and we should be picking up messages at any moment now." Ned nodded and sat down on the stool set over against the table, on which the glittering array of instruments were fastened. For a long time--or so it seemed to him--he sat thus. Suddenly, in his ears, there sounded the faintest of scratching sounds. It was as soft as the footsteps of an invalid fly. But Ned knew that somewhere out on the sea ship was speaking to ship, and that what he heard was the echo of their talk. Suddenly he picked up a pencil and began to write rapidly. Herr Muller bent over his shoulder. He watched with keen absorption as Ned's pencil flew over the paper. "_Yes, she's all right; but she's not as pretty as the blonde operator at Key West._" "Is that the message you were expecting?" inquired Ned blandly, gazing up at Herr Muller. "What nonsense is dot?" sputtered the other, lapsing into his foreign accent. "Well, since you ask me," rejoined Ned, "I think it's the operator on one coasting steamer talking to the wireless man on another vessel about a blonde young lady at Key West." Herr Muller exploded. "Vot I care aboudt blonde young vimins?" he demanded, pounding the table angrily. "Der message I vant iss a navy message, you onderstond dot?" "Oh, that's it, is it?" inquired Ned, assuming great innocence. "I thought you wanted every message that came through the air.--Hullo!--Hush!--Here she comes now!" Suddenly a new note had struck into the wireless channels. The quick, imperious call of a battleship summoning the wireless ears of another sea-fighter. "_M-n! M-n! M-n!_" "It's the _Manhattan_ being called by the flagship," muttered Ned. "Hullo! now they're answering." "_Squadron will rendezvous at Blackhaven Bay._ Will await further instructions there," he translated rapidly. But his translation was mental only. To Herr Muller he handed only a string of figures, the cipher the two vessels had been using. Muller hastened off with it to Chance's cabin. The man had now recovered from his swoon and might be able to translate the message. Ned took instant advantage of the situation. With quick, nervous fingers he began pounding the sending key. The lithe, white spark crackled and flashed across the terminals. It crackled like a bunch of firecrackers. "_M-n! M-n! M-n!_" was what the boy kept pounding out. Would the _Manhattan_ never answer? The spark crackled on, but no answering flash came through the air. "The apparatus is too weak," groaned Ned, despairing at the long silence. But at the same instant his heart gave a great pound. His pulses began to leap. Through space had come an answering message. Ned lost no time. His fingers began to pound the sending key once more. "_Danger. At Blackhaven_----" Bang! The interruption was sharp and startling. Splinters flew from under Ned's fingers as the bullet smashed the sending key to smithereens. He turned swiftly. In the doorway stood Merritt, revolver in hand. It was the recreant seaman who had fired the shot and interrupted Ned's warning message. [Illustration: In the doorway stood Merritt, revolver in hand.] "So you thought you'd tip us off to the _Manhattan_, eh?" he snarled. "Well, you never made a bigger mistake in your life. I know something of wireless telegraphy myself." Ned was conscious of nothing but a hot flame of anger that seemed to bathe him from head to foot in its fury. He flung the helmet from his head and sprang at Merritt like a tiger. Taken utterly by surprise, the fellow was carried clean off his feet by the assault. He crashed backward with Ned on top of him just as Herr Muller rushed out of Chance's cabin, waving the cipher message delightedly. "The fleet is going to rendezvous at Blackhaven!" he was shouting. "I was right, and----" He stopped short as he almost stumbled over the struggling forms of Ned and Merritt. In the semi-darkness of the cabin and his excitement he had not noticed them before. "Donnervetter, vos is diss?" he cried as he took in the situation and speedily sensed the fact that Merritt was getting the worst of the struggle. He picked up a heavy chair that stood close to his hand. He was swinging it and was about to bring it crashing down on Ned's head when something collided with his chin. As Herr Muller, seeing a whole constellation of stars, reeled backward, dropping the chair with a bang, he dimly realized that that "something" had been the brawny and freckled fist of one Herc Taylor. CHAPTER XX. NED, CAST AWAY. But as Herc and Herr Muller crashed floorward together a rush of footsteps came down the companionway stairs. The shot that had destroyed the sending key of the sloop's wireless had been heard on deck. Rescue was at hand for the two scoundrels who had been overborne by the Dreadnought Boys. Before hands could be laid on Herc, however, the freckle-faced youth had banged his fists twice into Herr Muller's face. He raised his hand for a third blow when a sharp pain shot through him, and he sank back with a groan of helpless pain. Something had flashed in the anarchist's hand for an instant and had buried itself in Herc's side. "Ned! Ned!" cried the lad in accents of shrill alarm, "the fellow's stabbed me." With a superhuman effort, Ned flung Merritt's arms from him and dashed across the cabin. Herr Muller had struggled to his feet. He rose just in time to be spun clear across the cabin by the infuriated Dreadnought Boy. Such was the force in Ned's righteously indignant blow, that before the anarchist leader ceased spinning, he crashed clear through a wooden panel. "Herc, old fellow!" cried Ned, sinking to his knees beside his comrade, "are you badly hurt?" "I--I--I'm all right, old chap. Save the ships!" mumbled Herc and his eyes closed. The freckled face grew fearfully white. Before any of the excited crew could lay a hand on him Ned picked up Herc as if he had been a child, and began backing toward one of the cabin doors with him. "You scoundrels will pay dear for this!" he shouted angrily as he went out. Paralyzed for the time being by the lightning-like rapidity of events, not one of the men made a move just then. Ned bore Herc into the cabin unmolested. Chance, leaning on one elbow, was lying in the lower bunk. His head was bandaged, but Ned tumbled him out by the scruff of his neck. "Out of that, you traitor!" he shouted, "and make room for a real man-o'-war's-man." While Chance, still weak from the effects of his blow, tottered about the cabin, Ned laid Herc on the bunk as gently as a woman might have done with an infant. Herc opened his eyes and smiled up at his shipmate. "Thanks, old fellow," he breathed, "I--I'm all right. You----" He lapsed into unconsciousness once more. Ned ripped his shirt open with a quick movement. With another he tore it into sheds and bandaged the wound in the lad's side. Luckily, in the struggle, Herr Muller's aim had not been good, and the knife thrust was little more than a flesh wound, extending up under Herc's armpit. But the pain was considerable. Ned had hardly finished his work before the men outside came out of their half-stunned period of inaction. Headed by Merritt, they charged at the cabin. Ned sprang for the door to close and lock it against them, but Chance was too quick for him. The fellow had been leaning back against the bulkhead. As Ned swept forward he extended his foot, and the Dreadnought Boy came to the floor in a heap. In another instant they were all piled on him. Ned struck out furiously. His blows were driven by steel-plated muscles, but they had little effect on the sprawling mass of humanity piled above him. Before many minutes had passed Ned was a prisoner, tied and bound as securely as Herc had been when he was carried on board. To his surprise, no violence was attempted by his captors. They worked in grim silence. Ned wondered vaguely what was going to happen to him. In his dazed state he didn't much care. Under Herr Muller's orders the lad was roughly thrust into the wireless room and the door locked upon him. While this was being done he noted with satisfaction that upon the faces of both Herr Muller and Merritt sundry large, angry-looking swellings were beginning to obtrude themselves like purple plums. "At any rate, I've spoiled Merritt's beauty for him," thought Ned with a grim satisfaction. He was left unmolested in his prison place for what seemed hours. Finally, after an interminable period, he began to notice that the rough rolling motion of the sloop had ceased. Had the sea gone down, or were they at anchor in some sheltered haven, he wondered. He was not to be long in doubt. The door was flung open. Merritt, Kennell and Muller entered. At a word from Muller the powerless Ned was shoved and half carried through the portal. Then he was propelled up the companionway stairs. "Are they going to chuck me overboard?" he found himself wondering. A swift glance showed him that the sloop was anchored in a small bay. The sky was clear and a bright moon showed the surroundings to be sand dunes and desolate barrens. "Is the boat ready?" he heard Muller ask. From over side, where the sloop's dinghy was floating, came a response in the affirmative. The next instant Ned found himself tumbled from the sloop's low side into the small craft. The fall bruised him considerably, but if his captors had expected him to make any outcry they were deceived. He uttered no word of complaint, although, what with the tightness of his bonds and the jouncing his fall had given him, he was in considerable pain. Herr Muller, Chance, Merritt and Kennell dropped into the boat after him, taking the places of the two men who had unlimbered it from the stern davits. Evidently their plans had been prearranged, for Chance and Merritt fell to the oars without uttering a word. Muller and Kennell, grim and silent, sat in the stern. It was a short row to the shore, and presently the bow of the boat grated on a sandy beach. "Chuck him out!" growled Herr Muller. Ned was tumbled unceremoniously out on the sands. In the moonlight he could see that the men in the boat were keeping him covered with pistols. Muller leaped out by his side. "Keep him covered while I cut him loose," Ned heard Muller grate out. The anarchist bent over him and severed his bonds. "What on earth is he doing that for?" wondered Ned. But he was duly grateful as he felt his limbs free once more. The task of cutting the ropes completed, Herr Muller lost no time in jumping back into the boat. But he need not have feared Ned, the lad was too stiff and sore to do more than feebly stretch his limbs. As soon as Muller was on board, Chance and Merritt laid hold of the bow of the boat and shoved off. They leaped nimbly on board as the little craft floated. As they fell to their oars Muller stood up in the stern and shouted something back at Ned. The boy could not catch all of it, but he was to realize its import before long. All his ears could get of the message was something about "Island--rot there!" Then came the rhythmic splash of oars as the boat was pulled swiftly back to the sloop. After a while Ned, although the effort made his cramped limbs wince, managed to get to his feet. He was just in time to see the sails of the sloop being hoisted and the little vessel, as they filled, stagger and move out toward the open sea once more. "And poor Herc, wounded and alone, is on board her," was Ned's bitter thought; "but, thank goodness," he murmured the next instant, "I'm on land and free, and it won't be long before I find some means of running down that sloop." He sat down and chafed his ankles and wrists, and after a while was able to move about freely. As soon as he did so he struck off across the sandy dunes on which he had been set ashore. A few minutes of walking brought him to a broad arm of water. It flowed swiftly under the moonlight. A sudden flash of fear shot through Ned. He gave a slight shiver as an alarming idea shot through his mind. But he shook off his presentiment and struck out once more. It was not till he had made the third circuit of the shifting, grass-grown dunes that he realized, with a flash of horror, the bitter truth of his situation. The inexplicable fact of his freedom and of his bonds being cast off was fully explained now. Herr Muller had marooned the lad on a desolate island. It was cut off from the shore by a swift flowing arm of water, its current so broad and so rapid that even such a strong swimmer as Ned did not dare trust himself to try to cross it. By a stern effort of will Ned repressed a desire to cry aloud. Was this to be his destiny? To perish on a sandy islet off the Atlantic Coast, while the sloop forged ahead on her errand of destruction? CHAPTER XXI A STRIKE FOR UNCLE SAM. How long it was that Ned sat reviewing the situation in all its bearings he never knew. But it must have been a considerable period, for, when he began to take notice of his surroundings once more, the first flush of an early summer's dawn was visible behind him as he faced what he judged to be the mainland. The light showed the character of the country across the broad channel which separated him from it to be much the same as that of the island on which he had been marooned by the anarchists. It was criss-crossed with sand dunes till it resembled a crumpled bit of yellow parchment. Scanty, spear-like grass grew in hummocks on the undulations. As the light became stronger sea birds began to whirl about him, screaming weirdly. Ned gazed seaward. Far out on the horizon was a smudge of black smoke. It was too great in volume for one vessel to have made. The cloud reached as far as the eye could see; as if a gigantic and dirty thumb had been swept across the sky line. To Ned it meant one thing. "The fleet has passed down the coast on its way to Blackhaven," he mused. "Oh! for a chance to get to the mainland." For a time he was in hopes that some fishing craft, or small boat, might pass within hail. But nothing of the kind occurred. "I've got to get something to eat pretty soon," thought Ned, who was beginning to feel faint, "or--hullo! where have I seen that log before?" His gaze was riveted on a big spar that was drifting idly through the arm of sea that swept between him and the land. "I saw that fellow go through here last night; the tide must have turned and it's drifting back. Well, that settles it. There's almost as much water and current in there at low water as at high." He fell to pacing the beach moodily. Once in desperation he waded into the turbid water and essayed to swim. But he was instantly swept from his feet, and a strong undertow seized on his legs and drew them down. When, panting and trembling, he stood once more on shore, he resolved not to risk his life in that manner again. "An elephant couldn't swim that," he said to himself sadly. All at once he looked up, from one of his despairing moods, to see something that caused him to choke and gasp with hope. Bobbing about on the water, not a hundred yards from the shore, was--of all things--a small boat! Ned watched it fascinated. Would the current drift it within his reach, or would it be carried tantalizingly past him? At the moment he gave little thought as to how it came to be there. It was enough for him that it was a boat, and offered--providing he could reach it--a means of getting to the mainland. In an agony of apprehension he watched the little craft as it came on, dancing merrily on the choppy ripples of the inlet. Now it shot in toward the shore, as if it meant to drive bow-on upon the beach, and then, as Ned sprang forth to grasp it, the current would sweep it out of his reach. At last it was abreast of him, and in the next second it had passed beyond. Ned grew desperate. "Better die in the effort to get to land than perish here of starvation and thirst," he thought. Without bothering to kick his shoes off he sprang into the water, which was deep right up to the margin of the shore, and swam out after the boat. In a flash he felt the undertow grip him. He struck out with every ounce of reserve strength that he possessed, but the current proved the stronger of the two. Ned, weakened by his long fast and rough experiences, found himself being rapidly drawn under. Fighting every inch of the way he was gradually submerged. With a last effort he struck out again, but the final struggle proved too much for his already depleted muscles. The boy was sucked under like a straw. Where his head had appeared a second before, there was now nothing but the whirl of the waters. Suddenly, just as it felt as if his lungs must burst, Ned was shot up to the surface once more. Too weak to strike out he flung out his hands in a desperate effort to clutch at anything to sustain his weight. His hands closed on something solid that buoyed him up refreshingly. It was the gunwale of the boat! Ned hung limply to her side, getting back his strength as she glided along. After several minutes he felt equal to the effort of trying to board her. He kicked his way round to the stern and clambered over the transom. Once on board he lay languidly on the thwarts for some time, too much exhausted even to move. But by-and-bye, his strength began to trickle back. He raised himself and looked around him. About the first object his eyes lighted on was a bit of crumpled paper in the bottom of the craft. "Maybe this is some sort of a clew as to how the boat happened along so providentially," thought Ned. He opened the paper, scanned the few words it contained, and then his jaw dropped in sheer amazement. The words of the note were in Herc's big, scrawly handwriting. "_Ned, Hope you find the boat. I heard them say they had marooned you on an island, so I cut the rope. Herc._" Ned saw at once what had happened, even if a glance at the cut end of rope in the bow had not told him. Herc had managed to reach out of the cabin port and slash the rope by which the dinghy had been attached to the sloop's stern. It had been a long chance, but it had won out. "I don't believe there's another chap in the world like good old Herc," thought Ned tenderly, with a suspicious mist in his eyes as he thought of his absent comrade; then he took up the oars. "Now where shall I row to?" he asked himself, as he pulled the boat along. He scanned the barren-looking coast, with its inhospitable sand dunes and melancholy-colored grass, with the sea birds wheeling and screaming above. "Humph! Not much choice, apparently. I guess I'll pull just inside of that little point yonder, and then strike out across the country. I'll have to trust to luck to find somebody who'll give me a hand." Half an hour later Ned pulled the small boat ashore and abandoned it. When he landed he had cherished some hopes of finding a fisherman's hut, or "beachcomber's" dwelling behind the rampart of sand dunes. But no trace of even such primitive habitations met his eye. Salt meadows, threaded by muddy, sluggish creeks, lay inland, and beyond was rising ground dotted with clumps of woodland. This looked hopeful. Determined to keep pegging along to the uttermost that was in him, Ned struck out across the salt meadows. It was harder work than he had thought. Under the hot sun the miasmic salt land steamed and perspired. Rank odors arose, and the muddy creeks steamed. Once or twice he had to wade through the foul water courses, and, at such times myriads of bloated-looking crabs, that had been sunning themselves, scuttled, with splashes, into the water. To add to his discomfort, as the sun grew higher, millions of black flies and stinging midges arose to plague him. They settled on him in swarms. Every time Ned wiped out a legion of the tormentors that had settled on his face, his countenance bore a red smudge. By the time he had--he hardly knew how--traversed this bad bit of country and found himself on a dusty white highroad, Ned was scarcely a presentable-looking object. Mud, from the creeks he had waded, caked his legs; his face was red and bloody from the onslaughts of the insects. His clothes were tattered from his fight on the sloop, and, altogether, he was not an object to inspire confidence. To add to his misfortunes, he had no money, and Ned knew enough of the world to know that a lad in his condition, tattered and penniless, does not, as a rule, excite any feeling but suspicion. However, when about half a mile further on he came to a small house nestling among rose vines and creepers, he walked bravely up to the door and knocked. A prim-looking old maid, in a checked apron, opened the door. As soon as her eyes fell on Ned she uttered a shrill scream and slammed the door with an exclamation of alarm and indignation. "Get along with you, you tramp!" she cried. Ned turned and trudged down the footpath. But, as he reached the gate, he heard a commotion behind him. He turned just in time to face a big, savage-looking bulldog that was about to fly at his leg. Ned raised his foot and planted it fair and square on the snarling animal's mouth. The dog fled with a yelp of pain. Ned followed it with his eyes. "I'll bet that cur has fared better than I have for the last twenty-four hours," he muttered as he once more began his weary trudging along the dusty highroad. CHAPTER XXII. SOME ADVENTURES BY THE WAY. By noon his hunger was positively ravenous. Yet he did not like to risk another rebuff by asking for something to eat at any of the thrifty-looking farmhouses he passed. Of course, Ned could have represented himself as one of Uncle Sam's sailors, but it was, somehow, repugnant to him--the idea of asking for food and urging, as an excuse for the petition, the uniform he was entitled to wear and the flag he served under. All at once as he rounded a turn in the road he came upon a scene that quickened his hunger tenfold. A group of men, women and children were bivouacked under a tree enjoying the shade, and were evidently about to enjoy a picnic lunch. Two or three buggies, and an aged carry-all stood near at hand. Ned, with averted gaze, was hurrying by, when a voice hailed him. "Hullo, there, shipmate!" Ned turned quickly. It was a middle-aged man, with a sunburned face, dressed in a prosperous farmer's best, who had hailed him. "Sam Topping!" exclaimed Ned, genuinely pleased, "what are you doing here?" "Why, picnicking, as you see. But what on earth does all this mean?" his eyes roamed over Ned's disreputable figure. "What has happened? What are you tramping about in that rig for?" Sam Topping had served on the _Manhattan_ during Ned's days as a raw apprentice. He had retired, a short time before, on a well-earned pension, and his savings had served to buy him a farm. Ned recalled now having heard that Sam had settled down in that part of the country. The lad colored as Sam put his question. He could feel the women and children of the group looking curiously at him, while the men regarded him with more frank curiosity. It was plain that they looked upon him as a tramp or something of the kind. A traveling peddler, possibly. As Sam seemed to be waiting for an answer to his question, Ned drew him aside. He told him as much of his story as he thought advisable. Sam was sympathetic. He invited Ned to lunch with them, and after the lad had washed and made himself more presentable at a small stream, he joined the party. They made him welcome, and no embarrassing questions were asked. Sam had concocted a story to fit the case while Ned was at his wayside ablutions. How good that food tasted to the half-famished boy! He could not help thinking, in the midst of his enjoyment, of poor Herc. He wondered sadly how his shipmate was faring. With this came another thought. The safety of the fleet was imperilled. Its salvation lay in his hands. He alone could give warning of the danger that threatened from the anarchists. When he got an opportunity, he questioned the friendly Sam. "How far is it to Blackhaven?" "Well, let's see," rejoined Sam thoughtfully, "it's about one hundred miles to the closest point. But Blackhaven Bay, where the warships go, is twenty miles from a railroad, and only a few fishing villages are on its shores. It's a wild and desolate spot." "I've got to get there," said Ned. Sam looked at him as if doubtful that he was in his right mind. "Get to Blackhaven!" he exclaimed. "What for?" "To join my ship," explained Ned, not wishing to go into details concerning the anarchists. Sam was a talkative person, and if all he knew was noised abroad it might defeat the justice Ned was grimly determined to visit on them. Sam had already explained the occasion of the roadside picnic. The party was composed of himself and several of his neighbors on their way into Dundertown, about five miles off, to witness a performance of the circus. Ned had already noted upon barns and outhouses as he came along the gaudy colored posters announcing its arrival. They had interested him particularly, as one flaming bill had set forth the wonderful aerial feats of one Professor Luminetti, who was modestly billed as "The King of the Air." The professor, it appeared, performed his feats in an aeroplane of similar construction to the one which Ned had been using. "I'd like to see that chap," Ned had thought, as he regarded the pictures. "Tell you what you do, Ned, old shipmate," quoth Sam suddenly. "You come into town with us and see the circus. There's a recruiting office in Dundertown. You can go there afterward and tell them your story. They'll probably advance you the money to get back to your ship." Ned agreed that this would be a good idea. But he declined the circus invitation. He was too anxious, for reasons of which we know, to rejoin the fleet. The gravest danger threatened the flower of the American navy, and, for all Ned knew, its fate depended on the speed with which he could reach Blackhaven. Soon afterward the farmers and their wives clambered into their rigs and started driving toward town. Sam, who was unmarried, drove alone, and Ned shared a seat in his buggy. It seemed to his tired frame and blistered, worn feet, the most luxurious conveyance he had ever known. Sam drove straight on to the circus lot. It presented a lively scene of shifting color and action. Bright flags, huge erections of lumping canvas, blaring brass bands were everywhere. In front of the main tent a big crowd had gathered. Sam and Ned were caught in a swirl of humanity and rushed toward it. By a shifting of the crowd they soon found themselves in its midst. The throng was grouped about an aeroplane, the motor of which was already whirring and buzzing. By it stood a man in red tights, bright with spangles. He was lecturing on the points of the machine, which formed a "free attraction" to draw the crowds. Ned smiled as he listened. The fellow evidently didn't know much about his subject. But even at that, he knew more than his listeners, who gazed on him, gaping and awestruck. It was the first time that most of them had seen an aeroplane at close range. The sight seemed to fascinate them. "I will now make a short flight," announced the man as he finished, and as he clambered into the seat, a regular "barker" began shouting at the top of his voice: "Lum-in-e-t-t-i! The King of the Ae-ar! See him in his unprecedented frantic, furious, thrilling flight into space! Watch him soar toward the haunt of the eagle bird and cloud-land! The sight of a century! The wonder of the nations! Lumin-e-t-t-i! Luminett-i-i-i-i-i! The Ke-eng of the Ae-ar!" The crowd came running from all directions at the cry. It was soon packed so densely about "The King of the Air" that Ned and Sam found themselves almost within touching distance of the wing tips. All at once Ned's trained eye noted something. A link in one of the drive chains of the propellers was badly twisted. Under a sudden strain it would be likely to snap. He stepped forward and touched "The King of the Air" on the shoulder. "Well," growled the King gruffly, "what's up?" His gruffness was not unnatural. He saw in Ned only a rather tattered-looking member of the crowd, and _not_ one of the most competent airmen of the United States Navy. "One of the links on your drive chain is twisted," said Ned; "I thought I'd tell you." "Oh, it is, is it?" brusquely rejoined the other; "since when have you qualified as an expert?" "It's dangerous," Ned warned him again in an earnest voice. "Oh, mind your own business," was the impatient reply; "it's all right, I guess. Anyhow, I'm not taking lessons from a Rube." The crowd began to laugh and jeer. A big man in a loud check suit, and with an aggressive black moustache, came bustling up. "Now, then! Now, then!" he exclaimed truculently. "What's up here? What do you want, young man?" "This man's machine is not in a condition for a flight," exclaimed Ned hotly. "Oh, it isn't, eh?" he said sarcastically. "Well, I tell you what, young man, you be off, or you'll be in no condition for a flight, either, 'cause I'll have you locked up!" "Ho! ho! ho!" roared the crowd. "All right. If he's injured, it will be his own and your fault," said Ned sharply. Burning with mortification, he elbowed his way through the crowd to its outskirts. As he reached them he heard a deep-throated murmur. "He's off!" "Hooray!" shouted the crowd, but in a jiffy their cheering changed to a groan of dismay. There was a sharp crack like a pistol shot. The twisted link had parted under the strain of the engine, as Ned knew it would. Luckily, the accident had happened just as the aeroplane began to move, and no damage was done to machine or aviator. Waiting only to ascertain this, Ned took his leave of Sam, and set out for the recruiting office to tell his story. CHAPTER XXIII. "YOU ARE A PRISONER OF THE GOVERNMENT!" He found it without much difficulty. It was located in a building in the centre of the town. The Stars and Stripes hung from the doorway. Ned saluted the flag as he passed under it. His heart beat more hopefully, and his step lightened and quickened. Already he felt as if his troubles were over. A rather gruff-looking, red-faced quartermaster was in charge. He looked up sharply from a paper-littered desk as Ned entered. "Well," he said quickly, "what can I do for you?" "A good deal," rejoined Ned, and launched into his story forthwith. "Humph!" said the man, when he concluded, "and so you want money to rejoin the fleet at Blackhaven?" "Yes," said Ned. "I have, as I hinted, a good reason for my request. If I had had the money, I should have lost no time in communicating with Lieutenant De Frees." "Humph! By the way, just tell me your name, young man." "Strong--Ned Strong," rejoined Ned. The red-faced man grew redder than ever, and burrowed among his papers like an industrious rabbit. At last he unearthed what he wanted and scanned it closely. He kept glancing from the paper to Ned, and from Ned to the paper, till the lad felt quite embarrassed. At last he finished. "Humph!" he said, with his usual preparatory clearing of the throat, "so you are Ned Strong. It's a lucky thing you came in here, Strong." "How is that?" asked Ned, with a smile. "Of course, I hope it's lucky for me," he added quickly. "Humph! No, it's lucky for me," insisted the other. "Is that so?" asked Ned, not knowing just what else to say. The red-faced man rose to his feet, and, without another word, went into an adjoining room. Ned could hear him telephoning, but could not catch the words. He came back presently and sat down at his table once more. "Can you advance me the money?" demanded Ned. "It's very important, you know, that I should start as soon as possible." "Oh, yes; humph! by all means; humph! the money is on its way from the bank now." "Thank you," said Ned simply. "It must be a large sum," he thought to himself. He picked up a paper that lay near at hand. Idly, to pass the time, he scanned it. Sandwiched in amidst the sensational news--for which Ned's wholesome mind did not care--was a headline that caught his eye: "FLEET SAILS FOR BLACKHAVEN." Ned's heart pounded violently. The recollection of that fluttering wireless message he had caught came back to him. With it, also, came a vivid remembrance of the torpedoes under the floor of the anarchists' craft. Suddenly another item caught his eye: "MYSTERIOUS HAPPENING AT NAVAL AERO STATION--TWO NAVY AVIATORS MISSING WITH SUM OF MONEY." All at once Ned caught his own name and then Herc's. The type swam before him for an instant, but he steadied his vision and read on. The paper gave a sensational account of their mysterious disappearance from the hotel in Bartonville. It also stated that Herc had drawn some of the money intrusted to their care just before he left. "The men are being sought for by the department," the despatch added, "and when arrested will be summarily dealt with. Every recruiting office and naval station in the country, as well as the police, have been notified." Ned looked up from his paper with startled eyes. He caught the gaze of the red-faced quartermaster fixed accusingly on him. "So you've read it?" said that dignitary. "I've read a lot of sensational rubbish," was the hot reply. "Not half so sensational or rubbishy as what you've told me," sniffed the quartermaster. "That being the case," said Ned hotly, "I shall not bother you further. Good afternoon." "Hold on there! Humph! humph! Not so fast!" exclaimed the other, rising and stepping swiftly between Ned and the door, "you've to wait here a while." "Wait!" echoed Ned. "I can't wait. Why, man alive, the safety of the fleet depends on my reaching there." "Oh, nonsense! You don't mean to say you've brooded over that story so much you believe it yourself?" Ned was first thunderstruck and then horrified. In living through the extraordinary events of the recent past, it had never struck him how fantastic and impossible they would seem to the average man. "But it's true, I tell you! I can prove it, every word!" he burst out. "How?" "Why, by my shipmate, Hercules Taylor." "Where is he?" "A prisoner on that sloop." "Come, come, young man. You've been reading too many dime novels. Why, there isn't a court martial in the land that would believe such a cock-and-bull story. I'll wager that your chum Taylor is hiding some place around town while you came up here to try and raise some more money. I must say it was a nervy thing to do." "Good heavens!" cried Ned. "Do you mean to say that you don't credit a word of my story?" "Nary a word. A wilder yarn I never listened to, and I've served on all kinds of craft, man and boy, for a good many years. Now, let me give you a bit of advice, young fellow. When you are on trial, don't spring any such gammoning as you've told me. Just stick to the plain truth and you may get off lighter than you otherwise would." Ned gasped. For an instant he almost lost control of himself. But he realized that, if he was to be of service to the fleet, he must keep his self-possession. "When I rejoin the fleet," he said, "it won't be as a prisoner." "Won't, eh? Don't be too sure of that," was the response. A sudden heavy tramping was heard on the stairs. The quartermaster flung open the door. "Here he is now," he called out, "the fellow Strong. Take him into custody and lock him up till I arrange with the naval authorities to have him sent back to his ship." As he spoke, several heavy-footed men filed into the room. They all bore the unmistakable stamp of the country constable. Ned's tongue almost stuck to the roof of his mouth, it grew so dry. Every nerve in his body quivered. Was it possible that all this was real? It seemed more like an ugly nightmare. "Look here," he exclaimed, in a voice he tried to render calm and collected, "this has gone far enough. Everything can be explained. But you mustn't lock me up now. Let me go back to the fleet. There is a conspiracy on foot to destroy some of the ships. I must warn----" A rough laugh interrupted him. "What kind er moonshine be that, young chap?" grinned the constable. "Yer don't go ter thinkin' we puts any stock in such talk as thet, do yer? If yer do, yer mus' think we're 'dunderheads' jes 'cos this is Dundertown. Na-ow, come on! Air you comin' quiet, or air yer comin' rough?" Ned turned to the quartermaster, who stood pompously puffed up, surveying the civil authorities with a patronizing air. "Remember, officer," he said, "humph! the prisoner is not a civil prisoner. He is only placed in your temporary care by me as a representative of the United States government." "Ve-ree well," rejoined the constable; "we'll take care of him, by heck! Jes' bin pinin' ter put some 'un in ther new jail. Thet reminds me, we've got another prisoner ter pick up daown ter ther circus grounds." "His name isn't Taylor, this chap's companion, humph?" demanded the quartermaster. "No. It's jes' a pickpocket. We'll go by the circus on our way to ther lock-up. It's only a step out'n our way. Come on, young feller." He extended a pair of handcuffs. Ned burned with shame and mortification. Suddenly he bethought himself of Sam and all the picnic party at the circus. What if they should see him with handcuffs on? What would they think? "For heaven's sake," he begged, "don't put those things on me. I'll give you my word of honor not to try to escape if you don't." "Wa-al, I dunno," said the constable doubtfully, "handcuffs is reg-lar, but----" "Put them on him--humph!" shrilled the quartermaster. Luckily, this ill-natured interruption turned the tide in Ned's favor. "Say, quartermaster," snapped the constable, "this man is er civil prisoner, fer the time being, an' what I say goes. Don't you go ter buttin' in." "Ain't you going to put handcuffs on him?" exclaimed the naval officer. "No, I bean't." "I order you to." "Keep yer orders fer ther navy. I'm constable uv this taown, an' I say this prisoner don't wear 'em." "I'll report you to--to the president," was the tremendous threat of the pompous quartermaster, who had turned as red as an angry turkey cock. "Even ther president of this United States ain't a-goin' ter say ha-ow things is to be run in Dundertown," snapped the constable. He laid a hand on Ned's elbow. "Come on, young man," he said, "you promised to come quietly, remember." Ned turned imploringly to the quartermaster. "You have taken the oath of allegiance to the navy," he said passionately. "Now act up to it. Find some means to warn the fleet at Blackhaven that anarchists are going to try to torpedo some of the ships. Warn them against a black sloop with a red line round her bulwarks." "Warn them against a fiddlestick!" sniffed the quartermaster. "Who ever heard such nonsense? Humph!" Ned almost groaned aloud as he was ushered out, with a deputy on either side of him. But he managed to control himself. The lad had been in many tight places in foreign lands, and in active service. But not one of them had been more trying to bear up under than this disaster that had befallen him in a peaceful country town in his native land. "When will my case be heard?" Ned asked, as they reached the street. He was in hopes that if it was to come up immediately he could convince the magistrate, or whatever dignitary he was tried by, that his arrest was absolutely unjustified. "Wa-al, squire won't be back to ta-own till day arter ter-morrer," was the reply that dashed his hopes. "Anyhow, he couldn't do nuthin' fer yer. We're only holding yer here. You're a prisoner of the United States government." Those were the bitterest words that Ned had ever heard. They seemed to sear his very being. CHAPTER XXIV. A DASH FOR FREEDOM. To Ned's intense relief, the little cortege did not attract much attention as it passed down the street. Most of the town was at the circus, attracted, doubtless, by the prospect of a big, free aeroplane flight. At last they reached the circus grounds. The performance had commenced, and the spaces outside the tents in which it was going on were almost deserted. Only a few canvasmen and hangers-on lounged about. From time to time a loud blare of music or a shout of applause came from the tent. Over by the main entrance Ned saw Professor Luminetti, still tinkering with his aeroplane. Some men were helping him. Among them was the man with the big moustache, who had addressed Ned so roughly when he pointed out the defective link. "There, professor," he was exclaiming, as the constable came up, "that's done. I guess everything is all right now for the night performance." "It all came from not paying attention to what that young chap said," put in one of them. "Yes, the professor thought he knew it all," put in another. "Hullo! There's the young chap now," said the black-moustached man, who was the manager of the show. "Say, young feller, you're all right. Any time you want a----" He was about to shake Ned by the hand, when the constable interposed. "You the manager of this sheebang?" "Yes. What of it?" "Wa-al, I'm ther constable. Whar's that pickpocket yer telephoned about?" "Right inside the sideshow tent. We put him in there under the guard of two canvasmen." "All right. I'll come and git him. Two uv you boys guard the prisoner here while I'm gone." He hastened off. Ned felt his face burn as some of the men who had been clustered about Professor Luminetti gazed curiously at him. The word "prisoner" had attracted their attention. The professor was too busy with his machine to pay any attention. He was starting up the engine to test it. The motor burred wildly and emitted flashes of flame and blue smoke. Suddenly he looked around. "Say, young feller," he said to Ned, "if you know so much about aeroplanes, just tell me what ails this motor?" Ned looked at his two guardians. They, perhaps curious to see if the lad really knew anything about air-craft, nodded permission. After all, they argued to themselves, there was no chance for the lad to escape. Ned, forgetting his troubles for a time in his joy at again being able to "fuss" over an aeroplane, bent over the refractory engine. "The trouble's in one of the footpedals," he announced before long. "Have to climb into the seat to fix it?" asked Luminetti. "Reckon so." Ned looked at his guardians. They nodded. "Don't fly away," cried one of them jokingly, as Ned seated himself, grasped the levers and placed his foot on the pedals to test the mechanism. "It would be a good joke if----" Professor Luminetti, standing by the machine, was suddenly brushed off his feet and rolled over on the sward. "Br-r-r-r-r-r-r-r-r-r-r-r-r!" A terrific whirring, like the voice of a multitude of locusts, filled the air. Something huge and winged and powerful flashed by the amazed deputies, and launched itself into the air. Before they recovered their wits, it was out of reach. "It's the aeroplane! He's stolen my aeroplane!" screamed Professor Luminetti. "Hi! Come back!" yelled the deputies. But so swiftly had the aeroplane shot into space that Ned was already out of ear-shot. Hearing the babel of excited sounds, the constable came dashing from the tent. In the excitement, he let go of the pickpocket's collar, and that miscreant at once darted off. "Get him! Bring him back!" shouted the arm of the Dundertown law. "What do you think we are--a couple of birds?" demanded his deputies. "Get him yourself!" The constable drew out his revolver and began firing into the air. He might as well have fired at the moon as at Ned. The aeroplane dwindled swiftly to a winged blot, then to a speck, and, finally, vanished altogether. "I'll swear out a warrant for him!" shouted the manager. "Well, don't do any more swearing, then," warned the constable, "er I'll arrest you fer usin' profane langwidge. I've lost two prisoners, an' I've got ter lock up somebody." Luckily, at that moment, a small boy was captured as he was creeping under the canvas. In the act of giving him a sound spanking, the irate group left behind found some salve for their wounded feelings. Luminetti raved and tore his hair. The manager promised to wreak dire vengeance on Ned as soon as he got hold of him. As for the populace, when the story leaked out, some of them, among these being Sam, were so unfeeling as to laugh heartily. As for the quartermaster, he at once set about to report the constable to all the authorities in the United States, from the president down. In the meantime, what of Ned? If any of our readers imagine that he took the aeroplane on purpose, they are mistaken. What seemed like a cleverly executed plan of escape was, in reality, the result of an accident, pure and simple, but a fortunate one, as it proved. When Ned had placed his foot on the starting pedal, to his astonishment the bit of machinery refused to budge. He pressed harder, and, suddenly something snapped. The next instant Ned felt himself being hurtled forward over the ground. To prevent the aeroplane plunging into a tent or wagon and being wrecked, he had resorted to the only mode of procedure possible. He had set the rising planes. Instantly the aeroplane responded. Behind him Ned could hear shouts and cries, and guessed that those he had left behind were imagining he was attempting to escape. "If I land I'll have a hard job convincing them I wasn't," said Ned to himself. But nevertheless, the lad tried with all his might to check the aeroplane's flight. But whatever had broken rendered this impossible. Try as he would, he could not stop the engine. His only safety, therefore, lay in keeping aloft. As the aeroplane rushed on through space, it gathered speed instead of diminishing the fury of its course. It was all Ned could do to cling to the seat and control the frantic buckings and plungings of his aerial steed. The fact that though similar to the one he used, he was unfamiliar with the particular aeroplane in which he found himself, complicated his difficulties. "I guess the only thing to do is to keep on till the gasolene gives out," he thought, after his twentieth attempt to check his runaway engine. "Reminds me of Don Quixote's ride with Sancho Panza to the palace of the magician in cloudland," was the whimsical thought that occurred to him. "Poor old Herc! It's not very complimentary to him to compare him to Sancho, but I wish he was here with me." The fuel tank of the aeroplane must have been well filled, for the engine ran just as strongly at the end of an hour of aerial traveling as it had at the beginning of the trip. "I'd turn round if I dared," thought Ned; "but I can't check the speed of the thing, and it would be suicidal to try to switch my course while going at this speed." Ned's plight may be compared to that of a lad on a runaway bicycle on a steep hill. He did not dare turn for fear of disaster, and yet he didn't quite know what would happen if he kept on. However, he didn't have to be scared of colliding with a wagon! Suddenly, to Ned's huge joy, the engine showed signs of slackening speed. He gently manipulated a lever, and found that he had partial control of the machine now. This being so, he decided to land as soon as practicable. From a clump of trees some distance ahead, the white spire of a church told him of a village. To his left hand lay the sea. Ned gazed at it longingly, as he dropped nearer and nearer to the ground. He landed at the edge of a meadow adjoining a building which was occupied by the village post-office and telegraph office. A sign on a house across the way made his heart leap: "Blackhaven Hotel." Chance had actually brought him within close range of the fleet. It seemed too good to be true. But a crowd of villagers, who came rushing to inspect the visitor from cloudland, soon put all other thoughts but the safety of his machine out of his mind. If he had not watched it carefully, there seemed to be danger of its being ripped to bits by souvenir hunters. A brief inspection showed Ned that a broken tension-spring had caused the runaway. It was soon adjusted. Then he peeped into the gasolene tank. It was almost empty. "They sell gasolene in ther store there, mister," said a bright lad. "Gasolene gigs come through here onct in a while." "When they's lost," struck in another lad. This was good news to Ned. Leaving the lads to guard the machine, he entered the post-office. The postmaster imperturbably sold him five gallons of gasolene. Ned recollected that he couldn't pay for it. But, unfortunately, this did not occur to him till he had emptied it into the tank. Hardly had he done so, and was starting back to the store with explanations, when the postmaster, who was also telegraph operator, appeared in the doorway of his emporium. He was waving a yellow telegram. "Hold that feller, one of yer!" he shouted. "That thar's a stolen sky-buggy, and he's no better than a thief!" A dozen men started forward to lay hands on Ned. But a sudden determination had come to the lad. He was within striking distance of the fleet. It was his duty to warn the officers of the peril that menaced their vessels. A rough hand seized his arm. Ned flung it off. At the same instant his fists drove full at a big fellow--the village blacksmith--who tried to bar his path, swinging a heavy hammer. "Stand clear!" shouted Ned, as he sprang into the seat of his machine--or rather Professor Luminetti's--"this machine isn't stolen--_it's borrowed on Uncle Sam's service_!" The next instant the machine skyrocketed upward, leaving behind it a trail of smoke, and sensation that furnished talk for the village of Blackhaven for more than a year. CHAPTER XXV. THE MYSTERIOUS SCHOONER--CONCLUSION. "Bulkley, do you see some object in the air--off there to the northwest?" Commander Dunham, of the Dreadnought _Manhattan_, paused in his steady pacing of the after deck, and turned to Ensign Bulkley, the officer of the deck. Ensign Bulkley brought into play the insignia of his diurnal office, a powerful telescope, done in brown leather, with polished, black metal trimmings. With it, he swept the sky in the direction indicated by his superior, for some minutes. "I do see something, sir," he said presently, "a black object, like a large bird. But it's bigger than any bird I ever saw. By Jove, sir, it's--it's an aeroplane!" "An aeroplane! Impossible. How could one find its way to Blackhaven Bay? And what could be its errand here?" "I've no idea, sir. But I'll wager my commission that it is one. Suppose you look yourself, sir?" The officer of the deck handed his telescope to his commanding officer. Commander Dunham gazed intently through it for a few moments. Then he turned to Bulkley. "By all that's wonderful, you're right, Mr. Bulkley. It seems to be coming this way, too." "Not a doubt of it, sir. But at the rate it is advancing it should not be long before we are aware of its errand." "At all events, it will relieve the monotony, Bulkley. Anchored here since yesterday and no orders yet. However, I suppose mine practice and general gunnery will be the program." "I expect so, sir," was the response. Both officers gazed over the leaden expanse of the landlocked bay about them. Five battleships, two cruisers, and three torpedo-boat destroyers lay at anchor, in regular files. Hard by was a "parent ship," with her flotilla of submarines nestling alongside, like small chickens round a motherly old hen. "Desolate country hereabouts," said Commander Dunham presently. "I shouldn't have thought that an airman could have found his way here." "It hardly seems possible," agreed his junior; "it's as barren a bit of coast as can be imagined." The aeroplane drew closer. Its outlines were quite apparent now. On every vessel of the fleet excitement over its approach was now visible. Bright bits of bunting began to "wig-wag" the news from ship to ship. On every foredeck jackies almost suspended the tasks in hand to watch the oncoming of the aerial craft. "What a contrast, Bulkley," observed Commander Dunham presently. "See that old sloop off there to seaward? She is of an almost obsolete type, while above us is coming the herald of a new era in peace, as well as war." "That is so, sir. But that sloop, obsolete as she may appear, is quite fast. I understand she has been tacking about the fleet all day. I wonder what she wants?" "Some fisherman, probably. However, see that she does not come too close. In confidence, Bulkley, I have been warned, in common with every other commander of the fleet, to beware of a band of daring anarchists who, it appears, have made no secret abroad of their intention to damage the United States navy." The navy officer showed no surprise. It is a common enough incident for warnings of the same character. The mail of the navy department at Washington is always full of letters--some of them menacing in tone--from over-zealous apostles of "universal peace." Occasionally, too, a spy is unearthed serving in Uncle Sam's uniform. Such fellows are usually deported quietly and swiftly. "I shall keep an eye on that sloop, sir, in that case," said the ensign, "but I'm afraid it will be difficult to do so before very long." "How is that, Bulkley?" The ensign waved his hand seaward. A hazy sort of atmosphere enveloped the horizon. "Fog, eh?" commented the commander. "Yes, sir. It will be all about us soon, or I'm mistaken. But look, sir, that aeroplane is almost above us." "By George!--so it is. What's the aviator doing? He's signalling us. He's pointing downward, Bulkley, too." "Looks as if he wanted to land on our decks, sir." "It does. Hark! What's that he's shouting? Pshaw, I can't hear. Tell you what, Bulkley, order the aerial landing platform rigged at once. It ought not to take more than fifteen minutes." "I'll have it done at once, sir." The officer hastened off on his errand. A scene of bustle ensued. A hundred jackies were busy transporting sections of the adjustable platform on which Ned had landed on the occasion of his great triumph. The scene appeared to be involved in inextricable confusion. But each man had his task to perform, and each pursued it industriously. Before long the platform was up--all but the flooring. The work of laying this on the steel uprights and skeleton supporting structure was soon accomplished. All this time the mysterious aerial visitant had been hovering aloft. But his task of keeping above the battleship was getting momentarily more and more difficult. The atmosphere was rapidly thickening. In white wraiths and billows the fog, which Ensign Bulkley had prophesied, came rolling in. Beads of moisture gathered on everything. From the deck the tops of the basket-like military masts grew every minute more difficult to espy. The aeroplane, circling in space, was a mere blur. "All ready, sir," announced Ensign Bulkley before long. By this time the after-deck was crowded with officers. All were gazing upward into the steamy fog. "Give him a signal, Bulkley," ordered the commander. "He'll find it hard to see one, sir." "Signal the bridge, then, to blow three blasts on the siren. He can hear that." "Hoo-oo-o-o-o! Hoo-oo-o-o-o! Hoo-o-o-o-o!" A few seconds later the uncanny voice of the siren cut the mist. Without hesitation, the dim object in the fog above them, began to come downward. It swung through the thick air rapidly. In a short time it was off the stern of the _Manhattan_, and ten minutes after the signal had sounded Ned Strong ran his aeroplane upon the landing platform so speedily erected. But if the manner of his arrival had been sensational, the effect it created was even more so. "It's Strong! The man we were wirelessed had decamped with part of Lieutenant De Frees' funds!" exclaimed Captain Dunham amazedly. Ned half staggered from his seat and came toward him. The sailors stood to one side, in a half-awed fashion. Ned's face, after his long and trying strain, was ghastly. His eyes shone with an unnatural brightness. "Well, my lad," said the commander briskly, "what is the meaning of all this?" "I--I--can I speak----" began Ned. But suddenly the decks and the eager faces about him seemed to join in a mad dance. He swayed weakly, and would have fallen, had not some jackies near at hand caught him. "Send that man to the sick bay," ordered Commander Dunham. "There's something out of the ordinary in all this," he said in a lower tone to his officers. Ned was half-carried, half-supported, to the ship's hospital. He soon recovered from his temporary weakness, and asked to see the doctor at once. When that dignitary responded to the summons, he drank in, with eager ears, Ned's astonishing story. The result was, that Commander Dunham was at once requested to visit the sick bay. A conference ensued, which lasted till almost dark. By that time Ned was fully recovered. It was after dark that a torpedo-boat destroyer, with Ensign Bulkley in command, slipped away from the fleet and vanished in the fog. On the conning tower, beside the officer, was Ned Strong. The powerful searchlight cut a bright path through the mist ahead. Somewhere in that smother lay the craft they were in search of, the anarchists' sloop, on board of which Herc was a prisoner. How eagerly Ned longed for the fog to lift, may be imagined. But they cruised all night without a sign of its lifting. By daylight they were some distance out at sea. When, at eight o'clock, the fog began to lift, the shore was revealed, before long, as a dim, blue streak in the distance. But nobody had eyes for that when a sudden shout went up from the lookout forward. The man had sighted a sail on the horizon. But as they drew closer to it, the craft was seen to be a schooner with a short, stumpy mizzen-mast. "That's not our boat," said the ensign disappointedly. "But what can have become of the sloop, sir?" wondered Ned. "Surely, she couldn't have vanished from sight during the night. She's not a fast enough sailer for that." "True," said Bulkley. "By Jove!" he exclaimed suddenly, "you don't think those chaps have disguised her, do you?" "They might have, sir. Don't you think it's worth while to board that schooner, anyhow?" "I do, Strong," agreed the officer. The destroyer was headed toward the schooner. The wind had dropped and the vessel was rolling idly on the oily sea. "Aboard the schooner there!" cried the officer, as they came up close to the vessel with the peculiar-looking after-mast. "Stand by! We are going to board you." A bearded man stood at the helm. He was the only person visible. Ned scrutinized his face eagerly, but could not recognize him. This individual only waved a hand in response to the officer's order. But, as the destroyer's way was checked, and she lay idly on the waves, he suddenly vanished into the cabin. The next instant a square port at the schooner's bow was swung open, and, without the slightest warning, a long, shining, cylindrical object was shot forth. It struck the water with a swirl of spray, and then, with a line of white wake, in its swift course, headed straight for the destroyer. "A torpedo!" exclaimed the officer, who, with Ned, was just about to clamber into one of the lowered boats. The men on board set up a horrified shout. So short was the distance between the two craft that between the launching of the torpedo and the dreaded impact of its "war head" against the side of the destroyer seemed but an instant. It was a fearful instant, though, and lived long in the recollection of those who endured it. The torpedo struck the side of the destroyer with a metallic clang. But no explosion followed. Instead, the implement floated harmlessly off. "Phew!" exclaimed the officer, wiping his forehead. "What an escape! I thought we were all booked for Kingdom Come. Come, lads, man the oars quickly. We'll get those anarchistic rascals out of their rat-holes and make them suffer for this outrage. But what the dickens was the matter with that torpedo?" he muttered. "I think I can explain, sir," rejoined Ned. "By Jove, you can? Let's hear your explanation." "You see, sir," said Ned, "while Herc and I were exploring that cabin, we found those torpedoes. Well, when an opportunity presented itself, I unscrewed the head of each, and withdrew the gun-cotton. But I was afraid that, after they marooned me, the anarchists might have examined them and found out what I'd done and reloaded them. But I'm confident now that they haven't." "No, you've drawn their teeth with a vengeance. I tremble to think, though, what would have happened if they had had an opportunity to use one of the loaded ones. They're a sharp outfit of tricksters, too, with their disguised sloop." "But not sharp enough to fool Uncle Sam," exclaimed Ned, as the boat was run alongside. As it scraped the disguised sloop's side, a figure suddenly appeared on the deck. It was Herc. He made a flying leap for the boat, and landed in a heap in their midst. "Row for your lives!" he yelled. "That maniac, Muller, is about to blow up the vessel. I got away by knocking a couple of the crew galley-west." "Give way, men!" shouted the officer, and willing arms pulled the boat from the schooner's side. But the explosion did not come. Instead, two figures, recognized as those of Merritt and Chance, appeared on the deck. They signalled for the boat to come closer. "We captured Muller, just as he was about to blow up the sloop," they shouted. "If we surrender, will you show us clemency?" "I'll make no promises," was the grim reply of Ensign Bulkley. Something like an hour later, the destroyer, with the disguised sloop in tow, re-entered Blackhaven Bay. On board her--a raving maniac--was Herr Muller. His long-smouldering insanity had at last broken into flame. He was confined on board the _Manhattan_ for a time and then removed to an asylum, where he now is. He will never recover his reason, and unceasingly imagines that his mission is to destroy the United States navy. As for his followers, they received various terms in prison. Kennell, alone, escaped. It transpired that he had been sent ashore after supplies, and so was not on board the disguised sloop when the futile attempt to blow up the destroyer was made. Of course, the suspicion which had been directed against Ned and Herc was speedily explained away, and they were rated higher than ever in the estimation of their officers. Part of the substantial monetary reward Ned received for his courage and resource in reaching the fleet, via aeroplane, was sent to Professor Luminetti, the King of the Air. The quartermaster at Dundertown received a severe reprimand for his over-zealousness, but nothing more was done to him, as, after all, he thought he was performing his duty. Had we space, we would like to relate the further aerial adventures of Ned and Herc on Aero Service. But sufficient have been related here to convey some idea of the importance of such an adjunct to our navy. It will always be a proud boast of the Dreadnought Boys that they helped to establish the aeroplane as a valuable auxiliary of the modern battleship. But the scenes shift rapidly on the stage of naval life. Fresh places and opportunities were shortly to be presented to the Dreadnought Boys. Uncle Sam's navy was on the eve of its epoch-making, globe-circling voyage. If you care to follow further the careers of The Dreadnought Boys, and learn how they conducted themselves amidst novel surroundings and changing and exciting conditions, you will find it all set down in the next volume of this series, "_The Dreadnought Boys' World Cruise_." THE END. Transcriber's Notes: Retained some inconsistent hyphenation (e.g. farmhouse vs. farm-house) from the original. Italics are represented with _underscores_. Page 1, added missing quote before "THE DREADNOUGHT BOYS ON A SUBMARINE." Page 86, changed ? to , after "I guess that's just what we are, ma'am." Page 178, corrected chapter number from XVI to XVII and removed unnecessary quote after "inclined to doubt him." Page 196, corrected chapter number from XVII to XVIII. Page 207, fixed typo "interruped" in "Further conversation was interrupted." Page 243, corrected chapter number from XXII to XXIII. Page 268, fixed typo "montony" in "it will relieve the monotony." 
63124	----	available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations. See 63124-h.htm or 63124-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/63124/63124-h/63124-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/63124/63124-h.zip) Images of the original pages are available through Internet Archive. See https://archive.org/details/pirateprincesyan00hend PIRATE PRINCES AND YANKEE JACKS * * * * * * _BY THE SAME AUTHOR_ JUNGLE ROADS And Other Trails of Roosevelt BOONE OF THE WILDERNESS A Tale of Pioneer Adventure and Achievement in the "Dark and Bloody Ground" LIFE'S MINSTREL A Book of Verse E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY * * * * * * [Illustration: STEPHEN DECATUR. _From a painting by Rembrandt Peale._] PIRATE PRINCES AND YANKEE JACKS Setting forth David Forsyth's Adventures in America's Battles on Sea and Desert with the Buccaneer Princes of Barbary, with an Account of a Search under the Sands of the Sahara Desert for the Treasure-filled Tomb of Ancient Kings by DANIEL HENDERSON Author of "Boone of the Wilderness," "Jungle Roads and Other Trails of Roosevelt" [Illustration: Logo] New York E. P. Dutton & Company 681 Fifth Avenue Copyright, 1923, By E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY All Rights Reserved Printed in the United States of America THIS BOOK IS A TRIBUTE TO THE MEN AND BOYS WHO CREATED AND SERVED IN AMERICA'S FIRST NAVY "_The ship of war, with its acres of canvas, white in the morning sun, has sunk forever below the horizon.... No longer is the hoarse voice of the captain heard shouting to the tops or to the gun-deck in stentorian tones.... All have gone from the deck of the galley, the frigate, the line-of-battle ship, from the decks where, in the teeth of gales, they clawed off lee shores, when the mouths of their guns drank in the seas, or fought the fogs or Arctic cold; from the decks where they led the changing fortunes of the fight in the din of desperate battle; where men take life at the uttermost hazard and clasp hands with fate._" --EDWARD KIRK RAWSON. FOREWORD The road cleft by early American ships into the Mediterranean Sea has become a well-traveled one. On errands of commerce, punishment or relief, our skippers have laid an ever-broadening way into the Orient. Yet who, in the bustle of the present, recalls the pioneer American captains and sailors who once suffered slavery and torture to make the Mediterranean a safe sea for Yankee vessels? Who remembers the Americans who lay for nine years in Turkish prisons? Who recalls General William Eaton, who led a little band of Americans and Greeks on a desperate venture across the North African desert to release the imprisoned crew of the _Philadelphia_ from Turkish bondage, and who, for the first time, raised the United States flag over a fort of the old world? It is to make this period and its heroic characters live again in the mind of America that this volume has been written. To link the several campaigns against the Turks of Barbary, extending over a period of fifteen years, the author has adopted the method he followed in his book "Boone of the Wilderness," and introduced characters and episodes of fiction. The material is largely derived from original sources. Permit us, then, without further ado, to present and commend to your interest the young sailor David Forsyth, who is at times the hero of the yarn, but quite as often a spectator and historian of the deeds of the brave men under whom he was privileged to serve. Do not hold his youth against him. Nelson went to sea at twelve; Drake was scarcely more than a boy when he fought on the Spanish Main; and Decatur and many other gallant American officers under whom David served were mere striplings. Youth was foremost on the sea in those days, and it is hoped that its ardent spirit flames in this volume, though a century's dust covers our heroes. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. THE MAN FROM THE EAST 1 II. CAPTURED BY CORSAIRS 16 III. BARBARY AND THE BUCCANEERS 25 IV. _The Rose of Egypt_ 40 V. MY FIRST VOYAGE 46 VI. MUTINY 56 VII. BETRAYED 64 VIII. AN AMERICAN FRIGATE BECOMES A CORSAIR'S CATTLESHIP 74 IX. LIFE ABOARD _Old Ironsides_ 82 X. A CONNECTICUT YANKEE IN THE COURT OF TUNIS 95 XI. THE LOSS OF _The Philadelphia_ 109 XII. WE BLOW UP _The Philadelphia_ 116 XIII. THE AMERICAN EAGLE ENTERS THE AFRICAN DESERT 126 XIV. THE DESERT GIRL 140 XV. REUBEN JAMES SAVES DECATUR'S LIFE 154 XVI. WE CAPTURE THE DESERT CITY OF DERNE 162 XVII. THE TREASURE TOMB 177 XVIII. SOLD INTO SLAVERY 187 XIX. THE ESCAPE 198 XX. HOME SURPRISES 220 POSTSCRIPT. THE END OF THE PIRATES 228 BIBLIOGRAPHY 234 ILLUSTRATIONS STEPHEN DECATUR, _from a painting by Rembrandt Peale_ _Frontispiece_ PAGE "I'D BLOW EVERY ONE OF THOSE PIRATE NESTS OUT OF THE WATER BEFORE I'D PAY ONE OF THOSE BLOODY BASHAWS A SIXPENCE!" SAID THE COMMODORE 13 WRECKING AND PIRACY HAD BEEN FOLLOWED BY THE COMMUNITIES BORDERING ON THE MEDITERRANEAN SINCE THE EARLIEST DAYS 35 IN LOOK AND IN DEED, WILLIAM EATON WAS A FIGHTER 94 "HOW DARE YOU LIFT YOUR HAND AGAINST A SUBJECT OF MINE," THE BEY OF TUNIS DEMANDED OF EATON 101 I HOPED THAT I MIGHT JOIN A CARAVAN THAT WOULD PASS BY TOKRA--THE TREASURE CITY OF MY DREAMS 105 "WE ARE BOUND ACROSS THIS GLOOMY DESERT TO LIBERATE THREE HUNDRED AMERICANS FROM THE CHAINS OF BARBARISM."--General Eaton 135 THIS WAS THE FIRST TIME AN AMERICAN FLAG HAD BEEN RAISED ON A FORT OF THE OLD WORLD 165 PIRATE PRINCES AND YANKEE JACKS CHARACTERS OF THE STORY DAVID FORSYTH, an orphan. ALEXANDER, his brother. REV. EZEKIEL ECCLESTON, D.D., Rector of Marley Chapel, Baltimore--David's guardian. COMMODORE JOSHUA BARNEY, of the United States Navy. GENERAL WILLIAM EATON, in command of the American expedition by land against Tripoli. MURAD, an Egyptian. BLUDSOE, mate of _The Rose of Egypt_. ANNE, "The Desert Girl." MUSTAPHA, An Arab boy. STEPHEN DECATUR, WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE, EDWARD PREBLE, RICHARD SOMERS, REUBEN JAMES, SAMUEL CHILDS, and other officers and men of the United States Navy. PIRATE PRINCES AND YANKEE JACKS CHAPTER I THE MAN FROM THE EAST "But, my dear Doctor," said the swarthy Egyptian, bowing with upturned palms, "you surely do not mean to keep the location of this treasure tomb hidden forever from science. I know that a man of your nature would not care for the money the jewels and trinkets would bring if sold, but I can not see how you can refuse to let scholars view these rare specimens of ancient art. Will you not----" "I beg you," said the rector in distressed tones, "to speak no more about it. The subject awakens unpleasant memories. I have never before mentioned having seen this treasure tomb. So far as I am concerned the desert sands shall not be moved from over its door. Please, my good friend, do not refer to it again!" "But," began the Egyptian. Commodore Barney jerked him to one side. "Look here, Mr. Murad," he said in gruff tones, "Dr. Eccleston lost a wife and child in that exploration. He came to this country to forget his loss. Keep off the subject of those antiques--the chances are that they're not worth the trouble it would take to dig them up!" "He has a secret that he owes to science," said the Oriental stubbornly. He was a proud, determined man. The black moustache that flowed across his tawny face and the black hair that showed in strings beneath his fez gave an added fierceness to his look. His brilliantly embroidered cloak made him still more commanding in appearance. Commodore Barney, with his stout body and sea legs, cut a poor figure beside him. "Harken, my friend," the commodore said sharply, "I mean what I say. We're not going to have the rector bothered. We don't know your business in America, and we're not inquiring into it. In return, we ask you to let us mind our own affairs. If you know what's good for you, you'll stop hounding the minister for his secret. Science be blowed! Art be hanged!" Alexander and I, David Forsyth, listened with eyes popping. Orphans we were, adopted by Dr. Eccleston, our mother's rector. My father--as brave a sailor as ever drew breath, Commodore Barney often assured us--had been killed on board the commodore's schooner _Hyder Ally_, while protecting the shipping in the Delaware River from British frigates during the Revolutionary War. My mother, while father was at sea, had helped to nurse the sick people of Baltimore, and had herself died of the pestilence. Dr. Eccleston, a widower, assumed the care of Alexander and myself. Alexander, springing up like Jack's bean-vine, yet growing in brawn and manliness as his height increased, was my elder by a number of years. He was much taller than I, yet I was growing too and had hopes of reaching, by the time I was sixteen, the chalk mark on our wall that showed Alexander to be five feet, ten inches high. It was on a dock in Baltimore that this talk took place. The Egyptian Murad had come to our city from Washington. What his business was no one could tell. Some said that he was a Turkish diplomat. Others said that he was a spy for the Barbary rulers. He attended services at the rector's church, and had told someone that he was a native of Alexandria, Egypt. He had embraced the Christian religion, he said, and had been so persecuted by the indignant Moslems that he had left Egypt for America. He appeared to have plenty of means, and, because there was such an air of romance about him, the people of Baltimore accepted him without much questioning, and were, indeed, rather proud that they had a man of mystery among them. Our presence on the pier was due to the arrival of Alexander's ship, _The Three Friends_, from England. Alexander, after begging Dr. Eccleston in vain to permit him to make a sea voyage, had taken French leave. When news reached our house that _The Three Friends_ had come into port, and that Alexander was one of the crew, we hurried down to greet him. The rector was angry and affectionate. The commodore was proud of the boy. As for me, I regarded Alexander as Ulysses was doubtless regarded by the boys of his home town when he returned from his wanderings. It was the cargo of _The Three Friends_ that caused the discussion, and that led the rector to open a closed chapter in his life. The ship had brought flower-patterned silken gowns, crimson taffetas, pearl necklaces, and other exquisite articles esteemed by women; and silk stockings, brilliant scarfs, beaver hats and scarlet cloaks for the men. The people welcomed these articles. The men had raised tobacco, caught fish, and gathered furs that they might buy for their families these rare luxuries from Europe. There were also, in the cargo, chairs of Russian leather, damask napkins, superb clocks, silver candlesticks and tankards, and a wealth of treasure of this nature. Alexander's special gift for the commodore was a pipe. To the rector he gave a curious-shaped little bottle. "I found it in a curio shop in London," he said. "The proprietor told me that it had been found in an Egyptian tomb." Dr. Eccleston turned pale. Then, recovering himself, he took the present and held it towards us with what seemed to be real appreciation. I learned later that his pallor was due to the memories the queer little bottle awakened. "Bless me!" he said, "it's a lacrimatory--a tear-bottle! I found many a one while I was excavating in Egypt. Some say that they are made to hold the tears of mourners, but scholars will tell you that they are after all but receptacles for perfume and ointments." Murad had approached. The sight of the curious bottle, which did not seem to me to be worth a minute's talk, led him into a discussion of antiquities he had found in Egypt. The rector's eyes kindled. Here was a subject that had once been his chief interest. Suddenly he launched forth into a description of a treasure tomb he had literally stumbled upon in the desert--a tomb upon which a later tomb had been built, so that, while the later tomb had been plundered by Arabs, the earlier tomb had remained a secret until he pried up a stone in the wall and discovered it. The rector who had attended Oxford, and had gone forth from college to explore the ruins of countries along the historic Mediterranean coasts, had made a rough map of the location of this tomb. He now began to tell of the treasures he had found in the chamber: heavy gold masks, and breast-plates that, while barbarous in appearance, yet showed beauty of craftsmanship; bulls' heads wrought in silver with horns of gold; beautiful jugs and cups, wrought in ivory, alabaster and amber; mummies whose brows and wrists were encircled with gems--a hoard of riches priceless both to the scholar and the fortune hunter. This description fired my imagination. It also stirred Murad. I saw his eyes glow and his fingers tremble. I wondered if his vehement demand that the rector should reveal the location of this cave was created by his interest in science or by pure lust for riches? As for myself, I confess that I thought only of the money into which these buried jewels and trinkets could be turned. Later, the commodore told us why the rector had been so swift to end his tale of the buried treasure. After he had discovered the tomb, somewhere on the African shore of the Mediterranean, he had covered it up and joined a caravan bound for Tripoli, meaning to organize a special expedition for further searches. His caravan was attacked by a tribe of bandits. A blow from a spear knocked him unconscious. When he regained his senses, his wife and child were gone. "They were taken as loot," said the commodore. "Women and children are nothing more than baggage to those Arabs!" The husband wandered for months through the desert searching for his family. At last he was stricken with fever. Travelers found him and placed him aboard a ship bound for England. There he had plunged into religious work to keep from going mad. Blood-stained garments--proof that his wife and daughter had been slain--were sent him by an Arabian sheik. Later he had come to America as a missionary. He was now rector of Marley Chapel. It is located about nine miles from Baltimore, near the bridge at Marley Creek, which enters into Curtis Creek, a tributary of the Patapsco River. This chapel had been built long before the Revolution. The minister kept his residence within the town limits of Baltimore because it extended his field of helpfulness. The journey to the chapel was made on horseback, and whenever he went to service Alexander and myself followed him on our ponies, through sun, rain, sleet or snow. On fair-weather days, the church-yard resembled a race-course. The ladies, in gay clothes, had come in carriages. The men, mounted on fine horses and sumptuously arrayed, rode beside them. The carriage wheels rattled. The negro drivers cracked their whips and shouted. The gentlemen loudly admonished the slaves. Over such a tumult the church bell, which was suspended from a tree, rang out to warn the people that the service was about to begin; then a hush fell over the countryside, broken only by the stamping and snorting of the mettlesome horses in the shed, or by the chuckles of the negro boys who tended them. To bring our story back to the present hour: Alexander had wandered off from our group with some of his shipmates. Suddenly there was an uproar. There were surly fellows in the crew and quarrelsome men in the crowd. Already Alexander had pointed out to me Black Peter, Muldoon, Swansen, and other sailors whom he avowed were the toughest men he had ever met. These were now confronted by our town rowdies. We had a few men among our citizenship of whom we were heartily ashamed--men who knew how to fight in ways that surpassed for brutality those methods of warfare learned on shipboard. Eye-gouging, for instance; getting a man down; twisting a forefinger in the side-locks of his hair; thrusting, by means of this hold, a thumb into the victim's eye, thereby threatening to force the eyeball from the socket if the sufferer did not cry "King's cruse!" which, I suppose you know, meant "enough!" The seaman who had been challenged by Steve Dunn, the bully, was Ezra Wilcox, Alexander's chum. He was a stranger in our town and Alexander was eager that he should think favorably of the people of Baltimore, who, everyone knows, are in the main, an open-hearted people. Angered at having his desire thwarted by the rowdy, Alexander rushed between Steve and Ezra, and himself took up Ezra's battle. He and the tough locked arms in a punching and wrestling match, and were soon rolling over each other on the wharf. Steve, finding that he was getting the worst of the tussle, reached his hands towards Alexander's side-locks. "Look out, Alexander," I cried, dancing over the pair in a frenzy, "he's trying to gouge you, man!" "Unfair! Unfair! No gouging!" the other sailors shouted, while the rest of the onlookers stood by with their sense of justice absorbed by their interest. Steve's finger was buried in Alexander's shock of hair, and his thumb crept closer to my brother's eye. I was about to stoop in an attempt to break the brutal grip when Alexander released his hair by a desperate jerk that left a wisp between the ruffian's fingers, rolled Steve over, held him face downward in a grip of iron, and rubbed his nose on the planks of the dock until blood spurted from it. Then, lifting the bully up at arm's length, Alexander cast him against the palings with a force that stunned him. If someone had not grabbed Steve then, he would have rolled over into the river and few would have mourned him if he had sank and never bobbed up again. Steve's friends advanced, pretending great indignation at Alexander's roughness, but paused as Ezra Wilcox, Black Peter, Muldoon, and Swansen came forward itching to take up the battle. "Enough of this," cried the rector, roused from his brooding by the tussle, "Steve's dug into my boy's eye and paid for it with his own nose! We'll call the affair quits, and I'll ask you Baltimore folks to show courtesy to the strangers within your gates." That afternoon we attended a fair on the chapel grounds. I was eager to show Alexander that I too had strength and skill, and at the fair, in a small way, my chance came. As we approached the grounds we saw that, among other sports, a gilt-laced hat had been placed on a greased pole, to be won by the man or boy who climbed the pole and slid down with the hat on his head. Alexander challenged me to try. Others had tried and had slid back defeated amidst much laughter. I gave a running leap, however, and clutched the pole a man's height from the ground. My fingers and feet managed to find cracks and crevices. My knees stuck. It may have been that the dirt and sand in which I had taken the precaution to roll before making the attempt enabled my arms and legs to overcome the grease, or perhaps it was because those who had tried first had worn most of it away. From whatever reason, I continued to climb, rubbing the outer part of my sleeve over the pole as I advanced, so that more of the grease was removed from my path. At last, amidst cheers, I reached the peak of the pole, seized the gilt-laced hat, donned it--although it fell down over my ears--and slid to the ground in triumph. SEA LONGINGS "If you can climb masts as well as you can climb poles," said Alexander, "there's no doubt that you'll be a fine sailorman!" "He'll do no mast-climbing!" said Dr. Eccleston. "One sailor in the family is enough. His climbing will be confined to the steps of a pulpit. I am training him for the ministry!" Alexander looked at me quizzically. I winked at him. He and I had agreed from childhood that ours should be a seafaring life. My brother had boldly carried out his intention to follow father's example, but I, seeing that the rector had set his heart upon my adopting a shore career, had postponed making my declaration. I was immensely fond of the rector; I did not care to be the means of bringing further sadness to him, so I bided my time. Commodore Barney heard the rector rebuke Alexander and saw my wink. Bless me, behind the minister's back, he winked too. He had told me that, when the United States began to build her navy, he expected to obtain a place for me on a frigate. "America's prosperity on the sea is just beginning," he said. "Don't turn your back on your natural calling. One voyage in a privateer in one of the wars that are on the horizon will make your fortune. I'll take you to sea with me. Let the dominie look elsewhere for his recruits!" The rector and the commodore were great comrades, but on the subject of a career for me they never agreed. Commodore Barney had been a hero to Alexander and myself as far back as we could remember. He was a part of our lives from the first--an unofficial second guardian. I have heard him declare that he was on his way to our house to adopt us when he met the rector coming out with one of us clinging to each hand. Dr. Eccleston had told him then, the commodore stated, that a seafaring man was no fit guardian for children. The commodore was a burly, pink-cheeked, big-hearted man. What a dandy he was! When on shore he wore a cocked hat, a coat with large lace cuffs, and a cape cut low to show his neck-stock of fine linen cambric. His breeches were closely fitted with large buckles. He wore silk stockings and large buckled shoes. No one who saw him sauntering along Market Street would take him to be a sailor, although his tongue betrayed his calling. Nautical terms, strange oaths, shipping topics were forever on his lips. His clothes spoke of the ballroom, but his language had the tang of the ship's deck and the salt wind. He was fond of the ladies. It often amused us to see him dancing attendance on a maid who minced along in brocade or taffeta, with her skirts ballooning from the hoops underneath, with bright-colored shoes peeping out from beneath her skirts, and with an enormous plume in her big bonnet that waved towards the commodore's cocked hat. The hooped skirts seemed to be trying to keep her escort at a distance, while he struggled manfully to pour his words into her ear. Murad was still hovering around us. Evidently anxious to appease the commodore, he had begun to talk to him on sea topics. The commodore, in turn, started to draw out the Egyptian as to opportunities American shippers might have to sell cargoes of American goods to Mediterranean cities. "In Barbary, Egypt and beyond," said Murad, "will lie your country's chief market. The ports of the Mediterranean are eager for your goods. Lads like these----" he fixed glowing eyes on Alexander and myself--"will live to make their fortunes in the Mediterranean." "I don't know but what you're right," said the commodore, "if someone will kindly sweep those Barbary buccaneers out of the way. Looks as if we'll have to build a squadron to do what the navies of Europe have failed to do through all these centuries. Matters are coming to a head between our country and the pirate nests of Barbary. I've heard reports of American ships being captured by ships sent out by the ruler of Algiers. It may take us a little time to wake up, but in the end we're going to stop that!" "That," said Murad suavely, "is nothing new. If you lived in the Orient, my dear commodore, you would think little of it. It's merely the way the rulers of the Barbary countries have of notifying your new country that it's America's duty to pay them toll--ships and jewels and gold. All of the nations of Europe pay them for protection, and of course, in justice to themselves and those who pay them tribute, they cannot exempt America. If I were your President, I would send liberal presents every year to the princes of Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli and Morocco. Then, sir, American ships and sailors would have nothing to fear in the Mediterranean." "Just so!" said the commodore. He cast a long look at the Egyptian, glanced around at us to see how we took this proposition, and chewed his tobacco with fierce energy. Then he exploded: "I'd blow every one of those pirate nests out of the water before I'd pay one of those bloody Bashaws a sixpence!" [Illustration: "I'D BLOW EVERY ONE OF THOSE PIRATE NESTS OUT OF THE WATER BEFORE I'D PAY ONE OF THOSE BLOODY BASHAWS A SIXPENCE!" SAID THE COMMODORE.] "Then!" said Murad, "I'm afraid American commerce will find itself barred from the Mediterranean! I have no interest in the corsairs. I was merely trying to point out a way by which your skippers could find new markets over there without being attacked or imprisoned." "Well, just belay that advice when you're talking to a man who has fought for, and still will fight for the honor of his country!" growled the commodore. We followed the old sailor. "That fellow's in this land for no good!" the commodore said to the rector. "The last time I attended a session of Congress, I saw him listening to the debates. I reckon he's keeping the rulers of Barbary informed of what's going on over here. Those fellows want to know how rich our country is, so that they can tax us all that our finances can stand. I wouldn't be surprised, either, if Murad's not sending advices of our sailings, so that those pirates can be on the watch for our ships! "Both England and France want to bar us from the trade of the Orient, and their agents will convey to them there Bashaws any news this sneaking Murad sends them. Christian convert--my aunt! Once a Moslem always a Moslem! A trapper of Christians--that's what I think him!" Murad went on his way and we went ours. I was to have plenty of occasion to reflect on the commodore's opinion of the Oriental. Alexander stayed with us for two months after his return from England. Then he hurriedly shipped on a schooner bound for Boston. Its skipper, when he returned to Baltimore, brought us a note from my brother. In it he advised us that he had shipped on board the schooner _Marie_ sailing from Boston for Cadiz. This was in April, 1784. Over a year passed without bringing tidings of my brother. I had begun to fear that his ship had gone down, although the good rector, to comfort me, grumbled that there was a special Providence that took care of fools. CHAPTER II CAPTURED BY CORSAIRS "_What does it mean to them that somewhere men are free?_ _Naked and scourged and starved, they groan in slavery!_" The rector had encouraged me to browse through his library. He said that ministers should be well-read men. It was no hardship for me--I was fond of books. One day, as I was reading "Hakluyt's Voyages," he rushed into the room. His usually pale face was red and distorted from excitement. "David, I've news of your brother!" he cried. "I told you that there was a Providence that safeguarded scapegraces! He's in Algiers. He's been captured by pirates! They're holding him in slavery for ransom!" "Humph," said the commodore, who had followed him into the room, "I don't call that being guided by a special Providence!" "Well," the rector said, "they might have killed him, or he might have died of a fever in that pestilential country. Yes, I think Providence is watching over him!" The news had come in a bulky envelope that had been forwarded to Dr. Eccleston by the State Department. "Read that," cried the rector, tossing the letter into my lap, "and see what becomes of lads who leave comfortable homes to sail the ocean!" He lit his pipe and fell to brooding, while I gleaned from the roughly scribbled epistle the story of Alexander's capture by Turkish corsairs. That the Mediterranean Sea was infested by pirates Captain Stephens, with whom Alexander sailed, well knew. But Cadiz lay outside of the usual zone of the buccaneers, and the idea of danger from corsairs scarcely entered the thoughts of the skipper and his men. Yet, on July 25, 1785, while the _Marie_ was passing Cape Saint Vincent, she was pursued by a rakish lateen-sailed vessel. Despite desperate attempts to outsail her pursuer, she was soon overtaken. Threatened by fourteen ugly cannon, she awaited the approach of the stranger. The _Marie_ was hailed in Spanish. Captain Stephens shouted in reply the name and destination of his vessel. He had little doubt that he would be allowed to proceed and was on the point of giving orders to resume the voyage, when a crowd of seamen in Turkish dress appeared on the deck of the vessel, which now was found to be an Algerine corsair. The dark, bearded faces of the Moslems were forbidding enough, but when the Mussulmans drew near with savage gestures and a wild brandishing of weapons, the _Marie's_ men knew that either death or slavery awaited them. A launch thronged with Moors and Arabs, armed with pistols, scimeters, pikes and spears, put out from the side of the zebec. They fired several volleys that came dangerously close to the heads of the American sailors, and threatened to slaughter the crew if they resisted. Captain Stephens, when a pistol was held against his breast, surrendered his ship. He and his crew were transferred to the corsair, first having been stripped of all their clothes except their undergarments. They were pricked and prodded until they reached the forepart of the Algerine ship, where the commander, Rais Ibrahim, a vicious-looking old Moor, who kept his hand on the pistol that protruded from his sash as if his fingers itched to fire a bullet into a Christian's body, repeated the threat of massacre if the captives disobeyed his orders. Captain Stephens, who spoke Spanish, went as far as was safe in protesting against the seizure. Rais Ibrahim, crying upon Allah to wipe out all Christians, replied that the ships of Barbary were no longer limited by the Mediterranean Sea. He declared that Algiers had made a peace with her ancient enemy Spain and was free now to send her vessels through the Strait into the Atlantic. "Have you papers," he sneered, "showing that your country is paying tribute to the Dey of Algiers? If your government has not purchased immunity from attack by our corsairs, do not protest to me against your capture, but rather blame your rulers for neglecting to follow the wise example of the nations of Europe, who pay my lord the gold that he demands!" A Moslem crew was placed aboard the _Marie_, and she was sailed as a prize into Algiers. There the prisoners found in captivity the crew of the American ship _Dauphin_, under Captain Richard O'Brien, who, with his mate, Andrew Montgomery, and five seamen, had been captured by an Algerine corsair near Lisbon. To announce to the city that he was approaching with a prize the Moslem captain fired gun after gun. The Port Admiral came out in a launch to examine the prize and prisoners so that he might make a report to the Dey; the people on shore gathered at the wharves to gloat over the new wealth that had come to the city; the barrooms became crowded with revelers; everyone except the slaves rejoiced. The captors were received by their relatives and friends on shore with cheers and exultation. Estimates of the value of the prisoners and the ship passed from one to another. The captives were given filthy rags to cover their nakedness, and were marched through the streets between rows of jeering infidels. Their destination was the palace of the Dey. They were driven across the courtyard of the palace, where they entered a hall. They then were pushed and prodded by their guards up five flights of stairs, where they went through a narrow, dark entrance into the Dey's audience room. He sat, a dark, fat, greasy creature, upon a low bench that was covered with cushions of embroidered velvet. He viewed the Americans with great resentment. "I have sent several times to your nation," he said through his interpreter, a renegade Englishman, "offering to make peace with them if they would satisfy my requirements. They have never sent me a definite reply. Since they have treated me so disdainfully, I will never make peace with them! As for you, Christian dogs, you shall eat stones!" The captives were driven from his presence and marched to the bagnio, or prison, where they joined six hundred Christian slaves of various nationalities--poor, broken-spirited fellows, weighed down with chains. Their names were entered in the prison book; each of them was given a blanket, a scanty supply of coarse clothing, and a small loaf of black, sour bread. They slept on the floor, with a thin blanket between them and the cold stones. The next day each of them had a chain weighing about forty pounds placed on him. One end was bound around the waist, and the other end was fastened by a ring about the ankle. They were then assigned various tasks for the government. The iron ring on their ankles, they learned, was the badge of public service. Though it was a cruel weight, it protected them from abuse by fanatical Moslems. Some of the captives were employed at rigging and fitting out cruisers, and in transporting cargoes and other goods about the city. Because of the narrow streets the articles they moved could be carried only by means of poles on their shoulders. If they bumped into a citizen they were loudly cursed and beaten. The Dey was building a new mosque, and many of the Christians were employed in transporting blocks of stone from the wharf to the building. Four men were employed to move one stone, and only the strongest could bear up under such a load. Some of the captives were sent into the mountains to blast rocks. Under the direction of Moslem overseers, who cruelly beat them on the slightest excuse, the prisoners rolled rocks weighing from twenty to forty tons down the mountain, where they were then hoisted on carts, drawn by teams of two hundred or more slaves to a wharf two miles distant, where the stones were placed on scows and carried across the harbor to be fitted into a breakwater. The prison, to which they returned after the labors of the day, was an oblong, hollow square, three stories high. The ground floor was composed of taverns that were kept by favored slaves who paid a goodly sum for rent, as well as for the liquor they sold. In this way a few of the slaves were able to earn enough money to purchase their freedom. These taverns were so dark that lamps had to be kept burning even by day. They were filled with Turks, Moors, Arabs and Christians, who often became drunk and sang and babbled in every language. The second and third floors were surrounded by galleries that led to cell-like rooms in which the captives slept. These cells were four deep to a floor, and hung one over the other like ships' berths. They swarmed with vermin. The air was too foul to breathe. If any of the captives rebelled--there was the bastinado! The culprit was thrown down on his face; his head and hands were tied; an infidel sat on his shoulders; his legs were held up to present the soles of his feet; and two infidels delivered from one hundred to five hundred blows. If a slave committed a very serious offense, he might be beheaded, impaled, or burnt alive. For murdering a Mohammedan one slave was cast off the walls of the city upon iron hooks fastened into the wall, where he lingered in agony for many hours before he perished. The worst danger the Christians faced was an insidious one--the plague. In the hot, damp air of Africa a fever arises from decaying animal substances, which is spread about by swarms of locusts. A person may be attacked by only a slight fever, but he soon becomes delirious and too weak to move. In five days his body begins to turn black and then death comes. It is the black pestilence, and it attacks slaves and rulers without choice. If it had not been for a hospital maintained by Spanish priests, most of the captives would have died. As it was, many Christians perished. Murad came into our thoughts as we brooded over Alexander's plight. He was still in Baltimore and still attended the chapel services. Did he have influence enough, we asked, to obtain my brother's freedom? The commodore had sworn that the Egyptian went to church only for the purpose of ingratiating himself with Americans upon whom he had designs. The rector had retorted that he could not allow himself to suspect one of his flock of any but pure motives when entering the house of God. He himself, I felt, disliked the man from the East, but he concealed it well. Therefore, when Murad came to our door, the rector invited him into the library and told him briefly what had happened. "I am heart-broken over it!" Murad exclaimed, gazing at me with his great liquid eyes, "and I am helpless because I am no longer a follower of Mohammed; yet your Government will surely be able to ransom your brother and his comrades. I do not think their lives will be in danger if your statesmen appropriate the money promptly. It's shocking, of course, yet it's quite the usual thing to pay these ransoms. England, Spain, France--all do it. You see, ever since the days when the Queen of Sheba brought tribute to King Solomon, the Orientals have been trained to look for gifts from foreigners who touch their shores." The rector looked dismayed at this attempt to justify kidnapping by the Scriptures. "It's time," he said, "for this western world to teach those ruffians that blackmail is blackmail and that murder is murder!" He fumbled with the envelope that had contained Alexander's letter. A slip of paper slid out. He read to us this memorandum, written by my brother: _Amount of Ransom demanded by the Dey of Algiers for the Release of American captives_ "Crew of ship _Dauphin_: Algerine Sequins Richard O'Brien, captain, ransom demanded 2,000 Andrew Montgomery, mate 1,500 Jacob Tessanoir, French passenger 2,000 Wm. Paterson, seaman 1,500 Philip Sloan 725 Peleg Lorin 725 John Robertson 725 James Hall 725" "Crew of the Schooner _Marie_: Algerine Sequins Isaac Stephen, captain, ransom demanded 2,000 Alexander Forsyth, mate 1,500 George Smith, seaman 900 John Gregory 725 James Hermet 725" "How much is 1,500 Algerine sequins?" I asked Murad. "A sequin," he explained, "amounts to eight shillings sterling, so that 12,000 shillings will be required for Alexander, and 126,000 shillings for the entire lot. There must be added to this sum 10 or 20 per cent of the total as bribes to the Dey's officers, and as commission to brokers. There are Jewish merchants over there whose chief business it is to procure the release of captives--for a consideration! "I know such a merchant in Algiers," Murad went on, "I shall write to him to interest himself in the captives and to use his influence to see that they are kindly treated. Perhaps he will be able to reduce the amount of the ransom. When the money is raised, I shall be at your service for negotiations." He bowed himself out. The rector went to the window and stood staring out after him. "It can't be," I heard him say, "and yet, if the commodore heard what he said to me, he'd swear the fellow was an agent for the corsairs!" CHAPTER III BARBARY AND THE BUCCANEERS "_In lofty strains the bard shall tell_ _How Truxton fought, how Somers fell,_ _How gallant Preble's daring host_ _Triumphed along the Moorish coast,_ _Forced the proud infidel to treat,_ _And brought the Crescent to their feet!_" I was straining like a leashed hound to board a ship and fight for my brother's freedom, but no way was open to secure the release of the captives except by diplomacy. As a vent for my feelings in those first weeks of hot rage, I plunged into a study of the history of the Barbary pirates. Every outrage done by them was the occasion for an outburst of vain anger on my part. But was it, after all, vain? Later I had my wish and shared in a campaign to free three hundred American prisoners from captivity in Tripoli. Meanwhile, we lost no time in sending to Alexander as comforting an answer as we could compose. He had asked that we send his mail to the care of the English consul who, he wrote, had obtained the consent of the Dey to send and receive letters for the American captives. Dr. Eccleston assured Alexander that Mr. Samuel Smith, Maryland's representative in Congress, had taken an interest in the case and would urge Congress to procure his speedy release. It was easy to predict a swift release--but hard, we soon found, to obtain one. I have heard men joke about the law's delays, but the delays of diplomats are longer yet. _Alexander's captivity was to endure for years!_ Fortunately for me in my pursuit of knowledge concerning these buccaneers, I could talk to the rector who had years before traveled through Mohammedan countries. He poured out to me freely his recollections of the miserable nations that occupied the African coast of the Mediterranean. In books concerning these pirates his library was not lacking. He was a great bookworm--some of his people whispered that he would trade the soul of one of his flock for a rare book. He made friends with skippers, it was said, mainly to have them bring him the latest books from abroad. By trading with sailors, schoolmasters and preachers, he had acquired many volumes, among which were many books on travel and exploration. Wrecking and piracy had been followed by the inhabitants of the communities bordering on the Mediterranean since the time of Odysseus. The rector read to me from Thucydides how Minos of Greece used his fleet to "put down piracy as far as he was able, in order that his revenues might come in." From Homer he read the passage, "Do you wander for trade or at random like pirates over the sea?" [Illustration: WRECKING AND PIRACY HAD BEEN FOLLOWED BY THE COMMUNITIES BORDERING ON THE MEDITERRANEAN SINCE THE EARLIEST DAYS.] In the first half of the last century before Christ, I learned, Cicilia and Crete were the chief buccaneering nations on the Mediterranean. Rome had ruined all of her rivals, and therefore made no effort to guard the seas from corsairs. Refugees from all nations joined the pirate fleets of Cicilia and Crete. The small communities surrounding these pirate states were forced to become allies of the pirate rulers. In addition to seizing ships and goods, the buccaneers became slavers, attacking small towns and carrying away men, women and girls. The island of Delos became a clearing-house for this traffic, and in one day ten thousand slaves were sold. It was said that while the harbor of Delos was supposed to offer mariners protection from pirates, the crew of a ship that anchored alongside a merchant vessel might be the kind that made merry with the merchantman's crew on shore, and, after learning of her cargo and destination, might follow her out of the harbor to cut the throats of her crew on the high seas. Along the southern coast of the Mediterranean, in that part which is now called Barbary or Northern Africa, where Morocco, Algeria, Tunis and Tripoli lie, the galleys of Phoenician traders roved in these early times, exploring the rivers. Following these traders came Carthaginian warriors who founded colonies upon this coast. Among these communities was the famous city of Carthage, that in time brought forth the mighty leader Hannibal. Then came the Romans, who conquered the Carthaginians and turned their cities to ruins. Thus the entire territory became Roman African colonies. Over six centuries after the birth of Christ, the Saracens began to invade this region. Their wars continued until by the eighth century all Roman authority was swept away, and Mohammedan rule was established throughout the country. "RED-BEARD" Born of my reading and thinking about Mediterranean pirates, through my dreams went a pageant of cruel corsairs and pitiable captives. There was the corsair chief Uruj Barbarossa, who, hearing on his native island of Lesbos of the rich galleons that passed through the Mediterranean, entered the Sea in 1504 with a fleet of robber galleys and made an alliance with the ruler of Tunis whereby that port became the center for his thieving. This Barbarossa, or Red-Beard, was a pirate of the heroic order. On one of his first voyages out of Tunis he fell in with two galleys belonging to Pope Julius II, bearing rich merchandise from Genoa. These galleys were far bigger than his two galleots, yet Red-Beard attacked so fiercely that he overcame the foremost galley. As the second galley came up without having seen the outcome of the battle, he arrayed his sailors in the clothes of the Christian captives and, taking the second galley by surprise, captured her too. His victories made Europe tremble. Emperor Charles V of Spain in 1516 sent ten thousand veterans to Barbary to end Red-Beard's career. Barbarossa's army of fifteen hundred men was surprised by the Spaniards in crossing a river. Having crossed, he turned back on hearing the cries of his men and died fighting gallantly in their midst. Next through my fancy passed Kheyr-ed-din, Red-Beard's brother. Having slain Red-Beard, the Spaniards could have driven the corsairs out of Africa, but instead of waging further war, the army returned to Spain. Kheyr-ed-din then assumed command of the sea rovers, and with a fleet of one hundred and fifty galleys and brigantines engaged an Allied Christian fleet of one hundred and forty-six galleons under Admiral Andrea Doria. The battle amounted only to a skirmish, for Andrea Doria, although his vessels were manned by sixty thousand men--forces far greater than that of the infidels--retired when the Moslems had captured seven of his galleys. GALLANT DON JOHN Next in the pageant passed the great corsairs of the battle of Lepanto, where the Turks, then at the height of their glory, suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of the brilliant young emperor, Don John of Austria. The Moslems, before this historic date of October 7, 1571, were threatening to overwhelm Europe. They desired to make the rich island of Cyprus one of their stepping-stones to the mainland. Venice, who owned the island, resisted the claims of the infidels. The Moslems thereupon threatened to conquer Venice herself. That city's fleet was too small to cope with the great navy of the Turks. Philip II of Spain, appealed to by Pope Pius V, went to her aid. The Holy League to protect Christendom against the infidels was formed. Don John of Austria, brother of Philip, was chosen to lead the Christian fleet. He was tall and handsome, and, although only twenty-four, had distinguished himself in wars against the Moors. He went to join his navy in a dress of white velvet and cloth of gold. A crimson scarf floated from his breast. Snow-white plumes adorned his cap. He looked every inch a hero, and every inch a hero he proved himself to be. He found himself at the head of the greatest Christian fleet that had ever assembled to fight the corsairs. Three hundred vessels and eighty thousand men sailed forth under his command. The men were incited to battle by news of the almost unbelievable cruelties the Moslems had inflicted upon the Venetian garrison of a city in Cyprus which they had captured. The captain of the Venetian troops, Bragadino, had had his ears and nose cut off. He was next led around before the Turkish batteries, crawling on hands and knees, laden with two baskets of earth. Whenever he passed the quarters of the Turkish general, he was forced to kiss the ground. Next, with Mustapha, the Moslem general, looking on, he was flayed alive, and his skin, stuffed with straw, was then paraded through the town. Resolved to end forever such atrocities, the Christian fleet sought that of Ali Pasha, the Turkish admiral. Three hundred galleys, with one hundred and twenty thousand men, composed the Moslem fleet. They came on with their decks covered with flags and streamers, while, hid by this glory of banners, the galley slaves, chained to the oars, toiled beneath the lash. The two fleets met near the Gulf of Lepanto. Don John's lookout, from his perch on the main-top, discovered a white sail. Behind it came sail after sail, until the full strength of the Turkish navy was in sight. Don John ran up his signal for battle--a white flag--and went in his gig from galley to galley, encouraging his men. "Ready, Sir, and the sooner the better!" they replied to his question as to their preparedness. As a last act before battle, Don John unfurled a standard containing the figure of the Saviour, fell on his knees and prayed for God's blessing on his cause, then formed his line of battle. The fire from the huge floating castles that belonged to his fleet created a panic among the Turks and broke their line. The ships of both sides came together in a confused mass, so that their decks, almost joined together, formed a huge platform upon which the Christians and Turks battled. Ali Pasha, the Moslem admiral, came alongside of Don John's ship and was on the point of boarding it when the galley of the Spanish captain Colonna rammed his vessel, while its crew poured a destroying fire across the Turkish galley's deck. Ali Pasha was slain. The Ottoman emblem fluttered down from the mast of the flagship, and the Christian ensign rose in its place. Heartened by this victory, the other Christian galleys triumphed over their foes. Such Turkish ships as were able to escape fled, pursued by the Christians. The Moslems lost over two hundred ships. Twenty thousand of their men perished. The Christian fleet lost over seven thousand men. Twelve thousand Christian slaves were set free from the Turkish galleys. The Pope who had urged that the Christian fleet be assembled cried in thanksgiving: "There was a man sent from God, whose name was John." CERVANTES--WARRIOR AND AUTHOR Following these great corsairs came cruel, mean-spirited buccaneers, whom I was glad to dismiss and replace in my imaginings with that noble captive of the Turkish pirates, Miguel Cervantes, who, after his release was to write the immortal book, "Don Quixote." In 1575 Cervantes set sail from Naples for the coast of Spain in the vessel _El Sol_. His brother, Rodrigo, went with him. They were returning to Spain, their native land, after serving as soldiers of fortune abroad. Cervantes was the son of an impoverished nobleman of Castile. He had commanded a company of soldiers on board the _Marquesa_ at the Battle of Lepanto. In this battle he lost his left arm. He bore with him a letter of testimonial from Don John, stating that he was as valiant as he was unlucky, and recommending him to Philip II of Spain. His ship was almost in sight of the desired haven. The coast of Barbary which lay on the shore of the Mediterranean opposite from Spain was feared by the Spaniards because it was infested with pirates, but it seemed that on this occasion they were to escape attack. Suddenly, however, three corsair galleys, commanded by Arnaut Memi, pushed out from the Algerine shore. The _El Sol's_ captain tried his utmost to escape, but was overtaken. A desperate engagement followed, in which Cervantes fought with valor, but the pirates were in overwhelming numbers and the master of the _El Sol_ was at last forced to strike his colors. Deli Memi, a renegade Greek, took Cervantes as his captive. Finding upon his person the letters of recommendation from Don John to the King of Spain, the pirate thought that a rich and powerful person had become his prisoner and so set a high ransom price upon him. To make Cervantes the more anxious to be delivered from captivity, Deli Memi loaded him with chains and treated him with continued cruelty. As a matter of fact, Cervantes was poor both in money and the means of borrowing it. His father, in the second year of his sons' captivity, managed to raise enough funds to secure the release of one of them, but Deli Memi, thinking Miguel of more importance than his brother, kept the future author and set free Rodrigo. Upon this, Cervantes planned to escape. In a cavern six miles from Algiers a number of fugitive slaves were hiding. Rodrigo promised to send a Spanish ship to take away these refugees. The captive Cervantes was to join them. The ship arrived but some Algerine fisherman gave the alarm and the vessel was obliged to put out to sea without the fugitives. The Dey of Algiers, learning of the hiding place from a treacherous comrade of Cervantes, sent soldiers to seize the escaped slaves. He was a murderous ruler. Cervantes later in "Don Quixote" gave the Dey eternal infamy by thus painting one of the characters in his colors: "Every day he hanged a slave; impaled one; cut off the ears of another; and this upon so little animus, or so entirely without cause, that the Turks would own he did it merely for the sake of doing it and because it was his nature." Cervantes took the blame for the entire project on himself. Threatened with torture and death, he held to his story. The ruler, amazed at his boldness, departed from his usual custom and purchased Cervantes from Deli Memi for five hundred crowns. Again and again the Spaniard tried to escape, always at the risk of being punished with death. At last, when his master was called to Constantinople, and was taking Cervantes with him in chains, a priest obtained his ransom for one hundred pounds, English money, and Cervantes was free to go home and enter upon the literary career that brought forth "Don Quixote." The nations of Europe by persistent effort could have wiped out piracy along the entire Barbary coast, but instead they continued to allow their shipping to be preyed upon, paid ransoms meekly, and sent bribes in the form of presents to the greedy and insolent rulers. France incited the pirates to prey upon the shipping of Spain; Great Britain and Holland urged the corsairs to destroy the sea commerce of France--each great power sought the pirates as an aid to bar their rivals from the trade of the Mediterranean. The consuls sent from Europe to these provinces were often seized as hostages by the pashas, deys and beys to whom they toadied, and if the fleets of their countries in a spasm of rage at some fresh indignity attacked the Barbary ports, the consuls were tortured. For instance, when the French shelled Algiers in 1683, the Vicar Apostolic Jean de Vacher, acting as consul, was blown to pieces from a cannon's mouth. DAUNTLESS MASTER NICHOLS While we who were interested in the captives lamented that the nations of the world, our country included, were so slow to wipe out these pirates, my thoughts ran back to the story of an adventure that had been passed on to me through some family chronicles, of one of our ancestors who fought against this same race of corsairs. This Forsyth was an English sailor. He shipped in the _Dolphin_, of London, along with thirty-six men and two boys, under Master Nichols, a skilful and experienced skipper. While in sight of the island of Sardinia, in the Mediterranean Sea they caught sight of a sail making towards them from the shore. Master Nichols sent my forbear into the maintop, where he sighted five ships following the one that had already been discovered. By their appearance they were taken to be Turkish corsairs. The _Dolphin_ was armed with nineteen guns and nine carronades, the latter pieces being used to fire bullets for the purpose of sweeping the decks when the ship was boarded by enemies. These guns were made ready to resist an attack, the men were armed with muskets, pistols and cutlasses, and the assault was awaited with courage. Master Nichols, upon the poop, waved his sword as confidently as if the battle was already won. His example did much to hearten the crew for the ordeal confronting them. When the foremost ship came within range, Master Nichols ordered his trumpeter to sound and his gunner to aim and fire. The leading ship, which had gotten the wind of the _Dolphin_, returned the fire as fiercely. This ship, which was under the command of a renegade Englishman named Walshingham who acted as admiral of the Moslem fleet, came alongside of the _Dolphin_. She had twice as many pieces of ordnance as the _Dolphin_, and had two hundred and fifty men to match against the forty men on the English ship's decks. These boarded the _Dolphin_ on the larboard quarter, and came towards the poop with pikes and hatchets upraised to slaughter. However, the _Dolphin's_ crew had a carronade in the captain's cabin, or round house, and with bullets from this they drove the infidels back, while their own gunners continued to pour shot into the corsair. At last the Turkish ship was shot through and through and was in danger of sinking. Walshingham therefore withdrew his men from the _Dolphin's_ deck and sailed his ship ahead of the English vessel, receiving a final broadside as he passed. Following Walshingham's ship, two other large Turkish vessels came to attack, one on the starboard quarter, and the other on the port. Each of them had twenty-five cannon and about two hundred and fifty men. With scimiters, hatchets, pikes and other weapons, they poured on to the _Dolphin's_ deck where the others had left off. One of the most daring of the Turks climbed into the maintop of the _Dolphin_ to haul down the flag, but the steward of the ship, espying him, took aim with his musket. The Turk dropped dead into the sea, and the flag still floated. These boarders were repelled in the same fashion. The _Dolphin's_ crew fired their small battery with great effect into both ships. They too, torn and battered, passed on at last to mend their leaks. After them came two more ships as well-armed and as well-manned as those that had passed out of the fight. The gunners of the _Dolphin_ disposed of one of these quickly, and she hurried to get out of range. The crew of the other one, however, approaching on the starboard side, boarded the _Dolphin_ where the earlier assailants had entered, and swarmed up the deck crying in the Turkish tongue: "Yield yourselves! Yield yourselves!" Their leaders also promised that the lives of the Englishmen would be spared, and their ship and goods delivered back to them. "Give no ear to them! Die rather than yield!" cried Captain Nichols. His men fought on doggedly, plying their ordnance against the ship; playing upon the boarders with small shot; meeting them in hand-to-hand encounters. Suddenly smoke poured out from the hatches of the _Dolphin_. The infidels, fearing that their own ship would catch fire from the burning vessel, retreated from the _Dolphin_, and permitted their ship to fall far astern of her. The _Dolphin's_ intrepid crew now set to work to quench the flames and succeeded. A haven was near, into which they put, the enemy ships having gone ashore in other places to save themselves from wreck. In these three battles, the _Dolphin_ lost only six men and one boy, with eight men and one boy hurt. The Moslems lost scores of men. Master Nichols was wounded twice. The ship arrived safely in the Thames, near London--a plain merchant ship, manned by ordinary sailors, but as meritorious of honor as any ship that fought under Nelson or Drake. I was glad that the story had been passed down to me. I thought of the two boys in the crew--one killed, the other wounded. I resolved that when my chance came to help rid the seas of these buccaneers I would try to fight as nobly. CHAPTER IV _THE ROSE OF EGYPT_ The Egyptian Murad had surprised the sailors of Baltimore by purchasing a schooner that had seen service as a privateer. He had changed its name from _Sally_ to _The Rose of Egypt_. He announced that he intended to open trade with Mediterranean cities, and that he would make our town his headquarters. Enlisting a crew from idle men along the wharves, he began to load the vessel with goods for which there was a market in the Orient. This scheme vastly puzzled the commodore. "I'd like to get to the bottom of it. It's my private opinion that he deserves a tar-and-feather party, but I haven't anything to proceed on but strong suspicions. Every time I go to look in on Congress, blast me, if I don't run afoul of Murad. He told me, the last time, that a naval committee desired to question him on trade conditions in the East. Time must hang heavy on the hands of our representatives--hobnobbing with such a fellow! They better spend their hours in finding a way to set our American lads free from Turkish chains. Can't they see what Murad's up to? I can give a guess that'll turn out to be pretty near the truth. He's spying on Congress for the rulers of Barbary! If I can only get proof of it, we'll hang the Egyptian to the _Sally's_ yardarm!" There came a turn of events that prevented the commodore from making further inquiry into Murad's affairs--though it did not hinder him from spreading his opinions. The Administration chose the old sea-dog as a confidential messenger to bear certain important dispatches to Commissioner Benjamin Franklin, in Paris. Off he went, promising to return within six months, and pledging me that when he came back he would have a serious interview with the rector that would result in my getting permission to go to sea. Meanwhile the rector had gone to Virginia to attend a conference of ministers. He came back aflame with a new purpose, and with lips set in a thin line that spoke determination. "These stout-hearted settlers who are flocking out to settle in Kentucky," he said, "are sheep without shepherds! I have learned that there is a woeful lack of ministers in the new settlements. I have determined to spend a year there. My friend, Joshua Littleton, will occupy my place here until I return. He is a scholarly man. Your studies will not suffer under him." I did not like Mr. Littleton. He was a little dried-up man, too much occupied with studies to pay attention to the welfare of his pupils. I had a feeling that he regarded me merely as a mechanical thing that must be made to utter words and rules. You may note Mr. Littleton's industry by this advertisement that appeared frequently in a local journal: "There is a School in Baltimore, in Market Street, where Mr. Joshua Littleton, late of Yale Colledge, teaches Reading, Writing, Arithmatick, whole numbers and Fractions, Vulgar and Decimal, The Mariner's Art, Plain and Mercator's Way, also Geometry, Surveying, the Latin tongue, the Greek and Hebrew Grammars, Ethicks, Rhetorick, Logick, Natural Philosophy, and Metaphysicks, all or any of them at a reasonable price." After I had gleaned from him all he knew of the "Mariner's Art" I was eager to escape. When the rector rode away on horseback to follow Daniel Boone's trail, I began to spend along the wharves all the time I could find. Murad invited me to inspect _The Rose of Egypt_, and soon I was as much at home on board of her as were the sailors the Egyptian had shipped. Murad, in his endeavors to make me feel at ease, spun yarns about his career that were as fascinating as any tale Scheherazade told. One vividly described how he, having been driven from Alexandria through persecution, decided to earn his salt by assuming the character of a dervish--a rôle in which he had to pretend to be both a priest and a conjurer. He professed to be a devout Mohammedan, and practiced this holy profession of dervish by giving advice to the sick, and by selling, for considerable sums of money, small pieces of paper on which were written sentences in Turkish from the Koran, which he sanctified by applying them to his shaven and naked crown. At a place called Trebizond he was informed by the people that their ruler was dangerously sick and threatened with blindness. He was ordered by the ministers of the Bashaw to prescribe for him. Through files of armed soldiers he was conducted into the presence of the sick monarch. Calling upon the officers to kneel, he displayed all the pomp and haughtiness that is expected of a dervish. After invoking the aid of Allah and Mohammed, he inquired under what disease the Bashaw labored. Finding that he was afflicted with a fever, accompanied by a violent inflammation of the eyes, Murad made bold to predict that he would recover both health and sight by the time of the next new moon. Searching in the pouch containing his medicines, he produced a white powder which he ordered to be blown into the ruler's eyes, and directed that a wash of milk and water should then be used. He likewise recommended that the patient be sweated by the use of warm drinks and blankets. He was well rewarded with money and presents. The next day the caravan he was traveling with departed for Persia, and Murad, hoping to be nine or ten days' journey from Trebizond by the time of the next new moon, so that he might be quite out of reach in case his remedy should harm instead of help the Bashaw, departed with it. The caravan was a large one and heavily loaded. A few days later it was overtaken by a lighter caravan, also from Trebizond. Murad, trembling in his shoes, heard two men of the newly arrived caravan talking to each other concerning the marvellous cure of the Bashaw. He learned that the court and citizens of Trebizond were singing his praises, and searching for him to heap rewards upon him. "I was tempted to return," Murad concluded his yarn, "but I began to wonder what the restored Bashaw would say if some jealous physician should investigate my remedy and find that _I had blown lime in the Bashaw's eyes to eat the films of disease away_!" Before the rector went away, Murad had been a weekly visitor to our home. He was a well-educated man, and Dr. Eccleston was glad to chat with one who could discuss the affairs of the universe and delve back into classical times. The Egyptian had restless eyes. They roved over every book in the library. Several times it seemed to me that he was trying to lead the conversation back to the theme of the treasure tomb. He would ask the rector if he had heard that a certain statue had been unearthed in Greece, or if he knew that an expedition was on its way from London to Egypt to delve for traces of a race that flourished before the Egyptians. The rector's eyes would light up, and he seemed to be on the point of answering, but always he checked himself and turned the topic. On one of these occasions his glance darted towards a locked bookcase that stood in the corner of the library. Murad's glance followed his. When the rector went west Murad began to call on Mr. Littleton, who also received him in the library. His visits stopped suddenly. Then he announced his date of sailing. I kept putting two and two together, and one night, as I lay awake thinking about all these strange things, it suddenly flashed on me that the Egyptian had discovered the location of the rector's diagram of the treasure chamber, and that one of the reasons for his sailing was to search for the treasure. I searched in the corner of the library towards which the rector had glanced while talking to Murad, and found that the lock to one of the bookcases had been forced. A leather-bound tome, "Travels in the Holy Land," was missing. In an instant I decided to accept Murad's often-urged invitation to sail with him. Murad now told me that, as a matter of form, I should have to apply to his mate, Mr. Bludsoe. He led me down the deck and whispered to the mate, who eyed me sharply. Then the mate spoke: "Can you steer?" "Ay sir," I answered glibly, "I can reef and steer. I can make a man-rope knot, crown a lanyard, tie a reef-knot, or toss a royal bunt!" "I fear," he said dryly, "that you are too expert for our forecastle. The men will be jealous of you. How are you as a cook?" "I can make coffee and peel potatoes," I said more humbly, "and I know how to fry potatoes, and bacon, roast beefsteak, and cook oatmeal." "Get your things and come aboard," he said, "such an all-around fellow is spoiling on shore." I was by no means a greenhorn aboard a schooner. No boy could grow up in a seaport town without becoming familiar with ships, and be sure that I was no exception. The wharf and river had been my play region since earliest childhood. There were a number of yawls and cutters which the boys of the town were allowed to use when their owners did not require them, and in these we held mimic warfare, playing at buccaneers, or pretending that we were Yankee sailors fighting off English press-gangs. Sometimes a kindly skipper would allow us to explore his vessel, and there was always an old sailor of deck or dock willing to show a lad how to tie a rope or haul in a sail. Thus I became familiar with sailing ships from stem to stern and from the main royal truck to the keel. CHAPTER V MY FIRST VOYAGE "_Now, my brave boys, comes the best of the fun._ _All hands to make sail, going large is the song._ _From under two reefs in our topsails we lie,_ _Like a cloud in the air, in an instant must fly._ _There's topsails, topgallant sails, and staysails too._ _There is stu'nsails and skysails, star gazers so high,_ _By the sound of one pipe everything it must fly._ _Now, my brave boys, comes the best of the fun,_ _About ship and reef topsails in one!_ _All hands up aloft when the helm goes down,_ _Lower way topsails when the manyards goes round._ _Chase up and lie out and take two reefs in one._ _In a moment of time all this work must be done._ _Man your headbraces, your halyards and all,_ _And hoist away topsails when it's 'let go and haul!_'" (Ditty sung in early days aboard Salem ships.) One night in May, Murad sent word to me that we were to sail at four o'clock the next morning. I went to bed as usual, but before the hall clock struck three I was out of my window with my luggage and on my way to the ship. When I went aboard I found that all of the confusion of spare rigging, rope, sails, hawsers, oakum and merchandise that I had noted on the deck the day before, had been cleared away. All of the crew were Baltimore men. Some of them were honest, goodhearted fellows. Others were ruffians. I recognized Steve Dunn and some of his gang among the crew. Baltimore had evidently become too hot to hold such rascals. Samuel Childs, who had sailed under Commodore Barney, took me under his wing, although he swore that I should have been keelhauled for going to sea without asking the advice of the rector or the commodore. "But," I protested, "they are both out of the city, and if they knew the reason I had for going, they would approve." "I don't like to see the skipper taking such an interest in you," Samuel said with a shake of his head. "Mr. Bludsoe, the mate, is a fine man. You can trust him as you would a father. But these Orientals--I question their motives. True, Murad was a skipper in the Sultan's navy, but he's hiding something. He's more than a mere captain. We older men can take care of ourselves, but you've had no experience with men. You'd better stick close to me aboard ship, and closer still when we land!" Samuel was our chantie man, and good service he did in stimulating us to work the windlass in hauling up the anchors--sometimes buried so deep in the mud at the sea's bottom that it needed the liveliest sort of chantie to inspire our hearts and strengthen our sinews. The secret of the swift way in which we heaved up the anchor, cleared away lashings, pumped the ship, unreeved the running gear, and mastheaded the topsails lay in the fact that the chantie caused us to work in unison. No matter how tired we were, our spirits rose and the blood coursed as we worked to the chantie Samuel roared forth: "Way, haul away; Oh, haul away, my Rosey. Way, haul away; O, haul away, Joe!" There being a fine breeze from the shore, we made sail at the wharf and headed out to sea. As the wind increased, all sail was made, topmast stun'sail booms were run out, stun'sails spread, anchors secured, and all movable things on deck were made fast. When we hove the log it was seen that we were doing better than ten knot, a rate of speed that made Murad well satisfied with his ship. We were mustered aft--watches were to be chosen. There were ten able seamen, three ordinary seamen, and one boy--myself. The men were divided between the port and starboard watches. Mr. Bludsoe, the chief officer, was in command of the port watch. Mr. French, the second officer, was in charge of the starboard watch. When we were not attending to the sails, we were kept busy scraping, painting, tarring and holy-stoning. At four bells--six o'clock--the port watch came on deck to relieve the starboard. The starboard watch then went below for supper, and were allowed to remain off duty until eight o'clock--eight bells. The port watch was then relieved by them, and its members were allowed till midnight for resting. Short "dog" watches were provided for so that the port and starboard watch had eight hours off instead of four hours' duty every other night. When the watch was changed, the man at the wheel was relieved, the lookout man climbed to the topgallant forecastle to relieve the weary lookout who in loneliness had faced exposure to the weather for four hours, while the rest of the men smoked their pipes in as comfortable places as they could find, and swapped yarns. The cry that caused the most excitement aboard ship was "All hands shorten sail." This meant "going aloft." The order had no terrors for me, thanks to my early experiences on schooners in the Chesapeake Bay. It is not much of a job to go up the masts in calm weather. Indeed, on a calm moonlight night, a place on the crosstrees was my favorite spot. One seems to be then on the top of a mountain looking out on an enchanted land. But when the seas are heavy it is a different matter. The force of the gale that leads the mate to bawl his command to shorten sail pins you against the mast. The rain lashes you, and sometimes there is sleet to prick you like swords' points. The man above you may kick you with his heel as he comes to grips with his task. The officers on deck and the boatswain on the yardarm have their eyes fixed on you and the rest of the watch. The canvas must be mastered and every man must do his part. Overhead the spars and yards pitch and reel. The yard you stand on seems almost as unstable as the waves that leap up to engulf you. On the first day out, two of our men had a fist-fight due to trouble that arose between them while they were aloft. Wesley Burroughs had stopped in the shrouds as if he meant to go no farther. Giles Lake, who was behind him, thought to find favor with Bludsoe, the boatswain, and began to prick Wesley's legs with his knife. The result, however, was not what he expected. Wesley continued his ascent, but when the task was done and the two had reached the deck, he went at Giles, who was much larger, like a thunderbolt. Under the eyes of the boatswain, who seemed to think Lake deserved the punishment, he knocked his tormentor down, seized his own sheath knife, and returned prick for prick. An ordeal I feared was that of initiation by King Neptune. I was relieved when Samuel told me that Neptune's visit came only when a ship crossed the equator, and that _The Rose of Egypt_ would not cross that imaginary line. He satisfied my curiosity by describing his own experience. After breakfast on the morning the ship crossed the equator, he was ordered to prepare for shaving. The crew blindfolded him, led him on deck, and bound him in a chair. A voice said: "Neptune has just come over the bow to inquire if anyone here dares to cross his dominions without being properly initiated. Samuel Childs, prepare to be shaved by the King of the Seas, a ceremony that will make you a true child of the ocean!" His shirt had been stripped off his back. A speaking-trumpet was held to his ear, through which a voice thundered: "Are you, O landsman, prepared to become a true salt?" "I am!" Samuel said boldly. "Apply the brush!" When the bandage was removed from the victim's eyes, someone stood before him dressed like Neptune, with gray hair and beard and long white robes. In his right hand he held a trident; in his left hand the speaking-trumpet. In a sailor's hand was a paint brush that had been dipped in tar. With this thin tar Samuel was lathered, the tar being later removed with fat and oakum. Neptune then said: "You may now become an able seaman. You may rise to boatswain and to captain. If you are killed or drowned, you will be turned into a sea-horse, and will be my subject. You may now eat salt pork, mush, and weevilly bread. Do it without grumbling. I now depart!" Samuel was again blindfolded. When the bandage was removed, Neptune had disappeared. It was told Samuel that he had dashed over the bow into his sea-chariot. "I know better now," Samuel explained to me. "Neptune was impersonated by Jim Thorn, our oldest sailor. His long beard was made of unraveled rope and yarn. He perched under the bow and climbed aboard by the chains." My first turn at the wheel, with Samuel standing by, was a curious experience. Told to steer southwest, I found that I swung the wheel too far, and that the direction was south southwest. When I tried to swing back to southwest I went too far in the other direction, and was steering southwest by west. In a few hours, however, I had mastered the trick. I loved to steer. It enabled me to escape the dirty work of tarring, painting and cleaning. Yet I never took the helm without thinking of how my father had been killed at the wheel of the _Hyder Ally_. Whistling aboard ship was a custom disliked by the old sailors. They entertained a superstition that he who whistled was "whistling for the wind." On one of my first nights at sea, feeling lonesome, I puckered my lips and began to blow a tune. Along came Samuel. He paused beside my berth. "My boy," said he, "there are only two kinds of people who whistle. One is a boatswain. The other is a fool. You are not a boatswain." He passed on. I never whistled again aboard ship. When we were within the vicinity of the capes, there came a calm spell in which our schooner barely moved. While we were fretting at this snail's pace, a frigate, enjoying a wind that had not come our way, overhauled us and hove to across our bows, displaying the British flag. "Have your protections ready, lads," the mate said, squinting across the water, "that ship is looking for men to impress!" A boat put out from the frigate's side and came towards us. "On board the cutter, there," called our mate, "what do you want with us?" "On board the schooner," came the reply, "we're looking for deserters from the British navy. Let drop your ladder!" We obeyed. A spruce, slender, important, yet surprisingly youthful lieutenant came over the side. "Compliments of Captain Van Dyke, of His Majesty's ship _Elizabeth_," he said to the skipper and the mate, "we desire to inspect your crew." "It's a high-handed proceeding," said Murad, his black eyes snapping, "but since we are only slightly armed, I suppose we must submit. My men are all American citizens. Each has proof of it." He turned to the mate, "Mr. Bludsoe, have the men lined up." The lieutenant passed down the line, scrutinizing the protection papers and asking searching questions. I was the last one, and as my turn came, I began to turn cold with dread, for, fearing that I would be kept from shipping, I had neglected to get a protection paper. Putting on as bold a front as I could muster, I looked up at the lieutenant. He had friendly blue eyes--he was not at all like the dreadful impressment officer of my imagination. "Please sir," I said, "I shipped without taking the trouble to get a protection. I'm an American to the backbone, though. I was born in Baltimore and my father was killed fighting the British during the war of Independence. He was on the _Hyder Ally_ when she captured the English ship, the _General Monk_. I don't want you to take me because I have a brother who is a prisoner in Algiers, and I expect to join the new American navy and go to fight for his release!" He laughed. "If we robbed you of a father, I think it's due you to be allowed to go your own way. I should say that your brother requires your aid more than we do, so I'll take your word for it that you're a Yankee. Better not go to sea again without a protection paper. I happen to be a particularly tender-hearted officer." He went down the side. Samuel Childs gave me a slap on the back that took my breath away. "Youngster," he said, "that's the first time I've seen a British officer pass by an American without papers. Blast them, if they would give their men better pay and stop flogging them through the fleet for offences hardly worth one lash, they wouldn't have to be taking us to fill the places of their deserters!" It was a grand though often terrifying sight to see the ship in a storm flying beneath leaden clouds. With the main topsail and fore topmast staysail close reefed; with the masts tipping over as if they were going to plunge their tops into the sea; with spray showering upon us; with mountainous waves following us as if they would topple their full weight over our stern; it was a sight to make one both marvel and tremble. In such a storm we lost James Murray, an ordinary seamen, well-liked by all. We were in a heavy sea. The clouds were so low that they enveloped our mastheads. Tremendous waves beat against our bow, so that our plunging stem was like a knife cutting a way through them. All hands were called to shorten sail as the wind increased into a gale. The men who were light of weight went out along the yardarms, while the heavier men remained closer to the mast. The upper mizzen topsail was being furled when a sudden gust of wind blew the sail out of their grasp. Murray, who was one of the outermost men, was thrown off the yard into the sea. As the great waves tossed him up, we saw him struggling to swim, handicapped as he was by his heavy oil-skins. A boat was cleared away and volunteers were called for to endeavor to rescue Murray. I stood forth with the rest of the crew--I saw no one hold back--but a crew of our strongest men was chosen, and all we could do was to stand on a yard and watch the progress of the little boat. The seas poured into her. We could see two of her men baling desperately. At last we lost sight of her in the mists. An hour later, when we were worrying greatly over the fate not only of Murray, but also of the boat's crew, the mist cleared and showed our location to the men struggling out there in the furious ocean. They gradually made their way towards us and were pulled on deck exhausted. They said that they had caught one glimpse of Murray, but as they pulled desperately to reach him the mist had drifted between him and them--a mist that was to him as a shroud. CHAPTER VI MUTINY "_'Twas on a Black Baller I first served my time_, Yo ho, blow the man down! _And on that Black Baller I wasted my prime_, Oh, give me some time to blow the man down!" Murad had been forced to ship some of the toughest rascals in Baltimore in order to complete his crew. They were men who had gotten into trouble through acts of violence ashore, and were forced to take to sea. They, too, had heard rumors that Murad was a spy in the employ of the Barbary powers, but it did not seem to bother them. I am of the opinion that they meant to seize the vessel before it had sailed out of sight of the Atlantic coast. If such was their plan, Mr. Bludsoe, the mate, was their chief obstacle. He was a fearless, muscular man, and a belaying-pin in his hand was a deadly weapon. Even in a plain fist fight he was equal to two of them. He was not overfond of the Egyptian, yet he was the sort of person who stuck to a task once he had entered on it. He suspected Steve Dunn and his crowd of an intention to murder the officers and seize the ship, and told the skipper of his suspicions. Murad gave orders that we should be mustered before him. We were under the guns of an American frigate when the orders were issued, and the crew obeyed promptly. "You men have far more weapons on your persons than is necessary," the Egyptian said smoothly. "In the interest of good fellowship, and to keep you from slashing and shooting at each other, I desire you to leave your knives and pistols in my care. Mr. Bludsoe, you will search the men's berths and bags and bring to me for safe-keeping any weapons you find!" I saw sullen glances exchanged by Steve Dunn, Mulligan and other members of the crew. "We ain't none of us planning any trouble among ourselves!" said Steve. "We don't know when this here vessel is going to be boarded by pirates and we want our weapons handy!" "Handy they shall be!" said Murad, still smiling. "It would be too bad to start ill-feeling between you and me by your disobeying this, my first request. It would bode ill for our voyage. I was once an admiral in the Sultan's navy. I know how to make men obey orders. I should hate to have to ask the captain of yonder frigate to send a crew aboard to help me make my crew obey. Throw down your knives. You have them sharpened to a point that makes an honest man shiver. My good fellows, show me what a good crew I have by obeying me--at once!" His voice rang on the last two words. The men dropped their dirks on the deck. There was a motion of Steve's hand towards the inside of his shirt as the skipper stooped to pick up one of the knives, but Murad seemed to have eyes in the back of his head. "Look, Mr. Bludsoe," he said, straightening himself swiftly, "Steve Dunn has a second knife that he wants to give up!" He pulled a pistol from his pocket. "Give us the hidden knives too, men! This pistol might go off if I am kept waiting too long!" Mr. Bludsoe had returned with an armful of weapons. He deposited them at the skipper's back and went down the line, feeling for dirks. He found two. Ending his search, he ordered the men to go forward. In spite of these precautions, the men continued to grow rebellious. The man who relieved Samuel Childs at the wheel disobeyed orders. When Mr. Bludsoe scolded him he gave impudence. After a scuffle, in which several of the loyal members of the crew, including Samuel Childs and myself, went to Mr. Bludsoe's assistance, this man, Bryan by name, was put in irons. "Holystone the decks!" the next order given after this episode, brought no response from seven members of the crew. They outnumbered the officers and the loyal sailors. If we had not taken possession of their arms, we should have been in a bad way. The men came forward towards the Egyptian. "Release Bryan if you want us to work!" Steve called. "I am the master of this ship!" said Murad calmly, "Bryan is in irons for disobedience. Others of the crew who refuse to obey orders will be treated as mutineers. You know the punishment for that! Holystone the decks!" They folded their arms and stood glowering at the skipper. "I shall starve them into submission!" Murad said to the mate. Two days passed. The men stayed forward. The officers made no attempt to give them orders. Fortunately, the weather remained calm, and the few of us who were loyal were sufficient to handle the sails. If a tempest came, we would be in a serious situation. "They will attack like starved wolves tonight!" said Mr. Bludsoe to Burke, Ross and myself, "I shall give each of you a pistol. Your own lives are at stake. Shoot any man of them who comes aft." The first man who came aft, however, we did not shoot. I was the first to catch sight of his figure stealing away from the forecastle. I fear that my voice trembled when I cried: "Halt! Throw up your hands!" "It's Reynolds," he said, "Take me to the skipper. I want to throw myself on his mercy. Intercede for me, lad. I've had my fill of that gang yonder!" The captain and mate had joined me. "It's the first break in their ranks," he said, "and I'll take advantage of the chance to show them that they can still surrender without being strung up." He turned to me. "Give Reynolds biscuits and coffee! He will take the wheel after that, and if he fails us there we'll----" He whirled his hand around his neck and then pointed to a yardarm in a way that emphasized his meaning far more than words could have done. The surrender of Reynolds led us to hope that others were on the verge of yielding. We questioned Reynolds as he ate ravenously the food we brought him. He was whole-heartedly aiding us now, because he knew that if the mutineers triumphed it would go hard with him. He said that if we could show the men that we were powerful enough to conquer Steve Dunn and Mulligan, the ringleaders, the others would be glad to go back to work. "It's those two who're to blame for us not yielding sooner," he explained. "We had planned twelve hours ago to come out and throw ourselves on the skipper's mercy, but Mulligan knocked me down when I suggested it. He thought that he had me cowed, and that I would be afraid to make any further attempt. He stationed me as a guard at the forecastle scuttle tonight, while he planned with the others just how they would attack you. If they could get rid of the skipper and the mate, they thought it would be easy to bring the others over to their side. I expect they'll be crawling out very soon to make the attempt." "Captain," said Mr. Bludsoe, "I think I can end this. There are lads in that forecastle whom I don't want to see hung for mutiny. They resent our trying to starve them into submission, and I'm afraid the longer they go without food, the more desperate they'll become. May I promise them that if they come forth peacefully and go to work you will take no steps to enforce the laws against them?" Murad had been plainly worried by the rebellion. We were out of the track of American frigates, and we still had a long voyage before us. If a storm came, the few loyal men would find themselves overtaxed in managing the vessel, and while they were endeavoring to save the ship, the mutineers would have an opportunity to do murder. I could not help wondering, too, whether the Egyptian was not fearful as to the effect the mutiny would have on his treasure hunt, for the more I studied him, the deeper became my conviction that he had secured possession of the rector's secret, and, under the pretext of going on a trading voyage, was off on a solitary treasure quest. One of my duties was to keep the cabin clean and tidy, and when opportunity offered I had poked in chests and cubby-holes to see if I could find the rector's map of the treasure country. My hurried searches had failed thus far. Thoughts kindred to mine must have been running through Murad's mind, for he consented to Mr. Bludsoe's proposal. "But I warn you against entering the forecastle!" he said, "Better talk to them at a distance. Keep them well covered with your pistols. They've found weapons!" The mate went forward. I had conceived a strong admiration for him, and, on an impulse I followed his shadowy figure as it crept along the starboard side, past the galley, towards the forecastle hatchway. Ross and Burke, not to be outdone, strung along behind us. Mr. Bludsoe had reached the forecastle hatch without meeting a person. I expected to hear him yell his message down the hatchway, which was open, but instead I saw his black figure leap into the yellow glare that came up from the forecastle lantern. He had leaped down into the room. I crept up to the scuttle, and leaned down the hatchway, cutlass in hand. I was determined to fight in the mate's defence if necessary, though I knew that my cutlass, with only a youth's arm behind it, was a poor weapon against desperate men, even if they were only armed with dirks. The men had been standing in the center of the forecastle, and seemed to have been on the verge of rushing forth to attack us. Reynold's desertion had not been noted by them, and they had evidently thought that the person leaping into the room was their sentinel. The mate's spring, therefore, took them by surprise. They glanced uncertainly up the ladder, saw the flash of my cutlass, and thought that our entire force was back of Mr. Bludsoe. It was a reasonable conclusion, for who would have dreamed that the mate would have done so bold a thing. Knives flashed. "Here's one of them," Steve cried, "thought he'd starved the strength out of us, I reckon. We'll show him!" Bludsoe put his back against the ladder and leveled his pistols at the most menacing mutineers. "Men," he said, "I can kill four of you before you down me. There are others waiting to take care of the rest. Listen--I haven't come down here to shoot--I'm trying to end this row and save you from the gallows. Some of you have never been in trouble before. Some of you are married men. It's no use trying to budge the skipper. You won't get a bite to eat until you start to work. If you hold out another twelve hours the chances are some frigate will see our signals and take you to where you'll get short shrift. Come now, throw down your knives and----" A heavy boot, viciously aimed, knocked me aside. Its owner jumped across my body and leapt towards the scuttle. I saw the huge bulk of Mulligan pass me. He had been out to reconnoiter and we had passed him in the darkness. "Look out! Mulligan's behind you!" I cried. A shot was fired. I crept in despair towards the hatchway. I was unable to interpret from the sounds and curses that issued from the forecastle what had happened, and feared that I should see Mr. Bludsoe trampled upon by those he had tried to rescue from their own folly. Yet, as I raised my head to peer down, I heard his voice ring out: "There's no need for anyone else to pay the price Mulligan has paid. Down with your weapons!" Dirks and pistols clattered to the deck. Some of the points of the knives stuck into the timber. I looked at these shivering blades and thanked Providence that they had found lodging there instead of in the mate's breast. Out they came, sullen but subdued. Mr. Bludsoe drove them aft with his pistol points. "Thank you, lad," he said, as he passed me, "I owe my life to you!" I peered down into the forecastle. Under the smoky lamp lay Mulligan--a huge, motionless mass. Blood flowed from his temple. The wind had died; the sun was hidden in haze; the sky darkened; the barometer fell. "We'll be in the midst of a tempest soon," Samuel Childs whispered to me, "if the rebels had held out they might have had the ship at their mercy." "Call all hands to shorten sail," the skipper said calmly to Mr. Bludsoe. The ship was made snug; the sails were furled; the spars, water casks, and boats were lashed; the hatches were battened down. Seeing that the men were thoroughly cowed, the skipper passed the word to the cook to serve them with breakfast. From the galley came the sound of pots and pans. The peace meal was ready. CHAPTER VII BETRAYED It grew warmer as we approached Gibraltar. Flying fish arose from the water and shot over the surface like silver arrows. Porpoises frolicked around us. Flocks of sea-gulls followed us as we passed the southern coast of Europe. Through the Azores we sailed until we came in sight of the red cliffs of St. Vincent, on the Portugal coast. Then we entered the Straits of Gibraltar and caught our first sight of the mountainous African coast. I had better note here that three continents form the shores of the Mediterranean Sea--Europe, Asia and Africa. The entrance to this sea from the Atlantic is guarded by the Pillars of Hercules, formed by Gibraltar on the European shore and "the Mount of God" on the African side. These pillars, it interested me to discover, were thought by the ancients to have been left standing by Hercules as monuments to his might when he tore asunder the continents. It will be remembered that along the sea these monuments of nature guarded, civilization had been cradled. Art, architecture, law, poetry, drama, and religion had come into being on these coasts. The treasure tomb that now nightly filled my dreams had doubtless been laid in these early days. And now, as the events of my story have so much to do with this North African shore, let us have a clear understanding of its cities and people. The coast is called Barbary, because the race that inhabits it are named Berbers. They belong to the same stock as the Anglo-Saxons and many of them have fair complexions, rosy cheeks and light hair. They are fanatical Mohammedans, and despise us because we are Christians. The Moors and Arabs, who are descended from the Mussulman warriors who captured Africa centuries ago, abound here too, and are the people with whom our quarrel lies. Barbary is sometimes called Little Africa. It extends from Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean and from the Mediterranean Sea back to the Sahara desert. Just over the way from Gibraltar lies Morocco. It is a little city with white walls surrounded by great hills. Most of the cities of Barbary are similarly situated between mountains and water. Next to the province of Morocco, lies Algeria, and farther on is Tripoli, the farthest boundary of which adjoins Egypt. Algeria, I learned, is five times as large as Pennsylvania. Algiers, one of the largest cities on the coast, is its capital. Walls of stone have been built across the harbor as fortifications. Algiers resembles an amphitheatre. Its streets rise on terraces. The streets are narrow; bazaars are everywhere. These are roofed over with matting and lined with booths in which all sorts of goods are sold. The booths are nothing more or less than holes in the walls in which the dealer sits, while the customers stand out in the street and buy. One bazaar is given over to the shoemakers; another bazaar is devoted to jewelry; still another is set apart for the sale of perfumery. Tailors, saddlers, rug sellers--each trade has a separate bazaar. Here are shops selling carpets and rugs, and there is a café in which Turkish coffee, as sweet as molasses, may be sipped. Yonder is the stand of an Arab selling sweetmeats; beyond him a man in a long gown fries meat and sells it hot from the fire. There are solid-looking public buildings, and a great mosque that covers several acres. A turbaned priest from the minaret which rises far above the roofs of the shops and homes calls out the hour of prayer, and the Mohammedans kneel. A picturesque crowd pours through the dark, narrow streets. Arabs in long gowns; brown Arabs from the desert; Berbers from their country villages; Jewish girls in plain long robes of bright colors--pink, red, green, and yellow; Moorish women in veils; Berber girls with their rosy faces exposed; boys with shaved heads, wearing gowns and skull caps; holy men and beggars innumerable. Some of these veiled Mohammedan wives are only thirteen years old. We anchored off Sale, a harbor of Morocco. I heard our skipper tell the mate that he proposed to go ashore and inquire into the chances of disposing of part of our cargo to advantage. No sooner had he left the ship than I, whose task it was to keep Murad's quarters tidy, began to make a thorough search of his belongings. I was seeking that which only my suspicions told me existed--the map showing the location of the treasure. There was a sea chest in the cabin which Murad kept locked. In another room of the ship, however, I had found a similar chest. The key to this one I had taken, hoping that it would open the Egyptian's strong-box. In this experiment I was fortunate--the key turned in the lock as if it were made to fit it, and the lid was loosened. I found in the top of the chest the volume that had been stolen from the rector's library. The trail was hot. There was, however, no map between its pages. Deeper into the chest I plunged. At the bottom I pried up a false bottom and found a paper. It seemed to be a copy instead of an original. I concluded that if this was the diagram of the treasure site, Murad had taken ashore the original, and had left this one aboard in case he lost the first one. The map was simple enough. It showed a section of the southern coast of the Mediterranean. The towns Tripoli and Derne were indicated. Between them was a village lettered Tokra. In the neighborhood of this spot were queer markings, which were explained by writing at the bottom of the map. When I tried to decipher this I found that it was in Arabic. The original was doubtless in English. Murad, in copying, had doubtless changed the English to Arabic to keep the secret from prying eyes. Towards midnight--while I was on watch--I heard a noise on the water from the direction of shore. It sounded like rowing, and yet it was too indistinct a sound for me to make certain. I decided that Murad had given up his idea of spending the night ashore and was returning. However, I asked Mr. Bludsoe to listen. "Oars!" he said, his ear cocked over the landward side. He listened again. "There are three boats at least!" he whispered, "it looks like an attack. Pass the word for all hands!" By this time both watches were on deck. Pistols and cutlasses were passed out. We lined up along the bulwarks, peering out. The mate stood near me. I heard him thinking aloud. "So this is the way our precious skipper protects us from corsairs?" he muttered, "He goes ashore and an attack follows. Looks queer. Wonder what slaves are worth in Morocco? Maybe he's planning to sell a double cargo--goods and men!" We could hear the sounds plainly now. The splash of the oars struck with a chill more than one of us, but we gripped our weapons and made up our minds to sell our lives dearly. Mr. Bludsoe had been sweeping the sea with a night glass. "They are near us, men--four boats, swarming with cutthroats!" He peered over the rail and shouted: "On board the boats! This is an American schooner with whom you have no business. Come nearer at your peril!" Still the boats came on. The steady beat of the oars tightened our nerves almost to the snapping point. The mate shouted a second warning. It was not heeded. "It's either their lives or ours," he said to us, "Pick out your marks. Fire!" Our cannon belched forth flame. Shrieks and curses took the place of the splash of oars. We saw two boatloads of men pouring into the water, snatching at the remnants of their cutters. On board the remaining two boats was havoc and confusion. We saw these boats at last turn stern and make for the shore. One of the boats managed to escape our fire and came up against the schooner on the farther side. This boat was not in the group we had first sighted, and in the excitement of the battle, it stole up on us without discovery. I chanced to turn in its direction just in time to see a dark head appear above the bulwarks. I caught up a cutlass and ran with a cry to cleave the fellow's head. He ducked, and my blade cut into the rail. The mate, with more presence of mind, had caught up a heavy shot from beside the Long Tom and called upon others to follow his example. Down into the boat they dropped the balls, smashing heads and smashing boat. Before her crew could get a foothold on our chains, she filled with water and sank. In this fashion we met and overcame our greatest danger. "Lower away a boat!" said Mr. Bludsoe, "we can't let those wretches out there drown without making some attempt at rescue!" We rowed out and brought in three men and a lad. Mr. Bludsoe questioned them by the light of a lantern. We gathered around in a circle. The boy could talk Spanish, which the mate also could speak. They were dark, half-naked creatures, with something of the appearance of sleek rats as the water dripped from their glossy, matted hair. Two of the Moslems were sullen and made no responses to the mate's query. One, however, was explosive. His rage was directed not against us, but against some one of his own party. "Who is responsible for this attack? Answer truly, unless you want to swung from yonder yardarm!" Mr. Bludsoe threatened. The fiery individual, with frantic gestures, poured a response intended for our mate into the lad's ears. "The captain of your ship betrayed you," said the interpreter with rolling eyes and flashing teeth. "He betrayed us too. He said that it would be easy for us to capture you because he had assured you that you were free from attack. He led us to believe that the guns had been spiked and the weapons thrown overboard." Mr. Bludsoe turned to the crew. "Murad made such an attempt. I found him fooling with the cannon and scared him off. I suspected him after that, and gave him no chance. He's sold us in advance to the pirates of Morocco. They'll be putting out in pursuit of us as soon as they learn of the failure!" He had scarcely spoken when two lateen sails could be seen moving out from shore. We were becalmed, and capture seemed certain. "We can't beat off their warships! Man the longboat!" Mr. Bludsoe ordered, "We'll have to trust to yonder mist to hide us. We ought to be able to reach the Spanish coast if it holds!" The moon had been clouded by a fog. We could feel the haze settling upon us. The change seemed to precede a storm. With the war-ships nearly upon us, we rowed off into the haze, taking the prisoners with us. When we were a league from the shore, we heard a gun fired. I thought that the corsairs, who by this time had doubtless found that we had deserted the ship, were cruising in search of us and had fired the gun in our direction. No balls struck the water near us, however, and we rowed on desperately. Mr. Bludsoe questioned Mustapha. "It is the hurricane signal on shore," the youth explained. "It means that the barometer has fallen tremendously, and that a storm's on the way. You need have no fear of pursuit. The ships that came out to attack you will seek shelter now. We shall all sink if you do not make for the beach!" Mr. Bludsoe ordered us to row towards the Moroccan shore, in a direction that would take us clear of the harbor. Heavy gusts of wind beat down upon us and floods of rain poured over our straining muscles. The wind became a gale and threatened to come with greater intensity. Furious waves leaped up on every side to swallow our boat. We gave up hope of reaching the shore, and rowed on expecting every uncertain stroke of our oars to be the last. Suddenly Mr. Bludsoe's voice rang out calm and strong through the tempest. "There's a ship ahead. It must be one of those that came out to attack us. Yet it's better to take our chances aboard her than to stay in this sea. Pull towards her!" The ship loomed up larger than we had expected. Her sails were cut differently from those of the corsairs. Against the gray of the storm we caught sight of the American flag. "By all that's holy," the mate cried, "she's a Yankee frigate!" The frigate, whose commander was shifting her to the shelter of the harbor, caught sight of us as we plunged towards her bow. Willing hands dipped down to help us climb over her side. The frigate's name was _George Washington_. Her commander, Captain William Bainbridge, was bearing to the Dey of Algiers certain presents. With great joy I learned that peace had been made between Algiers and the United States, and that Alexander and his comrades were on their way home. Of these things I shall have more to tell later. We were not yet out of danger. The hurricane now seemed to be concentrated over us. The wind's force must have been over a hundred miles an hour. The tremendous gusts struck the heavy vessel with the force of battering rams and drove her forward as if she were a cockle-shell. We could see the shore looming up. "Rocks!" someone shouted. We were within a hundred yards of them when a miracle happened. The wind shifted its fury. It now blew in a twisting fashion from the shore. Our ship turned with it. On another side of the harbor there was a beach of yielding sand. Beating behind us with the same terrific force, the hurricane sent the nose of the frigate into the sand in a way that held her more firmly than a hundred anchors. Here we stayed without listing. The first part of the cyclone lasted about two hours. There was a lull and we thought the storm was over. It returned an hour later, however, in all of its fury, and we expected every moment to be torn from our haven and hurled across the harbor to destruction--a fate that we could now see had overtaken many vessels, for the shore was lined with wrecks. Whistling, roaring, devastating, it whirled over us, lashing the waves until they dashed with savage force over our decks. Our only comfort was that the onslaughts gradually decreased in strength, and we saw the barometer rise rapidly from its lowest point. On shore, storehouses, castles, and residences were unroofed or demolished entirely. Spars, masts, and parts of wharves floated on top of the waves. I shuddered as my eyes rested on a dead body floating amidst a mass of wreckage. It seemed providential that we were not floating corpses. A wreck lay near us. She had overturned and the water was washing across her deck. She had a familiar look. Her stern was towards us. I caught a glimpse of her name and read _The Rose of Egypt_. Murad had played upon a youth's imagination to lead him into a trap. The rascal's gift at story-telling had been drawn upon to add me to those he hoped to lead into captivity that he might obtain ransoms. He also, no doubt, had it in his mind to revenge himself on the commodore by persecuting one of whom the sailor was fond. As my knowledge of Barbary grew, I saw that it was quite possible for Murad to act as a spy for one or all of these Barbary rulers. America was a new country. The corsair princes desired information as to how rich she was; what they had to fear from her navy, etc. It came out later that secret discussions in Congress upon the subject of the Barbary powers were promptly reported to the Dey of Algiers, so that when our envoys came to negotiate with him he threw their secrets into their faces. But, be that as it may, adventures were crowding upon me so swiftly that I felt disposed to forgive Murad for the sake of the thrills he had sent my way. CHAPTER VIII AN AMERICAN FRIGATE BECOMES A CORSAIR'S CATTLESHIP When I felt the deck of the _George Washington_ beneath my feet, I felt a different thrill than that which had run through me when I stepped aboard _The Rose of Egypt_. I was a navy lad now, and my own quest for treasure, that had absorbed all of my attentions, dwindled before the fact that it was now my duty to consider the interests of my country more than my own selfish aims. Moreover I was to meet men, and find adventures, that made my treasure hunt for the time being a secondary interest. I intended before I quitted the Barbary coast to make the search; meanwhile I was content to take what experiences navy life brought me, awaiting my opportunity to enter the desert in search of the riches. The Egyptian, I had reason to believe, had been killed in the hurricane. The secret of the treasure was safe with me. Time would unfold my opportunity. As for those who are following this chronicle, let us hope that the thrilling naval activities these pages will now mirror will be more absorbing even than the personal experiences I have told about; yet if any wonder as to the result of my quest for treasure, let me encourage them by saying that it was the historic events I am now about to relate that placed me at last in a position to reach the spot where the jewels and trinkets described by the rector were buried. My good friend Samuel Childs found an old comrade on board the _George Washington_--one Reuben James. The two had been shipmates in the merchant service. Reuben, though now scarcely more than a boy, was a veteran sailor. He had gone to sea at the age of thirteen, had sailed around the world, and had every sort of experience that comes to a seaman. All of us became members of the frigate's crew, and Samuel and I were chosen for Reuben's watch, so that the three of us had many a chance to talk things over. From Reuben I drew forth an account of the release of Alexander and the other American captives. It was not until Samuel told him that I was a brother to one of the captives that he displayed interest in me; after he had discovered this fact, however, he went out of his way to be kind to me. ALEXANDER FREE "Well do I remember Alexander Forsyth," Reuben said, "and I'll swear that when I met him at Marseilles, where he was awaiting a passage home after his release from bloody Algiers, he was the nearest thing to a dead man that I have ever seen alive! He looked like a skeleton with a beating heart! Mark my word, he'll never go to sea again! What can you expect--after years of cruelty, starvation, sickness, chain-dragging!" "You see," Reuben said in excuse for our statesmen, "our Congressmen had other important things to worry about: Indian uprisings, trouble at sea with England and France; a union to form between the bickering commonwealths, finances to raise for running the government, and what not? A few sailors imprisoned in an out-of-the-way part of the world were apt to be forgotten!" The fresh captures by the pirates that brought about the settlement had, I was informed, happened in this manner: When the Portuguese warships withdrew from guarding the Straits of Gibraltar, the Algerine cruisers entered the Atlantic in four ships and swooped down on unsuspecting American vessels. Eleven of our ships were captured by corsairs. Their crews were taken as slaves to Algiers, and, added to those already held in captivity, increased the number to one hundred and fifteen. The Swedish consul warned Colonel Humphreys, our minister to Portugal, that Bassara, a Jew slave-broker at Algiers, through whom the United States was trying to procure the release of the captives, was out of favor with the Dey, and that to succeed the business should be transferred to the Jew Bacri. This was done, and an agreement soon followed. Captain O'Brien was sent to Lisbon to get from Colonel Humphreys the money the United States promised to pay. Humphreys was forced to send O'Brien to London to borrow the funds, but, on account of the unsettled condition of European politics, O'Brien failed in his mission. The Dey, vexed at the delay, threatened to abandon the treaty. Upon this a frigate was offered by the American envoys as an inducement to hold to the treaty, while Bacri himself advanced the necessary gold. The prisoners were then released and sent in Bacri's ship _Fortune_ to Marseilles, where the American consul, Stephen Cathalan, Jr., secured a passage home for them in the Swedish ship _Jupiter_. What I had learned of the insolence of the Barbary rulers had come to me thus far only by hearsay. I was now to see an example of it with my own eyes. While I was thus gathering the details of Alexander's tardy release, the _George Washington_ was proceeding from Morocco to Algiers, Captain Bainbridge having been ordered by our government to deliver presents to the Algerine prince. Before leaving Morocco, Captain Bainbridge, who had heard the story of the assault upon us with amazement and anger, demanded of the Dey of Morocco that he surrender to him the Egyptian, Murad, for the action of our government. Word came back that a search had been made for Murad but that no person such as we described could be found in the city. Punishment for those who had attacked us was also requested, but the oily monarch protested that his officers could find no citizens who had attempted such a raid. Baffled, we went on our way. I looked over the rail towards the frowning castles of Algiers in huge disgust. Yet I was curious to see the town in which Alexander had been enslaved, and Captain Bainbridge, knowing of my relationship to one of the released Americans, provided a way that I might enter the palace as one of his attendants when he went with Consul O'Brien to pay his supposed respects to the Dey. By listening to the English renegade who acted as interpreter between our officers and the ruler, I gathered that the Dey was in trouble with his overlord, the Sultan of Turkey, because he had made peace with France while Turkey, then allied with England, was making war on the French forces in Egypt. To appease the wrath of the Sultan, the Dey had decided to send to that monarch at Constantinople an ambassador bearing valuable gifts. With amazing cheek, he now asked Consul O'Brien to lend him the frigate _George Washington_ for the purpose of bearing the envoy and his train. Captain Bainbridge blushed. "It is impossible for an American naval officer to carry out such a mission," I heard him cry. "Your ship is anchored under my batteries. My gunner will sink her if you refuse!" the Dey said with a scowl. "That is no work for an American ship," Captain Bainbridge said. "Aren't Americans my slaves? Don't they pay tribute to me?" the Dey demanded. "I now command you to carry my embassy!" I felt like rushing forward and choking the creature, and I saw from Captain Bainbridge's look that it was all that he could do to restrain himself from drawing his sword and plunging it into the fat stomach of the beast. Consul O'Brien came forth with soothing words. He advised Bainbridge to obey the ruler, and Bainbridge, because of the superior authority of the consul, was forced to consent. "Shade of Washington!" he exclaimed, when he returned aboard ship, "behold thy sword hung on a slave to serve a pirate! I never thought to find a corner of this world where an American would stoop to baseness. History shall tell how the United States first volunteered a _ship of war_, equipped, as a _carrier_ for a pirate. It is written. Nothing but blood can blot the impression out." We heard that he wrote thus to the Navy Department: "I hope I may never again be sent to Algiers with tribute, unless I be authorized to deliver it from the mouth of the cannon." THE VOYAGE TO CONSTANTINOPLE When the ambassador to Constantinople came on board, his suite and following were enough to make angels laugh. There were one hundred Moslems attending him. Many of the officers brought their wives and children. In addition there were four horses, twenty-five horned cattle, four lions, four tigers, four antelopes, and twelve parrots. The money and regalia loaded as presents for the Sultan were valued at a million dollars. When our frigate reached the two forts that commanded the entrance to Constantinople, Captain Bainbridge decided that he would save the time that would be spent in entering the port in the usual formal way. We approached the anchorage as if we meant to come to a stop. We clewed up our courses, let go the topsails, and seemed to be complying with the rules of the port. Then our commander ordered that a salute be fired, but, when the guns of the fort replied, he ordered sail to be made under cover of the smoke. By this trick, we passed by the guns under the smoke screen, and were inside the harbor and beyond range before the Turks realized it. An officer rowed out to ask to what country our ship belonged. "The United States," answered our commander. The officer returned to shore. A half-hour later he again rowed out to inform Captain Bainbridge that the Sultan had never heard of the United States, and desired to know more about it. Our captain replied that he came from the new world discovered by Columbus. Again the officer went ashore and returned, bringing this time a lamb and a bunch of flowers, as tokens of peace and welcome. The admiral of the Turkish fleet, Capudan Pasha, took the _George Washington_ under his protection. The Sultan gave Captain Bainbridge a certificate which entitled him to special protection in any part of the Turkish empire. With the ambassadors from the Dey of Algiers matters went very differently. When the messenger was received on board Capudan Pasha's ship, the admiral snatched from the envoy's hand the Dey's letter, and then, in a great rage, spat and stamped upon it. He was then told to inform his master that the admiral meant to spit and trample upon him when the two met. The Sultan was equally harsh. He told the ambassador that he would force the Dey to declare war against France within sixty days, and threatened to punish the ruler if he did not send to him an immense sum of money. The presents of tigers and other animals were viewed by him with supreme contempt. The sight of the American flag, flown for the first time in this section of the world, created a sensation. It was said that, seeing the stars in the American flag, the Sultan decided that since there was represented on his flag one of the heavenly bodies, his country and ours must have the same religion. The foreign consuls at Constantinople welcomed Captain Bainbridge and he in turn entertained them. At one dinner he had on the table food and drink from all quarters of the globe, representing places at which he had stopped--Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, and men from each of these countries sat at his table. We returned to Algiers with a disgruntled ambassador. The Sultan, while he treated our commander with great courtesy, found fault with the Dey of Algiers' gifts and threatened to punish both him and his envoy if more valuable presents were not forthcoming. All of which delighted us hugely. When we drew near to Algiers on our return passage, we wondered what further indignities would be offered. Captain Bainbridge, having learned of the Sultan's message to the Dey, knew that a ship would be required to take a second Algerine mission to Constantinople. Fearing that the Dey might try to use the _George Washington_ again for this purpose, and suspecting too that to obtain the money the Sultan demanded the Algerine prince might attempt to enslave the crew of the _George Washington_ and hold them for ransom, Captain Bainbridge decided that he would anchor his ship out of range of the Dey's guns. Threats and persuasion were used by the Orientals to induce us to come into the harbor, but Captain Bainbridge squared his jaw and kept the ship where we had first anchored. Consul O'Brien now rowed out and told our commander that the Dey wanted to have a talk with him. The captain, armed with his certificate of protection from the Sultan, went ashore. The Dey, maddened over the result of his intercourse with the Sultan, and further enraged at Captain Bainbridge's cleverness in avoiding his snares, threatened him with torture and slavery, and seemed about to call upon his armed janizaries to seize the officer. At this moment Captain Bainbridge produced the certificate. The tyrant, seeing his master's signature upon a document that expressed good will to the American, fawned and apologized. CHAPTER IX LIFE ABOARD _OLD IRONSIDES_ "_And now to thee, O Captain,_ _Most earnestly I pray,_ _That they may never bury me_ _In church or cloister gray;_ _But on the windy sea-beach,_ _At the ending of the land,_ _All on the surfy sea-beach,_ _Deep down into the sand._ _For there will come the sailors,_ _Their voices I shall hear,_ _And at casting of the anchor_ _The yo-ho loud and clear;_ _And at hauling of the anchor_ _The yo-ho and the cheer,--_ _Farewell, my love, for to the bay_ _I never more may steer._" --W. ALLINGHAM. "I hear it reported," Samuel Childs remarked one night on watch, "that Captain Edward Preble is coming out in command of the _Constitution_. Looks like he'll have charge of the Mediterranean fleet. A hard man. A hot temper. He's as rough as the New Hampshire rocks where he was born. I doubt whether I'd want to serve under him!" "The harder they come, the better I like them," said Reuben James. "A hard man means a hard fighter. I understand Stephen Decatur's coming out too. There's an officer for you! Hope I have a chance to serve under both!" Samuel Child's idea of Captain Preble's disposition was held aboard all of our ships. Yet Preble changed this adverse comment to enthusiastic admiration. It happened in this way: As his frigate was passing at night through the Straits of Gibraltar he met a strange ship and hailed her. The vessel made no reply, but manoeuvred to get into an advantageous position for firing. "I hail you for the last time!" Preble shouted. "If you don't answer, I'll fire a shot into you." "If you do, I'll return a broadside!" came from the strange ship. "I should like to catch you at that! I now hail for an answer. What ship is that?" Captain Preble cried. "His Britannic Majesty's eighty-four gun ship-of-the-line _Donegal_! Sir Richard Strachan. Send a boat on board!" Preble shouted back: "This is the United States' forty-four gun ship _Constitution_, Captain Edward Preble, and I'll be d--d if I send a boat on board any ship! Blow your matches, boys!" No broadside was fired. Captain Preble now shouted to the officer that he doubted the truth of his statement and would stay alongside until the morning revealed the identity of the stranger. A boat now approached, bearing a message from the strange ship's commander. He explained that she was the thirty-two gun British frigate _Maidstone_, and that, taken by surprise, he had resorted to strategy in order to get his men to their stations before the _Constitution_ fired. Samuel Childs had his chance to serve under this terrible Captain Preble, and so, for that matter, had all of us. My first meeting with the captain was far from being one that promised comfort. To explain why, I had better note here that the clothing supplies of the _George Washington_ had been depleted, consequently there were several pieces of my dress that were not in accord with the regulation uniform. Captain Preble's gaze chanced to rest on me. Then, with an outburst that nearly frightened me out of my wits, he asked me how I dare present myself before him in such attire. "If I catch you out of uniform again," he said, "out of the service you'll go!" I darted out of his sight, resolving to alter my dress at once, but a lieutenant hailed me and gave me a message to deliver to the _Constellation_. He then ordered the coxswain to man the running boat. Off we rowed. The _Constellation_ lay with her bow towards us. Instead of waiting for the Jacob's ladder to be thrown to me, I stood in the bow of the running boat waiting for it to be lifted to the crest of a sea. The next roller lifted our cockle shell high in the air, approaching the level of the ship's deck. I took advantage of this rise and vaulted from our boat. We were in a rough sea, and, instead of landing on the bulwark, as I had aimed to do, I was hurled by the next roller head-first across the vessel's side. With the velocity of a butting goat, my head rammed a group of three officers who had chosen that particular spot for a chat. Two of them were tossed left and right; the third one was floored. I arose with abject apologies. Who should I see squirming and cursing before me but Captain Preble? I felt my blood turn to ice. To my terrified imagination a flogging seemed to be the least punishment I could expect. Not only had I knocked him down, but here was I appearing before him in the clothes he had ordered changed. The other officers, crimson and purple with wrath, helped the Captain to his feet. It appeared that while I had been waiting for the letter, he had gone forth in his gig to inspect the very ship I was bound for. "Ha!" he exclaimed when he had recovered his breath, "the same lad! The same uniform!" Then suddenly he looked at his frowning companions and burst into laughter. "Why," he exclaimed, "just when we were talking about our enemy's guns, he came over the side like a cannon ball! I thought the gunners of Tripoli were bombarding us!" When the laughter ended I had a chance to deliver the letter and to explain that the lieutenant had pressed me into service before I had an opportunity to change my garb. He nodded. "The irregularity of your clothes we will overlook just now," he said, "but your irregular way of coming aboard, and the headlong way in which you approach your superiors, and intrude upon their conferences, is a matter that warrants your being turned over to the master-at-arms. However, you scamp, we'll forgive all of your offences for the laugh you have given us! I hope if I ever call on you to board an enemy's ship you'll go over her side with the same speed!" The crew was divided into three sets. The men in the first set were called topmen; their duty was to climb the masts and to take in or furl, reef or let out the sails. This group of topmen were in turn subdivided, according to the masts of the ship. Thus we had fore-topmen, main-topmen and mizzen-topmen. The second set of men attended to the sails from the deck. It was their task to handle the lowest sails, and to set and take in the jibs, lower studding sails and spanker; they also coiled the ropes of the running gear. These men too were grouped according to masts. The third set of men were called scavengers. These did the dirty work of the ship, gathering the refuse from all quarters of the vessel and casting it overboard. I, on account of my youth, was assigned to none of these sets, but to the boys' division. There were a dozen of us lads on board, and a merry set of scamps we were. We were assigned to serve the officers, and because of this we managed to overhear and pass to each other a good deal of information concerning the operations of the ship that was not intended for us to know. Some of us became favorites with the officers we served, and when we got into mischief and were threatened with punishment, our officers often shielded us. In addition to the sailors and boys, the ship had over a score of marines on her muster roll. They were the policemen of the ship. In battle their place was in the rigging, where they picked off the enemy crew with their muskets. The marines filled a peculiar position, in that they were called upon to uphold the authority of the officers, and therefore could not be on intimate terms with the sailors--in fact, the officers discouraged familiarity between the soldiers and sailors. As for food, we were the envy of our British cousins. Our menu was: Sunday, a pound and a half of beef and half a pint of rice; Monday, a pound of pork, half a pint of peas and four ounces of cheese; Tuesday, a pound and a half of beef, and a pound of potatoes; Wednesday, half a pint of rice, two ounces of butter, and six ounces of molasses; Thursday, a pound of pork and half a pint of peas; Friday, a pound of potatoes, a pound of salt fish, and two ounces of butter or one gill of oil; Saturday, a pound of pork, half a pint of peas, and four ounces of cheese. In addition, one pound of bread and half a pint of spirits, or one quart of beer, were served every day. Sundays were usually holidays. After muster on the spar deck, we would have church service, and then the rest of the day was ours to spend as we pleased. We wore our best uniforms, but we could never tell from one Sunday to another just what kind of dress we were to appear in. The captain had a way of ordering us to wear one day blue jackets and white trousers, and on the next Sunday to change to blue jackets and blue trousers. When he wanted us to look particularly smart he would command that we wear in addition our scarlet vests. When, on top of all this, we donned our shiny black hats, we felt fine indeed. In fair weather we slept in hammocks, swung on the berth deck. We were trained to roll up and stow our hammocks swiftly, so that when a call to action sounded, our beds disappeared from sight in the bulwark nettings as if by magic. These hammocks, in battle, were placed against the bulwarks as shields to prevent splinters from hitting us when the vessel was hit. Our ship kept a merit roll, upon which were entered the names of every member of the crew. If a man did his work well, he was given a good standing on this roll; the sheet, on the other hand, also showed who were the lazy and inefficient members of the crew. The system of handling men was modeled after that of the older navies, where each man of the ship's company was assigned a certain duty. When a sailor died, we sewed up our mate's body in his hammock and placed it on a grating in a bow port. Then an officer read the burial service. At the words, "We commit the body of our brother to the deep," we raised the grating and allowed the body to drop into the sea. There would be a heavy splash--then a deep silence rested on both the water and the ship for several minutes. Our greatest enjoyment came from our band, which we had formed out of members of the crew who had more or less talent for music. I wondered afterwards how our efforts would have sounded in competition with a professional band of musicians that in later years played aboard one of our sister ships. These musicians had found their way into the American navy in a strange manner. They had enlisted on board a French warship under the condition that they would not be called on to fight, but were to be stowed away in the cable tier until "the clouds blew over." It was also stipulated that they were not to be flogged--a custom of which many captains were far too fond. The French ship upon which they played was captured by a Portuguese cruiser. They were permitted by the Portuguese to enlist in a British vessel, and when the latter was captured by an American frigate, the band was enrolled in our navy. EVERY-DAY HAZARDS In sailing from a cold to a warm climate, we were unknowingly weakening our rigging, which had been fitted in cold weather. The masts were subject to expansion and contraction by heat and cold, and so was our cordage. When we entered the Mediterranean our shrouds and stays slackened under the hot sun. The ship was in this condition when we were caught in a heavy gale. The ocean had grown rough. We were at dinner when a tremendous wave broke over our bow. It poured down the open hatchway, swept from the galley all the food that was on the table, washed our table clean of eatables, and poured through all of the apartments on the berth deck in a terrifying flood. The huge waves beating upon our ship from the outside, the tossing of the vessel, and the sloshing water we had shipped racked the vessel so that it seemed that it must founder. We were a white-faced group, for Davy Jones' locker seemed to be yawning for us below, but we kept our upper lips stiff and sprang nimbly to obey orders. The officers commanded the crew to man the chain pumps and cut holes in the berth deck to permit the water to pour into the hold, and in this way we emerged from our dangerous situation. Another peril, however, beset us on deck. One of our lieutenants, watching the rigging, discovered that it had become so slack that the masts and bowsprit were in danger of being carried away. He summoned all available hands to help tighten the ropes. We managed at last to secure purchases on every other shroud, and to sway them all together, which restored the firmness. One night we had shown to us what a terrifying experience it is to have a fire break out aboard ship. As we were climbing into our hammocks a shower of sparks flew up from a corner of the cockpit. The captain ordered the drum to beat to quarters, and soon the crew was assembled under good control. Fire buckets filled with water were standing on the quarterdeck. We ran for them and poured them over the flames. All hands emptied buckets on the flames until the fire had been quenched. If the fire had occurred a few hours later, when we were asleep, it might have gathered enough headway to sweep the ship. We learned later that a lighted candle had fallen from a beam on the deck below and had set fire to some cloths. The steward had tried to smother the fire with sheets, but all the cloths had then caught fire. We did not fully realize our danger until it was pointed out to us that the room in which the fire had started was next to the powder magazine, and that the bulkhead between the two compartments had been scorched. When decks were cleared for action, you may well believe that my heart was in my mouth. The ship's company was running here and there as busy as ants--and apparently as confused. The boatswain and his mates saw to the rigging and sails. The carpenter and his crew prepared shot-plugs and mauls and strove to protect the pumps against injury; the lieutenants went from deck to deck, supervising the work. The boys who were the powder monkeys rushed up and down at their tasks of providing the first rounds for the guns; pistols and cutlasses were distributed. Rammers, sponges, powderhorns, matches and train tackles were placed beside every cannon. The hatches were closed, so that no man might desert his post and hide below. The gun lashings were cast adrift. The marines were drawn up in rank and file. These occupations, fortunately, left us little time to think of home and loved ones, and by the time the decks were cleared, why, the cannon were thundering and the missiles were striking about us. Bathing and boat racing were popular sports with us; yet, in the case of the first pastime, we had to be very careful on account of blue sharks. It was a matter for wonderment with us that, while the blue shark has been known time and again to attack white men, he seldom bothered a colored person. We had sailors aboard who had sailed in Oriental waters, where there are thousands of sharks. These men agreed in their story that the natives could swim and dive without fear of them, but if a white man ventured to bathe in the same place the sharks would be after him in a short time. We learned from these yarn-spinners that the pearl-divers of Ceylon stay down under water for several minutes at a time while they gather into bags the shells that contain pearls, and yet are seldom attacked by sharks. This may have been, though, because while they were under water their comrades above shouted and sang to scare the sharks away. Sometimes natives whose skins were of a light color would dye their bodies black, while other divers would carry in their girdles spikes made of ironwood, which they used to poke out the eyes of sharks that came near. These stories about sharks were enough to make us enter the water warily, and to borrow the custom of the pearl divers in making a loud noise when we bathed. An experience was awaiting us, however, that brought our danger home to us more than all the warnings that could be uttered. Jim Hodges, perhaps the most expert swimmer among us, was fond of boasting that he could outswim a shark. One day, when there was a calm sea, he started to swim from the side of our vessel to another frigate that was anchored close by. We who were on duty watched, over the ship's side, his progress. Suddenly a gray fin showed above the turquoise water, about one hundred yards from him, but moving rapidly in his direction. We shouted and pointed in the direction of his danger. He heard us, realized his peril, and turned instantly towards our ship. The shark at once changed its direction so that the swimmer and the fish seemed to be following two sides of a triangle that would meet at the apex--this point being the bow of our vessel. We watched in breathless suspense while Hodges moved towards us, swimming with amazing coolness and nerve. The shark gained steadily. We had lowered a rope at the point nearest to the swimmer, and we could see him measuring the distance with an anxious look. Those of us who managed to obtain firearms began to shoot at the shark, but at last it had drawn so near to the swimmer that there was danger of hitting him with our bullets. We ceased firing and waited. At last Hodges, with a desperate spurt, reached the rope. As soon as we felt his tug at it we began hauling him in. If he had seized the rope a second later, it would have been too late. The teeth of the shark flashed in the swirl at the end of the rope. If Hodges had not lifted his feet into the air, one of them would have been snapped off. CHAPTER X A CONNECTICUT YANKEE IN THE COURT OF TUNIS At Malta, whom should I bump into but commodore Barney! His business in France having been completed, he had taken the notion to see southern Europe before returning to the United States. He was amazed to see me in the uniform of the United States, yet proud, too, that I had taken matters into my own hands and gone to sea willy-nilly. He told me that the rector had been sent back to his Baltimore charge by his bishop, and that Alexander had begun business in Baltimore as a ship chandler. My story of Murad's treachery brought forth a series of explosions, which, however, were cut short by the arrival of the commodore's friend Captain William Eaton, a military officer from the United States, who had stopped in Malta on his way to take the office of American envoy at the court of Tunis. The conversation turned towards Captain Eaton's mission to Tunis. "I understand that I have an abominable ruler to deal with," he said, "I shall be doing well if I do nothing more than keep Yankee ships and sailors out of his hands!" "I wish I were going with you, sir," I said impulsively. "Can you write? Are you handy at clerical work?" he asked. "Is he?" burst out the commodore, "why, the boy was brought up to be a minister. When I knew him a quill or a book was never out of his hands!" "I have authority from Washington to employ a secretary," said the captain. "The lad can accompany me in that office." Delighted, I turned away to make the necessary arrangements. "If you haven't the knack of fighting as well as of writing, I advise you to decline the position," Captain Eaton called after me, "for I expect to battle with the Bey of Tunis from the hour I arrive!" "That," I returned, "is the reason I said I'd like to go along! You look like a fighter, sir!" Captain Eaton was pleased instead of offended at my boldness. The story of his career, as I heard it later from the commodore, proved that the captain was a fighter in deeds as well as in looks. He had a broad forehead, with deep-set eyes and heavy eyebrows. His nose was that of a fighter, and if ever a chin expressed determination, his did. [Illustration: IN LOOK AND IN DEED, WILLIAM EATON WAS A FIGHTER.] His career, as I heard it later from the lips of the commodore, was fascinating. His father had been a farmer-teacher who raised crops in the summer and taught school in the winter. William, who was born in Woodstock, Connecticut, developed into a lad with a studious yet adventurous spirit. When sixteen he ran away from home and enlisted in the army where he was employed as a waiter by Major Dennie, of the Connecticut troops. A DARTMOUTH LAD After he had risen to the rank of sergeant, he decided that he would like to go to college, and secured an honorable discharge. He was admitted as a freshman to Dartmouth College, at Hanover, New Hampshire, but was given permission to be absent during the coming winter, in order that he might by teaching school obtain enough money to pursue his studies. Due, however, to difficulties at home, he was forced to prolong his school teaching, and it was not until two years later that he was able to return to Dartmouth. With his pack suspended from a staff thrown over his shoulder, he started on foot for Hanover. In his pack was a change of linen and a few articles which he expected to sell on his journey. When he reached Northfield, his money gave out, and he was in despair. He began, however, to offer his pins, needles and other notions for sale, and with the proceeds he was able to go on to college. Here he was received with great kindness by President Wheelock, and here he pursued his studies, handicapped by sickness and by the necessity of teaching school in town. At last, in August, 1790, he received his degree. In March, 1792, he was appointed a captain in the army of the United States, and was assigned to duty at Pittsburgh and later at Cincinnati. His prediction as to a troubled career in Tunis came true. With an embrace and a God-speed from Commodore Barney, I sailed with Captain Eaton for Tunis. Arriving there, Mr. Cathcart led the captain to the Bey's palace. I was allowed to follow. We were ushered into the Bey's Hall of State, and there the captain must approach and bow to a fat-faced individual who frowned on him as if he were a stray cur that had wandered in among his satins and velvets. This fellow, from his safe place among his over-dressed officers, poured out abuse. "It is now more than a year since your country promised me gifts of arms and ships! Why have they not been sent to me?" Captain Eaton replied with dignity: "The treaty was received by our government about eight months ago; a malady then raged in our capital, which forced not only the citizens, but all the departments of the government, to fly into the interior villages of the country. About the time the plague ceased to rage, and permitted the return of the government, the winter shut up our harbors with ice. We are also engaged in a war with France; and all our means were used to defend ourselves against that country." He then went on to explain that he was empowered to offer a cash sum instead of the naval stores promised. "I am not a beggar," said the Bey, "I have cash to spare. The stores are more than ever needed because of my war with France. You have found no trouble in fulfilling your promises to Algiers and Tripoli; and to Algiers have made presents of frigates and other armed vessels." The captain explained that the Dey of Algiers had agreed to pay for certain armed vessels built for him by the United States, and that, moreover, several years' time had been allowed for their delivery. "You may inform me," said the Bey, "that the Dey of Algiers paid you cash for your vessels. I do not believe it." Arguments such as this one went on forever. Our first pilgrimage, after becoming settled in Tunis, was to visit the hill which was once the site of Carthage. We passed through fertile pastures where donkeys, sheep, cattle, and camels were feeding, and among fields of wheat, barley, and oats where awkward camels were used for plowing. Captain Eaton's military soul became aroused as we stood at the place where the great Hannibal was born. My chief was well acquainted with Carthaginian history and thrilled me with his description of how Hannibal, commanding an army of paid mercenaries--Africans, Spaniards, Gauls, and Italians--managed them for thirteen years through wars and hardships in a foreign country without experiencing a single mutiny. Captain Eaton little dreamed that, on a small scale to be sure, fate had designed him to play the part of a Hannibal for his own country--but this will be told in due time. When I was not on duty I spent my time taking donkey tours of the city, with an Arab boy running behind me to make my stubborn steed go. In this fashion I visited the Maltese, Jewish and Arab quarters, and explored the bazaars. When I grew hungry, why, here was the stand of an Arab who sold sweetmeats, and there was the booth of a man who fried meat and sold it hot from the fire, while always in the streets were fruit merchants selling fresh dates, oranges, and figs. When I stopped to buy curios, the swarthy, turbaned dealers usually invited me into their little shops to sit cross-legged on the floor and sip strong black coffee while we haggled over prices. THE HORSE-WHIPPING Before we arrived in Tunis, the agent there for the United States was a French merchant, named Joseph Etienne Famin. Upon our arrival the English consul at Tunis, Major Magre, warned Captain Eaton not to place confidence in Famin, stating that he was a dangerous man who would set snares for his successor. Captain Eaton soon learned that the Frenchman had protested to the Bey against the United States establishing a consul there "to keep the bread out of his mouth." The captain, lonely among enemies, rewarded my faithfulness by taking me into his confidence. He told me that he had found that Famin had yielded to every outrageous demand made by the Bey against the United States, which Famin represented. Captain Eaton also told me that he suspected the Frenchman of reaping a profit from the presents sent by the United States to the ruler. Famin, we learned, had declared to the Bey that Eaton was nothing but a vice-consul, subject to Consul-General O'Brien at Algiers, and only placed at Tunis to spy upon the court. At last, when the Frenchman told the court that "the Americans were a feeble sect of Christians" and that their independence from England "was the gift of France," Captain Eaton, giving him his jacket to hold, horse-whipped Famin at the marine gate of Tunis, before a crowd of amazed Moslems. Famin went whining to the Bey and demanded that Eaton be punished. "How dare you lift your hand against a subject of mine in my kingdom?" the Bey demanded of Captain Eaton, who took me with him to the palace. [Illustration: "HOW DARE YOU LIFT YOUR HAND AGAINST A SUBJECT OF MINE?" THE BEY OF TUNIS DEMANDED OF EATON.] The captain replied that Famin had tried to betray him, and had tried also to betray the Bey. He brought forth a paper, and prepared to read its contents. "Hear him call your prime minister and your agents a set of thieves and robbers!" exclaimed Captain Eaton. "Mercy! Forbearance!" cried Famin. "Yes, _thieves_ and _robbers_! This is the man of your confidence!" the consul went on. Then I heard him tell the Bey that Famin had blabbed all his secrets to a woman, who had repeated them to others, so that all the town knew that he was playing a double game with the Americans, and increasing the misunderstandings that had arisen between the American envoy and the court. Famin trembled as if in a fit, and began an address in Arabic. "Speak French!" said the Bey, frowning. The ruler was at last convinced of the Frenchman's guilt. As we quitted the place we heard the Bey say to his court: "The American consul has been heated, but truly he has had reason. I have found him a very plain, candid man; and his concern for his fellow-citizens is not a crime." On one occasion, while Captain Eaton was in the palace, I paid a visit to the executioner, who occupied a lodge at the entrance to the palace. I went with an interpreter, a friend of the executioner, but even under the circumstances I felt timid when the official took down from its place on the wall a long curved scimitar and began to feel its edge as a reaper feels the blade of his scythe. "It is a good blade--it has never failed me," he said, "even though I have had to slice off as many as twenty heads in a day." If one is disposed to think that the ancient cruelty of these Turkish rulers has been decreased, let him think of these cruelties which we saw enacted in spite of our attempts to stop them. Five corsairs from Tunis, manned by nine hundred and ninety men, sailed forth and landed upon the island of St. Peters, belonging to Sardinia. They captured and brought back with them as prisoners to Tunis two hundred and twenty men and seven hundred women and children. In the raid upon the island, old men and women, and mothers with infants were pulled from their beds, driven down stairs or hurled from windows, driven almost naked through the streets, crowded into the filthy holds of the cruisers, and then, when landed at Tunis, bound with thongs and driven through the streets to the auction square, where they were sold into slavery. The old, the infirm and the infants, being unfit to work, were left to shift for themselves. If it had not been for contributions made by Captain Eaton and European ambassadors, they would have died of starvation. The sum of $640,000 was demanded by the Bey for the ransom of the slaves, but at last he agreed to accept $270,000 from the king of Sardinia for their redemption. WAR BREAKS OUT WITH TRIPOLI A fire broke out in the palace and destroyed fifty thousand stands of arms. The Bey called upon Captain Eaton to request the United States to forward him ten thousand stands of arms. "I have divided my loss," he said, "among my friends; this quota falls to you to furnish; tell your government to send them without delay." Captain Eaton refused to forward the demand. "You will never receive a single musket from the United States!" he declared. Meanwhile, Captain Eaton's neighbor consul, Mr. Cathcart, was having similar troubles at the court of Tripoli. We learned from correspondence that in April, 1800, Tripoli's greedy Bashaw had bidden Cathcart, the American consul, to tell the President of the United States that while "he was pleased with his proffers of friendship, had they been accompanied by a present of a frigate or brig-of-war, he would be still more inclined to believe them genuine." In May the Bashaw asked: "Why do not the United States send me a present? I am an independent prince as well as the Bey of Tunis, and I can hurt the commerce of any nation as much as the ruler of Tunis." The President paid no heed to these threats. Thereupon, on May 18, 1801, the Bashaw cut down the flagstaff of the American consulate at Tripoli. Consul Cathcart quitted the city, and a state of war was declared. Matters came to a head with us in Tunis in March, 1803. Commodore Morris had been detained in port by the Bey because the American squadron had seized a Tunisian vessel bound for Tripoli, with which country the United States was at war. Consul Eaton had protested with more than usual vigor against this outrage. The Bey ordered him to quit the court at once. "It is well," replied Captain Eaton, "I am glad to quit a court where I have known such violence and indignity!" On the 10th of March, we left Tunis on board of one of the ships of the American squadron. Doctor George Davis, of New York, was left in charge of American affairs. On the 30th of the same month, Captain Eaton sailed from Gibraltar in the merchant ship _Perseverance_, bound for Boston, at which port he arrived May 5th. He then went to Washington to urge that a land campaign be waged against the ruling Bashaw of Tripoli, of which project more will appear in this story. He was appointed navy agent for the United States and instructed to aid in the campaign of our squadron against the Bashaw of Tripoli. I hoped while in Tunis to obtain a leave of absence that I might join a caravan that would pass by Tokra, the treasure city of my dreams. But no opportunity came. I remained with the fleet while Captain Eaton was at home and rejoined him when he returned. He brought with him a plan of campaign that, in operation, was to bring me well within reach of the treasure spot. [Illustration: I HOPED THAT I MIGHT JOIN A CARAVAN THAT WOULD PASS BY TOKRA--THE TREASURE CITY OF MY DREAMS.] CHAPTER XI THE LOSS OF THE _PHILADELPHIA_ "_But sailors were born for all weathers,_ _Great guns let it blow, high or low,_ _Our duty keeps us to our tethers,_ _And where the gales drive we must go._" Hard luck, indeed! The frigate _Philadelphia_ stranded on a reef in the harbor of Tripoli, and Captain Bainbridge and his men were left captives in the hands of the Bashaw. Yet the ill wind for them was a kind wind for me, since it brought me a chance to serve under Stephen Decatur in what men say is one of the most brilliant exploits in our navy's annals. Fortunately, before this disaster befell, Captain Bainbridge had been given an opportunity to show the Mediterranean squadron his mettle, for Commodore Preble had assigned the _Philadelphia_, under Bainbridge, to blockade duty on the Barbary Coast. When I fell in again with Samuel Childs and Reuben James after my sojourn in Tunis, the first yarn spun to me in the night watch was that of how the _Philadelphia_ had been captured. Reuben James was boatswain aboard of her when she was seized. He dived overboard and swam to safety when he saw that the jig was up, and rejoined the fleet to tell again and again the story of Bainbridge's gallantry in the face of misfortune. Reuben's story ran like this: The _Philadelphia_, while cruising in the vicinity of Cape Gata, had come upon and hailed a cruiser and a brig. When the commander of the cruiser, at Captain Bainbridge's repeated demands, sent a boat aboard with his ship's papers, the captain learned that the cruiser belonged to the Emperor of Morocco; that her name was the _Meshboha_; that her commander was Ibrahim Lubarez; that she carried twenty-two guns and one hundred men. The captain then sent an armed party to search the brig. He found imprisoned in her hold Captain Richard Bowen, and seven men. The brig was the _Celia_ of Boston. Captain Bainbridge released her crew, and imprisoned the officers and men of the _Meshboha_ aboard his frigate. Asked by what authority he had captured an American vessel, Ibrahim Lubarez replied that he understood that Morocco intended to declare war on the United States and that when he seized the vessel he thought that a state of war existed. The captain suspected that the Emperor of Morocco had given orders that American ships be seized. "You have committed an act of piracy," he told the Moor, "and for it you will swing at our yardarm!" "Mercy! Mercy!" wailed Ibrahim. Unbuttoning five waistcoats, he brought forth from a pocket of the fifth a secret document signed by the Governor of Tangiers. Captain Bainbridge reported the matter to Captain Preble, and the latter at once proceeded to Tangiers with four frigates. There the Emperor abjectly disclaimed all knowledge of the affair, renewed his treaty, deprived the Governor of Tangiers of his office, and punished the commander of the _Meshboha_. The American squadron was given a salute of twenty-one guns; a present of ten bullocks with sheep and fowl was made to Captain Preble, and the Emperor's court reviewed the American ships and engaged with them in an exchange of salutes. But, Reuben testified, when the American officers discussed the Emperor's declaration of innocence, they spoke of it as if it were a huge joke. On the morning of October 31st, 1803, Reuben, who was the lookout on the _Philadelphia_, espied a corsair sneaking out of a port. Captain Bainbridge at once swung his vessel round in pursuit. The wind was strong, enabling the frigate to gain on the pirate craft. The ship was one of a corsair fleet under command of the Bashaw's captains, Zurrig, Dghees, Trez, Romani, and El Mograbi. Zurrig had sailed away from the other vessels on purpose to decoy the American ship on to a line of partly-submerged rocks that lay in the waters of the bay, parallel to the shore. The captain of the corsair knew every yard of the coast, and by hugging the shore, he soon drew the pursuing frigate into shallow water. The _Philadelphia_ had drawn close enough to the fleeing vessel to attack with the bow guns, and in the excitement of seeing if the shots struck home, the officers and crew forgot that their vessel was in danger of running upon a reef the corsair knew well how to avoid. A BRAVE OFFICER'S BAD LUCK Eight fathoms of water had been reported. Then the men who threw the lead reported seven fathoms. The cry of six and a half fathoms soon followed. Captain Bainbridge at once gave the order to head seaward. The helm was thrown hard over; the sails flapped as the vessel came up to the wind. It seemed that she would reach deep water safely, but suddenly the vessel struck a rock and rose with her bow six feet out of water. From beneath the walls of the city, scarcely three miles away, the Bashaw's gunboats put out and opened fire on the _Philadelphia_. Captain Bainbridge made every possible attempt to free his vessel. The guns forward and other parts of her equipment were thrown overboard, but the reef held her in an unyielding grip. Her crew returned the fire of the corsairs as best they could, but as the tide went out, the ship keeled over and the guns could no longer be fired. Captain Bainbridge ordered that the magazine be flooded; that the pumps be wrecked; and that holes be bored in the ship's bottom. Warships--feluccas and other small boats crowded with Arabs--now attacked the _Philadelphia_. Led by their captains, they swarmed over her sides. The Americans fought with small arms, wounding six of their assailants, but Bainbridge saw that his men would be massacred if the fight were prolonged, and hauled down the flag. Bainbridge and his crew of three hundred and fifteen men then surrendered. A few of the best swimmers took to the water, Reuben among them, but all were captured except him. The captives, by means I will later describe, managed to write frequently to their friends aboard vessels of the fleet. Reuben corresponded with Tom Bowles, and thus knew as much about the experiences of the prisoners as if he were among them. A few days later, he found out, the pirates managed to haul the vessel off the reef at flood-tide. They recovered the guns that had been thrown overboard, and boasted that their navy now owned a splendid American warship that had come into their possession without spending a sequin, or a drop of blood. The red flag bearing the crescent of the Moslems was lifted where the Stars and Stripes had flown. To purge the vessel of Christian contamination, and to consecrate her to the Prophet, the green flag of Mohammed was unfurled at certain periods. As soon as the Americans gave up their arms, the infidels began to plunder them of all of their valuables. Swords, epaulets, trinkets, money, and clothing were taken. Captain Bainbridge wore a locket around his neck that contained a miniature picture of his wife. One of the looters snatched at it, but Captain Bainbridge made a determined resistance and was at last allowed to keep the trinket. The boats containing the prisoners reached the docks of Tripoli at ten o'clock that night. The Bashaw was eager to inspect his captives, and received them in his audience hall, where he and his staff sat gloating. After much questioning, he sent them to supper, placing them under the care of Sidi Mohammed D'Ghiers, his prime minister. Mr. Nissen, the Danish consul, came promptly to comfort the prisoners, and to offer them such assistance as was in his power to render. The Bashaw, who knew that some of the twenty-two officers he had bagged were members of prominent American families who could afford to pay big ransoms, was so delighted with the capture that he did not at first treat the captives severely. They were allowed to wander among groves of olive, fig, and lemon trees, and, on feast days, were sprinkled with attar of roses and fumigated with frankincense, while slaves served them coffee and sherbet. The under-officers and sailors were at first treated with some consideration. The carpenters, riggers, and sailmakers were employed in making repairs on the Bashaw's gun-boats. The seamen worked on fortifications. These men, by working overtime, earned a little money, which they usually spent for drink. The Mussulmans hated drunkenness. When they saw a drunken American, they spat in his face. Jack, in turn, thrashed the offender. Arrest and punishment followed, but the Moslems who guarded the slaves were subject to bribery and lightened their blows. When the sailor was sentenced to receive blows on his bare feet, the guard would cover the soles with straw pads, telling the culprit to yell as if he were being hurt, as the chief of the guards was standing outside to tell by the cries whether the punishment was being administered. The comfort of the officers was soon to end. Reuben showed me letters received from Tom Bowles written at this period that were full of bitter complaints. It appeared that the Bashaw summoned Captain Bainbridge to his presence and told him that one of his ships had been captured by the American war vessel _John Adams_, and that if their prisoners were not released the officers and men of the _Philadelphia_ would be severely treated. Captain Bainbridge was not able to give a reply that satisfied the ruler. The Bashaw then ordered that he and his men be removed to a foul dungeon. There, in a room once used for smoking hides, they were obliged to remain without food except a little black bread and water. A renegade Scotchman named Lisle, in the employ of the Bashaw, visited Captain Bainbridge here and urged him to send a message to the _John Adams_ to release the prisoners. Captain Bainbridge answered: "Your ruler can subject me to torture and can lop off my head, but he can not force me to commit an act incompatible with the character of an American officer." When Captain Bainbridge learned that the Bashaw of Tripoli designed to use the _Philadelphia_ as the chief ship of his own navy, he was greatly distressed. With the aid of the Danish consul Nissen, he managed to write a letter to Commodore Preble, who was on his way to blockade Tripoli. This letter he wrote in lemon juice, which, when the paper is held to the fire, becomes readable. This letter Commodore Preble showed to the officers and enlisted men of the squadron, and even gave us permission to copy it for keepsakes in honor of Captain Bainbridge's pluck and resourcefulness. In the letter the latter advanced this plan for destroying his frigate: "Charter a small merchant schooner, fill her with men and have her commanded by fearless and determined officers. Let the vessel enter the harbor at night, with her men secreted below deck; steer her directly on board the frigate and then let the officers and men board, sword in hand, and there is no doubt of their success. It will be necessary to take several good rowboats in order to facilitate the retreat after the enterprise has been accomplished. The frigate in her present condition is a powerful auxiliary battery for the defense of the harbor. Though it will be impossible to remove her from anchorage and thus restore this beautiful vessel to our navy, yet, as she may and no doubt will be repaired, an important end will be gained by her destruction." How faithfully this plan was carried out by Commodore Preble and his men, I shall soon show. CHAPTER XII WE BLOW UP THE _PHILADELPHIA_ A DUEL Reuben, Samuel and other members of our crew attended a theatrical performance in Malta during a period in which our ship was detained in that harbor by a gale. There were British ships in port and the contacts of their crews with men from our ships was seldom friendly. The little affair of the Revolution had not yet been forgotten, and, besides, the British habit of impressing us did not contribute towards a harmonious spirit. This island was one of England's fortresses in those waters and, of course, Englishmen abounded. We saw in the theatre several of our midshipmen, looking very spruce in their dress uniforms, with brass buttons shining and with flashing dirks hanging by light chains from their hips. Among them was Joseph Bainbridge, the younger brother of Captain William Bainbridge. He was a slender, bright-eyed, manly young fellow, the most popular middie aboard the _Constitution_. The group were standing in the lobby as we entered. We saw a crowd of young British officers looking them over with an air that came near to being insulting. Our middies were returning their gaze boldly and with even more insolence. One of the British officers, a tall, handsome fellow looking very fine in his scarlet coat with silk braid, collided with Bainbridge in the lobby. "I beg your pardon," we heard young Bainbridge say. The lads had been warned by the captain to avoid quarrels and Bainbridge, we could see, was trying to obey the command. "That fellow pushed Joe on purpose," said Reuben, clenching his huge fist. "I've heard of that pusher--he's Captain Tyler, the Governor's secretary, a bad man in a duel. He has a dozen deaths to his credit, and is itching to add an American life to his score!" When the performance was over--the singer Carlotta had entertained us well--we went out behind the middies, as a sort of rear-guard. We weren't looking for trouble, but if those lads got into a tussle, we felt that they might need aid from some plain sailors. Captain Tyrone Tyler was standing where Bainbridge and his comrades had to pass. He gave young Bainbridge a dig with his elbow, whereupon our middy turned and spoke to him sharply. Tyler then jammed his elbow into the middy's face, and with his other hand tried to seize our lad by the collar. "Rough work--stand by!" said Reuben to us. We pushed forward. Bainbridge, however, had eluded Tyler's grasp. His hand went out towards his tormentor, but it had a card in it. "You are a bully and a coward," he said as cool as ice, "and I welcome the duty of putting a stop to your insults to American officers." Tyler took the card from him. The comrades of both men closed in. "It'll be a duel," said Reuben, in great disgust, "and our lad will go up against that killer! Why didn't he decide to let us settle it with our fists?" As the two parties separated, Reuben glanced towards another part of the lobby. "What ho," he exclaimed, "there's Lieutenant Decatur looking on! He'd have taken part in the affair, you can bet your boots!" Stephen Decatur, first lieutenant of the _Constitution_, followed the midshipman out of the theatre. We saw him approach Bainbridge and draw him away from the other middies, who were as flustered as hens. We learned later that the meeting was to be on the beach the next day at nine o'clock. You may be sure that every man Jack of us was on the lookout to see if Lieutenant Decatur intended to permit Bainbridge to go ashore. When we saw them go off together in the cutter there was little work done among the crew. It looked to us as if the midshipman was on his way to sure death, and we decided that Decatur was going to seek a way out of the quarrel for the lad. Reuben shook his head. "That would be against the honor of the United States' navy. Decatur may give him a lesson or two in duelling, but he'll see the thing through. They're leaving the ship a full hour and a half before the time set--I'll wager there'll be pistol practice somewhere." About half-past nine a boat put out from the shore. There were two officers in it and both sat upright and chatted to each other. Could it be that----? An hour later, young Bainbridge told us what had happened. Decatur, as the second of Bainbridge, had chosen pistols at four paces. Tyler's second objected. "This looks like murder, sir!" he said to Decatur. The lieutenant replied: "No sir, this looks like death; your friend is a professed duellist; mine is inexperienced." Decatur gave the warning: "Take aim!" and then "Fire!" Both, through agitation, missed. Again they faced each other. The pistols were discharged simultaneously. Tyler fell. A surgeon hurried towards him, while Bainbridge turned to Decatur. "I don't think his bullet touched me!" he said. "I thank God for that!" said the lieutenant. "I fear it is not so well with your adversary, but he invited it. Let's be off!" They passed poor Tyler, lying mortally wounded, and lifted their hats as they went. Reuben James, ever since I met him, had talked Decatur, Decatur, Decatur. He idolized him. During our country's affair with France he had served on a frigate on which Decatur was a midshipman, and the exploits of the young officer had so appealed to Reuben that he would have followed the youth into the mouth of death. And indeed, what Reuben told me about Decatur made me also a fervent worshipper. My own state was proud to claim Decatur as a son, for he was born in Sinnepuxent, Maryland. He was of the blood of Lafayette. His father and grandfather had been naval officers before him; and the former had served with honor on our side in the war of the Revolution. This, however, was not his first experience in these waters. He had been an officer in Captain Dale's squadron, serving on the _Essex_ under Captain Bainbridge. Bainbridge and he had been linked in an affair that made him eager now to help his imprisoned friend. The commander of a Spanish gunboat insulted Captain Bainbridge at long distance while the _Essex_ lay in the harbor of Barcelona. Later Decatur was also insulted. Decatur visited the gunboat. "Where is your captain?" he demanded of the officer on duty. "He has gone ashore," was the reply. "Tell him that Lieutenant Decatur, of the frigate _Essex_, pronounces him a cowardly scoundrel, and that when they meet on shore he will cut his ears off!" The matter came to the attention of the commandant of the port, who requested Captain Bainbridge to curb his fiery officer. The captain replied that if the gunboat commander did not know how to be courteous to American officers he must take the consequences. The commandant thereupon ordered the gunboat captain to apologize to Decatur. The matter reached the ears of the King of Spain. "Treat all officers of the United States with courtesy," he ordered, "and especially those attached to the United States frigate _Essex_." DECATUR'S BRILLIANT EXPLOIT Seventy volunteers were required to help Lieutenant Decatur blow up the _Philadelphia_. Seventy volunteers--that meant that I had a chance to go. Fortunately, I was one of the first to hear the orders read, and thus had an opportunity to apply before others. Captain Eaton was on board the _Siren_, returning from sitting at the court of inquiry, when Lieutenant Stewart, commander of the _Siren_, read to him orders he had just received from Commodore Preble. I, as orderly to Captain Eaton, was present at the reading. Plain and direct was the message, but thrilling enough without flourishes. I stepped forward. "Pardon me, Sir," I said, "but I want to be one of the seventy volunteers. I speak also for Reuben James. Reuben has served under Lieutenant Decatur at other times, and he'd be heartbroken to be left behind." I realized as I waited for a reply that I had done a bold thing. I was not supposed to be hearing the letter read, much less acting upon it. However, Lieutenant Stewart was not strict about discipline and he took no offence at my act. "Your name goes down!" he said, "also Reuben James, though he'll be given a chance to speak for himself. You show the right spirit, young man, but don't feel lofty about it, for I expect any other man of our navy would have said the same thing if he were standing in your place." Properly humbled, I went off to tell Reuben James that he had me to thank for gaining him an adventure. Lieutenant Stewart's prediction came true. The crews of the squadron actually fought with each other for a chance to go. Decatur's name to them spelt romance. His exploits had been on every man's lips. The crew of the ketch _Intrepid_ having been chosen, off we started. It was sundown when we drifted into the harbor of Tripoli. We approached the city knowing that a sudden fear of attack had swept over Tripoli; that the forts were manned; the guns loaded, and a sharp watch kept. We learned later that the Moslem guards congratulated themselves when they saw the ketch entering the harbor, thinking that it was manned by good Mohammedans who had had the shrewdness to escape blockading ships. The gates of the city were shut. The Captain of the Port would not inspect the ship until morning. The call of the muezzin sounded over the still waters of the bay. Night fell on the city. On board the _Intrepid_ all of the crew, except six men disguised as Moors, were concealed below deck or behind bulwarks. Our ketch drifted towards the _Philadelphia_. A sentinel on the frigate hailed us, but the answer came back from our Maltese pilot in the sentry's own language to the effect that the ketch had lost her anchors during a recent gale and wished to make fast to the anchors of the _Philadelphia_ until new ones could be purchased the next morning. As if taking permission for granted, Lieutenant Decatur directed Blake, a sailor who spoke Maltese, and Reuben and myself to set out from the ketch in a small boat for the purpose of fastening a line to a ring-bolt on the frigate's bow. When this was done, the sailors on the ketch were to haul on the line, to bring our boat nearer to the frigate. The men hidden behind the bulwarks caught the rope as it came through the hands of their disguised comrades, and helped in the hauling. Suspecting nothing, the Moslems on the _Philadelphia_ sent in turn a small boat with a line to aid in mooring the _Intrepid_, but Blake met them and took the line from their hands, saying, in broken Maltese: "We will save the gentlemen the trouble." So far so good. But now, as the ketch was being hauled in by the bow line, the pull of the stern line swung her broadside towards the Tripolitans, and the guards on the _Philadelphia_ saw the men who, under the screen of the bulwarks, were hauling in the line. "Americanos! Americanos!" we heard them shriek. Swift action followed on the part of Decatur. The hidden sailors sprang into the open and gave the line a pull that sent the ketch close to the _Philadelphia_. An Arab cut the rope, but the Americans were now near enough to throw grapnels. "Boarders away!" Decatur shouted. We in the boat clambered up the sides of the _Philadelphia_. The rest of the seventy climbed like cats over the vessel's rail with Midshipman Morris in the lead and Decatur at his heels. The _Philadelphia's_ deck was home ground to many of us, and in a moment we had cleared the quarterdecks of the enemy. Then, in a cutlass charge, we drove the panic-stricken crew before us. Some of the infidels leaped overboard. Others sought refuge below, but died at the hands of sailors who had climbed through the ports. In ten minutes' time a rocket went up from the Americans to signal to the _Siren_ that the _Philadelphia_ had been taken. Combustibles had been rushed on board. Firing gangs were distributed through the ship. So swift was the work and so fierce was the blaze that Midshipman Morris and his gang, who were setting fire to the cockpit, were almost cut off by flames started elsewhere. From the portholes on both sides the flames leaped out, enveloping the upper deck. I saw that Decatur was the last to leave the ship. The ketch, when all of the boarding party had returned to it in safety, had its period of danger too, for while it was still fastened at the frigate's stern, flames poured from the cabin of the _Philadelphia_ into the cabin of the ketch where the ammunition was stored. The line was instantly severed. The crew laboring desperately with the big sweeps, eight to a side, pushed the _Intrepid_ clear of the burning vessel and headed for the sea. At last the flames reached the magazine of the vessel, which burst with a tremendous roar. Great sheets of flames arose and sparks flew like a storm of stars over the waters of the harbor. This was the end of the good ship _Philadelphia_. Every man on the _Intrepid_ returned without injury. Lord Nelson later declared this exploit to be "the most bold and daring act of the age." Decatur was made a captain. He received a letter from the Secretary of the Navy, and noted with joy that it was addressed to "Stephen Decatur, Esq., Captain in the Navy of the United States." His pride increased when he read: "The achievement of this brilliant enterprise reflects the highest honor on all the officers and men concerned. You have acquitted yourself in a manner which justifies the high confidence we have reposed in your valor and your skill. The President has desired me to convey to you his thanks for your gallant conduct on this occasion, and he likewise requests that you will in his name thank each individual of your gallant band for their honorable and valorous support, rendered the more honorable from its having been volunteered. As a testimonial of the President's high opinion of your gallant conduct in this instance, he sends you the enclosed commission." Some people asked if the _Philadelphia_ could not have been saved, though Commodore Preble's orders were to destroy her. We heard one of the captive officers of the frigate say later: "I know of nothing which could have rendered it impracticable to the captors to have taken the _Philadelphia_ out of the harbor of Tripoli." The pilot on board the ketch, _Catalona_, was of the same opinion. Decatur himself told his wife that he believed that he could have towed the ship out, even if he could not have sailed her. But Commodore Preble, in setting down explicit orders to destroy her, had written: "I was well informed that her situation was such as to render it impossible to bring her out." He wrote thus because Captain Bainbridge himself had written: "By chartering a merchant vessel and sending her into the harbor with men secreted, and steering directly on board the frigate, it might be effected without any or a trifling loss. It would not be possible to carry the frigate out, owing to the difficulty of the channel." The main object was to get the _Philadelphia_ out of the possession of Tripoli. This Decatur did without risking the success of his enterprise. CHAPTER XIII THE AMERICAN EAGLE ENTERS THE AFRICAN DESERT Hotter and hotter grew our campaign. Thicker and faster adventures came. I could not be in the center of all of them, but I had reason to be glad that I had been with Captain Eaton in Tunis, because now he was returning to the seat of war to launch an attack, and I, because of his friendship for me, was granted the chance to go along. This new enterprise came about in this way. Captain Bainbridge, I was told by Captain Eaton, while a prisoner in Tripoli, observed in the Bashaw's court three forlorn children. He inquired who they were. "They are the children of Hamet Bashaw," a guard informed him. "Hamet Bashaw is the elder brother of our ruler, Joseph Bashaw. Hamet occupied this throne, until Joseph set on foot a rebellion and drove him out. Hamet fled to Egypt, and his children were captured by our monarch's troops. They are now held here as hostages, to insure that Hamet will make no attempts to regain the kingdom." "That gives me an idea," Captain Bainbridge remarked to his officers, and he set to work to plan to unite against Joseph the forces of Hamet and the United States. The lemon juice was again used as ink. In his letter to one of the consuls, the captain suggested that the United States should send a party out to find Hamet and persuade him to lead a movement to regain his throne, using in the campaign marines and sailors of the American navy. It was this scheme, proposed to him while he was in Tunis, that Captain Eaton advanced when he visited the Navy Department. He returned to the fleet with permission to join forces with Hamet. My employer's enterprise seemed at first thought to be doomed to failure. Most naval men disapproved and Captain Murray, then in command of the Gibraltar squadron, opposed it strenuously. Captain Eaton's title of "Naval Agent" was also resented by Murray and other officers. The captain met their attacks with his usual vigor. "The government," he burst out, "may as well send out _Quaker meeting-houses_ to float about this sea as frigates with Murrays in command. The friendly salutes he may receive and return at Gibraltar produce nothing at Tripoli. Have we but one Truxton and one Sterret in the United States?" Later, he included Preble and Decatur in his list of worthy officers. Our first task, then, was to find Hamet, whom Joseph had displaced as ruler of Tripoli. In the finding of Hamet we were greatly assisted by a German engineer named Leitensdorfer, who had been a colonel in a Tyrol battalion. At this period he was at Cairo, employed as a military engineer by the Turks. News came to him that Captain Eaton desired a secret agent to deliver a message to Hamet. He deserted the Turks and sought Captain Eaton, who employed him. With one attendant and two dromedaries, he entered the desert in search of the Arab tribe that had given shelter to Hamet. The only sleep he secured was what he could snatch on the back of his beast; he fed his animals small balls composed of meal and eggs. Reaching the camp in safety, he was cordially received, and refreshed with coffee. Hamet agreed to the American proposals, and one night with one hundred and fifty followers, he rode away from the Mameluke camp as if on an ordinary ride, but instead he rode to our camp with Leitensdorfer. It had been decided that our route of march should be over the Libyan desert, along the sea-coast, to the town of Derne. The Viceroy at Alexandria, bribed by the French consul, forbade us to enter the city or to embark from the harbor. We were not troubled by this order, however, because Hamet said that if he went by ship along the coast while the Arabs were left to cross the desert, they would soon lose heart and turn back. Our object in attacking the Tripolitan cities of Derne and Bengazi was to cut off the enemy's food supplies; to open a channel for intercourse with the inland tribes; and to use these cities as recruiting places for our attack on Tripoli. The desert lay ahead of us--the place of which an ancient traveler once said: "How can one live where not a drop of rain falls; where not a single dish is to be had; where butter can no more be procured than the philosopher's stone; where wheat is the diet of kings alone; where the common man lives on dates, and fever has its headquarters?" Except for oases here and there, the Libyan desert is so barren that there is no animal life. At the oases, towns have been in existence since the days of the Romans. In one of these, Ghadames, the streets are covered from the sun, and give the traveler the impression that he is entering a mine. Caravan roads run from oasis to oasis. Donkeys, horses and cattle are used as beasts of burden, but the camel is the chief of desert animals. Tripoli extends for many hundreds of miles along the coast from Tunis to Egypt. Its cities and oases contain about a million people. Along its caravan routes traders bring ostrich feathers, elephant tusks, and other products from Central Africa to be shipped to Europe. Into this desert we push, a motley army. Arab adventurers have gathered around Hamet, sheiks and tribesmen who are moved only by a hope of plunder and reward. Our own American forces can be depended on, but how few they are. The six marines are a good-natured, independent set, sufficient unto themselves. They look at the Greek soldiers whom the Greek captain has enlisted with great amusement, for the Greeks wear kilts. However, they too are good-humored, and the Americans and Greeks may be counted on to stick together, being Christians, against the semi-hostile infidels. Our food consists of dates, figs, apricots, camel's meat, and camel's milk. After a while even these will grow scarce and famine will confront us as it confronted Jacob and his sons in this same country, but for the present let us not look forward to hunger. At the front of our caravan, on swift camels bred for racing, ride the sheiks. Trained to be on the watch for robber bands, they survey the horizon keenly, although our expedition is so large that there is little need to fear attack. Thieves will steal up to plunder at night, but they dare not attempt robbery in force. Behind these picturesque chiefs, come the freight camels, loaded with all kinds of equipment and supplies. They are drab and sullen as the desert itself. On these beasts ride their owners, Bedouins in long, white or brown gowns, wrapped so that only their faces may be seen. Our water we carry in pigskins, loaded on certain camels. There are also jugs of oil. The water tastes like the pigskin, and it almost sickens one to drink it. We follow no path or road; there is none; yet our guides know the way by rocks and hills or other marks. At night the stars are our only guides, but the march has been arranged so that we camp near a well or spring every night. When we stop to rest, the camels kneel down to be relieved of their burdens. Their feet are examined to see if they have been bruised, and such wounds are treated and bound up, after which the camels are hobbled to keep them from running away. Meanwhile, our tents are being pitched. We smooth out the soft sand to make a comfortable bed. We have brought fuel with us, and with this a fire is made. Guards are stationed, and we sleep with our guns near our hands. The Mohammedans in our party, after first rubbing their faces and hands with sand because water is not to be had, kneel in prayer. During the day the sun beats upon us with almost unbearable heat, and as there are no clouds in the sky, the sun's rays, striking against the white sand, almost blind us, while to make things more uncomfortable, the camels raise a thick dust. We understand now why the Arabs wear cloths about their heads. We follow their example, and cut slits in the cloths for eyes and nose. After the sun goes down it is better for traveling. It is lucky for us that we are sailors and used to a rolling motion, for the motion of the camel is like that of a ship. A sand storm comes. A small black cloud arises and grows till in a short time it has half covered the sky. The sand begins to blow, and beats into our faces like hail. We stop the caravan; the camels kneel; and fighting off terror, we lie down with our faces in the ground beside the beasts. The blowing sand is so thick that it hides the sun. The storm passes quickly. There has been, for all the blackness of the clouds, no drop of rain. After the sun goes down, the air becomes cool and blankets are needed. The sky is full of low-hanging stars and the moon is big and mellow. Once in a while we meet a wandering tribe that moves from green place to green place with their animals, living in tents of camels'-hair cloth. "_Aleikoom salaam!_" (Peace be with you!) they call to us, bobbing up and down on their camels. "_Salaam aleikoom!_" (With you be peace!) we answer. Bands of robbers appear in the distance. At the oases we meet farmers who are not given to roving. They have priests and sheiks, and worship in mosques, and raise grain and vegetables. Once in a while a hospitable sheik roasts a kid on a stick and invites us to dine. Fingers are forks here. We find it so highly seasoned with red pepper that our mouths burn and our eyes water. The approach of a caravan is picturesque and exciting. First you hear a moaning sound like the wailing of a strong wind through a clump of trees. Then a cloud appears on the horizon. In a few moments you see that this cloud is of dust, and that in its midst are scores of camels. The rumbling noise you heard is found to be merely the gurgling sound that camels make. It was also interesting to observe a caravan go into camp. The foreleg of each camel was folded and tied to keep the beast from wandering; baby camels, their white coats contrasting strongly with the dark brown color of their parents' coats, knelt by their hobbled mothers. The owners of the camels busied themselves in driving stakes for their tents, while the women occupied themselves by arranging the palanquins in which they and their little ones traveled on the backs of the camels. These palanquins are no more or less than woolen tents made of red blankets supported on the camels' backs by a framework of tree branches. The camel's hump is wrapped around by woolen stuffs and on each side of the hump a woman sits, surrounded by babies and bundles, but protected by the canopy from the sun. At some of the oases we passed we saw bronzed, graceful women and girls weaving carpets and ornamenting veils and blankets. Two women worked at an upright loom. One of these spinners unwound the skeins of wool while the other wove, using her fingers as a shuttle. Peeping into one of their tents I saw the entire family sitting around a wooden dish, into which all dipped, while kids and dogs tried to poke their heads between the children, eager to have a share in the repast. The date palms were the principal trees at these oases. Nature, when this land became a desert, yet provided the date palm to sustain the life of the desert people. Each tree yields a hundred pounds or more of dates yearly for a century. The green dates taste like unripe persimmons but the ripe dates are sugary and delicious. The Arabs call the date the bread of the desert and besides using it as a main food, feed it also to their camels and dogs. It was on March 6th, 1805, that we broke camp and began our fifty days' march across the desert--a journey that required all of the American grit we could muster to carry on. Hunger and rebellion and the wavering of Hamet himself had to be endured, and Arab chiefs had continually to be coaxed and bribed. There were ten Americans in the party: General Eaton, Lieutenant O'Bannon; Mr. Peck, a non-commissioned officer, six marines, and myself. The rest of the force was composed of a party of twenty-five cannoniers and their three officers; thirty-eight Greek soldiers and their two officers; Hamet Bashaw's company of ninety men; and a party of Arab cavalry under the command of the Sheiks il Taiib and Mahamet, including footmen and camel drivers. Our entire force numbered about four hundred and our caravan consisted of one hundred and seven camels and a few asses. THE SHEIKS REBEL After a day's march the first trouble occurred. The owners of the camels and horses we had hired demanded pay in advance, but General Eaton foresaw that if the money were advanced they would be in a position to desert if they became dissatisfied, and he refused to comply with their demands. They then became mutinous. To make matters worse the Sheik il Taiib insinuated to them that if they performed their services without getting paid, we would be apt to cheat them out of their wages. General Eaton appealed to Hamet but found him undecided and despondent, and at last he made a bold move by ordering the Christians to take up their arms and to march back to Alexandria, threatening to abandon both the expedition and Hamet unless the march proceeded forward at once. The expedition was resumed. After we had marched about seventy-five miles through low sand valleys and rocky, desert plains, a courier met us, sent to us by some of Hamet's friends at Derne. He informed us that the province was arming to assist our cause. We chanced to be near the ruins of a castle of Greek design. Because of the good news the Arabs entertained us with feats of horsemanship, firing their rifles as they rode. This sport, however, came close to bringing on a serious disaster. Our Arabs, who were on foot and who were yet at a distance, bringing up the baggage, heard the firing and thought that we had been attacked by wild Arabs of the desert. Thereupon they attempted to disarm and put to death the Christians who were in their party. One old Arab, however, advised them to postpone the slaughter until they learned the cause of the firing. This counsel they heeded, and the lives of the Christians were saved. One night, not long after, a musket, a bayonet, cartridges, and all of our stores of cheese were stolen from one of our tents by the Arabs. When we had reached an ancient castle in the desert called by the Arabs, Masroscan, another rebellion occurred. Here we found vestiges of old walls, gardens, and mansions that showed that people of refined tastes had lived there in the dim past. Now a few Arab families lived in tents among the ruins. Here and there were patches of wheat and barley, and miserable cattle, sheep, goats, and fowl searched the ground for sustenance. We learned that the Bashaw had directed the caravan to proceed only to as far as this place, and that its owners had received no part of their promised pay. General Eaton's cash was low, but he managed to borrow one hundred and forty dollars among the Christian officers and men, and turned over to Hamet Bashaw six hundred and seventy-three dollars, with which he settled the claims of the chiefs of the caravan. Upon this they agreed to march two days more, but in the night all these camel-drivers withdrew and turned their camels towards Egypt. Hamet Bashaw favored leaving the baggage at the castle and marching on in the hope of hiring other camels, but, since we were now without cash, General Eaton rejected this advice, as it would mean proceeding without provisions and with no money to obtain fresh supplies. Then the mischief-maker, Sheik il Taiib, reinforced by other sheiks, declared that they would proceed no farther until we had sent forward a messenger to learn if our American warships were awaiting our arrival at Bomba, a sea-coast town on the route to Derne. These chiefs had heard that an army of cavalry and foot soldiers had been sent from Tripoli to the defence of Derne, and they wanted assurances that our navy was at hand to help us against them. "We will delay for no messenger!" General Eaton declared, "as long as you halt here I will stop your rations." To his companions he said: "If they persist in their course, we will seize the castle, fortify ourselves, and send word to our fleet to send a naval expedition to our relief!" Then he added: "We have marched a distance of two hundred miles through an inhospitable waste of world, but we are bound across this gloomy desert on pursuits vastly different from those which lead fanatics to Mecca; we go to liberate three hundred Americans from the chains of barbarism!" [Illustration: "WE ARE BOUND ACROSS THIS GLOOMY DESERT TO LIBERATE THREE HUNDRED AMERICANS FROM THE CHAINS OF BARBARISM."--GENERAL EATON.] On the next morning we found that General Eaton's firm stand had had its effect, for fifty camels were reassembled by the sheiks and the march was resumed. After traveling twenty-five miles we came to a high, green place by the sea where three tribes of Arabs, numbering four thousand, lived. Around them were vast herds of camels, horses, cattle, and countless flocks of sheep and goats. We were the first Christians these wild people had ever seen. They laughed at our dress, but showed great respect towards our officers. Our polished arms filled them with amazement, and the gold lace on the General's hat, and his epaulettes, buttons and spurs awed them. They thought that the ornaments were gold and silver, and expressed astonishment that God should permit people, who followed what they called the religion of the devil, to possess such riches. They offered us for sale whatever food or articles they possessed, including such rarities as young gazelles and ostriches. They offered us also dates that had been brought in a five days' journey from the interior of Africa. We desired to buy all that was offered, but, we had only our rice to trade for their products, which greatly restricted our purchasing power. Here we found water in plenty, the rain having been caught and preserved in natural caverns of rock. These Arab tribes had never seen bread. When we offered them hard biscuit, they broke it with their shepherds' clubs or their hatchets and tasted it gingerly, but then, liking the taste, they begged us for more. CHAPTER XIV THE DESERT GIRL Attracted by the sound of a drum, beating rhythmically and unceasingly, we strolled after sunset to the entrance of an Arab tent. Old women, with straggling hair and wizened faces, and with eyes ablaze with excitement, were pounding the drum. The tent was thronged with young men and women, who watched tensely and eagerly the dancers in their center. Only young women were dancing. The dance was in honor of a holy man, and was called the _djdib_. Women, urged on by the drum and by the cries of the spectators, whirled and swayed. Their heads rocked from side to side like tree-tops in a tempest. The spirit of the dance had taken possession of them and urged them on until there was no more strength left in their lithe bodies. They danced until they became exhausted, then others threw aside their scarves and renewed the dance. I saw a golden-haired girl of about fifteen standing among the tawny Arab girls. The contrast between her quiet beauty and the bold charms of her companions drew the attention of all of the members of our party. I pointed her out to General Eaton. He began to wonder aloud as to whether she was one of the Circassian race, brought down from the mountains by Arabian bandits in some raid, or whether she was of Anglo-Saxon stock. "She _must_ be a Circassian," he concluded, "it is unbelievable that an English or American girl should be owned by this desert tribe!" An old woman poked her hatchet-shaped face into that of the young girl. "Go and dance! All these years you have been under the protection of Allah. Who is this Nazarene--that you place him above Mohammed and his saints? Go and dance. Give your spirit to the djinn! May Allah wither your budding beauty if you refuse to worship his saint in the dance!" She seized the young girl by her thick sash and pulled her into the center. The band of ribbon that had bound her golden hair became loose; her hair poured like a flood of gold over her shoulders. She stood trembling amidst the wild dancers, some of whom, in their frenzy, were digging her with their sharp elbows. The drum beat insistently, but the girl did not obey its urge to dance. She stood trembling, and now she raised her eyes towards us with a pleading that roused us to interfere. General Eaton motioned to a sheik. "We would not interrupt the dance, or offend the hospitality of this tent in any way. But that girl seems to be of our blood, and the dance is strange to her. Would it not offend the marabout in whose honor you dance to have a Nazarene take part? What is worship of the hands and feet if the heart is not submissive too? I pray you, permit the girl to withdraw." The young Arabs cast hostile glances at us, but the sheik was good-natured and was expecting rich gifts from the general. He called the girl to him. She came quickly. He spoke to her in Arabic, and she withdrew to an alcove. "She is an adopted daughter of our tribe," he explained. The famine lay heavily upon this people. Perhaps it was due to the biscuits we offered this tribe that our interference with their ceremony was not hotly resented. Perhaps, indeed, the famine was responsible for their next move. An old woman came out of the alcove that had hidden the girl and came directly to General Eaton. "The fair-haired one is a trouble to me," she said. "We have given her food and shelter for many years, yet when we speak to her of marriage, she weeps. When we tell her that we will sell her to become a dancing-girl in the bazaars and cafes if she will not wed one of our young men, she threatens to kill herself! Lovelier damsels than she have gone into the harem, happy to have a lord who will keep them from want. And there are worse lives than to dance at the _fantasias_ of rich men, and to win the approval of the cafes. The girl is ungrateful and a burden to us. Our own children are starving. Give us money to buy food and take the unthankful girl!" "Let the girl be summoned," said the general. She came forth, glancing from the Sheik Abdullah to General Eaton with fear in her eyes. "My girl," said the general through an interpreter, "these people have offered you for sale. My purpose in buying you would be to find you a good home, where you will be brought up in the way of people of your color and race. Do you consent?" She looked at him as if she could not believe her ears, then sobbed, then nodded earnestly. "Done!" thundered the general, "I call on Sheik Abdullah to witness that the offer has been made and accepted. I shall be liberal, too! Tell me what price such girls bring at the slave-market in Murzuk and it shall be paid." The money was poured into the old hag's outstretched palms. The members of her family gathered round to gloat over it. The young Arabs laughed at the prospect of food. The departure of the girl in our company did not cause them the slightest concern. Maidens are held cheaply in the Sahara. A swift camel is worth more than a girl. What value has a Nazarene maiden compared with food for one's own famished children? The general, to shield the girl as much as possible from the curious soldiers, gave her a tent where she dwelt alone, watched over by an old Nubian woman who had become attached to our party in Egypt and had been taken along for her value as a cook. The general told a group of us briefly that the girl remembered little of her early life. There was a vague remembrance of a mother who had lived among these dark people. There came a day when she went out of her life and a scolding Arab woman took her place. The girl and her black servant traveled on donkeys. A young sheik, a friend of the sheik, who had sold the girl to our party, joined Hamet's forces at this village. I wondered if he had planned to add the maiden to his circle of wives. HAMET BASHAW LOSES HIS TEMPER A courier from Derne met us here with news that Joseph's army was approaching Derne. This caused a panic among our Arabs, and even Hamet seemed to be in doubt as to whether it were wise to proceed. I was forming a rather low opinion of his bravery, but tried to lose such thoughts by thinking that if he were a hundred times less a man he would be better than his brother. Some of the camel drivers fled. We heard, too, that many of Hamet's followers were planning to turn back. General Eaton again stopped their rations and ordered that no food be served them until they marched forward. The general had a lion's heart and was a born leader. Obstacles like these only served to bring out his firm qualities. The Sheik il Taiib was again the center of the revolt, since he had resolved to go no farther until news arrived that our vessels were awaiting us at Bomba. When General Eaton reproached him for his want of courage and fidelity, he flew into a rage and put himself at the head of such Arabs as would follow him, which was about half of our force, and started back to Egypt. Hamet begged General Eaton to send an officer to pacify him and persuade him to return, but the General refused. "We have paid him for his services," he declared, "and we have a right to expect that he be faithful to his pledge; I will not permit him to dictate measures to us!" "But he may take part against us," pleaded frightened Hamet. "Let him do it," the general answered, "I like an open enemy better than a treacherous friend!" We continued our march. Messengers then arrived from the rebellious sheik, assuring us that he was really on his way back to Egypt. The general sent word back to him: "I will take vigorous steps for the recovery of the cash and property you have drawn from me by fraud!" In a few hours a new messenger arrived with the information that the Sheik il Taiib would join us if we halted to await his coming. At last his caravan hove in sight. "You see," he said to the general, to mask his defeat, "what influence I have among these people!" "Yes," returned the general, "and I see also the disgraceful use you make of it!" On the next day, the sheik having been quieted for a time, Hamet himself again showed signs of turning back. Separating his Moslem party from us, he took from our officers the horses he had loaned us for the passage through the desert. When General Eaton reproached him for his indecision and lack of perseverance, high words followed. We marched on; Hamet turned back, but after two hours had passed he rejoined us, complimented the general on his firmness, and said that he had been forced to pretend that he was falling in with the wishes of his people, so that he might in the end manage them. The next day brought the same daily measure of trouble. Several sheiks quarreled with Sheik il Taiib over the distribution of the money that Hamet had paid them, and had quitted camp. We could not proceed without them because they exercised a powerful influence over the Arab tribes near Derne, whose support we were counting on. Hamet rode after them to persuade them to be loyal to us, and in his absence Sheik il Taiib took the stage again, demanding that the general issue more rations. "Remember," he said threateningly, "You are in a desert, and a country not your own! I am a greater man here than you or the Bashaw!" The general retorted: "I have found you at the head of every commotion which has happened since we left Alexandria. You are the cause of the present trouble among the chiefs. Leave my tent! But mark: if I find a mutiny in the camp I will put you to death as the man who produced it." The sheik left the tent and rode away with other chiefs. A few hours later, however, he returned and swore that he was devoted to the general; that some secret enemy had told lies about him; that he would even abandon the Bashaw to follow us; and hoped that at Derne he would have the opportunity to show that he was a _man_. Our next halt came when some of the Arab chiefs insisted on riding off to an oasis called Seewauk for a supply of dates. They promised to rejoin our party at Bomba. We halted to discuss the matter. While this matter was being debated we visited an Arab camp nearby. We found that the young men and women, although copper-colored, were handsome and well-formed. The women did not veil, and were modest and bashful in their deportment. The general complimented the wife of the chief on her beauty. She smiled and said there were more beautiful women in camp than herself and brought in a group of girls to prove it. But the general gallantly held to his first opinion. Our soldiers were fond of dates, and to secure them from the girls they gave as payment the buttons on their uniforms, which the women strung as ornaments about their necks. We were fortunate enough to see a marriage in the Arab camp. Two camels bearing canopies resembling wagon tops covered with Smyrna carpeting, passed along, to the noise of volleys of muskets. The bride and groom rode separately in these canopies, attended by elderly women, adult unmarried girls, and by mounted Arabs. The women chanted a savage kind of song; the men performed daring feats of horsemanship, and young men and girls danced between the camels. In this manner they circled their tents and our encampment. Then the camel carrying the bride was driven seven times around a tent that had been assigned to her. The animal was then made to kneel, the door of the canopy was opened, and the bride was pitched headfirst into the tent, where her women companions were reciting a benediction. We were told that presents were expected. We gave a little money to an old Arab woman who had taken the leading part in the celebration, supposing her to be the mother of the bride. The general also invited an Arab of about fifty-five years to his tent to receive an extra present of provisions. Upon questioning the Arab as to the ages of the bride and groom, we learned that he himself was the groom; that the bride was a girl of thirteen years; and that the woman we had supposed to be her mother was another wife of the groom. THE ALLIES QUARREL Now arose a crisis that threatened more than any of the previous ones the success of our movement. Indeed, even the lives of all of the Christian members of the expedition were at stake. When we had reached a spot about ninety miles from Bomba, we found ourselves facing a famine. We had only six days' rations of rice, no bread nor meat, nor other ration. General Eaton was therefore anxious that we move forward to Bomba as swiftly as possible, but Hamet, while the general was out of camp, ordered the expedition to halt and announced that the troops needed a day's rest. The reason for his act, we learned, was that he might send a courier to see if our ships were indeed awaiting us at Bomba. The general stopped the rations when he found that his army had halted, and Hamet, influenced by his Arab hosts, prepared again to march in a direction away from Derne. The Arabs tried to seize the weapons of the Christians, and General Eaton promptly called us to arms. We stood in a row before the magazine tent, guarding our guns from those who would use them to slaughter us. When the crowd had fallen back, the general ordered us to proceed with our daily drill. Seeing this, an Arab chief shouted: "The Christians are preparing to fire on us!" Hamet put himself at their head, with drawn sword, as if he feared that such was our intention. General Eaton stood firmly facing the threatening host of Turks and Arabs. Around him clustered a little group: O'Bannon, Peck, Farquhar, Leitensdorfer, Selem Aga, the Greek officers, and myself. I tried my best to keep the gun in my hand from shivering, but the more I tried the more my hand trembled. Two hundred mounted Turks and Arabs advanced in full charge against us. The end was in sight. We leveled our muskets. I thought of Alexander and the Rector and said a prayer. "Do not shoot until all hope of peace is gone--then sell your lives dearly!" General Eaton said. The charging Arabs swerved and withdrew, but when we began to breathe more freely, they came closer, and this time we could see them selecting us as their targets. It did not seem that any of us Christians could survive five minutes longer. An Arab youth snapped a pistol at my breast. Providentially it missed fire. If one bullet had been fired, war to the death between the two sides would have resulted. A moment later we heard the command of "fire!" ring out from among the Arabs. "At the first shot, give them a volley!" General Eaton ordered. At this critical instant, one of Hamet's officers ran out towards the mutineers and cried: "For God's sake, do not fire! The Christians are our friends!" Then the general, although a column of muskets was aimed at his breast, approached Hamet and demanded of him how he could support such desperate acts. The Bashaw wavered. A chorus of furious whoops from the Arabs drowned the general's voice. He waved his hand as a signal for attention. In response, some of the more kindly disposed chiefs rode before the Arabs with drawn sabres and ordered the infuriated tribesmen to fall back. The general again reproached Hamet for his weakness, and even Hamet's chief officer asked the Bashaw if he had lost his senses. The latter, in a fury, struck his officer with his drawn sabre. The fracas began again and had nearly reached its former heat when General Eaton seized Hamet by the arm and drew him away from his people. "Can it be," the general exclaimed, "that you have forgotten who your true friends are, and where your interests lie?" Hamet melted. He called the general his protector and friend; lamented that he lost his temper so easily, and ordered the Arabs to disperse. General Eaton agreed to issue a ration of rice if the Bashaw promised march would be resumed early the next morning. This pledge was made and peace returned. Then we saw a sorry sight. At least two of the white men had acted like cowards and had hidden themselves among the tents. They now came slinking forth to stammer excuses that, you may be sure, were received stonily by us. We again went forward, but after we had marched twenty-five miles our rice became exhausted, and we were now without rations. With starvation threatening us, Hamet killed a camel, and also gave one in exchange for sheep, that were also slaughtered. The meat, however, had to be eaten without bread or salt. As we went on the hunger increased, and we saw the Arabs searching the plain for roots and vegetable substances on which they might subsist. A water famine was almost always with us. At one time we were obliged to drink from a cistern in which we had found the bodies of two murdered Arabs. For the first time in my life I realized the meaning of such passages of Scripture as: "The Lord is my Shepherd. I shall not want. He maketh me to lie down in green pastures; He leadeth me beside the still waters." While facing yet another insurrection, this time of the gunners, a courier arrived from Bomba with the news that our ships were off both that place and Derne. This gave us new strength and courage and ended the mutiny, and so at last we came to Bomba. There, however, we found that the vessel that had been seen had departed. The fat was in the fire again, with the Arabs abusing us as impostors and infidels and threatening to leave us, if they did nothing worse. But oh, the resourcefulness of our general! Withdrawing with the Christians to a high hill nearby, he ordered that a huge fire be kept burning on its crest all night; the next morning as the Turks and Arabs were scattering, to go to their homes, when the end of the expedition seemed indeed to be in sight, we saw from the top of the hill a sail. The United States' ship _Argus_, with Captain Hull in command was approaching. The next day the sloop _Hornet_ arrived, laden with provisions. We then refreshed ourselves and our famished army, and unloaded from the _Hornet_ the provisions necessary to feed us on the march to Derne. The worst of the journey was over. We were approaching cultivated land. To keep the inhabitants from becoming hostile to us the Bashaw sent a herald through the camp to cry: "He who fears God and feels attachment to Hamet Bashaw will be careful to destroy nothing. Let no one touch the growing harvest. He who transgresses shall lose his right hand!" I now heard shrieks from the tent that sheltered the girl we had rescued by purchase from the Arabs. I saw two camels standing beside the tent, held by a young Arab who looked towards us furtively. It flashed across my mind that the young sheik whom I had suspected of an intention to add the girl to his household had seized upon the moment when we were engaged in putting down a rebellion to kidnap the girl. I rushed to the tent, followed by an Arab lad Mustapha, who also came from the girl's village, and who had shown an humble devotion to her by daily giving to the negress for the maiden a share of his ration of dates. As we reached the door of the tent the sheik emerged with the girl in his arms. I jabbed the point of my pistol into his face while Mustapha plunged earthward in an effort to stay his strides toward the camels. The lad's attack was so vigorous that the sheik sprawled face downward into the sand, while the girl, released by his stumble, fell into my arms for support. She was pale with terror and leaned against me like a broken lily. General Eaton, having pacified Hamet and his supporters, came dashing between me and the kidnapper, who had seized his knife and risen to his feet. I still menaced him with my pistol, but the general forbade me to fire. "He richly deserves death," he whispered, taking in at a glance the situation, "but to fire a shot would cause a general battle and the defeat of our plans." He then turned to the scowling chief. "Mount your camel and go," he said. "Hamet Bashaw wants no one in his ranks who, under pretense of loyalty to a cause, comes to steal a girl who despises him." The Arab, without replying, mounted his camel and rode away with his attendant. We saw a small group detach themselves from the main body and follow him. "A good riddance!" the general muttered. Then, seeing Mustapha, he delighted the youth by saying, "You, my boy, are worth a hundred such fellows!" The Nubian woman, who had been choked into insensibility, now staggered out of the tent and relieved me of my burden--one that I was none too glad to surrender. The girl murmured something to me in Arabic as she re-entered the tent, including Mustapha in her glance. I looked at him questioningly. "She said," the lad explained, "that her heart is overflowing with gratitude to you and myself for rescuing her." General Eaton ordered that the maiden's tent be continually guarded after that. I managed to be selected for sentinel duty more often than anyone else. Mustapha also stood guard with me. The girl sat in the door of her tent looking up to the stars. With Mustapha interpreting, we chatted. I told her about America and Baltimore and assured her that once she was out of the desert, a happy life would open for her. She asked shy questions about the girls of the United States--what they wore; how they occupied themselves. I heard her and the Nubian woman laughing when I said, rather abruptly, that I had not paid attention to the looks and habits of girls at home. I taught her a few words of English--"America," "ship," "friend," "good morning," and "good night." When we reached Derne, a few days after the encounter I have described took place, the girl went aboard one of the American warships. The last I saw of her was when she stepped timidly into a cutter, assisted by General Eaton. I stood on the shore watching. I saw her glancing back at the shore and I am sure I saw a motion of her hand in response to my furious waving. From that hour I began thinking of home more than I had ever thought of it before. And Mustapha and I, when we walked back to our tents, never spoke a word to each other the whole way. CHAPTER XV REUBEN JAMES SAVES DECATUR'S LIFE The fleet had not been idle while we fought our way across the desert. Letters awaited us at Bomba, brought us by one of the naval vessels. A long epistle, with a thrill in every paragraph, was the combined work of Samuel Childs and Reuben James. It gave an account of the gallant way in which Reuben saved his idol Stephen Decatur's life in a hand-to-hand conflict between the crews of our gunboats and those of the corsairs. The part describing Reuben's part was written by Samuel, and bore in the margin a sentence of protest scrawled by the modest Reuben. Here is the story as I gleaned it: The gunboats were sent in to attack the enemy's fleet in two divisions, one led by Stephen Decatur and the other by Richard Somers. The Moslems were past masters of this art of boarding. Decatur and Somers were therefore leading their men to do battle with these ferocious fighters under severe handicaps. Our habit of boarding dismayed Joseph. He had thought that his men were invincible in a fight on a ship's deck. The mode of attack used by the corsairs was always by boarding. Their vessels were so made that it was easy for them to go on board an enemy. Their lateen yards were so long that they projected over the deck of the vessel approached. The infidels used these as a passageway from their vessel to the prize. Then, from all points of their riggings and from all quarters of their decks, the pirates would leap on board the attacked ship. That they might have free use of their hands in climbing the gunwales of the vessel, they carried their sabres grasped between their teeth, and had loaded pistols in their belts. As they swarmed aboard, thus armed, they were a terrifying sight. They were taught by their religion that if they died in battle with Christians their salvation was assured, so they fought desperately. But Joseph, scornful of America, without knowing what fighters her sons were, now found his fiercest warriors slain by men who could board ship and give battle on deck with even more strength and bravery than his own captains. Decatur, who had charge of the foremost three boats, had to bear the brunt of the fighting. Opposed to his three boats were nine Tripolitan boats, well armed and crowded with men. Reuben James was in Decatur's boat. The first gun Decatur fired was loaded with a thousand musket balls in a bag. The shot wrought terrific damage on board the vessel selected for the attack. The captain fell dead with fourteen of the musket balls lodged in his body. Thus far Captain Decatur had had easy work. Lieutenant James Decatur, Stephen's brother, had commanded the second boat. He had been treacherously slain. The Moor in charge of the boat he attacked hauled down its flag at the first fire. James Decatur then directed his men to board, but as his boat approached the Tripolitan craft, the cunning captain shot Decatur dead, and while the dismayed Americans gathered around their leader, the Moor hauled off his boat. News soon reached Stephen of the loss of his brother and away he went in vengeful pursuit of the slayer of James. He overhauled the boat and led his men aboard in a fierce charge. Reuben was at his heels. The Moorish captain was a powerful brute; he had all the weapons a man could carry, and he was as desperate as a treed wildcat. Stephen Decatur, however, went at his huge foe in a way that meant death either to the Moor or himself. The infidel met Decatur's rush with his pike, while Decatur depended on his sword. Reuben James was busy disposing of an infidel. Before he tackled another, he looked to see what headway the captain was making. Imagine how taken aback he was to see Decatur staggering back from a pike stab in the breast. He slashed his way towards his leader, but, as luck would have it, a shot lodged in his right hand and a moment later a jab from a spear disabled his left arm. Meanwhile Decatur, nothing daunted by his wound, had brought his sword into play. The blade, meeting a savage blow from the pike, broke off at the hilt. Reuben saw Decatur dart in past the Moor's weapon, and grapple with him. An Arab sneaked up in the captain's rear and aimed a blow at his head. Reuben then threw his own disabled body between Decatur and his second foe. The blow landed on his head, and he sank to the deck crippled and half senseless. He could see Decatur and the Moorish captain fall to the deck, with the infidel on top. The Moor had one arm free and with it he drew a knife. Reuben closed his eyes. Then he heard a shot and opened them again. In Decatur's hand was a smoking pistol, and the slayer of his brother lay dead at the captain's feet. From the rest of the letter I gathered facts that gave me a fair idea of the progress of the campaign. The third boat in Decatur's division was commanded by John Trippe, sailing master. Trippe killed a Moorish captain in much the same manner as Decatur slew his adversary. As he led his men across the side of a Tripolitan vessel, his own boat was swept away from the side before all of his party could board. Thus Trippe, with another officer and nine men, was left to face thirty-six infidels. Trippe determined, as his one hope of victory, to kill the captain, a man of great height and strength. He came as near to death as did Decatur, receiving eleven wounds. At last, when the Moor had forced him down so that he was fighting with one knee on deck, he caught his foe off guard and stabbed him to death with a pike. Fourteen of the infidels had been slain by the Americans and the remaining twenty-two now surrendered. None of the Americans were killed. Richard Somers, who commanded the other three boats, was prevented from following Decatur along the inside route he took, yet he found means to capture three Moorish gunboats and to sink three others. Reuben James passes out of my story here, but it is due him that I skip several years and tell how when doctors were about to amputate, because an old wound had diseased a bone in his leg, he exclaimed: "Doctor, you are the captain, Sir. Fire away; but I don't think it is shipshape to put me under jury masts when I have just come into harbor." From other correspondence we learned how Commodore Preble, while his gunboats were thus engaged, sailed into the harbor on board the _Constitution_, with Captain Chauncey in command, and bombarded the forts. The ship was excellently handled. Her crew tacked and made sail under the guns of the enemy with as much coolness and skill as if there were no guns trained on them. Several times the _Constitution_ passed within three cables' length of the batteries on shore, and silenced them. But the moment the frigate passed on, the silenced batteries were manned again. The monarch had thousands of soldiers at his command and continued to drive fresh gunners to the batteries. On another day a Tripolitan fleet of five gunboats and two galleys came out to attempt to capture or destroy certain gunboats of the American fleet lying near the harbor. Commodore Preble signaled to the brigs and schooners under his command to meet the raiders, and these ships poured such a hot fire upon the Moslem flotilla that they were forced to turn back. The grape-shot fired by the Americans during these engagements swept the enemy's decks of men, and worried the gunmen on shore so badly that it spoiled their aim, so that the _Constitution_ was but slightly damaged, and had none killed and only one man wounded. THE DEATH OF SOMERS Now, came news of the tragedy of the campaign. It was decided to use the ketch _Intrepid_ as a fireship to destroy the enemy's shipping. Captain Somers volunteered to take command of her, and Lieutenant Wadsworth volunteered to go with him. Ten men went with them--six volunteers from the _Constitution_ and four volunteers from the _Nautilus_. Two small boats were taken, so that the party could escape from the floating mine after they had lighted the fuses. The _Intrepid_ started upon her perilous duty on September 4th. Lieutenant Joseph Israel of the _Constitution_ arrived at the moment of getting under way and asked permission to go along. Somers consented. The night was dark, and the other American ships soon lost sight of the ketch. She was discovered, however, by the Tripolitans as she was entering the harbor, and their batteries opened fire. Suddenly, the night was lit by terrifying flashes. A series of explosions shook land and water. A shower of sparks arose. The powder on board the _Intrepid_ had prematurely exploded, and left nothing on the face of the harbor but scorched fragments. All of her officers and men were killed. Their mangled bodies floated ashore and were found by the people of Tripoli. What caused the explosion remains a mystery. Commodore Preble thought that the _Intrepid_ had been attacked and boarded by a Tripolitan gun-boat, and that Captain Somers, rather than be taken captive, himself exploded the powder; or else that the fire from the batteries caused so much damage that Somers saw that escape was impossible and chose death to surrender. This reasoning was partly based on the fact that Somers and his men had boasted that they would die rather than be captured. The squadron was greatly affected by this tragedy. Decatur had special reason to grieve, because Somers had been his schoolmate, and had given Decatur, before sailing, tokens to remember him by if he did not return. I learned with amazement that Commodore Preble had been recalled. Although he had conducted a fight that had won for the American navy lasting glory, the navy department had thought it best to call him home and to put Commodore Samuel Barron, who was his senior, in his place. Commodore Preble was notified of this with much praise and apology. No wonder was it that his going was lamented. His fifty-three officers joined in a letter of regret. English officers praised his work. The Pope said that "the American commander, with a small force and in a short space of time, had done more for the cause of Christianity than the most powerful nations of Christendom had done for ages." The Commodore had labored under great handicaps. Congress had not supported his requests for ships and supplies, and those that came were long delayed. The food sent him was poor. He was forced to depend largely on foreign seamen. Commodore Preble was deeply regretful at not being able to carry the campaign against Tripoli through to final victory, and also mortified that, with success in sight, he should be recalled. He went home an almost heartbroken man, although his record must stand out as one of the most brilliant in our naval history. If the bold Preble had continued in command of the squadron, there is little doubt that when he saw what Eaton was doing at Derne he would have begun an attack on Tripoli that would have brought Joseph Bashaw to his knees. The one good reason advanced as to why General Eaton's expedition should have ended at Derne was that if it approached Tripoli, the Americans held prisoners there might have been killed by Joseph Bashaw when his city was attacked. He threatened that, in an extremity, he would slay the prisoners. Several of the officers who were in captivity held this fear. Yet Commodore Rodgers wrote afterwards to the Secretary of the Navy: "I never thought myself that the lives of the American prisoners were in any danger." Lieutenant Wormely, a midshipman held in captivity, also testified before a Senate committee that: "I do not believe that there was any danger to be apprehended for our lives." CHAPTER XVI WE CAPTURE THE DESERT CITY OF DERNE "_An army, composed in part of Americans, but chiefly of the descendants of the ancient Grecians, Egyptians and Arabians; in other words, an army collected from the four quarters of the globe, and led by an American commander to conquest and glory, is a phenomenon in military history calculated to attract the attention of the world, not only by its novelty, but by its real influence and consequence. It ought to be considered, too, that this army, notwithstanding the singularity of its organization and character, and the smallness of its number and its means, acted in a cause that might be thought to affect, at least in some remote degree, the general interest of mankind. Since the destruction of Cato, and his little senate at Utica, the banner of freedom had never waved in that desert and barbarous quarter of the globe; and he who carried it so nobly, in the language of the resolution, through the desert of Libya, and placed it so triumphantly upon the African shore of the Mediterranean deserves to be honorably distinguished by that country and that government, to which the enterprise has added lustre._" --Speech made by James Elliott, Representative from Vermont, before the House of Representatives. Every step we took, I could tell by the rector's map, which now I daily consulted, was taking me to that section of the coast where the treasure lay buried. We had hard fighting ahead of us, and all of my energies were needed to help our cause, yet I was determined to find enough time to make the search. The problem of finding a trustworthy person who could read for me the Arabic inscription on the map had been solved through my friendship with Mustapha, who had acquired a fair education in Egypt. I planned to go to Tokra under his guidance. My plans worked out well, but in a different way from that which I proposed. The first duty ahead of our army--a task that must be done before any treasure hunt could be thought of--was the capture of Derne. The city of Tokra lay beyond Derne. Our army, if it went on to Tripoli, must pass near it. The coast was clear--if Derne were captured by us. Little did I think that the ill fortunes of our soldiers should send me forth at last to fulfill my long-cherished aim. Two days after leaving Bomba, we camped on a height that overlooks Derne, and reconnoitered. We had reached the climax of our march. We learned that the governor of the place had decided to defend the city against us. We learned also that the army Joseph Bashaw had sent from Tripoli was making a forced march to Derne and might arrive before the return of our vessels, which had been blown out to sea in a gale. This information alarmed the Turks and Arabs. Hamet, we observed, again seemed to be ready for flight. The Sheik il Taiib, who had promised to prove himself a valiant man at Derne, quitted the camp. Several chiefs came out from Derne to assure Hamet of their faith. They told us that the city was divided into three departments; that two of these favored Hamet and one Joseph, but that the department that favored Joseph was strongest and had control of the guns. General Eaton had sent a messenger to the governor under a flag of truce with this message: "I want no territory. With me is advancing the real sovereign of your country--give us a passage through your city; and for the supplies of which we shall have need, you shall receive fair pay. Let no differences of religion induce us to shed the blood of harmless men who think little and know nothing. If you are a man of liberal mind you will not hesitate. Hamet Bashaw pledged himself to me that you shall be established in your government. I shall see you tomorrow in a way of your choice. "Eaton." The flag of truce was sent back to the general by the governor with this answer: "My head or yours!" "We shall see whose head it will be!" General Eaton declared. Having learned that the army from Tripoli was only a four hours' march distant, the general determined to attack the city before it had time to arrive. On the next morning the _Argus_, _Hornet_ and _Nautilus_ appeared off the coast, and on a signal sailed in toward the city. The general at once began the assault. The fleet sent a few guns ashore to assist us in the land attack, and then the three vessels opened fire on the city's batteries. The Governor of Derne had mounted a battery of eight nine-pounders along the water-front; had thrown up breastworks along the unprotected parts of the city; and had mounted cannon on the terrace of his palace and on the roofs of certain buildings. We heard that he possessed an army of eight hundred men, in addition to such citizens as would fight with him. General Eaton, with a detachment actively commanded by Lieutenant O'Bannon, consisting of the six American marines, twenty-four gunners, twenty-six Greeks, and a few Arabs, attacked the temporary forts that had been thrown up in the southeast section of the town. Hamet Bashaw attacked and captured an old castle on the southwest, and drew up his cavalry on this site. I fought beside the general, and a stiff business it was. The enemy's musketry was so warm that our troops were thrown into confusion. To counteract this, the general ordered a charge. The enemy had flocked to the point where we advanced, so that we had to fight as ten to one. The infidels waged a guerrilla warfare, dashing out of their hiding-places and then, in retreat, firing from behind every palm tree and wall along their way. The battery was at last silenced by the fire of our ships, and most of the gunners retired to join the forces opposed to us. Yet on we went, passing through a shower of bullets from the walls of houses. Soon we reached the battery, and wrested it from its defenders. I had the honor of planting, amidst cheers from my comrades, the American flag on the wall--an honor indeed, since this was the first time the American flag had been raised on a fort of the old world. Then we turned the guns on the infidels and drove them back into the houses, where they could only fire at us from behind walls. [Illustration: THIS WAS THE FIRST TIME AN AMERICAN FLAG HAD BEEN RAISED ON A FORT OF THE OLD WORLD.] Our ships, which had suspended their fire during our charge, now resumed bombarding the houses that sheltered the governor and his men. The deadly fire of the ships terrified the already faint-hearted forces there, and they began to flee in disorder. Hamet's troops captured the governor's castle, and his cavalry pursued the flying foe. By four o'clock in the afternoon we were in full possession of the city, the action having lasted about two hours and a half. Of the Christians who fought there were fourteen killed and wounded. Three of these were American marines; two dead and one wounded. The rest of the dead were Greeks. Our Grecian allies showed great bravery and were worthy descendants of the ancient heroes of their race. THE GOVERNOR FLEES The governor fled first to a mosque; then to the abode of an old sheik. "I must lay hold of him!" General Eaton said. "He is the third man in rank in the entire kingdom of Tripoli, and we can use him to exchange for Captain Bainbridge!" The general, in great zeal to take the governor captive, now marched at the head of fifty Christians with bayonets to that remote section in which the fugitive had found refuge. The aged chief who sheltered him, however, vowed that the laws of hospitality would be violated if he permitted us to take the governor, and refused to yield him up to us. General Eaton explained that the Governor had rejected peace terms; had challenged us and been beaten at his post; was still in a conquered town, and was by all the laws of war a prisoner. The sheik remained firm. The citizens of Derne began to look at us with hostile eyes. "The Christians no longer respect the customs of our fathers and our laws of hospitality," they exclaimed. Hamet Bashaw, fearful that the people would be turned against him if we seized the governor against the old sheik's wishes, persuaded the general to postpone the attempt. We had been in possession of Derne about a week when the army sent from Tripoli arrived and planted their camp on the ground we had occupied. Meanwhile, General Eaton had fortified the city as strongly as possible. We found ourselves facing enemies within and foes without, because the people of the town, true to their nature, were now debating which army would be the most likely to win, so that they might be on the victor's side. The late governor, we learned, was the leader in trying to persuade the people of the city to revolt against us. On May 18th the troops from Tripoli advanced towards the city in order of battle, but when General Eaton marshalled his forces to meet them they halted, conferred, and then retired. We found out later that the Beys in charge of the enemy's forces had tried day after day to persuade the Arabs under them to attack. They had refused, stating that Joseph Bashaw must send them aid before they would attempt to conquer the city. "We have," they said, "not only our lives to preserve, but also the lives of our families. Hamet has possession of the town; his Christian allies possess the batteries; these, together with the great guns of the American ships, would destroy us if we attacked!" The Beys then demanded of the Arabs that they permit their camels to be used to protect the front and flanks of the assaulting forces, but this too was refused. Word came to General Eaton that Hassien Bey, commander of the enemy's forces, had offered six thousand dollars for his head, and double that sum if he were brought as a prisoner. We heard also that thirty dollars had been offered for the head of an ordinary Christian. Then there came to our camp a Bedouin holy man who had previously been befriended by the general. He whispered that two women, one in our camp and one in Derne, had been employed by Hassien Bey to poison our commander. In payment for this service they had already been given presents of diamond rings. The saint cautioned the General not to accept any presents of pastry, preserves or fruit. A few days later, the forces of Hassien Bey gave battle. He was assisted by Muhamed, Bey of Bengazi; Muhamed, Bey of Derne, and Imhamed, Bey of Ogna. Under them were one thousand mounted Arabs and two thousand Arabs on foot. On the night before, Muhamed, the former governor of Derne, had escaped into Hassien Bey's camp, and had told him that our numbers on shore were far less than the general had supposed. Encouraged by this information Hassien Bey ordered the attack. About nine o'clock in the morning his troops appeared, under five standards, and attacked about one hundred of Hamet's cavalry, who had been stationed about a mile from town. The cavalry fought bravely but were forced to retreat. The _Argus_ and _Nautilus_ trained their guns on the enemy, and we in town bombarded them with our battery and field pieces, but by taking advantage of walls they penetrated the town up to the palace that sheltered Hamet. Here they were met by a hot rifle fire from Hamet's supporters, but they held their ground stubbornly, determined to capture Hamet. The general was wondering whether with the small force in charge of the battery he dare risk a sortie to defend Hamet, when fortunately a shot from one of our nine-pounders killed two mounted enemies near the palace. Instantly they sounded a retreat and fled from all quarters. Hamet's cavalry pursued them. In their flight they again came within range of our ships' guns, and these poured into their ranks a galling fire. We were told later by an Italian slave who escaped from their camp that they had lost twenty-eight men killed and that fifty-six of their number had been wounded by our fire. This defeat took the heart out of the Arabs supporting the Beys. Officers and soldiers began to desert to us from the enemy, and when Hassien Bey began to prepare for another assault by collecting camels that would be used as traveling breastworks, the Arabs recruited on the march refused to take part. They protested that they would have been willing to fight under ordinary circumstances, but that the Americans were firing balls that would kill both a rider and his horse, and that they would not expose themselves to such shots. They also complained that we rushed at them with bayonets, and would not give them time to reload their muskets! Hearing these reports our fearless general tried to persuade Hamet to make a counter-attack, but without success. Skirmishes continued to occur. A few days after the battle, a company of the enemy attacked some Arab families who had camped in the rear of the town. Learning of the attack, the general headed a party of thirty-five Greeks and Americans, with a view to cutting off their retreat. We met them in a mountain's ravine--the Greeks must have thought of the Spartans at Thermopylae--and charged them with our bayonets. They broke and fled, hotly pursued. We killed their captain and five men, and took two prisoners. None of us were injured. This affair put Hassien Bey in a frenzy. The next morning he came forward to revenge his cause, but again the Arabs mutinied and retreated, leaving Hassien and his soldiers to follow in humiliation back to their camp. Hamet Bashaw had his turn at open fighting a few days later, and acquitted himself far better than we expected. The enemy appeared in great numbers on the heights overlooking the town, seeking a way to descend that would not expose them to the fire of our guns. They found a pass and started to descend to the plain below, but here Hamet's cavalry met them and, as reinforcements joined each side, the battle increased in size until there were five thousand men engaged. The fighting lasted four hours, during which Hamet held his ground like a true general. It was a battle fought in the Barbary style, for the field of conflict was beyond the range of our batteries, and we were rejoiced to learn that the victory belonged to Hamet. The enemy lost fifty men killed, and had over seventy wounded, while of the forces of Hamet, the killed and wounded amounted together to about fifty. We had lost respect for Hamet during our march across the desert, but his gallantry in this engagement restored confidence. Lieutenant O'Bannon was eager to lead our Americans and Greeks out to hold the pass by which the enemy must retreat with our bayonets, but the general decided wisely that it would be unwise to leave the batteries undefended, since Hamet Bashaw's forces might suffer a reverse. THE CAMPAIGN BLOCKED Our prolonged stay at Derne had begun to worry both the general and Hamet. I saw them frequently conferring with great seriousness, and heard General Eaton say that if the aid, money, and supplies had come which he hoped would be awaiting him at Derne, he might now be at Cape Mensurat, and in fifteen days after, at Tripoli. My wonder as to what there was being discussed by the general and Hamet Bashaw was cleared away somewhat by the arrival of a spy from the enemy's camp, who informed us that a courier had arrived, eleven days from Tripoli, with dispatches from the reigning Bashaw stating that he intended to make peace with the United States, _even if he had to sell his wardrobe_ to do so. This was a great change of front; a change caused, we all felt sure, by our conquest of Derne, and by our openly avowed determination to capture Tripoli in the same manner. Then there came a letter from Commodore Barron which informed General Eaton that the United States must withdraw her support from Hamet, since Consul Lear was making a peace with Joseph. The general wrote hotly in reply: "I cannot be persuaded that the abandoning of Hamet is in keeping with those principles of honor and justice which I know actuate the national breast. But, if no further aids come, and we are compelled to leave the place, humanity itself must weep; the whole city of Derne, together with numerous families of Arabs, who attached themselves to Hamet Bashaw, and who resisted Joseph's troops in expectation of help from us, must be left to their fate; havoc and slaughter must follow; not a soul of them can escape the savage vengeance of the enemy; instead of lending aid to the unfortunate people, we involve them in destruction." The general wrote also in protest to the Secretary of the Navy, stating that when Commodore Barron agreed to cooperate with Hamet there was no talk of the latter being used as a means of making peace with the reigning Bashaw; that nothing was talked of but punishment. The example of Commodore Preble, he stated, had fired the squadron which relieved him with an ambition to punish Joseph, and it was in the same spirit that he, General Eaton, was sent on his mission to bring Hamet to the rear of the enemy. Shortly after these letters were dispatched, we had occasion to march through Derne. "Long live the Americans! Long live our friends and protectors!" the people shouted. The general bowed his head in shame. General Eaton, in the opinion of all of us who marched with him, and of many with whom I afterwards talked, could well complain of the way he was treated by the United States Government. He had won at Derne a victory that many thought was superior to the naval victories won over Tripoli, and by his campaign had opened the way for a peace that saved the United States the payment of hundreds of thousands of dollars in warships and tribute money. Yet he had been allowed to enter upon his enterprise in such a manner that if successful the Administration would receive full credit for sending him, while if he failed, he could be blamed for acting without authority. At Tripoli, peace was being made after this manner: Colonel Lear, then at Malta, received a letter from the Spanish consul at Tripoli asking him to come to that place under a flag of truce, as the Bashaw wanted to discuss peace. A few weeks later Captain Bainbridge wrote to Commodore Barron that the Tripolitan minister of foreign affairs, Sidi Mohammed Dghiers, who was opposed to the war, was about to leave the city, and that it would be well to send an envoy to treat for peace before the minister left. Colonel Lear sailed from Malta on the _Essex_, which joined the blockading frigates _Constitution_ and _President_ of Tripoli. The white flag hoisted by Lear was answered by the hoisting of a similar flag on the Bashaw's castle. The terms agreed upon were that the United States was to pay him $60,000 for the ransom of the American captives remaining after an exchange of prisoners, man for man, had been made; that the American forces should withdraw from Derne, persuading Hamet to go with them; and that in the course of time Joseph was to restore to Hamet his wife and children. The articles were signed on board the _Constitution_. A salute of twenty-one guns was then fired by the Bashaw's battery and answered by the _Constitution_. The people of the city crowded to the wharves celebrating the making of peace. The released American officers and sailors ran to the wharves to leap into the barges that were to take them out of the hated town. Sage men have predicted that the historians of the future would say that Colonel Lear acted unwisely in making the peace, and that if he had delayed for a few weeks, until bomb vessels and gunboats on the way from America had arrived, a squadron would have assembled before Tripoli that would have frightened the Bashaw into agreement with any terms the United States' fleet chose to lay down. That we should have had to pay ransom for the American captives at Tripoli after we had captured the powerful province of Derne, and with such a strong fleet in the Mediterranean, was not in accord with American traditions. The act of Colonel Lear in making peace with the reigning Bashaw seems to have been for the purpose of blocking Eaton's triumph. "Eaton," said an officer holding a high place in the Mediterranean squadron, "was running away with the honor of the Tripolitan war. Between an army and navy jealousy is common. What had the navy done long before, after the achievement of Preble? Hence the readiness to snatch the first chance for peace." The politics of the matter gave me little concern. Here was General Eaton needing money. With money he could hire Arab tribes, buy caravans loaded with food, march on to Tripoli. Here was my opportunity, and my duty. CHAPTER XVII THE TREASURE TOMB Through all my adventures in the desert campaign, from the time when we first faced the hot, choking winds of the desert and covered our eyes to keep from being blinded by the sand until the time when we lifted the Stars and Stripes on the ramparts of Derne, the thought of the treasure tomb had dwelt with me. According to the rector's map, the buried chamber was within an hour's ride by camel of Tokra, a town located between Derne and Tripoli, quite near to the former. The coast of northern Africa jutted out into the Mediterranean at this point, and made it a favorable spot for settlement by Phoenicians and earlier races who ruled this sea. When I perceived that Captain Eaton's campaign against Tripoli had been blocked through lack of funds and that he himself had given up hope of receiving from our naval officers the money and supplies required to proceed against the stronghold of Joseph, I resolved to begin my treasure search in earnest, hoping to turn the gems and gold to the general's use. I resolved to take Mustapha along as my guide. The attachment that had sprung up between us grew stronger as the weeks passed. He was an Arab to the backbone. He could run all day in the heat and fall asleep at night on bare stones. He was as quick and noiseless in his movements as a wildcat, and his mood was a queer mixture of gentleness and fierceness. Having adopted me, he was fiercely jealous, and his brown face would become convulsed if strange Arab boys from any of the camps we passed tried to follow me. One night, on swift camels which we borrowed from Mustapha's sheik, we rode away from Derne. It was a foolhardy enterprise, because Joseph Bashaw's army lay between us and Tokra, yet we managed to avoid their outposts and when morning broke we were well beyond their lines. I had not taken the general into my confidence. He might have told me, to keep me from going on what he would consider a wild goose chase, that he would not avail himself of the gold, even if it were found. I felt too, since the rector had tried so hard to keep the facts concerning the treasure a secret, that I should not reveal it, even to those I trusted most. We joined ourselves to a caravan as we approached Tokra. Mustapha had acquaintances among the camel-drivers, and his explanations created for us a kindly reception. Mingling thus with the Arabs, we rode into Tokra without attracting the attention of the people. That this was fortunate for me, I was soon to find out. A larger caravan had entered the town a few hours before us. Its people had thronged the cafés. As I rode through the narrow street, holding my hood well over my face to keep from being recognized as a hated "Nazarene," I caught sight of a tall well-dressed Moor watching a group of dancing girls. His brilliant robe attracted my attention, then something familiar about his figure made me observe him more closely. My gaze traveled up his burly form to his bearded face. I could see it only in profile, but the sight was enough to set me to trembling. I had recognized Murad. He did not see us. In the café before which he lounged were girls of the Ouled-Nahil tribe, dancing. We could see over the heads of the men these stately creatures gliding and twisting to the music of clarionets and tam-tams. Their mountainous head-gear of plaited wool, bound by brilliantly-colored silk kerchiefs shook with the movements of their bodies. We could hear amidst the music the jingling of their bangles. I saw also a boy bring a live coal in a pair of tongs to Murad, so that the latter might light his long pipe. A score of questions flashed through my mind. Had the Egyptian found the treasure, and was he now enjoying the wealth? Or had he been detained as I was in reaching this spot, and could it be that he had been a member of the newly arrived caravan? Did he mean to spend the night amidst the luxury of the café or would he soon come forth to hunt for the treasure tomb? I decided from his manner that he had newly arrived, and that, for a few hours at least, he would smoke his pipe and drink his coffee and watch the dance. During those few hours I resolved to push my search. When we found a spot in which I could examine the map without being observed I was puzzled to find that the location of the treasure tomb was set down as being not outside of the city, but in its very midst. Through Mustapha, I made inquiry of an old Arab. Yes, he said, in reply to my questions, there had been a temple there once. The reason the ruins could not be seen now was that successive tribes of Arabs had come and camped on the ruins until the soil and filth they had left behind them had covered the floors. There had been walls, but they were now used for sheep folds, goat-yards, poultry-yards, donkey-sheds. The rector's exploration had been made also at night. The upper tomb he had found was known to everyone. It too had probably held riches, but it had been plundered centuries since. None of the later tribes had thought to look beneath it. The rector would not have had the curiosity to explore if it had not been that in Greece a scientist had discovered there double layers of tombs hewn out of the rocks. Mustapha then translated to me the words written in Arabic at the foot of the diagram: "Walk along the north wall of the town until there rises from the mud-huts and cattle-sheds a stone pillar that lifts about eight feet above the surrounding roofs. This pillar will mark the location of a tomb that is still respected as a holy place by the people of the town. Under the floor of this tomb, lies the treasure chamber. Its entrance is through the outer wall, where I dug out a stone. Pry along south wall below ground till triangular slab is found." Past clusters of mud-huts, dirt-heaps, piles of broken pottery, and odorous cattle-sheds we groped. The dogs barked and ran snarling about our feet, but Mustapha had magic words that soothed and hushed them. At last, against the star-filled skies, we saw a rugged pillar lift up. The huts and sheds stopped at this point, and for several rods there were no buildings. The loneliness of the spot I took as a good omen. It meant that I could dig with little fear of disturbance. From the town came sounds of singing and shouting. Drinking and dancing and merry-making were engaging the people. With these unceasing noises drowning the clink of our spades, we began to dig. The dirt and debris was loose, and our arms were winged by excitement and fear. I had told Mustapha that I expected that he should earn enough money on this trip to give him a university education at Fez, enough to make him respected as a sheik. Under the enchanting prospect, and for love of me, he toiled. After ten minutes of digging, I took my dirk and felt along the side of the wall which we had uncovered. My dirk's point entered a crevice. We dug again, frantically, and now I was able to trace all sides of the loose block of stone that acted as a bar to the entrance. Mustapha brought out his knife and aided me in the prying, and between us we managed to move the stone outwards as if it worked on hinges. I thought of the Arabian lad who entered the retreat of the Forty Thieves. I too had found an "Open Sesame" to riches. Were my eyes also to be dazzled by the sight of treasure? The finding of the entrance, though it made me solemn, also created something of a sense of security, for now we could continue our search underground without attracting attention. One fear, however, still lingered, and moved me to frantic haste--Murad's coming! We lowered ourselves a depth of six feet into the rock room. The clammy moisture chilled our faces; the foul smell choked us. Lifting our torches, we peered into the darkness. When our eyes grew accustomed to the gloom we found ourselves standing among several skeletons, which had the appearance of having been hurriedly buried. This discovery almost led us to a panicky retreat, but I had risked too much to be turned from my quest by skeletons, and I stepped across the bones and thrust my torch into the center regions. There, buried in oblong chambers rudely hewn out of the rock floor of the cavern, I saw six bodies that had moldered to dust. Girding their bones, however, was jewelry such as I had never, even in my wildest dreams, imagined. Upon the time-blackened skulls were headbands of gold. Covering the rib-bones were massive breast-plates of the same metal. As I held down my flame the delicately-wrought patterns of rosettes and palmettos with which these pieces were ornamented flashed out brilliantly. Upon the wrist-bones hung loosely serpent-shaped gold bracelets. From this rich metal dress jewels flamed out to match my beacon's fire. Around these rock tombs lay more treasures--inlaid daggers with images of cats engraved on their gold handles and with lotus patterns traced on their blades; alabaster cups, hollowed out and painted inside with a brilliant red; stone images of elks with heads of silver; jugs and cups of ivory, alabaster, amber, silver, gold, and porcelain. Scholars have since told me that the ancients considered that the station of a person in the world of the dead depended upon the wealth with which he was buried. The people who buried these corpses had assuredly done their utmost to insure the eminence of their friends in the dominions of death. I did not pause to wonder whether these were the remains of Phoenicians, Egyptians or of a still earlier race that had dominated the Mediterranean and exacted toll of treasure from the surrounding barbaric tribes. Here the bodies lay. Above them, through the centuries, strange peoples had settled and passed; caravans had stopped and hurried on; dancing girls had whirled; dervishes had practiced sorceries, yet none dreamed of this cool tomb with its riches. The stuff was here for my taking. Murad was hard on my heels. My lust for fortune overcame all thoughts of reverence for the dead. "Open the sacks, Mustapha," I said, "the smallest treasures are the most valuable. We will take what we can carry and trust to fortune for a chance to bring out the rest--or perhaps they will fall as crumbs to Murad!" "Listen, master," Mustapha whispered. Men's voices came to us. I sprang in terror towards the entrance with Mustapha at my heels. As I peered out into the night my breath came again. The tinkle of camel bells came to reassure me. A caravan was entering Tokra, with no suspicion that they were passing within a stone's throw of such wealth. The capacious sacks loaded, I climbed out of the tomb by making a stepping-stone of Mustapha's back. He hoisted up to me the three bags. I then leaned down and pulled him out. It was about midnight. "Go to the stables," I said, giving him a coin, "and tell Achmet the camel keeper that urgent business takes you back to Derne. Bring our camels--Achmet knows that they belong to you. Put the gold into his palm. Tell him that you are on business for Hamet Bashaw, who may conquer Tokra next week!" "I know that he sympathizes with Hamet," Mustapha assured me. "He will help us, and keep his tongue!" While Mustapha was gone, I replaced the stone door and shoveled back the dirt. Mustapha returned with the camels. They knelt as we loaded the sacks upon them. Around them we piled the bags of dates that had already formed the camels' freight. We turned towards Derne and rode like the wind. Many hours would pass, I reasoned, before Murad would begin his search. If then he suspected that the tomb had been robbed and made inquiries, many more hours must pass before he could start in pursuit. As things happened, however, it was not from behind us that danger came. We came into the vicinity of Derne at nightfall, and drove our jaded camels as fast as we could make them fly, fearing always an encounter with the soldiers of Joseph Bashaw. We succeeded in gaining the city's bounds with no adventure except passing through a volley fired at random by guards whom we passed too swiftly to permit them to arrest us, but as we rode through the town at gray dawn we observed no signs of our troops. We learned from old Omar, an inn-keeper who came drowsily out to open for us, that the ship _Constellation_ had arrived bearing orders to General Eaton to quit Derne at once, since Consul-General Lear had concluded a peace with Tripoli. He told us that General Eaton and all of the Christians in the party, together with Hamet Bashaw and his suite, had embarked on the _Constellation_ in a secret manner, for fear that the people of Derne, and their allies, the Arab supporters of Hamet, would attempt to massacre the party when they found that the war had been abandoned and that they were left to the mercy of Joseph. Omar described how, when General Eaton had barely gotten clear of the wharf, the soldiers and citizens of Derne had crowded down to the shore shouting prayers to the general and Hamet not to leave them to the mercy of Joseph's soldiers. Finding their pleas of no avail, the soldiers had seized the horses the party had left behind, plundered the tents of the departing officers, and fled towards Egypt. After this occurrence a Tripolitan officer, a messenger from Joseph Bashaw, had landed from the _Constellation_ under a flag of truce, bearing a message to the people of Derne that Joseph Bashaw would pardon all who laid down their arms and renewed their allegiance to him. Joseph's troops were to begin the occupancy of Derne that morning. Omar shook his head. "For myself, I fear nothing. Allah is good. Under his guidance I remained loyal to Joseph. The returning Governor will know that Omar is faithful. But as for my neighbors--let them not trust too much in the Bashaw's promises. If I had fought on Hamet's side I should flee to the mountains!" Mustapha and I exchanged worried glances. Here we were abandoned by our friends and facing capture by Joseph's soldiers when they entered the city. In that case, our gold and jewels would go to adorn the greedy Joseph's throne. The main object of our treasure search, to provide the general with funds to continue the expedition, could not be carried out. There was nothing to do but flee--but where? From the camp of the enemy came sounds of soldiers assembling. The triumphal entry would soon begin. "Cavalry! Mount! Escape!" cried Mustapha. From a distance, swiftly coming nearer, we heard the sound of hoof-beats. Around the corner of the inn came a blaze of color. Galloping steeds were suddenly reined in. A Moorish officer, splendidly uniformed, came towards me. Mustapha, who had stood several yards away, began to lead his beast and mine down towards the river front. "Alhamdulilah! (Praise be to God)" he sang, "My lord the Bashaw returns to his own! The cowardly usurper Hamet has fled before Joseph Bashaw's brave warriors!" The troopers gave Mustapha but a fleeting glance. My head was uncovered and they saw that I was an American. There was a whispered conference. American warships might be still in the mists that hid sea and shore. I had hopes that they would pass me by unmolested. Instead the officer turned to his men. "Bind the Nazarene! One at least of the Christian dogs shall pay the penalty of starting rebellion against our worshipful ruler!" I was bound hand and foot, thrown across a camel's back, and led out of the city, to the enemy's camp. In the possession of an Arab lad, who was now as a lamb among wolves, were the gold and jewels I had risked so much to secure. One gem of the collection would have purchased my ransom, but knowing that a hint as to the contents of the sacks would lead to the loss of all of the treasure, I resolved to suffer slavery before I spoke of them. I prayed that Mustapha would keep the secret, yet how could I expect that fate would not reveal the contents of the sacks to covetous eyes? CHAPTER XVIII SOLD INTO SLAVERY My captor, the Moorish officer, was a native of Ghadames, an interior city of Tripoli--a caravan center located on a camel route to the Soudan. I was regarded by him as the spoils of war, and his purpose was clearly to sell me for a good price in an inland slave market where there would be no American consul to make inquiries. As soon as Derne was occupied, Joseph's army disbanded and the soldiers whose property I was began to journey to their homes. Our caravan started too, and I found myself riding upon the most uncomfortable camel in the outfit, chained by one wrist to the trappings of the beast. I decided to lose no chance to escape. I knew that the farther inland I went, the more difficult it would be for me to reach the coast. My thoughts dwelt upon the treasure-bags I had last seen flopping through the streets of Derne on Mustapha's camels. I swore that my Arab comrade would see me again soon--and I devoutly hoped that his ingenuity would enable him to hide the treasure. At last, when I was beginning to despair of falling in with a coastbound caravan, we met a huge one bound from the Soudan to Tripoli. In the excitement of meeting, and in the feasting and dancing that went on between the two parties, my guard forgot me. I had been unshackled while I ate, and the only sentinel over me was a young Arab who had been stationed at the front entrance to my tent. I saw him looking yearningly at the Arab girls who were dancing. I snored loudly and regularly, watching his movements through the opening. Suddenly he disappeared. A moment later I vanished too. I hoped to escape with the Tripoli-bound caravan, and stole over to where its camel-drivers were gathered. I had made my color as dark as possible, and wore my long gown in true Arab fashion. I had learned, too, some common Arab words. In the center of the crowd I saw an African snake-charmer. The fakir's round, fleshy face shone like polished ebony, and when he grinned, which was often, I caught sight of two massive rows of gleaming ivory. He wore nothing but a breech-cloth and sandals. His body was covered with scars. These snake-charmers, I had heard, inflicted wounds upon themselves, sometimes through religious frenzy, and sometimes because it gave them prestige with their audiences. This fakir influenced the people much in the same way that a street evangelist at home attracts listeners by music and loud words. In his train were several men who played cymbals and bagpipes. As soon as they began clanging and blowing upon these instruments, the crowd gathered. I drew back, for fear that the fakir's attentions to me would lead to discovery, but his eyes had singled me out from the minute of my approach, and he followed me, though not in a way to attract notice. Alarmed, I was about to make a wild dash into the desert when he caught my arm. I drew back to strike. "The saint Mohammed," he said, catching my arm, "will harbor an escaping Nazarene so long as the Nazarene is willing to clang the cymbals loudly in the name of Mohammed, and is active in collecting coins when the snakes have done squirming and the tales have been told. Two of my attendants have deserted me. I offer you a trip to the coast in my train." I nodded assent--any port in a storm! "Bring forth the cymbals! Mohammed is welcome to any music I can make with them!" I said. "Pay close attention to my motions and when I signal you, collect what coins you can. If any man question you, pretend to be dumb." He led me into his tent close by, procured for me a coarse robe that was an effectual disguise and applied a pigment to my skin. When he was through with me I looked like one of his own tribe. I went forth then and mingled with the throng, listening while Mohammed told tales in Arabic. Fascinating indeed were Mohammed's tricks. I watched in astonishment as he shaped a bundle of hay into a mound and covered the pile with water. "By the grace of Mulai Ali, my patron saint," he said, "I give this hay to the flames and command these serpents to respect the commands of the Prophet's servant!" With these words, he emptied a bag of snakes on the ground. They looked deadly as they wriggled about his feet and twined themselves around his body. I was told that their poison had not been removed, yet he held the head of the serpent that looked the most dangerous so close to him that its fangs almost touched his lips. With feats of this nature, and with many tales, my new patron won his audience, and collections were easy to make. What I gathered pleased him and I had the feeling that I had for the time earned a right to his protection. I was safely housed in his tent when men came to search the oasis for me, but when they inquired of him he called down curses on them for causing the thought of a Nazarene to cross the mind of a child of the Prophet. We departed with the caravan bound for the coast. The Moorish officer's soldiers inspected us closely, but Mohammed kept me closely engaged, and arranged my hood so that I was dimly seen by the watchers. I escaped even a challenge. We stopped at frequent oases, where Mohammed entertained and I collected. But now, perhaps because the matter of my disguise handicapped him; perhaps because he feared punishment for harboring an escaped slave; perhaps from greed, Mohammed betrayed me. When we were a day's travel from Tripoli, we fell in with a small coast-bound caravan that had lost one of its camels and needed a beast of burden to take its place. I became that animal! On hearing Achmet, the chief of the caravan, offer a large sum for a beast of burden, Mohammed's eyes lighted on me. "There," he said, "is a sound-bodied Nazarene slave that will do the work well. He has served my purpose and since I have saved him from being sold as a slave in the interior, he should not carp at my selling him to you. Take the Christian dog, and may you lead him to become a true follower of Mohammed!" I was thus hurled into the ranks of Achmet, whose blood-shot, piercing eye and hawk nose gave him a cruel look in keeping with his character. "The Christian dog belongs to no country," Mohammed told the people to whom I sought to appeal. "He is a cur who has been helping the troublesome Hamet Bashaw to stir up a rebellion against our noble ruler." These words enraged the crowd against me, and seeing how hopeless was my state, I slunk away, kicked and slapped, to take up my burden. Fortunately, this caravan too was bound for Tripoli. I expected that there I would have a chance to lay my case before the American consul, and hoped to secure through him freedom and permission to sail back to Derne in search of my treasure sacks. Loaded with as much of the camel's pack as I could stagger under, I followed in the camel train. When camp was made, I was forced to scramble among the dogs for my share of the scraps thrown to them by the camel-drivers. When we reached Tripoli I was driven, closely guarded, to dark quarters on the outskirts of the town, and threatened with death if I tried to escape. I found out that the American consul was at Malta on business that had arisen out of the making of peace with Joseph Bashaw. My case, therefore, seemed almost as hopeless as when I was first captured. These cities of Barbary are strange affairs. The streets wind in and out between white walls. You go under shadowy arches; you climb here a dozen stairs and a little later go up an incline without stairs. The streets are usually too narrow for camels or carts, so that porters and donkeys do most of the hauling. A swarm of people pass continually up and down these cramped ways. The Moslem women wear silken street garments (haicks) that conceal the finery beneath. The faces of these women are covered with a fine silk veil, and underneath their haicks may be seen their bulging Turkish trousers. When I asked why the women wore veils, I was told that the custom had come down from the time the Christian crusaders invaded the Moslem countries; the attention they paid to the wives and daughters of the Turks led to the followers of Mohammed prescribing the veil for their women folk. Among the streams of people were Jews talking trade, consoling themselves for the insults by the Mohammedans with the thought of the profits they were making in their dealings with the Moslems; European envoys; rich, lazy Moors; camel drivers; black slaves; soldiers in the Bashaw's service, and sailors employed by the corsair captains. Lame, halt and blind beggars sat by the roadside, beseeching gifts. "In the name of Allah, give us alms!" a beggar wailed from almost every corner and doorway. The men they solicited were usually rich Moors who wore turbans of fine cloth and richly embroidered vests. Yet often they would select for their target a camel driver from the desert, clad in his coarse gray baracan. Here stood a fountain surrounded by Arabs and negroes drawing water in gourds and jugs; yonder a dozen women sat on the ground, selling bread. Hooded Arab boys romped on the outskirts of the throng, or recited verses from the Koran to a bearded teacher. Lean cats and dogs were everywhere. All kinds of smells filled the air--garlic, burning aloe wood, fish. I stood one day in an archway six feet wide that stood in the center of four streets and watched the crowd go by. I saw fish-mongers carrying great baskets of sardines, and strings of slimy catfish, against which the crowd brushed, leaving the dirt and smell of the fish on their garments. Girls with boards on their heads filled with dough ready for baking darted in and out among the throng; donkeys, laden with garbage, ambled alongside of donkeys carrying fresh roses. Jews, burdened with muslin and calico, went from door to door, haggling with those who examined their wares through partly-opened doors. Boys sauntered along munching raw carrots and artichokes; girls of eight carried on their backs babies wrapped in dirty rags. The little mothers and their charges seemed never to have seen soap and water, but from hair to anklets they were decked with faded flowers. Blind people--there were hundreds of them--walked along as boldly as if they had eyesight, leaving it for those who could see to get out of their way. "_Balek_ (out of the way)!" was the cry of everyone. "_Emshi Rooah, ya kelb_ (clear out, begone, you dog)!" was a cry I had grown accustomed to through hearing it hurled at me countless times, for was not I a member of "A sect they are taught to hate And are delighted to decapitate." The upper stories of the houses projected over the lower, and, because of the narrow street, the houses that stood opposite each other almost met, so that all one could see of the sky in many places was a bright blue chink overhead. The walls were all whitewashed; here and there a beautiful gateway appeared. One could not tell from the exterior of the houses whether rich folk or poor folk dwelt inside the walls, yet beyond many of these dark corridors leading through the walls were beautiful garden courts, with silver fountains playing and an abundance of flowers and trees, while underfoot were tiles of various rich colors. Of the many mosques I passed I can tell nothing, as Christians are not allowed to enter them. Neither were we allowed to dress in green or white--for these are the colors of the prophet. My new master, still using me as a beast of burden, took me several times to the house at which he lodged. I was thus able to get a glimpse inside a Mohammedan home of the middle class. We went through a whitewashed tunnel till we came to a gate from which hung a huge brass knocker. My master did not use the knocker. He began to pound on the door in the Arab fashion. A veiled woman peeped over the terrace wall and screamed a question at him. His reply reassured her, and we were admitted to a little square court that was neatly paved with red tiles, through which ran a path of marble lined with oleanders and fig trees. Rooms, white-washed and blue-washed, opened on this court. The owner of the house, Fatima, was a widow, who lived with her old father, and earned her living by embroidering and weaving. She wore the white silken veil as we entered; but as she gossiped with my master she pulled it aside and showed her brown, dumpling face. She wore an embroidered jacket and silk pantaloons, along with gold trimmings and jewelry--an array that seemed so strange to me that I kept my eyes fastened on the ceiling while I was in her presence. She had rented one of her small rooms to my master, whose parents she knew. Fatima spent much of her time on the roof of her house, looking down on the street over the walls of her terrace. The roofs or terraces were used by women alone and most of the visiting between houses was done by climbing across the walls dividing the houses. For privacy, Fatima dropped a flimsy curtain over the door of her room, and this barrier was as strictly respected by her household as if it were a strong door. Visitors were received in the parlor. Fatima and her guests sat on a divan covered with cushions and drank coffee. Handwoven carpets and draperies were everywhere. The beds of the household were mattresses spread on the floor. One blanket often covers an entire family in the houses of the poor. Fatima fell sick while we were under her roof, and sent a woman friend to a holy man for a remedy. I discovered that the medicine was nothing more than a slip of paper containing the words "He will heal the breasts of the people who believe." Fatima was ordered to chew and swallow the paper. The widow still complained of illness after swallowing this dose, and was ordered by the marabout to write a verse from the Koran on the inside of a cup; then to pour in water till the writing was washed away; then to drink this water, which was supposed to have in it the virtue expressed in the verse. I followed my master out of Fatima's house greatly amazed at this kind of medical treatment, but I did not wonder at hearing that she had complained that her aches were increasing. THE SLAVE MARKET Achmet had now no further use for me and decided to sell me as a slave. I was driven, chained, to the slave market. This auction place was in a large square. All around it were little booths. These were crowded with spectators. Through the center of the bazaar ran a walk. Most of the slaves that had been brought to the market for sale were women and girls. Among the Moors it was thought no evil to deal in human flesh. A black woman with children was first sold. One could tell by the way she clung to her brood that she feared she would be separated from them. We saw her face light when one of the Moors who was squatting on the edge of the walk bought the entire family. A boy came next. He was handled by prospective buyers as if he were a horse. His eyes, mouth, teeth and nostrils were examined. The first Moslem who inspected him must have seen some defect in the lad, for he waved him away. The auctioneer then seized the boy and led him up and down the walk before the Moors in the bazaars, shouting his good points. Most of the girls were blacks or mulattoes, brought from the interior of Africa by Arabian traders. There were a few white girls among them. Each girl or woman was handled in the same manner as the boys had been. Some of the maidens boldly returned the stare of those who inspected them. Others shrank from their inspection and, when possible, covered their faces with the woolen haicks they wore. This slave market reflected only a small part of the slave life of the city. I saw men and women of all classes huddled together in dark, dirty prisons, praying their countrymen would send money to ransom them. Those whose relatives were not rich enough to buy their freedom were sold to various buyers and set to work at all kinds of labor. The owners often made use of their slaves to earn them money. The old slaves were usually sent out to sell water. Many a drink have I bought from these water-carriers, as, dragging their chains, they led their donkeys through the streets and sold water from bags of skin that hung across the backs of their beasts. Some of my other acquaintances among the slaves acted as messengers or house-servants; others were employed as herders, drivers or plowmen--I have even seen a Christian slave yoked to a plow with an ox for a yoke-fellow. Once, while inland, I saw coming out of the Soudan a score of slaves fastened together in a long wooden yoke that had many holes cut in it a few feet apart to admit the heads of the slaves. If one of these slaves fell sick or grew too weak to walk, he would hang from this yoke by his neck, with his feet dragging. As much as he suffered himself, his condition added to the sufferings of his yoke-fellows, for they had to bear his weight. I heard that if he seemed likely to die before the slave market was reached, his master would cut his head from his body with one knife stroke--it saved halting the procession to remove the sick man from the yoke. CHAPTER XIX THE ESCAPE Murad in Tripoli! There he stood, stroking his beard and gazing at me with glittering eyes as I was hauled past him to the auction-block. A fierce Arabian trader, who was forming a caravan to go into the Soudan, bid for me. Murad offered more. I was torn between my terror of being sold "up-country" and of being bought by the Egyptian, who would probably apply torture to wring from me the story of what had become of the contents of the treasure tomb. The Arabian, scowling at Murad, made a still higher bid, whereupon Murad increased his offer. The trader gave me a few final digs and slaps, as if to see if I had the sinews and endurance to warrant his paying a higher price; then he shook his head, cursed me for a Christian dog, and passed to the next slave. Murad came forward. I was pushed into his arms and then thrust by him into the rough hands of his two Moorish attendants. The Egyptian told me curtly that he had purchased from the Algerines a ship they had captured called the _Hawk_, which he meant to use as a merchant vessel under the protection of the Bashaw, and that he had bought me for service on board of her. "I am buying out of these slave markets a crew of European sailors," he said curtly. "Remember that we are now master and slave. Where I once befriended you, now I will compel you to wear chains and be subject to the lash. The American consul to this port is now in Malta; we will sail before he returns; place no hope in him. I want you to search your memory and be prepared to tell me every move you made since I left you aboard _The Rose of Egypt_. I shall soon question you upon certain happenings in the desert about which you doubtless have knowledge!" My eyes fell before his piercing gaze. "I see I have struck home," he said, "I can question you better aboard ship. Go! Report now to my mate, MacWilliams." Under the charge of the two Moors, I was sent aboard the _Hawk_. She was a staunch, graceful, roomy vessel, built on the Clyde out of the best materials--a ship that reflected credit on the Scotchmen who made her. I said to myself, as I viewed her admiringly, that she was far too good a ship to be in such vile hands. For all of Murad's threats, my spirits rose as I felt her deck under my feet. Here I was among white men, and decent fellows they appeared to be. Here I had a dozen chances to escape, while if the Arabian trader had gained possession of me, only a miracle could have rescued me. As for Murad, if he tortured me, I meant to leap overboard and attempt to swim to safety. The mate, William MacWilliams, was a big, raw-boned, lantern-jawed man. He received me with kindness and pity. I heard that, under threat of death, he had denied the religion of Christ and had embraced the faith of Mohammed. Murad seemed to place great trust in him. The Egyptian had become, it seemed, too important a man to be a mere ship captain--perhaps his experience on _The Rose of Egypt_ had brought about this state of mind--and he left all matters in charge of the mate. He himself had much business to transact at court, and things occurred to postpone his questioning of me until we were almost ready to sail. Since my chains were the badge of my slavery, no watch was kept on me as I went to and fro on errands for those who were outfitting the ship. William MacWilliams interested me greatly. I had heard that there were many renegades of his type in Barbary. I have been informed that the word renegade comes from the Latin word _nego_, which means "I deny." Some of these men had become turncoats to save their skins; others had become renegades because the Moslems, poor sailors themselves, were glad to employ Christian sea captains, and gave them opportunities to live luxuriously and become rich. MacWilliams wore a most melancholy expression. For all his supposed devotion to the religion of Mohammed, I came upon him one day reading a pocket Testament. "It is a book that has sublime characters in it, my lad," he said in an embarrassed fashion. Then he turned and looked towards a mosque on shore. "There is but one God, and Allah is his prophet!" he said piously. I looked around, surprised at the change in his attitude. Then I saw the reason. The commander of the Turkish soldiers quartered on board the _Hawk_ had passed our way. I could not fathom MacWilliams. Yet, understanding something of the temptations a Christian faced in Barbary, I tried to be charitable in my judgment towards him. Meanwhile, I became a carrier of supplies, threading my way through the motley throngs with my back bent beneath coils of rope, carpenters' tools, and ship's stores. While on one of these errands I had a curious adventure. I tried to go through the streets without giving offence to any Mussulman, as I feared a cuffing or even the bastinado. I soon learned that it was the so-called "saints" that were the most dangerous to Christians. The Arabs, while they will themselves refrain from showing the contempt they feel towards Christians, nevertheless will reward and praise one of the holy men for abusing us. A tall scantily clad negro, of the type of Mohammed, was the most fanatical and the most dangerous "saint" I met. He was begging alms at the entrance to a courtyard when he saw me passing. He carried a staff in his hand which he used principally to strike Jews and Christians. It was not the stick that troubled me, but instead the habit he had of spitting in the face of Christians. As he peered into my face, detecting my Christian features despite my attempt to disguise them, I saw his mouth moving as if he were preparing to attack me after his vile custom. I hurried out of his range, and escaped the spittle. My quickness enraged him, and he called after me in Arabian. I had heard the words often enough to know that they meant: "Dog of a Christian, may your grandmother roast! Why shouldst thou avoid the spittle of a saint? It would be the only thing blessed upon thee, seeing that it came from the mouth of a saint!" I darted down a side street and into a doorway, hoping to rid myself of the pest, but he followed quickly and caught sight of my place of refuge. "Dog of a Christian," he cried again, poking me in the chest and ribs with his staff, "why do you offend Mohammed by treading the same ground as true believers?" My blood mounted as I smarted beneath his cudgel. I decided that I would fare just as well by resisting as by submitting, so I ducked my head and dived into the stomach of the fellow, upsetting him. This turned out to be, in the eyes of the Moslems, a great sacrilege. It appeared that while the alleged holy man had entire freedom to beat me, I had committed a crime by doing violence to his body. He made a tremendous uproar as he rose from the dust, and the noise drew a crowd that began to pummel me. I plunged deeper into the doorway, and, having seized the stick of the marabout, whirled it before me in a vigorous fashion. A storm of stones and sticks beat upon me. While I was on my knees, expecting a rush that would trample me to death, I suddenly heard a familiar voice above the shrieks of the mass. "Dogs of the desert, how dare you trouble the slave of a good Mohammedan? This Nazarene is the slave of my master, friend of the Bashaw! Is my lord a Jew or a Christian that you would destroy his property before the eyes of a witness? The slave was assaulted first. I swear by the Prophet that he is a gentle slave, and intended no injury to the holy man. Off with you before I call the soldiers of the Bashaw!" The crowd dispersed. Grumbling, the marabout departed. I looked into the twinkling eyes of Mustapha. Snatching the marabout's staff from my hand, he began to pelt me across the shoulders. "It is necessary that I do this," he whispered, "the people are watching." I went through the crowd with Mustapha belaboring me and shouting: "Dog of a Nazarene, how dare you risk your body, for which my master paid a great sum, in a fight with a holy man?" When we reached a place where our talk could not be overheard, I burst out: "The treasure sacks, Mustapha? Do not tell me that the Moors have them!" "The bags are safe, oh David," he assured me, "but fret not if you are not able to open them till you return to America. After you were captured, I hurried to the waterside. There I saw the cutter of _The Morning Star_, a vessel of the American navy. I unstrapped the sacks and put them in the boat, pointing out to the sailor in charge the tags you had tied around their necks." This information dumbfounded me. The fact that I had been careful enough to tie to the necks of the sacks tags from our own naval stores seemed to promise now delivery of the sacks to a safe place--if they were not ripped open and plundered meanwhile. This was not liable to happen in view of the pains I had taken to ward off curiosity. Upon each tag I had written plainly: ARCHAEOLOGICAL SPECIMENS to be delivered to Rev. Ezekiel Eccleston, D.D., Rector of Marley Chapel, Baltimore, Md. Sender: David Forsyth, With American Military Expedition in Libyan Desert. "If the men who handle the bags respect either the navy or the ministry," I said to Mustapha, "the treasure will be safe. But how can I be sure that the sacks were received on board the ship?" "I saw the bags lifted over the side, oh, thou of little faith," Mustapha reproved me, "and the boat did not return to the dock. A few hours later _The Morning Star_ sailed for America. Allah favored you--my tribe moved this way when Joseph Bashaw's soldiers took possession of Derne, and thus I came to prevent your blood being spilled in the streets of Tripoli!" "I want to reward you with the biggest gem in our collection," I said, "but how can I do it when our fortune is at sea?" Then a thought came to me. "Mustapha," I said, "I mean to escape from the _Hawk_ and board a ship bound for England or America. I have learned from the mate that a servant boy is needed on the _Hawk_. If you like, I'll recommend you for the place. You must pretend not to know me. If the owner of the _Hawk_ discovers that you know about the treasure, he'll probably cut your throat? Can you swim?" Mustapha nodded. "I'll dive overboard if he bothers me!" "Come then," I said, "we'll follow our riches to America, and you shall return home a great sheik!" His tribesmen had returned to the desert, and he was free to act for himself. Quite without fear, he followed me aboard. I spoke a good word for him to MacWilliams, and before long he was peeling potatoes in the galley. If I had thought that Murad would recognize him, I should have given my right hand rather than have invited him to share my luck; I did not know that my meeting with Mustapha had been observed by Murad, and that I was leading the lad into danger. All too soon came the interview I feared with my owner. One day Murad came aboard the _Hawk_, entered the cabin, and sent for me. The tiger was about to show his claws. I was not greatly frightened, for I reckoned that he would need me in his plans to gain possession of the treasure. "Now, you scheming dog," he said, "let's not beat about the bush. Your guardian told me once of a treasure tomb hidden in the desert. You know the story. Perhaps you know, too, how I came into possession of the rector's secret. When at last I was able to uncover the tomb, all of the relics worth taking had vanished. Don't try to look innocent: you were my cabin boy on board _The Rose of Egypt_. The reason you enlisted with me so readily was that you wanted to find the chart and get a chance at the treasure at Tokra. I found that someone had entered the tomb a few hours before me. Two strange young Arabs had been seen near the spot. I choked a stablekeeper until he described both rascals. One of the two Arabs was you, eh? Tell me where the trinkets and jewels are! If your tongue is stubborn, a red-hot iron may cause it to move. What did you find? Tell me what you took away! Speak up--the way to save yourself from the torture you well deserve is to put me on the track of the treasure!" There was nothing to be gained by secrecy, and much to be suffered, so I described the trinkets and gems in a way that made his eyes sparkle and his fingers quiver. He snarled and showed his wolfish teeth when I told him that the treasure sacks were on their way to America. All of a sudden I was knocked down by a blow from his fist. He stepped across me and called to a sailor in Arabic. After the lapse of a minute, the door of the cabin was thrown open, and Mustapha was thrust in by a Moslem guard. He had been seized in the act of diving over the side. "Is this the young devil that led you to Tokra?" Murad thundered at me. "Yes," I said, "but he went only as my guide and knew nothing of why I went. He has done nothing to merit punishment." Under a volley of threats, Mustapha was commanded to tell all that he knew of the treasure tomb. He looked at me with frightened eyes; yet his lips remained sealed. "Tell all, Mustapha," I said, "it will free you, and it will be no more than I have already told." His story, as he stammered it, agreed with mine in every particular. Murad strode up and down the cabin, swearing in Arabic and English. Then he shot questions at both of us concerning _The Morning Star_. When had she sailed from Derne? What was to be her next port? Was she fast? How many men and guns did she carry? When Mustapha had answered as well as he could, Murad booted us out of the cabin. "I'm not done with you, miserable curs," he cried. "I'll need you when I board _The Morning Star_. Then for all the trouble you've caused me, I'll sew you up in the bags and drop you overboard! If you can think of a way of getting those bags you'll do well to send for them as your ransom. If I don't get them, you----" He drew his finger across his throat with a horrible gesture. He now sent for MacWilliams and gave him sharp orders. The next morning, after a day of hurried preparation, the _Hawk_ sailed. The ship had an armament of ten cannon, and carried an abundant supply of ammunition and provisions. A company of Moorish soldiers were on board of her. What was the _Hawk's_ mission? Were we Christians to be used in enslaving other Christians? Was the _Hawk_ a ship whose mission fitted her name? Was she to be a pirate ship seeking Christian vessels as prey, and would we be made to fight and to help enslave men of our own religion and blood? Questions like these concerned the Christians among the crew, and I for one prayed that I would have the courage to jump overboard if there came a moment when I was driven to do such deeds. On our first day out, I made bold to unburden myself to the mate. MacWilliams eyed me gravely. "You are not to ask questions. You are to do as you are told. What happens on board this ship shall be on my conscience." He walked off, leaving me no more clear about the matter than I was before. I saw the Danes and Italians talking earnestly in their languages, and I knew that what was worrying me was also troubling them. MacWilliams was master of navigation, but had no authority over any other activity aboard ship. There were about forty Moslems aboard who took no part in sailing the vessel. In charge of them was Murad, who had command over the entire ship and told MacWilliams the direction in which he wanted the ship to sail. I learned that he had directed MacWilliams to sail to certain ports outside of the Straits, where he hoped to fall in with _The Morning Star_. The master gunner was an English renegade named Watson, who had charge of the guns and ammunition. The commander seemed to think that European gunners were better than Moors, because among the gunners under Watson were several Christian renegades. I found myself wondering whether, if all of the men aboard of Christian or former Christian faith were moved by the same desire to escape, they could not overcome the Mohammedans and capture the vessel. Yet, having observed that some Christians when they adopted the Moslem religion grew as fanatical in their devotion as did the most extreme worshippers, I decided that it would not be safe to whisper such a suggestion to anyone. It gave us entertainment while we were performing our tasks to watch the peculiar customs of the Moslems. Our greatest source of amusement was a professional wizard the Moors had brought with them. He had a book of magic, and when the commander was in doubt as to which course to take, the dark-skinned humbug would open his book and advise him according to the wisdom he drew from its pages. When the wizard's advice was passed on to MacWilliams, he said nothing by way of dissent, but proceeded to steer and set sails as his own judgment and experience dictated. The Moslems, who had no sea knowledge, and were lost when they were out of sight of land, made no effort to find out whether the mate was following the magician's counsel. Our fears as to what sort of work we were about to enter upon soon became certainties. On our second day out we caught sight of a large schooner and gave chase. Her crew, rather than surrender, drove the ship ashore and fled along the coast. The men Murad sent in boats to plunder the vessel brought back several guns, some gold, and such wearing apparel and furnishings as took their fancy. The sight of the gold brought back to my mind my own lost treasure. Between the prospect of attacking Christian vessels and the remembrance of what I had already suffered, I spent my night watches in great distress of mind, a state which was in no way soothed by the thought that around me lay Christian slaves racked by the same thoughts. On the next day we sailed boldly through the Straits and out into the Atlantic Ocean. As we were making the passage through the Straits, we discovered a sail. I feared that it was _The Morning Star_. It proved, however, to be an Algerine corsair. We spoke to each other and separated. We headed north, past Cape St. Vincent. It puzzled me that Murad would permit MacWilliams to take the ship so far from the Mediterranean. It was a dangerous undertaking for the corsairs, but the _Hawk_ was an unusually speedy ship, and I supposed that Murad was depending on her swiftness to escape any hostile warships that he might meet. A great homesickness came upon us as we passed into the Atlantic. It was intolerable to think of returning to the Mediterranean and the dreadful shores of Barbary when the coasts of Europe were almost in sight. I thought often of the girl who escaped from the desert and sailed to America. Sometimes Murad's lieutenant grew angry with some of the Moors, who were slow in carrying out his orders. To spite them, he showed favor to such Christians as happened to be near. "Bon Christiano! Bon Christiano!" he called endearingly. The next hour, however, the wind would change. He would stroll along the deck followed by the very Moslems he had reviled, and if he found any of us at fault about our work he would bid his Moors knock our heads together. He was afraid to carry these tyrannies too far, for MacWilliams was prone to look upon him with a look that warned him that the Christian sailors were too valuable to Mohammedan safety to be abused too far. One night, while I was on watch, MacWilliams approached me. His hand rested on my shoulder with a fatherly touch that moved me greatly. "The time has come when I need your help," he said. "I intend to take this ship to England despite her crew of Mohammedans. If the plan goes through, every Christian slave aboard the _Hawk_ shall step upon the earth of Europe a free man. I've been watching you. I believe you agree that it's better to risk death than to go on leading such a life. There are other slaves who think the same way. What do you say, lad?" "Just you try me!" I said. "I owe the infidels a score that can hardly be wiped out. Besides, hasn't the skipper threatened to sew me in a sack and toss me overboard? Of course, you can trust me, and Mustapha, too!" "Lad, lad," MacWilliams went on, "we English blame the Turks, yet we have been reaping the fruits of what our own race has sowed. The story has passed down to me, through generations of seafaring ancestors, of how when good Queen Elizabeth passed and when the English and Spaniards ceased for a time their warfare at sea, hundreds of sailors who had fought in bloody battles under Drake were at a loss for employment and found it in piracy. "Down to the Mediterranean they went and entered the service of these evil Moors. It was our forebears who taught the Moslems how to become good sea-fighters. It was men of our own race who first led the Barbary corsairs forth on buccaneering expeditions. What our forefathers started, some of us have carried on, but the time has come to end it all!" Continuing, for we had an idle hour to pass, and the mate was desirous of heartening me for our desperate undertaking, MacWilliams told me of how in 1639 William Okeley, an English slave, had constructed in the cellar of his master's shop a light canoe made of canvas, making oars from the staves of empty wind pipes. This craft he and his companions smuggled down to the beach, and five of them embarked in it and made their way safely to Majorca. The hardest part of the enterprise was their farewell to two other English slaves who were to have made the voyage with them, but who were found to overweight the little boat. "With the help of Gunner Watson," MacWilliams explained as I drew him out as to his plan, "we should be able to trap the Moslems between the decks; get control of the cannon and powder, and sail the ship into some European port. It'll be turning the tables in fine style--a Christian crew bringing infidels as captives to an English harbor!" He proceeded to set forth his plan in detail. "By to-morrow," he concluded, "I shall know every trustworthy man. I shall then give each man a definite part. Such a way of escape has been in my mind for years. A man with a Presbyterian conscience can never remain a Mohammedan. If our plot succeeds I shall make a contribution to the church of my fathers that I hope shall to some extent offset my wickedness!" Mustapha carried food from the galley to Murad. MacWilliams told me that it was essential to the success of the plot that Murad be made too ill to note the direction of the ship. The mate was skilful in Oriental medicines, and he produced a phial containing a liquid that, while tasteless, yet had the power to nauseate and weaken a man. While Mustapha obligingly turned his back, and while I kept guard, MacWilliams poured the fluid into Murad's broth. The Egyptian was taken with what seemed to be chronic sea-sickness and kept to his cabin. I do not think he suspected that his food had been "doctored." He ordered MacWilliams to sail close to certain ports and to pursue any vessel that was not plainly a warship. I told the mate something of the treasure tale--enough for him to know that Murad was in pursuit of _The Morning Star_--and at whatever port it seemed safe for us to stop, MacWilliams brought aboard reports that there was a richly laden vessel bound for America that might be overhauled before we reached the next Atlantic harbor. Thus we continued steadily away from the Straits. Once an encounter with a strange warship came near to upsetting our plans for capturing the _Hawk_. MacWilliams and Watson, being renegades, were afraid to meet the captain of any European warship, for fear that they might be recognized and treated as buccaneers. Knowing their minds, I watched the outcome of the chase with intense interest. I happened to be the lookout for that day, and had reported a strange sail ahead. MacWilliams climbed the mast to a place beside me and adjusted his telescope. Then he went down and approached Uruj, Murad's lieutenant. "She is well to windward----I doubt if we can pass her!" the mate reported. "Why should we try to pass her?" Uruj said insolently. "'Twill go hard with us if we don't," said MacWilliams. "She is double our size--with double our crew and guns. Our only chance is to keep our course and try to weather the ship." Uruj looked to the wizard for advice. The magician, being a rank coward, found by his book that MacWilliams told the truth. Uruj therefore agreed to MacWilliams's plan. We could now see the ship over our lee bow, about three miles away. The sea was heavy, but the _Hawk_ met the waves gallantly. We saw a thick white puff of smoke from the forecastle of our pursuer. "The wind looks like it will die down," said MacWilliams, who had been anxiously watching the sky. "If it does, we will outsail her. The next few moments should tell what the outcome will be." It looked to us as if we must pass within pistol shot of the vessel, and the thought of having to receive a broadside from her at such a short distance was enough to make a braver lad than I shiver with fright. Watson and his gunners stood at the cannon, waiting for Uruj's command. Our pursuer was close to us now--in full sail. We could see groups of men about the gun ports, from which cannon jutted. A voice hailed us. "Ho! The schooner, ahoy!" "Hello!" MacWilliams responded. "What vessel is that?" "The Tripolitan schooner _Hawk_, from Tripoli. What ship is yours?" We could not catch the first part of the reply, but we did hear the last words: "Haul down your flag and heave to!" Uruj went down to tell Murad. We continued on our course. "Heave to or we'll sink you," cried the challenger. MacWilliams spoke to Uruj. "Do as you think best," said Uruj. "Fire the bow guns," MacWilliams commanded Watson. Our grapeshot whistled through the rigging of the frigate. We saw her foresail fall. Jets of flame issued from her ports and a broadside swept our decks. Our sails were undamaged, but several shots tore through our hull, injuring several of the sailors and soldiers with flying splinters, though none was seriously hurt. Before the next cannonade came, we had widened the distance between the _Hawk_ and her pursuer. The winds, as MacWilliams had predicted, had grown lighter, and the _Hawk_, a splendid sailer in light winds, showed her heels handily to the enemy. Their shots struck us with less force, and soon we saw the shots from their long gun falling short of us. We had escaped from capture by a ship that evidently belonged to a country that was hostile to the Tripolitans. If she had seized us the renegades would have been treated in the same way that the Moslems would be used, and therefore MacWilliams took this desperate chance. As for me, I did not know whether to be glad or sorry, for if I had lived through the battle, I could doubtless have proved that I had been held in slavery. Yet the incident must have confirmed the Turks in their opinion of MacWilliams' loyalty. On another day we sighted a vessel that appeared to be _The Morning Star_, but when she was nearly under our guns, and when Mustapha and I were about to surrender hope of saving our riches, a freak of wind bore her away from us, and we never saw her again. Meanwhile, the scheme of rebellion and seizure was making steady progress. The plan of mutiny as it had formed itself in MacWilliams's mind was to provide ropes and irons near the hatchways, gratings and cabins so that they could be closed from the outside at a moment's notice. When this had been arranged, the next step was to dupe the Moslems so that the most of them would be below deck when the signal for attack was given. MacWilliams went about the work cautiously. To have one traitor among us, he well knew, would cost every Christian his life. Mustapha, being an Arab, hated the Moors, and entered the plot eagerly. Each man who consented to engage in the plot swore a sacred oath of fidelity. With those MacWilliams could not trust--renegades or slaves whose character he could not read--his plan was, when the uprising came, to put pistols to their breasts and threaten them with death if they did not assist in the rebellion. After hours that seemed as long as months had passed, he passed me the word one night that the signal would be given on the morrow, before noon. The rough weather we were laboring through was an aid to our scheme. The next morning MacWilliams made an inspection of the hold. Then he came up to inform the Moslem lieutenant that there was much water in the bilges, and that it would be necessary to trim the ship. Uruj, suspecting nothing, consented. Our leader then asked that, for the same purpose, the cannon that were forward should be moved aft. This being done, he further requested that the Moslem soldiers be quartered aft so as to bring the ship's bow out of the water. This was also agreed to. Meanwhile, we had managed to store in a convenient place such weapons as we would need. When all these things had been done, to avoid suspicion, we went about our regular duties. Our confederates of the gunner's force went below deck with the infidel soldiers so that it would not appear that there was a crowding together of the slaves and renegades. The rest of us were set to pumping water by MacWilliams. I could tell by the arrangement of the men, and by the way they acted, which were sharers in the secret. There were about a score of us, and we had to contend with double our number. At noon, while most of the Turks that were on deck were aft, using their weight to bring the stern into the water so that the water in the vessel might flow towards the pumps, MacWilliams gave the signal to one of the gunners to fire a cannon. An explosion followed--the signal for us to proceed. With a ringing hurrah we sprang to the attack. Each man had been assigned a specific duty: first we battened down the hatches down which most of the Moslems had gone, so that the greater part of our enemies were now prisoners; then we turned to conquer the Moslems on deck. There were twelve of them. They came at us with pistols, knives and hatchets, calling us by their epithet, "Christian dogs!" But the dogs had become bloodhounds now. Johansen, one of the Danes, swung one of the cannon in their direction. They made a rush at him, but he fired the gun directly at them, at which there was a terrific explosion--and the decks became a welter of gore. The terrible death of these Mohammedans caused the remaining Moslems to prostrate themselves before us, their fury turned to abject fear. Meanwhile, the Moslems imprisoned between decks were trying desperately to break through the hatches. Murad, weak from sickness, yet rose up beside Uruj to thunder threats against us and to urge his men on. However, our victory on deck left us free to attend to those below. Two men were stationed over each passageway, with orders to shoot any infidel who by the use of hatchet or knife was able to break through the planking. MacWilliams stood over the hatchway below which Murad and Uruj raged. "If you value your lives," he called, "you will surrender! My men have orders to shoot any man who dares to lift his head. If you come too strongly for our numbers, we will blow you to bits with your own cannon. We are only two days' sail from Plymouth. Your precious wizard hadn't enough insight to see that we were taking you nearer the coast of England every hour we sailed. We will take you there, alive or dead. If you would enter England with breath in your lungs, surrender!" Uruj at once offered to surrender himself and his men as prisoners of war. Murad cursed Uruj, but at last yielded. He reminded MacWilliams that he had treated him with consideration. "That I acknowledge," MacWilliams replied, "and I will so treat you as well so long as you make no attempt to thwart us!" The Mohammedans came out of the hatches one by one to be disarmed. The chains they had in store for such Christians as they might take captives were placed on their wrists and ankles. I was one of those who were called upon to receive the arms. It was a task to make a youth flinch to go from one scowling ruffian to another, collecting muskets, pistols, dirks, and pikes, but I came through without much trouble, having nothing harder thrown at me than curses. Murad flinched as I came toward him with a dirk in my hand, but I only grinned at him. For a keepsake, I took the cowering wizard's book of magic. When the last Moslem was put in irons, MacWilliams brought out openly his Bible. "I call on all of you who are willing to be reconciled to their true Savior," he said, "and who repent of being seduced by hopes of riches, honor, preferment, and such devilish baits, to join me in praise and prayer to the true God, whom we re-establish in our hearts and restore in our worship." With that he read to us this passage from the Psalms: "They that go down to the sea in ships, that do business in great waters; "These see the works of the Lord, and his wonders in the deep. "For he commandeth, and raiseth the stormy wind, which lifteth up the waves thereof. "They mount up to the heaven, they go down again to the depths; their soul is melted because of trouble. "They reel to and fro, and stagger like a drunken man, and are at their wit's end. "Then they cry unto the Lord in their trouble, and he bringeth them out of their distresses. "He maketh the storm a calm, so that the waves thereof are still. "Then are they glad because they be quiet; so he bringeth them unto their desired haven." MacWilliams closed the Bible. "Now men," he said, "having given thanks to the Almighty, let us wash the decks of infidel blood, so that our ship will present a decent appearance when we enter the harbor of our hopes." We thereupon set about washing and holystoning the decks, and repairing the damage resulting from the battle. Two days later, we entered Plymouth harbor, astounding the town as we, in strange garb ourselves, marched our captives in their queer Mohammedan dress to the town jail, where they were left to the disposition of the Government. We heard later that they were used in exchange for citizens of friendly European nations, held in captivity in Tripoli. CHAPTER XX HOME SURPRISES "_Oh! dream of joy! Is this indeed_ _The lighthouse top I see?_ _Is this the hill? Is this the kirk?_ _Is this mine own countree?_" The owners of the _Hawk_ could not be found. The authorities decided that we had the right to offer her for sale and to divide the money among ourselves in proportions according to rank. Her value was placed at eighteen thousand dollars--but MacWilliams, backed by a group of merchants, purchased the ship for fifteen thousand dollars. He had not, canny Scot, returned from Barbary with empty pockets. He bought the _Hawk_ at auction, and was able to obtain it at a low price because other merchants, when they saw his eagerness to obtain possession of her, refrained from bidding. I was eager to take passage for America, and MacWilliams, to accommodate me, hurried the sale along so that Mustapha and myself could have our share. With three hundred dollars apiece in our possession, we bade him an affectionate farewell. He changed the name of the _Hawk_ to the _Dove_, and vowed to me that she should be used only on honorable missions. "Lad, lad," he said, as he gripped my hand, "it's glad I am to see you returning to a God-fearing home. When you remember William MacWilliams, blot out the remembrance of ill deeds connected with my name, and think of me as a repentant man who yet intends to leave a good name behind him!" We sailed for Baltimore in the brig _Lafayette_, Captain Lord. As we entered the Patapsco River Mustapha pointed out a schooner lying off Fell's Point. "Blessed be Allah--it's _The Morning Star_!" he cried. "Pray then that her crew are not going ashore to spend our fortune!" I said. Our first thought was to go directly aboard the schooner, but we then considered that we should have to furnish proof to her skipper that the sacks belonged to us, and that in such dealings it would be better to have the rector's support; therefore, we decided to seek him first. As we passed a shop near the docks, I observed this sign above its door: ALEXANDER FORSYTH EXPORTER OF Fish, Flour, Tobacco, Corn and Furs IMPORTER OF Teas, Coffee and Spices I entered and pounded on a desk. "I want to buy a shipload of cannon balls to fire at the Dey of Algiers! I want to charter a frigate that will blow Joseph, Bashaw of Tripoli, to perdition! Fish, flour, tobacco--who's dealing in such tame stuff--it's blood and thunder I'm after purchasing; it's muskets and cutlasses I want. Show me your stock, man!" A man with the build of a mastpole came out of the counting-room and stared at me. I swaggered towards him, but, suddenly, overcome by amusement at his puzzled look and joy at beholding him again, I sprang forward and threw my arms about him. "David!" he cried. "Alexander," I answered. We stood hugging each other like two polar bears. In a few minutes of hurried chat, I found out that my brother, recovering his health, had married Nell King, a Baltimore girl, and was prospering as a merchant. Commodore Barney, who had backed Alexander in business, was at sea. (How I fell in with him later and increased the family fortunes by acting as chaplain on his privateer _Polly_ may not be told now.) Customers came into the shop, and promising to call on Alexander and Nell that night, I broke away and went on up to the house. Mustapha, gaping at the strange western land I had brought him to, and as bewildered as I had been when I wandered through his desert cities, walked closely beside me, clutching my arm. I saw some of the bullies who had mutinied on board _The Rose of Egypt_. I think they recognized me, but Mustapha and I were a stalwart pair, and the looks cast our way by the dock loafers were more of respect than of hostility. We approached the rector's house at dusk. A welcoming light shone through the elms. I was swaggering along, thinking how much of a man I would appear to the rector. The yellow glow from the window, however, spread an influence that changed me into a soft-hearted boy. Here was I, a sailor hardened through contact with all sorts of men, toughened by wind, wave and warfare, yet brushing a tear from my cheek as I saw the lamp in the parsonage shining out cheerier than the ray of a lighthouse on a tempestuous night. The door was bolted--I knocked. A girl answered, her face in the shadows. I was as much taken aback as if I had seen a ghost. I was not used to seeing girls around the old home. Besides, Alexander had not warned me. "Is it someone to see father?" she asked timidly. "You are Nell, Alexander's wife?" I said boldly, "and a pretty choice he made!" "No!" she said, and I stood there in worse confusion than ever. Yet there was something vaguely familiar in her tone. "I beg your pardon," I said, "I thought Dr. Eccleston still lived here." "He does!" she replied. "Please come in!" We stepped into the hallway. I looked around, taking in each familiar object. "I am David Forsyth," I said, "perhaps you have heard the rector speak of his boy who went to sea." "I recognized you at first, David," she said, her face still in the shadows. "What a grand surprise for the rector!" I walked towards the library, but the rector had heard our voices. He came out, spectacles in one hand, a book in the other. He stared at me as if he could scarcely credit his own sight. I was in his arms the next moment. "David," he shouted. "I had almost given you up for lost! No letters! And all the time I've been waiting to thank you for sending me my precious jewel!" I looked at Mustapha in puzzlement. What did he mean by "jewel"? Had he gotten the treasure? He turned to the mysterious girl, whose gold hair flashed in the lamplight as if ten thousand diamonds were netted in it. I had seen a girl's hair flashing in just such a way before! But where? He saw me twirling my hat and grasped the situation: "David," he explained, "this is my daughter! General Eaton told me that it was you who first pointed her out to him in the Arab camp." Heigho! I had gone forth to seek adventures, and here at my home door was a more marvelous thing than any I had come upon. The girl that General Eaton had bought from the Bedouin hag was no other than the daughter the rector had lost in the desert! She was taller and lovelier, and the more I looked the more flustrated I became. I had always been shy before girls, and now I stood like a gawk, blushing under her gaze. I wanted the floor to open when she came forward and held up her lips in a matter-of-fact way for my kiss. However, I did not dodge the invitation, for all my bashfulness. Indeed, I might as well record here that that sisterly kiss became a few months later the kiss of a sweetheart--but since I have no notion of having this book end in a love story, we had better get back to our course. Mustapha, who had kept himself well in the rear, was now discovered by Anne, and what a jabbering in Arabic took place. Whenever after that I started to tell Anne of my adventures I found that she had already heard it from Mustapha. I can't say that I was displeased at this, because the lad--not that I deserved it--held me in high esteem, and painted me in every episode as a great hero. Over the supper table we learned how the rector and Anne had been united. General Eaton had landed in Baltimore, and the rector, beholding beside the General a girl who bore a striking resemblance to his wife, stopped the officer in the street, questioned him, brought him and his ward to the parsonage as his guests, and there, by matching his story with that of Anne's, discovered that she was no other than his own daughter. Her mother--Anne had only a slight remembrance of her--must have died early in her captivity. The next morning Mustapha and myself induced the rector to take a stroll with us. We reached the dock where _The Morning Star_ was moored just as she was being unloaded. As we started to go aboard we bumped into a string of stevedores. Our search ended there and then, for among the baggage these men carried were our sacks. "Toss those confounded bags aside," cried the officer in charge of the unloading. "I wonder if the cheeky rascal who sent them aboard thought I was going to hunt over Baltimore for 'Rev. Ezekiel Eccleston of Marley Chapel.'" I approached him in my most respectful manner. "Here, sir, is the Reverend Eccleston. He is the gentleman for whom the sacks are intended, and I'm the 'cheeky rascal' who shipped them. Your coxswain will recognize Mustapha here as the lad who stowed them in your cutter. There wasn't much need of shipping the curios after all, since my schooner arrived here almost as quickly as your ship." He looked at me as if he wanted to pour out a flood of oaths. Then his gaze wandered over the rector's garb and he grew less surly. "It's lucky for you, sir," he said to my guardian, "that we didn't pitch those sacks overboard! I like this cub's cheek--sending freight aboard without even saying, 'By your leave!' If the bags hadn't been addressed to a parson, overboard they'd have gone!" "Your forbearance is much appreciated," said the rector. "The boy, I believe, was in a trying situation." I took out a roll of banknotes. "We'll pay you in full for all the bother you've been put to. You really saved this stuff from falling into the hands of the Turk, Joseph Bashaw. Yet there was another skipper who wanted in the worst way to carry those bags! In fact, he inquired for _The Morning Star_ at several South Atlantic ports. I think you came in sight of him. But we're none the less grateful to you, sir!" He snatched from me a pound note. "Always glad to serve the Church," he said civilly to the rector. "By the way, my men said there appeared to be metal ornaments in the sacks--candlesticks for worship, I suppose?" The rector, at a loss for a reply, stared at the sacks. "Something of that sort! They will be very useful to the Church," I answered, shouldering one. Mustapha followed suit with another, and the rector, good man, dragged the third sack to a wagon I had hired. With a load of worry removed from Mustapha and myself, we drove homeward. I heard afterwards that _The Morning Star_, though then a freighter for the Government, was a converted privateer and had even been suspected of piracy while in Uncle Sam's employ. Her men had probably captured and sunk many a ship without obtaining loot half as valuable as these, our riches, which they so carelessly carried. On the way home the rector questioned me concerning the contents of the sacks, but I evaded him. Now, as we stood in the hallway, with the sacks at our feet, I myself popped a question. "Rector," I said, "if you were suddenly handed a good-sized fortune, what would you do with it?" He smiled. "I suppose, David, that we all like to indulge in such day-dreams. First, I should erect a larger church here--this business of hanging our church-bell to a tree is getting sadly out of fashion. Then I should build mission chapels in the border settlements. Then Alexander should have capital with which to expand his trade with the West Indies. Then I should send you to Yale College--it's really time now, David, that you settled down to your studies. Then I should send General Eaton some funds. Congress praised him, but has since neglected him, and the poor fellow is low in spirits and failing in health. Then----" "Rector," I said, "all those wishes and as many more are granted. I found both Aladdin's lamp and Ali Baba's cave in the deserts of Africa. Stand by and watch me bring all of your day-dreams true! Fall too, Mustapha, servant of the geni!" With our jackknives we slashed open the sacks. The treasure hoard of the ancients--the priceless jewelry and trinkets which the rector long ago had discovered and then sealed up and abandoned--poured out in gleaming confusion at his feet. POSTSCRIPT THE END OF THE PIRATES So far as my fortunes are concerned, I was rid forever of Barbary's corsairs. But, to make my narrative complete, it may be well to state that the end of their piracies was in sight, and that Stephen Decatur was the man who struck the blow that marked the beginning of their end. The United States had borne these insults and oppressions meekly during the time she was evolving into a nation, but at last, under Decatur, her true spirit showed itself. The Dey of Algiers, the last to affront us, was at length forced to take tribute in the way our naval officers had long wished to deliver it--from the cannon's mouth. The War of 1812 tempered the spirit of our navy for this closing campaign with the buccaneers of Barbary. The frigate _Constitution_ thrilled the nation by her victory over the British warship _Guerrière_, although the _Constitution's_ captain, Isaac Hull, had to steal out to do battle without the knowledge of the timid Monroe administration, which feared that our ships were no match for the British frigates. Then the _United States_, commanded by Captain Stephen Decatur, defeated and captured the _Macedonian_, one of the swiftest and strongest and best-equipped ships in John Bull's navy, and Lieutenant Archibald Hamilton marched into a ball given to naval officers in Washington with the flag of the captured ship across his shoulders. Then the _Constitution_ met the British frigate _Java_, and by splendid gunnery reduced her to a burning hulk. Then the British had their innings and Captain Broke, of the _Shannon_, defeated the chivalrous but over-confident Captain Lawrence in the _Chesapeake_. Decatur, with his feathers drooping somewhat from the fact that he had been forced to surrender the _President_ to two British frigates after a hard fight, was sent, after the treaty of peace had been signed, to deal again with the Barbary states, to which we still paid tribute. These powers had grown insolent again when the United States became engaged in war with England and had resumed their piracy. Decatur sailed in the flagship _Guerrière_ and commanded a squadron of nine vessels. Algiers, the chief offender this time, had organized a strong navy under the command of Admiral "Rais Hammida," called "the terror of the Mediterranean." Decatur's squadron sighted this Algerine admiral in his forty-six-gun frigate _Mashouda_ off Cape Gatte, and pursued and captured the Turkish ship. Her captain was killed in the first encounter. Decatur now proceeded to Algiers to bring the Dey to terms. The captain of the port came out insolently to meet him. "Where is your navy?" demanded Decatur. "Safe in some neutral port!" retorted the Algerine officer. "Not the whole of it," Decatur said. "We have already captured the frigate _Mashouda_ and the brig _Estido_, and Admiral Hammida is dead." The captive lieutenant of the _Mashouda_ was brought forth to confirm these statements. The Dey's representative became humble and begged that hostilities should cease until a treaty could be drawn up on shore. "Hostilities will go on until a treaty is made," Decatur replied, "and a treaty will be made nowhere but on board the _Guerrière_!" The officer came out again the next day and began haggling over terms in true Oriental fashion. Decatur stuck to his terms, which included the release of all Americans held in slavery and the restoration of their property. He demanded an immediate decision, threatening: "If your squadron appears before the treaty is signed by the Dey and if American captives are on board, I shall capture it." The port officer left. An hour afterward an Algerine man-of-war appeared. Decatur ordered his officers to prepare for battle. Manning the forts and ships were forty thousand Turks. Before the squadron got under way, however, the Dey's envoy was seen approaching, flying a white flag--the token of surrender. All of the terms had been agreed to. We were to pay no further tributes to the pirate prince. Our ships were to be free from interference. Ten Americans that had been held in captivity were delivered up. They knelt at Decatur's feet to thank God for their release and rose up to embrace their flag. From Algiers, Decatur sailed to Tunis and then to Tripoli, and actually forced their rulers to pay indemnities for breaking, during the period of our war with Britain, the treaties they had made with the United States. Decatur thus put an end to the attacks of the Moors upon American merchant ships. He had set an example that Britain was soon to follow. BRITAIN FOLLOWS DECATUR'S LEAD British consuls and sea-faring men were still being insulted and molested by Moslems. Public indignation in England rose to such a height that the British government sent Sir Edward Pellew, upon whom had been bestowed the title Lord Exmouth, to negotiate similar terms. The fleet sailed first to Tunis and Tripoli and forced the two Beys to promise to abolish Christian slavery. An element of humor came into the situation at Tunis, for Caroline, Princess of Wales, was on a tour of the country, and was not above accepting the hospitality of the Bey, no matter what wrongs to her countrymen went on under the surface. Her entertainment included picnics among the ruins of Carthage and the orange groves of Tunis, to which she was driven in the Bey's coach and six. She was indignant when word reached her that a bombardment from her own fleet threatened to put an end to her pleasures. She sought to interfere, but the Admiral was firm. The Princess took refuge on board one of the English ships; the squadron prepared to attack; but the Bey yielded. The squadron now proceeded to Algiers. Here the Dey protested so vehemently that the Admiral agreed to the ruler's proposal to send ambassadors to England to lay his case before the final authorities. No sooner had the fleet returned to England than news came of a massacre of Italians under British protection in Bona, by Algerines acting under orders actually given by the Dey while Lord Exmouth was at Algiers. There was, in the port of Bona, a little to the east of Algiers, a coral fishery carried on under the protection of Britain. Corsicans, Neapolitan and other fishermen came here to gather coral. On the 23rd of May, 1816, Ascension Day, as the fishermen were preparing to attend Mass, a gun was fired from the castle and two thousand Moslem soldiers opened fire on the helpless fishermen and massacred them. Then the English flags were torn to pieces and the British Vice-Consul's house wrecked and pillaged. Lord Exmouth's squadron, on its way to punish the corsairs for these atrocities, fell in with five frigates and a corvette under the Dutch Admiral, Van de Capellan. All civilized nations had been aroused by the massacre of the Italian coral fishers, and the Dutch were eager to take part in the expedition to punish the murderers. Lord Exmouth welcomed them, and the combined fleets set sail for Algiers. Lord Exmouth sent a letter ashore to the Dey demanding that the Algerians abolish making slaves of Christians; that they surrender such Christian slaves as they now held; that they restore ransom money exacted from Italian slaves, make peace with Holland, and free the lately imprisoned British Consul, and other English captives. The Dey was allowed three hours in which to reply. No answer came. Lord Exmouth began the battle. His flagship, _Queen Charlotte_, led the fleet to the attack. Reaching the left-hand end of the mole, she anchored, thus barring the mouth of the harbor. In this position, her guns could sweep the whole length and breadth of the mole. Up came the _Superb_, the _Minden_, the _Albion_, and the _Impregnable_. Meanwhile, the foe had opened fire and the _Queen Charlotte_ had replied with three broadsides that ruined the mole's defences and killed five hundred men. The Dutch squadron and the British frigates came in under a heavy fire and engaged the shore batteries. The Algerian gunboats, screened by the smoke of the guns, came out to board the _Queen Charlotte_. The _Leander_, lying beyond the smoke, saw them and sunk thirty-three out of thirty-seven with her batteries. At last the enemy's guns were silenced. The British and Dutch fleets withdrew into the middle of the bay. The defeated Dey accepted the British terms. The English consul was released. Three thousand slaves were set free; some of these had been in prison for thirty years. The bombardment destroyed part of the house of the American consul Shaler, who, the British afterwards testified, did all in his power to aid the English. The British squadron gained its victory at the cost of one hundred and twenty-eight men killed and six hundred and ninety men wounded. Lord Exmouth led his men with Nelson-like gallantry. He was wounded in three places, his telescope was knocked from his hand by a shot, and his coat was cut to ribbons. Even this punishment did not entirely crush the corsairs. It was reserved for the French to put an end to their piracies. But that campaign did not begin until 1830--and my story can not run on forever. SOURCES OF INFORMATION DRAWN UPON BY THE AUTHOR "The Narrative and Critical History of America," edited by Justin Winsor. "American State Papers, Foreign Relations." "Debates of Congress," compiled by Thomas H. Benton. "Life of the Late General William Eaton," by Charles Prentiss, published in 1813 in Brookfield, Mass. "Ocean Life in the Old Sailing Ship Days," by Captain John D. Whidden. "From the Forecastle to the Cabin," by Captain S. Samuels. "Round the Galley Fire," by W. Clark Russell. "The Story of Our Navy," by Edgar Stanton Maclay. "A History of the United States Navy," by John R. Spears. "Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs," by Gardner W. Allen. "The Barbary Corsairs," by Stanley Lane-Poole. "Yankee Ships and Yankee Sailors," by James Barnes. "Maryland Chronicles," by Scharf. "Africa," by Frank G. Carpenter. "Rambles and Studies in Greece," by Mahaffy. "Winters in Algeria," by F. A. Bridgman. "The Romance of Piracy," by E. Keble Chatterton. (The episode of David's escape in the ship _Hawk_ is founded on an actual adventure that occurred in 1622, related in Mr. Chatterton's book. The story of the mutiny aboard _The Rose of Egypt_ was suggested by an actual episode--described in Captain Samuel's autobiography.) To Deane H. Uptegrove and George Mullien, the writer is indebted for advice concerning the sea episodes that appear in this book. The New York Public Library, The Newark Public Library, the East Orange Public Library, and the private library of the _New York Evening Post_ have been helpful in giving the author access to material not easily obtainable. 
42940	----	The Battleship Boys in Foreign Service OR Earning New Ratings in European Seas By FRANK GEE PATCHIN Illustrated THE SAALFIELD PUBLISHING COMPANY Akron, Ohio New York Made in U. S. A. Copyright MCMXI _By_ THE SAALFIELD PUBLISHING COMPANY PRINTED IN U. S. A. [Illustration: "Hip, Hip, Hooray!" Yelled Dan.] CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. BATTLESHIP BOYS TO THE RESCUE 7 II. A SERIOUS CHARGE 20 III. AMBASSADORS ON THEIR TRAIL 32 IV. ICE CREAM COMES HIGH 42 V. A PLUNGE INTO SOCIETY 52 VI. STRANDED IN A STRANGE CITY 59 VII. UNDER THE FLAG ONCE MORE 66 VIII. HIS FIRST COMMAND 74 IX. ROUNDING UP THE STRAGGLERS 83 X. OUTWITTED BY A BOY 95 XI. BETWEEN SKY AND SEA 106 XII. IN THE COILS OF A "TWISTER" 118 XIII. TWO ARE MISSING 127 XIV. DOWN THE AMMUNITION HOIST 136 XV. LAND HO! 146 XVII. ON GIBRALTAR'S PEAK 154 XVII. ON THE BLUE MEDITERRANEAN 167 XVIII. JOLLY TARS IN EGYPT 178 XIX. ON THE SHIPS OF THE DESERT 193 XX. CALLING ON THE MUMMIES 201 XXI. CONCLUSION 209 The Battleship Boys in Foreign Service CHAPTER I BATTLESHIP BOYS TO THE RESCUE "This is the famous Bois de Boulogne Sam." "The what?" "Bois de Boulogne, one of the most popular drives in Paris." "Huh!" grunted Sam Hickey. "That sounds to me like some kind of sausage. What do they ever name their streets that way for in Paris?" "All the names in this great, gay city mean something," answered Dan Davis. "This park here bears the same name. It was infested by desperate robbers as far back as the fourteenth century." "Robbers!" exclaimed the red-haired boy. "Yes." "Are they here yet?" "No; Napoleon cleaned them out. We shall soon be out by the Arch. The Frenchmen call it Arc de Triomphe." "They do?" "Yes." "Just like that?" "Of course." "I'll bet there isn't a Frenchman in France who would know what you were talking about if they heard you call it by that name. I don't know anything about French, but if that is French give me plain United States. You are sure there are no robbers left in the Bologna sausage?" "Bois de Boulogne, Sam," corrected Dan. "No; there are no robbers here. You need not be afraid." "Afraid! What do you take me for, Dan Davis. I----" "Hark!" "Nothing of the sort. I'm no coward. I, a sailor in Uncle Sam's Navy, and afraid of robbers? Pooh!" "Listen! Did you hear that, Sam?" "Hear what? No; I didn't hear anything. But--wow! What's that?" Hickey gave a sudden startled jump. "It's a woman's scream," breathed Dan, listening intently. "Did you hear it?" "I--I should say I did. Yes, and there it goes again. She's some sort of foreigner. I wonder what is going on?" The scream was repeated. Though the lads were unable to understand what the voice was saying, it was evident that the woman, whoever or whatever she might be, was in dire distress. "Where is it--where is it?" demanded Sam, now very much excited. "The sound came from off yonder, where the trees are thickest." "I see nothing." "I do," answered Dan. "See, yonder is a carriage. Come on! There's a woman in trouble. What is it?" shouted the boy, raising his voice. "Help! Help!" came the answer in plain English. "It's one of our own countrywomen--our own United States. We're coming, madam!" Dan was off with a bound, followed a few paces behind by his red-haired friend, Sam Hickey. As they ran they made out a coupé that had been drawn up beside the road. One man was holding the horses by the heads, while a group of others were standing by the door of the carriage. "What's going on there?" demanded Dan. "I--I guess Napoleon didn't chase all the robbers out," stammered Hickey in a doubtful tone. "They are robbers and they're robbing two lone women," exclaimed Dan. "I guess we're Johnnie-on-the-spot, then," answered Sam. "Me for the party holding the horses. He looks kind of weak like." Two women, attired in evening gowns, were standing beside their carriage, which, at a glance, was seen to be an elegant private equipage. The men surrounding the women wore small, black caps with the visors pulled down over their eyes, and long, flowing handkerchiefs about their necks. As the lads drew near they saw two of the men strip the handkerchiefs from their necks, quickly twisting the cloths about the necks of the women. The cries of the latter were stilled almost instantly. "Break away, you villains!" roared Dan Davis. "Yes; chase yourselves or you'll get your faces slapped," added Sam. "Vamoose! Allez vous--scat!" "We're coming, ladies! Charge them, Sam! They're thugs! Look out for yourself!" "I've got one of them!" yelled Sam Hickey triumphantly. In passing the horses he had sheered close to the fellow who was holding them, hitting the man a blow on the jaw that tumbled him over in a heap. The man did not rise, but Sam was too excited to notice the fact. "Whoop!" he howled, making a rush and coming up by his companion. "We're the wild men from the land of the cowboy!" The boys swept down on the robbers, the formers' fists working like the piston rods of a locomotive. The ruffians turned on them instantly. "Quick! Into your carriage!" called Dan. He had neither the time nor opportunity to assist the ladies in doing so. Both boys were now altogether too busy to give further heed to the frightened women. Smashing right and left, they fell upon the robbers. Bang! A bullet whistled close to the head of Sam Hickey. The latter made a dive for the man who had fired the shot, and ere the fellow could pull the trigger for another shot, Hickey's fist had struck him on the jaw, laying the fellow flat on his back. "Whoop!" howled the boy. "That's the way we do the thing in the good old United States." Dan was having a lively battle with two men, each of whom held a knife in his hand and was making quick thrusts at the lad, who was quickly diving in and out. All at once Dan's foot came up. It caught one of the men on the wrist of his knife hand. The fellow uttered a yell and his knife went soaring up into the air. Dan tried to serve the other assailant in the same way, but instead of reaching the man's wrist, the kick caught the fellow in the stomach. This answered quite as well. With a groan the robber fell down heavily. "Lay in! We've got them!" yelled Davis. "I am laying in," answered Sam. "Lay--lay in yourself. Whoop! That was a beauty. I spun him like a top. He's spinning yet! Watch him, Dan!" Dan knew better than to turn his head. Three desperate men were now seeking to surround and put an end to his fighting abilities. Dan found them more difficult to handle than he had those others who had gone down under his sturdy blows. In the meantime the women had sprung into their carriage, and the driver, whipping up his horses, had started away. Attracted by the uproar, a squad of gendarmes were bearing down on the scene on the run. "Robbers!" yelled the driver in French as he swept past the officers of the law. "Where?" The driver pointed with his whip toward the trees under which the battle was being waged. "The police!" yelled one of the robbers, catching a glimpse of the gendarmes, as the latter ran into the light of a street lamp. Instantly every man of the robbers plunged into the bushes and disappeared, those who had been knocked down by the two brave lads having gotten to their feet just in time to get away. "Follow them!" cried Dan. "We'll capture a couple of them, anyway." Sam caught a foot on the curbing and fell headlong. His companion hesitated for one brief instant. Both lads thought they had put the robbers to flight. They did not know that the desperate men had seen the police coming, for the cry of "police" had been uttered in French. "Look out! Here they are again!" warned Dan. "Sail in, Sam! They've surrounded us." Sam was up like a flash. They were now well off the road. The spot was dark and the boys did not know that it was the police who had come upon and surprised them. Dan Davis laid low the first gendarme just as the man placed a hand on his shoulder. Sam gave the next officer a good stiff punch that must have made the man's head swim, for it sent him staggering away. Hickey uttered a yell of triumph. His fighting blood was up. He went at them with a rush, punching with both hands, nearly every blow taking effect. All at once Dan Davis made a discovery. He caught the glint of a brass button. "Cease firing!" he roared. "Not on your life! Not till I've licked this heathen----" "Sam! Sam! Stop! It's the police we are fighting! Stop, I tell you!" Hickey's ready fists dropped to his sides. He stepped back, half inclined to run. "Well, well! What do you think of that?" he growled. Dan, too, had stopped fighting the instant he made the discovery that it was the police whom they had assaulted. He sprang back, gazing almost in awe at the rest of the squad of gendarmes who were bearing down upon them. "This is the time we have put our foot in it. Gentlemen, I beg----" He did not finish the sentence. A blow from one of the gendarmes laid him flat on the ground. At the same instant three men jumped on Sam Hickey. They took him so utterly unawares that he had not made the slightest resistance. "Get away, you fools! Don't you know----" Hickey's breath was fairly knocked out of him. He was at the bottom of the pile, unconscious almost the next second. The Battleship Boys had gone down fighting valiantly, the lads whom the readers of this series now know so well. They were the same boys who, in "THE BATTLESHIP BOYS AT SEA," enlisted in the United States Navy, serving their apprenticeship at the Training Station in Newport. It was there that they proved by their faithful attention to duty, their courage and fitness to serve the Flag of their country. Then, on board the battleship "Long Island," it will be recalled how Dan Davis whipped the bully of the ship in a fair stand-up battle; how Hickey was punished for an offence for which he was not wholly to blame, being confined to the brig on rations of bread and water; and how finally both lads proved themselves by their heroic rescue of a drowning diver. The latter was the man who had been responsible for all their trouble on shipboard. For their bravery in facing almost certain death the boys were rewarded by a grateful government in the bestowal of that much-coveted decoration, the medal of honor. Again, in "THE BATTLESHIP BOYS' FIRST STEP UPWARD," the reader will remember Sam Hickey's having sighted a "shooting star," while on lookout duty, and that the shooting star was a rocket signal of distress from a sinking schooner. It will be recalled how Dan Davis was left alone on the doomed ship; how the battleship turned its big guns on the schooner, shooting the decks from beneath his feet, and how, in the end, the plucky lad saved the schooner and its cargo. Dan's heroic effort in saving a boat load of men from almost certain destruction by a rushing torpedo, and his winning of a promotion to the grade of petty officer will also still be fresh in the reader's mind. And now the boys were on their first foreign cruise. The battleship "Long Island" had come to anchor off Boulogne, France. The Battleship Boys had asked for a shore leave of one week, which was readily granted to them. In that time they had planned to visit Paris and London, which they would have ample time to do, and rejoin their ship before their leave of absence expired. They had arrived in Paris that morning, after an all-night ride on one of the fastest express trains in France, but which Sam Hickey had referred to under the undignified title of "milk train." After considerable difficulty they had secured lodgings at a pension, as the boarding houses in France are called, and had at once started out to see the city. This they did with the aid of a map. They were self-reliant boys, and the thought of getting lost did not trouble them at all. During the afternoon they had wandered off along the fashionable avenue, the Bois de Boulogne, and into the beautiful park of the same name, where they lingered until nearly night. Hunger alone brought them to a realization that it was time they sought their lodgings. So anxious were they to see Paris, that they had forgotten all about breakfast, and, when noon arrived, they saw no place where they could procure food. They were on their way back when they met with the adventure that now promised to involve them in serious difficulty. They had assaulted a body of men who were police officers of the republic of France. The gendarmes had not seen the robbers. They had seen only Dan Davis and Sam Hickey, who now presented a most disreputable appearance. The boys had lost their caps bearing the name of their ship, their blouses were torn and covered with dirt, while Dan's shirt was ripped in several places where the knives of the desperate men had made great rents in it, his trousers were torn, and his face bruised where he had been struck by one of the robbers. Hickey was in a similar condition. The gendarmes were chattering loudly, accompanying their words with wild gestures. Making sure that their prisoners were wholly overpowered, they quickly secured them, one of the number in the meantime having sent in a call for a patrol wagon. Soon the auto wagon came puffing up and backed down to the curb. Quite a crowd had gathered, attracted to the scene by the uproar. "What is it?" questioned one after another. "Apaches!" answered the officer in charge. A growl of rage ran over the gathering. There is no criminal in Paris so dreaded or so hated as the one who belongs to the so-called "Apaches." These men have but two aims in life--to rob and kill. It is nothing to them who the victim may be, or how innocent. They are infinitely worse than the worst red Indian of the past. The Apaches are found everywhere in Paris, and woe to the stranger in the gay city who happens to stroll out alone at night, for the Apache will track him to the death if he chances to strike the stranger's trail. It was this desperate band of criminals to which Dan Davis and Sam Hickey were supposed by the police to belong. On the contrary, the Battleship Boys had met and practically whipped a band of Apaches single handed and without weapons. It was an achievement to be proud of, had they known it, but at that moment neither lad was in a condition to realize anything. Searching the clothes of their prisoners for weapons, and finding none, the gendarmes picked Dan up by the head and heels, hurling him into the patrol. Next came Hickey. He was thrown in on top of his companion. Half a dozen officers piled into the wagon and sat down on their prisoners. At that moment the patrol started away with the two boys, moving over the smooth pavements of the French capital almost without a jar. CHAPTER II A SERIOUS CHARGE By the time the patrol reached headquarters the Battleship Boys had recovered consciousness. They were half-smothered, lying on their faces as they were. Sam began to fight and kick. "Get off my neck!" he howled, in a muffled voice. "Get off, or I'll pass you a punch when I get out of this!" "Keep quiet, Sam," advised Dan. "They will use you roughly if you don't." "Keep quiet, nothing! I'll show them they can't use an officer in Uncle Sam's Navy this way." His further remarks were lost, for the man who was sitting on Hickey's neck moved over, throwing his weight on the lad's head. Soon after that the wagon drove up before the dingy headquarters. The prisoners were jerked from the wagon rather than lifted out, and were dragged into the building, up a pair of stone steps and along a dimly lighted corridor. Arriving in front of a grated door, the policemen in charge of the boys waited until an attendant had unlocked and opened it, whereupon they threw the Battleship Boys inside. The door shut with a loud clang, and the gendarmes marched away, down the corridor without a word to their prisoners. For a moment the boys lay where they had been thrown. Then Dan sprang to his feet, and, going to the door, peered out into the corridor. All he could see was a brick wall in front of him. Sam sat up, rubbing his red head reflectively. "I wonder where we are?" muttered Dan. "Where we are?" repeated Sam. "Yes." "Don't you know?" "I do not." "I know." "Where are we?" "We're in the brig again." "In the brig? Why, we are in Paris. Have you forgotten? I guess your shaking up must have resulted in a loss of memory." "I have forgotten nothing. I'll never forget the wallop I got. Say, Dan, do you know what they hit me with?" "No, that is what I have been trying to decide in my own case." For a few minutes there was silence. "This is a nice mess--a fine mix-up!" "Yes," agreed Dan Davis. "I fear we have gotten ourselves into a lot of trouble. We have assaulted the Paris police. I wonder what the captain of the 'Long Island' will say when he hears of it?" "If it's left for us to tell him it will be a long, long time before he hears anything about it." "Don't be foolish. We will tell the police the truth and they will have to let us go; but the question is, when are we going to be allowed to tell the truth? It doesn't look as if we were even going to be questioned to-night." For full two hours the boys sat on the hard stone floor, discussing their predicament, trying to plan some way of extricating themselves from their present unfortunate position. No conclusion was reached. All they could now do was to wait and trust to luck. "Well, I'm going to bed," announced Sam Hickey. "Where?" "Right here on the floor. It isn't much of a hammock, but I'm going to pipe myself down just the same. I wish I were back on the battleship. Don't you, Dan?" "Yes, I do. Good night, Sam." "Good night." Sam rolled over on his back, using his arms for a pillow, and was soon snoring loudly. This made Dan feel sleepy, and he, too, shortly toppled over sound asleep. How long they had lain thus they did not know. Sam suddenly awakened. Some one had hold of one of his feet and was dragging him across the cell. "Leggo my foot!" yelled the red-headed boy, struggling to get up. Dan, hearing the commotion, bounded to his feet. He was quickly seized and jerked out into the corridor, where he was soon joined by Sam. Then they discovered that they were in the hands of officers, though not the same ones who had arrested them. Neither of the officers said a word, but, taking firm hold of the arms of their prisoners, marched them rapidly down the corridor. "I guess they must be going to hang us," said Hickey. "They don't hang people over here," answered Dan. "They don't?" "No." "What do they do with them?" "Guillotine them." "What's that?" "In other words, they cut your head off here in France," answered Dan, with a short laugh. "Wow!" exclaimed Sam with such vehemence that the officers in charge of him gave him a violent shake, uttering some rapid commands in his own language. "I guess we'd better not stir up the animals any more," said Sam, with a wink at his companion. "No. And be careful what you say. Do not volunteer any information. It will perhaps be better for me to answer the questions, unless they question you directly." The officers conducted the lads into a sort of reception room, where they stood holding tightly to their prisoners until a door was opened at the far end of the room and another man in uniform beckoned them to enter. The officers did so, thrusting their prisoners into the room ahead of them. Unlike the outer room, this one was brilliantly lighted; so much so that the boys blinked vigorously for a few seconds. Then, becoming used to the light, they began to take stock of their surroundings. The first thing that caught their attention was a keen-faced man sitting behind a flat desk, industriously twirling his moustache as he surveyed them keenly from beneath half-closed eyelids. The boys gazed at him intently. There was no quailing on their part, though had they realized what a questionable looking pair they were, they might have lost some of their assurance. The officer behind the desk addressed them in French. "We do not speak your language, sir," spoke up Dan. "Ah, so I perceive," answered the man in very good English. "You are English?" "Not much. We're Yankees," Sam blurted out with considerable emphasis. "And you'd better not monkey with us unless you want the United States Government to get you by the collar and jerk you seven different ways at the same time." "Be silent!" thundered the officer. "I'm mum," answered Sam, with a sheepish grin. "What is your name?" "Sam Hickey, sir." "And yours?" glancing at Dan. "Daniel Davis." "Residence of both?" "United States of America," answered the boys with one voice. A clerk was noting down their replies. "May I ask, sir, why we are thus detained? We have done no wrong." "Stop! I will ask all the questions here. What is your business, if you have any?" "We are sailors on the U. S. S. 'Long Island.'" "Sailors, eh?" "Yes, sir." "If this be true, where are your uniforms?" "We are wearing what is left of them, sir." The officer glanced at the trousers of the lads and observed that they were such as were worn by sailors. "A very excellent disguise." "Disguise!" exclaimed Sam with explosive force. "What are you talking about?" "Be quiet," warned Dan. "You are only making it the harder for us. He doesn't believe our story, as it is." "I don't care whether he does or not. I'm getting warm where my collar was until it was torn off. Disguise! The idea!" "What are you doing in Paris?" "Getting into trouble, principally," muttered Sam under his breath. "We came here to see the city, sir," answered Dan. "When?" "This morning, or yesterday morning. I do not know whether it is morning or evening now," he answered. "You say you are from a United States ship?" "Yes, sir." "What is the captain's name?" "Captain Farnham, sir." "Where is your ship?" Dan told him. "When did the ship arrive?" "Yesterday morning." The officer went over some papers on his desk, finally selecting one which he consulted, then replaced it on his desk with a nod. "Where is the rest of your gang?" "What do you mean, sir?" "The other men who ran away." "I am sure I do not know. We were trying to catch up with them when we were caught." "Ah! You admit!" The officer spoke rapidly in French to the clerk, who scribbled industriously. "Well, sir, what have you to say for yourself?" demanded the officer abruptly, turning toward Sam. "I've got a lot that I should like to say, if you will give me half a chance," said Sam promptly. "I'll hear your story. Bear in mind that whatever you say will be used against you. It is being taken down by the secretary. Speak! I shall listen." "It was this way," began Hickey. "Be brief!" commanded the officer sternly. "We were walking along Sausage Avenue, peaceable like----" "What's that?" "He means the Bois de Boulogne," explained Dan, with the trace of a smile on his face. "Never mind, Sam; I will tell the officer, if he will permit." "Silence!" He motioned for Hickey to continue. "As I was saying, we were walking along Bologna Avenue----" "Bois de Boulogne," again corrected Dan. "Yes; something of that sort. We were talking, when, all at once, my friend here heard a woman scream. Then two women screamed. We didn't know what they were screaming about, because they were screaming in some language we didn't understand. Maybe they were talking in French. I guess they were. Well, we didn't know what kind of trouble it was, but we knew it was a woman in trouble, and that was enough." "Proceed!" "We sailed in. There were a lot of fellows attempting to rob a couple of ladies beside a cab. We thought so, anyway, and we mixed it up right away. I gave the fellow who was holding the horses a short arm punch over the eye with my left, and hooked his jaw with my right. You ought to have seen him curl up and go to sleep," added Hickey, with a laugh. "Never mind that; tell me what happened." "That's what I'm trying to do, if you will let me alone. While I was doing that, my friend Dan had fired himself right into the bunch. He put several of them out and by the time I mixed in everybody was fighting. Some of the fellows tried to stick us with knives, and one miserable coward fired a shot at me. I guess he came pretty near winging me. His bullet nearly clipped a lock of hair from my head. Well, anyway, we had them pretty well thrashed when, all of a sudden, one of the robbers let out a yell and in a minute they had hit the trail for the bushes, with Dan and myself after them. If I hadn't fallen over a curbstone maybe we would have caught them. About that time the police jumped on us, and I don't remember very much after that, until we were taking a ride in the automobile." "Your story is well told, but it is not in accordance with the facts." "You mean that I lie?" demanded Sam belligerently. "Why did you assault the gendarmes?" demanded the official, ignoring Sam's question. "We did not know they were the police, sir," spoke up Dan Davis. "We could not see plainly in the darkness under the trees. We thought the robbers had returned. We defended ourselves as best we could, sir. I am sorry we struck any of your men; it was a mistake." The official, with chin in hand, regarded the boys thoughtfully for a minute or so. "Your story is not satisfactory." "I am sorry, sir," answered Dan. "We might give you another one. Perhaps that would please you more," growled Sam, whose temper was rising. "Oh, Sam!" exclaimed Dan. The eyes of the official narrowed. "I have no doubt of your ability to do so," he said sarcastically. The officer pressed a button, whereupon four police officers entered the room. Addressing them in French, he said: "Remove the prisoners to the Conciergerie," this being the detention prison where those awaiting trial were confined. "I am satisfied that they are desperate characters." "What are you going to do with us?" demanded Sam Hickey sullenly. "Put you both in prison." "Sir," spoke up Dan, "may I not ask why you are doing this--what charge is made against us?" "Yes, seeing you are so innocent, I will tell you. You were caught red handed. You are accused of attempting to rob two women--you are accused of assaulting police officers of the republic of France, and, further, you are believed to belong to the desperate band of Apaches with which our city is infested." Dan uttered an exclamation of surprise. "Well, I must say you're the worst lot of thick-heads I ever saw in my life," remarked Sam in deep disgust. The official waved them away, whereat the officers led the boys from the room. "I wish we could get word to the battleship," said Dan in a low tone. "I wish I had thought to ask him to permit us to do so." "It wouldn't do any good. They're determined to make a mark of us. But wait till the Old Man hears of this. Won't he raise a row? Won't he make these chattering Frenchmen stand around lively? Well, I guess he will!" "Perhaps Captain Farnham may not know anything about it, and when we do not return on time we will be black-listed as deserters. That will be awful." CHAPTER III AMBASSADORS ON THEIR TRAIL The entire matter was laid before the Prefect of Police shortly after the Battleship Boys had been removed to another cell in the Conciergerie. He listened gravely to all the facts, nodding his approval of the work of his assistants. At the direction of the police head a message flashed over the wire half an hour later, as follows: "Farnham, "Commanding U. S. S. 'Long Island': "Two men giving the names of Davis and Hickey, accused of having held up and robbed two women in this city to-night, claim to be sailors on your ship. Do you know them? Not only this, but they assaulted the officers who sought to arrest them. The prisoners are believed to be Apaches. The courtesy of a reply is solicited. "Lepine, "Prefect of Police." Day had barely dawned, when another message was flashed over the wires. This one, however, came from Boulogne and was addressed to the American Consul to France, instead of to the prefect of police. It read as follows: "Hamlin, Consul, "Paris: "Those crazy French police say they have two men, Davis and Hickey from my ship, locked up accused of highway robbery. Preposterous! They are two of my best men. Get the men out at once, please. No finer types than these two to be found in the enlisted force. Kindly acknowledge at once. "Farnham, "Commanding U. S. S. 'Long Island.'" Consul Hamlin was a man of action as well as a diplomat. Urgent though the captain's message was, however, international diplomacy would not permit the consul to go direct to the office of the Prefect of Police. There were certain set forms that must first be observed. But the consul lost no time. The wheels of the great government machine were set in motion on the instant. The first move was to communicate with the French foreign office. "The American consul desires an immediate audience with the premier, if possible," was the message that the former's secretary telephoned to the foreign office. This request being granted, Consul Hamlin entered his carriage and was driven to the foreign office, where an audience with the premier was accorded him at once. This meeting, though cordial, was extremely formal. "Your excellency," began the consul, "two of my countrymen are, I am informed, held by the police department, charged with having held up and robbed two women last evening. Has the matter been brought to your attention, may I ask?" "It has not." "Then I will give you such information as I possess in regard to the matter," said Mr. Hamlin. The consul stated his case, adding that if the men under arrest were the men he believed them to be, a very serious mistake had been made. The premier promptly put himself in communication with the Ministry of Justice, and the latter in turn with the Prefect of Police. All the facts in the possession of the police on this particular case were returned through the same channel. "I have the honor to inform you," said the premier, "that I have ordered the release of the men Davis and Hickey. They will be turned over to you, as you request, by the prefect in person." "I thank you--my profoundest thanks----" "No; it is for me to offer you an apology," interrupted the premier quickly. Then, with many expressions of good will on both sides, the consul took his leave. Half an hour later Mr. Hamlin was received by the Prefect of Police with great ceremony. "You are here," began the police official, "in behalf of the two young men whom we have in our charge----" "Accused of the attempted robbery of two women last evening. I am, monsieur." "And I am most happy to say that later investigations have made it easy for me to grant your request that they be liberated. I am now well satisfied that they are not guilty of the attempted robbery." "Naturally not." "But of the assault on my officers there can be no doubt. They----" "That was surely a mistake on their part, Monsieur le Prefect." "Yes, yes; no doubt----" "I am too glad to hear you say that, Monsieur le Prefect. These young men, I am informed by the commanding officer of their ship, are above reproach. A grave mistake has been made." The prefect bowed humbly. "A thousand pardons." "Will you be good enough to summon the young men here?" "Certainly." A few moments later the Battleship Boys were standing in the presence of Mr. Hamlin and the Prefect of Police. "Well, lads, your appearance is certainly against you. Indeed, you look as if you might be all they have accused you of being," exclaimed Mr. Hamlin with a laugh. The faces of the Battleship Boys brightened. It was one of their own countrymen who was speaking. "What is your name?" he asked, addressing Dan. "I am Daniel Davis, sir. This is Samuel Hickey. I am a gunner's mate on board the 'Long Island,' he being a coxswain on the same ship." Mr. Hamlin nodded affirmatively. "How did you happen to get into the difficulty?" Dan related in a straightforward way all that had occurred on the previous night, not omitting their brief battle with the police, whom he said they had taken for the robbers attacking them again. Mr. Hamlin and the prefect listened attentively until the narrative came to a close. "The way of the peacemaker is hard indeed," smiled Mr. Hamlin. "But you see, sir, we were not exactly peacemakers," announced Davis. "I am forced to agree to that. Monsieur le Prefect, I presume there is no objection to these young men accompanying me from this place at once, is there?" "They may accompany you, certainly. That is in accordance with the request of the premier." "I thank you, Monsieur le Prefect. I hold myself wholly responsible for these young men." "Monsieurs, a thousand pardons," said the prefect, turning to the Battleship Boys with a profound bow. "You are at liberty to go where and when you please." "Come, lads; I take it you have no desire to remain here longer?" "I should say not," spoke up the red-headed Sam. Dan saluted the prefect, but Sam hardly more than glared at the police head as the boys left the office in company with the ambassador. "Well, lads, what do you propose to do now?" questioned Mr. Hamlin, when they had reached the street. "I think we shall finish our sight-seeing, sir," replied Dan. "Very good, but you need clothes, both of you. Have you a change of clothing with you?" "We have only these uniforms, sir." "Come with me, and I will see that you are fitted out." "Thank you very much, sir. We have money; but, if you will be good enough to show us where we can purchase clothes, we shall be under a further great obligation to you," answered Dan. Mr. Hamlin accompanied them to a store, where the boys were soon supplied with shore clothes, hats and all. They presented a far different appearance now. It was the first time they had worn citizens' clothes since they had entered the Navy, but they did not enjoy the change as much as they had expected. They would have preferred to be in their uniforms. "Now, my lads, keep out of trouble. I do not believe you need advice from me. You seem well able to take care of yourselves. Yet, should you have further difficulty, or if you wish to see me, come or send word to me at once. Here is my card." "We thank you very much, sir. Will--will you tell Captain Farnham that we are all right?" "Certainly. I shall wire him at once. By the way, where are you boys living?" "We have a room at 33 Place de la Concorde, sir. We have not slept there," added Dan, with slightly heightened color; "but we hope to do so to-night." Bidding Mr. Hamlin good-bye, the Battleship Boys started away for their lodgings. At about that time another gentleman called at the office of the prefect. The card that he send in read, "Guillermo Martinez, Ambassador." He was the Spanish ambassador to France. Señor Martinez's greeting was most cordial, but the ambassador lost no time in stating the object of his visit. "You have two young men here, I believe, Monsieur--young men who are said to have robbed or attempted to rob two women in the Bois de Boulogne last evening?" "Two young men were arrested," he replied. "They were sailors?" "I believe they are." "English sailors?" "No; American." "Ah! It is well. I have come here, with the permission of the premier, to request that those young men be liberated at once." "I have but now received a message from the Ministry of Justice, requesting that I receive you. I am honored, señor. May I inquire your interest in this matter?" questioned the prefect, shrewdly suspecting the truth. "Because I have reason to believe that a serious error has been committed." "Indeed, señor! On whose part, may I ask?" "I should say that it was on the part of your department, Monsieur Prefect--that a great injustice has been done to two very brave young men, who risked their lives to serve two women in dire distress." The prefect smiled. "If these men whom you have in custody are American or English sailors, I beg that you may quickly convince yourself of their innocence and liberate them. I ask this in my official capacity." "The foreign governments appear to be taking a deep interest in the case of these young men, señor." "Why say you that, Monsieur le Prefect?" "Because you are the second official who has been here this morning demanding that they be set free," answered the police officer, smilingly. "It is most surprising." "Indeed." "They may not be, and probably are not, guilty of the robbery charge, but at least the men assaulted my officers." "I am sure that feature of the case could be easily explained." "You would have difficulty in convincing the officers who were assaulted of that," laughed the chief. "Will you release the men?" "It will give me great pleasure to serve you, señor, in any manner in my power. Do you know the women who had such a narrow escape last evening, may I ask, señor?" "Certainly." "Would it be proper for me to ask their names!" "They are my wife and daughter," announced the ambassador. "Both ladies were positive of the facts as I have stated them----" "That the men were sailors?" "Yes. And when they read this morning that two sailors had been arrested, accused of the attempted robbery, the ladies were greatly disturbed. They insisted that justice be done, that I spare no efforts to obtain the release of the brave young sailors." "Disturb yourself no more, Señor Ambassador." "You mean?" "That the men have been discharged. They are free." CHAPTER IV ICE CREAM COMES HIGH "Ice cream! Ice cream! Ice cream! Can't you understand that much English?" demanded Sam Hickey. The Battleship Boys had entered the first restaurant they found. This proved to be none other than the Café de la Paix, one of the fashionable resorts of Paris. The waiter who attended their table was unable to speak a word of English, nor could either lad make his wants known, but the waiter quickly brought an employé to whom the boys stated their wishes. "Four dishes of ice cream, and in a hurry," commanded Sam Hickey. "What are those things in the basket there?" "I do not know," answered Dan. "They are some kind of cake. I see them on each of the tables." "I'm going to help myself. They don't look very nourishing for a good, healthy appetite like mine, but they are better than nothing at all." Sam helped himself liberally. The cakes tasted so good that he ate ten of them; then, motioning a waiter, he ordered another basketful. By this time the ice cream was served. Ice cream was a luxury that the Battleship Boys did not get on shipboard, so they ordered another plate each. "There, I guess that will keep me going until supper time," decided Sam. "I wonder how much we owe him?" "I should say about a dollar," answered Dan, motioning for the garçon and asking for their check. Dan's eyes grew large as he examined the bill that had been laid beside him. "I'm hungry yet. I could eat another round of the same thing," announced Sam. "How much does he say it amounts to?" "I'm trying to figure it out. Six ice creams, thirty francs. Twenty-five biscuit at a franc apiece, twenty-five francs. Fifty-five francs altogether." "Fifty-five francs!" exclaimed Sam. "Wha--wha--how much is that--how many cents is that in plain United States? I never could figure this heathen money." "Five francs make a dollar," figured Dan, talking to himself. "Five goes into fifty-five eleven times. That's eleven dollars' worth of ice cream and cakes we have eaten." "Eleven dollars?" gasped the red-haired boy. "Yes, that's it," answered Dan ruefully, gazing at his companion in a dazed sort of way. "But we didn't order any cakes, Dan." "It's those round cakes that were in the basket. They were put here so we would eat them. That's a trick we didn't know anything about." "Eleven dollars," groaned Sam. "It's highway robbery. I wish we had held up the women and----" "Sam!" Dan's tone was sharp. "Don't let me hear you speak like that again." "No; I'm to be the easy mark. I'm to be frisked eleven dollars' worth, and----" "Don't grumble; let's pay and get out, or they----" "Yes, they'll be charging us rent for the chairs we are sitting in, first thing we know. Can't we steal some spoons to get even?" Dan was handing the waiter the money, which he did without comment, Sam, meanwhile, slowly counting out his share of the check, which he passed over to his companion. "What do they call this place, Dan?" questioned the red-haired boy as they started away. "Café de la Paix." "That's it. We should have known better. I see it all now. Why didn't we look at the sign over the place before we went in?" "What do you mean?" "Café de la Pay. That's it; that's the place." "Sam Hickey, have you gone crazy?" "Café de la Pay--that's the place where you pay. And we did pay. I never knew a place that was so well named," continued Sam with a sickly grin. "We paid, didn't we?" "'Leven dollars' worth," answered Dan sheepishly. "Are you still hungry?" "Hungry? No; I've lost my appetite; I've changed my mind. I shan't dare get another appetite while I am in Paris. Say, it's lucky they locked us up in the brig over at police headquarters, isn't it?" "Why?" "Because we'd be about a million dollars in debt by this time. Whew, but they've got the original get-rich-quick scheme in this burg. Come on; let's go out in the park where we will not see things to eat. They excite me too much. I'm liable to lose control of myself and eat again. If I change my mind again we're lost." As they stepped out a group of men made a sudden rush toward them. "Guide, guide, guide, sir--guide? Have a guide? Show you all the sights of Paris----" "We do not wish a guide, thank you," answered Dan. "Guide, guide, guide, guide----" "Say, why didn't you fellows come around, last night?" demanded Sam. "We needed a guide then. We don't now. We've been guided up against pretty nearly everything that ever happened, as it is." By this time others of the same sort had hurried to the scene. All were shouting at once. It seemed as if all the guides in Paris had congregated in front of the Café de la Paix for the sole purpose of waylaying the unsuspecting Battleship Boys. Several guides grabbed Dan by one arm, while as many more caught hold of Sam. Now others took a hand, pulling this way and that. "Show you everything for five dollars, that's all. Show you----" "See here, you fellows!" demanded Hickey, whose color was rising with his temper. "I cleaned out a bunch of Apaches last night and I licked half a dozen policemen to rest myself. If you want the same kind of a hand-out just keep right on. Leggo my arms!" he roared. "Shove off!" For an instant the men did let go. "Give them the flying wedge, Dan!" The boys bolted through the throng of guides, bowling two or three of them over, sprang out into the street, then ran across to the opposite side. "Let's get out of this confounded town," grumbled Sam. "First thing you know I'll be getting into a fight. I shouldn't like to get mixed up in one, 'cause I promised the captain I'd behave myself while I was over here." "Come along," said Dan, taking his companion by the arm. "We will go to see the sights by ourselves. I guess we shall see as much without a guide as with one. No telling what sort of trouble these fellows would get us into. I don't like their looks at all." "They'll look worse if they ever grab hold of me that way again." The boys hurried around a corner and down the Avenue de L'Opera. They looked very neat and well groomed in their new suits. They strolled along after getting out of sight of the guides, visiting some of the smaller parks of the city. Chancing to come across a tourist agency they bought seats on a "Seeing Paris" car, and were driven about the city with a lot of other tourists, most of whom were Americans. With some of these they got quite well acquainted. The visitors inspected the Cathedral of Notre Dame, erected in the twelfth century; stood within the portals of the Madeleine, the famous little edifice occupied by the insurgents during the Commune, and in which building three hundred of them were shot down. The Battleship Boys also visited many other famous churches and noted public buildings. The other Americans, having learned who the lads were, made it their business to explain to them all about the places visited, relating many interesting historical stories, some of which were already familiar to Dan Davis, who had read widely for his age. The day that had begun so unhappily for the boys came to a close all too soon, and they decided to return to their boarding house, which was not far from where the tourist automobile stopped to discharge its passengers. They had paid for their accommodations at the pension for the full time they expected to be in Paris, so they had no fear of being overcharged for their meals there. The table looked most inviting as they entered the dining room, taking the places assigned to them. The boys had just begun their dinner when they were summoned to the drawing room, where they found a foreign-looking man in livery awaiting them. "Are you Monsieur Dan Davis?" he asked in English, but with a strong foreign accent. "Yes, sir." "You are to go with me, you and your friend." "Go with you?" "Yes, sir." "Look out," whispered Sam. "I'll bet this is another pay-as-you-enter game; then they won't give you anything to eat after you get in." "I do not understand you, sir. Why should we go with you?" "The carriage awaits you at the door." "'The carriage awaits you, sir,'" mimicked Sam, with a grimace at his companion. "Be still, Sam. I do not understand at all what you mean, sir. Have you not made a mistake? We know no one in Paris--no one would send a carriage for us." For answer the servant extended an envelope, bearing a coat of arms. Dan opened it wonderingly. "Mr. Daniel Davis and Mr. Samuel Hickey are requested to dine with the Spanish ambassador, Señor Guillermo Martinez, this evening at 8.30 o'clock." Dan opened his eyes wide when he read this, then passed the invitation to his chum. Sam perused it, cocked one eye up and winked at Dan. "We seem to be getting quite popular. What are you going to do?" "I do not know what it all means, but I'm going to accept the invitation, though I am not sure I am right in doing so. What do you think about it, Sam?" "I don't think. I've gotten past thinking. Things are moving too fast for me. I'm out of commission." "Do you know why the ambassador wishes to see us?" he asked of the servant. "No, sir. He did not say, sir. He said he would tell you when you arrive. Will you be ready soon?" "We are ready now. We will be with you as soon as we get our hats." It took the lads but a few moments to make themselves ready, after which they hurried down to the street. There they found a handsome carriage, with a coachman on the box, awaiting them. Entering, they were driven rapidly away. "This is different," laughed Dan, settling back among the soft cushions. "Yes; it's somewhat different from last evening," answered Sam. "We didn't have any soft things like these to sit on then." "No; and we knew little more about what was going to happen then than we do now." "I'm willing to take a lot of chances on this, just the same," retorted Sam, with an audible chuckle. The carriage drove up in front of a handsome residence on the Champs Elysées, almost directly opposite the Elysée Palace Hotel, the door of the vehicle was opened and the Battleship Boys stepped out. CHAPTER V A PLUNGE INTO SOCIETY "Welcome, my lads!" greeted the Spanish ambassador, grasping the lads warmly by the hand. They had been led into a broad hall by a footman and then on into a drawing room brilliantly lighted. The boys had never gazed upon such a brilliant scene; for a moment they were too dazed to speak. Suddenly they realized that the ambassador was introducing his wife, Madame Martinez. Then a beautiful, dark-eyed girl was led forward. "This, young gentlemen, is my daughter, Señorita Inez Martinez, to whom we hoped you might owe your liberty. Happily, however, for you, your own consul succeeded in getting you released before the matter was brought to my attention. I trust you have suffered no ill effects from your unjust imprisonment?" "No; thank you," answered Dan. "On the contrary, it was a mighty good thing for us," spoke up Hickey. "How so?" asked the ambassador. Dan nudged his companion, but there was no stopping Sam when he once got started. "Why, sir, these get-rich-quick people would have had all our money by this time. I never saw anything like it." "You do not mean that you have been robbed?" "Oh, no," interrupted Dan. "You see, we do not know the ways of the country. We thought we had paid too much for some things. It is all good experience, however, and we are not finding fault." "Ah! I hope you like Paris? I take it, this is your first visit here?" suggested the ambassador's wife. "Is it not a glorious city?" added the daughter. "Yes," agreed Dan, "it is a wonderful city." "I don't think so," objected Sam. "I've had a hard time of it ever since I came here--that is--until--until to-night," as he noted the eyes of the beautiful señorita fixed upon him. Somehow her voice had a strangely familiar ring to him. He felt sure that he had heard it before, but the more he thought about it the more perplexed did he grow. The young woman seemed to divine what was passing through the red-headed boy's mind. She smiled teasingly, then began talking as if to give him further opportunity to make up his mind where he had seen her before. Dan, too, was puzzled, but he concealed his perplexity better than Sam had. Davis was growing quite at his ease. It seemed to him as though he had always been with people of this sort, and he found himself talking easily and well, discussing many subjects with which the average sailor is not expected to be familiar. "I take it that you lads hope to be petty officers one of these days," said Señor Martinez. "We have already won our ratings in that class, sir." "Indeed. What is your rating, if I may ask?" "I am a gunner's mate on the Battleship 'Long Island.' My friend is a coxswain connected with the same ship." "Do you--do you shoot the big guns?" questioned Señorita Inez, with a brilliant smile. "I hope to do so, some day--that is, I hope to do so at target practice, though I trust the time may never come when I shall have to train a gun on the ship of another government." "I am with you in that, my lad. I hope it may never be your lot to do so. Of course you have ambitions to rise in your profession?" "Yes, sir; it is our hope to become officers of the line at some time in the distant future." The ambassador nodded thoughtfully. "It is a splendid career that your Navy offers. Any man who has it in him to advance himself may do so. The opportunities are unlimited." "Yes, sir; but the way is hard." "All things worth having are difficult of attainment. Were they not, there would not be rooms for those at the top," smiled the Señor. The dinner was the most elaborate that the Battleship Boys had ever sat down to. Their host was in uniform and the ladies were in evening gowns, while behind the chairs of each stood a servant in livery. The Battleship Boys were filled with wonder over what had befallen them. Strangely enough, their host seemed quite familiar with their records, and all about their experiences with the Paris Apaches and gendarmes. Señor Martinez appeared to take a keen enjoyment in their perplexity, though he was forced to admit that Gunner's Mate Davis was sufficiently well-bred to hide his curiosity. At last the dinner came to an end, whereupon the party withdrew to the drawing room. "Shall I sing for you?" asked the señorita, with a flash of her black eyes. "I should be most happy to hear you," replied Dan courteously. "Yes; I like singing," added Sam. "The singing we hear on board ship, sometimes, makes you wish you could jump overboard." A well-bred laugh greeted his announcement. "Do you sing?" questioned the young woman. "I thought I did once." "When was that?" "At a Sunday-school picnic that I attended at home in Piedmont." "Oh! And did you sing?" "They all said I didn't. They said my voice was a poor imitation of a steam calliope." The well-bred laughter of the little company was lost in a roar. A glance at Hickey's twinkling eyes told them that he was far from dull, and that he was enjoying the fun he was creating fully as much as the rest were. "So, you didn't sing after all?" "No, I didn't sing. I just made a noise that might have been singing--if it had been." Thus the evening passed, full of song, of laughter and brightness. Dan, after a time, glanced at a French clock on the mantle. He gave a start when he noted that it lacked but fifteen minutes of midnight. "Oh, we must be going, sir. I did not know it was so late," he said, half rising. "In a moment, my lad. I presume you are somewhat curious as to why I invited you to my home this evening?" questioned Señor Martinez quizzically. "We are, indeed, sir. I have been wondering why you should do such a thing. We are just plain American sailors, sir, serving our country as best we know how. We are not used to being received in the splendid way you have received us to-night." "My lad, that was well said. It has been an honor to have you here. We have felt the keenest pleasure in being able to ask you. As for your being plain American sailors, let me say that such men as you and your friend would be a credit to any Navy. I congratulate yours in possessing you. Can you not guess why you have been invited here this evening?" "I have not the slightest idea, sir." "No, we're all at sea, and I guess that's the proper place for sailor lads," added Sam. "I had very good reasons. You have done myself and family a very great service." "A service?" exclaimed Hickey wonderingly. "Yes. And let me say here that perhaps I never should have known of you, had not my wife and daughter insisted that I look you up and ask you to come here. They have purchased a little gift for each of you, which you will find at your pension upon your return. I have had it sent there so that you may have a little surprise when you reach your lodgings." The boys did not answer. There was nothing they could think of to say. "Have you not noted anything that struck you as familiar about my wife and daughter?" "Mr. Hickey has," interjected the young woman, with a merry twinkle in her eyes, "He has been wondering all the evening where he has seen me or heard my voice." "That's the time you hit the target right in the center," answered the red-headed boy. "If I'd been a ship, and that had been a projectile you had fired at me, I'd been headed for Davy Jones's Locker by this time." The girl laughed merrily. "I'll tell you, my lads; you saw my wife and daughter last evening." "Last night!" exclaimed the boys. "Yes." "Where, may I ask?" "On the Bois de Boulogne. It was they whom you saved from the terrible Apaches, who no doubt would have put them to death after having robbed them. You see, my lads, myself and family have reason for feeling that we owe you a deep debt of gratitude." "Is it possible?" muttered Dan Davis, looking from one to the other of the smiling faces. "Well, all I've got to say is that it was worth going to jail for," added Sam Hickey, with an admiring glance at the señorita. CHAPTER VI STRANDED IN A STRANGE CITY "Dan, I've been touched!" "What's that?" "Touched, I tell you! Touched," persisted Sam Hickey, raising his voice with each word. "You--you don't mean you've lost your money?" demanded Dan Davis incredulously. "No; I mean I've been touched for it." "Nonsense! You have lost it, if you haven't it. Look through your pockets again. You have put it in some other pocket; that's all." The boys were strolling slowly toward the pension where they were staying. They had insisted on walking back to their lodgings, after having left the residence of the Spanish ambassador, and this despite his warnings that it was not safe for them to do so at that hour of the night. "Have you found it?" "I have not. And that's not the worst of it." "What do you mean?" "I never shall find it." A troubled expression appeared on Davis' face. "How much, did you have with you?" "You mean how much did I have left?" "Yes." "I don't know. I never can learn to count this foreign money. I had quite a bunch of it. Maybe twenty dollars or something like that." "I am surprised, Sam. You are so careless. It's a wonder you did not lose your money before this. I take care of my money. You never heard of my losing any, did you?" "How about the café where you pay?" "That was different. That money was not lost." "Not lost?" exclaimed the red-headed boy. "Well, if it wasn't lost, will you tell me where it is? Will you tell me that?" "I spent it." "You bet you did. And I've spent mine, only I didn't get anything for it. This town is the limit. I don't wonder they had a revolution here. They will have another, too--you mark me! Now, you've had so much to say about my being careless with money, suppose you examine your own pockets. Maybe you've been touched, too." Dan laughed. "No danger of that. No one could go through my pockets without my knowing it." "Couldn't, eh? Why these Frenchmen could touch you through a stone wall, and never move a stone. Just for the fun of the thing, shell out and let's see what you have in your pockets." "All right; if it will please you. My money is safe." Dan thrust a confident hand into his trousers' pocket; then he went into the other pocket. An expression of surprise appeared on his face, as he drew forth a handful of small silver from a vest pocket. "Well, what about it?" demanded Sam. "Got it?" "I've--I've lost my money, too; almost every cent of it." Hickey uttered an uproarious laugh. "How much have you there?" "About five hundred centimes, that's all." "Five hundred centimes! You don't mean it?" "Yes; that's all." "All? Good gracious, isn't that enough? Why, man, it's a fortune. We're all right, even if I have lost mine." "Wait a minute. Do you know how much five hundred centimes is?" "No; ask me something easier." "Well, it is about the equivalent of a dollar in American money." Sam groaned. "Broke!" Dan nodded. "I don't understand it at all. Where could we have lost our money?" "Lose it, nothing! I tell you we have been touched--touched good and properly. It's a wonder they didn't take our clothes while they were about it. By gracious, they even got my jack-knife. I'll fight somebody in a minute." Dan did not answer. He was too amazed and upset to talk just then. "So no one can touch you without your knowing it!" jeered Hickey. "You are an easy mark. I am not in the same class with you. Hold me up while I laugh." "Don't laugh, Sam; this is serious." "Of course it is. I wouldn't laugh at it if it weren't. Most of the funny things aren't worth laughing at. The serious things are, most always." "Very well; laugh if you wish. I shan't. I am wondering what we are going to do. We certainly are in a fix." "You've got five hundred what-do-you-call-thems, haven't you?" "Five hundred centimes, yes. They will not go far. A dollar will not purchase much in France." "But the five hundred sounds big enough to buy a house and lot with. I could put up a pretty good bluff on five hundred of anything." "We had better go home. The hour is late. We can talk there, though talking will not help us out of this trouble at all." "Yes; that's a good idea. These Paris folks will have the shirts off our back if we stay out here much longer. What time is it?" "I don't know." The boys wandered on, finding their pension without difficulty. Once in their own room, they sat down facing each other. "This is a nice mess we're in, Sam." "We've been in worse," answered the red-headed boy wisely. "It is fortunate for us that we have paid our board." "How about the return tickets? Have you lost those, too?" Dan went through his pockets again. The more he searched, the more excited he grew. "I--I----" "Stung again?" jeered Sam Hickey. "Maybe I got touched for my money, but I didn't lose my tickets. You lost them both. But have you lost them?" Dan nodded helplessly. "Oh, this is too bad!" "Yes; I wish I'd changed my mind and stayed aboard ship. Let's get back there right away." "How?" Sam reflected. "That's so," he said, with a grin. "There is no other way for it, but to walk." "How far is it to Boulogne?" "It must be all of a hundred miles." "Not for me," declared the red-headed boy, with an emphatic shake of the head. "Hello, what's that on the table there?" he demanded, suddenly espying a neatly wrapped package. Dan rose and took up the package. It was addressed to Daniel Davis and Samuel Hickey. "Open it." Davis was already doing so. He tore off the wrapping, disclosing a neat plush box underneath. "This must be the package that the ambassador referred to, Sam." "Yes, that's it. Hurry up and open it. I hope there's some money in it." "No; we could not accept it if there was. Ah!" "Well, what do you think of that!" muttered Sam. The ease upon being opened disclosed, to their amazement, two handsome gold Swiss watches, with solid gold chains attached. On the back of the first case Dan found his initials engraved. Opening the case, he read the inscription, "Presented to Gunner's Mate Daniel Davis for heroic conduct in saving two women from the Paris Apaches." Sam's case bore a similar inscription. "Beautiful!" breathed the Battleship Boys in one voice. "We're all right now," exclaimed Hickey. "How so?" "We can borrow some money on the watches." "I guess not," answered Dan firmly. "We'll walk first!" CHAPTER VII UNDER THE FLAG ONCE MORE "I'm going to see the consul," announced Dan Davis next morning as they were dressing for breakfast. "Better wait until he gets out of bed," suggested Hickey. "Yes; we will walk about until ten o'clock; then I will go over. He will no doubt loan us enough money to pay our fares to Boulogne." "Sure thing. What's a consul for, if it isn't to help a fellow-countryman who is in trouble?" To their disappointment, they found the consul out. The boys called several times that day. At last, late in the afternoon, they found him at his office, when they quickly made known their predicament. "Certainly I will help you, my lads. I will send over and have your tickets bought for you. That will save you all trouble in the matter. I do not think you will be able to get a train until late this evening, however." "You are very kind, sir," said Dan. "As soon as possible after reaching the ship we will send you the money you have advanced to us." "Never mind that. It is but a trifle." "Oh, no, sir; that will not do. We shall return it." "If you wish to remain in Paris longer I will loan you more money." "Thank you, but we think it best to get back to the ship. Our leave has not quite expired, but we shall feel better to be back." The tickets were brought to them in due time. Late that evening the boys presented themselves at the Gare du Nord, the station from which they were to take a train for Boulogne. It was not yet train time, however, so the boys strolled about watching the people. "Guide, sir? Show you all about the city, young gentlemen?" questioned a man in fairly good English. Sam fixed him with a stern eye. "Get out!" he commanded. "Guide, sir?" "No, sir; we do not need a guide," spoke up Dan. "How much do you charge?" questioned Sam. "Two dollars for two hours." "Humph! I'll tell you what I'll do. If you'll stand up before me for two minutes I'll send you two dollars as soon as I get back to the ship." "Stand up before you?" "Yes." "For what?" "So I can knock your head off! I owe you fellows a thrashing." "And so do I," broke in Dan. "You go away from here and let us alone, or I'm liable to forget myself and give you a thumping that you won't forget for the rest of the season. Now, beat it!" "Yes, scat!" added Sam. The guide gazed at them for one apprehensive moment. The Battleship Boys made a threatening move in his direction, whereat the guide turned and beat a hasty retreat. Half an hour later, after much difficulty, the young sailors managed to find their way to a second-class carriage on the Boulogne train. At last they were on their way to their ship. The boys breathed a sigh of relief. "It has been a great experiment," said Dan. "Fine!" laughed Sam. "And we've seen a lot." "And got 'done' a whole lot more," added the red-headed boy. "If there is anything we haven't bumped up against I should like to know about it." Dan nodded reflectively. "Let me see; we have visited pretty nearly every point of interest in the French capital; we have had a battle with the Paris Apaches, got arrested and locked up; got our names in the Paris papers; had two government officials working on our behalf, and have been dined by the ambassador of a foreign power. That's going some, isn't it, Sam?" "Yes; but you have forgotten the most important part of it all." "What have I forgotten?" "That we got touched for our rolls, and went broke in Paree." Dan laughed happily. "The next question is, where are we going to sleep?" "We shall have to sleep sitting up." "Yes; these railway carriages, as they call them, are built on the bias. I'd like to see a fellow try to sleep on these seats, divided off by arms, without being crippled for life." Dan was looking about the carriage. Sam observed that his companion's face had suddenly lighted up. "Made a discovery, eh?" "Yes, and I have an idea." "Good! Get it off your mind before you lose it. What's the idea?" "I'm going to sleep in the upper berth." "The upper berth?" wondered Hickey. "Yes." "I don't see any upper berth." "Then watch me." Dan proceeded to remove his coat and vest, collar and tie. Next he took off his shoes, Hickey in the meantime watching his companion with suspicious eyes. Along either end of the compartment, over their heads, was a luggage rack extending the entire length, or rather, width, of the compartment. Dan grasped the rack, pulled himself up to it and lay down as snug as if he were in reality in the upper berth of a sleeping car. "Hooray!" shouted Sam. "Can you beat it?" "Not this trip. You're a wonder, Dan. That's almost as good as the hammock on shipboard. Will the thing hold you?" "I hope so. It seems secure. You try the other one." "I don't know whether I want to trust myself in that spider web or not." "It's made of woven leather strands. It holds me all right. Try it." Hickey pulled himself up to the rack, lay down, then peered over the edge, grinning. "This isn't so bad, after all. But I dread to think what will happen to me if I should have the bad luck to walk in my sleep." "Don't do it. You must get used to it, for to-morrow night we shall be sleeping in our hammocks again." A few minutes later the boys were sound asleep, unmindful of the swaying of the rapidly moving carriage, which was almost like the roll of the ship. They did not awaken until daylight. The carriage had stopped and they could hear talking outside. "Breakfast time; get up!" shouted Hickey. A guard opened the door and peered in. "Hello, down there!" called Dan. "Yes; is that the way you bolt into a gentleman's bedroom without knocking?" demanded Hickey. The guard glanced up with a puzzled expression on his face, then slammed the door shut. "We'd better get out of here, Sam, or they will have the police after us again," muttered Dan, scrambling to the floor. Hastily pulling on their clothes, they got out to the platform, having recognized the station as Boulogne. "We've got to go without our breakfast this morning, Sam." "I suppose so," replied the red-headed boy ruefully. "My, but I've got an appetite!" "So have I, but it will keep." "I guess it will have to." Half an hour later the boys were standing on the quay. Off just outside the breakwater lay the battleship "Long Island." "Doesn't she look good?" breathed Dan. "I'm really happy to get back." "I'd be happier if I knew there was a square meal awaiting me," answered Sam. "How are we going to get aboard?" "I'll show you." Dan pulled out his handkerchief and began wig-wagging with it. After a little a signal flag was observed on the forecastle. It was waving a question. "What do you want?" "We want to come aboard," answered Dan. About that time the officer of the deck had leveled his spyglass upon the boys. "Messenger!" he called. "Aye, aye, sir." "Tell the captain that two men in citizen's clothes are on the quay asking to be put aboard." The messenger returned a moment later. "The captain wants to know who they are, sir." "Tell him they look to me like two of our men, Seamen Davis and Hickey. I do not know why they should be in citizen's clothing, however." Again the messenger hurried below with the information. "The captain says it is all right, sir. He says have a cutter go out to meet them, sir, and bring them aboard." A cutter was launched, and a few minutes later was plunging through the green seas, headed for the quay. Great seas were breaking over the dike, drenching those in the cutter as they shot alongside the quay. The Battleship Boys were taken off, and shortly afterwards they stepped to the deck of the "Long Island," coming to attention as they saluted the Flag. "Home again," said Dan, his eyes glowing happily. "You bet," answered Sam Hickey. "Got any real food aboard? I'm half starved. No more French biscuit diet for mine!" CHAPTER VIII HIS FIRST COMMAND "The captain wishes to see you, sir," said an orderly, approaching Dan. "I am in shore clothes, orderly." "The captain knows that. You are to come at once." Dan hurried below, leaving Sam to tell the admiring sailors of the experiences through which they had passed in Paris. "Well, my lad," greeted the captain, with a laugh, "you are back, I see." "Yes, sir." "You did not stay your leave out?" "No, sir." "Get tired of it?" "Well, yes, sir--rather." "How was that?" "We had a pretty good time. We saw everything worth seeing, I guess." "What is this that I hear about you lads trying to rob a couple of women?" questioned the captain, with a quizzical smile. Dan flushed rosy red. "Did you hear about that, sir?" "Certainly." "Oh, yes, I remember! the consul said you had telegraphed to him. I am sorry, sir, that we got into so much trouble, but we did what we thought was right." "Indeed you did," answered the captain, dropping his quizzical tone. "Not only that, but you proved yourself real men. But did you really assault some of the French police?" "I am afraid we did," answered Dan, meeting his commanding officer's eye squarely. "Bad, very bad. But how did it occur?" Dan related, briefly, their meeting with the Apaches, and the fight with the police a few minutes later. From that he told of their arrest and imprisonment. Davis told the story well, the captain listening intently until the narrative was finished. "You boys certainly have had an experience. But you have not told me why you cut your leave short?" "We lost our money, sir." "Lost your money?" "Yes sir." "How did that happen?" "As my friend Hickey would put it, we were 'touched,' sir." The captain threw back his head, laughing heartily. "That is not a new thing to happen to a sailor. Do you know how it occurred?" "We can only guess at it, sir. We had been dining with the Spanish ambassador----" "Dining with the Spanish ambassador?" questioned the captain in well-feigned surprise. "Yes, sir; did I not tell you about that?" "No." "It seems that it was his wife and daughter whom we rescued from the Apaches. We did not know that until some time afterwards. The ambassador invited us to dine with them at the embassy; then later in the evening he told us who the women were that we had rescued." "Well, I must say you lads are getting on in the world pretty fast." "Yes, sir; it seems to me that we have not been losing any time." "I should say you had not. But about losing your money?" "We walked home from the ambassador's residence, sir. On the way we sat down on a seat in one of the little parks. We had not sat there long before two gentlemen came along and sat down. There was one on either side of us." "They began talking to us in English, and, learning who we were, became quite friendly. They were very pleasant gentlemen, sir." "So I should imagine." "After talking for some time, we decided to move on, and, bidding them good night, went to our pension." "Then you think those pleasant gentlemen were those who got your money?" "They must have been, sir. We were not near enough to any one else to give him a chance to get into our pockets. I am ashamed of myself, sir, to have been so easily fooled." "Many men more experienced than either of you lads have been taken in, my boy. You did very well. I commend you both for the way you have conducted yourself in the trying experiences you have had. The American consul said some very pleasant things about you." "We had to borrow some money off him to get back to ship, sir," said Dan. "I should like to return it to him at once. Shall I be able to put a letter ashore?" "I am afraid not. We shall be sailing very shortly now. We were waiting----" Some one knocked at the door. "Well?" "Orderly, sir." "Yes, what is it?" "The master-at-arms reports that twelve men are ashore, having overstayed their leave, sir." "Thank you. Send the executive officer here to me." "Aye, aye, sir." "Davis, go to the canteen at once, and procure your uniform. See that your rating badge is sewed on the sleeve; then report back to me here." "Aye, aye, sir." Dan hurried away, delivering the captain's order to the keeper of the canteen. He was quickly furnished with a new uniform and a rating badge, the latter showing that he was a petty officer. This rating badge consisted of two white crossed cannon with three red chevrons beneath, all surmounted by a white eagle, worn on the sleeve. Dan went out on the spar deck where he changed his clothes abaft of the second stack. While he was thus engaged, the executive officer reported to his superior officer. The two officers were engaged in conversation for some moments. "See that the master-at-arms is informed immediately of my wishes. I am sending Davis because I wish him to have the experience." "Are the men to carry arms, sir?" "Yes." "Has authority been obtained from the local authorities, sir?" "Yes; that has been arranged for, in case we found it necessary to land a patrol." "Very good, sir. Shall I send Davis to you?" "I already have ordered him to report. See that the master-at-arms has everything arranged at once. I desire to get away from here to-day if possible." "Aye, aye, sir." The executive officer saluted and left the captain's cabin. He had been gone but a few moments when there came another knock at the door. "Seaman Davis, sir." "Come in." Dan Davis, in his new uniform, stepped into the room, looking very handsome and manly. He stood erect, with shoulders well back, in perfect military position. The captain surveyed him with critical but approving eyes. "I wish you to perform a service, Davis," announced the captain in a business-like tone. "Aye, aye, sir." "I am giving you this detail that you may get the experience. By rights, the marines should do it, though it is discretionary with me to send whom I choose. I have decided to send you." Dan did not reply. He could not imagine what was wanted of him. "You will take a detail of six men, armed, carrying five rounds of ball cartridges. Proceed ashore in steamer number one, and round up the delinquents. Bear in mind that you are on foreign soil, and that any indiscreet act on your part might involve the United States in trouble with the French government." The captain paused to give his words force. "Aye, aye, sir." Dan's eyes were sparkling, strive as he might to appear as if it were nothing unusual to be sent ashore at the head of a patrol. "Twelve delinquents are ashore, having overstayed their leave. Bring in all you can find, reporting to the American consul as to those whom you fail to round up. Do you understand?" "Yes, sir." "You will use no unnecessary force, but simply bring in the men. You will remember that you are clothed with no little power. Exercise it discreetly. I know that I can depend on you. That will be all. Report at once to the master-at-arms, who has instructions and orders in this matter. Make all possible haste, as I desire to sail this afternoon, or as much earlier as is possible." "Aye, aye, sir. Is that all, sir?" "Yes." The Battleship Boy saluted and retired. Proceeding directly to the forecastle, he reported to the master-at-arms, who had already ordered out the men who were to constitute the patrol. Dan's companions were looking on smilingly, for the lad was popular among his fellows. "Here is the list of the men whom you are to bring in," said the master-at-arms. Davis took the list, going over it deliberately and fixing the names in his mind, after which he stowed the paper in his blouse pocket. "You have your orders?" "Yes, sir; the captain has given me my instructions. You have no idea where I shall find the men, sir?" "No; that is for you to find out when you get ashore. Are you ready?" "All ready, sir." "Take charge of the patrol." "Carry arms!" commanded Davis, turning to his squad. "Right face, forward march! Board steamer!" The men scrambled over the side, going down the Jacob's ladder into the steamer that lay awaiting them below. "Cast off!" commanded the Battleship Boy. The steamer whistled once and headed for the landing stage. Dan sat on the stern rail alone. He was impressed with the importance of his assignment. He realized that he had it in his power, perhaps, to bring on war between two friendly powers. Every minute the steamer was drawing nearer and nearer to the landing stage. Dan felt no nervousness. He did not try to make up his mind what he should do when he got ashore. Time enough for that when he got there. The landing stage reached, the men were piped out. "Fall in, forward march, by twos!" The men fell into step and marched steadily up the street. It was a small command that Dan Davis had under him, but he was as proud of it as if he had been commanding a company. CHAPTER IX ROUNDING UP THE STRAGGLERS "Halt!" The men came to a quick stop in front of a resort where Dan thought he might possibly find some of the absent sailors. Instead of ordering his men to go in, he entered alone. "Have you any American sailors here?" he asked. The proprietor shook his head. He did not understand the words, perhaps, but he had seen the detail of armed sailors halt before his place, and well knew the meaning. "You are sure you have none of our men here?" "Non." (No.) "Who went into that room there?" pointing to a door that had closed with a bang as Dan pushed open the front door. The proprietor shrugged his shoulders and turned away. The boy's mind was made up at once. A few quick strides brought him to the door in question. He threw it open and sprang in. A pair of legs, clad in the blue of the Navy, were protruding from beneath a table. Dan grabbed the legs, giving them a mighty tug. The result was that a sailor was jerked out into the middle of the room. "So you thought you would get away from me, did you, Anthony? Stand up." Anthony did stand up. He sprang to his feet, launching a terrific blow at Seaman Davis. Dan merely parried the blow, making no attempt to return it. "Anthony," he said, stepping back. "I have a patrol outside. Do you want me to call them in?" "I'll lick you first," growled the man. "Stop where you are! You are not wholly responsible for what you are doing or saying, but you know what will happen to you if you resist. I came in here to get you, and I'm going to take you out with me." Dan whirled at that instant. He had caught an expression in the eyes of his man that told him something was going on behind him. The boy ducked like a flash, thus avoiding a vicious blow that had been aimed at him by the proprietor of the place. "Don't you do that again!" warned Dan sternly. "You are facing the United States Government now, remember. Stand aside!" With this he grabbed Anthony by the arm. The sailor struggled to release himself, but Davis' grip was too strong to enable him to break away easily. Anthony swung his free hand. That was just what Dan wanted. With a quick twist he brought both the sailor's arms behind the latter's back, giving the fellow a violent push. There was nothing for Anthony to do but to go ahead. He did so with a rush, Dan running behind him and pushing with all his might. They struck the swinging doors with a bang. The doors flew out, the Battleship Boy and his prisoner landing with a bump against the astonished jackies of the patrol, who were waiting outside. "Two of you men take this fellow down to the steamer and tell those aboard that he is under arrest. Tell the coxswain I shall hold him personally responsible for the man's safe keeping. Hurry back. You will find us up the street somewhere. Anthony, you had better go peaceably unless you want to spend the next three months in the brig." The two men detailed for the purpose led the ugly sailor away. "Twos right, forward march!" commanded Dan. The little company trudged up the street, many persons pausing to look at the slim, well-set-up fellow who was plainly in command of the four remaining men of the squad. The part of the town in which they now found themselves was the location of most of the sailor boarding houses in Boulogne. Somehow, Dan had an idea that some of their men would be found there. He kept his eyes open, slowing his men down. "Halt!" he commanded. Dan had espied a sailor from one of the trans-atlantic ships on the other side of the street. He crossed over to the man. "Good morning, shipmate," greeted Davis. "I'm looking for some of our delinquents. Have you seen any of our men in this quarter within the last hour or two?" "You from the 'Long Island'?" "Yes. Have you seen any of our fellows?" "I guess I have. One of them gave me this black eye 'bout half an hour ago. I'd have trimmed him proper if he hadn't had a gang back of him." "Where was that?" "Down the street a piece." "Where is the man now?" "See that two-story building down there?" "Yes." "Well, that's a sort of hotel; that's what they call it; but I reckon it's a joint where they shanghai fellows for the long cruises. I wouldn't go in there for the price of a round-trip voyage." "Thank you. I'll soon find out." "You ain't going in there, are you, shipmate?" "Sure. Why not?" "Why, they'll knock your block off, the first thing if you try to get a man out of there." "Don't be too sure about that," answered Dan, with a smile. "I guess they had better not try it." "Take my advice and take your men in with you. I see they have their guns, and you'd better see to it that the guns are loaded, while you are about it." "Thank you very much. I will look out for myself." By the time the young commander rejoined his squad the two men who had taken their prisoner down to the ship's steamer had returned. Dan now had six men that he could use. "Forward march!" he commanded. They continued on until they reached the place that the merchant sailor had indicated. "Men, I want you to wait here. Do not enter unless I give three short, sharp whistles, then come quickly. But do not lose yourselves. Under no consideration use your guns. It is not necessary. We have our fists if it comes to a fight." "Hadn't you better take a couple of us with you?" questioned one of the men. "No, it is not necessary. An armed force might stir up trouble." Dan entered the place, and he saw at once that the sailor had not overdrawn the character of the house. It was about the worst he ever had seen. The place was thronged with tough characters, few of whom were sailors; or, at least, they did not appear to be. "I don't believe a man of them has ever smelled salt water unless he's been out on the breakwater," thought Dan. Glancing about, he failed to see any of the men for whom he was looking. He strolled about, attracting as little attention as possible, though several of the men regarded him suspiciously. The front room was a sort of office and lounging room. A small desk, on one side, was walled off by a rusty iron screen. Around by the lower end of the desk was a door opening into a rear room. Dan decided to investigate. He made his way as quietly as possible to the end of the desk, pushed the door slightly ajar, peered in and sneezed. The odor of bad tobacco was almost over-powering. The boy blinked and sneezed again. "Shut that door, you lubber!" roared a voice from the rear room. Davis shut it, but when the door closed he was on the inside, with his back against the door. It was with difficulty that he made out the faces of the men congregated there. Not one of them paid the least attention to him. "Ah, there's one of my men now," muttered the boy. The man indicated was an ordinary seaman, who had been aboard but a short time. His name was Kuhn. He was in deep conversation with a man better dressed than most of the others. The older man appeared to be seeking to convince the sailor of something that he was telling him. Dan edged over near them and listened. Perhaps he suspected what was going on, for Dan Davis was a shrewd lad, and he was learning many things about the life of the sailor and the snares that are set for him. A moment's listening convinced him that he was right. The well-dressed stranger was trying to induce Kuhn to desert and join a ship bound for China. A large increase in wages was promised, good grub and a real berth to sleep in. "But they'll come and get me and lock me up," protested Kuhn. "I'll be a deserter." "Nothing of the sort, my lad. How are they going to get you when you are in China? Why, you'll never be heard from again. I'll tell you what the skipper of the schooner is willing to do for a likely lad like you." "What?" "Sh-h-h, don't say anything about it, but he's promised to make you first mate." "He has?" "Sure thing." The sailor's eyes glowed with anticipation. "All right; if you will get me out of this uniform, so I shall not be recognized, I'll----" "You'll come with me," finished a voice behind Kuhn, as a hand was laid lightly on his shoulder. The sailor leaped to his feet, his face flushing. An angry light flashed to his eyes as he recognized the features of Gunner's Mate Davis confronting him. Dan had heard enough. He understood. He did not blame the young, inexperienced sailor so much, but he felt rising within him a righteous indignation toward the Englishman who was seeking to induce the young fellow to desert the Flag under which he was serving. "Come, Kuhn; it is time you were getting back to the ship," said Dan in a quiet tone. "I--I am not going." "Not going?" "No. I----" "Never mind, Mr. Sailorman. The boy and me is friends. You just let him alone. I'll see that he gets back to the ship afore you get there yourself." Dan turned upon the Englishman. "Who are you?" "I just told you. I'm a friend of the shipmate here." "A nice sort of friend you are," replied Dan witheringly. "Are you coming with me, Kuhn? You know what it means to refuse to return to ship as you have just done. The ship is preparing to sail. If I have to use force it will be the worse for you. I know what this man is trying to do with you. He is a bad man, Kuhn. He is trying to induce you to desert----" "You go away and let me alone----" "See here, young fellow," commanded the Englishman savagely, "if you know what is good for you, you get right out of here, and don't you come back again. It'll be the worse for you if you do. Understand?" "Look out that you do not get into trouble yourself. Kuhn, you are coming with me." The Battleship Boy laid a firm grip on the arm of his shipmate and began moving toward the door by which he had entered the room. Suddenly Kuhn was jerked violently from his grasp. Dan made a spring, recovering his prisoner. All at once the Englishman uttered a series of short, sharp exclamations in French. Like magic, nearly every man in the room was on his feet. They appeared to understand perfectly what was wanted of them, and with one accord made a rush for Seaman Davis. "Stand back!" roared the young officer, boldly facing the mob. "You will have to answer to your government if you dare lay hands on me." They gave no heed to his warning, but threw themselves upon the lad. Dan fought manfully, using his fists to good purpose, and many a hardy stoker and sailor went down before Little Dynamite's sturdy blows. Not daring to cease fighting long enough to reach for the boatswain's whistle with which he had provided himself before leaving ship, he uttered three sharp whistles with his lips, but in the din about him the whistles failed to carry beyond the room. The whistles did, however, have the effect of quieting the uproar. The men interpreting them as some sort of a signal, hesitated, looked at each other inquiringly, then at the cool, hatless young fellow who was facing them, working his way determinedly toward Ordinary Seaman Kuhn. The latter was standing with a half-frightened expression on his face. He had begun to realize the enormity of his proposed act. "Kuhn, come here!" demanded Dan sternly. The sailor made a move as if to comply with the order. Ere he had taken a step forward, however, the Englishman had fastened upon his arm. "You're in it now. You can't get out. If you go back to the ship they will put you in the brig. You just stay here till the ship has sailed, and you'll be all right." "But where--where? They'll come here and get me." "We'll see to that." Again Dan had forced his way to where Kuhn was standing, but before he was able to lay his hands upon the young fellow a dozen men threw themselves upon the Battleship Boy. Davis struggled with all the strength that was in him. His struggles were fruitless. Men of brawn and muscle had hold of him now. He was as a child in their hands, though, had his hands been free, he would have given a good account of himself. Some one gave a few brief directions in French. The men picked Dan up, bearing him through a door, into a long, dark hallway, down which they carried him until they reached a door at the end. Opening the door, they threw the Battleship Boy in bodily, slamming and locking the door. "I've made a mess of it," groaned the lad, "but I'll beat them yet." CHAPTER X OUTWITTED BY A BOY The room was quite dark, except for the light that came in through an open skylight above Dan Davis' head. A glance about him told the boy that he had been thrown into a storeroom. All about him were boxes, cases and trunks. "It will do me no good to shout. If I do, I'll give them the satisfaction of knowing that I'm done for. No; I won't yell. My men could not hear me if I did." Dan pondered for a few moments, and an idea came to him. "I believe I could batter that door down," he mused. "I'll take a look at it." A brief examination convinced him that such an attempt would be foolish. The door was constructed of heavy plank, and had been made to withstand assaults. The room in which he had been made a prisoner was a place where sailors' chests were stored, a sort of safe deposit vault. There were no windows on either side, only the skylight in the ceiling, some twelve feet above the boy's head. Dan gazed up at it longingly. "I wonder if I could do it," he thought. "I cannot more than fail, anyway." He quickly went to work, piling up boxes and chests. The latter were so heavy that he was unable to handle them and get them up more than three high. On top of these he piled boxes and climbed to the top of the pile. He found that he was still some distance from the skylight. This was a double affair, with the lights turning up on either side of a brace between them. Dan crouched down, measured the distance and made a leap straight up into the air. His fingers barely touched the frame of the opening, then down he shot. The lad landed on the edge of the upper packing case. It toppled over with him, and nearly every one of the boxes he had piled up came down with a crash that made that part of the building shake. An empty case turned over Dan, imprisoning him beneath it. At first he lay still, not knowing whether he had been injured or not. Finally concluding that he had not been hurt, he eased the case from his body and crawled out. "Either they are all deaf and dumb, or else they have deserted the place," he said out loud. "I don't believe I shall try that again. I'll try some other plan, and----" Footsteps were heard coming down the hall. A new idea occurred to the lad. In an instant he had flattened himself on the floor, pulling the packing case over him as it had been before. A key grated in the lock and several men entered. Among them was the Englishman. Dan recognized his voice, though the fellow was speaking in French. The men set up a great chattering when, as they thought, they found the room empty. It appeared plain to them how their man had made his escape. "He's climbed out of the skylight!" cried a voice in good English. "I shouldn't wonder if he is up there now. He can't get down," answered the Englishman with whom Dan had had the trouble out in the other room. "Get him, quick! Somebody climb up there!" The men began chattering in French again. Instantly they started piling boxes on top of the chests which they had put in place on the pile again. "This is the time I lose," muttered Dan. Fortunately for him, however, they were getting their cases from the other side. They found light and empty cases for their purpose, and it required but a moment to fling them up in place. Three men instantly clambered to the top of the pile thus made. One man was lifted by the other two and boosted to the skylight. He grasped the frame, holding on, his feet standing on the hands of the other two beneath him. The pile of boxes wavered and swayed beneath the weight placed upon them. In the meantime Dan Davis had raised the box from his own body just far enough to enable him to peer out. He saw what was going on, and his eyes lighted up with joy as a sudden idea occurred to him. "I'll show them they can't beat a Yankee tar," he thought, raising the box little by little. Fortunately for him, the men on the floor were at the other side of the pile of boxes, while those on top were too busy with their own affairs to look down. Crouching for a spring, he gathered himself. All at once the box over him landed several feet away with a crash. Dan was on his feet in a twinkling. The door leading into the hallway stood open. Freedom was at hand, but the boy was not yet ready to take advantage of the opportunity offered him. With a bound he threw his whole weight against the pile of packing cases. For one giddy moment the cases trembled, then fell inward toward the men on the floor. Those above emitted a yell. Down they went, howling and shouting, their companions not having had time to get out of the way, being caught under the falling boxes and buried beneath them. All of the men were fighting, kicking and struggling to extricate themselves from the wreckage. "Hip, hip, hooray!" yelled the Battleship Boy, unable to control his delight at the downfall of his enemies. "Next time maybe you'll think twice before you try to beat the United States Government." With that Dan sprang out into the hallway. He slammed the door, turned the key in the lock, then hurled the key from him. "Let them stay there and think it over for the rest of the day. It will do them good," he laughed, starting for the other end of the hall. He stepped into the room from which he had been taken a short time before. There were still a number of men there, but they had not observed his entrance. Dan's eyes swept the room. In a far corner, crouching low in his chair, sat Kuhn, making himself as inconspicuous as possible. There was a frightened expression on the young sailor's face. Dan walked quickly around the outer edge of the room. Kuhn did not happen to look his way. The fellow's eyes were fixed on the door leading out into the office in momentary expectation of seeing a squad of blue jackets enter the place. "I've got you this time, young man!" exclaimed Davis, pouncing upon the sailor. Kuhn toppled from his chair to the floor, with Dan on top of him. "Get up!" commanded the Battleship Boy, scrambling to his feet and jerking his prisoner up beside him. "Out of here, before I serve you worse. I'm getting angry. You'll regret acting the way you have to-day. Come along!" Ere the others in the room had an opportunity to protest, Dan had dragged his man to the door, which he kicked open, pushing his man through, then running him to the front door. With a shove, Dan sent his prisoner staggering to the sidewalk. Ere Kuhn stopped going he had measured his length in the street before the eyes of the jackies who comprised the patrol. "Hold him, men!" commanded Davis. "That's it. Take him down to the steamer, two of you. I believe there are other men in this place. It is taking long chances, but I am going in to find out. Two of you come in with me this time. Be careful that you do not start anything. Take no part in any fight that may occur unless I tell you to do so." At a carry arms, two of the detail followed Dan into the office of the place. Approaching the proprietor, he said: "Do you speak English?" The man, a fat, red-faced Frenchman, nodded surlily, his eyes on the two armed men standing at attention at one side of the room. "Are any of our men in your place?" The fellow shook his head. "I have reason to believe there are." "No men here." "Do you wish me to report your conduct to the Prefect of Police?" The fellow's face took on a darker shade. "Unless you convince me that none of our sailors are under your roof, I shall place a guard at the door to see that none of our men leave; then I shall go to the police and enter a complaint against you. They don't love you any too well now, you know." Davis had taken a long shot, but he saw, from the expression on the proprietor's face that it had reached the mark. Just then the Englishman, followed by the other men whom Dan had imprisoned in the store room, burst into the office. Espying the Battleship Boy, the Englishman made a dash toward him. "There he is! Grab him!" The men behind the Englishman started forward. None had observed the two jackies standing rigidly at one side of the room with eyes front. "Stop where you are!" commanded Davis. They paid no attention to his command. "Port arms!" he commanded sharply, turning to his own men. "Load!" Two audible metallic clicks sounded above the noise in the room. "Take aim! Steady, there," he ordered, in a voice just loud enough for his men to hear. "I wouldn't have you pull the triggers for a million dollars. Don't get excited." The rush stopped instantly. "Now, you fellows, I want you to stand out of my way. At the first sign of opposition on your part I shall order my men to fire. Mr. Proprietor, lead the way through your place." Backed by the two armed men, Davis started in the wake of the proprietor. They examined all the rooms on the ground floor, after which Dan, leaving his men in the hallway to guard the rear, proceeded upstairs where a number of rooms had been arranged for lodging places. In one of these he found three sailors sound asleep on the floor. They were awakened with no little difficulty. "Guard, there!" called Dan down the stairway. "Aye, aye." "One of you come up here. Take these men out to the patrol with instructions for two of them to march these fellows down to the steamer. Tell the men to report back at once. If the other two have returned, send one of them in to me!" The sailors, rubbing their eyes, rose, grinning sheepishly. "Where are we heading, matey?" demanded one of them. "For the ship and perhaps the brig," answered Dan shortly. "What for?" "Overstaying your leave. Come, hurry out of here!" The men ruefully made their way down the stairs, and a few minutes later were on their way to the landing stage, where the steamer was waiting to receive them. Dan was convinced that the men had not intentionally overstayed their leave. Still, he had little sympathy for men who had so light a regard for their duty as to forget it entirely. "Now, Mr. Proprietor, what other rooms have you in this establishment?" "None." "I am afraid I can't take your word for anything after the way you have tried to deceive me. We will look about below a little. Where does that door lead to?" he asked, espying a small door under the stairway after they had reached the hallway again. "To the cellar. There's nothing down there." "Open the door." The owner of the place did so. Dan peered down into the darkness and was about to turn away, when he thought he heard voices. He listened intently. "Who is down there?" he asked of the proprietor. "No one." "Get a light and lead the way." The proprietor did so, his face working convulsively as he sought to control his rage. Leading the way across the cellar, the fellow threw open a door. A great wave of damp, smoky air smote the newcomers in the face. "So that's the game, is it?" demanded Dan triumphantly. There were the others of the missing men, enjoying themselves immensely. They were laughing and joking. "Attention!" commanded Davis. A loud laugh greeted his order. "Bring him in here. It's Little Dynamite!" shouted the men. "Hurrah, for Little Dynamite! Hurrah!" Sudden silence settled over the room. Behind the stern-faced Battleship Boy the eyes of the occupants of the room all at once made out their companions, armed with Krag rifles. They understood. "Attention! Forward march!" ordered Dan. The men rose, hesitated, then bowing before the authority that they knew represented the United States Government, they filed from the room, up the stairs and into the hallway, where another guard stood at attention. Dan led the way through the hall, on through the two rooms. He paused at the street door, while the men filed past him. They lined up in the street where Dan had halted them. "Right dress. Twos right, forward march!" The disconsolate sailors started away down the street, guarded in front and rear by armed men, with the Battleship Boy at their head. Dan had had a lively time, but he had carried out his orders faithfully. No conversation was indulged in, and, reaching the landing stage, the men were ordered into the little steamer, which quickly got under way and headed for the battleship. Shortly after that the delinquents were climbing up a sea ladder to the deck, the gangways having been taken in in preparation for getting under way. "All present, sir," announced Dan, saluting the officer of the deck. CHAPTER XI BETWEEN SKY AND SEA "You got them all, did you?" questioned the captain. "Yes, sir." "Good work! Did you have any trouble?" "Nothing very much, sir." "You look it," the captain laughed. "You will appear at mast this afternoon, at one o'clock, and give such evidence as you may have obtained, relating to where you found the men, and who of them offered resistance." "Aye, aye, sir." "Mr. Coates, are all our men accounted for?" "I will ascertain, sir." The executive officer returned a few minutes later and saluted. "The master-at-arms reports that the ship's crew is on board." "Very good; we will get under way at once. Davis, I take pleasure in commending you for your excellent work. You have done much better than I had any idea you could possibly do. That will be all. Your uniform needs attention." "Aye, aye, sir." Dan seemed fated to lose his clothes. He was without a hat, his garments were torn and soiled and his hair looked as if it had not felt the touch of a comb in many days. His condition necessitated another visit to the canteen for fresh supplies. "If this keeps on I shall be spending all my wages for uniforms," said the boy with a happy laugh, as he drew a cap, a new jacket, a blouse, and a new rating badge. The forecastle presented a scene of activity when finally Dan emerged upon it from the forward companionway. Orders were being passed rapidly, boatswain's mates were piping up their different watches and jackies were making all snug about the decks. "I think we are ready, Mr. Coates," announced the captain. "Up anchor!" roared the executive through his megaphone. Chains rattled and clanked as the powerful electric apparatus began hauling in the heavy anchors. "Anchors shipped, sir," sang a midshipman from the forecastle. "Slow speed ahead, both engines," ordered the captain. The ship swung slowly about, clouds of black smoke belching from her funnels. Poking her nose out into the English Channel, the battleship headed southward for a long cruise. The band on the quarter-deck about this time struck up "The Red, White and Blue," every jackie on the decks raising his voice in the words of the song. It was an inspiring scene. Dan Davis felt an unusual pride that afternoon. He had accomplished something of which he was proud, and for which he had a right to be proud. Shortly after mess the mast court was called, at which all the delinquents that the Battleship Boy and his squad had rounded up were arraigned on deck. This was the part of his work that the boy did not like. He was placed in a position where, if he should tell the truth, he would be obliged to give information that would send some of his shipmates to the ship's brig for many days. It was a foregone conclusion that Dan would tell the truth, and he did. He related the story of the arrest of each man, leaving out his own part in the affair as much as possible. However, the facts were skilfully drawn out by the commanding officer. Most of the men who had overstayed their leave were remanded for trial by summary court, and two days later, at muster, sentence was pronounced. The "Long Island" was now starting on a long cruise to southern waters. The Battleship Boys were looking forward to new sights and new scenes, as well as new experiences, of which they were to have a full measure. The English Channel was left behind two days later, the battleship beginning once more her strife with the broad Atlantic. The skies were gray and the water of that dull leaden hue which to the experienced eyes of the sailor means trouble. Before that afternoon had come to a close huge seas were breaking over the forecastle, sending the spray over the bridge and high up on the military masts. "The glass is falling, sir," announced the navigating officer. "Yes; we are in for a rough night," answered the captain. "Is all secure, Mr. Coates?" he asked, turning to the executive officer. "All is secure, sir." The quarter-deck, long since, had begun shipping seas, so that now it was wholly awash, the deck being buried beneath tons of water, save now and then when it would rise, dripping, from the sea, only to bury itself again a few minutes later, the after flag staff disappearing beneath the green seas that swept over it. Sea after sea would rise over the forecastle, leap the forward turret, striking the weather cloths of the bridge with a swish and a thud, then go hissing past the officers on the bridge with terrific speed. Watches had been set as if the hour were late, for it was becoming more and more difficult to see ahead, in the blinding salt spray that hung over the ship like a fog. As far as the eye could reach the sea was a mass of angry, swirling waters, here and there rising into great white-capped mountains. All at once the voice of the lookout in the tops sang out a new call. "Waterspout off the starboard bow!" Instantly every man within sound of the lookout's voice sprang up to view the sight. "Pipe all hands up to see waterspout!" roared the executive officer. It was dangerous business coming on deck in that sea, but the men knew how to look out for themselves. They came piling from hatchway and companionway like as many monkeys. "Where away?" called one. "Off the starboard bow," answered a voice from the bridge. When the battleship rose on a great heaving billow a splendid sight was obtained of the twister. The swirling pillar of water appeared to reach high up into the skies. The column was traveling at tremendous speed. "What would happen if the thing should hit us?" questioned Sam Hickey apprehensively. "It would rake your red hair and turn it green," jeered a companion. "I'd hate to be on board a ship that it did hit," added a boatswain's mate. "I was on a barkentine, trading between New York and Brazil once, when we got hit by a twister," said a machinist's mate. "Do any harm?" "Not much. Stripped her clean, washed seven sailors overboard and a few other trifles." "Do you mean it washed a few other trifles overboard?" questioned Hickey. "No; I don't mean anything of the sort. I mean that it cut up a few other capers. We were picked up by a coasting steamer three days later, half drowned." "Any danger of her coming our way?" asked Sam a little apprehensively. "I guess not. The officers will look out for that." The officers on the bridge were looking after the waterspout, and very carefully at that. An extra watch was posted in each of the military tops, with instructions to keep a keen lookout. Hickey was one of these. His station was on top of the forward cage mast, a hundred feet from the deck. The red-haired boy's head swam as he clung desperately to the rope ladder in his perilous ascent. Now and then the battleship would heel over until it seemed as if she never would come back. When half way up he paused a few seconds, to turn his head aft and get a free breath, for water was smiting him at every step. He saw a signal wig-wagged to him from the after mast. It was from Dan Davis, who was going up on the same duty. "I'll race you to the top," signaled Davis. "Go you!" answered Sam, starting up the ladder at a lively clip. Dan was not caught napping. He was off with Sam. Every little distance up these masts is a landing made of woven leather strands, and a person mounting to the top has to cross each one of these, taking a ladder on the other side. The Battleship Boys barely struck the high places in crossing the landings. It seemed as if they surely must fall. "Look careful, aloft there!" roared a voice from the bridge. "Aye, aye, sir," floated back the reply from Hickey. They had reached next to the last landing, far up there in the spray-laden air, when a shout attracted all eyes aft. A man was seen hanging from the platform by his feet. With each roll of the ship his body would swing far out from the mast, as he hung suspended between sea and sky. "Man the main mast!" thundered an officer, his voice being heard above the roar of the storm. Half a dozen jackies sprang for the mast. "Who is the man aloft there?" demanded the captain. "It's Gunner's Mate Davis, sir," answered the executive officer. The captain groaned. "He'll be lost. Look alive there, men! Quick! Quick!" Sam had seen and understood, but he did not halt. He was under orders to go to the top, and to the top he went as fast as his feet and hands would carry him. Not until he had reached the swaying platform at the top of the cage mast did he venture to look astern. The lad's heart fairly leaped into his throat as he saw his companion's terrible peril. In running across the landing, Dan had been caught by a sudden violent lurch of the ship and thrown forward. He felt his head and shoulders going through between the braces of the mast. With quick instinct he spread both legs, turning his toes outward. Nothing else saved him from plunging a hundred feet into the sea. And there he clung by his feet, every muscle in his body strained to its utmost tension. With each roll of the ship he felt that he would be unable to hold on through another. "Hold fast!" shouted a voice far below him. [Illustration: "Hold Fast!" Shouted a Voice Below.] "Hold fast--they're coming!" howled Sam Hickey from his perch high in the air. His voice was lost on the roar of the gale, but he did not know it. "Where's that confounded waterspout?" he muttered. "Oh, I see it. The thing is going to come pretty close to the ship, I'm afraid. But I don't care. I'm too high up to get hit by it." His mind turning from the waterspout to Dan Davis, Sam wheeled, steadying himself by holding tightly to the railing that extended around the top. Every lurch of the ship was like "cracking-the-whip" at school. It seemed to make every bone in one's body snap. Sam groaned as he saw Dan swaying back and forth. "Oh, why doesn't he grab the mast? Why doesn't he?" Sam did not know that Dan was making desperate efforts to do this very thing, but thus far had been unable to. All at once the lad's feet slipped out of position. "He's going! He's going overboard!" yelled Hickey in a voice that was heard on the bridge and to the stern of the superstructure. Sam shut his eyes and stood there trembling. He had forgotten waterspout, raging sea and all--all save the fact that his companion was falling. A yell aroused him. The yell was different from the rest. It was a yell of joy. Sam opened his eyes, blinked, rubbing the salt water out of them, then gazed aft through the mist. CHAPTER XII IN THE COILS OF A "TWISTER" "There he goes! Oh, that's too bad!" groaned the captain. He had seen the boy's body shoot outward. "No, he's struck something. He's caught a stay," cried the executive officer. "He'll never hang there. He'll surely go over now." Dan was hanging with desperate courage to the rope that he had caught. "Such grit! What a pity!" By this time the jackies had reached the platform, but they could be of no assistance to their shipmate. Dan was hanging twenty feet out from where they were. He seemed to have lost his bearings, and, for the moment, appeared not to realize where he was. Little by little his power of reasoning returned to him, while all hands were watching him with breathless interest. The stay to which he was clinging extended forward to the foremast, running from the middle of the mainmast to the middle of the foremast. Hand over hand the plucky lad began moving along the rope brace. It was slow progress at best. At last he was directly over the huge funnels. Hot, suffocating smoke, belching from the funnels, hid him from the view of those on deck. The smoke and coal gas well-nigh strangled the boy, but he kept on. A cheer reached his ears as he at last emerged from the cloud of black smoke. "Keep it up, Dynamite! Keep it up!" howled a dozen voices. "Steady now! Hold to your course. You're on the last lap!" "Come on, Dan!" howled Sam Hickey, dancing about on his insecure foothold, almost beside himself with excitement. On the other hand, at that moment, Dan Davis was perhaps the least excited of all that ship's company. He was in full command of himself, though his arms ached and he had to exert great self-control to keep from letting go. Now and then he would pause, hanging by one hand to rest the other arm, then he would go on again, moving more rapidly than before. "Bridge, there!" roared Sam. "Aye, aye." "Can't somebody come aloft to give Davis a hand when he reaches the foremast?" "Get aloft, there!" bellowed the executive officer. "Yes, the boy Hickey has more sense than all the rest of we officers down here," exclaimed the captain. Men ran up the ladders in a squirming white line, and quickly clambered out into the steel rigging. As Dan neared them they stretched forth their hands. "Only a little way further, matey," they encouraged. "That's the boy! You'll make a tight-rope walker one of these days, only you want to learn to walk with your feet instead of your hands." "Grab me!" called Dan. "Got him!" yelled a jackie at the top of his voice. The word carried to the bridge and to the superstructure, where a hundred or more sailors were crouching trying to peer up into the mist. They broke forth into a wild yell of applause. In the meantime strong hands had grasped Dan, pulling him in among the steel supports of the cage mast, where they held him while he rested from his great ordeal. Sam Hickey was dancing a jig on the top of the military mast, yelling as if he had suddenly gone mad. "The boy is safe, sir," announced the executive officer. "Thank God!" breathed the captain. "Aloft, there!" "Aye, aye." "Is Davis all right?" "Yes, sir." "Send him below as soon as he is able." "Aye, aye, sir." "I'm able now," said Dan. "I'm going below. I've got to get back to my station." "All right, matey. Want any help?" "No; I can get down alone." Dan's arms ached, and his muscles were pretty well stiffened, as he started to make his way down the rocking mast. At last he reached the foot of the mast, which was the navigating bridge of the ship, and started to run down the steps to return to his post. "Davis!" The voice was sharp and commanding. "Aye, aye, sir," answered the boy, halting and saluting. "Where are you going?" "To my post, sir," he answered, as he faced the commanding officer. "You need not return to your post. There are enough men aloft in the mainmast now. You have done quite enough. How did you happen to fall?" The boy explained, not omitting the fact that he and Sam were running a race for the tops. The captain did not rebuke the boy for this, perhaps realizing that Dan had already been severely punished for his foolhardiness. "That is all for the present. Aloft, there!" "Aye, aye, sir." "How about that waterspout!" The seas were engulfing the ship so that the officers could not see the waterspout at all. They had wholly lost sight of it. "Yeow! Wow!" yelled a voice far above their heads. Looking up, they saw the red-headed Sam dancing again, shouting lustily and pointing off the starboard bow. "Aloft, there, what is it?" "Waterspout! Waterspout!" howled Hickey. "Where away?" "It ain't away at all." "Where away? Answer, you lubber!" "Right off the starboard bow, sir. Look out, she's going to hit us! Lo-o-o-o-k out! Ye-ow!" "Hard aport!" shouted the captain. "Hold fast on the bridge! Look alive, men aft, there! Waterspout coming aboard. Every man look out for himself!" All tried to do so, but not all were quick enough to get under cover. Only a few of them succeeded. With a terrifying roar the waterspout swept down on the ship. It towered above them like a huge mountain, bearing to the northeast. It struck the battleship on the starboard bow, sending a shiver through the ship, hurling to the deck every man who was not clinging to some support. The twister recoiled after sending tons of water over the ship--recoiled as if to gather strength for a final crushing blow. The quartermaster, who had been holding the steering wheel, had been wrenched from the wheel and hurled down a flight of steps to the spar deck. Not an officer on the bridge was on his feet. Dan Davis, who had crept up the companionway to get a better view of the waterspout, was huddled against the cage mast, clinging to one of its supports. All at once he discovered that no one was at the wheel. Without waiting for an order, he leaped forward. Grasping the wheel, he swung it sharply to port. The thought suddenly occurred to him that the best way to meet the twister would be head-on. He did not know what the result of such a meeting might be, nor did he have time to think. As it was, the ship was laboring in the trough of a terrific sea, and might be swamped. The bow of the ship pierced the base of the waterspout. With a mighty roar the towering column of water suddenly collapsed. The sound was like thunder, as tons upon tons of water beat down on the decks. The whole ship seemed to be under water. Everything movable was moving. The officers lay prone upon the narrow navigating bridge, clinging to its stanchions for their lives. At the wheel a hatless boy, fairly swimming in salt water, was working to get a foothold that would enable him to swing the ship. At last he managed to wrap both legs about the wheel frame, and there he clung, tugging at the wheel with all his strength. Very slowly, at first, the ship began to respond. First the battleship seemed to shake itself, trying to throw off the great weight of water upon its decks; then its blunt, stubborn bow rose clear of the seas. A moment, and the shining decks themselves cleared the water, every scupper discharging a green salt flood overboard, every deck below soaked with brine. The captain was the first to regain his feet. He sprang up, his eyes taking in the after part of the ship in one sweeping, comprehensive view. Then his eyes rested on the man at the wheel. "Davis, is that you?" "Yes, sir." "You weren't at the wheel before we were struck?" "No, sir." "How did you happen to get there?" "I guess I must have been washed here, sir. "Where is the quartermaster who was at the wheel?" "I saw him falling down the after companionway, sir. I think you will find him on the spar deck, sir." "You steered us out?" "Yes, sir." "Where is the spout?" "I smashed it, sir." "You what?" "Smashed it." "How?" "I steered the ship into it." "You did that?" "Yes, sir," answered Dan, now expecting that he was in for a severe rebuke. "Explain." "I saw, immediately after the wheelman had been swept away, that the ship was in a bad position. The waterspout was going to hit us, quartering on the starboard bow. It seemed to me that the best thing to do would be to split it. I didn't know whether I could do it or not, but I made up my mind to try. There was no one to ask, nor time to do so. I had to do something in a hurry." "So you rammed the waterspout, eh?" "I did, sir." "What do you think of that, Coates?" as the executive officer picked himself up, wet, capless, very much the worse for his encounter with the waters of the twister. "What is that, sir?" "Davis rammed the twister." The captain then went on to relate in detail what had happened while they were on their faces, holding fast to the bridge stanchions to keep from going overboard. "Davis, I shall have to commend you again and for this--perhaps saving the ship--I shall send your name in to the department. Quartermaster, here!" "Aye, aye, sir." "Man the wheel!" CHAPTER XIII TWO ARE MISSING Night came on; dark, heavy clouds were hanging low in the sky, the wind shrieking dismally. The jackies, however, were happy. They were not disturbed by the roar of the gale. So rough was the sea, however, and so heavy the roll of the ship, that it was decided not to set the mess tables for the evening meal. The men sat around on the lower decks, legs crossed, balancing themselves and their plates of food, joking and laughing over the little mishaps of their companions. Down in the captain's quarters matters were little better. Most of the time the commanding officer was holding to his own table with both hands. A plate of hot soup had just turned turtle, landing in his lap, soiling the spotless uniform that he had put on after returning from the bridge. The officers in the ward room, where all the other commissioned officers eat, were having their own troubles. All at once there was a yell. Some tumbled over backwards in their chairs, while others sprang up and scrambled out of harm's way, as a huge object came hurling through the air. It landed full force on the mess table, the table going down beneath it with a mighty crash. The dark object was the ward-room's upright piano. The captain, hearing the crash, rushed in from his quarters adjoining. "What's wrong?" he shouted. "Nothing, captain. There's music in the air, that's all," answered the ship's surgeon. This put all hands in good humor, even though a quantity of china had been utterly ruined. China was not troubling the jolly tars forward, nor were they disturbed over the wet decks on which they were sitting. Every man of them was soaked with salt water. In the galley kettles were sliding across the range, and from there out on to the deck. Food was everywhere, except where it should have been. Suddenly the jackies on the seven-inch gun deck set up a yell of delight. A steward descending a ladder carrying a kettle of hot beans suddenly lost his hold. With a howl, he plunged headlong. Sam Hickey chanced to be right in the path of the human projectile. The kettle of boiling hot beans turned turtle just as it was hovering over the red-headed boy's head. Down came kettle, beans and all over Sam's head. Part of the contents scattered, catching other unlucky jackies who were sitting near him. Hickey's yells could be heard above the roar of the storm, as he scrambled madly to his feet, tugging at the kettle to get it off his head. The handle had dropped down under his chin. Shipmates sprang to his rescue, else Sam would have been seriously burned. As it was, his face was red and swollen, his hair was matted with beans and his eyes glared angrily. "You did that on purpose," he howled, starting for the unlucky steward. "Yes, of course he did," urged several voices. "He ought to be dumped overboard for the fishes." "No; he's too tough, they wouldn't eat him." The steward himself settled the question of his disposal, by scrambling up the companionway as fast as he could go. He knew the jackies well enough to be aware that they would like nothing better than having some sport with the "sea cook," as they call every man connected with the kitchen department. "Hello, Sam, what's the matter?" questioned Dan Davis, as he shot across the deck head first, having lost his grip on the frame of the water-tight door where he had been standing for a moment. "Look out! Here comes the dynamite projectile!" warned a voice. Dan landed among a group of sailors, and what food they had in hand was scattered all over that part of the deck. The next second he found himself sprawling in the middle of the deck, where they had hurled him. Hickey grinned. "What's the matter with you?" "I must have been fired with a charge of smokeless powder, as I don't see any smoke," laughed Dan. "Well, you are a sight! What happened to you?" "Beans!" jeered the jackies. "I thought you looked like one of the fifty-seven varieties," laughed Dan Davis, at which there was a loud uproar. "Throw him overboard. It's them kind of jokes that causes waterspouts and earthquakes. Don't you ever dare say anything like that again, Dynamite, or we'll forget you're a shipmate and bounce you!" "You had better begin right now, then," retorted Dan defiantly. "I'm ready for any kind of a row you want to start. It's a good night for a rough-and-tumble. We haven't anything else to do. Come on, if you are looking for trouble." Dan squared off as if ready for a fight. Just then the ship gave a heavy lurch. The Battleship Boy disappeared under one of the big guns. His messmates hauled him out by the feet, amid shouts of laughter, and began tossing him about as if he were a ball. Davis took his rough treatment good-naturedly. "Thought you were going to fight?" jeered the jackies. "No; like Sam Hickey, I've changed my mind," laughed Dan. "Hark!" "What is it?" All hands stopped to listen. "It's the bugle. They're piping some squad to quarters. I wonder what's up now?" "That's the whaleboat crews they're piping up," nodded Dan. "I guess the boats are being washed away." "There goes another call." "Starboard seven-inch gun crew called to quarters!" shouted Gunner's Mate Davis. "Jump for it, boys!" There was a rush of those of the gun crew who were on the deck with Dan. They well knew that something was wrong at their station. For all they knew they might have been called to work the gun; still such a call was hardly to be looked for during the mess hour. Reaching the seven-inch turret, they found the place flooded with salt water. With every lurch of the ship a great column was forced in, as if through a gigantic hose. The first charge of this caught Sam Hickey, sweeping him clear out into the corridor. Sam came back, choking and coughing, yelling at every one in his excitement. "Attention!" roared the gun captain. "Attention!" repeated Dan Davis. He saw instantly what had happened. "The steel buckler plates have been wrenched loose!" These buckler plates are employed to cover the opening in the side of the ship about the guns. Without them the ship would be flooded in heavy weather. It was not an easy task that had been set for the gun crew. Every man knew that. "Who will volunteer to do the work outside?" demanded the gun captain. "I'll attend to that," answered Dan promptly. "Me, too," added Sam, without hesitation. "I can't get any wetter than I am." "You'll get something besides wet," said the captain. "Very well, you two go out. Hold fast! Look out for yourselves." The Battleship Boys were climbing from the turret ere the words were out of his mouth. "Don't try any tricks, Sam," advised Davis. "Better take that advice to yourself. If I remember rightly you were running a race, or something, when you fell off the cage mast to-day. Woof!" A heavy sea smashed into them, laying them flat on the deck. The boys hung on until the sea had rolled over them. They were high up on the superstructure, where the seven-inch guns are located. Not a thing could they see in the darkness, but they knew their way about as well as if it had been broad daylight. The buckler plates were thrust in from the inside of the turret, the duty of the lads outside being to make fast the catches which were employed to hold the buckler plates in position in heavy weather. Under ordinary conditions it was not necessary to set these emergency catches. It had not been done in this instance, consequently the plates were battered in, flooding the deck and all that part of the ship. "All ready out here!" shouted Dan. With a grating sound the bucklers were shoved into position. "Click!" The catches snapped into place. "Right!" bellowed Hickey, placing his lips close to the side of the muzzle of the gun. "Come, let's get out of here," called Dan. "Look out for yourself. Duck! Grab!" roared Sam. "Wha--what----" Dan did not complete the sentence. A wall of water struck the turret with a report like that of the three-inch forward rifles. From the depths of the great green wave came a muffled yell. Sam Hickey's grip had been wrenched loose from the guard rope at the side of the muzzle of the seven-inch. At the same instant both lads felt themselves lifted from their feet. Then down, down they dropped. It seemed to them that hours were consumed in that terrible drop. They felt themselves falling into an abyss of the sea. Such was not the case, however, though their situation was, at that instant, every bit as serious as if they had in reality been falling into the sea. As it was, they were being swept toward it. The smash of the wave having carried them from their feet, rolled them along the upper or spar deck, dropping them down some twenty feet to the quarter-deck, that was all awash. Fortunately the water below caught them, or they might have been killed in the twenty-foot fall to the quarter-deck. Suddenly Sam came into violent contact with something that he gripped anxiously. That something did not give way. Dan met with a similar experience, and there the lads hung, neither knowing what had become of the other, seas smiting them, threatening every second to hurl them on and into the sea itself. In the meantime those of the gun crew had returned to the gun deck to dry their clothes. The gun captain, however, waited for the return of the boys who had gone outside. "I wonder what has become of those boys," he mused, peering out through the hatchway that he opened the merest crack. There was neither sight nor sound of them. "Davis! Hickey!" he bellowed. His effort brought no answer. The gun captain knew no personal fear. He stepped out, closing the hatch behind him quickly. He clung there, watching, listening, then shouting. All at once he turned and hurried back to the gun deck. Sending word to the executive officer, he informed that officer of the absence of the two boys. The captain heard the news a moment later, and a stir ran all through the ship. "They're overboard. Nothing could save them, sir," advised the executive officer. "Man the searchlights. Both tops!" commanded the captain, now all activity. "Pipe all hands to stations!" CHAPTER XIV DOWN THE AMMUNITION HOIST The searchlights flashed out over the troubled sea. Nothing but water--angry, foaming water--could be seen. Not a sign that looked as if it might be a man were they able to pick up. "They're trying to find us. They think we have gone overboard," muttered Dan Davis. He uttered a loud shout. At that instant there sounded another shout close by him. At first he thought it was the echo of his own voice. All at once he made the discovery that some one else was near. "Hello!" shouted Dan. "Hello yourself!" "Is that you, Sam?" "No, it's only part of me. Most of me has been blown overboard. That you, Dan?" "Ye-e-e-s," answered Davis in a choking voice. "Yell, Sam, if you've got any voice left. Yell for your life. They don't see us." Hickey uttered a lusty howl. Dan saw at once that the men in the tops were unable to depress the searchlights enough to sweep the quarter-deck with the light rays. "They don't see us, Sam. Yell louder." "I'll have to borrow a stomach pump to jerk the salt water out of me, before I can yell any more at all. I'm afloat, inside and out, and not a compass to guide me. Where are we?" Dan felt about him cautiously. "I think we are astern somewhere. Judging from the position of the searchlights, I think we must be somewhere on the quarter-deck." "How'd we get here?" Another wave made it impossible for Davis to answer for a minute or so. When finally he had gotten his breath he said: "I think we must have been washed here. But----" "Say, let's get out of here, Dan." "But how we ever dropped from the topside to the quarter-deck without being killed is more than I can figure out." "I'm going to try to cross the deck." "Don't do it, Sam. You will be swept into the sea instantly. Wait! I have a plan." "What is it?" "Can you work your way along the rope railing to where I am?" "I can swim over to you." "Come on, then, but keep tight hold of the rail." "Here's the flagstaff," shouted Sam. "I've got my bearings now." "You will need something more than that to get you out of this scrape. Come up close to me and I'll tell you what to do." "Here I am. Where are you?" Dan reached out a hand, grasping the arm of his companion. "There ought to be a rope right at the foot of the staff, here. Yes, here it is. Hold fast to me, so I don't go overboard, while I untie the knot." "What are you going to do?" "I'll show you in a minute." Dan made the rope fast to a cleat on the after stanchion, then took a twist about his own arm with the free end. "Now, I want you to stand right here until I give three tugs on the rope." "What are you going to do?" "I don't know what I am going to do, but I'm going to try to get to the twelve-inch turret with this rope." "You'll have to swim for it, then." "I expect to have to swim part of the way, but leave that to me. When I give three long tugs on the rope you start working along it." "But where will we go? The water-tight doors are fastened on the inside; we can't get in. We shall be swept from the deck. I guess I'll stay where I am, and hang on until morning." "No; you can't do it. You will be washed overboard. Watch the rope. I may go over, too, but you can tell by the feel of the rope, and if you think I'm going over, haul in. I'll yell, too. The wind is this way and you can hear me. Now, don't bother me. I'm going in a minute." Dan hung to the rail, rope in hand, watching the roll of the ship, which he was obliged to observe not by sight, but by the sense of feeling. All at once, as the stern rose into the air, he darted forward. He was in water nearly up to his waist, but as the quarter-deck rose the water rushed to the sides of the ship in a raging flood. Suddenly Dan felt himself being drawn backward. At first he could not understand the meaning of it. Then he realized. Sam was hauling him in. "Stop it! Stop it!" yelled Davis. Sam kept on hauling. Losing his foothold on the slippery deck, Dan went down. At the same time the quarter-deck shipped a big wave and Dan was swimming blindly. Through it all he managed to keep hold of the rope with one hand. He was being dragged along the deck so fast that he could not get to his feet, even after the water had receded a little. Finally, yelling at the top of his voice, Hickey finished his work, grabbed Dan from the deck and slammed him against the rail. "I got you! I got you! I saved your life, didn't I?" "Sam--Sam Hickey, you're the biggest fool I ever bumped into in all my life!" "A fool--a--see here, is that all I get for saving you----" "What did you haul me back for?" "Because you yanked on the rope." "I did nothing of the sort." "You did." "I didn't." "We--we won't argue the question. I--I haven't enough breath left in me to argue. Now, next time, don't you pull on the rope until you hear me yell, or until the rope swings way over to port. I am going to run quartering so that if I get caught by another wave I will be washed toward the twelve-inch turret. Understand?" "Sure, I understand." Waiting until the stern rose again, Dan made another dash. This time he had, as he had planned to do the other time, reached a spot opposite the turret before the deck sank under another wave. He was washed right up against the turret when the wave did come. The instant the wave left him, he took a turn about a big ring-bolt on the turret. "Sam! Sam!" A faint "hello" was wafted to him on the gale. "Come on!" Dan waited and waited, but no Sam came. He began to grow worried. "Sam!" "Yeow!" "Come on. I'm waiting for you." A strain on the rope told Davis that his companion had started, and a few minutes later Sam Hickey stood beside him. "What's the matter, Sam?" "Nothing, except that I'm wet." "Why didn't you come when I called you?" "I was watching the sparks up there on the wireless aerials. Say, it is just like a lot of lightning bugs. Did you ever watch the sparks at night?" "Yes, but not when I was trying to save my life and another's. I don't believe it was half worth the effort. I am beginning to think that there doesn't much of anything matter, so far as you are concerned. Let's get inside now." "How are you going to do it?" "We will climb up under the turret, through the manhole." "I never thought of that." Dan unfastened the opening on the under side of the turret projection, and, sending Sam ahead, climbed in after, closing the opening behind them. It was intensely dark in the turret and the room was so small that it was with difficulty that the boys could find their way through. For a minute or so they were engaged in climbing up to get into the enclosure from where a ladder led down into the lower part of the turret. "Now, Sam, be very careful that you don't fall. This is a bad place to be fooling around in when it is dark. I wish I could turn on the electric lights here, but I don't know where the button is." "Shall I light a match?" "No, sir!" "Why not?" "Supposing there should chance to be some powder scattered on the floor, and----" "Wow! That would be a nice thing, wouldn't it? There'd be an explosion, eh?" "There might be. Better take the chance of bumping our heads----" "Say, Dan, where are you going?" "I am going to follow you. Come here. Give me your hand." "What for?" "Get in here. Make yourself as small as possible." Hickey crawled into the small opening, though he did not know where he was. "What is this place you're stowing me in?" he demanded. "It's the ammunition hoist," answered Dan, as he began to pull down on a rope. The ammunition hoist for the twelve-inch guns is a sort of dumb waiter that is raised and lowered by pulling on a rope attached to its top and bottom. A few minutes later the guard on duty in the magazine corridor was startled by a creaking and groaning sound. After listening a moment, he traced the sound to the ammunition hoist. All at once the hoist came down with a bang, spilling Hickey full length on the floor of the corridor. The guard made a grab for the newcomer, and, at the same instant, Sam Hickey wrapped both arms about the legs of the marine who was on guard duty. That worthy went down on top of Sam. For a minute there was a lively tussle, but ere it had come to an end, the ammunition hoist shot down again and Dan Davis leaped out into the passageway. He gazed in astonishment at the two men on the floor. "Get up, Sam! What in the world are you trying to do?" Sam threw the guard off. "This chocolate candy soldier jumped on me when I came down. Let me at him----" Davis pulled his companion away. "You'll have to come with me," announced the guard. "I shall be obliged to arrest you. Your conduct is suspicious." "Well, I like that!" grumbled Sam. "First you get tossed overboard and then you get arrested because you didn't go drown yourself. I won't be arrested." "Take us to the master-at-arms; he understands," said Dan. They were led to the upper deck, where they were suddenly confronted by Captain Farnham. "What's this, what's this?" he demanded. The marine guard explained. "You may release them, guard. Now, lads, explain how you got into the ship? I can see from your appearance that you must have had a hard time." "We got in through the twelve-inch turret," explained Dan, after having told the captain of their experiences. "Most remarkable. I have come to the conclusion that there is no use in worrying about you boys. It is evident that there is nothing on land or water that can kill you. But you are shivering, Davis." "I am a little cold," admitted Dan. "Go to the chief steward and tell him I order that coffee be made for you. How about you, Hickey? Are you in a chill also?" "No, sir; my hair keeps me warm, sir. At least that's what the boatswain's mate says." The captain laughed heartily. "Run along, both of you, and get warmed up. It will soon be time to turn in. Good night." "Good night, sir," answered the Battleship Boys, saluting and turning away. CHAPTER XV LAND HO! The following days passed uneventfully. The storm abated late the next afternoon, for the ship was running into southern seas where the skies took on a deeper blue, the water a golden hue under the southern sun. One afternoon a few days later the lookout sang out, in a voice that had a note of gladness in it: "Land ho!" "Where away?" "Three points off the port bow." Glasses were leveled in the direction indicated, and the jackies on the forecastle, who had heard the cry, lined the rail, scanning the horizon with shaded eyes. But the land was too far away to be seen from where they were standing. "There it is!" cried Dan, half an hour later, as a thin blue line appeared to rise from the sea off the port bow. "What land is it?" "Spain, I reckon," answered a shipmate. "Leastwise, it was Spain when I was along here last time." "Spain, did he say?" questioned Hickey. "Yes." For a few moments the Battleship Boys gazed in silence. It was their first glimpse of the shores of that far-away country. After a time the rocky shores grew into plain sight. "That is Portugal over there," said a boatswain's mate. "We ought to sight Lisbon before dark." Dan and Sam looked into each other's eyes. "We are seeing things for sure, aren't we, eh?" grinned Hickey. "Yes; it is a wonderful experience, well worth all the hardships we have gone through." "I wonder if they are going to stop?" "I don't know. Do we make port anywhere along here?" Dan asked of the boatswain's mate. "I don't know. The captain hasn't taken me into his confidence yet." "Can you blame him?" came back Dan Davis, quick as a flash. "Look here, Little Dynamite, don't get fresh," answered the boatswain's mate, with a good-natured laugh. "I'll tell you, though, that it is more than likely that we'll tie up to a tree somewhere along here. We need some repairs after the banging around we've been having for the last two weeks. We'll have a field day when we do, and don't you forget that." "I don't want that kind of a field day," spoke up Sam. "Field day aboard ship means work, and lots of it." "Lisbon lies off yonder, in that depression in the shore line that you can make out if your eyes are good, boys," said the boatswain's mate, pointing off the port bow. "I see it, I see it," cried Sam. "And I," added Dan. They gazed long and searchingly. "I was in hopes we would run in and anchor there." "The captain is making for some other place. We are grinding along at a nineteen-knot gait. That ought to bring us up somewhere about to-morrow night." "Have you any idea where?" "Yes; I've got an idea, but I guess you had better figure it out for yourself." After mess that night Dan got out a map and studied it carefully, after having stolen a glance at the standardized compass high up on the after part of the superstructure. "I believe we are headed for Gibraltar," he said to himself. "You've guessed it, lad," said the mate, coming up behind him. "I thought you'd get your course figured out. It's better for a man to get in the habit of looking those things up for himself. He doesn't forget them when he gets them that way." That night the Battleship Boys turned in full of anticipation. They were heading into strange seas. There was hope that they soon would have an opportunity to go ashore and see something of the people and the life that thus far they knew only from the books they had read. The first thing in the morning, after getting their baths and dressing, the boys ran out on deck. There, looming faintly through the morning mist, the mighty rock of Gibraltar rose from the sea. "I see it," breathed Dan Davis, in a tone that was almost awe. "That is Gibraltar, Sam." "Yes, anybody could see it." "Isn't it wonderful?" "I'll tell you after I get a closer look at the place," replied the red-headed boy. "I never thought to see so grand a sight." "What's that thing on top of it, Dan? They must have a church up there." "It must be the signal tower. I remember one of the men telling about that. It is fourteen hundred feet above the sea level." Hickey uttered a low whistle. "I'd hate to walk in my sleep up there." "Up there they keep a constant watch on all ships coming in from the sea." "And do you think they see us?" "Of course they do, and they know who we are, and where we are bound probably better than we do. I wonder whether we are going through the straits?" "The Straits of Gibraltar?" "Yes." "Of course we are. We are going to all the places down around here, I heard the Old Man and the executive officer talking about it when we were up off Boulogne. We're going all the way around Africa before we head back for America. It is going to be a long cruise." "I know that, Sam. We are going to be away from home for a full year. Think of that. But when we get back, we are going to have a leave to go to Piedmont and see all the folks." A bugle call piped all hands to clean ship. They were nearing port and everything must be in perfect condition. There was need of work, for the long storm had left the ship in bad condition. The early view of the famous rock gave the impression of a barren cliff, but now little patches of emerald green began to grow out of the great gray pile. "Look at the guns sticking out!" exclaimed Hickey, later in the day, as the ship drew nearer and nearer. "Wonderful!" breathed Dan. "I don't see anything so wonderful about it. It looks business-like, that's all," said Sam. "Say, do you know what I'll bet I could do?" "What?" "I'll bet that in three shots I could knock the block off the top of that mountain with the seven-inch." "You mean the lookout station up there?" "Yes." Dan surveyed it with critical eyes. "If you did you would have to show better marksmanship than you have thus far." "Marksmanship? Why, I haven't fired a gun since I've been in the Navy." "You have had dotter practice, which is practically the same thing." "There's the town." As they neared the southern point they could see the white walls of the city glistening in the sun. Everywhere one looked new sights came into view, and not for one moment did the Battleship Boys cease wondering over what they saw. A low, dark line attracted Sam's attention, far off to the right of them. "I guess that must be the Dark Continent," he said with a laugh. Dan gazed fixedly at the point to starboard indicated by his companion. "I think you are right. That must be Africa over there. Just think of it! Would you like to be there, Sam?" "I don't know," admitted Hickey. "Somehow, I always think of snakes when Africa is mentioned." "There's the harbor," cried Dan, interrupting. "And I see some ships there, too." "I believe they are war ships," added Dan. "Yes; look, look, Sam! Look!" "Where, where? What, what?" demanded Sam, dancing about excitedly, looking first at his companion, then toward the harbor. "The Flag! The Flag!" "Oh, is that all?" said Sam in a disappointed tone. "Isn't that enough? Thousands of miles from home and to come in sight of the Stars and Stripes! Wouldn't that send the blood coursing through your veins?" demanded Dan, with flashing eyes. "Yes; I guess it would make some folks blood run cold. What ships are those?" "Let me see; there are three of them." "I know that--I can count. What I want to know is who they are?" "I don't know, Sam. Here comes the master-at-arms. I'll ask him." Dan did so. "Those are the 'Idaho,' 'Georgia' and 'Wisconsin.' They are to join us here for the rest of our cruise." "Thank you," answered Dan. By this time they were approaching the harbor, and all work was suspended for the moment. "Boom!" roared the "Long Island's" six-pounder. "Boom!" answered the other ships of the fleet. "Boom!" roared a gun from the mountain. The air seemed full of smoke and powder. Bands played, jackies shouted themselves hoarse, flags fluttered down from gaffs, only to go up again on the after gaffs. The American ships were at anchor, the three already in having only just arrived. CHAPTER XVI ON GIBRALTAR'S PEAK That afternoon the Battleship Boys got leave to go ashore. Their good conduct always earned a quick shore leave for them when many others were denied it. The quaint old semi-Moorish town at the base of the great mountain appealed to the lads and impressed them deeply. Red-coated British soldiers were everywhere about, wearing their jaunty caps tilted to one side, carrying their swagger-sticks airily, and now and then deigning a glance at the Battleship Boys. "Do you know what those fellows remind me of?" questioned Hickey. "Not being able to read your mind, I cannot say," answered Dan. "That cap, at least, reminds me of the organ grinder's monkey that passes the hat for pennies. But they are the real thing, aren't they?" "The caps?" "No, the monk--I mean the soldiers." "Boom!" roared a gun. There was no answer to it, and Dan, wondering, asked a citizen what the meaning of the shot might be. "One o'clock, me lad," was the answer. Sam laughed aloud. "Do--do they announce the hours here by firing guns?" he questioned. "They do." "Then--then I guess I would prefer to sleep at sea. What do you think of that?" "It certainly is a curious custom," agreed Dan. The boys wandered about the quaint town, peering into out-of-the-way places, talking with a soldier here and there, when they found one who was willing to unbend sufficiently to answer their questions. What impressed them most was the tremendous masses of masonry, parapets and guns. In whatever direction the boys glanced their eyes rested on the frowning muzzles of big guns. "How would you like to have all those guns turned on a ship in which you were?" asked Dan. "If they all shot straight it would be all day with us. But, Dan, don't you think that rock is a pretty good mark itself?" "Yes. And if it is all like what it is here at the bottom, I think a shot from a seven or eight-inch would crumble it. I----" "Look!" cried Sam. What appeared to be a basket of some sort was rising in the air far above their heads. "What is it?" "It looks like some kind of air-ship. But that cannot be possible." "There's some one in it!" "Are you sure?" "Yes," answered the red-headed boy, now all excitement. "I know now what it is," cried Dan. "I've read about that--no, I haven't read about it either. A jackie on the 'Long Island' told me about it. That is a metal basket in which the signal men and watchmen go up to the lookout station that you see on top of the mountain." "You don't say," muttered Sam in amazement. "How does it soar through the air that way?" "It doesn't. It is on a cable that is pulled up by some sort of power." "Let's go over and look at the thing," urged Sam. Dan was willing. He was as curious as was his companion, and even more enthusiastic, for all this was new and full of interest. It was after making numerous inquiries that they found their way to the landing platform from which the basket started on its way upward. By this time the metal basket had returned. There was room in it for four men. The boys looked it over curiously and enviously. "How would you like to take a ride in it?" questioned Dan, smiling into the solemn face of his companion. "I'd give a dollar and a half," answered Sam earnestly. "Let's get in and look the thing over." "I am afraid strangers are not allowed to do that. Yes, we'll get in. We can imagine we are going up to the top of the mountain, anyway." Both boys climbed into the basket, gazing up into the air, where the thread-like cable grew smaller and smaller until it was lost to view entirely. "I wonder how it works?" questioned Sam, turning to the mechanism of the basket. "Perhaps by electricity. Sh-h-h!" "What is it?" "Some one is coming," whispered Dan. The boys crouched down out of sight in the basket, laughing delightedly as they nudged each other. "They'll be surprised, if they find us here," said Sam. "Keep still. He's going away now, whoever he is." Peering over the basket, Davis saw that the man, a soldier, was walking rapidly down to the engine house, just below the landing platform. The man disappeared within. "Look out! We're moving!" howled Sam. [Illustration: "We're Going Up!" Howled Sam.] A glance over the side showed the platform dropping from beneath them at a rapid rate. Sam made a move as if to jump from the basket. "Sit down!" commanded Dan. "Do you want to kill yourself?" "But we're going up," protested Hickey. "We can't help it. We don't know how to stop the car, and even if we did, I doubt whether we could do it from here. I have an idea that the car is controlled from that engine house down there. I know now why the man came up to look at the car. He wanted to see that everything was right before he started the basket upward." "Do--do you think we are going to the top?" "It looks very much that way," answered Dan, with a mirthless laugh. The basket appeared to be gaining a little speed as it moved upward. It was swaying giddily from side to side, and had the boys not been used to being in high places on a rolling ship, they no doubt would have been made sick by the swinging of the basket. "Hurrah!" cried Dan. "I know what I'll do!" "Are you going to jump overboard?" "No. Do you see the 'Long Island' lying out there in the harbor?" "Sure I see her." "I'm going to wig-wag to her." Dan stood up while Hickey held him. Then Davis began making signals to the ship with his handkerchief. "There they go. Some one is answering," cried Davis in high glee. "Won't they be surprised?" "What are they saying?" "I can't read the message so far away. I wish we had a glass." "Come on up, fellows. We're having a ride up to the clouds," wig-wagged Dan. Glasses already were trained on them from more than one ship in the harbor. "Two enlisted men going up on the cable, sir," said the officer of the deck to the captain of the "Long Island." "Who are they?" "I'll ascertain, sir." Dan caught a flash of the signal flag as the sun shone down on it, and, with quick intuition, he understood that the ship was asking who they were. He signaled their names back. "I can't read you so far away. Have no glasses," wig-wagged Dan. "Going up by accident." The information was quickly conveyed to the captain of the "Long Island." "Those boys are both wired for electricity," laughed the commanding officer. "All they need is a dynamo to set them in operation, and they usually carry the dynamo about with them." "I'm afraid they will get into trouble with the authorities, sir," said the executive officer. "Why so?" "They have no business to go up there. The English government is, as you know, very secretive and very strict about its fortifications here at Gibraltar." "Never mind, Coates. Leave that to the lads. They have a way of getting out of scrapes." In the meantime the swaying basket was mounting higher and higher into the air. So lost were the Battleship Boys in admiration of the wonderful view unfolded before them that they almost forgot to take note of their sensations. A gun was fired from somewhere below them. The boys instinctively threw their hands to their ears. It sounded as if the gun were right beside them. "We are a pair of landlubbers," announced Dan Davis, with a sheepish grin. "I thought it was right here." "So did I, for a minute," answered Dan. "Sound travels up fast and strong, you know. There is the signal tower. We shall be up there pretty soon. Look out for a row when we get there, Sam." "I'm ready for any old kind of a row. I'm having the time of my life this morning." Looking up with shaded eyes, they saw the lookouts examining their basket with their glasses. "They have spotted us," said Dan. "I don't care. Let them spot. Maybe they will know us next time they see us." The basket mounted the last stage of the journey, going more and more slowly. At last it reached the landing. Dan was the first to leap from the car, followed quickly by Hickey. "Good morning," he greeted, coming to a salute, as he found himself facing three red-coated soldiers. "Who are you?" "Men from the U.S.S. 'Long Island.'" "What are you doing here?" "Just taking a little pleasure trip," answered Hickey, before Dan could open his mouth to explain. "You've got a fine place up here, but it must be rather drafty in winter time. I never did like drafts at that time of the year. Do you know----" "Get back into that basket!" interrupted the lookout sternly. "You have no business, up here." "Well, I must say you fellows are not very hospitable," grumbled Sam. "Can't we take a look around your shack?" "You cannot. You will be lucky if something worse doesn't happen to you." "I am sorry if we have done anything wrong," spoke up Davis. "We got into the basket to look it over and the machinery started. But that is no reason why you should be so gruff about it." "Get in there!" "Come on; he's a grouch," exclaimed Sam. "I'd rather be viewing the scenery on the way down than standing here looking at that. Why, he needs only a cake of soap in his hand to make a full-page ad. of him." Sam made a dive for the basket. "Start your machinery going as soon as you want to," said Dan. "We are ready." There followed a peculiar grinding sound. The basket began to move, gaining speed as it proceeded. It was going down much faster than it had ascended. The boys waved their hands in farewell to the grouchy sentry. "That's what I should term a formal call," announced Davis with a laugh. "It wasn't a call at all; it was a call down," retorted Sam. "Wow! Just look over the side!" Dan took one peep, then withdrew his head. "What a fall that would be," he breathed. "Yes, we'd be the Batteredship Boys instead of the Battleship Boys, were we to fall down the rest of the way," jeered Hickey. "That was an awful joke, Sam; but perhaps it is better to get a thing like that out of your system. My, but we're going fast!" The basket seemed to be gaining momentum every second. Sam Hickey's hair was rising, his cap having soared away on the breeze. "Stop it!" howled Sam. "I'd like to, but I can't." "Put on the brakes! There must be a brake. Do something!" "Do something yourself. I don't know how the machine works." "We are nearing the bottom. I think the car has slackened its speed some. I see that I've got to do whatever is done here, or we'll both land in the middle of the bay with a loud splash," retorted Sam. Hickey ran his hands over the mechanism, finally discovering a lever on the outside of the basket. "Here it is. Here's the brake. Now you'll see me steer the old tub. I'll make a landing that would make our quartermaster green with envy." "Be careful. We are nearly at the bottom now, Sam. I think it will slow down without any effort on our part. That evidently is the way the basket always comes down." Sam gave the lever a shove. "Shut it off! What have you done?" yelled Dan. The basket shot forward, as if impelled by some sudden force. "I--I can't. The--the thing won't work." "You've done it this time," groaned Davis. "You've killed us both----" "Wow!" howled Hickey. Dan made a grab for his companion just as Sam's heels were disappearing over the side of the basket. Davis missed the heels, then he followed Hickey, while the basket was smashed with terrific force against some solid object. The boys shot from the basket, turning somersaults in the air as they plunged downward. They did not cry out, but each lad believed that his time had come. CHAPTER XVII ON THE BLUE MEDITERRANEAN The boys landed with great force, then shot down the slope that led from the lower landing stage. The basket, in striking the landing, had been shattered, and it was when the crash came that the Battleship Boys were fired overboard. By a lucky chance, they had sustained nothing more serious than black and blue spots, torn uniforms and dirty faces. Dan sprang to his feet, after lying on his face a few seconds. "Sam! Sam!" "All present or accounted for," answered the red-headed boy, sitting up and rubbing the dirt from his eyes. Neither of them could see very clearly as yet. "Well, we are a pair of luck----" A heavy hand was laid on the shoulder of each. "Wha--wha--what!" exclaimed Dan, turning sharply. A file of soldiers confronted them. "We--we fell down, didn't we?" said Hickey, with a sheepish grin. A red-coated soldier with a corporal's stripe on his sleeve motioned to his men. They took firm grip on the arms of the Battleship Boys. "What does this mean?" demanded Dan. "You are under arrest." "Arrest?" "Yes." "For what?" "Going where you had no right to go." "But we meant no harm. And, besides, we are American sailors on board the 'Long Island.'" "You will explain to the officer of the day." The boys were taken to the barracks, where they were, after a time, brought before the officer of the day. He wore a white coat instead of a red one, and squinted at the boys through a monocle. He heard the story of the squad that arrested the Battleship Boys, then, turning to the lads, asked who they were. Dan stepped forward and explained briefly, telling the officer of their trip up the mountainside. The officer listened gravely. "You say you are from the 'Long Island?'" "Yes, sir." "How long have you been ashore?" "Not more than two or three hours." "Have you leave to be ashore?" Dan's eyes snapped. "We should not be here if we didn't have leave, sir. You can very easily find out all you wish to know about us, if you will communicate with our ship out there." "The matter will have to be laid before a higher authority than mine. You have committed a very grave offence. If, as you say, you belong to one of the American ships, your conduct may bring about grave results." "I am sorry, sir. Perhaps we have done wrong; but if so, it was not intentional. That should count for something." "Take them away, corporal!" "May I ask where you are taking us to, sir?" questioned Dan. "You are going to be locked up." "What, again?" demanded Hickey. "So this isn't the first time, eh?" demanded the British officer. "Will you be good enough to communicate with the ship, sir?" asked Dan. The officer of the day made no reply, and the boys were led away by the same squad that had picked them up after their thrilling slide down the cable. They were taken to the barracks, where they were placed in a room and a guard stationed outside. "Slid right into jail, didn't we?" demanded the red-headed Sam, after they had been left alone. "That was a slide for jail instead of a slide for life. I guess you and I had better stay aboard ship after this, Dan." "We do have a way of getting ourselves into trouble. I wonder how long the red-coats are going to leave us here?" Hours dragged on. The boys grew hungry, but no one came near them. They could hear the measured tramp of the sentry on the outside. In the meantime word had been sent to the battleship "Long Island." Immediately upon receiving the news, Captain Farnham had put off in his motor boat. He was fully convinced that it would be useless to send one of lesser rank than himself to intercede for the Battleship Boys. Captain Farnham went directly to the office of the Governor-General, before whom he laid the case. The governor looked serious. He thought he would have to submit the whole case to his own government. Men from a foreign warship had been caught prying into the secrets of the fortification. That was more than serious. "Nonsense, sir!" exploded the captain. "Mere boyish pranks. I wish them released. I will hold myself personally responsible to your government for your action in releasing them." The governor shook his head. "I am afraid the matter is beyond me to settle in that way." "Governor," said the captain in an impressive tone, "the shore leave of these men expires at nine o'clock to-night. I greatly desire to have them on board by that time. The 'Long Island' sails to-morrow morning at daybreak. I trust that no act of yours will interfere with the movements of United States ships. I bid you good afternoon." The captain bowed low and left the governor's presence, returning to his own ship at once. Nothing more was heard from the shore before nightfall, but shortly after dark a patrol entered the room where the Battleship Boys were being held. They took the boys in charge, holding to them tightly, as if expecting the boys would run away, conducting them in silence down to the landing. There a boat belonging to the garrison was awaiting them. The boys were ordered to get into the boat. "You will tell your commander that you are not to come ashore again during the ship's stay in this harbor," announced the officer in charge. Dan stood up in the boat. "I shall do nothing of the sort. I am not in the habit of giving orders to my captain, sir. If the English government, through its Governor-General, desires to communicate with the captain of the 'Long Island,' let him do so in the proper manner. Good night." Dan sat down, well satisfied with himself. "There, Tommy Atkins, will you be good now?" jeered Sam Hickey. The officer motioned for the boat's crew to pull away, which they did. Half an hour later, just before nine o'clock, the boat drew alongside the "Long Island," and the Battleship Boys ran up the sea ladder, reporting their arrival on board. That evening they were summoned before the captain, who gave them a friendly talk regarding their duties and conduct when on foreign soil. "I am not rebuking you, my lads," he said. "I am simply giving you some good advice. Foreign governments, especially monarchies, are very touchy, much more so than is your own country, so be careful." "We will, sir," answered Dan. "We will, sir," added Sam Hickey. "Until the next time," thought Captain Farnham, passing a hand over his face to hide the smile that he could not repress. At daylight next morning the four ships of the fleet weighed anchor, circled and steamed out of the harbor, soon after poking their noses into the blue waters of the Mediterranean Sea. Algiers was sighted late in the day, then the ships dropped the shores to port and starboard and settled down to their course. The next port was to be Port Said, the beginning of the Suez canal. The hopes of the Battleship Boys were high. They were about to make their first visit to the Orient, and already they were planning on the shore leave they would have. They had forgotten their experiences during their last shore leave, as perhaps they had the admonition of the captain. They were looking forward to what was before them. Gun drills and dotter practice were now indulged in for the greater part of the time by the gun crews, and thus far the starboard seven-inch crew held the record for quick, effective work. Every man of the seven-inch crew was looking forward to the day when the crew would be allowed to work their gun with ball and powder, shooting at a real target. There seemed no prospect of such an experience during this cruise, for it was a cruise intended principally to give the men of the fleet a chance to see the world. After several days of leisurely steaming the low-lying shores of Egypt appeared off the starboard bow, looking golden against the blue of the waters of the Mediterranean. The captain had decided not to stop at Alexandria, but to continue on to Suez and there give his men a long shore leave, when they would have opportunity to see sights that few of the battleship's crew had ever beheld. The fleet came to anchor off the mouth of the canal at twilight. Port Said lay in a deep shadow, with only the numerous twinkling lights to show that the chief town of the Egyptian province of the isthmus was near at hand. Songs floated out over the water after the anchors had been let go, these sounds of gayety from the shore causing the jackies of the fleet to look longingly shoreward. "To-morrow we'll get a leave," predicted Sam, as he and Dan were sitting on their gun turret in the soft evening air. "Not to-morrow, Sam." "Why not?" "I understand no shore leave is to be granted here. We shall be entering the canal early in the morning, on our way to Suez." "Oh, pshaw! That's a shame." "We are going to have a good time. You won't tell if I confide something to you?" "Never." "We are going to have several days ashore." "How do you know?" "I heard the captain telling the doctor. A lot of us are going inland." "Where to?" "I don't know. I did not catch that, though the captain mentioned the place. I guess some of the petty officers are going with us to see that we behave ourselves." "The idea!" grumbled Sam. "Just the same, I think you and I need a guardian. We do not seem able to keep out of trouble when we go ashore alone. Do we, now?" "I guess that isn't a joke, after all," answered Sam, while an appreciative grin overspread his face. On the following morning the battleship moved slowly into the canal. The ship's chaplain was shading his eyes, gazing off to the left, when the boys came and leaned over the rail near him. "Lads, do you know what lies beyond, almost within sight?" "No, sir." "It is the Holy Land. Palestine, Damascus, Jerusalem, all are within easy reach even of the guns of this ship." "Is it possible?" "Yes; yonder lies Arabia with its great deserts; and there, off the port bow, is Mount Sinai. It is a wonderful country." "Were you ever there, Padre?" questioned Sam, addressing the chaplain after the manner of all sailors. "Yes, I once made a pilgrimage there. I wish that I might go again." "I hear we are going to make a pilgrimage when we get to Suez," said Sam irreverently. "So I understand." "Do you know where we are going, sir?" questioned Dan. "I cannot say. But you will see much." "Yes, sir, we hope to." "Yonder, off the starboard beam, lies the valley of the Nile." "Shall we see it?" "Not on this cruise, my lads. Some other cruise you may get shore leave when in Alexandria and take a short journey up the stream." Night had set in before the ships of the fleet emerged from the canal into the Gulf of Suez, where lay the city of Suez. The moonlight glistened on the domes and minarets, making a picture long to be remembered by the Battleship Boys. Lights twinkled off on the shore; strange sounds floated out across the waters, now a wailing cry, a ripple of laughter, then music and shouting. Harsh and disturbing came the bugle's command, "Hammocks up." Regretfully the boys turned away from the rail and sought their billets, for the bugle's command must be obeyed instantly. Soon the ship settled down to silence and sleep, the only sound on board being the footsteps of the watch as they paced back and forth on their stations. CHAPTER XVIII JOLLY TARS IN EGYPT After the work of the morning had been gotten out of the way next day, the word was passed about that shore parties were to be allowed to leave the ship immediately after the noon mess. One party was to spend the day in Suez, while the other was to take a longer journey. The Battleship Boys were of the latter party. There were all of fifty of them. When they were ready to start they marched to the quarter-deck, where the captain addressed them. "I am giving you three days' shore leave, men, in recognition of faithful service and attention to duty. I shall expect you to carry yourselves as befits an American man-of-wars-man. Arrangements have been made for you to visit Cairo and the Pyramids. I shall hope to see you all report on time and happy. That will be all, men. The steamers are waiting to convey you to the landing." The men, regardless of discipline, gave three cheers for Captain Farnham. Then they piled over the side of the ship with shouts and laughter, no effort being made to check their merriment. "It pays to be good," howled Hickey from the bow of the steamer to those still aboard. "If you're good you can go visit your friends, the mummies. I'll give your kindest to the caliphs." With a shrill whistle the steamers headed for the landing, every jackie on board singing. Reaching the landing, the whole crowd rushed for the train that was waiting to convey them to Cairo. "Oh, look at the man with the kimono," shouted Dan. "That's no kimono; that's the conductor's uniform," answered a voice. There were a number of American tourists aboard the waiting train, and many of these waved American flags from the windows. The jackies went wild. They hurrahed for America; they hurrahed for the tourists, winding up with a "Hip, hip, hurrah, for the kings of ancient Egypt." By this time the conductor was charging up and down beside the train as if he had suddenly lost his senses. "Has he gone crazy?" called Sam. "No; he is always that way when he is starting the train. He has a fit at every station on the line. He wouldn't think he were earning his salary if he didn't," answered a traveler. The conductor's robe, a cross between a kimono and a bath robe, was taken in at the waist by a sash, while a bright red fez adorned his head. The fez was the wonder of the jackies. "That would match your hair, wouldn't it, red-head?" called a shipmate who observed Hickey looking at the fez. "I'll have it, too, if he gets near enough to me. Maybe you think I don't dare?" "I dare you." Sam made a dive for the conductor. Dan Davis stuck out a foot and Hickey measured his length on the ground, right at the feet of the gayly robed conductor. "Who did that?" demanded the red-headed boy, bounding to his feet, his eyes blazing with wrath. "I did. Do you think I am going to let you mix us up in any more trouble? If you had done what you proposed, we should have been arrested, the whole crowd of us. Now, behave yourself, Sam Hickey, or I'll thrash you right here before the train starts." "That's the talk, Dynamite!" called another sailor. "You can't do it. You can't----" sputtered Sam. "All aboard!" howled the jackies. At the same time half a dozen of them picked Sam up bodily and tossed him in through a car window. The engine gave a toot, and the train moved off, all hands singing the "Star Spangled Banner." For some distance the route led along the edge of the Suez canal. Ships were passed, and at sight of one the sailors would lean far out of the windows, swinging their caps and hurrahing. The conductor hurried along the running board, trying to make the passengers keep their heads in, but he might as well have tried to prevent the wheels going around. It was like throwing a cat into a bed of catnip and expecting him to be calm. The sailors joked the conductor good-naturedly, but it is doubtful if he understood a word of what they were saying. "He's got more on his mind than the captain of a battleship," laughed Dan. "More than the admiral of the fleet, you mean," shouted a jackie. "I wouldn't have his job for the whole railroad itself. They say they chop a conductor's head off every time a train is late in this country." "I know of some roads in America to which they ought to apply that practice." "So do I," agreed Sam Hickey. "This reminds me of the milk train on the peanut road out at Piedmont. Piedmont is where we hail from, mates," he explained. "Yes; you look the part," answered a shipmate, at which there was a roar of laughter. Sam's eyelids were at half mast. "I'll rub your nose in the desert for that when I get----" "Go tell it to the Sphinx. We're on the desert now." Stretches of yellow sand reached away and on to the foot of the Arabian mountains in the far distance. Along the track the train passed processions of dusty travelers, gorgeously arrayed with brilliantly colored mantles thrown over their heads. "Look! Look, there's a circus going by!" yelled Hickey. "Where, where?" Jackies rushed to his side of the car and leaned far out. "It's a caravan. What's the matter with you, red-head?" A long line of camels was dragging itself along the highway, each camel holding the bobbing figure of a native, while on foot at the rear strung a long procession of other natives. It was a most picturesque sight. It was the first time the Battleship Boys had seen camels on their native soil, and the boys leaned from the windows, watching the unusual sight until the caravan was lost in the distance. Villages of yellow mud huts, their flat roofs covered with thatch, the buildings surrounded by a drove of Arab goats, chickens, pigs, camels and donkeys, were frequently passed, the sight causing the jackies keen amusement. Everything was quaint and unusual; the lurching camels, the Arabs with their long guns and queer costumes, all combined to make the journey one long to be remembered. "Cairo! All out for Cairo!" sang the voice of the petty officer in charge of the party. "Cairo! Cairo!" howled the jackies. "Remember, boys, you are in a city now--not out on the desert." This suggestion was sufficient for the moment, and the men-o'-warsmen lowered their voices as they did so. But another din almost as great as had been their own arose. A perfect army of beggars surged toward them. Arabs, Greeks, Hindoos, Nubians, black, white and brown men surrounded the jackies, crying out in shrill voices, "Backsheesh! Backsheesh!" All tongues sounded alike when it came to begging. "Get out of my pocket, you heathen!" roared Sam Hickey. "This is almost as bad as Paris!" cried Dan Davis, trying to fight his way through the mob. "But I'd rather meet a regiment of these howling Dervishes, or whatever they are, than one Paris guide." "Give them the flying wedge," shouted a jackie. "Whoop! Go!" Beggars tumbled to right and left. Greek, Hindoo, Arab, Nubian and Albanian went down in a yelling, shouting heap on either side as the jackies charged into their ranks. Clang, clang! "Look out for the trolley car," shouted Dan. "What--trolley cars in this heathen country!" cried one. "Yes, and I'll bet that car there came from Newport, R. I.," jeered Hickey. "Yes, sir; that's the very car that I used to ride to town on from the training station." A shout greeted this announcement, but the sailors were amazed at what they saw. Had it not been for the strange mixture of races, and the quaint costumes, the sightseers might well have imagined themselves in some American city. Veiled women rode in carriages through the busy streets; here and there an automobile tooted its horn, while dogs infested the gutters, snapping at the heels of the Navy men. "This is the original crazy house," laughed Dan. "I never imagined anything like it." The sailors did not separate. They traveled about together, attracting a great deal of attention. Now and then they met an American, who, when he addressed them in their own language, would be greeted with a cheer. Up one street and down another strolled the jackies, sometimes singing their national anthem, then dropping into the march step to the "hep, hep, hep!" of one of their number. The bazaars came in for a considerable share of attention. In these the lads bought freely all manner of curios, for most of which they paid all of twice what the articles were worth. Sam Hickey got into an argument with an ebony-hued Nubian who had substituted an inferior article for something that Sam had purchased. The fellow denied having done so, and refused to make good the difference, or to hand over the original article. "All-right; I can't lick you without causing international complications, as the captain calls it, but I'm going to have part of your clothes." With that Sam snatched the fez from the Nubian's head and stuffed it in his trousers' pocket. The merchant made a dive at the red-headed boy, but found himself face to face with a solid wall of jackies, who had suddenly stepped between the enraged merchant and his victim. "See here, you man with the iron face," threatened one, "we'll take your whole shop along if you don't look out, and we won't buy it, either." "Come along, boys; we can't afford to have any row here," warned Dan. "We want to see the Pyramids, you know." "Hurrah for the Pyramids!" shouted the boys. "Donkey, sir, donkey?" questioned a group of native boys as the jackies came from the bazaar. "Who's a donkey?" demanded Sam Hickey. "Want a donkey, sir?" An idea occurred to Dan. "How much do you charge for a ride?" "Twenty piastres for half an hour," answered the lad, in very good English. "Twenty pi----" "That's about ten cents," spoke up a sailor who had been in Cairo on a former cruise. "Good! How many donkeys have you? Enough for all of us?" "I get 'em. You wait." "If you'll hurry we will wait. Don't be long. My friends are not in a mood to wait for anything to-night. Run, boy!" The boy darted away. In a few minutes donkeys began gathering, their young masters prodding the lazy beasts, urging them along with shrill shouts and sundry twists of the animal's tails. "Look at the donkeys," shouted the jackies. "What's going on here?" "You are all going to take a ride with me," announced Dan Davis. "We'll wind up the evening with a parade; then we'll pipe up hammocks." "Hurrah for Little Dynamite!" howled the men. "Let's form a cavalry company and charge the town." "The town will do all the charging, and then some more," laughed Dan. "Mount." With shouts of mirth the jackies swung themselves to the backs of the donkeys. "Forward, march!" commanded Dan. The grotesque procession started away, while the sides of the narrow streets were lined with natives and foreigners, all laughing at the ludicrous spectacle. It was harmless fun, the pent-up spirits of the sailor boys being given full play after weeks at sea. "Somebody sing," suggested a voice. "I'll sing," answered Hickey. "No; let Dynamite. He's the only sweet-voiced warbler in the crew. What will it be, Dynamite?" Dan cleared his throat. "The harbor's past, the breezes blow, Yeo ho, lads, ho! Yeo ho! Yeo ho! 'Tis long ere we come back, I know, Yeo ho, lads, ho! Yeo ho!" The jackies greeted the effort with a howl of delight; then all joined in with a shout that brought people from their beds to the flat roofs of their houses, from which they peered down wonderingly on the strange procession. "But true and bright from morn till night my home will be, And all so neat and snug and sweet, for Jack at sea; And Nancy's face to bless the place, and welcome me; Yeo ho, lads, ho! Yeo ho! "The bo's'n pipes the watch below, Yeo ho, lads, ho! Yeo ho! Yeow!" The song ended in a roar of laughter that was taken up from the housetops, running down the narrow street like a wave at sea. At that moment the bluejackets were nearing the bazaar of the Nubian with whom Sam Hickey had had the trouble. For some reason Sam's donkey was taken with a sudden attack of the sulks. Sam prodded the beast and yelled at him; donkey boys punched the animal with their fingers to stir him up, but still the animal refused to move. "Twist his tail," suggested a shipmate jeeringly. Hickey accepted the suggestion. Half turning, he grasped the beast's tail, giving it a violent twist. "Hee--hee--hee-h-a-w--he-e-e-e-e," protested the donkey. The jackies shouted. "You better get a new horn for your automobile, red-head," jeered a shipmate. "The one he has would make a good siren for the battleship," added another. Hickey was having too much trouble, about this time, to give heed to the jeers of his companions. The lazy donkey had all at once taken matters into his own hoofs. These hoofs were flying in all directions. With every kick the circle about the Battleship Boy and his mount widened. "I'm going to fall off. Somebody catch me!" yelled Sam. Dan Davis, though fairly doubled up with laughter, sprang from his donkey and ran to Sam's assistance. He did not fear that Sam would be harmed, but he saw that, with every kick, the animal was getting nearer and nearer to the bazaar. "Hang on, Sam!" encouraged his companions. "Sprinkle some salt on the donkey's tail," suggested another. Dan leaped to the donkey's head. Instantly the animal whirled. Dan, seeing what was about to occur, threw himself forward just as the hind hoofs of the animal shot out, the boy falling against the donkey's legs and hips. The Battleship Boy was lifted right up into the air. He landed in a heap some fifteen feet away. The jackies yelled themselves hoarse, while Dan got up, rubbing himself and grinning sheepishly. A crash at that instant attracted their attention to the bazaar. Mr. Donkey, with the red-headed boy's arms wrapped about its neck, had bolted into the bazaar. [Illustration: Sam and the Donkey Bolted Into the Bazaar.] CHAPTER XIX ON THE SHIPS OF THE DESERT Egyptian goods were flying in all directions. A saakka, or water carrier, who had been delivering his wares to the merchant, landed on his back in the middle of the street, followed by a varied assortment of oriental wares. The Nubian merchant had bolted through a rear opening and made his escape to a back yard, from which he watched the destruction of his stock. The jackies, as soon as they were able to control their merriment, rushed in, pounced upon and captured the mad donkey. From the wreck they hauled out the red-headed boy, much the worse for his experience. Several Nubian police had hurried to the scene and a great crowd had been attracted by the uproar. The Nubian was wringing his hands and wailing over his loss. "Sam Hickey, you did that on purpose," said Davis sternly. "You drove that donkey in there to get even with the Nubian." "I didn't. What are you talking about?" "You know what I am talking about. You have ruined his stock. What are you going to do about it?" "Let him buy some new stuff. I don't care what he does." "Fellows, shall we pass the hat for the bazaar man?" "Yes; pass the fez," shouted the sailors. "I'll put in two dollars' worth," announced Dan. "That is, as near as I can figure it. Come, Sam." "Not for mine!" growled Hickey. "Put up or get a thrashing," commanded Dan. Sam reluctantly went down in his pocket and clumped a handful of money into the red fez. "Backsheesh!" cried the beggars at sight of the money, crowding in closer, their eyes wide and avaricious. "You'll get 'backsheesh' if you don't clear out of here mighty quick," warned the jackies. "Charge them, fellows!" With a yell the sailors mounted their donkeys and rode right at the persistent beggars. There followed a great scattering and yelling. The Nubian policemen stood about, solemn-faced, but making no effort to interfere. The sailors returned to the bazaar and dismounted. Finally, the collection having been taken up, Davis walked into the booth and handed the money to the merchant. "We are sorry to have damaged your stock, sir, but it was an accident," said Dan. The merchant wailed and wrung his hands. "This will pay you for your loss. As a matter of fact, I think you have made enough out of our crowd already to pay you for all the damage we have done." "Say, honest, Sam, what did you do to that donkey to make him cut up in that way?" demanded Dan, coming out of the bazaar. "I told you I didn't do it. His rudder got jammed; that's what was the matter with the beast. As soon as I got both engines going ahead full speed there wasn't any more trouble." Once more the boys started off down the street, singing and shouting. Hickey's mount was now as meek as a spring lamb, but the other men kept a good distance away from the red-headed boy, not knowing at what minute the donkey might have another fit. At last the donkey riders began to tire of their sport. Just then the watchmen in the towers began to cry out the hour of midnight. "Eight bells," sang out Dan Davis. "All lights are burning brightly," mocked another. "Yes, but they will all be out soon," answered Dan. "Time to pipe up hammocks." "Oh, not yet," protested Sam. "Yes, now. We've had a fine time to-night, but we have another day ahead of us. Remember, we're going to see some wonderful sights to-morrow." "Dynamite is right," called out several. "We'll all pipe down." "Where do we stay?" "That has all been arranged for. We go back to the station, where the boatswain's mate will be waiting for us. Sam, you and I are going over to the hotel." "The Shepherd's Crook, or something of that sort?" "Shepherd's Hotel, you mean," laughed Dan. "Yes; we are very extravagant, but we do not get a chance to see real life very often." Arriving at the station, the Battleship Boys bade their companions good night, and made their way to the hotel where they had decided to stop. They had picked out the most fashionable hotel in the Egyptian capital, but they were made welcome, and the Americans, of whom there were many there, took the boys up enthusiastically. It was with difficulty that Dan and Sam got away from them finally. That night, for the first time in many months, the lads slept in a real bed. They did not sleep well. They missed the swaying hammock, the fresh salt breeze blowing over them and the swish or roar of the waves against the side of the ship--sounds that had grown to be a part of their very existence. At last, as day was peeping in through the open windows, they fell into a sound sleep, from which they did not awaken until late in the morning. At eleven o'clock that morning the boys presented themselves at the Gizeh Palace, where they were to take the train that would carry them well on their way toward the Pyramids. Others of their shipmates came straggling along, and within an hour nearly all were there, some having decided to remain in the city and finish their sight-seeing there in preference to going out on the desert. Every man of them was bright-eyed, happy, and ready for whatever the day might bring forth. At Gizeh station, some seven miles from the city, all the passengers were hustled out for a change of cars. "Do we walk?" came a chorus of demands. "How far is it?" "No; we take ship from here," answered Davis, with a quizzical smile. "A ship?" demanded Hickey incredulously. "Yes." "Pooh! You're joking. This is a desert, not a sea." "You will see." "Pipe down punning. It's too hot to laugh," commanded a voice. Dan, with the boatswain's mate, had arranged a surprise for their shipmates, a new experience for every man of the party. Headed by the Battleship Boys and the boatswain's mate, the bluejackets walked away from the station for a short distance. Suddenly they came to an open space of sand. There, lounging about, was a large group of Bedouins, clad in long, flowing robes, wearing turbans and armed with long, stout sticks. Beyond the Bedouins, their many-jointed legs folded under them, lay a herd of camels with half-closed eyes and disdainfully curling lips. "See that hump!" yelled the jackies the moment they set eyes on the ungainly beasts. "There are some bumps for you." "See them feed the babies," cried a chorus of voices. Several camel owners were squatting in front of their animals stuffing little balls of grass down the throats of the beasts, while the latter chewed lazily. "Where's the ships?" demanded Hickey, looking about him expectantly. "There they are," answered Dan, with glowing face. "That is the surprise we have in store for you." "What, camels?" "Yes. Otherwise known as 'ships of the desert.'" "Are--are we to ride those things?' "If you wish. All of those who prefer may go the rest of the way by train. It is a short journey, but we thought you would like it." "Like it? No train for us! Hurrah for the hunch backs!" came the answering clamor. Few chose the train, it is needless to say. All was excitement, everybody trying to talk at once, and to this the Bedouins added their chatter in Arabic, interspersed here and there with an English word. The camels, catching something of the excitement of the moment, lumbered to their feet. The boys glanced at the great height of the beasts rather apprehensively. "Where are the ladders?" demanded a voice. "Ladders?" "Yes; it will take a ladder or a flying machine to get aboard those ships. I don't know whether I want to take the chance or not," said Hickey. "Line up here, boys," commanded Dan. "All ready, Mr. Bedouin." The camel drivers uttered short, sharp commands to their animals, whereupon the beasts got down on their knees. "All aboard!" called Dan. "No Jacob's ladders here; you will have to climb." The boys piled on, so many getting aboard the first one that the beast was unable to rise. It toppled over sideways, spilling all the passengers overboard into the sand. "Attention!" shouted Dan. "Let's do this thing right or we'll never get to the Pyramids. One at a time. There, that's right." At last all were up, Dan on the back of the tallest camel at the head of the line. "All right, back there?" "Wait; I'm sliding off!" howled Sam. "Anybody got a rabbit's foot in his pocket? If so, pass it along to Coxswain Hickey." "I'm off. Wow!" Sam hit the ground, sending up a little cloud of yellow dust. The jackies burst into a roar. "Leave him! Let him walk!" "Yes, go on. It will do him good." The camels started off, with every man on them shouting suggestions to poor Sam, who had regained his feet and was racing along trying to keep up with the camels, and hurling threats at his companions in a dust-choked voice. CHAPTER XX CALLING ON THE MUMMIES For a full mile they made the red-headed boy run. Then, at Dan's command, a camel was made to kneel, and the perspiring coxswain was permitted to climb the animal's hump. "That--that was a mean trick," growled Sam. "I'll even up with you for that, Dan Davis!" Dan laughed happily. "You needed the exercise. It will put you in good shape for climbing the Pyramids." A few minutes more of riding brought them to the feet of these awe-inspiring monuments, and with the aid of their guides the jackies scrambled up the sides of the Great Pyramid. "We must see the tombs on the inside of the Pyramid, fellows," cried Dan after they had descended by skips and jumps the long steps of the Pyramid. "Yes," cried Sam. "I promised to give the regards of the stay-at-homes to the mummies." The guides lighted long wax tapers, and they entered the dark, ill-ventilated passage leading into the great pile of masonry. "Whew!" said Dan. "I don't wonder mummies have that dark-brown color, if they have baked in this oven a few hundred years. Guide, is there any one in here except our party?" "No. Why?" "I saw two men, I thought, in one of those passages to the right." "It's nothing but a mummy ghost," suggested a shipmate. All at once they emerged into a great high-domed chamber, the walls of which were covered with strange carvings. "What station is this?" questioned Dan. "The King's Chamber," replied the guide. "What is the King's name?" he asked. "Not know. Dead maybe two thousand years." "Two thousand years? He must have known our boatswain," said Hickey solemnly. The others began asking questions, and Dan, walking to the other side of the chamber, began examining the inscriptions on the walls. He was standing near a corridor when suddenly he became conscious of a shadow coming between himself and the light. He started, then peered into the long corridor. "What are you looking for?" demanded Sam, who had come up behind Dan at that moment. "I think there is some one out there," he replied. "I saw shadows again." "Do you really think some of those old kings are nosing around here?" Dan laughed softly. "I'll risk their getting out. I think some of our fellows are playing tricks on us. What do you say to our turning the tables on them? We'll hide in the corridor, and give them a scare when they creep up to see where we are." Davis and Hickey crept along on their hands and knees, chuckling softly over the scare they were about to give their mates. "Sh-h-h-h," warned Dan suddenly, in a low voice. "I heard something." "Was--was it the boys?" "I don't know. I heard some one whisper, and it wasn't in English, either. Be careful." The passageway had curved abruptly, going off in another direction, but in the intense darkness they did not notice this. Suddenly Dan touched his friend's arm. "The light in the King's Chamber has gone." "Call out." "No, no. We will turn and go back. We were foolish to try a thing of this sort." Keeping close together, the boys began crawling rapidly. All at once Dan stopped. "We surely should have reached the King's Chamber before this," he declared. "Maybe we have gone on past it?" "I think not. We should have recognized the place had we passed through it." "Then there's only one thing to do--whoop her up until the mummies turn over." "I guess you are right." Dan uttered a loud hello. There was no answer. Sam shouted, with no better result. "Sam, we've been left alone in the dark this time--we're lost in the Great Pyramid." Meanwhile the other bluejackets had finished their tour and had emerged into the bright sunlight. While taking up a collection to settle with the guide, Spunk McGraw, a friend of the Battleship Boys, suddenly looked up. "See here, where's that red-headed boy?" he demanded. "He's hidden so he won't have to hand out when the plate's passed," answered a joking voice. "And Dan Davis is missing, too," said McGraw, with a scared look on his face. "They're not going back on the train," one of the jackies volunteered. "They said they were going back part way on the camels." "Oh, that's it, then," answered McGraw in a relieved tone. "Let's go to the station and find out what time we can get a train." And no more thought was given to Dan and Sam until the boatswain's mate found them missing at rollcall back in Cairo that evening. "Did they come back with you?" the mate questioned. "No, sir," replied Spunk McGraw. "I think they were going back to the place where we change cars by way of the camels." "They may have been held up on that camel ride, sir," spoke up one of the men, "but they may be on the train following. You can't keep Davis and Hickey in one place against their will for very long." A ripple of laughter ran along the line at this, but when the next train came wheezing in with no Battleship Boys, the mate looked grave. "It is my opinion that those men are lost in the Pyramid," he announced with solemn emphasis. "I want ten men to go back with me to find them. The rest of you will leave for Suez under McGraw's command on the midnight train." Within half an hour he had procured an automobile and two Pyramid guides, and with his detail of jackies had departed for the Pyramids. Back in the Pyramid the Battleship Boys were still lost and in utter darkness. "What's the matter with our following the passageway back to the King's Chamber?" asked Sam Hickey. "For the reason, Sam, that we do not know where the chamber is." "I guess you're right," he agreed. "Come along; we'll try it in this direction," said Dan. "Keep hold of my hand. We do not want to get separated." The lads made their way along through corridor after corridor. They could see nothing save now and then when they lighted a match. "Hark!" Dan gripped his companion's arm sharply. "I heard something again." Their voices had dropped to whispers. "It might have been some animal, and we have nothing to defend ourselves with," said Dan Davis. "We have our knives," answered Sam. "Yes; we'll use them if we meet any four-footed enemies. Strike another match, please." Sam did so at once. Instantly something happened. As the match flared up, blinding them for the moment, Sam leaped into the air. "Wow!" he howled. "Look ou----" Dan uttered an exclamation before Sam had finished the sentence. Something had given him a violent push from behind. At the same instant Dan Davis was served in a similar manner. Instead of jumping, however, he whirled with the intention of grappling with his assailant, whoever he might be. Another push sent him reeling backward. He grasped wildly for something to check his fall, but his hands slipped along the smooth rock. "I must be going all of a mile a minute," thought the boy. "Poor Sam. Poor----" Suddenly he felt his body leave the sloping rock and shoot into space. Then all at once everything became a blank. Dan landed heavily and lay still, but in a few minutes he began to struggle with himself, fighting off an almost irresistible inclination to lie back and go to sleep again. A few minutes of this and he sat up. "Oh, Sam! Hello, Sam!" he shouted. "Hello yourself," answered a voice so close to Dan that he could not repress a start. "Where are you?" cried Dan eagerly. "That's what I've been trying to find out myself," answered the red-headed boy. "Are you injured?" "Injured? Not I. I'm going to strike a match. That's about the only thing about me that hasn't been struck sixteen times to the inch since I started in to shoot the chutes." Lighting the match, he uttered an exclamation of delight. On one side of the place was a heap of rubbish. They touched a match to it, and a bright blaze rewarded their efforts. "How did you happen to fall over, Sam?" Dan questioned. "Just as you did, I guess. I was pushed." "You know I told you some one was dogging our footsteps earlier in the afternoon." For a moment Davis sat lost in thought. "Let us push on, Sam," he finally said. "We may find our way out, and our mates can find us in one place as well as in another, if they find us at all." Dan took one of the glowing sticks from the fire to light the way, and started out. "We'd better follow along on this level. We shall never get back the way we came." "All right; I'm ready." "Sam, I think we're going down instead of up," said Dan after a few minutes. "What's the odds? We might as well bury ourselves deep while we are about it." Both lads laughed at the red-haired boy's grim joke, neither one thinking of whining over their dangerous situation. CHAPTER XXI CONCLUSION Fully half an hour had passed when Davis suddenly uttered a low "Sh-h-h!" "I hear voices again," whispered Dan. "So do I, now. I wonder where they are?" "Let's creep around this corridor. Speak only in whispers until we find out whether they are friends or enemies." After making the turn the lads found they could hear the voices more plainly. A moment more and their groping fingers made the discovery that they were touching wood. "It's a door," whispered Dan. "Be ready to meet some trouble. I'm going in." The door opened with a great noise, it's rusty hinges squeaking warningly. Two Bedouins were sitting cross-legged on the stone floor. Above their heads hung a smoky oil lamp, while about the walls were weapons. "We have lost our way," said Dan courteously. "If you will show us the way out we will pay you well." With an angry exclamation the two Bedouins sprang to their feet, making a dash for their revolvers in a niche in the wall. Davis caught the significance of the movement. "Down them, Sam!" "I'm on the job," howled Hickey, as he landed on the back of the man nearest him. At the same instant Dan had hurled himself at the other man. There had been no time for further explanations. There followed a few minutes of desperate, silent struggling, and then Sam suddenly uttered a yell of triumph. "I--I've got him this time. I've----" Ere he had finished the sentence there came a thud. Hickey had, by a clever wrestling trick, thrown his man, the fellow's head striking the floor so heavily that he lost consciousness. A moment later Dan succeeded in throwing his man over flat on his face. "Tear up some of those robes over there and make me a rope, quick," he commanded. With the rope so made Dan bound the hands of the prisoners behind their backs. "I don't know whether you understand English or not. I reckon you do," announced Dan, after they had shaken Sam's man back to consciousness. "We want you to lead us out of this place. We have your guns, and if you cut up any we shall be obliged to shoot. If you behave yourselves we will let you go when we get outside, providing you are not wanted by the police. Now go." "And if you take us to any of your fellows we will shoot you first, then take our chances with the rest," added Sam. The captives made no reply, but the boys were satisfied, from the expression on their faces, that they understood. The Bedouin inclined his head toward a passageway, and the strange procession started. Some twenty minutes later they stepped out into the fresh night air of the desert. "This is great," breathed Hickey, with a glowing face. "Shall we take these fellows along with us?" "No, we will keep our word to them." They untied the Bedouins, and the fellows slunk away and disappeared. Dan uttered a loud hello. "That you, Dynamite?" came an answer from one of the jackies who had been left outside. With shouts of delight the party assembled, and all hands listened wonderingly to the story the boys had to tell. The guides told Dan and Sam that they had unearthed the lair of one of the worst bands that ever infested the desert in the vicinity of the Pyramids. As a result of the information they gave, the band of brigands was routed from their hiding place for good and all. Late that afternoon the lads once more set foot on the deck of the "Long Island," and the battleship shortly afterwards got under way. At muster that afternoon Dan and Sam were once more called before the captain. "I have this day received an order from the Navy Department," began the captain. "It provides that for gallant service and quick wit Gunner's Mate Davis is to be promoted to Chief Turret Captain. He will assume his duties to-morrow morning. Coxswain Hickey is promoted to Gunner's Mate first class. Lads, I congratulate you." The bugle blew and the men marched from the deck. That night Dan Davis climbed into his hammock for the last time. On the following night he would take possession of a real berth in the chief petty officers' quarters. 
25912	----	* * * * * +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | Transcriber's Note: | | | | Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original | | document have been preserved. | | | | Subscripts are respresented with _{} e.g.: Q_{2}. | | | | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. For | | a complete list, please see the end of this document. | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * SEA POWER IN ITS RELATIONS TO THE WAR OF 1812 BY CAPTAIN A.T. MAHAN, D.C.L., LL.D. _United States Navy_ AUTHOR OF "THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER UPON HISTORY, 1660-1783," "THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER UPON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND EMPIRE," "THE INTEREST OF AMERICA IN SEA POWER," ETC. IN TWO VOLUMES VOL. II LONDON SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON & COMPANY LIMITED [Illustration: _From a Copley Print copyright 1899 by Curtis & Cameron, Publishers, Boston._ _The Constitution_] CONTENTS CHAPTER IX THE WINTER OF 1812-1813--BAINBRIDGE'S SQUADRON: ACTIONS BETWEEN "CONSTITUTION" AND "JAVA," "HORNET" AND "PEACOCK"--INCREASING PRESSURE ON ATLANTIC COAST Page Bainbridge's squadron sails 1 His plans for the cruise 2 The "Essex" fails to join 3 Proceedings of "Constitution" and "Hornet" 3 Action between "Constitution" and "Java" 4 The "Constitution" returns to the United States 7 Proceedings of the "Hornet" 7 Action between the "Hornet" and "Peacock" 8 The "Hornet" returns 9 The Chesapeake and Delaware blockaded 9 Subsequent extension of blockade to the whole coast south of Newport 10 Three periods into which the War of 1812 divides 10 Difficulty of American frigates in getting to sea 11 Difficulty of manning the navy 12 Cruise of the "Chesapeake" 13 Gradual suppression of American commerce 14 Increasing stringency of the commercial blockade 15 British occupation of Delaware and Chesapeake Bays 16 Diminution of the coasting trade, and increase of land carriage 17 Effects upon prices 18 Abandoned condition of the western Atlantic 20 Diminution in number of prizes taken by Americans 20 Estimate of relative captures by the two belligerents 21 Relative captures no indication of relative immunity 23 American deprivation makes for the prosperity of Halifax and Canada 23 The blockade the chief offensive maritime operation of Great Britain, in 1813 24 No opposition longer possible to the American Navy 25 Strength of the British blockading divisions 25 Escape possible only by evasion 25 The brunt of the British naval operations falls upon the Chesapeake and Delaware 26 CHAPTER X CAMPAIGN OF 1813 ON THE LAKE FRONTIER, TO THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE The British naval service on the lakes under Warren's supervision 28 Sir James Yeo appointed to the local command 29 Appoints Captain Barclay to take charge of British vessels on Lake Erie 29 The Americans now superior on Ontario 29 Montreal the true American objective 29 Dearborn ordered to concentrate effort upon Lake Ontario 30 Chauncey's first plan, to capture Kingston 30 Dearborn and Chauncey ordered to proceed first against Kingston, then Toronto, then Niagara 31 Dearborn's objections 32 His reports obtain change of plan from the Government 33 Chauncey's new plan 33 The expedition leaves Sackett's Harbor 36 Capture of Toronto 36 Chauncey's anxiety for Sackett's Harbor 37 Capture of Fort George, and British retreat from Niagara 38 Effects of the American occupation of the Niagara peninsula 40 American naval vessels escape from Black Rock to Erie 41 British attack upon Sackett's Harbor 42 Premature firing of the naval yard and vessels 45 Consequent delay in Chauncey's preparations 45 Yeo takes the lake with his squadron 46 American reverse at Stony Creek 46 The army retreats upon Fort George 47 The British re-occupy the peninsula, except Fort George 47 Dearborn is relieved from command 48 Paralysis of the American forces at Niagara 48 Yeo in temporary control of Lake Ontario 49 Chauncey sails to contest control 51 Characteristics of the ensuing naval campaign 52 Predominant idea of Chauncey and Yeo 52 Relative powers of the two squadrons 53 Their encounter of August 10, 1813 56 Chauncey's extreme caution 59 The engagement of September 11 60 Expediency of a "general chase" under the conditions 61 CHAPTER XI THE CAMPAIGN OF 1813 ON THE LAKES AND NORTHERN FRONTIER--THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE The American Navy on Lake Erie 62 Perry's eagerness for active operations 63 Coincidence of events on Lakes Erie and Ontario 64 Inferiority of Perry's crews in numbers and quality 64 Professional contrast between Chauncey and Perry 65 Personal difficulty. Perry applies to be detached 66 The Navy Department refuses 67 Position of the American army on the Maumee 67 Procter's attack upon Fort Meigs 68 Procter and Barclay plan attack on Erie 69 Re-enforcements of troops refused them 69 Barclay blockades Erie 70 Barclay visits Long Point 71 Perry's squadron crosses the bar at Erie 72 Procter attacks Fort Stephenson, and is repulsed 73 Barclay retires to Malden 74 Perry in control of the lake 74 Destitution of provisions in the British camp and fleet 75 Barclay goes out to fight 76 Composition and armament of the two squadrons 76 Controversy about the battle 78 Dispositions of the two commanders 80 Opening of the battle 81 Examination of the controversy between Perry and Elliott 82 Progress of the engagement 88 Second stage of the battle 89 The British surrender 94 Meritorious conduct of Captain Barclay 94 Question of credit on the American side 95 Comparison of the campaigns on Erie and on Ontario 99 Effect of the battle on the fate of the Northwest 99 Its bearing upon the peace negotiations of the following year 100 Influence of control of the water illustrated on the lakes 101 CHAPTER XII THE CAMPAIGN OF 1813 ON THE LAKES AND NORTHERN FRONTIER, AFTER THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE Perry's victory promptly followed up 102 General Harrison lands his army at Malden 103 Recovery of Detroit. Battle of the Thames, October 5, 1813 103 The Indians fall away from the British 103 Harrison's army transferred to Niagara 104 Perry detached from the lake service 104 Changed American plan of campaign on Ontario 104 General James Wilkinson replaces Dearborn 104 The Government designates Kingston as the objective 105 The embarkation begins at Niagara under cover of the navy 106 Yeo's squadron appears in the neighborhood 106 Encounter between the two squadrons, September 28, 1813 107 Criticism of Chauncey's management 108 Wilkinson's troops reach Sackett's Harbor 110 The British re-enforce Kingston 110 New change of American plan. The army to be directed on Montreal 111 Intended junction with the troops from Lake Champlain, under General Hampton 111 Wilkinson's army assembled within the mouth of the St. Lawrence 114 It proceeds down the river 114 Pursuit by a British detachment 114 American reverse at Chrystler's Farm 115 Hampton fails to join Wilkinson, and returns to Plattsburg 116 The expedition abandoned. Wilkinson goes into winter quarters at French Mills 116 Chauncey returns to Sackett's Harbor from the St. Lawrence 117 Transports Harrison's division from Niagara to Sackett's Harbor 117 Fleets lay up for the winter 117 Disastrous close of the campaign upon the Niagara 118 Americans evacuate Fort George and the peninsula 120 They burn Newark 120 Act disavowed by the American Government 120 Sir Gordon Drummond in command in Upper Canada 120 The British, under General Riall, cross the Niagara and capture Fort Niagara 121 Lewiston, Youngstown, and Manchester burned in retaliation for Newark 121 Buffalo burned, and three naval vessels at Black Rock 121 General failure of the campaign about Lake Ontario 122 Discussion of the causes 123 CHAPTER XIII SEABOARD MARITIME OPERATIONS, 1813 United States on the defensive on the seaboard 126 British reasons for partially relaxing severity of blockade 127 Reasons do not apply to armed vessels or coasting trade 127 American Navy powerless to protect commerce 127 To destroy that of the enemy its principal mission 128 Cruises of the "President" and "Congress" 128 Efficacy of the British convoy system 130 Its chief failure is near ports of arrival 131 This dictates the orders to Captain Lawrence 131 Importance of the service 132 Imperfect preparation of the "Chesapeake" 132 Efficiency of the "Shannon." Broke's professional merit 133 His challenge to Lawrence. Not received 134 The "Chesapeake" sails, purposely to fight 135 Account of the action 136 The "Chesapeake" captured 140 Analysis of the engagement 141 Decatur fails to get to sea with a squadron 148 Driven to take refuge in New London 148 Frigates confined there for the war 149 Particular anxiety of the British Government about American frigates 150 Expectations of the Admiralty and the country from Warren's fleet 151 Effects of the blockade of New London on local coasting 152 Evidence of the closeness of the whole blockade south of New London 153 Conditions at New York 154 British operations in the upper Chesapeake, 1813 156 Conditions in Delaware Bay 158 American precautions in Chesapeake and Delaware 159 Circumspect conduct of the British vessels in the Chesapeake 161 Warren brings a detachment of troops from Bermuda 162 Rencounters in and near Hampton Roads 163 British attack upon Craney Island. Fails 164 Attack upon Hampton. Ineffective 166 Further movements of the British in the Chesapeake 167 Movement of licensed vessels in Chesapeake Bay during these operations 170 Consequent recommendation of President to prohibit all exports during the blockade 173 Rejected by Senate. Enforced in Chesapeake by executive order 174 Glaring necessity for such action 175 Embargo law passed in December, 1813 176 Main British fleet quits the Chesapeake. Its failure in direct military operation 177 Efficacy of the blockade 177 Characteristics of the different sections of the United States, as affecting their suffering from blockade 178 Statistical evidences of its effects 181 Prices of great staples: flour and sugar 184 Dependence of Eastern and Southern States upon coasting, greater than that of Middle States 186 Captain Hull's reports on Eastern coasting 187 Action between the "Boxer" and "Enterprise" 188 Intermission of Eastern blockade during winter 192 Its resumption in increased vigor in 1814 192 Undefended conditions of the American coast 193 Conditions of Southern coasting trade 195 British blockade severs the mutual intercourse of the different sections of the United States 198 Remarks of Representative Pearson, of North Carolina 199 Message of the Governor of Pennsylvania 200 Rigors of the blockade shown by figures 201 Momentary importance of the North Carolina coast 203 Advocacy of an internal navigation system 204 Evidence of privation in the rebound of prices and shipping movement after peace 205 Exposition of conditions, in a contemporary letter by a naval officer 207 The experiences of the War of 1812 now largely forgotten 208 Lessons to be deduced 208 Pressure upon the British Government exerted, even by the puny contemporary American Navy 209 Advantage of the American position 211 Opinions of Presidents Washington and Adams as to the international advantage of a navy 212 Policy of President Jefferson 213 CHAPTER XIV MARITIME OPERATIONS EXTERNAL TO THE WATERS OF THE UNITED STATES, 1813-1814 Commerce destruction the one offensive maritime resort left open to the United States 215 Respective objects of privateers and of naval vessels 216 The approaches to the British islands the most fruitful field for operations against commerce 216 Cruise of the "Argus" 217 Capture of the "Argus" by the "Pelican" 217 Significance of the cruise of the "Argus" 219 Great number of captures by American cruisers 220 Comparatively few American merchant ships captured at sea 221 Shows the large scale on which British commerce throve, and the disappearance of American shipping 221 Control of British Navy shown by American practice of destroying prizes 222 Successes of the privateers "Scourge" and "Rattlesnake" in the North Sea 223 The "Leo" and "Lion" off coast of Portugal 224 British army in southern France incommoded by cruisers off Cape Finisterre 224 American cruises based on French ports 225 The privateer "Yankee" on the gold-coast of Africa 226 Action between the American privateer "Globe" and two British packets, off Madeira 227 Captures in the same neighborhood by privateers "Governor Tompkins" and "America" 228 The West Indies as a field for warfare on commerce 229 Activity there of American cruisers 230 Stringency of the Convoy Act in the West Indies. Papers captured there by the "Constitution" 230 Indirect effects of the warfare on commerce 231 Cruise in the West Indies of the naval brigs "Rattlesnake" and "Enterprise" 232 Combat between the privateer "Decatur" and British war schooner "Dominica" 233 The "Comet" and the British ship "Hibernia" 234 The "Saucy Jack" and the British ship "Pelham" 235 The "Saucy Jack" with the bomb-ship "Volcano" and transport "Golden Fleece" 236 Remarkable seizure by the privateer "Kemp" 237 The cruises of the privateer "Chasseur" 237 Combat between the "Chasseur" and the British war schooner "St. Lawrence" 238 Contrasted motives of the ship of war and the privateer 241 Relative success of American naval vessels and privateers in the war upon commerce 242 Cruise of the frigate "Essex" 244 Arrival in Valparaiso of the "Essex," and of the British ships, "Phoebe" and "Cherub" 247 Action between the "Essex" and the "Phoebe" and "Cherub" 249 Cruise of the "Wasp" 253 Action between the "Reindeer" and "Wasp" 254 Action between the "Avon" and "Wasp" 256 Disappearance of the "Wasp" 257 Cruise of the "Peacock" 258 Action between "Epervier" and "Peacock" 259 Further cruise of the "Peacock" 261 Activity of American cruisers in British waters 262 Agitation in Great Britain 263 The effect produced due to the American people severally 265 Prostration of the Government in the United States, 1814 265 Determination to accept peace without relinquishment of impressment by Great Britain 266 Development of privateering 267 Adaptation of vessels to the pursuit 268 Practical considerations determining vessels to be employed 269 Secretary of the Navy recommends squadrons of schooners for action against commerce 270 Debate in Congress 271 Recommendation adopted 272 CHAPTER XV THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN, AND EVENTS ON THE GREAT LAKES, IN 1814 British advantages of position on the Niagara line 274 Unusual mildness of winter 1813-1814 276 Effect on operations 276 British project against the vessels in Put-in Bay 277 Difficulty of maintaining British garrison at Mackinac 278 American army abandons cantonments at French Mills 278 Part goes to Lake Champlain, part to Sackett's Harbor 278 American project against Kingston 279 General Brown's mistake as to the Government's purpose 280 Carries his army to the Niagara frontier 281 Chauncey's fears for Sackett's Harbor 281 Wilkinson's expedition to La Colle. Failure 282 Wilkinson superseded by General Izard 283 Yeo obtains momentary superiority on Ontario 283 Importance of Oswego 284 British capture Oswego, and destroy depots 284 Yeo blockades Sackett's Harbor 285 Difficulty of American situation on Ontario 285 British naval disaster in attempting to intercept convoy from Oswego to Sackett's Harbor 286 Yeo abandons blockade of Sackett's Harbor 290 American plan of operations on northern frontier 291 Brown crosses the Niagara. Surrender of Fort Erie 294 Advance towards Fort George 294 Battle of Chippewa 295 Brown advances to Queenston 298 Chauncey's failure to co-operate 298 Consequent anxiety of the Government 299 Decatur ordered to relieve Chauncey 300 Chauncey's defence of his conduct 300 Discussion of his argument 301 British advantage through his inaction 304 Leads to the battle of Lundy's Lane 306 Battle of Lundy's Lane 309 Value to Americans of the battles of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane 311 Improvement in the militia through association with Brown's army 312 Brown unable longer to keep the field. Retires to Fort Erie 314 British assault upon Fort Erie. Disastrous repulse 314 British now embarrassed by Chauncey's blockade 315 American successful sortie from Fort Erie 316 Drummond abandons the siege, and retires to the Chippewa 317 Brown unable to follow him 317 Izard ordered from Lake Champlain to Brown's aid 318 His march 320 His corps arrives at the Niagara frontier 321 Strength of the British position on the Chippewa 322 Izard's hopelessness 322 Blows up Fort Erie and retires across the Niagara 323 Naval and military expedition against Mackinac 324 Unsuccessful, except in destroying British transports 324 British capture the American naval schooners "Tigress" and "Scorpion" 325 American schooners "Ohio" and "Somers" also captured, off Fort Erie 327 Loss of the "Caledonia" and "Ariel" 327 The Erie fleet lays up for the winter, after the British abandon the siege of Fort Erie 328 CHAPTER XVI SEABOARD OPERATIONS IN 1814. WASHINGTON, BALTIMORE, AND MAINE Defensive character of the British northern campaign in 1814 329 Increase of vigor in their seaboard operations 330 Warren relieved by Cochrane 330 Intentions of the British Government 331 Retaliation for American actions in Canada 333 Prevost's call upon Cochrane to retaliate 334 Cochrane's orders to his vessels 334 Attitude of British officers 335 Early operations in Chesapeake Bay, 1814 336 Relations of Barney's flotilla to the British project against Washington 337 Assembling of the British combined forces in the Chesapeake 340 Condition of American preparations 342 British advance. Destruction of Barney's flotilla 344 Retreat of American forces 345 American position at Bladensburg 346 Battle of Bladensburg 347 Burning of Washington 349 Capture and ransom of Alexandria by British frigates 350 Failure of British attempt on Baltimore 351 British harrying of New England coast 352 Occupation of Castine, in Maine 353 Destruction of the American frigate "Adams" 354 CHAPTER XVII LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND NEW ORLEANS Arrival of large British re-enforcements in Canada 355 Objects of the British northern campaign of 1814 356 Previous neglect of lake Champlain by both belligerents 357 Operations on the lake in 1813 358 British attempt in spring of 1814 361 Macdonough in control of lake, in summer of 1814 362 British "Confiance" building to contest control 362 Instructions of British Government to Prevost 362 Prevost in August reports approaching readiness to move 363 Treasonable actions of American citizens about Lake Champlain 364 Izard, with four thousand troops, leaves Plattsburg for Sackett's Harbor 365 Consequent destitution of the Champlain frontier 365 British advance to Plattsburg 366 Relative positions of American squadron and land forces 367 Question of distance between squadron and land batteries 368 Opinions of Izard and Yeo as to the relations of the batteries to the squadron 370 Proper combination for Prevost 371 Backward state of "Confiance" upon Downie's taking command 372 Urgent letters of Prevost to Downie 373 Downie's expectations in attacking 375 Macdonough's dispositions 376 Downie's consequent plan of engagement 377 Naval battle of Lake Champlain 377 Decisive character of the American victory 381 Preoccupation of the British Government with European conditions 382 Episodical character of the New Orleans expedition 382 Negotiations of Admiral Cochrane for the co-operation of the Creek Indians 383 His measures for training them, and preparations for the expedition 384 Objects of the British ministry 385 Attack upon Fort Bowyer, Mobile Bay, by a British squadron 386 Previous occupation of West Florida to the Perdido, by the United States 387 Pensacola, remaining in Spanish hands, utilized by British 387 Seized by Jackson, and works destroyed 388 Arrival of British expedition in Mississippi Sound 388 Gunboat battle of Lake Borgne 390 British advance corps reaches the bank of the Mississippi 391 Night attack by American Navy and Jackson 391 Sir Edward Pakenham arrives from England 392 His preliminary movements 392 Particular danger of Jackson's position 393 Details of the final day of assault, January 8, 1815 394 The British withdraw after repulse 396 Capture of Fort Bowyer, Mobile Bay 397 Final naval episodes 397 Sailing of the "President." She grounds on the New York bar 398 Overtaken, and is captured, by the British blockading division 398 The "Constitution" captures the "Cyane" and "Levant" 404 Capture of the British sloop "Penguin" by the "Hornet" 407 CHAPTER XVIII THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS Early overtures towards peace by the United States 409 Castlereagh refuses to entertain the project of abandoning impressment 410 Russia, in 1812, suggests negotiations for peace under mediation of the Czar 411 United States accepts, but Great Britain refuses 412 Great Britain, through the Czar, offers a direct negotiation, 1813 412 The United States accepts, and names five commissioners 413 The original instructions to the American Commission, 1813 413 Reduced, 1814, through pressure of the war 414 Confident attitude of Great Britain at the opening of the negotiations 415 Hostile spirit in Great Britain towards the United States 415 The instructions to the British Commission 416 The demand on behalf of the Indians 417 Faulty presentation of it by the British Commission 418 British claim concerning the Great Lakes and boundaries 419 Discussion of these propositions 419 Reasons for British advocacy of the Indians 421 Final reduction of British demand for the Indians and acceptance by American Commission 423 Concern of British ministry for the opinion of Europe 424 News received of the capture of Washington 424 Sanguine anticipations based upon reports from Cochrane and Ross 424 The British Government suggests the _uti possidetis_ as the basis of agreement 425 The American Commission refuse, and offer instead the _status ante bellum_ 426 News arrives of the British defeat on Lake Champlain 426 The political instructions to the commanders of the New Orleans expedition, to be communicated for the satisfaction of the continental powers 427 Urgency of the European situation 428 Dangerous internal state of France 428 Consequent wish of the British ministry to withdraw Wellington from Paris 429 He is pressed to accept the American command 429 Wellington thus brought into the discussion of terms 430 He pronounces against the basis of _uti possidetis_ 431 The British ministry accept his judgment 431 The _status ante bellum_ accepted by Great Britain 431 Subsequent rapid conclusion of agreement 432 Terms of the Treaty 432 Signed by the commissioners, December 24, 1814 434 Despatched to America by a British ship of war 435 Ratified by the United States, February 17, 1815 435 Gallatin's opinion of the effect of the war upon the people of the United States 436 INDEX 439 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. VOLUME TWO. THE CHASE OF THE _Constitution_ _Frontispiece_ From the painting by S. Salisbury Tuckerman. THE QUARTERDECK OF THE _Java_ BEFORE THE SURRENDER Page 6 From a drawing by Henry Reuterdahl. THE NEW CARRYING TRADE Page 18 From a drawing by Stanley M. Arthurs. THE RETREAT OF THE BRITISH FROM SACKETT'S HARBOR Page 44 From a drawing by Henry Reuterdahl. THE FLEETS OF CHAUNCEY AND YEO MANOEUVRING ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN Page 52 From a drawing by Carlton T. Chapman. CAPTAIN ISAAC CHAUNCEY Page 60 From the engraving by D. Edwin, after the painting by J. Woods. CAPTAIN SIR JAMES LUCAS YEO Page 60 From the engraving by H.R. Cook, after the painting by A. Buck. CAPTAIN OLIVER HAZARD PERRY Page 66 From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in the possession of O.H. Perry, Esq. PERRY RECEIVING THE SURRENDER OF THE BRITISH AT THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE Page 94 From a drawing by Henry Reuterdahl. CAPTAIN PHILIP BOWES VERE BROKE Page 134 From the mezzotint by Charles Turner, after the painting by Samuel Lane, in the possession of Lady Saumarez. THE CAPTURE OF THE _Chesapeake_ BY THE _Shannon_--THE STRUGGLE ON THE QUARTERDECK Page 138 From a drawing by Henry Reuterdahl. CAPTAIN JAMES LAWRENCE Page 140 From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in the possession of the New Jersey Historical Society, Newark, N.J. THE BURNING OF A PRIVATEER PRIZE Page 222 From a drawing by Henry Reuterdahl. CAPTAIN DAVID PORTER Page 244 From the painting by Charles Wilson Peale, in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. CAPTAIN THOMAS MACDONOUGH Page 360 From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in the Century Club, New York, by permission of the owner, Rodney Macdonough, Esq. THE BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN Page 380 From a drawing by Henry Reuterdahl. MAPS AND BATTLE PLANS. VOLUME TWO. Plan of Engagement between _Constitution_ and _Java_ Page 4 Plan of Engagement between _Hornet_ and _Peacock_ Page 8 Map of Niagara Peninsula Page 38 Surroundings of Sackett's Harbor Page 43 Plan of Chauncey's Engagement, August 10, 1813 Page 58 Plan of Erie Harbor, 1814 Page 72 Diagram of the Battle of Lake Erie, September 10, 1813 Page 82 Chauncey and Yeo, September 28, 1813 Page 108 _Chesapeake_ and _Shannon_ Page 136 Outline Map of Chesapeake Bay and Rivers Page 156 _Enterprise_ and _Boxer_ Page 188 _Argus_ and _Pelican_ Page 218 _Montague_, _Pelham_, and _Globe_ Page 228 _Chasseur_ and _St. Lawrence_ Page 238 _Wasp_ and _Reindeer_ Page 254 Sketch of the March of the British Army, under General Ross, from the 19th to the 29th August, 1814 Page 344 Tracing from pencil sketch of Battle of Lake Champlain made by Commodore Macdonough Page 368 Battle of Lake Champlain Page 377 The Landing of the British Army, its Encampments and Fortifications on the Mississippi; Works they erected on their Retreat; with the Encampments and Fortifications of the American Army Page 392 Sea Power in its Relations to the War of 1812 THE WAR (_Continued_) CHAPTER IX THE WINTER OF 1812-1813--BAINBRIDGE'S SQUADRON: ACTIONS BETWEEN "CONSTITUTION" AND "JAVA," "HORNET" AND "PEACOCK"--INCREASING PRESSURE ON ATLANTIC COAST The squadron under Commodore William Bainbridge, the third which sailed from the United States in October, 1812, started nearly three weeks after the joint departure of Rodgers and Decatur. It consisted of the "Constitution" and sloop of war "Hornet," then in Boston, and of the "Essex," the only 32-gun frigate in the navy, fitting for sea in the Delaware. The original armament of the latter, from which she derived her rate, had been changed to forty 32-pounder carronades and six long twelves; total, forty-six guns. It is noticeable that this battery, which ultimately contributed not merely to her capture, but to her almost helplessness under the fire of an enemy able to maintain his distance out of carronade range, was strongly objected to by Captain Porter. On October 14 he applied to be transferred to the "Adams," giving as reasons "my insuperable dislike to carronades, and the bad sailing of the "Essex," which render her, in my opinion, the worst frigate in the service."[1] The request was not granted, and Porter sailed in command of the ship on October 28, the two other vessels having left Boston on the 26th. In order to facilitate a junction, Bainbridge had sent Porter full details of his intended movements.[2] A summary of these will show his views as to a well-planned commerce-destroying cruise. Starting about October 25, he would steer first a course not differing greatly from the general direction taken by Rodgers and Decatur, to the Cape Verde Islands, where he would fill with water, and by November 27 sail for the island Fernando de Noronha, two hundred and fifty miles south of the Equator, and two hundred miles from the mainland of Brazil, then a Portuguese colony, of which the island was a dependency. The trade winds being fair for this passage, he hoped to leave there by December 15, and to cruise south along the Brazilian coast as far as Rio de Janeiro, until January 15. In the outcome the meeting of the "Constitution" with the "Java" cut short her proceedings at this point; but Bainbridge had purposed to stay yet another month along the Brazilian coast, between Rio and St. Catherine's, three hundred miles south. Thence he would cross the South Atlantic to the neighborhood of St. Helena, remaining just beyond sight of it, to intercept returning British Indiamen, which frequently stopped there. Porter failed to overtake the other vessels, on account of the bad sailing of the "Essex." He arrived at Fernando de Noronha December 14, one day before that fixed by Bainbridge as his last there; but the "Constitution" and "Hornet" had already gone on to Bahia, on the Brazilian mainland, seven hundred miles to the southwest, leaving a letter for him to proceed off Cape Frio, sixty miles from the entrance of Rio. He reached this rendezvous on the 25th, but saw nothing of Bainbridge, who had been detained off Bahia by conditions there. The result was that the "Essex" never found her consorts, and finally struck out a career for herself, which belongs rather to a subsequent period of the war. We therefore leave her spending her Christmas off Cape Frio. The two other vessels had arrived off Bahia on December 13. Here was lying a British sloop of war, the "Bonne Citoyenne," understood to have on board a very large amount of specie for England. The American vessels blockaded her for some days, and then Captain Lawrence challenged her to single combat; Bainbridge acquiescing, and pledging his honor that the "Constitution" should remain out of the way, or at least not interfere. The British captain, properly enough, declined. That his ship and her reported value were detaining two American vessels from wider depredations was a reason more important than any fighting-cock glory to be had from an arranged encounter on equal terms, and should have sufficed him without expressing the doubt he did as to Bainbridge's good faith.[3] On the 26th the Commodore, leaving Lawrence alone to watch the British sloop, stood out to sea with the "Constitution," cruising well off shore; and thus on the 29th, at 9 A.M., being then five miles south of the port and some miles from land, discovered two strange sail, which were the British frigate "Java," Captain Henry Lambert, going to Bahia for water, with an American ship, prize to her. Upon seeing the "Constitution" in the south-southwest, the British captain shaped his course for her, directing the prize to enter the harbor. Bainbridge, watching these movements, now tacked his ship, and at 11.30 A.M. steered away southeast under all plain sail, to draw the enemy well away from neutral waters; the Portuguese authorities having shown some sensitiveness on that score. The "Java" followed, running full ten miles an hour, a great speed in those days, and gaining rapidly. At 1.30, being now as far off shore as desired, Bainbridge went about and stood toward the enemy, who kept away with a view to rake, which the "Constitution" avoided by the usual means of wearing, resuming her course southeast, but under canvas much reduced. At 2.10 the "Java," having closed to a half mile, the "Constitution" fired one gun ahead of her; whereupon the British ship hoisted her colors, and the American then fired two broadsides. The "Java" now took up a position to windward of the "Constitution," on her port side, a little forward (2.10); "within pistol-shot," according to the minutes submitted by the officer who succeeded to the command; "much further than I wished," by Bainbridge's journal. It is not possible entirely to reconcile the pretty full details of further movements given by each;[4] but it may be said, generally, that this battle was not mainly an artillery duel, like those of the "Constitution" and "Guerrière," the "Wasp" and "Frolic," nor yet one in which a principal manoeuvre, by its decisive effect upon the use of artillery, played the determining part, as was the case with the "United States" and "Macedonian." Here it was a combination of the two factors, a succession of evolutions resembling the changes of position, the retreats and advances, of a fencing or boxing match, in which the opponents work round the ring; accompanied by a continual play of the guns, answering to the thrusts and blows of individual encounter. In this game of manoeuvres the "Constitution" was somewhat handicapped by her wheel being shot away at 2.30. The rudder remained unharmed; but working a ship by relieving tackles, the substitute for the wheel, is for several reasons neither as quick nor as accurate. [Illustration: PLAN OF THE ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN CONSTITUTION AND JAVA] Certain salient incidents stand out in both accounts, marking the progress of the engagement. Shortly before three o'clock the head of the "Java's" bowsprit was shot away, and with it went the jib-boom. At this time, the fore and main masts of the British frigate being badly wounded, with all the rigging cut to pieces, Captain Lambert looked upon the day as lost unless he could board. The sailing master having been sent below wounded, the first lieutenant, whose account is here followed, was directed to run the ship alongside the enemy; but the helm was hardly put up when the foremast went overboard, at five minutes past three, a time in which both accounts agree. The British narrative states that the stump of their bowsprit caught in the mizzen rigging of the "Constitution" (3.35). This Bainbridge does not mention; but, if correct, the contact did not last long, for the "Constitution" immediately wore across the "Java's" bow, and the latter's maintopmast followed the foremast. The British frigate was now beaten beyond recovery; nevertheless the flag was kept flying, and it was after this that Captain Lambert fell, mortally wounded. Resistance was continued until 4.05, by the American accounts; by the British, till 4.35. Then, the enemy's mizzenmast having fallen, and nothing left standing but the main lower mast, the "Constitution" shot ahead to repair damages. There was no more firing, but the "Java's" colors remained up till 5.25,--5.50 by the British times,--when they were hauled down as the "Constitution" returned. The American loss was nine killed and twenty-five wounded; that of the British, by their official accounts, twenty-two killed, one hundred and two wounded. The superiority in broadside weight of fire of the "Constitution" over the "Java" was about the same as over the "Guerrière." The "Java's" crew was stronger in number than that of the "Guerrière," mustering about four hundred, owing to having on board a hundred supernumeraries for the East India station, to which the ship was ultimately destined. On the other hand, the material of the ship's company is credibly stated to have been extremely inferior, a condition frequently complained of by British officers at this late period of the Napoleonic wars. It has also been said, in apparent extenuation of her defeat, that although six weeks out from England, having sailed November 12, and greater part of that time necessarily in the trade winds, with their usual good weather, the men had not been exercised in firing the guns until December 28, the day before meeting the "Constitution," when six broadsides of blank cartridges were discharged. Whatever excuse may exist in the individual instance for such neglect, it is scarcely receivable in bar of judgment when disaster follows. No particular reason is given, except "the many services of a newly fitted ship, lumbered with stores;" for in such latitudes the other allegation, "a succession of gales of wind since the day of departure,"[5] is incredible. On broad general grounds the "Java" needed no apology for being beaten by a ship so much heavier; and the "Constitution's" loss in killed and wounded was over double that suffered from the "Guerrière" four months before, when the American ship had substantially the same crew.[6] Further, Bainbridge reported to his Government that "the damage received in the action, but more especially the decayed state of the "Constitution," made it necessary to return to the United States for repairs." Although Lieutenant Chads, who succeeded Lambert, was mistaken in supposing the American ship bound to the East Indies, he was evidently justified in claiming that the stout resistance of the "Java" had broken up the enemy's cruise, thus contributing to the protection of the British commerce. [Illustration: THE QUARTERDECK OF THE _JAVA_ BEFORE THE SURRENDER. _Drawn by Henry Reuterdahl._] The "Java" was considered by Bainbridge too much injured to be worth taking to the United States. She was therefore set on fire December 31, and the "Constitution" went back to Bahia, where the prisoners were landed under parole. Thence she sailed for home January 6, 1813, reaching Boston February 27. Before his departure the Commodore directed Lawrence to blockade Bahia as long as seemed advisable, but to beware of a British seventy-four, said to be on the coast. When it became expedient, he was to quit the position and move northward; first off Pernambuco, and thence to the coast of Cayenne, Surinam, and Demerara, a favorite cruising ground for American commerce-destroyers. The "Hornet" was to be in Boston in the first fortnight of April. In pursuance of these discretionary orders Lawrence remained off Bahia for eighteen days, till January 24, when the expected seventy-four, the "Montagu," appeared, forcing him into the harbor; but the same night he came out, gave her the slip, and proceeded on his cruise. On February 24, off the Demarara River, he encountered the British brig of war "Peacock," a vessel of the same class as the "Frolic," which was captured a few months before by the "Wasp," sister ship to the "Hornet." There was no substantial difference in size between these two approaching antagonists; but, unfortunately for the equality of the contest, the "Peacock" carried 24-pounder carronades, instead of the 32's which were her proper armament. Her battery power was therefore but two thirds that of the "Hornet." The vessels crossed on opposite tacks, exchanging broadsides within half pistol-shot, the "Hornet" to windward(1). The "Peacock" then wore; observing which, Lawrence kept off at once for her and ran on board her starboard quarter (2). In this position the engagement was hot for about fifteen minutes, when the "Peacock" surrendered, hoisting a flag union down, in signal of distress. She had already six feet of water in the hold. Being on soundings, in less than six fathoms, both anchored, and every effort was made to save the British vessel; but she sank, carrying down nine of her own crew and three of the "Hornet's." Her loss in action was her commander and four men killed, and twenty-nine wounded, of whom three died; that of the American vessel, one killed and two wounded. The inequality in armament detracts inevitably from glory in achievement; but the credit of readiness and efficiency is established for Lawrence and his crew by prompt action and decisive results. So, also, defeat is not inglorious under such odds; but it remains to the discredit of the British commander that his ship did no more execution, when well within the most effective range of her guns. In commenting upon this engagement, after noticing the dandy neatness of the "Peacock," James says, "Neglect to exercise the ship's company at the guns prevailed then over two thirds of the British navy; to which the Admiralty, by their sparing allowance of powder and shot for practice, were in some degree instrumental." With the survivors of the "Peacock," and prisoners from other prizes, Captain Lawrence found himself now with two hundred and seventy-seven souls on board and only thirty-four hundred gallons of water. There was at hand no friendly port where to deposit his captives, and provisions were running short. He therefore steered for the United States, and arrived at Holmes' Hole on March 19.[7] [Illustration: PLAN OF ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN HORNET AND PEACOCK] The capture of the "Peacock" was the last of five naval duels, three between frigates and two between sloops, all favorable in issue to the United States, which took place in what may justly be considered the first of the three periods into which the War of 1812 obviously divides. Great Britain, long reluctant to accept the fact of war as irreversible, did not begin to put forth her strength, or to exercise the measures of repression open to her, until the winter of 1812-13 was drawing to a close. On October 13, convinced that the mere news of the revocation of the Orders in Council would not induce any change in the American determination, the hitherto deferred authority for general reprisals was given; but accompanying them was an express provision that they were not to be understood as recalling the declaration which Warren had been commissioned to make, in order to effect a suspension of hostilities.[8] On November 27, however, hopes from this source having apparently disappeared, directions were sent the admiral to institute a rigorous commercial blockade of Delaware and Chesapeake bays,[9] the usual public notification of the fact to neutral Powers, for the information of their shipping affected by it, being issued December 26, three days before the action between the "Constitution" and "Java." On February 21, three days before the "Hornet" sank the "Peacock," Warren wrote that in compliance with the orders of November 27 this blockade had been put in force. The ship "Emily," from Baltimore for Lisbon, under a British license, with a cargo of flour, was turned back when attempting to go to sea from the Chesapeake, about February 5; Warren indorsing on her papers that the bay had been placed under rigorous blockade the day before.[10] Captain Stewart, the senior United States officer at Norfolk, notified his Government of these facts on February 10.[11] Soon after, by an Order in Council dated March 30, the measure was extended to New York, Charleston, Port Royal, Savannah, and the Mississippi River.[12] Later in the year Warren, by a sweeping proclamation, dated November 16,[13] widened its scope to cover Long Island Sound, inside of Montauk and Black Point; the latter being on the Connecticut shore, eight miles west of New London. From thence it applied not only to the ports named, but to all inlets whatsoever, southward, as far as the Florida boundary. Narragansett Bay and the rest of New England remained still exempt. These restrictions, together with the increase of Warren's force and the operations of 1813 in the Chesapeake, may be considered as initiating the second stage of the war, when Great Britain no longer cherished hopes of any other solution than by the sword, but still was restrained in the exercise of her power by the conflict with Napoleon. With the downfall of the latter, in April, 1814, began the third and final act, when she was more at liberty to let loose her strength, to terminate a conflict at once weakening and exasperating. It is not without significance that the treaty of peace with the restored Bourbon government of France was signed May 30, 1814,[14] and that on May 31 was issued a proclamation placing under strict and rigorous blockade, not merely specified places, but "all the ports, harbors, bays, creeks, rivers, inlets, outlets, islands, and sea-coasts of the United States," from the border of New Brunswick to that of Florida.[15] In form, this was only the public notification of a measure already instituted by Warren's successor, Cochrane, embracing Newport, Boston, and the East under restrictions heretofore limited to New York--including Long Island Sound--and the coast southward; but it was not merely the assertion of a stringent resolution. It was a clear defiance, in the assurance of conscious power, of a principal contention of the United States, that the measure of blockades against neutrals was not legitimately applicable to whole coasts, but only to specified ports closely watched by a naval force competent to its avowed purpose. Despite the gathering of the storm, the full force of which was to be expected in the spring, the United States ships of war that reached port in the early and middle winter of 1812-13 remained. There is, perhaps, an unrecognized element of "hindsight" in the surprise felt at this fact by a seaman of to-day, knowing the views and wishes of the prominent officers of the navy at that period. Decatur, with the "United States," reached New York in December, accompanied by the "Macedonian." Neither of these vessels got to sea again during the war. By the time they were ready, both outlets to the port were effectually blocked. Rodgers, with the "President" and "Congress," entered Boston December 31, but did not sail again until April 23. The "Constellation," Captain Stewart, was reported, perhaps erroneously, as nearly ready for sea at Washington, November 26, waiting only for a few additional hands. Later in the winter she went to Annapolis, to examine her powder, leaving there for Hampton Roads February 1, on account of the ice. On the 4th, approaching her destination, she discovered two ships of the line, three frigates, and two smaller British vessels, working up from the Capes for the Roads. In the face of such a force there was nothing to do but to escape to Norfolk, where she remained effectually shut up for the rest of the war. Bainbridge, as already known, brought the "Constitution" back for repairs in February. Even from Boston she was unable to escape till the following December. That there were satisfactory reasons for this seeming dilatoriness is assured by the character of the officers. Probably the difficulty of keeping up the ship's companies, in competition with the superior attractions of privateering and the very high wages offered by the merchants for their hazardous but remunerative commercial voyages accounted for much. Hull wrote from New York, October 29, 1812, that the merchants fitting out their vessels gave such high wages that it was difficult to get either seamen or workmen.[16] Where no system of forced enrolment--conscription or impressment--is permitted, privateering has always tended to injure the regular naval service. Though unquestionably capable of being put by owners on a business basis, as a commercial undertaking, with the individual seaman the appeal of privateering has always been to the stimulants of chance and gain, which prove so attractive in the lottery. Stewart, an officer of great intelligence and experience in his profession, found a further cause in the heavy ships of the enemy. In the hostilities with France in 1798-1800, he said, "We had nearly four thousand able seamen in the navy. We could frequently man a frigate in a week. One reason was because the enemy we were then contending with had not afloat (with very few exceptions) vessels superior in rate to frigates. The enemy we are fighting now have ships of the line, and our sailors know the great difference between them and frigates, and cannot but feel a degree of reluctance at entering the service from the disparity of force."[17] The reason seems to prove too much; pressed to an extreme, no navy would be able to use light vessels, because the enemy had heavier which might--or might not--be encountered. Certain it is, however, that when the government in the following winter, in order to stop the license trade with the enemy, embargoed all vessels in home ports, much less difficulty was experienced in getting seamen for the navy. Whatever the reasons, the only frigates at sea during the first four months of 1813 were the "Essex" and the "Chesapeake." The former, after failing to meet Bainbridge, struck off boldly for the Pacific Ocean on Porter's own motion; and on March 15, 1813, anchored at Valparaiso, preparatory to entering on a very successful career of a year's duration in those seas. The "Chesapeake" had sailed from Boston December 17, making for the Cape Verde Islands. In their neighborhood she captured two of a British convoy, which, thinking itself beyond danger, had dispersed for South American destinations. The frigate then proceeded to her cruising ground near the equator, between longitudes 24° and 30° west, where she remained for about a month, taking only one other merchantman. Leaving this position, she was off the coast of Surinam from March 2 to 6, when she returned to the United States; passing sixty miles east of the Caribbean Islands and thence north of Porto Rico and Santo Domingo, as far west as longitude 75°, whence she ran parallel to the American coast, reaching Boston April 9. Having seen nothing between February 5 and March 19, she then began to meet sails, speaking eight between the latter date and her arrival. Most of these were Americans, homeward bound from the Spanish peninsula; the others neutrals.[18] The conclusion is evident, that the British were keeping their trade well shepherded in convoys. If a ship like the "Chesapeake" struck one of them, she would probably have to fight the escorting vessel, as the "Wasp" did the "Frolic," while the merchantmen escaped; but the chances were against her seeing anything. Another evident conclusion, corresponding to the export returns already quoted, is that the enemy had not yet shut down upon the access of American merchant ships to their own coast. This process was gradual, but steady. It is necessary to keep in mind the distinction between a blockade, in the loose use of the term, which closes a port only to the ships of the hostile nation, and the commercial blockade which forbids neutrals as well. The former may be intermittent, for the mere fact of war authorizes the capture of the belligerent's shipping, wherever found; hence to intercept them at the mouths of their own harbors is merely a more effectual method of carrying out the measure. A blockade against neutrals requires the permanent presence, before the blockaded port, of a force adequate to make the attempt to enter or leave dangerous. For this many more ships are needed. The British ministry, desirous chiefly to compel the United States to peace, and embarrassed by the gigantic continental strife in which it was engaged, sought at the outset to inflict such harassment on the American coast as would cost the least diversion of strength from the European contest. An ordinary blockade might be tightened or relaxed as convenience demanded; and, moreover, there were as yet, in comparison with American vessels, few neutrals to be restrained. Normally, American shipping was adequate to American commerce. The first move, therefore, was to gather upon the coast of the United States all cruisers that could be spared from the Halifax and West India stations, and to dispose along the approaches to the principal ports those that were not needed to repress the privateers in the Bay of Fundy and the waters of Nova Scotia. The action of these privateers, strictly offensive in character, and the course of Commodore Rodgers in sailing with a large squadron, before explained, illustrate exactly how offensive operations promote defensive security. With numbers scanty for their work, and obliged to concentrate instead of scattering, the British, prior to Warren's arrival, had not disposable the cruisers with which greatly to harass even the hostile shipping, still less to institute a commercial blockade. The wish to stock the Spanish peninsula and the West Indies with provisions contributed further to mitigate the pressure. These restraining considerations gradually disappeared. Re-enforcements arrived. Rodgers' squadron returned and could be watched, its position being known. The license trade filled up Lisbon, Cadiz, and the West Indies. Hopes of a change of mind in the American Government lessened. Napoleon's disaster in Russia reversed the outlook in European politics. Step by step the altered conditions were reflected in the measures of the British ministry and navy. For months, only the maritime centres of the Middle States were molested. The senior naval officer at Charleston, South Carolina, wrote on October 14, four months after war was declared, "Till to-day this coast has been clear of enemy's cruisers; now Charleston is blockaded by three brigs, two very large, and they have captured nine sail within three miles of the bar."[19] The number was increased shortly; and two months later he expressed surprise that the inland navigation behind the sea islands had not been destroyed,[20] in consequence of its defenceless state. In January, 1813, the mouth of the Chesapeake was watched by a ship of the line, two frigates, and a sloop; the commercial blockade not having been yet established. The hostile divisions still remained outside, and American vessels continued to go out and in with comparative facility, both there and at Charleston. A lively trade had sprung up with France by letters-of-marque; that is, by vessels whose primary object is commerce, and which therefore carry cargoes, but have also guns, and a commission from the Government to make prizes. Without such authorization capture is piracy. By February 12 conditions grow worse. The blockaders have entered the Chesapeake, the commercial blockade has been proclaimed, vessels under neutral flags, Spanish and Swedish, are being turned away, and two fine letter-of-marque schooners have been captured inside, one of them after a gallant struggle in which her captain was killed. Nautical misadventures of that kind became frequent. On April 3 three letters-of-marque and a privateer, which had entered the Rappahannock, were attacked at anchor by boats from Warren's fleet. The letters-of-marque, with smaller crews, offered little resistance to boarding; but the privateer, having near a hundred men, made a sharp resistance. The Americans lost six killed and ten wounded; the enemy, two killed and eleven wounded.[21] In like manner the lower Delaware was occupied by one or more ships of the line. Supported thus by a heavy squadron, hostile operations were pushed to the upper waters of both bays, and in various directions; the extensive water communications of the region offering great facilities for depredation. Dismay and incessant disquietude spread through all quarters of the waterside. Light cruisers make their way above Reedy Island, fifty miles from the Capes of the Delaware; coasting vessels are chased into the Severn River, over a hundred miles above Hampton Roads; and a detachment appears even at the mouth of the Patapsco, twelve miles from Baltimore. The destruction of bay craft, and interruption of water traffic, show their effects in the rise of marketing and fuel to double their usual prices. By May 1, all intercourse by water was stopped, and Philadelphia was also cut off from the lower Delaware. Both Philadelphia and Baltimore were now severed from the sea, and their commerce destroyed, not to revive till after the peace; while alarms, which the near future was to justify, were felt for the land road which connected the two cities. As this crossed the head waters of the Chesapeake, it was open to attack from ships, which was further invited by deposits of goods in transit at Elkton and Frenchtown. Fears for the safety of Norfolk were felt by Captain Stewart, senior naval officer there. "When the means and force of the enemy are considered, and the state of this place for defence, it presents but a gloomy prospect for security."[22] Commodore Murray from Philadelphia reports serious apprehensions, consternation among the citizens, a situation daily more critical, and inadequate provision for resistance.[23] There, as everywhere, the impotence of the General Government has to be supplemented by local subscription and local energy. At the same time, both northward and southward of these two great estuaries, the approach of spring brought ever increasing enemies, big and little, vexing the coasting trade; upon which, then as now, depended largely the exchange of products between different sections of the country. What it meant at that day to be reduced to communication by land may be realized from a contemporary quotation: "Four wagons loaded with dry goods passed to-day through Georgetown, South Carolina, for Charleston, _forty-six days_ from Philadelphia."[24] Under the heading "New Carrying Trade" a Boston paper announces on April 28 the arrival of "a large number of teams from New Bedford with West India produce, and four Pennsylvania wagons, seventeen days from Philadelphia."[25] "The enemy has commenced his depredations on the coasting trade of the Eastern States on a very extensive scale, by several ships and sloops-of-war, and five or six active privateers. The United States brig "Argus" cruises at the entrance of Long Island Sound for the protection of trade, latterly jeopardized;"[26] a position from which she was soon driven by an overwhelming force. Hull, now commanding at Portsmouth, reports April 9, "several privateers on the Eastern coast, which have been successful in cutting coasters out of several harbors east." May 7: "A small force is indeed needed here; the enemy appear off the harbor nearly every day. A few days since, a little east of this, they burnt twelve coasters and chased several into this port."[27] The town is defenceless. The Governor of Rhode Island laments to the Legislature "the critical and exposed situation of our fellow-citizens in Newport, who are frequently menaced by the ships and vessels about Point Judith"; mentioning beside, "the burning of vessels in Narragansett Bay, and the destruction of our coasting trade, which deprives us of the usual and very necessary supplies of bread stuffs from other States."[28] The ship "Maddox," blockaded for two or three months in the Chesapeake, escaped in May, and reached Newport with five thousand barrels of flour. This is said to have reduced the price by $2.50 in Boston, where it was ranging at $17 to $18; while at Cadiz and Lisbon, thanks to British licenses and heavy stocking in anticipation of war, it stood at $12 to $13. The arrival at Machias of a captured British vessel, laden with wheat, was hailed "as a seasonable supply for the starving inhabitants of the eastward."[29] [Illustration: THE NEW CARRYING TRADE. _Drawn by Stanley M. Arthurs._] Ships returning from abroad necessarily had to pass through the cruisers which interrupted the coasting trade. "Many valuable vessels arrive, making at times hairbreadth escapes." The trade of Baltimore and Philadelphia is thrown back upon New York and Boston; but both of these, and the eastern entrance of Long Island Sound, have hostile squadrons before them. The letter-of-marque schooner "Ned" has transmitted an experience doubtless undergone by many. Bound to Baltimore, she arrived off the Chesapeake April 18, and was chased away; tried to get into the Delaware on the 19th, but was headed off; made for Sandy Hook, and was again chased. Finally, she tried the east end of the Sound, and there made her way through four or five ships of war, reaching New York April 24.[30] Of course, under such circumstances trade rapidly dwindled. Only very fast and weatherly vessels could hope to cope with the difficulties. Of these the conspicuous type was the Baltimore schooner, which also had not too many eggs in one basket. In the general deprivation of commerce a lucky voyage was proportionately remunerative; but the high prices of the successful venture were but the complement and reflection of suffering in the community. The harbors, even of New York, became crowded with unemployed shipping. This condition of things coastwise, supplemented by the activity of American privateers, induced abnormal conditions of navigation in the western Atlantic. The scanty success of Rodgers, Bainbridge, and the "Chesapeake" have been noted; and it may be observed that there was a great similarity in the directions taken by these and others. The Cape Verdes, the equator between 24° and 30° west, the Guiana coast, the eastern West Indies, Bermuda to Halifax, indicate a general line of cruising; with which coincides substantially a project submitted by Stewart, March 2, 1813, for a cruise by the "Constellation." These plans were conceived with intelligent reference to known British trade-routes; but, being met by the enemy with a rigid convoy system, it was often hard to find a sail. The scattered American traders were rapidly diminishing in numbers, retained in port as they arrived; and it is noted that a British division of four vessels, returning to Halifax after a four months' cruise between the Banks of Newfoundland and Bermuda, have captured only one American.[31] An American privateer, arriving at Providence after an absence of nearly four months, "vexing the whole Atlantic," reports not seeing a single enemy's merchant ship. Niles' return of prizes[32] to American cruisers, national as well as privateers, gives three hundred and five as the total for the first six months of the war; of which seventy-nine only seem to have been taken distant from the home shores. For the second six months, to June 30, 1813, the aggregate has fallen to one hundred and fifty-nine, of which, as far as can be probably inferred, ninety-one were captured in remote waters. Comparing with the preceding and subsequent periods, we find here evidently a time of transition, when American enterprise had not yet aroused to the fact that British precaution in the Western Hemisphere had made it necessary to seek prizes farther afield. In view of the incompleteness of the data it is difficult to state more than broad conclusions. It seems fairly safe, however, to say that after the winter of 1812-13 American commerce dwindled very rapidly, till in 1814 it was practically annihilated; but that, prior to Napoleon's downfall, the necessities of the British Government, and the importunity of the British mercantile community, promoted a certain collusive intercourse by licenses, or by neutrals, real or feigned, between the enemy and the Eastern States of the Union, for the exportation of American produce. This trade, from the reasons which prompted it, was of course exempt from British capture. Subsidiary to it, as a partial relief to the loss of the direct American market, was fostered an indirect smuggling import from Great Britain, by way of Halifax and Montreal, which conduced greatly to the prosperity of both these places during the war, as it had during the preceding periods of commercial restriction. It was to maintain this contraband traffic, as well as to foster disaffection in an important section of the Union, that the first extension of the commercial blockade, issued by Warren from Bermuda, May 26, 1813, stopped short of Newport; while the distinction thus drawn was emphasized, by turning back vessels even with British licenses seeking to sail from the Chesapeake. By this insidious action the commercial prosperity of the country, so far as any existed, was centred about the Eastern States. It was, however, almost purely local. Little relief reached the Middle and South, which besides, as before mentioned, were thus drained of specie, while their products lay idle in their stores. As regards relative captures made by the two belligerents, exact numbers cannot be affirmed; but from the lists transmitted a fairly correct estimate can be formed as to the comparative injury done in this way. It must be remembered that such losses, however grievous in themselves, and productive of individual suffering, have by no means the decisive effect produced by the stoppage of commerce, even though such cessation involves no more than the retention in harbor of the belligerent's ships, as the Americans were after 1812, or as had been the case during Jefferson's embargo of 1808. As that measure and its congeners failed in their object of bringing the British Government to terms, by deprivation of commerce, the pecuniary harm done the United States by them was much greater than that suffered in the previous years from the arbitrary action of Great Britain. She had seized, it was alleged, as many as nine hundred and seventeen American vessels,[33] many of which were condemned contrary to law, while the remainder suffered loss from detention and attendant expenses; but despite all this the commercial prosperity was such that the commercial classes were averse to resenting the insults and injury. It was the agricultural sections of the country, not the commercial, which forced on the war. Niles' Register has transmitted a careful contemporary compilation of American captures, in closing which the editor affirmed that in the course of the war he had examined not less than ten, perhaps twelve, thousand columns of ship news, rejecting all prizes not accounted for by arrival or destruction. It is unlikely that data complete as he used are now attainable, even if an increase of accuracy in this point were worth the trouble of the search. Up to May 1, 1813, he records four hundred and eleven captures, in which are included the British ships of war as well as merchantmen; not a very material addition. The British Naval Chronicle gives the prize lists of the various British admirals. From these may be inferred in the same period at least three hundred seizures of American merchant vessels. Among these are a good many Chesapeake Bay craft, very small. This excludes privateers, but not letters-of-marque, which are properly cargo ships. Both figures are almost certainly underestimates; but not improbably the proportion of four to three is nearly correct. Granting, however, that the Americans had seized four British ships for every three lost by themselves, what does the fact establish as regards the effect upon the commerce of the two peoples? Take the simple report of a British periodical in the same month of May, 1813: "We are happy to announce the arrival of a valuable fleet from the West Indies, consisting of two hundred and twenty-six sail, under convoy of the "Cumberland," seventy-four, and three other ships of war."[34] This one fleet among many, safely entering port, numbers more than half of their total losses in the twelvemonth. Contrast this relative security with the experience of the "Ned," cited a few pages back, hunted from headland to headland on her home coast, and slipping in--a single ship by dexterous management--past foes from whom no countryman can pretend to shield her. Even more mortifying to Americans, because under their very eyes, in sharp contrast to their sufferings, was the prosperity of Halifax and Canada. Vexed though British commerce was by the daring activity of American cruisers, the main streams continued to flow; diminished in volume, but not interrupted. The closure of American harbors threw upon the two ports named the business of supplying American products to the British forces, the British West Indies, and in measure to Great Britain itself. The same reason fixed in them the deposit of British goods, to be illicitly conveyed into the United States by the smuggling that went on actively along the northern seacoast and land frontier; a revival of the practices under the embargo of 1808. This underground traffic was of course inadequate to compensate for that lost by the war and the blockade; but it was quite sufficient to add immensely to the prosperity of these places, the communications of which with the sea were held open and free by the British navy, and in which centred what was left from one of the most important branches of British trade in the days of peace. Halifax, from its position on the sea, was the chief gainer. The effects of the war on it were very marked. Trade was active. Prices rose. Provisions were in great demand, to the profit of agriculture and fisheries. Rents doubled and trebled. The frequent arrival of prizes, and of ships of war going and coming, added to the transactions, and made money plentiful.[35] Recalling the generalization already made, that the seacoast of the United States was strictly a defensive frontier, it will be recognized that the successive institution of the commercial blockades, first of the Chesapeake and Delaware in March, and afterward of the whole coast south of Newport, in May, were the offensive operations with which the British initiated the campaign of 1813. These blockades were supported, and their effects sustained and intensified, by an accumulation of naval force entirely beyond the competition of the American navy. In view of such overwhelming disparity, it was no longer possible, as in 1812, by assembling a squadron, to impose some measure of concentration upon the enemy, and thus to facilitate egress and ingress. The movements of the British had passed wholly beyond control. Their admiral was free to dispose his fleet as he would, having care only not to hazard a detachment weaker than that in the port watched. This was a condition perfectly easy of fulfilment with the numbers under his command. As a matter of fact, his vessels were distributed over the entire seacoast; and at every point, with the possible exception of Boston, the division stationed was so strong that escape was possible only by evasion, under cover of severe weather conditions. Under such circumstances, the larger the ship the more difficult for her to get out. As early as the middle of April, Captain Jones, formerly of the "Wasp," and now commanding the "Macedonian" in New York, reports that "both outlets are at present strongly blocked, but I believe at dark of the moon we shall be able to pass without much risk."[36] May 22, when a moon had come and gone, Decatur, still on board the "United States," in company with which the "Macedonian" was to sail, thinks it will be better to try the Sound route. "The last gale, which promised the fairest opportunity for us to get out, ended in light southerly winds, which continued till the blockading ships had regained their stations."[37] A few days later, the attempt by the Sound resulted in the two being driven into New London, where they remained to the close of the war. The only offensive operation by sea open to the United States, the destruction of the enemy's commerce, fell therefore to the smaller cruisers and privateers, the size and numbers of which combined to make it impossible to restrain them all. For defensive measures the seaboard depended upon such fortifications as existed, everywhere inadequate, but which either the laxness or the policy of the British commander did not attempt to overcome in the case of the seaports, narrowly so called. The wide-mouthed estuaries of the Chesapeake and Delaware, entrance to which could not thus be barred, bore, therefore, the full brunt of hostile occupation and widespread harassment. In this there may have been deliberate intention, as well as easy adoption of the readiest means of annoyance. The war, though fairly supported in the middle section of the Union, was essentially a Southern and Western measure. Its most strenuous fomenters came from those parts, and the administration was Virginian. The President himself had been identified with the entire course of Jefferson's commercial retaliation, and general policy toward Great Britain during twelve years past. It is impossible for land forces alone to defend against naval aggression a region like the Chesapeake, with its several great, and numerous small, streams penetrating the country in every direction; and matters are not helped when the defendants are loosely organized militia. The water in such a case offers a great central district, with interior lines, in the hands of a power to which belongs the initiative, with an overpowering mobile force, able at any moment to appear where it will in superior strength. No wonder then that the local journals of the day speak of continual watchfulness, which from the present organization of the militia is exceedingly toilsome, and of no little derangement to the private affairs of the people.[38] The enemy spreads in every direction; and, although the alarm caused much exceeds the injury done, disquietude is extreme and universal. "Applications from various quarters are constantly pouring in upon us," wrote a Governor of Maryland to the President; "and as far as our very limited means will enable us we are endeavoring to afford protection. But we have not arms and ammunition to supply the demands of every section of the State; the unavoidable expense of calling out the militia for its protection would greatly exceed the ability of the State government. The capital of the State [which was three miles from the bay, on a navigable river] has not sufficient force for its protection. By the Constitution of the United States, the common defence is committed to the National Government, which is to protect each State against invasion, and to defray all necessary expenses of a national war; and to us it is a most painful reflection that after every effort we have made, or can make, for the security of our fellow-citizens and of their property, they have little to rely on but the possible forbearance of the enemy."[39] The process of reaping what has been sowed is at times extremely unpleasant. FOOTNOTES: [1] Captains' Letters. Navy Department. [2] Ibid., Bainbridge, Oct. 13, 1812. [3] Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 25. [4] Bainbridge's report is in the Captains' Letters. Navy Department, Jan. 3, 1813. It will be found also in Niles' Register, vol. iii. p. 410. Both give extracts from Bainbridge's journal, which is very full on the subject of manoeuvres and times. The British account will be found in the Naval Chronicle, vol. xxix. pp. 403-408, from which the plan of the battle is copied. [5] James' Naval History, edition 1824, vol. v. p. 313. [6] Bainbridge in a private letter speaks of the men looking forward to prize money for the "Guerrière" on their return. Niles' Register, vol. iii. p. 411. [7] Lawrence's Report of these transactions is in Captains' Letters, March 19, 1813. It will be found also in Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 84. [8] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxviii. p. 305. [9] Admiralty to Warren, British Records Office. [10] Niles' Register, vol. iii. p. 383. [11] Captains' Letters. [12] Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 159. The Admiralty's letter to Warren to institute this blockade is dated March 25. British Records Office. [13] Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 264. [14] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxi. p. 464. [15] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxi. p. 475. [16] Captains' Letters. [17] American State Papers, Naval Affairs, vol. i. p. 280. [18] Captain Evans' Report, April 10, 1813. Captains' Letters. [19] Captains' Letters. [20] Ibid, Dec. 17, 1812. [21] Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 119. Naval Chronicle, vol. xxix. p. 501. [22] March 17, 1813. Captains' Letters. [23] March 17, 18, and 21. Ibid. [24] Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 222. [25] Columbian Centinel. [26] Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 117. [27] Captains' Letters. [28] Message of the Governor of Rhode Island, May 5, 1813. [29] Niles' Register, vol. iv. pp. 200, 209. There were reported in Cadiz at this time 160,000 barrels of flour, unsold. The Columbian Centinel (Feb. 17) speaks of the Lisbon market as deplorable. [30] Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 150. [31] Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 101. [32] Ibid., p. 117. [33] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 584. France in the same period had seized five hundred and fifty-eight. [34] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxix. p. 497. The following extract from an American journal may have interest as indicating the extent of the British convoy movement. "American brig 'Hazard,' arrived at New York from Madeira, June 5, reports: 'April 11, arrived at Funchal the outward bound East India and Brazil fleets, forty sail, under convoy. Sailed April 12. April 21, arrived outward bound Cork fleet, one hundred and eighty sail convoyed by a seventy-four, a frigate, and a sloop.' April 30, sailed from Jamaica, three hundred merchantmen, under convoy of a seventy-four, two frigates and a sloop." (Columbian Centinel, of Boston, June 9, 1813.) [35] Murdoch's History of Nova Scotia, vol. iii. p. 351. [36] Captains' Letters, April 13, 1813. [37] Ibid., May 22. [38] Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 134. [39] Letter of Governor Winder, April 26, 1813. Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 204. CHAPTER X CAMPAIGN OF 1813 ON THE LAKE FRONTIER, TO THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE In April, 1813, on the land frontier of the north and west, no substantial change had taken place in the conditions which gave to the United States the power of the offensive. Such modification as Chauncey's energy had effected was to strengthen superiority, by promising ultimate control of the upper and lower lakes. The British had not been idle; but the greater natural difficulties under which they labored, from less numerous population and less advanced development of the country and its communications, together with a greater severity of climate, had not been compensated by a naval direction similar to that exercised by the American commodore and his efficient second, Perry. Sir John Warren had been ordered to pay attention to the lakes, the naval service of which was placed under his charge. This added to his responsibilities, and to the drain upon his resources of men and materials; but, with an oversight already extending from Halifax to Jamaica and Barbados, he could do little for the lakes, beyond meeting requisitions of the local authorities and furnishing a draft of officers. Among those sent from his fleet was Captain Barclay, who commanded the British squadron in Perry's action. The Admiralty, meantime, had awaked to the necessity of placing preparations and operations under competent naval guidance, if command of the water was to be secured. For that purpose they selected Captain Sir James Lucas Yeo, a young officer of much distinction, just turned thirty, who was appointed to the general charge of the lake service, under Warren. Leaving England in March, accompanied by a body of officers and seamen, Yeo did not reach Kingston until May 15, 1813, when the campaign was already well under way; having been begun by Dearborn and Chauncey April 24. His impressions on arrival were discouraging. He found the squadron in a weak state, and the enemy superior in fact and in promise. They had just succeeded in burning at York a British vessel intended for thirty guns, and they had, besides, vessels building at Sackett's Harbor. He had set to work, however, getting his force ready for action, and would go out as soon as possible to contest the control of Ontario; for upon that depended the tenure of Upper Canada.[40] Barclay, upon the arrival of his superior, was sent on to Amherstburg, to fulfil upon Erie the same relation to Yeo that Perry did to Chauncey. It had been clearly recognized by the American authorities that any further movement for the recapture of Detroit and invasion of Canada would depend upon the command of Lake Erie; and that that in turn would depend largely upon mastery of Ontario. In fact, the nearer the sea control over the water communications could be established, the more radical and far-reaching the effect produced. For this reason, Montreal was the true objective of American effort, but the Government's attention from the first had centred upon the northwestern territory; upon the extremity of the enemy's power, instead of upon its heart. Under this prepossession, despite adequate warning, it had persisted in the course of which Hull's disaster was the outcome; and now, though aroused by this stunning humiliation, its understanding embraced nothing beyond the Great Lakes. Clear indication of this narrow outlook is to be found in the conditions on Lake Champlain, the natural highway to Canada. Only the scantiest mention is to be found of naval preparation there, because actually little was being done; and although the American force was momentarily superior, it was so simply because the British, being in Canada wholly on the defensive, and therefore obliged to conform to American initiative, contemplated no use of this lake, the mastery of which, nevertheless, was soon afterward thrown into their hands by a singularly unfortunate occurrence. Dearborn, who still remained in chief command of the armies on the New York frontier, was therefore directed to concentrate his effort upon Ontario, starting from Sackett's Harbor as a base. Chauncey, whose charge extended no farther than the upper rapids of the St. Lawrence, had of course no other interest. His first plan, transmitted to the Navy Department January 21, 1813,[41] had been to proceed immediately upon the opening of navigation, with the fleet and a land force of a thousand picked troops, against Kingston, the capture of which, if effected, would solve at a single stroke every difficulty in the upper territory. No other harbor was tenable as a naval station; with its fall, and the destruction of shipping and forts, would go the control of the lake, even if the place itself were not permanently held. Deprived thus of the water communications, the enemy could retain no position to the westward, because neither re-enforcements nor supplies could reach them. To quote Chauncey's own words, "I have no doubt we should succeed in taking or destroying their ships and forts, and, of course, preserve our ascendency on this lake." This remark, though sound, was narrow in scope; for it failed to recognize, what was perfectly knowable, that the British support of the Lake Erie stations and the upper country depended on their power to control, or at worst to contest, Ontario. Of this they themselves were conscious, as the words of Yeo and Brock alike testify. The new American Secretary of War, Armstrong, who was a man of correct strategical judgment and considerable military information, entered heartily into this view; and in a letter dated February 10 communicated to Dearborn the orders of the President for his operations, based upon the Secretary's recommendation.[42] Four thousand men were to be assembled at Sackett's, and three thousand at Buffalo. The former, under convoy of the fleet, was to proceed first against Kingston, then against York (Toronto). After this the two corps should co-operate in an attack to be made upon the British Niagara frontier, which rested upon Fort George on the Ontario shore, and Fort Erie upon Lake Erie. This plan was adopted upon the assumption, which was probably correct, that the enemy's entire military force upon Ontario did not exceed twenty-one hundred regular troops, of whom six hundred were at Kingston and twelve hundred at Niagara. Armstrong, who recognized the paramount importance of Montreal, had received the exaggerated impression that there might be in that neighborhood eight to ten thousand regulars. There were not yet nearly that number in all Canada;[43] but he was perhaps correct in thinking that the provision for the offensive, which he had found upon taking office a few weeks before, was insufficient for an advance in that quarter. Dearborn very soon discovered objections to proceeding against Kingston, in his own estimates of the enemy's numbers, based upon remarkable reports received from sources "entitled to full credit." On March 3 he was satisfied that from six to eight thousand men had been assembled there from Quebec, Montreal, and Upper Canada; while the presence of Sir George Prevost, the Governor General, and commander-in-chief in Canada, who had seized an opportunity to make a hurried visit to Kingston to assure himself as to the progress of the ships building, convinced the American general that an attack upon Sackett's was contemplated.[44] From that time forward Dearborn realized in his own person the process of making pictures to one's self concerning a military situation, against which Napoleon uttered a warning. Chauncey was more sceptical, although he could not very well avoid attention to the reports brought in. He expresses himself as believing that a considerable number of men had been assembled in Kingston, but that their real object was to proceed against Harrison in the Far West.[45] There seems to have been no foundation for any of these alarms. Prevost was a soldier of good reputation, but wanting in initiative, audacity, and resolution, as the current war was to prove. His presence at Kingston at this moment was simply one incident in a rapid official visit to the upper military posts, extending as far as Niagara, and accomplished in four weeks; for, leaving Quebec February 17, he was again writing from there on the 17th of March. As far as can be deduced from his correspondence, four companies of regulars had preceded him from Montreal to Kingston, and there may very well have been a gathering of local forces for inspection or otherwise; but no re-enforcements of regulars, other than that just mentioned, reached Kingston from down the river before May. Dearborn never renounced his belief in the meditated attack, though finally satisfied that it was abandoned; and his positive reports as to the enemy's numbers wrung from Armstrong acquiescence in a change of plan, by which York, and not Kingston, should be the first object of the campaign.[46] Chauncey, who had some sound military ideas, as his first plan showed, was also brought round to this conclusion by a process of reasoning which he developed in a second plan of operations, submitted March 18,[47] but evidently long since matured. It apparently antedates Dearborn's apprehensions, and is not affected by them, though the two worked together to a common mistaken decision. The commodore's letter presents an interesting study, in its demonstration of how an erroneous first conception works out to false conclusions, and in the particular instance to ultimate military disaster. The capture of Kingston, his first plan, and its retention, which Armstrong purposed, would have settled the whole campaign and affected decisively the issue of the war. Chauncey's new project is dominated throughout by the view, which was that of the Government, that the great object of the war was to control the northwestern territory by local operations, instead of striking at the source of British power in its communication with the sea. At this moment, the end of March, the British naval force on Ontario was divided between York and Kingston; in each were vessels afloat and vessels building. An attack upon Kingston, Chauncey said, no doubt would be finally successful--an initial admission which gave away his case; but as the opposing force would be considerable, it would protract the general operations of the campaign--the reduction of the northwest--longer than would be advisable, particularly as large re-enforcements would probably arrive at Quebec in the course of two months. On the other hand, to proceed against York, which probably could be carried immediately, would result in destroying at once a large fraction of the British fleet, greatly weakening the whole body. Thence the combined Americans would turn against Fort George and the Niagara line. If successful here, the abandonment of Fort Erie by the British would release the American vessels which by its guns were confined at Black Rock. They would sail forth and join their consorts at Erie; which done, Chauncey, leaving his Ontario fleet to blockade Yeo at Kingston, would go to the upper lake and carry against the British the squadron thus concentrated there, would co-operate with the army under General Harrison, recover Detroit, and capture Malden. Lake Erie and its surroundings would thus become an American holding. After this, it would be but a step to reconquer Michilimackinac, thereby acquiring an influence over the Indians which, in conjunction with military and naval preponderance, would compel the enemy to forsake the upper country altogether, and concentrate his forces about Kingston and Montreal. It is interesting to see an elaborate piece of serious reasoning gradually culminate in a _reductio ad absurdum_; and Chauncey's reasoning ends in a military absurdity. The importance of Kingston is conceded by him, and the probability of capturing it at the first is admitted. Thereupon follows a long project of operation, which ends in compelling the enemy to concentrate all his strength at the very points--Kingston and Montreal--which it is most important for the Americans to gain; away from which, therefore, they should seek to keep the enemy, and not to drive him in upon them. This comes from the bias of the Government, and of the particular officer, regarding the Northwestern territory as the means whereby success was to be accomplished instead of merely the end to be attained. To make the Western territory and control of the Indians the objects of the campaign was a political and military motive perfectly allowable, and probably, in view of recent history, extremely necessary; but to make these things the objective of operations was to invert the order of proceedings, as one who, desiring to fell a tree, should procure a ladder and begin cutting off the outermost branches, instead of striking at the trunk by the ground. Eighteen months later Chauncey wrote some very wise words in this spirit. "It has always been my opinion that the best means to conquer Canada was to cut off supplies from Lower to Upper by taking and maintaining some position on the St. Lawrence. That would be killing the tree by girdling; the branches, dependent on ordinary supplies, die of necessity. But it is now attempted to kill the tree by lopping off branches" [he is speaking of the Niagara campaign of 1814]; "the body becomes invigorated by reducing the demands on its resources."[48] By this time Chauncey had been chastened by experience. He had seen his anticipated glory reaped on Lake Erie by his junior. He had seen the control of Ontario contested, and finally wrung from him, by vessels built at Kingston, the place which he had failed to take when he thought it possible. He had been blockaded during critical months by a superior squadron; and at the moment of writing, November 5, 1814, Sir James Yeo was moving, irresistible, back and forth over the waters of Ontario, with his flag flying in a ship of 102 guns, built at Kingston. In short, the Canadian tree was rooted in the ocean, where it was nourished by the sea power of Great Britain. To destroy it, failing the ocean navy which the United States had not, the trunk must be severed; the nearer the root the better. Demonstration of these truths was not long in coming, and will be supplied by the narrative of events. When Chauncey penned the plan of operations just analyzed, there were in York two vessels, the "Prince Regent" of twenty guns, the "Duke of Gloucester," sixteen, and two--by his information--on the stocks. On April 14 the ice in Sackett's Harbor broke up, though large floes still remained in the lake. On the 19th these also had disappeared. Eighteen hundred troops were embarked by the squadron, and on the 24th the expedition started, but was driven back by heavy weather. The next day it got away finally, and on the early morning of the 27th appeared off York. The troops were landed westward of the town, and proceeded to attack, supported by the shipping. The enemy, inferior in number, retired; the small regular force making its escape, with the exception of fifty who surrendered with the militia present. The American loss, army and navy, was a little over three hundred; among whom was General Pike, an excellent soldier, who commanded the landing and was mortally wounded by the explosion of a magazine. The "Duke of Gloucester" schooner was taken, but the "Prince Regent" had gone to Kingston three days before; the weather which drove Chauncey back had enabled her to join her fleet as soon as released by the ice. By her escape the blow lost most of its effect; for York itself was indefensible, and was taken again without difficulty in the following July. A 30-gun vessel approaching completion was found on the stocks and burned, and a large quantity of military and naval stores were either destroyed or brought away by the victorious squadron. These losses were among the news that greeted Yeo's arrival; but, though severe, they were not irreparable, as Chauncey for the moment imagined. He wrote: "I believe that the enemy has received a blow that he cannot recover, and if we succeed in our next enterprise, which I see no reason to doubt, we may consider the upper province as conquered."[49] The mistake here was soon to be evident. No time was wasted at York. The work of destruction, and of loading what was to be carried away, was completed in three days, and on May 1 the troops were re-embarked, to sail for Fort George on the morrow. The wind, which for some days had been fair and moderate from the eastward, then came on to blow a gale which would make landing impossible off Niagara, and even navigation dangerous for the small vessels. This lasted through the 7th, Chauncey writing on that day that they were still riding with two anchors ahead and lower yards down. So crowded were the ships that only half the soldiers could be below at one time; hence they were exposed to the rain, and also to the fresh-water waves, which made a clean breach over the schooners. Under such circumstances both troops and seamen sickened fast. On the 8th, the weather moderating, the squadron stood over to Fort Niagara, landed the troops for refreshment, and then returned to Sackett's; it being thought that the opportunity for surprise had been lost, and that no harm could come of a short further delay, during which also re-enforcements might be expected. Soon after his return Chauncey sent a flag of truce to Kingston. This made observations as to the condition of the enemy which began to dispel his fair illusions.[50] His purpose to go in person to Niagara was postponed; and despatching thither the squadron with troops, he remained at Sackett's to protect the yard and the ships building, in co-operation with the garrison. His solicitude was not misplaced. Niagara being a hundred and fifty miles from Sackett's, the fleet and army had been committed to a relatively distant operation, depending upon a main line of communication,--the lake,--on the flank and rear of which, and close to their own inadequately protected base, was a hostile arsenal, Kingston, harboring a naval force quite able to compete with their own. The danger of such a situation is obvious to any military man, and even to a layman needs only to be indicated. Nevertheless the enterprise was launched, and there was nothing for it now but to proceed on the lines laid down. Chauncey accordingly sailed May 22, re-enforcements of troops for the defence of Sackett's having meantime arrived. He did not reach Niagara until the 25th. The next day was spent in reconnoissances, and other preparations for a landing on the lake shore, a short mile west of Fort George. On the 27th, at 9 A.M., the attack began, covered by the squadron. General Vincent, in command of the British Niagara frontier, moved out to meet his enemy with the entire force near Fort George, leaving only a small garrison of one hundred and thirty men to hold the post itself. There was sharp fighting at the coast-line; but Vincent's numbers were much inferior, and he was compelled steadily to give ground, until finally, seeing that the only alternatives were the destruction of his force or the abandonment of the position, he sent word to the garrison to spike the guns, destroy the ammunition, and to join his column as it withdrew. He retreated along the Niagara River toward Queenston, and thence west to Beaver Dam, about sixteen miles from Fort George. At the same time word was sent to the officers commanding at Fort Erie, and the intermediate post of Chippewa, to retire upon the same place, which had already been prepared in anticipation of such an emergency. The three divisions were thus in simultaneous movement, converging upon a common point of concentration, where they all assembled during the night; the whole, as reported by Vincent to his superior, now not exceeding sixteen hundred.[51] The casualties during the day's fighting had been heavy, over four hundred killed and wounded; but in the retreat no prisoners were lost except the garrison of the fort, which was intercepted. Dearborn, as before at York, had not landed with his troops; prevented, doubtless, by the infirmities of age increasing upon him. Two days later he wrote to the Department, "I had presumed that the enemy would confide in the strength of his position and venture an action, by which an opportunity would be afforded to cut off his retreat."[52] This guileless expectation, that the net may be spread not in vain before the eyes of any bird, provoked beyond control such measure of equanimity as Armstrong possessed. Probably suspecting already that his correct design upon Kingston had been thwarted by false information, he retorted: "I cannot disguise from you the _surprise_ occasioned by the _two escapes of a beaten enemy_; first on May 27, and again on June 1. Battles are not gained, when an inferior and broken enemy is not destroyed. Nothing is done, while anything that might have been done is omitted."[53] Vincent was unkind enough to disappoint his opponent. The morning after the engagement he retired toward a position at the head of the lake, known then as Burlington Heights, where the town of Hamilton now stands. Upon his tenure here the course of operations turned twice in the course of the next six months. [Illustration: MAP OF NIAGARA PENINSULA] While Vincent was in retreat upon Burlington, Captain Barclay arrived at his headquarters, on the way to take charge of the Lake Erie squadron;[54] having had to coast the north shore of Ontario, on account of the American control of the water. The inopportuneness of the moment was prophetic of the numberless disappointments with which the naval officer would have to contend during the brief three months preceding his defeat by Perry. "The ordnance, ammunition, and other stores for the service on Lake Erie," wrote Prevost on July 20, with reference to Barclay's deficiencies, "had been deposited at York for the purpose of being transported to Amherstburg, but unfortunately were either destroyed or fell into the enemy's hands when York was taken by them; and the subsequent interruption to the communication, by their occupation of Fort George, has rendered it extremely difficult to afford the supplies Captain Barclay requires, which, however, are in readiness to forward whenever circumstances will permit it to be done with safety."[55] The road from Queenston to Fort Erie, around Niagara Falls, was the most used and the best line of transportation, because the shortest. To be thrown off it to that from Burlington to Long Point was a serious mishap for a force requiring much of heavy and bulky supplies. To add to these more vital embarrassments, the principal ship, the "Queen Charlotte," which had been lying at Fort Erie, had been ordered by Vincent to leave there when the place was evacuated, and to go to Amherstburg, thus giving Barclay the prospect of a land journey of two hundred miles through the wilderness to his destination. Fortunately for him, a vessel turned up at Long Point, enabling him to reach Amherstburg about June 7. The second step in Chauncey's programme had now been successfully taken, and the vessels at Black Rock were free to move. With an energy and foresight which in administration seldom forsook him, he had prepared beforehand to seize even a fleeting opportunity to get them out. Immediately upon the fall of York, "to put nothing to hazard, I directed Mr. Eckford to take thirty carpenters to Black Rock, where he has gone to put the vessels lying there in a perfect state of repair, ready to leave the river for Presqu' Isle the moment we are in possession of the opposite shore." Perry also was on hand, being actively engaged in the landing at Fort George; and the same evening, May 27, he left for Black Rock to hasten the departure. The process involved great physical labor, the several vessels having to be dragged by oxen against the current of the Niagara, here setting heavily toward the falls. It was not until June 12 that they were all above the rapids, and even this could not have been accomplished but for soldiers furnished by Dearborn.[56] The circumstance shows how hopeless the undertaking would have been if the enemy had remained in Fort Erie. Nor was this the only peril in their path. Barclay, with commendable promptitude, had taken the lake in superior force very shortly after his arrival at Amherstburg, and about June 15 appeared off Erie [Presqu' Isle]. Having reconnoitred the place, he cruised between it and Black Rock, to intercept the expected division; but the small vessels, coasting the beach, passed their adversary unseen in a fog,[57] and on June 18 reached the port. As Chauncey had reported on May 29 that the two brigs building there were launched, affairs on that lake began to wear a promising aspect. The Lakes station as a whole, however, was still very short of men; and the commodore added that if none arrived before his approaching return to Sackett's, he would have to lay up the Ontario fleet to man that upon Erie. To do this would have been to abandon to the enemy the very important link in the communications, upon which chiefly depended the re-enforcement and supplies for both armies on the Niagara peninsula. The inherent viciousness of the plan upon which the American operations were proceeding was now quickly evident. At the very moment of the attack upon Fort George, a threatening but irresolute movement against Sackett's was undertaken by Prevost, with the co-operation of Yeo, by whom the attempt is described as a diversion, in consequence of the enemy's attack upon Fort George. Had the place fallen, Chauncey would have lost the ship then building, on which he was counting to control the water; he would have had nowhere to rest his foot except his own quarter-deck, and no means to repair his fleet or build the new vessels continually needed to maintain superiority. The case of Yeo dispossessed of Kingston would have been similar, but worse; for land transport in the United States was much better than in Canada. The issue of the war, as regarded the lakes and the Northwestern territory, lay in those two places. Upon them depended offensive and defensive action. At the time of the attack upon Sackett's only two vessels of the squadron were there, the senior officer of which, Lieutenant Chauncey, was in momentary command of the navy yard as well. The garrison consisted of four hundred regular troops, the coming of whom a week before had enabled Chauncey to leave for Niagara. Dearborn had already written to Major-General Jacob Brown, of the New York militia, asking him to take command of the station; for which his local knowledge particularly fitted him, as he was a resident of some years' standing. He had moreover manifested marked military capacity on the St. Lawrence line, which was under his charge. Brown, whose instincts were soldierly, was reluctant to supersede Colonel Backus, the officer of regulars in command; but a letter from the latter received on the 27th, asking him to take charge, determined his compliance. When he arrived five hundred militia had assembled. The British expedition left Kingston with a fine fair wind on the early morning of May 27--the same day that the Americans were landing at Fort George. The whole fleet accompanied the movement, having embarked troops numbering over seven hundred; chiefly regulars. At noon they were off Sackett's Harbor. Prevost and Yeo stood in to reconnoitre; but in the course of an hour the troops, who were already in the boats, ready to pull to the beach, were ordered to re-embark, and the squadron stood out into the lake. The only result so far was the capture of twelve out of nineteen American barges, on their way from Oswego to the Harbor. The other seven gained the port. During the next thirty-six hours militia kept coming in, and Brown took command. Sackett's Harbor is an indentation on the south side of a broad bay, called Black River Bay, into which the Black River empties. The harbor opens eastward; that is, its back is toward the lake, from which it is distant a little over a mile; and its north side is formed by a long narrow point, called Navy Point, on which was the naval establishment. Where Black River Bay meets the lake, its south shore is prolonged to the west by a projection called Horse Island, connected with the land by a fordable neck. Brown expected the landing to be made upon this, and he decided to meet the attack at the water's edge of the mainland, as the enemy crossed the neck. There he disposed his five hundred militia, placing the regulars under Backus in a second line; a steadying point in case the first line of untrained men failed to stand firm. It was arranged that, if the enemy could not be resisted, Lieutenant Chauncey was to set fire to the naval stores and shipping, and cross with his crews to the south side of the harbor, east of a work called Fort Volunteer, where Brown proposed to make his final stand. From there, although an enemy at the yard could be molested, he could not certainly be prevented from carrying off stores or ships; hence the necessity for destruction. [Illustration: SURROUNDINGS OF SACKETT'S HARBOR] The British landed upon Horse Island soon after daylight of May 29, and from there advanced. The militia met them with a volley, but then broke and fled, as had been foreseen by Brown, himself yet a militia officer. Their colonel behaved gallantly, and was killed in trying to rally his men; while Brown in person, collecting a hundred of the fugitives, worked round with them to the left flank of the approaching British. These, moving through the woods, now encountered Backus and his regulars, who made upon them an impression of overwhelming numbers, to which the British official report bears a vivid testimony. The failure to carry the place is laid by this paper upon the light and adverse winds, which prevented the co-operation of the squadron's heavy guns, to reduce the batteries and blockhouse. Without this assistance, it was impracticable to carry by assault the works in which the Americans had taken refuge. The gunboats alone could get within range, and their small carronades were totally inadequate to make any impression on the forts and blockhouses. "The troops were reluctantly ordered to leave a beaten enemy." Brown makes no mention of this retreat into the works, though it appears clear that the Americans fell gradually back to their support; but he justifies Prevost's withdrawal, bitterly criticised by writers of his own nation, in the words, "Had not General Prevost retreated most rapidly under the guns of his vessels, he would never have returned to Kingston."[58] In the midst of the action word was brought to Lieutenant Chauncey that the battle was lost, and that the yard must be fired. Brown, in his official report, expressly acquitted him of blame, with words of personal commendation. The two schooners in commission had retreated up Black River; but the prize "Duke of Gloucester," and the ship approaching completion, were fired. Fortunately, the flames were extinguished before serious damage was done; but when Commodore Chauncey returned on June 1, he found that among a large quantity of materials consumed were the stores and sails of the new ship. The loss of these he thought would delay the movements of the squadron three weeks; for without her Yeo's force was now superior.[59] [Illustration: THE RETREAT OF THE BRITISH FROM SACKETT'S HARBOR. _Drawn by Henry Reuterdahl._] The defence of Sackett's Harbor obtained immediately for Brown, who was just thirty-eight, the commission of brigadier general in the army; for the new Secretary, Armstrong, was looking round anxiously for men to put in command, and was quick to seize upon one when he found him. To Chauncey, on the other hand, the affair in its consequences and demonstration of actualities was a rude awakening, to which his correspondence during the succeeding six weeks bears witness by an evident waning of confidence, not before to be noted. On June 4 he tells the Secretary of the Navy that he has on Ontario, exclusive of the new ship not yet ready, fourteen vessels of every description, mounting sixty-two guns; whereas Yeo has seven, which, with six gunboats, carry one hundred and six. "If he leave Kingston, I shall meet him. The result may be doubtful, but worth the trial." This resolution is not maintained. June 11 he hears, with truth, that Yeo was seen at the head of the lake on the 7th, and that the Americans at Fort George had taken his squadron to be Chauncey's. By the same channel he learns of a disastrous engagement of the army there, which was likewise true. His impulse is to go out to meet the British squadron; but he reflects that the enemy may then again find an opportunity to descend upon Sackett's, and perhaps succeed in burning the new ship. Her size and armament will, he thinks, give him the decisive superiority. He therefore resolves to put nothing to hazard till she is finished.[60] The impression produced by the late attack is obvious, and this decision was probably correct; but Yeo too is building, and meantime he has possession of the lake. On June 3 he left Kingston with a squadron, two ships and four schooners, carrying some three hundred troops for Vincent. On the evening of the 7th, about six o'clock, he was sighted by the American army, which was then at Forty Mile Creek on the Ontario shore; a position to which it had retired after a severe reverse inflicted by the enemy thirty-six hours before. Vincent's retreat had been followed as far as Stony Creek, ten miles west of Forty Mile Creek, and somewhat less distant from Burlington Heights, where the British lay. The situation of the latter was extremely perilous; for, though strongly placed, they were greatly outnumbered. In case of being driven from their lines, they must retreat on York by a long and difficult road; and upon the same poor communications they were dependent for supplies, unless their squadron kept control of the lake. Recognizing that desperate conditions call for desperate remedies, Vincent resolved to risk an attack with seven hundred men under Colonel Harvey, in whose suggestion the movement originated. These fell upon the American advance corps at two o'clock in the morning of June 6. An hour of fighting ensued, with severe loss on both sides; then Harvey, considering sufficient effect produced, drew off his men before daylight revealed the smallness of their numbers. There was in this affair nothing intrinsically decisive, scarcely more than a business of outposts; but by a singular coincidence both American generals present were captured in the confusion. The officer who succeeded to the command, a colonel of cavalry, modestly distrustful of his own powers, could think of nothing more proper than to return to Forty Mile Creek, sending word to Fort George. Dearborn, still too weak to go to the front, despatched thither General Morgan Lewis. On his way Lewis was overtaken by two brief messages from the commander-in-chief announcing the appearance of Yeo's fleet, and indicating apprehension that by means of it Vincent might come upon Fort George before the main army could fall back there. It was most improbable that the British general, with the command of the lake in doubt would thus place himself again in the position from which he had with difficulty escaped ten days before; but Dearborn's fears for the safety of the forts prevailed, and he ordered a retreat. The movement began by noon of June 8, and in a few days the army was back at Niagara River, having lost or abandoned a quantity of stores. The British followed to within ten miles of the fort, where they took up a position. They also reoccupied Beaver Dam; and a force of six hundred Americans sent to dislodge them, under Colonel Boerstler, was compelled to surrender on June 24.[61] Dearborn, who had already reported to the Department that he personally was "so reduced in strength as to be incapable of any command," attributed his embarrassments "to the temporary loss of command of the lake. The enemy has availed himself of the advantage and forwarded re-enforcements and supplies." The effect of controlling the water cannot be contested; but the conditions at Stony Creek were such that it should have been possible to drive Vincent away from any hold on the south shore of Ontario. Creditable as had been the enterprise of Colonel Harvey, it had accomplished no change in material conditions. Dearborn was soon afterward relieved. His officers, including Scott, joined in a letter of regret and esteem, prompted doubtless by sympathy for the sufferings and miscarriage of an aged officer who had served gallantly in his youth during the War of Independence. To Colonel Harvey's attack, on the morning of June 6, a British military critic has with justice assigned the turning of the tide in the affairs of Upper Canada.[62] It is perfectly true that that well-judged movement, admirable in conception and execution, checked the progress of the American arms at a moment most favorable to them, and put an end to conditions of advantage which never there recurred. That this effect was produced, however, is attributable to the inefficiency of the American officers in command. If Harvey had divined this, from the previous operations, and made it a part of his calculations, it is so much more to his credit; the competency of the opponent is a chief factor to be considered in a military enterprise. It detracts nothing from Harvey's merit to say that there was no occasion for the American retreat, nor for the subsequent paralysis of effort, which ended in expulsion from the Niagara peninsula at the end of the year. "For some two months after this," wrote a very competent eye-witness, afterward General Scott, "the army of Niagara, never less than four thousand strong, stood fixed in a state of ignominy, under Boyd, within five miles of an unintrenched enemy, with never more than three thousand five hundred men."[63] Scott seems not to have known that this inactivity was enjoined by the War Department till Chauncey could resume control of the lake.[64] From this time, in fact, the Niagara army and its plans disappear from the active operations. Yeo remained in undisputed mastery of the water. That the British at this time felt themselves the stronger in effective force, may be reasonably inferred from their continuing to keep the lake after Chauncey's new ship was out. She was launched June 12, and named the "General Pike," in honor of the officer killed at the taking of York. Her armament was to be twenty-six long 24-pounders, which under some circumstances would make her superior, not only to any single vessel, but to any combination of vessels then under the British flag. If it was still possible, by use of favoring conditions, to contend with the American fleet after the addition to it of this ship, by so much more was Yeo able to deal successfully with it before her coming. A comparison of the armaments of the opposing forces also demonstrates that, whatever Chauncey's duty might have been without such prospect, he was justified, having this decisive advantage within reach, in keeping his fleet housed waiting for its realization. The British new vessel, the "Wolfe," with the "Royal George"[65] and the "Melville," together threw a broadside weight of nine hundred and twenty pounds,[66] to which the "Madison" and "Oneida" could oppose only six hundred; and the batteries of all five being mainly carronades, there are no qualifications to be made on the score of differing ranges. The American schooners, though much more numerous than the British, in no way compensated for this disparity, for reasons which will be given when the narrative of operations begins. Unknown to Chauncey, the vindication of his delay was to be found in Yeo's writing to the Admiralty, that he was trying to induce the enemy to come out before his new ship was ready. Disappointed in this endeavor, the British commodore meantime employed his vessels in maintaining the communications of the British and harassing those of the Americans, thus observing the true relation of the lake to the hostilities. Mention has been made of the effect upon Dearborn; morally, in the apprehension created, actually, in the strength contributed to Vincent's army. "The enemy's fleet is constantly hovering on the coast and interrupting our supplies," wrote General Lewis, during Dearborn's incapacity. Besides incidental mentions by American officers, Yeo himself reports the capture of two schooners and boats loaded with stores June 13; and between that date and the 19th he landed parties at the Genesee River and Great Sodus, capturing or destroying a quantity of provisions. Transit between Oswego and Sackett's was also in constant danger of an unexpected interference by the British squadron. On June 20 it appeared off Oswego, with apparent disposition to attack; but Yeo, who in his exercise of chief command displayed a degree of caution remarkable in view of his deservedly high reputation for dash acquired in less responsible positions, did not pass beyond threat. All the same, the mere uncertainty exercised a powerful influence on the maintenance of intercourse. "If the schooners 'Lark' and 'Fly' are not now in Sackett's," wrote Lieutenant Woolsey from Oswego, "they must have been taken yesterday by the British boats. They were loaded with powder, shot, and hospital stores for the army." He has also cordage, powder, guns, cables, to send, and boats in which to ship them; but "under existing circumstances I dare not take upon myself to send them farther than to Sandy Creek, under strong guard. I think it would be unsafe to venture round Stony Point [a projecting headland twelve miles from Sackett's] without convoy or a good guard."[67] On July 2, having ranged the lake at will since June 1, Yeo returned to Kingston, and Chauncey again began to hear rumors. "The fleet has taken on board two thousand men, and two thousand more are to embark in boats; an attack upon this place is the object. The plan is to make a desperate push at our fleet before the 'General Pike' can be got ready.... His real object may be to land re-enforcements near Fort George, to act with General Vincent against Dearborn. If this be his object, he will succeed in obliging our army to recross the Niagara River;"[68] a damaging commentary on the American plan of campaign. This fear, however, was excessive, for the reason that an effective American army on the Niagara had a land line of communication, bad but possible, alternative to the lake. The British had not. Moreover, the Niagara peninsula had for them a value, as a land link between Ontario and Erie, to which nothing corresponded on the United States side. Had Vincent been driven from Burlington Heights, not only would he have lost touch with the lake, and been forced back on York, but Ontario would for the British have been entirely cut off from Erie. The "General Pike" was ready for service on July 20, and the following evening Chauncey sailed. With this begins a period, extending over ten or twelve weeks, which has no parallel in the naval lake history of the war. It was unproductive of decisive results, and especially of the one particular result which is the object of all naval action--the destruction of the enemy's organized force, and the establishment of one's own control of the water; nevertheless, the ensuing movements of Yeo and Chauncey constituted a naval campaign of considerable interest. Nothing resembling it occurred on either Lake Champlain or Erie, and no similar condition recurred on Ontario. The fleets were frequently in presence of each other, and three times came to blows. On Erie and on Champlain the opposing forces met but once, and then without any prolonged previous attempts at manoeuvring. They fought immediately; the result in each case being an American victory, not only complete but decisive, which has kept their remembrance alive to this day in the national memory. On Ontario, after the close of the season of 1813, the struggle resolved itself into a race of ship-building; both parties endeavoring to maintain superiority by the creation of ever-increasing numbers, instead of by crushing the enemy. Such a contest sufficiently befits a period of peace; it is, for instance, at this moment the condition of the great naval nations of the world, each of which is endeavoring to maintain its place in the naval scale by the constant production and development of material. In war, however, the object is to put an end to a period of national tension and expense by destroying the enemy; and the failure of the commanders to effect this object calls for examination. The indecisive result on Ontario was due to the particular composition of the two squadrons; to the absence of strong compelling conditions, such as made fighting imperative on Barclay upon Erie, and perhaps also on Downie upon Champlain; and finally, to the extreme wariness of the commanders, each of whom was deeply impressed with the importance of preserving his own fleet, in order not to sacrifice control of the lake. Chauncey has depicted for us his frame of mind in instructions issued at this very moment--July 14--to his subordinate, Perry. "The first object will be to destroy or cripple the enemy's fleet; but in all attempts upon the fleet you ought to use great caution, for the loss of a single vessel may decide the fate of the campaign."[69] A practical commentary of singular irony was passed upon this utterance within two months; for by sacrificing a single ship Perry decided his own campaign in his own favor. Given the spirit of Chauncey's warning, and also two opponents with fleets so different in constitution that one is strong where the other is weak, and _vice versa_, and there is found the elements of wary and protracted fighting, with a strong chance that neither will be badly hurt; but also that neither will accomplish much. This is what happened on Ontario. [Illustration: THE FLEETS OF CHAUNCEY AND YEO MANOEUVRING ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. _Drawn by Carlton T. Chapman._] The relative powers of the two fleets need to be briefly explained; for they constituted, so to say, the hands in the game which each commander had to play. The British had six vessels, of varying sizes and rigs, but all built for war, and sailing fairly well together. They formed therefore a good manoeuvring squadron. The Americans had three vessels built for war, and at the beginning ten schooners also, not so designed, and not sailing well with the armaments they bore. Whatever the merits of this or that vessel, the squadron as a whole manoeuvred badly, and its movements were impeded by the poorer sailors. The contrast in armaments likewise had a very decisive effect. There were in those days two principal classes of naval cannon,--long guns, often called simply "guns," and carronades. The guns had long range with light weight of shot fired; the carronades had short range and heavy shot. Now in long guns the Americans were four times as strong as the British, while in carronades the British were twice as strong as the Americans. It follows that the American commodore should prefer long range to begin with; whereas the British would be careful not to approach within long range, unless with such a breeze as would carry him rapidly down to where his carronades would come into play. There was another controlling reason why short range favored the British against the Americans. The schooners of the latter, not being built for war, carried their guns on a deck unprotected by bulwarks. The men, being exposed from the feet up, could be swept away by canister, which is a quantity of small iron balls packed in a case and fired from a cannon. When discharged, these separate and spread like buckshot, striking many in a group. They can maim or kill a man, but their range is short and penetrative power small. A bulwarked vessel was, so to say, armored against canister; for it makes no difference whether the protection is six inches of wood or ten of iron, provided it keeps out the projectile. The American schooners were in this respect wholly vulnerable. Over-insistence upon details of advantage or disadvantage is often wearisome, and may be pushed to pettifogging; but these quoted are general and fundamental. To mention them is not to chaffer over details, but to state principles. There is one other which should be noted, although its value may be differently estimated. Of the great long-gun superiority of the Americans more than one half was in the unprotected schooners; distributed, that is, among several vessels not built for war, and not capable of acting well together, so as to concentrate their fire. There is no equality between ten guns in five such vessels and the same ten concentrated on one deck, under one captain. That this is not special pleading, to contravene the assertion advanced by James of great American superiority on Ontario, I may quote words of my own, written years ago with reference to a British officer: "An attempt was made to disparage Howe's conduct (in 1778), and to prove that his force was even superior to that of the French, by adding together the guns in all his ships, disregarding their classes, or by combining groups of his small vessels against D'Estaing's larger units. For this kind of professional arithmetic Howe felt and expressed just and utter contempt."[70] So Nelson wrote to the commander of a British cruising squadron, "Your intentions of attacking the 'Aigle'"--a seventy-four--"with your three frigates are certainly very laudable, but I do not consider your force by any means equal to it." The new American ship, the "General Pike," possessed this advantage of the seventy-four. One discharge of her broadside was substantially equal to that of the ten schooners, and all her guns were long; entirely out-ranging the batteries of her antagonists. Under some circumstances--a good breeze and the windward position--she was doubtless able to encounter and beat the whole British squadron on Ontario. But the American schooners were mere gunboats, called to act in conditions unfavorable to that class of vessel, the record of which for efficiency is under no circumstances satisfactory. After leaving Sackett's, Chauncey showed himself off Kingston and then went up the lake, arriving off Niagara on the evening of July 27. An abortive attempt, in conjunction with the army, was made upon a position of the enemy at Burlington Heights, then far in rear of his main line; but it being found too strong, the fleet, with the troops still on board, bore over to York and there retaliated the injury done by Yeo at Genesee and Sodus. There was no opposition; many stores were destroyed or brought away, some military buildings burned, and the vessels then returned to Niagara. They were lying there at daybreak of August 7 when the British appeared: two ships, two brigs, and two large schooners. Chauncey had substantially his whole force: two ships, the "Pike" and "Madison," the brig "Oneida," and ten schooners. He got under way shortly and put out into the lake. Various manoeuvres followed, his principal object being to get to windward of the enemy; or, when the wind failed, to sweep[71] the schooners close enough for their long guns to reach; the only useful function they possessed. These efforts were unsuccessful, and night shut in with the two opponents sailing in parallel lines, heading north, with the wind at west; the Americans to leeward and in rear of the British. At two in the morning, in a heavy squall, two schooners upset, with the loss of all on board save sixteen souls. Chauncey reckoned these to be among his best, and, as they together mounted nineteen guns, he considered that "this accident gave the enemy decidedly the superiority"; another instance of faulty professional arithmetic, omitting from the account the concentration of power in the "General Pike." Yeo did not estimate conditions in the same way, and persisted warily in keeping the weather gage, watching for a chance to cut off schooners, or for other favoring opportunity; while Chauncey as diligently sought to gain the advantage of the wind, to force action with his heavy ships. Manoeuvring continued all day of the 8th, 9th, and 10th. The winds, being light and shifting, favored now one, now the other; but in no case for long enough to insure a meeting which the American with good reason desired, and his antagonist with equal propriety would accept only under conditions that suited him. At nine in the evening of August 10 the American squadron was standing northwest, with the wind at southwest, when the British, which was then following to windward, wore and stood south. Chauncey made no change in direction, but kept his vessels in two lines; this being the order of battle by which, not being able to attack himself, he hoped to induce Yeo to engage incautiously. The six smallest schooners, of the eight now left to him, were put in the weather line; therefore toward the enemy, if he persisted in keeping to windward. The lee line, abreast of the other, and six hundred yards from it, was composed of the "Pike," "Madison," and "Oneida," astern of which were the two heaviest schooners. The smaller vessels were displayed as a tempting bait, disposed, as it were, in such manner that the opponent might hope to lay hands on one or more, without coming too much under the "Pike's" heavy guns; for her two larger consorts, carrying carronades chiefly, might be neglected at the distance named. If such an attempt were made, the schooners' orders were to edge imperceptibly to leeward, enticing the enemy to follow in his eagerness; and when he was near enough they were to slip cleverly through the intervals in the lee line, leaving it to finish the business. The lure was perhaps a little too obvious, the enemy's innocent forgetfulness of the dangers to leeward too easily presumed; for a ship does not get out of the hold of a clear-headed captain as a mob of troops in hot pursuit may at times escape the control of their officers. In view, however, of Yeo's evident determination to keep his "fleet in being," by avoiding action except on his own terms, nothing better was open to Chauncey, unless fortune should favor him. At half-past ten the British again wore, now standing northwest after the American squadron, the rear vessels of which opened fire at eleven (A). At quarter-past eleven the cannonade became general between the enemy and the weather line (B). Fifteen minutes later, the four rear schooners of the latter, which were overmatched when once within carronade range, bore up and ran to leeward; two taking position on the other side of the main division, and two astern of it (c, c). So far all went according to plan; but unhappily the leading two American schooners, instead of keeping away in obedience to orders, tacked--went about towards the enemy--keeping to windward (d). Chauncey, seeing the risk involved for them, but prepossessed with the idea of luring Yeo down by the appearance of flight set by the schooners, made what can scarcely be considered other than the mistake of keeping away himself, with the heavy ships; "filled the maintopsail, and edged away two points, to lead the enemy down, not only to engage him to more advantage, but to lead him away from the 'Growler' and 'Julia'" (C). Yeo, equally dominated by a preconceived purpose not to bring his ships under the guns of the "Pike," acted much as a squirrel would do with two nuts in sight; he went for the one safely distant from suspected danger. "He kept his wind," reported Chauncey, "until he had completely separated those two vessels from the rest of the squadron, exchanged a few shot with the 'Pike,' as he passed, without injury to us, and made sail after the two schooners" (e). Some time after midnight these surrendered to odds plainly irresistible.[72] The tacking of the two schooners was an act as ill-judged as it was insubordinate, for which Chauncey was in no wise responsible. His bearing up was certainly an error, which unfortunately lent itself to the statement, contemporaneously made by an American paper, that he retreated, leaving the two vessels to their fate. It was possible, therefore, for Sir James to word the transaction as he airily did: "At eleven we came within gunshot of their line of schooners, which opened a heavy fire, their ships keeping off the wind to prevent our closing. At half-past twelve this ship came within gunshot of the 'Pike' and 'Madison,' when they immediately bore up, fired their stern chase-guns, and made sail for Niagara, leaving two of their schooners astern, which we captured."[73] This gives a more victorious and dashing air to the success than it quite deserves. As it stood, it was real enough, though trivial. To take two vessels from a superior fleet, within range of its commander-in-chief, is a handsome business, which should not need to be embellished by the implication that a greatly desired fight could not be had. To quote Marryat, "It is very hard to come at the real truth of this sort of thing, as I found out during the time that I was in his Majesty's service." Chauncey's version is perfectly probable. Seeing that the enemy would not follow, "tacked and stood after him. At twelve (midnight), finding that I must either separate from the rest of the squadron, or relinquish the hope of saving the two which had separated, I reluctantly gave up the pursuit." His reading of Yeo's conduct is plausible. "From what I have been able to discover of the movements of the enemy, he has no intention of engaging us, except he can get decidedly the advantage of wind and weather; and as his vessels in squadron sail better than our squadron, he can always avoid an action.... He thinks to cut off our small dull sailing schooners in detail." Here and always Chauncey's conduct reflects the caution prescribed in his instructions to Perry, rather than the resolute determination the latter showed to bring matters to an issue. On the other hand, it is to be remembered that, owing to the nearly equal facilities for ship-building--for replacing ships lost--possessed by Kingston and Sackett's, a decisive naval victory would not have the finality of result to be expected on Lake Erie. Contrary to the usual conditions of naval war, the two ports, not the fleets dependent on them, were the decisive elements of the Ontario campaign; and the ignoring of that truth was the fundamental, irremediable, American error. [Illustration: PLAN OF CHAUNCEY'S ENGAGEMENT AUGUST 10, 1813] Chauncey returned to Sackett's on August 13, provisioned the squadron for five weeks, and sailed the same evening. On the 16th he was back off Niagara, and there again sighted the enemy; but a heavy westerly gale drove both squadrons to the lower end of the lake, where each entered its own harbor on the 19th. August 29 the American put out again, having an additional newly built schooner, named the "Sylph," large and fast, carrying three or four long 32-pounders. Chauncey reported that he had now nine vessels with ninety-one guns, but that the enemy was still superior. In number of guns, possibly; but it is difficult to accept the statement otherwise, except in the one very important particular of squadron manoeuvring power. This enabled Yeo to avoid action, except when it suited him to fight; or unless Chauncey was willing to engage first with part only of his squadron, following it with the rest. Such advantage in manoeuvring greatly increases the ability of the inferior to serve his own cause, but it does not constitute superiority. The delusion of measuring force by guns, irrespective of the ships that carry them, has been explained. Yeo's intermediate movements do not appear, but on September 7 the antagonists again met off the Niagara River. From that day till the 12th the American fleet endeavored to force a general action, which the other steadily, and properly, refused. The persistent efforts of the one to close, and of the other to avoid, led to a movement round the lake, ending by the British entering Amherst Bay, five miles west of Kingston. On one occasion, off the Genesee on September 11, a westerly breeze carried the United States squadron within three-quarters of a mile of the enemy, before the latter felt it. A cannonade and pursuit of some hours followed, but without decisive result. There seems traceable throughout Chauncey's account a distinct indisposition to what is called technically "a general chase;" to press on with part of the squadron, trusting to the slower vessels coming up soon enough to complete the work of the faster. He was unwilling thus to let his fleet loose. "This ship" (the "General Pike"), "the 'Madison,' and the 'Sylph,' have each a schooner constantly in tow, yet the others cannot sail as fast as the enemy's squadron, which gives him decidedly the advantage, and puts it in his power to engage me when and how he chooses." In such a situation success can be had only by throwing the more rapid upon the enemy as an advance guard, engaging as they get within range, relying upon their effecting such detention that the others can arrive in time to their support. To this recourse, though in halting fashion, Chauncey finally came on what proved to be his last collision with Yeo, September 28. [Illustration: CAPTAIN ISAAC CHAUNCEY. _From the engraving by D. Edwin after the painting by J. Woods._] [Illustration: CAPTAIN SIR JAMES LUCAS YEO _From the engraving by H.R. Cook after the Painting by A. Buck._] FOOTNOTES: [40] Yeo to Croker, May 26, 1813. Admiralty In-Letters, Records Office. [41] Captains' Letters, Navy Department. [42] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 439. [43] Between July, 1812, and March 25, 1813, Prevost received re-enforcements amounting in all to 2,175 regulars. His total force then, for all Canada, excluding militia, was 9,177; of which 2,000 were provincial corps. British Records Office. [44] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 441. [45] Chauncey to Navy Department, March 8, 12, and 16, 1813. Captains' Letters. [46] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 442. [47] Captains' Letters. [48] Captains' Letters, Nov. 5, 1814. [49] Captains' Letters, May 7, 1813. [50] Ibid., May 15. [51] Canadian Archives. C. 678, p. 332. [52] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 445. [53] Ibid., p. 449. Armstrong's italics. [54] Barclay's Narrative before the British Court Martial on the Battle of Lake Erie. British Records Office. [55] Prevost to Bathurst, Canadian Archives. [56] Mackenzie's Life of Perry, vol. i. p. 148. [57] Barclay's Narrative. [58] Brown's and Prevost's Reports of this affair may be found in Niles' Register, vol. iv. pp. 260, 261. That of Yeo is in the Canadian Archives; M. 389, 6, p. 22. [59] Captains' Letters, June 11, 1813. [60] Captains' Letters. [61] The account of these transactions is summarized from American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. pp. 445-449. For Vincent's report of the Stony Creek affair see Cruikshank's Documentary History of the Campaign on the Niagara Frontier, 1813, Part II, p. 8. [62] Smyth's Précis of Wars in Canada, p. 137. [63] Scott's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 94. [64] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. pp. 450, 451. [65] Formerly the "Prince Regent." [66] Yeo's Report of the Vessels on the Lakes, July 15, 1813. British Records Office. [67] Woolsey to Chauncey, June 20 and 21, 1813. Captains' Letters. [68] Chauncey to the Department, July 5, 1813. Captains' Letters. [69] Captains' Letters. Navy Department MSS. [70] "History of the Royal Navy," edited by Sir W.L. Clowes, vol. iii. p. 411. [71] That is,--row [72] Chauncey's Report of this cruise is in Captains' Letters, Aug. 13, 1813. Also, in Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 421. [73] James, Naval Occurrences. Appendix, p. lxxiv. CHAPTER XI THE CAMPAIGN OF 1813 ON THE LAKES AND NORTHERN FRONTIER. THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE While the movements last related in the preceding chapter were in progress, the contest for Lake Erie was brought to a final decision. After the successful transfer of the vessels from Black Rock to Erie, June 18, Perry remained upon the upper lake superintending all administrative work; but in particular pressing the equipment of the two brigs ordered by Chauncey the previous winter. To one of these, on which Perry intended to embark his own fortunes, was given the name of "Lawrence," the captain of the "Chesapeake," whose death, heroic in defeat, occurred at this period. The other was called the "Niagara." They were sister vessels, of five hundred tons, constructed for war, and brig-rigged; that is, with two masts, and carrying square sails on both. Their armaments also were alike; eighteen 32-pounder carronades, and two long 12-pounder guns. They were thus about equivalent in fighting force to the ocean sloops-of-war, "Wasp" and "Hornet," which, however, were three-masted. The remainder of the force would now be called a scratch lot. Three were schooner-rigged gunboats, built for the navy at Erie; the remainder were the vessels brought from Black Rock. Of these, one was the brig "Caledonia," formerly British, captured by Elliott the previous autumn; the others were purchased lake craft. When finally taking the lake, August 6, the squadron consisted of the two brigs, of the Black Rock division,--"Caledonia," "Somers," "Tigress," "Ohio," and "Trippe,"--and of three other schooners,--"Ariel," "Scorpion," and "Porcupine,"--apparently those built at Erie; ten sail, all of which, except the "Ohio," were in the final decisive battle. On July 23 the vessels were rigged, armed, and ready for service, but there were not men enough to man them. How little exacting Perry was in this matter, and how eager to enter upon active operations, is shown by a letter from his superior, Chauncey, to the Secretary of the Navy, dated July 8: "I am at a loss," he says, "to account for the change in Captain Perry's sentiments with respect to the number of men required for the little fleet at Presqu' Isle; for when I parted with him on the last of May, we coincided in opinion perfectly as to the number required for each vessel, which was one hundred and eighty for each of the new brigs, sixty for the 'Caledonia,' and forty for each of the other vessels, making in all seven hundred and forty officers and men. But if Captain Perry can beat the enemy with half that number, no one will feel more happy than myself."[74] Chauncey having supreme control over both lakes, all re-enforcements from the seaboard were sent to him; and as he had his own particular enemy on Ontario to confront, it was evident, and natural, that Perry would be least well served. Hence, after successive disappointments, and being of more venturous temper than his superior, it is not surprising that he soon was willing to undertake his task with fewer men than his unbiased judgment would call necessary. The clash of interests between the two squadrons, having a common superior but separate responsibilities, is seen by a comparison of dates, which shows operations nearly simultaneous. On July 23 the Erie squadron was reported "all ready to meet the enemy the moment they are officered and manned;" on July 20 the "General Pike" was ready, and on the 21st the Ontario squadron sailed from Sackett's Harbor. On August 5 Perry had his vessels across the bar at Erie, and next day stood out into the lake. On the 7th Chauncey and Yeo met for their first encounter. On the 8th the two Ontario schooners, "Hamilton" and "Scourge," were lost with nearly all on board; and on the 10th the "Julia" and "Growler" were captured. After this, it may be imagined that Chauncey with difficulty parted with men; and in the midst of his second collision with Yeo the battle of Lake Erie occurred. In it, of the one hundred and eighty men deemed necessary by Chauncey, Perry's brig had one hundred and forty-two, of whom thirty were sick; while the squadron, with nearly all its vessels present, instead of the intended seven hundred and forty, had but four hundred and ninety. Of this total, nearly one hundred were received from the army on August 31, only nine days before the action. For the most part these were strangers to shipboard. Barring them, Perry's fighting force was barely more than half that required by Chauncey's estimate. Indirectly, and notwithstanding Perry's disposition to make the best of his difficulty, this condition came near causing his withdrawal from the lake service; a loss which, had it occurred, might have reversed the issues, for in few general actions has the personality of the commander counted for so much, after the battle joined. In a letter of July 26 to Chauncey, he had written: "The men that came by Mr. Champlin are a motley set, blacks, soldiers, and boys. I cannot think you saw them after they were selected."[75] Chauncey replied, somewhat testily, "I regret you are not pleased with the men sent you; for, to my knowledge, a part of them are not surpassed by any seamen we have in the fleet; and I have yet to learn that the color of the skin, or the cut and trimmings of the coat, can affect a man's qualifications or usefulness." To this he added a warning not much short of a reproof: "As you have assured the secretary that you should conceive yourself equal or superior to the enemy, with a force in men so much less than I had deemed necessary, there will be a great deal expected from you by your country, and I trust they will not be disappointed in the high expectations formed of your gallantry and judgment. I will barely make an observation, which was impressed upon my mind by an old soldier; that is, 'Never despise your enemy.'"[76] This advice was sound, rightly weighed. Yet it is not too much to say that the confidence which carried Perry on to decisive victory has in it inevitably something of that assurance of success which is akin to contempt of the enemy, and that it was the precise quality in which Chauncey, throughout his own career on the lakes, showed himself deficient, and consequently failed. His plan at that moment, as he himself said in a letter to Perry of July 14, was "to seek a meeting with Sir James Yeo as soon as possible, in order to decide the fate of this lake, and join you immediately after." This was an intelligent project: to beat one enemy first, and then carry his force over to beat the other; but never, when in presence of his antagonist, could he despise him sufficiently to cut his gunboats adrift, and throw one or two vessels into the midst of the fire, as Perry rushed his own ship in, had her cut to pieces,--and won. It is even worse to respect your enemy too greatly than to despise him. Said Farragut, speaking of an officer he highly valued: "Drayton does not know fear, but he believes in acting as if the enemy never can be caught unprepared; whereas I believe in judging him by ourselves, and my motto in action is, '_L'audace, et encore de l'audace, et toujours de l'audace!_'" This described Perry in battle. Although Chauncey closed with expressions of confidence which might be considered conciliatory, Perry experienced an annoyance which was natural, though excessive. He was only twenty-eight, quick of temper, though amiable, and somewhat prone to see more offence than was intended. When the letter reached him, the squadron had just crossed the bar; the most critical movement of the campaign, had the enemy been duly watchful. Having accomplished this, he had before him only the common vicissitudes of naval warfare. Nevertheless, under his first impulse of resentment, he applied to be removed from the station,[77] giving as his reason, not the quality of men sent, concerning which indeed he had said, "I am pleased to see anything in the shape of a man," but that "I cannot serve under an officer who has been so totally regardless of my feelings." He then summarized the difficulties with which he had contended, and added, "The critical state of General Harrison was such that I took upon myself the responsibility of going out with the few young officers you had been pleased to send me," (Elliott, the second in command, did not arrive till the squadron was over the bar), "with the few seamen I had, and as many volunteers as I could muster from the militia. I did not shrink from this responsibility; but, Sir, at that very moment I surely did not anticipate the receipt of a letter in every line of which is an insult." He then renewed his request. "I am willing to forego that reward which I have considered for two months past almost within my grasp." Fortunately for the renown of the service, from which one of its finest actions might have been lost, it was impossible to grant his application until after the battle had made the question of the command on Lake Erie one of very minor importance. The secretary replied to him with words in which rebuke and appreciation were aptly blended. "A change of commander, under existing circumstances, is equally inadmissible as it respects the interest of the service and your own reputation. It is right that you should reap the harvest which you have sown."[78] [Illustration: CAPTAIN OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. _From the painting by Gilbert Stuart in the possession of O.H. Perry, Esq._] After the Frenchtown disaster[79] of January 22, 1813, the Army of the Northwest under General Harrison had remained strictly on the defensive throughout the spring and summer. The tenure of its position on the Maumee River depended upon Fort Meigs, built during the winter just above the Rapids, some twenty miles from the lake. Thirty miles east of Meigs was Fort Stephenson at the mouth of the Sandusky River, protecting the approaches to Sandusky Bay, near which were Harrison's headquarters at the time Perry's squadron was ready to move. Fort Stephenson by its situation contributed also to secure the communications of the Maumee line with Central Ohio, and was an obstacle to an enemy's approach by land to Erie, a hundred and fifty miles further east. It was not, however, a work permanent in character, like Meigs; and neither post could be considered secure, because inadequately garrisoned. Fortunately, the general tenor of the instructions received by Procter from Prevost conspired with his own natural character to indispose him to energetic measures. His force of regulars was small; and he had not the faculty, which occasional white men have shown, to arouse vigorous and sustained activity in the Indians, of whom he had an abundance at call. The use of them in desultory guerilla warfare, which was prescribed to him by Prevost, became in his hands ineffective. Nevertheless, from the number known to be under his command, and the control of the water enabling him to land where he would, the threat of savage warfare hung over the frontier like a pall, until finally dissipated by Perry's victory. The danger to British control of the water, and thereby to the maintenance of their position in the northwest, if the American fleet now building should succeed in getting upon the lake, was perfectly apparent, and made Erie a third and principal point of interest. At the time of Perry's arrival, March 27, the place was entirely defenceless, and without any organization for defence, although the keels of the two brigs were laid, and the three gunboats well advanced in construction. By a visit to Pittsburgh he obtained from an army ordnance officer four small guns, with some muskets; and upon his application the local commander of Pennsylvania militia stationed at Erie five hundred men, who remained till the vessels crossed the bar. Under this slender protection went on the arduous work of building and equipping a squadron in what was substantially a wilderness, to which most of the mechanics and material had to be brought half a thousand miles from the seaboard, under the difficulties of transport in those days. The rapid advance in the preparations aroused the disquietude of the British, but Procter had not the enterprising temper to throw all upon the hazard, for the sake of destroying an armament which, if completed, might destroy him; while the British inferiority of force on Lake Ontario and the Niagara peninsula, together with the movement of Chauncey and Dearborn resulting in the capture of York, April 27, effectually prevented intervention from that quarter in the affairs of Lake Erie. At this time Procter made his first effort of the season, directed against Fort Meigs, which he held besieged for over a week,--from May 1 to May 9. Although unable to capture it, the mismanagement of an American relief force enabled him to inflict a very severe loss; a corps of eight hundred and sixty-six men being cut to pieces or captured, only one hundred and seventy escaping. The chief points of interest in this business are the demonstration of the weakness of the American frontier,--the principal defence of which was thus not merely braved but threatened,--and the effect of control of the water. By it Procter brought over gunboats which ascended the river, and guns of a weight not to be transported by land. The lake also secured his communications. After the failure before Meigs, Procter turned his attention more seriously to the situation at Erie, and demanded re-enforcements to enable him to attack the place.[80] Prevost, being commander-in-chief for all Canada, recognized the expediency of the move, and wrote him, June 20, that he had directed General De Rottenburg at Niagara, to push on re-enforcements and supplies; but Prevost was in Kingston, and De Rottenburg, immediately responsible for Niagara, wrote declining to weaken his force. He was already inferior to the United States army under Boyd, which was then confronting him, resting upon Fort George; and there was the prospect also that Chauncey might regain control of the lake. Instead of co-operation for offence, he transmitted arrangements for retreat in case of a disaster to Yeo on Ontario. Procter enclosed this letter to the commander-in-chief, remarking pathetically that he was fully confident of receiving aid from him, but intentions were of no avail. Had the force ordered been sent, he felt sure of destroying the fleet at Erie, thus securing the command of the lake, which would have benefited also the centre [Niagara] division. He should now, he said, make an attempt upon Sandusky; Erie was impossible without re-enforcements. At the same time, July 13, Captain Barclay was about to sail for Long Point, on the Canada shore directly opposite Erie, to embark one hundred troops, and then to endeavor to retain the American fleet in port until the required assistance could be sent. The new British ship "Detroit" was nearly ready for launching at Amherstburg, and could be equipped and gunned there; but seamen were absolutely needed. In accordance with these plans Barclay went with his squadron to Long Point. There the desired soldiers were refused him; and, as also no seamen were forthcoming, he wrote on July 16 a letter directly to Sir George Prevost, "lest Sir James Yeo should be on the lake," representing the critical state of affairs, owing to the inadequate equipment of his vessels, the want of seamen, and the advanced preparations of the Americans to put afloat a force superior to his. July 20 he appeared off Erie, where Perry's fleet was still in the harbor, waiting for men. How imminent the exposure of the American flotilla at that moment, and how great the British opportunity, appears from the recently published memoirs of a prominent resident.[81] "An English fleet of five vessels of war was at that time cruising off the harbor, in full view. That fleet might at any time have sent in its boats during a dark night, and the destruction of the whole American fleet was almost inevitable; for Perry's force was totally inadequate to its defence, and the regiment of Pennsylvania militia, stationed at Erie expressly for the defence of the fleet, refused to keep guard at night on board. 'I told the boys to go, Captain,' said the worthless colonel of the regiment, 'but the boys won't go.'" Like American merchant ships, American militia obeyed or disobeyed as they pleased. Two hundred soldiers, loaned by Dearborn when the Black Rock flotilla came round, had been recalled July 10. On the 23d and 30th re-enforcements were received from Chauncey, in all one hundred and thirty men. With these, and some landsmen enlisted on the spot for four months, the force of the squadron, estimated to require seven hundred and forty men, was raised to three hundred; but having lately received two pressing letters from the Navy Department, urging General Harrison's critical need of co-operation, Perry determined to go out. Most opportunely for his purpose, Barclay disappeared on the 30th, Friday, which thus for him made good its title to "unlucky." He was absent until August 4, and was by the Americans believed to have gone to Long Point. Before his Court Martial he merely stated that "I blockaded as closely as I could, until I one morning saw the whole of the enemy's force over the bar, and in a most formidable state of preparation." The Court did not press inquiry on the point, which perhaps lay beyond its instructions; but the double failure, to intercept the Black Rock division on its way to Erie,[82] and to prevent the crossing of the bar, were serious strategic misadventures when confronting superior numbers. Perry's preparations for the passage had been for some time completed, but information of contemplated movements travelled so easily from shore to shore that he gave no indication of immediate action until Sunday. On that day the officers were permitted to disperse in town as usual, but afterwards were hastily summoned back, and the vessels moved down to the bar, on which the depth ordinarily was from five to seven feet, much less than needed for the "Lawrence" and "Niagara." This obstacle, hitherto a protection against naval attack, now imposed an extremely critical operation; for to get over, the brigs must be lightened of their guns and their hulls lifted upon floats. So situated, they were helplessly exposed to destruction, as far as their own powers went. From point to point the mouth of the harbor, where the outer bar occurs, was eight tenths of a mile wide. As shown by a sketch of the period, the distance to be travelled on the floats, from deep water within to deep water without, was a mile; rather less than more. On Monday morning, August 2, the movement of the vessels began simultaneously. Five of the smaller, which under usual conditions could pass without lightening, were ordered to cross and take positions outside, covering the channel; a sixth, with the "Niagara," were similarly posted within. The protection thus afforded was re-enforced by three 12-pounder long guns, mounted on the beach, abreast the bar; distant not over five hundred yards from the point where the channel issued on the lake. While these dispositions were being made, the "Lawrence's" guns were hoisted out, and placed in boats to be towed astern of her; the floats taken alongside, filled, sunk, and made fast, so that when pumped out their rising would lift the brig. In the course of these preparations it was found that the water had fallen to four feet, so that even the schooners had to be lightened, while the transit of the "Lawrence" was rendered more tedious and difficult. The weather, however, was propitious, with a smooth lake; and although the brig grounded in the shoalest spot, necessitating a second sinking of the burden-bearing floats,--appropriately called "camels,"--perseverance protracted through that night and the day of the 3d carried her outside. At 8 A.M. of the 4th she was fairly afloat. Guns, singly light in weight as hers were, were quickly hoisted on board and mounted; but none too soon, for the enemy appeared almost immediately. The "Niagara's" passage was more easily effected, and Barclay offered no molestation. In a letter to the Department, dated August 4, 1813, 9 P.M., Perry reported, "I have great pleasure in informing you that I have succeeded in getting over the bar the United States vessels, the 'Lawrence,' 'Niagara,' 'Caledonia,' 'Ariel,' 'Scorpion,' 'Somers,' 'Tigress,' and 'Porcupine.'" He added, "The enemy have been in sight all day." The vessels named, with the schooner "Ohio" and the sloop "Trippe," constituted the entire squadron. [Illustration: PLAN OF ERIE HARBOR 1814 Copied from Captain's Letters, 1814, vol. 3, page 23, with letter from Capt. A. Sinclair. May 6, 1814. A.H.E. Verified, Chas. W. Stewart.] While Perry was thus profitably employed, Procter had embarked on another enterprise against the magazines on the American front of operations. His intention, as first reported to Prevost, was to attack Sandusky; but the conduct of the Indians, upon the co-operation of whom he had to rely, compelled him to diverge to Fort Meigs. Here the savages began to desert, an attempt to draw the garrison into an ambush having failed; and when Procter, after two days' stay, determined to revert to Sandusky, he was accompanied by "as many hundred of them as there should have been thousands." The white troops went on by water, the Indians by the shore. They appeared before Fort Stephenson on Sunday, August 1. The garrison was summoned, with the customary intimation of the dire consequences to be apprehended from the savages in case of an assault. The American commander, Major Croghan, accepted these possibilities, and the following day, during which the "Lawrence" was working her way over Erie bar, the artillery and the guns of the gunboats were busy battering the northwest angle of the fort. At 4 P.M. an assault was made. It was repelled with heavy loss to the assailants, and little to the besieged. That night the baffled enemy withdrew to Malden. The American squadron having gained the lake and mounted its batteries, Barclay found himself like Chauncey while awaiting the "General Pike." His new and most powerful vessel, the ship "Detroit," was approaching completion. He was now too inferior in force to risk action when he might expect her help so soon, and he therefore retired to Malden. Perry was thus left in control of Lake Erie. He put out on August 6; but, failing to find the enemy, he anchored again off Erie, to take on board provisions, and also stores to be carried to Sandusky for the army. While thus occupied, there came on the evening of the 8th the welcome news that a re-enforcement of officers and seamen was approaching. On the 10th, these joined him to the number of one hundred and two. At their head was Commander Jesse D. Elliott, an officer of reputation, who became second in command to Perry, and took charge of the "Niagara." On August 12 the squadron finally made sail for the westward, not to return to Erie till the campaign was decided. Its intermediate movements possess little interest, the battle of Lake Erie being so conspicuously the decisive incident as to reduce all preceding it to insignificance. Perry was off Malden on August 25, and again on September 1. The wind on the latter day favoring movement both to go and come, a somewhat rare circumstance, he remained all day reconnoitring near the harbor's mouth. The British squadron appeared complete in vessels and equipment; but Barclay had his own troubles about crews, as had his antagonist, his continual representations to Yeo meeting with even less attention than Perry conceived himself to receive from Chauncey. He was determined to postpone action until re-enforcements of seamen should arrive from the eastward, unless failure of provisions, already staring him in the face, should force him to battle in order to re-establish communications by the lake. The headquarters of the United States squadron was at Put-in Bay, in the Bass Islands, a group thirty miles southeast of Malden. The harbor was good, and the position suitable for watching the enemy, in case he should attempt to pass eastward down the lake, towards Long Point or elsewhere. Hither Perry returned on September 6, after a brief visit to Sandusky Bay, where information was received that the British leaders had determined that the fleet must, at all hazards, restore intercourse with Long Point. From official correspondence, afterwards captured with Procter's baggage, it appears that the Amherstburg and Malden district was now entirely dependent for flour upon Long Point, access to which had been effectually destroyed by the presence of the American squadron. Even cattle, though somewhat more plentiful, could no longer be obtained in the neighborhood in sufficient numbers, owing to the wasteful way in which the Indians had killed where they wanted. They could not be restrained without alienating them, or, worse, provoking them to outrage. Including warriors and their families, fourteen thousand were now consuming provisions. In the condition of the roads, only water transport could meet the requirements; and that not by an occasional schooner running blockade, but by the free transit of supplies conferred by naval control. To the decision to fight may have been contributed also a letter from Prevost, who had been drawn down from Kingston to St. David's, on the Niagara frontier, by his anxiety about the general situation, particularly aroused by Procter's repulse from Fort Stephenson. Alluding to the capture of Chauncey's two schooners on August 10, he wrote Procter on the 22d, "Yeo's experience should convince Barclay that he has only to dare and he will be successful."[83] It was to be Sir George's unhappy lot, a year later, to goad the British naval commander on Lake Champlain into premature action; and there was ample time for the present indiscreet innuendo to reach Barclay, and impel him to a step which Prevost afterwards condemned as hasty, because not awaiting the arrival of a body of fifty seamen announced to be at Kingston on their way to Malden. At sunrise of September 10, the lookout at the masthead of the "Lawrence" sighted the British squadron in the northwest. Barclay was on his way down the lake, intending to fight. The wind was southwest, fair for the British, but adverse to the Americans quitting the harbor by the channel leading towards the enemy. Fortunately it shifted to southeast, and there steadied; which not only enabled them to go out, but gave them the windward position throughout the engagement. The windward position, or weather gage, as it was commonly called, conferred the power of initiative; whereas the vessel or fleet to leeward, while it might by skill at times force action, or itself obtain the weather gage by manoeuvring, was commonly obliged to await attack and accept the distance chosen by the opponent. Where the principal force of a squadron, as in Perry's case, consists in two vessels armed almost entirely with carronades, the importance of getting within carronade range is apparent. Looking forward to a meeting, Perry had prearranged the disposition of his vessels to conform to that which he expected the enemy to assume. Unlike ocean fleets, all the lake squadrons, as is already known of Ontario, were composed of vessels very heterogeneous in character. This was because the most had been bought, not designed for the navy. It was antecedently probable, therefore, that a certain general principle would dictate the constitution of the three parts of the order of battle, the centre and two flanks, into which every military line divides. The French have an expression for the centre,--_corps de bataille_,--which was particularly appropriate to squadrons like those of Barclay and Perry. Each had a natural "body of battle," in vessels decisively stronger than all the others combined. This relatively powerful division would take the centre, as a cohesive force, to prevent the two ends--or flanks--being driven asunder by the enemy. Barclay's vessels of this class were the new ship, "Detroit," and the "Queen Charlotte;" Perry's were the "Lawrence" and "Niagara." Each had an intermediate vessel; the British the "Lady Prevost," the Americans the "Caledonia." In addition to these were the light craft, three British and six Americans; concerning which it is to be said that the latter were not only the more numerous, but individually much more powerfully armed. The same remark is true, vessel for vessel, of those opposed to one another by Perry's plan; that is, measuring the weight of shot discharged at a broadside, which is the usual standard of comparison, the "Lawrence" threw more metal than the "Detroit," the "Niagara" much more than the "Queen Charlotte," and the "Caledonia," than the "Lady Prevost." This, however, must be qualified by the consideration, more conspicuously noticeable on Ontario than on Erie, of the greater length of range of the long gun. This applies particularly to the principal British vessel, the "Detroit." Owing to the difficulties of transportation, and the demands of the Ontario squadron, her proper armament had not arrived. She was provided with guns from the ramparts of Fort Malden, and a more curiously composite battery probably never was mounted; but, of the total nineteen, seventeen were long guns. It is impossible to say what her broadside may have weighed. All her pieces together fired two hundred and thirty pounds, but it is incredible that a seaman like Barclay should not so have disposed them as to give more than half that amount to one broadside. That of the "Lawrence," was three hundred pounds; but all her guns, save two twelves, were carronades. Compared with the "Queen Charlotte," the battery of the "Niagara" was as 3 to 2; both chiefly carronades. From what has been stated, it is evident that if Perry's plan were carried out, opposing vessel to vessel, the Americans would have a superiority of at least fifty per cent. Such an advantage, in some quarter at least, is the aim of every capable commander; for the object of war is not to kill men, but to carry a point: not glory by fighting, but success in result. The only obvious dangers were that the wind might fail or be very light, which would unduly protract exposure to long guns before getting within carronade range; or that, by some vessels coming tardily into action, one or more of the others would suffer from concentration of the enemy's fire. It was this contingency, realized in fact, which gave rise to the embittered controversy about the battle; a controversy never settled, and probably now not susceptible of settlement, because the President of the United States, Mr. Monroe, pigeonholed the charges formulated by Perry against Elliott in 1818. There is thus no American sworn testimony to facts, searched and sifted by cross-examination; for the affidavits submitted on the one side and the other were _ex parte_, while the Court of Inquiry, asked by Elliott in 1815, neglected to call all accessible witnesses--notably Perry himself. In fact, there was not before it a single commanding officer of a vessel engaged. Such a procedure was manifestly inadequate to the requirement of the Navy Department's letter to the Court, that "a true statement of the facts in relation to Captain Elliott's conduct be exhibited to the world." Investigation seems to have been confined to an assertion in a British periodical, based upon the proceedings of the Court Martial upon Barclay, to the effect that Elliott's vessel "had not been engaged, and was making away,"[84] at the time when Perry "was obliged to leave his ship, which soon after surrendered, and hoist his flag on board another of his squadron." The American Court examined two officers of Perry's vessel, and five of Elliott's; no others. To the direct question, "Did the 'Niagara' at any time during the action attempt to make off from the British fleet?" all replied, "No." The Court, therefore, on the testimony before it, decided that the charge "made in the proceedings[85] of the British Court Martial ... was malicious, and unfounded in fact;" expressing besides its conviction "that the attempts to wrest from Captain Elliott the laurels he gained in that splendid victory ... ought in no wise to lessen him in the opinion of his fellow citizens as a brave and skilful officer." At the same time it regretted that "imperious duty compelled it to promulgate testimony which appears materially to differ in some of its most important points." In this state the evidence still remains, owing to the failure of the President to take action, probably with a benevolent desire to allay discord, and envelop facts under a kindly "All's well that ends well." Perry died a year after making his charges, which labored under the just imputation that he had commended Elliott in his report, and again immediately afterwards, though in terms that his subordinate thought failed to do him justice. American naval opinion divided, apparently in very unequal numbers. Elliott's officers stood by him, as was natural; for men feel themselves involved in that which concerns the conduct of their ship, and see incidents in that light. Perry's officers considered that the "Lawrence" had not been properly supported; owing to which, after losses almost unparalleled, she had to undergo the mortification of surrender. Her heroism, her losses, and her surrender, were truths beyond question. The historian to-day thus finds himself in the dilemma that the American testimony is in two categories, distinctly contradictory and mutually destructive; yet to be tested only by his own capacity to cross-examine the record, and by reference to the British accounts. The latter are impartial, as between the American parties; their only bias is to constitute a fair case for Barclay, by establishing the surrender of the American flagship and the hesitancy of the "Niagara" to enter into action. This would indicate victory so far, changed to defeat by the use Perry made of the vessel preserved to him intact by the over-caution of his second. Waiving motives, these claims are substantially correct, and constitute the analysis of the battle as fought and won. Barclay, finding the wind to head him and place him to leeward, arranged his fleet to await attack in the following order, from van to rear: The schooner "Chippewa," "Detroit," "Hunter," "Queen Charlotte," "Lady Prevost," "Little Belt."[86] This, he said in his official letter, was "according to a given plan, so that each ship [that is, the "Detroit" and "Queen Charlotte"] might be supported against the superior force of the two brigs opposed to them." The British vessels lay in column, in each other's wake, by the wind on the port tack, hove-to (stopped) with a topsail to the mast, heading to the southwest (position 1). Perry now modified some details of his disposition. It had been expected that the "Queen Charlotte" would precede the "Detroit," and the American commander had therefore placed the "Niagara" leading, as designated to fight the "Charlotte," the "Lawrence" following the "Niagara." This order was now reversed, and the "Caledonia" interposed between the two; the succession being "Lawrence," "Caledonia," "Niagara." Having more schooners than the enemy, he placed in the van two of the best, the "Scorpion" and the "Ariel"; the other four behind the "Niagara." His centre, therefore, the "Lawrence," "Caledonia," and "Niagara," were opposed to the "Detroit," "Hunter," and "Queen Charlotte." The long guns of the "Ariel," "Scorpion," and "Caledonia" supplied in measure the deficiency of gun power in the "Lawrence," while standing down outside of carronade range; the "Caledonia," with the rear schooners, giving a like support to the "Niagara." The "Ariel," and perhaps also the "Scorpion," was ordered to keep a little to windward of the "Lawrence." This was a not uncommon use of van vessels, making more hazardous any attempt of the opponent to tack and pass to windward, in order to gain the weather gage with its particular advantages (position 1). The rear four schooners, as is frequently the case in long columns, were straggling somewhat at the time the signal to bear down was made; and they had difficulty in getting into action, being compelled to resort to the sweeps because the wind was light. It is not uncommon to see small vessels with low sails thus retarded, while larger are being urged forward by their lofty light canvas. The line otherwise having been formed, Perry stood down without regard to them. At quarter before noon the "Detroit" opened upon the "Lawrence" with her long guns. Ten minutes later the Americans began to reply. Finding the British fire at this range more destructive than he had anticipated, Perry made more sail upon the Lawrence. Word had already been passed by hail of trumpet to close up in the line, and for each vessel to come into action against her opponent, before designated. The "Lawrence" continued thus to approach obliquely, using her own long twelves, and backed by the long guns of the vessels ahead and astern, till she was within "canister range," apparently about two hundred and fifty yards, when she turned her side to the wind on the weather quarter of the "Detroit," bringing her carronade battery to bear (position 2). This distance was greater than desirable for carronades; but with a very light breeze, little more than two miles an hour, there was a limit to the time during which it was prudent to allow an opponent's raking fire to play, unaffected in aim by any reply. Moreover, much of her rigging was already shot away, and she was becoming unmanageable. The battle was thus joined by the commander-in-chief; but, while supported to his satisfaction by the "Scorpion" and "Ariel" ahead, and "Caledonia" astern, with their long guns, the "Niagara" did not come up, and her carronades failed to do their share. The captain of her opponent, the "Queen Charlotte," finding that his own carronades would not reach her, made sail ahead, passed the "Hunter," and brought his battery to the support of the "Detroit" in her contest with the "Lawrence" (Q_{2}). Perry's vessel thus found herself under the combined fire of the "Detroit," "Queen Charlotte," and in some measure of the "Hunter"; the armament of the last, however, was too trivial to count for much. Elliott's first placing of the "Niagara" may, or may not, have been judicious as regards his particular opponent. The "Queen Charlotte's" twenty-fours would not reach him; and it may be quite proper to take a range where your own guns can tell and your enemy's cannot. Circumstance must determine. The precaution applicable in a naval duel may cease to be so when friends are in need of assistance; and when the British captain, seeing how the case stood, properly and promptly carried his ship forward to support his commander, concentrating two vessels upon Perry's one, the situation was entirely changed. The plea set up by Cooper, who fought Elliott's battle conscientiously, but with characteristic bitterness as well as shrewdness, that the "Niagara's" position, assigned in the line behind the "Caledonia," could not properly be left without signal, practically surrenders the case. It is applying the dry-rot system of fleet tactics in the middle of the eighteenth century to the days after Rodney and Nelson, and is further effectually disposed of by the consentient statement of several of the American captains, that their commander's dispositions were made with reference to the enemy's order; that is, that he assigned a special enemy's ship to a special American, and particularly the "Detroit" to the "Lawrence," and the "Queen Charlotte" to the "Niagara." The vessels of both fleets being so heterogeneous, it was not wise to act as with units nearly homogeneous, by laying down an order, the governing principle of which was mutual support by a line based upon its own intrinsic qualities. The considerations dictating Perry's dispositions were external to his fleet, not internal; in the enemy's order, not in his own. This was emphasized by his changing the previously arranged stations of the "Lawrence" and the "Niagara," when he saw Barclay's line. Lastly, he re-enforced all this by quoting to his subordinates Nelson's words, that no captain could go very far wrong who placed his vessel close alongside those of the enemy. [Illustration: DIAGRAM OF THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE SEPTEMBER 10, 1813] Cooper, the ablest of Elliott's champions, has insisted so strongly upon the obligation of keeping the station _in the line_, as laid down, that it is necessary to examine the facts in the particular case. He rests the certainty of his contention on general principles, then long exploded, and further upon a sentence in Perry's charges, preferred in 1818, that "the commanding officer [Perry] issued, 1st, an order directing in what manner the line of battle should be formed ... and enjoined upon the commanders to preserve their stations in the line" thus laid down.[87] This is correct; but Cooper omits to give the words immediately following in the specification: "and in all cases to keep as near the commanding officer's vessel [the "Lawrence"] as possible."[88] Cooper also omits that which next succeeds: "2d, An order of attack, in which the 'Lawrence' was designated to attack the enemy's new ship (afterwards ascertained to have been named the 'Detroit'), and the 'Niagara' designated to attack the 'Queen Charlotte,' which orders were then communicated to all the commanders, including the said Captain Elliott, who for that purpose ... were by signal called together by the said commanding officer ... and expressly instructed that 'if, in the expected engagement, they laid their vessels close alongside of those of the enemy, they could not be out of the way.'"[89] An officer, if at once gallant and intelligent, finding himself behind a dull sailing vessel, as Cooper tells us the "Caledonia" was, could hardly desire clearer authority than the above to imitate his commanding officer when he made sail to close the enemy:--"Keep close to him," and follow up the ship which "the 'Niagara' was designated to attack." Charges preferred are not technical legal proof, but, if duly scrutinized, they are statements equivalent in value to many that history rightly accepts; and, at all events, that which Cooper quotes is not duly scrutinized if that which he does not quote is omitted. He does indeed express a gloss upon them, in the words: "Though the 'Niagara' was ordered to direct her fire at the 'Queen Charlotte,' it could only be done from her station astern of the 'Caledonia,' ... without violating the primary order to preserve the line."[90] This does not correctly construe the natural meaning of Perry's full instructions. It is clear that, while he laid down a primary formation, "a line of battle," he also most properly qualified it by a contingent instruction, an "order of attack," designed to meet the emergency likely to occur in every fleet engagement, and which occurred here, when a slavish adherence to the line of battle would prevent intelligent support to the main effort. If he knew naval history, as his quotation from Nelson indicates, he also knew how many a battle had been discreditably lost by "keeping the line." With regard to the line, however, it is apt to remark that in fleet battle, unless otherwise specially directed, the line of the assailant was supposed to be parallel to that of the defence, for the obvious reason that the attacking vessels should all be substantially at the same effective range. This distance, equal for all in fleets as usually constituted, would naturally be set, and in practice was set, by the commander-in-chief; his ship forming the point through which should be drawn the line parallel to the enemy. This rule, well established under Rodney, who died in 1792, was rigidly applicable between vessels of the same force, such as the "Lawrence" and "Niagara;" and whatever deductions might be made for the case of a light-framed vessel, armed with long guns, like the "Caledonia," keeping out of carronade distance of an opponent with heavy scantling, would not in the least apply to the "Niagara." For her, the standard of position was not, as Cooper insists, a half-cable's length from her next ahead, the "Caledonia;" but abreast her designated opponent, at the same distance as the "Lawrence" from the enemy's line. Repeated mishaps had established the rule that position was to be taken from the centre,--that is, from the commander-in-chief. Ships in line of battle, bearing down upon an enemy in like order, did not steer in each other's wake, unless specially ordered; and there is something difficult to understand in the "Niagara" with her topsail sharp aback to keep from running on board the "Caledonia," although the fact is in evidence. The expression in Perry's report of the action, "at 10 A.M. ... formed the line and bore up," would by a person familiar with naval battles be understood to mean that the line was first formed parallel to the enemy, the vessels following one another, after which they steered down for him, changing course together; they would then no longer be in each other's wake, but in echelon, or as the naval phrase then went, in bow and quarter line. Barclay confirms this, "At 10 the enemy bore up under easy sail, in a line abreast."[91] Thus, when the distance desired by the commander-in-chief was reached,--a fact more often indicated by his example than by signal,--the helm would bring them again in line of battle, their broadsides bearing upon the enemy. The technical point at issue is whether Perry, finding the long-gun fire of the "Detroit" more destructive than he had anticipated, and determining in consequence to shorten the period of its duration by changing his original plan, increasing sail beyond the speed of such slower vessels as the "Caledonia," had a right to expect that his subordinates would follow his example. In the opinion of the writer, he had, in the then condition of the theory and practice of fleet battles; his transfer of his own position transferred the line of battle in its entirety to the distance relative to the enemy which he himself was seeking to assume. Were other authority lacking, his action was warrant to his captains; but the expression in his report, "I made sail, and directed the other vessels to follow, for the purpose of closing with the enemy," causes increased regret that the exact facts were not ascertained by cross-examination before a Court-Martial. Elliott's place therefore was alongside the "Queen Charlotte," so to engage her that she could attend to nothing else. This he did not do, and for failure the only possible excuse was inability, through lack of wind. The wind was light throughout, yet not so light but that the "Lawrence" closed with the "Detroit," and the "Queen Charlotte" with her flagship when she wished. None of Elliott's witnesses before the Court of Inquiry state that he made sail before the middle of the action, but they attribute the failure to get down to the lightness of the wind. They do state that, after the "Lawrence" was disabled, a breeze springing up, sail was made; which indicates that previously it had not been. Again, it is alleged by the testimony in favor of Elliott that much of the time the maintopsail was sharp aback, to keep from running into the "Caledonia;" a circumstance upon which Cooper dwells triumphantly, as showing that the "Niagara" was not by the wind and was in her place, close astern of the "Caledonia." Accepting the statements, they would show there was wind enough to fan the "Niagara" to--what was really her place--her commodore's aid; for in those days the distance between under fire and out of fire for efficient action was a matter of half a mile.[92] Perry's formulated charge, addressed to the Navy Department, and notified to Elliott, but never brought to trial, was that when coming into action an order was passed by trumpet for the vessels astern to close up in the line; that a few moments previously to the enemy's opening fire the "Niagara" had been within hail of the "Lawrence," and nevertheless she was allowed to drop astern, and for two hours to remain at such distance from the enemy as to render useless all her battery except the two long guns. Perry himself made sail at the time the hail by trumpet was passed. The "Niagara" did not. There is little reason for doubt that the tenor of Perry's instructions required Elliott to follow the "Queen Charlotte," and no doubt whatever that military propriety imperiously demanded it of him. The question of wind must be matter of inference from the incidents above stated: the movement of the "Lawrence" and "Queen Charlotte," and the bracing aback of the "Niagara's" topsail. A sentence in Perry's report apparently, but only apparently, attenuates the force of these. He said, "At half-past two, the wind springing up, Captain Elliott was enabled to bring his vessel, the 'Niagara,' gallantly into close action." Alluding to, without insisting on, Perry's subsequent statement that he endeavored to give as favorable a color as possible to Elliott's course, it is clear enough that these words simply state that Captain Elliott at 2.30 reached the range at which the "Lawrence" had fought since a little after noon. Quitting now the discussion of proprieties, the order of events seems to have been as follows: Perry having taken the initiative of bearing down, under increased sail, Elliott remained behind, governed by, or availing himself of--two very different motives, not lightly to be determined, or assumed, by the historian--the technical point, long before abandoned in practice, that he could not leave his place in the line without a signal. Thus his action was controlled by the position of his next ahead in the line, the dull-sailing "Caledonia," a vessel differing radically from his own in armament, having two long and for that day heavy guns, quite equal in range and efficiency to the best of the "Detroit's,"[93] and therefore capable of good service, though possibly not of their best, from the distance at which Perry changed his speed. Elliott's battery was the same as Perry's. He thus continued until it became evident that, the "Queen Charlotte" having gone to the support of the "Detroit," the "Lawrence" was heavily overpowered. Then, not earlier than an hour after Perry bore down, he realized that his commander-in-chief would be destroyed under his eyes, unless he went to his support, and he himself would rest under the imputation of an inefficient spectator. He ordered the "Caledonia" to bear up, in order that he might pass (position 3; C_{1}, C_{2}). Though not demonstrably certain, it seems probable that the wind, light throughout, was now so fallen as to impede the retrieval of his position; the opportunity to close, used by Perry, had passed away. At all events it was not till between 2 and 2.30 that the "Niagara" arrived on the scene, within effective range of the carronades which constituted nine tenths of her battery. With this began the second stage of the battle (3). Perry's bearing down, receiving only the support of the long guns of the "Caledonia" and of the schooners ahead of him, had brought the "Lawrence" into hot engagement with the "Detroit," supported a half hour later by the "Queen Charlotte." By a little after two o'clock both flagships were well-nigh disabled, hull and battery; the "Lawrence" most so, having but one gun left out of ten on the broadside. "At 2.30," wrote Barclay, "the Detroit was a perfect wreck, principally from the raking fire of the gunboats." Which gunboats? Evidently the "Ariel" and "Scorpion," for all agree that the rear four were at this hour still far astern, though not absolutely out of range. To these last was probably due the crippling of the "Lady Prevost," which by now had gone to leeward with her rudder injured. Up to this time, when the first scene closed, what had been the general course of the action? and what now the situation? Assuming, as is very probable, that Barclay did not open with his long 24's until Perry was a mile, two thousand yards, from him,--that distance requiring six degrees elevation for those guns,--an estimate of speeds and courses, as indicated by the evidence, would put the "Lawrence" in action, at two hundred and fifty yards, at 12.10. This calculation, made independently, received subsequent confirmation in consulting Barclay's report, which says 12.15.[94] The same time, for the duller "Caledonia" and the "Niagara," would place them one thousand yards from the British line. This range, for the 32-pounder carronades of the "Niagara," and the 24's of the "Queen Charlotte," required an elevation of from four to six degrees. Coupling this with the British statement, that the carronades of the "Charlotte" could not reach the "Niagara," we obtain probable positions, two hundred and fifty yards and one thousand yards, for the principal two American vessels at quarter-past noon. From the general lightness and occasional failure of the wind up to 2 P.M., it is more than likely that no great change took place before that hour. What air there was might touch all alike, but would affect least the "Lawrence," "Detroit," and "Queen Charlotte," because their sails were being rent; and also they were in the centre of the cannonade, which is believed usually to kill the breeze. The tendency of the "Caledonia," "Niagara," and American vessels in rear of them, between 12.30 and 2 P.M., during which period, to use Barclay's report, "the action continued with great fury," would therefore be to approach slowly the scene where the "Lawrence," supported by the long guns of the "Ariel," "Scorpion," and "Caledonia," maintained the day against the "Detroit" and "Queen Charlotte," backed by the schooner "Chippewa" and the 6 and 4 pounder pop-guns of the "Hunter." How near they drew is a mere matter of estimate. Taking all together, it may be inferred that the "Niagara" had then been carried as close as five hundred to six hundred yards to the British line, but it would appear also towards its rear; rather, probably, that the British had advanced relatively to her, owing to her course being oblique to theirs. The situation then was as follows: The "Lawrence," disabled, was dropping astern of the "Detroit," "Queen Charlotte," and "Hunter." More than half her ship's company lay dead or wounded on her decks. Her loss, 83 killed and wounded out of a total of 142,--sick included,[95]--was mostly incurred before this. With only one gun left, she was a beaten ship, although her colors were up. The "Detroit" lay in the British line almost equally mauled. On her lee quarter,--that is, behind, but on the lee side,--and close to her, was the "Queen Charlotte." Her captain, second to Barclay, had been killed,--the first man hit on board,--and her first lieutenant knocked senseless; being succeeded in command by an officer whom Barclay described as of little experience. The first lieutenant of the "Detroit" was also wounded mortally; and Barclay himself, who already had been once hit in the thigh, was now a second time so severely injured,--being his eighth wound in battle, though now only thirty-two,--that he was forced at this critical instant to go below, leaving the deck with the second lieutenant. The "Hunter" was astern of her two consorts. The "Lady Prevost," fifth in the British order, had fallen to leeward with her rudder crippled. The position of the leading and rear British schooners is not mentioned, and is not important; the reliance of each being one long 9-pounder gun. Before this, taking advantage of the breeze freshening, the "Niagara" had gone clear of the "Caledonia," on her windward side, and had stood to the southwest, towards the "Detroit." She had not at first either foresail or topgallantsails set; and since she passed the "Lawrence" to windward, she was then almost certainly over two hundred and fifty yards from the British line, for there is no conclusive proof that the "Lawrence" was nearer than that. Combining the narrative of the British commodore with that of his second lieutenant, who now took charge, it appears that Barclay, before going below, saw a boat passing from the "Lawrence" to the "Niagara," and that the second lieutenant, Inglis, after relieving him, found the "Niagara" on the weather beam of the "Detroit." Perry, seeing the "Lawrence" incapable of further offensive action, had decided to leave her and go on board the "Niagara," and in this brief interval was making his passage from one vessel to the other. After leaving the "Lawrence" astern, the "Niagara" had made sail; the foresail having been set, and the topgallantsails "in the act of being set, before Captain Perry came on board."[96] This necessarily prolonged the time of his passage, and may have given rise to the opprobrious British report that she was making off. Her making sail as she did indicated that she had suffered little aloft; she had been out of carronade range, while her consort, still in fighting condition, was bearing the brunt; it was natural to conclude that she would not alone renew the action, now that the "Lawrence" was hopelessly disabled. The wish, too, may possibly have helped the thought. The "Lawrence," in fact, having kept her colors flying till Perry reached the "Niagara," struck immediately afterwards. Had she surrendered while he was on board, he could not honorably have quitted her; and the record was clearer by his reaching a fresh ship while the flag of the one he left was still up. What next happened is under no doubt so far as the movements of the "Niagara" are concerned, though there is irreconcilable difference as to who initiated the action. Immediately after Perry came on board, Elliott left her, to urge forward the rear gunboats. Her helm was put up, and she bore down ahead of the "Detroit" to rake her; supported in so doing by the small vessels, presumably the "Ariel," "Scorpion," and "Caledonia." The British ship tried to wear, both to avoid being raked and to get her starboard battery into action; many of the guns on the broadside heretofore engaged being disabled. The "Charlotte" being on her lee quarter, and ranging ahead, the two fell foul, and so remained for some time. This condition gave free play to the American guns, which were soon after re-enforced by those of the rear gunboats; enabled, like the "Niagara," to close with the freshening breeze. After the two British vessels got clear, another attempt was made to bring their batteries to bear; but the end was inevitable, and is best told in the words of the officer upon whom devolved the duty of surrendering the "Detroit." "The ship lying completely unmanageable, every brace cut away, the mizzen-topmast and gaff down, all the other masts badly wounded, not a stay left forward, hull shattered very much, a number of guns disabled, and the enemy's squadron raking both ships ahead and astern, none of our own in a position to support us, I was under the painful necessity of answering the enemy to say we had struck, the 'Queen Charlotte' having previously done so."[97] A Canadian officer taken prisoner at the battle of the Thames saw the "Detroit," a month later, at Put-in Bay. "It would be impossible," he wrote, "to place a hand upon that broadside which had been exposed to the enemy's fire without covering some portion of a wound, either from grape, round, canister, or chain shot."[98] Her loss in men was never specifically given. Barclay reported that of the squadron as a whole to be forty-one killed, ninety-four wounded. He had lost an arm at Trafalgar; and on this occasion, besides other injuries, the one remaining to him was so shattered as to be still in bandages a year later, when he appeared before the Court Martial which emphatically acquitted him of blame. The loss of the American squadron was twenty-seven killed, ninety-six wounded; of whom twenty-two killed and sixty-one wounded were on board the "Lawrence." [Illustration: PERRY RECEIVING THE SURRENDER OF THE BRITISH AT THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. _Drawn by Henry Reuterdahl._] Thus was the battle of Lake Erie fought and won. Captain Barclay not only had borne himself gallantly and tenaciously against a superior force,--favored in so doing by the enemy attacking in detail,--but the testimony on his trial showed that he had labored diligently during the brief period of his command, amid surroundings of extreme difficulty, to equip his squadron, and to train to discipline and efficiency the heterogeneous material of which his crews were composed. The only point not satisfactorily covered is his absence when Perry was crossing the bar. In his defence his allusion to this incident is very casual,--resembles somewhat gliding rapidly over thin ice; but the Court raised no question, satisfied, probably, with the certainty that the honor of the flag had not suffered in the action. On the American side, since the history of a country is not merely the narrative of principal transactions, but the record also of honor reflected upon the nation by the distinguished men it produces, it is proper to consider the question of credit, which has been raised in this instance. There can be no doubt that opportunity must be seized as it is offered; for accident or chance may prevent its recurrence. Constituted as Perry's squadron was, the opportunity presented to him could be seized only by standing down as he did, trusting that the other vessels would follow the example of their commander. The shifting of the wind in the morning, and its failure during the engagement, alike testify to the urgency of taking the tide as it serves. There was no lagging, like Chauncey's, to fetch up heavy schooners; and the campaign was decided in a month, instead of remaining at the end of three months a drawn contest, to lapse thenceforth into a race of ship-building. Had the "Niagara" followed closely, there could have been no doubling on the "Lawrence"; and Perry's confidence would have been justified as well as his conduct. The latter needs no apology. Without the help of the "Niagara," the "Detroit" was reduced to a "defenceless state," and a "perfect wreck,"[99] by the carronades of the "Lawrence," supported by the raking fire of the "Ariel" and "Scorpion." Both the expressions quoted are applied by the heroic Barclay to her condition at 2.30, when, as he also says, the "Niagara" was perfectly fresh. Not only was the "Detroit" thus put out of action, but the "Charlotte" was so damaged that she surrendered before her. To this the "Caledonia's" two long twenty-fours had contributed effectively. The first lieutenant of the "Queen Charlotte" testified that up to the time he was disabled, an hour or an hour and a quarter after the action began, the vessel was still manageable; that "the 'Niagara' engaged us on our quarter, out of carronade range, with what long guns she had; but our principal injury was from the 'Caledonia,' who laid on our beam, with two long 24-pounders on pivots, also out of carronade-shot distance."[100] Is it to Perry, or to Elliott, that is due the credit of the "Niagara's" action in bearing up across the bows of the "Detroit"? This is the second stage of the battle; the bringing up the reserves. An absolute reply is impossible in the face of the evidence, sworn but not cross-examined. A probable inference, which in the present writer amounts to conviction, is attainable. Before the Court of Inquiry, in 1815, Captain Elliott put the question to several of his witnesses, "Was not the 'Niagara's' helm up and she standing direct for the 'Detroit' when Captain Perry came on board?" They replied, "Yes." All these were midshipmen. By a singular fatality most of the "Niagara's" responsible officers were already dead, and the one surviving lieutenant had been below, stunned, when Perry reached the deck. It may very possibly be that this answer applied only to the first change of course, when Elliott decided to leave his position behind the "Caledonia"; but if it is claimed as covering also the subsequent bearing up eight points (at right angles), to cross the bows of the "Detroit," it is to be observed that no mention of this very important movement is made in a letter addressed to the Secretary of the Navy, October 13, 1813, one month after the battle, drawn up for the express purpose of vindicating Elliott, and signed by all the lieutenants of the "Niagara," and by the purser, who formerly had been a lieutenant in the navy. Their account was that Perry, on reaching the ship, said he feared the day was lost; that Elliott replied it was not, that he would repair on board the rear schooners, and bring them up; that he did so, and "_the consequence was_ that in ten minutes the 'Detroit' and 'Queen Charlotte' with the 'Lady Prevost,' struck to us, and soon after the whole of the enemy's squadron followed their example."[101] This attributes the victory to the half-dozen long guns of the four schooners, mostly inferior in caliber to the nine carronades on board a single vessel, the "Niagara," raking within pistol-shot of antagonists already in the condition described by Barclay. Such a conclusion traverses all experience of the tactical advantage of guns massed under one captain over a like number distributed in several commands, and also contravenes the particular superiority of carronades at close quarters. An officer of the "Detroit," who was on deck throughout, testified that the "Lawrence" had engaged at musket-shot, the "Niagara," when she bore down under Perry, at pistol-shot. Barclay, and his surviving lieutenant, Inglis, both lay most weight upon this action of the "Niagara," from which arose also the fouling of the two largest British ships. Perry's charges of 1818 against Elliott formulated deliberate statements, under the responsible expectation of cross-examination under oath. This is his account: "When the commanding officer [Perry] went on board the 'Niagara,' Captain Elliott was keeping her on a course by the wind, which would in a few minutes have carried said vessel entirely out of action, to prevent which, and in order to bring the said vessel into close action with the enemy, the said commanding officer was under the necessity of heaving-to, stopping and immediately wearing said vessel, and altering her course at least eight points"; that is, perpendicular to the direction before steered. Against this solemn and serious charge is unquestionably to be placed the commendatory mention and letter given by Perry to Elliott immediately after the battle. Upon these also he had to expect the sharpest interrogation, to the mortification attendant upon which he could only oppose evidence extenuative of, but in no case justifying, undeniable self-contradiction. If the formal charge was true, no excuse can be admitted for the previous explicit commendation. As a matter of historical inquiry, however, such contradictions have to be met, and must be weighed in the light of all the testimony. The author's conclusion upon the whole is that, as Perry's action in first standing down insured decisive action, so by him was imparted to the "Niagara" the final direction which determined victory. The influence of the rear gunboats brought up by Elliott was contributive, but not decisive. In short, the campaign of Lake Erie was brought to an immediate successful issue by the ready initiative taken by Perry when he found the British distant fire more destructive than he expected, and by his instant acceptance of necessary risk, in standing down exposed to a raking cannonade to which he for a long while could not reply. If, as the author holds, he was entitled to expect prompt imitation by the "Niagara," the risk was actual, but not undue. As it was, though the "Lawrence" surrendered, it was not until she had, with the help of gunboats stationed by Perry for that object, so damaged both her opponents that they were incapable of further resistance. In the tactical management of the "Lawrence" and her supports was no mere headlong dash, but preparation adequate to conditions. Had the "Niagara" followed, the "Lawrence" need never have struck. The contemporary incidents on Erie and Ontario afford an instructive commentary upon Napoleon's incisive irony, that "War cannot be waged without running risks." There has been sufficient quotation from Chauncey to indicate why the campaign on Ontario dragged through two seasons, and then left the enemy in control. Small as the scale and the theatre of these naval operations, they illustrate the unvarying lesson that only in offensive action can defensive security be found. The destruction of the British naval force decided the campaign in the Northwest by transferring the control of the water. Its general military results were in this respect final. Nothing occurred to modify them during the rest of the war. Detroit and Michigan territory fell back into the hands of the United States; and the allegiance of the Indians to the British cause, procured by Brock's sagacious daring a twelvemonth before, but rudely shaken by the events narrated, was destroyed by the death of their great leader, Tecumseh, a month later in the battle of the Thames, itself the direct consequence of Perry's success. The frontier was henceforth free from the Indian terror, which had hitherto disquieted it from the Maumee to Cleveland. A more far-reaching political issue was also here definitely settled. A sense of having betrayed the Indian interests in the previous treaties of 1783 and 1794 was prevalent in British official circles, and in their counsels a scheme had been circulated for constituting an independent Indian territory, under joint guarantee of the two nations, between their several dominions. This would be locally within the boundaries of the United States; the sole jurisdiction of which was thus to be limited and trammelled, because open to continual British representation and reclamation, based upon treaty stipulations.[102] This infringement upon the perfect sovereignty of the nation inside its own borders, in favor of savage communities and under foreign guarantee, was one of the propositions formally brought forward as a _sine quâ non_ by the British negotiators at Ghent. Although by that time the United States stood alone face to face with Great Britain, at whose full disposal were now the veterans of the Peninsular War, and the gigantic navy, which the abdication of Napoleon had released from all other opponents, the American commissioners refused with dignity to receive the proposition even for reference. "It is not necessary," they replied, "to refer such demands to the American Government for its instructions. They will only be a fit subject for deliberation when it becomes necessary to decide upon the expediency of an absolute surrender of national independence."[103] The envoys of the United States were able to be firm, because secure of indignant support by their people; but it is beyond question that two naval victories had arrayed upon their side, at the moment, the preponderance of military argument, which weighs so heavily in treaties of peace. New Orleans was yet in the future, with adverse chances apparent; but, owing to the victory of Perry, the United States was in firm military tenure of the territory, the virtual cession of which was thus demanded. A year after Perry, McDonough's equally complete success on Lake Champlain, by insuring control of the water route for invasion, rolled back the army of Peninsular veterans under Prevost, at a season of the year which forbade all hope of renewing the enterprise until another spring. Great Britain was too eager to end twenty years of continued war to brook further delay. The lake campaigns of 1813 and 1814 thus emphasized the teaching of history as to the influence of control of the water upon the course of events; and they illustrate also the too often forgotten truth, that it is not by brilliant individual feats of gallantry or skill, by ships or men, but by the massing of superior forces, that military issues are decided. For, although on a small scale, the lakes were oceans, and the forces which met on them were fleets; and as, on a wider field and in more tremendous issues, the fleets of Great Britain saved their country and determined the fortunes of Europe, so Perry and McDonough averted from the United States, without further fighting, a rectification of frontier--as it is euphemistically styled,--the effecting of which is one of the most fruitful causes and frequent results of war in every continent and at every period. NOTE.--For the battle of Lake Erie, the most important original data are the Court Martial upon Barclay (British Records Office), and the Court of Inquiry held at Elliott's request, in April, 1815. The proceedings and testimony of the latter are published in the appendix to a "Biographical Notice of Commodore Jesse D. Elliott," by Russell Jarvis, Philadelphia, 1835. Perry's Report of the battle, Sept. 13, 1813, is in American State Papers, Naval Affairs, vol. i. p. 295. Barclay's report is in Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxi. pp. 250-253, as well as in the record of the Court. Jarvis, and Mackenzie's Life of Perry (5th edition), give a large number of affidavits by officers present in the engagement, and Mackenzie gives also a copy of the charges preferred by Perry in 1818 against Elliott. In the controversy which arose over the battle, Mackenzie, in the appendix to the fifth edition of Perry's Life, Duer, and Tristam Burges, Battle of Lake Erie (Boston, 1839), are the principal champions on Perry's side; Jarvis (as above) and J. Fenimore Cooper, Battle of Lake Erie, on the side of Elliott; but the latter himself published several vindications of his conduct. The usual naval histories, American and British, may be consulted, and there are also incidental mentions and reports in Niles' Register and the British Naval Chronicle, which will be found useful. FOOTNOTES: [74] Captains' Letters, Navy Department MSS. [75] Mackenzie's Life of Perry, vol. i. p. 166. [76] Mackenzie's Life of Perry, vol. i. p. 186. [77] Perry to the Secretary of the Navy, Aug. 10, 1813. Mackenzie's Life of Perry, vol. i. p. 191. [78] Secretary's Letters, Aug. 18, 1813. Navy Department MSS. [79] Otherwise known by the name of the River Raisin. Ante, vol. i. p. 370. [80] The data of this paragraph are taken from the Report on Canadian Archives, 1896, Lower Canada, pp. 132, 138-140. Barclay in his Defence before the Court Martial mentions the designs on Erie. [81] Harm Jan Huidekoper, by Nina Moore Tiffany and Francis Tiffany. 1904. p. 187. Mr. Huidekoper speaks admiringly of the unfaltering composure and cheerfulness which under these circumstances accompanied Perry's energy. [82] See ante, p. 41. [83] Report on Canadian Archives, 1896. Lower Canada, p. 133. [84] This statement appeared in the course of a _summary_ of the evidence before the British Court, given by the Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxii. pp. 241-242. The only support to it in the evidence, as recorded, is Barclay's official letter, which he appears to have confirmed under oath, that the "Niagara" kept out of carronade range, and "was perfectly fresh at 2.30," when Perry went on board her. The first lieutenant of the "Queen Charlotte," who remained in command, the captain being killed, corroborated Barclay as to her distance. [85] In the finding--or verdict--of the British Court, as in the evidence, there is no expression of a charge that the "Niagara" was making away. The finding restricted itself to the matter before the Court, namely, Barclay's official conduct. [86] There was a question whether the "Hunter" was ahead or astern of the "Queen Charlotte." In the author's opinion the balance of evidence is as stated in the text. Perry rearranged his line with reference to the British, upon seeing their array. Had the "Charlotte" been next the "Detroit," as James puts her, it seems probable he would have placed the "Niagara" next the "Lawrence." [87] Cooper, Battle of Lake Erie, p. 63. [88] See Mackenzie's Life of Perry, 5th edition, vol. ii. pp. 251-252. Perry's charges against Elliott, dated Aug. 8, 1818, are there given in full. [89] See Mackenzie's Life of Perry, 5th edition, vol. ii. pp. 251-252. [90] Cooper's Battle of Lake Erie, p. 63. [91] Barclay's Report, Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxi. p. 251. [92] The range of a 32 pdr. carronade, with which the "Niagara" was armed, throwing one solid shot, with ¼ degree elevation,--substantially point-blank,--was 260 yards; at 5 degrees, 1260 yards. The difference, 1000 yards, is just half a sea mile. A British professional writer of that day, criticising their commander's choice of position at Lake Champlain, says: "At 1000 or 1100 yards the elevation necessary to be given a carronade would have been so great that none but chance shots [from the Americans] could have taken effect; whereas, in closing, he gave up this advantage." Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxiii. p. 132. [93] The "Caledonia" had two long 24-pounders, and one other lighter gun, variously stated. The "Detroit's" heaviest were also two long 24's; she had besides one long 18, six long 12's, etc. [94] With reference to times, always very difficult to establish, and often very important as bases of calculation, the following extract from the Diary of Dr. Usher Parsons, surgeon of the "Lawrence," possesses value; the more so as it is believed to have been copied from the log of the vessel, which afterwards disappeared. The phraseology is that of a log and a seaman, not of a physician. "At 10 called all hands to quarters. A quarter before meridian the enemy began action at one mile distance. In a half hour came within musket-shot of the enemy's new ship.... At 1.30, so entirely disabled we could work the brig no longer. At 2 P.M., most of the guns were dismounted, breechings gone, or carriages knocked to pieces. At half-past two, when not another gun could be worked or fired, Captain Perry hauled down the fighting flag [not the national flag], which bore this motto 'Don't give up the ship,' and repaired on board the 'Niagara,' where he raised it again. In ten minutes after we struck." Publications of the Rhode Island Historical Society, vol. vii. p. 244. This was called to the author's attention after the account in the text was written. [95] Mackenzie's Life of Perry, vol. ii. p. 283. [96] Evidence of Midshipman Montgomery of the "Niagara," before the Court of Inquiry. [97] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxi. p. 252. [98] Richardson, War of 1812, p. 243. [99] Barclay's Report. [100] British Court Martial Record. [101] Navy Department, MSS. Miscellaneous Letters. My italics. [102] This scheme appears outlined in a letter of Oct. 5, 1812, to Lord Bathurst from Sir George Prevost, who in support of it adduces Brock's opinion (Canadian Archives MSS). Bathurst replied, Dec. 9, 1812, "I so entirely concur in the expediency of the suggestions contained in your despatch, as to the necessity of securing the territories of the Indians from encroachment, that I have submitted it to His Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, in order that whenever negotiations for peace may be entered into, the security of their possessions may not be either compromised or forgotten." (British Colonial Office Records). Prevost transmitted a copy of the letter to Admiral Warren, in his early diplomatic capacity as a peace envoy. Gordon Drummond, the successor of Brock, and later of Prevost, expressed the same interest (Canadian Archives MSS., April 2, 1814). [103] American State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. iii. pp. 710-713. CHAPTER XII THE CAMPAIGN OF 1813 ON THE LAKES AND NORTHERN FRONTIER, AFTER THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE Perry's victory was promptly followed up by himself and Harrison. Besides its ultimate influence on the general course of events, already mentioned, it produced immediate military consequences, the effect of which was felt throughout the lake frontier, from Detroit to Champlain. That success elsewhere did not follow was due to other causes than remissness on their part to improve the occasion. Although the "Lawrence" had to be sent back to Erie for extensive repairs, and the "Detroit" and "Queen Charlotte" rolled their masts overboard at anchor in Put-in Bay on the third day after the battle, Perry within a week had his squadron and four of the prizes sufficiently in repair to undertake the transport of the army. This timely facility, which betrayed the enemy's expectations, was due largely to the "Lawrence" having borne the brunt of the action. Had the injuries been more distributed, the delay of repairs must have been greater. The British Adjutant General at Niagara, Harvey, the hero of Stoney Creek, wrote on hearing of the battle, "After an action of three hours and a half, the enemy's vessels must have received so much damage as not to be in a situation to undertake anything for some time."[104] By September 26 Harrison had assembled his forces at an island in the lake, called Middle Sister, twelve miles from Malden. On the 27th they were conveyed to Malden, partly in vessels and partly in boats, the weather being fine. By September 30 Sandwich and Detroit were occupied; Procter retreating eastward up the valley of the Thames. Harrison pursued, and on October 5 overtook the British and Indians at a settlement called Moravian Town. Here they made a stand and were defeated, with the destruction or dispersal of the entire body, in an action known to Americans as the battle of the Thames. Procter himself, with some two hundred men, fled eastward and reached the lines at Burlington Heights, at the head of Ontario, whither Vincent had again retreated on October 9, immediately upon receiving news of the disaster at Moravian Town. After this the Western Indians fell wholly away from the British alliance, and Harrison returned to Detroit, satisfied that it was useless to pursue the enemy by land. The season was thought now too far advanced for operations against Michilimackinac, which was believed also to be so effectually isolated, by the tenure of Lake Erie, as to prevent its receiving supplies. This was a mistake, there being a route, practicable though difficult, from Toronto to Georgian Bay, on Lake Huron, by which necessary stores were hurried through before the winter closed in. Mackinac remained in British hands to the end of the war. At Detroit Harrison and Perry received orders to transport a body of troops down Lake Erie, to re-enforce the army on the general scene of operations centring round Lake Ontario. By the control of the Niagara peninsula, consequent upon Vincent's necessary retreat after the battle of the Thames, the American communications were complete and secure throughout from Detroit to Sackett's Harbor, permitting free movement from end to end. The two officers embarked together, taking with them thirteen hundred men in seven vessels. October 24 they reached Buffalo. Harrison went on to Niagara, but Perry was here detached from the lake service, and returned to the seaboard, leaving Elliott to command on Erie. In acknowledging the order for Perry's removal, Chauncey regretted the granting of his application as a bad precedent; and further took occasion to remark that when he himself was sent to the lakes the only vessel on them owned by the United States was the brig "Oneida." "Since then two fleets have been created, one of which has covered itself with glory: the other, though less fortunate, has not been less industrious." It may be questioned whether the evident difference of achievement was to be charged to fortune, or to relative quickness to seize opportunity, when offered. The successes on Lake Erie had come very appositely for a change recently introduced into the plans of the Government, and then in process of accomplishment. Since the middle of the summer the Secretary of War, Armstrong, who at this time guided the military counsels, had become disgusted by the fruitlessness of the movements at the west end of Ontario, and had reverted to his earlier and sounder prepossession in favor of an attack upon either Kingston or Montreal. It had now been for some time in contemplation to transfer to Sackett's Harbor all the troops that could be spared from Niagara, leaving there only sufficient to hold Fort George, with Fort Niagara on the American side, as supports to a defensive attitude upon that frontier. Assured command of the lake was essential to the safety and rapidity of the concentration at Sackett's, and this led to the next meeting of the squadrons. General James Wilkinson, an officer advanced in years, of extremely poor reputation, personal as well as professional, and of broken constitution, had been either selected by, or forced upon,[105] the Secretary of War to replace Dearborn in command of the New York frontier and conduct of the proposed operations. To his suggested doubts as to the direction of effort, whether westward or eastward, Armstrong had replied definitely and finally on August 8: "Operations westward of Kingston, if successful, leave the strength of the enemy unbroken. It is the great depot of his resources. So long as he retains this, and keeps open his communication with the sea, he will not want the means of multiplying his naval and other defences, and of re-enforcing or renewing the war in the West." He then explained that there were two ways of reducing the place; by direct attack, or, indirectly, by cutting its communications with the lower river. To accomplish the latter, a demonstration of direct attack should be made by part of the troops, while the main body should move rapidly down the St. Lawrence to Madrid (or Hamilton),[106] in New York, and cross there to the Canadian side, seizing and fortifying a bluff on the north bank to control the road and river. This done, the rest of the force should march upon Montreal. The army division on Champlain was to co-operate by a simultaneous movement and subsequent junction. The project, in general outline, had been approved by the President. In transmitting it Armstrong wrote to Wilkinson, "After this exposition, it is unnecessary to add, that, in conducting the present campaign, you will make Kingston your _primary object_, and that you will _choose_ (as circumstances may warrant), between a _direct_ and _indirect_ attack upon that post."[107] Contemporary and subsequent movements are to be regarded in their bearing on this plan. The first object was the concentration at Sackett's, for which some three thousand troops were to be withdrawn from the Niagara frontier. Wilkinson arrived at Sackett's from Washington, August 20. Chauncey was then in port, after the gale which had driven both him and Yeo down the lake. He sailed on the 29th. Wilkinson followed shortly, reaching Fort George September 4. On the 5th, Armstrong himself came to Sackett's, having established the War Department in northern New York for the campaign. On the 10th Perry destroyed the British squadron on Lake Erie, opening the way for Harrison's victorious entry to Upper Canada and subsequent transfer to Niagara. Some days before the battle of the Thames the embarkation from Niagara for Sackett's Harbor took place under cover of the naval operations. After Yeo had gone into Amherst Bay on September 12, as already mentioned,[108] Chauncey remained cruising in the neighborhood till the 17th, when he went to Sackett's, the enemy having got into Kingston. On the 19th he sailed again for Niagara, to support the movement of the army. He arrived on the 24th, and found there a report of Perry's victory, which had been received on the 22d. On the 25th embarkation began, and Wilkinson hoped that the whole body, three thousand strong, would start on their coasting voyage along the south shore of the lake on the 27th; but after dark, to conceal the direction taken. At this juncture, on September 26, Chauncey heard that the British fleet was at York, which was confirmed by a lookout vessel despatched by him. As Yeo, unless checked, might molest the transportation of the troops, it became necessary first to seek him; but owing to a head wind the American squadron could not leave the river till the evening of the 27th. As the schooner gun-vessels sailed badly, the "Pike," the "Madison," and the "Sylph" each took one in tow on the morning of the 28th, steering for York, where the British fleet was soon after sighted. As the Americans stood in, the British quitted the bay to gain the open lake; for their better manoeuvring powers as a squadron would have scope clear of the land. They formed on the port tack, running south with the wind fresh at east (Positions 1). When about three miles distant, to windward, Chauncey put his fleet on the same tack as the enemy and edged down towards him (Positions 2). At ten minutes past noon, the Americans threatening to cut off the rearmost two of the British, Yeo tacked his column in succession, beginning with his own ship, the leader (a), heading north toward his endangered vessels, between them and the opponents. When round, he opened fire on the "General Pike." As this movement, if continued, would bring the leading and strongest British ships upon the weaker Americans astern, Chauncey put his helm up and steered for the "Wolfe" (b), as soon as the "General Pike" came abreast of her; the American column following in his wake. The "Wolfe" then kept away, and a sharp encounter followed between the two leaders, in which the rest of the squadrons took some share (Positions 3). At the end of twenty minutes the "Wolfe" lost her main and mizzen topmasts, and main yard. With all her after sail gone, there was nothing to do but to keep before the wind, which was fair for the British posts at the head of the bay (Positions 4). The American squadron followed; but the "Madison," the next heaviest ship to the "Pike," superior in battery power to the "Wasp" and "Hornet" of the ocean navy, and substantially equal to the second British ship, the "Royal George," "having a heavy schooner in tow, prevented her commander from closing near enough to do any execution with her carronades."[109] The explanation requires explanation, which is not forthcoming. Concern at such instants for heavy schooners in tow is not the spirit in which battles are won or campaigns decided; and it must be admitted that Commodore Chauncey's solicitude to keep his schooners up with his real fighting vessels, to conform, at critical moments, the action of ships of eight hundred and six hundred tons, like the "Pike" and "Madison," to those of lake craft of under one hundred, is not creditable to his military instincts. He threw out a signal, true, for the fleet to make all sail; but as he held on to the schooner he had in tow, neither the "Madison" nor "Sylph" dropped hers. His flagship, individually, appears to have been well fought; but anxiety to keep a squadron united needs to be tempered with discretion of a kind somewhat more eager than the quality commonly thus named, and which on occasion can drop a schooner, or other small craft, in order to get at the enemy. As the dismasted "Wolfe" ran to leeward, "the 'Royal George,'" says the American naval historian Cooper, "luffed up in noble style across her stern to cover the English commodore" (c), and "kept yawing athwart her stern, delivering her broadsides in a manner to extort exclamations of delight from the American fleet (Positions 5). She was commanded by Captain Mulcaster." Her fighting mate, the "Madison," had a heavy schooner in tow. This interposition of the "Royal George" was especially timely if, as Yeo states, Chauncey was holding at a distance whence his long twenty-fours told, while the "Wolfe's" carronades did not reach. At quarter before three Chauncey relinquished pursuit. Both squadrons were then about six miles from the head of the lake, running towards it before a wind which had increased to a gale, with a heavy sea. Ahead of them was a lee shore, and for the Americans a hostile coast. "Though we might succeed in driving him on shore, the probability was we should go on shore also, he amongst his friends, we amongst our enemies; and after the gale abated, if he could get off one or two vessels out of the two fleets, it would give him as completely the command of the lake as if he had twenty vessels. Moreover, he was covered at his anchorage by part of his army and several small batteries thrown up for the purpose." For these reasons, the commodore "without hesitation relinquished the opportunity then presenting itself of acquiring individual reputation at the expense of my country." The British squadron anchored without driving ashore. The American returned to Niagara, having received a certain amount of damage aloft, and one of the purchased schooners having lost her foremast; but the killed and wounded by the enemy amounted to only five, all on board the "General Pike." That vessel lost also twenty-two men by the bursting of a gun. [Illustration: CHAUNCEY AND YEO, SEPTEMBER 28, 1813] Chauncey had been in consultation with Armstrong at Sackett's, and understood perfectly the plans of the Government. On his return to Niagara he was requested by Wilkinson to keep watch over the hostile squadron in its present position under Burlington Heights, so as to cover the eastward movement of the troops, which began October 1. On the 2d the last transport had gone, and Wilkinson himself set out for Sackett's; bringing, as he reported, thirty-five hundred men. On the 3d the British fleet was seen well towards the west end of the lake; but on the 4th a vessel sent especially to reconnoitre came back with the report that it was no longer there. This proved to be a mistake; but, as it came from a careful and competent officer, Chauncey inferred that the enemy had given him the slip and gone to the eastward. He therefore ran down the lake, to cover the arrival of the troops as he had their departure. On the afternoon of the 5th, near Kingston, he captured six out of seven transports bound thither with re-enforcements. Of these, two were the schooners taken by Yeo in the engagement of August 10, which the British had not thought fit to add to their fleet, but used simply as carriers; mounting their guns on the fortifications of Kingston. Cooper justly remarks, "This sufficiently proves the equivocal advantage enjoyed by the possession of these craft." Chauncey himself, at the end of the campaign, recommended the building of "one vessel of the size of the 'Sylph,'"--three hundred and forty tons,--"in lieu of all the heavy schooners; for really they are of no manner of service, except to carry troops or use as gunboats."[110] The reflection is inevitable,--Why, then, had he allowed them so to hamper his movements? It is to be feared that the long ascendency of the gunboat policy in the councils of the Government had sapped the professional intelligence even of some naval officers. The capture of the detachment going from York to Kingston showed that the British had divined the general character of the American plans. In fact, as early as October 2, Major General de Rottenburg, who after an interval had succeeded to Brock's place in Upper Canada, as lieutenant governor and commander of the forces, had started with two regiments to re-enforce Kingston, leaving the Niagara peninsula again under the command of General Vincent. On October 6 Chauncey's squadron entered Sackett's, where Wilkinson had arrived on the 4th. The general began at once to remonstrate strenuously with Armstrong against an attempt upon Kingston, as delaying and possibly frustrating what he saw fit to style the chief object of the campaign, the capture of Montreal. The Secretary listened patiently, but overruled him.[111] Kingston had been the principal object from the beginning, and still so continued; but, if the garrison should be largely re-enforced, if the British fleet should enter the harbor, or if the weather should make navigation of the lake dangerous for the transports, then the troops should proceed direct for Montreal by the river. Yeo apparently returned to Kingston soon after this; but when Chauncey left port on October 16, to bring forward from the Genesee River a detachment under Colonel Winfield Scott, he still had the understanding that Kingston was first to be attacked. On October 19, however, the Secretary reconsidered his decision. The concentration of the army at Sackett's had not been effected until the 18th. On the 16th de Rottenburg, having coasted the north shore of the lake, reached Kingston with his two regiments, reckoned by Armstrong at fifteen hundred men. These raised to twenty-two hundred the garrison previously estimated at seven to eight hundred.[112] The numbers of the Americans were diminishing by sickness, and no further re-enforcement was to be expected, excepting by uniting with the Champlain division. This had been on the move from Plattsburg since September 19, and was now at Chateaugay, on the Chateaugay River; a local centre, whence roads running northeast, to the river's junction with the St. Lawrence, immediately opposite the island of Montreal, and west to St. Regis on the St. Lawrence, forty miles higher up, gave facilities for moving in either direction to meet Wilkinson's advance. By a letter of October 12 from its commander, General Wade Hampton, this corps numbered "four thousand effective infantry, with a well-appointed train." To bring it by land to Sackett's, over a hundred miles distant, was considered too protracted and laborious in the state of the roads; better utilize the current of the St. Lawrence to carry Wilkinson down to it. In view of these circumstances, and of the supposed increased strength of Kingston, Armstrong decided to abandon the attack upon the latter and to move against Montreal, which was believed to be much weaker, as well as strategically more important.[113] The movement was hazardous; for, as planned, ultimate success depended upon junction with another corps, which had natural difficulties of its own to contend with, while both were open to obstruction by an active enemy. As a distinguished military critic has said, "The Americans committed upon this occasion the same error that the British Government did in their plan for Burgoyne's march from the head of Champlain to Albany,--that of making the desired result of an important operation depend upon the success of all its constituent or component parts." It is one of the most common of blunders in war. Wilkinson and Hampton did not meet. Both moved, but one had retreated before the other arrived. In fact, while Montreal, as the most important point in Canada for the British, except Quebec, and at the same time the one most accessible to the United States, was the true objective of the latter, concentration against it should have been made in territory entirely under American control, about Lake Champlain, and the advance begun early in the season. By its own choice the Government had relinquished this obvious and natural course, and throughout the summer had directed its efforts to the westward. When the change of operations from Niagara to the lower end of the lake was initiated, in the beginning of October, it was already too late to do more than attack Kingston, the strength of which appears to have been gravely over-estimated. Armstrong had good military ideas; but at this critical moment he seems to have faltered in the presence of an immediate difficulty, and to have sought escape from it by a hasty consent to a side measure, contrary to the soundest teachings of war. Not the least of objections was the risk to which Sackett's Harbor, the naval base, was to be exposed. After October 16, Chauncey had remained cruising between there and Kingston, covering the approaches to the St. Lawrence. His intended trip to Genesee, to bring up Scott's eight hundred regulars, had been abandoned at the urgent demand of Wilkinson, who, while the troops were being transferred from Sackett's to Grenadier Island, at the outlet of the lake to the river, "would not allow any part of the fleet to be absent four days without throwing the responsibility, in case of a failure of his expedition, wholly on the navy."[114] The commodore did not learn of the new scheme until October 30, ten days after its adoption, when he was asked to cover the rear of the army from pursuit by water, by taking position inside the St. Lawrence. While objecting strongly to the change of plan, he of course consented to afford all the co-operation in his power; but he wrote to the Navy Department, "If Sir James Yeo knows the defenceless situation of Sackett's, he can take advantage of a westerly wind while I am in the river, run over and burn it; for to the best of my knowledge there are no troops left there except sick and invalids, nor are there more than three guns mounted."[115] After many delays by rough water, Wilkinson's troops were assembled at Grenadier Island towards the end of October. On November 1 they began entering the river by detachments, collecting at French Creek, on the American side, fifteen miles from the lake. Being here immediately opposite one of the points considered suitable for advance on Kingston, the object of the movement remained still doubtful to the enemy. The detachments first arriving were cannonaded by four of Yeo's vessels that had come through the channel north of Long Island, which here divides the stream. On November 2 Chauncey anchored near by, preventing the recurrence of this annoyance. On the 4th the entire force was assembled, and next day started down the river with fine weather, which lasted until the 11th. Up to this date no serious difficulty was encountered; but immediately that the departure from French Creek proclaimed the real direction of the movement, de Rottenburg despatched a body of six hundred regular troops, under Lieutenant Colonel Morrison, accompanied by some gunboats under Captain Mulcaster, to harass the rear. For the purpose of being on hand to fall upon the American flotilla, should the attempt be made to cross the river to the north bank, Sir James Yeo on the 5th came out from Kingston with his fleet. He anchored on the north side of Long Island, only five miles from the American squadron, but separated by a reef, over which the "General Pike" could not pass without being lightened.[116] Steps were taken to effect this, and to buoy a channel; but on the 6th Yeo retired to Kingston. Chauncey's letters make no mention of Mulcaster's division, and after Yeo's withdrawal he moved down to Carleton Island. Morrison and Mulcaster on the 8th reached Fort Wellington, opposite Ogdensburg. Here they paused and received re-enforcements from the garrison, raising their numbers to eight hundred, who continued to follow, by water and by land, until the 11th. Then they were turned upon by the rearguard of an American division, marching on the north bank to suppress the harassment to which the flotilla otherwise was liable in its advance. An action followed, known as that of Chrystler's Farm, in which the Americans were the assailants and in much superior numbers; but they were worsted and driven back, having lost one hundred and two killed and two hundred and thirty-seven wounded, besides one hundred prisoners. The troops engaged then embarked, and passed down the Long Saut Rapids to Cornwall, which is one hundred and twenty miles from Kingston and eighty-two from Montreal. Here they were rejoined on the 12th by the vanguard of the division, which had met little resistance in its progress. At this time and place Wilkinson received a letter from General Hampton, to whom he had written that the provisions of his army were insufficient, and requested him to send "two or three months' supply by the safest route in a direction to the proposed scene of action."[117] He also instructed him to join the advance at St. Regis, opposite Cornwall, the point which had now been reached. As the two bodies were co-operating, and Wilkinson was senior, these instructions had the force of orders. In his reply, dated November 8,[118] Hampton said, "The idea of meeting at St. Regis was most pleasing, until I came to the disclosure of the amount of your supplies of provision." Actually, the disclosure about the supplies preceded in the letter the appointment to meet at St. Regis, which was the last subject mentioned. "It would be impossible," Hampton continued, "for me to bring more than each man could carry on his back; and when I reflected that, in throwing myself upon your scanty means, I should be weakening you in your most vulnerable point, I did not hesitate to adopt the opinion that by throwing myself back upon my main depot [Plattsburg], where all means of transportation had gone, and falling upon the enemy's flank, and straining every effort to open a communication from Plattsburg to ... the St. Lawrence, I should more effectually contribute to your success than by the junction at St. Regis." Hampton then retired to Plattsburg, in the direction opposite from St. Regis. Wilkinson, upon receiving his letter, held a council of war and decided that "the attack on Montreal should be abandoned for the present season." The army accordingly crossed to the American side and went into winter quarters at French Mills, just within the New York boundary; on the Salmon River, which enters the St. Lawrence thirteen miles below St. Regis. Wilkinson was writing from there November 17, twelve days after he started from French Creek to capture Montreal. Thus two divisions, of eight thousand and four thousand respectively, both fell back helplessly, when within a few days of a junction which the enemy could not have prevented, even though he might successfully have opposed their joint attack upon Montreal. It is a delicate matter to judge the discretion of a general officer in Hampton's position; but the fact remains, as to provisions, that he was in a country where, by his own statement of a month before, "we have, and can have, an unlimited supply of good beef cattle."[119] A British commissary at Prescott wrote two months later, January 5, 1814, "Our supplies for sixteen hundred men are all drawn from the American side of the river. They drive droves of cattle from the interior under pretence of supplying their army at Salmon River, and so are allowed to pass the guards, and at night to cross them over to our side,"--the river being frozen. He adds, "I shall be also under the necessity of getting most of my flour from their side."[120] It is not necessary greatly to respect Wilkinson in order to think that in such a region Hampton might safely have waited for his superior to join, and to decide upon the movements of the whole. He was acting conjointly, and the junior.[121] Under all the circumstances there can be no reasonable doubt that his independent action was precipitate, unnecessary, contrary to orders, and therefore militarily culpable. It gave Wilkinson the excuse, probably much desired, for abruptly closing a campaign which had been ludicrously inefficient from the first, and under his leadership might well have ended in a manner even more mortifying. Chauncey remained within the St. Lawrence until November 10, the day before the engagement at Chrystler's Farm. He was troubled with fears as to what might happen in his rear; the defenceless condition of Sackett's, and the possibility that the enemy by taking possession of Carleton Island, below him, might prevent the squadron's getting out.[122] None of these things occurred, and it would seem that the British had not force to attempt them. On the 11th the squadron returned to the Harbor, where was found a letter from Armstrong, requesting conveyance to Sackett's for the brigade of Harrison's army, which Perry had brought to Niagara, and which the Secretary destined to replace the garrison gone down stream with Wilkinson. The execution of this service closed the naval operations on Ontario for the year 1813. On November 21 Chauncey wrote that he had transported Harrison with eleven hundred troops. On the night of December 2 the harbor froze over, and a few days later the commodore learned that Yeo had laid up his ships for the winter. There remains yet to tell the close of the campaign upon the Niagara peninsula, control of which had been a leading motive in the opening operations. Its disastrous ending supplies a vivid illustration of the military truth that positions are in themselves of but little value, if the organized forces of the enemy, armies or fleets, remain unimpaired. The regular troops were all withdrawn for Wilkinson's expedition; the last to go being the garrison of Fort George, eight hundred men under Colonel Winfield Scott, which left on October 13. The command of the frontier was turned over to Brigadier General George M'Clure of the New York Militia. Scott reported that Fort George, "as a field work, might be considered as complete at that period. It was garnished with ten pieces of artillery, which number might have been increased from the spare ordnance of the opposite fort"[123]--Niagara. The latter, on the American side, was garrisoned by two companies of regular artillery and "such of M'Clure's brigade as had refused to cross the river." It was immediately before Scott's departure that the British forces under General Vincent, upon receipt of news of the battle of the Thames, had retreated precipitately to Burlington Heights, burning all their stores, and abandoning the rest of the peninsula. This was on October 9; a week after de Rottenburg had started for Kingston with two regiments, leaving only ten or twelve hundred regulars. De Rottenburg sent word for these also to retire upon York, and thence to Kingston; but the lateness of the season, the condition of the roads, and the necessity in such action to abandon sick and stores, decided Vincent, in the exercise of his discretion, to hold on. This resolution was as fortunate for his side as it proved unfortunate to the Americans. M'Clure's force, as stated by himself, was then about one thousand effective militia in Fort George, and two hundred and fifty Indians. Concerning the latter he wrote, "An exhibition of two or three hundred of them will strike more terror into the British than a thousand militia."[124] From time to time there were also bodies of "volunteers," who assembled on call and were subject to the orders of the national government for the period of their service. With such numbers, so constituted, it was as impossible for M'Clure to trouble Vincent as it was inexpedient for Vincent to attack Fort George. A gleam of hope appeared for the American commander when Perry brought down the thirteen hundred of Harrison's victorious army, with the general himself. The latter, who was senior to M'Clure, lent a favorable ear to his suggestion that the two forces should be combined to attack Vincent's lines. Some four hundred additional volunteers gathered for this purpose; but, before the project could take effect, Chauncey arrived to carry Harrison's men to Sackett's, stripped of troops for Wilkinson's expedition. The urgency was real, and Chauncey pressing, on account both of Sackett's and the season. In reply to a very aggrieved remonstrance from M'Clure, Harrison expressed extreme sympathy with his disappointment and that of the volunteers, but said no material disadvantage was incurred, for he was convinced the British were removing as fast as they could from the head of the lake, and that an expedition thither would find them gone. Therewith, on November 16, he embarked and sailed. The period of service for which the militia were "draughted" would expire December 9. To M'Clure's representations the national government, which was responsible for the general defence, replied impotently by renewing its draught on the state government for another thousand militia. But, wrote Armstrong, if you cannot raise volunteers, "what are you to expect from militia draughts, with their constitutional scruples?"--about leaving their state. Armstrong was not personally responsible for the lack of organized power in the nation; but as the representative of the Government, which by a dozen years of inefficiency and neglect had laid open this and other frontiers, the fling was unbecoming. On December 10, the garrison of Fort George was reduced to "sixty effective regulars and probably forty volunteers. The militia have recrossed the river almost to a man."[125] M'Clure also learned "that the enemy were advancing in force." That night he abandoned the works, retiring to Fort Niagara, and carrying off such stores as he could; but in addition he committed the grave error of setting fire to the adjacent Canadian village of Newark, which was burned to the ground. For this step M'Clure alleged the authority of the Secretary of War, who on October 4 had written him, "Understanding that the defence of the post committed to your charge may render it proper to destroy the town of Newark, you are directed to apprise its inhabitants of this circumstance, and to invite them to remove themselves and their effects to some place of greater safety." The general construed this to justify destruction in order to deprive the hostile troops of shelter near Fort George. "The enemy are now completely shut out from any hopes or means of wintering in the vicinity of Fort George." The exigency was insufficient to justify the measure, which was promptly disavowed by the United States Government; but the act imparted additional bitterness to the war, and was taken by the enemy as a justification and incentive to the retaliatory violence with which the campaign closed. The civil and military government of Upper Canada at this time passed into the hands of Sir Gordon Drummond. For the moment he sent to Niagara General Riall, who took over the command from Vincent. On December 13, M'Clure reported the enemy appearing in force on the opposite shore; but, "having deprived them of shelter, they are marching up to Queenston." This alone showed the futility of burning Newark, but more decisive demonstration was to be given. Early on the 19th the British and Indians crossed the river before dawn, surprised Fort Niagara, and carried it at the point of the bayonet; meeting, indeed, but weak and disorganized resistance. At the same time a detachment of militia at Lewiston was attacked and driven in, and that village, with its neighbors, Youngstown and Manchester, were reduced to ashes, in revenge for Newark. On December 30 the British again crossed, burned Buffalo, and destroyed at Black Rock three small vessels of the Erie flotilla; two of which, the "Ariel" and "Trippe," had been in Perry's squadron on September 10, while the third, the "Little Belt," was a prize taken in that action. Two thousand militia had been officially reported assembled on the frontier on December 26, summoned after the first alarm; but, "overpowered by the numbers and discipline of the enemy," wrote their commander, "they gave way and fled on every side. Every attempt to rally them was ineffectual."[126] With this may be said to have terminated the northern campaign of 1813. The British had regained full control of the Niagara peninsula, and they continued to hold Fort Niagara, in the state of New York, till peace was concluded. The only substantial gain on the whole frontier, from the extreme east to the extreme west, was the destruction of the British fleet on Lake Erie, and the consequent transfer of power in the west to the United States. This was the left flank of the American position. Had the same result been accomplished on the right flank,--as it might have been,--at Montreal, or even at Kingston, the centre and left must have fallen also. For the misdirection of effort to Niagara, the local commanders, Dearborn and Chauncey, are primarily responsible; for Armstrong yielded his own correct perceptions to the representations of the first as to the enemy's force, supported by the arguments of the naval officer favoring the diversion of effort from Kingston to Toronto. Whether Chauncey ever formally admitted to himself this fundamental mistake, which wrecked the summer's work upon Lake Ontario, does not appear; but that he had learned from experience is shown by a letter to the Secretary of the Navy,[127] when the squadrons had been laid up. In this he recognized the uselessness of the heavy sailing schooners when once a cruising force of ships for war had been created, thereby condemning much of his individual management of the campaign; and he added: "If it is determined to prosecute the war offensively, and secure our conquests in Upper Canada, Kingston ought unquestionably to be the first object of attack, and that so early in the spring as to prevent the enemy from using the whole of the naval force that he is preparing." In the three chapters which here end, the Ontario operations have been narrated consecutively and at length, without interruption by other issues,--except the immediately related Lake Erie campaign,--because upon them turned, and upon them by the dispositions of the Government this year were wrecked the fortunes of the war. The year 1813, from the opening of the spring to the closing in of winter, was for several reasons the period when conditions were most propitious to the American cause. In 1812 war was not begun until June, and then with little antecedent preparation; and it was waged halfheartedly, both governments desiring to nip hostilities. In 1814, on the other hand, when the season opened, Napoleon had fallen, and the United States no longer had an informal ally to divert the efforts of Great Britain. But in the intervening year, 1813, although the pressure upon the seaboard, the defensive frontier, was undoubtedly greater than before, and much vexation and harassment was inflicted, no serious injury was done beyond the suppression of commerce, inevitable in any event. In the north, on the lakes frontier, the offensive and the initiative continued in the hands of the United States. No substantial re-enforcements reached Canada until long after the ice broke up, and then in insufficient numbers. British naval preparations had been on an inadequate scale, receiving no proper professional supervision. The American Government, on the contrary, had had the whole winter to prepare, and the services of a very competent naval organizer. It had also the same period to get ready its land forces; while incompetent Secretaries of War and of the Navy gave place in January to capable men in both situations. With all this in its favor, and despite certain gratifying successes, the general outcome was a complete failure, the full measure of which could be realized only when the downfall of Napoleon revealed what disaster may result from neglect to seize opportunity while it exists. The tide then ebbed, and never again flowed. For this many causes may be alleged. The imbecile ideas concerning military and naval preparation which had prevailed since the opening of the century doubtless counted for much. The intrusting of chief command to broken-down men like Dearborn and Wilkinson was enough to ruin the best conceived schemes. But, despite these very serious drawbacks, the strategic misdirection of effort was the most fatal cause of failure. There is a simple but very fruitful remark of a Swiss military writer, that every military line may be conceived as having three parts, the middle and the two ends, or flanks. As sound principle requires that military effort should not be distributed along the whole of an enemy's position,--unless in the unusual case of overwhelming superiority,--but that distinctly superior numbers should be concentrated upon a limited portion of it, this idea of a threefold division aids materially in considering any given situation. One third, or two thirds, of an enemy's line may be assailed, but very seldom the whole; and everything may depend upon the choice made for attack. Now the British frontier, which the United States was to assail, extended from Montreal on the east to Detroit on the west. Its three parts were: Montreal and the St. Lawrence on the east, or left flank; Ontario in the middle, centring at Kingston; and Erie on the right; the strength of the British position in the last named section being at Detroit and Malden, because they commanded the straits upon, which the Indian tribes depended for access to the east. Over against the British positions named lay those of the United States. Given in the same order, these were: Lake Champlain, and the shores of Ontario and of Erie, centring respectively in the naval stations at Sackett's Harbor and Presqu' Isle. Accepting these definitions, which are too obvious to admit of dispute, what considerations should have dictated to the United States the direction of attack; the one, or two, parts out of the three, on which effort should be concentrated? The reply, as a matter of abstract, accepted, military principle, is certain. Unless very urgent reasons to the contrary exist, strike at one end rather than at the middle, because both ends can come up to help the middle against you quicker than one end can get to help the other; and, as between the two ends, strike at the one upon which the enemy most depends for re-enforcements and supplies to maintain his strength. Sometimes this decision presents difficulties. Before Waterloo, Wellington had his own army as a centre of interest; on his right flank the sea, whence came supplies and re-enforcements from England; on his left the Prussian army, support by which was imminently necessary. On which flank would Napoleon throw the weight of his attack? Wellington reasoned, perhaps through national bias, intensified by years of official dependence upon sea support, that the blow would fall upon his right, and he strengthened it with a body of men sorely needed when the enemy came upon his left, in overwhelming numbers, seeking to separate him from the Prussians. No such doubt was possible as to Canada in 1813. It depended wholly upon the sea, and it touched the sea at Montreal. The United States, with its combined naval and military strength, crude as the latter was, was at the beginning of 1813 quite able in material power to grapple two out of the three parts,--Montreal and Kingston. Had they been gained, Lake Erie would have fallen; as is demonstrated by the fact that the whole Erie region went down like a house of cards the moment Perry triumphed on the lake. His victory was decisive, simply because it destroyed the communications of Malden with the sea. The same result would have been achieved, with effect over a far wider region, by a similar success in the east. FOOTNOTES: [104] Canadian Archives MSS. [105] Scott says, "The selection of this unprincipled imbecile was not the blunder of Secretary Armstrong." Memoirs, vol. i. p. 94, note. [106] Both these names are used, confusingly, by Armstrong. Madrid was the township, Hamilton a village on the St. Lawrence, fifteen to twenty miles below the present Ogdensburg. [107] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 464. Armstrong's italics. [108] Ante, p. 60. [109] Chauncey's report, Oct. 1, 1813, Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 134. The extract has been verified from the original in the Captains' Letters. The report of Sir James Yeo (British Records Office) agrees substantially with Chauncey's accounts of the movements, but adds that upon the fall of the "Wolfe's" topmasts the "Pike" immediately took a distance out of carronade range, whence her long 24's would tell. "I can assure you, Sir, that the great advantage the enemy have over us from their long 24-pounders almost precludes the possibility of success, unless we can force them to close action, which they have ever avoided with the most studied circumspection." [110] Chauncey to Navy Department, Dec. 17, 1813. Captains' Letters. [111] Armstrong, Oct. 5, 1813. American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 470. [112] Ibid., p. 471. [113] Armstrong, Oct. 20, 1813. American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 473. [114] Scott's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 106. In consequence, though Scott personally succeeded in joining the movement from which so much was expected, this considerable number of regulars were withdrawn from it. They ultimately reached Sackett's, forming the nucleus of a garrison. [115] Captains' Letters, Oct. 30, 1813. [116] Chauncey to the Navy Department, Nov. 11, 1813. Captains' Letters. [117] Wilkinson to Hampton. American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 462. [118] Ibid. [119] Hampton's Letters during this movement are in American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. pp. 458-463. [120] Ridout, Ten Years in Upper Canada, p. 269. [121] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 465. [122] Chauncey to Navy Department, Nov. 11. Captains' Letters. [123] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 483. [124] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 484. [125] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 486. [126] Report of General A. Hall, Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 394. [127] December 17, 1813. Captains' Letters, Navy Department. CHAPTER XIII SEABOARD MARITIME OPERATIONS Upon the Canada frontier the conditions of 1813 had permitted the United States an ample field for offensive operations, with good prospect of success. What use was made of the opportunity has now been narrated. Upon the seaboard, continuous illustration was afforded that there the country was widely open to attack, thrown wholly on the defensive, with the exception of preying upon the enemy's commerce by numerous small cruisers. As a secondary operation of war this has always possessed value, and better use of it perhaps never was made than by the American people at this time; but it is not determinative of great issues, and the achievements of the public and private armed vessels of the United States, energetic and successful as they were at this period, constituted no exception to the universal experience. Control of the highways of the ocean by great fleets destroys an enemy's commerce, root and branch. The depredations of scattered cruisers may inflict immense vexation, and even embarrassment; but they neither kill nor mortally wound, they merely harass. Co-operating with other influences, they may induce yielding in a maritime enemy; but singly they never have done so, and probably never can. In 1814 no commerce was left to the United States; and that conditions remained somewhat better during 1813 was due to collusion of the enemy, not to national power. The needs of the British armies in the Spanish Peninsula and in Canada, and the exigencies of the West India colonies, induced the enemy to wink at, and even to uphold, a considerable clandestine export trade from the United States. Combined with this was the hope of embarrassing the general government by the disaffection of New England, and of possibly detaching that section of the country from the Union. For these reasons, the eastern coast was not included in the commercial blockade in 1813. But no motive existed for permitting the egress of armed vessels, or the continuance of the coasting trade, by which always, now as then, much of the intercourse between different parts of the country must be maintained, and upon which in 1812 it depended almost altogether. With the approach of spring in 1813, therefore, not only was the commercial blockade extended to embrace New York and all south of it, together with the Mississippi River, but the naval constriction upon the shore line became so severe as practically to annihilate the coasting trade, considered as a means of commercial exchange. It is not possible for deep-sea cruisers wholly to suppress the movement of small vessels, skirting the beaches from headland to headland; but their operations can be so much embarrassed as to reduce their usefulness to a bare alleviation of social necessities, inadequate to any scale of interchange deserving the name of commerce. "I doubt not," wrote Captain Broke, when challenging Lawrence to a ship duel, "that you will feel convinced that it is only by repeated triumphs in even combat that your little navy can now hope to console your country for the loss of that trade it cannot protect."[128] The taunt, doubtless intended to further the object of the letter by the provocation involved, was applicable as well to coasting as to deep-sea commerce. It ignored, however, the consideration, necessarily predominant with American officers, that the conditions of the war imposed commerce destruction as the principal mission of their navy. They were not indeed to shun combat, when it offered as an incident, but neither were they to seek it as a mere means of glory, irrespective of advantage to be gained. Lawrence, whom Broke's letter did not reach, was perhaps not sufficiently attentive to this motive. The British blockade, military and commercial, the coastwise operations of their navy, and the careers of American cruisers directed to the destruction of British commerce, are then the three heads under which the ocean activities of 1813 divide. Although this chapter is devoted to the first two of these subjects, brief mention should be made here of the distant cruises of two American vessels, because, while detached from any connection with other events, they are closely linked, in time and place, with the disastrous seaboard engagement between the "Chesapeake" and "Shannon," with which the account of sea-coast maritime operations opens. On April 30 Captain John Rodgers put to sea from Boston in the frigate "President," accompanied by the frigate "Congress," Captain John Smith. Head winds immediately after sailing detained them inside of Cape Cod until May 3, and it was not till near George's Bank that any of the blockading squadron was seen. As, by the Admiralty's instructions, one of the blockaders was usually a ship of the line, the American vessels very properly evaded them. The two continued together until May 8, when they separated, some six hundred miles east of Delaware Bay. Rodgers kept along northward to the Banks of Newfoundland, hoping, at that junction of commercial highways, to fall in with a West India convoy, or vessels bound into Halifax or the St. Lawrence. Nothing, however, was seen, and he thence steered to the Azores with equal bad fortune. Obtaining thereabouts information of a homeward-bound convoy from the West Indies, he went in pursuit to the northeast, but failed to find it. Not till June 9 did he make three captures, in quick succession. Being then two thirds of the way to the English Channel, he determined to try the North Sea, shaping his course to intercept vessels bound either by the north or south of Ireland. Not a sail was met until the Shetland Islands were reached, and there were found only Danes, which, though Denmark was in hostility with Great Britain, were trading under British licenses. The "President" remained in the North Sea until the end of July, but made only two prizes, although she lay in wait for convoys of whose sailing accounts were received. Having renewed her supply of water at Bergen, in Norway, she returned to the Atlantic, made three captures off the north coast of Ireland, and thence beat back to the Banks, where two stray homeward-bound West Indiamen were at last caught. From there the ship made her way, still with a constant head wind, to Nantucket, off which was captured a British man-of-war schooner, tender to the admiral. On September 27 she anchored in Narragansett Bay, having been absent almost five months, and made twelve prizes, few of which were valuable. One, however, was a mail packet to Halifax, the capture of which, as of its predecessors, was noted by Prevost.[129] The "Congress" was still less successful in material result. She followed a course which had hitherto been a favorite with American captains, and which Rodgers had suggested as alternative to his own; southeast, passing near the Cape Verde Islands, to the equator between longitudes 24° and 31° west; thence to the coast of Brazil, and so home, by a route which carried her well clear of the West India Islands. She entered Portsmouth, New Hampshire, December 14, having spent seven months making this wide sweep; in the course of which three prizes only were taken.[130] It will be remembered that the "Chesapeake," which had returned only a month before the "Congress" sailed, had taken much the same direction with similar slight result. These cruises were primarily commerce-destroying, and were pursued in that spirit, although with the full purpose of fighting should occasion arise. The paucity of result is doubtless to be attributed to the prey being sought chiefly on the high seas, too far away from the points of arrival and departure. The convoy system, rigidly enforced, as captured British correspondence shows, cleared the seas of British vessels, except in the spots where they were found congested, concentrated, by the operation of the system itself. It may be noted that the experience of all these vessels showed that nowhere was the system so rigidly operative as in the West Indies and Western Atlantic. Doubtless, too, the naval officers in command took pains to guide the droves of vessels entrusted to them over unusual courses, with a view to elude pursuers. As the home port was neared, the common disposition to relax tension of effort as the moment of relief draws nigh, co-operated with the gradual drawing together of convoys from all parts of the world to make the approaches to the English Channel the most probable scene of success for the pursuer. There the greatest number were to be found, and there presumption of safety tended to decrease carefulness. This was to be amply proved by subsequent experience. It had been predicted by Rodgers himself, although he apparently did not think wise to hazard in such close quarters so fine and large a frigate as the "President." "It is very generally believed," he had written, "that the coasts of England, Ireland, and Scotland are always swarming with British men of war, and that their commerce would be found amply protected. This, however, I well know by experience, in my voyages when a youth, to be incorrect; and that it has always been their policy to keep their enemies as far distant from their shores as possible, by stationing their ships at the commencement of a war on the enemy's coasts, and in such other distant situations, ... and thereby be enabled to protect their own commerce in a twofold degree. This, however, they have been enabled to do, owing as well to the inactivity of the enemy, as to the local advantages derived from their relative situations."[131] The same tendency was observable at other points of arrival, and recognition of this dictated the instructions issued to Captain Lawrence for the cruise of the "Chesapeake," frustrated through her capture by the "Shannon." Lawrence was appointed to the ship on May 6; the sailing orders issued to Captain Evans being transferred to him on that date. He was to go to the mouth of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, seeking there to intercept the military store-ships, and transports with troops, destined to Quebec and Upper Canada. "The enemy," wrote the Secretary, "will not in all probability anticipate our taking this ground with our public ships of war; and as his convoys generally separate between Cape Race and Halifax, leaving the trade of the St. Lawrence to proceed without convoy, the chance of captures upon an extensive scale is very flattering." He added the just remark, that "it is impossible to conceive a naval service of a higher order in a national point of view than the destruction of the enemy's vessels, with supplies for his army in Canada and his fleets on this station."[132] Lawrence took command of the "Chesapeake" at Boston on May 20. The ship had returned from her last cruise April 9, and had been so far prepared for sea by her former commander that, as has been seen, her sailing orders were issued May 6. It would appear from the statement of the British naval historian James,[133] based upon a paper captured in the ship, that the enlistments of her crew expired in April. Although there were many reshipments, and a nucleus of naval seamen, there was a large infusion of new and untrained men, amounting to a reconstitution of the ship's company. More important still was the fact that both the captain and first lieutenant were just appointed; her former first lying fatally ill at the time she sailed. The third and fourth lieutenants were also strange to her, and in a manner to their positions; being in fact midshipmen, to whom acting appointments as lieutenants were issued at Lawrence's request, by Commodore Bainbridge of the navy yard, on May 27, five days before the action. The third took charge of his division for the first time the day of the battle, and the men were personally unknown to him. The first lieutenant himself was extremely young. The bearing of these facts is not to excuse the defeat, but to enforce the lesson that a grave military enterprise is not to be hazarded on a side issue, or on a point of pride, without adequate preparation. The "Chesapeake" was ordered to a service of very particular importance at the moment--May, 1813--when the Canada campaign was about to open. She was to act against the communications of the enemy; and while it is upon the whole more expedient, for the _morale_ of a service, that battle with an equal should not be declined, quite as necessarily action should not be sought when it will materially interfere with the discharge of a duty intrinsically of greater consequence. The capture of a single enemy's frigate is not to be confounded with, or inflated to, that destruction of an enemy's organized force which is the prime object of all military effort. Indeed, the very purpose to which the "Chesapeake" was designated was to cripple the organized force of the British, either the army in Canada, or the navy on the lakes. The chance of a disabling blow by unexpected action in the St. Lawrence much exceeded any gain to be anticipated, even by a victorious ship duel, which would not improbably entail return to port to refit; while officers new to their duties, and unknown to their men, detracted greatly from the chances of success, should momentary disaster or confusion occur. The blockade of Boston Harbor at this moment was conducted by Captain Philip Vere Broke of the "Shannon", a 38-gun frigate, which he had then commanded for seven years. His was one of those cases where singular merit as an officer, and an attention to duty altogether exceptional, had not yet obtained opportunity for distinction. It would probably be safe to say that no more thoroughly efficient ship of her class had been seen in the British navy during the twenty years' war with France, then drawing towards its close; but after Trafalgar Napoleon's policy, while steadily directed towards increasing the number of his ships, had more and more tended to husbanding them against a future occasion, which in the end never came. The result was a great diminution in naval combats. Hence, the outbreak of the American war, followed by three frigate actions in rapid succession, opened out a new prospect, which was none the less stimulative because of the British reverses suffered. Captain Broke was justly confident in his own leadership and in the efficiency of a ship's company, which, whatever individual changes it may have undergone, had retained its identity of organization through so many years of his personal and energetic supervision. He now reasonably hoped to demonstrate what could be done by officers and men so carefully trained. Captain Pechell of the "Santo Domingo," the flagship on the American station, wrote: "The 'Shannon's' men were better trained, and understood gunnery better, than any men I ever saw;" nevertheless, he added, "In the action with the 'Chesapeake' the guns were all laid by Captain Broke's directions, consequently the fire was all thrown in one horizontal line, not a shot going over the 'Chesapeake.'"[134] The escape of the "President" and "Congress" early in May, while the "Shannon" and her consort, the "Tenedos," were temporarily off shore in consequence of easterly weather, put Broke still more upon his mettle; and, fearing a similar mishap with the "Chesapeake," he sent Lawrence a challenge.[135] It has been said, by both Americans and English, that this letter was a model of courtesy. Undoubtedly it was in all respects such as a gentleman might write; but the courtesy was that of the French duellist, nervously anxious lest he should misplace an accent in the name of the man whom he intended to force into fight, and to kill. It was provocative to the last degree, which, for the end in view, it was probably meant to be. In it Broke showed himself as adroit with his pen--the adroitness of Canning--as he was to prove himself in battle. Not to speak of other points of irritation, the underlining of the words, "even combat," involved an imputation, none the less stinging because founded in truth, upon the previous frigate actions, and upon Lawrence's own capture of the "Peacock." In guns, the "Chesapeake" and "Shannon" were practically of equal force; but in the engagement the American frigate carried fifty more men than her adversary. To an invitation couched as was Broke's Lawrence was doubly vulnerable, for only six months had elapsed since he himself had sent a challenge to the "Bonne Citoyenne." With his temperament he could scarcely have resisted the innuendo, had he received the letter; but this he did not. It passed him on the way out and was delivered to Bainbridge, by whom it was forwarded to the Navy Department. [Illustration: CAPTAIN PHILIP BOWES VERE BROKE. _From the mezzotint by Charles Turner after the painting by Samuel Lane in the possession of Lady Saumarez._] Although Broke's letter did not reach him, Captain Lawrence made no attempt to get to sea without engagement. The "Shannon's" running close to Boston Light, showing her colors, and heaving-to in defiance, served the purpose of a challenge. Cooper, who was in full touch with the naval tradition of the time, has transmitted that Lawrence went into the action with great reluctance. This could have proceeded only from consciousness of defective organization, for the heroic temper of the man was notorious, and there is no hint of that mysterious presentiment so frequent in the annals of military services. The wind being fair from the westward, the "Chesapeake," which had unmoored at 8 A.M., lifted her last anchor at noon, June 1, and made sail. The "Shannon," seeing at hand the combat she had provoked, stood out to sea until on the line between Cape Ann and Cape Cod, where she hove-to on the starboard tack, heading to the southeast. The "Chesapeake" followed under all sail until 5 P.M., when she took in her light canvas, sending the loftier--royal--yards on deck; and at 5.30 hauled up her courses, thus reducing herself to the fighting trim already assumed by her adversary. The "Shannon," which had been lying stopped for a long time, at this same moment filled her sails, to regain headway with which to manoeuvre, in case her opponent's action should require it; but, after gathering speed sufficient for this purpose, the British captain again slowed his ship, by so bracing the maintopsail that it was kept shaking in the wind. Its effect being thus lost, though readily recoverable, her forward movement depended upon the sails of the fore and mizzen masts (1). In this attitude, and steering southeast by the wind, she awaited her antagonist, who was running for her weather--starboard--quarter, and whose approach, thus seconded, became now very rapid. Broke made no further change in the ship's direction, leaving the choice of windward or leeward side to Lawrence, who took the former, discarding all tactical advantages, and preferring a simple artillery duel between the vessels. Just before she closed, the "Chesapeake" rounded-to, taking a parallel course, and backing the maintopsail (1) to reduce her speed to that of the enemy. Captain Lawrence in his eagerness had made the serious error of coming up under too great headway. At 5.50, as her bows doubled on the quarter of the "Shannon" (1), at the distance of fifty yards, the British ship opened fire, beginning with the after gun, and continuing thence forward, as each in succession bore upon the advancing American frigate. The latter replied after the second British discharge, and the combat at once became furious. The previous history of the two vessels makes it probable that the British gunnery was the better; but it is impossible, seeing the course the action finally took, so far to disentangle the effects of the fire while they were on equal terms of position, from the totals afterwards ascertained, as to say where the advantage, if any, lay during those few minutes. The testimony of the "Chesapeake's" second lieutenant, that his division--the forward one on the gun deck--fired three rounds before their guns ceased to bear, agrees with Broke's report that two or three broadsides were exchanged; and the time needed by well-drilled men to do this is well within, yet accords fairly with, James' statement, that from the first gun to the second stage in the action six minutes elapsed. During the first of this period the "Chesapeake" kept moving parallel at fifty yards distance, but gaining continually, threatening thus to pass wholly ahead, so that her guns would bear no longer. To prevent this Lawrence luffed closer to the wind to shake her sails, but in vain; the movement increased her distance, but she still ranged ahead, so that she finally reached much further than abreast of the enemy. To use the nautical expression, she was on the "Shannon's" weather bow (2). While this was happening her sailing master was killed and Lawrence wounded; these being the two officers chiefly concerned in the handling of the ship. [Illustration: Diagram of the Chesapeake vs. Shannon Battle] Upon this supervened a concurrence of accidents, affecting her manageability, which initiated the second scene in the drama, and called for instantaneous action by the officers injured. The foretopsail tie being cut by the enemy's fire, the yard dropped, leaving the sail empty of wind; and at the same time were shot away the jib-sheet and the brails of the spanker. Although the latter, flying loose, tends to spread itself against the mizzen rigging, it probably added little to the effect of the after sails; but, the foresail not being set, the first two mishaps practically took all the forward canvas off the "Chesapeake." Under the combined impulses she, at 5.56, came up into the wind (3), lost her way, and, although her mainyard had been braced up, finally gathered sternboard; the upshot being that she lay paralyzed some seventy yards from the "Shannon" (3, 4, 5), obliquely to the latter's course and slightly ahead of her. The British ship going, or steering, a little off (3), her guns bore fair upon the "Chesapeake," which, by her involuntarily coming into the wind,--to such an extent that Broke thought she was attempting to haul off, and himself hauled closer to the wind in consequence (4),--lost in great measure the power of reply, except by musketry. The British shot, entering the stern and quarter of her opponent, swept diagonally along the after parts of the spar and main decks, a half-raking fire. Under these conditions Lawrence and the first lieutenant were mortally wounded, the former falling by a musket-ball through his body; but he had already given orders to have the boarders called, seeing that the ship must drift foul of the enemy (5). The chaplain, who in the boarding behaved courageously, meeting Broke in person with a pistol-shot, and receiving a cutlass wound in return, was standing close by the captain at this instant. He afterwards testified that as Lawrence cried "Boarders away", the crews of the carronades ran forward; which corresponds to Broke's report that, seeing the enemy flinching from their guns, he then gave the order for boarding. This may have been, indeed, merely the instinctive impulse which drives disorganized men to seek escape from a fire which they cannot return; but if Cooper is correct in saying that it was the practice of that day to keep the boarders' weapons, not by their side, but on the quarter-deck or at the masts, it may also have been that this division, which had so far stuck to its guns while being raked, now, at the captain's call, ran from them to get the side-arms. At the Court of Inquiry it was in evidence that these men were unarmed; and one of them, a petty officer, stated that he had defended himself with the monkey tail of his gun. Whatever the cause, although there was fighting to prevent the "Chesapeake" from being lashed to the "Shannon", no combined resistance was offered abaft the mainmast. There the marines made a stand, but were overpowered and driven forward. The negro bugler of the ship, who should have echoed Lawrence's summons, was too frightened to sound a note, and the voices of the aids, who shouted the message to the gun deck, were imperfectly heard; but, above all, leaders were wanting. There was not on the upper deck an officer above the grade of midshipman; captain, first lieutenant, master, marine officer, and even the boatswain, had been mortally wounded before the ships touched. The second lieutenant was in charge of the first gun division, at the far end of the deck below, as yet ignorant how the fight was going, and that the fate of his superiors had put him in command. Of the remaining lieutenants, also stationed on the gun deck, the fourth had been mortally wounded by the first broadside; while the third, who had heard the shout for boarders, committed the indiscretion, ruinous to his professional reputation, of accompanying those who, at the moment the ships came together, were carrying below the wounded captain. [Illustration: THE CAPTURE OF THE _CHESAPEAKE_ BY THE _SHANNON_.--THE STRUGGLE ON THE QUARTERDECK. _Drawn by Henry Reuterdahl._] Before the new commanding officer could get to the spar deck, the ships were in contact. According to the report of Captain Broke, the most competent surviving eye-witness, the mizzen channels of the "Chesapeake" locked in the fore-rigging of the "Shannon." "I went forward," he continues, "to ascertain her position, and observing that the enemy were flinching from their guns, I gave orders to prepare for boarding." When the "Chesapeake's" second lieutenant reached the forecastle, the British were in possession of the after part of the ship, and of the principal hatchways by which the boarders of the after divisions could come up. He directed the foresail set, to shoot the ship clear, to prevent thus a re-enforcement to the enemy already on board; and he rallied a few men, but was himself soon wounded and thrown below. In brief, the fall of their officers and the position of the ship, in irons and being raked, had thrown the crew into the confusion attendant upon all sudden disaster. From this state only the rallying cry of a well-known voice and example can rescue men. "The enemy," reported Broke, "made a desperate but disorderly resistance." The desperation of brave men is the temper which at times may retrieve such conditions, but it must be guided and fashioned by a master spirit into something better than disorder, if it is to be effective. Disorder at any stage of a battle is incipient defeat; supervening upon the enemy's gaining a commanding position it commonly means defeat consummated. Fifteen minutes elapsed from the discharge of the first gun of the "Shannon" to the "Chesapeake's" colors being hauled down. This was done by the enemy, her own crew having been driven forward. In that brief interval twenty-six British were killed and fifty-six wounded; of the Americans forty-eight were killed and ninety-nine wounded. In proportion to the number on board each ship when the action began, the "Shannon" lost in men 24 per cent; the "Chesapeake" 46 per cent, or practically double. Although a certain amount of national exultation or mortification attends victory or defeat in an international contest, from a yacht race to a frigate action, there is no question of national credit in the result where initial inequality is great, as in such combats as that of the "Chesapeake" and "Shannon," or the "Constitution" and "Guerrière." It is possible for an officer to command a ship for seven years, as Broke had, and fail to make of her the admirable pattern of all that a ship of war should be, which he accomplished with the "Shannon"; but no captain can in four weeks make a thoroughly efficient crew out of a crowd of men newly assembled, and never out of harbor together. The question at issue is not national, but personal; it is the credit of Captain Lawrence. That it was inexpedient to take the "Chesapeake" into action at all at that moment does not admit of dispute; though much allowance must be made for a gallant spirit, still in the early prime of life, and chafing under the thought that, should he get to sea by successful evasion, he would be open to the taunt, freely used by Broke,[136] of dodging, "eluding," an enemy only his equal in material force. Having, however, undertaken a risk which cannot be justified, was Captain Lawrence also reckless, and vainly confident, in his conduct before and during the action? Was he foolhardy, or only rash? The reply, if favorable, is due to one of the most gallant and attractive personalities in the annals of the United States Navy. [Illustration: CAPTAIN JAMES LAWRENCE. _From the painting by Gilbert Stuart in the possession of the New Jersey Historical Society, Newark, N.J._] From his action it is evident that Lawrence clearly recognized that a green crew can be more quickly formed to efficiency at the battery than to that familiarity with the rigging and the sails, and that habit of working together about decks, on which manoeuvring power depends. He therefore chose an artillery duel, surrendering even the opportunity of raking permitted him by Broke, who awaited his approach without an attempt at molestation. How far was his expectation as to the results overstrained? The American crew lost double in proportion to their enemy; but it did not fail to inflict a very severe punishment, and it must be added under a very considerable disadvantage, which there has been a tendency recently to underestimate. The loss of the head sails, and all that followed, is part of the fortune of war; of that unforeseeable, which great leaders admit may derange even the surest calculations. It is not, therefore, to be complained of, but it is nevertheless to receive due account in the scales of praise and blame; for the man who will run no risks of accidents accomplishes nothing. In the preceding narrative, and in the following analysis, the account of the British naval writer James is in essentials adopted; chiefly because, of all historians having contemporary sources of information, he has been at most pains to insure precision.[137] As told by him, the engagement divides into three stages. First, the combat side to side; second, the period during which the "Chesapeake" lay in the wind being raked; third, the boarding and taking possession. To these James assigns, as times: for the first, six minutes; for the second, four; for the third, five; this last being again subdivisible into a space of two minutes, during which the "Chesapeake" was being lashed to her opponent, and the actual fighting on her decks, which Broke states did not exceed three. The brief and disorderly, though desperate, resistance to boarding proves that the "Chesapeake" was already beaten by the cannonade, which lasted, as above, ten minutes. During only six of these, accepting James' times, was she on equal gunnery terms. During four tenths--nearly one half--of the gunnery contest she was at a great disadvantage. The necessity of manoeuvring, which Lawrence tried to avoid, was forced upon him; and the ship's company, or her circumstances, proved unequal to meeting it. Nevertheless, though little more than half the time on equal terms of position with her opponent, half her own loss was inflicted upon him. How great her subsequent disadvantage is best stated in the words of James, whom no one will accuse of making points in favor of Americans. "At 5.56, having had her jib-sheet and foretopsail tie shot away, and her helm, probably from the death of the men stationed at it, being at the moment unattended to, the 'Chesapeake' came so sharp to the wind as completely to deaden her way." How extreme this deviation from her course is shown by the impression made on Broke. "As the manoeuvres of the 'Chesapeake' indicated an intention to haul away, Captain Broke ordered the helm to be put a-lee, as the 'Shannon' had fallen off a little." The "Chesapeake's" way being deadened, "the ship lay with her stern and quarter exposed to her opponent's broadside. The shot from the 'Shannon's' aftermost guns now took a diagonal direction _along_[138] the decks of the 'Chesapeake,' beating in her stern ports, and sweeping the men from their quarters. The shot from the 'Shannon's' foremost guns, at the same time, entering the 'Chesapeake's' ports from the mainmast aft, did considerable execution." This describes a semi-raking fire, which lasted four minutes, from 5.56 to 6 P.M., when the ships came together. The manner of collision and the injuries received bear out the above account. The quarter of the "Chesapeake" came against the side of the "Shannon," the angle at the moment, as represented in James' diagram, being such as to make it impossible that any of the "Chesapeake's" guns, save one or two of the after ones, could then bear; and as she was already paying off, they had been in worse position before. "She was severely battered in the hull, on the larboard quarter particularly; and several shot entered the stern windows.... Her three lower masts were badly wounded, the main and mizzen especially. The bowsprit received no injury." All these details show that the sum total of the "Shannon's" fire was directed most effectively upon the after part of the ship, in the manner described by James; and coupled with the fact that the British first broadside, always reckoned the most deadly, would naturally take effect chiefly on the fore part of the "Chesapeake," as she advanced from the "Shannon's" stern to her bow,[139] we are justified in the inference that the worst of her loss was suffered after accident had taken her movements out of Lawrence's instant control. Under these circumstances it may be claimed for him that the artillery duel, to which he sought to confine the battle, was not so entirely a desperate chance as has been inferred. It may therefore be said that, having resolved upon a risk which cannot be justified at the bar of dispassionate professional judgment, Captain Lawrence did not commit the further unpardonable error of not maturely weighing and judiciously choosing his course. That the crew was not organized and exercised at the guns, as far as his time and opportunity permitted, is disproved by incidental mention in the courts martial that followed, as well as by the execution done. Within ten minutes at the utmost, within six of equal terms, the "Chesapeake," an 18-pounder frigate, killed and wounded of the "Shannon's" ship's company as many as the "Constitution" with her 24's did of the "Guerrière's" in over twenty;[140] and the "Constitution" not only was a much heavier ship than her opponent, but had been six weeks almost continuously at sea. When her crew had been together four months longer, the loss inflicted by her upon the "Java," in a contest spread over two hours, did not greatly exceed in proportion that suffered by the "Shannon"; and the circumstances of that engagement, being largely manoeuvring, justified Lawrence's decision, under his circumstances, to have none of it. His reliance upon the marksmanship of his men is further vindicated by Broke's report that neither vessel suffered much aloft. The American and best British tradition of firing low was sustained by both ships. Finally, although the organization of the "Chesapeake" was not matured sufficiently to hold the people together, without leaders, after a tremendous punishment by the enemy's battery, and in the face of well-trained and rapidly supported boarders, it had so far progressed in cohesion that they did not flinch from their guns through a severe raking fire. What further shows this is that the boatswain of the "Shannon," lashing the ships together in preparation for boarding, was mortally wounded, not by musketry only but by sabre. When thus attacked he doubtless was supported by a body of fighters as well as a gang of workers. In fact, Broke was himself close by. Under thus much of preparation, certainly not sufficient, Lawrence chose for action a smooth sea, a royal breeze, an artillery duel, and a close range. "No manoeuvring, but downright fighting," as Nelson said of his most critical battle; critical, just because his opponents, though raw tyros compared to his own crews, had nothing to do but to work their guns. The American captain took the most promising method open to him for achieving success, and carried into the fight a ship's company which was not so untrained but that, had some luck favored him, instead of going the other way, there was a fighting chance of victory. More cannot be claimed for him. He had no right, under the conditions, voluntarily to seek the odds against him, established by Broke's seven years of faithful and skilful command. Except in material force, the "Chesapeake" was a ship much inferior to the "Shannon," as a regiment newly enlisted is to one that has seen service; and the moment things went seriously wrong she could not retrieve herself. This her captain must have known; and to the accusation of his country and his service that he brought upon them a mortification which endures to this day, the only reply is that he died "sword in hand." This covers the error of the dead, but cannot justify the example to the living. As is customary in such cases, a Court of Inquiry was ordered to investigate the defeat of the "Chesapeake," and sat from February 2 to February 8, 1814. Little can be gleaned from the evidence concerning the manoeuvring of the ship; the only two commissioned officers surviving, having been stationed on the gun deck, could not see what passed above. Incidental statements by midshipmen examined confirm substantially the account above given. One mentions the particular that, when the head sheets were shot away, "the bow of the 'Shannon' was abreast of the 'Chesapeake's' midships, and she came into the wind;" he adds that the mizzen-topsail was a-back, as well as the main. This is the only important contribution to the determination of the relative positions and handling of the vessels. As far as it goes, it confirms a general impression that Lawrence's eagerness prevented his making due allowance for the way of the "Chesapeake," causing him to overshoot his aim; an error of judgment, which the accidents to the headsails converted into irretrievable disaster. The general testimony agrees that the crew, though dissatisfied at non-receipt of pay and prize money, behaved well until the moment of boarding. Four witnesses, all officers, stated as of their own observation that the "Shannon" received several shot between wind and water, and used her pumps continuously on the way to Halifax. Budd, the second lieutenant, "was informed by an officer of the 'Shannon' that she was in a sinking condition." "The 'Chesapeake' was not injured below her quarters, except by one or two shot." "The 'Chesapeake' made no water; but the 'Shannon' had hands at the pumps continually." A good deal of pumping in a ship seven years in commission did not necessarily indicate injuries in action; Midshipman Curtis, however, who was transferred to the "Shannon," testified that "the British officers were encouraging the men by cheering to work at the pumps," which looks more serious. The purser of the "Chesapeake" swore that she had shot plugs at the water-line, and that "her sailing master said she had three shot holes below." The repetition of remarks made by the "Shannon's" officers is of course only hearsay testimony; but as regards the shots below the water-line,--as distinguished from the general body of the ship,--this on the one hand shows that the "Shannon" had her share of bad luck, for in the smoke of the battle this result is not attributable to nice precision of aiming. On the other hand it strongly re-enforces the proof of the excellent marksmanship of the American frigate, deducible from the killed and wounded of her opponent, and it confirms the inference that her own disproportionate loss was at least partly due to the raking fire and her simultaneous disability to reply. Upon the whole, the conclusion to the writer is clear that, while Lawrence should not have courted action, the condition of the "Chesapeake" as a fighting ship was far better than has commonly been supposed. It may be added that an irresponsible contemporary statement, that his "orders were peremptory," is disproved by the Department's letter, which forms part of the Court's record. He was to "proceed to sea as soon as weather, and the force and position of the enemy, will admit." Even a successful action must be expected to compel return to port, preventing his proceeding; and there is an obvious difference between fighting an enemy when met, and going out especially to fight him. The orders were discretional. Whether, by paying attention to favoring conditions, Captain Lawrence could have repeated the success of Commodore Rodgers in gaining the sea a month before, must remain uncertain. The "Constitution," under Captain Stewart, a seaman of very excellent reputation, was unable to do so, until the winter gales made it impossible for the blockaders to maintain an uninterrupted watch off Boston. The sailing of the "President" and "Congress" was the last successful effort for many months; and the capture of the "Chesapeake" was the first of several incidents illustrating how complete was the iron-barring of the coast, against all but small vessels. Commodore Decatur, having found it impossible to get out from New York by the Sandy Hook route, undertook that by Long Island Sound. Passing through Hell Gate, May 24, with his little squadron,--the "United States," the "Macedonian," her late prize, and the sloop of war "Hornet,"--he was on the 26th off Fisher's Island, abreast of New London. Here he remained until June 1, obtaining various information concerning the enemy, but only certain that there was at least a ship of the line and a frigate in the neighborhood. On the last named day, that of the fight between the "Chesapeake" and the "Shannon," the wind serving, and the two enemy's vessels being far to the southwest of Montauk Point, at the east end of Long Island, the squadron put to sea together; but on approaching Block Island, which was close to their course, two more enemy's cruisers loomed up to the eastward. The hostile groups manoeuvred severally to get between the Americans and their ports of refuge, New London in the one quarter, Newport in the other. In plain sight of this overwhelming force Decatur feared the results of trying to slip out to sea, and therefore beat back to New London.[141] The enemy followed, and, having now this division securely housed, instituted a close blockade. It was apprehended even that they might endeavor to take it by main force, the defences of the place being weak; but, as is commonly the case, the dangers of an attack upon land batteries were sufficient to deter the ships from an attempt, the object of which could be attained with equal certainty by means less hazardous, if less immediate. The upshot was that the two frigates remained there blockaded to the end of the war; dependent for their safety, in Decatur's opinion, rather upon the difficulty of the channel than upon the strength of the fortifications. "Fort Trumbull, the only work here mounted or garrisoned, was in the most unprepared state, and only one or two cannon were to be had in the neighborhood for any temporary work which should be erected. I immediately directed all my exertions to strengthening the defences. Groton Heights has been hastily prepared for the reception of a few large guns, and they will be mounted immediately.... I think the place might be made impregnable; but the hostile force on our coast is so great that, were the enemy to exert a large portion of his means in an attack here, I do not feel certain he could be resisted successfully with the present defences."[142] On December 6 he reported that the squadron was moored across the channel and under Groton Heights, which had been fortified; while in the mouth of the harbor, three gunshots distant, was anchored a British division, consisting of one ship of the line, a frigate, and two smaller vessels. Two other ships of the line and several frigates were cruising in the open, between the east end of Long Island and Gay Head. This state of affairs lasted throughout the winter, during which the ships were kept in a state of expectancy, awaiting a possible opportunity; but, when the return of spring found the hope unfulfilled, it was plainly idle to look to the summer to afford what winter had denied. The frigates were lightened over a three-fathom bar, and thence, in April, 1814, removed up the Thames fourteen miles, as far as the depth of water would permit. Being there wholly out of reach of the enemy's heavy vessels, they were dismantled, and left to the protection of the shore batteries and the "Hornet," retained for that purpose. Decatur was transferred to the "President," then at New York, taking with him his ship's company; while the crew of the "Macedonian" was sent to the lakes. The enemy's vessels then off New London were three seventy-fours, four frigates, and three sloops. This accumulation of force, to watch Decatur's two frigates and the "President," which during October and November was lying at Bristol, Rhode Island, testified to the anxiety of the British Government to restrain or capture the larger American cruisers. Their individual power was such that it was unwilling to expose to attack by them the vessels, nominally of the same class, but actually much inferior, which were ranging all seas to protect British commerce. That this should suffer, and in some considerable degree, from the operations of well-developed privateering enterprise, pursued by a maritime people debarred from every other form of maritime activity, was to be expected, and must be endured; but the frigates carried with them the further menace, not indeed of serious injury to the colossal naval power of Great Britain, but of mortification for defeats, which, however reasonably to be accounted for by preponderance of force, are not patiently accepted by a nation accustomed to regard itself as invincible. There are few things more wearing than explaining adverse results; and the moral effect of so satisfactory a reply as the victory of the "Shannon" might well have weighed with an American captain, not to risk prestige already gained, by seeking action when conscious of deficient preparation. The clamor aroused in Great Britain by the three rapidly succeeding captures of the "Guerrière," "Macedonian," and "Java," was ample justification of the American policy of securing superior force in single cruisers, throughout their several classes; a policy entirely consistent with all sound military principle. It should be remembered, however, that a cruiser is intended generally to act singly, and depends upon herself alone for that preponderance of strength which military effort usually seeks by concentration of numbers. The advantage of great individual power, therefore, does not apply so unqualifiedly to the components of fleets, the superiority of which depends upon the mutual support of its members, by efficient combination of movement, as well as upon their separate power. Both the Government and people of Great Britain expected with some confidence, from the large fleet placed under Sir John Warren, the utter destruction of the frigates and of the American navy generally. "We were in hopes, ere this," said a naval periodical in June, 1813, "to have announced the capture of the American navy; and, as our commander-in-chief on that station has sufficient force to effect so desirable an object, we trust, before another month elapses, to lay before our readers what we conceive ought long since to have happened."[143] The words of the Admiralty were more measured, as responsible utterances are prone to be; but their tenor was the same. Expressing to Warren disappointment with the results so far obtained, they added: "It is of the highest importance to the _character_ and interests of the country that the naval force of the enemy should be quickly and completely disposed of. Their Lordships therefore have thought themselves justified at this moment in withdrawing ships from other important services, for the purpose of placing under your command a force with which you cannot fail to bring the naval war to a termination, either by the capture of the American national vessels, or by strictly blockading them in their own waters."[144] This expectancy doubtless weighed with Broke; and probably also prompted a challenge sent to Decatur's squadron to meet two British frigates, under pledge of fair play, and of safe return if victorious. In the latter case they at least would be badly injured; so in either event the blockaders would be relieved of much of their burden. The presence of several American frigates, blockaded close to the point where Narragansett Bay and Long Island Sound meet, constituted a great inconvenience to all that region, by attracting thither so many enemy's cruisers. To a coasting trade--then so singularly important--projecting headlands, or capes, are the places of greatest exposure; in this resembling the danger entailed by salients in all military lines, in fortification or in the field. Traffic between New England and New York, general and local, had derived a further impetus from the fact that Newport, not being included in the commercial blockade, could still receive external supplies by neutral vessels. Intercourse depended largely on these waters; and it was to them a grave misfortune that there were no United States frigates left in New York to divert the enemy's attention. The vexations entailed were forcibly presented by the Governor of Connecticut.[145] "The British force stationed in our waters having occasioned great inquietude along the whole of our maritime frontier, every precaution consistent with due regard to the general safety has been adopted for its protection.... In our present state of preparedness, it is believed a descent upon our coast will not be attempted; a well-grounded hope is entertained that it will be attended with little success. Unfortunately, we have not the means of rendering our navigation equally secure. Serious depredations have been committed even in our harbors, and to such an extent that the usual communication through the Sound is almost wholly interrupted. Thus, while anxiously engaged in protecting our public ships [Decatur's], we are doomed to witness the unrestrained capture of our private vessels, and the consequent suspension of commercial pursuits." As "the disapprobation of the war by the people of Connecticut had been publicly declared through the proper organs shortly after hostilities commenced,"[146] it may be supposed the conditions described, accompanied by continual alarms withdrawing the militiaman from his shop or his harvest, to repel petty invasion, did not tend to conciliate opinion. An officer of the Connecticut militia wrote in December, "Our engagements with the enemy have become so frequent that it would be in vain to attempt a particular statement of each."[147] Similar conditions prevailed along the entire seaboard, from Maine to Georgia; being of course greatest where inland navigation with wide entrances, like Long Island Sound, had given particular development to the coasting trade, and at the same time afforded to pursuers particular immunity from ordinary dangers of the sea. Incidental confirmation of the closeness of the hostile pressure is afforded by Bainbridge's report of the brig "Siren's" arrival at Boston, June 11, 1813, from New Orleans. "Although at sea between thirty and forty days, and great time along our blockaded coast, she did not see one enemy's cruiser."[148] The cause is evident. The Chesapeake and Delaware were blockaded from within. Ships watching New York and Long Island Sound would be far inside the course of one destined to Boston from the southward. From Hatteras to the Florida line the enemy's vessels, mostly of small class, kept in summer well inside the line from cape to cape, harassing even the water traffic behind the sea-islands; while at Boston, her port of arrival, the "Siren" was favored by Broke's procedure. In his eagerness to secure action with the "Chesapeake," he had detached his consort, the "Tenedos," with orders not to rejoin until June 14. Under cover of her absence, and the "Shannon's" return to Halifax with her prize, the "Siren" slipped into a harbor wholly relieved of the enemy's presence. With such conditions, a voyage along the coast could well be outside the British line of cruising. Owing to the difficulty of the New York entrance, except with good pilotage, and to the absence thence of ships of war after Decatur's departure, that port ceased to present any features of naval activity; except as connected with the lake squadrons, which depended upon it for supplies of all kinds. The blockade of the Sound affected its domestic trade; and after May its external commerce shared the inconveniences of the commercial blockade, then applied to it, and made at least technically effective. What this pressure in the end became is shown by a casual mention a year later, under the heading "progress of luxury. A private stock of wine brought the average 'extraordinary' price of twenty-five dollars the gallon; while at the same period one auction lot of prize goods, comprising three decanters and twelve tumblers, sold for one hundred and twelve dollars."[149] The arrival in August, 1813, of a vessel in distress, which, like the "Siren," had passed along the whole Southern coast without seeing a hostile cruiser, would seem to show some lapse of watchfulness; but, although there were the occasional evasions which attend all blockades, the general fact of neutrals turned away was established. A flotilla of a dozen gunboats was kept in commission in the bay, but under an officer not of the regular navy. As might readily have been foreseen from conditions, and from experience elsewhere, the national gunboat experiment had abundantly shown that vessels of that class were not only excessively costly in expenditure, and lamentably inefficient in results, as compared with seagoing cruisers, but were also deleterious to the professional character of officers and seamen. Two years before the war Captain Campbell, then in command both at Charleston and Savannah, had commented on the unofficer-like neglect noticeable in the gunboats, and Gordon now reported the same effect upon the crew of the "Constellation," while thus detached for harbor defence.[150] The Secretary of the Navy, affirming the general observation, remarked that officers having knowledge of their business were averse to gunboat duty, while those who had it yet to acquire were unwilling, because there it could not be learned. "It is a service in which those who are to form the officers for the ships of war ought not to be employed."[151] He therefore had recommended the commissioning of volunteer officers for this work. This local New York harbor guard at times convoyed coasters in the Sound, and at times interfered, both in that quarter and off Sandy Hook, to prevent small cruisers or boats of the enemy from effecting seizures of vessels, close in shore or run on the beach. Such military action possesses a certain minor value, diminishing in some measure the grand total of loss; but it is not capable of modifying seriously the broad results of a strong commercial blockade. The Delaware and the Chesapeake--the latter particularly--became the principal scenes of active operations by the British navy. Here in the early part of the summer there seems to have been a formed determination on the part of Sir John Warren to satisfy his Government and people by evidence of military exertion in various quarters. Rear Admiral George Cockburn, an officer of distinction and energy, had been ordered at the end of 1812 from the Cadiz station, with four ships of the line and several smaller cruisers, to re-enforce Warren. This strong detachment, a token at once of the relaxing demand upon the British navy in Europe, and of the increasing purpose of the British Government towards the United States, joined the commander-in-chief at Bermuda, and accompanied him to the Chesapeake in March. Cockburn became second in command. Early in April the fleet began moving up the bay; an opening incident, already mentioned,[152] being the successful attack by its boats upon several letters-of-marque and privateers in the Rappahannock upon the 3d of the month. Some of the schooners there captured were converted into tenders, useful for penetrating the numerous waterways which intersected the country in every direction. The fleet, comprising several ships of the line, besides numerous smaller vessels, continued slowly upwards, taking time to land parties in many quarters, keeping the country in perpetual alarm. The multiplicity and diverseness of its operations, the particular object of which could at no moment be foreseen, made it impossible to combine resistance. The harassment was necessarily extreme, and the sustained suspense wearing; for, with reports continually arriving, now from one shore and now from the other, each neighborhood thought itself the next to be attacked. Defence depended wholly upon militia, hastily assembled, with whom local considerations are necessarily predominant. But while thus spreading consternation on either side, diverting attention from his main objective, the purpose of the British admiral was clear to his own mind. It was "to cut off the enemy's supplies, and destroy their foundries, stores, and public works, by penetrating the rivers at the head of the Chesapeake." [Illustration: OUTLINE MAP OF CHESAPEAKE BAY AND RIVERS] On April 16 an advanced division arrived off the mouth of the Patapsco, a dozen miles from Baltimore. There others successively joined, until the whole force was reported on the 22d to be three seventy-fours, with several frigates and smaller vessels, making a total of fifteen. The body of the fleet remained stationary, causing the city a strong anticipation of attack; an impression conducing to retain there troops which, under a reasonable reliance upon adequate fortifications, might have been transferred to the probable scene of operations, sufficiently indicated by its intrinsic importance. Warren now constituted a light squadron of two frigates, with a half-dozen smaller vessels, including some of those recently captured. These he placed in charge of Cockburn and despatched to the head of the bay. In addition to the usual crews there went about four hundred of the naval brigade, consisting of marines and seamen in nearly equal numbers. This, with a handful of army artillerists, was the entire force. With these Cockburn went first up the Elk River, where Washington thirty years before had taken shipping on his way to the siege of Yorktown. At Frenchtown, notwithstanding a six-gun battery lately erected, a landing was effected on April 29, and a quantity of flour and army equipments were destroyed, together with five bay schooners. Many cattle were likewise seized; Cockburn, in this and other instances, offering to pay in British government bills, provided no resistance was attempted in the neighborhood. From Frenchtown he went round to the Susquehanna, to obtain more cattle from an island, just below Havre de Grace; but being there confronted on May 2 by an American flag, hoisted over a battery at the town, he proceeded to attack the following day. A nominal resistance was made; but as the British loss, here and at Frenchtown, was one wounded on each occasion, no great cause for pride was left with the defenders. Holding the inhabitants responsible for the opposition in their neighborhood, he determined to punish the town. Some houses were burned. The guns of the battery were then embarked; and during this process Cockburn himself, with a small party, marched three or four miles north of the place to a cannon foundry, where he destroyed the guns and material found, together with the buildings and machinery. "Our small division," he reported to Warren, "has been during the whole of this day on shore, in the centre of the enemy's country, and on his high road between Baltimore and Philadelphia." The feat testified rather to the military imbecility of the United States Government during the last decade than to any signal valor or enterprise on the part of the invaders. Enough and to spare of both there doubtless was among them; for the expedition was of a kind continuously familiar to the British navy during the past twenty years, under far greater difficulty, in many parts of the world. Seeing the trifling force engaged, the mortification to Americans must be that no greater demand was made upon it for the display of its military virtues. Besides the destruction already mentioned, a division of boats went up the Susquehanna, destroyed five vessels and more flour; after which, "everything being completed to my utmost wishes, the division embarked and returned to the ships, after being twenty-two hours in constant exertion." From thence Cockburn went round to the Sassafras River, where a similar series of small injuries was inflicted, and two villages, Georgetown and Frederickstown, were destroyed, in consequence of local resistance offered, by which five British were wounded. Assurance coming from several quarters that no further armed opposition would be made, and as there was "now neither public property, vessels, nor warlike stores remaining in the neighborhood," the expedition returned down the bay, May 7, and regained the fleet.[153] The history of the Delaware and its waters during this period was very much the same as that of the Chesapeake; except that, the water system of the lower bay being less extensive and practicable, and the river above narrower, there was not the scope for general marauding, nor the facility for systematic destruction, which constituted the peculiar exposure of the Chesapeake and gave Cockburn his opportunity. Neither was there the same shelter from the sweep of the ocean, nor any naval establishment to draw attention. For these reasons, the Chesapeake naturally attracted much more active operations; and Virginia, which formed so large a part of its coast-line, was the home of the President. She was also the leading member of the group of states which, in the internal contests of American politics, was generally thought to represent hatred to Great Britain and attachment to France. In both bays the American Government maintained flotillas of gunboats and small schooners, together with--in the Delaware at least--a certain number of great rowing barges, or galleys; but, although creditable energy was displayed, it is impossible to detect that, even in waters which might be thought suited to their particular qualities, these small craft exerted any substantial influence upon the movements of the enemy. Their principal effect appears to have been to excite among the inhabitants a certain amount of unreasonable expectation, followed inevitably by similar unreasoning complaint. It is probable, however, that they to some extent restricted the movements of small foraging parties beyond the near range of their ships; and they served also the purpose of watching and reporting the dispositions of the British fleet. When it returned downwards from Cockburn's expedition, it was followed by a division of these schooners and gunboats, under Captain Charles Gordon of the navy, who remained cruising for nearly a month below the Potomac, constantly sighting the enemy, but without an opportunity offering for a blow to be struck under conditions favorable to either party. "The position taken by the enemy's ships," reported Gordon, "together with the constant protection given their small cruisers, particularly in the night, rendered any offensive operations on our part impracticable."[154] In the Delaware, a British corvette, running upon a shoal with a falling tide, was attacked in this situation by a division of ten gunboats which was at hand. Such conditions were unusually favorable to them, and, though a frigate was within plain sight, she could not get within range on account of the shoalness of water; yet the two hours' action which followed did no serious injury to the grounded ship. Meantime one of the gunboats drifted from its position, and was swept by the tide out of supporting distance from its fellows. The frigate and sloop then manned boats, seven in number, pulled towards her, and despite a plucky resistance carried her; their largely superior numbers easily climbing on board her low-lying deck. Although the record of gunboats in all parts of the world is mostly unfruitful, some surprise cannot but be felt at the immunity experienced by a vessel aground under such circumstances.[155] On May 13 Captain Stewart of the "Constellation" reported from Norfolk that the enemy's fleet had returned down the bay; fifteen sail being at anchor in a line stretching from Cape Henry to near Hampton Roads. Little had yet been done by the authorities to remedy the defenceless condition of the port, which he had deplored in his letter of March 17; and he apprehended a speedy attack either upon Hampton, on the north shore of the James River, important as commanding communications between Norfolk and the country above, or upon Craney Island, covering the entrance to the Elizabeth River, through the narrow channel of which the navy yard must be approached. There was a party now at work throwing up a battery on the island, on which five hundred troops were stationed, but he feared these preparations were begun too late. He had assigned seven gunboats to assist the defence. It was clear to his mind that, if Norfolk was their object, active operations would begin at one of these approaches, and not immediately about the place itself. Meanwhile, he would await developments, and postpone his departure to Boston, whither he had been ordered to command the "Constitution." Much to Stewart's surprise, considering the force of the enemy, which he, as a seaman, could estimate accurately and compare with what he knew to be the conditions confronting them, most of the British fleet soon after put to sea with the commander-in-chief, leaving Cockburn with one seventy-four and four frigates to hold the bay. This apparent abandonment, or at best concession of further time to Craney Island, aroused in him contempt as well as wonder. He had commented a month before on their extremely circumspect management; "they act cautiously, and never separate so far from one another that they cannot in the course of a few hours give to each other support, by dropping down or running up, as the wind or tide serve."[156] Such precaution, however, was not out of place when confronted with the presence of gunboats capable of utilizing calms and local conditions. To avoid exposure to useless injury is not to pass the bounds of military prudence. It was another matter to have brought so large a force, and to depart with no greater results than those of Frenchtown and Havre de Grace. "They do not appear disposed to put anything to risk, or to make an attack where they are likely to meet with opposition. Their conduct while in these waters has been highly disgraceful to their arms, and evinces the respect and dread they have for their opponents."[157] He added a circumstance which throws further light upon the well-known discontent of the British crews and their deterioration in quality, under a prolonged war and the confinement attending the impressment system. "Their loss in prisoners and deserters has been very considerable; the latter are coming up to Norfolk almost daily, and their naked bodies are frequently fished up on the bay shore, where they must have been drowned in attempting to swim. They all give the same account of the dissatisfaction of their crews, and their detestation of the service they are engaged in."[158] Deserters, however, usually have tales acceptable to those to whom they come. Whether Warren was judicious in postponing attack may be doubted, but he had not lost sight of the Admiralty's hint about American frigates. There were just two in the waters of the Chesapeake; the "Constellation," 36, at Norfolk, and the "Adams," 24, Captain Charles Morris, in the Potomac. The British admiral had been notified that a division of troops would be sent to Bermuda, to be under his command for operations on shore, and he was now gone to fetch them. Early in June he returned, bringing these soldiers, two thousand six hundred and fifty in number.[159] From his Gazette letters he evidently had in view the capture of Norfolk with the "Constellation"; for when he designates Hampton and Craney Island as points of attack, it is because of their relations to Norfolk.[160] This justified the forecast of Stewart, who had now departed; the command of the "Constellation" devolving soon after upon Captain Gordon. In connection with the military detachment intrusted to Warren, the Admiralty, while declining to give particular directions as to its employment, wrote him: "Against a maritime country like America, the chief towns and establishments of which are situated upon navigable rivers, a force of the kind under your orders must necessarily be peculiarly formidable.... In the choice of objects of attack, it will naturally occur to you that on every account any attempt which should have the effect of crippling the enemy's naval force should have a preference."[161] Except for the accidental presence of Decatur's frigates in New London, as yet scarcely known to the British commander-in-chief, Norfolk, more than any other place, met this prescription of his Government. His next movements, therefore, may be considered as resulting directly from his instructions. The first occurrence was a somewhat prolonged engagement between a division of fifteen gunboats and the frigate "Junon," which, having been sent to destroy vessels at the mouth of the James River, was caught becalmed and alone in the upper part of Hampton Roads; no other British vessel being nearer than three miles. The cannonade continued for three quarters of an hour, when a breeze springing up brought two of her consorts to the "Junon's" aid. The gunboats, incapable of close action with a single frigate in a working breeze, necessarily now retreated. They had suffered but slightly, one killed and two wounded; but retired with the confidence, always found in the accounts of such affairs, that they had inflicted great damage upon the enemy. The commander of a United States revenue cutter, lately captured, who was on board the frigate at the time, brought back word subsequently that she had lost one man killed and two or three wounded.[162] The British official reports do not allude to the affair. As regards positive results, however, it may be affirmed with considerable assurance that the military value of gunboats in their day, as a measure of coast defence, was not what they effected, but the caution imposed upon the enemy by the apprehension of what they might effect, did this or that combination of circumstances occur. That the circumstances actually almost never arose detracted little from this moral influence. The making to one's self a picture of possible consequences is a powerful factor in most military operations; and the gunboat is not without its representative to-day in the sphere of imaginative warfare. The "Junon" business was a casual episode. Warren was already preparing for his attack on Craney Island. This little strip of ground, a half-mile long by two hundred yards across, lies within easy gunshot to the west of the Elizabeth River, a narrow channel-way, three hundred yards from edge to edge, which from Hampton Roads leads due south, through extensive flats, to Norfolk and Portsmouth. The navy yard is four miles above the island, on the west side of the river, the banks of which there have risen above the water. Up to and beyond Craney Island the river-bed proper, though fairly clear, is submerged and hidden amid the surrounding expanse of shoal water. Good pilotage, therefore, is necessary, and incidental thereto the reduction beforehand of an enemy's positions commanding the approach. Of these Craney Island was the first. From it the flats which constitute the under-water banks of the Elizabeth extend north towards Hampton Roads, for a distance of two miles, and are not traversable by vessels powerful enough to act against batteries. For nearly half a mile the depth is less than four feet, while the sand immediately round the island was bare when the tide was out.[163] Attack here was possible only by boats armed with light cannon and carrying troops. On the west the island was separated from the mainland by a narrow strip of water, fordable by infantry at low tide. It was therefore determined to make a double assault,--one on the north, by fifteen boats, carrying, besides their crews, five hundred soldiers; the other on the west, by a division eight hundred strong,[164] to be landed four miles away, at the mouth of the Nansemond River. The garrison of the island numbered five hundred and eighty, and one hundred and fifty seamen were landed from the "Constellation" to man one of the principal batteries. The British plan labored under the difficulty that opposite conditions of tide were desirable for the two parties which were to act in concert. The front attack demanded high water, in order that under the impulse of the oars the boats might get as near as possible before they took the ground, whence the advance to the assault must be by wading. The flanking movement required low water, to facilitate passing the ford. Between the two, the hour was fixed for an ebbing tide, probably to allow for delays, and to assure the arrival of the infantry so as to profit by the least depth. At 11 A.M. of June 22 the boat division arrived off the northwest point of the island, opposite the battery manned by the seamen, in that day notoriously among the best of artillerists. A difference of opinion as to the propriety of advancing at all here showed itself among the senior naval officers; for there will always be among seamen a dislike to operating over unknown ground with a falling tide. The captain in command, however, overruled hesitations; doubtless feeling that in a combined movement the particular interest of one division must yield to the requirements of mutual support. A spirited forward dash was therefore made; but the guiding boat, sixty yards ahead of the others, grounded a hundred yards from the battery. One or two others, disregarding her signal, shared her mishap; and two were sunk by the American fire. Under these circumstances a seaman, sounding with a boat hook, declared that he found along side three or four feet of slimy mud. This was considered decisive, and the attack was abandoned. The shore division had already retreated, having encountered obstacles, the precise character of which is not stated. Warren's report simply said, "In consequence of the representation of the officer commanding the troops, of the difficulty of their passing over from the land, I considered that the persevering in the attempt would cost more men than the number with us would permit, as the other forts must have been stormed before the frigate and dockyard could be destroyed." The enterprise was therefore abandoned at the threshold, because of probable ulterior difficulties, the degree of which it would require to-day unprofitable labor even to conjecture; but reduced as the affair in its upshot was to an abortive demonstration, followed by no serious effort, it probably was not reckoned at home to have fulfilled the Admiralty's injunctions, that the character as well as the interest of the country required certain results. The loss was trifling,--three killed, sixteen wounded, sixty-two missing.[165] Having relinquished his purpose against Craney Island, and with it, apparently, all serious thought of the navy yard and the "Constellation", Warren next turned his attention to Hampton. On the early morning of June 26 two thousand troops were landed to take possession of the place, which they did with slight resistance. Three stand of colors were captured and seven field guns, with their equipment and ammunition. The defences of the town were destroyed; but as no further use was made of the advantage gained, the affair amounted to nothing more than an illustration on a larger scale of the guerilla depredation carried on on all sides of the Chesapeake. With it ended Warren's attempts against Norfolk. His force may have been really inadequate to more; certainly it was far smaller than was despatched to the same quarter the following year; but the Admiralty probably was satisfied by this time that he had not the enterprise necessary for his position, and a successor was appointed during the following winter. For two months longer the British fleet as a whole remained in the bay, engaged in desultory operations, which had at least the effect of greatly increasing their local knowledge, and in so far facilitating the more serious undertakings of the next season. The Chesapeake was not so much blockaded as occupied. On June 29 Captain Cassin of the navy yard reported that six sail of the line, with four frigates, were at the mouth of the Elizabeth, and that the day before a squadron of thirteen--frigates, brigs, and schooners--had gone ten miles up the James, causing the inhabitants of Smithfield and the surroundings to fly from their homes, terrified by the transactions at Hampton. The lighter vessels continued some distance farther towards Richmond. A renewal of the attack was naturally expected; but on July 11 the fleet quitted Hampton Roads, and again ascended the Chesapeake, leaving a division of ten sail in Lynnhaven Bay, under Cape Henry. Two days later the main body entered the Potomac, in which, as has before been mentioned, was the frigate "Adams"; but she lay above the Narrows, out of reach of such efforts as Warren was willing to risk. He went as high as Blakiston Island, twenty-five to thirty miles from the river's mouth, and from there Cockburn, with a couple of frigates and two smaller vessels, tried to get beyond the Kettle Bottom Shoals, an intricate bit of navigation ten miles higher up, but still below the Narrows.[166] Two of his detachment, however, took the ground; and the enterprise of approaching Washington by this route was for that time abandoned. A year afterwards it was accomplished by Captain Gordon, of the British Navy, who carried two frigates and a division of bomb vessels as far as Alexandria. Two United States gunboats, "The Scorpion" and "Asp", lying in Yeocomico River, a shallow tributary of the Potomac ten miles from the Chesapeake, were surprised there July 14 by the entrance of the enemy. Getting under way hastily, the "Scorpion" succeeded in reaching the main stream and retreating up it; but the "Asp", being a bad sailer, and the wind contrary, had to go back. She was pursued by boats; and although an attack by three was beaten off, she was subsequently carried when they were re-enforced to five. Her commander, Midshipman Sigourney, was killed, and of the twenty-one in her crew nine were either killed or wounded. The assailants were considerably superior in numbers, as they need to be in such undertakings. They lost eight. This was the second United States vessel thus captured in the Chesapeake this year; the revenue cutter "Surveyor" having been taken in York River, by the boats of the frigate "Narcissus", on the night of June 12. In the latter instance, the sword of the commander, who survived, was returned to him the next day by the captor, with a letter testifying "an admiration on the part of your opponents, such as I have seldom witnessed, for your gallant and desperate attempt to defend your vessel against more than double your numbers."[167] Trivial in themselves as these affairs were, it is satisfactory to notice that in both the honor of the flag was upheld with a spirit which is worth even more than victory. Sigourney had before received the commendation of Captain Morris, no mean judge of an officer's merits. The British fleet left the Potomac July 21, and went on up the bay, spreading alarm on every side. Morris, with a body of seamen and marines, was ordered from the "Adams" to Annapolis, the capital of Maryland, on the River Severn, to command the defences. These he reported, on August 13, to be in the "miserable condition" characteristic of all the national preparations to meet hostilities. With a view to entering, the enemy was sounding the bar, an operation which frequently must be carried on beyond protection by ships' guns; "but we have no floating force to molest them." The bulk of the fleet was above the Severn, as were both admirals, and Morris found their movements "contradictory, as usual."[168] As many as twenty sail had at one time been visible from the state-house dome in the city. On August 8, fifteen, three of which were seventy-fours, were counted from North Point, at the mouth of the Patapsco, on which Baltimore lies. Kent Island, on the eastern shore of the bay abreast Annapolis, was taken possession of, and occupied for some days. At the same period attacks were reported in other quarters on that side of the Chesapeake, as elsewhere in the extensive basin penetrated by its tributaries. The prosecution of these various enterprises was attended with the usual amount of scuffling encounter, which associates itself naturally with coastwise warfare of a guerilla character. The fortune of war inclined now to one side, now to the other, in the particular cases; but in the general there could be no doubt as to which party was getting the worst, undergoing besides almost all the suffering and quite all the harassment. This is the necessary penalty of the defensive, when inadequate. Throughout most of this summer of conflict there went on, singularly enough, a certain amount of trade by licensed vessels, neutral and American, which passed down Chesapeake Bay and went to sea. Doubtless the aggregate amount of traffic thus maintained was inconsiderable, as compared with normal conditions, but its allowance by either party to the war is noticeable,--by the British, because of the blockade declared by them; by the Americans, because of the evident inexpediency of permitting to depart vessels having full knowledge of conditions, and almost certain to be boarded by the enemy. Sailing from blockaded ports is of course promoted in most instances by the nation blockaded, for it is in support of trade; and with the sea close at hand, although there is risk, there is also chance of safe passage through a belt of danger, relatively narrow and entered at will. The case is quite different where a hazardous navigation of sixty to a hundred miles, increasing in intricacy at its further end, and lined throughout with enemy's cruisers, interposes before the sea is reached. The difficulty here is demonstrated by the fact that the "Adams," a ship by no means large or exceptionally fettered by navigational difficulties, under a young captain burning to exercise his first command in war, waited four months, even after the bulk of the enemy's fleet had gone, before she was able to get through; and finally did so only under such conditions of weather as caused her to miss her way and strike bottom. The motive of the British for collusion is clear. The Chesapeake was the heart of the wheat and flour production of the United States, and while some provision had been made for meeting the wants of the West Indies, and of the armies in Canada and Spain, by refraining from commercial blockade of Boston and other eastern ports, these necessary food supplies reached those places only after an expensive transport which materially increased their price; the more as they were carried by land to the point of exportation, it not suiting the British policy to connive at coasting trade even for that purpose. A neutral or licensed vessel, sailing from the Chesapeake with flour for a port friendly to the United States, could be seized under cover of the commercial blockade, which she was violating, sent to Halifax, and condemned for her technical offence. The cargo then was available for transport whither required, the whole transaction being covered by a veil of legality; but it is plain that the risks to a merchant, in attempting _bonâ fide_ to run a blockade like that of Chesapeake Bay, exceeded too far any probable gain to have been undertaken without some assurance of compensation, which did not appear on the surface. Taken in connection with intelligence obtained by this means, the British motive is apparent; but why did the United States administration tolerate procedures which betrayed its counsels, and directly helped to sustain the enemy's war? Something perhaps is due to executive weakness in a government constituted by popular vote; more, probably, at least during the period when immediate military danger did not threaten, to a wish to frustrate the particular advantage reaped by New England, through its exemption from the restrictions of the commercial blockade. When breadstuffs were pouring out of the country through the coast-line of a section which gloried in its opposition to the war,[169] and lost no opportunity to renew the declaration of its disapproval and its criticism of the Government, it was at least natural, perhaps even expedient, to wink at proceedings which transferred elsewhere some of the profits, and did not materially increase the advantage of the enemy. But circumstances became very different when a fleet appeared in the bay, the numbers and action of which showed a determination to carry hostile operations wherever conditions permitted. Then, betrayal of such conditions by passing vessels became an unbearable evil; and at the same time the Administration had forced upon its attention the unpleasant but notorious fact that, by the active complicity of many of its own citizens, not only the flour trade continued, but the wants of the blockading squadrons along the coast were being supplied. Neutrals, real or pretended, and coasting vessels, assuming a lawful destination, took on board cattle, fresh vegetables, and other stores acceptable to ships confined to salt provisions, and either went direct to enemy's ports or were captured by collusion. News was received of contracts made by the British admiral at Bermuda for fresh beef to be supplied from American ports, by American dealers, in American vessels; while Halifax teemed with similar transactions, without serious attempt at concealment. Such aid and comfort to an enemy is by no means unexampled in the history of war, particularly where one of the belligerents is shrewdly commercial; but it is scarcely too much to say that it attained unusual proportions at this time in the United States, and was countenanced by a public opinion which was more than tolerant, particularly in New England, where the attitude of the majority towards the Government approached hostility. As a manifestation of contemporary national character, of unwillingness to subordinate personal gain to public welfare, to loyalty to country, it was pitiable and shameful, particularly as it affected large communities; but its instructive significance at this time is the evidence it gives that forty years of confederation, nearly twenty-five being of the closer union under the present Constitution, had not yet welded the people into a whole, or created a consciousness truly national. The capacity for patriotism was there, and readiness to suffer for patriotic cause had been demonstrated by the War of Independence; but the mass of Americans had not yet risen sufficiently above local traditions and interests to discern clearly the noble ideal of national unity, and vagueness of apprehension resulted inevitably in lukewarmness of sentiment. This condition goes far to palliate actions which it cannot excuse; the reproach of helping the enemies of one's country is somewhat less when the nation itself has scarcely emerged to recognition, as it afterwards did under the inspiring watchword, "The Union." The necessity to control these conditions of clandestine intercourse found official expression in a message of the President to Congress, July 20, 1813,[170] recommending "an immediate and effectual prohibition of all exports" for a limited time; subject to removal by executive order, in case the commercial blockade were raised. A summary of the conditions above related was given, as a cause for action. The President's further comment revealed the continuity of thought and policy which dictated his recommendation, and connected the proposed measure with the old series of commercial restrictions, associated with his occupancy of the State Department under Jefferson's administration. "The system of the enemy, combining with the blockade of our ports special licenses to neutral vessels, and insidious discrimination between different ports of the United States, if not counteracted, will have the effect of diminishing very materially the pressure of the war on the enemy, and encourage perseverance in it, and at the same time will leave the general commerce of the United States under all the pressure the enemy can impose, thus subjecting the whole to British regulation, in subserviency to British monopoly." The House passed a bill meeting the President's suggestions, but it was rejected by the Senate on July 28. The Executive then fell back on its own war powers; and on July 29 the Secretary of the Navy, by direction of the President, issued a general order to all naval officers in command, calling attention to "the palpable and criminal intercourse held with the enemy's forces blockading and invading the waters of the United States." "This intercourse," he explicitly added, "is not only carried on by foreigners, under the specious garb of friendly flags, who convey provisions, water, and succors of all kinds (ostensibly destined for friendly ports, in the face, too, of a declared and rigorous blockade),[171] direct to the fleets and stations of the enemy, with constant intelligence of our naval and military force and preparation, ... but the same traffic, intercourse, and intelligence is carried on with great subtlety and treachery by profligate citizens, who, in vessels ostensibly navigating our own waters, from port to port [coasters], find means to convey succors or intelligence to the enemy, and elude the penalty of law."[172] Officers were therefore instructed to arrest all vessels, the movements or situation of which indicated an intention to effect any of the purposes indicated. A similar order was issued, August 5, by the War Department to army officers.[173] In accordance with his instructions, Captain Morris of the "Adams," on July 29 or 30, stopped the ship "Monsoon," from Alexandria. Her agent wrote a correspondent in Boston that, when the bill failed in the Senate, he had had no doubt of her being allowed to proceed, "but the Secretary and Mr. Madison have made a sort of embargo, or directed the stoppage of vessels."[174] He added that another brig was lying in the river ready loaded, but held by the same order. Morris's indorsement on the ship's papers shows the barefacedness of the transaction. "Whereas the within-mentioned ship 'Monsoon' is laden with flour, and _must_ pass within the control of the enemy's squadron now within, and blockading Chesapeake Bay, if she be allowed to proceed on her intended voyage, and as the enemy might derive from her such intelligence and succor as would be serviceable to themselves and injurious to the United States, I forbid her proceeding while the enemy shall be so disposed as to prevent a reasonable possibility of her getting to sea without falling into their possession."[175] At this writing the British had left the Potomac itself, and the most of them were above. A week later, at Charleston, a ship called the "Caroline" was visited by a United States naval officer, and found with a license from Cockburn to carry a cargo, free from molestation by British cruisers.[176] "With flour at Lisbon $13 per barrel, _no sale_, and at Halifax $20, _in demand_," queries a Baltimore paper of the day, "where would all the vessels that would in a few days have been off from Alexandria have gone, if the 'Monsoon' had not been stopped? They would have been _captured_ and sent to Halifax."[177] Morris's action was in accordance with the Secretary's order, and went no further than to stop a voyage which, in view of the existing proclaimed blockade, and of the great British force at hand, bore collusion on its face. The President's request for legislation, which Congress had denied, went much further. It was a recurrence, and the last, to the policy of commercial retaliation, fostered by himself and Jefferson in preference to armed resistance. By such measures in peace, and as far as commercial prosperity was concerned, they had opened the nation's veins without vindicating its self-respect. The military value of food supplies to the enemy in Canada and on the coast, however, could not be contested; and during the recess of Congress it received emphasis by a Canadian embargo upon the export of grain. Hence, at the next session the President's recommendation of July was given attention, and there was passed almost immediately--December 17, 1813,--a sweeping embargo law, applicable not only to external commerce but to coasters. As this ended the long series of commercial restrictions, so was it also of limited duration as compared with them, being withdrawn the following April. By the Act of December 17, as interpreted by the Treasury, foreign merchant vessels might depart with cargoes already laden, except provisions and military stores, which must be relanded; but nothing could be shipped that was not already on board when the Act was received. Coasters, even for accustomed voyages, could obtain clearances only by permission from the President; and the rules for such permission, given through the collectors, were extremely stringent. In no case were the vessels permitted to leave interior waters, proceeding from one sound or bay to another, and be "at sea" for even a short distance; nor were they to be permitted to carry any provisions, or supplies useful to an enemy, if there was the slightest chance of their falling into his power. It would appear that the orders of July 29 had been allowed to lapse after the great body of the British left the Chesapeake; for Morris, still in the Potomac, acknowledging the receipt of this Act on December 20, writes: "There are several vessels below us in the river with flour. I have issued orders to the gunboats to detain them, and as soon as the wind will permit, shall proceed with this ship, to give all possible effect to the Act." Six days afterwards, having gone down as he intended, he found the British anchored off the mouth of the stream, at a point where the bay is little more than five miles wide. "Two American brigs passed down before us, and I have every reason to believe threw themselves into the enemy's hands last Wednesday."[178] On September 6 the principal part of the British fleet quitted Chesapeake Bay for the season; leaving behind a ship of the line with some smaller vessels, to enforce the blockade. Viewed as a military campaign, to sustain the character as well as the interests of the country, its operations cannot be regarded as successful. With overwhelming numbers, and signally favored by the quiet inland waters with extensive ramifications which characterized the scene of war, the results, though on a more extensive scale, differed nothing in kind from the harassment inflicted all along the coast from Maine to Georgia, by the squadrons cruising outside. Ample demonstration was indeed afforded, there as elsewhere, of the steady, remorseless, far-reaching effect of a predominant sea power; and is confirmed explicitly by an incidental remark of the Russian minister at Washington writing to Warren, April 4, 1813, concerning an armistice, in connection with the abortive Russian proffer of mediation.[179] Even at this early period, "It would be almost impossible to establish an armistice, without raising the blockade, since the latter does them more harm than all the hostilities."[180] But in direct military execution the expedition had undoubtedly fallen far short of its opportunity, afforded by the wretchedly unprepared state of the region against which it had been sent. Whether the fault lay with the commander-in-chief, or with the Admiralty for insufficient means given him, is needless here to inquire. The squadron remaining through the winter perpetuated the isolation of Norfolk from the upper bay, and barred the "Constellation" and "Adams" from the sea. Ammunition and stores had to be brought by slow and unwieldly transportation from the Potomac across country, and it was not till January 18, 1814, that the "Adams" got away. Two attempts of the "Constellation" a month later were frustrated. The principal two British divisions, the action of which has so far been considered, the one blockading the Chesapeake, the other watching Decatur's squadron in New London, marked the extremities of what may be considered the central section of the enemy's coastwise operations upon the Atlantic. Although the commercial shipping of the United States belonged largely to New England, much the greater part of the exports came from the district thus closed to the world; and within it also, after the sailing of the "President" and "Congress" from Boston, and the capture of the "Chesapeake", lay in 1813 all the bigger vessels of the navy, save the "Constitution". In the conditions presented to the enemy, the sections of the coast-line south of Virginia, and north of Cape Cod, differed in some important respects from the central division, and from each other. There was in them no extensive estuary wide open to the sea, resembling Chesapeake and Delaware bays, and Long Island Sound, accessible to vessels of all sizes; features which naturally determined upon these points the chief effort of a maritime enemy, enabling him readily to paralyze the whole system of intercourse depending upon them, domestic as well as foreign. The southern waters abounded indeed in internal coastwise communications; not consecutive throughout, but continuous for long reaches along the shores of North and South Carolina and Georgia. These, however, were narrow, and not easily approached. Behind the sea islands, which inclose this navigation, small craft can make their voyages sheltered from the perils of the sea, and protected in great measure from attack other than by boats or very light cruisers; to which, moreover, some local knowledge was necessary, for crossing the bars, or threading the channels connecting sound with sound. Into these inside basins empty numerous navigable rivers, which promoted intercourse, and also furnished lines of retreat from danger coming from the sea. Coupled with these conditions was the fact that the United States had in these quarters no naval establishment, and no naval vessels of force. Defence was intrusted wholly to gunboats, with three or four armed schooners of somewhat larger tonnage. American offensive operation, confined here as elsewhere to commerce destroying, depended entirely on privateers. Into these ports, where there were no public facilities for repair, not even a national sloop of war entered until 1814 was well advanced. Prior to the war, one third of the domestic export of the United States had issued from this southern section; and in the harassed year 1813 this ratio increased. The aggregate for the whole country was reduced by one half from that of 1811, and amounted to little more than one fourth of the prosperous times preceding Jefferson's embargo of 1808, with its vexatious progeny of restrictive measures; but the proportion of the South increased. The same was observable in the Middle states, containing the great centres of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. There a ratio to the total, of a little under fifty per cent, rose to something above that figure. The relative diminution, corresponding to the increases just noted, fell upon New England, and is interesting because of what it indicates. Before the war the export of domestic produce from the eastern ports was twenty per cent of the national total; in 1813 it fell to ten per cent. When the domestic export is taken in conjunction with the re-exportation of foreign products, the loss of New England is still more striking. From twenty-five per cent of the whole national export, domestic and foreign, she now fell to ten per cent of the diminished total. When it is remembered that throughout 1813 the Eastern ports alone were open to neutral ships, no commercial blockade of them having yet been instituted, these results are the more noticeable. The general explanation is that the industries of the United States at that time divided into two principal classes,--agricultural and maritime; the former of which supplied the material for commerce, while the latter furnished transportation for whatever surplus of production remained for export. Manufactures sufficed only for home demands, being yet in a state of infancy; forced, in fact, upon an unwilling New England by the policy of commercial restriction which drove her ships off the sea. Domestic products for export therefore meant almost wholly the yield of the fields, the forests, and the fisheries. The latter belonged to New England, but they fell with the war. Her soil did not supply grain enough to feed her people; and her domestic exports, therefore, were reduced to shipments of wheat and flour conveyed to her by inland transportation from the more fertile, but blockaded, regions to the southward. Despite the great demand for provisions in Halifax and the St. Lawrence region, and the facility for egress by sea, through the absence of blockade, the slowness and cost of land carriage brought forward an insufficient supply, and laid a heavy charge upon the transaction; while the license system of the British, modifying this condition of things to their own advantage, by facilitating exports from the Chesapeake, certainly did operate, as the President's message said, to regulate American commerce in conformity with British interests. The re-exportation of foreign produce had once played a very large part in the foreign trade of New England. This item consisted chiefly in West India commodities; and although, owing to several causes, it fell off very much in the years between 1805 and 1811, it had remained still considerable. It was, however, particularly obnoxious to British interests, as then understood by British statesmen and people; and since it depended entirely upon American ships,--for it was not to the interest of a neutral to bring sugar and coffee to an American port merely to carry it away again,--it disappeared entirely when the outbreak of war rendered all American merchant vessels liable to capture. In fact, as far as the United States was concerned, although this re-exportation appeared among commercial returns, it was not an interest of commerce, accurately so called, but of navigation, of carrying trade. It had to do with ships, not with cargoes; its gain was that of the wagoner. Still, the loss by the idleness of the ships, due to the war, may be measured in terms of the cargoes. In 1805 New England re-exported foreign products to the amount of $15,621,484; in 1811, $5,944,121; in 1813, no more than $302,781. It remains to add that, as can be readily understood, all export, whether of foreign or domestic produce, was chiefly by neutrals, which were not liable to capture so long as there was no blockade proclaimed. From December 1 to 24, 1813, forty-four vessels cleared from Boston for abroad, of which five only were Americans.[181] Under the very reduced amount of their commercial movement, the tonnage of the Middle and Southern states was more than adequate to their local necessities; and they now had no need of the aid which in conditions of normal prosperity they received from the Eastern shipping. The latter, therefore, having lost its usual local occupation, and also the office it had filled towards the other sections of the Union, was either left idle or turned perforce to privateering. September 7, 1813, there were in Boston harbor ninety-one ships, two barks, one hundred and nine brigs, and forty-three schooners; total, two hundred and forty-five, besides coasters. The accumulation shows the lack of employment. December 15, two hundred square-rigged vessels were laid up in Boston alone.[182] Insurance on American vessels was stated to be fifty per cent.[183] Whether tonnage to any large amount was transferred to a neutral flag, as afterwards so much American shipping was during the Civil War, I have not ascertained. It was roundly intimated that neutral flags were used to cover the illicit intercourse with the enemy before mentioned; but whether by regular transfer or by fraudulent papers does not appear. An officer of the frigate "Congress," in her unprofitable voyage just mentioned, says that after parting with the "President," she fell in with a few licensed Americans and a great number of Spaniards and Portuguese.[184] The flags of these two nations, and of Sweden, certainly abounded to an abnormal extent, and did much of the traffic from America; but it seems unlikely that there was at that particular epoch any national commerce, other than British, at once large enough, and sufficiently deficient in shipping of its own, to absorb any great number of Americans. In truth, the commerce of the world had lost pretty much all its American component, because this, through a variety of causes, had come to consist chiefly of domestic agricultural products, which were thrown back upon the nation's hands, and required no carriers; the enemy having closed the gates against them, except so far as suited his own purposes. The disappearance of American merchant ships from the high seas corresponded to the void occasioned by the blockade of American staples of commerce. The only serious abatement from this generalization arises from the British system of licenses, permitting the egress of certain articles useful to themselves. The results from the conditions above analyzed are reflected in the returns of commerce, in the movements of American coasters, and in the consequent dispositions of the enemy. In the Treasury year ending September 30, 1813, the value of the total exports from the Eastern states was $3,049,022; from the Middle section, $17,513,930; from the South, $7,293,043. Virginia is here reckoned with the Middle, because her exports found their way out by the Chesapeake; and this appreciation is commercial and military in character, not political or social. While this was the state of foreign trade under war conditions, the effect of local circumstances upon coasting is also to be noticed. The Middle section, characterized by the great estuaries, and by the description of its products,--grain primarily, and secondly tobacco,--was relatively self-sufficing and compact. Its growth of food, as has been seen, was far in excess of its wants, and the distance by land between the extreme centres of distribution, from tide-water to tide-water, was comparatively short. From New York to Baltimore by road is but four fifths as far as from New York to Boston; and at New York and Baltimore, as at Boston, water communication was again reached for the great lines of distribution from either centre. In fact, traffic from New York southward needed to go no farther than Elk River, forty miles short of Baltimore, to be in touch with the whole Chesapeake system. Philadelphia lies half-way between New York and Baltimore, approximately a hundred miles from each. The extremes of the Middle section of the country were thus comparatively independent of coastwise traffic for mutual intercourse, and the character of their coasts co-operated to reduce the disposition to employ coasters in war. From the Chesapeake to Sandy Hook the shore-line sweeps out to sea, is safely approachable by hostile navigators, and has for refuge no harbors of consequence, except the Delaware. The local needs of the little communities along the beaches might foster a creeping stream of very small craft, for local supply; but as a highway, for intercourse on a large scale, the sea here was too exposed for use, when taken in connection with the facility for transport by land, which was not only short but with comparatively good roads. In war, as in other troublous times, prices are subject to complicated causes of fluctuation, not always separable. Two great staples, flour and sugar, however, may be taken to indicate with some certainty the effects of impeded water transport. From a table of prices current, of August, 1813, it appears that at Baltimore, in the centre of the wheat export, flour was $6.00 per barrel; in Philadelphia, $7.50; in New York, $8.50; in Boston, $11.87. At Richmond, equally well placed with Baltimore as regarded supplies, but with inferior communications for disposing of its surplus, the price was $4.00. Removing from the grain centre in the other direction, flour at Charleston is reported at $8.00--about the same as New York; at Wilmington, North Carolina, $10.25. Not impossibly, river transportation had in these last some cheapening effect, not readily ascertainable now. In sugar, the scale is seen to ascend in an inverse direction. At Boston, unblockaded, it is quoted at $18.75 the hundredweight, itself not a low rate; at New York, blockaded, $21.50; at Philadelphia, with a longer journey, $22.50; at Baltimore, $26.50; at Savannah, $20. In the last named place, nearness to the Florida line, with the inland navigation, favored smuggling and safe transportation. The price at New Orleans, a sugar-producing district, $9.00, affords a standard by which to measure the cost of carriage at that time. Flour in the same city, on February 1, 1813, was $25 the barrel. In both articles the jump between Boston and New York suggests forcibly the harassment of the coasting trade. It manifests either diminution of supply, or the effect of more expensive conveyance by land; possibly both. The case of the southern seaboard cities was similar to that of Boston; for it will not be overlooked that, as the more important food products came from the middle of the country, they would be equally available for each extreme. The South was the more remote, but this was compensated in some degree by better internal water communications; and its demand also was less, for the white population was smaller and less wealthy than that of New England. The local product, rice, also went far to supply deficiencies in other grains. In the matter of manufactured goods, however, the disadvantage of the South was greater. These had to find their way there from the farther extreme of the land; for the development of manufactures had been much the most marked in the east. It has before been quoted that some wagons loaded with dry goods were forty-six days in accomplishing the journey from Philadelphia to Georgetown, South Carolina, in May of this year. Some relief in these articles reached the South by smuggling across the Florida line, and the Spanish waters opposite St. Mary's were at this time thronged with merchant shipping to an unprecedented extent; for although smuggling was continual, in peace as in war, across a river frontier of a hundred miles, the stringent demand consequent upon the interruption of coastwise traffic provoked an increased supply. "The trade to Amelia,"--the northernmost of the Spanish sea-islands,--reported the United States naval officer at St. Mary's towards the end of the war, "is immense. Upwards of fifty square-rigged vessels are now in that port under Swedish, Russian, and Spanish colors, two thirds of which are considered British property."[185] It was the old story of the Continental and License systems of the Napoleonic struggle, re-enacted in America; and, as always, the inhabitants on both sides the line co-operated heartily in beating the law. The two great food staples chosen sufficiently indicate general conditions as regards communications from centre to centre. Upon this supervened the more extensive and intricate problem of distribution from the centres. This more especially imparted to the Eastern and Southern coasts the particular characteristics of coasting trade and coast warfare, in which they differ from the Middle states. These form the burden of the letters from the naval captains commanding the stations at Charleston, Savannah, and Portsmouth, New Hampshire; nor is it without significance that Bainbridge at Boston, not a way port, but a centre, displayed noticeably less anxiety than the others about this question, which less touched his own command. Captain Hull, now commanding the Portsmouth Yard, writes, June 14, 1813, that light cruisers like the "Siren," lately arrived at Boston, and the "Enterprise," then with him, can be very useful by driving away the enemy's small vessels and privateers which have been molesting the coasting trade. He purposes to order them eastward, along the Maine coast, to collect coasters in convoy and protect their long-shore voyages, after the British fashion on the high seas. "The coasting trade here," he adds, "is immense. Not less than fifty sail last night anchored in this harbor, bound to Boston and other points south. The 'Nautilus' [a captured United States brig] has been seen from this harbor every week for some time past, and several other enemy's vessels are on the coast every few days." An American privateer has just come in, bringing with her as a prize one of her own class, called the "Liverpool Packet," which "within six months has taken from us property to an immense amount."[186] Ten days later Hull's prospects have darkened. There has appeared off Portsmouth a blockading division; a frigate, a sloop, and two brigs. "When our two vessels were first ordered to this station, I believed they would be very useful in protecting the coasting trade; but the enemy's cruisers are now so much stronger that we can hardly promise security to the trade, if we undertake to convoy it." On the contrary, the brigs themselves would be greatly hazarded, and resistance to attack, if supported by the neighborhood, may entail destruction upon ports where they have taken refuge; a thought possibly suggested by Cockburn's action at Havre de Grace and Frenchtown. He therefore now proposes that they should run the blockade and cruise at sea. This course was eventually adopted; but for the moment the Secretary wrote that, while he perceived the propriety of Hull's remarks, "the call for protection on that coast has been very loud, and having sent those vessels for that special purpose, I do not now incline immediately to remove them."[187] It was necessary to bend to a popular clamor, which in this case did not, as it very frequently does, make unreasonable demands and contravene all considerations of military wisdom. A month later Hull reports the blockade so strict that it is impossible to get out by day. The commander of the "Enterprise," Johnston Blakely, expresses astonishment that the enemy should employ so large a force to blockade so small a vessel.[188] It was, however, no matter for surprise, but purely a question of business. The possibilities of injury by the "Enterprise" must be blasted at any cost, and Blakely himself a year later, in the "Wasp," was to illustrate forcibly what one smart ship can effect in the destruction of hostile commerce and hostile cruisers. Blakely's letter was dated July 31. The "Enterprise" had not long to wait for her opportunity, but it did not fall to his lot to utilize it. Being promoted the following month, he was relieved in command by Lieutenant William Burrows. This officer had been absent in China, in mercantile employment, when the war broke out, and, returning, was captured at sea. Exchanged in June, 1813, he was ordered to the "Enterprise," in which he saw his only service in the war,--a brief month. She left Portsmouth September 1, on a coasting cruise, and on the morning of the 5th, being then off Monhegan Island, on the coast of Maine, sighted a vessel of war, which proved to be the British brig "Boxer," Commander Samuel Blyth. The antagonists in the approaching combat were nearly of equal force, the respective armaments being, "Enterprise," fourteen 18-pounder carronades, and two long 9-pounders, the "Boxer," twelve 18-pounder carronades and two long sixes. The action began side by side, at half pistol-shot, the "Enterprise" to the right and to windward (position 1). After fifteen minutes the latter ranged ahead (2). As she did so, one of her 9-pounders, which by the forethought of Captain Burrows had been shifted from its place in the bow to the stern,[189] was used with effect to rake her opponent. She then rounded-to on the starboard tack, on the port-bow of the enemy,--ahead but well to the left (3),--in position to rake with her carronades; and, setting the foresail, sailed slowly across from left to right. In five minutes the "Boxer's" maintopmast and foretopsailyard fell. This left the "Enterprise" the mastery of the situation, which she continued to hold until ten minutes later, when the enemy's fire ceased. Her colors could not be hauled down, Blyth having nailed them to the mast. He himself had been killed at the first broadside, and almost at the same instant Burrows too fell, mortally wounded. [Illustration: Diagram of the Enterprise vs. Boxer battle] The "Boxer" belonged to a class of vessel, the gun brigs, which Marryat through one of his characters styled "bathing machines," only not built, as the legitimate article, to go up, but to go down. Another,--the immortal Boatswain Chucks,--proclaimed that they would "certainly d--n their inventor to all eternity;" adding characteristically, that "their low common names, 'Pincher,' 'Thrasher,' 'Boxer,' 'Badger,' and all that sort, are quite good enough for them." In the United States service the "Enterprise," which had been altered from a schooner to a brig, was considered a singularly dull sailer. As determined by American measurements, taken four days after the action, the size of the two was the same within twenty tons; the "Boxer" a little the larger. The superiority of the "Enterprise" in broadside force, was eight guns to seven; or, stated in weight of projectiles, one hundred and thirty-five pounds to one hundred and fourteen. This disparity, though real, was in no sense decisive, and the execution done by each bore no comparison to the respective armaments. The hull of the "Boxer" was pierced on the starboard side by twelve 18-pound shot, nearly two for each of the "Enterprise's" carronades. The 9-pounder had done even better, scoring five hits. On her port side had entered six of 18 pounds, and four of 9 pounds. By the official report of an inspection, made upon her arrival in Portland, it appears that her upper works and sides forward were torn to pieces.[190] In her mainmast alone were three 18-pound shot.[191] As a set-off to this principal damage received, she had to show only one 18-pound shot in the hull of the "Enterprise," one in the foremast, and one in the mainmast.[192] From these returns, the American loss in killed and wounded, twelve, must have been largely by grapeshot or musketry. The British had twenty-one men hurt. It has been said that this difference in loss is nearly proportionate to the difference in force. This is obviously inexact; for the "Enterprise" was superior in gun power by twelve per cent, while the "Boxer's" loss was greater by seventy-five per cent. Moreover, if the statement of crews be accurate, that the "Enterprise" had one hundred and twenty and the "Boxer" only sixty-six,[193] it is clear that the latter had double the human target, and scored little more than half the hits. The contest, in brief, was first an artillery duel, side to side, followed by a raking position obtained by the American. It therefore reproduced in leading features, although on a minute scale, the affair between the "Chesapeake" and "Shannon"; and the exultation of the American populace at this rehabilitation of the credit of their navy, though exaggerated in impression, was in principle sound. The British Court Martial found that the defeat was "to be attributed to a superiority of the enemy's force, principally in the number of men, as well as to a greater degree of skill in the direction of her fire, and the destructive effects of her first broadside."[194] This admission as to the enemy's gunnery is substantially identical with the claim made for that of the "Shannon,"--notably as to the first broadside. As to the greater numbers, one hundred and twenty is certainly almost twice sixty-six, and the circumstance should be weighed; but in an engagement confined to the guns, and between 18-pounder carronade batteries, it is of less consequence than at first glance appears. A cruiser of those days expected to be ready to fight with many men away in prizes. Had it come to boarding, or had the "Boxer's" gunnery been good, disabling her opponent's men, the numbers would have become of consideration. As it was, they told for something, but not for very much. If national credit were at issue in every single-ship action, the balance of the "Chesapeake" and "Shannon," "Enterprise" and "Boxer," would incline rather to the American side; for the "Boxer" was not just out of port with new commander, officers, and crew, but had been in commission six months, had in that time crossed the ocean, and been employed along the coast. The credit and discredit in both cases is personal, not national. It was the sadder in Blyth's case because he was an officer of distinguished courage and activity, who had begun his fighting career at the age of eleven, when he was on board a heavily battered ship in Lord Howe's battle of June 1, 1794. At thirty, with little influence, and at a period when promotion had become comparatively sluggish, he had fairly fought his way to the modest preferment in which he died. Under the restricted opportunities of the United States Navy, Burrows had seen service, and his qualities received recognition, in the hostilities with Tripoli. The unusual circumstance of both captains falling, and so young,--Burrows was but twenty-eight,--imparted to this tiny combat an unusual pathos, which was somewhat heightened by the fact that Blyth himself had acted as pall-bearer when Lawrence, three months before, was buried with military honors at Halifax. In Portland, Maine, the two young commanders were borne to their graves together, in a common funeral, with all the observance possible in a small coast town; business being everywhere suspended, and the customary tokens of mourning displayed upon buildings and shipping. After this engagement, as the season progressed, coastwise operations in this quarter became increasingly hazardous for both parties. On October 22, Hull wrote that neither the "Enterprise" nor the "Rattlesnake" could cruise much longer. The enemy still maintained his grip, in virtue of greater size and numbers. Ten days later comes the report of a convoy, with one of the brigs, driven into port by a frigate; that the enemy appear almost every day, and never without a force superior to that of both his brigs, which he fears to trust out overnight, lest they find themselves at morning under the guns of an opponent of weightier battery. The long nights and stormy seas of winter, however, soon afforded to coasters a more secure protection than friendly guns, and Hull's letters intermit until April 6, 1814, when he announces that the enemy has made his appearance in great force; he presumes for the summer. Besides the danger and interruption of the coasting trade, Hull was increasingly anxious as to the safety of Portsmouth itself. By a recent act of Congress four seventy-fours had been ordered to be built, and one of them was now in construction there under his supervision. Despite the navigational difficulties of entering the port, which none was more capable of appreciating than he, he regarded the defences as so inadequate that it would be perfectly possible to destroy her on the stocks. "There is nothing," he said, "to prevent a very small force from entering the harbor." At the same moment Decatur was similarly concerned for the squadron at New London, and we have seen the fears of Stewart for Norfolk. So marked was Hull's apprehension in this respect, that he sent the frigate "Congress" four miles up the river, where she remained to the end of the war; her crew being transferred to Lake Ontario. New York, the greater wealth of which increased both her danger and her capacity for self-protection, was looking to her own fortifications, as well as manning, provisioning, and paying the crews of the gunboats that patrolled her waters, on the side of the sea and of the Sound. The exposure of the coasting trade from Boston Bay eastward was increased by the absence of interior coastwise channels, until the chain of islands about and beyond the Penobscot was reached. On the other hand, the character of the shore, bold, with off-lying rocks and many small harbors, conferred a distinct advantage upon those having local knowledge, as the coasting seamen had. On such a route the points of danger are capes and headlands, particularly if their projection is great, such as the promontory between Portsmouth and Boston, of which Cape Ann is a conspicuous landmark. There the coaster has to go farthest from his refuge, and the deep-sea cruiser can approach with least risk. In a proper scheme of coast defence batteries are mounted on such positions. This, it is needless to say, in view of the condition of the port fortifications, had not been done in the United States. Barring this, the whole situation of the coast, of trade, and of blockade, was one with which British naval officers had then been familiar for twenty years, through their employment upon the French and Spanish coasts, as well Mediterranean as Atlantic, and in many other parts of the world. To hover near the land, intercepting and fighting by day, manning boats and cutting out by night, harassing, driving on shore, destroying the sinews of war by breaking down communications, was to them simply an old experience to be applied under new and rather easier circumstances. Of these operations frequent instances are given in contemporary journals and letters; but less account has been taken of the effects, as running through household and social economics, touching purse and comfort. These are traceable in commercial statistics. At the time they must have been severely felt, bringing the sense of the war vividly home to the community. The stringency of the British action is betrayed, however, by casual notices. The captain of a schooner burned by the British frigate "Nymphe" is told by her commander that he had orders to destroy every vessel large enough to carry two men. "A brisk business is now carrying on all along our coast between British cruisers and our coasting vessels, in ready money. Friday last, three masters went into Gloucester to procure money to carry to a British frigate to ransom their vessels. Thursday, a Marblehead schooner was ransomed by the "Nymphe" for $400. Saturday, she took off Cape Ann three coasters and six fishing boats, and the masters were sent on shore for money to ransom them at $200 each." There was room for the wail of a federalist paper: "Our coasts unnavigable to ourselves, though free to the enemy and the money-making neutral; our harbors blockaded; our shipping destroyed or rotting at the docks; silence and stillness in our cities; the grass growing upon the public wharves."[195] In the district of Maine, "the long stagnation of foreign, and embarrassment of domestic trade, have extended the sad effects from the seaboard through the interior, where the scarcity of money is severely felt. There is not enough to pay the taxes."[196] South of Chesapeake Bay the coast is not bold and rocky, like that north of Cape Cod, but in its low elevation and gradual soundings resembles rather those of New Jersey and Delaware. It has certain more pronounced features in the extensive navigable sounds and channels, which lie behind the islands and sandbars skirting the shores. The North Carolina system of internal water communications, Pamlico Sound and its extensions, stood by itself. To reach that to the southward, it was necessary to make a considerable sea run, round the far projecting Cape Fear, exposed to capture outside; but from Charleston to the St. Mary's River, which then formed the Florida boundary for a hundred miles of its length, the inside passages of South Carolina and Georgia were continuous, though in many places difficult, and in others open to attack from the sea. Between St. Mary's and Savannah, for example, there were seven inlets, and Captain Campbell, the naval officer in charge of that district, reported that three of these were practicable for frigates;[197] but this statement, while literally accurate, conveys an exaggerated impression, for no sailing frigate would be likely to cross a difficult bar for a single offensive operation, merely to find herself confronted with conditions forbidding further movement. The great menace to the inside traffic consisted in the facility with which cruisers outside could pass from entrance to entrance, contrasted with the intricacies within impeding similar action by the defence. If a bevy of unprotected coasters were discerned by an enemy's lookouts, the ship could run down abreast, send in her boats, capture or destroy, before the gunboats, if equidistant at the beginning, could overcome the obstacles due to rise and fall of tide, or narrowness of passage, and arrive to the rescue.[198] A suggested remedy was to replace the gunboats by rowing barges, similar to, but more powerful than, those used by the enemy in his attacks. The insuperable trouble here proved to be that men fit for such work, fit to contend with the seamen of the enemy, were unwilling to abandon the sea, with its hopes of prize money, or to submit to the exposure and discomfort of the life. "The crews of the gunboats," wrote Captain Campbell, "consist of all nations except Turks, Greeks, and Jews." On one occasion the ship's company of an American privateer, which had been destroyed after a desperate and celebrated resistance to attack by British armed boats, arrived at St. Mary's. Of one hundred and nineteen American seamen, only four could be prevailed upon to enter the district naval force.[199] This was partly due to the embarrassment of the national finances. "The want of funds to pay off discharged men," wrote the naval captain at Charleston, "has given such a character to the navy as to stop recruiting."[200] "Men could be had," reported his colleague at St. Mary's, now transferred to Savannah, "were it not for the Treasury notes, which cannot be passed at less than five per cent discount. Men will not ship without cash. There are upwards of a hundred seamen in port, but they refuse to enter, even though we offer to ship for a month only."[201] During the American Civil War, fifty years after the time of which we are speaking, this internal communication was effectually intercepted by stationing inside steamers of adequate force; but that recourse, while not absolutely impracticable for small sailing cruisers, involved a risk disproportionate to the gain. Through traffic could have been broken up by keeping a frigate in any one of the three sounds, entrance to which was practicable for vessels of that class. In view of the amount of trade passing back and forth, which Campbell stated to be in one period of four months as much as eight million dollars, it is surprising that this obvious expedient was not adopted by the enemy. That they appreciated the situation is shown by the intention, announced in 1813, of seizing one of the islands; which was effected in January, 1815, by the occupation of Cumberland and St. Simons'. As it was, up to that late period the routine methods of their European experience prevailed, with the result that their coastwise operations in the south differed little from those in the extreme north. Smaller vessels occasionally, armed boats frequently, pushed inside the inlets, seizing coasters, and at times even attacking the gunboats. While the positive loss thus inflicted was considerable, it will readily be understood that it was much exceeded by the negative effect, in deterring from movement, and reducing navigation to the limits of barest necessity. In these operations the ships of war were seconded by privateers from the West Indies, which hovered round this coast, as the Halifax vessels did round that of New England, seeking such scraps of prize money as might be left over from the ruin of American commerce and the immunities of the licensed traders. The United States officers at Charleston and Savannah were at their wits' ends to provide security with their scanty means,--more scanty even in men than in vessels; and when there came upon them the additional duty of enforcing the embargo of December, 1813, in the many quarters, and against the various subterfuges, by which evasion would be attempted, the task was manifestly impossible. "This is the most convenient part of the world for illicit trade that I have ever seen," wrote Campbell. From a return made this summer by the Secretary of the Navy to Congress,[202] it is shown that one brig of eighteen guns, which was not a cruiser, but a station ship at Savannah, eleven gunboats, three other schooners, and four barges, were apportioned to the stretch of coast from Georgetown to St. Mary's,--over two hundred miles. With the fettered movement of the gunboats before mentioned, contrasted with the outside cruisers, it was impossible to meet conditions by distributing this force, "for the protection of the several inlets," as had at first been directed by the Navy Department. The only defensive recourse approximately satisfactory was that of the deep-sea merchant service of Great Britain, proposed also by Hull at the northward, to assemble vessels in convoys, and to accompany them throughout a voyage. "I have deemed it expedient," wrote Campbell from St. Mary's, "to order the gun vessels to sail in company, not less than four in number, and have ordered convoy to the inland trade at stated periods, by which means vessels may be protected, and am sorry to say this is all that can be effected in our present situation."[203] In this way a fair degree of immunity was attained. Rubs were met with occasionally, and heavy losses were reported from time to time. There was a certain amount of fighting and scuffling, in which advantage was now on one side, now on the other; but upon the whole it would appear that the novelty of the conditions and ignorance of the ground rather imposed upon the imagination of the enemy, and that their operations against this inside trade were at once less active and less successful than under the more familiar features presented by the coasts of Maine and Massachusetts. Whatever more or less of success or injury attended the coastwise trade in the several localities, the point to be observed is that the enemy's operations effectually separated the different sections of the country from one another, so far as this means of intercourse was concerned; thereby striking a deadly blow at the mutual support which might be given by communities differing so markedly in resources, aptitudes, and industries. The remark before made upon the effect of headlands, on the minor scale of a particular shore-line, applied with special force to one so extensive as that of the United States Atlantic coast in 1813. Cape Cod to the north and Cape Fear to the south were conspicuous examples of such projection. Combined with the relatively shelterless and harborless central stretch, intervening between them, from the Chesapeake to Sandy Hook, they constituted insuperable obstacles to sustained intercommunication by water. The presence of the enemy in great numbers before, around, and within the central section, emphasized the military weakness of position which nature herself had there imposed. To get by sea from one end of the country to the other it was necessary to break the blockade in starting, to take a wide sweep out to sea, and again to break it at the desired point of entrance. This, however, is not coasting. The effect which this coast pressure produced upon the welfare of the several sections is indicated here and there by official utterances. The war party naturally inclined to minimize unfavorable results, and their opponents in some measure to exaggerate them; but of the general tendency there can be no serious doubt. Mr. Pearson, an opposition member of the House from North Carolina, speaking February 16, 1814, when the record of 1813 was made up, and the short-lived embargo of December was yet in force, said: "Blocked up as we are by the enemy's squadron upon our coast, corked up by our still more unmerciful embargo and non-importation laws, calculated as it were to fill up the little chasm in the ills which the enemy alone could not inflict; the entire coasting trade destroyed, and even the little pittance of intercourse from one port to the other in the same state destroyed [by the embargo], the planters of the Southern and Middle states, finding no market at home for their products, are driven to the alternative of wagoning them hundreds of miles, in search of a precarious market in the Northern and Eastern states, or permitting them to rot on their hands. Many articles which are, or by habit have become, necessary for comfort, are obtained at extravagant prices from other parts of the Union. The balance of trade, if trade it may be called, from these and other causes being so entirely against the Southern and Middle states, the whole of our specie is rapidly travelling to the North and East. Our bank paper is thrown back upon the institutions from which it issued; and as the war expenditures in the Southern and Middle states, where the loans have been principally obtained, are proportionately inconsiderable, the bills of these banks are daily returning, and their vaults drained of specie, to be locked up in Eastern and Western states, never to return but with the return of peace and prosperity."[204] The isolation of North Carolina was extreme, with Cape Fear to the south and the occupied Chesapeake north of her. The Governor of the central state of Pennsylvania, evidently in entire political sympathy with the national Administration, in his message to the legislature at the same period,[205] is able to congratulate the people on the gratifying state of the commonwealth; a full treasury, abundant yield of agriculture, and the progress of manufacturing development, which, "however we may deprecate and deplore the calamities of protracted war, console us with the prospect of permanent and extensive establishments equal to our wants, and such as will insure the real and practical independence of our country." But he adds: "At no period of our history has the immense importance of internal navigation been so strikingly exemplified as since the commencement of hostilities. The transportation of produce, and the intercourse between citizens of the different states, which knit more strongly the bonds of social and political union, are greatly retarded, and, through many of their accustomed channels, entirely interrupted by the water craft of the enemy, sinking, burning, and otherwise destroying, the property which it cannot appropriate to its own use." He looks forward to a renewal of similar misfortune in the following year, an anticipation more than fulfilled. The officials of other states, according to their political complexion, either lamented the sufferings of the war and its supposed injustice, or comforted themselves and their hearers by reflecting upon the internal fruitfulness of the country, and its increasing self-sufficingness. The people were being equipped for independence of the foreigner by the progress of manufactures, and by habits of economy and self-denial, enforced by deprivation arising from the suppression of the coasting trade and the rigors of the commercial blockade. The effect of the latter, which by the spring of 1814 had been in force nearly a twelvemonth over the entire coast south of Narragansett Bay, can be more directly estimated and concisely stated, in terms of money, than can the interruption of the coasting trade; for the statistics of export and import, contrasted with those of years of peace, convey it directly. It has already been stated that the exports for the year ending September 30, 1814, during which the operation of the blockade was most universal and continuous, fell to $7,000,000, as compared with $25,000,000 in 1813, and $45,000,000 in 1811, a year of peace though of restricted intercourse. Such figures speak distinctly as well as forcibly; it being necessary, however, to full appreciation of the difference between 1813 and 1814, to remember that during the first half of the former official period--from October 1, 1812, to April 1, 1813,--there had been no commercial blockade beyond the Chesapeake and Delaware; and that, even after it had been instituted, the British license system operated to the end of September to qualify its effects. Here and there interesting particulars may be gleaned, which serve to illustrate these effects, and to give to the picture that precision of outline which heightens impression. "I believe," wrote a painstaking Baltimore editor in December, 1814, "that there has not been an arrival in Baltimore from a foreign port for a twelvemonth";[206] yet the city in 1811 had had a registered tonnage of 88,398, and now boasted that of the scanty national commerce still maintained, through less secluded ports, at least one half was carried on by its celebrated schooners,[207] the speed and handiness of which, combined with a size that intrusted not too many eggs to one basket, imparted special facilities for escaping pursuit and minimizing loss. A representative from Maryland at about this time presented in the House a memorial from Baltimore merchants, stating that "in consequence of the strict blockade of our bays and rivers the private-armed service is much discouraged," and submitting the expediency "of offering a bounty for the destruction of enemy's vessels;" a suggestion the very extravagance of which indicates more than words the extent of the depression felt. The price of salt in Baltimore, in November, 1814, was five dollars the bushel. In Charleston it was the same, while just across the Spanish border, at Amelia Island, thronged with foreign merchant ships, it was selling at seventy cents.[208] Such a contrast, which must necessarily be reproduced in other articles not indigenous, accounts at once for the smuggling deplored by Captain Campbell, and at the same time testifies both to the efficacy of the blockade and to the pressure exercised upon the inland navigation by the outside British national cruisers and privateers. This one instance, affecting one of the prime necessaries of life, certifies to the stringent exclusion from the sea of the coast on which Charleston was the chief seaport. Captain Dent, commanding this naval district, alludes to the constant presence of blockaders, and occasionally to vessels taken outside by them, chased ashore, or intercepted in various inlets; narrating particularly the singular incident that, despite his remonstrances, a flag of truce was sent on board the enemy by local authorities to negotiate a purchase of goods thus captured.[209] This unmilitary proceeding, which evinces the necessities of the neighborhood, was of course immediately stopped by the Government. A somewhat singular incidental circumstance, supporting the other inferences, is found in the spasmodic elevation of the North Carolina coast into momentary commercial consequence as a place of entry and deposit; not indeed to a very great extent, but ameliorating to a slight degree the deprivation of the regions lying north and south,--the neighborhood of Charleston on the one hand, of Richmond and Baltimore on the other. "The waters of North Carolina, from Wilmington to Ocracoke, though not favorable to commerce in time of peace, by reason of their shallowness and the danger of the coast, became important and useful in time of war, and a very considerable trade was prosecuted from and into those waters during the late war, and a coasting trade as far as Charleston, attended with less risk than many would imagine. A vessel may prosecute a voyage from Elizabeth City [near the Virginia line] to Charleston without being at sea more than a few hours at any one time."[210] Some tables of arrivals show a comparative immunity for vessels entering here from abroad; due doubtless to the unquestioned dangers of the coast, which conspired with the necessarily limited extent of the traffic to keep the enemy at a distance. It was not by them wholly overlooked. In July, 1813, Admiral Cockburn anchored with a division off Ocracoke bar, sent in his boats, and captured a privateer and letter-of-marque which had there sought a refuge denied to them by the blockade elsewhere. The towns of Beaufort and Portsmouth were occupied for some hours. The United States naval officer at Charleston found it necessary also to extend the alongshore cruises of his schooners as far as Cape Fear, for the protection of this trade on its way to his district. The attention aroused to the development of internal navigation also bears witness to the pressure of the blockade. "It is my opinion," said the Governor of Pennsylvania, "that less than one half the treasure expended by the United States for the protection of foreign commerce, if combined with state and individual wealth, would have perfected an inland water communication from Maine to Georgia." It was argued by others that the extra money spent for land transportation of goods, while the coasting trade was suspended, would have effected a complete tide-water inland navigation such as here suggested; and there was cited a declaration of Robert Fulton, who died during the war, that within twenty-one months as great a sum had been laid out in wagon hire as would have effected this object. Whatever the accuracy of these estimates, their silent witness to the influence of the blockade upon commerce, external and coastwise, quite overbears President Madison's perfunctory denials of its effectiveness, based upon the successful evasions which more or less attend all such operations. Perhaps, however, the most signal proof of the pressure exerted is to be seen in the rebound, the instant it was removed; in the effect upon prices, and upon the movements of shipping. Taken in connection with the other evidence, direct and circumstantial, so far cited, what can testify more forcibly to the strangulation of the coasting trade than the fact that in the month of March, 1815,--news of the peace having been received February 11,--there sailed from Boston one hundred and forty-four vessels, more than half of them square-rigged; and that of the whole all but twenty-six were for United States ports. Within three weeks of April there arrived at Charleston, exclusive of coasters, one hundred and fifty-eight vessels; at Savannah, in the quarter ending June 30, two hundred and three. Something of this outburst of activity, in which neutrals of many nations shared, was due, as Mr. Clay said, to the suddenness with which commerce revived after momentary suspension. "The bow had been unstrung that it might acquire fresh vigor and new elasticity"; and the stored-up products of the country, so long barred within, imparted a peculiar nervous haste to the renewal of intercourse. The absolute numbers quoted do not give as vivid impression of conditions at differing times as do some comparisons, easily made. In the year 1813, as shown by the returns of the United States Treasury, out of 674,853 tons of registered--sea-going--shipping, only 233,439--one third--paid the duties exacted upon each several voyage, and of these many doubtless sailed under British license.[211] In 1814 the total tonnage, 674,632, shows that ship-building had practically ceased; and of this amount one twelfth only, 58,756 tons, paid dues for going out.[212] In 1816, when peace conditions were fully established, though less than two years had passed, the total tonnage had increased to 800,760; duties, being paid each voyage, were collected on 865,219.[213] Thus the foreign voyages that year exceeded the total shipping of the country, and by an amount greater than all the American tonnage that put to sea in 1814. The movement of coasting vessels, technically called "enrolled," is not so clearly indicated by the returns, because all the trips of each were covered by one license annually renewed. A licensed coaster might make several voyages, or she might make none. In 1813 the figures show that, of 471,109 enrolled tonnage, 252,440 obtained licenses. In 1814 there is, as in the registered shipping, a diminution of the total to 466,159, of which a still smaller proportion, 189,662, took out the annual license. In 1816 the enrolment was 522,165, the licensing 414,594. In the fishing craft, a class by themselves, the employment rose from 16,453 in 1814 to 48,147 in 1816;[214] the difference doubtless being attributable chiefly to the reopening of the cod fishing on the banks of Newfoundland, necessarily closed to the American flag by the maritime hostilities. The influence of the peace upon prices is likewise a matter too interesting to a correct appreciation of effects to be wholly passed over. In considering it, the quotations before the receipt of the news doubtless represent conditions more correctly than do the immediate changes. The official tidings of peace reached New York, February 11, 1815. The Evening Post, in its number of February 14, says, "We give to-day one of the effects of the prospect of peace, even before ratification. Our markets of every kind experienced a sudden, and to many a shocking, change. Sugar, for instance, fell from $26 per hundredweight to $12.50. Tea, which sold on Saturday at $2.25, on Monday was purchased at a $1.00. Specie, which had got up to the enormous rate of 22 per cent premium, dropped down to 2. The article of tin, in particular, fell from the height of $80 the box to $25. Six per cents rose from 76 to 88; ten per cents and Treasury notes from 92 to 98. Bank stock generally rose from five to ten per cent." In Philadelphia, flour which sold at $7.50 the barrel on Saturday had risen to $10 on Monday; a testimony that not only foreign export but home supply to the eastward was to be renewed. The fall in foreign products, due to freedom of import, was naturally accompanied by a rise in domestic produce, to which an open outlet with proportionate increase of demand was now afforded. In Philadelphia the exchange on Boston reflected these conditions; falling from twenty-five per cent to thirteen. It may then be concluded that there is little exaggeration in the words used by "a distinguished naval officer" of the day, in a letter contributed to Niles' Register, in its issue of June 17, 1815. "No sooner had the enemy blockaded our harbors, and extended his line of cruisers from Maine to Georgia, than both foreign and domestic commerce came at once to be reduced to a deplorable state of stagnation; producing in its consequences the utter ruin of many respectable merchants, as well as of a great multitude besides, connected with them in their mercantile pursuits. But these were not the only consequences. The regular supply of foreign commodities being thereby cut off, many articles, now become necessaries of life, were raised to an exorbitant price, and bore much upon the finances of the citizen, whose family could not comfortably exist without them. Add to this, as most of the money loaned to the Government for the purposes of the war came from the pockets of merchants, they were rendered incapable of continuing these disbursements in consequence of this interruption to their trade; whence the cause of that impending bankruptcy with which the Government was at one time threatened.... At a critical period of the war [April, 1814] Congress found it necessary to remove all restrictions upon commerce, both foreign and domestic. It is a lamentable fact, however, that the adventurous merchant found no alleviation from these indulgences, his vessels being uniformly prevented by a strong blockading force, not only from going out, but from coming into port, at the most imminent risk of capture. The risk did not stop here; for the islands and ports most frequented by American vessels being known to the enemy, he was enabled from his abundance of means to intercept them there also. The coasting trade, that most valuable appendage to an extensive mercantile establishment in the United States, was entirely annihilated. The southern and northern sections of the Union were unable to exchange their commodities, except upon a contracted scale through the medium of land carriage, and then only at a great loss; so that, upon the whole, nothing in a national point of view appeared to be more loudly called for by men of all parties than a naval force adequate to the protection of our commerce, and the raising of the blockade of our coast." Such was the experience which sums up the forgotten bitter truth, concerning a war which has left in the United States a prevalent impression of distinguished success, because of a few brilliant naval actions and the closing battle of New Orleans. The lesson to be deduced is not that the country at that time should have sought to maintain a navy approaching equality to the British. In the state of national population and revenue, it was no more possible to attempt this than that it would be expedient to do it now, under the present immense development of resources and available wealth. What had been possible during the decade preceding the war,--had the nation so willed,--was to place the navy on such a footing, in numbers and constitution, as would have made persistence in the course Great Britain was following impolitic to the verge of madness, because it would add to her war embarrassments the activity of an imposing maritime enemy, at the threshold of her most valuable markets,--the West Indies,--three thousand miles away from her own shores and from the seat of her principal and necessary warfare. The United States could not have encountered Great Britain single-handed--true; but there was not then the slightest prospect of her having to do so. The injuries of which she complained were incidental to a state of European war; inconceivable and impossible apart from it. She was therefore assured of the support of most powerful allies, occupying the attention of the British navy and draining the resources of the British empire. This condition of things was notorious, as was the fact that, despite the disappointment of Trafalgar, Napoleon was sedulously restoring the numbers of a navy, to the restraining of which his enemy was barely competent. The anxiety caused to the British Admiralty by the operations of the small American squadrons in the autumn of 1812 has already been depicted in quotations from its despatches to Warren.[215] Three or four divisions, each containing one to two ships of the line, were kept on the go, following a general round in successive relief, but together amounting to five or six battle ships--to use the modern term--with proportionate cruisers. It was not possible to diminish this total by concentrating them, for the essence of the scheme, and the necessity which dictated it, was to cover a wide sweep of ocean, and to protect several maritime strategic points through which the streams of commerce, controlled by well-known conditions, passed, intersected, or converged. So also the Admiralty signified its wish that one ship of the line should form the backbone of the blockade before each of the American harbors. For this purpose Warren's fleet was raised to a number stated by the Admiralty's letter to him of January 9, 1813, to be "upwards of ten of the line, exclusive of the six sail of the line appropriated to the protection of the West India convoys." These numbers were additional to detachments which, outside of his command, were patrolling the eastern Atlantic, about the equator, and from the Cape Verde Islands to the Azores, as mentioned in another letter of February 10. "In all, therefore, about twenty sail of the line were employed on account of American hostilities; and this, it will be noticed, was after Napoleon's Russian disaster was fully known in England. It has not been without interfering for the moment with other very important services that my Lords have been able to send you this re-enforcement, and they most anxiously hope that the vigorous and successful use you will make of it will enable you shortly to return some of the line of battle ships to England, which, if the heavy American frigates should be taken or destroyed, you will immediately do, retaining four line of battle ships." Attention should fasten upon the importance here attached by the British Admiralty to the bigger ships; for it is well to learn of the enemy, and to appreciate that it was not solely light cruisers and privateers, but chiefly the heavy vessels, that counted in the estimate of experienced British naval officers. The facts are little understood in the United States, and consequently are almost always misrepresented. The reasons for this abundance of force are evident. As regards commerce Great Britain was on the defensive; and the defensive cannot tell upon which of many exposed points a blow may fall. Dissemination of effort, however modified by strategic ingenuity, is thus to a certain extent imposed. If an American division might strike British trade on the equator between 20° and 30° west longitude, and also in the neighborhood of the Cape Verdes and of the Azores, preparation in some form to protect all those points was necessary, and they are too wide apart for this to be effected by mere concentration. So the blockade of the United States harbors. There might be in New York no American frigates, but if a division escaped from Boston it was possible it might come upon the New York blockade in superior force, if adequate numbers were not constantly kept there. The British commercial blockade, though offensive in essence, had also its defensive side, which compelled a certain dispersion of force, in order to be in local sufficiency in several quarters. These several dispersed assemblages of British ships of war constituted the totality of naval effort imposed upon Great Britain by "the fourteen sail of vessels of all descriptions"[216] which composed the United States navy. It would not in the least have been necessary had these been sloops of war--were they fourteen or forty. The weight of the burden was the heavy frigates, two of which together were more than a match for three of the same nominal class--the 38-gun frigate--which was the most numerous and efficient element in the British cruising force. The American forty-four was unknown to British experience, and could be met only by ships of the line. Add to this consideration the remoteness of the American shore, and its dangerous proximity to very vital British interests, and there are found the elements of the difficult problem presented to the Admiralty by the combination of American force--such as it was--with American advantage of position for dealing a severe blow to British welfare at the period, 1805-1812, when the empire was in the height of its unsupported and almost desperate struggle with Napoleon; when Prussia was chained, Austria paralyzed, and Russia in strict bonds of alliance--personal and political--with France. If conditions were thus menacing, as we know them to to have been in 1812, when war was declared, and the invasion of Russia just beginning, when the United States navy was "fourteen pendants," what would they not have been in 1807, had the nation possessed even one half of the twenty ships of the line which Gouverneur Morris, a shrewd financier, estimated fifteen years before were within her competency? While entirely convinced of the illegality of the British measures, and feeling keenly--as what American even now cannot but feel?--the humiliation and outrage to which his country was at that period subjected, the writer has always recognized the stringent compulsion under which Great Britain lay, and the military wisdom, in his opinion, of the belligerent measures adopted by her to sustain her strength through that unparalleled struggle; while in the matter of impressment, it is impossible to deny--as was urged by Representative Gaston of North Carolina and Gouverneur Morris--that her claim to the service of her native seamen was consonant to the ideas of the time, as well as of utmost importance to her in that hour of dire need. Nevertheless, submission by America should have been impossible; and would have been avoidable if for the fourteen pendants there had been a dozen sail of the line, and frigates to match. To an adequate weighing of conditions there will be indeed resentment for impressment and the other mortifications; but it is drowned in wrath over the humiliating impotence of an administration which, owing to preconceived notions as to peace, made such endurance necessary. It is not always ignominious to suffer ignominy; but it always is so to deserve it. President Washington, in his last annual message, December 7, 1796, defined the situation then confronting the United States, and indicated its appropriate remedy, in the calm and forcible terms which characterized all his perceptions. "It is in our own experience, that the most sincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the depredations of nations at war. To secure respect for a neutral flag requires a naval force, organized and ready, to vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may even prevent the necessity of going to war, by discouraging belligerent powers from committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party as may, first or last, leave no other option" [than war]. The last sentence is that of the statesman and soldier, who accurately appreciates the true office and sphere of arms in international relations. His successor, John Adams, yearly renewed his recommendation for the development of the navy; although, not being a military man, he seems to have looked rather exclusively on the defensive aspect, and not to have realized that possible enemies are more deterred by the fear of offensive action against themselves than by recognition of a defensive force which awaits attack at an enemy's pleasure. Moreover, in his administration, it was not Great Britain, but France, that was most actively engaged in violating the neutral rights of American shipping, and French commercial interests then presented nothing upon which retaliation could take effect. The American problem then was purely defensive,--to destroy the armed ships engaged in molesting the national commerce. President Jefferson, whose influence was paramount with the dominant party which remained in power from his inauguration in 1801 to the war, based his policy upon the conviction, expressed in his inaugural, that this "was the only government where every man would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern;" and that "a well-disciplined militia is our best reliance for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them." In pursuance of these fundamental principles, it was doubtless logical to recommend in his first annual message that, "beyond the small force which will probably be wanted for actual service in the Mediterranean [against the Barbary pirates], whatever annual sum you may think proper to appropriate to naval preparations would perhaps be better employed in providing those articles which may be kept without waste or consumption, and be in readiness when any exigence calls them into use. Progress has been made in providing materials for seventy-four gun ships;" but this commended readiness issued in not laying their keels till after the war began. Upon this first recommendation followed the discontinuance of building ships for ocean service, and the initiation of the gunboat policy; culminating, when war began, in the decision of the administration to lay up the ships built for war, to keep them out of British hands. The urgent remonstrances of two or three naval captains obtained the reversal of this resolve, and thereby procured for the country those few successes which, by a common trick of memory, have remained the characteristic feature of the War of 1812. NOTE.--After writing the engagement between the "Boxer" and the "Enterprise," the author found among his memoranda, overlooked, the following statement from the report of her surviving lieutenant, David McCreery: "I feel it my duty to mention that the bulwarks of the 'Enterprise' were proof against our grape, when her musket balls penetrated through our bulwarks." (Canadian Archives, M. 389, 3. p. 87.) It will be noted that this does not apply to the cannon balls, and does not qualify the contrast in gunnery. FOOTNOTES: [128] Broke's Letter to Lawrence, June, 1813. Naval Chronicle, vol. xxx. p. 413. [129] Rodgers' Report of this cruise is in Captains' Letters, Sept. 27, 1813. [130] Captains' Letters, Dec. 14, 1813. [131] Captains' Letters, June 3, 1812. [132] The Department's orders to Evans and the letter transferring them to Lawrence, captured in the ship, can be found published in the Report on Canadian Archives, 1896, p. 74. A copy is attached to the Record of the subsequent Court of Inquiry, Navy Department MSS. [133] James' Naval History, vol. vi., edition of 1837. The account of the action between the "Chesapeake" and "Shannon" will be found on pp. 196-206. [134] Secretary to the Admiralty, In-Letters, May, 1814, vol. 505, p. 777. [135] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxx, p. 413. [136] Broke, in his letter of challenge, "was disappointed that, after various verbal messages sent into Boston, Commodore Rodgers, with the 'President' and 'Congress,' had _eluded_ the 'Shannon' and 'Tenedos,' by sailing the first chance, after the prevailing easterly winds had obliged us to keep an offing from the coast." [137] For the reason here assigned, and others mentioned in the narrative, the author has preferred to follow in the main James' account, analyzed, and compared with Broke's report (Naval Chronicle, vol. xxx. p. 83), and with the testimony in the Court of Inquiry held in Boston on the surrender of the "Chesapeake," and in the resultant courts martial upon Lieutenant Cox and other persons connected with the ship, which are in the Navy Department MSS. The official report of Lieutenant Budd, the senior surviving officer of the "Chesapeake", is published in Niles' Register (vol. iv, p. 290), which gives also several unofficial statements of onlookers, and others. [138] Not "across"; the distinction is important, being decisive of general raking direction. [139] Actually, a contemporary account, borrowed by the British "Naval Chronicle" (vol. xxx. p. 161) from a Halifax paper, but avouched as trustworthy, says the "Chesapeake" was terribly battered on the larboard bow as well as quarter. The details in the text indicate merely the local preponderance of injury, and the time and manner of its occurrence. [140] A slight qualification is here needed, in that of the injured of the "Shannon" some were hurt in the boarding, not by the cannonade; but the general statement is substantially accurate. [141] Decatur to Navy Department. Captains' Letters, June, 1813. [142] Decatur to Navy Department. Captains' Letters, June, 1813. [143] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxix. p. 497. [144] Croker to Warren, Jan. 9, 1813. Admiralty Out-Letters, British Records Office. My italics. [145] Message of the Governor of Connecticut, October, 1813. Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 121. [146] Message of the Governor of Connecticut, October, 1813. Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 121. [147] Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 302. [148] Captains' Letters. [149] Niles' Register, vol. vi. p. 136. [150] Captains' Letters, Nov. 3 and Dec. 31, 1809; March 26, 1810; and Oct. 12, 1813. [151] American State Papers, Naval Affairs, vol. i. p. 307. [152] Ante, page 16. [153] The official reports of Warren and Cockburn concerning these operations are published in the Naval Chronicle, vol. xxx. pp. 162-168. [154] Captains' Letters, June 21, 1813. [155] The American official account of this affair is given in Niles' Register, vol. iv. pp. 375, 422. James' Naval History, vol. vi. pp. 236-238, gives the British story. [156] Captains' Letters, April, 1813. [157] Captains' Letters, May 21, 1813. [158] Ibid. [159] James, Naval History (edition 1837), vol. vi. p. 231. [160] Warren's Gazette Letters, here referred to, can be found in Naval Chronicle, vol. xxx. pp. 243, 245. [161] Croker to Warren, March 20, 1813. Admiralty Out-Letters, Records Office. [162] Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 404. [163] The rise of the tide is about two and a half feet. [164] This is the number stated by James, the British naval historian, and is somewhat difficult to reconcile with Warren's expression, "the troops and a re-enforcement of seamen and marines from the ships." To be effective, the attack should have been in greater numbers. [165] The British story of this failure, outside the official despatches, is given in James' Naval History, vol. vi. pp. 232-234. [166] Report of the commander of the "Scorpion" to Captain Morris, July 21, 1813. Captains' Letters. [167] This letter, from the commanding officer of the "Narcissus", is in Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 279. [168] Morris to Navy Department, August 13, 23, and 27. Captains' Letters. [169] Captain Hayes, of the "Majestic," in charge of the blockade of Boston, wrote to Warren, October 25, 1813: "Almost every vessel I meet has a license, or is under a neutral flag. Spanish, Portuguese, and Swedes are passing in and out by hundreds, and licensed vessels out of number from the West Indies. I find the licenses are sent blank to be filled up in Boston. This is of course very convenient, and the Portuguese consul is said to be making quite a trade of that flag, covering the property and furnishing the necessary papers for any person at a thousand dollars a ship." Canadian Archives, M. 389. 3. p. 189. [170] Annals of Congress, 1813-1814, vol. i. p. 500. [171] This parenthesis shows that the censures were not directed against New England only, for the blockade so far declared did not extend thither. [172] Niles' Register, vol. iv. pp. 370, 386. [173] Ibid., p. 387. [174] Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 387. [175] Ibid., p. 402. [176] Ibid. [177] Ibid. Author's italics. [178] Morris to Navy Department, Dec. 20 and 26, 1813. Captains' Letters. [179] Post, chapter xviii. [180] British Records Office, Secret Papers MSS. [181] Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 311. [182] The Columbian Centinel, Boston, Sept. 7 and Dec. 15, 1813. [183] Ibid., Dec. 18. [184] Ibid. [185] Campbell to the Navy Department, Nov. 11, 1814. Captains' Letters. [186] Captains' Letters. [187] Ibid., June 24, 1813. [188] Hull to Navy Department, July 31, 1813. Ibid. [189] Cooper tells the story that when this gun was transported, and preparations being made to use it as a stern instead of a bow chaser, the crew--to whom Burrows was as yet a stranger, known chiefly by his reputation for great eccentricity--came to the mast to express a hope that the brig was not going to retreat. [190] Report of Lieutenant Tillinghast to Captain Hull. Captains' Letters, Sept. 9, 1813. [191] Hull to Bainbridge, Sept. 10. Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 58. [192] Report of the carpenter of the "Enterprise." Captains' Letters. [193] There is a discrepancy in the statements concerning the "Boxer's" crew. Hull reported officially, "We have sixty-seven, exclusive of those killed and thrown overboard." (Sept. 25. Captains' Letters.) Lieutenant McCall, who succeeded to the command after Burrows fell, reported that "from information received from officers of the 'Boxer' it appears that there were between twenty and thirty-five killed, and fourteen wounded." (U.S. State Papers, Naval Affairs, vol. i. p. 297.) The number killed is evidently an exaggerated impression received, resembling some statements made concerning the "Chesapeake;" but it is quite likely that the "Boxer's" loss should be increased by several bodies thrown overboard. [194] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxii. p. 473. [195] Columbian Centinel, July 28, Sept. 1, and Nov. 13, 1813. [196] Ibid., Sept. 25. [197] Campbell to Navy Department, Jan. 4, 1814. Captains' Letters. [198] For full particulars see Captains' Letters (Campbell), June 12, 1813; Jan. 2 and 4, Aug. 20, Sept. 3, Oct. 8, Oct. 15, Dec. 4, 1814. [199] Campbell, Dec. 2, 1814. Captains' Letters. [200] Dent to Navy Department, Jan. 28, 1815. Ibid. [201] Campbell, Feb. 3, 1815. Ibid. [202] June 7, 1813. Navy Department MSS. [203] Captains' Letters, Sept. 3, 1814. [204] Benton's Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, vol. v. p. 202. [205] Dec. 10, 1813. Niles' Register, vol. v. pp. 257-260. [206] Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 194. [207] Ibid., vol. viii. p. 234. [208] Ibid., vol. vii. p. 168. Quoted from a Charleston, S.C., paper. [209] Captains' Letters, May 3, 23, 24; June 27, 29; August 7, 17; Nov. 9, 13, 23, 1813. [210] Niles' Register, vol. viii. p. 311. Quoted from a Norfolk paper. [211] American State Papers, Commerce and Navigation, vol. i. p. 1017. [212] Ibid., vol. ii. p. 12. [213] American State Papers, Commerce and Navigation, vol. ii. p. 87. [214] Ibid., vol. i. p. 1017; vol. ii. pp. 12, 87. [215] Ante, vol. i. pp. 402-404. [216] Admiralty's Letter to Warren. Feb. 10, 1813. CHAPTER XIV MARITIME OPERATIONS EXTERNAL TO THE WATERS OF THE UNITED STATES, 1813-1814 In broad generalization, based upon analysis of conditions, it has been said that the seacoast of the United States was in 1812 a defensive frontier, from which, as from all defensive lines, there should be, and was, opportunity for offensive returns; for action planned to relieve the shore-line, and the general military situation, by inflicting elsewhere upon the opponent injury, harassment, and perplexity. The last chapter dealt with the warfare depending upon the seaboard chiefly from the defensive point of view; to illustrate the difficulties, the blows, and the sufferings, to which the country was exposed, owing to inability to force the enemy away from any large portion of the coast. The pressure was as universal as it was inexorable and irresistible. It remains still to consider the employment and effects of the one offensive maritime measure left open by the exigencies of the war; the cruises directed against the enemy's commerce, and the characteristic incidents to which they gave rise. In this pursuit were engaged both the national ships of war and those equipped by the enterprise of the mercantile community; but, as the operations were in their nature more consonant to the proper purpose of privateers, so the far greater number of these caused them to play a part much more considerable in effect, though proportionately less fruitful in conspicuous action. Fighting, when avoidable, is to the privateer a misdirection of energy. Profit is his object, by depredation upon the enemy's commerce; not the preservation of that of his own people. To the ship of war, on the other hand, protection of the national shipping is the primary concern; and for that reason it becomes her to shun no encounter by which she may hope to remove from the seas a hostile cruiser. The limited success of the frigates in their attempts against British trade has been noted, and attributed to the general fact that their cruises were confined to the more open sea, upon the highways of commerce. These were now travelled by British ships under strict laws of convoy, the effect of which was not merely to protect the several flocks concentrated under their particular watchdogs, but to strip the sea of those isolated vessels, that in time of peace rise in irregular but frequent succession above the horizon, covering the face of the deep with a network of tracks. These solitary wayfarers were now to be found only as rare exceptions to the general rule, until the port of destination was approached. There the homing impulse overbore the bonds of regulation; and the convoys tended to the conduct noted by Nelson as a captain, "behaving as all convoys that ever I saw did, shamefully ill, parting company every day." Commodore John Rodgers has before been quoted, as observing that the British practice was to rely upon pressure on the enemy over sea, for security near home; and that the waters surrounding the British Islands themselves were the field where commerce destruction could be most decisively effected. The first United States vessel to emphasize this fact was the brig "Argus," Captain William H. Allen, which sailed from New York June 18, 1813, having on board a newly appointed minister to France, Mr. William H. Crawford, recently a senator from Georgia. On July 11 she reached L'Orient, having in the twenty-three days of passage made but one prize.[217] Three days later she proceeded to cruise in the chops of the English Channel, and against the local trade between Ireland and England; continuing thus until August 14, thirty-one days, during which she captured nineteen sail, extending her depredations well up into St. George's Channel. The contrast of results mentioned, between her voyage across and her occupancy of British waters, illustrates the comparative advantages of the two scenes of operations, regarded in their relation to British commerce. On August 12 the British brig of war "Pelican," Captain Maples, anchored at Cork from the West Indies. Before her sails were furled she received orders to go out in search of the American ship of war whose depredations had been reported. Two hours later she was again at sea. The following evening, at half-past seven, a burning vessel to the eastward gave direction to her course, and at daybreak, August 14, she sighted a brig of war in the northeast, just quitting another prize, which had also been fired. The wind, being south, gave the windward position to the "Pelican," which stood in pursuit; the "Argus" steering east, near the wind, but under moderate sail to enable her opponent to close (positions 1). The advantage in size and armament was on this occasion on the British side; the "Pelican" being twenty per cent larger, and her broadside seventeen per cent heavier. At 5.55 A.M., St. David's Head on the coast of Wales bearing east, distant about fifteen miles, the "Argus" wore, standing now to the westward, with the wind on the port side (2). The "Pelican" did the same, and the battle opened at six; the vessels running side by side, within the range of grapeshot and musketry,--probably under two hundred yards apart (2). Within five minutes Captain Allen received a wound which cost him his leg, and in the end his life. He at first refused to be taken below, but loss of blood soon so reduced him that he could no longer exercise command. Ten minutes later the first lieutenant was stunned by the graze of a grapeshot along his head, and the charge of the ship devolved on the second. By this time the rigging of the "Argus" had been a good deal cut, and the "Pelican" bore up (3) to pass under her stern; but the American brig, luffing close to the wind and backing her maintopsail (3), balked the attempt, throwing herself across the enemy's path, and giving a raking broadside, the poor aim of which seems to have lost her the effect that should have resulted from this ready and neat manoeuvre. The main braces of the "Argus" had already been shot away, as well as much of the other gear upon which the after sails depended; and at 6.18 the preventer (duplicate) braces, which formed part of the preparation for battle, were also severed. The vessel thus became unmanageable, falling off before the wind (4), and the "Pelican" was enabled to work round her at will. This she did, placing herself first under the stern (4), and then on the bow (5) of her antagonist, where the only reply to her broadside was with musketry. In this helpless situation the "Argus" surrendered, after an engagement of a little over three quarters of an hour. The British loss was two killed and five wounded; the American, six killed and seventeen wounded, of whom five afterwards died. Among these was Captain Allen, who survived only four days, and was buried with military honors at Plymouth, whither Captain Maples sent his prize.[218] After every allowance for disparity of force, the injury done by the American fire cannot be deemed satisfactory, and suggests the consideration whether the voyage to France under pressure of a diplomatic mission, and the busy preoccupation of making, manning, and firing prizes, during the brief month of Channel cruising, may not have interfered unduly with the more important requirements of fighting efficiency. The surviving officer in command mentions in explanation, "the superior size and metal of our opponent, and the fatigue which the crew of the 'Argus' underwent from a very rapid succession of prizes." [Illustration: Diagram of the Argus vs. Pelican battle] From the broad outlook of the universal maritime situation, this rapid succession of captures is a matter of more significance than the loss of a single brig of war. It showed the vulnerable point of British trade and local intercommunication; and the career of the "Argus," prematurely cut short though it was, tended to fix attention upon facts sufficiently well known, but perhaps not fully appreciated. From this time the opportunities offered by the English Channel and adjacent waters, long familiar to French corsairs, were better understood by Americans; as was also the difficulty of adequately policing them against a number of swift and handy cruisers, preying upon merchant vessels comparatively slow, lumbering, and undermanned. The subsequent career of the United States ship "Wasp," and the audacious exploits of several privateers, recall the impunity of Paul Jones a generation before, and form a sequel to the brief prelude, in which the leading part, though ultimately disastrous, was played by the "Argus." While the cruise of the "Argus" stood by no means alone at this time, the attending incidents made it conspicuous among several others of a like nature, on the same scene or close by; and it therefore may be taken as indicative of the changing character of the war, which soon began to be manifest, owing to the change of conditions in Europe. In general summary, the result was to transfer an additional weight of British naval operations to the American side of the Atlantic, which in turn compelled American cruisers, national and private, in pursuit of commerce destruction, to get away from their own shores, and to seek comparative security as well as richer prey in distant waters. To this contributed also the increasing stringency of British convoy regulation, enforced with special rigor in the Caribbean Sea and over the Western Atlantic. It was impossible to impose the same strict prescription upon the coastwise trade, by which chiefly the indispensable continuous intercourse between the several parts of the United Kingdom was maintained. Before the introduction of steam this had a consequence quite disproportionate to the interior traffic by land; and its development, combined with the feeling of greater security as the British Islands were approached, occasioned in the narrow seas, and on the coasts of Europe, a dispersion of vessels not to be seen elsewhere. This favored the depredations of the light, swift, and handy cruisers that alone are capable of profiting by such an opportunity, through their power to evade the numerous, but necessarily scattered, ships of war, which under these circumstances must patrol the sea, like a watchman on beat, as the best substitute for the more formal and regularized convoy protection, when that ceases to apply. From the end of the summer of 1813, when this tendency to distant enterprise became predominant, to the corresponding season a year later, there were captured by American cruisers some six hundred and fifty British vessels, chiefly merchantmen; a number which had increased to between four and five hundred more, when the war ended in the following winter.[219] An intelligible account of such multitudinous activities can be framed only by selecting amid the mass some illustrative particulars, accompanied by a general estimate of the conditions they indicate and the results they exemplify. Thus it may be stated, with fair approach to precision, that from September 30, 1813, to September 30, 1814, there were taken six hundred and thirty-nine British vessels, of which four hundred and twenty-four were in seas that may be called remote from the United States. From that time to the end of the war, about six months, the total captures were four hundred and fourteen, of which those distant were two hundred and ninety-three. These figures, larger actually and in impression than they are relatively to the total of British shipping, represent the offensive maritime action of the United States during the period in question; but, in considering them, it must be remembered that such results were possible only because the sea was kept open to British commerce by the paramount power of the British navy. This could not prevent all mishaps; but it reduced them, by the annihilation of hostile navies, to such a small percentage of the whole shipping movement, that the British mercantile community found steady profit both in foreign and coasting trade, of which the United States at the same time was almost totally deprived. The numerous but beggarly array of American bay-craft and oyster boats, which were paraded to swell British prize lists, till there seemed to be a numerical set-off to their own losses, show indeed that in point of size and value of vessels taken there was no real comparison; but this was due to the fact, not at once suggested by the figures themselves, that there were but few American merchant vessels to be taken, because they did not dare to go to sea, with the exception of the few to whom exceptional speed gave a chance of immunity, not always realized. In the period under consideration, September, 1813, to September, 1814, despite the great falling off of trade noted in the returns, over thirty American merchant ships and letters of marque were captured at sea;[220] at the head of the list being the "Ned," whose hair-breadth escapes in seeking to reach a United States port have been mentioned already.[221] She met her fate near the French coast, September 6, 1813, on the outward voyage from New York to Bordeaux. Privateering, risky though it was, offered a more profitable employment, with less chance of capture; because, besides being better armed and manned, the ship was not impeded in her sailing by the carriage of a heavy cargo. While the enemy was losing a certain small proportion of vessels, the United States suffered practically an entire deprivation of external commerce; and her coasting trade was almost wholly suppressed, at the time that her cruisers, national and private, were causing exaggerated anxiety concerning the intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland, which, though certainly molested, was not seriously interrupted. Further evidence of the control exerted by the British Navy, and of the consequent difficulty under which offensive action was maintained by the United States, is to be found in the practice, from this time largely followed, of destroying prizes, after removing from them packages of little weight compared to their price. The prospect of a captured vessel reaching an American port was very doubtful, for the same reason that prevented the movement of American commerce; and while the risk was sometimes run, it usually was with cargoes which were at once costly and bulky, such as West India goods, sugars and coffees. Even then specie, and light costly articles, were first removed to the cruiser, where the chances for escape were decidedly better. Recourse to burning to prevent recapture was permissible only with enemy's vessels. If a neutral were found carrying enemy's goods, a frequent incident of maritime war, she must be sent in for adjudication; which, if adverse, affected the cargo only. Summary processes, therefore, could not be applied in such cases, and the close blockade of the United States coast seriously restricted the operations of her cruisers in this particular field. [Illustration: THE BURNING OF A PRIVATEER PRIZE. _Drawn by Henry Reuterdahl._] Examination of the records goes to show that, although individual American vessels sometimes made numerous seizures in rapid succession, they seldom, if ever, effected the capture or destruction of a large convoy at a single blow. This was the object with which Rodgers started on his first cruise, but failed to accomplish. A stroke of this kind is always possible, and he had combined conditions unusually favorable to his hopes; but, while history certainly presents a few instances of such achievement on the large scale, they are comparatively rare, and opportunity, when it offers, can be utilized only by a more numerous force than at any subsequent time gathered under the American flag. In 1813 two privateers, the "Scourge" of New York and "Rattlesnake" of Philadelphia, passed the summer in the North Sea, and there made a number of prizes,--twenty-two,--which being reported together gave the impression of a single lucky encounter; were supposed in fact to be the convoy for which Rodgers in the "President" had looked unsuccessfully the same season.[222] The logs, however, showed that these captures were spread over a period of two months, and almost all made severally. Norway being then politically attached to Denmark, and hostile to Great Britain, such prizes as were not burned were sent into her ports. The "Scourge" appears to have been singularly fortunate, for on her homeward trip she took, sent in, or destroyed, ten more enemy's vessels; and in an absence extending a little over a year had taken four hundred and twenty prisoners,--more than the crew of a 38-gun frigate.[223] At the same time the privateer schooner "Leo," of Baltimore, was similarly successful on the coast of Spain and Portugal. By an odd coincidence, another of the same class, bearing the nearly identical name, "Lion," was operating at the same time in the same waters, and with like results; which may possibly account for a contemporary report in a London paper, that an American off the Tagus had taken thirty-two British vessels. The "Leo" destroyed thirteen, and took four others; while the "Lion" destroyed fifteen, having first removed from them cargo to the amount of $400,000, which she carried safely into France. A curious circumstance, incidental to the presence of the privateers off Cape Finisterre, is that Wellington's troops, which had now passed the Pyrenees and were operating in southern France, had for a long time to wait for their great-coats, which had been stored in Lisbon for the summer, and now could not be returned by sea to Bayonne and Bordeaux before convoy was furnished to protect the transports against capture. Money to pay the troops, and for the commissariat, was similarly detained. Niles' Register, which followed carefully the news of maritime capture, announced in November, 1813, that eighty British vessels had been taken within a few months in European seas by the "President," "Argus," and five privateers. Compared with the continuous harassment and loss to which the enemy had become hardened during twenty years of war with France, allied often with other maritime states, this result, viewed singly, was not remarkable; but coming in addition to the other sufferings of British trade, and associated with similar injuries in the West Indies, and disquiet about the British seas themselves, the cumulative effect was undeniable, and found voice in public meetings, resolutions, and addresses to the Government. Although the United States was not in formal alliance with France, the common hostility made the ports of either nation a base of operations to the other, and much facilitated the activities of American cruisers in British seas. One of the most successful of the privateers, the "True Blooded Yankee," was originally equipped at Brest, under American ownership, though it does not appear whether she was American built. On her first cruise her prizes are reported at twenty-seven. She remained out thirty-seven days, chiefly off the coast of Ireland, where she is said to have held an island for six days. Afterwards she burned several vessels in a Scotch harbor. Her procedure illustrates the methods of privateering in more respects than one. Thus, two large ships, one from Smyrna and one from Buenos Ayres, were thought sufficiently valuable to attempt sending into a French port, although the enemy watched the French coast as rigorously as the American. The recapture of a third, ordered to Morlaix, received specific mention, because one of the prize crew, being found to be an Englishman, was sentenced to death by an English court.[224] Eight others were destroyed; and, when the privateer returned to port, she carried in her own hold a miscellaneous cargo of light goods, too costly to risk in a less nimble bottom. Among these are named eighteen bales of Turkey carpets, forty-three bales of raw silk, seventy packs of skins, etc.[225] The "True Blooded Yankee" apparently continued to prefer European waters; for towards the end of 1814 she was taken there and sent into Gibraltar. While there were certain well-known districts, such as these just mentioned, and others before specified, in which from causes constant in operation there was always to be found abundant material for the hazardous occupation of the commerce-destroyer, it was not to them alone that American cruisers went. There were other smaller but lucrative fields, into which an occasional irruption proved profitable. Such were the gold-coast on the west shore of Africa, and the island groups of Madeira, the Canaries, and Cape Verde, which geographically appertain to that continent. Thither Captain Morris directed the frigate "Adams," in January, 1814, after first escaping from his long blockade in the Potomac. This voyage, whence he returned to Savannah in April, was not remunerative; his most valuable prize, an East India ship, being snatched out of his hands, when in the act of taking possession, by an enemy's division in charge of a convoy of twenty-five sail, to which probably she had belonged, and had been separated by the thick weather that permitted her capture.[226] A year before this the privateer "Yankee," of Bristol, Rhode Island, had had better success. When she returned to Narragansett Bay in the spring of 1813, after a five months' absence, she reported having scoured the whole west coast of Africa, taking eight vessels, which carried in the aggregate sixty-two guns, one hundred and ninety-six men, and property to the amount of $296,000. In accordance with the practice already noticed, of distributing the spoil in order better to insure its arrival, she brought back in her own hold the light but costly items of six tons of ivory, thirty-two bales of fine goods, and $40,000 in gold-dust.[227] This vessel was out again several times; and when the war closed was said to have been the most successful of all American cruisers. Her prizes numbered forty, of which thirty-four were ships or brigs; that is, of the larger classes of merchantmen then used. The estimated value of themselves and cargoes, $3,000,000, is to be received with reserve.[228] It was in this neighborhood that the privateer schooner "Globe," Captain Moon, of Baltimore, mounting eight 9-pounder carronades and one long gun, met with an adventure illustrative of the fighting incidental to the business. To this the privateersmen as a class were in no wise loath, where there was a fair prospect of the gain for which they were sent to look. Being off Funchal, in the island of Madeira, November 1, 1813, two brigs, which proved to be English packets, the "Montague" and "Pelham," were seen "backing and filling;" that is, keeping position in the open roadstead which constitutes the harbor, under sail, but not anchored. Packets, being in government service, were well armed for their size, and as mail carriers were necessarily chosen for speed; they therefore frequently carried specie. In one taken by the "Essex," Captain Porter found $55,000, which as ready cash helped him much to pay his frigate's way in a long and adventurous career. It does not appear that the "Globe" at first recognized the character of these particular vessels; but she lay-by during the night, watching for their quitting the shelter of neutral waters. This they did at 9 P.M., when the privateer pursued, but lost sight of them in a squall. The next morning they were seen in the southwest, and again chased. At 10.15 A.M. the "Montague" began firing her stern guns. The schooner replied, but kept on to board, knowing her superiority in men, and at 12.30 ran alongside (1). The attack being smartly met, and the vessels separating almost immediately, the attempt failed disastrously; there being left on board the packet the two lieutenants of the "Globe" and three or four seamen. Immediately upon this repulse, the "Pelham" crossed the privateer's bow and raked her (P 2), dealing such destruction to sails and rigging as to leave her unmanageable. The "Montague" and "Globe" now lay broadside to broadside (2), engaging; and ten minutes later the "Montague" by her own report was completely disabled (M 3). Captain Moon claimed that she struck; and this was probably the case, if his further incidental mention, that the mailbags were seen to be thrown overboard, is not a mistake. The action then continued with the "Pelham," within pistol-shot (3), for an hour or so, when the schooner, being found in a sinking condition, was compelled to haul off; "having seven shot between wind and water, the greater part of our standing and running rigging shot away, and not a sail but was perfectly riddled and almost useless." After separating, the several combatants all steered with the tradewinds for the Canaries; the British going to Teneriffe, and the American to the Grand Canary.[229] From the injuries received, it is apparent that, for the armaments of the vessels, this was a very severe as well as determined engagement. The British had six killed and twelve wounded; the American five killed and thirteen wounded, besides the prisoners lost in boarding. All three captains were severely hurt, that of the "Montague" being killed. The figures given are those reported by each side; how exaggerated the rumors current about such encounters, and the consequent difficulty to the historian, is shown by what each heard about the other's casualties. A Spanish brig from Teneriffe told Moon that the enemy had twenty-seven men killed; while the British were equally credibly informed that the "Globe" lost thirty-three killed and nineteen wounded. Near about this time, in the same neighborhood of Madeira, the privateer schooner "Governor Tompkins," of New York, captured in rapid succession three British merchant vessels which had belonged to a convoy from England to Buenos Ayres, but after its dispersal in a gale were pursuing their route singly. Two of these reached an American port, their bulky and heavy ladings of dry goods and hardware not permitting transfer or distribution. The sale of one cargo realized $270,000.[230] At about the same moment came in a brig of like value, not improbably another wanderer from the same group, captured near Madeira by the ship "America," of Salem. This vicinity, from the islands to the equator, between 20° and 30° west longitude, belongs essentially to the thronged highway and cross-roads of commerce, which has been noted as a favorite cruising ground of American ships of war. Hereabouts passed vessels both to and from the East Indies and South America. The bad luck of several frigates, and the rough handling of the "Globe" by the packets, illustrate one side of the fortune of war, as the good hap of the "America" and "Governor Tompkins" shows the other. [Illustration: Diagram of the Montague, Pelham, Globe battle] It is, however, the beginnings and endings of commercial routes, rather than the intermediate stretch, which most favor enterprises against an enemy's trade. In the thronging of vessels, the Caribbean Sea, with its teeming archipelago, was second only, if second, to the waters surrounding the United Kingdom. England was one extremity, and the several West India Islands the other, of a traffic then one of the richest in the world; while the tropical articles of this exchange, if not absolute necessaries of life, had become by long indulgence indispensable to the great part of civilized mankind. Here, therefore, the numbers, the efforts, and the successes of American privateers most nearly rivalled the daring achievements of their fellows in the Narrow Seas and the approaches to Great Britain and Ireland. The two regions resembled each other in another respect. Not only was there for both an external trade, mainly with one another, but in each there was also a local traffic of distribution and collection of goods, from and to central ports, in which was concentrated the movement of import and export. As has been remarked concerning the coastwise carriage of the United Kingdom, this local intercourse, to be efficient, could not be regulated and hampered to the same extent as the long voyage, over-sea, transportation. A certain amount of freedom and independence was essential, and the risk attendant upon such separate action must be compensated, as far as might be, by diminishing the size of the vessels engaged; a resource particularly applicable to the moderate weather and quiet seas prevalent in the tropics. Both the exposure of trade under such relaxed conditions, and the relative security obtained by the convoy system, rigidly applied, are shown by a few facts. From September 1, 1813, to March 1, 1814, six months, the number of prizes taken by Americans, exclusive of those on the Lakes, was reported as two hundred and seventy. Of these, nearly one third--eighty-six--were to, from, or within the West Indies. Since in many reports the place of capture is not given, nor any data sufficient to fix it, it is probable that quite one third belonged to this trade. This evidences the scale, both of the commerce itself and of its pursuers, justifying a contemporary statement that "the West Indies swarm with American privateers;" and it suggests also that many of the seizures were local traders between the islands, or at least vessels taking their chance on short runs. On the other hand, the stringency with which the local officials enforced the Convoy Act was shown, generally, by the experience at this time of the United States naval vessels, the records of which, unlike those of most privateers, have been preserved by filing or publication; and, specifically, by a number of papers found in a prize by the United States frigate "Constitution," Captain Charles Stewart, while making a round of these waters in the first three months of 1814. Among other documents was a petition, signed by many merchants of Demerara, praying convoy for fifty-one vessels which were collected and waiting for many weary weeks, as often had to be done. In one letter occurs the following: "With respect to procuring a license for the "Fanny" to run it, in case any other ships should be about to do so, we do not believe that, out of forty vessels ready to sail, any application has been made for such license, though out of the number are several out-port vessels well armed and manned. Indeed, we are aware application would be perfectly useless, as the present Governor, when at Berbice, would not permit a vessel from that colony to this [adjoining] without convoy. If we could obtain a license, we could not justify ourselves to shippers, who have ordered insurance with convoy."[231] The expense and embarrassment incident to such detentions are far-reaching, and the effects are as properly chargeable as are captures themselves to the credit of the cruisers, by the activity of which they are occasioned. The "Constitution" could report only four prizes as the result of a three months' cruise, necessarily shortened by the approach of spring. This made it imperative for a vessel, denied admission to most home ports by her draught of water, to recover the shelter of one of them before the blockade again began, and the exhaustion of her provisions should compel her to attempt entrance under risk of an engagement with superior force. As it was, she was chased into Salem, and had to lighten ship to escape. But Stewart had driven an enemy's brig of war into Surinam, chased a packet off Barbados, and a frigate in the Mona Passage; and the report of these occurrences, wherever received, imposed additional precaution, delay, and expense. At the same time that the "Constitution" was passing through the southern Caribbean, the naval brigs "Rattlesnake" and "Enterprise" were searching its northern limits. These had put out from Portsmouth, New Hampshire, when the winter weather drove the blockaders from there, as from Boston, whence the "Constitution" had sailed. Starting early in January, 1814, these two light cruisers kept company, passing east of Bermuda to the island of St. Thomas, at the northeast corner of the Caribbean. Thence they turned west, skirting the north shores of Porto Rico and Santo Domingo as far as the Windward Passage. Through this they entered the Caribbean, followed the south coast of Cuba, between it and Jamaica, rounded Cape San Antonio, at its western extremity, and thence, traversing the Straits of Florida, returned along the coast of the United States. Having already been chased twice in this cruise, they were compelled by a third pursuer to separate, February 25. The stranger chose to keep after the "Enterprise," which being a very dull sailer was obliged in a flight of seventy hours to throw overboard most of her battery to escape. The two put into Wilmington, North Carolina, a port impracticable to a frigate.[232] In this long round the brigs overhauled eleven vessels, two only of which were under the British flag. Two were Americans; the rest neutrals, either Swedes or Spaniards. Of the two enemies, only one was a merchant ship. The other was a privateer, the chase of which gave rise to a curious and significant incident. Being near the Florida coast, and thinking the brigs to be British, twenty or thirty of the crew took to the boats and fled ashore to escape anticipated impressment. As Marryat remarks, a British private vessel of that day feared a British ship of war more than it did an enemy of equal force. Of the neutrals stopped, one was in possession of a British prize crew, and another had on board enemy's goods. For these reasons they were sent in for adjudication, and arrived safely. Judged by these small results from the several cruises of the "Enterprise," "Rattlesnake," and "Constitution," the large aggregate of captures before quoted, two hundred and seventy, would indicate that to effect them required a great number of cruisers, national and private. That this inference is correct will be shown later, by some interesting and instructive figures. While the making of prizes was the primary concern of the American privateers, their cruises in the West Indies, as elsewhere, gave rise to a certain amount of hard fighting. One of the most noted of these encounters, that of the schooner "Decatur," of Charleston, with the man-of-war schooner "Dominica," can hardly be claimed for the United States; for, though fought under the flag, her captain, Diron, was French, as were most of the crew. The "Dominica" was in company with a King's packet, which she was to convoy part of the way to England from St. Thomas. On August 5, 1813, the "Decatur" met the two about three hundred miles north of the island. The British vessel was superior in armament, having fifteen guns; all carronades, except two long sixes. The "Decatur's" battery was six carronades, and one long 18-pounder. For long distances the latter was superior in carrying power and penetration to anything on board the "Dominica;" but the American captain, knowing himself to have most men, sought to board, and the artillery combat was therefore mainly at close quarters, within carronade range. It began at 2 P.M. At 2.30 the schooners were within half-gunshot of one another; the "Dominica" in the position of being chased, because of the necessity of avoiding the evident intention of the "Decatur" to come hand to hand. Twice the latter tried to run alongside, and twice was foiled by watchful steering, accompanied in each case by a broadside which damaged her rigging and sails, besides killing two of her crew. The third attempt was successful, the "Decatur's" bow coming against the quarter of the "Dominica," the jib-boom passing through her mainsail. The crew of the privateer clambered on board, and there followed a hand-to-hand fight equally honorable to both parties. The British captain, Lieutenant Barretté, a young man of twenty-five, who had already proved his coolness and skill in the management of the action, fell at the head of his men, of whom sixty out of a total of eighty-eight were killed or wounded before their colors were struck. The assailants, who numbered one hundred and three, lost nineteen. The packet, though armed, took no part in the fight, and when it was over effected her escape.[233] The "Decatur" with her prize reached Charleston safely, August 20; bringing also a captured merchantman. The moment of arrival was most opportune; two enemy's brigs, which for some time had been blockading the harbor, having left only the day before. In March, 1814, the privateer schooner "Comet," of Baltimore, not being able to make her home port, put into Wilmington, North Carolina. She had been cruising in the West Indies, and had there taken twenty vessels, most of which were destroyed after removing valuables. In the course of her operations she encountered near St. Thomas the British ship "Hibernia;" the size of which, and her height above the water, by preventing boarding, enabled her successfully to repel attack, and the privateer was obliged to haul off, having lost three men killed and thirteen wounded. The American account of this affair ascribes twenty-two guns to the "Hibernia." The British story says that she had but six, with a crew of twenty-two men; of whom one was killed and eleven wounded. The importance of the matter in itself scarcely demands a serious attempt to reconcile this discrepancy; and it is safer to accept each party's statement of his own force. The two agree that the action lasted eight or nine hours, and that both were much cut up. It is evident also from each narrative that they lay alongside most of the time, which makes it probable that the ship's height saved her from being overborne by superior numbers. The "Saucy Jack," of Charleston, passed through several severe combats, in one of which she was even worse mauled than the "Comet" in the instance just cited. On April 30, 1814, off St. Nicolas Mole, in the Windward Passage between Cuba and Santo Domingo, she met the British ship "Pelham," a vessel of five hundred and forty tons, and mounting ten guns, bound from London to Port au Prince. The "Pelham" fought well, and the action lasted two hours, at the end of which she was carried by boarding. Her forty men were overpowered by numbers, but nevertheless still resisted with a resolution which commanded the admiration of the victors. She lost four killed and eleven wounded; among the latter her captain, dangerously. The privateer had two killed and nine wounded. Both vessels reached Charleston safely, and the "Saucy Jack" at once fitted out again. It is told that, between daylight and dark of the day she began to enlist, one hundred and thirty able-bodied seamen had shipped; and this at a time when the navy with difficulty found crews.[234] The "Saucy Jack" returned to the West Indies for another cruise, in which she encountered one of those rude deceptions which privateers often experienced. She had made already eight prizes, for one of which, the ship "Amelia," she had had to fight vigorously, killing four and wounding five of the enemy, while herself sustaining a loss of one killed and one wounded, when on October 31, 1814, about 1 A.M., being then off Cape Tiburon at the west end of Haïti, she sighted two vessels standing to the westward. Chase was made, and an hour later the privateer opened fire. The strangers replied, at the same time shortening sail, which looked ominous; but the "Saucy Jack," willing to justify her name, kept on to close. At 6 A.M., having arrived within a few hundred yards, the enemy were seen to be well armed, but appeared not to be well manned. At seven, by which time it was daylight, the "Saucy Jack" began an engagement with the nearer, and ten minutes later ran her alongside, when she was found to be full of soldiers. The privateer sheered off at once, and took to her heels, followed by an incessant fire of grape and musketry from those whom she had recently pursued. This awkward position, which carried the chance of a disabling shot and consequent capture, lasted till eight, when the speed of the schooner took her out of range, having had in all eight men killed and fifteen wounded; two round shot in the hull, and spars and rigging much cut up. It was afterwards ascertained that her opponent was the "Volcano" bombship, convoying the transport "Golden Fleece," on board which were two hundred and fifty troops from Chesapeake Bay for Jamaica. The "Volcano" lost an officer and two men killed, and two wounded; proving that under somewhat awkward circumstances the "Saucy Jack" could give as well as take.[235] A little later in this season a group of nine sail, from the West Indies for Europe, was encountered by the privateer "Kemp," of Baltimore, broad off the coast of North Carolina. Excluded, like the "Comet" and others, from return to the port where she belonged, the "Kemp" had been in Wilmington, which she left November 29, 1814; the strangers being sighted at 8 A.M. December 1. One was a convoying frigate, which, when the "Kemp" pursued, gave chase and drove her off that afternoon. The privateer outran her pursuer, and during the night by devious courses gave her the slip; thereupon steering for the position where she judged she would again fall in with the merchant vessels. In this she was successful, at daylight discovering them,--three ships, three brigs, and two schooners. At 11 A.M. one ship was overtaken, but proving to be Spanish, from Havana to Hamburg, was allowed to proceed, while the "Kemp" again followed the others. At noon they were five miles to windward, drawn up in a line to fight; for in those days of war and piracy most merchant ships carried at least a few guns for defence, and in this case their numbers, combined in mutual support, might effect a successful resistance. At two they took the initiative, bearing down together and attacking. The "Kemp" engaged them all, and in half an hour the untrained squadron was naturally in confusion. One after the other, six of the seven were boarded, or without waiting to be attacked struck their colors as the schooner drew up; but while four were being taken into possession, the two others seized the opportunity and made off. Two ships and two brigs remained in the hands of the captor. All were laden with sugar and coffee, valuable at any time, but especially so in the then destitute condition of the United States. After this unusual, if not wholly unique, experience, the "Kemp" returned to port, having been absent only six days. Her prisoners amounted to seventy-one, her own crew being fifty-three. The separation of the escort from the convoy, the subsequent judicious search for the latter, and the completeness of the result, constitute this a very remarkable instance of good management accompanied by good fortune; success deserved and achieved.[236] The privateer brig "Chasseur," of Baltimore, Captain Thomas Boyle, was one of the typically successful and renowned cruisers of the time. She carried a battery of sixteen 12-pounder carronades, and in the course of the war thirty prizes are credited to her. In the late summer of 1814 she cruised off the coast of Great Britain and Ireland, returning at the end of October; having made eighteen captures during an absence of three months. From these she paroled and sent in by cartels one hundred and fifty prisoners, bringing back with her forty-three, of whom she had not been able thus to rid herself.[237] After refitting she went to the West Indies for a winter cruise, which extended from the Windward Islands to the neighborhood of Havana. Here she signalized the approaching end of her career by an action, fought after peace not only had been concluded at Ghent, but already was known in the United States. On February 26, 1815, at 11 A.M., being then twenty miles east of Havana, and six miles from the Cuban coast, a schooner was seen in the northeast (1), running down before the northeast trade-wind. Sail was made to intercept her (2), there being at the time visible from the "Chasseur's" masthead a convoy lying-to off Havana, information concerning which probably accounts for her presence at this spot. The chase steered more to the northward (2), bringing the wind on her starboard side, apparently wishing to avoid a meeting. The "Chasseur" followed her motions, and when within about three miles the stranger's foretopmast went over the side, showing the press of sail she was carrying. After clearing the wreck she hauled close on the wind, heading northerly. At 1 P.M., she began to fire her stern gun and showed British colors; but only three port-holes were visible on her port side,--towards the "Chasseur." Believing from appearances that he had before him a weakly armed vessel making a passage, and seeing but few men on her deck, Captain Boyle pressed forward without much preparation and under all sail. At 1.26 P.M. the "Chasseur" had come within pistol-shot (3), on the port side, when the enemy disclosed a tier of ten ports and opened his broadside, with round shot, grape, and musket balls. The American schooner, having much way on, shot ahead, and as she was to leeward in doing so, the British vessel kept off quickly (4) to run under her stern and rake. This was successfully avoided by imitating the movement (4), and the two were again side by side, but with the "Chasseur" now to the right (5). The action continued thus for about ten minutes, when Boyle found his opponent's battery too heavy for him. He therefore ran alongside (6), and in the act of boarding the enemy struck. She proved to be the British schooner "St. Lawrence," belonging to the royal navy; formerly a renowned Philadelphia privateer, the "Atlas." Her battery, one long 9-pounder and fourteen 12-pounder carronades, would have been no very unequal match for the sixteen of her antagonist; but the "Chasseur" had been obliged recently to throw overboard ten of these, while hard chased by the Barrosa frigate, and had replaced them with some 9-pounders from a prize, for which she had no proper projectiles. The complement allowed the "St. Lawrence" was seventy-five, though it does not seem certain that all were on board; and she was carrying also some soldiers, marines, and naval officers, bound to New Orleans, in ignorance probably of the disastrous end of that expedition. The "Chasseur" had eighty-nine men, besides several boys. The British loss reported by her captain was six killed and seventeen wounded; the American, five killed and eight wounded.[238] [Illustration: Diagram of the Chasseur vs. St. Lawrence battle] This action was very creditably fought on both sides, but to the American captain belongs the meed of having not only won success, but deserved it. His sole mistake was the over-confidence in what he could see, which made him a victim to the very proper ruse practised by his antagonist in concealing his force. His manoeuvring was prompt, ready, and accurate; that of the British vessel was likewise good, but a greater disproportion of injury should have resulted from her superior battery. In reporting the affair to his owners, Captain Boyle said, apologetically: "I should not willingly, perhaps, have sought a contest with a King's vessel, knowing that is not our object; but my expectations at first were a valuable vessel, and a valuable cargo also. When I found myself deceived, the honor of the flag intrusted to my care was not to be disgraced by flight." The feeling expressed was modest as well as spirited, and Captain Boyle's handsome conduct merits the mention that the day after the action, when the captured schooner was released as a cartel to Havana, in compassion to her wounded, the commander of the "St. Lawrence" gave him a letter, in the event of his being taken by a British cruiser, testifying to his "obliging attention and watchful solicitude to preserve our effects, and render us comfortable during the short time we were in his possession;" in which, he added, the captain "was carefully seconded by all his officers."[239] These instances, occurring either in the West Indies, or, in the case of the "Kemp," affecting vessels which had just loaded there, are sufficient, when taken in connection with those before cited from other quarters of the globe, to illustrate the varied activities and fortunes of privateering. The general subject, therefore, need not further be pursued. It will be observed that in each case the cruiser acts on the offensive; being careful, however, in choosing the object of attack, to avoid armed ships, the capture of which seems unlikely to yield pecuniary profit adequate to the risk. The gallantry and skill of Captain Boyle of the "Chasseur" made particularly permissible to him the avowal, that only mistake of judgment excused his committing himself to an encounter which held out no such promise; and it may be believed that the equally capable Captain Diron, if free to do as he pleased, would have chosen the packet, and not her escort the "Dominica," as the object of his pursuit. This the naval schooner of course could not permit. It was necessary, therefore, first to fight her; and, although she was beaten, the result of the action was to insure the escape of the ship under her charge. These examples define exactly the spirit and aim of privateering, and distinguish them from the motives inspiring the ship of war. The object of the privateer is profit by capture; to which fighting is only incidental, and where avoidable is blamable. The mission of a navy on the other hand is primarily military; and while custom permitted the immediate captor a share in the proceeds of his prizes, the taking of them was in conception not for direct gain, personal or national, but for injury to the enemy. It may seem that, even though the ostensible motive was not the same, the two courses of operation followed identical methods, and in outcome were indistinguishable. This is not so. However subtle the working of the desire for gain upon the individual naval officer, leading at times to acts of doubtful propriety, the tone and spirit of a profession, even when not clearly formulated in phrase and definition, will assert itself in the determination of personal conduct. The dominating sense of advantage to the state, which is the military motive, and the dominating desire for gain in a mercantile enterprise, are very different incentives; and the result showed itself in a fact which has never been appreciated, and perhaps never noted, that the national ships of war were far more effective as prize takers than were the privateers. A contrary impression has certainly obtained, and was shared by the present writer until he resorted to the commonplace test of adding up figures. Amid much brilliant achievement, privateering, like all other business pursuits, had also a large and preponderant record of unsuccess. The very small number of naval cruisers necessarily yielded a much smaller aggregate of prizes; but when the respective totals are considered with reference to the numbers of vessels engaged in making them, the returns from the individual vessels of the United States navy far exceed those from the privateers. Among conspicuously successful cruisers, also, the United States ships "Argus," "Essex," "Peacock," and "Wasp" compare favorably in general results with the most celebrated privateers, even without allowing for the evident fact that a few instances of very extraordinary qualities and record are more likely to be found among five hundred vessels than among twenty-two; this being the entire number of naval pendants actually engaged in open-sea cruising, from first to last. These twenty-two captured one hundred and sixty-five prizes, an average of 7.5 each, in which are included the enemy's ships of war taken. Of privateers of all classes there were five hundred and twenty-six; or, excluding a few small nondescripts, four hundred and ninety-two. By these were captured thirteen hundred and forty-four vessels, an average of less than three; to be exact, 2.7. The proportion, therefore, of prizes taken by ships of war to those by private armed vessels was nearly three to one. Comparison may be instituted in other ways. Of the twenty-two national cruisers, four only, or one in five, took no prize; leaving to the remaining eighteen an average of nine. Out of the grand total of five hundred and twenty-six privateers only two hundred and seven caught anything; three hundred and nineteen, three out of five, returned to port empty-handed, or were themselves taken. Dividing the thirteen hundred and forty-four prizes among the two hundred and seven more or less successful privateers, there results an average of 6.5; so that, regard being had only to successful cruisers, the achievement of the naval vessels was to that of the private armed nearly as three to two. These results may be accepted as disposing entirely of the extravagant claims made for privateering as a system, when compared with a regular naval service, especially when it is remembered with what difficulty the American frigates could get to sea at all, on account of their heavy draft and the close blockade; whereas the smaller vessels, national or private, had not only many harbors open, but also comparatively numerous opportunities to escape. The frigate "United States" never got out after her capture of the "Macedonian," in 1812; the "Congress" was shut up after her return in December, 1813; and the "Chesapeake" had been captured in the previous June. All these nevertheless count in the twenty-two pendants reckoned above. The figures here cited are from a compilation by Lieutenant George F. Emmons,[240] of the United States Navy, published in 1853 under the title, "The United States Navy from 1775 to 1853." Mr. Emmons made no analyses, confining himself to giving lists and particulars; his work is purely statistical. Counting captures upon the lakes, and a few along the coast difficult of classification, his grand total of floating craft taken from the enemy reaches fifteen hundred and ninety-nine; which agrees nearly with the sixteen hundred and thirty-four of Niles, whom he names among his sources of information. From an examination of the tables some other details of interest may be drawn. Of the five hundred and twenty-six privateers and letters-of-marque given by name, twenty-six were ships, sixty-seven brigs, three hundred and sixty-four schooners, thirty-five sloops, thirty-four miscellaneous; down to, and including, a few boats putting out from the beach. The number captured by the enemy was one hundred and forty-eight, or twenty-eight per cent. The navy suffered more severely. Of the twenty-two vessels reckoned above, twelve were taken, or destroyed to keep them out of an enemy's hands; over fifty per cent. Of the twelve, six were small brigs, corresponding in size and nautical powers to the privateer. Three were frigates--the "President," "Essex," and "Chesapeake." One, the "Adams," was not at sea when destroyed by her own captain to escape capture. Only two sloops of war, the first "Wasp" and the "Frolic,"[241] were taken; and of these the former, as already known, was caught when partially dismasted, at the end of a successful engagement. Contemporary with the career of the "Argus," the advantage of a sudden and unexpected inroad, like hers, upon a region deemed safe by the enemy, was receiving confirmation in the remote Pacific by the cruise of the frigate "Essex." This vessel, which had formed part of Commodore Bainbridge's squadron at the close of 1812, was last mentioned as keeping her Christmas off Cape Frio,[242] on the coast of Brazil, awaiting there the coming of the consorts whom she never succeeded in joining. Captain Porter maintained this station, hearing frequently about Bainbridge by vessels from Bahia, until January 12, 1813. Then a threatened shortness of provisions, and rumors of enemy's ships in the neighborhood, especially of the seventy-four "Montagu" combined to send him to St. Catherine's Island, another appointed rendezvous, and the last upon the coast of Brazil. In this remote and sequestered anchorage hostile cruisers would scarcely look for him, at least until more likely positions had been carefully examined. [Illustration: CAPTAIN DAVID PORTER. _From the painting by Charles Wilson Peale, in Independence Hall, Philadelphia._] At St. Catherine's Porter heard of the action between the "Constitution" and "Java" off Bahia, a thousand miles distant, and received also a rumor, which seemed probable enough, that the third ship of the division, the "Hornet," had been captured by the "Montagu." He consequently left port January 26, for the southward, still with the expectation of ultimately joining the Commodore off St. Helena, the last indicated point of assembly; but having been unable to renew his stores in St. Catherine's, and ascertaining that there was no hope of better success at Buenos Ayres, or the other Spanish settlements within the River La Plata, he after reflection decided to cut loose from the squadron and go alone to the Pacific. There he could reasonably hope to support himself by the whalers of the enemy; that class of vessel being always well provided for long absences. This alternative course he knew would be acceptable to the Government, as well as to his immediate commander.[243] The next six weeks were spent in the tempestuous passage round Cape Horn, the ship's company living on half-allowance of provisions; but on March 14, 1813, the "Essex" anchored in Valparaiso, being the first United States ship of war to show the national flag in the Pacific. By a noteworthy coincidence she had already been the first to carry it beyond the Cape of Good Hope. Chile received the frigate hospitably, being at the time in revolt against Spain; but the authority of the mother country was still maintained in Peru, where a Spanish viceroy resided, and it was learned that in the capacity of ally of Great Britain he intended to fit out privateers against American whalers, of which there were many in these seas. As several of the British whalers carried letters-of-marque, empowering them to make prizes, the arrival of the "Essex" not only menaced the hostile interests, but promised to protect her own countrymen from a double danger. Her departure therefore was hastened; and having secured abundant provision, such as the port supplied, she sailed for the northward a week after anchoring. A privateer from Peru was met, which had seized two Americans. Porter threw overboard her guns and ammunition, and then released her with a note for the viceroy, which served both as a respectful explanation and a warning. One of the prizes taken by this marauder was recaptured March 27, when entering Callao, the port of Lima. The "Essex" then went to the Galapagos Islands, a group just south of the equator, five hundred miles from the South American mainland. These belong now to Ecuador, and at that day were a noted rendezvous for whalers. In this neighborhood the frigate remained from April 17 to October 3, during which period she captured twelve British whalers out of some twenty-odd reported in the Pacific; with the necessary consequence of driving all others to cover for the time being. The prizes were valuable, some more, some less; not only from the character of their cargoes, but because they themselves were larger than the average merchant ship, and exceptionally well found. Three were sent to Valparaiso in convoy of a fourth, which had been converted into a consort of the "Essex," under the name of the "Essex Junior," mounting twenty very light guns. September 30 she returned, bringing word that a British squadron, consisting of the 36-gun frigate "Phoebe," Captain James Hillyar, and the sloops of war "Cherub" and "Raccoon," had sailed for the Pacific. The rumor was correct, though long antedating the arrival of the vessels. In consequence of it, Porter, considering that his work at the Galapagos was now complete, and that the "Essex" would need overhauling before a possible encounter with a division, the largest unit of which was superior to her in class and force, decided to move to a position then even more remote from disturbance than St. Catherine's had been. On October 25 the "Essex" and "Essex Junior" anchored at the island of Nukahiva, of the Marquesas group, having with them three of the prizes. Of the others, besides those now at Valparaiso, two had been given up to prisoners to convey them to England, and three had been sent to the United States. That all the last were captured on the way detracts nothing from Porter's merit, but testifies vividly to the British command of the sea. At the Marquesas, by aid of the resources of the prizes, the frigate was thoroughly overhauled, refitted, and provisioned for six months. Porter had not only maintained his ship, but in part paid his officers and crew from the proceeds of his captures. On December 12 he sailed for Chile, satisfied with the material outcome of his venturous cruise, but wishing to add to it something of further distinction by an encounter with Hillyar, if obtainable on terms approaching equality. With this object the ship's company were diligently exercised at the guns and small arms during the passage, which lasted nearly eight weeks; the Chilean coast being sighted on January 12, far to the southward, and the "Essex" running slowly along it until February 3, when she reached Valparaiso. On the 8th the "Phoebe" and "Cherub" came in and anchored; the "Raccoon" having gone on to the North Pacific. The antagonists now lay near one another, under the restraint of a neutral port, for several days, during which some social intercourse took place between the officers; the two captains renewing an acquaintance made years before in the Mediterranean. After a period of refit, and of repose for the crews, the British left the bay, and cruised off the port. The "Essex" and "Essex Junior" remained at anchor, imprisoned by a force too superior to be encountered without some modifying circumstances of advantage. Porter found opportunities for contrasting the speed of the two frigates, and convinced himself that the "Essex" was on that score superior; but the respective armaments introduced very important tactical considerations, which might, and in the result did, prove decisive. The "Essex" originally had been a 12-pounder frigate, classed as of thirty-two guns; but her battery now was forty 32-pounder carronades and six long twelves. Captain Porter in his report of the battle stated the armament of the "Phoebe" to be thirty long 18-pounders and sixteen 32-pounder carronades. The British naval historian James gives her twenty-six long eighteens, fourteen 32-pounder carronades, and four long nines; while to the "Cherub" he attributes a carronade battery of eighteen thirty-twos and six eighteens, with two long sixes. Whichever enumeration be accepted, the broadside of the "Essex" within carronade range considerably outweighed that of the "Phoebe" alone, but was much less than that of the two British ships combined; the light built and light-armed "Essex Junior" not being of account to either side. There remained always the serious chance that, even if the "Phoebe" accepted single combat, some accident of wind might prevent the "Essex" reaching her before being disabled by her long guns. Hillyar, moreover, was an old disciple of Nelson, fully imbued with the teaching that achievement of success, not personal glory, must dictate action; and, having a well established reputation for courage and conduct, he did not intend to leave anything to the chances of fortune incident to engagement between equals. He would accept no provocation to fight apart from the "Cherub." Forced to accept this condition, Porter now turned his attention to escape. Valparaiso Bay is an open roadstead, facing north. The high ground above the anchorage provides shelter from the south-southwest wind, which prevails along this coast throughout the year with very rare intermissions. At times, as is common under high land, it blows furiously in gusts. The British vessels underway kept their station close to the extreme western point of the bay, to prevent the "Essex" from passing to southward of them, and so gaining the advantage of the wind, which might entail a prolonged chase and enable her, if not to distance pursuit, at least to draw the "Phoebe" out of support of the "Cherub." Porter's aim of course was to seize an opportunity when by neglect, or unavoidably, they had left a practicable opening between them and the point. In the end, his hand was forced by an accident. On March 28 the south wind blew with unusual violence, and the "Essex" parted one of her cables. The other anchor failed to hold when the strain came upon it, and the ship began to drift to sea. The cable was cut and sail made at once; for though the enemy were too nearly in their station to have warranted the attempt to leave under ordinary conditions, Porter, in the emergency thus suddenly thrust upon him, thought he saw a prospect of passing to windward. The "Essex" therefore was hauled close to the wind under single-reefed topsails, heading to the westward; but just as she came under the point of the bay a heavy squall carried away the maintopmast. The loss of this spar hopelessly crippled her, and made it impossible even to regain the anchorage left. She therefore put about, and ran eastward until within pistol-shot of the coast, about three miles north of the city. Here she anchored, well within neutral waters; Hillyar's report stating that she was "so near shore as to preclude the possibility of passing ahead of her without risk to his Majesty's ships." Three miles, then the range of a cannon-shot, estimated liberally, was commonly accepted as the width of water adjacent to neutral territory, which was under the neutral protection. The British captain decided nevertheless to attack. The wind remaining southerly, the "Essex" rode head to it; the two hostile vessels approaching with the intention of running north of her, close under her stern. The wind, however, forced them off as they drew near; and their first attack, beginning about 4 P.M. and lasting ten minutes, produced no visible effect, according to Hillyar's report. Porter states, on the contrary, that considerable injury was done to the "Essex"; and in particular the spring which he was trying to get on the cable was thrice shot away, thus preventing the bringing of her broadside to bear as required. The "Phoebe" and her consort then wore, which increased their distance, and stood out again to sea. While doing this they threw a few "random shots;" fired, that is, at an elevation so great as to be incompatible with certainty of aim. During this cannonade the "Essex," with three 12-pounders run out of her stern ports, had deprived the "Phoebe" of "the use of her mainsail, jib and mainstay." On standing in again Hillyar prepared to anchor, but ordered the "Cherub" to keep underway, choosing a position whence she could most annoy their opponent. At 5.35 P.M., by Hillyar's report,--Porter is silent as to the hour,--the attack was renewed; the British ships both placing themselves on the starboard--seaward--quarter of the "Essex." Before the "Phoebe" reached the position in which she intended to anchor, the "Essex" was seen to be underway. Hillyar could only suppose that her cable had been severed by a shot; but Porter states that under the galling fire to which she was subjected, without power to reply, he cut the cable, hoping, as the enemy were to leeward, he might bring the ship into close action, and perhaps even board the "Phoebe." The decision was right, but under the conditions a counsel of desperation; for sheets, tacks, and halliards being shot away, movement depended upon sails hanging loose,--spread, but not set. Nevertheless, he was able for a short time to near the enemy, and both accounts agree that hereupon ensued the heat of the combat; "a serious conflict," to use Hillyar's words, to which corresponds Porter's statement that "the firing on both sides was now tremendous." The "Phoebe," however, was handled, very properly, to utilize to the full the tactical advantages she possessed in the greater range of her guns, and in power of manoeuvring. In the circumstances under which she was acting, the sail power left her was amply sufficient; having simply to keep drawing to leeward, maintaining from her opponent a distance at which his guns were useless and her own effective. Under these conditions, seeing success to be out of the question, and suffering great loss of men, Porter turned to the last resort of the vanquished, to destroy the vessel and to save the crew from captivity. The "Essex" was pointed for the shore; but when within a couple of hundred yards the wind, which had so far favored her approach, shifted ahead. Still clinging to every chance, a kedge with a hawser was let go, to hold her where she was; perhaps the enemy might drift unwittingly out of range. But the hawser parted, and with it the frigate's last hold upon the country which she had honored by an heroic defence. Porter then authorized any who might wish to swim ashore to do so; the flag being kept flying to warrant a proceeding which after formal surrender would be a breach of faith. At 6.20 the "Essex" at last lowered her colors.[244] Out of a ship's company of two hundred and fifty-five, with which she sailed in the morning, fifty-eight were killed, or died of their wounds, and sixty-five were wounded. The missing were reported at thirty-one. By agreement between Hillyar and Porter, the "Essex Junior" was disarmed, and neutralized, to convey to the United States, as paroled prisoners of war, the survivors who remained on board at the moment of surrender. These numbered one hundred and thirty-two. It is an interesting particular, linking those early days of the United States navy to a long subsequent period of renown, and worthy therefore to be recalled, that among the combatants of the "Essex" was Midshipman David G. Farragut, then thirteen years old. His name figures among the wounded, as well as in the list of passengers on board the "Essex Junior." The disaster to the "Essex" is connected by a singular and tragical link with the fate of an American cruiser of like adventurous enterprise in seas far distant from the Pacific. After the defeat at Valparaiso, Lieutenant Stephen Decatur McKnight and Midshipman James Lyman of the United States frigate were exchanged as prisoners of war against a certain number of officers and seamen belonging to one of the "Essex's" prizes; which, having continued under protection of the neutral port, had undergone no change of belligerent relation by the capture of her captor. When the "Essex Junior" sailed, these two officers remained behind, by amicable arrangement, to go in the "Phoebe" to Rio Janeiro, there to give certain evidence needed in connection with the prize claims of the British frigate; which done, it was understood they would be at liberty to return to their own country by such conveyance as suited them. After arrival in Rio, the first convenient opportunity offering was by a Swedish brig sailing for Falmouth, England. In her they took passage, leaving Rio August 23, 1814. On October 9 the brig fell in with the United States sloop of war "Wasp," in mid-ocean, about three hundred miles west of the Cape Verde Islands, homeward bound. The two passengers transferred themselves to her. Since this occurrence nothing further has ever been heard of the American ship; nor would the incident itself have escaped oblivion but for the anxiety of friends, which after the lapse, of time prompted systematic inquiry to ascertain what had become of the missing officers. The captain of the "Wasp" was Master-Commandant, or, as he would now be styled, Commander Johnstone Blakely; the same who had commanded the "Enterprise" up to a month before her engagement with the "Boxer," when was demonstrated the efficiency to which he had brought her ship's company. He sailed from Portsmouth, New Hampshire, May 1, 1814. Of his instructions,[245] the most decisive was to remain for thirty days in a position on the approaches to the English Channel, about one hundred and fifty miles south of Ireland, in which neighborhood occurred the most striking incidents of the cruise. On the outward passage was taken only one prize, June 2. She was from Cork to Halifax, twelve days out; therefore probably from six to eight hundred miles west of Ireland. The second, from Limerick for Bordeaux, June 13, would show the "Wasp" on her station; on which, Blakely reported, it was impossible to keep her, even approximately, being continually drawn away in pursuit, and often much further up the English Channel than desired, on account of the numerous sails passing.[246] When overhauled, most of these were found to be neutrals. Nevertheless, seven British merchant vessels were taken; all of which were destroyed, except one given up to carry prisoners to England. While thus engaged, the "Wasp" on June 28 sighted a sail, which proved to be the British brig of war "Reindeer," Captain Manners, that had left Plymouth six days before. The place of this meeting was latitude 48-½° North, longitude 11° East; therefore nearly in the cruising ground assigned to Blakely by his instructions. The antagonists were unequally matched; the American carrying twenty 32-pounder carronades and two long guns, the British sixteen 24-pounders and two long; a difference against her of over fifty per cent. The "Reindeer" was to windward, and some manoeuvring took place in the respective efforts to keep or to gain this advantage. In the end the "Reindeer" retained it, and the action began with both on the starboard tack, closehauled, the British sloop on the weather quarter of the "Wasp,"--behind, but on the weather side, which in this case was to the right (1). Approaching slowly, the "Reindeer" with great deliberation fired five times, at two-minute intervals, a light gun mounted on her forecastle, loaded with round and grape shot. Finding her to maintain this position, upon which his guns would not train, Blakely put the helm down, and the "Wasp" turned swiftly to the right (2), bringing her starboard battery to bear. This was at 3.26 P.M. The action immediately became very hot, at very close range (3), and the "Reindeer" was speedily disabled. The vessels then came together (4), and Captain Manners, who by this time had received two severe wounds, with great gallantry endeavored to board with his crew, reduced by the severe punishment already inflicted to half its originally inferior numbers. As he climbed into the rigging, two balls from the "Wasp's" tops passed through his head, and he fell back dead on his own deck. No further resistance was offered, and the "Wasp" took possession. She had lost five killed and twenty-one wounded, of whom six afterwards died. The British casualties were twenty-three killed and forty-two wounded. The brig herself, being fairly torn to pieces, was burned the next day.[247] [Illustration: Diagram of the Wasp vs. Reindeer battle] The results of this engagement testify to the efficiency and resolution of both combatants; but a special meed of praise is assuredly due to Captain Manners, whose tenacity was as marked as his daring, and who, by the injury done to his stronger antagonist, demonstrated both the thoroughness of his previous general preparation and the skill of his management in the particular instance. Under his command the "Reindeer" had become a notable vessel in the fleet to which she belonged; but as equality in force is at a disadvantage where there is serious inferiority in training and discipline, so the best of drilling must yield before decisive superiority of armament, when there has been equal care on both sides to insure efficiency in the use of the battery. To Blakely's diligence in this respect his whole career bears witness. After the action Blakely wished to remain cruising, which neither the condition of his ship nor her losses in men forbade; but the number of prisoners and wounded compelled him to make a harbor. He accordingly went into L'Orient, France, on July 8. Despite the change of government, and the peace with Great Britain which attended the restoration of the Bourbons, the "Wasp" was here hospitably received and remained for seven weeks refitting, sailing again August 27. By September 1 she had taken and destroyed three more enemy's vessels; one of which was cut out from a convoy, and burnt under the eyes of the convoying 74-gun ship. At 6.30 P.M. of September 1 four sails were sighted, from which Blakely selected to pursue the one most to windward; for, should this prove a ship of war, the others, if consorts, would be to leeward of the fight, less able to assist. The chase lasted till 9.26, when the "Wasp" was near enough to see that the stranger was a brig of war, and to open with a light carronade on the forecastle, as the "Reindeer" had done upon her in the same situation. Confident in his vessel, however, Blakely abandoned this advantage of position, ran under his antagonist's lee to prevent her standing down to join the vessels to leeward, and at 9.29 began the engagement, being then on her lee bow. At ten the "Wasp" ceased firing and hailed, believing the enemy to be silenced; but receiving no reply, and the British guns opening again, the combat was renewed. At 10.12, seeing the opponent to be suffering greatly, Blakely hailed again and was answered that the brig had surrendered. The "Wasp's" battery was secured, and a boat was in the act of being lowered to take possession, when a second brig was discovered close astern. Preparation was made to receive her and her coming up awaited; but at 10.36 the two others were also visible, astern and approaching. The "Wasp" then made sail, hoping to decoy the second vessel from her supports; but the sinking condition of the one first engaged detained the new-comer, who, having come within pistol-shot, fired a broadside which took effect only aloft, and then gave all her attention to saving the crew of her comrade. As the "Wasp" drew away she heard the repeated signal guns of distress discharged by her late adversary, the name of which never became known to the captain and crew of the victorious ship.[248] The vessel thus engaged was the British brig "Avon," of sixteen 32-pounder carronades, and two long 9-pounders; her force being to that of the "Wasp" as four to five. Her loss in men was ten killed and thirty-two wounded; that of the "Wasp" two killed and one wounded. The "Avon" being much superior to the "Reindeer," this comparatively slight injury inflicted by her testifies to inferior efficiency. The broadside of her rescuer, the "Castilian," of the same weight as her own, wholly missed the "Wasp's" hull, though delivered from so near; a circumstance which drew from the British historian, James, the caustic remark that she probably would have done no better than the "Avon," had the action continued. The "Wasp" was much damaged in sails and rigging; the "Avon" sank two hours and a half after the "Wasp" left her and one hour after being rejoined by the "Castilian." The course of the "Wasp" after this event is traced by her captures. The meeting with the "Avon" was within a hundred miles of that with the "Reindeer." On September 12 and 14, having run south three hundred and sixty miles, she took two vessels; being then about two hundred and fifty miles west from Lisbon. On the 21st, having made four degrees more southing, she seized the British brig "Atalanta," a hundred miles east of Madeira. This prize being of exceptional value, Blakely decided to send her in, and she arrived safely at Savannah on November 4, in charge of Midshipman David Geisinger, who lived to become a captain in the navy.[249] She brought with her Blakely's official despatches, including the report of the affair with the "Avon." This was the last tidings received from the "Wasp" until the inquiries of friends elicited the fact that the two officers of the "Essex" had joined her three weeks after the capture of the "Atalanta," nine hundred miles farther south. Besides these, there were among the lost two lieutenants who had been in the "Constitution" when she took the "Guerrière" and the "Java," and one who had been in the "Enterprise" in her action with the "Boxer." Coincident in time with the cruise of the "Wasp" was that of her sister ship, the "Peacock"; like her also newly built, and named after the British brig sunk by Captain Lawrence in the "Hornet." The finest achievement of the "Wasp," however, was near the end of her career, while it fell to the "Peacock" to begin with a successful action. Having left New York early in March, she went first to St. Mary's, Georgia, carrying a quantity of warlike stores. In making this passage she was repeatedly chased by enemies. Having landed her cargo, she sailed immediately and ran south as far as one of the Bahama Islands, called the Great Isaac, near to which vessels from Jamaica and Cuba bound to Europe must pass, because of the narrowness of the channel separating the islands from the Florida coast. In this neighborhood she remained from April 18 to 24, seeing only one neutral and two privateers, which were pursued unsuccessfully. This absence of unguarded merchant ships, coupled with the frequency of hostile cruisers met before, illustrates exactly the conditions to which attention has been repeatedly drawn, as characterizing the British plan of action in the Western Atlantic. Learning that the expected Jamaica convoy would be under charge of a seventy-four, two frigates, and two sloops, and that the merchant ships in Havana, fearing to sail alone, would await its passing to join, Captain Warrington next stood slowly to the northward, and on April 29, off Cape Canaveral, sighted four sail, which proved to be the British brig "Epervier" of eighteen 32-pounder carronades,[250] also northward bound, with three merchant vessels under her convoy; one of these being Russian, and one Spanish, belonging therefore to nations still at war with France, though neutral towards the United States. The third, a merchant brig, was the first British commercial vessel seen since leaving Savannah. As usual and proper, the "Epervier," seeing that the "Peacock" would overtake her and her convoy, directed the latter to separate while she stood down to engage the hostile cruiser. The two vessels soon came to blows. The accounts of the action on both sides are extremely meagre, and preclude any certain statement as to manoeuvres; which indeed cannot have been material to the issue reached. The "Epervier," for reasons that will appear later, fought first one broadside and then the other; but substantially the contest appears to have been maintained side to side. From the first discharge of the "Epervier" two round shot struck the "Peacock's" foreyard nearly in the same place, which so weakened the spar as to deprive the ship of the use of her foresail and foretopsail; that is, practically, of all sail on the foremast. Having thenceforth only the jibs for headsail, she had to be kept a little off the wind. The action lasted forty-five minutes, when the "Epervier" struck. Her loss in men was eight killed, and fifteen wounded; the "Peacock" had two wounded. In extenuation of this disproportion in result, James states that in the first broadside three of the "Epervier's" carronades were unshipped; and that, when those on the other side were brought into action by tacking, similar mishaps occurred. Further, the moment the guns got warm they drew out the breeching bolts. Allowing full force to these facts, they certainly have some bearing on the general outcome; but viewed with regard to the particular question of efficiency, which is the issue of credit in every fight,[251] there remains the first broadside, and such other discharges as the carronades could endure before getting warm. The light metal of those guns indisputably caused them to heat rapidly, and to kick nastily; but it can scarcely be considered probable that the "Epervier" was not able to get in half a dozen broadsides. The result, two wounded, establishes inefficiency, and a practical certainty of defeat had all her ironwork held; for the "Peacock," though only three months commissioned, was a good ship under a thoroughly capable and attentive captain. A comical remark of James in connection with this engagement illustrates the weakness of prepossession, in all matters relating to Americans, which in him was joined to a painstaking accuracy in ascertaining and stating external facts. "Two well-directed shot," he says, disabled the "Peacock's" foreyard. It was certainly a capital piece of luck for the "Epervier" that her opponent at the outset lost the use of one of her most important spars; but the implication that the shot were directed for the point hit is not only preposterous but, in a combat between vessels nearly equal, depreciatory. The shot of a first broadside had no business to be so high in the air. James alleges also poor quality and a mutinous spirit in the crew, and that at the end, when their captain called upon them to board, they refused, saying, "She is too heavy for us." To this the adequate reply is that the brig had been in commission since the end of 1812,--sixteen months; time sufficient to bring even an indifferent crew to a very reasonable degree of efficiency, yet not enough to cause serious deterioration of material. That after the punishment received the men refused to board, if discreditable to them under the conditions, is discreditable also to the captain; not to his courage, but to his hold upon the men whom he had commanded so long. The establishment of the "Epervier's" inefficiency certainly detracts from the distinction of the "Peacock's" victory; but it was scarcely her fault that her adversary was not worthier, and it does not detract from her credit for management and gunnery, considering that the combat began with the loss of her own foresails, and ended with forty-five shot in the hull, and five feet of water in the hold, of her antagonist. By dark of the day of action the prize was in condition to make sail, and the "Peacock's" yard had been fished and again sent aloft. The two vessels then steered north for Savannah. The next evening two British frigates appeared. Captain Warrington directed the "Epervier" to keep on close along shore, while he stood southward to draw away the enemy. This proved effective; the "Epervier" arriving safely May 2 at the anchorage at the mouth of the Savannah River, where the "Peacock" rejoined her on the 4th. The "Adams," Captain Morris, was also there; having arrived from the coast of Africa on the day of the fight, and sailing again a week after it, May 5, for another cruise. On June 4 the "Peacock" also started upon a protracted cruise, from which she returned to New York October 30, after an absence of one hundred and forty-seven days.[252] She followed the Gulf Stream, outside the line of British blockaders, to the Banks of Newfoundland, thence to the Azores, and so on to Ireland; off the south of which, between Waterford and Cape Clear, she remained for four days. After this she passed round the west coast, and to the northward as far as Shetland and the Faroe Islands. She then retraced her course, crossed the Bay of Biscay, and ran along the Portuguese coast; pursuing in general outline the same path as that in which the "Wasp" very soon afterwards followed. Fourteen prizes were taken; of which twelve were destroyed, and two utilized as cartels to carry prisoners to England. Of the whole number, one only was seized from September 2, when the ship was off the Canaries, to October 12, off Barbuda in the West Indies; and none from there to the United States. "Not a single vessel was seen from the Cape Verde to Surinam," reported Warrington; while in seven days spent between the Rock of Lisbon and Cape Ortegal, at the northwest extremity of the Spanish peninsula, of twelve sail seen, nine of which were spoken, only two were British. In these conditions were seen, exemplified and emphasized, the alarm felt and precautions taken, by both the mercantile classes and the Admiralty, in consequence of the invasion of European waters by American armed vessels, of a class and an energy unusually fitted to harass commerce. The lists of American prizes teem with evidence of extraordinary activity, by cruisers singularly adapted for their work, and audacious in proportion to their confidence of immunity, based upon knowledge of their particular nautical qualities. The impression produced by their operations is reflected in the representations of the mercantile community, in the rise of insurance, and in the stricter measures instituted by the Admiralty. The Naval Chronicle, a service journal which since 1798 had been recording the successes and supremacy of the British Navy, confessed now that "the depredations committed on our commerce by American ships of war and privateers have attained an extent beyond all former precedent.... We refer our readers to the letters in our correspondence. The insurance between Bristol and Waterford or Cork is now three times higher than it was when we were at war with all Europe. The Admiralty have been overwhelmed with letters of complaint or remonstrance."[253] In the exertions of the cruisers the pace seems to grow more and more furious, as the year 1814 draws to its close amid a scene of exasperated coast warfare, desolation, and humiliation, in America; as though they were determined, amid all their pursuit of gain, to make the enemy also feel the excess of mortification which he was inflicting upon their own country. The discouragement testified by British shippers and underwriters was doubtless enhanced and embittered by disappointment, in finding the movement of trade thus embarrassed and intercepted at the very moment when the restoration of peace in Europe had given high hopes of healing the wounds, and repairing the breaches, made by over twenty years of maritime warfare, almost unbroken. In London, on August 17, 1814, directors of two insurance companies presented to the Admiralty remonstrances on the want of protection in the Channel; to which the usual official reply was made that an adequate force was stationed both in St. George's Channel and in the North Sea. The London paper from which this intelligence was taken stated that premiums on vessels trading between England and Ireland had risen from an ordinary rate of less than one pound sterling to five guineas per cent. The Admiralty, taxed with neglect, attributed blame to the merchant captains, and announced additional severity to those who should part convoy. Proceedings were instituted against two masters guilty of this offence.[254] September 9, the merchants and shipowners of Liverpool remonstrated direct to the Prince Regent, going over the heads of the Admiralty, whom they censured. Again the Admiralty alleged sufficient precautions, specifying three frigates and fourteen sloops actually at sea for the immediate protection of St. George's Channel and the western Irish coast against depredations, which they nevertheless did not succeed in suppressing.[255] At the same time the same classes in Glasgow were taking action, and passing resolutions, the biting phrases of which were probably prompted as much by a desire to sting the Admiralty as by a personal sense of national abasement. "At a time when we are at peace with all the rest of the world, when the maintenance of our marine costs so large a sum to the country, when the mercantile and shipping interests pay a tax for protection under the form of convoy duty, and when, in the plenitude of our power, we have declared the whole American coast under blockade, it is equally distressing and mortifying that our ships cannot with safety traverse our own channels, that insurance cannot be effected but at an excessive premium, and that a horde of American cruisers should be allowed, unheeded, unmolested, unresisted, to take, burn, or sink our own vessels in our own inlets, and almost in sight of our own harbours."[256] In the same month the merchants of Bristol, the position of which was comparatively favorable to intercourse with Ireland, also presented a memorial, stating that the rate of insurance had risen to more than twofold the amount at which it was usually effected during the continental war, when the British Navy could not, as it now might, direct its operations solely against American cruisers. Shipments consequently had been in a considerable degree suspended. The Admiralty replied that the only certain protection was by convoy. This they were ready to supply but could not compel, for the Convoy Act did not apply to trade between ports of the United Kingdom. This was the offensive return made by America's right arm of national safety; the retort to the harrying of the Chesapeake, and of Long Island Sound, and to the capture and destruction of Washington. But, despite the demonstrated superiority of a national navy, on the whole, for the infliction of such retaliation, even in the mere matter of commerce destroying,--not to speak of confidence in national prowess, sustained chiefly by the fighting successes at sea,--this weighty blow to the pride and commerce of Great Britain was not dealt by the national Government; for the national Government had gone to war culpably unprepared. It was the work of the people almost wholly, guided and governed by their own shrewdness and capacity; seeking, indeed, less a military than a pecuniary result, an indemnity at the expense of the enemy for the loss to which they had been subjected by protracted inefficiency in administration and in statesmanship on the part of their rulers. The Government sat wringing its hands, amid the ruins of its capital and the crash of its resources; reaping the reward of those wasted years during which, amid abounding warning, it had neglected preparation to meet the wrath to come. Monroe, the Secretary of State, writing from Washington to a private friend, July 3, 1814, said, "Even in this state, the Government shakes to the foundation. Let a strong force land anywhere, and what will be the effect?" A few months later, December 21, he tells Jefferson, "Our finances are in a deplorable state. The means of the country have scarcely yet been touched, yet we have neither money in the Treasury nor credit."[257] This statement was abundantly confirmed by a contemporary official report of the Secretary of the Treasury. At the end of the year, Bainbridge, commanding the Boston navy yard, wrote the Department, "The officers and men of this station are really _suffering_ for want of pay due them, and articles now purchased for the use of the navy are, in consequence of payment in treasury notes, enhanced about thirty per cent. Yesterday we had to discharge one hundred seamen, and could not pay them a cent of their wages. The officers and men have neither money, clothes, nor credit, and are embarrassed with debts."[258] No wonder the privateers got the seamen. The decision to abandon the leading contention of the war had been reached long before.[259] In an official letter, dated June 27, 1814, to the commissioners appointed to treat for peace, after enumerating the threatening conditions confronting the country, now that the European conflict was at an end, Monroe wrote, "On mature consideration it has been decided that, under all the circumstances above alluded to, incident to a prosecution of the war, _you may omit any stipulation on the subject of impressment_, if found indispensably necessary to terminate it. You will of course not recur to this expedient until all your efforts to adjust the controversy in a more satisfactory manner have failed."[260] The phraseology of this instruction disposes completely of the specious plea, advanced by partisans of the Administration, that the subject was dropped because impressment was no longer a live issue; the maritime war of Europe being over. It was dropped because it had to be dropped; because the favorable opportunities presented in 1812 and 1813 had been lost by the incompetency of the national Government, distributed over a period of nearly a dozen years of idle verbal argumentation; because in 1814 there stood between it and disastrous reverse, and loss of territory in the north, only the resolution and professional skill of a yet unrecognized seaman on the neglected waters of Lake Champlain. Before concluding finally the subject of the offensive maritime operations against the enemy's commerce, it may be mentioned that in the last six months of the war, that is within one fifth of its duration, were made one third of the total captures. Duly to weigh this result, regard must be had to the fact that, when the navy is adequate, the most numerous seizures of commercial shipping are usually effected at the beginning, because the scattered merchantmen are taken unawares. The success of the last few months of this war indicates the stimulus given to privateering, partly by the conditions of the country, imperiously demanding some relief from the necessity, and stagnancy of occupation, caused by the blockade; partly by the growing appreciation of the fact that a richer harvest was to be reaped by seeking the most suitable fields with the most suitable vessels. In an energetic and businesslike people it will be expected that the experience of the two preceding twelvemonths would have produced decided opinions and practical results in the construction of privateers, as well as in the direction given them. It is one thing to take what is at hand and make the most of it in an emergency; it is another to design thoughtfully a new instrument, best qualified for the end in view. The cruiser needed speed and handiness,--that is the first and obvious requirement; but, to escape the numerous enemies gradually let loose to shorten her career, it became increasingly requisite that she should have also weight of armament, to fight, and weight of hull--tonnage--to hold her way in rough and head seas. These qualities were not irreconcilable; but, to effect the necessary combination, additional size was inevitable. Accordingly, recognition of these facts is found in the laying down of privateers for the particular business. Niles' Register, a Baltimore weekly, notes with local pride that, although the port itself is bolted and barred by the blockade of the Chesapeake, the Baltimore model for schooners is in demand from Maine to Georgia; that they are being built, often with Baltimore capital, in many places from which escape is always possible. In Boston, there are in construction three stout hulls, pierced for twenty-two guns; clearly much heavier in tonnage, as in armament, than the schooner rate, and bearing the linked names of "Blakely," "Reindeer," and "Avon." Mention is made of one vessel of twenty-two long, heavy guns, which has already sailed, and of two others, to carry as many as thirty to thirty-six, nearly ready.[261] Between the divergent requirements of size and numbers, there is always a middle term; a mean, not capable of exact definition, but still existent within certain not very widely separated extremes. For commerce destroying by individual cruisers, acting separately, which was the measure that commended itself to the men of 1812, vessels approaching the tonnage of the national sloops of war seemed, by their successes and their immunity from capture, to realize very nearly the best conditions of advantage. The national brigs which put to sea were all captured, save one; and she was so notoriously dull of sailing that her escape was attributed to mere good luck, experienced on several critical occasions. Nearly all the sloops escaped; while the three frigates lost, the "Chesapeake," "Essex," and "President," were taken under circumstances that offered no parallel to the exigencies to which the privateer was liable. They were not run down, uninjured, in a fair race. The only sloop so lost was the "Frolic," of the class of the "Wasp" and "Peacock;" and the circumstances under which she was caught by a frigate are not sufficiently known to pronounce whether she might have been saved, as her sister ship, the "Hornet," was, from the hot pursuit of a seventy-four. Under some conditions of wind and sea, inferiority of bulk inflicts irredeemable disadvantage of speed; but, taking one thing with another, in a system of commerce destroying which rejected squadron action, and was based avowedly upon dissemination of vessels, the gain of the frigate over the sloop due to size did not counterbalance the loss in distribution of effort which results from having only one ship, instead of two, for a first outlay. That some such convictions, the fruit of rude experience in actual cruising, were gradually forming in men's understanding, is probable from the particulars cited; and they would receive additional force from the consideration that, to make a profit out of privateering under existing conditions, it would be necessary, not only to capture vessels of weak force, but to return safely to port with at least some notable salvage from their cargoes. In other words, there must be power to fight small cruisers, and to escape large ones under all probable disadvantage of weather. Whatever the conclusions of practical seamen and shipowners in this respect, they found no reflection in the dominant power in the Administration and Congress. The exploits of the "Comet," the "Chasseur," and a few other fortunate privateer schooners or brigs of small size, among them being cited specifically the "Mammoth," which in the autumn of 1814 made twenty-one prizes in three months, produced a strong popular impression; and this was diligently but somewhat thoughtlessly deepened by the press, as such popular movements are apt to be, without thorough mastery of all facts, _contra_ as well as _pro_. It was undeniable, also, that in the threatening aspect of affairs, when Great Britain's whole strength was freed to be exerted against the country, want of time to prepare new means was a weighty element in decision, and recourse must be had to resources immediately at hand for the retaliatory depredation upon the enemy's commerce, from the effect of which so much was expected then, as it is now. For this reason the scheme had naval backing, prominent in which was Captain Porter, who had reached home in the July after the capture of the "Essex." Under these circumstances, the Secretary of the Navy addressed a letter, October 22, 1814,[262] to the naval committees of both houses of Congress, enlarging on the greater attention of the enemy drawn to the heavy frigates, and the increased difficulty of their getting to sea. He recommended an appropriation of $600,000 for the purchase of fast-sailing schooners for preying on the hostile commerce. In consequence, a bill was introduced to build or purchase for the navy twenty vessels, to carry not less than eight nor more than fourteen guns; in short, of privateer class, but to be under naval control, not only as regarded discipline and organization but direction of effort. It was intended that a squadron of them should be intrusted to Captain Porter, another to Captain Perry;[263] and Porter drew up a plan of operations, which he submitted to the Department, providing for the departure of the vessels, their keeping together for support in one quarter, scattering in another, and again reuniting at a fixed rendezvous.[264] Both officers reported great difficulty in procuring suitable vessels, owing to the extent of privateering, the lack of necessary funds, and the depreciation of Government credit, which caused its drafts to be refused. When introducing the bill into the lower House, the Chairman of the Naval Committee, after paying some compliments to the military achievements of the naval vessels, said that in regard to depredation on the commerce of the enemy, he believed their efficiency could not be compared to that of vessels of a smaller class. This note dominated the brief discussion; the speakers in favor being significantly enough from Maryland, prepossessed doubtless by local pride in their justly celebrated schooners. Mr. Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, moved an amendment to allow vessels of twenty-two guns; an increase of fifty per cent. The limitation to fourteen guns, he remarked, was inserted in the Senate by a gentleman from Maryland; but it was not the fact that the best privateers were limited to fourteen guns. One or two which had arrived lately, after reaping a rich harvest, carried sixteen. Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina, seconded this amendment, hoping that the Senate limitation would be rejected. He quoted Captain Perry, who had "never known an instance in which a brig of the United States had failed to overtake a schooner." One member only, Mr. Reed, of Massachusetts, spoke against the whole scheme. Though opposed to the war, he said, he wished it conducted on correct principles. He "was warranted by facts in saying that no force would be half as efficient, in proportion to its expense; none would be of so much service to the country; none certainly would touch the enemy half so much as a naval force of a proper character;" which, he affirmed, this was not. Ingersoll's amendment was rejected, obtaining only twenty-five votes. The bill went again to conference, and on November 11, 1814, was reported and passed, fixing the limits of armament at from eight to sixteen guns; a paltry addition of two. Forty years later the editor of the "Debates of Congress," Senator Benton, wrote, "This was a movement in the right direction. Private armed vessels, and the success of small ships of war cruising as privateers, had taught Congress that small vessels, not large ships, were the effective means of attacking and annoying the enemy's commerce."[265] The final test was not permitted, to determine what success would have attended the operations of several Baltimore schooners, united under the single control of a man like Porter or Perry, and limited strictly to the injury of the enemy's commerce by the destruction of prizes, without thought of profit by sending them in. The advent of peace put a stop to an experiment which would have been most instructive as well as novel. Looking to other experiences of the past, it may be said with confidence little short of certainty that, despite the disadvantage of size, several schooners thus working in concert, and with pure military purpose, would effect vastly more than the same number acting separately, with a double eye to gain and glory. The French privateer squadrons of Jean Bart and Duguay Trouin, in the early eighteenth century, the example of the celebrated "Western" squadrons of British frigates in the war of the French Revolution, as protectors and destroyers of commerce, demonstrated beyond peradventure the advantage of combined action in this, as in all military enterprise; while the greater success of the individual United States cruiser over the average privateer, so singularly overlooked by the national legislators, gives assurance that Porter's and Perry's schooners would collectively have done incomparable work. This, however, is far from indicating that divisions of larger vessels,--sloops or frigates,--under officers of their known energy, could not have pushed home into the English Channel, or elsewhere where British commerce congregated, an enterprise the results of which would have caused the ears of those that heard them to tingle. FOOTNOTES: [217] Captain Allen to Navy Department. Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 46. [218] The American official report of this action can be found in Niles' Register, vol. viii. p. 43. The British is in the Naval Chronicle, vol. xxx. p. 247. Niles also gives it, vol. v. p. 118. [219] The prize data have been taken from the successive volumes of Niles' Register. [220] Data concerning American vessels captured by British ships have been drawn chiefly from prize lists, or official reports, in the Naval Chronicle. [221] Ante, p. 19. [222] Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 175. [223] Niles gives an abstract of the log of the "Scourge," vol. vi. p. 269. [224] Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 90. [225] Ibid., vol. vi. p. 69. [226] For Morris' letter see Niles' Register, vol. vi. p. 180. [227] Ibid., vol. iv. p. 86. [228] Ibid., vol. vii. p. 366. [229] Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 413. Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxi. p. 25. [230] Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 414; vol. vi. p. 151. [231] Stewart's Letter is dated April 4, 1814, and, with the enclosures mentioned, will be found among the Captains' Letters, Navy Department MSS. [232] For the official reports of this cruise, and list of prizes, see Niles, vol. vi. pp. 69-71. [233] Niles' Register, vol. v. pp. 14, 15. Naval Chronicle, vol. xxx. p. 348. [234] Niles' Register, vol. vi. pp. 225, 371. [235] Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 293, gives both the American and British accounts. [236] Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 293. [237] Niles' Register, vol. vii. pp. 128, 290. [238] Niles' Register, vol. viii. p. 61. [239] It may not be amiss here to quote an incident similarly creditable to privateersmen, a class usually much abused, and too often with good cause. It was told by a British colonel to Colonel Winfield Scott, while a prisoner in Canada. This gentleman with his wife had been passengers from England in a transport captured near Halifax by an American privateer. Although there was no fighting, the wife, who was in a critical state of health, was dangerously affected by the attendant alarm. As soon as the circumstances were mentioned to the captain of the cruiser, he placed at the husband's disposition all that part of the vessel where their quarters were, posting a sentry to prevent intrusion and to secure all their personal effects from molestation. Scott's Autobiography, vol. i. p. 70. [240] Afterwards Rear-Admiral Emmons. [241] The new United States sloop of war "Frolic," named after the vessel taken by the "Wasp," was captured by the frigate "Orpheus," April 20, 1814. [242] Ante, p. 3. [243] Porter to the Secretary of the Navy, July 3, 1814. Niles' Register, vol. vi. p. 338. [244] Porter's Report of this action is to be found in Niles' Register, vol. vi. pp. 338-341. Hillyar's in Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxii. pp. 168-170. [245] The Secretary of the Navy to Blakely, March 3, 1814. Navy Department MSS. [246] Blakely to the Navy Department, Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 115. [247] The particulars of this action are taken from the minutes of the "Wasp," enclosed in Blakely's Report, Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 115. [248] Blakely's Report, Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 192. [249] Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 173. [250] James says that two of these guns were 18-pounders; but the first lieutenant of the "Peacock," who brought the prize into port, and from there wrote independently of Warrington, agrees with him in saying eighteen thirty-twos. Niles' Register, vol. vi. pp. 180, 196. [251] In a "Synopsis of Naval Actions," between British and American vessels, contributed to the Naval Chronicle by a "British naval officer on the American station," occurs the remark relative to the defeat of the "Avon": "Miserable gunnery on our side, attributable ... above all to not drilling the men at firing at the guns; a practice the Americans never neglect." Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxiv. p. 469. [252] For Captain Warrington's report of this cruise, see Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 155. [253] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxii. p. 244. See also, Ibid., pp. 211, 218. [254] London paper, quoted in Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 175. [255] Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 190. Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxii. p. 244. [256] Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 190. [257] Writings of James Monroe. [258] Captains' Letters, Dec. 11, 1814. Bainbridge's italics. [259] It will be remembered that after the repeal of the Orders in Council, June 23, 1812, impressment remained the only _sine quâ non_ of the United States. [260] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 704. Author's italics. This was the result of a Cabinet meeting held the same day. "June 27, 1814. In consequence of letters from Bayard and Gallatin of May 6-7, and other accounts from Europe of the ascendancy and views of Great Britain, and the dispositions of the great Continental Powers, the question was put to the Cabinet: 'Shall a treaty of peace, silent on the subject of impressment, be authorized?' Agreed to by Monroe, Campbell, Armstrong, and Jones. Rush absent. Our minister to be instructed, besides trying other conditions, to make a previous trial to insert or annex some declaration, or protest, against any inference, from the silence of the Treaty on the subject of impressment, that the British claim was admitted or that of the United States abandoned." (Works of Madison, vol. iii. p. 408.) [261] Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 190. [262] Navy Department MSS. [263] For Porter's and Perry's correspondence on this subject see Captains' Letters, Navy Department MSS., Oct. 14 and 25, Nov. 29, Dec. 2, 9, and 25, 1814; Jan. 9, 1815. [264] Porter to Secretary, Feb. 8, 1815. Captains' Letters. [265] Benton's Abridgment of Debates in Congress, vol. v. p. 359, note. CHAPTER XV THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN, AND EVENTS ON THE GREAT LAKES, IN 1814 Active operations in the field for the winter of 1813-14 came to an end with the successful incursion of the British army upon the territory of the State of New York, before narrated.[266] This had resulted in the capture of Fort Niagara and in the wasting of the frontier, with the destruction of the villages of Lewiston, Manchester, Buffalo, and others, in retaliation for the American burning of Newark. Holding now the forts on both banks of the Niagara, at its entrance into Lake Ontario, the British controlled the harbor of refuge which its mouth afforded; and to this important accession of strength for naval operations was added an increased security for passing troops, at will and secretly, from side to side of the river. From a military standpoint each work was a bridge-head, assuring freedom of movement across in either direction; that such transit was by boats, instead of by a permanent structure, was merely an inconvenient detail, not a disability. The command of the two forts, and of a third called Mississaga, on the Canadian side, immediately overlooking the lake, appears to have been vested in a single officer, to whom, as to a common superior, were issued orders involving the action of the three. This disposition recognized implicitly the fact that the forts, taken together, constituted a distinct element in the general British scheme of operations. Fort Niagara by position threatened the line of communications of any American army seeking to act on the Canadian side. An effective garrison there, unless checked by an adequate force stationed for the particular purpose, could move at any unexpected moment against the magazines or trains on the American side; and it was impossible to anticipate what number might be thus employed at a given time, because intercourse between Niagara and George was open. If by original or acquired superiority of numbers, as had been the case in 1813, the American general should push his opponent back towards the head of the lake, Fort George would in turn become an additional menace to his communications. Therefore, properly to initiate a campaign for the command of the Niagara peninsula, in 1814, it would be necessary either to reduce both these works, which, if they were properly garrisoned, meant an expenditure of time; or else to blockade them by a large detachment of troops, which meant a constant expenditure of force, diminishing that available for operations in the field. The British military situation thus comprised two factors, distinct but complementary; the active army in the field, and the stationary fortifications which contributed to its support by sheltering its supplies and menacing those of the enemy. The British commander of the district, Lieutenant-General Drummond, estimated that the blockaders before either fort, being ever on the defensive against a sortie which they could not foresee, must in numbers considerably exceed the besieged, covered as these were by their works, and able to receive re-enforcement from the opposite shore. Consequently, when the officer in immediate local control, Major-General Riall, embarrassed by the smallness of his field force, suggested the destruction of Fort Niagara, except a citadel of restricted extent, needing a less numerous garrison, his superior replied that not only would such smaller work be much more easily taken, but that in every event the loss through holding the place was more than compensated by the danger and the precautions entailed upon the enemy.[267] The inactivity, substantially unbroken, which prevailed throughout the winter of 1813-14, was due principally to the unusual mildness of the weather. This impeded movement in all quarters, by preventing the formation of ice and of the usual hard snow surface, which made winter the most favorable season for land transportation. Chauncey at Sackett's Harbor chafed and fretted over the detention of the stores and guns for his new ships then building, upon which he was reckoning for control of the lake. "The roads are dreadful," he wrote on February 24, "and if the present mild weather continues we shall experience difficulty." A week later, "I have the mortification to inform you that all our heavy guns are stopped at and below Poughkeepsie in consequence of the badness of the roads, and that the teamsters have abandoned them there." He has given up hopes of a frost, and counts now only upon water communication; but the delay and change of route were the cause of two smart affairs with which the lake operations opened, for on March 29 he announces that the guns are still below Albany, and now must come by way of Oswego and the lake,[268] instead of securely inland by sleds. Yeo reported a like delay on his side in the equipment of his new ships, owing to the unusual scarcity of snow. The same conditions imposed similar, if less decisive, limitations upon the movements of bodies of men. The most important instance of purpose frustrated was in an enterprise projected by Drummond against Put-in Bay, where were still lying the "Detroit" and "Queen Charlotte", the most powerful of the prizes taken by Perry the previous September, the injuries to which had prevented their removal to the safer position of Erie. On January 21 he communicated to Governor-General Prevost the details of an expedition of seventeen hundred and sixty men,[269] two hundred of them seamen, who were to start from the Niagara frontier by land against Detroit, and from there to cross on the ice to the Bass Islands, where it was hoped they could seize and burn the vessels. The occupation of Fort Niagara, and other dispositions made of his division on the peninsula, had so narrowed his front of defence, and thereby strengthened it, as to warrant this large detachment. This project was one of several looking to regaining control of Lake Erie, which during the remainder of the war occupied unceasingly the attention of British officers. Although the particular destination was successfully concealed, the general fact of preparations for some offensive undertaking did not escape the observation of the Americans, who noted that in the recent raid and destruction care had been taken to spare a great number of sleighs, and to collect them within the British lines. From this it was inferred that, when Lake Erie froze over, a dash would be made against the naval station and ships at Erie.[270] This would be undoubtedly a more valuable achievement, but the enemy knew that the place was in some measure defended, with ample re-enforcements at call; whereas a descent upon Put-in Bay could encounter no other resistance than that of the small permanent garrison of seamen. The mildness of the weather, leaving the lake open on January 17, relieved the apprehension of the United States authorities, and on February 3 Drummond had to report that his scheme must be abandoned, as after that late period of the winter better conditions could not be expected.[271] In default of the control of Lake Erie, measures were taken by the British to supply the remote and isolated posts of Mackinac and St. Joseph's by land carriage from Toronto to Lake Simcoe, a distance of only forty miles, and thence across the ice to Matchedash Bay, on Lake Huron; where also were being built batteaux and gunboats, to transport the stores to their destination when navigation opened. As far as Huron this land route was out of reach of probable molestation, but from there it was necessary to proceed at the earliest moment; for, although there was no American naval force then on that lake, one might be expected to arrive from Erie early in the season. To this cross-country line there was an alternative one still more remote, from Montreal up the Ottawa River, and thence by other water communication, striking Lake Huron much higher up. It was practicable only for canoes with light lading, and in other respects not satisfactory. The maintenance of Mackinac therefore must depend upon armed control of the upper lakes; and to this the destruction of the prizes at the islands would doubtless have contributed, morally and materially. On the American side as little was accomplished during the winter. Wilkinson's army, which at the end of 1813 was cantoned at French Mills, on the Salmon River, just within the New York boundary, was withdrawn from that position February 13. The greater part marched to Lake Champlain, where they again took winter quarters in two divisions; one at Burlington, Vermont, the other at Plattsburg. The third contingent, under the command of General Brown, was sent to Sackett's Harbor, where it arrived February 24. The Secretary of War, General Armstrong, despite his vacillating course the previous year, had never lost sight of his perfectly accurate conviction that Kingston, if not Montreal, was the true objective for the northern army. Convinced that he had been misled in the spring of 1813 by the opinions of the commanders on the spot, Chauncey and Dearborn, he was again anxious, as he had been in the intervening autumn, to retrieve the error. On February 28 he issued to Brown two sets of instructions;[272] the one designed to transpire, in order to mislead the enemy, the other, most secret, conveying the real intention of the Department. In the former, stress was laid upon the exposure of western New York, and the public humiliation at seeing Fort Niagara in the hands of the British. Brigadier-General Scott accordingly had been sent there to organize a force for the capture of the fort and the protection of the frontier; but, as his numbers were probably insufficient, Brown was directed to march to Batavia, and thence to Buffalo, with the two thousand troops he had just brought from French Mills. This letter was meant to reach the enemy's ears. The other, embodying the true object aimed at, read thus: "It is obviously Prevost's policy, and probably his intention, to re-establish himself on Lake Erie during the ensuing month. But to effect this other points of his line must be weakened, and these will be either Kingston or Montreal. If the detachment from the former be great, a moment may occur in which you may do, with the aid of Commodore Chauncey, what I last year intended Pike should have done without aid, and what we now all know was very practicable, viz.: to cross the river, or head of the lake, on the ice, and carry Kingston by a _coup de main_." The letter ended by making the enterprise depend upon a concurrence of favorable conditions; in brief, upon the discretion of the general, with whom remained all the responsibility of final decision and action. These instructions were elicited, immediately, by recent information that the effective garrison in Kingston was reduced to twelve hundred, with no prospect of increase before June, when re-enforcements from Europe were expected. Certainly, Drummond at this time thought the force there no stronger than it should be, and early in April was apprehensive on that account for the safety of the place.[273] Brown and Chauncey, however, agreed that less than four thousand men was insufficient for the undertaking. Singularly enough, this number was precisely that fixed upon by Yeo and Drummond, in consultation, as necessary for the reduction of Sackett's Harbor; which they concurred with Prevost in considering the quickest and surest solution of the difficulty attending their situation about Niagara, owing to the exhaustion of local resources upon the peninsula.[274] The scarcity thus experienced was aggravated by the number of dependent Indian warriors, who with their families had followed the British retreat from Malden and Detroit, and now hung like lead upon the movements and supplies of the army. "Nearly twelve hundred barrels of flour monthly to Indians alone," complained the commanding officer, who had long since learned that for this expenditure there was no return in military usefulness. In the felt necessity to retain the good-will of the savages, no escape from the dilemma was open, except in the maintenance of a stream of supplies from Lower Canada by keeping command of the Lake;[275] to secure which nothing was so certain as to capture Sackett's and destroy the shipping and plant. Having decided that the enterprise against Kingston was not feasible, Brown fell into the not unnatural mistake of construing the Secretary's other letter to present not merely a ruse, but an alternative line of action, more consonant to his active martial temper than remaining idle in garrison. Accordingly, he left Sackett's with his two thousand, an event duly chronicled in a letter of Drummond's, that on Sunday, March 13, three thousand five hundred left Sackett's for Niagara; a statement sufficiently characteristic of the common tendency of an enemy's force to swell, as it passes from mouth to mouth. The division had progressed as far as the present city of Syracuse, sixty miles from Sackett's, and Brown himself was some forty miles in advance of it, at Geneva, when one of his principal subordinates persuaded him that he had misconstrued the Department's purpose. In considerable distress he turned about, passing through Auburn on the 23d at the rate of thirty miles a day, so said a contemporary newspaper,[276] and hurried back to Sackett's. There further consultation with Chauncey convinced him again that he was intended to go to Niagara, and he resumed his march. Before April 1 he reached Batavia, where his instructions read he would receive further orders. General Scott was already at Buffalo, and there the troops were placed under his immediate charge for organization and drill; Brigadier-General Gaines being sent back to command at Sackett's, where he arrived April 10. At this moment Chauncey was undergoing his turn of qualms. "The enemy," he wrote the following day, "have prepared a force of three thousand troops, with gunboats and a number of small craft, to attack the harbor the moment the fleet leaves it. They may, however, be determined to make the attack at all hazards, and I am sorry to say our force is but little adapted to the defence of the place. There are not a thousand effective men besides the sailors and marines."[277] His information was substantially correct. Drummond had arranged to concentrate three thousand men from the north shore of the lake; but he wanted besides eight hundred from the peninsula, and for lack of these the project was abandoned. The movement of Brown's small contingent to Buffalo, though contrary to the intention of the Government, may be considered to have opened the campaign of 1814; destined to prove as abortive in substantial results as that of the year before, but not so futile and inglorious to the American arms. The troops engaged had been formed under the skilful organization and training of Scott. Led by Brown, who, though not an educated soldier nor a master of the technicalities of the profession, was essentially an aggressive fighting man of masculine qualities, they failed indeed to achieve success, for which their numbers were inadequate; but there was no further disgrace. Wilkinson, indeed, in his district, contrived to give to the beginning of operations the air of absurdity that ever hung round his path. Although he was the senior officer on the whole frontier, the Department had not notified him of Brown's orders. This vicious practice of managing the campaign from a point as distant as Washington then was, ignoring any local centre of control, drew subsequently the animadversion of the President, who in a minute to the Secretary remarked that "it does not appear that Izard,"--Wilkinson's successor,--"though the senior officer of the district, has been made acquainted with the plan of operations under Brown."[278] On the present occasion Wilkinson explained that, hearing of Brown's march by common report, and having ascertained that the enemy was sending re-enforcements up the St. Lawrence, he undertook an incursion into Lower Canada as a diversion against such increase of the force with which Brown must contend.[279] His enterprise was directed against La Colle, a few miles from Plattsburg, within the Canada boundary; but upon arriving before the position it was found that the garrison were established in a stone mill, upon which the guns brought along could make no impression. After this somewhat ludicrous experience, the division, more than three thousand strong, retreated, having lost over seventy men. The result was scarcely likely to afford Brown much relief by its deterrent influence upon the enemy. This affair happened March 30, and in the course of the following month Wilkinson was finally superseded. He was succeeded by General Izard, who assumed command May 4, and remained in the neighborhood of Champlain, while Brown continued immediately responsible for Sackett's Harbor and for the force at Buffalo. On April 14 Yeo launched two new ships, the "Prince Regent" of fifty-eight guns and the "Princess Charlotte" of forty; and he at the same time had under construction one destined to carry one hundred and two heavy guns, superior therefore in size and armament to most of the British ocean navy, and far more formidable than any in which Nelson ever served. Fortunately for the Americans, this vessel, which Yeo undertook without authority from home, was not ready until October; but the former two, added to his last year's fleet, gave him for the moment a decided preponderance over Chauncey, who also was building but had not yet completed. Under these circumstances the project of attacking Sackett's in force was again most seriously agitated among the British officials, military and naval, upon whom the destitution of the Niagara peninsula pressed with increasing urgency. Such an intention rarely fails to transpire, especially across a border line where the inhabitants on either side speak the same tongue and are often intimately acquainted. Desertion, moreover, was frequent from both parties. The rumor brought Brown back hastily to the place, where he arrived April 24. The enemy, however, again abandoned their purpose, and after embarking a considerable body of troops turned their arms instead against Oswego. It will be remembered that the mildness of the winter had prevented the transport of guns and stores by land, and made necessary to accumulate them by water carriage at Oswego, whence there remained the lake voyage to Sackett's Harbor. This, though a coasting operation, involved much danger while the enemy possessed naval control. Meanwhile Oswego became a somewhat congested and much exposed intermediate station, inviting attack. Chauncey therefore had taken the precaution of retaining the most important articles, guns and their equipment, at the falls of the Oswego River, some twelve miles inland. The enemy's change of plan becoming suspected, Brown detached a small party--two hundred and ninety effectives--to defend the place, in conjunction with the few seamen already there. The British fleet appeared on May 5, but the attack was not made until the following day, weather conditions being unfavorable. Despite the unprepared state of the defences characteristic of the universal American situation, on both lakes and seaboard, in this singular war, the officer in command offered a spirited resistance, inflicting considerable loss; but the urgency to preserve his force, for the superior necessity of protecting under more favorable circumstances the valuable property in the rear, compelled him to retreat, to escape the risk of being surrounded and captured. He accordingly drew off in good order, having lost six killed and thirty-eight wounded; besides twenty-five missing, probably prisoners. The casualties of the British, by their official reports, were eighteen killed and seventy-three wounded. They kept possession of the town during the night, retiring next day with two small schooners, over two thousand barrels of provisions, and a quantity of cordage.[280] The most serious loss to the Americans was that of nine heavy cannon; but the bulk of the armament for the fleet remained safe at the falls. After this Yeo took position with his squadron off Sackett's Harbor, where the Americans on May 1 had launched a new big ship, the "Superior", to carry sixty-two guns, thirty-two long 32-pounders, and thirty carronades of the same calibre. Besides her there was building still another, of somewhat smaller force, without which Chauncey would not consider himself able to contend with the enemy.[281] On the 20th of the month he reported that "five sail were now anchored between Point Peninsula and Stoney Island, about ten miles from the harbor, and two brigs between Stoney Island and Stoney Point, completely blocking both passes." He added, "This is the first time that I have experienced the mortification of being blockaded on the lakes."[282] The line thus occupied by the enemy covered the entire entrance to Black River Bay, within which Sackett's Harbor lies. This situation was the more intolerable under the existing necessity of bringing the guns by water. Drummond, whose information was probably good, wrote at this period that not more than fifteen of the heavy cannon needed for the new ships had arrived, and that they could come from Oswego only by the lake, as the roads were impassable except for horsemen. Carronades, cordage, and other stores were going on by wagon from Utica, but the long guns which were imperatively required could not do so.[283] American contrivance proved equal to the dilemma, and led to a marked British misadventure. A few miles south of Black River Bay, and therefore outside the line of the British blockade, there was an inlet called Stoney Creek, from the head of which a short land carriage of three miles would strike Henderson's Bay. This, like Sackett's, is an indentation of Black River Bay, and was well within the hostile ships. The transit from Oswego to Stoney Creek, however, remained open to an enemy's attack, and to be effected without loss required address, enterprise, and rapidity of movement. The danger was lessened by the number of streams which enter Mexico Bay, the deep bight formed by the southern and eastern shores of Lake Ontario, between Oswego and Sackett's. These, being navigable for batteaux, constituted a series of harbors of refuge. Chauncey directed all the lighter equipment to be turned back from Oswego River to North Bay, on Lake Oneida, and the long guns to be placed in batteaux, ready to move instantly, either up or down, as the movements of the enemy or a favorable opportunity might determine. Discretionary power to act according to circumstances was then given to Captain Woolsey, in local command on the Oswego. Woolsey made great parade of his preparations to send everything, guns included, back across the portage from the river, to North Bay. The reports reached Yeo, as intended, but did not throw him wholly off his guard. On May 27 Woolsey despatched an officer in a fast pulling boat to reconnoitre the coast, while he himself went with the requisite force to the falls. On the 28th the batteaux, nineteen in number, carrying twenty-one long 32-pounders, and thirteen lighter pieces, besides ten heavy cables, were run over the rapids, reaching Oswego at sunset. The lookout boat had returned, reporting all clear, and after dark the convoy started. Besides the regular crews, there were embarked one hundred and fifty riflemen from the army. The next morning at sunrise one batteau was missing, but the other eighteen entered the Salmon River, over twenty miles from Oswego. The nights were short at that season, and the boats heavy; moreover there had been drenching rain. At Salmon River, a party of one hundred and twenty Oneida Indians joined, who were to move along the coast on the flank of the convoy through the next stage of the journey, by day, to support the defence should the approach of an enemy compel refuge to be sought in one of the creeks. As soon as they had taken up their march the batteaux also started, and at noon, May 29, reached Big Sandy Creek, ten miles further on, but eight miles short of the final destination at Stoney Creek. Here greater care became necessary, on account of the nearness of the enemy's fleet; and while awaiting information the division moved two miles up the Big Sandy, where it anchored. The missing batteau, carrying two long 24's and a cable, had been captured; having wandered away from the rest of the detachment, despite the watchful care exerted to keep them together. Her crew betrayed the extent of the operation of which they formed part, and a division of boats was sent in quest, in charge of two captains of the blockading vessels; the senior officer of the whole being Commander Popham. On his way Popham fell in with another group of armed boats, which he took under his command, raising his total to three gun-vessels and four smaller boats, with near two hundred seamen and marines. Certain intelligence being received that the convoy had entered the Big Sandy, he steered thither, arriving off its mouth soon after daylight of May 30. A reconnaissance on shore discovering the masts of the batteaux plainly visible over a marsh, with apparently no intervening forest, an immediate attack was decided. Having landed a party of flankers on either bank, the expedition proceeded up stream with due caution, firing an occasional round into the brush to dislodge any possible ambush. It was not known that an escort, beyond the usual crews, had accompanied the movement. Such a precaution might indeed have been inferred from the importance of the object; but the same reason naturally, and not improperly, decided Popham that considerable risk was justifiable in order to frustrate his enemy's purpose. Woolsey was already forewarned of his coming. At 2 A.M. of the same day, May 30, he had received from Chauncey an express, in accordance with which an officer was sent out upon the lake, to reconnoitre towards the entrance of Black River Bay. At six o'clock he returned, having been seen and pursued by some of Popham's division. The riflemen and Indians were now advanced half a mile below the batteaux, where they found cover and concealment in the woods. At eight the British guns were heard. At nine a re-enforcement of cavalry and light artillery arrived from Sackett's Harbor, but it was decided that they should remain by the batteaux, the force already below being best adapted for bush fighting. Towards ten o'clock the riflemen and Indians attacked; a circumstance attributed by Captain Popham to an accident befalling the 68-pounder carronade in the bow of the leading gunboat, which compelled her to turn round, to bring into action her stern gun, a 24-pounder. "The enemy thought we were commencing a retreat, when they advanced their whole force, one hundred and fifty riflemen, near two hundred Indians, and a numerous body of militia and cavalry, who soon overpowered the few men I had.... The winding of the creek, which gave the enemy a great advantage in advancing to intercept our retreat, rendered further resistance unavailing." The entire detachment surrendered, having had fourteen killed and twenty-eight wounded; besides whom two captains, six lieutenants, and one hundred and thirty-three seamen and marines remained prisoners. The American loss was but two wounded; a result showing clearly enough the disadvantage under which the British labored. This affair has been related in detail,[284] because, although on a small scale, it was actually one of great consequence; but yet more because it illustrates aptly one kind of those minor operations of war, upon the success of which so much greater matters turn. The American management throughout was admirable in its detailed foresight and circumspection. To this was due the trivial loss attending its final success; a loss therefore attesting far greater credit than would the attaining of the same result by lavish expenditure of blood. To Captain Popham must be attributed both enterprise and due carefulness in undertaking an advance he knew to be hazardous, but from which, if successful, he was entitled to expect nothing less than the capture of almost the entire armament of a very large ship. In such circumstances censure because of failure is unjust, unless the risk is shown to be taken reckless of due precautions, which was not the case in this instance. Yeo, whose deficiency in seamen was reported at two hundred and seventy-nine,[285] three days after this affair, appears to have been more exasperated by the loss of the men than sensible of the merit of his subordinate. He had charged him not to enter any creek in the endeavor to capture the stores, and apparently laid the disaster to disregard of this order. The subsequent customary court martial decided that Popham, having greatly re-enforced himself by junction with a division of vessels, in a manner which Yeo could not have contemplated, was fully justified by the importance of preventing the convoy from reaching Sackett's Harbor. The court regretted that Sir James Yeo should have used such reproachful expressions in his letter to the Admiralty communicating Captain Popham's capture. Popham, and his second, Spilsbury, were included in the promotions of a year later. Soon after this mishap Yeo abandoned the immediate blockade of Sackett's Harbor, returning to Kingston June 6. The recent experience demonstrated that it would be impossible to prevent the forwarding of supplies by the mere presence of the fleet at the mouth of the port. The armament of the "Superior" had arrived despite his efforts, and her speedy readiness to take the lake was assured. An exchange of letters between himself and Drummond as to his proper course[286] led to the conclusion that the blockade had not had all the effect expected; and that, in view of the large re-enforcements of men coming forward from England, the true policy was to avoid battle until the third new ship, the "St. Lawrence" of one hundred and two guns, should be ready. "The enemy," wrote Yeo, "are not in sufficient force to undertake any expedition in the face of our present squadron, but any disaster on our side might give them a serious ascendancy." Drummond, who had rejoiced that the blockade "assures us a free intercourse throughout the lake," concurred in this view. "I have no hesitation in saying that there exists at present no motive or object, connected with the security of Upper Canada, which can make it necessary for you to act otherwise than cautiously on the defensive," until the large ship is ready or other circumstances arise. On June 7 the Cabinet of the United States held a meeting, in which was settled the plan of campaign on the northern frontier;[287] where alone, and for a brief period only, an expected superiority of numbers would permit offensive operations. As in the year before, the decision, in general terms, was to direct the main effort against the enemy's right and centre, Mackinac and the Niagara peninsula, instead of against his left, at Montreal or Kingston. The principal movement was to be by a concentration near Buffalo of forces from New York and the western territory, which the Secretary of War estimated might place under Brown's command five thousand regular troops and three thousand volunteers. He had proposed that these, with the assistance of the Erie navy, should be landed on the coast between Fort Erie, at the entrance of the Niagara River, and Point Abino, ten miles to the westward. Thence they were to act against Burlington Heights, at the head of Lake Ontario, the tenure of which by Vincent in 1813, had baffled, on two occasions, the advance of the Americans, and maintained the land communications of the British with York (Toronto) despite their enemy's control of the water. The Secretary's anticipation was that, after gaining this position, the force could proceed along the north shore of the lake towards York, receiving its supplies by the fleet, which was expected to be ready by June 15. Chauncey himself stated June 8 that he would be ready by July 1, if men were sent him.[288] On the 11th was launched a second new ship, the "Mohawk," to carry forty-two guns. The crew of the "Congress" was ordered up from Portsmouth, and part of them, with other re-enforcements, were reported to have arrived before June 20. June 24 Chauncey wrote, "I shall sail the first week in July to offer the enemy battle."[289] He did not, however, take the Lake until August 1. The Cabinet had approved the Secretary's suggestion, but extended the place of debarkation to be between Fort Erie and Long Point, eighty miles from the Niagara River, and well west of Burlington Heights. Subsidiary to this main attack, General Izard at Plattsburg was to make a diversion towards Montreal. Coincidently with these movements an expedition of four or five of the Erie fleet, with eight hundred to one thousand troops, should go against Mackinac; their first object, however, being Matchedash Bay, on Lake Huron, which was the seat of an incipient naval establishment, and the point of deposit for supplies proceeding to Mackinac from York by way of Lake Simcoe. This attempt to choke the communications of Mackinac, by holding a vital point upon their line, was to have its counterpart in the east by the provision of fifteen armed boats on the St. Lawrence, supported by posts on the river garrisoned by detachments from Izard's army, so as to intercept the water transport between Montreal and Kingston. It may be mentioned that this particular method had specially commended itself to both Yeo and Chauncey, as most suited to embarrass the British situation throughout the upper province. In a subsequent report to the Admiralty, Yeo characterized the failure of the Americans to do this as an extreme stupidity, which had lost them the war, but upon a repetition of which in future hostilities Great Britain should not rely.[290] The importance of this intercourse is indicated by a mention of Chauncey's, that in the week before June 15 more than two hundred boats passed Ogdensburg for Kingston.[291] All this, however, simply emphasizes the fact that the decisive point of attack was Montreal or Kingston; not the line between them, which would become useless if either fell. Still less could the Niagara peninsula, though a valuable link in a chain of communication from the lower to the upper lakes, compare in importance with either of the places named. It matters not that a chain is complete in itself, if it is severed from one of the extremities which it is designed to connect. As regards any attempt on the part of the Americans to interrupt the traffic, Drummond appears to have been satisfied with Yeo's promise that "every brigade of batteaux should have a suitable convoy of gunboats." The Secretary of War, in his communication to the President before the Cabinet met, had indicated plainly his preference for leaving Mackinac alone and concentrating upon the central point of effort, Niagara or Burlington. "Burlington and York carried, a barrier is interposed which completely protects Detroit and Malden, makes doubtful and hazardous the enemy's intercourse with the western Indians, reduces Mackinac to a possession perfectly useless, renders probable the evacuation of Fort Niagara, and takes from the enemy half his motive for continuing the naval conflict on Lake Ontario. On the other hand, take Mackinac, and what is gained but Mackinac itself?"[292] The reasoning was indisputable, although Armstrong acquiesced in the decision of the Cabinet. The main feature of the plan adopted, the reduction of Burlington Heights and a successful advance on York, was of doubtful issue; but, if successful, the vital end of the chain upon which Mackinac depended for existence dropped useless to the ground. All side enterprise that did not directly contribute to this decisive movement should have been discarded in favor of concentration upon Brown's army, to which its execution was committed, and the actual strength of which was insufficient for the task. At the opening of the campaign its total strength was four thousand seven hundred and eighty, of whom eight hundred and thirty were militia.[293] On July 1 there were present for duty three thousand five hundred. There were also six hundred Indians of the Six Nations. In this impotent conclusion resulted the Secretary's estimate of five thousand regulars and three thousand volunteers. On July 2 Brown announced to his troops that he was authorized by the Government to put them in motion against the enemy.[294] He had decided to leave Fort Niagara, with its menace to his communications, in his rear, unguarded, and to throw his command directly upon the enemy on the west bank of the river. The crossing was made that night in two divisions; one landing opposite Black Rock, below Fort Erie, the other above that post, which surrendered July 3, at 5 P.M. The garrison numbered one hundred and thirty-seven. From there Brown proposed to turn north and advance towards Ontario, where he hoped to join hands with the navy, which was expected by him, and by the Government, to be on hand to co-operate. This expectation was based on Chauncey's own assurance that he would take the lake on July 1, if supplied with men, who were known since to have arrived. It does not appear, however, that he had received specific instructions as to the course he was intended to follow; and, in assuming that he would go to the head of the lake, for direct co-operation, the Government and the general were reckoning without their host, and in ignorance of his views. He was as loath to leave Kingston and Sackett's in his rear, unwatched, as Brown was willing to take the same risk with regard to Niagara. It was a profound difference of temperament in two capable men, to whom the Government failed to impart the unifying element of orders. On July 4 Scott's brigade, which had crossed below the fort, advanced from Fort Erie fifteen miles, to Street's Creek, a small stream, bridged near its mouth, entering the Niagara two miles south of the Chippewa River, the defensive line selected by the British, who now fell back upon it. The Chippewa is of respectable size, one hundred and fifty yards wide, and from twelve to twenty feet deep, running from west to east. In general direction it is parallel to Street's Creek; both entering the Niagara at right angles to its course. In the belt separating the two the ground is flat, and was in great part open; but midway between them there was a strip of thick wood extending down to within a few hundred feet of the Niagara. This formed a dense curtain, hiding movements on either side from the other. The British forces under Riall were now north of the Chippewa, Scott's brigade south of Street's; each having a bridge by which to advance into the space between. The other American brigade, Ripley's, was in rear of Scott--to the south. In this relative situation, Scott's pickets on the left being disquieted by the British and Indians in the intervening woods, Brown ordered up the militia and American Indians under General Porter to expel them. This was done; but upon reaching the clearing on the further side, the Indians, who were in the lead, encountered a heavy fire, which drove them back upon the militia, and the whole body retreated in a confusion which ended in a rout.[295] Riall had crossed the Chippewa, and was advancing in force, although he believed Brown's army much to outnumber his own now on the field, which in fact it did. Gordon Drummond, in his instructions to him some months before, (March 23), had remarked that with the Americans liberties might be taken which would seem hazardous "to a military man unacquainted with the character of the enemy he had to contend with, or with the events of the last two campaigns on that frontier."[296] This unflattering, but not unreasonable, deduction from the performances of Dearborn and others in 1813, as of Smyth and Van Rensselaer in 1812, was misplaced in the present instance; but it doubtless governed Riall's action, and justified it to himself and his superiors. He had not been engaged since he drove the militia of New York before him like sheep, in the preceding December; and he would have attacked on the very night after the crossing, but that a regiment from York, which he had reason to expect twenty-four hours before, did not arrive until the morning of the 5th. The instant it came he made his dispositions to move at 4 P.M. of the same day. It was this advance which met Porter and threw his division back, uncovering the wood on the west. Scott at the same moment was marching his brigade into the open space between Street's Creek and the Chippewa; not to meet the enemy, whom he did not expect, but for some drill in the cool of a hot summer's afternoon. As he went forward, the Commander-in-Chief, who had been reconnoitring in front, rode by, galloping to the rear to bring up his remaining force; for, while the army in the aggregate was superior to Riall, the one brigade was inferior. In passing, he called to Scott, "You will have a battle"; and the head of the latter's column, as it crossed the bridge, came at once under the enemy's guns. Although inferior, exposed, and in a sense surprised, both commander and men were equal to the occasion. The division deployed steadily under fire, and its leader, sending hastily one battalion to check the enemy in the wood, formed front with the remainder of his force to meet those in the plain. These, being yet unopposed, advanced beyond the line of the wood, passing their own detachment within it, which was held in check by the Americans charged with that duty. Losing thus their support on that side, the British presented a new right flank, to use Scott's expression. Thereupon he extended his two wings as far as he dared, leaving between them a considerable interval, so as to overlap his opponent at either extremity; which done, he threw his left forward. His brigade thus formed an obtuse angle, the apex to the rear, the bullets therefore converging and crossing upon the space in front, into which it and the enemy were moving. In the approach both parties halted several times to fire, and Scott says that the superiority of aim in his own men was evident. When within sixty paces a mutual rush, or charge, ensued; but the overlapping of the Americans crowded the flanks of the enemy in upon his centre and produced confusion, to which the preceding fire doubtless had contributed. Scott's own description is that "the wings of the enemy being outflanked, and in some measure doubled upon, were mouldered away like a rope of sand."[297] In this brief and brilliant struggle only the one brigade was engaged. Riall's account agrees substantially with that of Scott, mentioning particularly "the greatest regularity" with which his opponents "deployed and opened fire."[298] He directed a charge by the three regiments in line, "but I am sorry to say that they suffered so severely that I was obliged to withdraw them, finding their further efforts against the superior numbers of the enemy would be unavailing." He was right in believing that the aggregate of Brown's army, although much short of the six thousand he estimated, was superior to that which he could bring together without abandoning posts he had to hold; but he was mistaken in thinking that in the actual collision his opponents were more numerous than the fifteen hundred regulars at which he states his own force, besides three hundred militia. Scott's brigade, with its supporting artillery, when it crossed four days before, was less than fifteen hundred; and the militia and Indians were routed before he began to fight. His artillery also was of lighter weight. The superiority of the American fire was shown by the respective losses. They were: British, one hundred and forty-eight killed, two hundred and twenty-one wounded, forty-six missing; American, fifty-six killed, two hundred and thirty-nine wounded, thirty-six missing. Of this total, there fell to Scott's command forty-four killed, and two hundred and twenty-four wounded; demonstrating conclusively that it alone was seriously engaged. Not a man was reported missing. The other brigade lost only three killed and three wounded. At the end of the action it was coming up on Scott's left, where he was most exposed, but it did not arrive until he had wrought his own deliverance. The remaining casualties were among the militia and Indians. After the battle of Chippewa, Riall fell back towards Fort George, and subsequently to the creek called Twenty Mile, west of Niagara, on Lake Ontario. Brown followed as far as Queenston, where he arrived July 10. On the 13th he wrote to Chauncey, begging for the fleet to meet him on the lake shore, west of Fort George, to arrange a plan of operations; in which case he had no doubt of breaking the power of the enemy in Upper Canada in a short time. "All accounts," he said, "represent the force of the enemy at Kingston as very light. Sir James Yeo will not fight,"--which was certain. "For God's sake, let me see you. I have looked for your fleet with the greatest anxiety since the 10th."[299] Chauncey had not left Sackett's Harbor, nor did he do so; to the utter consternation, not of Brown only, but of the Government. On July 7 he chronicled the burning of an enemy's schooner on the north shore of the lake,[300] an exploit creditable enough in itself, but utterly trivial in relation to pending issues; and on the 8th he wrote that some changes of officers and crews, incidental to the absence of a particular captain, would detain him a few days longer.[301] These were flimsy reasons for inactivity at a moment of great national interest, and when the operations in progress had been begun absolutely upon the presupposition of naval control and co-operation, for which he had undertaken to provide the means, even if not pledged as to the manner. Then followed a silence of over two weeks; after which, on July 25, he wrote again by his second to say that "the squadron had been prevented being earlier fitted for sea, in consequence of the delay in obtaining blocks and ironwork."[302] He himself was too unwell to write, and had been so for some days. It is probable that lapse of energy consequent upon illness had something to do with this remarkable paralysis of action, in a man usually bustling and efficient; and there may naturally have been unwillingness to relinquish command,--which would have been his proper course,--after the mortifications of the previous year, when he was just flattering himself with the prospect of a new opportunity. This inaction, at the critical moment of Brown's advance, caused the Government extreme perplexity and distress. In Chauncey was reposed a confidence expressed by the Secretary of the Navy to Congress the year before, when the resolution of thanks to Perry was pending. He then "intimated the propriety of noticing in an appropriate manner the commander-in-chief of the naval force upon the lakes, under whose immediate command Captain Perry acted;" and spoke of the "zeal, talent, constancy, courage, and prudence of the highest order, which appears to me to merit particular distinction."[303] Such preconceived opinion was hard to shake; but as day succeeded day of expectation and suspense, the patience of the Administration gave way. Letters bearing those elaborated phrases of assurance which most clearly testify uneasiness were sent him, but did not arrive till after Brown had retreated and he himself taken the lake. On July 24 the Secretary writes, "I have expressed the solicitude which has produced this letter, but my confidence in your patriotism, skill, judgment, and energy is entire." On August 3, however, he says the explanation about blocks and ironwork--apparently just received--is so extraordinary at such a moment that "I cannot withhold from you the extreme anxiety and astonishment which the protracted and fatal delay of the squadron has excited in the mind of the President;" and on the 5th, "the known detention of the squadron at Sackett's Harbor until the 27th ultimo, the very feeble and precarious state of your health, the evils which have already resulted from delay," etc., "have induced the President, though with extreme reluctance, and undiminished confidence in your zeal and capacity, to order Commodore Decatur to proceed to Sackett's Harbor and take upon himself the naval command on Lake Ontario." The proposed change did not take place, the squadron having already resumed active cruising. The Secretary repeated his expressions of confidence, but does not appear to have renewed his recommendations to Congress. Chauncey, stung by the reflections, open and implied, upon his conduct, retorted with a defence and definition of his course, as proposed and realized, which raises the whole question of the method of naval co-operation under the circumstances, and of its probable effectiveness. Replying to Brown's letter of July 13, quoted above, he said positively that he had never given the general ground to expect him at the head of the lake.[304] This assertion he repeated to the Secretary, whose letters to him demonstrate that the Government had left him entire discretion as to his particular method of procedure. Acting therefore upon his own judgment, he justified his course by alleging that direct co-operation at the Niagara end of the lake was impossible, because the heavy ships could not get within two miles of the forts, and Brown's army had never advanced to the lake shore; consequently, the fleet could neither have acted directly by itself, nor yet in support of a land force, with which it could not communicate. So much for the negative side of the argument. Positively, he said, the mission of the navy was to seek and fight the enemy's squadron; and this duty was emphasized by the fact that to go westward to Niagara, while the enemy was at Kingston, would expose to capture Sackett's Harbor, the safety of which had remained a dominant anxiety with Chauncey since its narrow escape the previous year. The protection of his own base, and the controlling or beating the organized force of the enemy, are unquestionably two leading considerations which should govern the general conduct of a general officer, land or sea. In these particulars Chauncey's statement was unassailable; but, whether well or ill, he seems to have been incapable of rising to the larger estimate of naval control, to which the rules enunciated, conduce simply as a formulation of principles, giving to action preciseness and steadiness of direction. The destruction of the enemy's fleet is the means to obtain naval control; but naval control in itself is only a means, not an object. The object of the campaign, set by the Government, was the acquirement of mastery upon the Niagara peninsula, to the accomplishment of which Brown's army was destined. Naval control would minister thereto, partly by facilitating the re-enforcement and supply of the American army, and, conversely, by impeding that of the British. Of these two means, the latter was the more efficacious, because, owing to the thoroughly denuded condition of the Canadian territory, from the Niagara to Detroit, local resources were exhausted, and dependence was wholly upon the water; whereas the United States forces, near a fruitful friendly region, and in possession of Lake Erie, had other independent and sufficient streams of maintenance. To weaken the British was by so much to strengthen Brown, even though direct communication with him were impossible. It was of this that the British stood in continual anxious terror, as shown by their letters; and this it was that Chauncey gives no sign of recognizing. Of support to his own colleague he spoke with ill-timed scorn: "That you might find the fleet somewhat of a convenience in the transportation of provisions and stores for the use of the army, and an agreeable appendage to attend its marches and countermarches, I am ready to believe; but, Sir, the Secretary of the Navy has honored us with a higher destiny--we are intended to seek and to fight the enemy's fleet. This is the great purpose of the Government in creating this fleet; and I shall not be diverted in my efforts to effectuate it by any sinister attempt to render us subordinate to, or an appendage of, the army." It would be difficult to cite an apter instance of wresting sound principles to one's own destruction. Whatever the antecedent provocation, this is no temper in which to effect military objects. It is indeed hard to believe that an army so little numerous as that of Brown could have accomplished the ambitious designs confided to it; but that does not affect the clear duty of affording it the utmost assistance that ingenuity could devise and energy effect. The words quoted were written August 10, but ignore entirely an alternative suggested in a letter received that day from the Secretary, dated July 24, itself the repetition of one made July 20: "To destroy the enemy's fleet, or to blockade his force _and cut off his entire communication with the head of the lake_." The civilian here indicated clearly what the naval officer should have known from the very first moment. As before said, the contemporary correspondence of British officers abundantly shows their anxiety lest Chauncey, in these important weeks, should do what he did not do. Sir James Yeo had deliberately formulated the policy of remaining inactive in Kingston until the completion of the 102-gun ship, which would give him command of the lake beyond chance of dispute. To occupy the American fleet meanwhile with a local blockade, which he intended not to contest, was precisely what he wanted. To distress the army at Niagara to the point of evacuating the peninsula was the one only thing that might impel--or compel--him to come out and fight, despite his deliberate intention. "Several small vessels," wrote the Commissary-General a month later[305] to Sir George Prevost, "were despatched while the enemy's squadron were unable to leave Sackett's Harbor; but since the enemy commands the lake, that resource for the moment is cut off, and only batteaux can be employed. These are [not][306] a very useful conveyance, not only from the danger of the enemy's small vessels, which can approach the shore without difficulty, but also from want of proper steersmen, pilots, and middlemen.... This feeble means of transport will never effect the forming of a sufficient depot at York, Burlington Heights, and Niagara; and, unless the commissariat can be aided to a great extent by the Royal Navy, the most disastrous consequences must ensue." At the date this was written, August 27, Chauncey's force was that which he had promised should be ready July 1, but with which he did not sail until August 1,--too late. The very efficiency of his action in August condemns therefore his inaction in July. Besides his two new big ships, which matched Yeo's two, he had added to the fleet of the previous year, then superior to the British, two brigs of the armament and tonnage of the ocean sloops of war,--the "Peacock" and class. Against these Yeo had nothing to show. It was therefore open to Chauncey to blockade Kingston with an equal force, thus covering Sackett's, and to despatch to the head of the lake vessels adequate to embarrass Riall and Drummond most seriously. From York to Niagara by land was eighty miles of road impassable to laden wagons; by lake thirty miles of water facility. From Kingston to York, an additional distance of a hundred and fifty miles, the same relative difficulty of transportation obtained. Yet as late as July 13, Drummond could write from Kingston, "As troops cannot be forwarded without provisions, I have requested Sir James Yeo to send his two brigs immediately, with as much flour and pork as they can carry to York and Burlington." On the 16th, "The 'Charwell' sailed yesterday for the head of the lake with provisions and ammunition. I have strong hopes she will arrive safe, as the enemy's whole squadron are lying in Sackett's with their sails bent, and apparently ready for sea, though no guns forward of the foremast could be perceived on board the 'Mohawk.'"[307] Yeo, holding both York and the mouth of the Niagara, ventured thither two brigs and two schooners, under Captain Dobbs, one of his officers. "Without their valuable aid in the transport of troops and stores," wrote Drummond, August 12, "I certainly should not have been able to attempt offensive operations so soon after my arrival." By that time, when Brown had of necessity abandoned the offensive, "Commodore Chauncey has left three of his brigs to watch our vessels in the Niagara. They continue cruising off that place."[308] Chauncey, in his letter of vindication to the Secretary, had maintained that "if our whole fleet were at the head of the lake, it would not detain a regiment from [York to] Fort George more than twenty-four hours.... Any one who knows anything of the navigation of this lake knows that boats may cross the head of the lake, from York to the opposite shore, unobserved by any fleet during the night."[309] Admitting that there is no literal exaggeration in this statement, it takes no account of the enemy's apprehensions, nor of the decisive difficulty of running vessels of a size to transport the heavy stores, without which the army could not remain. No one familiar with maritime affairs will deny the impossibility of wholly suppressing all furtive movement of small coasters, but it is equally certain much can be done to impede that full course of supplies which constitutes security of communication. To Chauncey's affirmation, Drummond gives an incidental reply, September 2: "The enemy's blockading squadron not having been seen for some days, I sent the 'Vincent' across to York, where she has arrived in safety, and Captain Dobbs has directed the 'Charwell' to push across the first morning the wind is fair. By their aid I got rid of many encumbrances (prisoners and sick), and shall receive the supplies that are waiting at York for this division."[310] It is needless to multiply quotations from the utterances, and frequent outcries, that run throughout this correspondence. Chauncey, from early July, had it in his hand seriously to molest the British communications, and at the same time to contain the British squadron in Kingston. Such action would subject Yeo to the just and humiliating imputation of suffering the harassment of the army without an attempt at relief, or else would compel him to come out and fight under conditions which, "whatever the result," to use Nelson's words, "would leave his squadron in a state to do no further harm," till the big ship was ready. Thus also Chauncey would cover his base; for, as Prevost wrote, "while Kingston is blockaded, no movement against Sackett's Harbor can take place." It was Chauncey's misfortune himself to demonstrate his own shortcoming by the profound distress he inflicted, when sounder measures were instituted after the censure of the Government,--too late. One of the most conspicuous instances of the effect of this neglect was realized in the desperate and sanguinary engagement of Lundy's Lane, the occurrence of which, at the time and in the manner it did, as stated by one of the chief actors, Winfield Scott, was due directly to the freedom of the lake to the British. Brown had remained at Queenston for some days after July 10, in painful suspense. A reconnaissance in force was made on the 15th by the militia brigade under General Porter, accompanied by two pieces of artillery, which moved round Fort George as far as Lake Ontario, whence the general reported "we had an opportunity to examine the _northern_ face of Forts Riall and Niagara, about two miles distant."[311] Beyond a few random shots, no opposition was experienced. On the 20th the army as a whole advanced to the neighborhood of Fort George, and made a demonstration of throwing up siege works; not without serious intention, for Brown had not yet abandoned hope of receiving the cannon of necessary weight, 24-pounders, from Sackett's Harbor. He had with him only eighteens. Riall was greatly alarmed, exaggerating the force before him, and receiving reports of re-enforcements expected by the lake. On July 22 he sent hasty and pressing word of the impending emergency to Drummond, who arrived the same evening at York from Kingston; but in the afternoon of the day he was able to give better tidings. The Americans were falling back again upon Queenston, abandoning the positions recently assumed.[312] Brown had hoped that by his advance, blowing up the works at Queenston, and leaving his rear evidently much exposed, Riall might be induced to attack. The British general was much disposed to do so; but refrained, fearing for his own communications. On the morning of the 23d an express from General Gaines, commanding at Sackett's Harbor, reached Brown at Queenston, informing him that Chauncey was sick, that no one knew when the fleet would sail, and that an endeavor had been made to send forward by batteaux, coasting the south shore, the 24-pounder guns needed for besieging Fort George; but the officer in command had stopped at the mouth of Black River Bay, thinking himself in danger from the British squadron.[313] A contemporary account reads: "July 20, Morgan with the riflemen and cannon prevented from sailing by Yeo's blockade of the harbor."[314] Apparently, Yeo had even come out of port, in order by menace of attack to arrest the forwarding of this essential succor. Chauncey's incidental mention is positive that he approached no nearer than the Ducks, some large islands thirty miles south of Kingston, and forty west of Sackett's;[315] but it is obvious that in the quiescence of the American squadron such a position was prohibitive of movement by batteaux. It may readily be conceived that had Brown's demonstration against the fort been coupled with an attempt to land the guns from a naval division, Riall might have felt compelled to come out of his lines. Neither guns nor naval division appeared, and Drummond, able to move troops freely across the lake, concerted now a plan for striking a dangerous blow from Fort Niagara, against Brown's communications on the New York side; the exposed condition of which was known to him. This was the immediate offensive of which he had spoken; his ability to undertake which he attributed to naval aid. He had as adjutant-general Lieutenant-Colonel Harvey, the same who suggested and executed the brilliant stroke that disconcerted Dearborn's campaign in 1813; and who on the present occasion drew up the instructions to Riall, and to Lieutenant-Colonel Tucker, the officer in charge of the forts, with a delightful lucidity which characterizes all papers signed by him.[316] The brigs "Star" and "Charwell" left York July 23, with a re-enforcement of four hundred men for Fort Niagara, in which post the officer commanding was directed to concentrate so many more as would enable him to carry a full regiment of regulars against batteries that were being put up at Youngstown. This movement was to be made at daylight of Monday, July 25, and General Riall was instructed to support it by a threatening demonstration on his side of the river. On the evening of the 24th, Drummond himself sailed from York in one of Yeo's schooners, and by daybreak reached Niagara. Upon his arrival,--or possibly before,--he learned that the Americans had retired further, to the Chippewa. The motive for this backward step was to draw necessary supplies across the river, from the magazines at Fort Schlosser, and to leave there all superfluous baggage, prior to a rush upon Burlington Heights, which Brown had now substituted as the point of attack, in consequence of his disappointment about the siege guns.[317] It had been his intention to rest over the 25th, in order to start forward fresh on the 26th. This retrograde movement, inducing Riall to advance, changed the situation found by Drummond. He decided therefore to apply his re-enforcements to the support of Riall directly, and to have the enterprise from Niagara proceed with somewhat smaller numbers towards Lewiston,--opposite Queenston,--where a body of Americans were posted. This advance appears to have been detected very soon, for Drummond writes, "Some unavoidable delay having occurred in the march of the troops up the right bank, the enemy had moved off previous to Colonel Tucker's arrival." Brown, in his report of this circumstance, wrote, "As it appeared that the enemy with his increased force was about to avail himself of the hazard under which our baggage and stores were on our [American] side of Niagara, I conceived the most effectual method of recalling him from the object was to put myself in motion towards Queenston. General Scott with his brigade were accordingly put in march on the road leading thither." The result was the battle of Lundy's Lane. Scott in his autobiography attributes the report of an advance towards Schlosser to a mistake on the part of the officer making it. It was not so. There was an actual movement, modified in detail from the original elaborate plan, the execution of which was based by the British general upon the local control of the lake, enabling him to send re-enforcements. The employment of Dobbs' four vessels, permitted by Chauncey's inaction, thus had direct effect upon the occurrence and the result of the desperately contested engagement which ensued, upon the heights overlooking the lower torrent of the Niagara. From the Chippewa to the Falls is about two miles, through which the main road from Lake Erie to Ontario follows the curving west bank of the stream. A half mile further on it was joined at right angles by the crossroad, known as Lundy's Lane. As Scott's column turned the bend above the Falls there were evidences of the enemy's presence, which at first were thought to indicate only a detachment for observation; but a few more paces disclosed the Lane held by a line of troops, superior in number to those encountered with equal unexpectedness on the Chippewa, three weeks before. Scott hesitated whether to fall back; but apprehensive of the effect of such a step upon the other divisions, he sent word to Brown that he would hold his ground, and prepared for battle, making dispositions to turn the enemy's left,--towards the Niagara. It was then near sundown. A hot engagement followed, in the course of which the pressure on the British left caused it to give ground. In consequence, the American right advancing and the British left receding, the two lines swung round perpendicular to the Lane, the Americans standing with their backs to the precipices, beneath which roar the lower rapids of Niagara. At this period General Riall, who had received a severe wound, was captured while being carried to the rear. As this change of front was taking place Brown arrived, with Ripley's brigade and Porter's militia, which were brought into line with Scott; the latter occupying the extreme right, Ripley the centre, and Porter the left. When this arrangement had been completed the attack was resumed, and a hill top, which was the key of the British position, was carried; the artillery there falling into the hands of the Americans. "In so determined a manner were these attacks directed against our guns," reported Drummond, "that our artillery men were bayoneted by the enemy in the act of loading, and the muzzles of the enemy's guns were advanced within a few yards of ours.... Our troops having for a moment been pushed back, some of our guns remained for a few minutes in the enemy's hands."[318] Upon this central fact both accounts agree, but on the upshot of the matter they differ. "Not only were the guns quickly recovered," continued Drummond, "but the two pieces which the enemy had brought up were captured by us." He admits, however, the loss as well as gain of one 6-pounder. Brown, on the contrary, claimed that the ground was held and that the enemy retired, leaving his guns. "He attempted to drive us from our position and to regain his artillery; our line was unshaken and the enemy repulsed. Two other attempts having the same object had the same issue."[319] By this time both Brown and Scott had been severely wounded and carried off the field. In this situation the Commander-in-Chief directed the officer now in command to withdraw the troops to the camp, three miles behind, for refreshment, and then to re-occupy the field of battle. Whether this was feasible or not would require an inquiry more elaborate than the matter at stake demands. It is certain that the next day the British resumed the position without resistance, and continued to hold it. To Americans the real interest and value of this action, combined with its predecessor at Chippewa, and with the subsequent equally desperate fighting about Fort Erie, were that the contest did not close without this conspicuous demonstration that in capable hands the raw material of the American armies could be worked up into fighting quality equal to the best. Regarded as an international conflict, the war was now staggering to its end, which was but a few months distant; and in every direction little but shame and mortification had befallen the American arms on land. It would have been a calamity, indeed, had the record closed for that generation with the showing of 1812 and 1813. Nothing is gained by explaining or excusing such results; the only expiation for them is by the demonstration of repentance, in works worthy of men and soldiers. This was abundantly afforded by Brown's brief campaign of 1814, otherwise fruitless. Not only the regular troops, fashioned by Scott in a few brief months from raw recruits to disciplined fighters, proved their mettle; the irregulars associated with them, though without the same advantage of training and concert of movement, caught their enthusiasm, gained confidence from their example, and emulated their deeds. The rabble which scarcely waited for a shot before scattering at the approach of Riall's columns in December, 1813, abandoning their homes to destruction, had earned the discriminating eulogium of General Brown before the year 1814 closed. In August, after Lundy's Lane, he, a New Yorker himself, wrote to the Governor of New York:[320] "This state has suffered in reputation in this war; its militia have done nothing, or but little, and that, too, after the state had been for a long time invaded." On September 20, after the sanguinary and successful sortie from Fort Erie, he wrote again: "The militia of New York have redeemed their character--they behaved gallantly. Of those called out by the last requisition, fifteen hundred have crossed the state border to our support. This re-enforcement has been of immense importance to us; it doubled our effective strength, and their good conduct cannot but have the happiest effect upon the nation."[321] The American losses at Lundy's Lane were, killed one hundred and seventy-one, wounded five hundred and seventy-two, missing one hundred and seventeen; total, eight hundred and sixty. Those of the British were, killed eighty-four, wounded five hundred and fifty-nine, missing one hundred and ninety-three, prisoners forty-two; total, eight hundred and seventy-eight. Of the British missing and prisoners, one hundred and sixty-nine were reported by the Americans as in their hands; among them nineteen officers. This substantial equality in casualties corresponds to a similar equality in the numbers engaged. The Americans had present for duty two thousand six hundred and forty-four, including over four hundred militia; Drummond in his report states that first and last he had upon the field not more than two thousand eight hundred. That he estimates the force opposed to him to have been at least five thousand, may be coupled with his mention of "the reiterated and determined attacks which the enemy made upon our centre," as showing the impression produced upon his mind during the progress of the struggle. The comparison of numbers engaged with injuries sustained justifies the inference that, in result, the actual contest upon the ground was at least a drawn battle, if not the positive success claimed by Brown and Scott. Colonel Hercules Scott, of the British 103d Regiment, who to be sure shows somewhat of the malcontent ever present in camps, but who afterwards fell well at the front in the assault upon Fort Erie, was in this action; and in a private letter uses an expression which practically corroborates the American assertion that they held the ground at the end, and withdrew afterwards. "In the last attack they gained possession of five out of seven of our guns, but the fire kept upon them was so severe that it afterwards appeared they had not been able to carry them off; _for we found them next morning_ on the spot they had been taken. No [We?] boast of a 'Great Victory,' but in my opinion it was nearly equal on both sides."[322] Equality of loss, or even a technical victory, does not imply equality of subsequent conditions. Brown had at the front all his available force; he had no reserves or depots upon which to draw. He had expended the last shot in the locker. Drummond not only had been receiving re-enforcements, absolutely small, yet considerable in proportion to the contending numbers, but he was continuing to receive them. Lundy's Lane was July 25; Chauncey did not take the lake until August 1, and it was the 5th when he came off Niagara, where he at once intercepted and drove ashore one of the British brigs, which was fired by her captain. He thus had immediate ocular demonstration of what had been going on in his absence; but it was already too late for the American squadron to turn the scales of war. If this could have been accomplished at all, it would have been by such intervention as in this instance; by injuring the enemy rather than by helping the friend. But this would have been possible only in the beginning. Brown felt himself unable longer to keep the field; and the army, now under General Ripley, withdrew the following day, July 26, to Fort Erie, where it proceeded to strengthen the work itself, and to develop a fortified line depending upon it, covering the angle of ground made by the shores of the Niagara River and Lake Erie. Brown was carried to Buffalo to recover of his wounds, which were not dangerous, though severe. He subsequently resumed chief command, but Scott was unable to serve again during the campaign. General Gaines was summoned from Sackett's Harbor, and on August 5 took charge at Fort Erie. From this time the operations on either side were limited to the effort to take or to hold this position. Drummond's experience at Lundy's Lane, and the extent of his loss, made him cautious in pursuit; and time was yielded to the enemy to make good their entrenchment. On the early morning of August 15 the British assaulted, and were repelled with fifty-seven killed, three hundred and nine wounded, and five hundred and thirty-nine missing.[323] The Americans, covered by their works, reported a loss of less than one hundred. "I am now reduced to a most unpleasant predicament with regard to force," wrote Drummond to Prevost.[324] "I have ordered the 6th and 82d from York to this frontier. I had intended to order another regiment from Kingston, but from the badness of the roads since the recent rains I could not calculate upon their arrival here before our squadron will be able to take the lake, and as even at present the diminution of stores and provisions is beginning to be felt, I intreat your excellency will impress upon the Commodore the necessity of conveying to this division, the very moment the squadron can leave harbor, a full supply of each, as well as a re-enforcement of troops." After this sharp reverse Drummond settled down to a siege, in the course of which he complained frequently and grievously of the annoyance caused him by Chauncey's blockade, established August 6, with three vessels competent seriously to interrupt transportation of supplies, or of men in large detachments. The season was still propitious for marching; but as early as August 21 Drummond was afraid "that relief by control of the lake may not reach us in time." September 11, "Our batteries have almost been silent for several days from the reduced state of the ammunition." September 14, "The sudden and most unlooked for return to the head of Lake Ontario of the two brigs, by which the Niagara has been so long blockaded, _and my communication with York cut off_, has had the effect of preventing the junction of the 97th regiment, which arrived at York the 10th, and probably would have been here the following day but for this unlucky circumstance."[325] September 24, "The deficiency of provisions and transport is the difficulty attending every operation in this country, as it prevents the collection at any one point of an adequate force for any object. These difficulties we must continue to experience, until our squadron appears superior on the lake." It would be impossible to depict more strongly the course incumbent upon Chauncey in July, or to condemn more severely, by implication, his failure then to do what he could, taking the chance of that chapter of accidents, "to be in the way of good luck," which it is the duty of every military leader to consider as among the clear possibilities of war. "The blockade of Kingston," wrote Prevost on October 11 to Lord Bathurst,[326] "has been vigorously maintained for the last six weeks by the enemy's squadron. The vigilance of the American cruisers on Lake Ontario was felt even by our batteaux creeping along the shore with provisions for Drummond's division. In consequence, I found that the wants of that army had grown to an alarming extent."[327] In pushing his siege works, Drummond by September 15 had erected three batteries, the last of which, then just completed, "would rake obliquely the whole American encampment."[328] Brown determined then upon a sortie in force, which was made on the afternoon of September 17, with entire success. It was in this attack that the New York militia, of whom fifteen hundred had crossed to the fort, bore an honorable and distinguished part. Brown states the actual force engaged in the fighting at one thousand regulars and one thousand militia, to whose energy and stubbornness Drummond again pays the compliment of estimating them at five thousand. The weight of the onslaught was thrown on the British right flank, and there doubtless the assailants were, and should have been, greatly superior. Two of the three batteries were carried, one of them being that which had directly incited the attack. "The enemy," reported Drummond, "was everywhere driven back; not however before he had disabled the guns in No. 3 battery, and exploded its magazine;"[329] that is, not before he had accomplished his purpose. Nor was this all. The stroke ended the campaign. Drummond had nearly lost hope of a successful issue, and this blow destroyed what little remained. The American navy still held the lake; the big ship in Kingston still tarried; rains torrential and almost incessant were undermining the ramparts of Forts George and Niagara, causing serious alarm for the defence, and spreading sickness among his troops, re-enforcements to which could with difficulty be sent. The British returns of loss in repelling the sortie gave one hundred and fifteen killed, one hundred and forty-eight wounded, three hundred and sixteen missing; total, five hundred and seventy-nine. The Americans, whose casualties were five hundred and eleven, reported that they brought back three hundred and eighty-five prisoners; among whom the roll of officers tallies with the British list. Four days afterwards, September 21, Drummond abandoned his works, leaving his fires burning and huts standing, and fell back secretly by night to the Chippewa. Brown was in no condition to follow. In a brief ten weeks, over which his adventurous enterprise spread, he had fought four engagements, which might properly be called general actions, if regard were had to the total force at his disposal, and not merely to the tiny scale of the campaign. Barring the single episode of the battle of New Orleans, his career on the Niagara peninsula is the one operation of the land war of 1812 upon which thoughtful and understanding Americans of the following generation could look back with satisfaction. Of how great consequence this evidence of national military character was, to the men who had no other experience, is difficult to be appreciated by us, in whose memories are the successes of the Mexican contest and the fierce titanic strife of the Civil War. In truth, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, and New Orleans, are the only names of 1812 preserved to popular memory,[330] ever impatient of disagreeable reminiscence. Hull's surrender was indeed an exception; the iron there burned too deep to leave no lasting scar. To Brown and his distinguished subordinates we owe the demonstration of what the War of 1812 might have accomplished, had the Government of the United States since the beginning of the century possessed even a rudimentary conception of what military preparation means to practical statesmanship. Shortly after the sortie which decided Drummond to retire, the defenders of Fort Erie were brought into immediate relation with the major part of the forces upon Lake Champlain, under General Izard. Both belonged to the same district, the ninth, which in Dearborn's time had formed one general command; but which it now pleased the Secretary of War, General Armstrong, to manage as two distinct divisions, under his own controlling directions from Washington. The Secretary undoubtedly had a creditable amount of acquired military knowledge, but by this time he had manifested that he did not possess the steadying military qualities necessary to play the role of a distant commander-in-chief. Izard, at the time of his appointment, reported everything connected with his command, the numbers and discipline of the troops, their clothing and equipment, in a deplorable state of inefficiency.[331] The summer months were spent in building up anew the army on Champlain, and in erecting fortifications; at Plattsburg, where the main station was fixed, and at Cumberland Head, the promontory which defines the eastern side of Plattsburg Bay. Upon the maintenance of these positions depended the tenure of the place itself, as the most suitable advanced base for the army and for the fleet, mutually indispensable for the protection of that great line of operations. On July 27, before the Secretary could know of Lundy's Lane, but when he did anticipate that Brown must fall back on Fort Erie, he wrote to Izard that it would be expedient for him to advance against Montreal, or against Prescott,--on the St. Lawrence opposite Ogdensburg,--in case large re-enforcements had been sent from Montreal to check Brown's advance, as was reported. His own inclination pointed to Prescott, with a view to the contingent chance of an attack upon Kingston, in co-operation with Chauncey and the garrison at Sackett's.[332] This letter did not reach Izard till August 10. He construed its somewhat tentative and vacillating terms as an order. "I will make the movement you direct, if possible; but I shall do it with the apprehension of risking the force under my command, and with the certainty that everything in this vicinity, save the lately erected works at Plattsburg and Cumberland Head, will, in less than three days after my departure, be in possession of the enemy."[333] Izard, himself, on July 19, had favored a step like this proposed; but, as he correctly observed, the time for it was when Brown was advancing and might be helped. Now, when Brown had been brought to a stand, and was retiring, the movement would not aid him, but would weaken the Champlain frontier; and that at the very moment when the divisions from Wellington's army, which had embarked at Bordeaux, were arriving at Quebec and Montreal. On August 12, Armstrong wrote again, saying that his first order had been based upon the supposition that Chauncey would meet and beat Yeo, or at least confine him in port. This last had in fact been done; but, if the enemy should have carried his force from Montreal to Kingston, and be prepared there, "a safer movement was to march two thousand men to Sackett's, embark there, and go to Brown's assistance."[334] Izard obediently undertook this new disposition, which he received August 20; but upon consultation with his officers concluded that to march by the northern route, near the Canada border, would expose his necessarily long column to dangerous flank attack. He therefore determined to go by way of Utica.[335] On August 29 the division, about four thousand effectives, set out from the camp at Chazy, eight miles north of Plattsburg, and on September 16 reached Sackett's. Bad weather prevented immediate embarkation, but on the 21st about two thousand five hundred infantry sailed, and having a fair wind reached next day the Genesee, where they were instantly put ashore. A regiment of light artillery and a number of dragoons, beyond the capacity of the fleet to carry, went by land and arrived a week later. In this manner the defence of Lake Champlain was deprived of four thousand fairly trained troops at the moment that the British attack in vast superiority of force was maturing. Their advance brigade, in fact, crossed the frontier two days after Izard's departure. At the critical moment, and during the last weeks of weather favorable for operations, the men thus taken were employed in making an unprofitable march of great length, to a quarter where there was now little prospect of successful action, and where they could not arrive before the season should be practically closed. Brown, of course, hailed an accession of strength which he sorely needed, and did not narrowly scrutinize a measure for which he was not responsible. On September 27, ten days after the successful sortie from Fort Erie, he was at Batavia, in New York, where he had an interview with Izard, who was the senior. In consequence of their consultation Izard determined that his first movement should be the siege of Fort Niagara.[336] In pursuance of this resolve his army marched to Lewiston, where it arrived October 5. There he had a second meeting with Brown, accompanied on this occasion by Porter, and under their representations decided that it would be more proper to concentrate all the forces at hand on the Canadian bank of the Niagara, south of the Chippewa, and not to undertake a siege while Drummond kept the field.[337] Despite many embarrassments, and anxieties on the score of supplies and provisions while deprived of the free use of the lake, the British general was now master of the situation. His position rested upon the Chippewa on one flank, and upon Fort Niagara on the other. From end to end he had secure communication, for he possessed the river and the boats, below the falls. By these interior lines, despite his momentary inferiority in total numbers, he was able to concentrate his forces upon a threatened extremity with a rapidity which the assailants could not hope to rival. Fort Niagara was not in a satisfactory condition to resist battery by heavy cannon; but Izard had none immediately at hand. Drummond was therefore justified in his hope that "the enemy will find the recapture of the place not to be easily effected."[338] His line of the Chippewa rested on the left upon the Niagara. On its right flank the ground was impassable to everything save infantry, and any effort to turn his position there would have to be made in the face of artillery, to oppose which no guns could be brought forward. Accordingly when Izard, after crossing in accordance with his last decision, advanced on October 15 against the British works upon the Chippewa, he found they were too strong for a frontal attack, the opinion which Drummond himself entertained,[339] while the topographical difficulties of the country baffled every attempt to turn them. Drummond's one serious fear was that the Americans, finding him impregnable here, might carry a force by Lake Erie, and try to gain his rear from Long Point, or by the Grand River.[340] Though they would meet many obstacles in such a circuit, yet the extent to which he would have to detach in order to meet them, and the smallness of his numbers, might prove very embarrassing. Izard entertained no such project. After his demonstration of October 15, which amounted to little more than a reconnaisance in force, he lapsed into hopelessness. The following day he learned by express that the American squadron had retired to Sackett's Harbor and was throwing up defensive works. With his own eyes he saw, too, that the British water service was not impeded. "Notwithstanding our supremacy on Lake Ontario, at the time I was in Lewiston [October 5-8] the communication between York and the mouth of the Niagara was uninterrupted. I saw a large square-rigged vessel arriving, and another, a brig, lying close to the Canada shore. Not a vessel of ours was in sight."[341] The British big ship, launched September 10, was on October 14 reported by Yeo completely equipped. The next day he would proceed up the lake to Drummond's relief. Chauncey had not waited for the enemy to come out. Convinced that the first use of naval superiority would be to reduce his naval base, he took his ships into port October 8; writing to Washington that the "St. Lawrence" had her sails bent, apparently all ready for sea, and that he expected an attack in ten days.[342] "I confess I am greatly embarrassed," wrote Izard to Monroe, who had now superseded Armstrong as Secretary of War. "At the head of the most efficient army the United States have possessed during this war, much must be expected from me; and yet I can discern no object which can be achieved at this point worthy of the risk which will attend its attempt." The enemy perfectly understood his perplexity, and despite his provocations refused to play into his hands by leaving the shelter of their works to fight. On October 21, he broke up his camp, and began to prepare winter quarters for his own command opposite Black Rock, sending Brown with his division to Sackett's Harbor. Two weeks later, on November 5, having already transported all but a small garrison to the American shore, he blew up Fort Erie and abandoned his last foothold on the peninsula. During the operations along the Niagara which ended thus fruitlessly, the United States Navy upon Lake Erie met with some severe mishaps. The Cabinet purpose, of carrying an expedition into the upper lakes against Michilimackinac, was persisted in despite the reluctance of Armstrong. Commander Arthur Sinclair, who after an interval had succeeded Perry, was instructed to undertake this enterprise with such force as might be necessary; but to leave within Lake Erie all that he could spare, to co-operate with Brown. Accordingly he sailed from Erie early in June, arriving on the 21st off Detroit, where he was to embark the troops under Colonel Croghan for the land operations. After various delays St. Joseph's was reached July 20, and found abandoned. Its defences were destroyed. On the 26th the vessels were before Mackinac, but after a reconnaisance Croghan decided that the position was too strong for the force he had. Sinclair therefore started to return, having so far accomplished little except the destruction of two schooners, one on Lake Huron, and one on Lake Superior, both essential to the garrison at Mackinac; there being at the time but one other vessel on the lakes competent to the maintenance of their communications. This remaining schooner, called the "Nancy," was known to be in Nottawasaga Bay, at the south end of Georgian Bay, near the position selected by the British as a depot for stores coming from York by way of Lake Simcoe. After much dangerous search in uncharted waters, Sinclair found her lying two miles up a river of the same name as the bay, where she was watching a chance to slip through to Mackinac. Her lading had been completed July 31, and the next day she had already started, when a messenger brought word that approach to the island was blocked by the American expedition. The winding of the river placed her present anchorage within gunshot of the lake; but as she could not be seen through the brush, Sinclair borrowed from the army a howitzer, with which, mounted in the open beyond, he succeeded in firing both the "Nancy" and the blockhouse defending the position. The British were thus deprived of their last resource for transportation in bulk upon the lake. What this meant to Mackinac may be inferred from the fact that flour there was sixty dollars the barrel, even before Sinclair's coming. Having inflicted this small, yet decisive, embarrassment on the enemy, Sinclair on August 16 started back with the "Niagara" and "Hunter" for Erie, whither he had already despatched the "Lawrence"--Perry's old flagship--and the "Caledonia." He left in Nottawasaga Bay the schooners "Scorpion" and "Tigress," "to maintain a rigid blockade until driven from the lake by the inclemency of the weather," in order "to cut the line of communications from Michilimackinac to York." Lieutenant Daniel Turner of the "Scorpion," who had commanded the "Caledonia" in Perry's action, was the senior officer of this detachment. After Sinclair's departure the gales became frequent and violent. Finding no good anchorage in Nottawasaga Bay, Turner thought he could better fulfil the purpose of his instructions by taking the schooners to St. Joseph's, and cruising thence to French River, which enters Georgian Bay at its northern end. On the night of September 3, the "Scorpion" being then absent at the river, the late commander of the "Nancy," Lieutenant Miller Worsley, got together a boat's crew of eighteen seamen, and obtained the co-operation of a detachment of seventy soldiers. With these, followed by a number of Indians in canoes, he attacked the "Tigress" at her anchors and carried her by boarding. The night being very dark, the British were close alongside when first seen; and the vessel was not provided with boarding nettings, which her commander at his trial proved he had not the cordage to make. Deprived of this essential defence, which in such an exposed situation corresponds to a line of intrenched works on shore, her crew of thirty men were readily overpowered by the superior numbers, who could come upon them from four quarters at once, and had but an easy step to her low-lying rail. The officer commanding the British troops made a separate report of the affair, in which he said that her resistance did credit to her officers, who were all severely wounded.[343] Transferring his men to the prize, Worsley waited for the return of the "Scorpion," which on the 5th anchored about five miles off, ignorant of what had happened. The now British schooner weighed and ran down to her, showing American colors; and, getting thus alongside without being suspected, mastered her also. Besides the officers hurt, there were of the "Tigress'" crew three killed and three wounded; the British having two killed and eight wounded. No loss seems to have been incurred on either side in the capture of the "Scorpion." In reporting this affair Sir James Yeo wrote: "The importance of this service is very great. Had not the naval force of the enemy been taken, the commanding officer at Mackinac must have surrendered."[344] He valued it further for its influence upon the Indians, and upon the future of the naval establishment which he had in contemplation for the upper lakes. When Sinclair reached Detroit from Nottawasaga he received news of other disasters. According to his instructions, before starting for the upper lakes he had left a division of his smaller vessels, under Lieutenant Kennedy, to support the army at Niagara. When Brown fell back upon Fort Erie, after Lundy's Lane, three of these, the "Ohio," "Somers," and "Porcupine," anchored close by the shore, in such a position as to flank the approaches to the fort, and to molest the breaching battery which the British were erecting. As this interfered with the besiegers' plans for an assault, Captain Dobbs, commanding the naval detachment on Ontario which Yeo had assigned to co-operate with Drummond, transported over land from below the falls six boats or batteaux, and on the night of August 12 attacked the American schooners, as Worsley afterwards did the "Tigress" and "Scorpion." The "Ohio" and "Somers," each with a crew of thirty-five men, were carried and brought successfully down the river within the British lines. Dobbs attributed the escape of the "Porcupine" to the cables of the two others being cut, in consequence of which they with the victorious assailants on board drifted beyond possibility of return.[345] To these four captures by the enemy must be added the loss by accident of the "Caledonia"[346] and "Ariel," reported by Sinclair about this time. Perry's fleet was thus disappearing by driblets; but the command of the lake was not yet endangered, for there still remained, besides several of the prizes, the two principal vessels, "Lawrence" and "Niagara."[347] With these Sinclair returned to the east of the lake, and endeavored to give support to the army at Fort Erie; but the violence of the weather and the insecurity of the anchorage on both shores, as the autumn drew on, not only prevented effectual co-operation, but seriously threatened the very existence of the fleet, upon which control of the water depended. In an attempt to go to Detroit for re-enforcements for Brown, a gale of wind was encountered which drifted the vessels back to Buffalo, where they had to anchor and lie close to a lee shore for two days, September 18 to 20, with topmasts and lower yards down, the sea breaking over them, and their cables chafing asunder on a rocky bottom. After this, Drummond having raised the siege of Fort Erie, the fleet retired to Erie and was laid up for the winter. FOOTNOTES: [266] Ante, pp. 118-121. [267] Documentary History of the Campaign on the Niagara Frontier in 1814, by Ernest Cruikshank, Part I. p. 5. [268] Captains' Letters, Feb. 24, March 4 and 29, 1814. [269] Canadian Archives, C. 682, p. 32. [270] Niles' Register, Feb. 5, 1814, vol. v. pp. 381, 383. [271] Canadian Archives. C. 682, p. 90. [272] Armstrong, Notices of the War of 1812, vol. ii. p. 213. [273] Canadian Archives, C. 683, p. 10. [274] Ibid., pp. 53, 61-64. [275] Ibid., C. 682, p. 194. [276] Niles' Register, April 9, 1814, vol. vi. p. 102. [277] Captains' Letters, April 11, 1814. [278] Writings of Madison, Edition of 1865, vol. ii. p. 413. [279] Wilkinson's letter to a friend, April 9, 1814. Niles' Register, vol. vi. p. 166. His official report of the affair is given, p. 131. [280] Yeo's Report, Canadian Archives, M. 389.6, p. 116. [281] The armaments of the corresponding two British vessels were: "Prince Regent", thirty long 24-pounders, eight 68-pounder carronades, twenty 32-pounder carronades; "Princess Charlotte", twenty-four long 24-pounders, sixteen 32-pounder carronades. Canadian Archives, M. 389.6, p. 109. [282] Captains' Letters. [283] Canadian Archives, C. 683, p. 157. [284] Woolsey's Report, forwarded by Chauncey June 2, is in Captains' Letters. It is given, together with several other papers bearing on the affair, in Niles' Register, vol. vi. pp. 242, 265-267. For Popham's Report, see Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxii. p. 167. [285] Canadian Archives, C. 683, p. 225. [286] Cruikshank's Documentary History, 1814, pp. 18-20. [287] Writings of Madison (Edition of 1865), vol. iii. p. 403. [288] Captains' Letters. [289] Ibid. [290] Yeo to Admiralty, May 30, 1815. Canadian Archives, M. 389.6, p. 310. For Chauncey's opinion to the same effect, see Captains' Letters, Nov. 5, 1814. [291] Captains' Letters, June 15, 1814. [292] Armstrong to Madison, April 31 (_sic_), 1814. Armstrong's Notices of War of 1812, vol. ii. p. 413. [293] These official returns are taken by the present writer from Mr. Henry Adams' History of the United States. [294] Cruikshank's Documentary History of the Niagara Campaign of 1814, p. 37. [295] Cruikshank, Documentary History. [296] Ibid., p. 4. [297] Scott's Autobiography, vol. i. pp. 130-132. [298] Cruikshank's Documentary History, p. 31. [299] Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 38. [300] Captains' Letters. [301] Secretary of the Navy to Chauncey, July 24, 1814, Secretary's Letters. [302] Secretary to Chauncey, Aug. 3, 1814. Ibid. [303] Ibid., Dec. 29, 1813. [304] Chauncey to Brown, Aug. 10, 1814. Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 38. [305] August 27. Cruikshank's Documentary History, pp. 180-182. The whole letter has interest as conveying an adequate idea of the communications difficulty. [306] This word is wanting; but the context evidently requires it. [307] Cruikshank's Documentary History, 1814, pp. 58, 60. [308] Cruikshank's Documentary History, 1814, p. 134. [309] Captains' Letters. Aug. 19, 1814. [310] Cruikshank's Documentary History, 1814, p. 191. [311] Cruikshank's Documentary History, 1814, p. 68. [312] Cruikshank's Documentary History, 1814. Riall to Drummond, July 20, 21, 22, pp. 75-81. [313] Ibid., p. 87. [314] Ibid., p. 78. [315] "Sir James Yeo has not been nearer Sackett's Harbor than the Ducks since June 5." Captains' Letters, Aug. 19, 1814. [316] Cruikshank's Documentary History, 1814, pp. 82, 84. [317] Brown's Report of Lundy's Lane to Secretary of War, Aug. 7, 1814. Ibid., p. 97. [318] Drummond's Report of the Engagement, July 27. Cruikshank, pp. 87-92. [319] Brown's Report. Ibid., p. 99. [320] Brown to Governor Tompkins, Aug. 1, 1814. Cruikshank, p. 103. [321] Ibid., p. 207. [322] Cruikshank's Documentary History, 1814, p. 131. Author's italics. [323] The American account of this total is: killed, left on the field, 222; wounded, left on the field, 174; prisoners, 186. Total, 582. Two hundred supposed to be killed on the left flank (in the water) and permitted to float down the Niagara. [324] Aug. 16. Cruikshank, pp. 146-147. [325] Cruikshank's Documentary History, 1814, pp. 199, 200. Author's italics. [326] Bathurst was Secretary of State for War and the Colonies. [327] Cruikshank's Documentary History, 1814, pp. 229, 245. [328] Ibid., p. 207. Brown to Tompkins, Sept. 20, 1814. [329] Cruikshank's Documentary History, p. 205. [330] An interesting indication of popular appreciation is found in the fact that two ships of the line laid down by Chauncey in or near Sackett's Harbor, in the winter of 1814-15, were named the "New Orleans" and the "Chippewa." Yeo after the peace returned to England by way of Sackett's and New York, and was then greatly surprised at the rapidity with which these two vessels, which he took to be of one hundred and twenty guns each, (Canadian Archives, M. 389.6, p. 310), had been run up, to meet his "St. Lawrence" in the spring, had the war continued. The "New Orleans" remained on the Navy List, as a seventy-four, "on the stocks," until 1882, when she was sold. For years she was the exception to a rule that ships of her class should bear the name of a state of the Union. The other square-rigged vessels on Ontario were sold, in May, 1825. (Records of the Bureau of Construction and Repair, Navy Department.) [331] Izard to Secretary of War, May 7, 1814. Official Correspondence of the Department of War with Major-General Izard, 1814 and 1815. [332] Izard Correspondence, p. 64. [333] Izard Correspondence, p. 65. [334] Ibid., p. 69. [335] Ibid., p. 63. [336] Izard Correspondence, p. 93. [337] Ibid., p. 98. [338] Oct. 6, 1814. Cruikshank's Documentary History, 1814, p. 240. [339] Izard Correspondence, p. 102; Cruikshank, p. 242. [340] Cruikshank, p. 240. [341] Izard Correspondence, p. 103. [342] Captains' Letters. [343] Canadian Archives, C. 685, pp. 172-174. [344] Ibid., M. 389.6, p. 222. [345] The Reports of Captain Dobbs and the American lieutenant, Conkling, are in Cruikshank's Documentary History, p. 135. [346] Captains' Letters, Sept. 12, 1814. [347] This account of naval events on the upper lakes in 1814 has been summarized from Sinclair's despatches, Captains' Letters, May 2 to Nov. 11, 1814, and from certain captured British letters, which, with several of Sinclair's, were published in Niles' Register, vol. vii. and Supplement. CHAPTER XVI SEABOARD OPERATIONS IN 1814. WASHINGTON, BALTIMORE, AND MAINE The British command of the water on Lake Ontario was obtained too late in the year 1814 to have any decisive effect upon their operations. Combined with their continued powerlessness on Lake Erie, this caused their campaign upon the northern frontier to be throughout defensive in character, as that of the Americans had been offensive. Drummond made no attempt in the winter to repeat the foray into New York of the previous December, although he and Prevost both considered that they had received provocation to retaliate, similar to that given at Newark the year before. The infliction of such vindictive punishment was by them thrown upon Warren's successor in the North Atlantic command, who responded in word and will even more heartily than in deed. The Champlain expedition, in September of this year, had indeed offensive purpose, but even there the object specified was the protection of Canada, by the destruction of the American naval establishments on the lake, as well as at Sackett's Harbor;[348] while the rapidity with which Prevost retreated, as soon as the British squadron was destroyed, demonstrated how profoundly otherwise the spirit of a simple defensive had possession of him, as it had also of the more positive and aggressive temperaments of Drummond and Yeo, and how essential naval control was in his eyes. In this general view he had the endorsement of the Duke of Wellington, when his attention was called to the subject, after the event. Upon the seaboard it was otherwise. There the British campaign of 1814 much exceeded that of 1813 in offensive purpose and vigor, and in effect. This was due in part to the change in the naval commander-in-chief; in part also to the re-enforcements of troops which the end of the European war enabled the British Government to send to America. Early in the year 1813, Warren had represented to the Admiralty the impossibility of his giving personal supervision to the management of the West India stations, and had suggested devolving the responsibility upon the local admirals, leaving him simply the power to interfere when circumstances demanded.[349] The Admiralty then declined, alleging that the character of the war required unity of direction over the whole.[350] Later they changed their views. The North Atlantic, Jamaica, and Leeward Islands stations were made again severally independent, and Warren was notified that as the American command, thus reduced, was beneath the claims of an officer of his rank,--a full admiral,--a successor would be appointed.[351] Vice-Admiral Sir Alexander Cochrane accordingly relieved him, April 1, 1814; his charge embracing both the Atlantic and Gulf coasts. At the same period the Lakes Station, from Champlain to Superior inclusive, was constituted a separate command; Yeo's orders to this effect being dated the same day as Cochrane's, January 25, 1814. Cochrane brought to his duties a certain acrimony of feeling, amounting almost to virulence. "I have it much at heart," he wrote Bathurst, "to give them a complete drubbing before peace is made, when I trust their northern limits will be circumscribed and the command of the Mississippi wrested from them." He expects thousands of slaves to join with their masters' horses, and looks forward to enlisting them. They are good horsemen; and, while agreeing with his lordship in deprecating a negro insurrection, he thinks such bodies will "be as good Cossacks as any in the Russian army, and more terrific to the Americans than any troops that can be brought forward." Washington and Baltimore are equally accessible, and may be either destroyed or laid under contribution.[352] These remarks, addressed to a prominent member of the Cabinet, are somewhat illuminative as to the formal purposes, as well as to the subsequent action, of British officials. The sea coast from Maine to Georgia, according to the season of the year, was made to feel the increasing activity and closeness of the British attacks; and these, though discursive and without apparent correlation of action, were evidently animated throughout by a common intention of bringing the war home to the experience of the people. As a whole, the principal movements were meant to serve as a diversion, detaining on the Chesapeake and seaboard troops which might otherwise be sent to oppose the advance Prevost was ordered to make against Sackett's Harbor and Lake Champlain; for which purpose much the larger part of the re-enforcements from Europe had been sent to Canada. The instructions to the general detailed to command on the Atlantic specified as his object "a diversion on the coast of the United States in favor of the army employed in the defence of Upper and Lower Canada."[353] During the operations, "if in any descent you shall be enabled to take such a position as to threaten the inhabitants with the destruction of their property, you are hereby authorized to levy upon them contributions in return for your forbearance." Negroes might be enlisted, or carried away, though in no case as slaves. Taken in connection with the course subsequently pursued at Washington, such directions show an aim to inflict in many quarters suffering and deprivation, in order to impress popular consciousness with the sense of an irresistible and ubiquitous power incessantly at hand. Such moral impression, inclining those subject to it to desire peace, conduced also to the retention of local forces in the neighborhood where they belonged, and so furthered the intended diversion. The general purpose of the British Government is further shown by some incidental mention. Gallatin, who at the time of Napoleon's abdication was in London, in connection with his duties on the Peace Commission, wrote two months afterwards: "To use their own language, they mean to inflict on America a chastisement which will teach her that war is not to be declared against Great Britain with impunity. This is a very general sentiment of the nation; and that such are the opinions of the ministry was strongly impressed on the mind of ---- by a late conversation he had with Lord Castlereagh. Admiral Warren also told Levett Harris, with whom he was intimate at St. Petersburg, that he was sorry to say the instructions given to his successor on the American station were very different from those under which he acted, and that he feared very serious injury would be done to America."[354] Thus inspired, the coast warfare, although more active and efficient than the year before, and on a larger scale, continued in spirit and in execution essentially desultory and wasting. As it progressed, a peculiar bitterness was imparted by the liberal construction given by British officers to the word "retaliation." By strict derivation, and in wise application, the term summarizes the ancient retribution of like for like,--an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth; and to destroy three villages for one, as was done in retort for the burning of Newark, the inhabitants in each case being innocent of offence, was an excessive recourse to a punitive measure admittedly lawful. Two further instances of improper destruction by Americans had occurred during the campaign of 1814. Just before Sinclair sailed for Mackinac, he suggested to a Colonel Campbell, commanding the troops at Erie, that it would be a useful step to visit Long Point, on the opposite Canada shore, and destroy there a quantity of flour, and some mills which contributed materially to the support of the British forces on the Niagara peninsula.[355] This was effectively done, and did add seriously to Drummond's embarrassment; but Campbell went further and fired some private houses also, on the ground that the owners were British partisans and had had a share in the burning of Buffalo. A Court of Inquiry, of which General Scott was president, justified the destruction of the mills, but condemned unreservedly that of the private houses.[356] Again, in Brown's advance upon Chippewa, some American "volunteers," despatched to the village of St. David's, burned there a number of dwellings. The commanding officer, Colonel Stone, was ordered summarily and immediately by Brown to retire from the expedition, as responsible for an act "contrary to the orders of the Government, and to those of the commanding general published to the army."[357] In both these cases disavowal had been immediate; and it had been decisive also in that of Newark. The intent of the American Government was clear, and reasonable ultimate compensation might have been awaited; at least for a time. Prevost, however, being confined to the defensive all along his lines, communicated the fact of the destruction to Cochrane, calling upon him for the punishment which it was not in his own power then to inflict. Cochrane accordingly issued an order[358] to the ships under his command, to use measures of retaliation "against the cities of the United States, from the Saint Croix River to the southern boundary, near the St. Mary's River;" "to destroy and lay waste," so he notified the United States Government, "such towns and districts upon the coast as may be found assailable."[359] In the first heat of his wrath, he used in his order an expression, "and you will spare merely the lives of the unarmed inhabitants of the United States," which he afterwards asked Prevost to expunge, as it might be construed in a sense he never meant;[360] and he reported to his Government that he had sent private instructions to exercise forbearance toward the inhabitants.[361] It can easily be believed that, like many words spoken in passion, the phrase far outran his purposes; but it has significance and value as indicating the manner in which Americans had come to be regarded in Great Britain, through the experience of the period of peace and the recent years of war. However the British Government might justify in terms the impressment of seamen from American ships, or the delay of atonement for such an insult as that of the Chesapeake, the nation which endured the same, content with reams of argument instead of blow for blow, had sunk beneath contempt as an inferior race, to be cowed and handled without gloves by those who felt themselves the masters. Nor was the matter bettered by the notorious fact that the interference with the freedom of American trade, which Great Britain herself admitted to be outside the law, had been borne unresisted because of the pecuniary stake involved. The impression thus produced was deepened by the confident boasts of immediate successes in Canada, made by leading members of the party which brought on the war; followed as these were by a display of inefficiency so ludicrous that opponents, as well native as foreign, did not hesitate to apply to it the word "imbecility." The American for a dozen years had been clubbed without giving evidence of rebellion, beyond words; now that he showed signs of restiveness, without corresponding evidence of power, he should feel the lash, and there need be no nicety in measuring punishment. Codrington, an officer of mark and character, who joined Cochrane at this time as chief of staff, used expressions which doubtless convey the average point of view of the British officer of that day: President Madison, "by letting his generals burn villages in Canada again, has been trying to excite terror; but as you may shortly see by the public exposition of the Admiral's orders, the terror and the suffering will probably be brought home to the doors of his own fellow citizens. I am fully convinced that this is the true way to end this Yankee war, whatever may be said in Parliament against it."[362] It is the grievous fault of all retaliation, especially in the heat of war, that it rarely stays its hand at an equal measure, but almost invariably proceeds to an excess which provokes the other party to seek in turn to even the scale. The process tends to be unending; and it is to the honor of the United States Government that, though technically responsible for the acts of agents which it was too inefficient to control, it did not seriously entertain the purpose of resorting to this means, to vindicate the wrongs of its citizens at the expense of the subjects of its opponent. Happily, the external brutality of attitude which Cochrane's expression so aptly conveyed yielded for the most part to nobler instincts in the British officers. There was indeed much to condemn, much done that ought not to have been done; but even in the contemporary accounts it is quite possible to trace a certain rough humanity, a wish to deal equitably with individuals, for whom, regarded nationally, they professed no respect. Even in the marauding of the Chesapeake, the idea of compensation for value taken was not lost to view; and in general the usages of war, as to property exempt from destruction or appropriation, were respected, although not without the rude incidents certain to occur where atonement for acts of resistance, or the price paid for property taken, is fixed by the victor. If retaliation upon any but the immediate culprit is ever permissible, which in national matters will scarcely be contested, it is logically just that it should fall first of all upon the capital, where the interests and honor of the nation are centred. There, if anywhere, the responsibility for the war and all its incidents is concrete in the representatives of the nation, executive and legislative, and in the public offices from which all overt acts are presumed to emanate. So it befell the United States. In the first six months of 1814, the warfare in the Chesapeake continued on the same general lines as in 1813; there having been the usual remission of activity during the winter, to resume again as milder weather drew on. The blockade of the bay was sustained, with force adequate to make it technically effective, although Baltimore boasted that several of her clipper schooners got to sea. On the part of the United States, Captain Gordon of the navy had been relieved in charge of the bay flotilla by Commodore Barney, of revolutionary and privateering renown. This local command, in conformity with the precedent at New York, and as was due to so distinguished an officer, was made independent of other branches of the naval service; the commodore being in immediate communication with the Navy Department. On April 17, he left Baltimore and proceeded down the bay with thirteen vessels; ten of them being large barges or galleys, propelled chiefly by oars, the others gunboats of the ordinary type. The headquarters of this little force became the Patuxent River, to which in the sequel it was in great measure confined; the superiority of the enemy precluding any enlarged sphere of activity. Its presence, however, was a provocation to the British, as being the only floating force in the bay capable of annoying them; the very existence of which was a challenge to their supremacy. To destroy it became therefore a dominant motive, which was utilized also to conceal to the last their purpose, tentative indeed throughout, to make a dash at Washington. The Patuxent enters Chesapeake Bay from the north and west, sixty miles below Baltimore, and twenty above the mouth of the Potomac, to the general direction of which its own course in its lower part is parallel. For boats drawing no more than did Barney's it is navigable for forty miles from its mouth, to Pig Point; whence to Washington by land is but fifteen miles. A pursuit of the flotilla so far therefore brought pursuers within easy striking distance of the capital, provided that between them and it stood no obstacle adequate to impose delay until resistance could gather. It was impossible for such a pursuit to be made by the navy alone; for, inadequate as the militia was to the protection of the bay shore from raiding, it was quite competent to act in conjunction with Barney, when battling only against boats, which alone could follow him into lairs accessible to him, but not to even the smaller vessels of the enemy. Ships of the largest size could enter the river, but could ascend it only a little way. Up the Patuxent itself, or in its tributaries, the Americans therefore had always against the British Navy a refuge, in which they might be blockaded indeed, but could not be reached. For all these reasons, in order to destroy the flotilla, a body of troops must be used; a necessity which served to mask any ulterior design. In the course of these operations, and in support of them, the British Navy had created a post at Tangier Island, ten miles across the bay, opposite the mouth of the Potomac.[363] Here they threw up fortifications, and established an advanced rendezvous. Between the island and the eastern shore, Tangier Sound gave sheltered anchorage. The position was in every way convenient, and strategically central. Being the junction of the water routes to Baltimore and Washington, it threatened both; while the narrowness of the Chesapeake at this point constituted the force there assembled an inner blockading line, well situated to move rapidly at short notice in any direction, up or down, to one side or the other. At such short distance from the Patuxent, Barney's movements were of course well under observation, as he at once experienced. On June 1, he left the river, apparently with a view to reaching the Potomac. Two schooners becalmed were then visible, and pursuit was made with the oars; but soon a large ship was seen under sail, despatching a number of barges to their assistance. A breeze springing up from southwest put the ship to windward, between the Potomac and the flotilla, which was obliged to return to the Patuxent, closely followed by the enemy. Some distant shots were exchanged, but Barney escaped, and for the time was suffered to remain undisturbed three miles from the bay; a 74-gun ship lying at the river's mouth, with barges plying continually about her. The departure of the British schooners, however, was construed to indicate a return with re-enforcements for an attack; an anticipation not disappointed. Two more vessels soon joined the seventy-four; one of them a brig. On their appearance Barney shifted his berth two miles further up, abreast St. Leonard's Creek. At daylight of June 9, one of the ships, the brig, two schooners, and fifteen rowing barges, were seen coming up with a fair wind. The flotilla then retreated two miles up the creek, formed there across it in line abreast, and awaited attack. The enemy's vessels could not follow; but their boats did, and a skirmish ensued which ended in the British retiring. Later in the day the attempt was renewed with no better success; and Barney claimed that, having followed the boats in their retreat, he had seriously disabled one of the large schooners anchored off the mouth of the creek to support the movement. There is no doubt that the American gunboats were manfully and skilfully handled, and that the crews in this and subsequent encounters gained confidence and skill, the evidences of which were shown afterwards at Bladensburg, remaining the only alleviating remembrance from that day of disgrace. From Barney would be expected no less than the most that man can do, or example effect; but his pursuit was stopped by the ship and the brig, which stayed within the Patuxent. The flotilla continued inside the creek, two frigates lying off its mouth, until June 26, when an attack by the boats, in concert with a body of militia,--infantry and light artillery,--decided the enemy to move down the Patuxent. Barney took advantage of this to leave the creek and go up the river. We are informed by a journal of the day that the Government was by these affairs well satisfied with the ability of the flotilla to restrain the operations of the enemy within the waters of the Chesapeake, and had determined on a considerable increase to it. Nothing seems improbable of that Government; but, if this be true, it must have been easily satisfied. Barney had secured a longer line of retreat, up the river; but the situation was not materially changed. In either case, creek or river, there was but one way out, and that was closed. He could only abide the time when the enemy should see fit to come against him by land and by water, which would seal his fate.[364] On June 2 there had sailed from Bordeaux for America a detachment from Wellington's army, twenty-five hundred strong, under Major-General Ross. It reached Bermuda July 25, and there was re-enforced by another battalion, increasing its strength to thirty-four hundred. On August 3 it left Bermuda, accompanied by several ships of war, and on the 15th passed in by the capes of the Chesapeake. Admiral Cochrane had preceded it by a few days, and was already lying there with his own ship and the division under Rear-Admiral Cockburn, who hitherto had been in immediate charge of operations in the bay. There were now assembled over twenty vessels of war, four of them of the line, with a large train of transports and store-ships. A battalion of seven hundred marines were next detailed for duty with the troops, the landing force being thus raised to over four thousand. The rendezvous at Tangier Island gave the Americans no certain clue to the ultimate object, for the reason already cited; and Cochrane designedly contributed to their distraction, by sending one squadron of frigates up the Potomac, and another up the Chesapeake above Baltimore.[365] On August 18 the main body of the expedition moved abreast the mouth of the Patuxent, and at noon of that day entered the river with a fair wind. The purposes at this moment of the commanders of the army and navy, acting jointly, are succinctly stated by Cochrane in his report to the Admiralty: "Information from Rear-Admiral Cockburn that Commodore Barney, with the Potomac flotilla, had taken shelter at the head of the Patuxent, afforded a pretext for ascending that river to attack him near its source, above Pig Point, while the ultimate destination of the combined force was Washington, should it be found that the attempt might be made with any prospect of success."[366] August 19, the troops were landed at Benedict, twenty-five miles from the mouth of the river, and the following day began their upward march, flanked by a naval division of light vessels; the immediate objective being Barney's flotilla. For the defence of the capital of the United States, throughout the region by which it might be approached, the Government had selected Brigadier-General Winder; the same who the year before had been captured at Stoney Creek, on the Niagara frontier, in Vincent's bold night attack. He was appointed July 2 to the command of a new military district, the tenth, which comprised "the state of Maryland, the District of Columbia, and that part of Virginia lying between the Potomac and the Rappahannock;"[367] in brief, Washington and Baltimore, with the ways converging upon them from the sea. This was just seven weeks before the enemy landed in the Patuxent; time enough, with reasonable antecedent preparation, or trained troops, to concert adequate resistance, as was shown by the British subsequent failure before Baltimore. The conditions with which Winder had to contend are best stated in the terms of the Court of Inquiry[368] called to investigate his conduct, at the head of which sat General Winfield Scott. After fixing the date of his appointment, and ascertaining that he at once took every means in his power to put his district in a proper state of defence, the court found that on August 24, the day of the battle of Bladensburg, he "was enabled by great and unremitting exertions to bring into the field about five or six thousand men, all of whom except four hundred were militia; that he could not collect more than half his men until a day or two previously to the engagement, and six or seven hundred of them did not arrive until fifteen minutes before its commencement; ... that the officers commanding the troops were generally unknown to him, and but a very small number of them had enjoyed the benefit of military instruction or experience." So far from attributing censure, the Court found that, "taking into consideration the complicated difficulties and embarrassments under which he labored, he is entitled to no little commendation, notwithstanding the result; before the action he exhibited industry, zeal, and talent, and during its continuance a coolness, a promptitude, and a personal valor, highly honorable to himself." The finding of a court composed of competent experts, convened shortly after the events, must be received with respect. It is clear, however, that they here do not specify the particular professional merits of Winder's conduct of operations, but only the general hopelessness of success, owing to the antecedent conditions, not of his making, under which he was called to act, and which he strenuously exerted himself to meet. The blame for a mishap evidently and easily preventible still remains, and, though of course not expressed by the Court, is necessarily thrown back upon the Administration, and upon the party represented by it, which had held power for over twelve years past. A hostile corps of less than five thousand men had penetrated to the capital, through a well populated country, which was, to quote the Secretary of War, "covered with wood, and offering at every step strong positions for defence;"[369] but there were neither defences nor defenders. The sequence of events which terminated in this humiliating manner is instructive. The Cabinet, which on June 7 had planned offensive operations in Canada, met on July 1 in another frame of mind, alarmed by the news from Europe, to plan for the defence of Washington and Baltimore. It will be remembered that it was now two years since war had been declared. In counting the force on which reliance might be placed for meeting a possible enemy, the Secretary of War thought he could assemble one thousand regulars, independent of artillerists in the forts.[2] The Secretary of the Navy could furnish one hundred and twenty marines, and the crews of Barney's flotilla, estimated at five hundred.[2] For the rest, dependence must be upon militia, a call for which was issued to the number of ninety-three thousand, five hundred.[370] Of these, fifteen thousand were assigned to Winder, as follows: From Virginia, two thousand; from Maryland, six thousand; from Pennsylvania, five thousand; from the District of Columbia, two thousand.[371] So ineffective were the administrative measures for bringing out this paper force of citizen soldiery, the efficiency of which the leaders of the party in power had been accustomed to vaunt, that Winder, after falling back from point to point before the enemy's advance, because only so might time be gained to get together the lagging contingents, could muster in the open ground at Bladensburg, five miles from the capital, where at last he made his stand, only the paltry five or six thousand stated by the court. On the morning of the battle the Secretary of War rode out to the field, with his colleagues in the Administration, and in reply to a question from the President said he had no suggestions to offer; "as it was between regulars and militia, the latter would be beaten."[372] The phrase was Winder's absolution; pronounced for the future, as for the past. The responsibility for there being no regulars did not rest with him, nor yet with the Secretary, but with the men who for a dozen years had sapped the military preparation of the nation. Under the relative conditions of the opposing forces which have been stated, the progress of events was rapid. Probably few now realize that only a little over four days elapsed from the landing of the British to the burning of the Capitol. Their army advanced along the west bank of the Patuxent to Upper Marlborough, forty miles from the river's mouth. To this place, which was reached August 22, Ross continued in direct touch with the navy; and here at Pig Point, nearly abreast on the river, the American flotilla was cornered at last. Seeing the inevitable event, and to preserve his small but invaluable force of men, Barney had abandoned the boats on the 21st, leaving with each a half-dozen of her crew to destroy her at the last moment. This was done when the British next day approached; one only escaping the flames. The city of Washington, now the goal of the enemy's effort, lies on the Potomac, between it and a tributary called the Eastern Branch. Upon the east bank of the latter, five or six miles from the junction of the two streams, is the village of Bladensburg. From Upper Marlborough, where the British had arrived, two roads led to Washington. One of these, the left going from Marlborough, crossed the Eastern Branch near its mouth; the other, less direct, passed through Bladensburg. Winder expected the British to advance by the former; and upon it Barney with the four hundred seamen remaining to him joined the army, at a place called Oldfields, seven miles from the capital. This route was militarily the more important, because from it branches were thrown off to the Potomac, up which the frigate squadron under Captain Gordon was proceeding, and had already passed the Kettle-bottoms, the most difficult bit of navigation in its path. The side roads would enable the invaders to reach and co-operate with this naval division; unless indeed Winder could make head against them. This he was not able to do; but he remained almost to the last moment in perplexing uncertainty whether they would strike for the capital, or for its principal defence on the Potomac, Fort Washington, ten miles lower down.[373] [Illustration: SKETCH _of the_ MARCH OF THE BRITISH ARMY Under Gen. Ross _From the 19th. to the 29th. August 1814_] For the obvious reasons named, because the doubts of their opponent facilitated their own movements by harassing his mind, as well as for the strategic advantage of a central line permitting movement in two directions at choice, the British advanced, as anticipated, by the left-hand road, and at nightfall of August 23 were encamped about three miles from the Americans. Here Winder covered a junction; for at Oldfields the road by which the British were advancing forked. One division led to Washington direct, crossing the Eastern Branch of the Potomac where it is broadest and deepest, near its mouth; the other passed it at Bladensburg. Winder feared to await the enemy, because of the disorder to which his inexperienced troops would be exposed by a night attack, causing possibly the loss of his artillery; the one arm in which he felt himself superior. He retired therefore during the night by the direct road, burning its bridge. This left open the way to Bladensburg, which the British next day followed, arriving at the village towards noon of the 24th. Contrary to Winder's instruction, the officer stationed there had withdrawn his troops across the stream, abandoning the place, and forming his line on the crest of some hills on the west bank. The impression which this position made upon the enemy was described by General Ross, as follows: "They were strongly posted on very commanding heights, formed in two lines, the advance occupying a fortified house, which with artillery covered the bridge over the Eastern Branch, across which the British troops had to pass. A broad and straight road, leading from the bridge to Washington, ran through the enemy's position, which was carefully defended by artillerymen and riflemen."[374] Allowing for the tendency to magnify difficulties overcome, the British would have had before them a difficult task, if opposed by men accustomed to mutual support and mutual reliance, with the thousand-fold increase of strength which comes with such habit and with the moral confidence it gives. The American line had been formed before Winder came on the ground. It extended across the Washington road as described by Ross. A battery on the hill-top commanded the bridge, and was supported by a line of infantry on either side, with a second line in the rear. Fearing, however, that the enemy might cross the stream higher up, where it was fordable in many places, a regiment from the second line was reluctantly ordered forward to extend the left; and Winder, when he arrived, while approving this disposition, carried thither also some of the artillery which he had brought with him.[375] The anxiety of the Americans was therefore for their left. The British commander was eager to be done with his job, and to get back to his ships from a position militarily insecure. He had long been fighting Napoleon's troops in the Spanish peninsula, and was not yet fully imbued with Drummond's conviction that with American militia liberties might be taken beyond the limit of ordinary military precaution. No time was spent looking for a ford, but the troops dashed straight for the bridge. The fire of the American artillery was excellent, and mowed down the head of the column; but the seasoned men persisted and forced their way across. At this moment Barney was coming up with his seamen, and at Winder's request brought his guns into line across the Washington road, facing the bridge. Soon after this, a few rockets passing close over the heads of the battalions supporting the batteries on the left started them running, much as a mule train may be stampeded by a night alarm. It was impossible to rally them. A part held for a short time; but when Winder attempted to retire them a little way, from a fire which had begun to annoy them, they also broke and fled.[376] The American left was thus routed, but Barney's battery and its supporting infantry still held their ground. "During this period," reported the Commodore,--that is, while his guns were being brought into battery, and the remainder of his seamen and marines posted to support them,--"the engagement continued, the enemy advancing, and our own army retreating before them, apparently in much disorder. At length the enemy made his appearance on the main road, in force, in front of my battery, and on seeing us made a halt. I reserved our fire. In a few minutes the enemy again advanced, when I ordered an 18-pounder to be fired, which completely cleared the road; shortly after, a second and a third attempt was made by the enemy to come forward, but all were destroyed. They then crossed into an open field and attempted to flank our right; he was met there by three 12-pounders, the marines under Captain Miller, and my men, acting as infantry, and again was totally cut up. By this time not a vestige of the American army remained, except a body of five or six hundred, posted on a height on my right, from whom I expected much support from their fine situation."[377] In this expectation Barney was disappointed. The enemy desisted from direct attack and worked gradually round towards his right flank and rear. As they thus moved, the guns of course were turned towards them; but a charge being made up the hill by a force not exceeding half that of its defenders, they also "to my great mortification made no resistance, giving a fire or two, and retired. Our ammunition was expended, and unfortunately the drivers of my ammunition wagons had gone off in the general panic." Barney himself, being wounded and unable to escape from loss of blood, was left a prisoner. Two of his officers were killed, and two wounded. The survivors stuck to him till he ordered them off the ground. Ross and Cockburn were brought to him, and greeted him with a marked respect and politeness; and he reported that, during the stay of the British in Bladensburg, he was treated by all "like a brother," to use his own words.[378] The character of this affair is sufficiently shown by the above outline narrative, re-enforced by the account of the losses sustained. Of the victors sixty-four were killed, one hundred and eighty-five wounded. The defeated, by the estimate of their superintending surgeon, had ten or twelve killed and forty wounded.[379] Such a disparity of injury is usual when the defendants are behind fortifications; but in this case of an open field, and a river to be crossed by the assailants, the evident significance is that the party attacked did not wait to contest the ground, once the enemy had gained the bridge. After that, not only was the rout complete, but, save for Barney's tenacity, there was almost no attempt at resistance. Ten pieces of cannon remained in the hands of the British. "The rapid flight of the enemy," reported General Ross, "and his knowledge of the country, precluded the possibility of many prisoners being taken."[380] That night the British entered Washington. The Capitol, White House, and several public buildings were burned by them; the navy yard and vessels by the American authorities. Ross, accustomed to European warfare, did not feel Drummond's easiness concerning his position, which technically was most insecure as regarded his communications. On the evening of June 25 he withdrew rapidly, and on that of the 26th regained touch with the fleet in the Patuxent, after a separation of only four days. Cockburn remarked in his official report that there was no molestation of their retreat; "not a single musket having been fired."[381] It was the completion of the Administration's disgrace, unrelieved by any feature of credit save the gallant stand of Barney's four hundred. The burning of Washington was the impressive culmination of the devastation to which the coast districts were everywhere exposed by the weakness of the country, while the battle of Bladensburg crowned the humiliation entailed upon the nation by the demagogic prejudices in favor of untrained patriotism, as supplying all defects for ordinary service in the field. In the defenders of Bladensburg was realized Jefferson's ideal of a citizen soldiery,[382] unskilled, but strong in their love of home, flying to arms to oppose an invader; and they had every inspiring incentive to tenacity, for they, and they only, stood between the enemy and the centre and heart of national life. The position they occupied, though unfortified, had many natural advantages; while the enemy had to cross a river which, while in part fordable, was nevertheless an obstacle to rapid action, especially when confronted by the superior artillery the Americans had. The result has been told; but only when contrasted with the contemporary fight at Lundy's Lane is Bladensburg rightly appreciated. Occurring precisely a month apart, and with men of the same race, they illustrate exactly the difference in military value between crude material and finished product. Coincident with the capture of Washington, a little British squadron--two frigates and five smaller vessels--ascended the Potomac. Fort Washington, a dozen miles below the capital, was abandoned August 27 by the officer in charge, removing the only obstacle due to the foresight of the Government. He was afterwards cashiered by sentence of court martial. On the 29th, Captain Gordon, the senior officer, anchored his force before Alexandria, of which he kept possession for three days. Upon withdrawing, he carried away all the merchantmen that were seaworthy, having loaded them with merchandise awaiting exportation. Energetic efforts were made by Captains Rodgers, Perry, and Porter, of the American Navy, to molest the enemy's retirement by such means as could be extemporized; but both ships and prizes escaped, the only loss being in life: seven killed and forty-five wounded. After the burning of Washington, the British main fleet and army moved up the Chesapeake against Baltimore, which would undoubtedly have undergone the lot of Alexandria, in a contribution laid upon shipping and merchandise. The attack, however, was successfully met. The respite afforded by the expedition against Washington had been improved by the citizens to interpose earthworks on the hills before the city. This local precaution saved the place. In the field the militia behaved better than at Bladensburg, but showed, nevertheless, the unsteadiness of raw men. To harass the British advance a body of riflemen had been posted well forward, and a shot from these mortally wounded General Ross; but, "imagine my chagrin, when I perceived the whole corps falling back upon my main position, having too credulously listened to groundless information that the enemy was landing on Back River to cut them off."[383] The British approached along the narrow strip of land between the Patapsco and Back rivers. The American general, Stricker, had judiciously selected for his line of defence a neck, where inlets from both streams narrowed the ground to half a mile. His flanks were thus protected, but the water on the left giving better indication of being fordable, the British directed there the weight of the assault. To meet this, Stricker drew up a regiment to the rear of his main line, and at right angles, the volleys from which should sweep the inlet. When the enemy's attack developed, this regiment "delivered one random fire," and then broke and fled; "totally forgetful of the honor of the brigade, and of its own reputation," to use Stricker's words.[384] This flight carried along part of the left flank proper. The remainder of the line held for a time, and then retired without awaiting the hostile bayonet. The American report gives the impression of an orderly retreat; a British participant, who admits that the ground was well chosen, and that the line held until within twenty yards, wrote that after that he never witnessed a more complete rout. The invaders then approached the city, but upon viewing the works of defence, and learning that the fleet would not be able to co-operate, owing to vessels sunk across the channel, the commanding officer decided that success would not repay the loss necessary to achieve it. Fleet and army then withdrew. The attacks on Washington and Baltimore, the seizure of Alexandria, and the general conduct of operations in the Chesapeake, belong strictly to the punitive purpose which dictated British measures upon the seaboard. Similar action extended through Long Island Sound, and to the eastward, where alarm in all quarters was maintained by the general enterprise of the enemy, and by specific injury in various places. "The Government has declared war against the most powerful maritime nation," wrote the Governor of Massachusetts to the legislature, "and we are disappointed in our expectations of national defence. But though we may be convinced that the war was unnecessary and unjust, and has been prosecuted without any useful or practicable object with the inhabitants of Canada, while our seacoast has been left almost defenceless, yet I presume there will be no doubt of our right to defend our possessions against any hostile attack by which their destruction is menaced." "The eastern coast," reports a journal of the time, "is much vexed by the enemy. Having destroyed a great portion of the coasting craft, they seem determined to enter the little outports and villages, and burn everything that floats."[385] On April 7, six British barges ascended the Connecticut River eight miles, to Pettipaug, where they burned twenty-odd sea-going vessels.[386] On June 13, at Wareham, Massachusetts, a similar expedition entered and destroyed sixteen.[387] These were somewhat large instances of an action everywhere going on, inflicting indirectly incalculably more injury than even the direct loss suffered; the whole being with a view to bring the meaning of war close home to the consciousness of the American people. They were to be made to realize the power of the enemy and their own helplessness. An attempt looking to more permanent results was made during the summer upon the coast of Maine. The northward projection of that state, then known as the District of Maine,[388] intervened between the British provinces of Lower Canada and New Brunswick, and imposed a long détour upon the line of communications between Quebec and Halifax, the two most important military posts in British North America. This inconvenience could not be remedied unless the land in question were brought into British possession; and when the end of the war in Europe gave prospect of a vigorous offensive from the side of Canada, the British ministry formulated the purpose of demanding there a rectification of frontier. The object in this case being acquisition, not punishment, conciliation of the inhabitants was to be practised; in place of the retaliatory action prescribed for the sea-coast elsewhere. Moose Island, in Passamaquoddy Bay, though held by the United States, was claimed by Great Britain to have been always within the boundary line of New Brunswick. It was seized July 11, 1814; protection being promised to persons and property. In August, General Sherbrooke, the Governor of Nova Scotia, received orders "to occupy so much of the District of Maine as shall insure an uninterrupted communication between Halifax and Quebec."[389] His orders being discretional as to method, he decided that with the force available he would best comply by taking possession of Machias and the Penobscot River.[390] On September 1, a combined naval and army expedition appeared at the mouth of the Penobscot, before Castine, which was quickly abandoned. A few days before, the United States frigate "Adams," Captain Charles Morris, returning from a cruise, had run ashore upon Isle au Haut, and in consequence of the injuries received had been compelled to make a harbor in the river. She was then at Hampden, thirty miles up. A detachment of seamen and soldiers was sent against her. Her guns had been landed, and placed in battery for her defence, and militia had gathered for the support necessary to artillery so situated; but they proved unreliable, and upon their retreat nothing was left but to fire the ship.[391] This was done, the crew escaping. The British penetrated as far as Bangor, seized a number of merchant vessels, and subsequently went to Machias, where they captured the fort with twenty-five cannon. Sherbrooke then returned with the most of his force to Halifax, whence he issued a voluminous proclamation[392] to the effect that he had taken possession of all the country between the Penobscot and New Brunswick; and promised protection to the inhabitants, if they behaved themselves accordingly. Two regiments were left at Castine, with transports to remove them in case of attack by superior numbers. This burlesque of occupation, "one foot on shore, and one on sea," was advanced by the British ministry as a reason justifying the demand for cession of the desired territory to the northward. Wellington, when called into counsel concerning American affairs, said derisively that an officer might as well claim sovereignty over the ground on which he had posted his pickets. The British force remained undisturbed, however, to the end of the war. Amicable relations were established with the inhabitants, and a brisk contraband trade throve with Nova Scotia. It is even said that the news of peace was unwelcome in the place. It was not evacuated until April 27, 1815.[393] FOOTNOTES: [348] "Some Account of the Life of Sir George Prevost." London, 1823, pp. 136, 137. The author has not been able to find the despatch of June 3, 1814, there quoted. [349] Warren to Croker, Feb. 26, 1813. Admiralty In-Letters MSS. [350] Croker to Warren, March 20, 1813. Admiralty Out-Letters. [351] Warren to Croker, Jan. 28, 1814. Canadian Archives MSS. [352] Cochrane to Bathurst, July 14, 1814. War Office In-Letters MSS. [353] Bathurst's Instructions to the officer in command of the troops detached from the Gironde. May 20, 1814. From copy sent to Cochrane. Admiralty In-Letters, from Secretary of State. [354] Gallatin to Monroe, London, June 13, 1814. Adams' Writings of Gallatin, vol. i. p. 627. [355] Sinclair, Erie, May 13, 1814. Captains' Letters. [356] Cruikshank's Documentary History of the Campaign of 1814, p. 18. [357] Ibid., p. 74. [358] Cruikshank's Documentary History, pp. 414, 415. [359] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 693, 694. [360] Cochrane to Prevost, July 26, 1814. Canadian Archives MSS., C. 684, p. 231. [361] Report on Canadian Archives, 1896, p. 54. [362] Life of Sir Edward Codrington, vol. i. p. 313. [363] See Map of Chesapeake Bay, ante, p. 156. [364] This account of Barney's movements is summarized from his letters, and others, published in Niles' Register, vol. vi. pp. 244, 268, 300. [365] Report of Admiral Cochrane, Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxii. p. 342. [366] Report of Admiral Cochrane, Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxii. p. 342. [367] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 524. [368] The finding of the Court of Inquiry was published in Niles' Register for Feb. 25, 1815, from the official paper, the National Intelligencer. Niles, vol. vii. p. 410. [369] Report of Secretary Armstrong to a Committee of the House of Representatives. American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 526. [370] Ibid., pp. 538, 540, 524. [371] Ibid., p. 524. [372] Works of Madison (Ed. 1865), vol. iii. p. 422. [373] Winder's Narrative. American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i pp. 552-560. [374] Ross's Despatch, Aug. 30, 1814. Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxii. p. 338. [375] Narrative of Monroe, the Secretary of State. American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 536. [376] Winder's Narrative. [377] Barney's Report, Aug. 29, 1814. State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 579. [378] Barney's Report. [379] American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. i. p. 530. [380] Ross's Despatch. [381] Report of Rear-Admiral Cockburn, Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxii. p. 345. [382] Ante, p. 213. [383] Report of Brigadier-General Stricker of the Maryland militia. Niles' Register, vol. vii. pp. 27, 28. [384] Ibid. [385] Niles' Register, vol. vi. p. 317. [386] Ibid., pp. 118, 133, 222. [387] Ibid., p. 317. [388] Maine was then attached politically to Massachusetts. [389] Sherbrooke to Prevost, Aug. 2, 1814. Canadian Archives MSS., C. 685, p. 28. [390] Sherbrooke to Prevost, Aug. 24, 1814. Ibid., p. 147. [391] Morris' reports (Captains' Letters, Navy Dept.) are published in Niles' Register, vol. vii. pp. 62, 63; and Supplement, p. 136. [392] Sept. 21, 1814. Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 117. [393] Ibid., p. 347, and vol. viii. pp. 13, 214. CHAPTER XVII LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND NEW ORLEANS General Brown's retirement within the lines of Fort Erie, July 26, 1814, may be taken as marking the definitive abandonment by the United States of the offensive on the Canada frontier. The opportunities of two years had been wasted by inefficiency of force and misdirection of effort. It was generally recognized by thoughtful men that the war had now become one of defence against a greatly superior enemy, disembarrassed of the other foe which had hitherto engaged his attention, and imbued with ideas of conquest, or at least of extorting territorial cession for specific purposes. While Brown was campaigning, the re-enforcements were rapidly arriving which were to enable the British to assume the aggressive; although, in the absence of naval preponderance on the lakes, their numbers were not sufficient to compel the rectification of frontier by surrender of territory which the British Government now desired. Lord Castlereagh, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and the leading representative of the aims of the Cabinet, wrote in his instructions to the Peace Commissioners, August 14, 1814: "The views of the Government are strictly defensive. Territory as such is by no means their object; but, as the weaker Power in North America, Great Britain considers itself entitled to claim the use of the lakes as a military barrier."[394] The declaration of war by the United States was regarded by most Englishmen as a wanton endeavor to overthrow their immemorial right to the services of their seamen, wherever found; and consequently the invasion of Canada had been an iniquitous attempt to effect annexation under cover of an indefensible pretext. To guard against the renewal of such, the lakes must be made British waters, to which the American flag should have only commercial access. Dominion south of the lakes would not be exacted, "provided the American Government will stipulate not to preserve or construct any fortifications upon or within a limited distance of their shores." "On the side of Lower Canada there should be such a line of demarcation as may establish a direct communication between Quebec and Halifax."[395] Such were the political and military projects with which the British ministry entered upon the summer campaign of 1814 in Canada. Luckily, although Napoleon had fallen, conditions in Europe were still too unsettled and volcanic to permit Great Britain seriously to weaken her material force there. Two weeks later Castlereagh wrote to the Prime Minister: "Are we prepared to continue the war for territorial arrangements?" "Is it desirable to take the chances of the campaign, and then be governed by circumstances?"[396] The last sentence defines the policy actually followed; and the chances went definitely against it when Macdonough destroyed the British fleet on Lake Champlain. Except at Baltimore and New Orleans,--mere defensive successes,--nothing but calamity befell the American arms. To the battle of Lake Champlain it was owing that the British occupancy of United States soil at the end of the year was such that the Duke of Wellington advised that no claim for territorial cession could be considered to exist, and that the basis of _uti possidetis_, upon which it was proposed to treat, was untenable.[397] The earnestness of the Government, however, in seeking the changes specified, is indicated by the proposition seriously made to the Duke to take the command in America. Owing to the military conditions hitherto existing on the American continent, the power to take the offensive throughout the lake frontier had rested with the United States Government; and the direction given by this to its efforts had left Lake Champlain practically out of consideration. Sir George Prevost, being thrown on the defensive, could only conform to the initiative of his adversary. For these reasons, whatever transactions took place in this quarter up to the summer of 1814 were in characteristic simply episodes; an epithet which applies accurately to the more formidable, but brief, operations here in 1814, as also to those in Louisiana. Whatever intention underlay either attempt, they were in matter of fact almost without any relations of antecedent or consequent. They stood by themselves, and not only may, but should, be so considered. Prior to them, contemporary reference to Lake Champlain, or to Louisiana, is both rare and casual. For this reason, mention of earlier occurrences in either of these quarters has heretofore been deferred, as irrelevant and intrusive if introduced among other events, with which they coincided in time, but had no further connection. A brief narrative of them will now be presented, as a necessary introduction to the much more important incidents of 1814. At the beginning of hostilities the balance of naval power on Lake Champlain rested with the United States, and so continued until June, 1813. The force on each side was small to triviality, nor did either make any serious attempt to obtain a marked preponderance. The Americans had, however, three armed sloops, the "President," "Growler," and "Eagle," to which the British could oppose only one. Both parties had also a few small gunboats and rowing galleys, in the number of which the superiority lay with the British. Under these relative conditions the Americans ranged the lake proper at will; the enemy maintaining his force in the lower narrows, at Isle aux Noix, which was made a fortified station. On June 1, 1813, a detachment of British boats, coming up the lake, passed the boundary line and fired upon some small American craft. The "Eagle" and "Growler," being then at Plattsburg, started in pursuit on the 2d, and by dark had entered some distance within the narrows, where they anchored. The following morning they sighted three of the enemy's gunboats and chased them with a fair south wind; but, being by this means led too far, they became entangled in a place where manoeuvring was difficult. The officers of the royal navy designated for service on Lake Champlain had not yet arrived, and the flotilla was at the disposition of the commanding army officer at Isle aux Noix. Only one sloop being visible at first to the garrison, he sent out against her the three gunboats; but when the second appeared he landed a number of men on each bank, who took up a position to rake the vessels. The action which followed lasted three hours. The circumstances were disadvantageous to the Americans; but the fair wind with which they had entered was ahead for return, and to beat back was impossible in so narrow a channel. The "Eagle" received a raking shot, and had to be run ashore to avoid sinking. Both then surrendered, and the "Eagle" was afterwards raised. The two prizes were taken into the British service; and as this occurrence followed immediately after the capture of the "Chesapeake" by the "Shannon," they were called "Broke" and "Shannon." These names afterwards were changed, apparently by Admiralty order, to "Chub" and "Finch," under which they took part in the battle of Lake Champlain, where they were recaptured. Although not built for war, but simply purchased vessels of not over one hundred tons, this loss was serious; for by it superiority on the lake passed to the British, and with some fluctuation so remained for a twelvemonth,--till May, 1814. They were still too deficient in men to profit at once by their success; the difficulty of recruiting in Canada being as great as in the United States, and for very similar reasons. "It is impossible to enlist seamen in Quebec for the lakes, as merchants are giving twenty-five to thirty guineas for the run to England. Recruits desert as soon as they receive the bounty."[398] After some correspondence, Captain Everard, of the sloop of war "Wasp," then lying at Quebec, consented to leave his ship, go with a large part of her crew to Champlain, man the captured sloops, and raid the American stations on the lake. A body of troops being embarked, the flotilla left Isle aux Noix July 29. On the 30th they came to Plattsburg, destroyed there the public buildings, with the barracks at Saranac, and brought off a quantity of stores. A detachment was sent to Champlain Town, and a landing made also at Swanton in Vermont, where similar devastation was inflicted on public property. Thence they went up the lake to Burlington, where Macdonough, who was alarmingly short of seamen since the capture of the "Eagle" and "Growler," had to submit to seeing himself defied by vessels lately his own. After seizing a few more small lake craft, Everard on August 3 hastened back, anxious to regain his own ship and resume the regular duties, for abandoning which he had no authority save his own. The step he had taken was hardly to be anticipated from a junior officer, commanding a ship on sea service so remote from the scene of the proposed operation; and the rapidity of his action took the Americans quite by surprise, for there had been no previous indication of activity. As soon as Macdonough heard of his arrival at Isle aux Noix, he wrote for re-enforcements, but it was too late. His letter did not reach New York till the British had come and gone.[399] Upon Everard's return both he and Captain Pring, of the royal navy, who had been with him during the foray and thenceforth remained attached to the fortunes of the Champlain flotilla, recommended the building of a large brig of war and two gunboats, in order to preserve upon the lake the supremacy they had just asserted in act. With the material at hand, they said, these vessels could all be afloat within eight weeks after their keels were laid.[400] This suggestion appears to have been acted upon; for in the following March it was reported that there were building at St. John's a brig to carry twenty guns, a schooner of eighteen, and twelve 2-gun galleys. However, the Americans also were by this time building, and at the crucial moment came out a very little ahead in point of readiness. Nothing further of consequence occurred during 1813. After the British departed, Macdonough received a re-enforcement of men. He then went in person with such vessels as he had to the foot of the lake, taking station at Plattsburg, and advancing at times to the boundary line, twenty-five miles below. The enemy occasionally showed themselves, but were apparently indisposed to action in their then state of forwardness. Later the American flotilla retired up the lake to Otter Creek in Vermont, where, on April 11, 1814, was launched the ship "Saratoga," which carried Macdonough's pendant in the battle five months afterwards. On May 10, Pring, hoping to destroy the American vessels before ready for service, made another inroad with his squadron, consisting now of the new brig, called the "Linnet," five armed sloops, and thirteen galleys. On the 14th he was off Otter Creek and attacked; but batteries established on shore compelled him to retire. Macdonough in his report of this transaction mentions only eight galleys, with a bomb vessel, as the number of the enemy engaged. The new brig was probably considered too essential to naval control to be risked against shore guns; a decision scarcely to be contested, although Prevost seems to have been dissatisfied as usual with the exertions of the navy. The American force at this time completed, or approaching completion, was, besides the "Saratoga," one schooner, three sloops,[401] and ten gunboats or galleys. Of the sloops one only, the "Preble," appears to have been serviceable. The "President" and another called the "Montgomery" were not in the fight at Plattsburg; where Macdonough certainly needed every gun he could command. A brig of twenty guns, called the "Eagle," was subsequently laid down and launched in time for the action. Prevost reported at this period that a new ship was building at Isle aux Noix, which would make the British force equal to the American. [Illustration: CAPTAIN THOMAS MACDONOUGH. _From the painting by Gilbert Stuart in the Century Club, New York, by permission of Rodney Macdonough, Esq._] Before the end of May, 1814, Macdonough's fleet was ready, except the "Eagle"; and on the 29th he was off Plattsburg, with the "Saratoga," the schooner "Ticonderoga," the sloop "Preble," and ten galleys. The command of the lake thus established permitted the transfer of troops and stores, before locked up in Burlington. The "Saratoga" carried twenty-six guns; of which eight were long 24-pounders, the others carronades, six 42-pounders, and twelve 32's. She was so much superior to the "Linnet," which had only sixteen guns, long 12-pounders, that the incontestable supremacy remained with the Americans, and it was impossible for the British squadron to show itself at all until their new ship was completed. She was launched August 25,[402] and called the "Confiance."[403] The name excited some derision after her defeat and capture, but seems to have had no more arrogant origin than the affectionate recollection of the Commander-in-Chief on the lakes, Sir James Yeo, for the vessel which he had first and long commanded, to which he had been promoted for distinguished gallantry in winning her, and in which he finally reached post-rank. The new "Confiance," from which doubtless much was hoped, was her namesake. She was to carry twenty-seven 24-pounders. One of these, being on a pivot, fought on either side of the ship; thus giving her fourteen of these guns for each broadside. In addition, she had ten carronades, four of them 32-pounders, and six 24's. On July 12, 1814, Prevost had reported the arrival at Montreal of the first of four brigades from Wellington's Peninsular Army. These had sailed from Bordeaux at the same period as the one destined for the Atlantic coast operations, under General Ross, already related. He acknowledged also the receipt of instructions, prescribing the character of his operations, which he had anxiously requested the year before. Among these instructions were "to give immediate protection to his Majesty's possessions in America," by "the entire destruction of Sackett's Harbor, and of the naval establishments on Lake Erie and Lake Champlain."[404] They will be obeyed, he wrote, as soon as the whole force shall have arrived; but defensive measures only will be practicable, until the complete command of Lakes Ontario and Champlain shall be obtained, which cannot be expected before September.[405] The statement was perfectly correct. The command of these lakes was absolutely essential to both parties to the war, if intending to maintain operations in their neighborhood. On August 14, Prevost reported home that the troops from Bordeaux had all arrived, and, with the exception of a brigade destined for Kingston, would be at their points of formation by the 25th; at which date his returns show that he had under his general command, in Upper and Lower Canada, exclusive of officers, twenty-nine thousand four hundred and thirty-seven men. All these were British regulars, with the exception of four thousand seven hundred and six; of which last, two thousand two hundred belonged to "foreign" regiments, and the remainder to provincial corps. Of this total, from eleven thousand to fourteen thousand accompanied him in his march to Plattsburg. Under the same date he reported that the "Confiance" could not be ready before September 15; for which time had he patiently waited, he would at least have better deserved success. His decision as to his line of advance was determined by a singular consideration, deeply mortifying to American recollection, but which must be mentioned because of its historical interest, as an incidental indication of the slow progress of the people of the United States towards national sentiment. "Vermont has shown a disinclination to the war, and, as it is sending in specie and provisions, I will confine offensive operations to the west side of Lake Champlain."[406] Three weeks later he writes again, "Two thirds of the army are supplied with beef by American contractors, principally of Vermont and New York."[407] That this was no slander was indignantly confirmed by a citizen of Vermont, who wrote to General Izard, June 27, "Droves of cattle are continually passing from the northern parts of this state into Canada for the British." Izard, in forwarding the letter, said: "This confirms a fact not only disgraceful to our countrymen but seriously detrimental to the public interest. From the St. Lawrence to the ocean an open disregard prevails for the laws prohibiting intercourse with the enemy. The road to St. Regis [New York] is covered with droves of cattle, and the river with rafts destined for the enemy. On the eastern side of Lake Champlain the high roads are insufficient for the cattle pouring into Canada. Like herds of buffaloes they press through the forests, making paths for themselves. Were it not for these supplies, the British forces in Canada would soon be suffering from famine."[408] The British commissary at Prescott wrote, June 19, 1814, "I have contracted with a Yankee magistrate to furnish this post with fresh beef. A major came with him to make the agreement; but, as he was foreman of the grand jury of the court in which the Government prosecutes the magistrates for high treason and smuggling, he turned his back and would not see the paper signed."[409] More vital still in its treason to the interests of the country, Commodore Macdonough reported officially, June 29, that one of his officers had seized two spars, supposed from their size to be for the fore and mizzen masts of the "Confiance," on the way to Canada, near the lines, under the management of citizens of the United States; and eight days later there were intercepted four others, which from their dimensions were fitted for her mainmast and three topmasts.[410] By this means the British ship was to be enabled to sail for the attack on the American fleet, and by this only; for to drag spars of that weight up the rapids of the Richelieu, or over the rough intervening country, meant at least unendurable delay. "The turpitude of many of our citizens in this part of the country," wrote Macdonough, "furnishes the enemy with every information he wants."[411] On August 29, four days after Prevost's divisions were expected to be assembled at their designated rendezvous, Izard, in the face of the storm gathering before him, started with his four thousand men from Plattsburg for Sackett's Harbor, in obedience to the intimation of the War Department, which he accepted as orders. Brigadier-General Macomb was left to hold the works about Plattsburg with a force which he stated did not exceed fifteen hundred effectives.[412] His own brigade having been broken up to strengthen Izard's division, none of this force was organized, except four companies of one regiment. The remainder were convalescents, or recruits of new regiments; soldiers as yet only in name, and without the constituted regimental framework, incorporation into which so much facilitates the transition from the recruit to the veteran. On September 4 seven hundred militia from the neighborhood joined, in response to a call from Macomb; and before the final action of the 11th other militia from New York, and volunteers from Vermont, across the lake, kept pouring in from all quarters, in encouraging contrast to their fellow citizens who were making money by abetting the enemy. Prevost's army, which had been assembled along the frontier of Lower Canada, from the Richelieu River to the St. Lawrence, began its forward march August 31; the leading brigade entering the State of New York, and encamping that night at Champlain Town, a short distance south of the boundary. By September 4 the whole body had reached to the village of Chazy, twenty-five miles from Plattsburg. Thus far, to the mouth of the Little Chazy River, where the supplies of the army were to be landed, no opposition was experienced. The American squadron waiting on the defensive at Plattsburg, the left flank of the British received constant support from their flotilla of gunboats and galleys under the command of Captain Pring, who seized also the American Island La Motte, in the narrows of the lake, abreast the Little Chazy. The following day, September 5, delays began to be met through the trees felled and bridges broken by Macomb's orders. On the 6th there was some skirmishing between the advanced guards; but the American militia "could not be prevailed on to stand, notwithstanding the exertions of their officers, although the fields were divided by strong stone walls, and they were told that the enemy could not possibly cut them off."[413] Deprived of this support, the small body of regulars could do little, and the British Peninsulars pushed on contemptuously, and almost silently. "They never deployed in their whole march," reported Macomb, "always pressing on in column." That evening they entered Plattsburg. Macomb retreated across the Saranac, which divided the town. He removed from the bridges their planking, which was used to form breastworks to dispute any attempt to force a passage, and then retired to the works previously prepared by Izard. These were on the bluffs on the south side of the Saranac, overlooking the bay, and covering the peninsula embraced between the lake and the river. From the 7th to the 11th, the day of the battle, the British were employed in preparations for battering the forts, preliminary to an assault, and there was constant skirmishing at the bridges and fords. Macomb utilized the same time to strengthen his works, aided by the numbers of militia continually arriving, who labored night and day with great spirit. Prevost's purposes and actions were dominated by the urgency of haste, owing to the lateness of the season; and this motive co-operated with a certain captiousness of temper to precipitate him now into a grave error of judgment and of conduct. At Plattsburg he found the small American army intrenched behind a fordable river, the bridges of which had been made useless; and in the bay lay the American squadron, anchored with a view to defence. The two were not strictly in co-operation, in their present position. Tactically, they for the moment contributed little to each other's support; for the reason that the position chosen judiciously by Macdonough for the defence of the bay was too far from the works of the army to receive--or to give--assistance with the guns of that day. The squadron was a little over a mile from the army. It could not remain there, if the British got possession of the works, for it would be within range of injury at long shot; but in an engagement between the hostile fleets the bluffs could have no share, no matter which party held them, for the fire would be as dangerous to friend as to foe. The question of probability, that the American squadron was within long gunshot of the shore batteries, is crucial, for upon it would depend the ultimate military judgment upon the management of Sir George Prevost. That he felt this is evident by letters addressed on his behalf to Macdonough; by A.W. Cochran, a lawyer of Quebec, to whom Prevost, after his recall to England for trial, left the charge of collecting testimony, and by Cadwalader Colden of New York.[414] Both inquire specifically as to this distance, Colden particularizing that "it would be all important to learn that the American squadron were during the engagement beyond the effectual range of the batteries." To Colden, Macdonough replied guardedly, "It is my opinion that our squadron was anchored one mile and a half from the batteries." The answer to Cochran has not been found; but on the back of the letter from him the Commodore sketched his recollection of the situation, which is here reproduced. Without insisting unduly on the precision of such a piece, it seems clear that he thought his squadron but little more than half way towards the other side of the bay. Cumberland Head being by survey two miles from the batteries, it would follow that the vessels were a little over a mile from them. This inference is adopted as more dependable than the estimate, "a mile and a half." Such eye reckoning is notoriously uncertain; and this seemingly was made by recollection, not contemporaneously.[415] The 24- and 32-pounder long gun of that day ranged a sea mile and a half, with an elevation of less than fifteen degrees.[416] They could therefore annoy a squadron at or within that distance. The question is not of best fighting range. It is whether a number of light built and light draught vessels could hold their ground under such a cannonade, knowing that a hostile squadron awaited them without. Even at such random range, a disabling shot in hull or spars must be expected. At whatever risk, departure is enforced. [Illustration: Tracing from pencil sketch of Battle of L. Champlain, made by Com. Macdonough on back of a letter of inquiry, addressed to him within a year of the action. The names are not in the sketch; but with the letters, express the author's understanding of the Commodore's meaning.] To a similar letter from Colden, General Macomb replied that he did not think the squadron within range. There is also a statement in Niles' Register[417] that several British officers visited Macomb at Plattsburg, and at their request experiments were made, presumably trial shots, to ascertain whether the guns of the forts could have annoyed the American squadron. It was found they could not. Macomb's opinion may have rested upon this, and the conclusion may be just; but it is open to remark that, as the squadron was not then there, its assumed position depended upon memory,--like Macdonough's sketch. Macomb said further, that "a fruitless attempt was made during the action to elevate the guns so as to bear on the enemy; but none were fired, all being convinced that the vessels were beyond their reach." The worth of this conviction is shown by the next remark, which he repeated under date of August 1, 1815.[418] "This opinion was strengthened by observations on the actual range of the guns of the 'Confiance'--her heaviest metal [24-pounders] falling upwards of five hundred yards short of the shore." The "Confiance" was five hundred yards further off than the American squadron, and to reach it her guns would be elevated for that distance only. Because under such condition they dropped their shot five hundred yards short of three thousand five hundred yards, it is scarcely legitimate to infer that guns elevated for three thousand could not carry so far. The arguments having been stated, it is to be remarked that, whatever the truth, it is knowledge after the fact as far as Prevost was concerned. In his report dated September 11, 1814, the day of the action, he speaks of the difficulties which had been before him; among them "blockhouses armed with _heavy_ ordnance." This he then believed; and whether this ordnance could reach the squadron he could only know by trying. It was urgently proper, in view of his large land force, and of the expectations of his Government, which had made such great exertions for an attainable and important object, that he should storm the works and try. After a careful estimate of the strength of the two squadrons, I think that a seaman would certainly say that in the open the British was superior; but decidedly inferior for an attack upon the American at anchor. This was the opinion of the surviving British officers, under oath, and of Downie. General Izard, who had been in command at Plattsburg up to a fortnight before the attack, wrote afterwards to the Secretary of War, "I may venture to assert that without the works, Fort Moreau and its dependencies, Captain Macdonough would not have ventured to await the enemy's attack in Plattsburg Bay, but would have retired to the upper part of Lake Champlain."[419] The whole campaign turning upon naval control, the situation was eminently one that called upon the army to drive the enemy from his anchorage. The judgment of the author endorses the words of Sir James Yeo: "There was not the least necessity for our squadron giving the enemy such decided advantages by going into their bay to engage them. Even had they been successful, it could not in the least have assisted the troops in storming the batteries; whereas, had our troops taken their batteries first, it would have obliged the enemy's squadron to quit the bay and given ours a fair chance."[420] At the Court Martial two witnesses, Lieutenant Drew of the "Linnet," and Brydone, master of the "Confiance," swore that after the action Macdonough removed his squadron to Crab Island, out of range of the batteries. Macdonough in his report does not mention this; nor was it necessary that he should. In short, though apparently so near, the two fractions of the American force, the army and the navy, were actually in the dangerous military condition of being exposed to be beaten in detail; and the destruction of either would probably be fatal to the other. The largest two British vessels, "Confiance" and "Linnet," were slightly inferior to the American "Saratoga" and "Eagle" in aggregate weight of broadside; but, like the "General Pike" on Ontario in 1813, the superiority of the "Confiance" in long guns, and under one captain, would on the open lake have made her practically equal to cope with the whole American squadron, and still more with the "Saratoga" alone, assuming that the "Linnet" gave the "Eagle" some occupation. It would seem clear, therefore, that the true combination for the British general would have been to use his military superiority, vast in quality as in numbers, to reduce the works and garrison at Plattsburg. That accomplished, the squadron would be driven to the open lake, where the "Confiance" could bring into play her real superiority, instead of being compelled to sacrifice it by attacking vessels in a carefully chosen position, ranged with a seaman's eye for defence, and prepared with a seaman's foresight for every contingency. Prevost, however, became possessed with the idea that a joint attack was indispensable,[421] and in communicating his purpose to the commander of the squadron, Captain Downie, he used language indefensible in itself, tending to goad a sensitive man into action contrary to his better judgment; and he clenched this injudicious proceeding with words which certainly implied an assurance of assault by the army on the works, simultaneous with that of the navy on the squadron. Captain Downie had taken command of the Champlain fleet only on September 2. He was next in rank to Yeo on the lakes, a circumstance that warranted his orders; the immediate reason for which, however, as explained by Yeo to the Admiralty, was that his predecessor's temper had shown him unfit for chief command. He had quarrelled with Pring, and Yeo felt the change essential. Downie, upon arrival, found the "Confiance" in a very incomplete state, for which he at least was in no wise responsible. He had brought with him a first lieutenant in whom he had merited confidence, and the two worked diligently to get her into shape. The crew had been assembled hurriedly by draughts from several ships at Quebec, from the 39th regiment, and from the marine artillery. The last detachment came on board the night but one before the battle. They thus were unknown by face to their officers, and largely to one another. Launched August 25, the ship hauled from the wharf into the stream September 7, and the same day started for the front, being towed by boats against a head wind and downward current. Behind her dragged a batteau carrying her powder, while her magazine was being finished. The next day a similar painful advance was made, and the crew then were stationed at the guns, while the mechanics labored at their fittings. That night she anchored off Chazy, where the whole squadron was now gathered. The 9th was spent at anchor, exercising the guns; the mechanics still at work. In fact, the hammering and driving continued until two hours before the ship came under fire, when the last gang shoved off, leaving her still unfinished. "This day"--the 9th--wrote the first lieutenant, Robertson, "employed setting-up rigging, scraping decks, manning and arranging the gunboats. Exercised at great guns. Artificers employed fitting beds, coins, belaying pins, etc;"[422]--essentials for fighting the guns and working the sails. It scarcely needs the habit of a naval seaman to recognize that even three or four days' grace for preparation would immensely increase efficiency. Nevertheless, such was the pressure from without that the order was given for the squadron to go into action next day; and this was prevented only by a strong head wind, against which there was not channel space to beat. As long as Prevost was contending with the difficulties of his own advance he seems not to have worried Downie; but as soon as fairly before the works of Plattsburg he initiated a correspondence, which on his part became increasingly peremptory. It will be remembered that he not only was much the senior in rank,--as in years,--but also Governor-General of Canada. Nor should it be forgotten that he had known and written a month before that the "Confiance" could not be ready before September 15. He knew, as his subsequent action showed, that if the British fleet were disabled his own progress was hopeless; and, if he could not understand that to a ship so lately afloat a day was worth a week of ordinary conditions, he should at least have realized that the naval captain could judge better than he when she was ready for battle. On September 7 he wrote to urge Downie, who replied the same day with assurances of every exertion to hasten matters. The 8th he sent information of Macdonough's arrangements by an aid, who carried also a letter saying that "it is of the highest importance that the ships, vessels, and gunboats, under your command, should combine a co-operation with the division of the army under my command. I only wait for your arrival to proceed against General Macomb's last position on the south bank of the Saranac." On the 9th he wrote, "In consequence of your communication of yesterday I have postponed action until your squadron is prepared to co-operate. I need not dwell with you on the evils resulting to both services from delay." He inclosed reports received from deserters that the American fleet was insufficiently manned; and that when the "Eagle" arrived, a few days before, they had swept the guard houses of prisoners to complete her crew. A postscript conveyed a scarcely veiled intimation that an eye was kept on his proceedings. "Captain Watson of the provincial cavalry is directed to remain at Little Chazy until you are preparing to get underway, when he is instructed to return to this place with the intelligence."[423] Thus pressed, Downie, as has been said, gave orders to sail at midnight, with the expectation of rounding into Plattsburg Bay about dawn, and proceeding to an immediate attack. This purpose was communicated formally to Prevost. The preventing cause, the head wind, was obvious enough, and spoke for itself; but the check drew from Prevost words which stung Downie to the quick. "In consequence of your letter the troops have been held in readiness, since six o'clock this morning, to storm the enemy's works at nearly the same moment as the naval action begins in the bay. I ascribe the disappointment I have experienced to the unfortunate change of wind, and shall rejoice to learn that my reasonable expectations have been frustrated by no other cause." The letter was sent by the aid, Major Coore, who had carried the others; and both he and Pring, who were present, testified to the effect upon Downie. Coore, in a vindication of Prevost, wrote, "After perusing it, Captain Downie said with some warmth, 'I am surprised Sir George Prevost should think necessary to urge me upon this subject. He must feel I am as desirous of proceeding to active operations as he can be; but I am responsible for the squadron, and no man shall make me lead it into action before I consider it in fit condition.'"[424] Nevertheless, the effect was produced; for he remarked afterward to Pring, "This letter does not deserve an answer, but I will convince him that the naval force will not be backward in their share of the attack."[425] It was arranged that the approach of the squadron should be signalled by scaling the guns,--firing cartridges without shot; and Downie certainty understood, and informed his officers generally, that the army would assault in co-operation with the attack of the fleet. The precise nature of his expectation was clearly conveyed to Pring, who had represented the gravity of this undertaking. "When the batteries are stormed and taken possession of by the British land forces, which the commander of the land forces has promised to do at the moment the naval action commences, the enemy will be obliged to quit their position, whereby we shall obtain decided advantage over them during their confusion. I would otherwise prefer fighting them on the lake, and would wait until our force is in an efficient state; but I fear they would take shelter up the lake and would not meet me on equal terms."[426] The following morning, September 11, the wind being fair from northeast, the British fleet weighed before daylight and stood up the narrows for the open lake and Plattsburg Bay. About five o'clock the agreed signal was given by scaling the guns, the reports of which it was presumed must certainly be heard by the army at the then distance of six or seven miles, with the favorable air blowing. At 7.30, near Cumberland Head, the squadron hove-to, and Captain Downie went ahead in a boat to reconnoitre the American position. For defence against the hostile squadron, Macdonough had had to rely solely on his own force, and its wise disposition by him. On shore, a defensive position is determined by the circumstances of the ground selected, improved by fortification; all which gives strength additional to the number of men. A sailing squadron anchored for defence similarly gained force by adapting its formation to the circumstances of the anchorage, and to known wind conditions, with careful preparations to turn the guns in any direction; deliberate precautions, not possible to the same extent to the assailant anchoring under fire. To this is to be added the release of the crew from working sails to manning the guns. Plattsburg Bay, in which the United States squadron was anchored, is two miles wide, and two long. It lies north and south, open to the southward. Its eastern boundary is called Cumberland Head. The British vessels, starting from below, in a channel too narrow to beat, must come up with a north wind. To insure that this should be ahead, or bring them close on the wind, after rounding the Head,--a condition unfavorable for attack,--Macdonough fixed the head of his line as far north as was safe; having in mind that the enemy might bring guns to the shore north of the Saranac. His order thence extended southward, abreast of the American works, and somewhat nearer the Cumberland than the Plattsburg side. The wind conditions further made it expedient to put the strongest vessels to the northward,--to windward,--whence they would best be able to manoeuvre as circumstances might require. The order from north to south therefore was: the brig "Eagle," twenty guns; the ship "Saratoga," twenty-six; the "Ticonderoga" schooner, seven, and the sloop "Preble," seven. Macdonough's dispositions being perfectly under observation, Captain Downie framed his plan accordingly.[427] The "Confiance" should engage the "Saratoga;" but, before doing so, would pass along the "Eagle," from north to south, give her a broadside, and then anchor head and stern across the bows of the "Saratoga." After this, the "Linnet," supported by the "Chub," would become the opponent of the "Eagle," reduced more nearly to equality by the punishment already received. Three British vessels would thus grapple the two strongest enemies. The "Finch" was to attack the American rear, supported by all the British gunboats--eleven in number. There were American gunboats, or galleys, as well, which Macdonough distributed in groups, inshore of his order; but, as was almost invariably the case, these light vessels exerted no influence on the result. This being the plan, when the wind came northeast on the morning of September 11, the British stood up the lake in column, as follows: "Finch," "Confiance," "Linnet," "Chub." Thus, when they rounded Cumberland Head, and simultaneously changed course towards the American line, they would be properly disposed to reach the several places assigned. As the vessels came round the Head, to Downie's dismay no co-operation by the army was visible. He was fairly committed to his movement, however, and could only persist. As the initial act was to be the attack upon the "Eagle" by the "Confiance," she led in advance of her consorts, which caused a concentration of the hostile guns upon her; the result being that she was unable to carry out her part. The wind also failed, and she eventually anchored five hundred yards from the American line. Her first broadside is said to have struck down forty, or one fifth of the "Saratoga's" crew. As in the case of the "Chesapeake," this shows men of naval training, accustomed to guns; but, as with the "Chesapeake," lack of organization, of the habit of working together, officers and men, was to tell ere the end. Fifteen minutes after the action began Captain Downie was killed, leaving in command Lieutenant Robertson. [Illustration: BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN] The "Linnet" reached her berth and engaged the "Eagle" closely; but the "Chub," which was to support her, received much damage to her sails and rigging, and the lieutenant in charge was nervously prostrated by a not very severe wound. Instead of anchoring, she was permitted to drift helplessly, and so passed through the American order, where she hauled down her colors. Though thus disappointed of the assistance intended for her, the "Linnet" continued to fight manfully and successfully, her opponent finally quitting the line; a result to which the forward battery of the "Confiance" in large measure contributed.[428] The "Finch," by an error of judgment on the part of her commander, did not keep near enough to the wind. She therefore failed to reach her position, near the "Ticonderoga;" and the breeze afterwards falling, she could not retrieve her error. Ultimately, she went ashore on Crab Island, a mile to the southward. This remoteness enabled her to keep her flag flying till her consorts had surrendered; but the credit of being last to strike belongs really to the "Linnet," Captain Pring. By the failure of the "Finch," the "Ticonderoga" underwent no attack except by the British gunboats. Whatever might possibly have come of this was frustrated by the misbehavior of most of them. Four fought with great gallantry and persistence, eliciting much admiration from their opponents; but the remainder kept at distance, the commander of the whole actually running away, and absconding afterwards to avoid trial. The "Ticonderoga" maintained her position to the end; but the weak "Preble" was forced from her anchors, and ran ashore under the Plattsburg batteries. The fight thus resolved itself into a contest between the "Saratoga" and "Eagle," on one side, the "Confiance" and "Linnet" on the other. The wind being north-northeast, the ships at their anchors headed so that the forward third of the "Confiance's" battery bore upon the "Eagle," and only the remaining two thirds upon the "Saratoga." This much equalized conditions all round. It was nine o'clock when she anchored. At 10.30 the "Eagle," having many of her guns on the engaged side disabled, cut her cable, ran down the line, and placed herself south of the "Saratoga," anchoring by the stern. This had the effect of turning towards the enemy her other side, the guns of which were still uninjured. "In this new position," wrote Lieutenant Robertson, "she kept up a destructive fire on the "Confiance," without being exposed to a shot from that ship or the "Linnet." On the other hand, Macdonough found the "Saratoga" suffer from the "Linnet," now relieved of her immediate opponent."[429] By this time the fire of both the "Saratoga" and "Confiance" had materially slackened, owing to the havoc among guns and men. Nearly the whole battery on the starboard side of the United States ship was dismounted, or otherwise unserviceable. The only resource was to bring the uninjured side towards the enemy, as the "Eagle" had just done; but to use the same method, getting under way, would be to abandon the fight, for there was not astern another position of usefulness for the "Saratoga." There was nothing for it but to "wind"[430] the ship--turn her round where she was. Then appeared the advantage attendant upon the defensive, if deliberately utilized. The "Confiance" standing in had had shot away, one after another, the anchors and ropes upon which she depended for such a manoeuvre.[431] The "Saratoga's" resources were unimpaired. A stern anchor was let go, the bow cable cut, and the ship winded, either by force of the wind, or by the use of "springs"[432] before prepared, presenting to the "Confiance" her uninjured broadside--for fighting purposes a new vessel. The British ship, having now but four guns that could be used on the side engaged,[433] must do the like, or be hopelessly overmatched. The stern anchor prepared having been shot away, an effort was made to swing her by a new spring on the bow cable; but while this slow process was carrying on, and the ship so far turned as to be at right angles with the American line, a raking shot entered, killing and wounding several of the crew. Then, reported Lieutenant Robertson, the surviving officer in command, "the ship's company declared they would stand no longer to their quarters, nor could the officers with their utmost exertions rally them." The vessel was in a sinking condition, kept afloat by giving her a marked heel to starboard, by running in the guns on the port side, so as to bring the shot holes out of water.[434] The wounded on the deck below had to be continually moved, lest they should be drowned where they lay. She drew but eight and a half feet of water. Her colors were struck at about 11 A.M.; the "Linnet's" fifteen minutes later. By Macdonough's report, the action had lasted two hours and twenty minutes, without intermission. [Illustration: THE BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. _Drawn by Henry Reuterdahl._] Few combats have been more resolutely contested. The "Saratoga" had fifty-five round shot in her hull; the "Confiance," one hundred and five.[435] Of the American crew of two hundred and ten men, twenty-eight were killed and twenty-nine wounded. The British loss is not known exactly. Robertson reported that there were thirty-eight bodies sent ashore for interment, besides those thrown overboard in action. This points to a loss of about fifty killed, and James states the wounded at about sixty; the total was certainly more than one hundred in a ship's company of two hundred and seventy. There was reason for obstinacy, additional to the natural resolution of the parties engaged. The battle of Lake Champlain, more nearly than any other incident of the War of 1812, merits the epithet "decisive." The moment the issue was known, Prevost retreated into Canada; entirely properly, as indicated by the Duke of Wellington's words before and after. His previous conduct was open to censure, for he had used towards Captain Downie urgency of pressure which induced that officer to engage prematurely; "goaded" into action, as Yeo wrote. Before the usual naval Court Martial, the officers sworn testified that Downie had been led to expect co-operation, which in their judgment would have reversed the issue; but that no proper assault was made. Charges were preferred, and Prevost was summoned home; but he died before trial. There remains therefore no sworn testimony on his side, nor was there any adequate cross-examination of the naval witnesses. In the judgment of the writer, it was incumbent upon Prevost to assault the works when Downie was known to be approaching, with a fair wind, in the hope of driving the American squadron from its anchors to the open lake, where the real superiority of the British could assert itself.[436] Castlereagh's "chances of the campaign" had gone so decidedly against the British that no ground was left to claim territorial adjustments. To effect these the war must be continued; and for this Great Britain was not prepared, nor could she afford the necessary detachment of force. In the completeness of Napoleon's downfall, we now are prone to forget that remaining political conditions in Europe still required all the Great Powers to keep their arms at hand. * * * * * The war was practically ended by Prevost's retreat. What remained was purely episodical in character, and should be so regarded. Nevertheless, although without effect upon the issue, and indeed in great part transacted after peace had been actually signed, it is so directly consecutive with the war as to require united treatment. Very soon after reaching Bermuda, Vice-Admiral Cochrane, in pursuance of the "confidential communications with which he was charged," the character of which, he intimated to Warren,[437] was a reason for expediting the transfer of the command, despatched the frigate "Orpheus" to the Appalachicola River to negotiate with the Creek and other Indians. The object was to rouse and arm "our Indian allies in the Southern States," and to arrange with them a system of training by British officers, and a general plan of action; by which, "supporting the Indian tribes situated on the confines of Florida, and in the back parts of Georgia, it would be easy to reduce New Orleans, and to distress the enemy very seriously in the neighboring provinces."[438] The "Orpheus" arrived at the mouth of the Appalachicola May 10, 1814, and on the 20th her captain, Pigot, had an interview with the principal Creek chiefs. He found[439] that the feeling of their people was very strong against the Americans; and from the best attainable information he estimated that twenty-eight hundred warriors were ready to take up arms with the British. There were said to be as many more Choctaws thus disposed; and perhaps a thousand other Indians, then dispersed and unarmed, could be collected. The negroes of Georgia would probably also come over in crowds, once the movement started. With a suitable number of British subalterns and drill sergeants, the savages could be fitted to act in concert with British troops in eight or ten weeks; for they were already familiar with the use of fire-arms, and were moreover good horsemen. The season of the year being still so early, there was ample time for the necessary training. With these preparations, and adequate supplies of arms and military stores, Pigot thought that a handful of British troops, co-operating with the Creeks and Choctaws, could get possession of Baton Rouge, from which New Orleans and the lower Mississippi would be an easy conquest. Between Pensacola, still in the possession of Spain, and New Orleans, Mobile was the only post held by the United States. In its fort were two hundred troops, and in those up country not more than seven hundred. When transmitting this letter, which, with his own of June 20, was received at the Admiralty August 8, Cochrane endorsed most of Pigot's recommendations. He gave as his own estimate, that to drive the Americans entirely out of Louisiana and the Floridas would require not more than three thousand British troops; to be landed at Mobile, where they would be joined by all the Indians and the disaffected French and Spaniards.[440] In this calculation reappears the perennial error of relying upon disaffected inhabitants, as well as savages. Disaffection must be supported by intolerable conditions, before inhabitants will stake all; not merely the chance of life, but the certainty of losing property, if unsuccessful. Cochrane took the further practical step of sending at once such arms and ammunition as the fleet could spare, together with four officers and one hundred and eight non-commissioned officers and privates of the marine corps, to train the Indians. These were all under the command of Major Nicholls, who for this service was given the local rank of Colonel. The whole were despatched July 23, in the naval vessels "Hermes" and "Carron," for the Appalachicola. The Admiral, while contemplating evidently a progress towards Baton Rouge, looked also to coastwise operations; for he asked the Government to furnish him vessels of light draught, to carry heavy guns into Lake Ponchartrain, and to navigate the shoal water between it and Mobile, now called Mississippi Sound. The Admiralty in reply[441] reminded Cochrane of the former purpose of the Government to direct operations against New Orleans, with a very large force under Lord Hill, Wellington's second in the Peninsular War. Circumstances had made it inexpedient to send so many troops from Europe at this moment; but, in view of the Admiral's recommendation, General Ross would be directed to co-operate in the intended movement at the proper season, and his corps would be raised to six thousand men, independent of such help in seamen and marines as the fleet might afford. The re-enforcements would be sent to Negril Bay, at the west end of Jamaica, which was made the general rendezvous; and there Cochrane and Ross were directed to join not later than November 20. The purpose of the Government in attempting the enterprise was stated to be twofold. "First, to obtain command of the embouchure of the Mississippi, so as to deprive the back settlements of America of their communication with the sea; and, secondly, to occupy some important and valuable possession, by the restoration of which the conditions of peace might be improved, or which we might be entitled to exact the cession of, as the price of peace." Entire discretion was left with the two commanders as to the method of proceeding, whether directly against New Orleans, by water, or to its rear, by land, through the country of the Creeks; and they were at liberty to abandon the undertaking in favor of some other, should that course seem more suitable. When news of the capture of Washington was received, two thousand additional troops were sent to Bermuda, under the impression that the General might desire to push his success on the Atlantic coast. These ultimately joined the expedition two days before the attack on Jackson's lines. Upon the death of General Ross, Sir Edward Pakenham was ordered to replace him; but he did not arrive until after the landing, and had therefore no voice in determining the general line of operations adopted. These were the military instructions. To them were added certain others, political in character, dictated mainly by the disturbed state of Europe, and with an eye to appease the jealousies existing among the Powers, which extended to American conditions, colonial and commercial. While united against Napoleon, they viewed with distrust the aggrandizement of Great Britain. Ross was ordered, therefore, to discountenance any overture of the inhabitants to place themselves under British dominion; but should he find a general and decided disposition to withdraw from their recent connection with the United States, with the view of establishing themselves as an independent people, or of returning under the dominion of Spain, from which they then had been separated less than twenty years, he was to give them every support in his power. He must make them clearly understand, however, that in the peace with the United States neither independence nor restoration to Spain could be made a _sine quâ non_;[442] there being about that a finality, of which the Government had already been warned in the then current negotiations with the American commissioners. These instructions to Ross were communicated to Lord Castlereagh at Vienna, to use as might be expedient in the discussions of the Conference. No serious attempt was made in the direction of Baton Rouge, through the back countries of Georgia and Florida; nor does there appear any result of consequence from the mission of Colonel Nicholls. On September 17 the "Hermes" and "Carron," supported by two brigs of war, made an attack upon Fort Bowyer, a work of logs and sand commanding the entrance to Mobile Bay. After a severe cannonade, lasting between two and three hours, they were repulsed; and the "Hermes," running aground, was set on fire by her captain to prevent her falling into the hands of the enemy. Mobile was thus preserved from becoming the starting point of the expedition, as suggested by Cochrane; and that this object underlay the attempt may be inferred from the finding of the Court Martial upon Captain Percy of the "Hermes," which decided that the attack was perfectly justified by the circumstances stated at the trial.[443] In October, 1810, by executive proclamation of President Madison, the United States had taken possession of the region between Louisiana and the River Perdido,[444] being the greater part of what was then known as West Florida. The Spanish troops occupying Mobile, however, were not then disturbed;[445] nor was there a military occupation, except of one almost uninhabited spot near Bay St. Louis.[446] This intervention was justified on the ground of a claim to the territory, asserted to be valid; and occasion for it was found in the danger of a foreign interference, resulting from the subversion of Spanish authority by a revolutionary movement. By Great Britain it was regarded as a usurpation, to effect which advantage had been taken of the embarrassment of the Spaniards when struggling against Napoleon for national existence. On May 14, 1812, being then on the verge of war with Great Britain, the ally of Spain, an Act of Congress declared the whole country annexed, and extended over it the jurisdiction of the United States. Mobile was occupied April 15, 1813. Pensacola, east of the Perdido, but close to it, remained in the hands of Spain, and was used as a base of operations by the British fleet, both before and after the attack of the "Hermes" and her consorts upon Fort Bowyer. From there Nicholls announced that he had arrived in the Floridas for the purpose of annoying "the only enemy Great Britain has in the world"[447]; and Captain Percy thence invited the pirates of Barataria to join the British cause. Cochrane also informed the Admiralty that for quicker communication, while operating in the Gulf, he intended to establish a system of couriers through Florida, between Amelia Island and Pensacola, both under Spanish jurisdiction.[448] On the score of neutrality, therefore, fault can scarcely be found with General Jackson for assaulting the latter, which surrendered to him November 7. The British vessels departed, and the works were blown up; after which the place was restored to the Spaniards. In acknowledging the Admiralty's letter of August 10, Cochrane said that the diminution of numbers from those intended for Lord Hill would not affect his plans; that, unless the United States had sent very great re-enforcements to Louisiana, the troops now to be employed were perfectly adequate, even without the marines. These he intended to send under Rear-Admiral Cockburn, to effect a diversion by occupying Cumberland Island, off the south coast of Georgia, about November 10, whence the operations would be extended to the mainland. It was hoped this would draw to the coast the American force employed against the Indians, and so favor the movements in Louisiana.[449] While not expressly stated, the inference seems probable that Cochrane still--October 3--expected to land at Mobile. For some reason Cockburn's attack on Cumberland Island did not occur until January 12, when the New Orleans business was already concluded; so that, although successful, and prosecuted further to the seacoast, it had no influence upon the general issues. Cochrane, with the division from the Atlantic coast, joined the re-enforcements from England in Negril Bay, and thence proceeded to Mississippi Sound; anchoring off Ship Island, December 8. On the 2d General Jackson had arrived in New Orleans, whither had been ordered a large part of the troops heretofore acting against the Creeks. The British commanders had now determined definitely to attack the city from the side of the sea. As there could be little hope for vessels dependent upon sails to pass the forts on the lower Mississippi, against the strong current, as was done by Farragut's steamers fifty years later, it was decided to reach the river far above those works, passing the army through some of the numerous bayous which intersect the swampy delta to the eastward. From Ship Island this desired approach could be made through Lake Borgne. For the defence of these waters there were stationed five American gunboats and two or three smaller craft, the whole under command of Lieutenant Thomas ap Catesby Jones. As even the lighter British ships of war could not here navigate, on account of the shoalness, and the troops, to reach the place of debarkation, the Bayou des Pêcheurs, at the head of Lake Borgne, must go sixty miles in open boats, the hostile gun vessels had first to be disposed of. Jones, who from an advanced position had been watching the enemy's proceedings in Mississippi Sound, decided December 12 that their numbers had so increased as to make remaining hazardous. He therefore retired, both to secure his retreat and to cause the boats of the fleet a longer and more harassing pull to overtake him. The movement was none too soon, for that night the British barges and armed boats left the fleet in pursuit. Jones was not able to get as far as he wished, on account of failure of wind; but nevertheless on the 13th the enemy did not come up with him. During the night he made an attempt at further withdrawal; but calm continuing, and a strong ebb-tide running, he was compelled again to anchor at 1 A.M. of the 14th, and prepared for battle. His five gunboats, with one light schooner, were ranged in line across the channel way, taking the usual precautions of springs on their cables and boarding nettings triced up. Unluckily for the solidity of his order, the current set two of the gunboats, one being his own, some distance to the eastward,--in advance of the others. At daylight the British flotilla was seen nine miles distant, at anchor. By Jones' count it comprised forty-two launches and three light gigs.[450] They soon after weighed and pulled towards the gunboats. At ten, being within long gunshot, they again anchored for breakfast; after which they once more took to the oars. An hour later they closed with their opponents. The British commander, Captain Lockyer, threw his own boat, together with a half-dozen others, upon Jones' vessel, "Number 156,"[451] and carried her after a sharp struggle of about twenty minutes, during which both Lockyer and Jones were severely wounded. Her guns were then turned against her late comrades, in support of the British boarders, and at the end of another half-hour, at 12.40 P.M., the last of them surrendered. That this affair was very gallantly contested on both sides is sufficiently shown by the extent of the British loss--seventeen killed and seventy-seven wounded.[452] They were of course in much larger numbers than the Americans. No such attempt should be made except with this advantage, and the superiority should be as great as is permitted by the force at the disposal of the assailant. This obstacle to the movement of the troops being removed, debarkation began at the mouth of the Bayou des Pêcheurs;[453] whence the British, undiscovered during their progress, succeeded in penetrating by the Bayou Bienvenu and its tributaries to a point on the Mississippi eight miles below New Orleans. The advance corps, sixteen hundred strong, arrived there at noon, December 23, accompanied by Major-General Keane, as yet in command of the whole army. The news reached Jackson two hours later. Fresh from the experiences of Washington and Baltimore, the British troops flattered themselves with the certainty of a quiet night. The Americans, they said to each other, have never dared to attack. At 7.30, however, a vessel dropped her anchor abreast them, and a voice was heard, "Give them this for the honor of America!" The words were followed by the discharge of her battery, which swept through the camp. Without artillery to reply, having but two light field guns, while the assailant--the naval schooner "Caroline," Lieut. J.D. Henley--had anchored out of musket range, the invaders, suffering heavily, were driven to seek shelter behind the levee, where they lay for nearly an hour.[454] At the end of this, a dropping fire was heard from above and inland. Jackson, with sound judgment and characteristic energy, had decided to attack at once, although, by his own report, he could as yet muster only fifteen hundred men, of whom but six hundred were regulars. A confused and desperate night action followed, the men on both sides fighting singly or in groups, ignorant often whether those before them were friends or foes. The Americans eventually withdrew, carrying with them sixty-six prisoners. Their loss in killed and wounded was one hundred and thirty-nine; that of the British, two hundred and thirteen. The noise of this rencounter hastened the remainder of the British army, and by the night of December 24 the whole were on the ground. Meantime, the "Caroline" had been joined by the ship "Louisiana," which anchored nearly a mile above her. In her came Commodore Patterson, in chief naval command. The presence of the two impelled the enemy to a slight retrograde movement, out of range of their artillery. The next morning, Christmas, Sir Edward Pakenham arrived from England. A personal examination satisfied him that only by a reconnaissance in force could he ascertain the American strength and preparations, and that, as a preliminary to such attempt, the vessels whose guns swept the line of advance must be driven off. On the 26th the "Caroline" tried to get up stream to Jackson's camp, but could not against a strong head wind; and on the 27th the British were able to burn her with hot shot. The "Louisiana" succeeded in shifting her place, and thenceforth lay on the west bank of the stream, abreast of and flanking the entrenchments behind which Jackson was established. These obstacles gone, Pakenham made his reconnaissance. As described by a participant,[455] the British advanced four or five miles on December 28, quite unaware what awaited them, till a turn in the road brought them face to face with Jackson's entrenchments. These covered a front of three fourths of a mile, and neither flank could be turned, because resting either on the river or the swamp. They were not yet complete, but afforded good shelter for riflemen, and had already several cannon in position, while the "Louisiana's" broadside also swept the ground in front. A hot artillery fire opened at once from both ship and works, and when the British infantry advanced they were met equally with musketry. The day's results convinced Pakenham that he must resort to the erection of batteries before attempting an assault; an unfortunate necessity, as the delay not only encouraged the defenders, but allowed time for re-enforcement, and for further development of their preparations. While the British siege pieces were being brought forward, largely from the fleet, a distance of seventy miles, the American Navy was transferring guns from the "Louisiana" to a work on the opposite side of the river, which would flank the enemies' batteries, as well as their columns in case of an attempt to storm. [Illustration: MAP SHOWING THE LANDING OF THE BRITISH ARMY its several Encampments and Fortifications on the Mississippi and the Works they erected on their Retreat; also the different Posts, Encampments and Fortifications made by the several Corps of the American Army during the whole Campaign by Major A. LACARRIERE LATOUR Late Principal Engineer 7th Military District U.S. Army 1815] When the guns had arrived, the British on the night of December 31 threw up entrenchments, finding convenient material in the sugar hogsheads of the plantations. On the morning of January 1 they opened with thirty pieces at a distance of five hundred yards; but it was soon found that in such a duel they were hopelessly overmatched, a result to which contributed the enfilading position of the naval battery. "To the well-directed exertions from the other side of the river," wrote Jackson to Patterson, after the close of the operations, "must be ascribed in great measure that harassment of the enemy which led to his ignominious flight." The British guns were silenced, and for the moment abandoned; but during the night they were either withdrawn or destroyed. It was thus demonstrated that no adequate antecedent impression could be made on the American lines by cannonade; and, as neither flank could be turned, no resource remained, on the east shore at least, but direct frontal assault. But while Jackson's main position was thus secure, he ran great risk that the enemy, by crossing the river, and successful advance there, might establish themselves in rear of his works; which, if effected, would put him at the same disadvantage that the naval battery now imposed upon his opponents. His lines would be untenable if his antagonist commanded the water, or gained the naval battery on his flank, to which the crew of the "Louisiana" and her long guns had now been transferred. This the British also perceived, and began to improve a narrow canal which then led from the head of the bayou to the levee, but was passable by canoes only. They expected ultimately to pierce the levee, and launch barges upon the river; but the work was impeded by the nature of the soil, the river fell, and some of the heavier boats grounding delayed the others, so that, at the moment of final assault, only five hundred men had been transported instead of thrice that number, as intended.[456] What these few effected showed how real and great was the danger. The canal was completed on the evening of January 6, on which day the last re-enforcements from England, sixteen hundred men under Major-General Lambert, reached the front. Daylight of January 8 was appointed for the general assault; the intervening day and night being allowed for preparations, and for dragging forward the boats into the river. It was expected that the whole crossing party of fifteen hundred, under Colonel Thornton, would be on the west bank, ready to move forward at the same moment as the principal assault, which was also to be supported by all the available artillery, playing upon the naval battery to keep down its fire. There was therefore no lack of ordinary military prevision; but after waiting until approaching daylight began to throw more light than was wished upon the advance of the columns, Pakenham gave the concerted signal. Owing to the causes mentioned, Thornton had but just landed with his first detachment of five hundred. Eager to seize the battery, from which was to be feared so much destructive effect on the storming columns on the east bank, he pushed forward at once with the men he had, his flank towards the river covered by a division of naval armed boats; "but the ensemble of the general movement," wrote the British general, Lambert, who succeeded Pakenham in command, "was thus lost, and in a point which was of the last importance to the [main] attack on the left bank of the river." Not only was Thornton too weak, but he was eight hours[457] late, though not by his own fault. Commodore Patterson, whose duties kept him on the west bank, reported that the naval battery was actively and effectively employed upon the flank of the storming columns, and it was not until some time after the engagement opened that he was informed of the near approach of the British detachment on that side. In prevision of such an attempt, a line of works had been thrown up at the lower end of the naval battery, at right angles to it, to cover its flank. This was weak, however, at the extremity farthest from the river, and thither the British directed their attack. The defenders there, some very newly joined Kentucky militia, broke and fled, and their flight carried with them all the other infantry. The seamen of the battery, deprived of their supports, retreated after spiking their guns, which fell into the enemy's hands; and Thornton, who was severely wounded, was able to date his report of success from the "Redoubt on the right bank of the Mississippi."[458] He advanced actually, and without serious opposition, a mile above--that is, in rear of--Jackson's lines and the "Louisiana's" anchorage. "This important rout," wrote Jackson, "had totally changed the aspect of affairs. The enemy now occupied a position from which they might annoy us without hazard, and by means of which they might have been enabled to defeat, in a great measure, the effects of our success on this side of the river. It became, therefore, an object of the first consequence to dislodge him as soon as possible." Jackson himself attributed his success in this desirable object as much to negotiation as to the force he would be able to apply. The story of the main assault and its disastrous repulse is familiar. In itself, it was but an instance of a truth conspicuously illustrated, before and after, on many fields, of the desperate character of a frontal attack upon protected men accustomed to the use of fire-arms--even though they be irregulars. Could Thornton's movement have been made in full force assigned, and at the moment intended,--so that most of the advance on both sides the river could have been consummated before dawn,--a successful flanking operation would have been effected; and it is far from improbable that Jackson, finding the naval guns turned against him, would have been driven out of his lines. With raw troops under his command, and six thousand veterans upon his heels, no stand could have been made short of the town, nor in it. As it was, the failure of the two parts of the British to act coincidently caused them to be beaten in detail: for the disastrous and bloody repulse of the columns on the east bank led to the withdrawal of the tiny body on the west.[459] No further attempt was made. On the 18th of January the British withdrew. In pursuance of the full discretionary power given by their orders as to any further employment upon the American coast of the forces under their command, General Lambert and the Admiral then concerted an attack upon Fort Bowyer, at the entrance to Mobile Bay. This surrendered February 11, the day that the news of the Peace reached New York. * * * * * The ocean as well as the land had its episodes of fighting after peace had been signed. The United States frigate "President," which during the first two years of the war had been commanded continuously by Commodore John Rodgers, was in May, 1814, transferred to Decatur, who took to her with him the crew of his old ship, the "United States," irretrievably shut up in New London. The "President" remained in New York throughout the year, narrowly watched by the enemy. In a letter of August 10, Decatur speaks of the unfavorable conditions of the season for sailing; that four British ships kept close to Sandy Hook, at times even anchored. He then mentions also "the great apprehension and danger" which New York was undergoing, in common with the entire seaboard, and the wish of the city government that the crew of the ship should remain for defence of the port.[460] It will be remembered that this was in the anxious period preceding the development of the British menace to the coast, which issued in the capture of Washington and Alexandria, and the attack on Baltimore. Philadelphia also trembled; and Decatur received an order to carry the "President's" crew to her protection, if threatened.[461] On New Year Day, 1815, the "President" was still in the bay, awaiting a chance to sail. She was deeply laden for a long absence, and was to be accompanied by a merchant brig, the "Macedonian," carrying further stores. The sloops "Hornet" and "Peacock," and brig "Tom Bowline," were likewise watching to slip out. On the night of January 14, 1815, in a heavy northwester, the "President's" attempt was made; the pilots for the occasion having undertaken to mark the channel by boats suitably stationed. Despite these precautions the ship grounded, and beat heavily on the bottom for an hour and a half. By this she was seriously injured, and would have gone back had the wind permitted. As it was, she had to be forced over, and at 10 P.M. went clear; but with loss of a large part of that speed for which she was known, and which had been among Decatur's chief reasons for preferring her to the new "Guerrière."[462] The "Macedonian" was in company. The British blockading division was under the command of Captain John Hayes, of the razee[463] "Majestic," and consisted, besides that ship, of the forty-gun 24-pounder frigate "Endymion," and the thirty-eight-gun 18-pounder frigates "Pomone" and "Tenedos"; the latter of which had joined on the 13th. The vessels were driven off shore by the violence of the gale; but Hayes, reasoning as a seaman, anticipated both Decatur's sailing that night and his probable course. After clearing the bar, the "President" steered nearly due east, along the south shore of Long Island, for fifty miles, when she headed off, southeast by east, for the open sea. At 5 A.M. three of the British squadron were seen ahead on the new course; the fourth, the "Tenedos," being then out of sight to the southward, either detached for a wider sweep of watchfulness, or separated by the gale. The "President," on seeing the enemy, hauled up again along shore, and a stern chase began, which lasted till near nightfall of the 15th; the "Endymion" leading the British squadron. The "Tenedos" being sighted soon after daybreak, Hayes detached the "Pomone" to ascertain what ship it was; a step which for the time threw the "Pomone," as well as the "Tenedos," out of the running. At 5 P.M. the "Endymion" had got well within point-blank shot of the "President." It must be appreciated that, with the whole hostile squadron at her heels, the American frigate could not delay, or turn her side with its battery towards an assailant behind; for to do so enabled the others to gain on her. On the other hand, the pursuer could so deflect--yaw--at frequent intervals, and having the greater speed could continually recover the ground thus lost. This was what Captain Hope of the "Endymion" did, with sound judgment. He took a position on the off-shore quarter of the "President," where neither her broadside nor stern guns could bear upon him, so long as she held her course. Thence, yawing continually, the "Endymion" poured in her successive broadsides, practically unopposed, mistress of the situation. Decatur endured this for a time; but it was the military merit of his antagonist's conduct that it must eventually force him to turn aside, and so convert the stern chase of the British squadron to the more hopeful attempt to cut him off on a new course. After half an hour the "President's" helm was put to port, and the ship headed abruptly south, threatening to cross the "Endymion's" bow, and rake. The British frigate had to follow this movement of her opponent, and the two ran off on parallel lines, exchanging broadsides. The object of Decatur was to dismantle this enemy, strip him of his motive power, and so increase his own chance of escape. In this he was successful. After two hours and a half, between 8 and 8.30 P.M., the "Endymion's" sails were stripped from the yards. She dropped astern, and the "President" again steered east, bringing the other enemy's ships once more in her wake,--a stern chase. At 11 P.M. the "Pomone" and "Tenedos" overtook her. These were of the class of the "Guerrière," "Macedonian," and "Shannon," very much lighter, singly, than the "President," which had a heavier battery than the "Constitution." Had the American ship retained her normal speed, she probably would have escaped; but the "Pomone," the first to arrive, outsailed her without using studdingsails, which the "President" was still able to carry alow and aloft, despite her engagement with the "Endymion." This fresh British ship luffed to port, and fired her starboard broadside. The "President" imitated the manoeuvre, heading up to north; but she did not fire. At this point the historian is met by a direct contradiction of evidence. Decatur says that the "Pomone" was now on the port bow, within musket-shot,[464] the "Tenedos" five hundred yards astern, "taking up a raking position on our quarter, and the rest (with the exception of the 'Endymion') within gunshot."[465] These statements are confirmed by the sworn testimony before the American Court of Inquiry. The log of the "Pomone," published with intention, reads that the "Tenedos" was not more than three miles off,--a distance to which no gun on shipboard of that day could carry,--and the "Endymion" and "Majestic" so far away that they did not come on the scene until 12.45 and 3 A.M., respectively, of the 16th. The "Pomone" fired a second broadside, and hauling still further to port was about to discharge a third, from a raking position ahead, when the "President" struck. She had not fired a gun at either the "Pomone" or the "Tenedos." The log of the "Pomone" is clear on this point, and Decatur's elaborate report makes no mention of having done so. The witnesses before the Court of Inquiry are equally silent. Between the "Endymion" and the "President," in point of battery, the proportion of force was as four to three, in favor of the American ship. Against that must fairly be weighed the power of the "Endymion" to maintain for half an hour a quartering and raking position, owing to the necessity to escape laid on the "President." A quantitative estimate of this advantage would be largely guess; but it may safely be said that the disproportion of killed and wounded[466] can probably be laid to this, coupled with the very proper endeavor of Decatur to throw off his immediate enemy by aiming at her spars. After two and a half hours' fighting, the sails of the "Endymion" were "stripped from the yards," Captain Hayes reported; while the "President," by the "Pomone's" log, "continued to stand east under a press of sail," all studdingsails set, from lower to royal. This result accounts for where the "President's" shot went, and under the circumstances should have gone, and for why the "Endymion" lost fewer men; and it was not the sole reason for the last. There is, in the writer's judgment, no ground whatever for the assumption that the "Endymion" did, or singly would, have beaten the "President." The disparity of material force was counterbalanced by the circumstance that the "President" had the other vessels to take into account. From the legal point of view ships merely in sight contribute, and are therefore entitled to prize money. In the present instance they necessarily affected the manoeuvring and gunnery of the "President." There is a good deal of human nature, and some food for quiet entertainment, in the British accounts. There were several to share, and apparently the glory was not quite enough to go round. With Admiral Hotham, not present in the action, but in immediate command of the station during Cochrane's absence at New Orleans and Cockburn's in Georgia, it was "the force which I had collected off the bar of New York." Captain Hayes had much to say on his calculations of the enemy's movements: "What is a little singular, at the very instant of arriving at the point of the supposed track of the enemy, Sandy Hook west-northwest fifteen leagues, we were made happy by the sight of a ship and a brig, not more than two miles on the weather bow." The published report of Captain Hope, of the "Endymion," is simple and modest; but some of his followers apparently would have all the glory. The "Endymion" had done the whole business. This drew forth the publication of the "Pomone's" log, concerning which the Naval Chronicle remarks, "It appears that some differences have taken place between the British frigates engaged, as to the honor of having captured the 'President.'"[467] Had Decatur appreciated at the moment that his speedy surrender to the "Pomone" would be attributed to the subjection to which the "Endymion" was supposed to have reduced his ship, he very probably would have made a second fight of it. But he was convinced that ultimate escape was impossible. "Two fresh," though much weaker, ships of the enemy at hand, his own having fought for two hours and a half; "about one fifth of my crew killed and wounded, my ship crippled, and a more than fourfold force opposed to me, without a chance of escape left, I deemed it my duty to surrender." Physical and mental fatigue, the moral discomfiture of a hopeless situation, are all fairly to be taken into account; nor should resistance be protracted where it means merely loss of life. Yet it may be questioned whether the moral tone of a military service, which is its breath of life, does not suffer when the attempt is made to invest with a halo of extraordinary heroism such a resistance as Decatur made, by his own showing. Unless the "President" was really thrashed out by the "Endymion," which was the British assertion,[468] she might have put one of his Majesty's thirty-eight-gun frigates, the "Pomone," out of commission for a long time; and that, in addition to the "Endymion,"--the two fastest British vessels,--would have been no light matter in the then state of the New York blockade. If the finding of the American Court of Inquiry,[469] that "the 'Endymion' was conquered, while the 'President' in the contest with her had sustained but little injury," be admitted, there seems no reply to the comment that the "President" surrendered within musket-shot of a thirty-eight-gun frigate which with three or four broadsides she should have nearly annihilated. She was out to destroy commerce and enemy's cruisers, and she struck before her powers in that respect--by the Court's finding--were exhausted. Escape was impossible; one object of her cruise--the enemy's commerce--had become impracticable; was it justifiable to neglect the last opportunity for the other? Decatur's personal gallantry is beyond question; but, if the defence of the "President" is to be considered "glorious," and "heroic," it is difficult to know what term can be applied to that of the "Essex." War is violence, wounds, and death. Needless bloodshed is to be avoided; but even more, at the present day, is to be deprecated the view that the objects of a war are to be sacrificed to the preservation of life. After a long detention, through the closeness of the Boston blockade, the "Constitution," still commanded by Captain Charles Stewart, effected her escape to sea towards the end of December. On February 20, 1815, two hundred miles east-northeast from Madeira, she fell in with two British ships of war, the "Cyane," and the "Levant," then on their way from Gibraltar to the Azores, and thence to the American coast. The "Cyane," a frigate-built ship, carried a battery of carronades: thirty 32-pounders, two 18-pounders. She had also two long 9-pounders; making a total of thirty-four guns, throwing a broadside weight of five hundred and seven pounds.[470] The "Levant" was a sloop of war, of the American "Hornet" class, carrying eighteen 32-pounder carronades and two long 9-pounders; giving two hundred and ninety-seven as her broadside weight. Between the two they therefore threw eight hundred and four pounds of metal. The "Constitution's" broadside was seven hundred and four pounds; but of this three hundred and eighty-four were in long 24-pounders. Supposing both parties willing to fight under such circumstances, the game would be all in the "Constitution's" hands. Her problem rather was so to conduct the contest that neither enemy should escape. Captain Stewart, in reporting his success, dwelt upon the advantages derived by the enemy "from a divided and more active force, as also their superiority in the weight and numbers of guns." One cannot but feel the utmost diffidence in differing from a seaman of the time, and one so skilful as Stewart; but the advantage of a divided force is as difficult to see as the superiority in battery power. Though consorts, the enemy when first seen were separated by a distance of ten miles; and were sighted successively between 1 and 2 P.M. The wind was easterly and light. The "Constitution" was unable to prevent their junction, which was effected at 5.45. They then formed in line on the starboard tack, the "Levant" leading; with an interval between them of three hundred feet. At six the "Constitution" drew up on the weather side of the "Cyane," and five minutes later the action began at a distance of three hundred yards. After a quarter of an hour, noting the enemy's fire to slacken, Stewart stopped his own, to allow the smoke to lift. When he could see, he found the "Constitution" abreast the "Levant," with the "Cyane" astern, luffing up for his port quarter. He gave his port broadside to the "Levant," then braced aback his after-sails, and so went astern towards the "Cyane," bringing her abeam under cover of the renewed cannonade. At 6.35--about ten minutes later--the enemy's fire again weakened, and the "Levant" was seen to be bearing up before the wind. Stewart made sail ahead, raked her twice from astern with the port guns, and then saw the "Cyane" also wearing. The "Constitution" immediately wore short round, and caught this opponent before she had completed her manoeuvre, so that she raked her also from astern with the starboard battery. The "Cyane" then came to the wind on the port tack, and fired that broadside, to which the "Constitution," having reloaded after raking, was about to reply, when, at 6.50 this enemy struck, and fired a lee gun,--the signal of submission. A prize crew, with a party of marines to guard prisoners, was hastily thrown on board, and at eight the "Constitution" made sail again after the "Levant." At 8.30 this plucky little ship was met returning to the conflict. At 8.50 the two passed on opposite tacks, and exchanged broadsides, after which the "Constitution" kept away under the enemy's stern and raked again. The "Levant" could now run with a clear conscience. Whatever argument can be based on the united batteries of the two British ships, and the advantage of divided force, eighteen 32-pounder carronades were no match for the "Constitution." The "Levant" took to her heels, but at 10 P.M. was overtaken and surrendered.[471] The losses as reported by Stewart were: "Constitution," killed three; wounded twelve; "Cyane," killed twelve; wounded twenty-six; "Levant," killed twenty-three; wounded sixteen. Captain Stewart's management of his vessel was strikingly clever and prompt. The advantages which he attributed to the enemy, an aggregate of guns, slightly superior in total weight, divided between two smaller ships, the author has never been able to recognize.[472] The sloops of war "Hornet," Commander James Biddle, and "Peacock," Commander Lewis Warrington, and the brig "Tom Bowline," which were waiting their opportunity in the lower bay of New York when the "President" sailed, got to sea five days after her, January 20. When two days out, the "Hornet" separated in chase. The vessels had a rendezvous at the lonely island of Tristan d'Acunha, in the South Atlantic, some fifteen hundred miles west of the Cape of Good Hope. The "Hornet" arrived first, and was about to anchor, at 10.30 in the morning of March 23, when a sail was seen to the southeast, steering west. As it soon passed behind the island, the "Hornet" made sail to the westward, and the two shortly came within sight. The stranger was the British sloop of war "Penguin," Captain Dickinson. By the report of Captain Biddle, based on examination after the action, she carried sixteen 32-pounder carronades, two long 12-pounders in broadside, and one long twelve on a pivot, fighting either side. The "Hornet" had eighteen 32-pounder carronades, and two long twelves. The wind being south-southwest, the "Penguin" was to windward, and bore up to close. At 1.40 P.M., being nearly within musket-shot, she hauled to the wind on the starboard tack, a movement which the "Hornet" at once imitated, and the battle began; the "Hornet" to leeward, the two running on parallel courses,--an artillery duel. The "Penguin" drew gradually nearer, and at 1.55 put her helm hard up, to run her antagonist on board. The American crew were called to repel boarders, and so were on hand when the enemy's bowsprit came in between the main and mizzen rigging; but, while ready to resist an attempt to board, the course of the action had so satisfied Biddle of the superiority of his ship's gunnery that he would not throw his men away in a hand-to-hand contest upon the enemy's decks. The small arms men and marines, however, distributed along the "Hornet's" side kept up a lively musketry fire, which the British endured at great disadvantage, crowded upon the narrow front presented by a ship's forecastle. The "Penguin" finally wrenched clear with the loss of her foremast and bowsprit, and in this crippled state surrendered immediately. From the first gun to hauling down the flag was twenty-two minutes. The British ship had lost fourteen killed and twenty-eight wounded, her captain being among the slain. The "Hornet" had one killed and ten wounded. The comparative efficiency of the two vessels is best indicated by the fact that the "Hornet" had not a single cannon-ball in her hull, nor any serious injury even to her lower masts; yet that her rigging and sails were very much cut proves that her opponent's guns were active. By the ready skill of the seamen of that day she was completely ready for any service forty-eight hours later. The "Penguin" was scuttled. The action between the "Hornet" and "Penguin" was the last naval combat of the War of 1812. The day after it, March 24, the "Peacock" and "Tom Bowline" arrived, in time to see the "Penguin" before her captor sunk her. The brig "Macedonian," which had sailed in company with the "President," but escaped her fate, also came to Tristan d'Acunha, which would seem to have been intended as a fresh starting point for some enterprise in common. FOOTNOTES: [394] Memoirs and Correspondence of Lord Castlereagh. Series iii. vol. ii. pp. 86-91. [395] Castlereagh Memoirs, series iii. vol. ii. pp. 86-91. [396] Castlereagh to Liverpool (Prime Minister), Aug. 28, 1814. Ibid., pp. 100-102. [397] Wellington to Liverpool, Nov. 9, 1814. Castlereagh Memoirs, series iii. vol. ii. pp. 186-189. [398] Canadian Archives, C. 680, p. 46. The date is Sept. 10, 1813. [399] Letter of Captain Evans, commanding N.Y. Navy Yard, Aug. 6, 1813. [400] Canadian Archives, C. 679, pp. 348, 362. [401] Izard says two. Official Correspondence of the Department of War with Major-General Izard, 1814 and 1815, p. 7. [402] British Court Martial Record. [403] Confidence. [404] Account of the Public Life of Sir George Prevost, p. 136. [405] Prevost to Bathurst, July 12, 1814. Report on Canadian Archives, 1896. Lower Canada, p. 31. [406] Prevost to Bathurst, Aug. 5, 1814. Ibid., p. 35. [407] Prevost to Bathurst, Aug. 27. [408] Official Correspondence of General Izard with the Department of War, pp. 56, 57. Philadelphia, 1816. [409] Ridout, Ten Years in Upper Canada, p. 282. [410] Niles' Register, vol. vi. p. 357. [411] June 8, 1814. Navy Department MSS. [412] Macomb's Report, Brannan's Military and Naval Letters, p. 415. Izard (Correspondence, p. 98) says, "There were at or about the works at Plattsburg not less than three thousand regulars, of whom fifteen hundred were fit for duty in the field. In the number were three companies of artillery." [413] General Benjamin Mooers, who was in command of the New York State militia during these operations, in a letter to Governor Tompkins, dated Sept. 16, 1814 (Gov. Tompkins MSS. vol. ix. pp. 212-217, State Library, Albany, N.Y.), claims that Macomb was here less than just to the militia, "many of whom stood their ground as long as it was tenable" during the first day. In a general order issued by him Sept. 8 (Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 70), he spoke of some "who fled at the first approach of the enemy, and afterwards basely disbanded themselves, and returned home." Macomb himself wrote that after the first day, when the army had retired to the works, "the militia behaved with great spirit." [414] For copies of these letters, and of Macdonough's reply and endorsement, I am indebted to Mr. Rodney Macdonough, the Commodore's grandson. Cochran's is dated March 22, and Colden's June 26, 1815; Macdonough's reply July 3. It is well to note that all these preceded the British naval court martial, held in Portsmouth, Aug. 18-21, 1815, where the testimony that the squadron was within range was unanimous and accepted by the Court. [415] The first lieutenant of the "Confiance" in his evidence said that it was not more than ten minutes after the ship rounded Cumberland Head that the enemy began firing at her, and that the shot at first fell short. As far as it goes, this would show that the American squadron was over a mile from the Head; and, if so, scarcely more than a mile from the batteries. [416] For information as to ranges, the author applied to Professor Philip R. Alger, U.S. Navy, whose intimate acquaintance with questions of ordnance and gunnery is known throughout his service. [417] Vol. viii. p. 70, April 1, 1815. [418] These two letters of Macomb are given in the "Account of the Public Life of Sir George Prevost," p. 165. [419] Izard's Correspondence, p. 98. [420] Yeo to the Admiralty, Sept. 24, 1814. From a copy in the Court Martial Record. [421] In his Narrative, submitted to the Court Martial, Captain Pring stated that Prevost wished a joint attack, because, in the advance along the head of Cumberland Bay, the left flank of the army, when crossing Dead Creek, had been much annoyed by the American gunboats. He feared the same in crossing the Saranac to the assault of the works, and wanted the navy to draw off the gunboats. [422] Robertson's Narrative before the Court Martial. [423] The correspondence between Prevost and Downie, Sept. 7-10, is in the Canadian Archives, M. 389.6. pp. 176-183. [424] This letter of Major Coore, published in a Canadian paper, Feb. 26, 1815, is to be found in the Canadian Archives MSS., M. 389.6. p. 287. [425] Court Martial Evidence. [426] Evidence of Pring, and of Brydone, master of the "Confiance," before the Court Martial. Robertson in his narrative is equally positive and explicit on this point. [427] Robertson's Narrative. [428] Robertson's Narrative. [429] Macdonough's Report. [430] Pronounced "wynd." [431] Robertson's Narrative. [432] A spring is a rope taken from the stern of a ship to the anchor, by hauling on which the ship is turned in the direction desired. [433] Brydone's Evidence. [434] Evidence of Sailing Master Brydone. [435] Macdonough's Report. [436] For the battle of Lake Champlain much the most complete and satisfactory evidence is the Record of the British Court Martial. There having been no dispute on the American side, as between Perry and Elliott at Lake Erie, there has not been the same output of conflicting statements, tending to elucidate as well as to confuse. Commander Henley of the "Eagle" was apparently dissatisfied with Macdonough's report, as the Commodore (apparently) was with his action. This drew from him a special report. Navy Department MSS. Niles' Register, vol. vii. Supplement, p. 135, contains this letter with many verbal changes, which do not materially affect its purport. [437] Cochrane arrived at Bermuda March 6; but, despite his urgency and evident annoyance, Warren, who was senior, and had had ample notice of his supersession, took his own leisurely time about giving over the command, which he did not do till April 1, sailing for England April 8. [438] Bathurst to Ross, Sept. 6, 1814. War Office, Entry Book. [439] Pigot's Report to Cochrane, June 8, 1814. Admiralty In-Letters MSS. [440] Cochrane to the Admiralty, June 20, 1814. Admiralty In-Letters MSS. [441] Admiralty to Cochrane, Aug. 10, 1814. The reference in the text depends upon a long paper near the end of vol. 39, British War Office Records, which appears to the writer to have been drawn up for the use of the ministry in parliamentary debate. It gives step by step the procedure of the Government in entering on the New Orleans undertaking. [442] Bathurst to Ross, Sept. 6, 1814. British War Office Records. [443] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxiii. p. 429. [444] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 397. [445] Ibid., p. 572. [446] Niles' Register, vol. iii. p. 182. [447] Ibid., vol. vii. pp. 133-135. [448] Cochrane to the Admiralty, Oct. 3, 1814. Admiralty In-Letters. [449] Ibid. [450] Neither Cochrane nor Lockyer gives the number of the British boats; but as there were three divisions, drawn from five ships of the line and three or four frigates, besides smaller vessels, Jones' count was probably accurate. He had ample time to observe. [451] The gunboats of Jefferson's building had no names, and were distinguished by number only. [452] Jones' Report of this affair is found in Niles' Register, vol. viii. p. 126; those of Cochrane and Lockyer in the Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxiii. pp. 337-341. [453] So styled in Cochrane's Report, which also speaks of it as Bayou Catalan. The name does not appear on the map of Major Latour, chief of engineers to Jackson, who in his report calls the whole bayou Bienvenu. [454] Gleig, Narrative of the Campaign of Washington, Baltimore, and New Orleans, pp. 282-288. [455] Gleig, pp. 308-309. [456] Gleig's Narrative, p. 321. Cochrane's Report, Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxiii. p. 341. Report of Major C.R. Forrest, British Assistant Quarter-master-General, War Office Records. [457] Thornton's Report. James' Military Occurrences of the War of 1812, vol. ii., p. 547. [458] James' Military Occurrences, vol. ii. p. 547. [459] Niles' Register, vols. vii. and viii., gives a large number of the official reports, as well British as American, concerning the New Orleans Expedition. So also does James in his "Military Occurrences" and "Naval Occurrences" of the War of 1812. Regarded in outline, as is attempted in the text, the operations are of a simple character, presenting no difficulties. [460] Captains' Letters. Navy Department MSS. [461] Ibid., Sept. 26, 1814. [462] Decatur to Navy Department, April 9, 1814. Captains' Letters. [463] A razee is a ship cut down, and reduced from her original rate. The "Majestic" had been a seventy-four, and probably was the same vessel which under that name and rate took part in the battle of the Nile. The expedient of razeeing had been adopted by the British Government, in order rapidly to prepare vessels superior to the American forty-fours, yet less costly in crews than ships of the line. These razees were rated as carrying fifty-six guns. [464] Deposition of Commodore Decatur at Bermuda. Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxiii. p. 371. [465] Decatur's Report. Niles' Register, vol. viii. p. 8. In his deposition Decatur says "the 'Tenedos' did not fire at the time of such surrender." [466] The loss of the "President" was twenty-four killed, fifty-five wounded. (Decatur's Report.) That of the "Endymion," eleven killed and fourteen wounded. (Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxiii. p. 262.) [467] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxiii. p. 370. [468] Captain Hayes' Report. Niles' Register, vol. viii. p. 175. Naval Chronicle, vol. xxxiii. p. 261. [469] Niles' Register, vol. viii. p. 147. [470] The armament of the "Cyane" is that reported by Lieut. Hoffman, U.S. Navy, who brought her to the United States. Niles' Register, vol. viii. p. 134. [471] The "Cyane" reached a United States port, but the "Levant" was recaptured by a British squadron. Both names remained in the United States Navy till the Civil War. A "Levant," built in succession to the one captured, was lost at sea in 1860--never heard from. [472] The account given in the text depends upon Stewart's "minutes of the action" (Niles' Register, vol. viii. p. 219), compared with the "Constitution's" log (Navy Department MSS.), of which the minutes are a development. CHAPTER XVIII THE PEACE NEGOTIATIONS The Government of the United States had been honestly loath to declare war in 1812, and had signalized its reluctance by immediate advances looking to a restoration of peace. These were made through Jonathan Russell, the _chargé d'affaires_ in London when hostilities began. To use the expression of Monroe, then Secretary of State, "At the moment of the declaration of war, the President, regretting the necessity which produced it, looked to its termination, and provided for it."[473] The two concessions required as indispensable, in the overture thus referred to, dated June 26, 1812, were the revocation of the Orders in Council, and the abandonment of the practice of impressing from American merchant ships. Should these preliminary conditions be obtained, Russell was authorized to stipulate an armistice, during which the two countries should enter upon negotiations, to be conducted either at Washington or in London, for the settlement of all points of difference. Russell made this communication to Castlereagh August 24, 1812. Before this date Admiral Warren had sailed from England for the American command, carrying with him the propositions of the British Government for a suspension of hostilities, consequent upon the repeal of the Orders in Council.[474] In view of Warren's mission, and of the fact that Russell had no powers to negotiate, but merely to conclude an arrangement upon terms which he could not alter, and which his Government had laid down in ignorance of the revocation of the Orders, Castlereagh declined to discuss with him the American requirements. "I cannot, however," he wrote, "refrain on one single point from expressing my surprise, namely, that as a condition preliminary even to a suspension of hostilities, the Government of the United States should have thought fit to demand that the British Government should desist from its ancient and accustomed practice of impressing British seamen from the merchant ships of a foreign state, simply on the assurance that a law shall hereafter be passed to prohibit the employment of British seamen in the public or commercial service of that state."[475] "The Government could not consent to suspend the exercise of a right upon which the naval strength of the empire mainly depends," until fully convinced that the object would be assured by other means. To a subsequent modification of the American propositions, in form, though not in tenor, the British minister replied in the same spirit, throwing the weight of his objections upon the question of impressment, which indeed remained alone of the two causes of rupture.[476] Commendable as was its desire for peace, the American Government had made the mistake of being unwilling to insure it by due and timely preparation for war. In these advances, therefore, its adversary naturally saw not magnanimity, but apprehension. Russell, in reporting his final interview, wrote, "Lord Castlereagh once observed somewhat loftily, that if the American Government was so anxious _to get rid of the war_,[477] it would have an opportunity of doing so on learning the revocation of the Orders in Council." The American representative rejoined with proper spirit; but the remark betrayed the impression produced by this speedy offer, joined to the notorious military unreadiness of the United States. Such things do not make for peace. The British ministry, like a large part of the American people, saw in the declaration of war a mere variation upon the intermittent policy of commercial restrictions of the past five years; an attempt to frighten by bluster. In such spirit Monroe, in this very letter of June 26 to Russell, had dwelt upon the many advantages to be derived from peace with the United States; adding, "not to mention the injuries which cannot fail to result from a prosecution of the war." In transcribing his instructions, Russell discreetly omitted the latter phrase; but the omission, like the words themselves, betrays consciousness that the Administration was faithful to the tradition of its party, dealing in threats rather than in deeds. Through great part of the final negotiations the impression thus made remained with the British ministers. On September 20, 1812, the Chancellor of the Russian Empire requested a visit from the American minister resident at St. Petersburg, Mr. John Quincy Adams. In the consequent interview, the next evening, the Chancellor said that the Czar, having recently made peace and re-established commercial intercourse with Great Britain, was much concerned that war should have arisen almost immediately between her and the United States. Hostilities between the two nations, which together nearly monopolized the carrying trade of the world, would prevent the economical benefits to Russia expected from the recent change in her political relations. The question was then asked, whether a proffer of Russian mediation would be regarded favorably by the United States. Adams had not yet received official intelligence even of the declaration of war, and was without information as to the views of his Government on the point suggested; but he expressed certainty that such an advance would be cordially met, and he could foresee no obstacle to its entertainment. The proposal was accordingly made to the President, through the customary channels, and on March 11, 1813, was formally accepted by him. James A. Bayard and Albert Gallatin were nominated commissioners, conjointly with Mr. Adams, to act for the United States in forming a treaty of peace under the mediation of the Czar. They sailed soon afterwards. The American acceptance reached St. Petersburg about June 15; but on that day Adams was informed by the Chancellor that his despatches from London signified the rejection of the Russian proposition by the British Government, on the ground that the differences with the United States involved principles of the internal government of Great Britain, which could not be submitted to the discussion of any mediation.[478] As the Russian Court was then in campaign, at the headquarters of the allied armies, in the tremendous operations of the summer of 1813 against Napoleon, much delay necessarily ensued. On September 1, however, the British ambassador, who was accompanying the Court in the field, presented a formal letter reaffirming the unwillingness of his Government to treat under mediation, but offering through the Czar, whose mediatorial advance was so far recognized, to nominate plenipotentiaries to meet those of the United States in direct consultation. In the backward and forward going of despatches in that preoccupied and unsettled moment, it was not till near November 1 that the British Foreign Office heard from the ambassador that the American commissioners were willing so to treat, and desirous to keep their business separate from that of the continent of Europe; but that their powers were limited to action through the mediation of Russia. Castlereagh then, on November 4, addressed a note to the United States Government, offering a direct negotiation. This was accepted formally, January 5, 1814;[479] and Henry Clay with Jonathan Russell were added to the commission already constituted, raising the number of members to five. The representatives of Great Britain were three: Admiral Lord Gambier, Henry Goulburn, and William Adams. Ghent was fixed upon for the place of meeting. The instructions issued to the American commissioners were voluminous. They contained not only the requirements of the Government, but arguments from every point of view, and alternatives of several descriptions, to meet anticipated objections. Such elaboration was perhaps necessary when negotiation was to take place so remote from communication with home. On one point, however, as originally issued in contemplation of Russian mediation, demand was peremptory. Impressment must cease, by stipulation. "If this encroachment of Great Britain is not provided against, the United States have appealed to arms in vain." At that moment, April 15, 1813,[480] the flush of expectation was still strong. "Should improper impressions have been taken of the probable consequences of the war, you will have ample means to remove them. It is certain that from its prosecution Great Britain can promise to herself no advantage, while she exposes herself to great expenses and to the danger of still greater losses." Nine months later, looking to direct negotiation, the same confident tone is maintained. "On impressment, the sentiments of the President have undergone no change. This degrading practice must cease.... No concession is contemplated on any point in controversy;"[481] and three weeks afterwards, February 14, 1814, "Should peace be made in Europe, it is presumed that the British Government would have less objection to forbear impressment for a specified term, than it would have should the war continue. In concluding a peace, even in case of a previous general peace in Europe, it is important to obtain such a stipulation."[482] On June 27, the note was lowered. "If found indispensably necessary to terminate the war, you may omit any stipulation on the subject of impressment." This was in pursuance of the Cabinet determination of June 27, already quoted.[483] It abandoned the only ground for war that had existed since August, 1812, when the Orders in Council were known to have been repealed. The commissioners were indeed to do their best to obtain from the British Government the demanded concessions, not in the matter of impressment only, but on the whole subject of irregular blockades, which underlay the Orders in Council, as well as on other maritime questions in dispute; but in pressing such demands they were under orders to fall back before resistance. From the opening of the colloquy they were on the defensive. Quite different was the position assumed at first by the British Government and people. The events of the critical year 1813, both in Europe and America, had changed the entire outlook. Alexander Baring, whose general attitude towards the United States was friendly, wrote to Gallatin, October 12, 1813, "We wish for peace, but the pressure of the war upon our commerce and manufactures is over. They have ample relief in other quarters; indeed, the dependence of the two countries on each other was overrated." He was positive that there would be no concession on impressment. Again, on December 14, "The pressure of the war is diminished. Commerce is now abundantly prosperous."[484] Gallatin himself had occasion to spend some time in London during the succeeding spring,--1814. Quotation from his observations has been made already.[485] In a letter of April 21,--after Napoleon's abdication,--"The prosecution of war with the United States would afford a convenient pretext for preserving a more considerable standing force."[486] This would be a useful element in the troublesome diplomacy to be foreseen, in settling the disturbed affairs of Europe; and the Government stood in need of reasons for maintaining the pressure of taxation, which was already eliciting, and later in the year still more elicited, symptoms of great discontent and dangerous Parliamentary opposition. Yet in its conduct towards America the Cabinet had the people behind it. Two months later, Gallatin wrote to the Secretary of State, "You may rest assured of the general hostile spirit of this nation, and of its wish to inflict serious injury on the United States; that no assistance can be expected from Europe; and that no better terms will be obtained than the _status ante bellum_."[487] At the time of this writing, June 13, the British Foreign Secretary, Lord Castlereagh, returned from Paris, where he had been spending the two months succeeding the first abdication of Napoleon. During this period formal peace with France had been established, and the Bourbons reseated on her throne. His instructions to the British commissioners at Ghent, issued July 28, were framed on lines which showed consciousness of mastery.[488] The question of abandoning the practice of impressment would not be so much as entertained. The Rule of 1756 should "rest on its own clear and well established authority."[489] The commissioners were not even to discuss it. Equally decisive was the position taken with regard to questions of irregular blockades, and of compensation for seizures under the Orders in Council. When these were presented by the American commissioners, the first was waived aside, as one on which there was no difference of abstract principle; while as to the second, "you cannot be too peremptory in discouraging, at the outset, the smallest expectation of any restitution of captures made under the Orders in Council."[490] Military and naval weakness, combined with the changed conditions in Europe, made the United States powerless when thus confronted with refusal. The British Secretary stood on far less sure ground, as to success, when he began to formulate his own demands. These were essentially two: suitable arrangements for the Indians, and a rectification of the frontiers. There was a third question, concerning the fisheries on the Great Banks of Newfoundland. As to these, the general right of all nations to frequent the Banks, being open sea, was explicitly admitted; but the subjects of a foreign state had no right to fish within the maritime jurisdiction of Great Britain, much less to land with their catch on coasts belonging to her. The provisions of the Treaty of 1783 therefore would not be renewed, unless for an equivalent. As regarded the Indians, an adequate arrangement of their interests was a _sine quâ non_ of peace; nor would a full and express recognition of present limits by itself alone fulfil this demand. There must be security for its future observance. The particular method by which this observance should be maintained was not made indispensable; but it was plainly stated in the instructions that the best means was "a mutual guarantee of the Indian possessions, as they shall be established upon the peace, against encroachment on the part of either State." The suggestion, in its logical consequence and in its intent, went to establishing the communities of Indians as a sovereign state, with boundaries guaranteed by Great Britain and the United States,--a most entangling alliance. In support of this, Castlereagh alleged that such a barrier of separation possessed a distinct advantage over a line of contact between the two guaranteeing states, such as now existed in their common boundary. The collisions incident to intercourse between red and white men were easily transferred from side to side of such a conventional line, causing continual disputes. The advantages of a buffer state, to use the modern term, would be secured by the proposed arrangement. Writing to the prime minister, the Earl of Liverpool, he said, "The question is one of expediency; and not of principle, as the American commissioners have endeavored to make it. It does not follow, because, in the year 1783, the two States, not perhaps very justly, took a common boundary, thereby assuming a sort of sovereignty over the Indians, that they may not mutually recede from that boundary, if a frontier conterminous with that of the Indians is preferable to one with each other."[491] However plausible reasoning based upon such premises might seem to the party advancing it, it could not qualify the fact that it required from the United States a large cession of territory, to be surrendered to the Indians under British guarantee. Such a demand was a dangerous diplomatic weapon to put within reach of a commission, of which Adams and Gallatin were members. In presenting it, also, the British representatives went beyond the letter of their instructions, issued by Castlereagh on July 28, and enlarged August 14. Not only was the inclusion of the Indians in the peace to be a _sine quâ non_, but they wrote, "_It is equally necessary_" that a definite boundary be assigned, and the integrity of their possessions mutually guaranteed.[492] This paper was submitted to Castlereagh as he passed through Ghent to Paris, on his way to the Vienna Conference. "Had I been to prepare the note given in on our part, I should have been less peremptory;" but, like many superiors, he hesitated to fetter the men in immediate charge, and "acquiesced in the expression, 'It is equally necessary, etc.,' which is very strong."[493] The prime minister was still more deprecatory. He wrote Castlereagh, "Our commissioners had certainly taken a very erroneous view of our policy. If the negotiations had been allowed to break off upon the two notes already presented, ... I am satisfied the war would have become popular in America."[494] The American commissioners could see this also, and were quick to use the advantage given by the wording of the paper before them, to improve the status of the United States in the negotiation; for one of the great weaknesses, on which Great Britain reckoned, was the disunion of American sentiment on the subject of the war. Of their reply, dated August 24, Castlereagh wrote, "It is extremely material to answer the American note, as it is evidently intended to rouse the people upon the question of their independence."[495] Besides the Indian proposition, the British note of August 19 had conveyed also the explicit views of the ministry as to rectification of frontier. Stated briefly, the chain of the Great Lakes was asserted to be a military barrier essential to the security of Canada, as the weaker community in North America. To assure it, no territorial cession was required; but the lakes should be in the sole military tenure of Great Britain. The United States might use them freely for commercial purposes, but should maintain on them no ship of war, nor build any fortification on their shores, or within a certain distance, to be fixed by agreement. In addition to this, on the side of the lower St. Lawrence, there was to be such a cession of the northern part of Maine as would establish a direct communication between Quebec and Halifax. The American reply of August 24[496] discussed these questions, patiently but instructively. The matters involved were made plain for the American reader, and the paper closed with the clear intimation that before such terms were accepted there must be a great deal more fighting. "It is not necessary to refer such demands to the American Government for instructions. They will only be a fit subject of deliberation when it becomes necessary to decide upon the expediency of an absolute surrender of national independence." So far as the British proposals went, the question was military, not diplomatic; for soldiers and seamen to decide, not for negotiators. So it stood, and so in the solution it proved. The American commissioners held firm to this ground; while on the part of the British there was thenceforth a continual effort to escape from a false position, or to temporize, until some favorable change of circumstances might enable them to insist. "The substance of the question," wrote Castlereagh to the prime minister, "is, are we prepared to continue the war for territorial arrangements. If not, is this the best time to make peace, or is it desirable to take the chances of the campaign and then to be governed by circumstances?"[497] "If our campaign in Canada should be as successful as our military preparations would lead us to expect," ... replied Liverpool, "if our commander does his duty, I am persuaded we shall have acquired by our arms every point on the Canadian frontier, which we ought to insist on keeping."[498] By these considerations the next British note was dictated, and presented September 4.[499] It simply argued the question, with dilatory design, in a somewhat minatory tone. "I think it not unlikely," Liverpool had written with reference to it, "that the American commissioners will propose to refer the subject to their Government. In that case, the negotiation may be adjourned till the answer is received, and we shall know the result of the campaign before it can be resumed." But the Americans did not refer. They too needed time for their people to learn what now was the purpose of hostilities, which the British envoys had precipitately stated as an indispensable concession, and to manifest the national temper under the changed circumstances; but they did not choose that the matter should be stated as one open to discussion. They knew well enough the harassment of maintaining a land warfare three thousand miles from Great Britain, as well as the dangers threatening the European situation and embarrassing the British ministry. They in turn discussed at length, scrutinizing historically the several arguments of their opponents; but their conclusion was foregone. The two propositions--first, of assigning "a definite boundary to the Indians living within the limit of the United States, beyond which boundary they [the United States] should stipulate not to acquire any territory; secondly, of securing the exclusive military possession of the lakes to Great Britain--are both inadmissible. We cannot subscribe to, and would deem useless to refer to our Government, any arrangement containing either of these propositions." The British Government was not permitted any subterfuge to escape from the premature insistence upon cession of territory made by their envoys, which would tend to unite the people in America; nor was it to be anticipated that prolonged hostilities for such an object would be acceptable in Great Britain. The pre-eminence given to the Indian question by Great Britain in these negotiations was due to the importance attached by British local officials to the aid of the savages in war, and to a sensitive conviction that, when thus utilized, they should not be abandoned in peace. Their military value was probably over-estimated. It consisted chiefly in numbers, in which the British were inferior, and in the terror produced by their cruelties; doubtless, also, in some degree to their skill in woodcraft; but they were not dependable. Such as it was, their support went usually to the weaker party; not because the Indian naturally sided with the weaker, but because he instinctively recognized that from the stronger he had most to fear. Therefore in colonial days France, in later days Great Britain, in both cases Canada, derived more apparent profit from their employment than did their opponent, whose more numerous white men enabled him to dispense with the fickle and feebler aid of the aborigines. Before the firm attitude of the note of September 9, the British Government again procrastinated, and receded from demands which sound policy should from the first have recognized as untenable, unless reposing upon decisive military success and occupation. On September 19, their commissioners replied[500] that while the exclusive military possession of the lakes would be conducive to a good understanding, without endangering the security of the United States, it had not been advanced as a _sine quâ non_. A final proposition on the subject of the Canadian boundaries would be made, when the Indian question was settled. Concerning this, they were "authorized distinctly to declare that they are instructed not to sign a treaty of peace, unless the Indian nations are included in it, and restored to all the rights, privileges, and territories, which they enjoyed in the year 1811," by treaties then existing. "From this point the British plenipotentiaries cannot depart." They were instructed further to _offer for discussion_ an article establishing Indian boundaries, within which the two countries should bind themselves not to make acquisitions by purchase during a term of years. To the absence of Lord Castlereagh, and consequent private correspondence between him and his colleagues in London, we owe the knowledge that the question of purchasing Indian lands, and the guarantee, would no longer be insisted on; and that the military control of the lakes was now reduced in purpose to the retention of Forts Michilimackinac and Niagara.[501] The intention remained, however, to insist upon the Indian provisions as just stated. On September 26, the American commission replied that, as thus presented, there was no apparent difference in the purposes of the two nations as regarded the substantial welfare of the Indians themselves. The United States meant towards them peace, and the placing them in the position in which they stood before the war. "The real difference was" in the methods proposed. Great Britain "insisted on including the Indians, as allies, in the treaty of peace between her and the United States." But the Indians concerned dwelt within the acknowledged bounds of the United States, and their political relations towards her were no concern of Great Britain; nor could any arrangement be admitted which would constitute them independent communities, in whose behalf Great Britain might hereafter claim a right to interfere. The error underlying the British demand was the assumption that the Indian tribes were independent; whereas, in their relation to foreign countries, they were merely dwellers in the United States, who had made war upon her in co-operation with Great Britain. The upshot was a mutual agreement, drawn up by the British plenipotentiaries, that upon the conclusion of peace each state would put an end to hostilities in which it might be engaged with the Indians, and would restore them to the rights enjoyed before 1811. The Americans accepted this, subject to ratification at home, on the ground that, while it included the Indians in the peace, it did not do so as parties to the treaty, and left the manner of settlement in the hands of each Government interested. The agreement thus framed formed one of the articles of the treaty. On September 27 the Gazette account of the capture of Washington was published in London. Lord Bathurst, who in the absence of Castlereagh was acting as Foreign Secretary, despatched the news the same day to the commissioners at Ghent, instructing them to assure the Americans that it made no difference in the British desire for peace, nor would modify unfavorably the requirements as to frontier, as yet unstated.[502] Liverpool wrote coincidently to Castlereagh, suggesting that he should communicate to the sovereigns and ministers at Vienna the moderation with which the Government was acting, as well as the tone assumed by the American commissioners, "so very different from what their situation appears to warrant." "I fear the Emperor of Russia is half an American, and it would be very desirable to do away any prejudices which may exist in his mind, or in that of Count Nesselrode, on this subject."[503] The remark is illuminating as to the reciprocal influence of the American contest and the European negotiations, and also as to the reasons for declining the proposed Russian mediation of 1813. The continent generally, and Russia conspicuously, held opinions on neutral maritime rights similar to those of the United States. Liverpool had already[504] expressed his wish to be well out of the war, although expecting decided military successes, and convinced that the terms as now reduced would be very unpopular in England; "but I feel too strongly the inconvenience of a continuance not to make me desirous of concluding it at the expense of some popularity." It was in this spirit, doubtless, that Bathurst instructed the envoys that, if the Americans wished to refer the very modified proposals, or to sign them conditional upon ratification at home, either proposition would be accepted; an assurance repeated on October 5.[505] Were neither alternative embraced as to the Indian settlement, the negotiation should be closed and the commission return to England. British military anticipation then stood high. Not only was the capture of Washington over-estimated, but Ross and Cochrane had impressed their Government with brilliant expectations. "They are very sanguine about the future operations. They intend, on account of the season, to proceed in the first instance to the northward, and to occupy Rhode Island, where they propose remaining and living upon the country until about the first of November. They will then proceed southward, destroy Baltimore, if they should find it practicable without too much risk, occupy several important points on the coast of Georgia and the Carolinas, take possession of Mobile in the Floridas, and close the campaign with an attack on New Orleans."[506] This was a large programme for a corps of the size of Ross', after all allowance made for the ease with which Washington had fallen. It is probably to be read in connection with the project of sending to America very large re-enforcements; so numerous, indeed, that Lord Hill, Wellington's second in the Peninsula, had been designated for the command. This purpose had been communicated to Ross and Cochrane; and at the time of the capture of Washington they had not received the letters notifying them that "circumstances had induced his Majesty's Government to defer their intention of employing so considerable a force in that quarter."[507] For this change of mind America doubtless was indebted to European considerations. Besides the expectations mentioned, the British Government had well-founded reasons to hope for control of Lake Ontario, and for substantial results from the handsome force placed at the disposal of Sir George Prevost, to which the triumphant expedition of Cochrane and Ross had been intended only as a diversion. Under these flattering anticipations were formulated the bases upon which to treat, now that the Indian question was out of the way. On October 18 and 20 Bathurst instructed the commissioners to propose, as a starting point, the principle that each party should hold what it had, subject to modifications for mutual accommodation. "Considering the relative situation of the two countries, the moderation evinced by his Majesty's Government in admitting this principle, (thereby surrendering claim to the future conquests), in the present state of the contest, must be manifest." When this was accepted, but not before, the mutual accommodations were to be suggested. The present captured possessions were stated to be: British, Fort Michilimackinac, Fort Niagara, and all the country east of the Penobscot; the American, Fort Erie and Fort Malden. Upon the surrender of the two latter, Great Britain would restore the forts at Castine and Machias. She would retain Mackinac and Fort Niagara, the latter with a surrounding strip of five miles of territory; and in exchange (apparently) for "all the country east of the Penobscot," would accept that part of Maine which lies north of the Aroostook River, thus insuring between Quebec and Halifax a direct communication, wholly under British jurisdiction. There were some further minor matters of detail, unnecessary to mention; the more so that they did not come formally before the American commissioners, who immediately rejected the proposed principle of _uti possidetis_, and replied, October 24, that they were not empowered to yield any territory, and could treat only on the basis of entire mutual restitution. This Liverpool testily likened to the claim of the French revolutionary Government[508] that territory could not be ceded because contrary to the fundamental law of the Republic. In the American case, however, it was substantially an affirmation that the military conditions did not warrant surrender. Meanwhile, on October 21, the news of Macdonough's victory reached London from American sources. Although the British official accounts did not arrive until some time later, Liverpool, writing to Castlereagh on that day, admitted that there could be no doubt of the defeat of the flotilla.[509] Despite this check, the Cabinet still cherished hopes of further successes, and were unwilling yet to abandon entirely the last inches of the ground heretofore assumed. "Had it not been for this unfortunate adventure on Lake Champlain," wrote Bathurst to Castlereagh, "I really believe we should have signed a peace by the end of this month. This will put the enemy in spirits. The campaign will end in our doing much where we thought we should have done little, and doing nothing where we expected everything."[510] He announced the intention to send Pakenham in Ross' place for the New Orleans expedition, and to increase his force in the spring, should the war last till then. Meanwhile, it might be well to let the Powers assembled at Vienna understand that, whatever the success in Louisiana, the inhabitants would be distinctly told that in no case would the country be taken under British protection. They might be granted independence, but preferably would be urged to place themselves again under the Spanish Crown; but they must know that, in treating with the United States, neither of these solutions would be made by Great Britain a _sine quâ non_. The Government had probably taken a distaste to that peremptory formula by the unsatisfactory result of the proposition about the Indians. This care concerning the effect produced upon the course of events at Vienna appears forcibly in the letters of Liverpool. After the receipt of the American commission's refusal to accept the basis of the _uti possidetis_, he wrote to Castlereagh, October 28, that he feared it put an end to any hopes of bringing the American war to a conclusion. The expectation of some favorable change in the aspect of affairs, however, decided the ministry to gain a little more time before bringing the negotiation to a close; and the envoys at Ghent were therefore to be instructed to demand a full _projet_ of all the American conditions before entering on further discussion. The same day Liverpool sent a second letter,[511] in which he said distinctly that, in viewing the European settlement, it was material to consider that the war with America would probably be of some duration; that enemies should not be made in other quarters by holding out too long on the questions of Poland, Naples, and Saxony, for he was apprehensive that "some of our European allies will not be indisposed to favor the Americans; and, if the Emperor of Russia should be desirous of taking up their cause, we are well aware from some of Lord Walpole's late communications that there is a most powerful party in Russia to support him. Looking to a continuance of the American war, our financial state is far from satisfactory. We shall want a loan for the ensuing year of £27,000,000 or £28,000,000. The American war will not cost us less than £10,000,000, in addition to our peace establishment and other expenses. We must expect, therefore, to have it said that the property tax is continued for the purpose of securing a better frontier for Canada." Castlereagh himself had already spoken of the financial conditions as "perfectly without precedent in our financial history."[512] The renewal of the European war, avowedly dreaded by Liverpool,[513] was thought not impossible by Castlereagh and Wellington; while conditions in France already threatened an explosion, such as Bonaparte occasioned in the succeeding March. "It is impossible," wrote Wellington, "to conceive the distress in which individuals of all descriptions are. The only remedy is the revival of Bonaparte's system of war and plunder; and it is evident that cannot be adopted during the reign of the Bourbons."[514] Neither he nor Castlereagh doubted the imminence of the danger. "It sounds incredible," wrote the latter, "that Talleyrand should treat the notion of any agitation at Paris as wholly unfounded."[515] A plot was believed to exist, which embraced as one of its features the seizing of the Duke, and holding him as a hostage. He himself thought it possible, and saw no means in the French Government's hands adequate to resist. "You already know my opinion of the danger at Paris.... The event may occur any night, and if it should occur, I don't think I should be allowed to depart. My safety depends upon the King's;"[516] but he was characteristically averse to any step which bore the appearance of precipitate withdrawal. While the American negotiators were drawing up the _projet_ which they had decided to present in response to the British demand, the combination of circumstances just stated led the British ministry to resolve on removing Wellington from Paris on some pretext, lest his services should be lost to them in the emergency now momentarily dreaded. The urgency for peace with America co-operated to determine the ostensible reason, which was almost a true one. The American command was offered to him. "The Duke of Wellington would restore confidence to the army, place the military operations on a proper footing, and give us the best chance of peace. I know he is very anxious for the restoration of peace with America, if it can be made upon terms at all honorable. It is a material consideration, likewise, that if we shall be disposed for the sake of peace to give up something of our just pretensions, we can do this more creditably through him than through any other person."[517] Liverpool voiced the conclusions of the Cabinet, and it would be difficult for words to manifest more forcibly anxiety to escape from a situation. Wellington himself drew attention to this. "Does it not occur to your lordship that, by appointing me to go to America at this moment, you give ground for belief, all over Europe, that your affairs there are in a much worse situation than they really are? and will not my nomination at this moment be a triumph to the Americans, and their friends here and elsewhere?"[518] Conditions were alarming, but the action resembled panic. The offer, which was really a request, brought Wellington by a side wind into the American negotiations, and enabled him to give the Government the weight of his name and authority in concluding a peace otherwise than on their "just pretensions." The war, he said, has been honorable to Great Britain; meaning doubtless that, considering the huge physical mass and the proximity of the United States, it was well done to have escaped injury, as it was militarily disgraceful to the American Government, with such superiority, to have been so impotent. But, he continued, neither I nor any one else can achieve success, in the way of conquests, unless you have naval superiority on the lakes. That was what was needed; "not a general, nor general officers and troops. Till that superiority is acquired, it is impossible, according to my notion, to maintain an army in such a situation as to keep the enemy out of the whole frontier, much less to make any conquest from the enemy, which, with those superior means, might, with reasonable hopes of success, be undertaken.... The question is, whether we can obtain this naval superiority on the lakes. If we cannot, I shall do you but little good in America; and I shall go there only to prove the truth of Prevost's defence, and to sign a peace which might as well be signed now." This endorsed not only Prevost's retreat, but also the importance of Macdonough's victory. The Duke then added frankly that, in the state of the war, they had no right to demand any concession of territory. He brushed contemptuously aside the claim of occupying the country east of the Penobscot, on the ground of Sherbrooke's few companies at Castine, ready to retreat at a moment's notice. "If this reasoning be true, why stipulate for the _uti possidetis_?"[519] Penned November 9, the day before the American negotiators at Ghent handed in their requested _projet_, this letter may be regarded as decisive. November 13, Liverpool replied that the ministry was waiting anxiously for the American _projet_, ... and, "without entering into particulars, I can assure you that we shall be disposed to meet your views upon the points on which the negotiation appears to turn at present;" the points being the _uti possidetis_, with the several details of possession put forward by Bathurst. The American paper was in London before the 18th, when Liverpool wrote to Castlereagh, "I think we have determined, if all other points can be satisfactorily settled, not to continue the war for the purpose of obtaining, or securing, any acquisition of territory. We have been led to this determination by the consideration of the unsatisfactory state of the negotiations at Vienna, and by that of the alarming situation of the interior of France." "Under such circumstances, it has appeared to us desirable to bring the American war, if possible, to a conclusion."[520] The basis of the _status quo ante bellum_, sustained all along by the American commission, was thus definitely accepted, and so stated formally by Bathurst.[521] This fundamental agreement having been reached, the negotiations ran rapidly to a settlement without further serious hitch; a conclusion to which contributed powerfully the increasing anxiety of the British ministry over the menacing aspect of the Continent. The American _projet_,[522] besides the customary formal stipulations as to procedure for bringing hostilities to a close, consisted of articles embodying the American positions on the subjects of impressment and blockade, with claims for indemnity for losses sustained by irregular captures and seizures during the late hostilities between France and Great Britain; a provision aimed at the Orders in Council. These demands, which covered the motives of the war, and may be regarded as the offensive side of the American negotiation, were pronounced inadmissible at once by the British, and were immediately abandoned. Their presentation had been merely formal; the United States Government, within its own council chamber, had already recognized that they could not be enforced. The _projet_ included the agreement previously framed concerning the Indians; who were thus provided for in the treaty, though excluded from any recognition as parties to it, or as independent political communities. This was the only demand which Great Britain can be said fairly to have carried, and it was so far a reduction from her original requirement as to be unrecognizable. An American proposition, pledging each of the contracting parties not again to employ Indians in war, was rejected. The remaining articles of the _projet_, although entirely suitable to a treaty of peace, were not essentially connected with the war. The treaty merely gave a suitable occasion for presenting them. They provided for fixing, by mixed commissions, the boundary lines between the British possessions and the United States. These the Treaty of 1783 had stated in terms which had as yet received no proper topographical determination. From the mouth of the St. Croix River, and the islands within it and in the adjacent sea, around, north and west, as far as the head of Lake Superior, the precise course of the bounding line needed definition by surveyors. These propositions were agreed to; but when it came to similar provision for settling the boundary of the new territories acquired by the Louisiana purchase, as far as the Rocky Mountains, difficulties arose. In the result it was agreed that the determination of the boundary should be carried as far as the most northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods, "in conformity with the true intent of the said Treaty of Peace of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three." The treaty was silent on the subject of boundary westward of the Lake of the Woods, and this article of the _projet_ was dropped. It differed indeed from its associates, in providing the settlement for a new question, and not the definition of an old settlement. In conclusion, the British commissioners obtained the adoption of an agreement that both parties "would use their best endeavors to promote the entire abolition of the slave trade." In Great Britain the agitation for this measure had reached proportions which were not the least among the embarrassments of the ministry; and at this critical juncture the practical politicians conducting affairs found themselves constrained by a popular demand to press the subject upon the less sympathetic statesmen of the Cabinet. The American commissioners had made a good fight, and shown complete appreciation of the factors working continuously in their behalf. To the end, and even more evidently at the end, was apparent the increasing anxiety of the British Government, the reasonable cause for it in European conditions, and the immense difficulty under such circumstances of accomplishing any substantial military successes in America. The Duke of Wellington wrote that "all the American armies of which I ever read would not beat out of a field of battle the troops that went from Bordeaux last summer;"[523] but still, "his opinion is that no military advantage can be expected if the war goes on, and he would have great reluctance in undertaking the command unless we made a serious effort first to obtain peace, without insisting upon keeping any part of our conquests."[524] On December 23, Liverpool sent a long and anxious letter to Castlereagh, in reply to his late despatches. The fear of a renewal of war on the Continent is prominent in his consideration, and it was recognized that the size of the European armaments, combined with the pecuniary burden of maintaining them, tended of itself to precipitate an outbreak. Should that occur, France could scarcely fail to be drawn in; and France, if involved, might direct her efforts towards the Low Countries, "the only object on the continent which would be regarded as a distinct British interest of sufficient magnitude to reconcile the country to war," with its renewed burden of taxation. "We are decidedly and unanimously of opinion that all your efforts should be directed to the continuance of peace. There is no mode in which the arrangements in Poland, Germany, and Italy, can be settled, consistently with the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris, which is not to be preferred, under present circumstances, to a renewal of hostilities between the Continental Powers." Coincidently with this, in another letter of the same day, he mentions the meetings which have taken place on account of the property tax, and the spirit which had arisen on the subject. "This, as well as other considerations, make us most anxious to get rid of the American war."[525] The Treaty of Ghent was signed December 24, 1814, by the eight commissioners. The last article provided for its ratification, without alteration, at Washington, within four months from the signature. A _chargé d'affaires_ to the United States was appointed, and directed to proceed at once in a British ship of war to America, with the Prince Regent's ratification, to be exchanged against that of the President; but he was especially instructed that the exchange should not be made unless the ratification by the United States was without alteration, addition, or exclusion, in any form whatsoever. Hostilities were not to cease until such action had taken place. The British Government were apparently determined that concessions wrung from them, by considerations foreign to the immediate struggle, should not be subjected to further modification in the Senate. Mr. Baker, the British _chargé_, sailed in the British sloop of war "Favorite," accompanied by Mr. Carroll bearing the despatches of the American commissioners. The "Favorite" arrived in New York on Saturday, February 11. The treaty was ratified by the President, as it stood, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, on the 17th of February, 1815. * * * * * A year after the conclusion of peace, a weighty opinion as to the effect of the War of 1812 upon the national history was expressed by one of the commissioners, Mr. Albert Gallatin. For fifteen years past, no man had been in closer touch with the springs of national life, national policy, and national action; as representative in Congress, and as intimate adviser of two consecutive Presidents, in his position as Secretary of the Treasury. His experience, the perspicuity of his intellect, and his lucidity of thought and expression, give particular value to his conclusions; the more so that to some extent they are the condemnation, regretfully uttered, of a scheme of political conduct with the main ideas of which he had been closely identified. He wrote: "The war has been productive of evil and of good, but I think the good preponderates. Independent of the loss of lives, and of the property of individuals, the war has laid the foundations of permanent taxes and military establishments, which the Republicans[526] had deemed unfavorable to the happiness and free institutions of the country. But under our former system we were becoming too selfish, too much attached exclusively to the acquisition of wealth, above all, too much confined in our political feelings to local and state objects. The war has renewed and reinstated the national feelings and character which the Revolution had given, and which were daily lessening. The people have now more general objects of attachment, with which their pride and political opinions are connected. They are more Americans; they feel and act more as a nation; and I hope that the permanency of the Union is thereby better secured."[527] Such, even at so early a date, could be seen to be the meaning of the War of 1812 in the progress of the national history. The people, born by war to independence, had by war again been transformed from childhood, absorbed in the visible objects immediately surrounding it, to youth with its dawning vision and opening enthusiasms. They issued from the contest, battered by adversity, but through it at last fairly possessed by the conception of a national unity, which during days of material prosperity had struggled in vain against the predominance of immediate interests and local prepossessions. The conflict, indeed, was not yet over. Two generations of civic strife were still to signalize the slow and painful growth of the love for "The Union"; that personification of national being, upon which can safely fasten the instinct of human nature to centre devotion upon a person and a name. But, through these years of fluctuating affections, the work of the War of 1812 was continuously felt. Men had been forced out of themselves. More and more of the people became more Americans; they felt and acted more as a nation; and when the moment came that the unity of the state was threatened from within, the passion for the Union, conceived in 1812, and nurtured silently for years in homes and hearts, asserted itself. The price to be paid was heavy. Again war desolated the land; but through war the permanency of the Union was secured. Since then, relieved from internal weakness, strong now in the maturity of manhood, and in a common motive, the nation has taken its place among the Powers of the earth. FOOTNOTES: [473] Monroe to Russell, Aug. 21, 1812. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 587. [474] Ante, vol. i. p. 390. [475] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 590. [476] Correspondence between Russell and Castlereagh, Sept. 12-18, 1812; and Russell to Monroe, Sept. 17. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 591-595. [477] Russell's italics. [478] The correspondence relating to the Russian proffer of mediation is to be found in American State Papers, vol. iii. pp. 623-627. [479] American State Papers, vol. iii. pp. 621-622. [480] Ibid., pp. 695-700. [481] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 701. [482] Ibid., p. 703. [483] Ante, p. 266, and note. [484] Writings of Albert Gallatin, edited by Henry Adams, vol. i. pp. 586, 592. [485] Ante, p. 332. [486] Writings of Albert Gallatin, vol. i. p. 603. [487] Ibid., vol. i. p. 629. [488] A similar consciousness appears to the writer discernible in a letter of Wellington to Castlereagh, of May 25, 1814. To procure "the cession of Olivenza by Spain to Portugal, we could promise to _bind_ North America, by a secret article in our treaty of peace, to give no encouragement, or _countenance_, or assistance, to the Spanish colonies" (then in revolt). Memoirs and Correspondence of Lord Castlereagh, series iii. vol. ii. p. 44. The italics are mine. [489] Castlereagh to the British commissioners, July 28, 1814. Castlereagh's Memoirs and Correspondence, series iii. vol. ii. p. 69. [490] Ibid., Aug. 14, 1814, pp. 88, 89. [491] Castlereagh to Liverpool, Paris, Aug. 28, 1814. Castlereagh Memoirs, p. 101. [492] Note of the British commissioners, Aug. 19, 1814. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 710. My italics. [493] Castlereagh to Liverpool, Aug. 28, 1814. Castlereagh Memoirs, series iii. vol. ii. p. 100. [494] Liverpool to Castlereagh, Sept. 2, 1814. Castlereagh Papers MSS. [495] Castlereagh Memoirs, etc., series iii. vol. ii. p. 101. [496] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 711-713. [497] Castlereagh to Liverpool, August 28. Memoirs, etc., series iii. vol. ii. p. 102. [498] Liverpool to Castlereagh, September 2, Castlereagh Papers MSS. [499] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 713. [500] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 717. [501] Bathurst to Castlereagh, Sept. 16, 1814. Castlereagh Papers MSS. [502] Castlereagh Memoirs, series iii. vol. ii. p. 138. [503] Liverpool to Castlereagh, September 27. Castlereagh Papers MSS. [504] September 23. Ibid. [505] Castlereagh Memoirs, series iii. vol. ii. p. 148. [506] Liverpool to Castlereagh, Sept. 27, 1814. Castlereagh Papers MSS. [507] Ante, p. 385; and 384, note. [508] Liverpool to Castlereagh, Oct. 28. Castlereagh Papers MSS. [509] Liverpool to Castlereagh, Oct. 21, 1814. Ibid. [510] Bathurst to Castlereagh, Oct. 21, 1814. Castlereagh Papers MSS. [511] Castlereagh Papers MSS. [512] Castlereagh to Sir H. Wellesley, Sept. 9, 1814. Memoirs, series iii. vol. ii. p. 112. [513] Liverpool to Castlereagh, Nov. 2, 1814. Castlereagh Papers MSS. [514] Wellington to Liverpool, Nov. 9, 1814. Castlereagh Memoirs, series iii. vol. ii. p. 187. [515] Castlereagh to Wellington, Nov. 21, 1814. Castlereagh Memoirs, series iii. vol. ii. p. 205. [516] Wellington to Liverpool, Nov. 7 and 9, 1814. Ibid., pp. 186, 190. [517] Liverpool to Castlereagh, Nov. 4, 1814. Castlereagh MSS. [518] Wellington to Liverpool, Nov. 18, 1814. Castlereagh Letters, series iii. vol. ii. p. 203. [519] Wellington to Liverpool, Nov. 9, 1814. Castlereagh Memoirs, series iii. vol. ii. p. 189. [520] Liverpool to Castlereagh, Nov. 18, 1814. Castlereagh MSS. [521] Bathurst to the commissioners, Dec. 6, 1814. Castlereagh Memoirs, series iii. vol. ii. p. 214. [522] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 735. [523] Castlereagh Memoirs, series iii. vol. ii. p. 188. [524] Liverpool to Castlereagh, Nov. 18, 1814. Castlereagh MSS. [525] Ibid., Dec. 23, 1814. Castlereagh MSS. [526] The contemporary name of the political party to which Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin belonged. [527] Writings of Gallatin, May 7, 1816, vol. i. p. 700. INDEX _Actions, Land._ i.: Detroit, 346; Queenston, 357; Niagara, 358; Frenchtown, 370. ii.: York [Toronto], 36, 55; Fort George, 38; Sackett's Harbor, 42; Stony Creek, 46; Beaver Dam, 47; Fort Meigs, 68; Fort Stephenson, 73; The Thames, 103; Chrystler's Farm, 115; Chippewa, 295; Lundy's Lane, 306; Fort Erie, 314, 316; Bladensburg, 346; Plattsburg, 366; New Orleans, 394. _Actions, Naval._ i.: Elliott's capture of "Caledonia" and "Detroit," 354; "Constitution" and "Guerrière," 330; "Frolic" and "Wasp," 412; "Macedonian" and "United States," 416. ii.: "Constitution" and "Java," 3; "Hornet" and "Peacock," 7; squadron engagements on Lake Ontario, 1813, August 10, 56; September 11, 60; September 28, 107; battle of Lake Erie, 76; "Chesapeake" and "Shannon," 135; "Boxer" and "Enterprise," 188; "Argus" and "Pelican," 217; "Essex" with "Phoebe" and "Cherub," 249; "Wasp" and "Reindeer," 254; "Wasp" and "Avon," 256; "Epervier" and "Peacock," 259; battle of Lake Champlain, 377; gunboat squadron on Lake Borgne, 389; "President" with British squadron, 398; "Constitution" with "Cyane" and "Levant," 405; "Hornet" and "Penguin," 407. _Actions, Privateer._ ii.: "Globe" with British packets, 226; "Decatur" and "Dominica," 233; "Comet" and "Hibernia," 234; "Saucy Jack" and "Pelham," 235; "Saucy Jack" with "Volcano" and "Golden Fleece," 235; "Kemp" with seven British merchantmen, 237; "Chasseur" and "St. Lawrence," 238. _Acts of Congress._ To protect American shipping, i. 76, 80; Non-Importation Act, against Great Britain, April, 1806, 113, 131, 183; Embargo Act, December 22, 1807, 182; Act for the better Enforcement of the Embargo, January 9, 1809, 208; partial repeal of Embargo Act--"Non-Intercourse" Act against Great Britain and France, March 1, 1809, 210, 211, 213, 214; Act repealing Non-Intercourse Act, with a substitute, May 1, 1810, 234, 235; supplementary Act, reviving Non-Intercourse against Great Britain alone, March 2, 1811, 248, 249; Embargo Act for ninety days, war measure, April 4, 1812, 263; Declaration of War, June 18, 1812, 279. _Adams, John._ Minister to Great Britain. French colonial principles, i. 28; British interest in navigation, 11, 30 (and note); public opinion in England, as observed by him, 47, 63, 64, 69, 79; remonstrates against impressment of American seamen, 119; President of United States, instructs against impressment, 121; care for the navy, ii. 213. _Adams, John Quincy._ Senator from Massachusetts. Opinions as to Orders in Council, i. 178-181; opinions on a navy, 186; Minister to Russia, ii. 411; commissioner to treat for peace, 412. "_Adams._" American frigate. Blockaded in Potomac, ii. 162, 169-170, 174; escapes, 178; cruise of, 226, 261; runs ashore on Isle au Haut, 353; takes refuge in Penobscot, and destroyed to escape capture, 354. _Allen, William H._ Commander, U.S.N. Commands "Argus," ii. 216; killed in action, 218. "_America._" Private armed ship, i. 398; ii. 229. "_Argus._" American brig of war, i. 314-415; captured by "Pelican," ii. 217. _Armstrong, John._ U.S. Minister to France at the time of the Berlin Decree, i. 172-174, 181, 182, 236-238, 240, 244. Advice to Eustis, Secretary of War, before the outbreak of hostilities, 309, 339. Secretary of War, 31, 33, 39, 45, 104-106, 110-112, 117, 120, 122, 266 (note), 278, 291-293, 319, 343, 344. "_Avon._" British brig of war. Sunk by U.S.S. "Reindeer," ii. 256. _Bainbridge, William._ Captain, U.S.N. Applies for furlough, because of the condition of the navy, i. 257; opinion as to employment of navy in war, 318; mentions public opinion in Boston, 393; commands squadron, 407; his plans for the cruise, ii. 2; captures Java, 4; instructions to Lawrence for cruise of "Hornet," 7; returns to the United States, 7; commands Boston navy yard, 135, 153, 186. _Barclay, Robert H._ Commander, R.N. Sent to lakes by Warren, ii. 28; ordered by Yeo to command on Lake Erie, 29; difficulty in reaching his command, 39; operations prior to battle of Lake Erie, 41, 69-74; battle of Lake Erie, 76; merits of his conduct, 94. _Barclay, Thomas._ British Consul-General at New York. On impressment question, i. 118, 122; on effects of embargo on seamen, 192. _Barlow, Joel._ U.S. Minister to France, in succession to Armstrong, i. 176, 193, 264, 271-273. _Barney, Joshua._ Commodore by courtesy. Commands privateer "Rossie," i. 395-398; commands Chesapeake flotilla, ii. 336-344; gallant conduct of himself and men at Bladensburg, 347, 348. _Bassano, Duke of._ French Minister of Foreign Affairs. Presents to the American minister the spurious Decree of April 28, 1811, i. 272. _Bathurst, Earl._ British Secretary for War and Colonies. Quoted, ii. 100, 331 (note), 383, 422, 423, 424, 425, 426, 427, 431. _Berkeley, George C._ Vice-Admiral, R.N., commanding North American station. Issues the order to search the U.S.S. "Chesapeake," i. 156; recalled from his command in consequence, 167, but given within a year the important command at Lisbon, 168; British Government refuses further punishment for his action, 168. _Biddle, James._ Commander, U.S.N. Commands "Hornet" when she captures "Penguin," ii. 407. _Black Rock._ Selected by Elliott as American naval station on Lake Erie, i. 355, 374; changed by Chauncey, 375; mentioned in operations, 355, 358, 374, 377; ii. 34, 40, 41, 62, 71, 121. _Blakely, Johnstone._ Commander, U.S.N. Commands "Enterprise," ii. 187; commands "Wasp," 253; captures "Reindeer," 254; sinks "Avon," 256; lost at sea, 257. _Blockades._ General principle determining legality of, i. 99, 110, 145; position of United States concerning, defined, 110; that of May 16, 1806, illustrates difference between United States and Great Britain, 111; Napoleon's definition of the right of blockade, 142-144; Marshall, in 1800, and Pinkney, 1811, incidentally support Napoleon's view, 146, 147; effect of this view upon sea power, and upon Great Britain, 147; effect upon the Civil War of the United States, had it been conceded, 148; the Orders in Council of 1807 are admitted by Great Britain to usurp the privileges of, without complying with the obligations, 177; though modelled on the general plan of, 179; distinction between military and commercial, 286; in essence and effect, a form of commerce destruction, 287; as such, the weapon of the stronger, 288; of Chesapeake and Delaware,--commercial,--by British, notified, December 26, 1812, ii. 9; extended to coast south of Narragansett Bay, March 30 and November 16, 1813, 10; to whole United States coast, April and May, 1814, 11; the last a defiance in form of the United States claim concerning, 11; effects of the British commercial, upon United States, 177-187, 193-208; American definition of, rejected as inadmissible at the treaty of peace, 432. "_Boxer._" British brig of war. Captured by "Enterprise," ii. 188. See also note to chap. xiii. _Brock, Isaac._ British general. Lieutenant Governor, and military commander in Upper Canada, i. 337; his professional opinions, 304, 308; his successful action against Hull for the preservation of the northwest, 341-348; returns to the Niagara frontier, 351; killed in action at Queenston, 357. _Broke, Philip B.V._ Captain, R.N. Commands frigate "Shannon"; senior officer of vessels of New York, i. 325; accompanies West India convoy, 326; chase of "Constitution," 327; blockading Boston, ii. 133; singular merit of, 133; sends challenge to Lawrence, 134; action with, and capture of, U.S.S. "Chesapeake," 135. _Brown, Jacob._ American general. First in the militia, successfully defends Sackett's Harbor, ii. 42; appointed brigadier general in the army, 45; stationed at Sackett's Harbor, 1814, 278; campaign on Niagara peninsula, 280-318; wounded at Lundy's Lane, 311; defence of Fort Erie, 314-318; returns to Sackett's at end of the campaign, 323. _Burrows, William._ Lieutenant, U.S.N. Commands "Enterprise" when she captures "Boxer," ii. 188; killed in the action, 189. "_Caledonia._" British armed brig on lakes. Aids at capture of Mackinac, i. 341; captured by Lieutenant Elliott, 355; takes part as American in battle of Lake Erie, ii. 81; lost, 327. _Calhoun, John C._ Member of American Congress. Confidence concerning the conquest of Canada, i. 303. _Campbell, Hugh G._ Captain, U.S.N., commanding Georgia coast district. Reports on coast conditions, ii. 185, 186, 195, 196, 197, 198. _Canada._ Expected by British writers to take the place of the United States in supplying West Indies, i. 45, 48; unable to do so, 64, 86; benefited, however, by enforcement of navigation laws against the United States, 78, 79; propriety of invasion of by the United States, in 1812, considered, 292-294; object of invasion of, defined by Monroe, 293; how regarded in England, ii. 356. _Canning, George._ British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Takes office, i. 134; statement as to the British right of impressment from foreign merchant vessels, 115; refusal to re-open treaty negotiations with Monroe and Pinkney, 135; characteristics of his letters, 154; negotiations with Monroe, concerning the "Chesapeake" affair, 156-168; instructions to Erskine, for proposals to United States, 215-219; Erskine's action disavowed by, and Jackson sent in place, 221; misquotation of, by Robert Smith, American Secretary of State, 226, 227; duel with Castlereagh, 229; succeeded in office by Lord Wellesley, 229. _Carden, John S._ Captain, R.N. Commands "Macedonian" captured by "United States," i. 416. _Castlereagh, Lord._ British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Duel with Canning, i. 229; remains in office after Perceval's assassination, 273; opinion on political movements in United States immediately before war, 274; concerning Napoleon's alleged decree of April 28, 1811, 276; instructions to the peace commission at Ghent, 415-418; quoted in connection with the peace negotiations, 410, 417, 418, 420, 428, 429. _Chalmers, George._ British writer on political and economical subjects. Quoted, i. 21, 26, 32, 36, 50, 68, 77 (note). _Champagny, Duc de Cadore._ French Minister of Foreign Affairs. Quoted in connection with Napoleon's Decrees, i. 174. 175, 181; celebrated letter of, August 5, 1810, 237; accepted by American Government as a valid revocation of the Decrees, 238; discussion of, 239-242; rejected as a revocation by Great Britain, 242. _Champlain, Lake._ Natural highway to Canada, i. 309; neglected by American Government in 1812, i. 351, 359; ii. 30, 357; not under Chauncey's command, i. 361; events on, 1812 and 1813, ii. 357-360; Sir George Prevost's expedition, 362-381; battle of Lake Champlain, 377-381; effects of battle on conditions of peace, 382 (see also 99-101). _Chauncey, Isaac._ Captain, U.S.N. Ordered to command on Lakes Erie and Ontario, i. 354, 361; early measures of preparation, 362-364; cruises in 1812, 364, 365; lays up for the winter, 366; preparations on Lake Erie, 374-376; Commander Perry ordered as second to, 376; effects of energy of, ii. 28; first plan of campaign, 1813, 30; second plan, 33; comment upon, 34; expedition against York, 36; operations about Niagara peninsula, 37-41; impression produced on, by attack on Sackett's Harbor, 45; naval campaign of, 1813, July 21-September 28, 51-60, 106-109; engagements with British squadron, August 10, 56-59; September 11, 60; September 28, 106; professional characteristics shown, 28, 35, 40, 45, 52, 56, 60, 61, 63, 65, 95, 108, 109, 110, 117, 294, 298-302, 305-306, 316, 323; recommendations for campaign of 1814, 122; singular inaction of, in June and July, 1814, 298-300; controversy with General Brown, 300-302; correspondence of Department with, 300; Decatur ordered to relieve, 300; subsequent movements of, 314-316, 323. "_Cherub._" British sloop of war. Takes part in attack on "Essex," ii. 247-252. _Chesapeake Bay._ Blockade of, ii. 9; operations in, 1813, 16, 156-158, 160-169; singular contraband trade in, 1813, 170-175; military exposure of, 159, 178, 202; operations in, 1814, 336-351. "_Chesapeake._" American frigate. Attack upon by British ship of war "Leopard," i. 3, 134, 155; negotiations concerning the affair, 156-170, 222, 228, 251; settlement of, 255; cruise of, in 1813, ii. 13; action with, and capture by, the "Shannon," 132-147. _Cheves, Langdon._ Member of American Congress. Report recommending increase of navy, i. 260-263. _Clay, Henry._ Member of American Congress. Favors increase of navy, i. 260; expects rapid conquest of Canada, 304; calculations on Bonaparte's success in Russia, 390; appointed peace commissioner at Ghent, ii. 413. _Cochrane, Sir Alexander._ Vice-Admiral, R.N. Appointed commander-in-chief on the American station, in succession to Warren, ii. 330, 382 (note); his retaliatory order for the burning of Newark, 334-335; operations in the Chesapeake, 1814, 340-351; plans for action against New Orleans, 383-388; operations against New Orleans and Mobile, 388-396; capture of Fort Bowyer, Mobile, 397. _Cockburn, George._ Rear Admiral, R.N. Second in command to Warren, ii. 155; expedition to the upper Chesapeake, 1813, 157, 158; in the Potomac, 168; American vessel licensed by, 175; attack at Ocracoke inlet, N.C., 204; at capture of Washington, 348, 349; expedition against Cumberland Island, Georgia, 388. _Colonies._ Relations of colonies to mother countries in respect to trade, during the period of American dependence, i. 24-28; Montesquieu's phrase, 27; Bryan Edwards' statement, 28; John Adams' observation, 28; supposed effect of, upon the carrying trade, 25, 26, 49, 50, 65; and naval power, 51, 52; the _entrepôt_ monopoly, derived from colonial system, 12, 16, 24; renewed by the Orders in Council of 1807, 27; characteristics of the West India group of colonies, 32, 33, and of those now the United States, 34, 35; their mutual relations, as colonies, 31, 35, 36; the imperial inter-action of the mother country, and the two groups of colonies, 52, 55, 63; British hopes of reinstating this condition, after the Revolution, by substituting Canada and Nova Scotia for the lost continental colonies, 48, 64; effect of colonial traditions upon events subsequent to American independence, 65-70, 75-79; tendency to reimpose colonial restriction upon the new states, a cause of War of 1812, 40, 87, 88, 90-92, 177, 178. _Committee_, of the Privy Council of Great Britain, 1791. Report on the conditions of British commerce since the independence of the United States, and the probable effect of American legislation for the protection of American carrying trade, i. 77-85. "_Constellation._" American frigate. Hopelessly blockaded in Norfolk throughout the war, ii. 11, 162, 178. "_Constitution._" American frigate. Chased by British squadron, i. 328; captures the "Guerrière," i. 330-335; the "Java," ii. 3-7; the "Cyane" and "Levant," 404-406. _Continental._ Distinctive significance of the term, applied to the colonial system of Great Britain in North America, i. 32; Bermuda and the Bahamas reckoned officially among the continental colonies, 31 (note). _Continental System_ of Napoleon. Extraordinary political character of, defined, i. 152, 153, 174; co-operation of the United States desired in, 173; and practically given by the United States, 176. _Cooper, James Fenimore._ American naval historian. Quoted, ii. 83-87, 101 (note), 108, 110, 135, 138, 188 (note). _Craney Island_, near Norfolk. Attack on by the British, in 1813, ii. 164-166. _Croghan, George._ Major, U.S. Army. Gallant defence of Fort Stephenson, 1813, ii. 73; commands troops in the abortive military and naval expedition against Michilimackinac, 1814, 324. "_Cyane._" British ship of war. Captured by the "Constitution," ii. 404-406. _Dacres, James R._ Captain, R.N., commanding "Guerrière." His defence before the Court Martial, i. 334. _Dearborn, Henry._ American general. Appointed, i. 337; age, 337; characterized by a British officer, 351; negotiates a suspension of hostilities, which is disapproved, 352; inactivity, 359; ii. 39, 47, 48; apprehensions, ii. 32, 47; relieved from command, 48. _Decatur, Stephen._ Captain, U.S.N. Commands a squadron, i. 314; plan for employment of the navy in war, 317, 415; accompanies John Rodgers on the first cruise of the war, 322-324; sails on an independent cruise, 407, 408, 415; action between the "United States" and "Macedonian," 416; in 1813 unable to get to sea with a squadron, ii. 25, 148, which is blocked in New London for the rest of the war, 149; ordered to relieve Chauncey on the lakes, 300; appointed to command frigate "President," 397; action with "Endymion," 399; surrenders to British squadron, 400-403. _Decrees, Napoleon's._ Berlin, November 21, 1806, i. 141-148; its design, and counter design of Great Britain, 149; rigid enforcement of, 172; Milan, December 17, 1807, 180, 189, (note), 205; Bayonne, April 17, 1808, 189, 203; Rambouillet, March 23, 1810, 235, 236; alleged revocation of, by Champagny's letter of August 5, 1810, 237-242; spurious Decree of April 28, 1811, 282. _Delaware Bay._ Blockade of, and operations in, ii. 9, 16, 158-160. _Dent, John H._ Captain, U.S.N., commanding South Carolina coast district. Reports on coast conditions, ii. 15, 196, 203 (and note), 204. "_Detroit._" British armed brig (late American "Adams"). Captured by Elliott on Lake Erie, i. 354-356. "_Detroit._" British flagship at battle of Lake Erie, ii. 73, 77; condition when surrendered, 94. _Direct Trade._ To foreign countries, forbidden to colonies, i. 24-26; common practice of all maritime states, 27, 28; stress laid upon this idea in Great Britain, 75, 76, 83, 84, 96; question of what constitutes, 100; decision adverse to American navigation, by Sir William Scott, 101; practical effect of the decision, 102. _Downie, George._ Commander, R.N. Commands the British squadron on Lake Champlain, ii. 372-375; his plan of action, 377; killed in the battle, 378. _Drummond, Sir Gordon._ Civil and military Governor of Upper Canada, ii. 120; his plans for the winter of 1813-1814, 276-278; his appreciations of the strength of Kingston and of Sackett's Harbor, 280; dependence upon the control of the water, i. 301, 302; ii. 290, 302-306, 308-309, 314-317; comments on American troops, 295; campaign of 1814--arrival at York, 307; plan of action, 308-309; battle of Lundy's Lane, 310-312; assault on Fort Erie, 314; American sortie against, 316; line of the "Chippewa," 317, 321-322. _Elliott, Jesse D._ Commander U.S.N. Serves under Chauncey on the lake, i. 354, 363; captures British brigs "Caledonia" and "Detroit," 355; selects Black Rock for naval station on Lake Erie, 374; ordered as second to Perry, on Lake Erie, ii. 74; conduct in the battle, 78-80, 83-88, 96; in command on Lake Erie, after Perry's detachment, 104. _Embargo_, of 1808. Approved by President Jefferson, December 22, 1807, i. 182; its aims, 183-186; its effects in the United States, 186-207; upon West Indies, 196-198; upon Canada and Nova Scotia, 198; upon Great Britain, 200, 201; Act for better Enforcement, January 9, 1809, 208; repeal of, 214; Embargo of 1812, for ninety days, 263. "_Endymion._" British frigate. Her action with the "President," ii. 398-407. "_Enterprise._" American brig of war, ii. 186, 187, 231-233; capture of British brig "Boxer," 188. _Entrepôt._ Significance of the term, and advantage to commerce, i. 12; conspicuous part in colonial regulation, 16, 24-26; underlying relation to Orders in Council of 1807, 27. "_Enumerated_" articles. Definition of, i. 24. "_Epervier._" British sloop of war. Captured by the "Peacock," ii. 258-261. _Erie, Town of._ Selected by Chauncey for naval station on Lake Erie, i. 375; advantages and drawbacks, 375; British designs against, ii. 69. _Erskine, David M._ British Minister to Washington. Exceeds his instructions in negotiating, i. 216-218; disavowed and recalled, 219; succeeded by Francis J. Jackson, 221. "_Essex._" American frigate. Captain Porter's dissatisfaction with, ii. 1, 2; sails, but fails to join Bainbridge's squadron, 3; goes to the Pacific, 244; cruise in the Pacific, 246; action with, and capture by, British ships "Phoebe" and "Cherub," 249-252. _Europe._ Conditions in, as affecting war in America, i. 378-385, 389-390, 401, 410; ii. 9-11, 126, 210-212, 266 (and note), 330, 340, 355-356, 362-363, 385-387; effect upon the peace negotiations, ii. 411, 414, 415, 420, 423-424, 427-431, 434. _Fox, Charles James._ British Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Takes office, i. 104; negotiations with Monroe concerning "direct" trade, 105; connection with blockade of May 16, 1806, 108; illness and death, 128-131. "_Frolic._" British brig of war. Captured by "Wasp," 412-415; recaptured, 415. "_Frolic._" American sloop of war, named after above. Captured by "Orpheus," ii. 269 (note), 244 (note). _Gallattin, Albert._ American Secretary of the Treasury. Concerning the Embargo of 1808, i. 194, 196, 202, 208; concerning Non-Intercourse Act, 217; conversation with Turreau, concerning Erskine's proposition, 230; report on the finances, immediately before the war, 281; opinion as to privateering, 396; observations as to feeling in England, 1814, ii. 332, 415; appointed peace commissioner, 412; opinion as to the effect of the war upon the nation, 435-436. _Gambier, Lord._ British admiral. Peace commissioner at Ghent, 413. _Gaston, William._ Representative from North Carolina. Speech on allegiance and impressment, i. 6-8, 123, 137. _Ghent._ Negotiations at, and Treaty of, ii. 413-435; names of commissioners, 412, 413; terms of, 431-433; signature and ratification of, 434-435. _Goulburn, Henry._ British peace commissioner at Ghent, ii. 413. _Grenville, Lord._ British Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Correspondence with Rufus King concerning impressment, i. 117-118, 120-121. "_Guerrière._" British frigate. Captured by the "Constitution," i. 330-335. "_Guerrière._" American, named after above. Command declined by Decatur for reasons, i. 422; ii. 398. _Gunboats._ Jefferson's sole naval dependence on, i. 187; ii. 213-214; nautical disqualifications of, 196, 291, 296; extravagant expense of, 260, 262; ii. 154; proclaim a merely defensive policy, 296; demoralizing effect upon officers and crews, ii. 154, 155; committed in war to officers not of regular navy, 154, 336-337; general uselessness in war, 154, 159, 160, 161, 163, 164, 179, 195, 198; gallant defence of the "Asp," 168, and of the Lake Borgne flotilla, 389-390. _Halifax._ Benefited by American embargo and War of 1812, i. 198; ii. 21, 23; importance relative to trade routes, and cruising, i. 392, 394. _Hampton._ Town in Virginia. Local military importance of, ii. 160, 162; attack on, 167. _Hampton, Wade._ American general. Commands Lake Champlain district, 1813, ii. 111; to co-operate with Wilkinson, 111; fails to join, and retires on Plattsburg, 115, 116. _Harrison, William H._ American general. Succeeds to Hull's command, i. 367; plans of campaign, 368, 369, overthrown by Winchester's disaster at Frenchtown, 370; remains on defensive awaiting naval control of lakes, 371; resumes operations after Perry's victory, ii. 102; wins battle of the Thames, 103; transferred to Niagara, 104, and thence to Sackett's Harbor, 117. _Harvey, J._ Lieutenant-colonel, British army. Suggests and conducts decisive attack at Stony Creek, ii. 46-48. Quoted, 102, 308. _Hillyar, James._ Captain, R.N. Commands frigate "Phoebe," ii. 246; in company with "Cherub" captures U.S.S. "Essex," 247-252. "_Hornet._" American sloop of war. Captures the "Peacock," ii. 8; sails with Decatur's squadron, 1813, and driven into New London, 148, 149; escapes thence to New York, sails again, 397, and captures, "Penguin," 406-408. _Hull, Isaac._ Captain, U.S.N. Commands "Constitution," i. 328; chased by British squadron, 329; sails from Boston on a cruise, 329; captures "Guerrière," 330-335; commanding Portsmouth yard, reports on coastwise conditions, ii. 186, 187, 192, 198. _Hull, William._ American general. Appointed brigadier general, i. 337; his letter setting forth military conditions prior to war, 339; his campaign, 340-346, and surrender, 347. _Impressment._ A principal cause of War of 1812, i. 2; statement of the British claim, 3; counter-claim of American Government, 4, 120; American people not unanimous in support, 5, 116; opinions of Morris, Gaston, and Strong, 6-8; not mentioned in Jay's instructions, 1794, 88; made pre-eminent in those to Monroe and Pinkney, 1806, 114; historical summary of the controversy, to 1806, 114-133; treaty of December 31, 1806, does not provide for, satisfactorily, 133; rejected therefore by Jefferson, 133; a real cause of the war, though so denied by some, 136-138; American demand revived in connection with the "Chesapeake" affair, 161; Great Britain refuses to mingle the two questions, 165; numbers of American seamen alleged to have been impressed, 128, 300 (and note); demand renewed, coincident with a proposal looking to peace after the declaration of war, ii. 409; Great Britain again refuses, 410; stated as a _sine quâ non_ in reply to British propositions made through Admiral Warren, i. 391; embodied in instructions to peace commissioners, ii. 413-414; again refused by Great Britain, 416; abandoned by the American Government, in consequence of the pressure of the war, ii. 266 (and note), 414, 432. _Indians_, American. Estimated importance of, in consideration of war, i. 305-307, 338, 339; ii. 67, 293, 421; effect upon Hull, in surrendering, 349; instability of, 345, 346; ii. 73, 75, 99, 103, 280, 421; desire of British officials to secure them in their possessions at the peace, ii. 99, 100 (note), 421; the consequent effect upon the peace negotiations, 416-423; not included, as parties to the treaty, 432. _Izard, George._ American general. Relieves Wilkinson in command of Champlain district, ii. 283; action first intended for, 292; his reports of conditions, 318-319, 364; his preparations about Plattsburg, 319, 370; ordered to proceed to Brown's assistance on Niagara frontier, 319-320; his march thither, 320-321, 365; proceedings about Niagara, 321-323; blows up Fort Erie and retreats to New York side, 323. _Jackson, Andrew._ American general. Takes Pensacola, ii. 388; goes to New Orleans, 388; operations about New Orleans, 391-396. _Jackson, Francis J._ British Minister to the United States. Appointed, with special powers, i. 221; negotiations at Washington, 221-225; American Government declines further intercourse with, 225; discussion of the correspondence, 226-228; British Government declines to censure, 228, 231. _James, William._ British naval historian. Quoted, i. 325, 327, 414, 415; ii. 6, 8, 54, 58, 80 (note), 132, 141 (and note), 142, 143, 160 (note), 162, 165 (note), 257, 258 (note), 260, 381, 395 (note), 396 (note). "_Java._" British frigate. Captured by "Constitution," ii. 3-7. _Jay, John._ Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court. Epochal significance of treaty with Great Britain negotiated by, i. 43; appointed special envoy, 88; occasion for the mission, 89, 90; character of the negotiation, 93-95; the treaty a temporary arrangement, 95; ratified, with an omission, 96. _Jefferson, Thomas._ American Secretary of State. Opinion as to the importance of navigation to national defence, i. 52; unflattering opinion of British policy, 70; favors coercive retaliation in matters of commerce and navigation, 71; principle as to impressment enunciated by, 120. President of the United States. Broad principle as to impressment asserted by, i. 4; expectations of commercial concessions from Great Britain, 1804, 100; aversion to military and naval preparations, 106, 138, 187, 280, 291, 297, 300, 336; ii. 213-214; reliance upon commercial coercion, 107; refuses approval of treaty of December 31, 1806, because without stipulation against impressment, 133; consistency of position in regard to impressment, 136-138; action in the "Chesapeake" affair, 160-162; endeavors to utilize it to obtain relinquishment of impressment, 164; recommends a general embargo, 181; expectations of, from the embargo, 183 (and note); dislike to the carrying trade, 187, and to Great Britain, 188-190; gunboat policy of, 187, 260, 262; ii. 213-214; embarrassment in executing embargo, i. 194; tenacious adherence to the embargo policy, 202; views as to American neutral waters, 291. After leaving office. Opinion as to cause of Erskine's arrangement, 1809, i. 231; on Bonaparte's policy, 239; favors keeping navy under cover during war, 280; expectations as to easy conquest of Canada, 291. _Jones, Jacob._ Commander, U.S.N., commanding "Wasp." Captures "Frolic," i. 411-415; taken by British seventy-four, 415; commands frigate "Macedonian" (as captain), ii. 25; expectations of escape, deceived, 25; sails with Decatur, 148, and blockaded in New London, 150. _Jones, Thomas ap Catesby._ Lieutenant, U.S.N. Commands gunboat flotilla in Lake Borgne and Mississippi Sound, ii. 389; overpowered, wounded, and captured by superior enemy's force, 390. _Jones, William._ Secretary of the Navy. Commercial estimate of privateering by, i. 396; judicious reply to Perry's request for detachment, ii. 67; comments on the effects of gunboat service on naval officers, 154, 155; stigmatizes American intercourse with enemy, and issues order to prevent, 174; recommends to Congress procurement of naval schooners for commerce destroying, 270; recommendation of Chauncey to Congress, 1813, 299; anxious correspondence with Chauncey, 1814, 300; naval force available for defence of Washington, stated by, 343. _Keane, John._ British general. In temporary command of the expedition against New Orleans, 391. _King, Rufus._ American Minister to Great Britain. Appointed, i. 120; negotiations concerning impressment, 120-122, 124-127. _Kingston_, Canada. Strategic importance of, i. 305-308; ii. 30, 42, 59; operations contemplated against, ii. 30-33, 104-106, 278-280, 319. _Lakes, the Great._ Strategic importance of, in War of 1812, i. 300-303, 353, 356; ii. 29, 46-48, 99-101, 102-104, 276-278, 285, 290-291, 298-300; decisive positions upon, i. 304-308; Hull's exposition of effect of naval predominance on, 339; Madison's admission concerning, 350; improved conditions on, through Chauncey's energy, 361-366; control of, dependent on naval force, 371, 373; ii. 68-70, 73-75, 99-101, 300-308, 314-315; minor naval events on, i. 354-356; ii. 324-328; British demands concerning, in the negotiations for peace, ii. 355-356, 419, 421, 422. _Lambert, Henry._ Captain, R.N. Commands "Java" when taken by the "Constitution," ii. 3; mortally wounded in the action, 5. _Lambert, Sir John._ British general. Joins New Orleans expedition two days before the assault, ii. 385; succeeds to command upon Pakenham's death, 394-397; proceeds against and captures Fort Bowyer, in Mobile Bay, 397. _Lawrence, James._ Captain, U.S.N. Commands "Hornet" in Bainbridge's squadron, i. 407; sails in company with "Constitution," ii. 2; challenges "Bonne Citoyenne," 3; sinks the "Peacock," 8; returns to United States, 9; ordered to command "Chesapeake," 131; nature of his orders, 131-132; action with, and captured by, "Shannon," 135-140; mortally wounded, 137; examination of his conduct, 140-145. "_Levant._" British sloop of war. Captured by "Constitution," ii. 404-406; recaptured by British squadron, 406 (note). _Lewis, Morgan._ American general, ii. 47; temporarily succeeds Dearborn in command at Niagara, 50. _Licenses._ British to American merchant vessels, i. 203-206; for the supply of armies in Spanish Peninsula, i. 265, 409-412; ii. 9, 15, 21, 170-175. _Liverpool, Earl of._ Prime Minister of Great Britain. Quotations from correspondence of, relative to the peace negotiations, chap. xviii., ii. 409-434. _Macdonough, Thomas._ Captain, U.S.N. Commands flotilla on Lake Champlain, ii. 356; operations prior to Prevost's invasion, 356-363; preparations for battle, 367-371, 376-377, 380; wins battle of Lake Champlain, 377-381; effects of the victory, 381-382, 427, 430-431; news of the victory received in London, 426. "_Macedonian._" British frigate. Captured by the United States, i. 416-422. "_Macedonian._" American frigate (captured as above). Unable to get to sea, ii. 25, and blockaded in New London during the war, 148-150. _Macomb, Alexander._ American general. Left by Izard in command at Plattsburg, ii. 365; operations before, and at, Plattsburg, 366-367; opinions of, as to distance of Macdonough's squadron from the shore batteries, 369. _M'Clure, George._ American, general of N.Y. militia. Left in command of Niagara frontier, ii. 118; difficulties of situation of, 119; retreats to American side of river, 120; burns Canadian village of Newark, 120; this action of, disavowed by the Government, 120. _Madison, James._ Secretary of State, and President of the United States. Close association of, with events leading to War of 1812, and summary of its cause, i. 41; characterization of, 106; discussion of questions of blockade, 110, 111; pronouncement on impressment, 114, 131, 132; instructions to Monroe and Pinkney to reopen negotiations, 1807, 133; narrow outlook of, 139; opinion of the Berlin Decree, 142, 182; upon the Rule of 1756, 152; instructions to Monroe by, in the "Chesapeake" affair, 161, 241; object of Jefferson's course in that affair, stated by, 164; use of the affair, made by, 170; explanation of the motive of the Embargo of 1808 by, 183; relation of, to Non-Intercourse Act, 215; misled (as President) in negotiations with Erskine, 216-218; proclamation, renewing intercourse with Great Britain, 219; annulled, 219; negotiations with Jackson, Erskine's successor, 221-225; declines further communication with Jackson, 225; special supervision of this correspondence by, 226; interpretation of British motive for Erskine's supposed concession, 230; accepts Champagny's letter as an actual revocation of Napoleon's Decrees, and so proclaims, 238, 254; afterwards recognizes delicacy of situation thus created, 266; non-intercourse with Great Britain revives, 248; message of, to Congress in special session, November 4, 1811, 259; recommends embargo, preparatory to war, 263; identified with policy of peaceful coercion, 278, 378; ii. 26, 175-176; sends war message to Congress, and approves declaration of war, i. 279; assumes only his share of responsibility for the war, 393; indignation of, at British sectional blockade of coast, 296; ii. 173; selects Dearborn and Hull for general officers, i. 337; failure of expectations as to Hull's expedition, admitted by, 339; ingenuous surprise at capitulation of Michilimackinac, 341; admits mistake of not securing naval command of lakes, 350; military inefficiency of Government under, 360; ii. 26-27, 265; insists on relinquishment of impressment as a preliminary to treating for peace, i. 391, but obtains also from Congress law excluding British-born seamen from American ships, 392; to prevent clandestine supply of enemy, recommends prohibition of all export, ii. 173; issues executive order to same end, 174; denials of effectiveness of British blockade, 204; decides to abandon demand for cessation of impressment as a condition for peace, 266 (note); comment on Armstrong's management of military operations, 282. _Manners, William._ Commander, R.N., commanding "Reindeer," ii. 254; skill and gallantry of, in action with "Wasp," 254-255; killed in the action, 255. _Maples, J.F._ Commander, R.N., commanding "Pelican." Captures "Argus," ii. 217-219. _Marshall, John._ American Secretary of State under President John Adams. Summary of commercial injuries received from Great Britain, i. 97; propositions to Great Britain concerning impressment, 121; opinion concerning blockades, 146; tendency of this opinion, if accepted, 148. (Afterwards Chief Justice of Supreme Court.) _Militia._ Jefferson's dependence upon, i. 52; ii. 213; conduct of, American and Canadian, i. 344, 345, 346, 351, 357, 360; ii. 26, 27, 42, 44, 70, 119-121, 157-158, 295, 312, 316, 337, 339, 343, 347-351, 354, 365, 366, (and note), 367, 391-396. _Monroe, James._ American Minister to Great Britain, i. 104, 126; reports conditions of American commerce in 1804 prosperous, 99, 100, 104, but changed in 1805, 104; consequent negotiations with Fox, 104-113; Pinkney appointed as colleague to, for special negotiation, 113; negotiations with British ministry on impressment, 128-132; with Pinkney signs treaty of December 31, 1806, 133; treaty rejected by Jefferson, and new negotiations ordered, 133; "Chesapeake" affair intervenes, but British Government eventually refuses to reopen, 135; unlucky comment of, upon Rule of 1756, 151; negotiations of, with Canning, concerning "Chesapeake" affair, 156-165; returns to the United States, leaving Pinkney as minister, 135; after return vindicates the rejected treaty, 169, 213; proposes to Jefferson, in 1809, a special mission to France and Great Britain, for which he offers himself, 212; becomes Secretary of State, under President Madison, 254; correspondence, while Secretary, quoted, 255, 293, 391; ii. 265, 266, 411, 413, 414; advanced views, for one of his party, concerning utility of a navy, i. 280; on project of keeping navy in port, in war, 106, 281; statement regarding readiness for war, 393. Secretary of War, ii. 323. _Montreal._ Strategic importance of, i. 303-309. _Mooers, Benjamin._ General, New York militia. Vindicates the conduct of most part of the militia under his command, ii. 366 (note). _Morris, Charles_. Captain, U.S.N. (first lieutenant of the "Constitution" in action with "Guerrière"). Commands frigate "Adams," in Potomac, ii. 162, 167; services in Potomac, and at Annapolis, 169, 174-177; difficulty in escaping British blockade, 170, 178; first cruise of "Adams," 226, 261; second cruise, strikes on Isle au Haut, takes refuge in Penobscot, and burned to escape capture, 353-354. _Morris, Gouverneur._ American statesman. Opinion favorable to British right of impressment of British-born seamen on high seas, i. 5-7; opinion of the United States' ability to maintain a strong navy, 71; in London, contends against impressment of Americans, 119. _Napoleon, The Emperor._ Issues Berlin Decree, i. 112; purpose, as defined by himself, 144; objects of, as towards the United States, 149, 169, 173, 182, 235, 249, 268, 278; scope of Berlin Decree, 152, 173, 176, 182, 253-254; sole control of Continent by, 153, 174, 220, 221, 269; vigorous application of Decree to American shipping, 172; effects of his reverses in Spain, 191, 209; Bayonne Decree of, 203; tenor of Milan Decree of, 205; Decree of Rambouillet, 235-236; alleged revocation of decrees by, 237, 271, 272; instances of arguments of, 240, 267; effect of reverses in Russia upon the War of 1812, 389; of downfall of, ii. 10, 123, 330. _Navigation._ Connection between naval power and, 11, 49-52, 81; distinction between commerce and, 11, 81. _Navigation, Acts of._ The formulated expression of a national need, i. 9; opinion of Adam Smith concerning, 9-10; historical summary of, 13-19; apparent effects of, 19; British national conviction concerning, 21-24, 60-61; relation of colonies to system of, 24-27; endeavor to maintain system of, towards United States after independence, 27, 29, 40, 41, 45-48, 103; copied by French Convention, 28; attitude of foreigners towards, 30; progress of British colonies under, 31-39; attitude of American colonists towards, 39; Lord Sheffield's pamphlet upon, 46, 47, 49, 50, 57, 64, 65, 73 (and note), 75; inter-relations of British Empire protected by, 53-55, 63-64, 67; working of, threatened by American independence, 56-58, 65; modifications of, proposed by Pitt, but rejected by country, 58; dependence of, upon West Indies, 65; system of, continued by proclamation towards United States, 1783-1794, 67-70; British commerce and shipping grow under this enforcement of, 76-84; purpose of, offensive, in military sense, 79; effect of French Revolution on, 87-88; dependence of Rule of 1756 upon the system of, 90; principle of Rule of 1756 leads up to molestation of American navigation, and Orders in Council of 1807, 93, 98-104, and so to war with United States, 136. _Navy, American._ Gouverneur Morris' opinion of power of United States to maintain, i. 71; opinion of John Quincy Adams, 186; recommendation of Presidents Washington and John Adams, ii. 212, 213; policy of President Jefferson, 213; i. 187, 280; neglect of, during administrations of Jefferson and Madison, shown by condition of, at outbreak of war, 257, 297, 300, and stated by a committee of Congress, 1812, 260-262; Madison's lukewarm mention, 259, 260; Congress on approach of war refuses to increase, 263; high professional merit of officers of, 279-280; numbers of, as estimated by British admiralty, ii. 211; total numbers of vessels in active employment, all told, from beginning of war to its conclusion, twenty-two, 242. _New Orleans._ For battle of, see _Actions, Land_. "_New Orleans._" Ship of the line, on the lakes, ii. 318 (note). _Niagara, Peninsula of._ Strategic importance of, i. 338, 345-346, 352, 353; ii. 39-40, 51, 291, 293; effect of climatic conditions of, i. 359. _Orders in Council._ General definition of, i. 2 (note); of 1807, cause of war with United States, 2; _entrepôt_ motive for, 16, 27; of June and November, 1793, 89, 92; of January, 1794, 93; relations of, to Rule of 1756, 93; of January, 1798, motive of, 98, and renewal in 1803, 99; effect of these last upon "direct trade," 101; of May, 1806, 108, effect and purpose of, 109; legitimacy of, denied by the United States, 110-112, and by Napoleon, who upon it bases Berlin Decree, 112; of January, 1807, and its effects, 150-152; Of November, 1807, purport of, 177, 187; resented by United States, 178; delay in communicating to American Government, 179; general plan of, that of blockades, 180; illustrative instances of execution of, 180 (note), 204, 205 (notes); known in United States before the passage of Embargo Act, 181; conditional offer of British Government to withdraw, 215-218; revocation of, by substitution of Order of April, 1809, 220; American expectation of revocation, in consequence of Champagny's letter, 238; British Government declines to revoke, 243-245; Pinkney's analysis, and condemnation, of, to Wellesley, 245-246; Wellesley's reply, 246; Wellesley's exposition of policy of, 253-254; discontent in Great Britain with, 269; order of April 12, 1812, promises revocation, conditional, 270; British determination to maintain, otherwise, 273-276; revocation of, June, 1812, 276, to date from August 1, 1812, 277; too late to secure peace with America, 278, or to restore it, 391-392; ii. 9; compensation for seizures under, refused in peace negotiations, ii. 416, 432. _Pakenham, Sir Edward._ British general. Named to command New Orleans expedition after death of Ross, ii. 385; instructions to, concerning conduct in Louisiana, 427; arrival and operations, 392-396. _Patterson, Daniel T._ Captain, U.S.N. Commands in chief in waters of New Orleans, ii. 392-395. "_Peacock._" British sloop of war. Captured by "Hornet," ii. 7-9. "_Peacock._" American sloop of war. Captures "Epervier," ii. 258-261; subsequent cruise of, 261-262; sails again, January 20, 1815, 406. _Pearson, Joseph._ Representative in Congress from North Carolina. Speech on conditions of country, owing to the war, ii. 199. "_Pelican._" British brig of war. Captures American brig "Argus," ii. 217. "_Penguin._" British sloop of war. Captured by "Hornet," ii. 407. _Perceval, Spencer._ Prime Minister of Great Britain. Murder of, and consequent confusion in the Government, i. 273; firm determination of, to maintain Orders in Council, and opinion of American resistance, 274. _Perry, Oliver H._ Captain, U.S.N. Applies for, and ordered to, the lakes service, i. 376; assigned by Chauncey to Lake Erie, and practical independence of action there, 377; conditions of force found, 377, and merits of general action of, 378; engaged at capture of Fort George, and transfers Black Rock flotilla to Erie, ii. 41; thenceforth remains on Lake Erie, 62, but always under Chauncey, 63; collision of interests between the two officers, 64; altercation with Chauncey, 65; applies to be detached, 66; Navy Department refuses, 67; exposed situation of Erie, and preparations for defence, during equipment of squadron, 68-70; blockaded by British squadron, 70; seizes opportunity of its absence, to cross bar, 71; proceedings prior to battle of Lake Erie, 74-75; battle of Lake Erie, 76-94; discussion of claim to credit of, 95-99; consequences of success of, 99-101; prompt subsequent action of, 102; detached from lakes service, 104; engaged in harassing retreat of British squadron down the Potomac, 350; opinion as to qualities of smaller and larger vessels, 271; detailed to command a squadron of schooners, against enemy's commerce, 270-273. "_Phoebe._" British frigate. Sent to Pacific with two sloops of war to capture "Essex," 246; with "Cherub" captures "Essex," 248-252. _Pinkney, William._ Appointed colleague to Monroe, in London, for special negotiations, i. 113; course of negotiations, 127-133; signs treaty of December 31, 1806, 133; remains as minister, after Monroe's return, 135; quoted in connection with mission, 146, 177, 215, 216, 218, 219, 230, 238, 241, 251; party relations, 169; early forwards a copy of Orders in Council of November 11, 1807, 179 (note); letter of Secretary of State to, communicating dismissal of Jackson by U.S. Government, 226-228; communicates the same to the British Government, 230; construes Champagny's letter to revoke French Decrees, and demands recall of British Orders in Council, 238; letter to British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, analyzing and condemning system of Orders in Council, 245; conditional instructions to, to present recall, 250; dilatory course of Wellesley towards, 251; presents recall, 252; returns to the United States, 252; no successor to, till after the war, 252. _Pitt, William._ Prime Minister of Great Britain. Popularity of, i. 1; as Chancellor of Exchequer, 1783, introduces bill favorable to United States, for regulating commerce, 58; controversy over bill, 60; measure then dropped, 67, 68; concession becomes possible to, 87, 97; return to power, in 1804, 100; new measures of, due to popular discontents, 101-104; remark to Gouverneur Morris, concerning impressment difficulties, 120; death of, 104. _Porter, David._ Captain, U.S.N. Commands frigate "Essex," i. 407; ii. 1-3, 13; cruise of "Essex," in Pacific, ii. 244-247; action with, and capture by, "Phoebe" and "Cherub," 249-252; approves of commerce destroying by naval armed schooners, appointed to command a squadron of them, and draws up plan of operations, 270; engaged in harassing retreat of British frigates in Potomac, 350. _Porter, Peter B._ Representative in Congress from New York, and general of New York militia. Testimony at trial of General Hull, i. 340; duel with General Smyth, 358; tribute to gallantry of naval detachment at Niagara, 315; engaged at Chippewa, ii. 295, on Niagara peninsula, 306, and Lundy's Lane, 310. "_President._" American frigate. Rencounter with British sloop of war "Little Belt," i. 256-259; cruises under command of Commodore Rodgers, i. 322-324, 407-409; ii. 128-129; sails under Decatur, 397; capture of, by British squadron, 398-401. _Prevost, Sir George._ British general. Governor of Nova Scotia, reports failure of American embargo, i. 199. Governor-General of Canada, and commander-in-chief, reports British naval superiority on lakes, 1812, i. 295; statements of effect of naval control on operations, 302; ii. 40, 306, 316, 362-363, 374-375; negotiates suspension of hostilities with Dearborn, i. 351-352; instructs Brock to forbear offensive, 356, 367; visit of, to Kingston, February, 1813, effect of, on American plans, ii. 32; attack on Sackett's Harbor by, in conjunction with Yeo, 42-45; instructions to Procter, at Malden, 67, and to De Rottenburg, at Niagara, 69; submits plan for securing territories in United States to Indian allies of Great Britain, 99 (note); calls upon Admiral Cochrane to inflict retaliation for unauthorized burning by Americans in Canada, 329, 334; receives large re-enforcements from Wellington's Peninsular army, 362-363, with instructions for operations, 362; reasons for advancing by New York side of Lake Champlain, instead of through Vermont, 363; advance upon Plattsburg, 365-367; awaits the arrival of British squadron before attacking, 372-375; reason for desiring a joint attack by army and navy, 372 (note); correspondence with Captain Downie, commanding the squadron, 373-375; charges against, by naval officers of the squadron, 375, 381; retreats after squadron's defeat, 381; summoned home under charges, but dies before trial, 381. Retreat of, after the naval defeat, endorsed by Wellington, 430. _Pring, Daniel._ Commander, R.N. Attached to lake service, Lake Champlain, 360; operations on, 360-361, 366; second in command at battle of Lake Champlain, 372-381. _Privateering._ Employment of a sea-militia force, requiring little antecedent training, i. 286; recourse of the weaker belligerent, 288; aptitude of Americans for, 384; extemporized character of early, in War of 1812, 394; opinions concerning nature of, of Secretaries Gallatin and Jones, 396; susceptible of business regulation and direction, 397, 399; ii. 220, 225, 229; energy of American, noted by Warren, i. 401-402; effect of, upon regular navy, ii. 12; a secondary operation of war, not in itself decisive, 126; primary object of, 215-216, 241; details of methods pursued, in 1812, 222, 225, 226, 240; comparison of, with a regular naval service, in motive, and inefficiency for the particular object of commerce destroying, 241-244; a popular effort in War of 1812, independent of Government initiative, 265; development and systematization of, towards end of war, 267-268, 269. _Privateers_ mentioned by name: "America," i. 398; ii. 229; "Chasseur," ii. 237-240; "Comet," ii. 234; "Decatur," ii. 233; "Globe," ii. 226-228; "Governor Tompkins," ii. 228; "Kemp," ii. 236; "Leo," ii. 224; "Lion," ii. 224; "Mammoth," ii. 269; "Rapid," i. 398; "Rattlesnake," ii. 223; "Rossie," i. 295-297; "Saucy Jack," ii. 235-236; "Scourge," ii. 223; "True-blooded Yankee," ii. 225; "Yankee," ii. 226. Number and classes of, ii. 243-244. Combats, of. See _Actions, Privateer_. _Prizes_ taken by Americans in first three months of war, and in what localities taken, i. 394-395; taken by British in same period, 399-400; at later period of war, 406; transition period of prize-taking, January-June, 1813, ii. 20; estimate of relative losses by the two belligerents, 21-22; compilation of lists, by Niles' Register, 22; overlooked significance of the greater British losses, 23, 221; limited success of American frigates in taking, to what attributable, 216; taken by American cruisers, in latter part of war, 220-221; in West Indies, 230; total number taken throughout the war, by American naval vessels, and by privateers, 241-243. _Proclamation._ Commerce between Great Britain and America, regulated by, 1783-1794, i. 67-70; issued by Jefferson excluding British armed vessels from American waters, after "Chesapeake" affair, 160-161; Royal, directing commanders of British naval vessels to impress British-born seamen found in foreign merchant ships, and denying efficacy of naturalization papers to discharge from allegiance, 166; by Jefferson, against combinations to defy Embargo laws, 207; by Madison, permitting renewal of trade with Great Britain, 219, and withdrawn, 219; by Madison, announcing revocation of Napoleon's Decrees, 238. _Procter, Henry._ British general. As colonel, in command of Fort Malden, i. 345; acts against Hull's communications, 345; instructions from Brock, after fall of Detroit, 367; compels surrender of Winchester's detachment at Frenchtown, 370; subsequent action, 373; ii. 67, 68; attack on Fort Meigs, 68; project against Erie, 69; baffled at Fort Stephenson, 73; upon Harrison's approach, after battle of Lake Erie, evacuates Detroit and Malden, retreating up valley of the Thames, and defeated at Moravian Town, 103; reaches British lines at Burlington, with remnant of his force, 103. _Quincy, Josiah._ Representative in Congress from Massachusetts. Defines position of New England concerning Orders in Council and impressment questions, i. 211-212; disproves the accuracy of the charge brought by the Administration against the British minister, Jackson, 232; supports the report for increase of navy, 260; predicts that a suitable naval establishment would be a unifying force in national politics, 261; sends word to seaports of intended embargo of April, 1812, 263. "_Rattlesnake._" American brig of war. Particulars of cruise of, ii. 231-233. _Reeves._ British writer on the Navigation Laws, quoted, i. 14, 15, 17, 19, 23, 25, 39 (note). "_Reindeer._" British sloop of war. Captured by "Wasp," ii. 254. _Riall, Phineas._ British general, commanding on Niagara frontier, December, 1813. Captures Fort Niagara, and raids successfully western New York, burning towns in retaliation for the burning of Newark, ii. 120-122; in 1814, suggests destruction of Fort Niagara, 275; at Chippewa and Lundy's Lane, with intervening operations, 295-298, 306-310; wounded and captured at Lundy's Lane, 310. _Rodgers, John._ Captain, U.S.N. Encounter with British sloop "Little Belt," i. 256-259; commands a squadron at declaration of war, 314; opinion as to proper mode of using navy against enemy's commerce, 317-320; ii. 130-131, 216; orders of Navy Department to, 320; sails with squadron on the first cruise of the war, 322; incidents, 323-324, and effects, direct and indirect, of first cruise of, 324-327; effects of second cruise, 402-404; incidents of second cruise, with "President" and "Congress," 407-409; incidents of third cruise, in "President" alone, ii. 128-129; after fourth cruise, enters New York, and turns over command of "President" to Decatur, i. 405. Employed in Potomac River, harassing retreat of British squadron from Alexandria, 350. _Rose, George H._ British special envoy to Washington for settlement of "Chesapeake" affair, i. 165-167; failure of mission, 167. _Ross, Robert._ British general employed in Chesapeake expedition. Instructions issued to, ii. 331; capture of Washington, 340-351; killed in advance against Baltimore, 357; instructions to, for New Orleans expedition, 385-386; sanguine expectations of, after capture of Washington, 424-425; succeeded by Sir Edward Pakenham for New Orleans expedition, 392, 427. _Rottenburg, De._ British general in command on Niagara frontier June, 1813, ii. 69; declines to detach to aid of Procter and Barclay on Lake Erie, 69; proceeds to Kingston, with re-enforcements, in anticipation of American attack, 110-111; despatches detachment in pursuit of Wilkinson's movement down the St. Lawrence, 114. _Russell, Jonathan._ American _chargé d'affaires_ in France, after Armstrong's departure, i. 247; correspondence with American and French Governments relative to the alleged repeal of the French Decrees, quoted, 247, 267, 268; transferred as _chargé_ to London, 264; correspondence as such with American and British Governments, quoted, 264, 266, 272-278; opinion of the alleged French Decree of April 28, 1811, 272, 276; negotiation with Castlereagh, after declaration of war, looking to suspension of hostilities, ii. 409-411; appointed additional peace commissioner at Ghent, 413. _Russia._ Offers in 1812 mediation between Great Britain and United States, ii. 411; accepted by United States, but rejected by Great Britain, 412; attitude of Czar towards America, 423-124, 428. _Sackett's Harbor._ American naval station on Lake Ontario. Conditions at, i. 302, 309, 363, 374, 376; ii. 37, 38, 50, 104-106, 110-113, 119, 276, 278, 280, 281, 291, 304; ships constructed at, 364, 366, 377; ii. 49, 276, 283, 291, 318 (note); attack upon, by Prevost and Yeo, ii. 42-45; Brown's march from, to Niagara frontier, 281; Yeo's blockade of, 285, abandoned, 290; Izard's march to, on way to support Brown at Niagara, 319-320; Chauncey retires finally to, after launch of the British "St. Lawrence," 323; destruction of, prescribed to Prevost by instructions, in 1814, 329, 362; Yeo's observations at, 318 (note). _Seaboard, United States._ Conditions on, i. 296-298, 300, 310-313, 360, 393, 404-406; ii. 15-19, 24-27, 127-128, 148-150, 152-155, 202; Chesapeake and Delaware Bays, 1813, ii. 155-178; three divisions of the seaboard, Northern, Middle, and Southern, 178; distinctive topographical features of each, 178, 179, 183, 184, 193, 195; proportionate effect of the war upon each, with reasons therefor, 179-183; commercial and military characteristics of Middle section, 183-184; necessity of coasting trade to Middle, 184, less than to Northern and Southern, 185-187; effect of hostile pressure upon coasting in Northern section, 192-194; in Southern section, 195-198, 203; effectual separation between the sections by the British blockades, 198-201; statistics of export, 201; momentary importance of North Carolina coast, 203; effects of pressure upon seaboard shown by rebound upon peace, in prices, and in shipping statistics, 204-207; statement by a naval officer of the time, 207-208; operations in Chesapeake Bay, 1814, 336-341, 350-351; capture of Washington, 341-350; occurrences on New England coast, 352; invasion of Maine, and occupation of Castine, 353-354; Gulf coast and New Orleans, 382-397. _Scott, Winfield._ American general. Quoted, i. 336; ii. 48, 104 (note), 118, 240 (note), 297; joins Wilkinson's expedition down the St. Lawrence, ii. 113; on Niagara frontier, in 1814, 279, 281, 282; battle of Chippewa, 294-298; Lundy's Lane, 306-311; severely wounded, 311, and unable to serve again during the campaign, 314; president of the Court of Inquiry concerning the capture of Washington, 341-342. "_Shannon._" British frigate, blockading off New York. Pursuit of "Constitution," and protection of convoy, i. 325-329; admirable efficiency of, under Captain Broke, 133-134; capture of "Chesapeake" by, 135-145; reported injuries to, 146-147. _Sheffield, Lord._ British writer on economical questions. Conspicuous opponent of Pitt's policy in opening West India trade to American navigation, i. 50; leading constructive ideas of, in scheme of policy towards the United States, 63-64, 65-66; success of, in preventing Pitt's measure, 67, 68; Gibbon's estimate of, 73 (note); apparent temporary success of policy of, 75-79; Canada and the other North-American colonies fail to fulfil the part expected from them, 86; pamphlet of, "Observations on the Commerce of the American States," 65; quotations from, i. 28 (note), 31 (note), 37 (and note), 46, 47, 49, 50, 57, 65, 72. _Sherbrooke, Sir John._ British general, Governor of Nova Scotia. Ordered to occupy so much of Maine as shall insure direct communication between Halifax and Quebec, ii. 353; expedition to the Penobscot, and seizure of Castine and Machias, 354; Wellington's opinion of the result, 354, 431. _Sinclair, Arthur._ Commander, U.S.N., commanding on Upper Lakes, in 1814, ii. 324; operations of, 324-328; mentioned, 333. _Smith, Adam._ Quoted in connection with the Navigation Act, i. 9-10, 49. _Smith, Robert._ American Secretary of State during early part of Madison's first term, i. 222; correspondence with, and in the case of, Jackson, the British minister to Washington, 222-228; attributes to Madison's intervention an offensive expression in letter to Erskine, 228-229. _Smith, Samuel._ Senator from Maryland. Quoted in connection with Embargo legislation, i. 184. _Stewart, Charles._ Captain, U.S.N. Commands "Constellation," ii. 11, when driven into Norfolk, and there blockaded for the rest of the war, 12; his reports while in Norfolk waters, 10, 17, 160-162; transferred to the "Constitution," at Boston, 161, 162; difficulty in escaping from Boston, 147 (see also i. 405 and ii. 12); first cruise in "Constitution," 230-231; second escape, 404; captures "Cyane" and "Levant," 405-406; quoted, ii. 12, 20. _Strong, Caleb._ Governor of Massachusetts. Quoted, in support of British claim to impress, i. 7; in condemnation of the war, and of the invasion of Canada, ii. 352. _St. Vincent, Earl of._ British admiral and First Lord of the Admiralty. Statements and opinions concerning impressment, during Rufus King's negotiations, i. 124-126. _Turreau, General._ French Minister to the United States. Opinion that Erskine's concessions showed the break-down of Great Britain, i. 230. _Vincent, John._ British general, commanding on Niagara line, at the time of Dearborn's attack, ii. 38; retreat to Burlington, 39; attack by, at Stony Creek, 46; on American retreat reoccupies peninsula, except Fort George, 47-48; superseded by De Rottenburg, Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, 69; left again in command by De Rottenburg's departure to Kingston, 110; retreats again to Burlington on the news of battle of the Thames, 103, 118; ordered to retire further, to York, and reasons for not doing so, 118. _Warren, Sir John._ British admiral, and commander-in-chief on North American station, i. 387; Halifax and West Indian stations consolidated under, 387; charged with diplomatic overture to American Government, 390; reply received by, 391; first impressions on arrival, 392; representations to, 401, and correspondence with, Admiralty, 402-404; proclamations of blockades, ii. 9, 10; the lakes service under supervision of, 28; expectations of British Government and people from, 151; operations in the Chesapeake, 155-169; quits Chesapeake for the season, 177; urgency of the Admiralty upon, 209-211; relieved by Cochrane, 330. Remark quoted, 332. _Warrington, Lewis._ Commander, U.S.N., commanding "Peacock." Captures "Epervier," ii. 258-261; subsequent cruise, 261-262; later cruise, 406-408. _Washington, City of._ Capture by the British, ii. 337-350. _Washington, George._ Statements concerning conditions in the United States before the adoption of the Constitution, i. 47; as President of the United States, recommendations concerning the navy, ii. 212-213. "_Wasp._" American sloop of war. Action with, and capture of, "Frolic," i. 411-415; is captured with her prize by the "Poictiers," seventy-four, 415. "_Wasp._" American sloop of war, built and named for the last, which was captured only by overwhelming force. Cruise of, ii. 253-258; action with, and capture of, "Reindeer," 254; action with, and sinking of, "Avon," 256; disappears at sea, 257. _Wellesley, Marquis of._ British Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Succeeds Canning, i. 229; treatment of the Jackson case, 230-231, 250-252; action in view of Champagny's letter, 238, 241-247; construction placed by him upon the American demands consequent on that letter, 246; dilatory actions of, 252; suggests to Pinkney to reconsider his intended departure, in view of the nomination of Foster, 252; summary statement of the British policy in the Orders in Council, 253-254. _Wellington, Duke of._ Represents to British Government conditions in France, 1814, ii. 428, and imminence of trouble in Paris, 429; anxiety of British Government, to remove him from Paris, 429; pressed to accept the command in America, 429; reluctance of, 430; influence of, upon the negotiations at Ghent, 430-431; approves Prevost's retreat in default of naval command of the lakes, 430-431; opinion of Sherbrooke's occupation of Maine, 431 (see also 354). _West Indies._ Relations of, to the mother country and to the colonies of the American continent, i. 32-40, 53-55, 56-58, 65-67; British expectation that in these relations the lost colonies might be replaced by Canada, Nova Scotia, etc., 44-48, 50-51, 64; sufferings of, after 1776 and 1783, 54, 62-63, 67; Pitt's measure, 1783, for benefit of, 58-60; measure fails, and Navigation Acts applied to intercourse between United States and, 68-70; effect upon, 75, 78, 79; recommendations of Committee of Privy Council, 1791, 82-84; increased importance of, after outbreak of French Revolution, 86-88; result, in fettering American intercourse with, 89, 95; concession to United States of trade to, obtained in Jay's treaty, 96; continued by British executive order, although article not confirmed by Senate, 97; course of British policy relating to, until 1805, 97-100; question of American trade from, "direct" or "indirect," raised in 1805, 100; decision adverse to American interests, 101-103; object of new departure of British Government, 103; principle asserted identical with colonial practice, and with Orders in Council of 1807, which led to War of 1812, 104. As a field for operations against commerce, ii. 229-240. _Wilkinson, James._ American general. Replaces Dearborn in command of New York frontier, ii. 104; Armstrong's instructions to, 105; movements of, 106; concentrates at Sackett's Harbor, 109-111; expedition down St. Lawrence against Montreal, 112-115; failure of, and winter quarters at French Mills, 116; removes thence to Plattsburg, 278; abortive attempt against La Colle, 282-283; superseded by Izard, 283. _Winder, William H._ American general. Captured in the British attack at Stony Creek, ii. 47, 341; appointed to command the tenth military district, including Baltimore and Washington, 341; conditions found by, as shown by Court of Inquiry, 342; operations of, 343-350. _Woolsey, Melancthon T._ Lieutenant (afterwards captain), U.S.N. Commands brig "Oneida" on Lake Ontario when war begins, i. 354; employed organizing lake force, 364; affairs at Oswego, 1813, ii. 50-51; successful expedition by, in 1814, 285-289. _Yeo, Sir James Lucas._ British commodore. Appointed to charge of lakes service, under Sir J. Warren, ii. 29; attack on Sackett's Harbor, in combination with army, 42-45; in temporary control of Lake Ontario, 46-51; contest with Chauncey in 1813, 51-61; action of August 10, 56-59, and September 11, 60; action of September 28, 106-109; subsequent movements in 1813, 111, 114; proposed renewed attack on Sackett's Harbor, 280, 283; made on Oswego instead, 284; blockades Sackett's Harbor for a time, 285-289; abandons blockade, returns to Kingston, and there remains, 290; opinion of the importance of the St. Lawrence River, 292; inactive policy during summer of 1814, 303, 307; launches, and takes the lake with, a ship of 102 guns, giving him entire control, 323; observations at Sackett's Harbor, on his return to England after peace, 318 (note); given independent command on lakes after Warren's detachment, 330. * * * * * +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | Typographical errors corrected in text: | | | | Page 13: vesesls replaced with vessels | | Page 131: frustated replaced with frustrated | | Page 184: Philadephia replaced with Philadelphia | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * 
9104	----	The Naval War of 1812 or the History of the United States Navy during the Last War with Great Britain to Which Is Appended an Account of the Battle of New Orleans By Theodore Roosevelt With an Introduction by Edward K. Eckert CONTENTS List of Illustrations Acknowledgments Introduction _The Naval War of 1812_ Index ILLUSTRATIONS Captain Isaac Hull _Constitution_ vs. _Guerrière_: "The Engagement" _Constitution_ vs. _Guerrière_: "In Action" _Constitution_ vs. _Guerrière_: "Dropping Astern" _Constitution_ vs. _Guerrière_: "She Fell in the Sea" _Wasp_ vs. _Frolic_ Captain Stephen Decatur Captain William Bainbridge _Constitution_ vs. _Java_ Captain James Lawrence _Chesapeake_ vs. _Shannon_ _Argus_ vs. _Pelican_ The Battle of Lake Erie The _Essex_ Captain David Porter Master Commandant Lewis Warrington Captain Samuel C. Reid The Battle of Lake Borgne Commodore Thomas Macdonough Capture of the _President_ Captain Charles Stewart _Constitution_ vs. _Cyane_ and _Levant_ Master Commandant James Biddle _Hornet_ vs. _Penguin_ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS For their amiable and expert assistance in the selection of the illustrations in this volume, thanks are due to Mr. James W. Cheevers, curator of the U.S. Naval Academy Museum; Ms. Sigrid Trumpy, curator of the museum's Beverley R. Robinson Collection of naval prints; and Mrs. Patty Maddocks, director of the Naval Institute Library and Photographic Service. JS PREFACE The history of the naval events of the War of 1812 has been repeatedly presented both to the American and the English reader. Historical writers have treated it either in connection with a general account of the contest on land and sea, or as forming a part of the complete record of the navies of the two nations. A few monographs, which confine themselves strictly to the naval occurrences, have also appeared. But none of these works can be regarded as giving a satisfactorily full or impartial account of the war--some of them being of he "popular" and loosely-constructed order, while others treat it from a purely partisan standpoint. No single book can be quoted which would be accepted by the modern reader as doing justice to both sides, or, indeed, as telling the whole story. Any one specially interested in the subject must read all; and then it will seem almost a hopeless task to reconcile the many and widely contradictory statements he will meet with. There appear to be three works which, taken in combination, give the best satisfaction on the subject. First, in James' "Naval History of Great Britain" (which supplies both the material and the opinions of almost every subsequent English or Canadian historian) can be found the British view of the case. It is an invaluable work, written with fulness and care; on the other hand it is also a piece of special pleading by a bitter and not over-scrupulous partisan. This, in the second place, can be partially supplemented by Fenimore Cooper's "Naval History of the United States." The latter gives the American view of the cruises and battles; but it is much less of an authority than James', both because it is written without great regard for exactness, and because all figures for the American side need to be supplied from Lieutenant (now Admiral) George E. Emmons' statistical "History of the United States Navy," which is the third of the works in question. But even after comparing these three authors, many contradictions remain unexplained, and the truth can only be reached in such cases by a careful examination of the navy "Records," the London "Naval Chronicle," "Niles' Register," and other similar documentary publications. Almost the only good criticisms on the actions are those incidentally given in standard works on other subjects, such as Lord Howard Douglass' "Naval Gunnery," and Admiral Jurien de la Gravière's "Guerres Maritimes." Much of the material in our Navy Department has never been touched at all. In short, no full, accurate, and unprejudiced history of the war has ever been written. The subject merits a closer scrutiny than it has received. At present people are beginning to realize that it is folly for the great English-speaking Republic to rely for defence upon a navy composed partly of antiquated hulks, and partly of new vessels rather more worthless than the old. It is worth while to study with some care that period of our history during which our navy stood at the highest pitch of its fame; and to learn any thing from the past it is necessary to know, as near as may be, the exact truth. Accordingly the work should be written impartially, if only from the narrowest motives. Without abating a jot from one's devotion to his country and flag, I think a history can be made just enough to warrant its being received as an authority equally among Americans and Englishmen. I have endeavored to supply such a work. It is impossible that errors, both of fact and opinion, should not have crept into it; and although I have sought to make it in character as non-partisan as possible, these errors will probably be in favor of the American side. As my only object is to give an accurate narrative of events, I shall esteem it a particular favor if any one will furnish me with the means of rectifying such mistakes; and if I have done injustice to any commander, or officer of any grade, whether American or British, I shall consider myself under great obligations to those who will set me right. I have been unable to get access to the original reports of the British commanders, the logs of the British ships, or their muster-rolls, and so have been obliged to take them at second hand from the "Gazette," or "Naval Chronicle," or some standard history. The American official letters, log-books, original contracts, muster-rolls, etc., however, being preserved in the Archives at Washington, I have been able, thanks to the courtesy of the Hon. Wm. H. Hunt, Secretary of the Navy, to look them over. The set of letters from the officers is very complete, in three series,--"Captains' Letters," "Masters' Commandant Letters," and "Officers' Letters," there being several volumes for each year. The books of contracts contain valuable information as to the size and build of some of the vessels. The log-books are rather exasperating, often being very incomplete. Thus when I turned from Decatur's extremely vague official letter describing the capture of the Macedonian to the log-book of the Frigate _United States_, not a fact about the fight could be gleaned. The last entry in the log on the day of the fight is "strange sail discovered to be a frigate under English colors," and the next entry (on the following day) relates to the removal of the prisoners. The log of the _Enterprise_ is very full indeed, for most of the time, but is a perfect blank for the period during which she was commanded by Lieutenant Burrows, and in which she fought the Boxer. I have not been able to find the Peacock's log at all, though there is a very full set of letters from her commander. Probably the fire of 1837 destroyed a great deal of valuable material. When ever it was possible I have referred to printed matter in preference to manuscript, and my authorities can thus, in most cases, be easily consulted. In conclusion I desire to express my sincerest thanks to Captain James D. Bulloch, formerly of the United States Navy, and Commander Adolf Mensing, formerly of the German Navy, without whose advice and sympathy this work would probably never have been written or even begun. NEW YORK CITY, 1882. PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION I originally intended to write a companion volume to this, which should deal with the operations on land. But a short examination showed that these operations were hardly worth serious study. They teach nothing new; it is the old, old lesson, that a miserly economy in preparation may in the end involve a lavish outlay of men and money, which, after all, comes too late to more than partially offset the evils produced by the original short-sighted parsimony. This might be a lesson worth dwelling on did it have any practical bearing on the issues of the present day; but it has none, as far as the army is concerned. It was criminal folly for Jefferson, and his follower Madison, to neglect to give us a force either of regulars or of well-trained volunteers during the twelve years they had in which to prepare for the struggle that any one might see was inevitable; but there is now far less need of an army than there was then. Circumstances have altered widely since 1812. Instead of the decaying might of Spain on our southern frontier, we have the still weaker power of Mexico. Instead of the great Indian nations of the interior, able to keep civilization at bay, to hold in check strong armies, to ravage large stretches of territory, and needing formidable military expeditions to overcome them, there are now only left broken and scattered bands, which are sources of annoyance merely. To the north we are still hemmed in by the Canadian possessions of Great Britain; but since 1812 our strength has increased so prodigiously, both absolutely and relatively, while England's military power has remained almost stationary, that we need now be under no apprehensions from her land-forces; for, even if checked in the beginning, we could not help conquering in the end by sheer weight of numbers, if by nothing else. So that there is now no cause for our keeping up a large army; while, on the contrary, the necessity for an efficient navy is so evident that only our almost incredible short-sightedness prevents our at once preparing one. Not only do the events of the war on land teach very little to the statesman who studies history in order to avoid in the present the mistakes of the past, but besides this, the battles and campaigns are of little interest to the student of military matters. The British regulars, trained in many wars, thrashed the raw troops opposed to them whenever they had any thing like a fair chance; but this is not to be wondered at, for the same thing has always happened the world over under similar conditions. Our defeats were exactly such as any man might have foreseen, and there is nothing to be learned from the follies committed by incompetent commanders and untrained troops when in the presence of skilled officers having under them disciplined soldiers. The humiliating surrenders, abortive attacks, and panic routs of our armies can all be paralleled in the campaigns waged by Napoleon's marshals against the Spaniards and Portuguese in the years immediately preceding the outbreak of our own war. The Peninsular troops were as little able to withstand the French veterans as were our militia to hold their own against the British regulars. But it must always be remembered, to our credit, that while seven years of fighting failed to make the Spaniards able to face the French,[Footnote: At the closing battle of Toulouse, fought between the allies and the French, the flight of the Spaniards was so rapid and universal as to draw from the Duke of Wellington the bitter observation, that "though he had seen a good many remarkable things in the course of his life, yet this was the first time he had ever seen ten thousand men running a race."] two years of warfare gave us soldiers who could stand against the best men of Britain. On the northern frontier we never developed a great general,--Brown's claim to the title rests only on his not having committed the phenomenal follies of his predecessors,--but by 1814 our soldiers had become seasoned, and we had acquired some good brigade commanders, notably Scott, so that in that year we played on even terms with the British. But the battles, though marked by as bloody and obstinate fighting as ever took place, were waged between small bodies of men, and were not distinguished by any feats of generalship, so that they are not of any special interest to the historian. In fact, the only really noteworthy feat of arms of the war took place at New Orleans, and the only military genius that the struggle developed was Andrew Jackson. His deeds are worthy of all praise, and the battle he won was in many ways so peculiar as to make it well worth a much closer study than it has yet received. It was by far the most prominent event of the war; it was a victory which reflected high honor on the general and soldiers who won it, and it was in its way as remarkable as any of the great battles that took place about the same time in Europe. Such being the case, I have devoted a chapter to its consideration at the conclusion of the chapters devoted to the naval operations. As before said, the other campaigns on land do not deserve very minute attention; but, for the sake of rendering the account of the battle of New Orleans more intelligible, I will give a hasty sketch of the principal engagements that took place elsewhere. The war opened in mid-summer of 1812, by the campaign of General Hull on the Michigan frontier. With two or three thousand raw troops he invaded Canada. About the same time Fort Mackinaw was surrendered by its garrison of 60 Americans to a British and Indian force of 600. Hull's campaign was unfortunate from the beginning. Near Brownstown the American Colonel Van Horne, with some 200 men, was ambushed and routed by Tecumseh and his Indians. In revenge Col. Miller, with 600 Americans, at Maguaga attacked 150 British and Canadians under Capt. Muir, and 250 Indians under Tecumseh, and whipped them,--Tecumseh's Indians standing their ground longest. The Americans lost 75, their foes 180 men. At Chicago the small force of 66 Americans was surprised and massacred by the Indians. Meanwhile, General Brock, the British commander, advanced against Hull with a rapidity and decision that seemed to paralyze his senile and irresolute opponent. The latter retreated to Detroit, where, without striking a blow, he surrendered 1,400 men to Brock's nearly equal force, which consisted nearly one half of Indians under Tecumseh. On the Niagara frontier, an estimable and honest old gentleman and worthy citizen, who knew nothing of military matters, Gen. Van Rensselaer, tried to cross over and attack the British at Queenstown; 1,100 Americans got across and were almost all killed or captured by a nearly equal number of British, Canadians, and Indians, while on the opposite side a large number of their countrymen looked on, and with abject cowardice refused to cross to their assistance. The command of the army was then handed over to a ridiculous personage named Smythe, who issued proclamations so bombastic that they really must have come from an unsound mind, and then made a ludicrously abortive effort at invasion, which failed almost of its own accord. A British and Canadian force of less than 400 men was foiled in an assault on Ogdensburg, after a slight skirmish, by about 1,000 Americans under Brown; and with this trifling success the military operations of the year came to an end. Early in 1813, Ogdensburg was again attacked, this time by between 500 and 600 British, who took it after a brisk resistance from some 300 militia; the British lost 60 and the Americans 20, in killed and wounded. General Harrison, meanwhile, had begun the campaign in the Northwest. At Frenchtown, on the river Raisin, Winchester's command of about 900 Western troops was surprised by a force of 1,100 men, half of them Indians, under the British Colonel Proctor. The right division, taken by surprise, gave up at once; the left division, mainly Kentucky riflemen, and strongly posted in houses and stockaded enclosures, made a stout resistance, and only surrendered after a bloody fight, in which 180 British and about half as many Indians were killed or wounded. Over 300 Americans were slain, some in battle, but most in the bloody massacre that followed. After this, General Harrison went into camp at Fort Meigs, where, with about 1,100 men, he was besieged by 1,000 British and Canadians under Proctor and 1,200 Indians under Tecumseh. A force of 1,200 Kentucky militia advanced to his relief and tried to cut its way into the fort while the garrison made a sortie. The sortie was fairly successful, but the Kentuckians were scattered like chaff by the British regulars in the open, and when broken were cut to pieces by the Indians in the woods. Nearly two thirds of the relieving troops were killed or captured; about 400 got into the fort. Soon afterward Proctor abandoned the siege. Fort Stephenson, garrisoned by Major Croghan and 160 men, was attacked by a force of 391 British regulars, who tried to carry it by assault, and were repulsed with the loss of a fourth of their number. Some four thousand Indians joined Proctor, but most of them left him after Perry's victory on Lake Erie. Then Harrison, having received large reinforcements, invaded Canada. At the River Thames his army of 3,500 men encountered and routed between 600 and 700 British under Proctor, and about 1,000 Indians under Tecumseh. The battle was decided at once by a charge of the Kentucky mounted riflemen, who broke through the regulars, took them in rear, and captured them, and then dismounting attacked the flank of the Indians, who were also assailed by the infantry. Proctor escaped by the skin of his teeth and Tecumseh died fighting, like the hero that he was. This battle ended the campaign in the Northwest. In this quarter it must be remembered that the war was, on the part of the Americans, mainly one against Indians; the latter always forming over half of the British forces. Many of the remainder were French Canadians, and the others were regulars. The American armies, on the contrary, were composed of the armed settlers of Kentucky and Ohio, native Americans, of English speech and blood, who were battling for lands that were to form the heritage of their children. In the West the war was only the closing act of the struggle that for many years had been waged by the hardy and restless pioneers of our race, as with rifle and axe they carved out the mighty empire that we their children inherit; it was but the final effort with which they wrested from the Indian lords of the soil the wide and fair domain that now forms the heart of our great Republic. It was the breaking down of the last barrier that stayed the flood of our civilization; it settled, once and for ever, that henceforth the law, the tongue, and the blood of the land should be neither Indian, nor yet French, but English. The few French of the West were fighting against a race that was to leave as little trace of them as of the doomed Indian peoples with whom they made common cause. The presence of the British mercenaries did not alter the character of the contest; it merely served to show the bitter and narrow hatred with which the Mother-Island regarded her greater daughter, predestined as the latter was to be queen of the lands that lay beyond the Atlantic. Meanwhile, on Lake Ontario, the Americans made successful descents on York and Fort George, scattering or capturing their comparatively small garrisons; while a counter descent by the British on Sackett's Harbor failed, the attacking force being too small. After the capture of Fort George, the Americans invaded Canada; but their advance guard, 1,400 strong, under Generals Chandler and Winder, was surprised in the night by 800 British, who, advancing with the bayonet, broke up the camp, capturing both the generals and half the artillery. Though the assailants, who lost 220 of their small number, suffered much more than the Americans, yet the latter were completely demoralized, and at once retreated to Fort George. Soon afterward, Col. Boerstler with about 600 men surrendered with shamefully brief resistance to a somewhat smaller force of British and Indians. Then about 300 British crossed the Niagara to attack Black Rock, which they took, but were afterward driven off by a large body of militia with the loss of 40 men. Later in the season the American General McClure wantonly burned the village of Newark, and then retreated in panic flight across the Niagara. In retaliation the British in turn crossed the river; 600 regulars surprised and captured in the night Fort Niagara, with its garrison of 400 men; two thousand troops attacked Black Rock, and after losing over a hundred men in a smart engagement with somewhat over 1,500 militia whom they easily dispersed, captured and burned both it and Buffalo. Before these last events took place another invasion of Canada had been attempted, this time under General Wilkinson, "an unprincipled imbecile," as Scott very properly styled him. It was mismanaged in every possible way, and was a total failure; it was attended with but one battle, that of Chrystler's Farm, in which 1,000 British, with the loss of less than 200 men, beat back double their number of Americans, who lost nearly 500 men and also one piece of artillery. The American army near Lake Champlain had done nothing, its commander, General Wade Hampton, being, if possible, even more incompetent than Wilkinson. He remained stationary while a small force of British plundered Plattsburg and Burlington; then, with 5,000 men he crossed into Canada, but returned almost immediately, after a small skirmish at Chauteaugay between his advance guard and some 500 Canadians, in which the former lost 41 and the latter 22 men. This affair, in which hardly a tenth of the American force was engaged, has been, absurdly enough, designated a "battle" by most British and Canadian historians. In reality it was the incompetency of their general and not the valor of their foes that caused the retreat of the Americans. The same comment, by the way, applies to the so-called "Battle" of Plattsburg, in the following year, which may have been lost by Sir George Prevost, but was certainly not won by the Americans. And, again, a similar criticism should be passed on General Wilkinson's attack on La Colle Mill, near the head of the same lake. Neither one of the three affairs was a stand-up fight; in each a greatly superior force, led by an utterly incapable general, retreated after a slight skirmish with an enemy whose rout would have been a matter of certainty had the engagement been permitted to grow serious. In the early spring of 1814 a small force of 160 American regulars, under Captain Holmes, fighting from behind felled logs, routed 200 British with a loss of 65 men, they themselves losing but 8. On Lake Ontario the British made a descent on Oswego and took it by fair assault; and afterward lost 180 men who tried to cut out some American transports, and were killed or captured to a man. All through the spring and early summer the army on the Niagara frontier was carefully drilled by Brown, and more especially by Scott, and the results of this drilling were seen in the immensely improved effectiveness of the soldiers in the campaign that opened in July. Fort Erie was captured with little resistance, and on the 4th of July, at the river Chippeway, Brown, with two brigades of regulars, each about 1,200 strong, under Scott and Ripley, and a brigade of 800 militia and Indians under Porter, making a total of about 3,200 men, won a stand-up fight against the British General Riall, who had nearly 2,500 men, 1,800 of them regulars. Porter's brigade opened by driving in the Canadian militia and the Indians; but was itself checked by the British light-troops. Ripley's brigade took very little part in the battle, three of the regiments not being engaged at all, and the fourth so slightly as to lose but five men. The entire brunt of the action was borne by Scott's brigade, which was fiercely attacked by the bulk of the British regulars under Riall. The latter advanced with great bravery, but were terribly cut up by the fire of Scott's regulars; and when they had come nearly up to him, Scott charged with the bayonet and drove them clean off the field. The American loss was 322, including 23 Indians; the British loss was 515, excluding that of the Indians. The number of Americans actually engaged did not exceed that of the British; and Scott's brigade, in fair fight, closed by a bayonet charge, defeated an equal force of British regulars. On July 25th occurred the Battle of Niagara, or Lundy's Lane, fought between General Brown with 3,100 [Footnote: As near as can be found out; most American authorities make it much less; Lossing, for example, says only 2,400.] Americans and General Drummond with 3,500 [Footnote: General Drummond in his official letter makes it but 2,800; James, who gives the details, makes it 3,000 rank and file; adding 13 per cent, for the officers, sergeants, and drummers, brings it up to 3,400; and we still have to count in the artillery drivers, etc.] British. It was brought on by accident in the evening, and was waged with obstinate courage and savage slaughter till midnight. On both sides the forces straggled into action by detachments. The Americans formed the attacking party. As before, Scott's brigade bore the brunt of the fight, and over half of his men were killed or wounded; he himself was disabled and borne from the field. The struggle was of the most desperate character, the combatants showing a stubborn courage that could not be surpassed. [Footnote: General Drummond writes: "In so determined a manner were their attacks directed against our guns that our artillerymen were bayoneted while in the act of loading, and the muzzle of the enemy's guns were advanced within a few yards of ours." Even James says: "Upon the whole, however, the American troops fought bravely; and the conduct of many of the officers, of the artillery corps especially, would have done honor to any service."] Charge after charge was made with the bayonet, and the artillery was taken and retaken once and again. The loss was nearly equal; on the side of the Americans, 854 men (including Generals Brown and Scott, wounded) and two guns; on that of the British, 878 men (including General Riall captured) and one gun. Each side claimed it as a victory over superior numbers. The truth is beyond question that the British had the advantage in numbers, and a still greater advantage in position; while it is equally beyond question that it was a defeat and not a victory for the Americans. They left the field and retired in perfect order to Fort Erie, while the British held the field and the next day pursued their foes. Having received some reinforcements General Drummond, now with about 3,600 men, pushed forward to besiege Fort Erie, in which was the American army, some 2,400 strong, under General Gaines. Col. Tucker with 500 British regulars was sent across the Niagara to destroy the batteries at Black Rock, but was defeated by 300 American regulars under Major Morgan, fighting from behind a strong breastwork of felled trees, with a creek in front. On the night of the 15th of August, the British in three columns advanced to storm the American works, but after making a most determined assault were beaten off. The assailants lost 900 men, the assailed about 80. After this nothing was done till Sept. 17th, when General Brown, who had resumed command of the American forces, determined upon and executed a sortie. Each side had received reinforcements; the Americans numbered over 3,000, the British nearly 4,000. The fighting was severe, the Americans losing 500 men; but their opponents lost 600 men, and most of their batteries were destroyed. Each side, as usual, claimed the victory; but, exactly as Lundy's Lane must be accounted an American defeat, as our forces retreated from the ground, so this must be considered an American victory, for after it the British broke up camp and drew off to Chippeway. Nothing more was done, and on November 5th the American army recrossed the Niagara. Though marked by some brilliant feats of arms this four months' invasion of Canada, like those that had preceded it, thus came to nothing. But at the same time a British invasion of the United States was repulsed far more disgracefully. Sir George Prevost, with an army of 13,000 veteran troops, marched south along the shores of Lake Champlain to Plattsburg, which was held by General Macomb with 2,000 regulars, and perhaps double that number of nearly worthless militia;--a force that the British could have scattered to the winds, though, as they were strongly posted, not without severe loss. But the British fleet was captured by Commodore MacDonough in the fight on the lake; and then Sir George, after some heavy skirmishing between the outposts of the armies, in which the Americans had the advantage, fled precipitately back to Canada. All through the war the sea-coasts of the United States had been harried by small predatory excursions; a part of what is now the State of Maine was conquered with little resistance, and kept until the close of hostilities; and some of the towns on the shores of Chesapeake Bay had been plundered or burnt. In August, 1814, a more serious invasion was planned, and some 5,000 troops--regulars, sailors, and marines--were landed, under the command of General Ross. So utterly helpless was the Democratic Administration at Washington, that during the two years of warfare hardly any steps had been taken to protect the Capitol, or the country round about; what little was done, was done entirely too late, and bungled badly in addition. History has not yet done justice to the ludicrous and painful folly and stupidity of which the government founded by Jefferson, and carried on by Madison, was guilty, both in its preparations for, and in its way of carrying on, this war; nor is it yet realized that the men just mentioned, and their associates, are primarily responsible for the loss we suffered in it, and the bitter humiliation some of its incidents caused us. The small British army marched at will through Virginia and Maryland, burned Washington, and finally retreated from before Baltimore and reembarked to take part in the expedition against New Orleans. Twice, at Bladensburg and North Point, it came in contact with superior numbers of militia in fairly good position. In each case the result was the same. After some preliminary skirmishing, manoeuvring, and volley firing, the British charged with the bayonet. The rawest regiments among the American militia then broke at once; the others kept pretty steady, pouring in quite a destructive fire, until the regulars had come up close to them, when they also fled. The British regulars were too heavily loaded to pursue, and, owing to their mode of attack, and the rapidity with which their opponents ran away, the loss of the latter was in each case very slight. At North Point, however, the militia, being more experienced, behaved better than at Bladensburg. In neither case were the British put to any trouble to win their victory. The above is a brief sketch of the campaigns of the war. It is not cheerful reading for an American, nor yet of interest to a military student; and its lessons have been taught so often by similar occurrences in other lands under like circumstances, and, moreover, teach such self-evident truths, that they scarcely need to be brought to the notice of an historian. But the crowning event of the war was the Battle of New Orleans; remarkable in its military aspect, and a source of pride to every American. It is well worth a more careful study, and to it I have devoted the last chapter of this work. New York City, 1883. [Illustration: Fig. 1.--Long gun.] [Illustration: Fig. 2.--Carronade.] [Illustration: Fig. 3.--Section of flush-decked corvette or sloop, carrying long guns. Such was the armament of the _Pike_ and _Adams_, but most flush-decked ships mounted carronades.] [Illustration: Fig. 4.--Section of frigate-built ship, with long gun on main-deck and carronade on spar-deck. Taken from the _American Artillerist's Companion_, by Louis de Toussard (Philadelphia, 1811).] PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO (_See also in alphabetical place in index_.) American State Papers. Brenton, E. P. Naval History of Great Britain, 1783 to 1836. 2 vols., octavo. London, 1837. Broke, Adm., Memoir of, by Rev. J. G. Brighton. Octavo, London, 1866. "Captains' Letters" in Archives at Washington. Codrington, Adm. Sir E. Memoirs, edited by his daughter. 2 vols., octavo. London, 1873. Coggeshall, George. History of American Privateers. New York, 1876. Cooper, J. F. Naval History of the United States. New York, 1856. Dundonald, Earl. Autobiography of a Seaman. London, 1860. Douglass, Lord Howard. Naval Gunnery. Octavo. London, 1860. Emmons, Lieut. G. E. Statistical History of United States Navy, 1853. Farragut, Adm. D. G., Life of, by his son, Loyall Farragut. Octavo. New York, 1878. Gravière, Adm., J. de la. Guerres Maritimes. 2 vols., octavo. Paris, 1881. James, William. Naval History of Great Britain. 6 vols., octavo. London, 1837. James, William. Naval Occurrences with the Americans. Octavo, London, 1817. Lossing, Benson J. Field-book of the War of 1812. Octavo. New York, 1869. Low, C. R. History of the Indian Navy, 1613 to 1863. 2 vols., octavo. London, 1877. _London Naval Chronicle_. Marshall. Royal Naval Biography. 12 vols., octavo. London, 1825. "Masters-Commandant Letters" in the Archives at Washington. Morris, Com. Charles. Autobiography. Annapolis, 1880. Naval Archives at Washington. Niles. _Weekly Register_. Pielat. B. La Vie et les Actions Mémorables du St. Michel de Ruyter. Amsterdam, 1677. Rivière, Lieut. H. La Marine Française sous le Régime de Louis XV. Paris, 1859. Tatnall, Commod., Life, by C. C. Jones, Jr. Savannah, 1878. Toussard, L. de. American Artillerists' Companion. Phila., 1811. Troude, O. Batailles Navales de la France. Paris, 1868. Ward, Com. J. H. Manual of Naval Tactics. 1859. Yonge, Charles Duke. History of the British Navy. 3 vols., octavo. London, 1866. AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO IN CHAPTER X Alison, Sir A. History of Europe. Ninth edition. 20 vols. London, 1852. Butler, Adjutant-General Robert. Official Report for the Morning of Jan. 8, 1815. Codrington, Admiral Sir Edward. Memoir of, by Lady Bourchier. London, 1873. Cole, John William. Memoirs of British Generals Distinguished during the Peninsular War. London, 1856. Court of Inquiry on Conduct of General Morgan. Official Report. Gleig, Ensign H. R. Narrative of the Campaigns of the British Army at Washington, Baltimore, and New Orleans. Philadelphia, 1821. Jackson, Andrew. As a Public Man. A sketch by W G. Sumner. Boston, 1882. Jackson, General Andrew. Official Letters. James, William. Military Occurrences of the Late War. 2 vols. London, 1818. Keane, Major-General John. Letter, December 26, 1814. Lambert, General. Letters, January 10 and 28, 1815. Latour, Major A. Lacarriex. Historical Memoir of the War in West Florida and Louisiana. Translated from the French by H. P. Nugent. Philadelphia, 1816. Lossing, Benson J. Field-Book of the War of 1812. New York, 1859. Patterson, Com. Daniel G. Letters, Dec. 20, 1814, and Jan. 13, 1815. Monroe, James. Sketch of his Life, by Daniel C. Gilman. 16mo. Boston, 1883. Napier, Maj.-Gen. Sir W. F. P. History of the War in the Peninsula. 5 vols. New York, 1882. Scott, Lieut.-Gen. W. Memoirs, by himself, 2 vols. New York, 1864. Thornton, Col. W. Letter, Jan. 8, 1815. CONTENTS PREFACE Chapter I INTRODUCTORY Causes of the war of 1812--Conflicting views of America and Britain as regards neutral rights--Those of the former power right--Impossibility of avoiding hostilities--Declaration of war June 18, 1812--Slight preparations made--General features of the contest--Race identity of combatants--The treaty of peace nominally leaves the situation unchanged--But practically settles the dispute in our favor in respect to maritime rights--The British navy and its reputation prior to 1812--Comparison with other European navies--British and American authorities consulted in the present work Chapter II Overwhelming naval supremacy of England when America declared war against her--Race identity of the combatants--American navy at the beginning of the war--Officers well trained--Causes tending to make our seamen especially efficient--Close similarity between British and American sailors--Our ships manned chiefly by native Americans, many of whom had formerly been impressed into the British navy--Quotas of seamen contributed by the different States--Navy yards--Lists of officers and men--List of vessels--Tonnage--Different ways of estimating it in Britain and America--Ratings--American ships properly rated--Armaments of the frigates and corvettes--Three styles of guns used--Difference between long guns and carronades--Short weight of American shot--Comparison of British frigates rating 38 and American frigates rating 44 guns--Compared with a 74 Chapter III 1812 ON THE OCEAN Commodore Rodgers' cruise and unsuccessful chase of the _Belvidera_--Engagement between _Belvidera_ and _President_--_Hornet_ captures a privateer--Cruise of the _Essex_--Captain Hull's cruise and escape from the squadron of Commodore Broke--_Constitution_ captures _Guerrière_--Marked superiority shown by the Americans--_Wasp_ captures _Frolic_--Disproportionate loss on British side--Both afterward captured by _Poictiers_--Second unsuccessful cruise of Commodore Rodgers--_United States_ captures _Macedonian_--_Constitution_ captures _Java_--Cruise of _Essex_--Summary Chapter IV 1812 ON THE LAKES PRELIMINARY.--The combatants starting nearly on an equality--Difficulties of creating a naval force--Difficulty of comparing the force of the rival squadrons--Meagreness of the published accounts--Unreliability of authorities, especially James.--ONTARIO--Extraordinary nature of the American squadron--Canadian squadron a kind of water militia--Sackett's Harbor feebly attacked by Commodore Earle--Commodore Chauncy attacks the Royal George--And bombards York.--ERIE--Lieutenant Elliot captures the _Detroit_ and _Caledonia_--Lieutenant Angus' unsuccessful attack on Red House barracks Chapter V 1813 ON THE OCEAN Blockade of the American coast--Commodore Porter's campaign with the _Essex_ in the South Pacific--_Hornet_ blockades Bonne Citoyenne--_Hornet_ captures _Resolution_--_Hornet_ captures _Peacock_--Generous treatment shown to the conquered--_Viper_ captured by _Narcissus_--American privateers cut out by British boats--Third cruise of Commodore Rodgers--_United States_, _Macedonian_, and _Wasp_ blockaded in New London--Broke's challenge to Lawrence--The _Chesapeake_ captured by the _Shannon_--Comments and criticisms by various authorities--_Surveyor_ captured by boats of _Narcissus_--Futile gun-boat actions--British attack on Craney Island repulsed--Cutting out expeditions--The _Argus_ captured by the _Pelican_--The _Enterprise_ captures the _Boxer_--Ocean warfare of 1813 in favor of British--Summary Chapter VI 1813 ON THE LAKES ONTARIO--Comparison of the rival squadrons--Chauncy's superior in strength--Chauncy takes York and Fort George--Yeo is repulsed at Sackett's Harbor, but keeps command of the lake--_The Lady of the Lake_ captures _Lady Murray_--_Hamilton_ and _Scourge_ founder in a squall--Yeo's partial victory off Niagara--Indecisive action off the Genesee--Chauncy's partial victory off Burlington, which gives him the command of the lake--Yeo and Chauncy compared--Reasons for American success.--ERIE--Perry's success in creating a fleet--His victory--"Glory" of it overestimated--Cause of his success--CHAMPLAIN--The _Growler_ and _Eagle_ captured by gun-boats--Summary of year's campaign Chapter VII 1814 ON THE OCEAN Strictness of the blockade--Cruise of Rodgers--Cruise of the _Constitution_--Chased into Marblehead--Attempt to cut-out the _Alligator_--The _Essex_ captured after engagement with _Phoebe_ and _Cherub_--The _Frolic_ captured--The _Peacock_ captures the _Epervier_--Commodore Barney's flotilla afloat--The British in the Chesapeake--Capture of Washington, and burning of the public buildings--The _Wasp_ captures the _Reindeer_--The _Wasp_ sinks the _Avon_--Cruise and loss of the _Adams_--The privateer _General Armstrong_--The privateer _Prince de Neufchatel_--Loss of the gun-boats on Lake Borgne--Fighting near New Orleans--Summary Chapter VIII 1814 ON THE LAKES ONTARIO--The contest one of ship-building merely--Statistics of the two squadrons--Serious sickness among the Americans--Extreme caution of the commanders, verging on timidity--Yeo takes Oswego and blockades Sackett's Harbor--British gun-boats captured--Chauncy blockades Kingston.--ERIE--Captain Sinclair burns St. Joseph--Makes unsuccessful expedition against Mackinaw--Daring and successful cutting-out expeditions of the British--Capture of the _Ohio_ and _Somers_.--CHAMPLAIN--Macdonough's and Downie's squadrons--James' erroneous statements concerning them--Gallant engagement and splendid victory of Macdonough--Macdonough one of the greatest of American sea-captains Chapter IX 1815 CONCLUDING OPERATIONS The _President_ captured by Captain Hayes' squadron--Successful cutting-out expedition of the Americans--American privateer _Chasseur_ captures _St. Lawrence_--The _Constitution_ engages the _Cyane_ and the _Levant_ and captures both--Escapes from a British squadron--The _Hornet_ captures the _Penguin_ and escapes from pursuit of the _Cornwallis_--The _Peacock's_ wanton attack on the _Nautilus_--Wanton attack on American gun-boat after treaty of peace--Summary of events in 1815--Remarks on the war--Tables of comparative loss, etc.--Compared with results of Anglo-French struggle Chapter X 1815 THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS The war on land generally disastrous--British send great expedition against New Orleans--Jackson prepares for the defence of the city--Night attack on the British advance guard--Artillery duels--Great Battle of Jan. 8th, 1815--Slaughtering repulse of the main attack--Rout of the Americans on the right bank of the river--Final retreat of the British--Observations on the character of the troops and commanders engaged APPENDIX Chapter I INTRODUCTORY _Causes of the War of 1812--Conflicting views of America and Britain as regards neutral rights--Those of the former power right--Impossibility of avoiding hostilities--Declaration of war--General features of the contest--Racial identity of the contestants--The treaty of peace nominally leaves the situation unchanged--But practically settles the dispute in our favor in respect to maritime rights--The British navy and its reputation prior to 1812--Comparison with other European navies--British and American authorities consulted in the present work._ The view professed by Great Britain in 1812 respecting the rights of belligerents and neutrals was diametrically opposite to that held by the United States. "Between England and the United States of America," writes a British author, "a spirit of animosity, caused chiefly by the impressment of British seamen, or of seamen asserted to be such, from on board of American merchant vessels, had unhappily subsisted for a long time" prior to the war. "It is, we believe," he continues, "an acknowledged maxim of public law, as well that no nation but the one he belongs to can release a subject from his natural allegiance, as that, provided the jurisdiction of another independent state be not infringed, every nation has a right to enforce the services of her subjects wherever they may be found. Nor has any neutral nation such a jurisdiction over her merchant vessels upon the high seas as to exclude a belligerent nation from the right of searching them for contraband of war or for the property or persons of her enemies. And if, in the exercise of that right, the belligerent should discover on board of the neutral vessel a subject who has withdrawn himself from his lawful allegiance, the neutral can have no fair ground for refusing to deliver him up; more especially if that subject is proved to be a deserter from the sea or land service of the former." [Footnote: "The Naval History of Great Britain," by William James, vol. iv, p. 324. (New edition by Captain Chamier, R. N., London, 1837.)] Great Britain's doctrine was "once a subject always a subject." On the other hand, the United States maintained that any foreigner, after five years' residence within her territory, and after having complied with certain forms, became one of her citizens as completely as if he was native born. Great Britain contended that her war ships possessed the right of searching all neutral vessels for the property and persons of her foes. The United States, resisting this claim, asserted that "free bottoms made free goods," and that consequently her ships when on the high seas should not be molested on any pretext whatever. Finally, Great Britain's system of impressment, [Footnote: The best idea of which can be gained by reading Marryatt's novels.] by which men could be forcibly seized and made to serve in her navy, no matter at what cost to themselves, was repugnant to every American idea. Such wide differences in the views of the two nations produced endless difficulties. To escape the press-gang, or for other reasons, many British seamen took service under the American flag; and if they were demanded back, it is not likely that they or their American shipmates had much hesitation in swearing either that they were not British at all, or else that they had been naturalized as Americans. Equally probable is it that the American blockade-runners were guilty of a great deal of fraud and more or less thinly veiled perjury. But the wrongs done by the Americans were insignificant compared with those they received. Any innocent merchant vessel was liable to seizure at any moment; and when overhauled by a British cruiser short of men was sure to be stripped of most of her crew. The British officers were themselves the judges as to whether a seaman should be pronounced a native of America or of Britain, and there was no appeal from their judgment. If a captain lacked his full complement there was little doubt as to the view he would take of any man's nationality. The wrongs inflicted on our seafaring countrymen by their impressment into foreign ships formed the main cause of the war. There were still other grievances which are thus presented by the British Admiral Cochrane. [Footnote: "Autobiography of a Seaman," by Thomas, tenth Earl of Dundonald, Admiral of the Red; Rear-Admiral of the Fleet, London, 1860, vol. i, p. 24.] "Our treatment of its (America's) citizens was scarcely in accordance with the national privileges to which the young Republic had become entitled. There were no doubt many individuals among the American people who, caring little for the Federal Government, considered it more profitable to break than to keep the laws of nations by aiding and supporting our enemy (France), and it was against such that the efforts of the squadron had chiefly been directed; but the way the object was carried out was scarcely less an infraction of those national laws which we were professedly enforcing. The practice of taking English (and American) seamen out of American ships without regard to the safety of navigating them when thus deprived of their hands has been already mentioned. To this may be added the detention of vessels against which nothing contrary to international neutrality could be established, whereby their cargoes became damaged; the compelling them, on suspicion only, to proceed to ports other than those to which they were destined; and generally treating them as though they were engaged in contraband trade. * * * American ships were not permitted to quit English ports without giving security for the discharge of their cargoes in some other British or neutral port." On the same subject James [Footnote: _L. c._, iv, 325.] writes: "When, by the maritime supremacy of England, France could no longer trade for herself, America proffered her services, as a neutral, to trade for her; and American merchants and their agents, in the gains that flowed in, soon found a compensation for all the perjury and fraud necessary to cheat the former out of her belligerent rights. The high commercial importance of the United States thus obtained, coupled with a similarity of language and, to a superficial observer, a resemblance in person between the natives of America and Great Britain, has caused the former to be the chief, if not the only sufferers by the exercise of the right of search. Chiefly indebted for their growth and prosperity to emigration from Europe, the United States hold out every allurement to foreigners, particularly to British seamen, whom, by a process peculiarly their own, they can naturalize as quickly as a dollar can exchange masters and a blank form, ready signed and sworn to, can be filled up. [Footnote: This is an exaggeration.] It is the knowledge of this fact that makes British naval officers when searching for deserters from their service, so harsh in their scrutiny, and so sceptical of American oaths and asseverations." The last sentence of the foregoing from James is an euphemistic way of saying that whenever a British commander short of men came across an American vessel he impressed all of her crew that he wanted, whether they were citizens of the United States or not. It must be remembered, however, that the only reason why Great Britain did us more injury than any other power was because she was better able to do so. None of her acts were more offensive than Napoleon's Milan decree, by which it was declared that any neutral vessel which permitted itself to be searched by a British cruiser should be considered as British, and as the lawful prize of any French vessel. French frigates and privateers were very apt to snap up any American vessel they came across and were only withheld at all by the memory of the sharp dressing they had received in the West Indies during the quasi-war of 1799-1800. What we undoubtedly ought to have done was to have adopted the measure actually proposed in Congress, and declared war on both France and England. As it was, we chose as a foe the one that had done, and could still do, us the greatest injury. The principles for which the United States contended in 1812 are now universally accepted, and those so tenaciously maintained by Great Britain find no advocates in the civilized world. That England herself was afterward completely reconciled to our views was amply shown by her intense indignation when Commodore Wilkes, in the exercise of the right of search for the persons of the foes of his country, stopped the neutral British ship _Trent_; while the applause with which the act was greeted in America proves pretty clearly another fact, that we had warred for the right, not because it _was_ the right, but because it agreed with our self-interest to do so. We were contending for "Free Trade and Sailors' Rights": meaning by the former expression, freedom to trade wherever we chose without hindrance save from the power with whom we were trading; and by the latter, that a man who happened to be on the sea should have the same protection accorded to a man who remained on land. Nominally, neither of these questions was settled by, or even alluded to, in the treaty of peace; but the immense increase of reputation that the navy acquired during the war practically decided both points in our favor. Our sailors had gained too great a name for any one to molest them with impunity again. Holding views on these maritime subjects so radically different from each other, the two nations could not but be continually dealing with causes of quarrel. Not only did British cruisers molest our merchant-men, but at length one of them, the 50-gun ship _Leopard_, attacked an American frigate, the _Chesapeake_, when the latter was so lumbered up that she could not return a shot, killed or disabled some twenty of her men and took away four others, one Briton and three Americans, who were claimed as deserters. For this act an apology was offered, but it failed to restore harmony between the two nations. Soon afterward another action was fought. The American frigate _President_, Commodore Rodgers, attacked the British sloop _Little Belt_, Captain Bingham, and exchanged one or two broadsides with her,--the frigate escaping scot-free while the sloop was nearly knocked to pieces. Mutual recriminations followed, each side insisting that the other was the assailant. When Great Britain issued her Orders in Council forbidding our trading with France, we retaliated by passing an embargo act, which prevented us from trading at all. There could be but one result to such a succession of incidents, and that was war. Accordingly, in June, 1812, war was declared; and as a contest for the rights of seamen, it was largely waged on the ocean. We also had not a little fighting to do on land, in which, as a rule, we came out second-best. Few or no preparations for the war had been made, and the result was such as might have been anticipated. After dragging on through three dreary and uneventful years it came to an end in 1815, by a peace which left matters in almost precisely the state in which the war had found them. On land and water the contest took the form of a succession of petty actions, in which the glory acquired by the victor seldom eclipsed the disgrace incurred by the vanquished. Neither side succeeded in doing what it intended. Americans declared that Canada must and should be conquered, but the conquering came quite as near being the other way. British writers insisted that the American navy should be swept from the sea; and, during the sweeping process it increased fourfold. When the United States declared war, Great Britain was straining every nerve and muscle in a death struggle with the most formidable military despotism of modern times, and was obliged to entrust the defence of her Canadian colonies to a mere handful of regulars, aided by the local fencibles. But Congress had provided even fewer trained soldiers, and relied on militia. The latter chiefly exercised their fighting abilities upon one another in duelling, and, as a rule, were afflicted with conscientious scruples whenever it was necessary to cross the frontier and attack the enemy. Accordingly, the campaign opened with the bloodless surrender of an American general to a much inferior British force, and the war continued much as it had begun; we suffered disgrace after disgrace, while the losses we inflicted, in turn, on Great Britain were so slight as hardly to attract her attention. At last, having crushed her greater foe, she turned to crush the lesser, and, in her turn, suffered ignominious defeat. By this time events had gradually developed a small number of soldiers on our northern frontier, who, commanded by Scott and Brown, were able to contend on equal terms with the veteran troops to whom they were opposed, though these formed part of what was then undoubtedly the most formidable fighting infantry any European nation possessed. The battles at this period of the struggle were remarkable for the skill and stubborn courage with which they were waged, as well as for the heavy loss involved; but the number of combatants was so small that in Europe they would have been regarded as mere outpost skirmishes, and they wholly failed to attract any attention abroad in that period of colossal armies. When Great Britain seriously turned her attention to her transatlantic foe, and assembled in Canada an army of 14,000 men at the head of Lake Champlain, Congressional forethought enabled it to be opposed by soldiers who, it is true, were as well disciplined, as hardy, and as well commanded as any in the world, but who were only a few hundred strong, backed by more or less incompetent militia. Only Macdonough's skill and Sir George Prevost's incapacity saved us from a serious disaster; the sea-fight reflected high honor on our seamen, but the retreat of the British land-forces was due to their commander and not their antagonists. Meanwhile a large British fleet in the Chesapeake had not achieved much glory by the destruction of local oyster-boats and the burning of a few farmers' houses, so an army was landed to strike a decisive blow. At Bladensburg [Footnote: See the "Capture of Washington," by Edward D. Ingraham (Philadelphia. 1849).] the five thousand British regulars, utterly worn out by heat and fatigue, by their mere appearance, frightened into a panic double their number of American militia well posted. But the only success attained was burning the public buildings of Washington, and that result was of dubious value. Baltimore was attacked next, and the attack repulsed, after the forts and ships had shelled one another with the slight results that usually attend that spectacular and harmless species of warfare. The close of the contest was marked by the extraordinary battle of New Orleans. It was a perfectly useless shedding of blood, since peace had already been declared. There is hardly another contest of modern times where the defeated side suffered such frightful carnage, while the victors came off almost scatheless. It is quite in accordance with the rest of the war that the militia, hitherto worse than useless, should on this occasion win against great odds in point of numbers; and, moreover, that their splendid victory should have been of little consequence in its effects upon the result. On the whole, the contest by land, where we certainly ought to have been successful, reflected greater credit on our antagonists than upon us, in spite of the services of Scott, Brown, and Jackson. Our small force of regulars and volunteers did excellently; as for the militia, New Orleans proved that they _could_ fight superbly, and the other battles that they generally _would not_ fight at all. At sea, as will appear, the circumstances were widely different. Here we possessed a small but highly effective force, the ships well built, manned by thoroughly trained men, and commanded by able and experienced officers. The deeds of our navy form a part of history over which any American can be pardoned for lingering. * * * * * Such was the origin, issue, and general character of the war. It may now be well to proceed to a comparison of the authorities on the subject. Allusion has already been made to them in the preface, but a fuller reference seems to be necessary in this connection. At the close of the contest, the large majority of historians who wrote of it were so bitterly rancorous that their statements must be received with caution. For the main facts, I have relied, wherever it was practicable, upon the official letters of the commanding officers, taking each as authority for his own force and loss.[Footnote: As where Broke states his own force at 330, his antagonists at 440, and the American court of inquiry makes the numbers 396 and 379, I have taken them as being 330 and 379 respectively. This is the only just method; I take it for granted that each commander meant to tell the truth, and of course knew his own force, while he might very naturally and in perfect good faith exaggerate his antagonist's.] For all the British victories we have British official letters, which tally almost exactly, as regards matters of _fact_ and not of _opinion_, with the corresponding American accounts. For the first year the British also published official accounts of their defeats, which in the cases of the _Guerrière_, _Macedonian_ and _Frolic_, I have followed as closely as the accounts of the American victors. The last British official letter published announcing a defeat was that in the case of the _Java_, and it is the only letter that I have not strictly accepted: The fact that no more were published thereafter is of itself unfortunate; and from the various contradictions it contains it would appear to have been tampered with. The surgeon's report accompanying it is certainly false. Subsequent to 1812 no letter of a defeated British commander was published, [Footnote: Except about the battles on the Lakes, where I have accordingly given the same credit to the accounts both of the British and of the Americans.] and I have to depend upon the various British historians, especially James, of whom more anon. The American and British historians from whom we are thus at times forced to draw our material regard the war from very different stand-points, and their accounts generally differ. Each writer naturally so colored the affair as to have it appear favorable to his own side. Sometimes this was done intentionally and sometimes not. Not unfrequently errors are made against the historian's own side; as when the British author, Brenton, says that the British brig _Peacock_ mounted 32's instead of 24's, while Lossing in his "Field-Book of the War of 1812" makes the same mistake about the armament of the American brig _Argus_. Errors of this description are, of course, as carefully to be guarded against as any others. Mere hearsay reports, such as "it has been said," "a prisoner on board the opposing fleet has observed," "an American (or British) newspaper of such and such a date has remarked," are of course to be rejected. There is a curious parallelism in the errors on both sides. For example, the American, Mr. Low, writing in 1813, tells how the _Constitution_, 44, captured the _Guerrière_ of 49 guns, while the British Lieutenant Low, writing in 1880, tells how the _Pelican_, 18, captured the _Argus_ of 20 guns. Each records the truth but not the whole truth, for although rating 44 and 18 the victors carried respectively 54 and 21 guns, of heavier metal than those of their antagonists. Such errors are generally intentional. Similarly, most American writers mention the actions in which the privateers were victorious, but do not mention those in which they were defeated; while the British, in turn, record every successful "cutting-out" expedition, but ignore entirely those which terminated unfavorably. Other errors arise from honest ignorance. Thus, James in speaking of the repulse of the _Endymion's_ boats by the _Neufchatel_ gives the latter a crew of 120 men; she had more than this number originally, but only 40 were in her at the time of the attack. So also when the captain of the _Pelican_ writes that the officers of the _Argus_ report her loss at 40, when they really reported it at 24 or when Captain Dacres thought the _Constitution_ had lost about 20 men instead of 14. The American gun-boat captains in recounting their engagements with the British frigates invariably greatly overestimated the loss of the latter. So that on both sides there were some intentional misstatements or garblings, and a much more numerous class of simple blunders, arising largely from an incapacity for seeing more than one side of the question. Among the early British writers upon this war, the ablest was James. He devoted one work, his "Naval Occurrences," entirely to it; and it occupies the largest part of the sixth volume of his more extensive "History of the British Navy." [Footnote: A new edition, London, 1826.] Two other British writers, Lieutenant Marshall [Footnote: "Royal Naval Biography," by John Marshall (London, 1823-1835).] and Captain Brenton, [Footnote: "Naval History of Great Britain," by Edward Pelham Brenton (new edition, London, 1837).] wrote histories of the same events, about the same time; but neither of these naval officers produced half as valuable a work as did the civilian James. Marshall wrote a dozen volumes, each filled with several scores of dreary panegyrics, or memoirs of as many different officers. There is no attempt at order, hardly any thing about the ships, guns, or composition of the crews; and not even the pretence of giving both sides, the object being to make every Englishman appear in his best light. The work is analogous to the numerous lives of Decatur, Bainbridge, Porter, etc., that appeared in the United States about the same time, and is quite as untrustworthy. Brenton made a far better and very interesting book, written on a good and well-connected plan, and apparently with a sincere desire to tell the truth. He accepts the British official accounts as needing nothing whatever to supplement them, precisely as Cooper accepts the American officials'. A more serious fault is his inability to be accurate. That this inaccuracy is not intentional is proved by the fact that it tells as often against his own side as against his opponents. He says, for example, that the guns of Perry's and Barclay's squadrons "were about equal in number and weight," that the _Peacock_ (British) was armed with 32's instead of 24's, and underestimates the force of the second _Wasp_. But the blunders are quite as bad when distributed as when confined to one side; in addition, Brenton's disregard of all details makes him of but little use. James, as already said, is by far the most valuable authority on the war, as regards _purely British_ affairs. He enters minutely into details, and has evidently laboriously hunted up his authorities. He has examined the ships' logs, the Admiralty reports, various treatises, all the _Gazette_ reports, gives very well-chosen extracts, has arranged his work in chronological order, discriminates between the officers that deserve praise and those that deserve blame, and in fact writes a work which ought to be consulted by every student of naval affairs. But he is unfortunately afflicted with a hatred toward the Americans that amounts to a monomania. He wishes to make out as strong a case as possible against them. The _animus_ of his work may be gathered from the not over complimentary account of the education of the youthful seafaring American, which can be found in vol. vi, p. 113, of his "History." On page 153 he asserts that he is an "impartial historian"; and about three lines before mentions that "it may suit the Americans to invent any falsehood, no matter how barefaced, to foist a valiant character on themselves." On page 419 he says that Captain Porter is to be believed, "so far as is borne out by proof (the only safe way where an American is concerned),"--which somewhat sweeping denunciation of the veracity of all of Captain Porter's compatriots would seem to indicate that James was not, perhaps, in that dispassionate frame of mind best suited for writing history. That he should be biassed against individual captains can be understood, but when he makes rabid onslaughts upon the American people as a whole, he renders it difficult for an American, at any rate, to put implicit credence in him. His statements are all the harder to confute when they are erroneous, because they are intentionally so. It is not, as with Brenton and Marshall, because he really thinks a British captain _cannot_ be beaten, except by some kind of distorted special providence, for no man says worse things than he does about certain officers and crews. A writer of James' undoubted ability must have known perfectly well that his statements were untrue in many instances, as where he garbles Hilyar's account of Porter's loss, or misstates the comparative force of the fleets on Lake Champlain. When he says (p. 194) that Captain Bainbridge wished to run away from the _Java_, and would have done so if he had not been withheld by the advice of his first lieutenant, who was a renegade Englishman, [Footnote: Who, by the way, was Mr. Parker, born in Virginia, and never in England in his life.] it is not of much consequence whether his making the statement was due to excessive credulity or petty meanness, for, in either case, whether the defect was in his mind or his morals, it is enough to greatly impair the value of his other "facts." Again, when James (p. 165) states that Decatur ran away from the _Macedonian_ until, by some marvellous optical delusion, he mistook her for a 32, he merely detracts a good deal from the worth of his own account. When the Americans adopt boarding helmets, he considers it as proving conclusively that they are suffering from an acute attack of cowardice. On p. 122 he says that "had the _President_, when she fell in with the _Belvidera_, been cruising alone * * * Commodore Rodgers would have magnified the British frigate into a line-of-battle ship, and have done his utmost to avoid her," which gives an excellent idea of the weight to be attached to the various other anecdotes he relates of the much-abused Commodore Rodgers. But it must always be remembered that untrustworthy as James is in any thing referring purely to the Americans, he is no worse than his compeers of both nationalities. The misstatements of Niles in his "Weekly Register" about the British are quite as flagrant, and his information about his own side even more valuable. [Footnote: In Niles, by the way, can be found excellent examples of the traditional American "spread-eagle" style. In one place I remember his describing "The Immortal Rodgers," baulked of his natural prey, the British, as "soaring about like the bold bald eagle of his native land," seeking whom he might devour. The accounts he gives of British line-of-battle ships fleeing from American 44's quite match James' anecdotes of the latter's avoidance of British 38's and 36's for fear they might mount twenty-four-pounders. The two works taken together give a very good idea of the war; separately, either is utterly unreliable, especially in matters of opinion.] Every little American author crowed over Perry's "Nelsonic victory over a greatly superior force." The _Constitution_ was declared to have been at a disadvantage when she fought the _Guerrière_, and so on _ad infinitum_. But these writers have all faded into oblivion, and their writings are not even referred to, much less believed. James, on the contrary, has passed through edition after edition, is considered as unquestionable authority in his own country, and largely throughout Europe, and has furnished the basis for every subsequent account by British authors. From Alison to Lieutenant Low, almost every English work, whether of a popular character or not, is, in so far as it touches on the war, simply a "rehash" of the works written by James. The consequence is that the British and American accounts have astonishingly little resemblance. One ascribes the capture of the British frigates simply to the fact that their opponents were "cut down line-of-battle ships"; the other gives all the glory to the "undaunted heroism," etc., of the Yankee sailors. One not very creditable trait of the early American naval historians gave their rivals a great advantage. The object of the former was to make out that the _Constitution_, for example, won her victories against an equal foe, and an exact statement of the forces showed the contrary; so they always avoided figures, and thus left the ground clear for James' careful misstatements. Even when they criticised him they never went into details, confining themselves to some remark about "hurling" his figures in his face with "loathing." Even Cooper, interesting though his work is, has gone far less into figures than he should, and seems to have paid little if any attention to the British official statements, which of course should be received as of equal weight with the American. His comments on the actions are generally very fair, the book never being disfigured by bitterness toward the British; but he is certainly wrong, for example, in ascribing the loss of the _Chesapeake_ solely to accident, that of the _Argus_ solely to her inferiority in force, and so on. His disposition to praise _all_ the American commanders may be generous, but is nevertheless unjust. If Decatur's surrender of the _President_ is at least impliedly praised, then Porter's defence of the _Essex_ can hardly receive its just award. There is no weight in the commendation bestowed upon Hull, if commendation, the same in kind though less in degree, is bestowed upon Rodgers. It is a great pity that Cooper did not write a criticism on James, for no one could have done it more thoroughly. But he never mentions him, except once in speaking of Barclay's fleet. In all probability this silence arose from sheer contempt, and the certainty that most of James' remarks were false; but the effect was that very many foreigners believe him to have shirked the subject. He rarely gives any data by which the statements of James can be disproved, and it is for this reason that I have been obliged to criticise the latter's work very fully. Many of James' remarks, however, defy criticism from their random nature, as when he states that American midshipmen were chiefly masters and mates of merchantmen, and does not give a single proof to support the assertion. It would be nearly as true to assert that the British midshipmen were for the most part ex-members of the prize-ring, and as much labor would be needed to disprove it. In other instances it is quite enough to let his words speak for themselves, as where he says (p. 155) that of the American sailors one third in number and one half in point of effectiveness were in reality British. That is, of the 450 men the _Constitution_ had when she fought the _Java_ 150 were British, and the remaining 300 could have been as effectively replaced by 150 more British. So a very little logic works out a result that James certainly did not intend to arrive at; namely, that 300 British led by American officers could beat, with ease and comparative impunity, 400 British led by their own officers. He also forgets that the whole consists of the sum of the parts. He accounts for the victories of the Americans by stating (p. 280) that they were lucky enough to meet with frigates and brigs who had unskilful gunners or worthless crews; he also carefully shows that the _Macedonian_ was incompetently handled, the _Peacock_ commanded by a mere martinet, the _Avon's_ crew unpractised weak and unskilful, the _Java's_ exceedingly poor, and more to the same effect. Now the Americans took in single fight three frigates and seven sloops, and when as many as ten vessels are met it is exceedingly probable that they represent the fair average; so that James' strictures, so far as true, simply show that the average British ship was very apt to possess, comparatively speaking, an incompetent captain or unskilful crew. These disadvantages were not felt when opposed to navies in which they existed to an even greater extent, but became very apparent when brought into contact with a power whose few officers knew how to play their own parts very nearly to perfection, and, something equally important, knew how to make first-rate crews out of what was already good raw material. Finally, a large proportion of James' abuse of the Americans sufficiently refutes itself, and perhaps Cooper's method of contemptuously disregarding him was the best; but no harm can follow from devoting a little space to commenting upon him. Much the best American work is Lieutenant George E. Emmons' statistical "History of the United States Navy." Unfortunately it is merely a mass of excellently arranged and classified statistics, and while of invaluable importance to the student, is not interesting to the average reader. Almost all the statements I have made of the force, tonnage, and armament of the American vessels, though I have whenever practicable taken them from the Navy Records, etc., yet could be just as well quoted from Emmons. Copies of most of the American official letters which I have quoted can be found in "Niles' Register," volumes 1 to 10, and all of the British ones in the "London Naval Chronicle" for the same years. It is to these two authorities that I am most indebted, and nearly as much so to the "American State Papers," vol. xiv. Next in order come Emmons, Cooper, and the invaluable, albeit somewhat scurrilous, James; and a great many others whose names I have quoted in their proper places. In commenting upon the actions, I have, whenever possible, drawn from some standard work, such as Jurien de la Gravière's "Guerres Maritimes," Lord Howard Douglass' "Naval Gunnery," or, better still, from the lives and memoirs of Admirals Farragut, Codrington, Broke, or Durham. The titles of the various works will be found given in full as they are referred to. [Footnote: To get an idea of the American seamen of that time Cooper's novels, "Miles Wallingford," "Home as Found," and the "Pilot," are far better than any history; in the "Two Admirals" the description of the fleet manoeuvring is unrivalled. His view of Jack's life is rather rose-colored however. "Tom Cringle's log" ought to be read for the information it gives. Marryatt's novels will show some of the darker aspects of sailor life.] In a few cases, where extreme accuracy was necessary, or where, as in the case of the _President's_ capture, it was desirable that there should be no room for dispute as to the facts, I have given the authority for each sentence; but in general this would be too cumbersome, and so I have confined myself to referring, at or near the beginning of the account of each action, to the authorities from whom I have taken it. For the less important facts on which every one is agreed I have often given no references. Chapter II _Overwhelming naval supremacy of England when America declared war against her--Race identity of the combatants--The American navy at the beginning of the war--Officers well trained--Causes tending to make our seamen especially efficient--Close similarity between the British and American sailors--Our ships manned chiefly by native Americans, many of whom had formerly been impressed into the British navy--Quotas of seamen contributed by the different States--Navy-yards--Lists of officers and men--List of vessels--Tonnage--Different ways of estimating it in Britain and America--Ratings--American ships properly rated--Armaments of the frigates and corvettes--Three styles of guns used--Difference between long guns and carronades--Short weight of American shot--Comparison of British frigates rating 38, and American frigates rating 44 guns--Compared with a 74._ During the early years of this century England's naval power stood at a height never reached before or since by that of any other nation. On every sea her navies rode, not only triumphant, but with none to dispute their sway. The island folk had long claimed the mastery of the ocean, and they had certainly succeeded in making their claim completely good during the time of bloody warfare that followed the breaking out of the French Revolution. Since the year 1792 each European nation, in turn, had learned to feel bitter dread of the weight of England's hand. In the Baltic, Sir Samuel Hood had taught the Russians that they must needs keep in port when the English cruisers were in the offing. The descendants of the Vikings had seen their whole navy destroyed at Copenhagen. No Dutch fleet ever put out after the day when, off Camperdown, Lord Duncan took possession of De Winter's shattered ships. But a few years before 1812, the greatest sea-fighter of all time had died in Trafalgar Bay, and in dying had crumbled to pieces the navies of France and of Spain. From that day England's task was but to keep in port such of her foes' vessels as she had not destroyed. France alone still possessed fleets that could be rendered formidable, and so, from the Scheldt to Toulon, her harbors were watched and her coasts harried by the blockading squadrons of the English. Elsewhere the latter had no fear of their power being seriously assailed; but their vast commerce and numerous colonies needed ceaseless protection. Accordingly in every sea their cruisers could be found, of all sizes, from the stately ship-of-the-line, with her tiers of heavy cannon and her many hundreds of men, down to the little cutter carrying but a score of souls and a couple of light guns. All these cruisers, but especially those of the lesser rates, were continually brought into contact with such of the hostile vessels as had run through the blockade, or were too small to be affected by it. French and Italian frigates were often fought and captured when they were skirting their own coasts, or had started off on a plundering cruise through the Atlantic, or to the Indian Ocean; and though the Danes had lost their larger ships they kept up a spirited warfare with brigs and gun-boats. So the English marine was in constant exercise, attended with almost invariable success. Such was Great Britain's naval power when the Congress of the United States declared war upon her. While she could number her thousand sail, the American navy included but half a dozen frigates, and six or eight sloops and brigs; and it is small matter for surprise that the British officers should have regarded their new foe with contemptuous indifference. Hitherto the American seamen had never been heard of except in connection with two or three engagements with French frigates, and some obscure skirmishes against the Moors of Tripoli; none of which could possibly attract attention in the years that saw Aboukir, Copenhagen, and Trafalgar. And yet these same petty wars were the school which raised our marine to the highest standard of excellence. A continuous course of victory, won mainly by seamanship, had made the English sailor overweeningly self-confident, and caused him to pay but little regard to manoeuvring or even to gunnery. Meanwhile the American learned, by receiving hard knocks, how to give them, and belonged to a service too young to feel an over-confidence in itself. One side had let its training relax, while the other had carried it to the highest possible point. Hence our ships proved, on the whole, victorious in the apparently unequal struggle, and the men who had conquered the best seamen of Europe were now in turn obliged to succumb. Compared with the great naval battles of the preceding few years, out bloodiest conflicts were mere skirmishes, but they were skirmishes between the hitherto acknowledged kings of the ocean, and new men who yet proved to be more than their equals. For over a hundred years, or since the time when they had contended on equal terms with the great Dutch admirals, the British had shown a decided superiority to their various foes, and during the latter quarter of the time this superiority, as already said, was very marked, indeed; in consequence, the victories of the new enemy attracted an amount of attention altogether disproportionate to their material effects. And it is a curious fact that our little navy, in which the art of handling and fighting the old broadside, sailing frigate in single conflict was brought to the highest point of perfection ever reached, that this same navy should have contained the first representative of the modern war steamer, and also the torpedo--the two terrible engines which were to drive from the ocean the very whitewinged craft that had first won honor for the starry flag. The tactical skill of Hull or Decatur is now of merely archaic interest, and has but little more bearing on the manoeuvring of a modern fleet than have the tactics of the Athenian gallies. But the war still conveys some most practical lessons as to the value of efficient ships and, above all, of efficient men in them. Had we only possessed the miserable gun-boats, our men could have done nothing; had we not possessed good men, the heavy frigates would have availed as little. Poor ships and impotent artillery had lost the Dutch almost their entire navy; fine ships and heavy cannon had not saved the French and Spanish from the like fate. We owed our success to putting sailors even better than the Dutch on ships even finer than those built by the two Latin seaboard powers. The first point to be remembered in order to write a fair account of this war is that the difference in fighting skill, which certainly existed between the two parties, was due mainly to training, and not to the nature of the men. It seems certain that the American had in the beginning somewhat the advantage, because his surroundings, partly physical and partly social and political, had forced him into habits of greater self-reliance. Therefore, on the average, he offered rather the best material to start with; but the difference was very slight, and totally disappeared under good training. The combatants were men of the same race, differing but little from one another. On the New England coast the English blood was as pure as in any part of Britain; in New York and New Jersey it was mixed with that of the Dutch settlers--and the Dutch are by race nearer to the true old English of Alfred and Harold than are, for example, the thoroughly anglicized Welsh of Cornwall. Otherwise, the infusion of new blood into the English race on this side of the Atlantic has been chiefly from three sources--German, Irish, and Norse; and these three sources represent the elemental parts of the composite English stock in about the same proportions in which they were originally combined,--mainly Teutonic, largely Celtic, and with a Scandinavian admixture. The descendant of the German becomes as much an Anglo-American as the descendant of the Strathclyde Celt has already become an Anglo-Briton. Looking through names of the combatants it would be difficult to find any of one navy that could not be matched in the other--Hull or Lawrence, Allen, Perry, or Stewart. And among all the English names on both sides will be found many Scotch, Irish, or Welsh--Macdonough, O'Brien, or Jones. Still stranger ones appear: the Huguenot Tattnall is one among the American defenders of the _Constellation_, and another Huguenot Tattnall is among the British assailants at Lake Borgne. It must always be kept in mind that the Americans and the British are two substantially similar branches of the great English race, which both before and after their separation have assimilated, and made Englishmen of many other peoples. [Footnote: The inhabitants of Great Britain are best designated as "British"--English being either too narrow or too broad a term, in one case meaning the inhabitants of but a part of Britain, and in the other the whole Anglo-Saxon people.] The lessons taught by the war can hardly be learned unless this identity is kept in mind. [Footnote: It was practically a civil war, and was waged with much harshness and bitterness on both sides. I have already spoken of the numerous grievances of the Americans; the British, in turn, looked upon our blockade-runners which entered the French ports exactly as we regarded, at a later date, the British steamers that ran into Wilmington and Charleston. It is curious to see how illogical writers are. The careers of the _Argus_ and _Alabama_ for example, were strikingly similar in many ways, yet the same writer who speaks of one as an "heroic little brig," will call the other a "black pirate." Of course there can be no possible comparison as to the causes for which the two vessels were fighting; but the cruises themselves were very much alike, both in character and history.] To understand aright the efficiency of our navy, it is necessary to take a brief look at the character and antecedents of the officers and men who served in it. When war broke out the United States Navy was but a few years old, yet it already had a far from dishonorable history. The captains and lieutenants of 1812 had been taught their duties in a very practical school, and the flag under which they fought was endeared to them already by not a few glorious traditions--though these, perhaps, like others of their kind, had lost none of their glory in the telling. A few of the older men had served in the war of the Revolution, and all still kept fresh in mind the doughty deeds of the old-time privateering war craft. Men still talked of Biddle's daring cruises and Barney's stubborn fights, or told of Scotch Paul and the grim work they had who followed his fortunes. Besides these memories of an older generation, most of the officers had themselves taken part, when younger in years and rank, in deeds not a whit less glorious. Almost every man had had a share in some gallant feat, to which he, in part at least, owed his present position. The captain had perhaps been a midshipman under Truxtun when he took the _Vengeance_, and had been sent aboard the captured French frigate with the prize-master; the lieutenant had borne a part in the various attacks on Tripoli, and had led his men in the desperate hand-to-hand fights in which the Yankee cutlass proved an overmatch for the Turkish and Moorish scimitars. Nearly every senior officer had extricated himself by his own prowess or skill from the dangers of battle or storm; he owed his rank to the fact that he had proved worthy of it. Thrown upon his own resources, he had learned self-reliance; he was a first-rate practical seaman, and prided himself on the way his vessel was handled. Having reached his rank by hard work, and knowing what real fighting meant, he was careful to see that his men were trained in the _essentials_ of discipline, and that they knew how to handle the guns in battle as well as polish them in peace. Beyond almost any of his countrymen, he worshipped the "Gridiron Flag," and, having been brought up in the Navy, regarded its honor as his own. It was, perhaps, the Navy alone that thought itself a match, ship against ship, for Great Britain. The remainder of the nation pinned its faith to the army, or rather to that weakest of weak reeds, the militia. The officers of the navy, with their strong _esprit de corps,_ their jealousy of their own name and record, and the knowledge, by actual experience, that the British ships sailed no faster and were no better handled than their own, had no desire to shirk a conflict with any foe, and having tried their bravery in actual service, they made it doubly formidable by cool, wary skill. Even the younger men, who had never been in action, had been so well trained by the tried veterans over them that the lack of experience was not sensibly felt. The sailors comprising the crews of our ships were well worthy of their leaders. There was no better seaman in the world than American Jack; he had been bred to his work from infancy, and had been off in a fishing dory almost as soon as he could walk. When he grew older, he shipped on a merchant-man or whaler, and in those warlike times, when our large merchant-marine was compelled to rely pretty much on itself for protection, each craft _had_ to be well handled; all who were not were soon weeded out by a process of natural selection, of which the agents were French picaroons, Spanish buccaneers, and Malay pirates. It was a rough school, but it taught Jack to be both skilful and self-reliant; and he was all the better fitted to become a man-of-war's man, because he knew more about fire-arms than most of his kind in foreign lands. At home he had used his ponderous ducking gun with good effect on the flocks of canvasbacks in the reedy flats of the Chesapeake, or among the sea-coots in the rough water off the New England cliffs; and when he went on a sailing voyage the chances were even that there would be some use for the long guns before he returned, for the American merchant sailor could trust to no armed escort. The wonderful effectiveness of our seamen at the date of which I am writing as well as long subsequently to it was largely due to the curious condition of things in Europe. For thirty years all the European nations had been in a state of continuous and very complicated warfare, during the course of which each nation in turn fought almost every other, England being usually at loggerheads with all. One effect of this was to force an enormous proportion of the carrying trade of the world into American bottoms. The old Massachusetts town of Salem was then one of the main depots of the East India trade; the Baltimore clippers carried goods into the French and German ports with small regard to the blockade; New Bedford and Sag Harbor fitted out whalers for the Arctic seas as well as for the South Pacific; the rich merchants of Philadelphia and New York sent their ships to all parts of the world; and every small port had some craft in the coasting trade. On the New England seaboard but few of the boys would reach manhood without having made at least one voyage to the Newfoundland Banks after codfish; and in the whaling towns of Long Island it used to be an old saying that no man could marry till he struck his whale. The wealthy merchants of the large cities would often send their sons on a voyage or two before they let them enter their counting-houses. Thus it came about that a large portion of our population was engaged in seafaring pursuits of a nature strongly tending to develop a resolute and hardy character in the men that followed them. The British merchant-men sailed in huge convoys, guarded by men-of-war, while, as said before, our vessels went alone, and relied for protection on themselves. If a fishing smack went to the Banks it knew that it ran a chance of falling in with some not over-scrupulous Nova Scotian privateer. The barques that sailed from Salem to the Spice Islands kept their men well trained both at great guns and musketry, so as to be able to beat off either Malay proas, or Chinese junks. The New York ships, loaded for the West Indies, were prepared to do battle with the picaroons that swarmed in the Spanish main; while the fast craft from Baltimore could fight as well as they could run. Wherever an American seaman went, he not only had to contend with all the legitimate perils of the sea, but he had also to regard almost every stranger as a foe. Whether this foe called himself pirate or privateer mattered but little. French, Spaniards, Algerines, Malays, from all alike our commerce suffered, and against all, our merchants were forced to defend themselves. The effect of such a state of things, which made commerce so remunerative that the bolder spirits could hardly keep out of it, and so hazardous that only the most skilful and daring could succeed in it, was to raise up as fine a set of seamen as ever manned a navy. The stern school in which the American was brought up, forced him into habits of independent thought and action which it was impossible that the more protected Briton could possess. He worked more intelligently and less from routine, and while perfectly obedient and amenable to discipline, was yet able to judge for himself in an emergency. He was more easily managed than most of his kind--being shrewd, quiet, and, in fact, comparatively speaking, rather moral than otherwise; if he was a New Englander, when he retired from a sea life he was not unapt to end his days as a deacon. Altogether there could not have been better material for a fighting crew than cool, gritty American Jack. Moreover, there was a good nucleus of veterans to begin with, who were well fitted to fill the more responsible positions, such as captains of guns, etc. These were men who had cruised in the little _Enterprise_ after French privateers, who had been in the _Constellation_ in her two victorious fights, or who, perhaps, had followed Decatur when with only eighty men he cut out the _Philadelphia_, manned by fivefold his force and surrounded by hostile batteries and war vessels,--one of the boldest expeditions of the kind on record. It is to be noted, furthermore, in this connection, that by a singular turn of fortune, Great Britain, whose system of impressing American sailors had been one of the chief causes of the war, herself became, in consequence of that very system, in some sort, a nursery for the seamen of the young Republican navy. The American sailor feared nothing more than being impressed on a British ship--dreading beyond measure the hard life and cruel discipline aboard of her; but once there, he usually did well enough, and in course of time often rose to be of some little consequence. For years before 1812, the number of these impressed sailors was in reality greater than the entire number serving in the American navy, from which it will readily be seen that they formed a good stock to draw upon. Very much to their credit, they never lost their devotion to the home of their birth, more than two thousand of them being imprisoned at the beginning of the war because they refused to serve against their country. When Commodore Decatur captured the _Macedonian_, that officer, as we learn from Marshall's "Naval Biography" (ii. 1019), stated that most of the seamen of his own frigate, the _United States_, had served in British war vessels, and that some had been with Lord Nelson in the _Victory_, and had even been bargemen to the great Admiral,--a pretty sure proof that the American sailors did not show a disadvantage when compared with others. [Footnote: With perfect gravity, James and his followers assume Decatur's statement to be equivalent to saying that he had chiefly British seamen on board; whereas, even as quoted by Marshall, Decatur merely said that "his seamen had served on board a British man-of-war," and that some "had served under Lord Nelson." Like the _Constitution_, the _United States_ had rid herself of most of the British subjects on board, before sailing. Decatur's remark simply referred to the number of his American seamen who had been impressed on board British ships. Whenever James says that an American ship had a large proportion of British sailors aboard, the explanation is that a large number of the crew were Americans who had been impressed on British ships. It would be no more absurd to claim Trafalgar as an American victory because there was a certain number of Americans in Nelson's fleet, than it is to assert that the Americans were victorious in 1812, because there were a few renegade British on board their ships.] Good seaman as the impressed American proved to be, yet he seldom missed an opportunity to escape from the British service, by desertion or otherwise. In the first place, the life was very hard, and, in the second, the American seaman was very patriotic. He had an honest and deep affection for his own flag; while, on the contrary, he felt a curiously strong hatred for England, as distinguished from Englishmen. This hatred was partly an abstract feeling, cherished through a vague traditional respect for Bunker Hill, and partly something very real and vivid, owing to the injuries he, and others like him, had received. Whether he lived in Maryland or Massachusetts, he certainly knew men whose ships had been seized by British cruisers, their goods confiscated, and the vessels condemned. Some of his friends had fallen victims to the odious right of search, and had never been heard of afterward. He had suffered many an injury to friend, fortune, or person, and some day he hoped to repay them all; and when the war did come, he fought all the better because he knew it was in his own quarrel. But, as I have said, this hatred was against England, not against Englishmen. Then, as now, sailors were scattered about over the world without any great regard for nationality; and the resulting intermingling of natives and foreigners in every mercantile marine was especially great in those of Britain and America, whose people spoke the same tongue and wore the same aspect. When chance drifted the American into Liverpool or London, he was ready enough to ship in an Indiaman or whaler, caring little for the fact that he served under the British flag; and the Briton, in turn, who found himself in New York or Philadelphia, willingly sailed in one of the clipper-built barques, whether it floated the stars and stripes or not. When Captain Porter wrought such havoc among the British whalers in the South Seas, he found that no inconsiderable portion of their crews consisted of Americans, some of whom enlisted on board his own vessel; and among the crews of the American whalers were many British. In fact, though the skipper of each ship might brag loudly of his nationality, yet in practical life he knew well enough that there was very little to choose between a Yankee and a Briton. [Footnote: What choice there was, was in favor of the American. In point of courage there was no difference whatever. The _Essex_ and the _Lawrence_, as well as the _Frolic_ and the _Reindeer_, were defended with the same stubborn, desperate, cool bravery that marks the English race on both sides of the Atlantic. But the American was a free citizen, any one's equal, a voter with a personal interest in his country's welfare, and, above all, without having perpetually before his eyes the degrading fear of the press-gang. In consequence, he was more tractable than the Englishman, more self-reliant, and possessed greater judgment. In the fight between the _Wasp_ and the _Frolic_, the latter's crew had apparently been well trained at the guns, for they aimed well; but they fired at the wrong time, and never corrected the error; while their antagonists, delivering their broadsides far more slowly, by intelligently waiting until the proper moment, worked frightful havoc. But though there was a certain slight difference between the seamen of the two nations, it must never be forgotten that it was very much less than that between the various individuals of the same nation; and when the British had been trained for a few years by such commanders as Broke and Manners, it was impossible to surpass them, and it needed our best men to equal them.] Both were bold and hardy, cool and intelligent, quick with their hands, and showing at their best in an emergency. They looked alike and spoke alike; when they took the trouble to think, they thought alike; and when they got drunk, which was not an infrequent occurrence, they quarrelled alike. Mingled with them were a few seamen of other nationalities. The Irishman, if he came from the old Dano-Irish towns of Waterford, Dublin, and Wexford, or from the Ulster coast, was very much like the two chief combatants; the Celto-Turanian kern of the west did not often appear on shipboard. The French, Danes, and Dutch were hemmed in at home; they had enough to do on their own seaboard, and could not send men into foreign fleets. A few Norse, however, did come in, and excellent sailors and fighters they made. With the Portuguese and Italians, of whom some were to be found serving under the union-jack, and others under the stars and stripes, it was different; although there were many excellent exceptions they did not, as a rule, make the best of seamen. They were treacherous, fond of the knife, less ready with their hands, and likely to lose either their wits or their courage when in a tight place. In the American navy, unlike the British, there was no impressment; the sailor was a volunteer, and he shipped in whatever craft his fancy selected. Throughout the war there were no "picked crews" on the American side, [Footnote: James' statements to the contrary being in every case utterly without foundation. He is also wrong in his assertion that the American ships had no boys; they had nearly as many in proportion as the British. The _Constitution_ had 31, the _Adams_ 15, etc. So, when he states that our midshipmen were generally masters and mates of merchantmen; they were generally from eleven to seventeen years old at the beginning of the war, and besides, had rarely or never been in the merchant marine.] excepting on the last two cruises of the _Constitution_. In fact (as seen by the letter of Captains Stewart and Bainbridge to Secretary Hamilton), there was often much difficulty in getting enough men. [Footnote: Reading through the volumes of official letters about this war, which are preserved in the office of the Secretary of the Navy, one of the most noticeable things is the continual complaints about the difficulty of getting men. The _Adams_ at one time had a crew of but nineteen men--"fourteen of whom are marines," adds the aggrieved commander. A log-book of one of the gun-boats records the fact that after much difficulty _two_ men were enlisted--from the jail, with a parenthetical memorandum to the effect that they were both very drunk. British ships were much more easily manned, as they could always have recourse to impressment. The _Constitution_ on starting out her last cruises had an extraordinary number of able seamen aboard, viz., 218, with but 92 ordinary seamen, 12 boys, and 44 marines, making, with the officers, a total of 440 men. (See letter of Captain Bainbridge, Oct. 16, 1814; it is letter No. 51, in the fortieth volume of "Captains' Letters," in the clerk's office of the Secretary of the Navy.)] Many sailors preferred to serve in the innumerable privateers, and, the two above-mentioned officers, in urging the necessity of building line-of-battle ships, state that it was hard work to recruit men for vessels of an inferior grade, so long as the enemy had ships of the line. One of the standard statements made by the British historians about this war is that our ships were mainly or largely manned by British sailors. This, if true, would not interfere with the lessons which it teaches; and, besides that, it is _not_ true. In this, as in every thing else, all the modern writers have merely followed James or Brenton, and I shall accordingly confine myself to examining their assertions. The former begins (vol. iv, p. 470) by diffidently stating that there is a "similarity" of language between the inhabitants of the two countries--an interesting philological discovery that but few will attempt to controvert. In vol. vi, p. 154, he mentions that a number of blanks occur in the American Navy List in the column "Where Born"; and in proof of the fact that these blanks are there because the men were not Americans, he says that their names "are all English and Irish." [Footnote: For example, James writes: "Out of the 32 captains one only, Thomas Tingey, had England marked as his birthplace.... Three blanks occur, and we consider it rather creditable to Captains John Shaw, Daniel S. Patterson, and John Ord Creighton, that they were ashamed to tell where they were born." I have not been able to find out the latter's birth-place, but Captain Shaw was born in New York, and I have seen Captain Patterson incidentally alluded to as "born and bred in America." Generally, whenever I have been able to fill up the vacancies in the column "Where Born," I have found that it was in America. From these facts it would appear that James was somewhat hasty in concluding that the omission of the birth-place proved the owner of the name to be a native of Great Britain.] They certainly are; and so are all the other names in the list. It could not well be otherwise, as the United States Navy was not officered by Indians. In looking over this same Navy List (of 1816) it will be seen that but a little over 5 per cent, of the officers were born abroad--a smaller proportion by far than would exist in the population of the country at large--and most of these had come to America when under ten years of age. On p. 155 James adds that the British sailors composed "one third in number and one half in point of effectiveness" of the American crews. Brenton in his "Naval History" writes: "It was said, and I have no reason to doubt the fact, that there were 200 British seamen aboard the _Constitution_." [Footnote: New edition, London, 1837, vol. ii, p. 456.] These statements are mere assertions unsupported by proof, and of such a loose character as to be difficult to refute. As our navy was small, it may be best to take each ship in turn. The only ones of which the British could write authoritatively were, of course, those which they captured. The first one taken was the _Wasp_. James says many British were discovered among her crew, instancing especially one sailor named Jack Lang; now Jack Lang was born in the town of Brunswick, New Jersey, _but had been impressed and forced to serve in the British Navy_. The same was doubtless true of the rest of the "many British" seamen of her crew; at any rate, as the only instance James mentions (Jack Lang) was an American, he can hardly be trusted for those whom he does not name. Of the 95 men composing the crew of the _Nautilus_ when she was captured, "6 were detained and sent to England to await examination as being suspected of being British subjects." [Footnote: Quoted from letter of Commodore Rodgers of September 12, 1812 (in Naval Archives, "Captains' Letters," vol xxv, No. 43), enclosing a "List of American prisoners of war discharged out of custody of Lieutenant William Miller, agent at the port of Halifax," in exchange for some of the British captured by Porter. This list, by the way, shows the crew of the _Nautilus_ (counting the six men detained as British) to have been 95 in number, instead of 106, as stated by James. Commodore Rodgers adds that he has detained 12 men of the _Guerrière's_ crew as an offset to the 6 men belonging to the _Nautilus_.] Of the other small brigs, the _Viper_, _Vixen_, _Rattlesnake_, and _Syren_, James does not mention the composition of the crew, and I do not know that any were claimed as British. Of the crew of the _Argus_ "about 10 or 12 were believed to be British subjects; the American officers swore the crew contained none" (James, "Naval Occurrences," p. 278). From 0 to 10 per cent can be allowed. When the _Frolic_ was captured "her crew consisted of native Americans" (_do_, p. 340). James speaks ("History," p. 418) of "a portion of the British subjects on board the _Essex_," but without giving a word of proof or stating his grounds of belief. One man was claimed as a deserter by the British, but he turned out to be a New Yorker. There were certainly a certain number of British aboard, but the number probably did not exceed thirty. Of the _President's_ crew he says ("Naval Occurrences," p. 448): "In the opinion of several British officers there were among them many British seamen" but Commodore Decatur, Lieutenant Gallagher, and the other officers swore that there were none. Of the crew of the _Chesapeake_, he says, "about 32" were British subjects, or about 10 per cent. One or two of these were afterward shot, and some 25, together with a Portuguese boatswain's mate, entered into the British service. So that of the vessels captured by the British, the _Chesapeake_ had the largest number of British (about 10 per cent. of her crew) on board, the others ranging from that number down to none at all, as in the case of the _Wasp_. As these eleven ships would probably represent a fair average, this proportion, of 0 to 10 per cent., should be taken as the proper one. James, however, is of the opinion that those ships manned by Americans were more apt to be captured than those manned by the braver British; which calls for an examination of the crews of the remaining vessels. Of the American sloop _Peacock_, James says ("Naval Occurrences," p. 348) that "several of her men were recognized as British seamen"; even if this were true, "several" could not probably mean more than sixteen, or 10 per cent. Of the second _Wasp_ he says, "Captain Blakely was a native of Dublin, and, along with some English and Scotch, did not, it may be certain, neglect to have in his crew a great many Irish." Now Captain Blakely left Ireland when he was but 16 months old, and the rest of James' statement is avowedly mere conjecture. It was asserted positively in the American newspapers that the _Wasp_, which sailed from Portsmouth, was manned exclusively by New Englanders, except a small draft of men from a Baltimore privateer, and that there was not a foreigner in her crew. Of the _Hornet_ James states that "some of her men were natives of the United Kingdom"; but he gives no authority, and the men he refers to were in all probability those spoken of in the journal of one of the _Hornet's_ officers, which says that "Many of our men (Americans) had been impressed in the British service." As regards the gun-boats, James asserts that they were commanded by "Commodore Joshua Barney, a native of Ireland." This officer, however, was born at Baltimore on July 6, 1759. As to the _Constitution_, Brenton, as already mentioned, supposes the number of British sailors in her crew to have been 200; James makes it less, or about 150. Respecting this, the only definite statements I can find in British works are the following: In the "Naval Chronicle," vol. xxix, p. 452, an officer of the _Java_ states that most of the _Constitution's_ men were British, many being from the _Guerrière_; which should be read in connection with James' statement (vol. vi, p. 156) that but eight of the _Guerrière's_ crew deserted, and but two shipped on board the _Constitution_. Moreover, as a matter of fact, these eight men were all impressed Americans. In the "Naval Chronicle" it is also said that the _Chesapeake's_ surgeon was an Irishman, formerly of the British navy; he was born in Baltimore, and was never in the British navy in his life. The third lieutenant "was supposed to be an Irishman" (Brenton, ii, 456). The first lieutenant "was a native of Great Britain, we have been informed" (James, vi, 194); he was Mr. George Parker, born and bred in Virginia. The remaining three citations, if true, prove nothing. "One man had served under Mr. Kent" of the _Guerrière_ (James, vi, p. 153). "One had been in the _Achille_" and "one in the _Eurydice_" (Brenton, ii, 456). These three men were most probably American seamen who had been impressed on British ships. From Cooper (in "Putnam's Magazine," vol. I, p. 593) as well as from several places in the _Constitution's_ log, [Footnote: See her log-book (vol. ii, Feb. 1, 1812 to Dec. 13, 1813); especially on July 12th, when twelve men were discharged. In some of Hull's letters he alludes to the desire of the British part of the crew to serve on the gun boats or in the ports; and then writes that "in accordance with the instructions sent him by the Secretary of the Navy," he had allowed the British-born portion to leave the ship. The log-books are in the Bureau of Navigation.] we learn that several of the crew who were British deserters were discharged from the _Constitution_ before she left port, as they were afraid to serve in a war against Great Britain. That this fear was justifiable may be seen by reading James, vol. iv, p. 483. Of the four men taken by the _Leopard_ from the _Chesapeake_, as deserters, one was hung and three scourged. In reality the crew of the _Constitution_ probably did not contain a dozen British sailors; in her last cruises she was manned almost exclusively by New Englanders. The only remainder vessel is the _United States_, respecting whose crew some remarkable statements have been made. Marshall (vol. ii, p. 1019) writes that Commodore Decatur "declared there was not a seaman in his ship who had not served from 5 to 12 years in a British man-of-war," from which he concludes that they were British themselves. It may be questioned whether Decatur ever made such an assertion; or if he did, it is safe to assume again that his men were long-impressed Americans. [Footnote: At the beginning of the war there were on record in the American State Department 6,257 cases of impressed American seamen. These could represent but a small part of the whole, which must have amounted to 20,000 men, or more than sufficient to man our entire navy five times over. According to the British Admiralty Report to the House of Commons, February 1, 1815, 2,548 impressed American seamen, who refused to serve against their country, were imprisoned in 1812. According to Lord Castlereagh's speech in the House, February 18, 1813, 3,300 men claiming to be American subjects were serving in the British navy in January, 1811, and he certainly did not give any thing like the whole number. In the American service the term of enlistment extended for two years, and the frigate, _United States_, referred to, had not had her crew for any very great length of time as yet. If such a crew were selected at random from American sailors, among them there would be, owing to the small number serving in our own navy and the enormous number impressed into the British navy, probably but one of the former to two of the latter. As already mentioned the American always left a British man-of-war as soon as he could, by desertion or discharge; but he had no unwillingness to serve in the home navy, where the pay was larger, and the discipline far more humane, not to speak of motives of patriotism. Even if the ex-British man-of-war's man kept out of service for some time, he would be very apt to enlist when a war broke out, which his country undertook largely to avenge his own wrongs.] Of the _Carolina's_ crew of 70 men, five were British. This fact was not found out till three deserted, when an investigation was made and the two other British discharged. Captain Henly, in reporting these facts, made no concealment of his surprise that there should be any British at all in his crew. [Footnote: See his letter in "Letters of Masters' Commandant," 1814, I. No. 116.] From these facts and citations we may accordingly conclude that the proportion of British seamen serving on American ships _after the war broke out_, varied between none, as on the _Wasp_ and _Constitution_, to ten per cent., as on the _Chesapeake_ and _Essex_. On the average, nine tenths of each of our crews were American seamen, and about one twentieth British, the remainder being a mixture of various nationalities. On the other hand, it is to be said that the British frigate _Guerrière_ had ten Americans among her crew, who were permitted to go below during action, and the _Macedonian_ eight, who were not allowed that privilege, three of them being killed. Three of the British sloop _Peacock's_ men were Americans, who were forced to fight against the _Hornet_: one of them was killed. Two of the _Epervier's_ men were Americans, who were also forced to fight. When the crew of the _Nautilus_ was exchanged, a number of other American prisoners were sent with them; among these were a number of American seamen who had been serving in the _Shannon_, _Acasta_, _Africa_, and various other vessels. So there was also a certain proportion of Americans among the British crews, although forming a smaller percentage of them than the British did on board the American ships. In neither case was the number sufficient to at all affect the result. The crews of our ships being thus mainly native Americans, it may be interesting to try to find out the proportions that were furnished by the different sections of the country. There is not much difficulty about the officers. The captains, masters commandant, lieutenants, marine officers, whose birthplaces are given in the Navy List of 1816,--240 in all,--came from the various States as follows: .- N.H.. 5-. | Mass.. 20 | New England -| R.I. 11 |- 42 '- Conn.. 6-' .- N.Y.. 17-. | N.J.. 22 | Middle States-| Penn.. 35 |- 78 '- Del.. 4-' District of Columbia -[D.C.. 4]- 4 .- Md.. 46-. | Va.. 42 | | N.C.. 4 | Southern States-| S.C.. 16 |-116 | Ga.. 2 | | La.. 4 | '- Ky.. 2-' --------- Total of given birthplaces 240 Thus, Maryland furnished, both absolutely and proportionately, the greatest number of officers, Virginia, then the most populous of all the States, coming next; four fifths of the remainder came from the Northern States. It is more difficult to get at the birthplaces of the sailors. Something can be inferred from the number of privateers and letters of marque fitted out. Here Baltimore again headed the list; following closely came New York, Philadelphia, and the New England coast towns, with, alone among the Southern ports, Charleston, S.C. A more accurate idea of the quotas of sailors furnished by the different sections can be arrived at by comparing the total amount of tonnage the country possessed at the outbreak of the war. Speaking roughly, 44 per cent, of it belonged to New England, 32 per cent, to the Middle States, and 11 per cent, to Maryland. This makes it _probable_ (but of course not certain) that three fourths of the common sailors hailed from the Northern States, half the remainder from Maryland, and the rest chiefly from Virginia and South Carolina. Having thus discussed somewhat at length the character of our officers and crews, it will now be necessary to present some statistical tables to give a more accurate idea of the composition of the navy; the tonnage, complements, and armaments of the ships, etc. At the beginning of the war the Government possessed six navy-yards (all but the last established in 1801) as follows: [Footnote: Report of Naval Secretary Jones, Nov. 30. 1814.] Place Original Cost. Minimum number of men employed. 1. Portsmouth. N. H., $ 5,500 10 2. Charleston, Mass., 39,214 20 3. New York, 40,000 102 4. Philadelphia, 37,000 13 5. Washington, 4,000 36 6. Gosport, 12,000 16 In 1812 the following was the number of officers in the navy: [Footnote: "List of Vessels" etc., by Gen. H Preble U.S.N (1874)] 12 captains 10 masters commandant 73 lieutenants 53 masters 310 midshipmen 42 marine officers ----- 500 At the opening of the year, the number of seamen, ordinary seamen, and boys in service was 4,010, and enough more were recruited to increase it to 5,230, of whom only 2,346 were destined for the cruising war vessels, the remainder being detailed for forts, gun-boats, navy yards, the lakes, etc. [Footnote: Report of Secretary Paul Hamilton, Feb. 21, 1812.] The marine corps was already ample, consisting of 1,523 men. [Footnote: _Ibid_.] No regular navy lists were published till 1816, and I have been able to get very little information respecting the increase in officers and men during 1813 and 1814; but we have full returns for 1815, which may be summarized as follows: [Footnote: Seybert's "Statistical Annals," p. 676 (Philadelphia, 1818)] 30 captains, 25 masters commandant, 141 lieutenants, 24 commanders, 510 midshipmen, 230 sailing-masters, 50 surgeons, 12 chaplains, 50 pursers, 10 coast pilots, 45 captain's clerks, 80 surgeon's mates, 530 boatswains, gunners, carpenters, and sailmakers, 268 boatswain's mates, gunner's mates, etc., 1,106 quarter gunners, etc., 5,000 able seamen, 6,849 ordinary seamen and boys. Making a total of 14,960, with 2,715 marines. [Footnote: Report of Secretary B. W. Crowninshield, April 18, 1816.] Comparing this list with the figures given before, it can be seen that during the course of the war our navy grew enormously, increasing to between three and four times its original size. At the beginning of the year 1812, the navy of the United States on the ocean consisted of the following vessels, which either were, or could have been, made available during the war. [Footnote: Letter of Secretary Benjamin Stoddart to Fifth Congress, Dec. 24, 1798; Letter of Secretary Paul Hamilton, Feb. 21, 1812; "American State Papers," vol. xix, p. 149. See also The "History of the Navy of the United States," by Lieut. G. E. Emmons, U. S. N. (published in Washington, MDCCCLIII, under the authority of the Navy Department.)] Rate When (Guns). Name. Where Built. Built. Tonnage. Cost. 44 _United States_, Philadelphia, 1797 1576 $299,336 44 _Constitution_, Boston, 1797 1576 302,718 44 _President_, New York, 1800 1576 220,910 38 _Constellation_, Baltimore, 1797 1265 314,212 38 _Congress_, Portsmouth, 1799 1268 197,246 38 _Chesapeake_, Norfolk, 1799 1244 220,677 32 _Essex_, Salem, 1799 860 139,362 28 _Adams_, New York, 1799 560 76,622 18 _Hornet_, Baltimore, 1805 480 52,603 18 _Wasp_, Washington, 1806 450 40,000 16 _Argus_, Boston, 1803 298 37,428 16 _Syren_, Philadelphia, 1803 250 32,521 14 _Nautilus_, Baltimore, 1803 185 18,763 14 _Vixen_, Baltimore, 1803 185 20,872 12 _Enterprise_, Baltimore, 1799 165 16,240 12 _Viper_, Purchased, 1810 148 There also appeared on the lists the _New York_, 36, _Boston_, 28, and _John Adams_, 28. The two former were condemned hulks; the latter was entirely rebuilt after the war. The _Hornet_ was originally a brig of 440 tons, and 18 guns; having been transformed into a ship, she was pierced for 20 guns, and in size was of an intermediate grade between the _Wasp_ and the heavy sloops, built somewhat later, of 509 tons. Her armament consisted of 32-pound carronades, with the exception of the two bow-guns, which were long 12's. The whole broadside was in nominal weight just 300 pounds; in actual weight about 277 pounds. Her complement of men was 140, but during the war she generally left port with 150. [Footnote: In the _Hornet's_ log of Oct. 25, 1812, while in port, it is mentioned that she had 158 men; four men who were sick were left behind before she started. (See, in the Navy Archives, the Log-book, _Hornet_, _Wasp_, and _Argus_, July 20, 1809, to Oct. 6, 1813.)] The _Wasp_ had been a ship from the beginning, mounted the number of guns she rated (of the same calibres as the _Hornet's_) and carried some ten men less. She was about the same length as the British 18-gun brig-sloop, but, being narrower, measured nearly 30 tons less. The _Argus_ and _Syren_ were similar and very fine brigs, the former being the longer. Each carried two more guns than she rated; and the _Argus_, in addition, had a couple thrust through the bridle-ports. The guns were 24-pound carronades, with two long 12's for bow-chasers. The proper complement of men was 100, but each sailed usually with about 125. The four smaller craft were originally schooners, armed with the same number of light long guns as they rated, and carrying some 70 men apiece; but they had been very effectually ruined by being changed into brigs, with crews increased to a hundred men. Each was armed with 18-pound carronades, carrying two more than she rated. The _Enterprise_, in fact, mounted 16 guns, having two long nines thrust through the bridle-ports. These little brigs were slow, not very seaworthy, and overcrowded with men and guns; they all fell into the enemy's hands without doing any good whatever, with the single exception of the _Enterprise_, which escaped capture by sheer good luck, and in her only battle happened to be pitted against one of the corresponding and equally bad class of British gun-brigs. The _Adams_ after several changes of form finally became a flush-decked corvette. The _Essex_ had originally mounted twenty-six long 12's on her main-deck, and sixteen 24-pound carronades on her spar-deck; but official wisdom changed this, giving her 46 guns, twenty-four 32-pound carronades, and two long 12's on the main-deck, and sixteen 32-pound carronades with four long 12's on the spar-deck. When Captain Porter had command of her he was deeply sensible of the disadvantages of an armament which put him at the mercy of any ordinary antagonist who could choose his distance; accordingly he petitioned several times, but always without success, to have his long 12's returned to him. The American 38's were about the size of the British frigates of the same rate, and armed almost exactly in the same way, each having 28 long 18's on the main-deck and 20 32-pound carronades on the spar-deck. The proper complement was 300 men, but each carried from 30 to 80 more. [Footnote: The _Chesapeake_, by some curious mistake, was frequently rated as a 44, and this drew in its train a number of attendant errors. When she was captured, James says that in one of her lockers was found a letter, dated in February, 1811, from Robert Smith, the Secretary of War, to Captain Evans, at Boston, directing him to open houses of rendezvous for manning the _Chesapeake_, and enumerating her crew at a total of 443. Naturally this gave British historians the idea that such was the ordinary complement of our 38-gun frigates. But the ordering so large a crew was merely a mistake, as may be seen by a letter from Captain Bainbridge to the Secretary of the Navy, which is given in full in the "Captains' Letters," vol. xxv. No. 19 (Navy Archives). In it he mentions the extraordinary number of men ordered for the _Chesapeake_, saying, "There is a mistake in the crew ordered for the _Chesapeake_, as it equals in number the crews of our 44-gun frigates, whereas the _Chesapeake_ is of the class of the _Congress_ and _Constellation_."] Our three 44-gun ships were the finest frigates then afloat (although the British possessed some as heavy, such as the _Egyptienne_, 44). They were beautifully modelled, with very thick scantling, extremely stout masts, and heavy cannon. Each carried on her main-deck thirty long 24's, and on her spar-deck two long bow-chasers, and twenty or twenty-two carronades--42-pounders on the _President_ and _United States_, 32-pounders on the _Constitution_. Each sailed with a crew of about 450 men--50 in excess of the regular complement. [Footnote: The _President_ when in action with the _Endymion_ had 450 men aboard, as sworn by Decatur; the muster-roll of the _Constitution_, a few days before her action with the _Guerrière_ contains 464 names (including 51 marines); 8 men were absent in a prize, so she had aboard in the action 456. Her muster-roll just before the action with the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ shows 461 names.] It may be as well to mention here the only other class of vessels that we employed during the war. This was composed of the ship-sloops built in 1813, which got to sea in 1814. They were very fine vessels, measuring 509 tons apiece, [Footnote: The dimensions were 117 feet 11 inches upon the gun-deck, 97 feet 6 inches keel for tonnage, measuring from one foot before the forward perpendicular and along the base line to the front of the rabbet of the port, deducting 3/5 of the moulded breadth of the beam, which is 31 feet 6 inches; making 509 21/95 tons. (See in Navy Archives, "Contracts," vol. ii. p. 137.)] with very thick scantling and stout masts and spars. Each carried twenty 32-pound carronades and two long 12's with a crew nominally of 160 men, but with usually a few supernumeraries. [Footnote: The _Peacock_ had 166 men, as we learn from her commander Warrington's letter of June 1st (Letter No. 140 in "Masters' Commandant Letters," 1814, vol. i). The _Frolic_ took aboard "10 or 12 men beyond her regular complement" (see letter of Joseph Bainbridge, No. 51, in same vol.). Accordingly when she was captured by the _Orpheus_, the commander of the latter, Captain Hugh Pigot, reported the number of men aboard to be 171. The _Wasp_ left port with 173 men, with which she fought her first action; she had a much smaller number aboard in her second.] The British vessels encountered were similar, but generally inferior, to our own. The only 24-pounder frigate we encountered was the _Endymion_ of about a fifth less force than the _President_. Their 38-gun frigates were almost exactly like ours, but with fewer men in crew as a rule. They were three times matched against our 44-gun frigates, to which they were inferior about as three is to four. Their 36-gun frigates were larger than the _Essex_, with a more numerous crew, but the same number of guns; carrying on the lower deck, however, long 18's instead of 32-pound carronades,--a much more effective armament. The 32-gun frigates were smaller, with long 12's on the main-deck. The largest sloops were also frigate-built, carrying twenty-two 32-pound carronades on the main-deck, and twelve lighter guns on the quarter-deck and forecastle, with a crew of 180. The large flush-decked ship-sloops carried 21 or 23 guns, with a crew of 140 men. But our vessels most often came in contact with the British 18-gun brig-sloop; this was a tubby craft, heavier than any of our brigs, being about the size of the _Hornet_. The crew consisted of from 110 to 135 men; ordinarily each was armed with sixteen 32-pound carronades, two long 6's, and a shifting 12-pound carronade; often with a light long gun as a stern-chaser, making 20 in all. The _Reindeer_ and _Peacock_ had only 24-pound carronades; the _Epervier_ had but eighteen guns, all carronades. [Footnote: The _Epervier_ was taken into our service under the same name and rate. Both Preble and Emmons describe her as of 477 tons. Warrington, her captor, however, says: "The surveyor of the port has just measured the _Epervier_ and reports her 467 tons." (In the Navy Archives, "Masters' Commandant Letters," 1814, i. No. 125.) For a full discussion of tonnage, see Appendix, A.] Among the stock accusations against our navy of 1812, were, and are, statements that our vessels were rated at less than their real force, and in particular that our large frigates were "disguised line-of-battle ships." As regards the ratings, most vessels of that time carried more guns than they rated; the disparity was less in the French than in either the British or American navies. Our 38-gun frigates carried 48 guns, the exact number the British 38's possessed. The worst case of underrating in our navy was the _Essex_, which rated 32, and carried 46 guns, so that her real was 44 per cent, in excess of her nominal force; but this was not as bad as the British sloop _Cyane_, which was rated a 20 or 22, and carried 34 guns, so that she had either 55 or 70 per cent, greater real than nominal force. At the beginning of the war we owned two 18-gun ship-sloops, one mounting 18 and the other 20 guns; the 18-gun brig-sloops they captured mounted each 19 guns, so the average was the same. Later we built sloops that rated 18 and mounted 22 guns, but when one was captured it was also put down in the British navy list as an 18-gun ship-sloop. During all the combats of the war there were but four vessels that carried as few guns as they rated. Two were British, the _Epervier_ and _Levant_, and two American, the _Wasp_ and _Adams_. One navy was certainly as deceptive as another, as far as underrating went. The force of the statement that our large frigates were disguised line-of-battle ships, of course depends entirely upon what the words "frigate" and "line-of-battle ship" mean. When on the 10th of August, 1653, De Ruyter saved a great convoy by beating off Sir George Ayscough's fleet of 38 sail, the largest of the Dutch admiral's "33 sail of the line" carried but 30 guns and 150 men, and his own flag-ship but 28 guns and 134 men. [Footnote: La Vie et les Actions Memorables du Sr. Michel de Ruyter, à Amsterdam, Chez Henry et Theodore Boom. MDCLXXVII. The work is by Barthelemy Pielat, a surgeon in de Ruyter's fleet, and personally present during many of his battles. It is written in French, but is in tone more strongly anti-French than anti-English.] The Dutch book from which this statement is taken speaks indifferently of frigates of 18, 40, and 58 guns. Toward the end of the eighteenth century the terms had crystallized. Frigate then meant a so-called single-decked ship; it in reality possessed two decks, the main- or gun-deck, and the upper one, which had no name at all, until our sailors christened it spar-deck. The gun-deck possessed a complete battery, and the spar-deck an interrupted one, mounting guns on the forecastle and quarter-deck. At that time all "two-decked" or "three-decked" (in reality three- and four-decked) ships were liners. But in 1812 this had changed somewhat; as the various nations built more and more powerful vessels, the lower rates of the different divisions were dropped. Thus the British ship _Cyane_, captured by the _Constitution_, was in reality a small frigate, with a main-deck battery of 22 guns, and 12 guns on the spar-deck; a few years before she would have been called a 24-gun frigate, but she then ranked merely as a 22-gun sloop. Similarly the 50- and 64-gun ships that had fought in the line at the Doggerbank, Camperdown, and even at Aboukir, were now no longer deemed fit for the purpose, and the 74 was the lowest line-of-battle ship. The _Constitution_, _President_, and _States_ must then be compared with the existing European vessels that were classed as frigates. The French in 1812 had no 24-pounder frigates, for the very good reason that they had all fallen victims to the English 18-pounder's; but in July of that year a Danish frigate, the _Nayaden_, which carried long 24's, was destroyed by the English ship _Dictator_, 64. The British frigates were of several rates. The lowest rated 32, carrying in all 40 guns, 26 long 12's on the main-deck and 14 24-pound carronades on the spar-deck--a broadside of 324 pounds. [Footnote: In all these vessels there were generally two long 6's or 9's substituted for the bow-chase carronades.] The 36-gun frigates, like the _Phoebe_, carried 46 guns, 26 long 18's on the gun-deck and 32-pound carronades above. The 38-gun frigates, like the _Macedonian_, carried 48 or 49 guns, long 18's below and 32-pound carronades above. The 32-gun frigates, then, presented in broadside 13 long 12's below and 7 24-pound carronades above; the 38-gun frigates, 14 long 18's below and 10 32-pound carronades above; so that a 44-gun frigate would naturally present 15 long 24's and 12 42-pound carronades above, as the _United States_ did at first. The rate was perfectly proper, for French, British, and Danes already possessed 24-pounder frigates; and there was really less disparity between the force and rate of a 44 that carried 54 guns than there was in a 38 that carried 49, or, like the _Shannon_, 52. Nor was this all. Two of our three victories were won by the _Constitution_, which only carried 32-pound carronades, and once 54 and once 52 guns; and as two thirds of the work was thus done by this vessel, I shall now compare her with the largest British frigates. Her broadside force consisted of 15 long 24's on the main-deck, and on the spar-deck one long 24, and in one case 10, in the other 11 32-pound carronades--a broadside of 704 or 736 pounds. [Footnote: Nominally; in reality about 7 per cent, less on account of the short weight in the metal.] There was then in the British navy the _Acasta_, 40, carrying in broadside 15 long 18's and 11 32-pound carronades; when the spar-deck batteries are equal, the addition of 90 pounds to the main-deck broadside (which is all the superiority of the _Constitution_ over the _Acasta_) is certainly not enough to make the distinction between a frigate and a disguised 74. But not considering the _Acasta_, there were in the British navy three 24-pounder frigates, the _Cornwallis_, _Indefatigable_, and _Endymion_. We only came in contact with the latter in 1815, when the _Constitution_ had but 52 guns. The _Endymion_ then had an armament of 28 long 24's, 2 long 18's, and 20 32-pound carronades, making a broadside of 674 pounds, [Footnote: According to James 664 pounds; he omits the chase guns for no reason.] or including a shifting 24-pound carronade, of 698 pounds--just _six pounds_, or 1 per cent, less than the force of that "disguised line-of-battle ship" the _Constitution_! As the _Endymion_ only rated as a 40, and the _Constitution_ as a 44, it was in reality the former and not the latter which was underrated. I have taken the _Constitution_, because the British had more to do with her than they did with our other two 44's taken together. The latter were both of heavier metal than the _Constitution_, carrying 42-pound carronades. In 1812 the _United States_ carried her full 54 guns, throwing a broadside of 846 pounds; when captured, the _President_ carried 53, having substituted a 24-pound carronade for two of her 42's, and her broadside amounted to 828 pounds, or 16 per cent _nominal_, and, on account of the short weight of her shot, 9 per cent, _real_ excess over the _Endymion_. If this difference made her a line-of-battle ship, then the _Endymion_ was doubly a line-of-battle ship compared to the _Congress_ or _Constellation_. Moreover, the American commanders found their 42-pound carronades too heavy; as I have said the _Constitution_ only mounted 32's, and the _United States_ landed 6 of her guns. When, in 1813, she attempted to break the blockade, she carried but 48 guns, throwing a broadside of 720 pounds--just 3 per cent more than the _Endymion_. [Footnote: It was on account of this difference of 3 per cent that Captain Hardy refused to allow the _Endymion_ to meet the _States_ (James, vi. p. 470). This was during the course of some challenges and counter-challenges which ended in nothing, Decatur in his turn being unwilling to have the _Macedonian_ meet the _Statira_, unless the latter should agree not to take on a picked crew. He was perfectly right in this; but he ought never to have sent the challenge at all, as two ships but an hour or two out of port would be at a frightful disadvantage in a fight.] If our frigates were line-of-battle ships the disguise was certainly marvellously complete, and they had a number of companions equally disguised in the British ranks. The 44's were thus _true frigates_, with one complete battery of long guns and one interrupted one of carronades. That they were better than any other frigates was highly creditable to our ingenuity and national skill. We cannot, perhaps, lay claim to the invention and first use of the heavy frigate, for 24-pounder frigates were already in the service of at least three nations, and the French 36-pound carronnade, in use on their spar-decks, threw a heavier ball than our 42-pounder. But we had enlarged and perfected the heavy frigate, and were the first nation that ever used it effectively. The French _Forte_ and the Danish _Nayaden_ shared the fate of ships carrying guns of lighter calibre; and the British 24-pounders, like the _Endymion_, had never accomplished any thing. Hitherto there had been a strong feeling, especially in England, that an 18-pound gun was as effective as a 24- in arming a frigate; we made a complete revolution in this respect. England had been building only 18-pounder vessels when she ought to have been building 24-pounders. It was greatly to our credit that our average frigate was superior to the average British frigate; exactly as it was to our discredit that the _Essex_ was so ineffectively armed. Captain Porter owed his defeat chiefly to his ineffective guns, but also to having lost his topmast, to the weather being unfavorable, and, still more, to the admirable skill with which Hilyar used his superior armament. The _Java_, _Macedonian_, and _Guerrière_ owed their defeat partly to their lighter guns, but much more to the fact that their captains and seamen did not display either as good seamanship or as good gunnery as their foes. Inferiority in armament was a factor to be taken into account in all the four cases, but it was more marked in that of the _Essex_ than in the other three; it would have been fairer for Porter to say that he had been captured by a line-of-battle ship, than for the captain of the _Java_ to make that assertion. In this last case the forces of the two ships compared almost exactly as their rates. A 44 was matched against a 38; it was not surprising that she should win, but it _was_ surprising that she should win with ease and impunity. The long 24's on the _Constitution's_ gun-deck no more made her a line-of-battle ship than the 32-pound carronades mounted on an English frigate's quarter-deck and forecastle made _her_ a line-of-battle ship when opposed to a Frenchman with only 8's and 6's on his spar-deck. When, a few years before, the English _Phoebe_ had captured the French _Nereide_, their broadsides were respectively 407 and 258 pounds, a greater disparity than in any of our successful fights; yet no author thought of claiming that the _Phoebe_ was any thing but a frigate. So with the _Clyde_, throwing 425 lbs., which took the _Vestale_, throwing but 246. The facts were that 18-pounder frigates had captured 12-pounders, exactly as our 24-pounders in turn captured the 18-pounders. Shortly before Great Britain declared war on us, one of her 18-pounder frigates, the _San Florenzo_, throwing 476 lbs. in a broadside, captured the 12-pounder French frigate _Psyché_, whose broadside was only 246 lbs. The force of the former was thus almost double that of the latter, yet the battle was long and desperate, the English losing 48 and the French 124 men. This conflict, then, reflected as much credit on the skill and seamanship of the defeated as of the victorious side; the difference in loss could fairly be ascribed to the difference in weight of metal. But where, as in the famous ship-duels of 1812, the difference in force is only a fifth, instead of a half and yet the slaughter, instead of being as five is to two, is as six to one, then the victory is certainly to be ascribed as much to superiority in skill as to superiority in force. But, on the other hand, it should always be remembered that there was a very decided superiority in force. It is a very discreditable feature of many of our naval histories that they utterly ignore this superiority, seeming ashamed to confess that it existed. In reality it was something to be proud of. It was highly to the credit of the United States that her frigates were of better make and armament than any others; it always speaks well for a nation's energy and capacity that any of her implements of warfare are of superior kind. This is a perfectly legitimate reason for pride. It spoke well for the Prussians in 1866 that they opposed breech-loaders to the muzzle-loaders of the Austrians; but it would be folly to give all the credit of the victory to the breech-loaders and none to Moltke and his lieutenants. Thus, it must remembered that two things contributed to our victories. One was the excellent make and armament of our ships; the other was the skilful seamanship, excellent discipline, and superb gunnery of the men who were in them. British writers are apt only to speak of the first, and Americans only of the last, whereas both should be taken into consideration. To sum up: the American 44-gun frigate was a true frigate, in build and armament, properly rated, stronger than a 38-gun frigate just about in the proportion of 44 to 38, and not exceeding in strength an 18-pounder frigate as much as the latter exceeded one carrying 12-pounders. They were in no way whatever line-of-battle ships; but they were superior to any other frigates afloat, and, what is still more important, they were better manned and commanded than the _average_ frigate of any other navy. Lord Codrington says ("Memoirs," i, p. 310): "But I well know the system of favoritism and borough corruption prevails so very much that many people are promoted and kept in command that should be dismissed the service, and while such is the case the few Americans chosen for their merit may be expected to follow up their successes except where they meet with our best officers on even terms." [Footnote: To show that I am not quoting an authority biassed in our favor I will give Sir Edward Codrington's opinion of our rural better class (i, 318). "It is curious to observe the animosity which prevails here among what is called the better order of people, which I think is more a misnomer here than in any other country I have ever been. Their _whig_ and _tory_ are democrat and federalist, and it would seem for the sake of giving vent to that bitterness of hatred which marks the Yankee character, every gentleman (God save the term) who takes possession of a property adopts the opposite political creed to that of his nearest neighbor."] The small size of our navy was probably to a certain extent effective in keeping it up to a high standard; but this is not the only explanation, as can be seen by Portugal's small and poor navy. On the other hand, the champions or pick of a large navy _ought_ to be better than the champions of a small one. [Footnote: In speaking of tonnage I wish I could have got better authority than James for the British side of the question. He is so bitter that it involuntarily gives one a distrust of his judgment. Thus, in speaking of the _Penguin's_ capture, he, in endeavoring to show that the _Hornet's_ loss was greater than she acknowledged, says, "several of the dangerously wounded were thrown overboard because the surgeon was afraid to amputate, owing to his want of experience" ("Naval Occurrences," 492). Now what could persuade a writer to make such a foolish accusation? No matter how utterly depraved and brutal Captain Biddle might be, he would certainly not throw his wounded over alive because he feared they might die. Again, in vol. vi, p. 546, he says: "Captain Stewart had caused the _Cyane_ to be painted to resemble a 36-gun frigate. The object of this was to aggrandize his exploit in the eyes of the gaping citizens of Boston." No matter how skilful an artist Captain Stewart was, and no matter how great the gaping capacities of the Bostonians, the _Cyane_ (which by the way went to New York and not Boston) could no more be painted to look like a 36-gun frigate than a schooner could be painted to look like a brig. Instances of rancor like these two occur constantly in his work, and make it very difficult to separate what is matter of fact from what is matter of opinion. I always rely on the British official accounts when they can be reached, except in the case of the _Java_, which seem garbled. That such was sometimes the case with British officials is testified to by both James (vol. iv, p. 17) and Brenton (vol. ii, p. 454, note). From the "Memoir of Admiral Broke" we learn that his public letter was wrong in a number of particulars. See also any one of the numerous biographies of Lord Dundonald, the hero of the little _Speedy's_ fight. It is very unfortunate that the British stopped publishing official accounts of their defeats; it could not well help giving rise to unpleasant suspicions. It may be as well to mention here, again, that James' accusations do not really detract from the interest attaching to the war, and its value for purposes of study. If, as he says, the American commanders were cowards, and their crews renegades, it is well worth while to learn the lesson that good training will make such men able to beat brave officers with loyal crews. And why did the British have such bad average crews as he makes out? He says, for instance, that the Java's was unusually bad; yet Brenton says (vol. ii, p. 461) it was like "the generality of our crews." It is worth while explaining the reason that such a crew was generally better than a French and worse than an American one.] Again, the armaments of the American as well as of the British ships were composed of three very different styles of guns. The first, or long gun, was enormously long and thick-barrelled in comparison to its bore, and in consequence very heavy; it possessed a very long range, and varied in calibre from two to forty-two pounds. The ordinary calibres in our navy were 6, 9, 12, 18, and 24. The second style was the carronade, a short, light gun of large bore; compared to a long gun of the same weight it carried a much heavier ball for a much shorter distance. The chief calibres were 9, 12, 18, 24, 32, 42, and 68-pounders, the first and the last being hardly in use in our navy. The third style was the columbiad, of an intermediate grade between the first two. Thus it is seen that a gun of one style by no means corresponds to a gun of another style of the same calibre. As a rough example, a long 12, a columbiad 18, and a 32-pound carronade would be about equivalent to one another. These guns were mounted on two different types of vessel. The first was flush-decked; that is, it had a single straight open deck on which all the guns were mounted. This class included one heavy corvette, (the _Adams_), the ship-sloops, and the brig-sloops. Through the bow-chase port, on each side, each of these mounted a long gun; the rest of their guns were carronades, except in the case of the _Adams_, which had all long guns. Above these came the frigates, whose gun-deck was covered above by another deck; on the fore and aft parts (forecastle and quarter-deck) of this upper, open deck were also mounted guns. The main-deck guns were all long, except on the _Essex_, which had carronades; on the quarter-deck were mounted carronades, and on the forecastle also carronades, with two long bow-chasers. Where two ships of similar armament fought one another, it is easy to get the comparative force by simply comparing the weight in broadsides, each side presenting very nearly the same proportion of long guns to carronades. For such a broadside we take half the guns mounted in the ordinary way; and all guns mounted on pivots or shifting. Thus Perry's force in guns was 54 to Barclay's 63; yet each presented 34 in broadside. Again, each of the British brig-sloops mounted 19 guns, presenting 10 in broadside. Besides these, some ships mounted bow-chasers run through the bridle-ports, or stern-chasers, neither of which could be used in broadsides. Nevertheless, I include them, both because it works in about an equal number of cases against each navy, and because they were sometimes terribly effective. James excludes the _Guerrière's_ bow-chaser; in reality he ought to have included both it and its fellow, as they worked more damage than all the broadside guns put together. Again, he excludes the _Endymion's_ bow-chasers, though in her action they proved invaluable. Yet he includes those of the _Enterprise_ and _Argus_, though the former's were probably not fired. So I shall take the half of the fixed, plus all the movable guns aboard, in comparing broadside force. But the chief difficulty appears when guns of one style are matched against those of another. If a ship armed with long 12's, meets one armed with 32-pound carronades, which is superior in force? At long range the first, and at short range the second; and of course each captain is pretty sure to insist that "circumstances" forced him to fight at a disadvantage. The result would depend largely on the skill or luck of each commander in choosing position. One thing is certain; long guns are more formidable than carronades of the same calibre. There are exemplifications of this rule on both sides; of course, American writers, as a rule, only pay attention to one set of cases, and British to the others. The _Cyane_ and _Levant_ threw a heavier broadside than the _Constitution_ but were certainly less formidably armed; and the _Essex_ threw a heavier broadside than the _Phoebe_, yet was also less formidable. On Lake Ontario the American ship _General Pike_ threw less metal at a broadside than either of her two chief antagonists, but neither could be called her equal; while on Lake Champlain a parallel case is afforded by the British ship _Confiance_. Supposing that two ships throw the same broadside weight of metal, one from long guns, the other from carronades, at short range they are equal; at long, one has it all her own way. Her captain thus certainly has a great superiority of force, and if he does not take advantage of it it is owing to his adversary's skill or his own mismanagement. As a mere approximation, it may be assumed, in comparing the broadsides of two vessels or squadrons, that long guns count for at least twice as much as carronades of the same calibre. Thus on Lake Champlain Captain Downie possessed an immense advantage in his long guns, which Commodore Macdonough's exceedingly good arrangements nullified. Sometimes part of the advantage may be willingly foregone, so as to acquire some other. Had the _Constitution_ kept at long bowls with the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ she could have probably captured one without any loss to herself, while the other would have escaped; she preferred to run down close so as to insure the capture of both, knowing that even at close quarters long guns are somewhat better than short ones (not to mention her other advantages in thick scantling, speed, etc.). The British carronades often upset in action; this was either owing to their having been insufficiently secured, and to this remaining undiscovered because the men were not exercised at the guns, or else it was because the unpractised sailors would greatly overcharge them. Our better-trained sailors on the ocean rarely committed these blunders, but the less-skilled crews on the lakes did so as often as their antagonists. But while the Americans thus, as a rule, had heavier and better-fitted guns, they labored under one or two disadvantages. Our foundries were generally not as good as those of the British, and our guns, in consequence, more likely to burst; it was an accident of this nature which saved the British _Belvidera_; and the _General Pike_, under Commodore Chauncy, and the new American frigate _Guerrière_ suffered in the same way; while often the muzzles of the guns would crack. A more universal disadvantage was in the short weight of our shot. When Captain Blakely sunk the _Avon_ he officially reported that her four shot which came aboard weighed just 32 pounds apiece, a pound and three quarters more than his _heaviest_; this would make his average shot about 2 1/2 pounds less, or rather over 7 per cent. Exactly similar statements were made by the officers of the _Constitution_ in her three engagements. Thus when she fought the _Java_, she threw at a broadside, as already stated, 704 pounds; the _Java_ mounted 28 long 18's, 18 32-pound carronades, 2 long 12's, and one shifting 24-pound carronade, a broadside of 576 pounds. Yet by the actual weighing of all the different shot on both sides it was found that the difference in broadside force was only about 77 pounds, or the _Constitution's_ shot were about 7 per cent, short weight. The long 24's of the _United States_ each threw a shot but 4 1/4 pounds heavier than the long 18's of the _Macedonian_; here again the difference was about 7 per cent. The same difference existed in favor of the _Penguin_ and _Epervier_ compared with the _Wasp_ and _Hornet_. Mr. Fenimore Cooper [Footnote: See "Naval History," i, p. 380.] weighed a great number of shot some time after the war. The later castings, even weighed nearly 5 per cent, less than the British shot, and some of the older ones, about 9 per cent. The average is safe to take at 7 per cent. less, and I shall throughout make this allowance for ocean cruisers. The deficit was sometimes owing to windage, but more often the shot was of full size but defective in density. The effect of this can be gathered from the following quotation from the work of a British artillerist: "The greater the density of shot of like calibres, projected with equal velocity and elevation, the greater the range, accuracy, and penetration." [Footnote: "Heavy Ordnance," Captain T. F. Simmons, R. A., London, 1837. James supposes that the "Yankee captains" have in each case hunted round till they could get particularly small American shot to weigh; and also denies that short weight is a disadvantage. The last proposition carried out logically would lead to some rather astonishing results.] This defectiveness in density might be a serious injury in a contest at a long distance, but would make but little difference at close quarters (although it may have been partly owing to their short weight that so many of the Chesapeake's shot failed to penetrate the _Shannon's_ hull). Thus in the actions with the _Macedonian_ and _Java_ the American frigates showed excellent practice when the contest was carried on within fair distance, while their first broadsides at long range went very wild; but in the case of the _Guerrière_, the _Constitution_ reserved her fire for close quarters, and was probably not at all affected by the short weight of her shot. As to the officers and crew of a 44-gun frigate, the following was the regular complement established by law: [Footnote: See State Papers, vol. xiv, 159 (Washington, 1834).] 1 captain, 4 lieutenants, 2 lieutenants of marines, 2 sailing-masters, 2 master's mates, 7 midshipmen, 1 purser, 1 surgeon, 2 surgeon's mates, 1 clerk, 1 carpenter, 2 carpenter's mates, 1 boatswain, 2 boatswain's mates, 1 yeoman of gun-room, 1 gunner, 11 quarter gunners, 1 coxswain, 1 sailmaker, 1 cooper, 1 steward, 1 armorer, 1 master of arms, 1 cook, 1 chaplain. __ 50 120 able seamen, 150 ordinary seamen, 30 boys, 50 marines. ___ 400 in all. An 18-gun ship had 32 officers and petty officers, 30 able seamen, 46 ordinary seamen, 12 boys, and 20 marines--140 in all. Sometimes ships put to sea without their full complements (as in the case of the first _Wasp_), but more often with supernumeraries aboard. The weapons for close quarters were pikes, cutlasses, and a few axes; while the marines and some of the topmen had muskets, and occasionally rifles. In comparing the forces of the contestants I have always given the number of men in crew; but this in most cases was unnecessary. When there were plenty of men to handle the guns, trim the sails, make repairs, act as marines, etc., any additional number simply served to increase the slaughter on board. The _Guerrière_ undoubtedly suffered from being short-handed, but neither the _Macedonian_ nor _Java_ would have been benefited by the presence of a hundred additional men. Barclay possessed about as many men as Perry, but this did not give him an equality of force. The _Penguin_ and _Frolic_ would have been taken just as surely had the _Hornet_ and _Wasp_ had a dozen men less apiece than they did. The principal case where numbers would help would be in a hand-to-hand fight. Thus the _Chesapeake_ having fifty more men than the _Shannon_ ought to have been successful; but she was not, because the superiority of her crew in numbers was more than counterbalanced by the superiority of the _Shannon's_ crew in other respects. The result of the battle of Lake Champlain, which was fought at anchor, with the fleets too far apart for musketry to reach, was not in the slightest degree affected by the number of men on either side, as both combatants had amply enough to manage the guns and perform every other service. In all these conflicts the courage of both parties is taken for granted: it was not so much a factor in gaining the victory, as one which if lacking was fatal to all chances of success. In the engagements between regular cruisers, not a single one was gained by superiority in courage. The crews of both the _Argus_ and _Epervier_ certainly flinched; but had they fought never so bravely they were too unskilful to win. The _Chesapeake's_ crew could hardly be said to lack courage; it was more that they were inferior to their opponents in discipline as well as in skill. There was but one conflict during the war where the victory could be said to be owing to superiority in pluck. This was when the _Neufchatel_ privateer beat off the boats of the _Endymion_. The privateersmen suffered a heavier proportional loss than their assailants, and they gained the victory by sheer ability to stand punishment. For convenience in comparing them I give in tabulated form the force of the three British 38's taken by American 44's (allowing for short weight of metal of latter). CONSTITUTION. GUERRIÈRE. 30 long 24's, 30 long 18's, 2 long 24's, 2 long 12's, 22 short 32's. 16 short 32's, ___________________________ 1 short 18. Broadside, nominal, 736 lbs. __________________ real. 684 lbs. Broadside, 556 lbs. UNITED STATES MACEDONIAN 30 long 24's, 28 long 18's, 2 long 24's, 2 long 12's, 22 short 42's. 2 long 9's, ___________________________ 16 short 32's, Broadside, nominal, 846 lbs. 1 short 18. real, 786 lbs. ___________________ Broadside, 547 lbs. CONSTITUTION JAVA 30 long 24's, 28 long 18's, 2 long 24's, 2 long 12's, 20 short 32's. 18 short 32's, ____________________________ 1 short 24. Broadside, nominal, 704 lbs. ___________________ real. 654 lbs. Broadside. 576 lbs. The smallest line-of-battle ship, the 74, with only long 18's on the second deck, was armed as follows: 28 long 32's, 28 " 18's, 6 " 12's. 14 short 32's 7 " 18's or a broadside of 1,032 lbs., 736 from long guns, 296 from carronades; while the _Constitution_ threw (in reality) 684 lbs., 356 from long guns, and 328 from her carronades, and the _United States_ 102 lbs. more from her carronades. Remembering the difference between long guns and carronades, and considering sixteen of the 74's long 18's as being replaced by 42-pound carronades [Footnote: That this change would leave the force about as it was, can be gathered from the fact that the _Adams_ and _John Adams_ both of which had been armed with 42 pound carronades (which were sent to Sackett's Harbor), had them replaced by long and medium 18 pounders, these being considered to be formidable: so that the substitution of 42-pound carronades would, if any thing, reduce the force of the 74] (so as to get the metal on the ships distributed in similar proportions between the two styles of cannon), we get as the 74's broadside 592 lbs from long guns, and 632 from carronades. The _United States_ threw nominally 360 and 486, and the _Constitution_ nominally 360 and 352; so the 74 was superior even to the former nominally about as three is to two; while the _Constitution_, if "a line-of-battle ship," was disguised to such a degree that she was in reality of but little more than _one half_ the force of one of the smallest _true_ liners England possessed! Chapter III 1812 ON THE OCEAN _Commodore Rodgers' cruise and unsuccessful chase of the_ Belvidera--_Cruise of the _Essex--_Captain Hull's cruise, and escape from the squadron of Commodore Broke_--Constitution _captures_ Guerrière--Wasp _captures_ Frolic--_Second unsuccessful cruise of Commodore Rodgers_--United States _captures_ Macedonian--Constitution _captures_ Java--Essex _starts on a cruise--Summary_ At the time of the declaration of war, June 18, 1812, the American navy was but partially prepared for effective service. The _Wasp_, 18, was still at sea, on her return voyage from France; the _Constellation_, 38, was lying in the Chesapeake river, unable to receive a crew for several months to come; the _Chesapeake_, 38, was lying in a similar condition in Boston harbor; the _Adams_, 28, was at Washington, being cut down and lengthened from a frigate into a corvette. These three cruisers were none of them fit to go to sea till after the end of the year. The _Essex_, 32, was in New York harbor, but, having some repairs to make, was not yet ready to put out. The _Constitution_, 44, was at Annapolis, without all of her stores, and engaged in shipping a new crew, the time of the old one being up. The _Nautilus_, 14, was cruising off New Jersey, and the other small brigs were also off the coast. The only vessels immediately available were those under the command of Commodore Rodgers, at New York, consisting of his own ship, the _President_, 44, and of the _United States_, 44, Commodore Decatur, _Congress_, 38, Captain Smith, _Hornet_, 18, Captain Lawrence, and _Argus_, 16, Lieut. Sinclair. It seems marvellous that any nation should have permitted its ships to be so scattered, and many of them in such an unfit condition, at the beginning of hostilities. The British vessels cruising off the coast were not at that time very numerous or formidable, consisting of the _Africa_, 64, _Acasta_, 40, _Shannon_, 38, _Guerrière_, 38, _Belvidera_, 36, _Aeolus_, 32, _Southampton_, 32, and _Minerva_, 32, with a number of corvettes and sloops; their force was, however, strong enough to render it impossible for Commodore Rodgers to make any attempt on the coast towns of Canada or the West Indies. But the homeward bound plate fleet had sailed from Jamaica on May 20th, and was only protected by the _Thalia_, 36, Capt. Vashon, and _Reindeer_, 18, Capt. Manners. Its capture or destruction would have been a serious blow, and one which there seemed a good chance of striking, as the fleet would have to pass along the American coast, running with the Gulf Stream. Commodore Rodgers had made every preparation, in expectation of war being declared, and an hour after official intelligence of it, together with his instructions, had been received, his squadron put to sea, on June 21st, and ran off toward the south-east [Footnote: Letter of Commodore John Rodgers to the Secretary of the Navy, Sept. 1, 1812.] to get at the Jamaica ships. Having learned from an American brig that she had passed the plate fleet four days before in lat. 36° N., long. 67° W., the Commodore made all sail in that direction. At 6 A.M. on June 23d a sail was made out in the N. E., which proved to be the British frigate _Belvidera_, 36, Capt. Richard Byron. [Footnote: Brenton, v. 46.] The latter had sighted some of Commodore Rodgers' squadron some time before, and stood toward them, till at 6.30 she made out the three largest ships to be frigates. Having been informed of the likelihood of war by a New York pilot boat, the _Belvidera_ now stood away, going N. E. by E., the wind being fresh from the west. The Americans made all sail in chase, the _President_, a very fast ship off the wind, leading, and the _Congress_ coming next. At noon the _President_ bore S. W., distant 2 3/4 miles from the _Belvidera_, Nantucket shoals bearing 100 miles N. and 48 miles E [Footnote: Log of _Belvidera_, June 23, 1812.]. The wind grew lighter, shifting more toward the south-west, while the ships continued steadily in their course, going N.E. by E. As the _President_ kept gaining, Captain Byron cleared his ship for action, and shifted to the stern ports two long eighteen-pounders on the main-deck and two thirty-two pound carronades on the quarter-deck. At 4:30 [Footnote: Cooper, ii, 151. According to James, vi, 117, the _President_ was then 600 yards distant from the _Belvidera_, half a point on her weather or port quarter.] the _President's_ starboard forecastle bowgun was fired by Commodore Rodgers himself; the corresponding main-deck gun was next discharged, and then Commodore Rodgers fired again. These three shots all struck the stern of the _Belvidera_, killing and wounding nine men,--one of them went through the rudder coat, into the after gun-room, the other two into the captain's cabin. A few more such shots would have rendered the _Belvidera's_ capture certain, but when the _President's_ main-deck gun was discharged for the second time it burst, blowing up the forecastle deck and killing and wounding 16 men, among them the Commodore himself, whose leg was broken. This saved the British frigate. Such an explosion always causes a half panic, every gun being at once suspected. In the midst of the confusion Captain Byron's stern-chasers opened with spirit and effect, killing or wounding six men more. Had the _President_ still pushed steadily on, only using her bow-chasers until she closed abreast, which she could probably have done, the _Belvidera_ could still have been taken; but, instead, the former now bore up and fired her port broadside, cutting her antagonist's rigging slightly, but doing no other damage, while the _Belvidera_ kept up a brisk and galling fire, although the long bolts, breeching-hooks, and breechings of the guns now broke continually, wounding several of the men, including Captain Byron. The _President_ had lost ground by yawing, but she soon regained it, and, coming up closer than before, again opened from her bow-chasers a well-directed fire, which severely wounded her opponent's main-top mast, cross-jack yard, and one or two other spars; [Footnote: James, vi, 119. He says the _President_ was within 400 yards.] but shortly afterward she repeated her former tactics and again lost ground by yawing to discharge another broadside, even more ineffectual than the first. Once more she came up closer than ever, and once more yawed; the single shots from her bow-chasers doing considerable damage, but her raking broadsides none. [Footnote: Lord Howard Douglass, "Naval Gunnery," p. 419 (third edition).] Meanwhile the active crew of the _Belvidera_ repaired every thing as fast as it was damaged, while under the superintendence of Lieutenants Sykes, Bruce, and Campbell, no less than 300 shot were fired from her stern guns. [Footnote: James, vi, 118.] Finding that if the _President_ ceased yawing she could easily run alongside, Captain Byron cut away one bower, one stream, and two sheet anchors, the barge, yawl, gig, and jolly boat, and started 14 tons of water. The effect of this was at once apparent, and she began to gain; meanwhile the damage the sails of the combatants had received had enabled the _Congress_ to close, and when abreast of his consort Captain Smith opened with his bow-chasers, but the shot fell short. The _Belvidera_ soon altered her course to east by south, set her starboard studding-sails, and by midnight was out of danger; and three days afterward reached Halifax harbor. Lord Howard Douglass' criticisms on this encounter seem very just. He says that the President opened very well with her bow-chasers (in fact the Americans seem to have aimed better and to have done more execution with these guns than the British with their stern-chasers); but that she lost so much ground by yawing and delivering harmless broadsides as to enable her antagonist to escape. Certainly if it had not been for the time thus lost to no purpose, the Commodore would have run alongside his opponent, and the fate of the little 36 would have been sealed. On the other hand it must be remembered that it was only the bursting of the gun on board the _President_, causing such direful confusion and loss, and especially harmful in disabling her commander, that gave the _Belvidera_ any chance of escape at all. At any rate, whether the American frigate does, or does not, deserve blame, Captain Byron and his crew do most emphatically deserve praise for the skill with which their guns were served and repairs made, the coolness with which measures to escape were adopted, and the courage with which they resisted so superior a force. On this occasion Captain Byron showed himself as good a seaman and as brave a man as he subsequently proved a humane and generous enemy when engaged in the blockade of the Chesapeake. [Footnote: Even Niles, unscrupulously bitter as he is toward the British, does justice to the humanity of Captains Byron and Hardy--which certainly shone in comparison to some of the rather buccaneering exploits of Cockburn's followers in Chesapeake Bay.] This was not a very auspicious opening of hostilities for America. The loss of the _Belvidera_ was not the only thing to be regretted, for the distance the chase took the pursuers out of their course probably saved the plate fleet. When the _Belvidera_ was first made out, Commodore Rodgers was in latitude 39° 26' N., and longitude 71° 10' W.; at noon the same day the _Thalia_ and her convoy were in latitude 39° N., longitude 62° W. Had they not chased the _Belvidera_ the Americans would probably have run across the plate fleet. The American squadron reached the western edge of the Newfoundland Banks on June 29th, [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Rodgers, Sept. 1st.] and on July 1st, a little to the east of the Banks, fell in with large quantities of cocoa-nut shells, orange peels, etc., which filled every one with great hopes of overtaking the quarry. On July 9th, the _Hornet_ captured a British privateer, in latitude 45° 30' N., and longitude 23° W., and her master reported that he had seen the Jamaica-men the previous evening; but nothing further was heard or seen of them, and on July 13th, being within twenty hours' sail of the English Channel, Commodore Rodgers reluctantly turned southward, reaching Madeira July 21st. Thence he cruised toward the Azores and by the Grand Banks home, there being considerable sickness on the ships. On August 31st he reached Boston after a very unfortunate cruise, in which he had made but seven prizes, all merchant-men, and had recaptured one American vessel. On July 3d the _Essex_, 32, Captain David Porter, put out of New York. As has been already explained she was most inefficiently armed, almost entirely with carronades. This placed her at the mercy of any frigate with long guns which could keep at a distance of a few hundred yards; but in spite of Captain Porter's petitions and remonstrances he was not allowed to change his armament. On the 11th of July at 2 A. M., latitude 33° N., longitude 66° W., the _Essex_ fell in with the _Minerva_, 32, Captain Richard Hawkins, convoying seven transports, each containing about 200 troops, bound from Barbadoes to Quebec. The convoy was sailing in open order, and, there being a dull moon, the _Essex_ ran in and cut out transport No. 299, with 197 soldiers aboard. Having taken out the soldiers, Captain Porter stood back to the convoy, expecting Captain Hawkins to come out and fight him; but this the latter would not do, keeping the convoy in close order around him. The transports were all armed and still contained in the aggregate 1,200 soldiers. As the _Essex_ could only fight at close quarters these heavy odds rendered it hopeless for her to try to cut out the _Minerva_. Her carronades would have to be used at short range to be effective, and it would of course have been folly to run in right among the convoy, and expose herself to the certainty of being boarded by five times as many men as she possessed. The _Minerva_ had three less guns a side, and on her spar-deck carried 24-pound carronades instead of 32's, and, moreover, had fifty men less than the _Essex_, which had about 270 men this cruise; on the other hand, her main-deck was armed with long 12's, so that it is hard to say whether she did right or not in refusing to fight. She was of the same force as the _Southampton_ whose captain, Sir James Lucas Yeo, subsequently challenged Porter, but never appointed a meeting-place. In the event of a meeting, the advantage, in ships of such radically different armaments, would have been with that captain who succeeded in outmanoeuvring the other and in making the fight come off at the distance best suited to himself. At long range either the _Minerva_ or _Southampton_ would possess an immense superiority; but if Porter could have contrived to run up within a couple of hundred yards, or still better, to board, his superiority in weight of metal and number of men would have enabled him to carry either of them. Porter's crew was better trained for boarding than almost any other American commander's; and probably none of the British frigates on the American station, except the _Shannon_ and _Tenedos_, would have stood a chance with the _Essex_ in a hand-to-hand struggle. Among her youngest midshipmen was one, by name David Glasgow Farragut, then but thirteen years old, who afterward became the first and greatest admiral of the United States. His own words on this point will be read with interest. "Every day," he says, [Footnote: "Life of Farragut" (embodying his journal and letters), p. 31. By his son, Loyall Farragut, New York. 1879.] "the crew were exercised at the great guns, small arms, and single stick. And I may here mention the fact that I have never been on a ship where the crew of the old _Essex_ was represented but that I found them to be the best swordsmen on board. They had been so thoroughly trained as boarders that every man was prepared for such an emergency, with his cutlass as sharp as a razor, a dirk made by the ship's armorer out of a file, and a pistol." [Footnote: James says: "Had Captain Porter really endeavored to bring the _Minerva_ to action we do not see what could have prevented the _Essex_ with her superiority of sailing, from coming alongside of her. But no such thought, we are sure, entered into Captain Porter's head." What "prevented the _Essex_" was the _Minerva's_ not venturing out of the convoy. Farragut, in his journal writes: "The captured British officers were very anxious for us to have a fight with the _Minerva_, as they considered her a good match for the _Essex_, and Captain Porter replied that he should gratify them with pleasure if his majesty's commander was of their taste. So we stood toward the convoy and when within gunshot hove to, and awaited the _Minerva_, but she tacked and stood in among the convoy, to the utter amazement of our prisoners, who denounced the commander as a base coward, and expressed their determination to report him to the Admiralty." An incident of reported "flinching" like this is not worth mentioning; I allude to it only to show the value of James' sneers.] On August 13th a sail was made out to windward, which proved to be the British ship-sloop _Alert_, 16, Captain T. L. O. Laugharne, carrying 20 eighteen-pound carronades and 100 men. [Footnote: James (History, vi, p. 128) says "86 men." In the Naval Archives at Washington in the "Captains' Letters" for 1812 (vol. n. No. 182) can be found enclosed in Porter's letter the parole of the officers and crew of the _Alert_ signed by Captain Laugharne; it contains either 100 or 101 names of the crew of the _Alert_ besides those of a number of other prisoners sent back in the same cartel.] As soon as the _Essex_ discovered the _Alert_ she put out drags astern, and led the enemy to believe she was trying to escape by sending a few men aloft to shake out the reefs and make sail. Concluding the frigate to be a merchant-man, the _Alert_ bore down on her; while the Americans went to quarters and cleared for action, although the tompions were left in the guns, and the ports kept closed. [Footnote: "Life of Farragut," p. 16.] The _Alert_ fired a gun and the _Essex_ hove to, when the former passed under her stern, and when on her lee quarter poured in a broadside of grape and canister; but the sloop was so far abaft the frigate's beam that her shot did not enter the ports and caused no damage. Thereupon Porter put up his helm and opened as soon as his guns would bear, tompions and all. The _Alert_ now discovered her error and made off, but too late, for in eight minutes the _Essex_ was along side, and the _Alert_ fired a musket and struck, three men being wounded and several feet of water in the hold. She was disarmed and sent as a cartel into St. Johns. It has been the fashion among American writers to speak of her as if she were "unworthily" given up, but such an accusation is entirely groundless. The _Essex_ was four times her force, and all that could possibly be expected of her was to do as she did--exchange broadsides and strike, having suffered some loss and damage. The _Essex_ returned to New York on September 7th, having made 10 prizes, containing 423 men. [Footnote: Before entering New York the _Essex_ fell in with a British force which, in both Porter's and Farragut's works, is said to have been composed of the _Acasta_ and _Shannon_, each of fifty guns, and _Ringdove_, of twenty. James says it was the _Shannon_, accompanied by a merchant vessel. It is not a point of much importance, as nothing came of the meeting, and the _Shannon_, alone, with her immensely superior armament, ought to have been a match twice over for the _Essex_: although, if James is right, as seems probable, it gives rather a comical turn to Porter's account of his "extraordinary escape."] The _Belvidera_, as has been stated, carried the news of the war to Halifax. On July 5th Vice-Admiral Sawyer despatched a squadron to cruise against the United States, commanded by Philip Vere Broke, of the _Shannon_, 38, having under him the _Belvidera_, 36, Captain Richard Byron, _Africa_, 64, Captain John Bastard, and _Aeolus_. 32, Captain Lord James Townsend. On the 9th, while off Nantucket, they were joined by the _Guerrière_, 38, Captain James Richard Dacres. On the 16th the squadron fell in with and captured the United States brig _Nautilus_, 14, Lieutenant Crane, which, like all the little brigs, was overloaded with guns and men. She threw her lee guns overboard and made use of every expedient to escape, but to no purpose. At 3 P.M. of the following day, when the British ships were abreast of Barnegat, about four leagues off shore, a strange sail was seen and immediately chased, in the south by east, or windward quarter, standing to the northeast. This was the United States frigate _Constitution_, 44, Captain Isaac Hull. [Footnote: For the ensuing chase I have relied mainly on Cooper; see also "Memoir of Admiral Broke," p. 240; James, vi, 133: and Marshall's "Naval Biography" (London, 1825), ii. 625.] When the war broke out he was in the Chesapeake River getting a new crew aboard. Having shipped over 450 men (counting officers), he put out of harbor on the 12th of July. His crew was entirely new, drafts of men coming on board up to the last moment. [Footnote: In a letter to the Secretary of the Navy ("Captains' Letters." 1812. ii, No. 85), Hull, after speaking of the way his men were arriving, says: "The crew are as yet unacquainted with a ship of war, as many have but lately joined and have never been on an armed ship before. * * * We are doing all that we can to make them acquainted with their duty, and in a few days we shall have nothing to fear from any single-decked ship."] On the 17th, at 2 P.M., Hull discovered four sail, in the northern board, heading to the westward. At 3, the wind being very light, the _Constitution_ made sail and tacked, in 18-1/2 fathoms. At 4, in the N. E., a fifth sail appeared, which afterward proved to be the _Guerrière_, The first four ships bore N. N. W., and were all on the starboard tack; while by 6 o'clock the fifth bore E. N. E. At 6.15 the wind shifted and blew lightly from the south, bringing the American ship to wind-ward. She then wore round with her head to the eastward, set her light studding-sails and stay-sails, and at 7.30 beat to action, intending to speak the nearest vessel, the _Guerrière_. The two frigates neared one another gradually and at 10 the _Constitution_ began making signals, which she continued for over an hour. At 3.30 A. M. on the 18th the _Guerrière_, going gradually toward the _Constitution_ on the port tack, and but one half mile distant, discovered on her lee beam the _Belvidera_ and the other British vessels, and signalled to them. They did not answer the signals, thinking she must know who they were--a circumstance which afterward gave rise to sharp recriminations among the captains--and Dacres, concluding them to be Commodore Rodgers' squadron, tacked, and then wore round and stood away from the _Constitution_ for some time before discovering his mistake. [Illustration: Captain Isaac Hull: a miniature by an unknown artist, circa 1807-1812. (Courtesy The New-York Historical Society)] At 5 A. M. Hull had just enough steerage way on to keep his head to the east, on the starboard tack; on his lee quarter, bearing N. E. by N., were the _Belvidera_ and _Guerrière_ and astern the _Shannon_, _Aeolus_, and _Africa_. At 5.30 it fell entirely calm, and Hull put out his boats to tow the ship, always going southward. At the same time he whipped up a 24 from the main-deck, and got the forecastlechaser aft, cutting away the taffrail to give the two guns more freedom to work in and also running out, through the cabin windows, two of the long main-deck 24's. The British boats were towing also. At 6 A. M. a light breeze sprang up, and the _Constitution_ set studding-sails and stay-sails; the _Shannon_ opened at her with her bow guns, but ceased when she found she could not reach her. At 6.30, the wind having died away, the _Shannon_ began to gain, almost all the boats of the squadron towing her. Having sounded in 26 fathoms, Lieutenant Charles Morris suggested to Hull to try kedging. All the spare rope was bent on to the cables, payed out into the cutters, and a kedge run out half a mile ahead and let go; then the crew clapped on and walked away with the ship, overrunning and tripping the kedge as she came up with the end of the line. Meanwhile, fresh lines and another kedge were carried ahead, and the frigate glided away from her pursuers. At 7.30 A. M. a little breeze sprang up, when the _Constitution_ set her ensign and fired a shot at the _Shannon_. It soon fell calm again and the _Shannon_ neared. At 9.10 a light air from the southward struck the ship, bringing her to windward. As the breeze was seen coming, her sails were trimmed, and as soon as she obeyed her helm she was brought close up on the port tack. The boats dropped in alongside; those that belonged to the davits were run up, while the others were just lifted clear of water, by purchases on the spare spars, stowed outboard, where they could be used again at a minute's notice. Meanwhile, on her lee beam, the _Guerrière_ opened fire; but her shot fell short, and the Americans paid not the slightest heed to it. Soon it again fell calm, when Hull had 2000 gallons of water started, and again put out his boats to tow. The _Shannon_ with some of the other boats of the squadron helping her, gained on the _Constitution_ but by severe exertion was again left behind. Shortly afterward, a slight wind springing up, the _Belvidera_ gained on the other British ships, and when it fell calm she was nearer to the _Constitution_ than any of her consorts, their boats being put on to her. [Footnote: Cooper speaks as if this was the _Shannon_; but from Marshall's "Naval Biography" we learn that it was the _Belvidera_. At other times he confuses the _Belvidera_ with the _Guerrière_. Captain Hull, of course, could not accurately distinguish the names of his pursuers. My account is drawn from a careful comparison of Marshall, Cooper, and James. ] At 10.30, observing the benefit that the _Constitution_ had derived from warping, Captain Byron did the same, bending all his hawsers to one another, and working two kedge anchors at the same time by paying the warp out through one hawse-hole as it was run in through the other opposite. Having men from the other frigates aboard, and a lighter ship to work, Captain Byron at 2 P. M. was near enough to exchange bow--and stern-chasers with the _Constitution_, out of range however. Hull expected to be overtaken, and made every arrangement to try in such case to disable the first frigate before her consorts could close. But neither the _Belvidera_ nor the _Shannon_ dared to tow very near for fear of having their boats sunk by the American's stern-chasers. The _Constitution's_ crew showed the most excellent spirit. Officers and men relieved each other regularly, the former snatching their rest any where on deck, the latter sleeping at the guns. Gradually the _Constitution_ drew ahead, but the situation continued most critical. All through the afternoon the British frigates kept towing and kedging, being barely out of gunshot. At 3 P. M. a light breeze sprung up, and blew fitfully at intervals; every puff was watched closely and taken advantage of to the utmost. At 7 in the evening the wind almost died out, and for four more weary hours the worn-out sailors towed and kedged. At 10.45 a little breeze struck the frigate, when the boats dropped alongside and were hoisted up, excepting the first cutter. Throughout the night the wind continued very light, the _Belvidera_ forging ahead till she was off the _Constitution's_ lee beam; and at 4 A. M., on the morning of the 19th, she tacked to the eastward, the breeze being light from the south by east. At 4.20 the _Constitution_ tacked also; and at 5.15 the _Aeolus_, which had drawn ahead, passed on the contrary tack. Soon afterward the wind freshened so that Captain Hull took in his cutter. The _Africa_ was now so far to leeward as to be almost out of the race; while the five frigates were all running on the starboard tack with every stitch of canvas set. At 9 A. M. an American merchant-man hove in sight and bore down toward the squadron. The _Belvidera_, by way of decoy, hoisted American colors, when the _Constitution_ hoisted the British flag, and the merchant vessel hauled off. The breeze continued light till noon, when Hull found he had dropped the British frigates well behind; the nearest was the _Belvidera_, exactly in his wake, bearing W. N. W. 2 1/2 miles distant. The _Shannon_ was on his lee, bearing N. by W. 1/2 W. distant 3 1/2 miles. The other two frigates were five miles off on the lee quarter. Soon afterward the breeze freshened, and "old Ironsides" drew slowly ahead from her foes, her sails being watched and tended with the most consummate skill. At 4 P. M. the breeze again lightened, but even the _Belvidera_ was now four miles astern and to leeward. At 6.45 there were indications of a heavy rain squall, which once more permitted Hull to show that in seamanship he excelled even the able captains against whom he was pitted. The crew were stationed and every thing kept fast till the last minute, when all was clewed up just before the squall struck the ship. The light canvas was furled, a second reef taken in the mizzen top-sail, and the ship almost instantly brought under short sail. The British vessels seeing this began to let go and haul down without waiting for the wind, and were steering on different tacks when the first gust struck them. But Hull as soon as he got the weight of the wind sheeted home, hoisted his fore and main-top gallant sails, and went off on an easy bowline at the rate of 11 knots. At 7.40 sight was again obtained of the enemy, the squall having passed to leeward; the _Belvidera_, the nearest vessel, had altered her bearings two points to leeward, and was a long way astern. Next came the _Shannon_; the _Guerrière_ and _Aeolus_ were hull down, and the _Africa_ barely visible. The wind now kept light, shifting occasionally in a very baffling manner, but the _Constitution_ gained steadily, wetting her sails from the sky-sails to the courses. At 6 A. M., on the morning of the 20th the pursuers were almost out of sight; and at 8.15 A. M. they abandoned the chase. Hull at once stopped to investigate the character of two strange vessels, but found them to be only Americans; then, at midday, he stood toward the east, and went into Boston on July 26th. In this chase Captain Isaac Hull was matched against five British captains, two of whom, Broke and Byron, were fully equal to any in their navy; and while the latter showed great perseverance, good seamanship, and ready imitation, there can be no doubt that the palm in every way belongs to the cool old Yankee. Every daring expedient known to the most perfect seamanship was tried, and tried with success; and no victorious fight could reflect more credit on the conqueror than this three days' chase did on Hull. Later, on two occasions, the _Constitution_ proved herself far superior in gunnery to the average British frigate; this time her officers and men showed that they could handle the sails as well as they could the guns. Hull out-manoeuvred Broke and Byron as cleverly as a month later he out-fought Dacres. His successful escape and victorious fight were both performed in a way that place him above any single ship captain of war. On Aug. 2d the _Constitution_ made sail from Boston [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Isaac Hull, Aug. 28, 1812.] and stood to the eastward, in hopes of falling in with some of the British cruisers. She was unsuccessful, however, and met nothing. Then she ran down to the Bay of Fundy, steered along the coast of Nova Scotia, and thence toward Newfoundland, and finally took her station off Cape Race in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where she took and burned two brigs of little value. On the 15th she recaptured an American brig from the British ship-sloop _Avenger_, though the latter escaped; Capt. Hull manned his prize and sent her in. He then sailed southward, and on the night of the 18th spoke a Salem privateer which gave him news of a British frigate to the south; thither he stood, and at 2 P. M. on the 19th, in lat. 41° 30' N. and 55° W., made out a large sail bearing E. S. E. and to leeward, [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Isaac Hull, Aug. 30, 1812.] which proved to be his old acquaintance, the frigate _Guerrière_, Captain Dacres. It was a cloudy day and the wind was blowing fresh from the northwest. The _Guerrière_ was standing by the wind on the starboard tack, under easy canvas; [Footnote: Letter of Capt. James R. Dacres, Sept. 7, 1812.] she hauled up her courses, took in her top-gallant sails, and at 4.30 backed her main-top sail. Hull then very deliberately began to shorten sail, taking in top-gallant sails, stay-sails, and flying jib, sending down the royal yards and putting another reef in the top-sails. Soon the Englishman hoisted three ensigns, when the American also set his colors, one at each mast-head, and one at the mizzen peak. The _Constitution_ now ran down with the wind nearly aft. The _Guerrière_ was on the starboard tack, and at five o'clock opened with her weather-guns, [Footnote: Log of _Guerrière_.] the shot falling short, then wore round and fired her port broadside, of which two shot struck her opponent, the rest passing over and through her rigging. [Footnote: See in the Naval Archives (Bureau of Navigation) the _Constitution's_ Log-Book (vol. ii, from Feb. 1, 1812, to Dec. 13, 1813). The point is of some little importance because Hull, in his letter, speaks as if both the first broadsides fell short, whereas the log distinctly says that the second went over the ship, except two shot, which came home. The hypothesis of the _Guerrière_ having damaged powder was founded purely on this supposed falling short of the first two broadsides.] As the British frigate again wore to open with her starboard battery, the _Constitution_ yawed a little and fired two or three of her port bow-guns. Three or four times the _Guerrière_ repeated this manoeuvre, wearing and firing alternate broadsides, but with little or no effect, while the _Constitution_ yawed as often to avoid being raked, and occasionally fired one of her bow guns. This continued nearly an hour, as the vessels were very far apart when the action began, hardly any loss or damage being inflicted by either party. At 6.00 the _Guerrière_ bore up and ran off under her top-sails and jib, with the wind almost astern, a little on her port quarter; when the _Constitution_ set her main-top gallant sail and foresail, and at 6.05 closed within half pistol-shot distance on her adversary's port beam. [Footnote: "Autobiography of Commodore Morris" (Annapolis, 1880), p. 164.] Immediately a furious cannonade opened, each ship firing as the guns bore. By the time the ships were fairly abreast, at 6.20, the _Constitution_ shot away the _Guerrière's_ mizzen-mast, which fell over the starboard quarter, knocking a large hole in the counter, and bringing the ship round against her helm. Hitherto she had suffered very greatly and the _Constitution_ hardly at all. The latter, finding that she was ranging ahead, put her helm aport and then luffed short round her enemy's bows, [Footnote: Log of _Constitution_.] delivering a heavy raking fire with the starboard guns and shooting away the _Guerrière's_ main-yard. Then she wore and again passed her adversary's bows, raking with her port guns. The mizzen-mast of the _Guerrière_, dragging in the water, had by this time pulled her bow round till the wind came on her starboard quarter; and so near were the two ships that the Englishman's bowsprit passed diagonally over the _Constitution's_ quarter-deck, and as the latter ship fell off it got foul of her mizzen-rigging, and the vessels then lay with the _Guerrière's_ starboard bow against the _Constitution's_ port, or lee quarter-gallery. [Footnote: Cooper, in "Putnam's Magazine." i. 475.] The Englishman's bow guns played havoc with Captain Hull's cabin, setting fire to it; but the flames were soon extinguished by Lieutenant Hoffmann. On both sides the boarders were called away; the British ran forward, but Captain Dacres relinquished the idea of attacking [Footnote: Address of Captain Dacres to the court-martial at Halifax.] when he saw the crowds of men on the American's decks. Meanwhile, on the _Constitution_, the boarders and marines gathered aft, but such a heavy sea was running that they could not get on the _Guerrière_. Both sides suffered heavily from the closeness of the musketry fire; indeed, almost the entire loss on the _Constitution_ occurred at this juncture. As Lieutenant Bush, of the marines, sprang upon the taffrail to leap on the enemy's decks, a British marine shot him dead; Mr. Morris, the first Lieutenant, and Mr. Alwyn, the master, had also both leaped on the taffrail, and both were at the same moment wounded by the musketry fire. On the _Guerrière_ the loss was far heavier, almost all the men on the forecastle being picked off. Captain Dacres himself was shot in the back and severely wounded by one of the American mizzen topmen, while he was standing on the starboard forecastle hammocks cheering on his crew [Footnote: James, vi, 144.]; two of the lieutenants and the master were also shot down. The ships gradually worked round till the wind was again on the port quarter, when they separated, and the _Guerrière's_ foremast and main-mast at once went by the board, and fell over on the starboard side, leaving her a defenseless hulk, rolling her main-deck guns into the water. [Footnote: Brenton, v, 51.] At 6.30 the _Constitution_ hauled aboard her tacks, ran off a little distance to the eastward, and lay to. Her braces and standing and running rigging were much cut up and some of the spars wounded, but a few minutes sufficed to repair damages, when Captain Hull stood under his adversary's lee, and the latter at once struck, at 7.00 P. M., [Footnote: Log of the _Constitution_.] just two hours after she had fired the first shot. On the part of the _Constitution_, however, the actual fighting, exclusive of six or eight guns fired during the first hour, while closing, occupied less than 30 minutes. [Illustration: _Constitution_ vs. _Guerrière_ (1): "The Engagement" is the original title of this, the first in a series of four paintings of the action done for Captain Hull by Michele F. Corné. (Courtesy US. Naval Academy Museum)] [Illustration: _Constitution_ vs. _Guerrière_ (2): "In Action." The _Guerrière's_ mizzenmast goes down. (Courtesy U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] [Illustration: _Constitution_ vs. _Guerrière_ (3): "Dropping Astern." The _Guerrière's_ mainmast and foremast follow. (Courtesy U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] [Illustration: _Constitution_ vs. _Guerrière_ (4): "She Fell in the Sea, A Perfect Wreck." The puff of smoke over the _Guerrière's_ bow is from a gun being fired to leeward to signal her surrender, the customary practice when a vessel no longer had a flag to strike. (Courtesy New Haven Historical Society)] The tonnage and metal of the combatants have already been referred to. The _Constitution_ had, as already said, about 456 men aboard, while of the _Guerrière's_ crew, 267 prisoners were received aboard the _Constitution_; deducting 10 who were Americans and would not fight, and adding the 15 killed outright, we get 272; 28 men were absent in prizes. COMPARATIVE FORCE Comparative Broad- Comparative loss Tons Guns side Men Loss Force Inflicted _Constitution_ 1576 27 684 456 14 1.00 1.00 _Guerrière_ 1338 25 556 272 79 .70 .18 The loss of the _Constitution_ included Lieutenant William S. Bush, of the marines, and six seamen killed, and her first lieutenant, Charles Morris, Master, John C. Alwyn, four seamen, and one marine, wounded. Total, seven killed and seven wounded. Almost all this loss occurred when the ships came foul, and was due to the _Guerrière's_ musketry and the two guns in her bridle-ports. The _Guerrière_ lost 23 killed and mortally wounded, including her second lieutenant, Henry Ready, and 56 wounded severely and slightly, including Captain Dacres himself, the first lieutenant, Bartholomew Kent, Master, Robert Scott, two master's mates, and one midshipman. The third lieutenant of the _Constitution_, Mr. George Campbell Read, was sent on board the prize, and the _Constitution_ remained by her during the night; but at daylight it was found that she was in danger of sinking. Captain Hull at once began removing the prisoners, and at three o'clock in the afternoon set the _Guerrière_ on fire, and in a quarter of an hour she blew up. He then set sail for Boston, where he arrived on August 30th. "Captain Hull and his officers," writes Captain Dacres in his official letter, "have treated us like brave and generous enemies; the greatest care has been taken that we should not lose the smallest trifle." The British laid very great stress on the rotten and decayed condition of the _Guerrière_; mentioning in particular that the mainmast fell solely because of the weight of the falling foremast. But it must be remembered that until the action occurred she was considered a very fine ship. Thus, in Brighton's "Memoir of Admiral Broke," it is declared that Dacres freely expressed the opinion that she could take a ship in half the time the _Shannon_ could. The fall of the main-mast occurred when the fight was practically over; it had no influence whatever on the conflict. It was also asserted that her powder was bad, but on no authority; her first broadside fell short, but so, under similar circumstances, did the first broadside of the _United States_. None of these causes account for the fact that her shot did not hit. Her opponent was of such superior force--nearly in the proportion of 3 to 2--that success would have been very difficult in any event, and no one can doubt the gallantry and pluck with which the British ship was fought; but the execution was very greatly disproportioned to the force. The gunnery of the _Guerrière_ was very poor, and that of the _Constitution_ excellent; during the few minutes the ships were yard-arm and yard-arm; the latter was not hulled once, while no less than 30 shot took effect on the former's engaged side, [Footnote: Captain Dacres' address to the court-martial.] five sheets of copper beneath the bends. The _Guerrière_, moreover, was out-manoeuvred; "in wearing several times and exchanging broadsides in such rapid and continual changes of position, her fire was much more harmless than it would have been if she had kept more steady." [Footnote: Lord Howard Douglass, "Treatise on Naval Gunnery" (London, 1851), p. 454.] The _Constitution_ was handled faultlessly; Captain Hull displayed the coolness and skill of a veteran in the way in which he managed, first to avoid being raked, and then to improve the advantage which the precision and rapidity of his fire had gained. "After making every allowance claimed by the enemy, the character of this victory is not essentially altered. Its peculiarities were a fine display of seamanship in the approach, extraordinary efficiency in the attack, and great readiness in repairing damages; all of which denote cool and capable officers, with an expert and trained crew; in a word, a disciplined man-of-war." [Footnote: Cooper, ii. 173.] The disparity of force, 10 to 7, is not enough to account for the disparity of execution, 10 to 2. Of course, something must be allowed for the decayed state of the Englishman's masts, although I really do not think it had any influence on the battle, for he was beaten when the main mast fell; and it must be remembered, on the other hand, that the American crew was absolutely new, while the _Guerrière_ was manned by old hands. So that, while admitting and admiring the gallantry, and, on the whole, the seamanship of Captain Dacres and his crew, and acknowledging that he fought at a great disadvantage, especially in being short-handed, yet all must acknowledge that the combat showed a marked superiority, particularly in gunnery, on the part of the Americans. Had the ships not come foul, Captain Hull would probably not have lost more than three or four men; as it was, he suffered but slightly. That the _Guerrière_ was not so weak as she was represented to be can be gathered from the fact that she mounted two more main-deck guns than the rest of her class; thus carrying on her main-deck 30 long 18-pounders in battery, to oppose to the 30 long 24's, or rather (allowing for the short weight of shot) long 22's, of the _Constitution_. Characteristically enough, James, though he carefully reckons in the long bow-chasers in the bridle-ports of the _Argus_ and _Enterprise_, yet refuses to count the two long eighteens mounted through the bridle-ports on the _Guerrière's_ main-deck. Now, as it turned out, these two bow guns were used very effectively, when the ships got foul, and caused more damage and loss than all of the other main-deck guns put together. [Illustration: This diagram is taken from Commodore Morris' autobiography and the log of the _Guerrière_: the official accounts apparently consider "larboard" and "starboard" as interchangeable terms.] Captain Dacres, very much to his credit, allowed the ten Americans on board to go below, so as not to fight against their flag; and in his address to the court-martial mentions, among the reasons for his defeat, "that he was very much weakened by permitting the Americans on board to quit their quarters." Coupling this with the assertion made by James and most other British writers that the _Constitution_ was largely manned by Englishmen, we reach the somewhat remarkable conclusion, that the British ship was defeated because the Americans on board would _not_ fight against their country, and that the American was victorious because the British on board _would_. However, as I have shown, in reality there were probably not a score of British on board the _Constitution_. In this, as well as the two succeeding frigate actions, every one must admit that there was a great superiority in force on the side of the victors, and British historians have insisted that this superiority was so great as to preclude any hopes of a successful resistance. That this was not true, and that the disparity between the combatants was not as great as had been the case in a number of encounters in which English frigates had taken French ones, can be best shown by a few accounts taken from the French historian Troude, who would certainly not exaggerate the difference. Thus on March 1, 1799, the English 38-gun 18-pounder frigate _Sybille_, captured the French 44-gun 24-pounder frigate _Forte_, after an action of two hours and ten minutes. [Footnote: "Batailles Navales de la France." O. Troude (Paris, 1868), iv, 171.] In _actual_ weight the shot thrown by one of the main-deck guns of the defeated _Forte_ was over six pounds heavier than the shot thrown by one of the main-deck guns of the victorious _Constitution_ or _United States_. [Footnote: See Appendix B, for actual weight of French shot.] There are later examples than this. But a very few years before the declaration of war by the United States, and in the same struggle that was then still raging, there had been at least two victories gained by English frigates over French foes as superior to themselves as the American 44's were to the British ships they captured. On Aug. 10, 1805, the _Phoenix_, 36, captured the _Didon_, 40, after 3 1/2 hours' fighting, the comparative broadside force being: [Footnote: Ibid., lii, 425.] _PHOENIX_ _DIDON_ 13×18 14×18 2× 9 2× 8 6×32 7×36 ----------------- ----------------- 21 guns, 444 lbs. 23 guns, 522 lbs. (nominal; about 600, real) On March 8, 1808, the _San Florenzo_, 36, captured the _Piedmontaise_, 40, the force being exactly what it was in the case of the _Phoenix_ and Didon.[Footnote: Ibid., in, 499.] Comparing the real, not the nominal weight of metal, we find that the _Didon_ and _Piedmontaise_ were proportionately of greater force compared to the _Phoenix_ and _San Florenzo_, than the _Constitution_ was compared to the _Guerrière_ or _Java_. The French 18's threw each a shot weighing but about two pounds less than that thrown by an American 24 of 1812, while their 36-pound carronades each threw a shot over 10 pounds heavier than that thrown by one of the _Constitution's_ spar-deck 32's. That a 24-pounder can not always whip an 18-pounder frigate is shown by the action of the British frigate _Eurotas_ with the French frigate _Chlorinde_, on Feb. 25, 1814. [Footnote: James, vi, 391.] The first with a crew of 329 men threw 625 pounds of shot at a broadside, the latter carrying 344 men and throwing 463 pounds; yet the result was indecisive. The French lost 90 and the British 60 men. The action showed that heavy metal was not of much use unless used well. To appreciate rightly the exultation Hull's victory caused in the United States, and the intense annoyance it created in England, it must be remembered that during the past twenty years the Island Power had been at war with almost every state in Europe, at one time or another, and in the course of about two hundred single conflicts between ships of approximately equal force (that is, where the difference was less than one half), waged against French, Spanish, Italian, Turkish, Algerine, Russian, Danish, and Dutch antagonists, her ships had been beaten and captured in but five instances. Then war broke out with America, and in eight months five single-ship actions occurred, in every one of which the British vessel was captured. Even had the victories been due solely to superior force this would have been no mean triumph for the United States. On October 13, 1812, the American 18-gun ship-sloop _Wasp_, Captain Jacob Jones, with 137 men aboard, sailed from the Delaware and ran off southeast to get into the track of the West India vessels; on the 16th a heavy gale began to blow, causing the loss of the jib-boom and two men who were on it. The next day the weather moderated somewhat, and at 11.30 P.M., in latitude 37° N., longitude 65° W., several sail were descried. [Footnote: Capt. Jones' official letter, Nov. 24, 1812.] These were part of a convoy of 14 merchant-men which had quitted the bay of Honduras on September 12th, bound for England, [Footnote: James' History, vi, 158.] under the convoy of the British 18-gun brig-sloop _Frolic_, of 19 guns and 110 men, Captain Thomas Whinyates. They had been dispersed by the gale of the 16th, during which the _Frolic's_ main-yard was carried away and both her top-sails torn to pieces [Footnote: Capt. Whinyates' official letter, Oct. 18, 1812.]; next day she spent in repairing damages, and by dark six of the missing ships had joined her. The day broke almost cloudless on the 18th (Sunday), showing the convoy, ahead and to leeward of the American ship, still some distance off, as Captain Jones had not thought it prudent to close during the night, while he was ignorant of the force of his antagonists. The _Wasp_ now sent down to her top-gallant yards, close reefed her top-sails, and bore down under short fighting canvas; while the _Frolic_ removed her main-yard from the casks, lashed it on deck, and then hauled to the wind under her boom main-sail and close-reefed foretop-sail, hoisting Spanish colors to decoy the stranger under her guns, and permit the convoy to escape. At 11.32 the action began--the two ships running parallel on the starboard tack, not 60 yards apart, the _Wasp_, firing her port, and the _Frolic_ her starboard, guns. The latter fired very rapidly, delivering three broadsides to the _Wasp's_ two, [Footnote: Cooper, 182.] both crews cheering loudly as the ships wallowed through the water. There was a very heavy sea running, which caused the vessels to pitch and roll heavily. The Americans fired as the engaged side of their ship was going down, aiming at their opponent's hull [Footnote: Miles' Register, in, p. 324.]; while the British delivered their broadsides while on the crests of the seas, the shot going high. The water dashed in clouds of spray over both crews, and the vessels rolled so that the muzzles of the guns went under. [Footnote: _Do_.] But in spite of the rough weather, the firing was not only spirited but well directed. At 11.36 the _Wasp's_ maintop-mast was shot away and fell, with its yard, across the port fore and foretop-sail braces, rendering the head yards unmanageable; at 11.46 the gaff and mizzentop-gallant mast came down, and by 11.52 every brace and most of the rigging was shot away. [Footnote: Capt. Jones' letter.] It would now have been very difficult to brace any of the yards. But meanwhile the _Frolic_ suffered dreadfully in her hull and lower masts, and had her gaff and head braces shot away.[Footnote: Capt. Whinyates' letter.] The slaughter among her crew was very great, but the survivors kept at their work with the dogged courage of their race. At first the two vessels ran side by side, but the American gradually forged ahead, throwing in her fire from a position in which she herself received little injury; by degrees the vessels got so close that the Americans struck the _Frolic's_ side with their rammers in loading, [Footnote: Capt. Jones' letter.] and the British brig was raked with dreadful effect. The Frolic then fell aboard her antagonist, her jib-boom coming in between the main- and mizzen-rigging of the _Wasp_ and passing over the heads of Captain Jones and Lieutenant Biddle, who were standing near the capstan. This forced the _Wasp_ up in the wind, and she again raked her antagonist, Captain Jones trying to restrain his men from boarding till he could put in another broadside. But they could no longer be held back, and Jack Lang, a New Jersey seaman, leaped on the _Frolic's_ bowsprit. Lieutenant Biddle then mounted on the hammock cloth to board, but his feet got entangled in the rigging, and one of the midshipmen seizing his coat-tails to help himself up, the lieutenant tumbled back on the deck. At the next swell he succeeded in getting on the bowsprit, on which there were already two seamen whom he passed on the forecastle. But there was no one to oppose him; not twenty Englishmen were left unhurt. [Footnote: Capt. Whinyates' letter.] The man at the wheel was still at his post, grim and undaunted, and two or three more were on deck, including Captain Whinyates and Lieutenant Wintle, both so severely wounded that they could not stand without support. [Footnote: James, vi, 161.] There could be no more resistance, and Lieutenant Biddle lowered the flag at 12.15--just 43 minutes after the beginning of the fight. [Footnote: Capt. Jones' letter.] A minute or two afterward both the _Frolic's_ masts went by the board--the foremast about fifteen feet above the deck, the other short off. Of her crew, as already said, not twenty men had escaped unhurt. Every officer was wounded; two of them, the first lieutenant, Charles McKay, and master, John Stephens, soon died. Her total loss was thus over 90 [Footnote: Capt. Whinyates' official letter thus states it, and is, of course, to be taken as authority; the Bermuda account makes it 69, and James only 62;] about 30 of whom were killed outright or died later. The _Wasp_ suffered very severely in her rigging and aloft generally, but only two or three shots struck her hull; five of her men were killed--two in her mizzen-top and one in her maintop-mast rigging--and five wounded, [Footnote: Capt. Jones' letter.] chiefly while aloft. [Illustration: _Wasp_ vs. _Frolic_: a contemporary painting by Thomas Birch, believed to have been done for the _Wasp's_ captain, James Biddle. (Courtesy Peabody Museum of Salem)] The two vessels were practically of equal force. The loss of the _Frolic's_ main-yard had merely converted her into a brigantine, and, as the roughness of the sea made it necessary to fight under very short canvas, her inferiority in men was fully compensated for by her superiority in metal. She had been desperately defended; no men could have fought more bravely than Captain Whinyates and his crew. On the other hand, the Americans had done their work with a coolness and skill that could not be surpassed; the contest had been mainly one of gunnery, and had been decided by the greatly superior judgment and accuracy with which they fired. Both officers and crew had behaved well; Captain Jones particularly mentions Lieutenant Claxton, who, though too ill to be of any service, persisted in remaining on deck throughout the engagement. The _Wasp_ was armed with 2 long 12's and 16 32-pound carronades; the _Frolic_ with 2 long 6's, 16 32-pound carronades, and 1 shifting 12-pound carronade. COMPARATIVE FORCE. Tons. No. Guns. Weight Metal. Crews. Loss. _Wasp_ 450 9 250 135 10 _Frolic_ 467 10 274 110 90 Vice-Admiral Jurien de la Gravière comments on this action as follows [Footnote: "Guerres Maritimes," ii, 287 (Septième Édition, Paris, 1881).]: DIAGRAM [Footnote: It is difficult to reconcile the accounts of the manoeuvres in this action. James says "larboard" where Cooper says "starboard"; one says the _Wasp_ wore, the other says that she could not do so, etc.] [Illustration: Shows the paths of the _Wasp_ and the _Frolic_ during their battle and the positions of the ships at various times during the battle from 11.32 to 12.15] "The American fire showed itself to be as accurate as it was rapid. On occasions when the roughness of the sea would seem to render all aim excessively uncertain, the effects of their artillery were not less murderous than under more advantageous conditions. The corvette _Wasp_ fought the brig _Frolic_ in an enormous sea, under very short canvas, and yet, forty minutes after the beginning of the action, when the two vessels came together, the Americans who leaped aboard the brig found on the deck, covered with dead and dying, but one brave man, who had not left the wheel, and three officers, all wounded, who threw down their swords at the feet of the victors." Admiral de la Gravière's criticisms are especially valuable, because they are those of an expert, who only refers to the war of 1812 in order to apply to the French navy the lessons which it teaches, and who is perfectly unprejudiced. He cares for the lesson taught, not the teacher, and is quite as willing to learn from the defeat of the _Chesapeake_ as from the victories of the _Constitution_--while most American critics only pay heed to the latter. The characteristics of the action are the practical equality of the contestants in point of force and the enormous disparity in the damage each suffered; numerically, the _Wasp_ was superior by 5 per cent., and inflicted a ninefold greater loss. Captain Jones was not destined to bring his prize into port, for a few hours afterward the _Poictiers_, a British 74, Captain John Poer Beresford, hove in sight. Now appeared the value of the _Frolic's_ desperate defence; if she could not prevent herself from being captured, she had at least ensured her own recapture, and also the capture of the foe. When the _Wasp_ shook out her sails they were found to be cut into ribbons aloft, and she could not make off with sufficient speed. As the _Poictiers_ passed the _Frolic_, rolling like a log in the water, she threw a shot over her, and soon overtook the _Wasp_. Both vessels were carried into Bermuda. Captain Whinyates was again put in command of the _Frolic_. Captain Jones and his men were soon exchanged; 25,000 dollars prize-money was voted them by Congress, and Captain and Lieutenant Biddle were both promoted, the former receiving the captured ship _Macedonian_. Unluckily the blockade was too close for him to succeed in getting out during the remainder of the war. On Oct. 8th Commodore Rodgers left Boston on his second cruise, with the _President_, _United States_, _Congress_, and _Argus_, [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Rodgers. Jan. 1. 1813.] leaving the _Hornet_ in port. Four days out, the _United States_ and _Argus_ separated, while the remaining two frigates continued their cruise together. The _Argus_, [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Arthur Sinclair, Jan. 4, 1813.] Captain Sinclair, cruised to the eastward, making prizes of 6 valuable merchant-men, and returned to port on January 3d. During the cruise she was chased for three days and three nights (the latter being moonlight) by a British squadron, and was obliged to cut away her boats and anchors and start some of her water. But she saved her guns, and was so cleverly handled that during the chase she actually succeeded in taking and manning a prize, though the enemy got near enough to open fire as the vessels separated. Before relating what befell the _United States_, we shall bring Commodore Rodgers' cruise to an end. On Oct. 10th the Commodore chased, but failed to overtake, the British frigate _Nymphe_, 38, Captain Epworth. On the 18th, off the great Bank of Newfoundland, he captured the Jamaica packet _Swallow_, homeward bound, with 200,000 dollars in specie aboard. On the 31st, at 9 A. M., lat. 33° N., long. 32° W., his two frigates fell in with the British frigate _Galatea_, 36, Captain Woodley Losack, convoying two South Sea ships, to windward. The _Galatea_ ran down to reconnoitre, and at 10 A. M., recognizing her foes, hauled up on the starboard tack to escape. The American frigates made all sail in chase, and continued beating to windward, tacking several times, for about three hours. Seeing that she was being overhauled, the _Galatea_ now edged away to get on her best point of sailing; at the same moment one of her convoy, the _Argo_, bore up to cross the hawse of her foes, but was intercepted by the _Congress_, who lay to to secure her. Meanwhile the _President_ kept after the _Galatea_; she set her top-mast, top-gallant mast and lower studding-sails, and when it was dusk had gained greatly upon her. But the night was very dark, the _President_ lost sight of the chase, and, toward midnight, hauled to the wind to rejoin her consort. The two frigates cruised to the east as far as 22° W., and then ran down to 17° N.; but during the month of November they did not see a sail. They had but slightly better luck on their return toward home. Passing 120 miles north of Bermuda, and cruising a little while toward the Virginia capes, they reentered Boston on Dec. 31st, having made 9 prizes, most of them of little value. When four days out, on Oct. 12th, Commodore Decatur had separated from the rest of Rodgers' squadron and cruised east; on the 25th, in lat. 29° N., and long. 29° 30' W. while going close-hauled on the port tack, with the wind fresh from the S. S. E., a sail was descried on the weather beam, about 12 miles distant. [Footnote: Official letter of Commodore Decatur, Oct. 30. 1812.] This was the British 38-gun frigate _Macedonian_, Captain John Surnam Carden. She was not, like the _Guerrière_, an old ship captured from the French, but newly built of oak and larger than any American 18-pounder frigate; she was reputed (very wrongfully) to be a "crack ship." According to Lieut. David Hope, "the state of discipline on board was excellent; in no British ship was more attention paid to gunnery. Before this cruise, the ship had been engaged almost every day with the enemy; and in time of peace the crew were constantly exercised at the great guns." [Footnote: Marshall's "Naval Biography," vol. iv, p. 1018.] How they could have practised so much and learned so little is certainly marvellous. The Macedonian set her foretop-mast and top-gallant studdings sails and bore away in chase, [Footnote: Capt. Carden to Mr. Croker, Oct. 28, 1812.] edging down with the wind a little aft the starboard beam. Her first lieutenant wished to continue on this course and pass down ahead of the _United States_, [Footnote: James, vi. 165.] but Capt. Carden's over-anxiety to keep the weather-gage lost him this opportunity of closing. [Footnote: Sentence of Court-martial held on the _San Domingo_, 74. at the Bermudas. May 27, 1812.] Accordingly he hauled by the wind and passed way to windward of the American. As Commodore Decatur got within range, he eased off and fired a broadside, most of which fell short [Footnote: Marshall, iv, 1080.]; he then kept his luff, and, the next time he fired, his long 24's told heavily, while he received very little injury himself. [Footnote: Cooper, 11, 178.] The fire from his main-deck (for he did not use his carronades at all for the first half hour) [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Decatur.] was so very rapid that it seemed as if the ship was on fire; his broadsides were delivered with almost twice the rapidity of those of the Englishman. [Footnote: James, vi, 169.] The latter soon found he could not play at long bowls with any chance of success; and, having already erred either from timidity or bad judgment, Captain Carden decided to add rashness to the catalogue of his virtues. Accordingly he bore up, and came down end on toward his adversary, with the wind on his port quarter. The _States_ now (10.15) laid her main-topsail aback and made heavy play with her long guns, and, as her adversary came nearer, with her carronades also. [Illustration: Shows the paths of the _United States_ and the _Macedonian_ during their battle and the positions of the ships at various times during the battle from 09.45 to 11.15] The British ship would reply with her starboard guns, hauling up to do so; as she came down, the American would ease off, run a little way and again come to, keeping up a terrific fire. As the _Macedonian_ bore down to close, the chocks of all her forecastle guns (which were mounted on the outside) were cut away [Footnote: Letter of Captain Carden.]; her fire caused some damage to the American's rigging, but hardly touched her hull, while she herself suffered so heavily both alow and aloft that she gradually dropped to leeward, while the American fore-reached on her. Finding herself ahead and to windward, the _States_ tacked and ranged up under her adversary's lee, when the latter struck her colors at 11.15, just an hour and a half after the beginning of the action. [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Decatur.] [Illustration: Captain Stephen Decatur: a charcoal drawing done in 1809 by Charles B.J.F. St.-Memin. (Courtesy Library of Congress)] The _United States_ had suffered surprisingly little; what damage had been done was aloft. Her mizzen top-gallant mast was cut away, some of the spars were wounded, and the rigging a good deal cut; the hull was only struck two or three times. The ships were never close enough to be within fair range of grape and musketry, [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Decatur.] and the wounds were mostly inflicted by round shot and were thus apt to be fatal. Hence the loss of the Americans amounted to Lieutenant John Messer Funk (5th of the ship) and six seamen killed or mortally wounded, and only five severely and slightly wounded. The _Macedonian_, on the other hand, had received over a hundred shot in her hull, several between wind and water; her mizzen-mast had gone by the board; her fore--and maintop-masts had been shot away by the caps, and her main-yard in the slings; almost all her rigging was cut away (only the fore-sail being left); on the engaged side all of her carronades but two, and two of her main-deck guns, were dismounted. Of her crew 43 were killed and mortally wounded, and 61 (including her first and third lieutenants) severely and slightly wounded. [Footnote: Letter of Captain Carden.] Among her crew were eight Americans (as shown by her muster-roll); these asked permission to go below before the battle, but it was refused by Captain Carden, and three were killed during the action. James says that they _were_ allowed to go below, but this is untrue; for if they had, the three would not have been slain. The others testified that they had been forced to fight, and they afterward entered the American service--the only ones of the _Macedonian's_ crew who did, or who were asked to. The _Macedonian_ had her full complement of 301 men; the _States_ had, by her muster-roll of October 20th, 428 officers, petty officers, seamen, and boys, and 50 officers and privates of marines, a total of 478 (instead of 509 as Marshall in his "Naval Biography" makes it). COMPARATIVE FORCE. Broadside Weight Size. Guns. Metal. Men. Loss. _United States_ 1576 27 786 478 12 _Macedonian_ 1325 25 547 301 104 Comparative Comparative Loss Force. Inflicted. _States_ 100 100 _Macedonian_ 66 11 That is, the relative force being about as three is to two, [Footnote: I have considered the _United States_ as mounting her full allowance of 54 guns; but it is possible that she had no more than 49. In Decatur's letter of challenge of Jan. 17, 1814 (which challenge, by the way, was a most blustering affair, reflecting credit neither on Decatur, nor his opponent, Captain Hope, nor on any one else, excepting Captain Stackpole of H. M. S. _Statira_), she is said to have had that number; her broadside would then be 15 long 24's below, 1 long 24, 1 12-pound, and 8 42-pound carronades above. Her _real_ broadside weight of metal would thus be about 680 lbs., and she would be superior to the _Macedonian_ in the proportion of 5 to 4. But it is possible that Decatur had landed some of his guns in 1813, as James asserts; and though I am not at all sure of this, I have thought it best to be on the safe side in describing his force.] the damage done was as nine to one! Of course, it would have been almost impossible for the _Macedonian_ to conquer with one third less force; but the disparity was by no means sufficient to account for the ninefold greater loss suffered, and the ease and impunity with which the victory was won. The British sailors fought with their accustomed courage, but their gunnery was exceedingly poor; and it must be remembered that though the ship was bravely fought, still the defence was by no means so desperate as that made by the _Essex_ or even the _Chesapeake_, as witnessed by their respective losses. The _Macedonian_, moreover, was surrendered when she had suffered less damage than either the _Guerrière_ or _Java_. The chief cause of her loss lay in the fact that Captain Carden was a poor commander. The gunnery of the _Java_, _Guerrière_, and _Macedonian_ was equally bad; but while Captain Lambert proved himself to be as able as he was gallant, and Captain Dacres did nearly as well, Captain Carden, on the other hand, was first too timid, and then too rash, and showed bad judgment at all times. By continuing his original course he could have closed at once; but he lost his chance by over-anxiety to keep the weather-gage, and was censured by the court-martial accordingly. Then he tried to remedy one error by another, and made a foolishly rash approach. A very able and fair-minded English writer says of this action: "As a display of courage the character of the service was nobly upheld, but we would be deceiving ourselves were we to admit that the comparative expertness of the crews in gunnery was equally satisfactory. Now, taking the difference of effect as given by Captain Carden, we must draw this conclusion--that the comparative loss in killed and wounded (104 to 12), together with the dreadful account he gives of the condition of his own ship, while he admits that the enemy's vessel was in comparatively good order, must have arisen from inferiority in gunnery as well as in force." [Footnote: Lord Howard Douglass, "Naval Gunnery." p. 525] On the other hand, the American crew, even according to James, were as fine a set of men as ever were seen on shipboard. Though not one fourth were British by birth, yet many of them had served on board British ships of war, in some cases voluntarily, but much more often because they were impressed. They had been trained at the guns with the greatest care by Lieutenant Allen. And finally Commodore Decatur handled his ship with absolute faultlessness. To sum up: a brave and skilful crew, ably commanded, was matched against an equally brave but unskilful one, with an incompetent leader; and this accounts for the disparity of loss being so much greater than the disparity in force. At the outset of this battle the position of the parties was just the reverse of that in the case of the _Constitution_ and _Guerrière_: the Englishman had the advantage of the wind, but he used it in a very different manner from that in which Captain Hull had done. The latter at once ran down to close, but manoeuvred so cautiously that no damage could be done him till he was within pistol shot. Captain Carden did not try to close till after fatal indecision, and then made the attempt so heedlessly that he was cut to pieces before he got to close quarters. Commodore Decatur, also, manoeuvred more skilfully than Captain Dacres, although the difference was less marked between these two. The combat was a plain cannonade; the _States_ derived no advantage from the superior number of her men, for they were not needed. The marines in particular had nothing whatever to do, while they had been of the greatest service against the _Guerrière_. The advantage was simply in metal, as 10 is to 7. Lord Howard Douglass' criticisms on these actions seem to me only applicable in part. He says (p. 524): "The Americans would neither approach nor permit us to join in close battle until they had gained some extraordinary advantage from the superior faculties of their long guns in distant cannonade, and from the intrepid, uncircumspect, and often very exposed approach of assailants who had long been accustomed to contemn all manoeuvring. Our vessels were crippled in distant cannonade from encountering rashly the serious disadvantage of making direct attacks; the uncircumspect gallantry of our commanders led our ships unguardedly into the snares which wary caution had spread." These criticisms are very just as regards the _Macedonian_, and I fully agree with them (possibly reserving the right to doubt Captain Carden's gallantry, though readily admitting his uncircumspection). But the case of the _Guerrière_ differed widely. There the American ship made the attack, while the British at first avoided close combat; and, so far from trying to cripple her adversary by a distant cannonade, the _Constitution_ hardly fired a dozen times until within pistol shot. This last point is worth mentioning, because in a work on "Heavy Ordnance," by Captain T. F. Simmons, R. A. (London, 1837), it is stated that the _Guerrière_ received her injuries _before_ the closing, mentioning especially the "thirty shot below the water-line"; whereas, by the official accounts of both commanders, the reverse was the case. Captain Hull, in his letter, and Lieutenant Morris, (in his autobiography) say they only fired a few guns before closing; and Captain Dacres, in his letter, and Captain Brenton, in his "History," say that not much injury was received by the _Guerrière_ until about the time the mizzen-mast fell, which was three or four minutes after close action began. Lieutenant Allen was put aboard the _Macedonian_ as prize-master; he secured the fore- and main-masts and rigged a jury mizzen-mast, converting the vessel into a bark. Commodore Decatur discontinued his cruise to convoy his prize back to America; they reached New London Dec. 4th. Had it not been for the necessity of convoying the _Macedonian_, the _States_ would have continued her cruise, for the damage she suffered was of the most trifling character. Captain Garden stated (in Marshall's "Naval Biography") that the _States_ measured 1,670 tons, was manned by 509 men, suffered so from shot under water that she had to be pumped out every watch, and that two eighteen-pound shot passed in a horizontal line through her main-masts; all of which statements were highly creditable to the vividness of his imagination. The _States_ measured but 1,576 tons (and by English measurement very much less), had 478 men aboard, had not been touched by a shot under water-line, and her lower masts were unwounded. James states that most of her crew were British, which assertion I have already discussed; and that she had but one boy aboard, and that he was seventeen years old,--in which case 29 others, some of whom (as we learn from the "Life of Decatur") were only twelve, must have grown with truly startling rapidity during the hour and a half that the combat lasted. During the twenty years preceding 1812 there had been almost incessant warfare on the ocean, and although there had been innumerable single conflicts between French and English frigates, there had been but one case in which the French frigate, single-handed, was victorious. This was in the year 1805 when the _Milan_ captured the _Cleopatra_. According to Troude, the former threw at a broadside 574 pounds (actual), the latter but 334; and the former lost 35 men out of her crew of 350, the latter 58 out of 200. Or, the forces being as 100 to 58, the loss inflicted was as 100 to 60; while the _States'_ force compared to the _Macedonian's_ being as 100 to 66, the loss she inflicted was as 100 to 11. British ships, moreover, had often conquered against odds as great; as, for instance, when the _Sea Horse_ captured the great Turkish frigate _Badere-Zaffer_; when the _Astrea_ captured the French frigate _Gloire_, which threw at a broadside 286 pounds of shot, while she threw but 174; and when, most glorious of all, Lord Dundonald, in the gallant little _Speedy_, actually captured the Spanish xebec _Gamo_ of over five times her own force! Similarly, the corvette _Comus_ captured the Danish frigate _Fredrickscoarn_, the brig _Onyx_ captured the Dutch sloop _Manly_, the little cutter _Thorn_ captured the French _Courier-National_, and the _Pasly_ the Spanish _Virgin_; while there had been many instances of drawn battles between English 12-pound frigates and French or Spanish 18-pounders. Captain Hull having resigned the command of the _Constitution_, she was given to Captain Bainbridge, of the _Constellation_, who was also entrusted with the command of the _Essex_ and _Hornet_. The latter ship was in the port of Boston with the _Constitution_, under the command of Captain Lawrence. The _Essex_ was in the Delaware, and accordingly orders were sent to Captain Porter to rendezvous at the Island of San Jago; if that failed several other places were appointed, and if, after a certain time, he did not fall in with his commodore he was to act at his own discretion. [Illustration: Captain William Bainbridge: a portrait by John Wesley Jarvis, circa 1814. (Courtesy U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] On October 26th the _Constitution_ and _Hornet_ sailed, touched at the different rendezvous, and on December 13th arrived off San Salvador, where Captain Lawrence found the _Bonne Citoyenne_, 18, Captain Pitt Barnaby Greene. The _Bonne Citoyenne_ was armed with 18 32-pound carronades and 2 long nines, and her crew of 150 men was exactly equal in number to that of the _Hornet_; the latter's short weight in metal made her antagonist superior to her in about the same proportion that she herself was subsequently superior to the _Penguin_, or, in other words, the ships were practically equal. Captain Lawrence now challenged Captain Greene to single fight, giving the usual pledges that the _Constitution_ should not interfere. The challenge was not accepted for a variety of reasons; among others the _Bonne Citoyenne_ was carrying home half a million pounds in specie. [Footnote: Brenton and James both deny that Captain Greene was blockaded by the _Hornet_, and claim that he feared the _Constitution_. James says (p. 275) that the occurrence was one which "the characteristic cunning of Americans turned greatly to their advantage"; and adds that Lawrence only sent the challenge because "it could not be accepted," and so he would "suffer no personal risk." He states that the reason it was sent, as well as the reason that it was refused, was because the _Constitution_ was going to remain in the offing and capture the British ship if she proved conqueror. It is somewhat surprising that even James should have had the temerity to advance such arguments. According to his own account (p. 277) the _Constitution_ left for Boston on Jan. 6th, and the _Hornet_ remained blockading the _Bonne Citoyenne_ till the 24th, when the _Montagu_, 74, arrived. During these eighteen days there could have been no possible chance of the _Constitution_ or any other ship interfering, and it is ridiculous to suppose that any such fear kept Captain Greene from sailing out to attack his foe. No doubt Captain Greene's course was perfectly justifiable, but it is curious that with all the assertions made by James as to the cowardice of the Americans, this is the only instance throughout the war in which a ship of either party declined a contest with an antagonist of equal force (the cases of Commodore Rodgers and Sir George Collier being evidently due simply to an overestimate of the opposing ships.)] Leaving the _Hornet_ to blockade her, Commodore Bainbridge ran off to the southward, keeping the land in view. At 9 A. M., Dec. 29, 1812, while the _Constitution_ was running along the coast of Brazil, about thirty miles offshore in latitude 13° 6' S., and longitude 31° W., two strange sail were made, [Footnote: Official letter of Commodore Bainbridge, Jan. 3, 1813.] inshore and to windward. These were H. B. M. frigate _Java_, Captain Lambert, forty-eight days out of Spithead, England, with the captured ship _William_ in company. Directing the latter to make for San Salvador, the _Java_ bore down in chase of the _Constitution_. [Footnote: Official letter of Lieutenant Chads, Dec. 31, 1812.] The wind was blowing light from the N.N.E., and there was very little sea on. At 10 the _Java_ made the private signals, English, Spanish, and Portuguese in succession, none being answered; meanwhile the _Constitution_ was standing up toward the _Java_ on the starboard tack; a little after 11 she hoisted her private signal, and then, being satisfied that the strange sail was an enemy, she wore and stood off toward the S.E., to draw her antagonist away from the land, [Footnote: Log of the _Constitution_.] which was plainly visible. The _Java_ hauled up, and made sail in a parallel course, the _Constitution_ bearing about three points on her lee bow. The _Java_ gained rapidly, being much the swifter. At 1.30 the _Constitution_ luffed up, shortened her canvas to top-sails, top-gallant sails, jib, and spanker, and ran easily off on the port tack, heading toward the southeast; she carried her commodore's pendant at the main, national ensigns at the mizzenpeak and main top-gallant mast-head, and a Jack at the fore. The _Java_ also had taken in the main-sail and royals, and came down in a lasking course on her adversary's weather-quarter, [Footnote: Lieutenant Chads' Address to the Court-martial, April 23, 1813.] hoisting her ensign at the mizzen-peak, a union Jack at the mizzen top-gallant mast-head, and another lashed to the main-rigging. At 2 P. M., the _Constitution_ fired a shot ahead of her, following it quickly by a broadside, [Footnote: Commodore Bainbridge's letter.] and the two ships began at long bowls, the English firing the lee or starboard battery while the Americans replied with their port guns. The cannonade was very spirited on both sides, the ships suffering about equally. The first broadside of the _Java_ was very destructive, killing and wounding several of the _Constitution's_ crew. The _Java_ kept edging down, and the action continued, with grape and musketry in addition; the swifter British ship soon forereached and kept away, intending to wear across her slower antagonist's bow and rake her; but the latter wore in the smoke, and the two combatants ran off to the westward, the Englishman still a-weather and steering freer than the _Constitution_, which had luffed to close. [Footnote: Log of the _Constitution_.] The action went on at pistol-shot distance. In a few minutes, however, the _Java_ again forged ahead, out of the weight of her adversary's fire, and then kept off, as before, to cross her bows; and, as before, the _Constitution_ avoided this by wearing, both ships again coming round with their heads to the east, the American still to leeward. The Java kept the weather-gage tenaciously, forereaching a little, and whenever the _Constitution_ luffed up to close, [Footnote: Log of _Constitution_.] the former tried to rake her. But her gunnery was now poor, little damage being done by it; most of the loss the Americans suffered was early in the action. By setting her foresail and main-sail the _Constitution_ got up close on the enemy's lee beam, her fire being very heavy and carrying away the end of the _Java's_ bowsprit and her jib-boom. [Footnote: Lieutenant Chads' letter.] The _Constitution_ forged ahead and repeated her former manoeuvre, wearing in the smoke. The _Java_ at once hove in stays, but owing to the loss of head-sail fell off very slowly, and the American frigate poured a heavy raking broadside into her stern, at about two cables' length distance. The _Java_ replied with her port guns as she fell off. [Footnote: Lieutenant Chads' letter.] Both vessels then bore up and ran off free, with the wind on the port quarter; the _Java_ being abreast and to windward of her antagonist, both with their heads a little east of south. The ships were less than a cable's length apart, and the _Constitution_ inflicted great damage while suffering very little herself. The British lost many men by the musketry of the American topmen, and suffered still more from the round and grape, especially on the forecastle, [Footnote: Testimony of Christopher Speedy, in minutes of the Court-martial on board H. M. S. _Gladiator_, at Portsmouth, April 23, 1813] many marked instances of valor being shown on both sides. The _Java's_ masts were wounded and her rigging cut to pieces, and Captain Lambert then ordered her to be laid aboard the enemy, who was on her lee beam. The helm was put a-weather, and the _Java_ came down for the _Constitution's_ main-chains. The boarders and marines gathered in the gangways and on the forecastle, the boatswain having been ordered to cheer them up with his pipe that they might make a clean spring. [Footnote: Testimony of James Humble, in _do., do._] The Americans, however, raked the British with terrible effect, cutting off their main top-mast above the cap, and their foremast near the cat harpings. [Footnote: Log of _Constitution_.] The stump of the _Java's_ bowsprit got caught in the _Constitution's_ mizzen-rigging, and before it got clear the British suffered still more. [Illustration: _Constitution_ vs. _Java_: a comptemporary American engraving done under the supervision of a witness to the action. (Courtesy Beverley R. Robinson Collection, U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] Finally the ships separated, the _Java's_ bowsprit passing over the taffrail of the _Constitution_; the latter at once kept away to avoid being raked. The ships again got nearly abreast, but the _Constitution_, in her turn, forereached; whereupon Commodore Bainbridge wore, passed his antagonist, luffed up under his quarter, raked him with the starboard guns, then wore, and recommenced the action with his port broadside at about 3.10. Again the vessels were abreast, and the action went on as furiously as ever. The wreck of the top hamper on the _Java_ lay over her starboard side, so that every discharge of her guns set her on fire, [Footnote: Lieut. Chads' Address.] and in a few minutes her able and gallant commander was mortally wounded by a ball fired by one of the American main-top-men. [Footnote: Surgeon J. C. Jones' Report.] The command then devolved on the first lieutenant, Chads, himself painfully wounded. The slaughter had been terrible, yet the British fought on with stubborn resolution, cheering lustily. But success was now hopeless, for nothing could stand against the cool precision of the Yankee fire. The stump of the _Java's_ foremast was carried away by a double-headed shot, the mizzen-mast fell, the gaff and spanker boom were shot away, also the main-yard, and finally the ensign was cut down by a shot, and all her guns absolutely silenced; when at 4.05 the _Constitution_, thinking her adversary had struck, [Footnote: Log of the _Constitution_ (as given in Bainbridge's letter).] ceased firing, hauled aboard her racks, and passed across her adversary's bows to windward, with her top-sails, jib, and spanker set. A few minutes afterward the _Java's_ main-mast fell, leaving her a sheer hulk. The _Constitution_ assumed a weatherly position, and spent an hour in repairing damages and securing her masts; then she wore and stood toward her enemy, whose flag was again flying, but only for bravado, for as soon as the _Constitution_ stood across her forefoot she struck. At 5.25 she was taken possession of by Lieutenant Parker, 1st of the _Constitution_, in one of the latter's only two remaining boats. The American ship had suffered comparatively little. But a few round shot had struck her hull, one of which carried away the wheel; one 18-pounder went through the mizzen-mast; the fore-mast, main-top-mast, and a few other spars were slightly wounded, and the running rigging and shrouds were a good deal cut; but in an hour she was again in good fighting trim. Her loss amounted to 8 seamen and 1 marine killed; the 5th lieutenant, John C. Alwyn, and 2 seamen, mortally, Commodore Bainbridge and 12 seamen, severely, and 7 seamen and 2 marines, slightly wounded; in all 12 killed and mortally wounded, and 22 wounded severely and slightly. [Footnote: Report of Surgeon Amos A. Evans.] "The _Java_ sustained unequalled injuries beyond the _Constitution_," says the British account. [Footnote: "Naval Chronicle," xxix. 452.] These have already been given in detail; she was a riddled and entirely dismasted hulk. Her loss (for discussion of which see farther on) was 48 killed (including Captain Henry Lambert, who died soon after the close of the action, and five midshipmen), and 102 wounded, among them Lieutenant Henry Ducie Chads, Lieutenant of Marines David Davies, Commander John Marshall, Lieut. James Saunders, the boatswain. James Humble, master, Batty Robinson, and four midshipmen. In this action both ships displayed equal gallantry and seamanship. "The _Java_," says Commodore Bainbridge, "was exceedingly well handled and bravely fought. Poor Captain Lambert was a distinguished and gallant officer, and a most worthy man, whose death I sincerely regret." The manoeuvring on both sides was excellent; Captain Lambert used the advantage which his ship possessed in her superior speed most skilfully, always endeavoring to run across his adversary's bows and rake him when he had forereached, and it was only owing to the equal skill which his antagonist displayed that he was foiled, the length of the combat being due to the number of evolutions. The great superiority of the Americans was in their gunnery. The fire of the _Java_ was both less rapid and less well directed than that of her antagonist; the difference of force against her was not heavy, being about as ten is to nine, and was by no means enough to account for the almost fivefold greater loss she suffered. [Illustration: This differs somewhat from the English diagram: the American officers distinctly assert that the Java kept the weather-gage in every position.] The foregoing is a diagram of the battle. It differs from both of the official accounts, as these conflict greatly both as to time and as regards some of the evolutions. I generally take the mean in cases of difference; for example, Commodore Bainbridge's report makes the fight endure but 1 hour and 55 minutes, Lieutenant Chads' 2 hours and 25 minutes: I have made it 2 hours and 10 minutes, etc., etc. The tonnage and weight of metal of the combatants have already been stated; I will give the complements shortly. The following is the COMPARATIVE FORCE AND LOSS. Relative Weight No. Relative Loss Tons. Metal. Men. Loss. Force. Inflicted. _Constitution_ 1576 654 475 34 100 100 _Java_ 1340 576 426 150 89 23 In hardly another action the war do the accounts of the respective forces differ so widely; the official British letter makes their total of men at the beginning of the action 377, of whom Commodore Bainbridge officially reports that he paroled 378! The British state their loss in killed and mortally wounded at 24; Commodore Bainbridge reports that the dead alone amounted to nearly 60! Usually I have taken each commander's account of his own force and loss, and I should do so now if it were not that the British accounts differ among themselves, and whenever they relate to the Americans, are flatly contradicted by the affidavits of the latter's officers. The British first handicap themselves by the statement that the surgeon of the _Constitution_ was an Irishman and lately an assistant surgeon in the British navy ("Naval Chronicle," xxix, 452); which draws from Surgeon Amos A. Evans a solemn statement in the Boston _Gazette_ that he was born in Maryland and was never in the British navy in his life. Then Surgeon Jones of the _Java_, in his official report, after giving his own killed and mortally wounded at 24, says that the Americans lost in all about 60, and that 4 of their amputations perished under his own eyes; whereupon Surgeon Evans makes the statement (_Niles' Register_, vi, p. 35), backed up by affidavits of his brother officers, that in all he had but five amputations, of whom only one died, and that one, a month after Surgeon Jones had left the ship. To meet the assertions of Lieutenant Chads that he began action with but 377 men, the _Constitution's_ officers produced the _Java's_ muster-roll, dated Nov. 17th, or five days after she had sailed, which showed 446 persons, of whom 20 had been put on board a prize. The presence of this large number of supernumeraries on board is explained by the fact that the _Java_ was carrying out Lieutenant-General Hislop, the newly-appointed Governor of Bombay, and his suite, together with part of the crews for the _Cornwallis_, 74, and gun-sloops _Chameleon_ and _Icarus_; she also contained stores for those two ships. Besides conflicting with the American reports, the British statements contradict one another. The official published report gives but two midshipmen as killed; while one of the volumes of the "Naval Chronicle" (vol. xxix, p. 452) contains a letter from one of the _Java's_ lieutenants, in which he states that there were five. Finally, Commodore Bainbridge found on board the _Constitution_, after the prisoners had left, a letter from Lieutenant H. D. Cornick, dated Jan. 1, 1813, and addressed to Lieutenant Peter V. Wood, 22d Regiment, foot, in which he states that 65 of their men were killed. James ("Naval Occurrences") gets around this by stating that it was probably a forgery; but, aside from the improbability of Commodore Bainbridge being a forger, this could not be so, for nothing would have been easier than for the British lieutenant to have denied having written it, which he never did. On the other hand, it would be very likely that in the heat of the action, Commodore Bainbridge and the _Java's_ own officers should overestimate the latter's loss. [Footnote: For an account of the shameless corruption then existing in the Naval Administration of Great Britain, see Lord Dundonald's "Autobiography of a seaman." The letters of the commanders were often garbled, as is mentioned by Brenton. Among numerous cases that he gives, may be mentioned the cutting out of the _Chevrette_, where he distinctly says, "our loss was much greater than was ever acknowledged." (Vol. i, p. 505, edition of 1837.)] Taking all these facts into consideration, we find 446 men on board the _Java_ by her own muster-list; 378 of these were paroled by Commodore Bainbridge at San Salvador; 24 men were acknowledged by the enemy to be killed or mortally wounded; 20 were absent in a prize, leaving 24 unaccounted for, who were undoubtedly slain. The British loss was thus 48 men killed and mortally wounded, and 102 wounded severely and slightly. The _Java_ was better handled and more desperately defended than the _Macedonian_ or even the _Guerrière_. and the odds against her were much smaller; so she caused her opponent greater loss, though her gunnery was no better than theirs. Lieutenant Parker, prize-master of the _Java_, removed all the prisoners and baggage to the _Constitution_, and reported the prize to be in a very disabled state; owing partly to this, but more to the long distance from home and the great danger there was of recapture, Commodore Bainbridge destroyed her on the 31st, and then made sail for San Salvador. "Our gallant enemy," reports Lieutenant Chads, "has treated us most generously"; and Lieutenant-General Hislop presented the Commodore with a very handsome sword as a token of gratitude for the kindness with which he had treated the prisoners. Partly in consequence of his frigate's injuries, but especially because of her decayed condition, Commodore Bainbridge sailed from San Salvador on Jan. 6, 1813, reaching Boston Feb. 27th, after his four months' cruise. At San Salvador he left the _Hornet_ still blockading the _Bonne Citoyenne_. In order "to see ourselves as others see us," I shall again quote from Admiral Jurien de la Gravière, [Footnote "Guerres Maritimes," ii, 284 (Paris, 1881).] as his opinions are certainly well worthy of attention both as to these first three battles, and as to the lessons they teach. "When the American Congress declared war on England in 1812," he says, "it seemed as if this unequal conflict would crush her navy in the act of being born; instead, it but fertilized the germ. It is only since that epoch that the United States has taken rank among maritime powers. Some combats of frigates, corvettes, and brigs, insignificant without doubt as regards material results, sufficed to break the charm which protected the standard of St. George, and taught Europe what she could have already learned from some of our combats, if the louder noise of our defeats had not drowned the glory, that the only invincibles on the sea are good seamen and good artillerists. "The English covered the ocean with their cruisers when this unknown navy, composed of six frigates and a few small craft hitherto hardly numbered, dared to establish its cruisers at the mouth of the Channel, in the very centre of the British power. But already the _Constitution_ had captured the _Guerrière_ and _Java_, the _United States_ had made a prize of the _Macedonian_, the _Wasp_ of the _Frolic_, and the _Hornet_ of the _Peacock_. The honor of the new flag was established. England, humiliated, tried to attribute her multiplied reverses to the unusual size of the vessels which Congress had had constructed in 1799, and which did the fighting in 1812. She wished to refuse them the name of frigates, and called them, not without some appearance of reason, disguised line-of-battle ships. Since then all maritime powers have copied these gigantic models, as the result of the war of 1812 obliged England herself to change her naval material; but if they had employed, instead of frigates, cut-down 74's (vaisseaux rasés), it would still be difficult to explain the prodigious success of the Americans. * * * "In an engagement which terminated in less than half an hour, the English frigate _Guerrière_, completely dismasted, had fifteen men killed, sixty-three wounded, and more than thirty shot below the water-line. She sank twelve hours after the combat. The _Constitution_, on the contrary, had but seven men killed and seven wounded, and did not lose a mast. As soon as she had replaced a few cut ropes and changed a few sails, she was in condition, even by the testimony of the British historian, to take another _Guerrière_. The _United States_ took an hour and a half to capture the _Macedonian_, and the same difference made itself felt in the damage suffered by the two ships. The _Macedonian_ had her masts shattered, two of her main-deck and all her spar-deck guns disabled; more than a hundred shot had penetrated the hull, and over a third of the crew had suffered by the hostile fire. The American frigate, on the contrary, had to regret but five men killed and seven wounded; her guns had been fired each sixty-six times to the _Macedonian's_ thirty-six. The combat of the _Constitution_ and the _Java_ lasted two hours, and was the most bloody of these three engagements. The _Java_ only struck when she had been razed like a sheer hulk; she had twenty-two men killed and one hundred and two wounded. * * * * * "This war should be studied with unceasing diligence; the pride of two peoples to whom naval affairs are so generally familiar has cleared all the details and laid bare all the episodes, and through the sneers which the victors should have spared, merely out of care for their own glory, at every step can be seen that great truth, that there is only success for those who know how to prepare it. * * * * * "It belongs to us to judge impartially these marine events, too much exalted perhaps by a national vanity one is tempted to excuse. The Americans showed, in the War of 1812, a great deal of skill and resolution. But if, as they have asserted, the chances had always been perfectly equal between them and their adversaries, if they had only owed their triumphs to the intrepidity of Hull, Decatur, and Bainbridge, there would be for us but little interest in recalling the struggle. We need not seek lessons in courage outside of our own history. On the contrary, what is to be well considered is that the ships of the United States constantly fought with chances in their favor, and it is on this that the American government should found its true title to glory. * * * The Americans in 1812 had secured to themselves the advantage of a better organization [than the English]." The fight between the _Constitution_ and the _Java_ illustrates best the proposition, "that there is only success for those who know how to prepare it." Here the odds in men and metal were only about as 10 to 9 in favor of the victors, and it is safe to say that they might have been reversed without vitally affecting the result. In the fight Lambert handled his ship as skilfully as Bainbridge did his; and the _Java's_ men proved by their indomitable courage that they were excellent material. The _Java's_ crew was new shipped for the voyage, and had been at sea but six weeks; in the _Constitution's_ first fight her crew had been aboard of her but _five_ weeks. So the chances should have been nearly equal, and the difference in fighting capacity that was shown by the enormous disparity in the loss, and still more in the damage inflicted, was due to the fact that the officers of one ship had, and the officers of the other had not, trained their raw crews. The _Constitution's_ men were not "picked," but simply average American sailors, as the _Java's_ were average British sailors. The essential difference was in the training. During the six weeks the _Java_ was at sea her men had fired but six broadsides, of blank cartridges; during the first five weeks the _Constitution_ cruised, her crew were incessantly practised at firing with blank cartridges and also at a target. [Footnote: In looking through the logs of the _Constitution_, _Hornet_, etc., we continually find such entries as "beat to quarters, exercised the men at the great guns," "exercised with musketry," "exercised the boarders," "exercised the great guns, blank cartridges, and afterward firing at mark."] The Java's crew had only been exercised occasionally, even in pointing the guns, and when the captain of a gun was killed the effectiveness of the piece was temporarily ruined, and, moreover, the men did not work together. The _Constitution's_ crew were exercised till they worked like machines, and yet with enough individuality to render it impossible to cripple a gun by killing one man. The unpractised British sailors fired at random; the trained Americans took aim. The British marines had not been taught any thing approximating to skirmishing or sharp-shooting; the Americans had. The British sailors had not even been trained enough in the ordinary duties of seamen; while the Americans in five weeks had been rendered almost perfect. The former were at a loss what to do in an emergency at all out of their own line of work; they were helpless when the wreck fell over their guns, when the Americans would have cut it away in a jiffy. As we learn from Commodore Morris' "Autobiography," each Yankee sailor could, at need, do a little carpentering or sail-mending, and so was more self-reliant. The crew had been trained to act as if guided by one mind, yet each man retained his own individuality. The petty officers were better paid than in Great Britain, and so were of a better class of men, thoroughly self-respecting; the Americans soon got their subordinates in order, while the British did not. To sum up: one ship's crew had been trained practically and thoroughly, while the other crew was not much better off than the day it sailed; and, as far as it goes, this is a good test of the efficiency of the two navies. The U.S. brig _Vixen_, 12, Lieutenant George U. Read, had been cruising off the southern coast; on Nov. 22d she fell in with the _Southampton_, 32, Captain Sir James Lucas Yeo, and was captured after a short but severe trial of speed. Both vessels were wrecked soon afterward. The _Essex_, 32, Captain David Porter, left the Delaware on Oct. 28th, two days after Commodore Bainbridge had left Boston. She expected to make a very long cruise and so carried with her an unusual quantity of stores and sixty more men than ordinarily, so that her muster-roll contained 319 names. Being deep in the water she reached San Jago after Bainbridge had left. Nothing was met with until after the Essex had crossed the equator in longitude 30° W. on Dec. 11th. On the afternoon of the next day a sail was made out to windward, and chased. At nine in the evening it was overtaken, and struck after receiving a volley of musketry which killed one man. The prize proved to be the British packet _Nocton_, of 10 guns and 31 men, with $55,000 in specie aboard. The latter was taken out, and the _Nocton_ sent home with Lieutenant Finch and a prize crew of 17 men, but was recaptured by a British frigate. The next appointed rendezvous was the Island of Fernando de Noronha, where Captain Porter found a letter from Commodore Bainbridge, informing him that the other vessels were off Cape Frio. Thither cruised Porter, but his compatriots had left. On the 29th he captured an English merchant vessel; and he was still cruising when the year closed. The year 1812, on the ocean, ended as gloriously as it had begun. In four victorious fights the disparity in loss had been so great as to sink the disparity of force into insignificance. Our successes had been unaccompanied by any important reverse. Nor was it alone by the victories, but by the cruises, that the year was noteworthy. The Yankee men-of-war sailed almost in sight of the British coast and right in the tract of the merchant fleets and their armed protectors. Our vessels had shown themselves immensely superior to their foes. The reason of these striking and unexpected successes was that our navy in 1812 was the exact reverse of what our navy is now, in 1882. I am not alluding to the personnel, which still remains excellent; but, whereas we now have a large number of worthless vessels, standing very low down in their respective classes, we then possessed a few vessels, each unsurpassed by any foreign ship of her class. To bring up our navy to the condition in which it stood in 1812 it would not be _necessary_ (although in reality both very wise and in the end very economical) to spend any more money than at present; only instead of using it to patch up a hundred antiquated hulks, it should be employed in building half a dozen ships on the most effective model. If in 1812 our ships had borne the same relation to the British ships that they do now, not all the courage and skill of our sailors would have won us a single success. As it was, we could only cope with the lower rates, and had no vessels to oppose to the great "liners"; but to-day there is hardly any foreign ship, no matter how low its rate, that is not superior to the corresponding American ones. It is too much to hope that our political shortsightedness will ever enable us to have a navy that is first-class in point of size; but there certainly seems no reason why what ships we have should not be of the very best quality. The effect of a victory is two-fold, moral and material. Had we been as roughly handled on water as we were on land during the first year of the war, such a succession of disasters would have had a most demoralizing effect on the nation at large. As it was, our victorious seafights, while they did not inflict any material damage upon the colossal sea-might of England, had the most important results in the feelings they produced at home and even abroad. Of course they were magnified absurdly by most of our writers at the time; but they do not need to be magnified, for as they are any American can look back upon them with the keenest national pride. For a hundred and thirty years England had had no equal on the sea; and now she suddenly found one in the untried navy of an almost unknown power. BRITISH VESSELS CAPTURED OR DESTROYED IN 1812. Name. Guns. Tonnage. Remarks. _Guerrière_ 49 1,340 _Macedonian_ 49 1,325 _Java_ 49 1,340 _Frolic_ 19 477 Recaptured. _Alert_ 20 323 _____ _______ 186 4,807 19 477 Deducting Frolic. _____ _______ 167 4,330 AMERICAN VESSELS CAPTURED OR DESTROYED. Name. Guns. Tonnage. _Wasp_ 18 450 _Nautilus_ 14 185 _Vixen_ 14 185 _____ _______ 46 820 VESSELS BUILT IN 1812. Name. Rig. Guns. Tonnage. Where Built. Cost. _Nonsuch_ Schooner 14 148 Charleston $15,000 _Carolina_ Schooner 14 230 " 8,743 _Louisiana_ Ship 16 341 New Orleans 15,500 PRIZES MADE. [Footnote: These can only be approximately given; the records are often incomplete or contradictory, especially as regards the small craft. Most accounts do not give by any means the full number.] Ship. No. of Prizes. _President_ 1 _United States_ 2 _Constitution_ 9 _Congress_ 2 _Chesapeake_ 1 _Essex_ 11 _Wasp_ 2 _Hornet_ 1 _Argus_ 6 _Small Craft_ 5 __ 46 Chapter IV 1812 ON THE LAKES _PRELIMINARY.--The combatants starting nearly on an equality--Difficulties of creating a naval force--Difficulty of comparing the force of the rival squadrons--Meagreness of the published accounts--Unreliability of James--ONTARIO--Extraordinary nature of the American squadron--Canadian squadron forming only a kind of water militia--Sackett's Harbor feebly attacked by Commodore Earle--Commodore Chauncy bombards York--ERIE--Lieutenant Elliott captures the_ Detroit _and_ Caledonia--_Unsuccessful expedition of Lieutenant Angus._ At the time we are treating of, the State of Maine was so sparsely settled, and covered with such a dense growth of forest, that it was practically impossible for either of the contending parties to advance an army through its territory. A continuation of the same wooded and mountainous district protected the northern parts of Vermont and New Hampshire, while in New York the Adirondack region was an impenetrable wilderness. It thus came about that the northern boundary was formed, for military purposes, by Lake Huron, Lake Erie, the Niagara, Lake Ontario, the St. Lawrence, and, after an interval, by Lake Champlain. The road into the States by the latter ran close along shore, and without a naval force the invader would be wholly unable to protect his flanks, and would probably have his communications cut. This lake, however, was almost wholly within the United States, and did not become of importance till toward the end of the war. Upon it were two American gun-boats, regularly officered and manned, and for such smooth water sufficiently effective vessels. What was at that time the western part of the northern frontier became the main theatre of military operations, and as it presented largely a water front, a naval force was an indispensable adjunct, the command of the lakes being of the utmost importance. As these lakes were fitted for the manoeuvring of ships of the largest size, the operations upon them were of the same nature as those on the ocean, and properly belong to naval and not to military history. But while on the ocean America started with too few ships to enable her really to do any serious harm to her antagonist, on the inland waters the two sides began very nearly on an equality. The chief regular forces either belligerent possessed were on Lake Ontario. Here the United States had a man-of-war brig, the _Oneida_, of 240 tons, carrying 16 24-pound carronades, manned by experienced seamen, and commanded by Lieutenant M. T. Woolsey. Great Britain possessed the _Royal George_, 22, _Prince Regent_, 16, _Earl of Moira_, 14, _Gloucester_, 10, _Seneca_, 8, and _Simco_, 8, all under the command of a Commodore Earle; but though this force was so much the more powerful it was very inefficient, not being considered as belonging to the regular navy, the sailors being undisciplined, and the officers totally without experience, never having been really trained in the British service. From these causes it resulted that the struggle on the lakes was to be a work as much of creating as of using a navy. On the seaboard success came to those who made best use of the ships that had already been built; on the lakes the real contest lay in the building. And building an inland navy was no easy task. The country around the lakes, especially on the south side, was still very sparsely settled, and all the American naval supplies had to be brought from the seaboard cities through the valley of the Mohawk. There was no canal or other means of communication, except very poor roads intermittently relieved by transportation on the Mohawk and on Oneida Lake, when they were navigable. Supplies were thus brought up at an enormous cost, with tedious delays and great difficulty; and bad weather put a stop to all travel. Very little indeed, beyond timber, could be procured at the stations on the lakes. Still a few scattered villages and small towns had grown up on the shores, whose inhabitants were largely engaged in the carrying trade. The vessels used for the purpose were generally small sloops or schooners, swift and fairly good sailors, but very shallow and not fitted for rough weather. The frontiersmen themselves, whether Canadian or American, were bold, hardy seamen, and when properly trained and led made excellent man-of-war's men; but on the American side they were too few in number, and too untrained to be made use of, and the seamen had to come from the coast. But the Canadian shores had been settled longer, the inhabitants were more numerous, and by means of the St. Lawrence the country was easy of access to Great Britain; so that the seat of war, as regards getting naval supplies, and even men, was nearer to Great Britain than to us. Our enemies also possessed in addition to the squadron on Lake Ontario another on Lake Erie, consisting of the _Queen Charlotte_, 17, _Lady Prevost_, 13, _Hunter_, 10, _Caledonia_, 2, _Little Belt_, 2, and _Chippeway_, 2. These two squadrons furnished training schools for some five hundred Canadian seamen, whom a short course of discipline under experienced officers sufficed to render as good men as their British friends or American foes. Very few British seamen ever reached Lake Erie (according to James, not over fifty); but on Lake Ontario, and afterward on Lake Champlain, they formed the bulk of the crews, "picked seamen, sent out by government expressly for service on the Canada lakes." [Footnote: James, vi, 353.] As the contrary has sometimes been asserted it may be as well to mention that Admiral Codrington states that no want of seamen contributed to the British disasters on the lakes, as their sea-ships at Quebec had men drafted from them for that service till their crews were utterly depleted. [Footnote: Memoirs, i, 322, referring especially to battle of Lake Champlain.] I am bound to state that while I think that on the ocean our sailors showed themselves superior to their opponents, especially in gun practice, on the lakes the men of the rival fleets were as evenly matched, in skill and courage, as could well be. The difference, when there was any, appeared in the officers, and, above all, in the builders; which was the more creditable to us, as in the beginning we were handicapped by the fact that the British already had a considerable number of war vessels, while we had but one. The Falls of Niagara interrupt navigation between Erie and Ontario; so there were three independent centres of naval operations on the northern frontier. The first was on Lake Champlain, where only the Americans possessed any force, and, singularly enough, this was the only place where the British showed more enterprise in ship-building than we did. Next came Lake Ontario, where both sides made their greatest efforts, but where the result was indecisive, though the balance of success was slightly inclined toward us. Our naval station was at Sackett's Harbor; that of our foes at Kingston. The third field of operations was Lake Erie and the waters above it. Here both sides showed equal daring and skill in the fighting, and our advantage must be ascribed to the energy and success with which we built and equipped vessels. Originally we had no force at all on these waters, while several vessels were opposed to us. It is a matter of wonder that the British and Canadian governments should have been so supine as to permit their existing force to go badly armed, and so unenterprising as to build but one additional ship, when they could easily have preserved their superiority. It is very difficult to give a full and fair account of the lake campaigns. The inland navies were created especially for the war, and, after it were allowed to decay, so that the records of the tonnage, armament, and crews are hard to get at. Of course, where everything had to be created, the services could not have the regular character of those on the ocean. The vessels employed were of widely different kinds, and this often renders it almost impossible to correctly estimate the relative force of two opposing squadrons. While the Americans were building their lake navy, they, as makeshifts, made use of some ordinary merchant schooners, which were purchased and fitted up with one or two long, heavy guns each. These gun-vessels had no quarters, and suffered under all the other disadvantages which make a merchant vessel inferior to a regularly constructed man-of-war. The chief trouble was that in a heavy sea they had a strong tendency to capsize, and were so unsteady that the guns could not be aimed when any wind was blowing. Now, if a few of these schooners, mounting long 32's, encountered a couple of man-of-war brigs, armed with carronades, which side was strongest? In smooth water the schooners had the advantage, and in rough weather they were completely at the mercy of the brigs; so that it would be very hard to get at the true worth of such a contest, as each side would be tolerably sure to insist that the weather was such as to give a great advantage to the other. In all the battles and skirmishes on Champlain. Erie, and Huron, at least there was no room left for doubt as to who were the victors. But on Lake Ontario there was never any decisive struggle, and whenever an encounter occurred, each commodore always claimed that his adversary had "declined the combat" though "much superior in strength." It is, of course, almost impossible to rind out which really did decline the combat, for the official letters flatly contradict each other; and it is often almost as difficult to discover where the superiority in force lay, when the fleets differed so widely in character as was the case in 1813. Then Commodore Chauncy's squadron consisted largely of schooners; their long, heavy guns made his total foot up in a very imposing manner, and similar gun-vessels did very good work on Lake Erie; so Commodore Yeo, and more especially Commodore Yeo's admirers, exalted these schooners to the skies, and conveyed the impression that they were most formidable craft, by means of which Chauncy ought to have won great victories. Yet when Yeo captured two of them he refused to let them even cruise with his fleet, and they were sent back to act as coast gun-boats and transports, which certainly would not have been done had they been fitted to render any effectual assistance. Again, one night a squall came on and the two largest schooners went to the bottom, which did not tend to increase the confidence felt in the others. So there can be no doubt that in all but very smooth water the schooners could almost be counted out of the fight. Then the question arises in any given case, was the water smooth? And the testimony is as conflicting as ever. It is not too easy to reconcile the official letters of the commanders, and it is still harder to get at the truth from either the American or British histories. Cooper is very inexact, and, moreover, paints every thing _couleur de rose_, paying no attention to the British side of the question, and distributing so much praise to everybody that one is at a loss to know where it really belongs. Still, he is very useful, for he lived at the time of the events he narrates, and could get much information about them at first hand, from the actors themselves. James is almost the only British authority on the subject; but he is not nearly as reliable as when dealing with the ocean contests, most of this part of his work being taken up with a succession of acrid soliloquies on the moral defects of the American character. The British records for this extraordinary service on the lakes were not at all carefully kept, and so James is not hampered by the necessity of adhering more or less closely to official documents, but lets his imagination run loose. On the ocean and seaboard his account of the British force can generally be relied upon; but on the lakes his authority is questionable in every thing relating either to friends or foes. This is the more exasperating because it is done wilfully, when, if he had chosen, he could have written an invaluable history; he must often have known the truth when, as a matter of preference, he chose either to suppress or alter it. Thus he ignores all the small "cutting out" expeditions in which the Americans were successful, and where one would like to hear the British side. For example, Captain Yeo captured two schooners, the _Julia_ and _Growler_, but Chauncy recaptured both. We have the American account of this recapture in full, but James does not even hint at it, and blandly puts down both vessels in the total "American loss" at the end of his smaller work. Worse still, when the _Growler_ again changed hands, he counts it in again, in the total, as if it were an entirely different boat, although he invariably rules out of the American list all recaptured vessels. A more serious perversion of facts are his statements about comparative tonnage. This was at that time measured arbitrarily, the depth of hold being estimated at half the breadth of beam; and the tonnage of our lake vessels was put down exactly as if they were regular ocean cruisers of the same dimensions in length and breadth. But on these inland seas the vessels really did not draw more than half as much water as on the ocean, and the depth would of course be much less. James, in comparing the tonnage, gives that of the Americans as if they were regular ocean ships, but in the case of the British vessels, carefully allows for their shallowness, although professing to treat the two classes in the same way; and thus he makes out a most striking and purely imaginary difference. The best example is furnished by his accounts of the fleets on Lake Erie. The captured vessels were appraised by two captains and the ship-builder, Mr. Henry Eckford; their tonnage being computed precisely as the tonnage of the American vessels. The appraisement was recorded in the Navy Department, and was first made public by Cooper, so that it could not have been done for effect. Thus measured it was found that the tonnage was in round numbers as follows: _Detroit_, 490 tons; _Queen Charlotte_, 400; _Lady Prevost_, 230; _Hunter_, 180; _Little Belt_, 90; _Chippeway_, 70. James makes them measure respectively 305, 280, 120, 74, 54, and 32 tons, but carefully gives the American ships the regular sea tonnage. So also he habitually deducts about 25 percent, from the real number of men on board the British ships; as regards Lake Erie he contradicts himself so much that he does not need to be exposed from outside sources. But the most glaring and least excusable misstatements are made as to the battle of Lake Champlain, where he gives the American as greatly exceeding the British force. He reaches this conclusion by the most marvellous series of garblings and misstatements. First, he says that the _Confiance_ and the _Saratoga_ were of nearly equal tonnage. The _Confiance_ being captured was placed on our naval lists, where for years she ranked as a 36-gun frigate, while the _Saratoga_ ranked among the 24-gun corvettes; and by actual measurement the former was half as large again as the latter. He gives the _Confiance_ but 270 men; one of her officers, in a letter published in the _London Naval Chronicle_, [Footnote: Vol. xxxii, p. 272. The letter also says that hardly five of her men remained unhurt.] gives her over 300; more than that number of dead and prisoners were taken out of her. He misstates the calibre of her guns, and counts out two of them because they were used through the bow-ports; whereas, from the method in which she made her attack, these would have been peculiarly effective. The guns are given accurately by Cooper, on the authority of an officer [Footnote: Lieutenant E. A. F. Lavallette.] who was on board the _Confiance_ within 15 minutes after the _Linnet_ struck, and who was in charge of her for two months. Then James states that there were but 10 British gallies, while Sir George Prevost's official account, as well as all the American authorities, state the number to be 12. He says that the _Finch_ grounded opposite an American battery before the engagement began, while in reality it was an hour afterward, and because she had been disabled by the shot of the American fleet. The gallies were largely manned by Canadians, and James, anxious to put the blame on these rather than the British, says that they acted in the most cowardly way, whereas in reality they caused the Americans more trouble than Downie's smaller sailing vessels did. His account of the armament of these vessels differs widely from the official reports. He gives the _Linnet_ and _Chubb_ a smaller number of men than the number of prisoners that were actually taken out of them, not including the dead. Even misstating Downie's force in guns, underestimating the number of his men, and leaving out two of his gun-boats, did not content James; and to make the figures show a proper disproportion, he says (vol. vi, p. 504) that he shall exclude the _Finch_ from the estimate, because she grounded, and half of the gun-boats, because he does not think they acted bravely. Even were these assertions true, it would be quite as logical for an American writer to put the _Chesapeake's_ crew down as only 200, and say he should exclude the other men from the estimate because they flinched; and to exclude all the guns that were disabled by shot, would be no worse than to exclude the _Finch_. James' manipulation of the figures is a really curious piece of audacity. Naturally, subsequent British historians have followed him without inquiry. James' account of this battle, alone, amply justifies our rejecting his narrative entirely, as far as affairs on the lakes go, whenever it conflicts with any other statement, British or American. Even when it does not conflict, it must be followed with extreme caution, for whenever he goes into figures the only thing certain about them is that they are wrong. He gives no details at all of most of the general actions. Of these, however, we already possess excellent accounts, the best being those in the "Manual of Naval Tactics," by Commander J. H. Ward, U. S. N. (1859), and in Lossing's "Field-Book of the War of 1812," and Cooper's "Naval History." The chief difficulty occurs in connection with matters on Lake Ontario, [Footnote: The accounts of the two commanders on Lake Ontario are as difficult to reconcile as are those of the contending admirals in the battles which the Dutch waged against the English and French during the years 1672-1675. In every one of De Ruyter's last six battles each side regularly claimed the victory, although there can be but little doubt that on the whole the strategical, and probably the tactical, advantage remained with De Ruyter. Every historian ought to feel a sense of the most lively gratitude toward Nelson; in his various encounters he never left any possible room for dispute as to which side had come out first best.] where I have been obliged to have recourse to a perfect patchwork of authors and even newspapers, for the details, using _Niles' Register_ and James as mutual correctives. The armaments and equipments being so irregular I have not, as in other cases, made any allowance for the short weight of the Americans shot, as here the British may have suffered under a similar disadvantage; and it may be as well to keep in mind that on these inland waters the seamen of the two navies seem to have been as evenly matched in courage and skill as was possible. They were of exactly the same stock, with the sole exception that among and under, but entirely distinct from, the Canadian-English, fought the descendants of the conquered Canadian-French; and even these had been trained by Englishmen, were led by English captains, fought on ships built by English gold, and with English weapons and discipline. On Lake Ontario. There being, as already explained, three independent centres of inland naval operations, the events at each will be considered separately. At the opening of the war Lieutenant Woolsey, with the _Oneida_, was stationed at Sackett's Harbor, which was protected at the entrance by a small fort with a battery composed of one long 32. The Canadian squadron of six ships, mounting nearly 80 guns, was of course too strong to be meddled with. Indeed, had the _Royal George_, 22, the largest vessel, been commanded by a regular British sea-officer, she would have been perfectly competent to take both the _Oneida_ and Sackett's Harbor; but before the Canadian commodore, Earle, made up his mind to attack, Lieut. Woolsey had time to make one or two short cruises, doing some damage among the merchant vessels of the enemy. On the 19th of July Earle's ships appeared off the Harbor; the _Oneida_ was such a dull sailor that it was useless for her to try to escape, so she was hauled up under a bank where she raked the entrance, and her off guns landed and mounted on the shore, while Lieut. Woolsey took charge of the "battery," or long 32, in the fort. The latter was the only gun that was of much use, for after a desultory cannonade of about an hour, Earle withdrew, having suffered very little damage, inflicted none at all, and proved himself and his subordinates to be grossly incompetent. Acting under orders, Lieut. Woolsey now set about procuring merchant schooners to be fitted and used as gun-vessels until more regular cruisers could be built. A captured British schooner was christened the _Julia_, armed with a long 32 and two 6's, manned with 30 men, under Lieut. Henry Wells, and sent down to Ogdensburg. "On her way thither she encountered and actually beat off, without losing a man, the _Moira_, of 14, and _Gloucester_, of 10 guns." [Footnote: James, vi, 350.] Five other schooners were also purchased; the _Hamilton_, of 10 guns, being the largest, while the other four, the _Governor Tompkins_, _Growler_, _Conquest_, and _Pert_ had but 11 pieces between them. Nothing is more difficult than to exactly describe the armaments of the smaller lake vessels. The American schooners were mere makeshifts, and their guns were frequently changed, [Footnote: They were always having accidents happen to them that necessitated some alteration. If a boat was armed with a long 32, she rolled too much, and they substituted a 24; if she also had an 18-pound carronade, it upset down the hatchway in the middle of a fight, and made way for a long 12, which burst as soon as it was used, and was replaced by two medium 6's. So a regular gamut of changes would be rung.] as soon as they could be dispensed with they were laid up, or sold, and forgotten. It was even worse with the British, who manifested the most indefatigable industry in intermittently changing the armament, rig, and name of almost every vessel, and, the records being very loosely kept, it is hard to find what was the force at any one time. A vessel which in one conflict was armed with long 18's, in the next would have replaced some of them with 68-pound carronades; or, beginning life as a ship, she would do most of her work as a schooner, and be captured as a brig, changing her name even oftener than any thing else. On the first of September Commodore Isaac Chauncy was appointed commander of the forces on the lakes (except of those on Lake Champlain), and he at once bent his energies to preparing an effective flotilla. A large party of ship-carpenters were immediately despatched to the Harbor; and they were soon followed by about a hundred officers and seamen, with guns, stores, etc. The keel of a ship to mount 24 32-pound carronades, and to be called the _Madison_, was laid down, and she was launched on the 26th of November, just when navigation had closed on account of the ice. Late in the autumn, four more schooners were purchased, and named the _Ontario_, _Scourge_, _Fair American_, and _Asp_, but these were hardly used until the following spring. The cruising force of the Americans was composed solely of the _Oneida_ and the six schooners first mentioned. The British squadron was of nearly double this strength, and had it been officered and trained as it was during the ensuing summer, the Americans could not have stirred out of port. But as it was, it merely served as a kind of water militia, the very sailors, who subsequently did well, being then almost useless, and unable to oppose their well-disciplined foes, though the latter were so inferior in number and force. For the reason that it was thus practically a contest of regulars against militia, I shall not give numerical comparisons of the skirmishes in the autumn of 1812, and shall touch on them but slightly. They teach the old lesson that, whether by sea or land, a small, well-officered, and well-trained force, can not, except very rarely, be resisted by a greater number of mere militia; and that in the end it is true economy to have the regular force prepared beforehand, without waiting until we have been forced to prepare it by the disasters happening to the irregulars. The Canadian seamen behaved badly, but no worse than the American land-forces did at the same time; later, under regular training, both nations retrieved their reputations. Commodore Chauncy arrived at Sackett's Harbor in October, and appeared on the lake on Nov. 8th, in the _Oneida_. Lieutenant Woolsey, with the six schooners _Conquest_, Lieutenant Elliott; _Hamilton_, Lieutenant McPherson; _Tompkins_, Lieutenant Brown; _Pert_, Sailing-master Arundel; _Julia_, Sailing-master Trant; _Growler_, Sailing-master Mix. The Canadian vessels were engaged in conveying supplies from the westward. Commodore Chauncy discovered the _Royal George_ off the False Duck Islands, and chased her under the batteries of Kingston, on the 9th. Kingston was too well defended to be taken by such a force as Chauncy's; but the latter decided to make a reconnaissance, to discover the enemy's means of defence and see if it was possible to lay the _Royal George_ aboard. At 3 P.M. the attack was made. The _Hamilton_ and _Tompkins_ were absent chasing, and did not arrive until the fighting had begun. The other four gun-boats, _Conquest_, _Julia_, _Pert_, and _Growler_, led, in the order named, to open the attack with their heavy guns, and prepare the way for the _Oneida_, which followed. At the third discharge the _Pert's_ gun burst, putting her nearly _hors de combat_, badly wounding her gallant commander, Mr. Arundel (who shortly afterward fell overboard and was drowned), and slightly wounding four of her crew. The other gun-boats engaged the five batteries of the enemy, while the _Oneida_ pushed on without firing a shot till at 3.40 she opened on the _Royal George_, and after 20 minutes' combat actually succeeded in compelling her opponent, though of double her force, to cut her cables, run in, and tie herself to a wharf, where some of her people deserted her; here she was under the protection of a large body of troops, and the Americans could not board her in face of the land-forces. It soon began to grow dusk, and Chauncy's squadron beat out through the channel, against a fresh head-wind. In this spirited attack the American loss had been confined to half a dozen men, and had fallen almost exclusively on the _Oneida_. The next day foul weather came on, and the squadron sailed for Sackett's Harbor. Some merchant vessels were taken, and the _Simco_, 8, was chased, but unsuccessfully. The weather now became cold and tempestuous, but cruising continued till the middle of November. The Canadian commanders, however, utterly refused to fight; the _Royal George_ even fleeing from the _Oneida_, when the latter was entirely alone, and leaving the American commodore in undisputed command of the lake. Four of the schooners continued blockading Kingston till the middle of November; shortly afterward navigation closed. [Footnote: These preliminary events were not very important, and the historians on both sides agree almost exactly, so that I have not considered it necessary to quote authorities.] Lake Erie. On Lake Erie there was no American naval force; but the army had fitted out a small brig, armed with six 6-pounders. This fell into the hands of the British at the capture of Detroit, and was named after that city, so that by the time a force of American officers and seamen arrived at the lake there was not a vessel on it for them to serve in, while their foes had eight. But we only have to deal with two of the latter at present. The _Detroit_, still mounting six 6-pounders, and with a crew of 56 men, under the command of Lieutenant of Marines Rolette, of the Royal Navy, assisted by a boatswain and gunner, and containing also 30 American prisoners, and the _Caledonia_, a small brig mounting two 4-pounders on pivots, with a crew of 12 men, Canadian-English, under Mr. Irvine, and having aboard also 10 American prisoners, and a very valuable cargo of furs worth about 200,000 dollars, moved down the lake, and on Oct. 7th anchored under Fort Erie. [Footnote: Letter of Captain Jesse D. Elliott to Secretary of Navy. Black Rock. Oct. 5, 1812.] Commander Jesse D. Elliott had been sent up to Erie some time before with instructions from Commodore Chauncy to construct a naval force, partly by building two brigs of 300 tons each, [Footnote: That is, of 300 tons actual capacity; measured as if they had been ordinary sea vessels they each tonned 480. Their opponent, the ship _Detroit_, similarly tonned 305, actual measurement, or 490, computing it in the ordinary manner.] and partly by purchasing schooners to act as gun-boats. No sailors had yet arrived; but on the very day on which the two brigs moved down and anchored under Fort Erie, Captain Elliott received news that the first detachment of the promised seamen, 51 in number, including officers, [Footnote: The number of men in this expedition is taken from Lossing's "Field-Book of the War of 1812," by Benson L. Lossing, New York, 1869, p. 385, note, where a complete list of the names is given.] was but a few miles distant. He at once sent word to have these men hurried up, but when they arrived they were found to have no arms, for which application was made to the military authorities. The latter not only gave a sufficiency of sabres, pistols, and muskets to the sailors, but also detailed enough soldiers, under Captain N. Towson and Lieutenant Isaac Roach, to make the total number of men that took part in the expedition 124. This force left Black Rock at one o'clock on the morning of the 8th in two large boats, one under the command of Commander Elliott, assisted by Lieutenant Roach, the other under Sailing-master George Watts and Captain Towson. After two hours' rowing they reached the foe, and the attack was made at three o'clock. Elliott laid his boat alongside the _Detroit_ before he was discovered, and captured her after a very brief struggle, in which he lost but one man killed, and Midshipman J. C. Cummings wounded with a bayonet in the leg. The noise of the scuffle roused the hardy provincials aboard the _Caledonia_, and they were thus enabled to make a far more effectual resistance to Sailing-master Watts than the larger vessel had to Captain Elliott. As Watts pulled alongside he was greeted with a volley of musketry, but at once boarded and carried the brig, the twelve Canadians being cut down or made prisoners; one American was killed and four badly wounded. The wind was too light and the current too strong to enable the prizes to beat out and reach the lake, so the cables were cut and they ran down stream. The _Caledonia_ was safely beached under the protection of an American battery near Black Rock. The _Detroit_, however, was obliged to anchor but four hundred yards from a British battery, which, together with some flying artillery, opened on her. Getting all his guns on the port side, Elliott kept up a brisk cannonade till his ammunition gave out, when he cut his cable and soon grounded on Squaw Island. Here the _Detroit_ was commanded by the guns of both sides, and which ever party took possession of her was at once driven out by the other. The struggle ended in her destruction, most of her guns being taken over to the American side. This was a very daring and handsome exploit, reflecting great credit on Commander Elliott, and giving the Americans, in the _Caledonia_, the nucleus of their navy on Lake Erie; soon afterward Elliott returned to Lake Ontario, a new detachment of seamen under Commander S. Angus having arrived. On the 28th of November, the American general, Smith, despatched two parties to make an attack on some of the British batteries. One of these consisted of 10 boats, under the command of Captain King of the 15th infantry, with 150 soldiers, and with him went Mr. Angus with 82 sailors, including officers. The expedition left at one o'clock in the morning, but was discovered and greeted with a warm fire from a field battery placed in front of some British barracks known as the Red House. Six of the boats put back; but the other four, containing about a hundred men, dashed on. While the soldiers were forming line and firing, the seamen rushed in with their pikes and axes, drove off the British, capturing their commander, Lieut. King, of the Royal Army, spiked and threw into the river the guns, and then took the barracks and burned them, after a desperate fight. Great confusion now ensued, which ended in Mr. Angus and some of the seamen going off in the boats. Several had been killed; eight, among whom were Midshipmen Wragg, Dudley, and Holdup, all under 20 years old, remained with the troops under Captain King, and having utterly routed the enemy found themselves deserted by their friends. After staying on the shore a couple of hours some of them found two boats and got over; but Captain King and a few soldiers were taken prisoners. Thirty of the seamen, including nine of the twelve officers, were killed or wounded--among the former being Sailing-masters Sisson and Watts, and among the latter Mr. Angus, Sailing-master Carter, and Midshipmen Wragg, Holdup, Graham, Brailesford, and Irvine. Some twenty prisoners were secured and taken over to the American shore; the enemy's loss was more severe than ours, his resistance being very stubborn, and a good many cannon were destroyed, but the expedition certainly ended most disastrously. The accounts of it are hard to reconcile, but it is difficult to believe that Mr. Angus acted correctly. Later in the winter Captain Oliver Hazard Perry arrived to take command of the forces on Lake Erie. Chapter V 1813 ON THE OCEAN _Blockade of the American coast--The_ Essex _in the South Pacific--The_ Hornet _captures the_ Peacock--_American privateers cut out by British boats--Unsuccessful cruise of Commodore Rodgers--The_ Chesapeake _is captured by the_ Shannon--_Futile gun boat actions--Defence of Craney Island--Cutting out expeditions--The_ Argus _is captured by the_ Pelican--_The_ Enterprise _captures the_ Boxer--_Summary._ By the beginning of the year 1813 the British had been thoroughly aroused by the American successes, and active measures were at once taken to counteract them. The force on the American station was largely increased, and a strict blockade begun, to keep the American frigates in port. The British frigates now cruised for the most part in couples, and orders were issued by the Board of Admiralty that an 18-pounder frigate was not to engage an American 24-pounder. Exaggerated accounts of the American 44's being circulated, a new class of spar-deck frigates was constructed to meet them, rating 50 and mounting 60 guns; and some 74's were cut down for the same purpose. [Footnote: 1. James. vi, p. 206] These new ships were all much heavier than their intended opponents. As New England's loyalty to the Union was, not unreasonably, doubted abroad, her coasts were at first troubled but little. A British squadron was generally kept cruising off the end of Long Island Sound, and another off Sandy Hook. Of course America had no means of raising a blockade, as each squadron contained generally a 74 or a razee, vessels too heavy for any in our navy to cope with. Frigates and sloops kept skirting the coasts of New Jersey, the Carolinas, and Georgia. Delaware Bay no longer possessed the importance it had during the Revolutionary War, and as the only war vessels in it were some miserable gun-boats, the British generally kept but a small force on that station. Chesapeake Bay became the principal scene of their operations; it was there that their main body collected, and their greatest efforts were made. In it a number of line-of-battle ships, frigates, sloops, and cutters had been collected, and early in the season Admiral Sir John Warren and Rear Admiral Cockburn arrived to take command. The latter made numerous descents on the coast, and frequently came into contact with the local militia, who generally fled after a couple of volleys. These expeditions did not accomplish much, beyond burning the houses and driving off the live-stock of the farmers along shore, and destroying a few small towns--one of them, Hampton, being sacked with revolting brutality. [Footnote: James (vi, 340) says: The conduct of the British troops on this occasion was "revolting to human nature" and "disgraceful to the flag."] The government of the United States was, in fact, supported by the people in its war policy very largely on account of these excesses, which were much exaggerated by American writers. It was really a species of civil war, and in such a contest, at the beginning of this century, it was impossible that some outrages should not take place. The American frigate _Constellation_ had by this time got ready for sea, and, under the command of Captain Stewart, she prepared to put out early in January. As the number of blockaders rendered a fight almost certain within a few days of her departure, her crew were previously brought to the highest state of discipline, the men being exercised with especial care in handling the great guns and in firing at a target. [Footnote: Life of Commodore Tatnall, by C. C. Jones (Savannah, 1878), p. 15.] However, she never got out; for when she reached Hampton Roads she fell in with a British squadron of line-of-battle ships and frigates. She kedged up toward Norfolk, and when the tide rose ran in and anchored between the forts; and a few days later dropped down to cover the forts which were being built at Craney Island. Here she was exposed to attacks from the great British force still lying in Hampton Roads, and, fearing they would attempt to carry her by surprise, Captain Stewart made every preparation for defence. She was anchored in the middle of the narrow channel, flanked by gun-boats, her lower ports closed, not a rope left hanging over the sides; the boarding nettings, boiled in half-made pitch till they were as hard as wire, were triced outboard toward the yard arms, and loaded with kentledge to fall on the attacking boats when the tricing lines were cut, while the carronades were loaded to the muzzle with musket balls, and depressed so as to sweep the water near the ship. [Footnote: For an admirable account of these preparations, as well as of the subsequent events, see Cooper, ii, 242.] Twice, a force of British, estimated by their foes to number 2,000 men, started off at night to carry the _Constellation_ by surprise; but on each occasion they were discovered and closely watched by her guard-boats, and they never ventured to make the attack. However, she was unable to get to sea, and remained blockaded to the close of the war. At the beginning of the year several frigates and smaller craft were at sea. The _Chesapeake_, Captain Evans, had sailed from Boston on Dec. 13, 1812. [Footnote: Statistical "History of the U. S. Navy," by Lieutenant G. E. Emmons.] She ran down past Madeira, the Canaries, and Cape de Verde, crossed the equator, and for six weeks cruised to the south of the line between longitudes 16° and 25°. Thence she steered to the west, passing near Surinam, over the same spot on which the _Hornet_ had sunk the _Peacock_ but a day previous. Cruising northward through the West Indies, she passed near the Bermudas, where she was chased by a 74 and a frigate; escaping from them she got into Boston on April 9th, having captured five merchantmen, and chased unsuccessfully for two days a brigsloop. The term of two years for which her crew were enlisted now being up, they, for the most part, left, in consequence of some trouble about the prize-money. Captain Evans being in ill health, Captain James Lawrence was appointed to command her. He reached Boston about the middle of May [Footnote: He was still on the _Hornet_ at New York on May 10th, as we know from a letter of Biddle's, written on that date (in letters of "Masters' Commandant," 1813, No. 58), and so could hardly have been with the _Chesapeake_ two weeks before he put out; and had to get his crew together and train them during that time.] and at once set about enlisting a new crew, and tried, with but partial success, to arrange matters with the old sailors, who were now almost in open mutiny. When the year 1812 had come to an end, the _Essex_, 32, was in the South Atlantic, and Captain Porter shortly afterward ran into St. Catherines to water. Being at a loss where to find his consorts, he now decided to adopt the exceedingly bold measure of doubling Cape Horn and striking at the British whalers in the Pacific. This was practically going into the enemy's waters, the Portuguese and Spanish countries being entirely under the influence of Britain, while there were no stations where Porter could revictual or repair in safety. However, the _Essex_ started, doubled the Horn, and on March 13th anchored in the harbor of Valparaiso. Her adventurous cruise in the Pacific was the most striking feature of the war; but as it has been most minutely described by Commodore Porter himself, by his son, Admiral Porter, by Admiral Farragut, and by Cooper, I shall barely touch upon it. On March 20th the _Essex_ captured the Peruvian corsair _Nereyda_, 16, hove her guns and small arms overboard, and sent her into port. She made the island of San Gallan, looked into Callao, and thence went to the Gallipagos, getting every thing she wanted from her prizes. Then she went to Tumbez, and returned to the Gallipagos; thence to the Marquesas, and finally back to Valparaiso again. By this year's campaign in the Pacific, Captain Porter had saved all our ships in those waters, had not cost the government a dollar, living purely on the enemy, and had taken from him nearly 4,000 tons of shipping and 400 men, completely breaking up his whaling trade in the South Pacific. The cruise was something _sui generis_ in modern warfare, recalling to mind the cruises of the early English and Dutch navigators. An American ship was at a serious disadvantage in having no harbor of refuge away from home; while on almost every sea there were British, French, and Spanish ports into which vessels of those nations could run for safety. It was an unprecedented thing for a small frigate to cruise a year and a half in enemy's waters, and to supply herself during that time, purely from captured vessels, with every thing--cordage, sails, guns, anchors, provisions, and medicines, and even money to pay the officers and men! Porter's cruise was the very model of what such an expedition should be, harassing the enemy most effectually at no cost whatever. Had the _Essex_ been decently armed with long guns, instead of carronades, the end might have been as successful as it was glorious. The whalers were many of them armed letters-of-marque, and, though of course unable to oppose the frigate, several times smart skirmishes occurred in attacking them with boats, or in captured ships; as when Lieutenant Downs and 20 men in the prize _Georgiana_ after a short brush captured the _Hector_, with 25 men, two of whom were killed and six wounded; and when, under similar circumstances, the prize _Greenwich_, of 25 men, captured the _Seringapatam_ of 40. The cruise of the _Essex_, the first American man-of-war ever in the Pacific, a year and a half out and many thousand miles away from home, was a good proof of Porter's audacity in planning the trip and his skill and resource in carrying it out. [Illustration: Captain James Lawrence: a portrait by Gilbert Stuart painted in Boston in 1812, shortly before Lawrence's promotion to captain, showing him wearing the single epaulet of a master commandant. (Courtesy U.S. Naval Academy Museum) ] To return now to the _Hornet_. This vessel had continued blockading the _Bonne Citoyenne_ until January 24th, when the _Montagu_, 74, arrived toward evening and chased her into port. As the darkness came on the _Hornet_ wore, stood out to sea, passing into the open without molestation from the 74, and then steered toward the northeast, cruising near the coast, and making a few prizes, among which was a brig, the _Resolution_, with $23,000 in specie aboard, captured on February 14th. On the 24th of February, while nearing the mouth of the Demerara River, Captain Lawrence discovered a brig to leeward, and chased her till he ran into quarter less five, when, having no pilot, he hauled off-shore. Just within the bar a man-of-war brig was lying at anchor; and while beating round Caroband Bank, in order to get at her, Captain Lawrence discovered another sail edging down on his weather-quarter. [Footnote: Letter of Captain Lawrence, March 29, 1813.] The brig at anchor was the _Espiègle_, of 18 guns, 32-pound carronades, Captain John Taylor [Footnote: James, vi, 278.]; and the second brig seen was the _Peacock_, Captain William Peake, [Footnote: _Do_.] which, for some unknown reason, had exchanged her 32-pound carronades for 24's. She had sailed from the _Espiègle's_ anchorage the same morning at 10 o'clock. At 4.20 P.M. the _Peacock_ hoisted her colors; then the _Hornet_ beat to quarters and cleared for action. Captain Lawrence kept close by the wind, in order to get the weather-gage; when he was certain he could weather the enemy, he tacked, at 5.10, and the _Hornet_ hoisted her colors. The ship and the brig now stood for each other, both on the wind, the _Hornet_ being on the starboard and the _Peacock_ on the port tack, and at 5.25 they exchanged broadsides, at half pistol-shot distance, while going in opposite directions, the Americans using their lee and the British their weather battery. The guns were fired as they bore, and the _Peacock_ suffered severely, while her antagonist's hull was uninjured, though she suffered slightly aloft and had her pennant cut off by the first shot fired. [Footnote: Cooper, p. 200.] One of the men in the mizzen-top was killed by a round shot, and two more were wounded in the main-top. [Footnote: See entry in her log for this day (In "Log-Book of _Hornet_, _Wasp_, and _Argus_, from July 20, 1809, to October 6, 1813,") in the Bureau of Navigation, at Washington.] As soon as they were clear, Captain Peake put his helm hard up and wore, firing his starboard guns; but the _Hornet_ had watched him closely, bore up as quickly, and coming down at 5.35, ran him close aboard on the starboard quarter. Captain Peake fell at this moment, together with many of his crew, and, unable to withstand the _Hornet's_ heavy fire, the _Peacock_ surrendered at 5.39, just 14 minutes after the first shot; and directly afterward hoisted her ensign union down in the forerigging as a signal of distress. Almost immediately her main-mast went by the board. Both vessels then anchored, and Lieutenant J. T Shubrick, being sent on board the prize, reported her sinking. Lieutenant D. Connor was then sent in another boat to try to save the vessel; but though they threw the guns overboard, plugged the shot holes, tried the pumps, and even attempted bailing, the water gained so rapidly that the _Hornet's_ officers devoted themselves to removing the wounded and other prisoners; and while thus occupied the short tropical twilight left them. Immediately afterward the prize settled, suddenly and easily, in 5 1/2 fathoms water, carrying with her three of the _Hornet's_ people and nine of her own, who were rummaging below; meanwhile four others of her crew had lowered her damaged stern boat, and in the confusion got off unobserved and made their way to the land. The foretop still remained above water, and four of the prisoners saved themselves by running up the rigging into it. Lieutenant Connor and Midshipman Cooper (who had also come on board) saved themselves, together with most of their people and the remainder of the _Peacock's_ crew, by jumping into the launch, which was lying on the booms, and paddling her toward the ship with pieces of boards in default of oars. The _Hornet's_ complement at this time was 150, of whom she had 8 men absent in a prize and 7 on the sick list, [Footnote: Letter of Captain Lawrence.] leaving 135 fit for duty in the action; [Footnote: Letter of Lieutenant D. Connor, April 26, 1813] of these one man was killed, and two wounded, all aloft. Her rigging and sails were a good deal cut, a shot had gone through the foremast, and the bowsprit was slightly damaged; the only shot that touched her hull merely glanced athwart her bows, indenting a plank beneath the cat-head. The _Peacock's_ crew had amounted to 134, but 4 were absent in a prize, and but 122 [Footnote: Letter of Lieutenant F. W. Wright (of the _Peacock_), April 17, 1813.] fit for action; of these she lost her captain, and seven men killed and mortally wounded, and her master, one midshipman, and 28 men severely and slightly wounded,--in all 8 killed and 30 wounded, or about 13 times her antagonist's loss. She suffered under the disadvantage of light metal, having 24's opposed to 32's; but judging from her gunnery this was not much of a loss, as 6-pounders would have inflicted nearly as great damage. She was well handled and bravely fought; but her men showed a marvellous ignorance of gunnery. It appears that she had long been known as "the yacht," on account of the tasteful arrangement of her deck; the breechings of the carronades were lined with white canvas, and nothing could exceed in brilliancy the polish upon the traversing bars and elevating screws. [Footnote: James, vi, 280.] In other words, Captain Peake had confounded the mere _incidents_ of good discipline with the essentials. [Footnote: Codrington ("Memoirs," i. 310) comments very forcibly on the uselessness of a mere martinet.] The _Hornet's_ victory cannot be regarded in any other light than as due, _not_ to the heavier metal, but to the far more accurate firing of the Americans; "had the guns of the _Peacock_ been of the largest size they could not have changed the result, as the weight of shot that do not hit is of no great moment." Any merchant-ship might have been as well handled and bravely defended as she was; and an ordinary letter-of-marque would have made as creditable a defence. During the entire combat the _Espiégle_ was not more than 4 miles distant and was plainly visible from the _Hornet_; but for some reason she did not come out, and her commander reported that he knew nothing of the action till the next day. Captain Lawrence of course was not aware of this, and made such exertions to bend on new sails, stow his boats, and clear his decks that by nine o'clock he was again prepared for action, [Footnote: Letter of Captain Lawrence.] and at 2 P.M. got underway for the N.W. Being now overcrowded with people and short of water he stood for home, anchoring at Holmes' Hole in Martha's Vineyard on the 19th of March. On their arrival at New York the officers of the _Peacock_ published a card expressing in the warmest terms their appreciation of the way they and their men had been treated. Say they: "We ceased to consider ourselves prisoners; and every thing that friendship could dictate was adopted by you and the officers of the _Hornet_ to remedy the inconvenience we would otherwise have experienced from the unavoidable loss of the whole of our property and clothes owing to the sudden sinking of the _Peacock_." [Footnote: Quoted in full in "Niles' Register" and Lossing's "Field Book."] This was signed by the first and second lieutenants, the master, surgeon and purser. [Illustration of _Peacock_ and _Hornet_ action from 5.10 to 5.35.] Weight Tonnage. Guns. Metal. Men. Loss. _Hornet_ 480 10 279 135 3 _Peacock_ 477 10 210 122 38 Relative Relative Loss Force. Inflicted. _Hornet_ 1.00 1.00 _Peacock_ .83 .08 That is, the forces standing nearly as 13 is to 11, the relative execution was about as 13 is to 1. The day after the capture Captain Lawrence reported 277 souls aboard, including the crew of the English brig _Resolution_ which he had taken, and of the American brig _Hunter_, prize to the _Peacock_. As James, very ingeniously, tortures these figures into meaning what they did not, it may be well to show exactly what the 277 included. Of the _Hornet's_ original crew of 150, 8 were absent in a prize, 1 killed, and 3 drowned, leaving (including 7 sick) 138; of the _Peacock's_ original 134, 4 were absent in a prize, 5 killed, 9 drowned, and 4 escaped, leaving (including 8 sick and 3 mortally wounded) 112; there were also aboard 16 other British prisoners, and the _Hunter's_ crew of 11 men--making just 277. [Footnote: The 277 men were thus divided into: _Hornet's_ crew, 138; _Peacock's_ crew, 112; _Resolution's_ crew, 16; _Hunter's_ crew, 11. James quotes "270" men, which he divides as follows: _Hornet_ 160, _Peacock_ 101, _Hunter_ 9,--leaving out the _Resolution's_ crew, 11 of the _Peacock's_, and 2 of the _Hunter's_.] According to Lieutenant Connor's letter, written in response to one from Lieutenant Wright, there were in reality 139 in the _Peacock's_ crew when she began action; but it is, of course, best to take each commander's account of the number of men on board his ship that were fit for duty. On Jan. 17th the _Viper_, 12, Lieutenant J. D. Henly was captured by the British frigate _Narcissus_, 32, Captain Lumly. On Feb. 8th, while a British squadron, consisting of the four frigates _Belvidera_ (Captain Richard Byron), _Maidstone_, _Junon_, and _Statira_, were at anchor in Lynhaven Bay, a schooner was observed in the northeast standing down Chesapeake Bay. [Footnote: James, vi, 325.] This was the _Lottery_, letter-of-marque, of six 12-pounder carronades and 25 men, Captain John Southcomb, bound from Baltimore to Bombay. Nine boats, with 200 men, under the command of Lieutenant Kelly Nazer were sent against her, and, a calm coming on, overtook her. The schooner opened a well-directed fire of round and grape, but the boats rushed forward and boarded her, not carrying her till after a most obstinate struggle, in which Captain Southcomb and 19 of his men, together with 13 of the assailants, were killed or wounded. The best war ship of a regular navy might be proud of the discipline and courage displayed by the captain and crew of the little _Lottery_. Captain Byron on this, as well as on many another occasion, showed himself to be as humane as he was brave and skilful. Captain Southcomb, mortally wounded, was taken on board Byron's frigate, where he was treated with the greatest attention and most delicate courtesy, and when he died his body was sent ashore with every mark of the respect due to so brave an officer. Captain Stewart (of the _Constellation_) wrote Captain Byron a letter of acknowledgment for his great courtesy and kindness. [Footnote: The correspondence between the two captains is given in full in "Niles' Register," which also contains fragmentary notes on the action, principally as to the loss incurred.] On March 16th a British division of five boats and 105 men, commanded by Lieutenant James Polkinghorne, set out to attack the privateer schooner _Dolphin_ of 12 guns and 70 men, and the letters-of-marque, _Racer_, _Arab_, and _Lynx_, each of six guns and 30 men. Lieutenant Polkinghorne, after pulling 15 miles, found the four schooners all prepared to receive him, but in spite of his great inferiority in force he dashed gallantly at them. The _Arab_ and _Lynx_ surrendered at once; the _Racer_ was carried after a sharp struggle in which Lieutenant Polkinghorne was wounded, and her guns turned on the _Dolphin_. Most of the latter's crew jumped overboard; a few rallied round their captain, but they were at once scattered as the British seamen came aboard. The assailants had 13, and the privateersmen 16 men killed and wounded in the fight. It was certainly one of the most brilliant and daring cutting-out expeditions that took place during the war, and the victors well deserved their success. The privateersmen (according to the statement of the _Dolphin's_ master, in "Niles' Register") were panic-struck, and acted in any thing but a brave manner. All irregular fighting-men do their work by fits and starts. No regular cruisers could behave better than did the privateers _Lottery_, _Chasseur_, and _General Armstrong_; none would behave as badly as the _Dolphin_, _Lynx_, and _Arab_. The same thing appears on shore. Jackson's irregulars at New Orleans did as well, or almost as well, as Scott's troops at Lundy's Lane; but Scott's troops would never have suffered from such a panic as overcame the militia at Bladensburg. On April 9th the schooner _Norwich_, of 14 guns and 61 men, Sailing-master James Monk, captured the British privateer _Caledonia_, of 10 guns and 41 men, after a short action in which the privateer lost 7 men. On April 30th Commodore Rodgers, in the _President_. 44, accompanied by Captain Smith in the Congress, 38, sailed on his third cruise. [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Rodgers, Sept. 30, 1813.] On May 2d he fell in with and chased the British sloop _Curlew_, 18, Captain Michael Head, but the latter escaped by knocking away the wedges of her masts and using other means to increase her rate of sailing. On the 8th, in latitude 39° 30' N., long. 60° W., the _Congress_ parted company, and sailed off toward the southeast, making four prizes, of no great value, in the North Atlantic; [Footnote: Letter of Captain Smith, Dec. 15, 1813.] when about in long. 35° W. she steered south, passing to the south of the line. But she never saw a man-of-war, and during the latter part of her cruise not a sail of any kind; and after cruising nearly eight months returned to Portsmouth Harbor on Dec. 14th, having captured but four merchant-men. Being unfit to cruise longer, owing to her decayed condition, she was disarmed and laid up; nor was she sent to sea again during the war. [Footnote: James states that she was "blockaded" in port by the _Tenedos_, during part of 1814; but was too much awed by the fate of the _Chesapeake_ to come out during the "long blockade" of Captain Parker. Considering the fact that she was too decayed to put to sea, had no guns aboard, no crew, and was, in fact, laid up, the feat of the _Tenedos_ was not very wonderful; a row-boat could have "blockaded" her quite as well. It is worth noticing, as an instance of the way James alters a fact by suppressing half of it.] Meanwhile Rodgers cruised along the eastern edge of the Grand Bank until he reached latitude 48°, without meeting any thing, then stood to the southeast, and cruised off the Azores till June 6th. Then he crowded sail to the northeast after a Jamaica fleet of which he had received news, but which he failed to overtake, and on June 13th, in lat. 46°, long. 28°, he gave up the chase and shaped his course toward the North Sea, still without any good luck befalling him. On June 27th he put into North Bergen in the Shetlands for water, and thence passed the Orkneys and stretched toward the North Cape, hoping to intercept the Archangel fleet. On July 19th, when off the North Cape, in lat. 71° 52' N., long. 20° 18' E., he fell in with two sail of the enemy, who made chase; after four days' pursuit the commodore ran his opponents out of sight. According to his letter the two sail were a line-of-battle ship and a frigate; according to James they were the 12-pounder frigate _Alexandria_, Captain Cathcart, and _Spitfire_, 16, Captain Ellis. James quotes from the logs of the two British ships, and it would seem that he is correct, as it would not be possible for him to falsify the logs so utterly. In case he is true, it was certainly carrying caution to an excessive degree for the commodore to retreat before getting some idea of what his antagonists really were. His mistaking them for so much heavier ships was a precisely similar error to that made by Sir George Collier and Lord Stuart at a later date about the _Cyane_ and _Levant_. James wishes to prove that each party perceived the force of the other, and draws a contrast (p. 312) between the "gallantry of one party and pusillanimity of the other." This is nonsense, and, as in similar cases, James overreaches himself by proving too much. If he had made an 18-pounder frigate like the _Congress_ flee from another 18-pounder, his narrative would be within the bounds of possibility and would need serious examination. But the little 12-pounder _Alexandria_, and the ship-sloop with her 18-pound carronades, would not have stood the ghost of a chance in the contest. Any man who would have been afraid of them would also have been afraid of the _Little Belt_, the sloop Rodgers captured before the war. As for Captains Cathcart and Ellis, had they known the force of the _President_, and chased her with a view of attacking her, their conduct would have only been explicable on the ground that they were afflicted with emotional insanity. The _President_ now steered southward and got into the mouth of the Irish Channel; on August 2d she shifted her berth and almost circled Ireland; then steered across to Newfoundland, and worked south along the coast. On Sept. 23d, a little south of Nantucket, she decoyed under her guns and captured the British schooner _Highflyer_, 6, Lieut. William Hutchinson, and 45 men; and went into Newport on the 27th of the same month, having made some 12 prizes. On May 24th Commodore Decatur in the _United States_, which had sent ashore six carronades, and now mounted but 48 guns, accompanied by Captain Jones in the _Macedonian_, 38, and Captain Biddle in the _Wasp_, 20, left New York, passing through Hell Gate, as there was a large blockading force off the Hook. Opposite Hunter's Point the main-mast of the _States_ was struck by lightning, which cut off the broad pendant, shot down the hatchway into the doctor's cabin, put out his candle, ripped up the bed, and entering between the skin and ceiling of the ship tore off two or three sheets of copper near the waterline, and disappeared without leaving a trace! The _Macedonian_, which was close behind, hove all aback, in expectation of seeing the _States_ blown up. At the end of the sound Commodore Decatur anchored to watch for a chance of getting out. Early on June 1st he started; but in a couple of hours met the British Captain R. D. Oliver's squadron, consisting of a 74, a razee, and a frigate. These chased him back, and all his three ships ran into New London. Here, in the mud of the Thames river, the two frigates remained blockaded till the close of the war; but the little sloop slipped out later, to the enemy's cost. We left the _Chesapeake_, 38, being fitted out at Boston by Captain James Lawrence, late of the _Hornet_. Most of her crew, as already stated, their time being up, left, dissatisfied with the ship's ill luck, and angry at not having received their due share of prize-money. It was very hard to get sailors, most of the men preferring to ship in some of the numerous privateers where the discipline was less strict and the chance of prize-money much greater. In consequence of this an unusually large number of foreigners had to be taken, including about forty British and a number of Portuguese. The latter were peculiarly troublesome; one of their number, a boatswain's mate, finally almost brought about a mutiny among the crew which was only pacified by giving the men prize-checks. A few of the _Constitution's_ old crew came aboard, and these, together with some of the men who had been on the _Chesapeake_ during her former voyage, made an excellent nucleus. Such men needed very little training at either guns or sails; but the new hands were unpractised, and came on board so late that the last draft that arrived still had their hammocks and bags lying in the boats stowed over the booms when the ship was captured. The officers were largely new to the ship, though the first lieutenant, Mr. A. Ludlow, had been the third in her former cruise; the third and fourth lieutenants were not regularly commissioned as such, but were only midshipmen acting for the first time in higher positions. Captain Lawrence himself was of course new to all, both officers and crew. [Footnote: On the day on which he sailed to attack the _Shannon_, Lawrence writes to the Secretary of the Navy as follows: "Lieutenant Paige is so ill as to be unable to go to sea with the ship. At the urgent request of Acting-Lieutenant Pierce I have granted him, also, permission to go on shore; one inducement for my granting his request was his being at variance with every officer in his mess." "Captains' Letters," vol. 29, No. 1, in the Naval Archives at Washington. Neither officers nor men had shaken together.] In other words, the _Chesapeake_ possessed good material, but in an exceedingly unseasoned state. Meanwhile the British frigate _Shannon_, 38, Captain Philip Bowes Vere Broke, was cruising off the mouth of the harbor. To give some idea of the reason why she proved herself so much more formidable than her British sister frigates it may be well to quote, slightly condensing, from James: "There was another point in which the generality of British crews, as compared with any one American crew, were miserably deficient; that is, skill in the art of gunnery. While the American seamen were constantly firing at marks, the British seamen, except in particular cases, scarcely did so once in a year; and some ships could be named on board which not a shot had been fired in this way for upward of three years. Nor was the fault wholly the captain's. The instructions under which he was bound to act forbade him to use, during the first six months after the ship had received her armament, more shots per month than amounted to a third in number of the upper-deck guns; and, after these six months, only half the quantity. Many captains never put a shot in the guns till an enemy appeared; they employed the leisure time of the men in handling the sails and in decorating the ship. Captain Broke was not one of this kind. From the day on which he had joined her, the 14th of September, 1806, the _Shannon_ began to feel the effect of her captain's proficiency as a gunner and zeal for the service. The laying of the ship's ordnance so that it may be correctly fired in a horizontal direction is justly deemed a most important operation, as upon it depends in a great measure the true aim and destructive effect of the shot; this was attended to by Captain Broke in person. By draughts from other ships, and the usual means to which a British man-of-war is obliged to resort, the _Shannon_ got together a crew; and in the course of a year or two, by the paternal care and excellent regulations of Captain Broke, the ship's company became as pleasant to command as it was dangerous to meet." The _Shannon's_ guns were all carefully sighted, and, moreover, "every day, for about an hour and a half in the forenoon, when not prevented by chase or the state of the weather, the men were exercised at training the guns, and for the same time in the afternoon in the use of the broadsword, pike, musket, etc. Twice a week the crew fired at targets, both with great guns and musketry; and Captain Broke, as an additional stimulus beyond the emulation excited, gave a pound of tobacco to every man that put a shot through the bull's eye." He would frequently have a cask thrown overboard and suddenly order some one gun to be manned to sink the cask. In short, the _Shannon_ was very greatly superior, thanks to her careful training, to the average British frigate of her rate, while the _Chesapeake_, owing to her having a raw and inexperienced crew, was decidedly inferior to the average American frigate of the same strength. In force the two frigates compared pretty equally, [Footnote: Taking each commander's account for his own force.] the American being the superior in just about the same proportion that the _Wasp_ was to the _Frolic_, or, at a later date, the _Hornet_ to the _Penguin_. The _Chesapeake_ carried 50 guns (26 in broadside), 28 long 18's on the gun-deck, and on the spar-deck two long 12's, one long 18, eighteen 32-pound carronades, and one 12-pound carronade (which was not used in the fight however). Her broadside, allowing for the short weight of metal was 542 lbs.; her complement, 379 men. The _Shannon_ earned 52 guns (26 in broadside), 28 long 18's on the gun-deck, and on the spar-deck four long 9's, one long 6, 16 32-pound carronades, and three 12-pound carronades (two of which were not used in the fight). Her broadside was 550 lbs.; her crew consisted of 330 men, 30 of whom were raw hands. Early on the morning of June 1st, Captain Broke sent in to Captain Lawrence, by an American prisoner, a letter of challenge, which for courteousness, manliness, and candor is the very model of what such an epistle should be. Before it reached Boston, however, Captain Lawrence had weighed anchor, to attack the _Shannon_, which frigate was in full sight in the offing. It has been often said that he engaged against his judgment, but this may be doubted. His experience with the _Bonne Citoyenne_, _Espiègle_, and _Peacock_ had not tended to give him a very high idea of the navy to which he was opposed, and there is no doubt that he was confident of capturing the _Shannon_. [Footnote: In his letter written just before sailing (already quoted on p. 177) he says: An English frigate is now in sight from our deck. * * * I am in hopes to give a good account of her before night. My account of the action is mainly taken from James' "Naval History" and Brighton's "Memoir of Admiral Broke" (according to which the official letter of Captain Broke was tampered with); see also the letter of Lieut. George Budd, June 15, 1813; the report of the Court of Inquiry. Commodore Bainbridge presiding, and the Court-martial held on board frigate _United States_, April 15, 1814, Commodore Decatur presiding.] It was most unfortunate that he did not receive Broke's letter, as the latter in it expressed himself willing to meet Lawrence in any latitude and longitude he might appoint; and there would thus have been some chance of the American crew having time enough to get into shape. At midday of June 1, 1813, the _Chesapeake_ weighed anchor, stood out of Boston Harbor, and at 1 P.M. rounded the Light-house. The _Shannon_ stood off under easy sail, and at 3.40 _Shannon_ up and reefed top-sails. At 4 P.M. she again bore away with her foresail brailed up, and her main top-sail braced flat and shivering, that the _Chesapeake_ might overtake her. An hour later, Boston Light-house bearing west distant about six leagues, she again hauled up, with her head to the southeast and lay to under top-sails, top-gallant sails, jib, and spanker. Meanwhile, as the breeze freshened the _Chesapeake_ took in her studding-sails, top-gallant sails, and royals, got her royal yards on deck, and came down very fast under top-sails and jib. At 5.30, to keep under command and be able to wear if necessary, the _Shannon_ filled her main top-sail and kept a close luff, and then again let the sail shiver. At 5.25 the _Chesapeake_ hauled up her foresail, and, with three ensigns flying, steered straight for the _Shannon's_ starboard quarter. Broke was afraid that Lawrence would pass under the _Shannon's_ stern, rake her, and engage her on the quarter; but either overlooking or waiving this advantage, the American captain luffed up within 50 yards upon the _Shannon's_ starboard quarter, and squared his main-yard. On board the _Shannon_ the captain of the 14th gun, William Mindham, had been ordered not to fire till it bore into the second main-deck port forward; at 5.50 it was fired, and then the other guns in quick succession from aft forward, the _Chesapeake_ replying with her whole broadside. At 5.53 Lawrence, finding he was forging ahead, hauled up a little. The _Chesapeake's_ broadsides were doing great damage, but she herself was suffering even more than her foe; the men in the _Shannon's_ tops could hardly see the deck of the American frigate through the cloud of splinters, hammocks, and other wreck that was flying across it. Man after man was killed at the wheel; the fourth lieutenant, the master, and the boatswain were slain; and at 5.56, having had her jib sheet and foretop-sail tie shot away, and her spanker brails loosened so that the sail blew out, the _Chesapeake_ came up into the wind somewhat, so as to expose her quarter to her antagonist's broadside, which beat in her stern-ports and swept the men from the after guns. One of the arm chests on the quarter-deck was blown up by a hand-grenade thrown from the _Shannon_. [Footnote: This explosion may have had more effect than is commonly supposed in the capture of the _Chesapeake_. Commodore Bainbridge, writing from Charleston, Mass., on June 2, 1813 (see "Captains' Letters," vol. xxix. No. 10), says: "Mr. Knox, the pilot on board, left the _Chesapeake_ at 5 P.M. * * * At 6 P.M., Mr. Knox informs me, the fire opened, and at 12 minutes past six both ships were laying alongside one another as if in the act of boarding; at that moment an explosion took place on board the _Chesapeake_, which spread a fire on her upper deck from the foremast to the mizzen-mast, as high as her tops, and enveloped both ships in smoke for several minutes. After it cleared away they were seen separate, with the British flag hoisted on board the _Chesapeake_ over the American." James denies that the explosion was caused by a hand-grenade, though he says there were some of these aboard the _Shannon_. It is a point of no interest.] The _Chesapeake_ was now seen to have stern-way on and to be paying slowly off; so the _Shannon_ put her helm a-starboard and shivered her mizzen top-sail, so as to keep off the wind and delay the boarding. But at that moment her jib stay was shot away, and her head-sails becoming becalmed, she went off very slowly. In consequence, at 6 P.M. the two frigates fell aboard, the _Chesapeake's_ quarter pressing upon the _Shannon's_ side just forward the starboard main-chains, and the frigates were kept in this position by the fluke of the _Shannon's_ anchor catching in the _Chesapeake's_ quarter port. The _Shannon's_ crew had suffered severely, but not the least panic or disorder existed among them. Broke ran forward, and seeing his foes flinching from the quarter-deck guns, he ordered the ships to be lashed together, the great guns to cease firing, and the boarders to be called. The boatswain, who had fought in Rodney's action, set about fastening the vessels together, which the grim veteran succeeded in doing, though his right arm was literally hacked off by a blow from a cutlass. All was confusion and dismay on board the _Chesapeake_. Lieutenant Ludlow had been mortally wounded and carried below; Lawrence himself, while standing on the quarterdeck, fatally conspicuous by his full-dress uniform and commanding stature, was shot down, as the vessels closed, by Lieutenant Law of the British marines. He fell dying, and was carried below, exclaiming: "Don't give up the ship"--a phrase that has since become proverbial among his countrymen. The third lieutenant, Mr. W. S. Cox, came on deck, but, utterly demoralized by the aspect of affairs, he basely ran below without staying to rally the men, and was court-martialled afterward for so doing. At 6.02 Captain Broke stepped from the _Shannon's_ gangway rail on to the muzzle of the _Chesapeake's_ aftermost carronade, and thence over the bulwark on to her quarter-deck, followed by about 20 men. As they came aboard, the _Chesapeake's_ foreign mercenaries and the raw natives of the crew deserted their quarters; the Portuguese boatswain's mate removed the gratings of the berth-deck, and he ran below, followed by many of the crew, among them one of the midshipmen named Deforest. On the quarter-deck almost the only man that made any resistance was the chaplain, Mr. Livermore, who advanced, firing his pistol at Broke, and in return nearly had his arm hewed off by a stroke from the latter's broad Toledo blade. On the upper deck the only men who behaved well were the marines, but of their original number of 44 men, 14, including Lieutenant James Broom and Corporal Dixon, were dead, and 20, including Sergeants Twin and Harris, wounded, so that there were left but one corporal and nine men, several of whom had been knocked down and bruised, though reported unwounded. There was thus hardly any resistance, Captain Broke stopping his men for a moment till they were joined by the rest of the boarders under Lieutenants Watt and Falkiner. The _Chesapeake's_ mizzen-topmen began firing at the boarders, mortally wounding a midshipman, Mr. Samwell, and killing Lieutenant Watt; but one of the _Shannon's_ long nines was pointed at the top and cleared it out, being assisted by the English main-topmen, under Midshipman Coshnahan. At the same time the men in the _Chesapeake's_ main-top were driven out of it by the fire of the _Shannon's_ foretopmen, under Midshipman Smith. Lieutenant George Budd, who was on the main-deck, now for the first time learned that the English had boarded, as the upper-deck men came crowding down, and at once called on his people to follow him; but the foreigners and novices held back, and only a few of the veterans followed him up. As soon as he reached the spar-deck, Budd, followed by only a dozen men, attacked the British as they came along the gangways, repulsing them for a moment, and killing the British purser, Aldham, and captain's clerk, Dunn; but the handful of Americans were at once cut down or dispersed, Lieutenant Budd being wounded and knocked down the main hatchway. "The enemy," writes Captain Broke, "fought desperately, but in disorder." Lieutenant Ludlow, already mortally wounded, struggled up on deck followed by two or three men, but was at once disabled by a sabre cut. On the forecastle a few seamen and marines turned to bay. Captain Broke was still leading his men with the same brilliant personal courage he had all along shown. Attacking the first American, who was armed with a pike, he parried a blow from it, and cut down the man; attacking another he was himself cut down, and only saved by the seaman Mindham, already mentioned, who slew his assailant. One of the American marines, using his clubbed musket, killed an Englishman, and so stubborn was the resistance of the little group that for a moment the assailants gave back, having lost several killed and wounded; but immediately afterward they closed in and slew their foes to the last man. The British fired a volley or two down the hatchway, in response to a couple of shots fired up; all resistance was at an end, and at 6.05, just fifteen minutes after the first gun had been fired, and not five after Captain Broke had come aboard, the colors of the _Chesapeake_ were struck. Of her crew of 379 men, 61 were killed or mortally wounded, including her captain, her first and fourth lieutenants, the lieutenant of marines, the master (White), boatswain (Adams), and three midshipmen, and 85 severely and slightly wounded, including both her other lieutenants, five midshipmen, and the chaplain; total, 148; the loss falling almost entirely upon the American portion of the crew. [Illustration: Chesapeake vs. _Shannon_: an engraving published in London in or before 1815 from a painting done under the supervision of the _Shannon's_ first lieutenant. (Courtesy Beverly R. Robinson Collection, U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] Of the _Shannon's_ men, 33 were killed outright or died of their wounds, including her first lieutenant, purser, captain's clerk, and one midshipman, and 50 wounded, including the captain himself and the boatswain; total, 83. The _Chesapeake_ was taken into Halifax, where Captain Lawrence and Lieutenant Ludlow were both buried with military honors. Captain Broke was made a baronet, very deservedly, and Lieutenants Wallis and Falkiner were both made commanders. The British writers accuse some of the American crew of treachery; the Americans, in turn, accuse the British of revolting brutality. Of course in such a fight things are not managed with urbane courtesy, and, moreover, writers are prejudiced. Those who would like to hear one side are referred to James; if they wish to hear the other, to the various letters from officers published in "Niles' Register," especially vol. v, p. 142. [Illustration of _Chesapeake_ and _Shannon_ action from 5.50 to 6.04.] "CHESAPEAKE" STRUCK BY "SHANNON" STRUCK BY 29 eighteen-pound shot, 12 eighteen-pound shot, 25 thirty-two-pound shot, 13 thirty-two pound shot, 2 nine-pound shot, 14 bar shot, 306 grape, 119 grape, ---------- ---------- 362-shot. 158 shot. Neither ship had lost a spar, but all the lower masts, especially the two mizzen-masts, were badly wounded. The Americans at that period were fond of using bar shot, which were of very questionable benefit, being useless against a ship's hull, though said to be sometimes of great help in unrigging an antagonist from whom one was desirous of escaping, as in the case of the _President_ and _Endymion_. It is thus seen that the _Shannon_ received from shot alone only about half the damage the _Chesapeake_ did; the latter was thoroughly beaten at the guns, in spite of what some American authors say to the contrary. And her victory was not in the slightest degree to be attributed to, though it may have been slightly hastened by, accident. Training and discipline won the victory, as often before; only in this instance the training and discipline were against us. It is interesting to notice that the _Chesapeake_ battered the _Shannon's_ hull far more than either the _Java_, _Guerrière_, or _Macedonian_ did the hulls of their opponents, and that she suffered less in return (not in _loss_ but in _damage_) than they did. The _Chesapeake_ was a better fighter than either the _Java_, _Guerrière_, or _Macedonian_, and could have captured any one of them. The _Shannon_ of course did less damage than any of the American 44's, probably just about in the proportion of the difference in force. Almost all American writers have treated the capture of the _Chesapeake_ as if it was due simply to a succession of unfortunate accidents; for example, Cooper, with his usual cheerful optimism, says that the incidents of the battle, excepting its short duration, are "altogether the results of the chances of war," and that it was mainly decided by "fortuitous events as unconnected with any particular merit on the one side as they are with any particular demerit on the other." [Footnote: The worth of such an explanation is very aptly gauged in General Alexander S. Webb's "The Peninsula; McClellan's Campaign of 1862" (New York, 1881), p. 35, where he speaks of "those unforeseen or uncontrollable agencies which are vaguely described as the 'fortune of war,' but which usually prove to be the superior ability or resources of the antagonist."] Most naval men consider it a species of treason to regard the defeat as due to any thing but extraordinary ill fortune. And yet no disinterested reader can help acknowledging that the true reason of the defeat was the very simple one that the _Shannon_ fought better than the _Chesapeake_. It has often been said that up to the moment when the ships came together the loss and damage suffered by each were about the same. This is not true, and even if it was, would not affect the question. The heavy loss on board the _Shannon_ did not confuse or terrify the thoroughly trained men with their implicit reliance on their leaders; and the experienced officers were ready to defend any point that was menaced. An equal or greater amount of loss aboard the _Chesapeake_ disheartened and confused the raw crew, who simply had not had the time or chance to become well disciplined. Many of the old hands, of course, kept their wits and their pluck, but the novices and the disaffected did not. Similarly with the officers; some, as the Court of Inquiry found, had not kept to their posts, and all being new to each other and the ship, could not show to their best. There is no doubt that the _Chesapeake_ was beaten at the guns before she was boarded. Had the ships not come together, the fight would have been longer, the loss greater, and more nearly equal; but the result would have been the same. Cooper says that the enemy entered with great caution, and so slowly that twenty resolute men could have repulsed him. It was no proof of caution for Captain Broke and his few followers to leap on board, unsupported, and then they only waited for the main body to come up; and no twenty men could have repulsed such boarders as followed Broke. The fight was another lesson, with the parties reversed, to the effect that want of training and discipline is a bad handicap. Had the _Chesapeake's_ crew been in service as many months as the _Shannon's_ had been years, such a captain as Lawrence would have had his men perfectly in hand; they would not have been cowed by their losses, nor some of the officers too demoralized to act properly, and the material advantages which the _Chesapeake_ possessed, although not very great, would probably have been enough to give her a good chance of victory. It is well worth noticing that the only thoroughly disciplined set of men aboard (all, according to James himself, by the way, native Americans), namely, the marines, did excellently, as shown by the fact that three fourths of their number were among the killed and wounded. The foreigners aboard the _Chesapeake_ did not do as well as the Americans, but it is nonsense to ascribe the defeat in any way to them; it was only rendered rather more disastrous by their actions. Most of the English authors give very fair accounts of the battle, except that they hardly allude to the peculiar disadvantages under which the _Chesapeake_ suffered when she entered into it. Thus, James thinks the _Java_ was unprepared because she had only been to sea six weeks; but does not lay any weight on the fact that the _Chesapeake_ had been out only as many hours. Altogether the best criticism on the fight is that written by M. de la Gravière. [Footnote: "Guerres Maritimes," ii, 272.] "It is impossible to avoid seeing in the capture of the _Chesapeake_ a new proof of the enormous power of a good organization, when it has received the consecration of a few years' actual service on the sea. On this occasion, in effect, two captains equally renowned, the honor of two navies, were opposed to each other on two ships of the same tonnage and number of guns. Never had the chances seemed better balanced, but Sir Philip Broke had commanded the _Shannon_ for nearly seven years, while Captain Lawrence had only commanded the _Chesapeake_ for a few days. The first of these frigates had cruised for eighteen months on the coast of America; the second was leaving port. One had a crew long accustomed to habits of strict obedience; the other was manned by men who had just been engaged in mutiny. The Americans were wrong to accuse fortune on this occasion. Fortune was not fickle, she was merely logical. The _Shannon_ captured the _Chesapeake_ on the first of June, 1813, but on the 14th of September, 1806, the day when he took command of his frigate, Captain Broke had begun to prepare the glorious termination to this bloody affair." Hard as it is to breathe a word against such a man as Lawrence, a very Bayard of the seas, who was admired as much for his dauntless bravery as he was loved for his gentleness and uprightness, it must be confessed that he acted rashly. And after he had sailed, it was, as Lord Howard Douglass has pointed out, a tactical error, however chivalric to neglect the chance of luffing across the _Shannon's_ stern to rake her; exactly as it was a tactical error of his equally chivalrous antagonist to have let him have such an opportunity. Hull would not have committed either error, and would, for the matter of that, have been an overmatch for either commander. But it must always be remembered that Lawrence's encounters with the English had not been such as to give him a high opinion of them. The only foe he had fought had been inferior in strength, it is true, but had hardly made any effective resistance. Another sloop, of equal, if not superior force, had tamely submitted to blockade for several days, and had absolutely refused to fight. And there can be no doubt that the _Chesapeake_, unprepared though she was, would have been an overmatch for the _Guerrière_, _Macedonian_, or _Java_. Altogether it is hard to blame Lawrence for going out, and in every other respect his actions never have been, nor will be, mentioned, by either friend or foe, without the warmest respect. But that is no reason for insisting that he was ruined purely by an adverse fate. We will do far better to recollect that as much can be learned from reverses as from victories. Instead of flattering ourselves by saying the defeat was due to chance, let us try to find out what the real cause was, and then take care that it does not have an opportunity to act again. A little less rashness would have saved Lawrence's life and his frigate, while a little more audacity on one occasion would have made Commodore Chauncy famous for ever. And whether a lesson is to be learned or not, a historian should remember that his profession is not that of a panegyrist. The facts of the case unquestionably are that Captain Broke, in fair fight, within sight of the enemy's harbor, proved conqueror over a nominally equal and in reality slightly superior force; and that this is the only single-ship action of the war in which the victor was weaker in force than his opponent. So much can be gathered by reading only the American accounts. Moreover accident had little or nothing to do with the gaining of the victory. The explanation is perfectly easy; Lawrence and Broke were probably exactly equal in almost every thing that goes to make up a first-class commander, but one had trained his crew for seven years, and the other was new to the ship, to the officers, and to the men, and the last to each other. The _Chesapeake's_ crew must have been of fine material, or they would not have fought so well as they did. So much for the American accounts. On the other hand, the capture of the _Chesapeake_ was, and is, held by many British historians to "conclusively prove" a good many different things; such as, that if the odds were anything like equal, a British frigate could always whip an American, that in a hand-to-hand conflict such would invariably be the case, etc.; and as this was the only single-ship action of the war in which the victor was the inferior in force, most British writers insist that it reflected more honor on them than all the frigate actions of 1812 put together did on the Americans. These assertions can be best appreciated by reference to a victory won by the French in the year of the Battle of the Nile. On the 14th of December, 1798, after two hours' conflict, the French 24-gun corvette _Bayonnaise_ captured, by boarding, the English 32-gun frigate _Ambuscade_. According to James the _Ambuscade_ threw at a broadside 262 pounds of shot, and was manned by 190 men, while the _Bayonnaise_ threw 150 pounds, and had on board supernumeraries and passenger soldiers enough to make in all 250 men. According to the French historian Rouvier [Footnote: "Histoire des Marins Français sous la République," par Charles Rouvier, Lieutenant de Vaisseau. Paris, 1868.] the broadside force was 246 pounds against 80 pounds; according to Troude [Footnote: "Batailles Navales."] it was 270 pounds against 112. M. Léon Guérin, in his voluminous but exceedingly prejudiced and one-sided work, [Footnote: "Histoire Maritime de France" (par Léon Guérin, Historien titulaire de la Marine, Membre de la Legion d'Honneur), vi. 142 (Paris, 1852).] makes the difference even greater. At any rate the English vessel was vastly the superior in force, and was captured by boarding, after a long and bloody conflict in which she lost 46, and her antagonist over 50, men. During all the wars waged with the Republic and the Empire, no English vessel captured a French one as much superior to itself as the _Ambuscade_ was to the _Bayonnaise_, precisely as in the war of 1812 no American vessel captured a British opponent as much superior to itself as the _Chesapeake_ was to the _Shannon_. Yet no sensible man can help acknowledging, in spite of these and a few other isolated instances, that at that time the French were inferior to the English, and the latter to the Americans. It is amusing to compare the French histories of the English with the English histories of the Americans, and to notice the similarity of the arguments they use to detract from their opponents' fame. Of course I do not allude to such writers as Lord Howard Douglass or Admiral de la Gravière, but to men like William James and Léon Guérin, or even O. Troude. James is always recounting how American ships ran away from British ones, and Guérin tells as many anecdotes of British ships who fled from French foes. James reproaches the Americans for adopting a "Parthian" mode of warfare, instead of "bringing to in a bold and becoming manner." Precisely the same reproaches are used by the French writers, who assert that the English would not fight "fairly," but acquired an advantage by manoeuvring. James lays great stress on the American long guns; so does Lieutenant Rouvier on the British carronades. James always tells how the Americans avoided the British ships, when the crews of the latter demanded to be led aboard; Troude says the British always kept at long shot, while the French sailors "demandérent, à grands cris, l'abordage." James says the Americans "hesitated to grapple" with their foes "unless they possessed a twofold superiority"; Guérin that the English "never dared attack" except when they possessed "une supériorité énorme." The British sneer at the "mighty dollar"; the French at the "eternal guinea." The former consider Decatur's name as "sunk" to the level of Porter's or Bainbridge's; the latter assert that the "presumptuous Nelson" was inferior to any of the French admirals of the time preceding the Republic. Says James: "The Americans only fight well when they have the superiority of force on their side"; and Lieutenant Rouvier: "Never have the English vanquished us with an undoubted inferiority of force." On June 12, 1813, the small cutter _Surveyor_, of 6 12-pound carronades, was lying in York River, in the Chesapeake, under the command of Mr. William S. Travis; her crew consisted of but 15 men. [Footnote: Letter of W. S. Travis, June 16, 1813.] At nightfall she was attacked by the boats of the _Narcissus_ frigate, containing about 50 men, under the command of Lieutenant John Creerie. [Footnote: James, vi. 334.] None of the carronades could be used; but Mr. Travis made every preparation that he could for defence. The Americans waited till the British were within pistol shot before they opened their fire; the latter dashed gallantly on, however, and at once carried the cutter. But though brief, the struggle was bloody; 5 of the Americans were wounded, and of the British 3 were killed and 7 wounded. Lieutenant Creerie considered his opponents to have shown so much bravery that he returned Mr. Travis his sword, with a letter as complimentary to him as it was creditable to the writer. [Footnote: The letter, dated June 13th, is as follows: "Your gallant and desperate attempt to defend your vessel against more than double your number, on the night of the 12th instant, excited such admiration on the part of your opponents as I have seldom witnessed, and induced me to return you the sword you had so nobly used, in testimony of mine. Our poor fellows have suffered severely, occasioned chiefly, if not solely, by the precautions you had taken to prevent surprise. In short, I am at a loss which to admire most, the previous arrangement aboard the _Surveyor_, or the determined manner in which her deck was disputed inch by inch. I am, sir," etc.] As has been already mentioned, the Americans possessed a large force of gun-boats at the beginning of the war. Some of these were fairly sea-worthy vessels, of 90 tons burden, sloop--or schooner-rigged, and armed with one or two long, heavy guns, and sometime with several light carronades to repel boarders. [Footnote: According to a letter from Captain Hugh G. Campbell (in the Naval Archives, "Captains' Letters," 1812, vol. ii. Nos. 21 and 192), the crews were distributed as follows: ten men and a boy to a long 32. seven men and a boy to a long 9. and five men and a boy to a carronade, exclusive of petty officers. Captain Campbell complains of the scarcity of men, and rather naively remarks that he is glad the marines have been withdrawn from the gun boats, as this may make the commanders of the latter keep a brighter lookout than formerly.] Gun-boats of this kind, together with the few small cutters owned by the government, were serviceable enough. They were employed all along the shores of Georgia and the Carolinas, and in Long Island Sound, in protecting the coasting trade by convoying parties of small vessels from one port to another, and preventing them from being molested by the boats of any of the British frigates. They also acted as checks upon the latter in their descents upon the towns and plantations, occasionally capturing their boats and tenders, and forcing them to be very cautious in their operations. They were very useful in keeping privateers off the coast, and capturing them when they came too far in. The exploits of those on the southern coast will be mentioned as they occurred. Those in Long Island Sound never came into collision with the foe, except for a couple of slight skirmishes at very long range; but in convoying little fleets of coasters, and keeping at bay the man-of-war boats sent to molest them, they were invaluable; and they also kept the Sound clear of hostile privateers. Many of the gun-boats were much smaller than those just mentioned, trusting mainly to their sweeps for motive power, and each relying for offence on one long pivot gun, a 12- or 18-pounder. In the Chesapeake there was a quite a large number of these small gallies, with a few of the larger kind, and here it was thought that by acting together in flotillas the gun-boats might in fine weather do considerable damage to the enemy's fleet by destroying detached vessels, instead of confining themselves to the more humble tasks in which their brethren elsewhere were fairly successful. At this period Denmark, having lost all her larger ships of war, was confining herself purely to gun-brigs. These were stout little crafts, with heavy guns, which, acting together, and being handled with spirit and skill, had on several occasions in calm weather captured small British sloops, and had twice so injured frigates as to make their return to Great Britain necessary; while they themselves had frequently been the object of successful cutting-out expeditions. Congress hoped that our gun-boats would do as well as the Danish; but for a variety of reasons they failed utterly in every serious attack that they made on a man-of-war, and were worse than useless for all but the various subordinate employments above mentioned. The main reason for this failure was in the gun-boats themselves. They were utterly useless except in perfectly calm weather, for in any wind the heavy guns caused them to careen over so as to make it difficult to keep them right side up, and impossible to fire. Even in smooth water they could not be fought at anchor, requiring to be kept in position by means of sweeps; and they were very unstable, the recoil of the guns causing them to roll so as to make it difficult to aim with any accuracy after the first discharge, while a single shot hitting one put it _hors de combat_. This last event rarely happened, however, for they were not often handled with any approach to temerity, and, on the contrary, usually made their attacks at a range that rendered it as impossible to inflict as to receive harm. It does not seem as if they were very well managed; but they were such ill-conditioned craft that the best officers might be pardoned for feeling uncomfortable in them. Their operations throughout the war offer a painfully ludicrous commentary on Jefferson's remarkable project of having our navy composed exclusively of such craft. The first aggressive attempt made with the gun-boats was characteristically futile. On June 20th 15 of them, under Captain Tarbell, attacked the _Junon_, 38, Captain Sanders, then lying becalmed in Hampton Roads, with the _Barossa_, 36, and _Laurestinus_, 24, near her. The gun-boats, while still at very long range, anchored, and promptly drifted round so that they couldn't shoot. Then they got under way, and began gradually to draw nearer to the _Junon_. Her defence was very feeble; after some hasty and ill-directed vollies she endeavored to beat out of the way. But meanwhile, a slight breeze having sprung up, the _Barossa_, Captain Sherriff, approached near enough to take a hand in the affair, and at once made it evident that she was a more dangerous foe than the _Junon_, though a lighter ship. As soon as they felt the effects of the breeze the gun-boats became almost useless and, the _Barossa's_ fire being animated and well aimed, they withdrew. They had suffered nothing from the _Junon_, but during the short period she was engaged, the _Barossa_ had crippled one boat and slightly damaged another; one man was killed and two wounded. The _Barossa_ escaped unscathed and the _Junon_ was but slightly injured. Of the combatants, the _Barossa_ was the only one that came off with credit, the _Junon_ behaving, if any thing, rather worse than the gun-boats. There was no longer any doubt as to the amount of reliance to be placed on the latter. [Footnote: Though the flotilla men did nothing in the boats, they acted with the most stubborn bravery at the battle of Bladensburg. The British Lieutenant Graig, himself a spectator, thus writes of their deeds on that occasion ("Campaign at Washington," p. 119). "Of the sailors, however, it would be injustice not to speak in the terms which their conduct merits. They were employed as gunners, and not only did they serve their guns with a quickness and precision which astonished their assailants, but they stood till some of them were actually bayoneted with fuses in their hands; nor was it till their leader was wounded and taken, and they saw themselves deserted on all sides by the soldiers, that they quitted the field." Certainly such men could not be accused of lack of courage. Something else is needed to account for the failure of the gun-boat system.] On June 20, 1813, a British force of three 74's, one 64, four frigates, two sloops, and three transports was anchored off Craney Island. On the north-west side of this island was a battery of 18-pounders, to take charge of which Captain Cassin, commanding the naval forces at Norfolk, sent ashore one hundred sailors of the _Constellation_, under the command of Lieutenants Neale, Shubrick, and Saunders, and fifty marines under Lieutenant Breckenbridge.[Footnote: Letter of Captain John Cassin, June 23, 1813.] On the morning of the 22d they were attacked by a division of 15 boats, containing 700 men, [Footnote: James, vi, 337.] seamen, marines, chasseurs, and soldiers of the 102d regiment, the whole under the command of Captain Pechell, of the _San Domingo_, 74. Captain Hanchett led the attack in the _Diadem's_ launch. The battery's guns were not fired till the British were close in, when they opened with destructive effect. While still some seventy yards from the guns the _Diadem's_ launch grounded, and the attack was checked. Three of the boats were now sunk by shot, but the water was so shallow that they remained above water; and while the fighting was still at its height, some of the _Constellation's_ crew, headed by Midshipman Tatnall, waded out and took possession of them. [Footnote: "Life of Commodore Josiah Tatnall," by Charles C. Jones, Jr. (Savannah, 1878), p. 17.] A few of their crew threw away their arms and came ashore with their captors; others escaped to the remaining boats, and immediately afterward the flotilla made off in disorder having lost 91 men. The three captured barges were large, strong boats, one called the Centipede being fifty feet long, and more formidable than many of the American gun-vessels. The _Constellation's_ men deserve great credit for their defence, but the British certainly did not attack with their usual obstinacy. When the foremost boats were sunk, the water was so shallow and the bottom so good that the Americans on shore, as just stated, at once waded out to them; and if in the heat of the fight Tatnall and his seamen could get _out_ to the boats, the 700 British ought to have been able to get _in_ to the battery, whose 150 defenders would then have stood no chance. [Footnote: James comments on this repulse as "a defeat as discreditable to those that caused it as honorable to those that suffered in it." "Unlike most other nations, the Americans in particular, the British, when engaged in expeditions of this nature, always rest their hopes of success upon valor rather than on numbers." These comments read particularly well when it is remembered that the assailants outnumbered the assailed in the proportion of 5 to 1. It is monotonous work to have to supplement a history by a running commentary on James' mistakes and inventions; but it is worth while to prove once for all the utter unreliability of the author who is accepted in Great Britain as the great authority about the war. Still, James is no worse than his compeers. In the American Coggeshall's "History of Privateers," the misstatements are as gross and the sneers in as poor taste--the British, instead of the Americans, being the objects.] On July 14, 1813, the two small vessels _Scorpion_ and _Asp_, the latter commanded by Mr. Sigourney, got under way from out of the Yeocomico Creek, [Footnote: Letter of Midshipman McClintock, July 15, 1813.] and at 10 A.M. discovered in chase the British brig-sloops _Contest_, Captain James Rattray, and _Mohawk_, Captain Henry D. Byng. [Footnote: James, vi, 343.] The _Scorpion_ beat up the Chesapeake, but the dull-sailing _Asp_ had to reenter the creek; the two brigs anchored off the bar and hoisted out their boats, under the command of Lieutenant Rodger C. Curry; whereupon the _Asp_ cut her cable and ran up the creek some distance. Here she was attacked by three boats, which Mr. Sigourney and his crew of twenty men, with two light guns, beat off; but they were joined by two others, and the five carried the _Asp_, giving no quarter. Mr. Sigourney and 10 of his men were killed or wounded, while the British also suffered heavily, having 4 killed and 7 (including Lieutenant Curry) wounded. The surviving Americans reached the shore, rallied under Midshipman H. McClintock (second in command), and when the British retired after setting the _Asp_ on fire, at once boarded her, put out the flames, and got her in fighting order; but they were not again molested. On July 29th, while the _Junon_, 38, Captain Sanders, and _Martin_, 18, Captain Senhouse, were in Delaware Bay, the latter grounded on the outside of Crow's Shoal; the frigate anchored within supporting distance, and while in this position the two ships were attacked by the American flotilla in those waters, consisting of eight gun-boats, carrying each 25 men and one long 32, and two heavier block-sloops, [Footnote: Letter of Lieutenant Angus, July 30, 1813.] commanded by Lieutenant Samuel Angus. The flotilla kept at such a distance that an hour's cannonading did no damage whatever to anybody; and during that time gun-boat No. 121, Sailing-master Shead, drifted a mile and a half away from her consorts. Seeing this the British made a dash at her, in 7 boats, containing 140 men, led by Lieutenant Philip Westphal. Mr. Shead anchored and made an obstinate defence, but at the first discharge the gun's pintle gave way, and the next time it was fired the gun-carriage was almost torn to pieces. He kept up a spirited fire of small arms, in reply to the boat-carronades and musketry of the assailants; but the latter advanced steadily and carried the gun-boat by boarding, 7 of her people being wounded, while 7 of the British were killed and 13 wounded. [Footnote: Letter of Mr. Shead. Aug. 5, 1813.] The defence of No. 121 was very creditable, but otherwise the honor of the day was certainly with the British; whether because the gun-boats were themselves so worthless or because they were not handled boldly enough, they did no damage, even to the grounded sloop, that would seem to have been at their mercy. [Footnote: The explanation possibly lies in the fact that the gun-boats had worthless powder. In the Naval Archives there is a letter from Mr. Angus ("Masters' Commandant Letters," 1813, No. 3: see also No. 91), in which he says that the frigate's shot passed over them, while theirs could not even reach the sloop. He also encloses a copy of a paper, signed by the other gun-boat officers, which runs: "We, the officers of the vessels comprising the Delaware flotilla, protest against the powder as being unfit for service."] On June 18th the American brig-sloop _Argus_, commanded by Lieutenant William Henry Allen, late first of the _United States_, sailed from New York for France, with Mr. Crawford, minister for that country, aboard, and reached L'Orient on July 11th, having made one prize on the way. On July 14th she again sailed, and cruised in the chops of the Channel, capturing and burning ship after ship, and creating the greatest consternation among the London merchants; she then cruised along Cornwall and got into St. George's Channel, where the work of destruction went on. The labor was very severe and harassing, the men being able to get very little rest. [Footnote: Court of Inquiry into loss of _Argus_, 1815.] On the night of August 13th, a brig laden with wine from Oporto was captured and burnt, and unluckily many of the crew succeeded in getting at some of the cargo. At 5 A.M. on the 14th a large brig-of-war was discovered standing down under a cloud of canvas. [Footnote: Letter of Lieutenant Watson, March 2, 1815.] This was the British brig-sloop _Pelican_, Captain John Fordyce Maples, which, from information received at Cork three days previous, had been cruising especially after the _Argus_, and had at last found her; St. David's Head bore east five leagues (lat. 52° 15' N. and 5° 50' W.) The small, fine-lined American cruiser, with her lofty masts and long spars, could easily have escaped from her heavier antagonist: but Captain Allen had no such intention, and, finding he could not get the weather-gage, he shortened sail and ran easily along on the starboard tack, while the _Pelican_ came down on him with the wind (which was from the south) nearly aft. At 6 A.M. the _Argus_ wore and fired her port guns within grape distance, the _Pelican_ responding with her starboard battery, and the action began with great spirit on both sides. [Footnote: Letter of Captain Maples to Admiral Thornborough, Aug. 14, 1813.] At 6.04 a round shot carried off Captain Allen's leg, inflicting a mortal wound, but he stayed on deck till he fainted from loss of blood. Soon the British fire carried away the main-braces, main-spring-stay, gaff, and try-sail mast of the _Argus_; the first lieutenant, Mr. Watson, was wounded in the head by a grape-shot and carried below; the second lieutenant, Mr. U. H. Allen (no relation of the captain), continued to fight the ship with great skill. The _Pelican's_ fire continued very heavy, the _Argus_ losing her spritsail-yard and most of the standing rigging on the port side of the foremast. At 6.14 Captain Maples bore up to pass astern of his antagonist, but Lieutenant Allen luffed into the wind and threw the main-top-sail aback, getting into a beautiful raking position [Footnote: Letter of Lieutenant Watson.]; had the men at the guns done their duty as well as those on the quarter-deck did theirs, the issue of the fight would have been very different; but, as it was, in spite of her favorable position, the raking broadside of the _Argus_ did little damage. Two or three minutes afterward the _Argus_ lost the use of her after-sails through having her preventer-main-braces and top-sail tie shot away, and fell off before the wind, when the _Pelican_ at 6.18 passed her stern, raking her heavily, and then ranged up on her starboard quarter. In a few minutes the wheel-ropes and running-rigging of every description were shot away, and the _Argus_ became utterly unmanageable. The _Pelican_ continued raking her with perfect impunity, and at 6.35 passed her broadside and took a position on her starboard bow, when at 6.45 the brigs fell together, and the British "were in the act of boarding when the _Argus_ struck her colors," [Footnote: Letter of Captain Maples.] at 6.45 A.M. The _Pelican_ carried, besides her regular armament, two long 6's as stern-chasers, and her broadside weight of metal was thus: [Footnote: James, vi, 320.] 1 X 6 1 X 6 1 X 12 8 X 32 or 280 lbs. against the _Argus_': 1 X 12 9 X 24 or, subtracting as usual 7 per cent. for light weight of metal, 210 lbs. The _Pelican's_ crew consisted of but 116 men, according to the British account, though the American reports make it much larger. The _Argus_ had started from New York with 137 men, but having manned and sent in several prizes, her crew amounted, as near as can be ascertained, to 104. Mr. Low in his "Naval History," published just after the event, makes it but 99. James makes it 121; as he placed the crew of the _Enterprise_ at 125, when it was really 102; that of the _Hornet_ at 162, instead of 135; of the _Peacock_ at 185, instead of 166; of the _Nautilus_ at 106 instead of 95, etc., etc., it is safe to presume that he has overestimated it by at least 20, which brings the number pretty near to the American accounts. The _Pelican_ lost but two men killed and five wounded. Captain Maples had a narrow escape, a spent grape-shot striking him in the chest with some force, and then falling on the deck. One shot had passed through the boatswain's and one through the carpenter's cabin; her sides were filled with grape-shot, and her rigging and sails much injured; her foremast, main-top-mast, and royal masts were slightly wounded, and two of her carronades dismounted. The injuries of the _Argus_ have already been detailed; her hull and lower masts were also tolerably well cut up. Of her crew, Captain Allen, two midshipmen, the carpenter, and six seamen were killed or mortally wounded; her first lieutenant and 13 seamen severely and slightly wounded: total, 10 killed and 14 wounded. In reckoning the comparative force, I include the Englishman's six-pound stern-chaser, which could not be fired in broadside with the rest of the guns, because I include the _Argus_' 12-pound bow-chaser, which also could not be fired in broadside, as it was crowded into the bridle-port. James, of course, carefully includes the latter, though leaving out the former. [Illustration: _Argus_ vs. _Pelican_: an engraving published in London in 1817. (Courtesy Beverley R. Robinson Collection, U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] COMPARISON. Comparative No. Weight Comparative Loss Tons. Guns. Metal. Men. Loss. Force. Inflicted. _Argus_ 298 10 210 104 24 .82 .29 _Pelican_ 467 11 280 116 7 1.00 1.00 [Illustration of _ARGUS_ and _PELICAN_ action from 6.00 A.M. to 6.45] Of all the single-ship actions fought in the war this is the least creditable to the Americans. The odds in force, it is true, were against the _Argus_, about in the proportion of 10 to 8, but this is neither enough to account for the loss inflicted being as 10 to 3, nor for her surrendering when she had been so little ill used. It was not even as if her antagonist had been an unusually fine vessel of her class. The _Pelican_ did not do as well as either the _Frolic_ previously, or the _Reindeer_ afterward, though perhaps rather better than the _Avon_, _Penguin_, or _Peacock_. With a comparatively unmanageable antagonist, in smooth water, she ought to have sunk her in three quarters of an hour. But the _Pelican's_ not having done particularly well merely makes the conduct of the Americans look worse; it is just the reverse of the _Chesapeake's_ case, where, paying the highest credit to the British, we still thought the fight no discredit to us. Here we can indulge no such reflection. The officers did well, but the crew did not. Cooper says: "The enemy was so much heavier that it may be doubted whether the _Argus_ would have captured her antagonist under any ordinary circumstances." This I doubt; such a crew as the _Wasp's_ or _Hornet's_ probably would have been successful. The trouble with the guns of the _Argus_ was not so much that they were too small, as that they did not hit; and this seems all the more incomprehensible when it is remembered that Captain Allen is the very man to whom Commodore Decatur, in his official letter, attributed the skilful gun-practice of the crew of the frigate _United States_. Cooper says that the powder was bad; and it has also been said that the men of the _Argus_ were over-fatigued and were drunk, in which case they ought not to have been brought into action. Besides unskilfulness, there is another very serious count against the crew. Had the _Pelican_ been some distance from the _Argus_, and in a position where she could pour in her fire with perfect impunity to herself, when the surrender took place, it would have been more justifiable. But, on the contrary, the vessels were touching, and the British boarded just as the colors were hauled down; it was certainly very disgraceful that the Americans did not rally to repel them, for they had still four fifths of their number absolutely untouched. They certainly _ought_ to have succeeded, for boarding is a difficult and dangerous experiment; and if they had repulsed their antagonists they might in turn have carried the _Pelican_. So that, in summing up the merits of this action, it is fair to say that both sides showed skilful seamanship and unskilful gunnery; that the British fought bravely and that the Americans did not. It is somewhat interesting to compare this fight, where a weaker American sloop was taken by a stronger British one, with two or three others, where both the comparative force and the result were reversed. Comparing it, therefore, with the actions between the _Hornet_ and _Peacock_ (British), the _Wasp_ and _Avon_, and the _Peacock_ (American) and _Epervier_, we get four actions, in one of which, the first-named, the British were victorious, and in the other three the Americans. Comparative Comparative Loss Per cent. Force. Inflicted. Loss. _Pelican_ (British) 1.00 1.00 .06 _Argus_ (American) .82 .29 .23 _Hornet_ (American) 1.00 1.00 .02 _Peacock_ (British) .83 .07 .31 _Wasp_ (American) 1.00 1.00 .02 _Avon_ (British) .80 .07 .33 _Peacock_ (American) 1.00 1.00 .01 _Epervier_ (British) .81 .08 .20 It is thus seen that in these sloop actions the superiority of force on the side of the victor was each time about the same. The _Argus_ made a much more effectual resistance than did either the _Peacock_, _Avon_, or _Epervier_, while the _Pelican_ did her work in poorer form than either of the victorious American sloops; and, on the other hand, the resistance of the _Argus_ did not by any means show as much bravery as was shown in the defence of the _Peacock_ or _Avon_, although rather more than in the case of the _Epervier_. This is the only action of the war where it is almost impossible to find out the cause of the inferiority of the beaten crew. In almost all other cases we find that one crew had been carefully drilled, and so proved superior to a less-trained antagonist; but it is incredible that the man, to whose exertions when first lieutenant of the _States_ Commodore Decatur ascribes the skilfulness of that ship's men, should have neglected to train his own crew; and this had the reputation of being composed of a fine set of men. Bad powder would not account for the surrender of the _Argus_ when so little damaged. It really seems as if the men _must_ have been drunk or over-fatigued, as has been so often asserted. Of course drunkenness would account for the defeat, although not in the least altering its humiliating character. "Et tu quoque" is not much of an argument; still it may be as well to call to mind here two engagements in which British sloops suffered much more discreditable defeats than the _Argus_ did. The figures are taken from James; as given by the French historians they make even a worse showing for the British. A short time before our war the British brig _Carnation_, 18, had been captured, by boarding, by the French brig _Palinure_, 16, and the British brig _Alacrity_, 18, had been captured, also by boarding, by the corvette _Abeille_, 20. The following was the comparative force, etc., of the combatants: Weight Metal. No. Crew. Loss. _Carnation_ 262 117 40 _Palmure_ 174 100 20 _Alacrity_ 262 100 18 _Abeille_ 260 130 19 In spite of the pride the British take in their hand-to-hand prowess both of these ships were captured by boarding. The _Carnation_ was captured by a much smaller force, instead of by a much larger one, as in the case of the _Argus_; and if the _Argus_ gave up before she had suffered greatly, the _Alacrity_ surrendered when she had suffered still less. French historians asserted that the capture of the two brigs proved that "French valor could conquer British courage"; and a similar opinion was very complacently expressed by British historians after the defeat of the _Argus_. All that the three combats really "proved" was, that in eight encounters between British and American sloops the Americans were defeated once, and in a far greater number of encounters between French and British sloops the British were defeated twice. No one pretends that either navy was invincible; the question is, which side averaged best? At the opening of the war we possessed several small brigs; these had originally been fast, handy little schooners, each armed with 12 long sixes, and with a crew of 60 men. As such they were effective enough; but when afterward changed into brigs, each armed with a couple of extra guns, and given 40 additional men, they became too slow to run, without becoming strong enough to fight. They carried far too many guns and men for their size, and not enough to give them a chance with any respectable opponent; and they were almost all ignominiously captured. The single exception was the brig _Enterprise_. She managed to escape capture, owing chiefly to good luck, and once fought a victorious engagement, thanks to the fact that the British possessed a class of vessels even worse than our own. She was kept near the land and finally took up her station off the eastern coast, where she did good service in chasing away or capturing the various Nova Scotian or New Brunswick privateers, which were smaller and less formidable vessels than the privateers of the United States, and not calculated for fighting. By crowding guns into her bridle-ports, and over-manning herself, the _Enterprise_, now under the command of Lieutenant William Burrows, mounted 14 eighteen-pound carronades and 2 long 9's, with 102 men. On September 5th, while standing along shore near Penguin Point, a few miles to the eastward of Portland, Me., she discovered, at anchor inside, a man-of-war brig [Footnote: Letter from Lieutenant Edward R. McCall to Commodore Hull, September 5, 1813.] which proved to be H.M.S. _Boxer_, Captain Samuel Blyth, of 12 carronades, eighteen-pounders and two long sixes, with but 66 men aboard, 12 of her crew being absent.[Footnote: James, "Naval Occurrences," 264. The American accounts give the _Boxer_ 104 men, on very insufficient grounds. Similarly, James gives the _Enterprise_ 123 men. Each side will be considered authority for its own force and loss.] The _Boxer_ at once hoisted three British ensigns and bore up for the _Enterprise_, then standing in on the starboard tack; but when the two brigs were still 4 miles apart it fell calm. At midday a breeze sprang up from the southwest, giving the American the weather-gage, but the latter manoeuvred for some time to windward to try the comparative rates of sailing of the vessels. At 3 P.M. Lieutenant Burrows hoisted three ensigns, shortened sail, and edged away toward the enemy, who came gallantly on. Captain Blyth had nailed his colors to the mast, telling his men they should never be struck while he had life in his body. [Footnote: "Naval Chronicle," vol. xxxii, p. 462.] Both crews cheered loudly as they neared each other, and at 3.15, the two brigs being on the starboard tack not a half pistol-shot apart, they opened fire, the American using the port, and the English the starboard, battery. Both broadsides were very destructive, each of the commanders falling at the very beginning of the action. Captain Blyth was struck by an eighteen-pound shot while he was standing on the quarter-deck; it passed completely through his body, shattering his left arm and killing him on the spot. The command, thereupon, devolved on Lieutenant David McCreery. At almost the same time his equally gallant antagonist fell. Lieutenant Burrows, while encouraging his men, laid hold of a gun-tackle fall to help the crew of a carronade run out the gun; in doing so he raised one leg against the bulwark, when a canister shot struck his thigh, glancing into his body and inflicting a fearful wound. [Footnote: Cooper, "Naval History," vol. ii, p. 259.] In spite of the pain he refused to be carried below, and lay on the deck, crying out that the colors must never be struck. Lieutenant Edward McCall now took command. At 3.30 the _Enterprise_ ranged ahead, rounded to on the starboard tack, and raked the _Boxer_ with the starboard guns. At 3.35 the _Boxer_ lost her main-top-mast and top-sail yard, but her crew still kept up the fight bravely, with the exception of four men who deserted their quarters and were afterward court-martialed for cowardice. [Footnote: Minutes of court-martial held aboard H.M.S. _Surprise_, January 8, 1814.] The _Enterprise_ now set her fore-sail and took position on the enemy's starboard bow, delivering raking fires; and at 3.45 the latter surrendered, when entirely unmanageable and defenceless. Lieutenant Burrows would not go below until he had received the sword of his adversary, when he exclaimed, "I am satisfied, I die contented." [Illustration of action between _ENTERPRISE_ and _BOXER_ from 3.15 to 3.45] Both brigs had suffered severely, especially the _Boxer_, which had been hulled repeatedly, had three eighteen-pound shot through her foremast, her top-gallant forecastle almost cut away, and several of her guns dismounted. Three men were killed and seventeen wounded, four mortally. The _Enterprise_ had been hulled by one round and many grape; one 18-pound ball had gone through her foremast, and another through her main-mast, and she was much cut up aloft. Two of her men were killed and ten wounded, two of them (her commander and Midshipman Kervin Waters) mortally. The British court-martial attributed the defeat of the _Boxer_ "to a superiority in the enemy's force, principally in the number of men, as well as to a greater degree of skill in the direction of her fire, and to the destructive effects of the first broadside." But the main element was the superiority in force, the difference in loss being very nearly proportional to it; both sides fought with equal bravery and equal skill. This fact was appreciated by the victors, for at a naval dinner given in New York shortly afterward, one of the toasts offered was: "The crew of the _Boxer_; enemies by law, but by gallantry brothers." The two commanders were both buried at Portland, with all the honors of war. The conduct of Lieutenant Burrows needs no comment. He was an officer greatly beloved and respected in the service. Captain Blyth, on the other side, had not only shown himself on many occasions to be a man of distinguished personal courage, but was equally noted for his gentleness and humanity. He had been one of Captain Lawrence's pall-bearers, and but a month previous to his death had received a public note of thanks from an American colonel, for an act of great kindness and courtesy. [Footnote: "Naval Chronicle," xxxii, 466.] The _Enterprise_, under Lieut.-Com. Renshaw, now cruised off the southern coast, where she made several captures. One of them was a heavy British privateer, the _Mars_, of 14 long nines and 75 men, which struck after receiving a broadside that killed and wounded 4 of her crew. The _Enterprise_ was chased by frigates on several occasions; being once forced to throw overboard all her guns but two, and escaping only by a shift in the wind. Afterward, as she was unfit to cruise, she was made a guard-ship at Charlestown; for the same reason the _Boxer_ was not purchased into the service. On October 4th some volunteers from the Newport flotilla captured, by boarding, the British privateer _Dart_, [Footnote: Letter of Mr. Joseph Nicholson, Oct. 5, 1813.] after a short struggle in which two of the assailants were wounded and several of the privateersmen, including the first officer, were killed. On December 4th, Commodore Rodgers, still in command of the _President_, sailed again from Providence, Rhode Island. On the 25th, in lat. 19° N. and long. 35° W., the _President_, during the night, fell in with two frigates, and came so close that the head-most fired at her, when she made off. These were thought to be British, but were in reality the two French 40-gun frigates _Nymphe_ and _Meduse_, one month out of Brest. After this little encounter Rodgers headed toward the Barbadoes, and cruised to windward of them. On the whole the ocean warfare of 1813 was decidedly in favor of the British, except during the first few months. The _Hornet's_ fight with the _Peacock_ was an action similar to those that took place in 1812, and the cruise of Porter was unique in our annals, both for the audacity with which it was planned, and the success with which it was executed. Even later in the year the _Argus_ and the _President_ made bold cruises in sight of the British coasts, the former working great havoc among the merchant-men. But by that time the tide had turned strongly in favor of our enemies. From the beginning of summer the blockade was kept up so strictly that it was with difficulty any of our vessels broke through it; they were either chased back or captured. In the three actions that occurred, the British showed themselves markedly superior in two, and in the third the combatants fought equally well, the result being fairly decided by the fuller crew and slightly heavier metal of the _Enterprise_. The gun-boats, to which many had looked for harbor defence, proved nearly useless, and were beaten off with ease whenever they made an attack. The lessons taught by all this were the usual ones. Lawrence's victory in the _Hornet_ showed the superiority of a properly trained crew to one that had not been properly trained; and his defeat in the _Chesapeake_ pointed exactly the same way, demonstrating in addition the folly of taking a raw levy out of port, and, before they have had the slightest chance of getting seasoned, pitting them against skilled veterans. The victory of the _Enterprise_ showed the wisdom of having the odds in men and metal in our favor, when our antagonist was otherwise our equal; it proved, what hardly needed proving, that, whenever possible, a ship should be so constructed as to be superior in force to the foes it would be likely to meet. As far as the capture of the _Argus_ showed any thing, it was the advantage of heavy metal and the absolute need that a crew should fight with pluck. The failure of the gun-boats _ought_ to have taught the lesson (though it did not) that too great economy in providing the means of defence may prove very expensive in the end, and that good officers and men are powerless when embarked in worthless vessels. A similar point was emphasized by the strictness of the blockade, and the great inconvenience it caused; namely, that we ought to have had ships powerful enough to break it. We had certainly lost ground during this year; fortunately we regained it during the next two. BRITISH VESSELS SUNK OR TAKEN. Name. Guns. Tonnage. _Peacock_ 20 477 _Boxer_ 14 181 _Highflyer_ 6 96 ___ ____ 40 754 AMERICAN VESSELS SUNK OR TAKEN. Name. Guns. Tonnage. _Chesapeake_ 50 1,265 _Argus_ 20 298 _Viper_ 10 148 ___ _____ 80 1,711 VESSELS BUILT OR PURCHASED. Name. Rig. Guns. Tonnage. Where Built. Cost. _Rattlesnake_ Brig 14 278 Medford, Pa. $18,000 _Alligator_ Schooner 4 80 _Asp_ Sloop 3 56 2,600 PRIZES MADE. Name of Ship. No. of Prizes. _President_ 13 _Congress_ 4 _Chesapeake_ 6 _Essex_ 14 _Hornet_ 3 _Argus_ 21 Small craft 18 ___ 79 Chapter VI 1813 ON THE LAKES _ONTARIO--Comparison of the rival squadrons---Chauncy takes York and Fort George--Yeo is repulsed at Sackett's Harbor, but keeps command of the lake--Chauncy sails--Yeo's partial victory off Niagara---Indecisive action off the Genesee--Chauncy's partial victory off Burlington, which gives him the command of the lake--ERIE--Perry's success in creating a fleet--His victory--CHAMPLAIN--Loss of the Growler and Eagle--Summary._ ONTARIO. Winter had almost completely stopped preparations on the American side. Bad weather put an end to all communication with Albany or New York, and so prevented the transit of stores, implements, etc. It was worse still with the men, for the cold and exposure so thinned them out that the new arrivals could at first barely keep the ranks filled. It was, moreover, exceedingly difficult to get seamen to come from the coast to serve on the lakes, where work was hard, sickness prevailed, and there was no chance of prize-money. The British government had the great advantage of being able to move its sailors where it pleased, while in the American service, at that period, the men enlisted for particular ships, and the only way to get them for the lakes at all was by inducing portions of crews to volunteer to follow their officers thither. [Footnote: Cooper, ii, 357. One of James' most comical misstatements is that on the lakes the American sailors were all "picked men." On p. 367, for example, in speaking of the battle of Lake Erie he says: "Commodore Perry had picked crews to all his vessels." As a matter of fact Perry had once sent in his resignation solely on account of the very poor quality of his crews, and had with difficulty been induced to withdraw it. Perry's crews were of hardly average excellence, but then the average American sailor was a very good specimen.] However, the work went on in spite of interruptions. Fresh gangs of shipwrights arrived, and, largely owing to the energy and capacity of the head builder, Mr. Henry Eckford (who did as much as any naval officer in giving us an effective force on Ontario), the _Madison_ was equipped, a small despatch sloop, The _Lady of the Lake_ prepared, and a large new ship, the _General Pike_, 28, begun, to mount 13 guns in each broadside and 2 on pivots. Meanwhile Sir George Prevost, the British commander in Canada, had ordered two 24-gun ships to be built, and they were begun; but he committed the mistake of having one laid down in Kingston and the other in York, at the opposite end of the lake. Earle, the Canadian commodore, having proved himself so incompetent, was removed; and in the beginning of May Captain Sir James Lucas Yeo arrived, to act as commander-in-chief of the naval forces, together with four captains, eight lieutenants, twenty-four midshipmen, and about 450 picked seamen, sent out by the home government especially for service on the Canada lakes. [Footnote: James, vi, 353.] The comparative force of the two fleets or squadrons it is hard to estimate. I have already spoken of the difficulty in finding out what guns were mounted on any given ship at a particular time, and it is even more perplexing with the crews. A schooner would make one cruise with but thirty hands; on the next it would appear with fifty, a number of militia having volunteered as marines. Finding the militia rather a nuisance, they would be sent ashore, and on her third cruise the schooner would substitute half a dozen frontier seamen in their place. It was the same with the larger vessels. The _Madison_ might at one time have her full complement of 200 men; a month's sickness would ensue, and she would sail with but 150 effectives. The _Pike's_ crew of 300 men at one time would shortly afterward be less by a third in consequence of a draft of sailors being sent to the upper lakes. So it is almost impossible to be perfectly accurate; but, making a comparison of the various authorities from Lieutenant Emmons to James, the following tables of the forces may be given as very nearly correct. In broadside force I count every pivot gun, and half of those that were not on pivots. CHAUNCY'S SQUADRON. Broadside Name. Rig. Tonnage. Crew. Metal; lbs Armament _Pike_, Ship 875 300 360 28 long 24's _Madison_, " 593 200 364 24 short 32's _Oneida_, brig 243 100 172 16 " 24's -+- 1 long 32 _Hamilton_, schooner 112 50 80 | 1 " 24 - 8 " 6's -+- 1 " 32 _Scourge_, " 110 50 80 - 8 short 12's -+- 1 long 32 _Conquest_, " 82 40 56 | 1 " 12 - 4 " 6's -+- 1 " 32 _Tompkins_, " 96 40 62 | 1 " 12 - 6 " 6's -+- 1 " 32 _Julia_, " 82 35 44 - 1 " 12 -+- 1 " 32 _Growler_, " 81 35 44 - 1 " 12 -+- 1 long 32 _Ontario_, schooner 53 35 44 - 1 " 12 _Fair -+- 1 " 24 American_, " 53 30 36 - 1 " 12 _Pert_, " 50 25 24 1 " 24 _Asp_, " 57 25 24 1 " 24 _Lady of the Lake_, " 89 15 9 1 " 9 _________________________________________________________________ 14 2,576 980 1,399 112 This is not materially different from James' account (p. 356), which gives Chauncy 114 guns, 1,193 men, and 2,121 tons. The _Lady of the Lake_, however, was never intended for anything but a despatch boat, and the _Scourge_ and _Hamilton_ were both lost before Chauncy actually came into collision with Yeo. Deducting these, in order to compare the two foes, Chauncy had left 11 vessels of 2,265 tons, with 865 men and 92 guns throwing a broadside of 1,230 pounds. YEO'S SQUADRON. Broadside Name. Rig. Tonnage. Crew. Metal; lbs. Armament. _Wolfe_, ship 637 220 392 -+- 1 long 24 | 8 " 18's | 4 short 68's '- 10 " 32's _Royal " 510 200 360 -+- 3 long 18's George_, | 2 short 68's '- 16 " 32's _Melville_, brig 279 100 210 -+- 2 long 18's '- 12 short 32 s _Moira_, " 262 100 153 -+- 2 long 9's '- 12 short 24's _Sydney schooner 216 80 172 -+- 2 long 12's Smith_, '- 10 short 32's _Beresford_, " 187 70 87 -+- 1 long 24 | 1 " 9 '- 6 short 18's ___________ _____ _____ _____ _________________ 6 2,091 770 1,374 92 This differs but slightly from James, who gives Yeo 92 guns throwing a broadside of 1,374 pounds, but only 717 men. As the evidence in the court-martial held on Captain Barclay, and the official accounts (on both sides) of Macdonough's victory, convict him of very much underrating the force in men of the British on Erie and Champlain, it can be safely assumed that he has underestimated the force in men on Lake Ontario. By comparing the tonnage he gives to Barclay's and Downie's squadrons with what it really was, we can correct his account of Yeo's tonnage. The above figures would apparently make the two squadrons about equal, Chauncy having 95 men more, and throwing at a broadside 144 pounds shot less than his antagonist. But the figures do not by any means show all the truth. The Americans greatly excelled in the number and calibre of their long guns. Compared thus, they threw at one discharge 694 pounds of long-gun metal and 536 pounds of carronade metal; while the British only threw from their long guns 180 pounds, and from their carronades 1,194. This unequal distribution of metal was very much in favor of the Americans. Nor was this all. The _Pike_, with her 15 long 24's in battery was an overmatch for any one of the enemy's vessels, and bore the same relation to them that the _Confiance_, at a later date, did to Macdonough's squadron. She should certainly have been a match for the _Wolfe_ and _Melville_ together, and the _Madison_ and _Oneida_ for the _Royal George_ and _Sydney Smith_. In fact, the three heavy American vessels ought to have been an overmatch for the four heaviest of the British squadron, although these possessed the nominal superiority. And in ordinary cases the eight remaining American gun-vessels would certainly seem to be an overmatch for the two British schooners, but it is just here that the difficulty of comparing the forces comes in. When the water was very smooth and the wind light, the long 32's and 24's of the Americans could play havoc with the British schooners, at a distance which would render the carronades of the latter useless. But the latter were built for war, possessed quarters and were good cruisers, while Chauncy's schooners were merchant vessels, without quarters, crank, and so loaded down with heavy metal that whenever it blew at all hard they could with difficulty be kept from upsetting, and ceased to be capable even of defending themselves. When Sir James Yeo captured two of them he would not let them cruise with his other vessels at all, but sent them back to act as gun-boats, in which capacity they were serving when recaptured; this is a tolerable test of their value compared to their opponents. Another disadvantage that Chauncy had to contend with, was the difference in the speed of the various vessels. The _Pike_ and _Madison_ were fast, weatherly ships; but the _Oneida_ was a perfect slug, even going free, and could hardly be persuaded to beat to windward at all. In this respect Yeo was much better off; his six ships were regular men-of-war, with quarters, all of them seaworthy, and fast enough to be able to act with uniformity and not needing to pay much regard to the weather. His force could act as a unit; but Chauncy's could not. Enough wind to make a good working breeze for his larger vessels put all his smaller ones _hors de combat_: and in weather that suited the latter, the former could not move about at all. When speed became necessary the two ships left the brig hopelessly behind, and either had to do without her, or else perhaps let the critical moment slip by while waiting for her to come up. Some of the schooners sailed quite as slowly; and finally it was found out that the only way to get all the vessels into action at once was to have one half the fleet tow the other half. It was certainly difficult to keep the command of the lake when, if it came on to blow, the commodore had to put into port under penalty of seeing a quarter of his fleet founder before his eyes. These conflicting considerations render it hard to pass judgment; but on the whole it would seem as if Chauncy was the superior in force, for even if his schooners were not counted, his three square-rigged vessels were at least a match for the four square-rigged British vessels, and the two British schooners would not have counted very much in such a conflict. In calm weather he was certainly the superior. This only solves one of the points in which the official letters of the two commanders differ: after every meeting each one insists that he was inferior in force, that the weather suited his antagonist, and that the latter ran away, and got the worst of it; all of which will be considered further on. In order to settle toward which side the balance of success inclined, we must remember that there were two things the combatants were trying to do viz.: (1) To damage the enemy directly by capturing or destroying his vessels. This was the only object we had in view in sending out ocean cruisers, but on the lakes it was subordinated to:-- (2) Getting the control of the lake, by which invaluable assistance could be rendered to the army. The most thorough way of accomplishing this, of course, was by destroying the enemy's squadron; but it could also be done by building ships too powerful for him to face, or by beating him in some engagement which, although not destroying his fleet, would force him to go into port. If one side was stronger, then the weaker party by skillful manoeuvring might baffle the foe, and rest satisfied by keeping the sovereignty of the lake disputed; for, as long as one squadron was not undisputed master it could not be of much assistance in transporting troops attacking forts, or otherwise helping the military. In 1813 the Americans gained the first point by being the first to begin operations. They were building a new ship, afterward the _Pike_, at Sackett's Harbor; the British were building two new ships, each about two thirds the force of the _Pike_, one at Toronto (then called York), one at Kingston. Before these were built the two fleets were just on a par; the destruction of the _Pike_ would give the British the supremacy; the destruction of either of the British ships, provided the _Pike_ were saved, would give the Americans the supremacy. Both sides had already committed faults. The Americans had left Sackett's Harbor so poorly defended and garrisoned that it invited attack, while the British had fortified Kingston very strongly, but had done little for York, and, moreover, ought not to have divided their forces by building ships in different places. Commodore Chauncy's squadron was ready for service on April 19th, and on the 25th he made sail with the _Madison_, Lieutenant-Commander Elliott, floating his own broad pennant, _Oneida_, Lieutenant Woolsey, _Hamilton_, Lieutenant McPherson, _Scourge_, Mr. Osgood, _Tompkins_, Lieutenant Brown, _Conquest_, Lieutenant Pettigrew, _Growler_, Mr. Mix, _Julia_, Mr. Trant, _Asp_, Lieutenant Smith, _Pert_, Lieutenant Adams, _American_, Lieutenant Chauncy, _Ontario_, Mr. Stevens, _Lady of the Lake_, Mr. Hinn, and _Raven_, transport, having on board General Dearborn and 1700 troops, to attack York, which was garrisoned by about 700 British regulars and Canadian militia under Major-General Sheafe. The new 24-gun ship was almost completed, and the _Gloucester_ 10-gun brig was in port; the guns of both vessels were used in defence of the port. The fleet arrived before York early on April 27th, and the debarkation began at about 8 A.M. The schooners beat up to the fort under a heavy cannonade, and opened a spirited fire from their long guns; while the troops went ashore under the command of Brigadier-General Pike. The boats were blown to leeward by the strong east wind, and were exposed to a galling fire, but landed the troops under cover of the grape thrown by the vessels. The schooners now beat up to within a quarter of a mile from the principal work, and opened heavily upon it, while at the same time General Pike and the main body of the troops on shore moved forward to the assault, using their bayonets only. The British regulars and Canadian militia, outnumbered three to one (including the American sailors) and with no very good defensive works, of course had to give way, having lost heavily, especially from the fire of the vessels. An explosion immediately afterward killed or wounded 250 of the victors, including General Pike. The Americans lost, on board the fleet, 4 killed, including midshipmen Haifield and Thompson, and 8 wounded; [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Chauncy, April 28, 1813.] and of the army, [Footnote: James, "Military Occurrences" (London, 1818), vol. i, p. 151.] 14 killed and 32 wounded by the enemy's fire, and 52 killed and 180 wounded by the explosion: total loss, 288. The British regulars lost 130 killed and wounded, including 40 by the explosion; [Footnote: Lossing's "Field-Book of the War of 1812," p. 581. The accounts vary somewhat.] together with 50 Canadians and Indians, making a total of 180, besides 290 prisoners. The 24-gun ship was burned, her guns taken away, and the _Gloucester_ sailed back to Sackett's Harbor with the fleet. Many military and naval stores were destroyed, and much more shipped to the Harbor. The great fault that the British had committed was in letting the defences of so important a place remain so poor, and the force in it so small. It was impossible to resist very long when Pike's troops were landed, and the fleet in position. On the other hand, the Americans did the work in good style; the schooners were finely handled, firing with great precision and completely covering the troops, who, in turn, were disembarked and brought into action very handsomely. After being detained in York a week by bad weather the squadron got out, and for the next fortnight was employed in conveying troops and stores to General Dearborn. Then it was determined to make an attack on Fort George, where the British General Vincent was stationed with from 1,000 [Footnote: James, "Military Occurrences," i, p. 151.] to 1,800 [Footnote: Lossing, 596.] regulars, 600 militia, and about 100 Indians. The American troops numbered about 4,500, practically under the command of Colonel Scott. On May 26th Commodore Chauncy carefully reconnoitred the place to be attacked, and in the night made soundings along the coast, and laid buoys so as to direct the small vessels, who were to do the fighting. At 3 A.M. on the 27th the signal was made to weigh, the heavy land artillery being on the _Madison_, and the other troops on the _Oneida_, the _Lady of the Lake_, and in batteaux, many of which had been captured at York. The _Julia_, _Growler_, and _Ontario_ moved in and attacked a battery near the light-house, opening a cross-fire which silenced it. The troops were to be disembarked farther along the lake, near a battery of one long 24, managed by Canadian militia. The _Conquest_ and _Tompkins_ swept in under fire to this battery, and in 10 minutes killed or drove off the artillerymen, who left the gun spiked, and then opened on the British. "The American ships with their heavy discharges of round and grape too well succeeded in thinning the British ranks." [Footnote: James, "Military Occurrences," i, p. 151.] Meanwhile the troop-boats, under Captain Perry and Colonel Scott dashed in, completely covered by a heavy fire of grape directed point-blank at the foe by the _Hamilton_, _Scourge_, and _Asp_. "The fire from the American shipping committed dreadful havoc among the British, and rendered their efforts to oppose the landing of the enemy ineffectual." [Footnote: _Loc. cit_] Colonel Scott's troops, thus protected, made good their landing and met the British regulars; but the latter were so terribly cut up by the tremendous discharges of grape and canister from the schooners, that in spite of their gallantry and discipline they were obliged to retreat, blowing up and abandoning the fort. One sailor was killed and two wounded [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Chauncy, May 29, 1813.]; seventeen soldiers were killed and forty-five wounded [Footnote: Letter of General Dearborn, May 27, 1813.]; making the total American loss sixty-five. Of the British regulars 52 were killed, 44 wounded, and 262 "wounded and missing," [Footnote: Letter of Brig.-Gen. Vincent, May 28, 1813.] in addition to about forty Canadians and Indians _hors de combat_ and nearly 500 militia captured; so that in this very brilliant affair the assailants suffered hardly more than a fifth of the loss in killed and wounded that the assailed did; which must be attributed to the care with which Chauncy had reconnoitred the ground and prepared the attack, the excellent handling of the schooners, and the exceedingly destructive nature of their fire. The British batteries were very weak, and, moreover, badly served. Their regular troops fought excellently; it was impossible for them to stand against the fire of the schooners, which should have been engaged by the batteries on shore; and they were too weak in numbers to permit the American army to land and then attack it when away from the boats. The Americans were greatly superior in force, and yet deserve very much credit for achieving their object so quickly, with such slight loss to themselves, and at such a heavy cost to the foe. The effect of the victory was most important, the British evacuating the whole Niagara frontier, and leaving the river in complete possession of the Americans for the time being. This offered the opportunity for despatching Captain Perry up above the falls to take out one captured brig (the _Caledonia_) and four purchased schooners, which had been lying in the river unable to get past the British batteries into Lake Erie. These five vessels were now carried into that lake, being tracked up against the current by oxen, to become a most important addition to the American force upon it. While Chauncy's squadron was thus absent at the west end of the lake the _Wolfe_, 24, was launched and equipped at Kingston, making the British force on the lake superior to that of the Americans. Immediately Sir George Prevost, and Sir James Lucas Yeo, the commanders-in-chief of the land and water forces in the Canadas, decided to strike a blow at Sackett's Harbor and destroy the _General Pike_, 28, thus securing to themselves the superiority for the rest of the season. Accordingly they embarked on May 27th, in the _Wolfe_, _Royal George_, _Moira_, _Prince Regent_, _Simco_, and _Seneca_, with a large number of gun-boats, barges, and batteaux; and on the next day saw and attacked a brigade of 19 boats transporting troops to Sackett's Harbor, under command of Lieutenant Aspinwall. Twelve boats were driven ashore, and 70 of the men in them captured; but Lieutenant Aspinwall and 100 men succeeded in reaching the Harbor, bringing up the total number of regulars there to 500 men, General Brown having been summoned to take the chief command. About 400 militia also came in, but were of no earthly service. There were, however, 200 Albany volunteers, under Colonel Mills, who could be relied on. The defences were miserably inadequate, consisting of a battery of one long gun and a block-house. On the 29th Sir George Prevost and 800 regulars landed, being covered by the gun-boats under Sir James Lucas Yeo. The American militia fled at once, but the regulars and volunteers held their ground in and around the block-house. "At this point the further energies of the [British] troops became unavailing. The [American] block-house and stockade could not be carried by assault nor reduced by field-pieces, had we been provided with them; the fire of the gun-boats proved insufficient to attain that end; light and adverse winds continued, and our larger vessels were still far off." [Footnote: Letter of Adj.-Gen. Baynes, May 30. 1813.] The British reëmbarked precipitately. The American loss amounted to 23 killed and 114 wounded; that of the British to 52 killed and 211 wounded, [Footnote: James, "Military Occurrences," p. 173.] most of the latter being taken prisoners. During the fight some of the frightened Americans set fire to the store-houses, the _Pike_ and the _Gloucester_; the former were consumed, but the flames were extinguished before they did any damage to either of the vessels. This attack differed especially from those on Fort George and York, in that the attacking force was relatively much weaker; still it ought to have been successful. But Sir George could not compare as a leader with Col. Scott or Gen. Pike; and Sir James did not handle the gun-boats by any means as well as the Americans did their schooners in similar attacks. The admirers of Sir James lay the blame on Sir George, and _vice versa_; but in reality neither seems to have done particularly well. At any rate the affair was the reverse of creditable to the British. The British squadron returned to Kingston, and Chauncy, having heard that they were out, came down the lake and went into port about June 2d. So far the Americans had had all the success, and had controlled the lake; but now Yeo's force was too formidable to be encountered until the _Pike_ was built, and the supremacy passed undisputed into his hands, while Chauncy lay in Sackett's Harbor. Of course with the _Pike_ soon to be built, Yeo's uncontested superiority could be of but short duration; but he used his time most actively. He sailed from Kingston on the 3d of June, to coöperate with the British army at the head of the lake, and intercept all supplies going to the Americans. On the 8th he discovered a small camp of the latter near Forty Mile Creek, and attacked it with the _Beresford_, _Sydney Smith_, and gun-boats, obliging the Americans to leave their camp, while their equipages, provisions, stores, and batteaux fell into the hands of the British, whose troops occupied the post, thus assisting in the series of engagements which ended in the humiliating repulse of General Wilkinson's expedition into Canada. On the 13th two schooners and some boats bringing supplies to the Americans were captured, and on the 16th a depot of provisions at the Genesee River shared the same fate. On the 19th a party of British soldiers were landed by the fleet at Great Sodas, and took off 600 barrels of flour. Yeo then returned to Kingston, where he anchored on the 27th having done good service in assisting the land forces. [Footnote: Letter of Sir James Lucas Yeo to Mr. Croker, June 29, 1813.] As a small compensation, on the 18th of the same month the _Lady of the Lake_, Lieut. Wolcott Chauncy, captured off Presqu' Isle the British schooner _Lady Murray_, containing 1 ensign, 15 soldiers, and 6 sailors, together with stores and ammunition. [Footnote: Letter of Lieut. Wolcott Chauncy to Com. Chauncy, June 18, 1813.] During the early part of July neither squadron put out in force; although on the first of the month Commodore Yeo made an abortive attempt to surprise Sackett's Harbor, but abandoned it when it was discovered. Meanwhile the Americans were building a new schooner, the _Sylph_, and the formidable corvette _Pike_ was made ready to sail by July 21st. On the same day the entire American squadron, or fleet, sailed up to the head of the lake, and reached Niagara on the 27th. Here Col. Scott and some of his regulars were embarked, and on the 30th a descent was made upon York, where 11 transports were destroyed, 5 cannon, a quantity of flour, and some ammunition carried off, and the barracks burned. On the 3d of August the troops were disembarked at the Niagara, and 111 officers and men were sent up to join Perry on Lake Erie. As this left the squadron much deranged 150 militia were subsequently lent it by General Boyd, but they proved of no assistance (beyond swelling the number of men Yeo captured in the _Growler_ and _Julia_ from 70 individuals to 80), and were again landed. Commodore Yeo sailed with his squadron from Kingston on Aug. 2d, and on the 7th the two fleets for the first time came in sight of one another, the Americans at anchor off Fort Niagara, the British six miles to windward, in the W. N. W. Chauncy's squadron contained one corvette, one ship sloop, one brig sloop, and ten schooners, manned by about 965 men, and throwing at a broadside 1,390 lbs. of shot, nearly 800 of which were from long guns. Yeo's included two ship sloops, two brig sloops, and two schooners, manned by 770 men, and throwing at a broadside 1,374 lbs., but 180 being from long guns. But Yeo's vessels were all built with bulwarks, while ten of Chauncy's had none; and, moreover, his vessels could all sail and manoeuvre together, while, as already remarked, one half of the American fleet spent a large part of its time towing the other half. The _Pike_ would at ordinary range be a match for the _Wolfe_ and _Melville_ together; yet in actual weight of metal she threw less than the former ship alone. In calm weather the long guns of the American schooners gave them a great advantage; in rough weather they could not be used at all. Still, on the whole, it could fairly be said that Yeo was advancing to attack a superior fleet. All through the day of the 7th the wind blew light and variable, and the two squadrons went through a series of manoeuvres, nominally to bring on an action. As each side flatly contradicts the other it is hard to tell precisely what the manoeuvres were; each captain says the other avoided him and that _he_ made all sail in chase. At any rate it was just the weather for Chauncy to engage in. That night the wind came out squally; and about 1 A.M. on the morning of the 8th a heavy gust struck the _Hamilton_ and _Scourge_, forcing them to careen over till the heavy guns broke loose, and they foundered, but 16 men escaping,--which accident did not open a particularly cheerful prospect to the remainder of the schooners. Chauncy's force was, by this accident, reduced to a numerical equality with Yeo's, having perhaps a hundred more men, [Footnote: This estimate as to men is a mere balancing of probabilities. If James underestimates the British force on Ontario as much as he has on Erie and Champlain, Yeo had as many men as his opponent. Chauncy, in one of his letters (preserved with the other manuscript letters in the Naval Archives), says: "I enclose the muster-rolls of all my ships," but I have not been able to find them, and in any event the complements were continually changing completely. The point is not important, as each side certainly had plenty of men on this occasion.] and throwing 144 lbs. less shot at a broadside. All through the two succeeding days the same manoeuvring went on; the question as to which avoided the fight is simply one of veracity between the two commanders, and of course each side, to the end of time, will believe its own leader. But it is not of the least consequence, as neither accomplished any thing. On the 10th the same tedious evolutions were continued, but at 7 P.M. the two squadrons were tolerably near one another, Yeo to windward, the breeze being fresh from the S. W. Commodore Chauncy formed his force in two lines on the port tack, while Commodore Yeo approached from behind and to windward, in single column, on the same tack. Commodore Chauncy's weather line was formed of the _Julia_, _Growler_, _Pert_, _Asp_, _Ontario_, and _American_, in that order, and the lee line of the _Pike_, _Oneida_, _Madison_, _Tompkins_, and _Conquest_. Chauncy formed his weather line of the smaller vessels, directing them, when the British should engage, to edge away and form to leeward of the second line, expecting that Sir James would follow them down. At 11 the weather line opened fire at very long range; at 11.15 it was returned, and the action became general and harmless; at 11.30 the weather line bore up and passed to leeward, except the _Julia_ and _Growler_, which tacked. The British ships kept their luff and cut off the two that had tacked; while Commodore Chauncy's lee line "edged away two points, to lead the enemy down, not only to engage him to more advantage, but to lead him from the _Julia_ and _Growler_." [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Isaac Chauncy. Aug. 13, 1813.] Of course, the enemy did not come down, and the _Julia_ and _Growler_ were not saved. Yeo kept on till he had cut off the two schooners, fired an ineffectual broadside at the other ships, and tacked after the _Growler_ and _Julia_. Then, when too late, Chauncy tacked also, and stood after him. The schooners, meanwhile, kept clawing to windward till they were overtaken, and, after making a fruitless effort to run the gauntlet through the enemy's squadron by putting before the wind, were captured. Yeo's account is simple: "Came within gunshot of _Pike_ and _Madison_, when they immediately bore up, fired their stern-chase guns, and made all sail for Niagara, leaving two of their schooners astern, which we captured." [Footnote: Letter of Sir James Lucas Yeo, Aug. 10, 1813.] The British had acted faultlessly, and the honor and profit gained by the encounter rested entirely with them. On the contrary, neither Chauncy nor his subordinates showed to advantage. Cooper says that the line of battle was "singularly well adapted to draw the enemy down," and "admirable for its advantages and ingenuity." In the first place it is an open question whether the enemy needed drawing down; on this occasion he advanced boldly enough. The formation may have been ingenious, but it was the reverse of advantageous. It would have been far better to have had the strongest vessels to windward, and the schooners, with their long guns, to leeward, where they would not be exposed to capture by any accident happening to them. Moreover, it does not speak well for the discipline of the fleet, that two commanders should have directly disobeyed orders. And when the two schooners did tack, and it was evident that Sir James would cut them off, it was an extraordinary proceeding for Chauncy to "edge away two points * * * to lead the enemy from the _Growler_ and _Julia_." It is certainly a novel principle, that if part of a force is surrounded the true way to rescue it is to run away with the balance, in hopes that the enemy will follow. Had Chauncy tacked at once, Sir James would have been placed between two fires, and it would have been impossible for him to capture the schooners. As it was, the British commander had attacked a superior force in weather that just suited it, and yet had captured two of its vessels without suffering any injury beyond a few shot holes in the sails. The action, however, was in no way decisive. All next day, the 11th, the fleets were in sight of one another, the British to windward, but neither attempted to renew the engagement. The wind grew heavier, and the villainous little American schooners showed such strong tendencies to upset, that two had to run into Niagara Bay to anchor. With the rest Chauncy ran down the lake to Sackett's Harbor, which he reached on the 13th, provisioned his squadron for five weeks, and that same evening proceeded up the lake again. [Illustration: The ships are shown just before the weather line bore up; the dotted lines show the courses the vessels kept, and the crosses indicate their positions shortly after the _Julia_ and _Growler_ had tacked, and after Chauncy's lee line had "kept off two points."] The advantage in this action had been entirely with the British, but it is simple nonsense to say, as one British historian does, that "on Lake Ontario, therefore, we at last secured a decisive predominance, which we maintained until the end of the war." [Footnote: "History of the British Navy," by Charles Duke Yonge (London, 1866), vol. iii. p. 24. It is apparently not a work of any authority, but I quote it as showing probably the general feeling of British writers about the action and its results, which can only proceed from extreme partizanship and ignorance of the subject.] This "decisive" battle left the Americans just as much in command of the lake as the British; and even this very questionable "predominance" lasted but six weeks, after which the British squadron was blockaded in port most of the time. The action has a parallel in that fought on the 22d of July, 1805, by Sir Robert Calder's fleet of 15 sail of the line against the Franco-Spanish fleet of 20 sail of the line, under M. Villeneuve.[Footnote: "Batailles Navales de la France," par O. Troude, iii, 352. It seems rather ridiculous to compare these lake actions, fought between small flotillas, with the gigantic contests which the huge fleets of Europe waged in contending for the supremacy of the ocean; but the difference is one of degree and not of kind, and they serve well enough for purposes of illustration or comparison.] The two fleets engaged in a fog, and the English captured two ships, when both sides drew off, and remained in sight of each other the next day without either renewing the action. "A victory therefore it was that Sir Robert Calder had gained, but not a 'decisive' nor a 'brilliant' victory." [Footnote: James' "Naval History," iv, 14.] This is exactly the criticism that should be passed on Sir James Lucas Yeo's action of the 10th of August. From the 13th of August to the 10th of September both fleets were on the lake most of the time, each commodore stoutly maintaining that he was chasing the other; and each expressing in his letters his surprise and disgust that his opponent should be afraid of meeting him "though so much superior in force." The facts are of course difficult to get at, but it seems pretty evident that Yeo was determined to engage in heavy, and Chauncy in light, weather; and that the party to leeward generally made off. The Americans had been re-inforced by the _Sylph_ schooner, of 300 tons and 70 men, carrying four long 32's on pivots, and six long 6's. Theoretically her armament would make her formidable; but practically her guns were so crowded as to be of little use, and the next year she was converted into a brig, mounting 24-pound carronades. On the 11th of September a partial engagement, at very long range, in light weather, occurred near the mouth of the Genesee River; the Americans suffered no loss whatever, while the British had one midshipman and three seamen killed and seven wounded, and afterward ran into Amherst Bay. One of their brigs, the _Melville_, received a shot so far under water that to get at and plug it, the guns had to be run in on one side and out on the other. Chauncy describes it as a running fight of 3 1/2 hours, the enemy then escaping into Amherst Bay. [Footnote: Letter to the Secretary of the Navy, Sept. 13, 1813.] James (p. 38) says that "At sunset a breeze sprang up from the westward, when Sir James steered for the American fleet; but the American commodore avoided a close action, and thus the affair ended." This is a good sample of James' trustworthiness; his account is supposed to be taken from Commodore Yeo's letter, [Footnote: Letter to Admiral Warren, Sept. 12. 1813.] which says: "At sunset a breeze sprang up from the westward, when I steered for the False Duck Islands, under which the enemy could not keep the weather-gage, but be obliged to meet us on equal terms. This, however, he carefully avoided doing." In other words Yeo did _not_ steer _for_ but _away from_ Chauncy. Both sides admit that Yeo got the worst of it and ran away, and it is only a question as to whether Chauncy followed him or not. Of course in such light weather Chauncy's long guns gave him a great advantage. He had present 10 vessels; the _Pike_, _Madison_, _Oneida_, _Sylph_, _Tompkins_, _Conquest_, _Ontario_, _Pert_, _American_, and _Asp_, throwing 1,288 lbs. of shot, with a total of 98 guns. Yeo had 92 guns, throwing at a broadside 1,374 lbs. Nevertheless, Chauncy told but part of the truth in writing as he did: "I was much disappointed at Sir James refusing to fight me, as he was so much superior in point of force, both in guns and men, having upward of 20 guns more than we have, and heaves a greater weight of shot." His inferiority in the long guns placed Yeo at a great disadvantage in such a very light wind; but in his letter he makes a marvellous admission of how little able he was to make good use of even what he had. He says: "I found it impossible to bring them to close action. We remained in this mortifying situation five hours, having only six guns in all the squadron that would reach the enemy (not a carronade being fired)." Now according to James himself ("Naval Occurrences," p. 297) he had in his squadron 2 long 24's, 13 long 18's, 2 long 12's, and 3 long 9's, and, in a fight of five hours, at very long range, in smooth water, it was a proof of culpable incompetency on his part that he did not think of doing what Elliott and Perry did in similar circumstances on Lake Erie--substitute all his long guns for some of the carronades on the engaged side. Chauncy could place in broadside 7 long 32's, 18 long 24's, 4 long 12's, 8 long 6's; so he could oppose 37 long guns, throwing 752 lbs. of shot, to Yeo's 20 long guns, throwing 333 lbs. of shot. The odds were thus more than two to one against the British in any case; and their commander's lack of resource made them still greater. But it proved a mere skirmish, with no decisive results. The two squadrons did not come in contact again till on the 28th, in York Bay. The Americans had the weather-gage, the wind being fresh from the east. Yeo tacked and stretched out into the lake, while Chauncy steered directly for his centre. When the squadrons were still a league apart the British formed on the port tack, with their heavy vessels ahead; the Americans got on the same tack and edged down toward them, the _Pike_ ahead, towing the _Asp_; the _Tompkins_, under Lieut. Bolton Finch, next; the _Madison_ next, being much retarded by having a schooner in tow; then the _Sylph_, with another schooner in tow, the _Oneida_, and the two other schooners. The British, fearing their sternmost vessels would be cut off, at 12.10 came round on the starboard tack, beginning with the _Wolfe_, Commodore Yeo, and _Royal George_, Captain William Howe Mulcaster, which composed the van of the line. They opened with their starboard guns as soon as they came round. When the _Pike_ was a-beam of the _Wolfe_, which was past the centre of the British line, the Americans bore up in succession for their centre. The _Madison_ was far back, and so was the _Sylph_, neither having cast off their tows; so the whole brunt of the action fell on the _Pike_, _Asp_, and _Tompkins_. The latter kept up a most gallant and spirited fire till her foremast was shot away. But already the _Pike_ had shot away the _Wolfe's_ main-top-mast and main-yard, and inflicted so heavy a loss upon her that Commodore Yeo, not very heroically, put dead before the wind, crowding all the canvas he could on her forward spars, and she ran completely past all her own vessels, who of course crowded sail after her. The retreat of the commodore was most ably covered by the _Royal George_, under Captain Mulcaster, who was unquestionably the best British officer on the lake. He luffed up across the commodore's stern, and delivered broadsides in a manner that won the admiration even of his foes. The _Madison_ and _Sylph_, having the schooners in tow, could not overtake the British ships, though the _Sylph_ opened a distant fire; the _Pike_ kept on after them, but did not cast off the _Asp_, and so did not gain; and at 3.15 the pursuit was relinquished, [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Chauncy. Sept. 28, 1813.] when the enemy were running into the entirely undefended port of Burlington Bay, whence escape would have been impossible. The _Tompkins_ had lost her foremast, and the _Pike_ her foretop-gallant mast, with her bowsprit and main-mast wounded; and of her crew five men were killed or wounded, almost all by the guns of the _Royal George_. These were the only injuries occasioned by the enemy's fire, but the _Pike's_ starboard bow-chaser burst, killing or wounding 22 men, besides blowing up the top-gallant forecastle, so that the bow pivot gun could not be used. Among the British ships, the _Wolfe_ lost her main-top-mast, mizzen-top-mast, and main-yard, and the _Royal George_ her foretop-mast; both suffered a heavy loss in killed and wounded, according to the report of the British officers captured in the transports a few days afterward. [Illustration of the action between _TOMPKINS_, _ASP_, and _PIKE_, and the _WOLFE_, _ROYAL GEORGE_, and small gun-boats.] As already mentioned, the British authorities no longer published accounts of their defeats, so Commodore Yeo's report on the action was not made public. Brenton merely alludes to it as follows (vol. ii, p. 503): "The action of the 28th of September, 1813, in which Sir James Yeo in the _Wolfe_ had his main- and mizzen-top-masts shot away, and was obliged to put before the wind, gave Mulcaster an opportunity of displaying a trait of valor and seamanship which elicited the admiration of friends and foes, when he gallantly placed himself between his disabled commodore and a superior enemy." James speaks in the vaguest terms. He first says, "Commodore Chauncy, having the weather-gage, kept his favorite distance," which he did because Commodore Yeo fled so fast that he could not be overtaken; then James mentions the injuries the _Wolfe_ received, and says that "it was these and not, as Mr. Clark says, 'a manoeuvre of the commodore's' that threw the British in confusion." In other words, it was the commodore's shot and not his manoeuvring that threw the British into confusion--a very futile distinction. Next he says that "Commodore Chauncy would not venture within carronade range," whereas he _was_ within carronade range of the _Wolfe_ and _Royal George_, but the latter did not wait for the _Madison_ and _Oneida_ to get within range with _their_ carronades. The rest of his article is taken up with exposing the absurdities of some of the American writings, miscalled histories, which appeared at the close of the war. His criticisms on these are very just, but afford a funny instance of the pot calling the kettle black. This much is clear, that the British were beaten and forced to flee, when but part of the American force was engaged. But in good weather the American force was so superior that being beaten would have been no disgrace to Yeo, had it not been for the claims advanced both by himself and his friends, that on the whole he was victorious over Chauncy. The _Wolfe_ made any thing but an obstinate fight, leaving almost all the work to the gallant Mulcaster, in the _Royal George_, who shares with Lieutenant Finch of the _Tompkins_ most of the glory of the day. The battle, if such it may be called, completely established Chauncy's supremacy, Yeo spending most of the remainder of the season blockaded in Kingston. So Chauncy gained a victory which established his control over the lakes; and, moreover, he gained it by fighting in succession, almost single-handed, the two heaviest ships of the enemy. But gaining the victory was only what should have been expected from a superior force. The question is, did Chauncy use his force to the best advantage? And it can not be said that he did. When the enemy bore up it was a great mistake not to cast off the schooners which were being towed. They were small craft, not of much use in the fight, and they entirely prevented the _Madison_ from taking any part in the contest, and kept the _Sylph_ at a great distance; and by keeping the _Asp_ in tow the _Pike_, which sailed faster than any of Yeo's ships, was distanced by them. Had she left the _Asp_ behind and run in to engage the _Royal George_ she could have mastered, or at any rate disabled, her; and had the swift _Madison_ cast off her tow she could also have taken an effective part in the engagement. If the _Pike_ could put the British to flight almost single-handed, how much more could she not have done when assisted by the _Madison_ and _Oneida_? The cardinal error, however, was made in discontinuing the chase. The British were in an almost open roadstead, from which they could not possibly escape. Commodore Chauncy was afraid that the wind would come up to blow a gale, and both fleets would be thrown ashore; and, moreover, he expected to be able to keep a watch over the enemy and to attack him at a more suitable time. But he utterly failed in this last; and had the American squadron cast off their tows and gone boldly in, they certainly ought to have been able to destroy or capture the entire British force before a gale could blow up. Chauncy would have done well to keep in mind the old adage, so peculiarly applicable to naval affairs: "L'audace! toujours l'audace! et encore l'audace!" Whether the fault was his or that of his subordinates, it is certain that while the victory of the 28th of September definitely settled the supremacy of the lake in favor of the Americans, yet this victory was by no means so decided as it should have been, taking into account his superiority in force and advantage in position, and the somewhat spiritless conduct of his foe. Next day a gale came on to blow, which lasted till the evening of the 31st. There was no longer any apprehension of molestation from the British, so the troop transports were sent down the lake by themselves, while the squadron remained to watch Yeo. On Oct. 2d he was chased, but escaped by his better sailing; and next day false information induced Chauncy to think Yeo had eluded him and passed down the lake, and he accordingly made sail in the direction of his supposed flight. On the 5th, at 3 P.M., while near the False Ducks, seven vessels were made out ahead, which proved to be British gun-boats, engaged in transporting troops. All sails was made after them; one was burned, another escaped, and five were captured, the _Mary_, _Drummond_, _Lady Gore_, _Confiance_, and _Hamilton_, [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Chauncy, Oct. 8, 1813.]--the two latter being the rechristened _Julia_ and _Growler_. Each gun-vessel had from one to three guns, and they had aboard in all 264 men, including seven naval (three royal and four provincial) and ten military officers. These prisoners stated that in the action of the 28th the _Wolfe_ and _Royal George_ had lost very heavily. After this Yeo remained in Kingston, blockaded there by Chauncy for most of the time; on Nov. 10th he came out and was at once chased back into port by Chauncy, leaving the latter for the rest of the season entirely undisturbed. Accordingly, Chauncy was able to convert his small schooners into transports. On the 17th these transports were used to convey 1,100 men of the army of General Harrison from the mouth of the Genesee to Sackett's Harbor, while Chauncy blockaded Yeo in Kingston. The duty of transporting troops and stores went on till the 27th, when every thing had been accomplished; and a day or two afterward navigation closed. As between the Americans and British, the success of the season was greatly in favor of the former. They had uncontested control over the lake from April 19th to June 3d, and from Sept. 28th to Nov. 29th, in all 107 days; while their foes only held it from June 3d to July 21st, or for 48 days; and from that date to Sept. 28th, for 69 days, the two sides were contending for the mastery. York and Fort George had been taken, while the attack on Sackett's Harbor was repulsed. The Americans lost but two schooners, both of which were recaptured; while the British had one 24-gun-ship nearly ready for launching destroyed, and one 10-gun brig taken, and the loss inflicted upon each other in transports, gun-boats, store-houses, stores, etc., was greatly in favor of the former. Chauncy's fleet, moreover, was able to co-operate with the army for over twice the length of time Yeo's could (107 days to 48). It is more difficult to decide between the respective merits of the two commanders. We had shown so much more energy than the Anglo-Canadians that at the beginning of the year we had overtaken them in the building race, and the two fleets were about equally formidable. The _Madison_ and _Oneida_ were not quite a match for the _Royal George_ and _Sydney Smith_ (opposing 12 32-pound and 8 24-pound carronades to 2 long 18's, 1 long 12, 1 68-pound and 13 32-pound carronades); and our ten gun-schooners would hardly be considered very much of an overmatch for the _Melville_, _Motra_, and _Beresford_. Had Sir James Yeo been as bold and energetic as Barclay or Mulcaster he would certainly not have permitted the Americans, when the forces were so equal, to hold uncontested sway over the lake, and by reducing Fort George, to cause disaster to the British land forces. It would certainly have been better to risk a battle with equal forces, than to wait till each fleet received an additional ship, which rendered Chauncy's squadron the superior by just about the superiority of the _Pike_ to the _Wolfe_. Again, Yeo did not do particularly well in the repulse before Sackett's Harbor; in the skirmish off Genesee river he showed a marked lack of resource; and in the action of the 28th of September (popularly called the "Burlington Races" from the celerity of his retreat) he evinced an amount of caution that verged toward timidity, in allowing the entire brunt of the fighting to fall on Mulcaster in the _Royal George_, a weaker ship than the _Wolfe_. On the other hand, he gave able co-operation to the army while he possessed control of the lake; he made a most gallant and successful attack on a superior force on the 10th of August; and for six weeks subsequently by skilful manoeuvring he prevented this same superior force from acquiring the uncontested mastery. It was no disgrace to be subsequently blockaded; but it is very ludicrous in his admirers to think that he came out first best. Chauncy rendered able and invaluable assistance to the army all the while that he had control of the water; his attacks on York and Fort George were managed with consummate skill and success, and on the 28th of September he practically defeated the opposing force with his own ship alone. Nevertheless he can by no means be said to have done the best he could with the materials he had. His stronger fleet was kept two months in check by a weaker British fleet. When he first encountered the foe, on August 10th, he ought to have inflicted such a check upon him as would at least have confined him to port and given the Americans immediate superiority on the lake; instead of which he suffered a mortifying, although not at all disastrous, defeat, which allowed the British to contest the supremacy with him for six weeks longer. On the 28th of September, when he only gained a rather barren victory, it was nothing but excessive caution that prevented him from utterly destroying his foe. Had Perry on that day commanded the American fleet there would have been hardly a British ship left on Ontario. Chauncy was an average commander; and the balance of success inclined to the side of the Americans only because they showed greater energy and skill in shipbuilding, the crews and commanders on both sides being very nearly equal. Lake Erie. Captain Oliver Hazard Perry had assumed command of Erie and the upper lakes, acting under Commodore Chauncy. With intense energy he at once began creating a naval force which should be able to contend successfully with the foe. As already said, the latter in the beginning had exclusive control of Lake Erie; but the Americans had captured the _Caledonia_, brig, and purchased three schooners, afterward named the _Somers_, _Tigress_, and _Ohio_, and a sloop, the _Trippe_. These at first were blockaded in the Niagara, but after the fall of Fort George and retreat of the British forces, Captain Perry was enabled to get them out, tracking them up against the current by the most arduous labor. They ran up to Presque Isle (now called Erie), where two 20-gun brigs were being constructed under the directions of the indefatigable captain. Three other schooners, the _Ariel_, _Scorpion_, and _Porcupine_, were also built. The harbor of Erie was good and spacious, but had a bar on which there was less than seven feet of water. Hitherto this had prevented the enemy from getting in; now it prevented the two brigs from getting out. Captain Robert Heriot Barclay had been appointed commander of the British forces on Lake Erie; and he was having built at Amherstburg a 20-gun ship. Meanwhile he blockaded Perry's force, and as the brigs could not cross the bar with their guns in, or except in smooth water, they of course could not do so in his presence. He kept a close blockade for some time; but on the 2d of August he disappeared. Perry at once hurried forward every thing; and on the 4th, at 2 P.M., one brig, the _Lawrence_, was towed to that point of the bar where the water was deepest. Her guns were whipped out and landed on the beach, and the brig got over the bar by a hastily improvised "camel." "Two large scows, prepared for the purpose, were hauled alongside, and the work of lifting the brig proceeded as fast as possible. Pieces of massive timber had been run through the forward and after ports, and when the scows were sunk to the water's edge, the ends of the timbers were blocked up, supported by these floating foundations. The plugs were now put in the scows, and the water was pumped out of them. By this process the brig was lifted quite two feet, though when she was got on the bar it was found that she still drew too much water. It became necessary, in consequence, to cover up every thing, sink the scows anew, and block up the timbers afresh. This duty occupied the whole night." [Footnote: Cooper, ii, 389. Perry's letter of Aug. 5th is very brief.] Just as the _Lawrence_ had passed the bar, at 8 A.M. on the 5th, the enemy reappeared, but too late; Captain Barclay exchanged a few shots with the schooners and then drew off. The _Niagara_ crossed without difficulty. There were still not enough men to man the vessels, but a draft arrived from Ontario, and many of the frontiersmen volunteered, while soldiers also were sent on board. The squadron sailed on the 18th in pursuit of the enemy, whose ship was now ready. After cruising about some time the _Ohio_ was sent down the lake, and the other ships went into Put-in Bay. On the 9th of September Captain Barclay put out from Amherstburg, being so short of provisions that he felt compelled to risk an action with the superior force opposed. On the 10th of September his squadron was discovered from the mast-head of the _Lawrence_ in the northwest. Before going into details of the action we will examine the force of the two squadrons, as the accounts vary considerably. The tonnage of the British ships, as already stated, we know exactly, they having been all carefully appraised and measured by the builder Mr. Henry Eckford, and two sea-captains. We also know the dimensions of the American ships. The _Lawrence_ and _Niagara_ measured 480 tons apiece. The _Caledonia_, brig, was about the size of the _Hunter_, or 180 tons. The _Tigress_, _Somers_, and _Scorpion_ were subsequently captured by the foe and were then said to measure, respectively, 96, 94, and 86 tons; in which case they were larger than similar boats on Lake Ontario. The _Ariel_ was about the size of the _Hamilton_; the _Porcupine_ and _Trippe_ about the size of the _Asp_ and _Pert_. As for the guns, Captain Barclay in his letter gives a complete account of those on board his squadron. He has also given a complete account of the American guns, which is most accurate, and, if any thing, underestimates them. At least Emmons in his "History" gives the _Trippe_ a long 32, while Barclay says she had only a long 24; and Lossing in his "Field-Book" says (but I do not know on what authority) that the _Caledonia_ had 3 long 24's, while Barclay gives her 2 long 24's and one 32-pound carronade; and that the _Somers_ had two long 32's, while Barclay gives her one long 32 and one 24-pound carronade. I shall take Barclay's account, which corresponds with that of Emmons; the only difference being that Emmons puts a 24-pounder on the _Scorpion_ and a 32 on the _Trippe_, while Barclay reverses this. I shall also follow Emmons in giving the _Scorpion_ a 32-pound carronade instead of a 24. It is more difficult to give the strength of the respective crews. James says the Americans had 580, all "picked men." They were just as much picked men as Barclay's were, and no more; that is, the ships had "scratch" crews. Lieutenant Emmons gives Perry 490 men; and Lossing says he "had upon his muster-roll 490 names." In vol. xiv, p. 566, of the American State Papers, is a list of the prize-monies owing to each man (or to the survivors of the killed), which gives a grand total of 532 men, including 136 on the _Lawrence_ and 155 on the _Niagara_, 45 of whom were volunteers--frontiersmen. Deducting these we get 487 men, which is pretty near Lieutenant Emmons' 490. Possibly Lieutenant Emmons did not include these volunteers; and it may be that some of the men whose names were down on the prize list had been so sick that they were left on shore. Thus Lieutenant Yarnall testified before a Court of Inquiry in 1815, that there were but 131 men and boys of every description on board the _Lawrence_ in the action; and the _Niagara_ was said to have had but 140. Lieutenant Yarnall also said that "but 103 men on board the _Lawrence_ were fit for duty"; as Captain Perry in his letter said that 31 were unfit for duty, this would make a total of 134. So I shall follow the prize-money list; at any rate the difference in number is so slight as to be immaterial. Of the 532 men whose names the list gives, 45 were volunteers, or landsmen, from among the surrounding inhabitants; 158 were marines or soldiers (I do not know which, as the list gives marines, soldiers, and privates, and it is impossible to tell which of the two former heads include the last); and 329 were officers, seamen, cooks, pursers, chaplains, and supernumeraries. Of the total number, there were on the day of action, according to Perry's report, 116 men unfit for duty, including 31 on board the _Lawrence_, 28 on board the _Niagara_, and 57 on the small vessels. All the later American writers put the number of men in Barclay's fleet precisely at "502," but I have not been able to find out the original authority. James ("Naval Occurrences," p. 289) says the British had but 345, consisting of 50 seamen, 85 Canadians, and 210 soldiers. But the letter of Adjutant-General E. Bayne, Nov. 24, 1813, states that there were 250 soldiers aboard Barclay's squadron, of whom 23 were killed, 49 wounded, and the balance (178) captured; and James himself on a previous page (284) states that there were 102 Canadians on Barclay's vessels, not counting the _Detroit_, and we know that Barclay originally joined the squadron with 19 sailors from the Ontario fleet, and that subsequently 50 sailors came up from the _Dover_, James gives at the end of his "Naval Occurrences" some extracts from the court-martial held on Captain Barclay. Lieut. Thomas Stokes, of the _Queen Charlotte_, there testified that he had on board "between 120 and 130 men, officers and all together," of whom "16 came up from the _Dover_ three days before." James, on p. 284, says her crew already consisted of 110 men; adding these 16 gives us 126 (almost exactly "between 120 and 130"). Lieutenant Stokes also testified that the _Detroit_ had more men on account of being a larger and heavier vessel; to give her 150 is perfectly safe, as her heavier guns and larger size would at least need 24 men more than the _Queen Charlotte_. James gives the _Lady Prevost_ 76, _Hunter_ 39, _Little Belt_ 15, and _Chippeway_ 13 men, Canadians and soldiers, a total of 143; supposing that the number of British sailors placed on them was proportional to the amount placed on board the _Queen Charlotte_, we could add 21. This would make a grand total of 440 men, which must certainly be near the truth. This number is corroborated otherwise: General Bayne, as already quoted, says that there were aboard 250 soldiers, of whom 72 were killed or wounded. Barclay reports a total loss of 135, of whom 63 must therefore have been sailors or Canadians, and if the loss suffered by these bore the same proportion to their whole number as in the case of the soldiers, there ought to have been 219 sailors and Canadians, making in all 469 men. It can thus be said with certainty that there were between 440 and 490 men aboard, and I shall take the former number, though I have no doubt that this is too small. But it is not a point of very much importance, as the battle was fought largely at long range, where the number of men, provided there were plenty to handle the sails and guns, did not much matter. The following statement of the comparative force must therefore be very nearly accurate: PERRY'S SQUADRON. Crew Broad Total fit for side; Name. Rig. Tons. Crew. Duty. lbs. Armament. _Lawrence_, brig 480 136 105 300 -+- 2 long 12's '-18 short 32's _Niagara_, " 480 155 127 300 -+- 2 long 12's |-18 short 32's _Caledonia_, " 180 53-+ 80 -+- 2 long 24's | '- 1 short 32 _Ariel_, schooner 112 36 | 48 4 long 12's _Scorpion_, " 86 35 | 64 -+- 1 " 32 | '- 1 short 32 _Somers_, " 86 35 +- 184 56 -+- 1 long 24 | '- 1 short 32 _Porcupine_, " 83 25 | 32 1 long 32 _Tigress_, " 96 27 | 32 1 " 32 _Trippe_, sloop 60 35-+ 24 1 " 24 --------- ---- --- ---- --- --------------- 9 vessels, 1,671 532 (416) 936 lbs. During the action, however, the _Lawrence_ and _Niagara_ each fought a long 12 instead of one of the carronades on the engaged side, making a broadside of 896 lbs., 288 lbs. being from long guns. BARCLAY'S SQUADRON. Broadside; Name. Rig. Tons. Crew. lbs. Armament. ,- 1 long 18 | 2 " 24's _Detroit_, Ship 490 150 138 -+ 6 " 12's | 2 " 24's | 8 " 9's | 1 short 24 '- 1 " 18 ,- 1 long 12 _Queen Charlotte_, " 400 126 189 -+ 2 " 9's '-14 short 24's _Lady Prevost_, schooner 230 86 75 -+- 1 long 9 | 2 " 6's '- 10 short 12's _Hunter_, brig 180 45 30 -+- 4 long 6's | 2 " 4's | 2 " 2's '- 2 short 12's _Chippeway_, schooner 70 15 9 1 long 9 _Little Belt_, sloop 90 18 18 -+- 1 " 12 '- 2 " 6's -------- ---- --- ------ 6 vessels 1460 440 459 lbs. These six vessels thus threw at a broadside 459 lbs., of which 195 were from long guns. The superiority of the Americans in long-gun metal was therefore nearly as three is to two, and in carronade metal greater than two to one. The chief fault to be found in the various American accounts is that they sedulously conceal the comparative weight of metal, while carefully specifying the number of guns. Thus, Lossing says: "Barclay had 35 long guns to Perry's 15, and possessed greatly the advantage in action at a distance"; which he certainly did not. The tonnage of the fleets is not so very important; the above tables are probably pretty nearly right. It is, I suppose, impossible to tell exactly the number of men in the two crews. Barclay almost certainly had more than the 440 men I have given him, but in all likelihood some of them were unfit for duty, and the number of his effectives was most probably somewhat less than Perry's. As the battle was fought in such smooth water, and part of the time at long range, this, as already said, does not much matter. The Niagara might be considered a match for the Detroit, and the Lawrence and Caledonia for the five other British vessels; so the Americans were certainly very greatly superior in force. At daylight on Sept. 10th Barclay's squadron was discovered in the N. W., and Perry at once got under weigh; the wind soon shifted to the N. E., giving us the weather-gage, the breeze being very light. Barclay lay to in a close column, heading to the S. W in the following order: _Chippeway_, _Master's Mate J. Campbell; _Detroit_, Captain R. H. Barclay; _Hunter_, Lieutenant G. Bignall; _Queen Charlotte_, Captain R. Finnis; _Lady Prevost_, Lieutenant Edward Buchan; and _Little Belt_, by whom commanded is not said. Perry came down with the wind on his port beam, and made the attack in column ahead, obliquely. First in order came the _Ariel_, Lieut. John H. Packet, and _Scorpion_, Sailing-Master Stephen Champlin, both being on the weather bow of the _Lawrence_, Captain O. H. Perry; next came the _Caledonia_, Lieut. Daniel Turner; _Niagara_, Captain Jesse D. Elliott; _Somers_, Lieutenant A. H. M. Conklin; _Porcupine_, Acting Master George Serrat; _Tigress_, Sailing-Master Thomas C. Almy, and _Trippe_, Lieutenant Thomas Holdup. [Footnote: The accounts of the two commanders tally almost exactly. Barclay's letter is a model of its kind for candor and generosity. Letter of Captain R. H. Barclay to Sir James. Sept. 2, 1813; of Lieutenant Inglis to Captain Barclay, Sept. 10th; of Captain Perry to the Secretary of the Navy, Sept. 10th and Sept. 13th, and to General Harrison, Sept. 11th and Sept. 13th. I have relied mainly on Lossing's "Field-Book of the War of 1812" (especially for the diagrams furnished him by Commodore Champlin), on Commander Ward's "Naval Tactics," p. 76, and on Cooper's "Naval History." Extracts from the court-martial on Captain Barclay are given in James' "Naval Occurrences," lxxxiii.] As, amid light and rather baffling winds, the American squadron approached the enemy, Perry's straggling line formed an angle of about fifteen degrees with the more compact one of his foes. At 11.45 the Detroit opened the action by a shot from her long 24, which fell short; at 11.50 she fired a second which went crashing through the _Lawrence_, and was replied to by the _Scorpion's_ long 32. At 11.55 the _Lawrence_, having shifted her port bow-chaser, opened with both the long 12's, and at meridian began with her carronades, but the shot from the latter all fell short. At the same time the action became general on both sides, though the rearmost American vessels were almost beyond the range of their own guns, and quite out of range of the guns of their antagonists. Meanwhile the _Lawrence_ was already suffering considerably as she bore down on the enemy. [Illustration: The Battle of Lake Eire: a painting done for Thomas Brownell, sailing master of the _Ariel_, by George I. Cook in 1815-16. The composition was inspected for accuracy by Commodore Perry and three other officers as well as by Brownell himself, "all of whom," he wrote years later, "were in the battle, and in whose minds all its incidents, the positions of the fleets & appearance of the vessels was fresh. In the last two particulars the picture is the product of our joined opinions and recollections; it is, therefore, to be presumed that it is a correct representation of that naval combat." Here published for the first time, it depicts the second stage of the battle, in which Perry, having transferred his flag to the _Niagara_, brought the entire American squadron into action. The vessels, from left to right, are American unless denoted (Br): _Lady Prevost_ (Br), _Trippe_, _Chippeway_ (Br), _Caledonia_, _Niagara_, _Detroit_ (Br), _Queen Charlotte_ (Br), _Hunter_ (Br), _Scorpion_, _Ariel_, _Porcupine_, and _Lawrence_. (Courtesy U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] It was twenty minutes before she succeeded in getting within good carronade range, and during that time the action at the head of the line was between the long guns of the _Chippeway_ and _Detroit_, throwing 123 pounds, and those of the _Scorpion_, _Ariel_, and _Lawrence_, throwing 104 pounds. As the enemy's fire was directed almost exclusively at the _Lawrence_ she suffered a great deal. The _Caledonia_, _Niagara_, and _Somers_ were meanwhile engaging, at long range, the _Hunter_ and _Queen Charlotte_, opposing from their long guns 96 pounds to the 39 pounds of their antagonists, while from a distance the three other American gun-vessels engaged the _Prevost_ and _Little Belt_. By 12.20 the _Lawrence_ had worked down to close quarters, and at 12.30 the action was going on with great fury between her and her antagonists, within canister range. The raw and inexperienced American crews committed the same fault the British so often fell into on the ocean, and overloaded their carronades. In consequence, that of the _Scorpion_ upset down the hatchway in the middle of the action, and the sides of the _Detroit_ were dotted with marks from shot that did not penetrate. One of the _Ariel's_ long 12's also burst. Barclay fought the _Detroit_ exceedingly well, her guns being most excellently aimed, though they actually had to be discharged by flashing pistols at the touchholes, so deficient was the ship's equipment. Meanwhile the _Caledonia_ came down too, but the _Niagara_ was wretchedly handled, Elliott keeping at a distance which prevented the use either of his carronades or of those of the _Queen Charlotte_, his antagonist; the latter, however, suffered greatly from the long guns of the opposing schooners, and lost her gallant commander, Captain Finnis, and first lieutenant, Mr. Stokes, who were killed early in the action; her next in command, Provincial Lieutenant Irvine, perceiving that he could do no good, passed the _Hunter_ and joined in the attack on the _Lawrence_, at close quarters. The _Niagara_, the most efficient and best-manned of the American vessels, was thus almost kept out of the action by her captain's misconduct. At the end of the line the fight went on at long range between the _Somers_, _Tigress_, _Porcupine_, and _Trippe_ on one side, and _Little Belt_ and _Lady Prevost_ on the other; the _Lady Prevost_ making a very noble fight, although her 12-pound carronades rendered her almost helpless against the long guns of the Americans. She was greatly cut up, her commander, Lieutenant Buchan, was dangerously, and her acting first lieutenant, Mr. Roulette, severely wounded, and she began falling gradually to leeward. The fighting at the head of the line was fierce and bloody to an extraordinary degree. The _Scorpion_, _Ariel_, _Lawrence_, and _Caledonia_, all of them handled with the most determined courage, were opposed to the _Chippeway_, _Detroit_, _Queen Charlotte_, and _Hunter_, which were fought to the full as bravely. At such close quarters the two sides engaged on about equal terms, the Americans being superior in weight of metal, and inferior in number of men. But the _Lawrence_ had received such damage in working down as to make the odds against Perry. On each side almost the whole fire was directed at the opposing large vessel or vessels; in consequence the _Queen Charlotte_ was almost disabled, and the _Detroit_ was also frightfully shattered, especially by the raking fire of the gun-boats, her first lieutenant, Mr. Garland, being mortally wounded, and Captain Barclay so severely injured that he was obliged to quit the deck, leaving his ship in the command of Lieutenant George Inglis. But on board the _Lawrence_ matters had gone even worse, the combined fire of her adversaries having made the grimmest carnage on her decks. Of the 103 men who were fit for duty when she began the action, 83, or over four fifths, were killed or wounded. The vessel was shallow, and the ward-room, used as a cockpit, to which the wounded were taken, was mostly above water, and the shot came through it continually, killing and wounding many men under the hands of the surgeon. The first lieutenant, Yarnall, was three times wounded, but kept to the deck through all; the only other lieutenant on board, Brooks, of the marines, was mortally wounded. Every brace and bowline was shot away, and the brig almost completely dismantled; her hull was shattered to pieces, many shot going completely through it, and the guns on the engaged side were by degrees all dismounted. Perry kept up the fight with splendid courage. As the crew fell one by one, the commodore called down through the skylight for one of the surgeon's assistants; and this call was repeated and obeyed till none were left; then he asked, "Can any of the wounded pull a rope?" and three or four of them crawled up on deck to lend a feeble hand in placing the last guns. Perry himself fired the last effective heavy gun, assisted only by the purser and chaplain. A man who did not possess his indomitable spirit would have then struck. Instead, however, although failing in the attack so far, Perry merely determined to win by new methods, and remodelled the line accordingly. Mr. Turner, in the _Caledonia_, when ordered to close, had put his helm up, run down on the opposing line, and engaged at very short range, though the brig was absolutely without quarters. The _Niagara_ had thus become the next in line astern of the _Lawrence_, and the sloop _Trippe_, having passed the three schooners in front of her, was next ahead. The _Niagara_ now, having a breeze, steered for the head of Barclay's line, passing over a quarter of a mile to windward of the _Lawrence_, on her port beam. She was almost uninjured, having so far taken very little part in the combat, and to her Perry shifted his flag. Leaping into a row boat, with his brother and four seamen, he rowed to the fresh brig, where he arrived at 2.30, and at once sent Elliott astern to hurry up the three schooners. The _Trippe_ was now very near the _Caledonia_. The _Lawrence_, having but 14 sound men left, struck her colors, but could not be taken possession of before the action re-commenced. She drifted astern, the _Caledonia_ passing between her and her foes. At 2.45, the schooners having closed up, Perry, in his fresh vessel, bore up to break Barclay's line. The British ships had fought themselves to a standstill. The _Lady Prevost_ was crippled and sagged to leeward, though ahead of the others. The _Detroit_ and _Queen Charlotte_ were so disabled that they could not effectually oppose fresh antagonists. There could thus be but little resistance to Perry, as the _Niagara_ stood down, and broke the British line, firing her port guns into the _Chippeway_, _Little Belt_, and _Lady Prevost_, and the starboard ones into the _Detroit_, _Queen Charlotte_, and _Hunter_, raking on both sides. Too disabled to tack, the _Detroit_ and _Charlotte_ tried to wear, the latter running up to leeward of the former; and, both vessels having every brace and almost every stay shot away, they fell foul. The _Niagara_ luffed athwart their bows, within half pistol-shot, keeping up a terrific discharge of great guns and musketry, while on the other side the British vessels were raked by the _Caledonia_ and the schooners so closely that some of their grape shot, passing over the foe, rattled through Perry's spars. Nothing further could be done, and Barclay's flag was struck at 3 P.M., after three and a quarter hours' most gallant and desperate fighting. The _Chippeway_ and _Little Belt_ tried to escape, but were overtaken and brought to respectively by the _Trippe_ and _Scorpion_, the commander of the latter, Mr. Stephen Champlin, firing the last, as he had the first, shot of the battle. "Captain Perry has behaved in the most humane and attentive manner, not only to myself and officers, but to all the wounded," writes Captain Barclay. The American squadron had suffered severely, more than two thirds of the loss falling upon the _Lawrence_, which was reduced to the condition of a perfect wreck, her starboard bulwarks being completely beaten in. She had, as already stated, 22 men killed, including Lieutenant of Marines Brooks and Midshipman Lamb; and 61 wounded, including Lieutenant Yarnall, Midshipman (acting second lieutenant) Forrest, Sailing-Master Taylor, Purser Hambleton, and Midshipmen Swartout and Claxton. The _Niagara_ lost 2 killed and 25 wounded (almost a fifth of her effectives), including among the latter the second lieutenant, Mr. Edwards, and Midshipman Cummings. The _Caledonia_ had 3, the _Somers_ 2, and _Trippe_ 2, men wounded. The _Ariel_ had 1 killed and 3 wounded; the _Scorpion_ 2 killed, including Midshipman Lamb. The total loss was 123; 27 were killed and 96 wounded, of whom 3 died. The British loss, falling most heavily on the _Detroit_ and _Queen Charlotte_, amounted to 41 killed (including Capt. S. J. Garden, R.N., and Captain R. A. Finnis), and 94 wounded (including Captain Barclay and Lieutenants Stokes, Buchan, Rolette, and Bignall): in all 135. The first and second in command on every vessel were killed or wounded, a sufficient proof of the desperate nature of the defence. [Illustration: The following diagrams will serve to explain the movements.] [Illustration: 2 P.M.] [Illustration: 2:30 P.M.] The victory of Lake Erie was most important, both in its material results and in its moral effect. It gave us complete command of all the upper lakes, prevented any fears of invasion from that quarter, increased our prestige with the foe and our confidence in ourselves, and ensured the conquest of upper Canada; in all these respects its importance has not been overrated. But the "glory" acquired by it most certainly _has_ been estimated at more than its worth. Most Americans, even the well educated, if asked which was the most glorious victory of the war, would point to this battle. Captain Perry's name is more widely known than that of any other commander. Every school-boy reads about _him_, if of no other sea-captain; yet he certainly stands on a lower grade than either Hull or Macdonough, and not a bit higher than a dozen others. On Lake Erie our seamen displayed great courage and skill; but so did their antagonists. The simple truth is, that, where on both sides the officers and men were equally brave and skilful, the side which possessed the superiority in force, in the proportion of three to two, could not well help winning. The courage with which the _Lawrence_ was defended has hardly ever been surpassed, and may fairly be called heroic; but equal praise belongs to the men on board the _Detroit_, who had to discharge the great guns by flashing pistols at the touchholes, and yet made such a terribly effective defence. Courage is only one of the many elements which go to make up the character of a first-class commander; something more than bravery is needed before a leader can be really called great. There happened to be circumstances which rendered the bragging of our writers over the victory somewhat plausible. Thus they could say with an appearance of truth that the enemy had 63 guns to our 54, and outnumbered us. In reality, as well as can be ascertained from the conflicting evidence, he was inferior in number; but a few men more or less mattered nothing. Both sides had men enough to work the guns and handle the ships, especially as the fight was in smooth water, and largely at long range. The important fact was that though we had nine guns less, yet, at a broadside, they threw half as much metal again as those of our antagonist. With such odds in our favor it would have been a disgrace to have been beaten. The water was too smooth for our two brigs to show at their best; but this very smoothness rendered our gun-boats more formidable than any of the British vessels, and the British testimony is unanimous, that it was to them the defeat was primarily due. The American fleet came into action in worse form than the hostile squadron, the ships straggling badly, either owing to Perry having formed his line badly, or else to his having failed to train the subordinate commanders how to keep their places. The Niagara was not fought well at first, Captain Elliott keeping her at a distance that prevented her from doing any damage to the vessels opposed, which were battered to pieces by the gun-boats without the chance of replying. It certainly seems as if the small vessels at the rear of the line should have been closer up, and in a position to render more effectual assistance; the attack was made in too loose order, and, whether it was the fault of Perry or of his subordinates, it fails to reflect credit on the Americans. Cooper, as usual, praises all concerned; but in this instance not with very good judgment. He says the line-of-battle was highly judicious, but this may be doubted. The weather was peculiarly suitable for the gun-boats, with their long, heavy guns; and yet the line-of-battle was so arranged as to keep them in the rear and let the brunt of the assault fall on the _Lawrence_, with her short carronades. Cooper again praises Perry for steering for the head of the enemy's line, but he could hardly have done any thing else. In this battle the firing seems to have been equally skilful on both sides, the _Detroit's_ long guns being peculiarly well served; but the British captains manoeuvred better than their foes at first, and supported one another better, so that the disparity in damage done on each side was not equal to the disparity in force. The chief merit of the American commander and his followers was indomitable courage, and determination not to be beaten. This is no slight merit; but it may well be doubted if it would have ensured victory had Barclay's force been as strong as Perry's. Perry made a headlong attack; his superior force, whether through his fault or his misfortune can hardly be said, being brought into action in such a manner that the head of the line was crushed by the inferior force opposed. Being literally hammered out of his own ship, Perry brought up its powerful twin-sister, and the already shattered hostile squadron was crushed by sheer weight. The manoeuvres which marked the close of the battle, and which ensured the capture of all the opposing ships, were unquestionably very fine. The British ships were fought as resolutely as their antagonists, not being surrendered till they were crippled and helpless, and almost all the officers, and a large proportion of the men placed _hors de combat_. Captain Barclay handled his ships like a first-rate seaman. It was impossible to arrange them so as to be superior to his antagonist, for the latter's force was of such a nature that in smooth water his gun-boats gave him a great advantage, while in any sea his two brigs were more than a match for the whole British squadron. In short, our victory was due to our heavy metal. As regards the honor of the affair, in spite of the amount of boasting it has given rise to, I should say it was a battle to be looked upon as in an equally high degree creditable to both sides. Indeed, if it were not for the fact that the victory was so complete, it might be said that the length of the contest and the trifling disparity in loss reflected rather the most credit on the British. Captain Perry showed indomitable pluck, and readiness to adapt himself to circumstances; but his claim to fame rests much less on his actual victory than on the way in which he prepared the fleet that was to win it. Here his energy and activity deserve all praise, not only for his success in collecting sailors and vessels and in building the two brigs, but above all for the manner in which he succeeded in getting them out on the lake. On _that_ occasion he certainly out-generalled Barclay; indeed the latter committed an error that the skill and address he subsequently showed could not retrieve. But it will always be a source of surprise that the American public should have so glorified Perry's victory over an inferior force, and have paid comparatively little attention to Macdonough's victory, which really was won against decided odds in ships, men, and metal. There are always men who consider it unpatriotic to tell the truth, if the truth is not very flattering; but, aside from the morality of the case, we never can learn how to produce a certain effect unless we know rightly what the causes were that produced a similar effect in times past. Lake Erie teaches us the advantage of having the odds on our side; Lake Champlain, that, even if they are not, skill can still counteract them. It is amusing to read some of the pamphlets written "in reply" to Cooper's account of this battle, the writers apparently regarding him as a kind of traitor for hinting that the victory was not "Nelsonic," "unsurpassed," etc. The arguments are stereotyped: Perry had 9 fewer guns, and also fewer men than the foe. This last point is the only one respecting which there is any doubt. Taking sick and well together, the Americans unquestionably had the greatest number in crew; but a quarter of them were sick. Even deducting these they were still, in all probability, more numerous than their foes. But it is really not a point of much consequence, as both sides had enough, as stated, to serve the guns and handle the ships. In sea-fights, after there are enough hands for those purposes additional ones are not of so much advantage. I have in all my accounts summed up as accurately as possible the contending forces, because it is so customary with British writers to follow James' minute and inaccurate statements, that I thought it best to give every thing exactly; but it was really scarcely necessary, and, indeed, it is impossible to compare forces numerically. Aside from a few exceptional cases, the number of men, after a certain point was reached, made little difference. For example, the _Java_ would fight just as effectually with 377 men, the number James gives her, as with 426, the number I think she really had. Again, my figures make the _Wasp_ slightly superior in force to the _Frolic_, as she had 25 men the most; but in reality, as the battle was fought under very short sail, and decided purely by gunnery, the difference in number of crew was not of the least consequence. The Hornet had nine men more than the _Penguin_, and it would be absurd to say that this gave her much advantage. In both the latter cases, the forces were practically equal, although, numerically expressed, the odds were in favor of the Americans. The exact reverse is the case in the last action of the _Constitution_. Here, the _Levant_ and _Cyane_ had all the men they required, and threw a heavier broadside than their foe. Expressed in numbers, the odds against them were not great, but numbers could not express the fact that carronades were opposed to long guns, and two small ships to one big one. Again, though in the action on Lake Champlain numbers do show a slight advantage both in weight of metal and number of men on the British side, they do not make the advantage as great as it really was, for they do not show that the British possessed a frigate with a main-deck battery of 24-pounders, which was equal to the two chief vessels of the Americans, exactly as the _Constitution_ was superior to the _Cyane_ and _Levant_. [Footnote: It must always be remembered that these rules cut both ways. British writers are very eloquent about the disadvantage in which carronades placed the _Cyane_ and _Levant_, but do not hint that the _Essex_ suffered from a precisely similar cause, in addition to her other misfortunes; either they should give the _Constitution_ more credit or the _Phoebe_ less. So the _Confiance_, throwing 480 pounds of metal at a broadside, was really equal to both the _Eagle_ and _Saratoga_, who jointly threw 678. From her long guns she threw 384 pounds, from her carronades 96. Their long guns threw 168, their carronades 510. Now the 32-pound carronade mounted on the spar-deck of a 38-gun frigate, was certainly much less formidable than the long 18 on the main-deck; indeed, it probably ranked more nearly with a long 12, in the ordinary chances of war (and it must be remembered that Downie was the attacking party and chose his own position, so far as Macdonough's excellent arrangements would let him.) So that in comparing the forces, the carronades should not be reckoned for more than half the value of the long guns, and we get, as a mere approximation, 384 + 48 = 432, against 168 + 255 = 423. At any rate, British writers, as well as Americans, should remember that if the _Constitution_ was greatly superior to her two foes, then the _Confiance_ was certainly equal to the _Eagle_ and _Saratoga_; and _vica versa_.] And on the same principles I think that every fair-minded man must admit the great superiority of Perry's fleet over Barclay's, though the advantage was greater in carronades than in long guns. But to admit this by no means precludes us from taking credit for the victory. Almost all the victories gamed by the English over the Dutch in the 17th century were due purely to great superiority in force. The cases have a curious analogy to this lake battle. Perry won with 54 guns against Barclay's 63; but the odds were largely in his favor. Blake won a doubtful victory on the 18th of February, 1653, with 80 ships against Tromp's 70; but the English vessels were twice the size of the Dutch, and in number of men and weight of metal greatly their superior. The English were excellent fighters, but no better than the Dutch, and none of their admirals of that period deserve to rank with De Ruyter. Again, the great victory of La Hogue was won over a very much smaller French fleet, after a day's hard fighting, which resulted in the capture of _one_ vessel! This victory was most exultingly chronicled, yet it was precisely as if Perry had fought Barclay all day and only succeeded in capturing the _Little Belt_. Most of Lord Nelson's successes were certainly won against heavy odds by his great genius and the daring skill of the captains who served under him; but the battle of the Baltic, as far as the fighting went, reflected as much honor on the defeated Danes as on the mighty sea-chief who conquered them. Many a much-vaunted victory, both on sea and land, has really reflected less credit on the victors than the battle of Lake Erie did on the Americans. And it must always be remembered that a victory, honorably won, if even over a weaker foe, _does_ reflect credit on the nation by whom it is gained. It was creditable to us as a nation that our ships were better made and better armed than the British frigates, exactly as it was creditable to them that a few years before their vessels had stood in the same relation to the Dutch ships. [Footnote: After Lord Duncan's victory at Camperdown, James chronicled the fact that all the captured line-of-battle ships were such poor craft as not to be of as much value as so many French frigates. This at least showed that the Dutch sailors must have done well to have made such a bloody and obstinate fight as they did, with the materials they had. According to his own statements the loss was about proportional to the forces in action. It was another parallel to Perry's victory.] It was greatly to our credit that we had been enterprising enough to fit out such an effective little flotilla on Lake Erie, and for this Perry deserves the highest praise. [Footnote: Some of my countrymen will consider this but scant approbation, to which the answer must be that a history is not a panegyric.] Before leaving the subject it is worth while making a few observations on the men who composed the crews. James, who despised a Canadian as much as he hated an American, gives as one excuse for the defeat, the fact that most of Barclay's crew were Canadians, whom he considers to be "sorry substitutes." On each side the regular sailors, from the seaboard, were not numerous enough to permit the battle to be fought purely by them. Barclay took a number of soldiers of the regular army, and Perry a number of militia, aboard; the former had a few Indian sharp-shooters, the latter quite a number of negroes. A great many men in each fleet were lake sailors, frontiersmen, and these were the especial objects of James' contempt; but it may be doubted if they, thoroughly accustomed to lake navigation, used to contests with Indians and whites, naturally forced to be good sailors, and skilful in the use of rifle and cannon, were not, when trained by good men and on their own waters, the very best possible material. Certainly the battle of Lake Erie, fought mainly by Canadians, was better contested than that of Lake Champlain, fought mainly by British. The difference between the American and British seamen on the Atlantic was small, but on the lakes what little there was disappeared. A New Englander and an Old Englander differed little enough, but they differed more than a frontiersman born north of the line did from one born south of it. These last two resembled one another more nearly than either did the parent. There had been no long-established naval school on the lakes, and the British sailors that came up there were the best of their kind; so the combatants were really so evenly matched in courage, skill, and all other fighting qualities, as to make it impossible to award the palm to either for these attributes. The dogged obstinacy of the fighting, the skilful firing and manoeuvring, and the daring and coolness with which cutting-out expeditions were planned and executed, were as marked on one side as the other. The only un-English element in the contest was the presence among the Canadian English of some of the descendants of the Latin race from whom they had conquered the country. Otherwise the men were equally matched, but the Americans owed their success--for the balance of success was largely on their side--to the fact that their officers had been trained in the best and most practical, although the smallest, navy of the day. The British sailors on the lakes were as good as our own, but no better. None of their commanders compare with Macdonough. Perry deserves all praise for the manner in which he got his fleet ready; his victory over Barclay was precisely similar to the quasi-victories of Blake over the Dutch, which have given that admiral such renown. Blake's success in attacking Spanish and Algerian forts is his true title to fame. In his engagements with the Dutch fleets (as well as in those of Monk, after him) his claim to merit is no greater and no less than Perry's. Each made a headlong attack, with furious, stubborn courage, and by dint of sheer weight crushed or disabled a greatly inferior foe. In the fight that took place on Feb. 18, 1653, De Ruyter's ship carried but 34 guns, [Footnote: "La Vie et Les Actions Memorables de Lt.-Amiral Michel De Ruyter" (Amsterdam, 1677), p. 23. By the way, why is Tromp always called Van Tromp by English writers? It would be quite as correct for a Frenchman to speak of MacNelson.] and yet with it he captured the _Prosperous_ of 54; which vessel was stronger than any in the Dutch fleet. The fact that Blake's battles were generally so indecisive must be ascribed to the fact that his opponents were, though inferior in force, superior in skill. No decisive defeat was inflicted on the Dutch until Tromp's death. Perry's operations were on a very small, and Blake's on a very large, scale; but whereas Perry left no antagonists to question his claim to victory, Blake's successes were sufficiently doubtful to admit of his antagonists in almost every instance claiming that _they_ had won, or else that it was a draw. Of course it is absurd to put Perry and Blake on a par, for one worked with a fleet forty times the strength of the other's flotilla; but the way in which the work was done was very similar. And it must always be remembered that when Perry fought this battle he was but 27 years old; and the commanders of his other vessels were younger still. Champlain. The commander on this lake at this time was Lieutenant Thomas Macdonough, who had superseded the former commander, Lieutenant Sydney Smith,--whose name was a curious commentary on the close inter-relationship of the two contesting peoples. The American naval force now consisted of two sloops, the _Growler_ and _Eagle_, each mounting 11 guns, and six galleys, mounting one gun each. Lieutenant Smith was sent down with his two sloops to harass the British gun-boats, which were stationed round the head of Sorel River, the outlet to Lake Champlain. On June 3d he chased three gun-boats into the river, the wind being aft, up to within sight of the fort of Isle-aux-noix. A strong British land-force, under Major-General Taylor, now came up both banks of the narrow stream, and joined the three gun-boats in attacking the sloops. The latter tried to beat up the stream, but the current was so strong and the wind so light that no headway could be made. The gun-boats kept out of range of the sloop's guns, while keeping up a hot fire from their long 24's, to which no reply could be made; but the galling fire of the infantry who lined the banks was responded to by showers of grape. After three hours' conflict, at 12.30, a 24-pound shot from one of the galleys struck the _Eagle_ under her starboard quarter, and ripped out a whole plank under water. She sank at once, but it was in such shoal water that she did not settle entirely, and none of the men were drowned. Soon afterward the _Growler_ had her forestay and main-boom shot away, and, becoming unmanageable, ran ashore and was also captured. The _Growler_ had 1 killed and 8 wounded, the _Eagle_ 11 wounded; their united crews, including 34 volunteers, amounted to 112 men. The British gun-boats suffered no loss; of the troops on shore three were wounded, one dangerously, by grape. [Footnote: Letter from Major General Taylor (British) to Major-General Stone. June 3, 1813. Lossing says the loss of the British was "probably at least one hundred,"--on what authority, if any, I do not know.] Lieutenant Smith had certainly made a very plucky fight, but it was a great mistake to get cooped up in a narrow channel, with wind and current dead against him. It was a very creditable success to the British, and showed the effectiveness of well-handled gun-boats under certain circumstances. The possession of these two sloops gave the command of the lake to the British. Macdonough at once set about building others, but with all his energy the materials at hand were so deficient that he could not get them finished in time. On July 31st, 1,000 British troops, under Col. J. Murray, convoyed by Captain Thomas Everard, with the sloops _Chubb_ and _Finch_ (late _Growler_ and _Eagle_) and three gunboats, landed at Plattsburg and destroyed all the barracks and stores both there and at Saranac. For some reason Colonel Murray left so precipitately that he overlooked a picket of 20 of his men, who were captured; then he made descents on two or three other places, and returned to the head of the lake by Aug. 3d. Three days afterward, on Aug. 6th, Macdonough completed his three sloops, the _President_, _Montgomery_, and _Preble_, of 7 guns each, and also six gunboats; which force enabled him to prevent any more plundering expeditions taking place that summer, and to convoy Hampton's troops when they made an abortive effort to penetrate into Canada by the Sorel River on Sept. 21st. BRITISH LOSS ON THE LAKES DURING 1813. Name. Tons Guns Remarks _Ship_. 600 24 Burnt on stocks. _Gloucester_. 180 10 Taken at York. _Mary_. 80 3 Burnt. _Drummond_. 80 3 Captured. _Lady Gore_. 80 3 " _Schooner_. 80 3 " _Detroit_. 490 19 " _Queen Charlotte_. 400 17 " _Lady Prevost_. 230 13 " _Hunter_. 180 10 " _Chippeway_. 70 1 " _Little Belt_. 90 3 " -------------- ----- ----- 12 vessels 2,560 109 AMERICAN LOSS.[1] Name. Tons. Guns. Remarks _Growler_. 112 11 Captured _Eagle_. 110 11 " ------------- ----- ---- 2 vessels, 222 22 [Footnote 1: Excluding the _Growler_ and _Julia_ which were recaptured.] Chapter VII 1814 ON THE OCEAN _Strictness of the blockade--Cruise of Rodgers--Cruise of the_ Constitution--_Her unsuccessful chase of_ La Pique--_Attack on the_ Alligator--_The_ Essex _captured--The_ Frolic _captured--The_ Peacock _captures the_ Epervier--_Commodore Barney's flotilla--The British in the Chesapeake--The_ Wasp _captures the_ Reindeer _and sinks the_ Avon--_Cruise and loss of the_ Adams--_The privateer_ General Armstrong--_The privateer_ Prince de Neufchatel--_Loss of the gunboats in Lake Borgne--Fighting near New Orleans--Summary_. During this year the blockade of the American coast was kept up with ever increasing rigor. The British frigates hovered like hawks off every seaport that was known to harbor any fighting craft; they almost invariably went in couples, to support one another and to lighten, as far as was possible, the severity of their work. On the northern coasts in particular, the intense cold of the furious winter gales rendered it no easy task to keep the assigned stations; the ropes were turned into stiff and brittle bars, the hulls were coated with ice, and many, both of men and officers, were frost-bitten and crippled. But no stress of weather could long keep the stubborn and hardy British from their posts. With ceaseless vigilance they traversed continually the allotted cruising grounds, capturing the privateers, harrying the coasters, and keeping the more powerful ships confined to port; "no American frigate could proceed singly to sea without imminent risk of being crushed by the superior force of the numerous British squadrons." [Footnote: Captain Broke's letter of challenge to Captain Lawrence.] But the sloops of war, commanded by officers as skillful as they were daring, and manned by as hardy seamen as ever sailed salt water, could often slip out; generally on some dark night, when a heavy gale was blowing, they would make the attempt, under storm canvas, and with almost invariable success. The harder the weather, the better was their chance; once clear of the coast the greatest danger ceased, though throughout the cruise the most untiring vigilance was needed. The new sloops that I have mentioned as being built proved themselves the best possible vessels for this kind of work; they were fast enough to escape from most cruisers of superior force, and were overmatches for any British flush-decked ship, that is, for any thing below the rank of the frigate-built corvettes of the _Cyane's_ class. The danger of recapture was too great to permit of the prizes being sent in, so they were generally destroyed as soon as captured; and as the cruising grounds were chosen right in the track of commerce, the damage done and consternation caused were very great. Besides the numerous frigates cruising along the coast in couples or small squadrons, there were two or three places that were blockaded by a heavier force. One of these was New London, before which cruised a squadron under the direction of Sir Thomas Hardy, in the 74 gun-ship _Ramillies_. Most of the other cruising squadrons off the coast contained razees or two-deckers. The boats of the _Hogue_, 74, took part in the destruction of some coasters and fishing-boats at Pettipauge in April; and those of the _Superb_, 74, shared in a similar expedition against Wareham in June. [Footnote: James, vi. 474.] The command on the coast of North America was now given to Vice-Admiral Sir Alexander Cochrane. The main British force continued to lie in the Chesapeake, where about 50 sail were collected. During the first part of this year these were under the command of Sir Robert Barrie, but in May he was relieved by Rear-Admiral Cockburn.[Footnote: James, vi, 437.] The _President_, 44, Commodore Rodgers, at the beginning of 1814 was still out, cruising among the Barbadoes and West Indies, only making a few prizes of not much value. She then turned toward the American coast, striking soundings near St. Augustine, and thence proceeding north along the coast to Sandy Hook, which was reached on Feb. 18th. The light was passed in the night, and shortly afterward several sail were made out, when the _President_ was at once cleared for action. [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Rodgers, Feb. 20, 1814.] One of these strange sail was the _Loire_, 38 (British), Capt. Thomas Brown, which ran down to close the _President_, unaware of her force; but on discovering her to be a 44, hauled to the wind and made off. [Footnote: James, vi, 412.] The _President_ did not pursue, another frigate and a gunbrig being in sight. [Footnote: "Naval Monument," p. 235.] This rencontre gave rise to nonsensical boastings on both sides; one American writer calls the _Loire_ the _Plantagenet_, 74; James, on the other hand, states that the _President_ was afraid to engage the 38-gun frigate, and that the only reason the latter declined the combat was because she was short of men. The best answer to this is a quotation from his own work (vol. vi, p. 402), that "the admiralty had issued an order that no 18-pounder frigate was voluntarily to engage one of the 24-pounder frigates of America." Coupling this order with the results of the combats that had already taken place between frigates of these classes, it can always be safely set down as sheer bravado when any talk is made of an American 44 refusing to give battle to a British 38; and it is even more absurd to say that a British line-of-battle ship would hesitate for a minute about engaging _any_ frigate. On Jan. 1st, the _Constitution_, which had been lying in Boston harbor undergoing complete repairs, put out to sea under the command of Capt. Charles Stewart. The British 38-gun frigate _Nymphe_ had been lying before the port, but she disappeared long before the _Constitution_ was in condition, in obedience to the order already mentioned. Capt. Stewart ran down toward the Barbadoes, and on the 14th of February captured and destroyed the British 14-gun schooner _Pictou_, with a crew of 75 men. After making a few other prizes and reaching the coast of Guiana she turned homeward, and on the 23d of the same month fell in, at the entrance to the Mona passage, with the British 36-gun frigate _Pique_ (late French _Pallas_), Captain Maitland. The _Constitution_ at once made sail for the _Pique_, steering free; [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Stewart, April 8, 1814.] the latter at first hauled to the wind and waited for her antagonist, but when the latter was still 3 miles distant she made out her force and immediately made all sail to escape; the _Constitution_, however, gained steadily till 8 P.M., when the night and thick squally weather caused her to lose sight of the chase. Captain Maitland had on board the prohibitory order issued by the admiralty, [Footnote: James, vi, 477.] and acted correctly. His ship was altogether too light for his antagonist. James, however, is not satisfied with this, and wishes to prove that _both_ ships were desirous of avoiding the combat. He says that Capt. Stewart came near enough to count "13 ports and a bridle on the _Pique's_ main-deck," and "saw at once that she was of a class inferior to the _Guerrière_ or _Java_," but "thought the _Pique's_ 18's were 24's, and therefore did not make an effort to bring her to action." He portrays very picturesquely the grief of the _Pique's_ crew when they find they are not going to engage; how they come aft and request to be taken into action; how Captain Maitland reads them his instructions, but "fails to persuade them that there had been any necessity of issuing them"; and, finally, how the sailors, overcome by woe and indignation, refuse to take their supper-time grog,--which was certainly remarkable. As the _Constitution_ had twice captured British frigates "with impunity," according to James himself, is it likely that she would now shrink from an encounter with a ship which she "saw at once was of an inferior class" to those already conquered? Even such abject cowards as James' Americans would not be guilty of so stupid an action. Of course neither Capt. Stewart nor any one else supposed for an instant that a 36-gun frigate was armed with 24-pounders. It is worth while mentioning as an instance of how utterly untrustworthy James is in dealing with American affairs, that he says (p. 476) the _Constitution_ had now "what the Americans would call a bad crew," whereas, in her previous battles, all her men had been "picked." Curiously enough, this is the exact reverse of the truth. In no case was an American ship manned with a "picked" crew, but the nearest approach to such was the crew the _Constitution_ carried in this and the next cruise, when "she probably possessed as fine a crew as ever manned a frigate. They were principally New England men, and it has been said of them that they were almost qualified to fight the ship without her officers." [Footnote: Cooper, ii, 463.] The statement that such men, commanded by one of the bravest and most skilful captains of our navy, would shrink from attacking a greatly inferior foe, is hardly worth while denying; and, fortunately, such denial is needless, Captain Stewart's account being fully corroborated in the "Memoir of Admiral Durham," written by his nephew, Captain Murray, London, 1846. The _Constitution_ arrived off the port of Marblehead on April 3d, and at 7 A.M. fell in with the two British 38-gun frigates _Junon_, Captain Upton, and _Tenedos_, Captain Parker. "The American frigate was standing to the westward with the wind about north by west and bore from the two British frigates about northwest by west. The _Junon_ and _Tenedos_ quickly hauled up in chase, and the _Constitution_ crowded sail in the direction of Marblehead. At 9.30, finding the _Tenedos_ rather gaining upon her, the _Constitution_ started her water and threw overboard a quantity of provisions and other articles. At 11.30 she hoisted her colors, and the two British frigates, who were now dropping slowly in the chase, did the same. At 1.30 P.M. the _Constitution_ anchored in the harbor of Marblehead. Captain Parker was anxious to follow her into the port, which had no defences; but the _Tenedos_ was recalled by a signal from the _Junon_." [Footnote: James, vi, 479.] Shortly afterward the _Constitution_ again put out, and reached Boston unmolested. On Jan. 29, 1814, the small U.S. coasting schooner _Alligator_, of 4 guns and 40 men, Sailing-master R. Basset, was lying at anchor in the mouth of Stone River, S. C., when a frigate and a brig were perceived close inshore near the breakers. Judging from their motions that they would attempt to cut him out when it was dark, Mr. Basset made his preparations accordingly. [Footnote: Letter of Sailing-master Basset, Jan. 31, 1814.] At half-past seven six boats were observed approaching cautiously under cover of the marsh, with muffled oars; on being hailed they cheered and opened with boat carronades and musketry, coming on at full speed; whereupon the _Alligator_ cut her cable and made sail, the wind being light from the southwest; while the crew opened such a heavy fire on the assailants, who were then not thirty yards off, that they stopped the advance and fell astern. At this moment the _Alligator_ grounded, but the enemy had suffered so severely that they made no attempt to renew the attack, rowing off down stream. On board the _Alligator_ two men were killed and two wounded, including the pilot, who was struck down by a grape-shot while standing at the helm; and her sails and rigging were much cut. The extent of the enemy's loss was never known; next day one of his cutters was picked up at North Edisto, much injured and containing the bodies of an officer and a seaman. [Footnote: Letter from Commander J. H. Dent, Feb. 21, 1814.] For his skill and gallantry Mr. Basset was promoted to a lieutenancy, and for a time his exploit put a complete stop to the cutting-out expeditions along that part of the coast. The _Alligator_ herself sank in a squall on July 1st, but was afterward raised and refitted. It is much to be regretted that it is almost impossible to get at the British account of any of these expeditions which ended successfully for the Americans; all such cases are generally ignored by the British historians; so that I am obliged to rely solely upon the accounts of the victors, who, with the best intentions in the world, could hardly be perfectly accurate. At the close of 1813 Captain Porter was still cruising in the Pacific. Early in January the _Essex_, now with 255 men aboard, made the South American coast, and on the 12th of that month anchored in the harbor of Valparaiso. She had in company a prize, re-christened the _Essex Junior_, with a crew of 60 men, and 20 guns, 10 long sixes and 10 eighteen-pound carronades. Of course she could not be used in a combat with regular cruisers. On Feb. 8th, the British frigate _Phoebe_, 36, Captain James Hilyar, accompanied by the _Cherub_, 18, Captain Thomas Tudor Tucker, the former carrying 300 and the latter 140 men, [Footnote: They afterward took on board enough men from British merchant-vessels to raise their complements respectively to 320 and 180.] made their appearance, and apparently proposed to take the _Essex_ by a _coup de main_. They hauled into the harbor on a wind, the _Cherub_ falling to leeward; while the _Phoebe_ made the port quarter of the _Essex_, and then, putting her helm down, luffed up on her starboard bow, but 10 or 15 feet distant. Porter's crew were all at quarters, the powder-boys with slow matches ready to discharge the guns, the boarders standing by, cutlass in hand, to board in the smoke; every thing was cleared for action on both frigates. Captain Hilyar now probably saw that there was no chance of carrying the _Essex_ by surprise, and, standing on the after-gun, he inquired after Captain Porter's health; the latter returned the inquiry, but warned Hilyar not to fall foul. The British captain then braced back his yards, remarking that if he did fall aboard it would be purely accidental. "Well," said Porter, "you have no business where you are; if you touch a rope-yarn of this ship I shall board instantly." [Footnote: "Life of Farragut," p. 33.] The _Phoebe_, in her then position, was completely at the mercy of the American ships, and Hilyar, greatly agitated, assured Porter that he meant nothing hostile; and the _Phoebe_ backed down, her yards passing over those of the _Essex_ without touching a rope, and anchored half a mile astern. Shortly afterward the two captains met on shore, when Hilyar thanked Porter for his behavior, and, on his inquiry, assured him that after thus owing his safety to the latter's forbearance, Porter need be under no apprehension as to his breaking the neutrality. [Illustration: The _Essex_: a watercolor by Joseph Howard of Salem, circa 1801. (Courtesy Peabody Museum of Salem)] The British ships now began a blockade of the port. On Feb. 27th, the _Phoebe_ being hove to close off the port, and the _Cherub_ a league to leeward, the former fired a weather-gun; the _Essex_ interpreting this as a challenge, took the crew of the _Essex Junior_ aboard and went out to attack the British frigate. But the latter did not await the combat; she bore up, set her studding-sails, and ran down to the _Cherub_. The American officers were intensely irritated over this, and American writers have sneered much at "a British 36 refusing combat with an American 32." But the armaments of the two frigates were so wholly dissimilar that it is hard to make comparison. When the fight really took place, the Essex was so crippled and the water so smooth that the British ships fought at their own distance; and as they had long guns to oppose to Porter's carronades, this really made the _Cherub_ more nearly suited to contend with the _Essex_ than the latter was to fight the _Phoebe_. But when the _Essex_ in fairly heavy weather, with the crew of the _Essex Junior_ aboard, was to windward, the circumstances were very different; she carried as many men and guns as the _Phoebe_, and in close combat, or in a hand-to-hand struggle, could probably have taken her. Still, Hilyar's conduct in avoiding Porter except when the _Cherub_ was in company was certainly over-cautious, and very difficult to explain in a man of his tried courage. On March 27th Porter decided to run out of the harbor on the first opportunity, so as to draw away his two antagonists in chase, and let the _Essex Junior_ escape. This plan had to be tried sooner than was expected. The two vessels were always ready, the _Essex_ only having her proper complement of 255 men aboard. On the next day, the 28th, it came on to blow from the south, when the _Essex_ parted her port cable and dragged the starboard anchor to leeward, so she got under way, and made sail; by several trials it had been found that she was faster than the _Phoebe_, and that the _Cherub_ was very slow indeed, so Porter had little anxiety about his own ship, only fearing for his consort. The British vessels were close in with the weather-most point of the bay, but Porter thought he could weather them, and hauled up for that purpose. Just as he was rounding the outermost point, which, if accomplished, would have secured his safety, a heavy squall struck the _Essex_, and when she was nearly gunwale under, the main-top-mast went by the board. She now wore and stood in for the harbor, but the wind had shifted, and on account of her crippled condition she could not gain it; so she bore up and anchored in a small bay, three miles from Valparaiso, and half a mile from a detached Chilian battery of one gun, the _Essex_ being within pistol-shot of the shore. [Footnote: Letter of Captain David Porter, July 3, 1814.] The _Phoebe_ and _Cherub_ now bore down upon her, covered with ensigns, union-jacks, and motto flags; and it became evident that Hilyar did not intend to keep his word, as soon as he saw that Porter was disabled. So the _Essex_ prepared for action, though there could be no chance whatever of success. Her flags were flying from every mast, and every thing was made ready as far as was possible. The attack was made before springs could be got on her cables. She was anchored so near the shore as to preclude the possibility of Captain Hilyar's passing ahead of her; [Footnote: Letter of Captain James Hilyar, March 30, 1814.] so his two ships came cautiously down, the _Cherub_ taking her position on the starboard bow of the _Essex_, and the _Phoebe_ under the latter's stern. The attack began at 4 P.M. [Footnote: Mean time. Porter says 3.45; Hilyar, a few minutes past 4. The former says the first attack lasted half an hour; the latter, but 10 minutes. I accordingly make it 20.] Some of the bow-guns of the American frigate bore upon the _Cherub_, and, as soon as she found this out, the sloop ran down and stationed herself near the _Phoebe_. The latter had opened with her broadside of long 18's, from a position in which not one of Porter's guns could reach her. Three times springs were got on the cables of the _Essex_, in order to bring her round till her broadside bore; but in each instance they were shot away, as soon as they were hauled taut. Three long 12's were got out of the stern-ports, and with these an animated fire was kept up on the two British ships, the aim being especially to cripple their rigging. A good many of Porter's crew were killed during the first five minutes, before he could bring any guns to bear; but afterward he did not suffer much, and at 4.20, after a quarter of an hour's fight between the three long 12's of the _Essex_, and the whole 36 broadside guns of the _Phoebe_ and _Cherub_, the latter were actually driven off. They wore, and again began with their long guns; but, these producing no visible effect, both of the British ships hauled out of the fight at 4.30. "Having lost the use of main-sail, jib, and main-stay, appearances looked a little inauspicious," writes Captain Hilyar. But the damages were soon repaired, and his two ships stood back for the crippled foe. Both stationed themselves on her port-quarter, the _Phoebe_ at anchor, with a spring, firing her broadside, while the _Cherub_ kept under way, using her long bow-chasers. Their fire was very destructive, for they were out of reach of the _Essex's_ carronades, and not one of her long guns could be brought to bear on them. Porter now cut his cable, at 5.20, and tried to close with his antagonists. After many ineffectual efforts sail was made. The flying-jib halyards were the only serviceable ropes uncut. That sail was hoisted, and the foretop-sail and fore-sail let fall, though the want of sheets and tacks rendered them almost useless. Still the _Essex_ drove down on her assailants, and for the first time got near enough to use her carronades; for a minute or two the firing was tremendous, but after the first broadside the _Cherub_ hauled out of the fight in great haste, and during the remainder of the action confined herself to using her bow-guns from a distance. Immediately afterward the _Phoebe_ also edged off, and by her superiority of sailing, her foe being now almost helpless, was enabled to choose her own distance, and again opened from her long 18's, out of range of Porter's carronades. [Footnote: American writers often sneer at Hilyar for keeping away from the _Essex_, and out of reach of her short guns; but his conduct was eminently proper in this respect. It was no part of his duty to fight the _Essex_ at the distance which best suited her; but, on the contrary, at that which least suited her. He, of course, wished to win the victory with the least possible loss to himself, and acted accordingly. His conduct in the action itself could not be improved upon.] The carnage on board the _Essex_ had now made her decks look like shambles. One gun was manned three times, fifteen men being slam at it; its captain alone escaped without a wound. There were but one or two instances of flinching; the wounded, many of whom were killed by flying splinters while under the hands of the doctors, cheered on their comrades, and themselves worked at the guns like fiends as long as they could stand. At one of the bow-guns was stationed a young Scotchman, named Bissly, who had one leg shot off close by the groin. Using his handkerchief as a tourniquet, he said, turning to his American shipmates: "I left my own country and adopted the United States, to fight for her. I hope I have this day proved myself worthy of the country of my adoption. I am no longer of any use to you or to her, so good-by!" With these words he leaned on the sill of the port, and threw himself overboard. [Footnote: This and most of the other anecdotes are taken from the invaluable "Life of Farragut," pp. 37-46.] Among the very few men who flinched was one named William Roach; Porter sent one of his midshipmen to shoot him, but he was not to be found. He was discovered by a man named William Call, whose leg had been shot off and was hanging by the skin, and who dragged the shattered stump all round the bag-house, pistol in hand, trying to get a shot at him. Lieut. J. G. Cowell had his leg shot off above the knee, and his life might have been saved had it been amputated at once; but the surgeons already had rows of wounded men waiting for them, and when it was proposed to him that he should be attended to out of order, he replied: "No, doctor, none of that; fair play's a jewel. One man's life is as dear as another's; I would not cheat any poor fellow out of his turn." So he stayed at his post, and died from loss of blood. [Illustration: Captain David Porter: an unattributed early-19th-century portrait. (Courtesy U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] Finding it hopeless to try to close, the _Essex_ stood for the land, Porter intending to run her ashore and burn her. But when she had drifted close to the bluffs the wind suddenly shifted, took her flat aback and paid her head off shore, exposing her to a raking fire. At this moment Lieutenant Downes, commanding the _Junior_, pulled out in a boat, through all the fire, to see if he could do any thing. Three of the men with him, including an old boatswain's mate, named Kingsbury, had come out expressly "to share the fate of their old ship"; so they remained aboard, and, in their places, Lieutenant Downes took some of the wounded ashore, while the Cherub kept up a tremendous fire upon him. The shift of the wind gave Porter a faint hope of closing; and once more the riddled hulk of the little American frigate was headed for her foes. But Hilyar put his helm up to avoid close quarters; the battle was his already, and the cool old captain was too good an officer to leave any thing to chance. Seeing he could not close, Porter had a hawser bent on the sheet-anchor and let go. This brought the ship's head round, keeping her stationary; and from such of her guns as were not dismounted and had men enough left to man them, a broadside was fired at the _Phoebe_. The wind was now very light, and the _Phoebe_, whose main- and mizzen-masts and main-yard were rather seriously wounded, and who had suffered a great loss of canvas and cordage aloft, besides receiving a number of shot between wind and water, [Footnote: Captain Hilyar's letter. James says the _Phoebe_ had 7 shot between wind and water, and one below the water-line. Porter says she had 18 12-pound shot below the water-line. The latter statement must have been an exaggeration; and James is probably farther wrong still] and was thus a good deal crippled, began to drift slowly to leeward. It was hoped that she would drift out of gun-shot, but this last chance was lost by the parting of the hawser, which left the _Essex_ at the mercy of the British vessels. Their fire was deliberate and destructive, and could only be occasionally replied to by a shot from one of the long 12's of the _Essex_. The ship caught fire, and the flames came bursting up the hatchway, and a quantity of powder exploded below. Many of the crew were knocked overboard by shot, and drowned; others leaped into the water, thinking the ship was about to blow up, and tried to swim to the land. Some succeeded; among them was one man who had sixteen or eighteen pieces of iron in his leg, scales from the muzzle of his gun. The frigate had been shattered to pieces above the water-line, although from the smoothness of the sea she was not harmed enough below it to reduce her to a sinking condition. [Footnote: An exactly analogous case to that of the British sloop _Reindeer_.] The carpenter reported that he alone of his crew was fit for duty; the others were dead or disabled. Lieutenant Wilmer was knocked overboard by a splinter, and drowned; his little negro boy, "Ruff," came up on deck, and, hearing of the disaster, deliberately leaped into the sea and shared his master's fate. Lieutenant Odenheimer was also knocked overboard, but afterward regained the ship. A shot, glancing upward, killed four of the men who were standing by a gun, striking the last one in the head and scattering his brains over his comrades. The only commissioned officer left on duty was Lieutenant Decatur McKnight. The sailing-master, Barnwell, when terribly wounded, remained at his post till he fainted from loss of blood. Of the 255 men aboard the _Essex_ when the battle began, 58 had been killed, 66 wounded, and 31 drowned ("missing"), while 24 had succeeded in reaching shore. But 76 men were left unwounded, and many of these had been bruised or otherwise injured. Porter himself was knocked down by the windage of a passing shot. While the young midshipman, Farragut, was on the ward-room ladder, going below for gun-primers, the captain of the gun directly opposite the hatchway was struck full in the face by an 18-pound shot, and tumbled back on him. They fell down the hatch together, Farragut being stunned for some minutes. Later, while standing by the man at the wheel, an old quartermaster named Francis Bland, a shot coming over the fore-yard took off the quartermaster's right leg, carrying away at the same time one of Farragut's coat tails. The old fellow was helped below, but he died for lack of a tourniquet, before he could be attended to. Nothing remained to be done, and at 6.20 the _Essex_ surrendered and was taken possession of. The _Phoebe_ had lost 4 men killed, including her first lieutenant, William Ingram, and 7 wounded; the _Cherub_, 1 killed, and 3, including Captain Tucker, wounded. Total, 5 killed and 10 wounded. [Footnote: James says that most of the loss was occasioned by the first three broadsides of the _Essex_; this is not surprising, as in all she hardly fired half a dozen, and the last were discharged when half of the guns had been disabled, and there were scarcely men enough to man the remainder. Most of the time her resistance was limited to firing such of her six long guns as would bear.] The difference in loss was natural, as, owing to their having long guns and the choice of position, the British had been able to fire ten shot to the Americans' one. The conduct of the two English captains in attacking Porter as soon as he was disabled, in neutral waters, while they had been very careful to abstain from breaking the neutrality while he was in good condition, does not look well; at the best it shows that Hilyar had only been withheld hitherto from the attack by timidity, and it looks all the worse when it is remembered that Hilyar owed his ship's previous escape entirely to Porter's forbearance on a former occasion when the British frigate was entirely at his mercy, and that the British captain had afterward expressly said that he would not break the neutrality. Still, the British in this war did not act very differently from the way we ourselves did on one or two occasions in the Civil War,--witness the capture of the _Florida_. And after the battle was once begun the sneers which most of our historians, as well as the participators in the fight, have showered upon the British captains for not foregoing the advantages which their entire masts and better artillery gave them by coming to close quarters, are decidedly foolish. Hilyar's conduct during the battle, as well as his treatment of the prisoners afterward, was perfect, and as a minor matter it may be mentioned that his official letter is singularly just and fair-minded. Says Lord Howard Douglass: [Footnote: "Naval Gunnery," p. 149.] "The action displayed all that can reflect honor on the science and admirable conduct of Captain Hilyar and his crew, which, without the assistance of the _Cherub_, would have insured the same termination. Captain Porter's sneers at the respectful distance the _Phoebe_ kept are in fact acknowledgments of the ability with which Captain Hilyar availed himself of the superiority of his arms; it was a brilliant affair." While endorsing this criticism, it may be worth while to compare it with some of the author's comments upon the other actions, as that between Decatur and the _Macedonian_. To make the odds here as great against Garden as they were against Porter, it would be necessary to suppose that the _Macedonian_ had lost her main-top-mast, had but six long 18's to oppose to her antagonist's 24's, and that the latter was assisted by the corvette _Adams_; so that as a matter of fact Porter fought at fully double or treble the disadvantage Garden did, and, instead of surrendering when he had lost a third of his crew, fought till three fifths of his men were dead or wounded, and, moreover, inflicted greater loss and damage on his antagonists than Garden did. If, then, as Lord Douglass says, the defence of the _Macedonian_ brilliantly upheld the character of the British navy for courage, how much more did that of the _Essex_ show for the American navy; and if Hilyar's conduct was "brilliant," that of Decatur was more so. This was an action in which it is difficult to tell exactly how to award praise. Captain Hilyar deserves it, for the coolness and skill with which he made his approaches and took his positions so as to destroy his adversary with least loss to himself, and also for the precision of his fire. The Cherub's behavior was more remarkable for extreme caution than for any thing else. As regards the mere fight, Porter certainly did every thing a man could do to contend successfully with the overwhelming force opposed to him, and the few guns that were available were served with the utmost precision. As an exhibition of dogged courage it has never been surpassed since the time when the Dutch captain, Klaesoon, after fighting two long days, blew up his disabled ship, devoting himself and all his crew to death, rather than surrender to the hereditary foes of his race, and was bitterly avenged afterward by the grim "sea-beggars" of Holland; the days when Drake singed the beard of the Catholic king, and the small English craft were the dread and scourge of the great floating castles of Spain. Any man reading Farragut's account is forcibly reminded of some of the deeds of "derring do" in that, the heroic age of the Teutonic navies. Captain Hilyar in his letter says: "The defence of the _Essex_, taking into consideration our superiority of force and the very discouraging circumstances of her having lost her main-top-mast and being twice on fire, did honor to her brave defenders, and most fully evinced the courage of Captain Porter and those under his command. Her colors were not struck until the loss in killed and wounded was so awfully great and her shattered condition so seriously bad as to render all further resistance unavailing." [Footnote: James (p. 419) says: "The _Essex_, as far as is borne out by proof (the only safe way where an American is concerned), had 24 men killed and 45 wounded. But Capt. Porter, thinking by exaggerating his loss to prop up his fame, talks of 58 killed and mortally wounded, 39 severely, 27 slightly," etc., etc. This would be no more worthy of notice than any other of his falsifications, were it not followed by various British writers. Hilyar states that he has 161 prisoners, has found 23 dead, that 3 wounded were taken off, between 20 and 30 reached the shore, and that the "remainder are either killed or wounded." It is by wilfully preserving silence about this last sentence that James makes out his case. It will be observed that Hilyar enumerates 161 + 23 + 3 + 25 (say) or 212, and says the remainder were either killed or wounded; Porter having 255 men at first, this remainder was 43. Hilyar stating that of his 161 prisoners, 42 were wounded, his account thus gives the Americans 111 killed and wounded. James' silence about Hilyat's last sentence enables him to make the loss but 69, and his wilful omission is quite on a par with the other meannesses and falsehoods which utterly destroy the reliability of his work. By Hilyar's own letter it is thus seen that Porter's loss in killed and wounded was certainly 111, perhaps 116, or if Porter had, as James says, 265 men, 126. There still remain some discrepancies between the official accounts, which can be compared in tabular form: Hilyar. Porter. Prisoners unwounded. 119 75 prisoners unwounded. " wounded. 42 27 " slightly wounded, Taken away wounded. 3 39 " severely " Those who reached shore. 25 58 killed. Remainder killed or wounded. 43 31 missing. Killed. 23 25 reached shore. ------ ----- 255 255 The explanation probably is that Hilyar's "42 wounded" do not include Porter's "27 slightly wounded," and that his "161 prisoners" include Porter's "25 who reached shore," and his "25 who reached shore" comes under Porter's "31 missing." This would make the accounts nearly tally. At any rate in Porter's book are to be found the names of all his killed, wounded, and missing; and their relatives received pensions from the American government, which, if the returns were false, would certainly have been a most elaborate piece of deception. It is far more likely that Hilyar was mistaken; or he may have counted in the _Essex Junior's_ crew, which would entirely account for the discrepancies. In any event it must be remembered that he makes the American killed and wounded 111 (Porter, 124), and _not_ 69, as James says. The latter's statement is wilfully false, as he had seen Hilyar's letter.] He also bears very candid testimony to the defence of the _Essex_ having been effective enough to at one time render the result doubtful, saying: "Our first attack * * * produced no visible effect. Our second * * * was not more successful; and having lost the use of our main-sail, jib, and main-stay, appearances looked a little inauspicious." Throughout the war no ship was so desperately defended as the _Essex_, taking into account the frightful odds against which she fought, which always enhances the merit of a defence. The _Lawrence_, which suffered even more, was backed by a fleet; the _Frolic_ was overcome by an equal foe; and the _Reindeer_ fought at far less of a disadvantage, and suffered less. None of the frigates, British or American, were defended with any thing like the resolution she displayed. But it is perhaps permissible to inquire whether Porter's course, after the accident to his top-mast occurred, was altogether the best that could have been taken. On such a question no opinion could have been better than Farragut's, although of course his judgment was _ex post facto_, as he was very young at the time of the fight. "In the first place, I consider our original and greatest error was in attempting to regain the anchorage; being greatly superior in sailing powers we should have borne up and run before the wind. If we had come in contact with the _Phoebe_ we should have carried her by boarding; if she avoided us, as she might have done by her greater ability to manoeuvre, then we should have taken her fire and passed on, leaving both vessels behind until we had replaced our top-mast, by which time they would have been separated, as unless they did so it would have been no chase, the _Cherub_ being a dull sailer. "Secondly, when it was apparent to everybody that we had no chance of success under the circumstances, the ship should have been run ashore, throwing her broadside to the beach to prevent raking, and fought as long as was consistent with humanity, and then set on fire. But having determined upon anchoring we should have bent a spring on to the ring of the anchor, instead of to the cable, where it was exposed, and could be shot away as fast as put on." But it must be remembered that when Porter decided to anchor near shore, in neutral water, he could not anticipate Hilyar's deliberate and treacherous breach of faith. I do not allude to the mere disregard of neutrality. Whatever international moralists may say, such disregard is a mere question of expediency. If the benefits to be gained by attacking a hostile ship in neutral waters are such as to counterbalance the risk of incurring the enmity of the neutral power, why then the attack ought to be made. Had Hilyar, when he first made his appearance off Valparaiso, sailed in with his two ships, the men at quarters and guns out, and at once attacked Porter, considering the destruction of the _Essex_ as outweighing the insult to Chili, why his behavior would have been perfectly justifiable. In fact this is unquestionably what he intended to do, but he suddenly found himself in such a position, that in the even of hostilities, _his_ ship would be the captured one, and he owed his escape purely to Porter's over-forbearance, under great provocation Then he gave his word to Potter that he would not infringe on the neutrality; and he never dared to break it, until he saw Porter was disabled and almost helpless! This may seem strong language to use about a British officer, but it is justly strong. Exactly as any outsider must consider Warrington's attack on the British brig _Nautilus_ in 1815, as a piece of needless cruelty; so any outsider must consider Hilyar as having most treacherously broken faith with Porter. After the fight Hilyar behaved most kindly and courteously to the prisoners; and, as already said, he fought his ship most ably, for it would have been quixotic to a degree to forego his advantages. But previous to the battle his conduct had been over-cautious. It was to be expected that the _Essex_ would make her escape as soon as practicable, and so he should have used every effort to bring her to action. Instead of this he always declined the fight when alone; and he owed his ultimate success to the fact that the _Essex_ instead of escaping, as she could several times have done, stayed, hoping to bring the _Phoebe_ to action single-handed. It must be remembered that the _Essex_ was almost as weak compared to the _Phoebe_, as the _Cherub_ was compared to the _Essex_. The latter was just about midway between the British ships, as may be seen by the following comparison. In the action the _Essex_ fought all six of her long 12's, and the _Cherub_ both her long 9's, instead of the corresponding broadside carronades which the ships regularly used. This gives the _Essex_ a better armament than she would have had fighting her guns as they were regularly used; but it can be seen how great the inequality still was. It must also be kept in mind, that while in the battles between the American 44's and British 38's, the short weight 24-pounders of the former had in reality no greater range or accuracy than the full weight 18's of their opponents, in this case the _Phoebe's_ full weight 18's had a very much greater range and accuracy than the short weight 12's of the _Essex_. COMPARATIVE FORCE. Men. Broadside Guns. Weight. Total. _Phoebe_, 320 13 long 18's 234 lbs. 1 " 12 12 " 1 " 9 9 " (255) 7 short 32's 224 " 1 " 18 18 " (242) __________ _____ 23 guns. 497 lbs. _Cherub_, 180 2 long 9's 18 lbs. (18) 2 short 18's 36 " 9 " 32's 288 " (342) ___________ ______ 13 guns. 342 lbs. ______________________________ ______ _____ 500 men. 36 guns. 839 lbs. metal. -+- 273 long. -+- '- 566 short. -' _Essex_, 255 6 long 12's 66 lbs. -+- Taking 7 per 17 short 32's 504 " | cent off | for short '- weight. ____________ _____________ ________ _______________ 255 men, 32 guns, 570 lbs. All accounts agree as to the armament of the _Essex_. I have taken that of the _Phoebe_ and _Cherub_ from James; but Captain Porter's official letter, and all the other American accounts make the _Phoebe's_ broadside 15 long 18's and 8 short 32's, and give the _Cherub_, in all, 18 short 32's, 8 short 24's, and two long nines. This would make their broadside 904 lbs., 288 long, 616 short. I would have no doubt that the American accounts were right if the question rested solely on James' veracity; but he probably took his figures from official sources. At any rate, remembering the difference between long guns and carronades, it appears that the _Essex_ was really nearly intermediate in force between the _Phoebe_ and the _Cherub_. The battle being fought, with a very trifling exception, at long range, it was in reality a conflict between a crippled ship throwing a broadside of 66 lbs. of metal, and two ships throwing 273 lbs., who by their ability to manoeuvre could choose positions where they could act with full effect, while their antagonist could not return a shot. Contemporary history does not afford a single instance of so determined a defence against such frightful odds. The official letters of Captains Hilyar and Porter agree substantially in all respects; the details of the fight, as seen in the _Essex_, are found in the "Life of Farragut." But although the British captain does full justice to his foe, British historians have universally tried to belittle Porter's conduct. It is much to be regretted that we have no British account worth paying attention to of the proceedings before the fight, when the _Phoebe_ declined single combat with the _Essex_. James, of course, states that the _Phoebe_ did not decline it, but he gives no authority, and his unsupported assertion would be valueless even if uncontradicted. His account of the action is grossly inaccurate as he has inexcusably garbled Hilyar's report. One instance of this I have already mentioned, as regards Hilyar's account of Porter's loss. Again, Hilyar distinctly states that the _Essex_ was twice on fire, yet James (p. 418) utterly denies this, thereby impliedly accusing the British captain of falsehood. There is really no need of the corroboration of Porter's letter, but he has it most fully in the "Life of Farragut," p. 37: "The men came rushing up from below, many with their clothes burning, which were torn from them as quickly as possible, and those for whom this could not be done were told to jump overboard and quench the flames. * * * One man swam to shore with scarcely a square inch of his body which had not been burned, and, although he was deranged for some days, he ultimately recovered, and afterward served with me in the West Indies." The third unfounded statement in James' account is that buckets of spirits were found in all parts of the main deck of the _Essex_, and that most of the prisoners were drunk. No authority is cited for this, and there is not a shadow of truth in it. He ends by stating that "few even in his own country will venture to speak well of Captain David Porter." After these various paragraphs we are certainly justified in rejecting James' account _in toto_. An occasional mistake is perfectly excusable, and gross ignorance of a good many facts does not invalidate a man's testimony with regard to some others with which he is acquainted; but a wilful and systematic perversion of the truth in a number of cases throws a very strong doubt on a historian's remaining statements, unless they are supported by unquestionable authority. But if British historians have generally given Porter much less than his due, by omitting all reference to the inferiority of his guns, his lost top-mast, etc., it is no worse than Americans have done in similar cases. The latter, for example, will make great allowances in the case of the _Essex_ for her having carronades only, but utterly fail to allude to the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ as having suffered under the same disadvantage. They should remember that the rules cut both ways. The _Essex_ having suffered chiefly above the waterline, she was repaired sufficiently in Valparaiso to enable her to make the voyage to England, where she was added to the British navy. The _Essex Junior_ was disarmed and the American prisoners embarked in her for New York, on parole. But Lieutenant McKnight, Chaplain Adams, Midshipman Lyman, and 11 seamen were exchanged on the spot for some of the British prisoners on board the _Essex Junior_. McKnight and Lyman accompanied the _Phoebe_ to Rio Janeiro, where they embarked on a Swedish vessel, were taken out of her by the _Wasp_, Captain Blakely, and were lost with the rest of the crew of that vessel. The others reached New York in safety. Of the prizes made by the _Essex_, some were burnt or sunk by the Americans, and some retaken by the British. And so, after nearly two years' uninterrupted success, the career of the _Essex_ terminated amid disasters of all kinds. But at least her officers and crew could reflect that they had afforded an example of courage in adversity that it would be difficult to match elsewhere. The first of the new heavy sloops of war that got to sea was the _Frolic_, Master Commandant Joseph Bainbridge, which put out early in February. Shortly afterward she encountered a large Carthagenian privateer, which refused to surrender and was sunk by a broadside, nearly a hundred of her crew being drowned. Before daylight on the 20th of April, lat. 24° 12' N., long. 81° 25' W., she fell in with the British 36-gun frigate _Orpheus_, Capt. Pigot, and the 12-gun schooner _Shelburne_, Lieut. Hope, both to leeward. The schooner soon weathered the _Frolic_, but of course was afraid to close, and the American sloop continued beating to windward, in the effort to escape, for nearly 13 hours; the water was started, the anchors cut away, and finally the guns thrown overboard--a measure by means of which both the _Hornet_, the _Rattlesnake_, and the _Adams_ succeeded in escaping under similar circumstances,--but all was of no avail, and she was finally captured. The court of inquiry honorably acquitted both officers and crew. As was to be expected James considers the surrender a disgraceful one, because the guns were thrown overboard. As I have said, this was a measure which had proved successful in several cases of a like nature; the criticism is a piece of petty meanness. Fortunately we have Admiral Codrington's dictum on the surrender ("Memoirs," vol. 1, p. 310), which he evidently considered as perfectly honorable. [Illustration: Master Commandant Lewis Warrington: a contemporary portrait by Rembrandt Peale. (Courtesy Naval Historical Foundation)] A sister ship to the _Frolic_, the _Peacock_, Capt. Lewis Warrington, sailed from New York on March 12th, and cruised southward; on the 28th of April, at seven in the morning, lat. 17° 47' N., long. 80° 7' W., several sail were made to windward. [Footnote: Official letter of Capt. Warrington, April 29. 1814.] These were a small convoy of merchant-men, bound for the Bermudas, under the protection of the 18-gun brig-sloop _Epervier_, Capt. Wales, 5 days out of Havana, and with $118,000 in specie on board. [Footnote: James, vi, 424.] The _Epervier_ when discovered was steering north by east, the wind being from the eastward; soon afterward the wind veered gradually round to the southward, and the _Epervier_ hauled up close on the port tack, while the convoy made all sail away, and the _Peacock_ came down with the wind on her starboard quarter. At 10 A.M. the vessels were within gun-shot, and the _Peacock_ edged away to get in a raking broadside, but the _Epervier_ frustrated this by putting her helm up until close on her adversary's bow, when she rounded to and fired her starboard guns, receiving in return the starboard broadside of the _Peacock_ at 10.20 A.M. These first broadsides took effect aloft, the brig being partially dismantled, while the _Peacock's_ fore-yard was totally disabled by two round shot in the starboard quarter, which deprived the ship of the use of her fore-sail and fore-top-sail, and compelled her to run large. However, the _Epervier_ eased away [Footnote: According to some accounts she at this time tacked.] when abaft her foe's beam, and ran off alongside of her (using her port guns, while the American still had the starboard battery engaged) at 10.35. The _Peacock's_ fire was now very hot, and directed chiefly at her adversary's hull, on which it told heavily, while she did not suffer at all in return. The _Epervier_ coming up into the wind, owing somewhat to the loss of head-sail, Capt. Wales called his crew aft to try boarding, but they refused, saying "she's too heavy for us," [Footnote: James, "Naval Occurrences," p. 243.] and then, at 11.05 the colors were hauled down. [Illustration of the action between _PEACOCK_ and _EPERVIER_ between 10.10 and 11.05.] Except the injury to her fore-yard, the _Peacock's_ damages were confined to the loss of a few top-mast and top-gallant backstays, and some shot-holes through her sails. Of her crew, consisting, all told, of 166 men and boys, [Footnote: "Niles' Register," vi. 196, says only 160; the above is taken from Warrington's letter of June 1st, preserved with the other manuscript letters in the Naval Archives. The crew contained about 10 boys, was not composed of picked men, and did not number 185--_vide_ James.] only two were wounded, both slightly. The _Epervier_, on the other hand, had 45 shot-holes in her hull, 5 feet of water in her hold, main-top-mast over the side, main-mast nearly in two, main-boom shot away, bowsprit wounded severely, and most of the fore-rigging and stays shot away; and of her crew of 128 men (according to the list of prisoners given by Captain Warrington; James says 118, but he is not backed up by any official report) 9 were killed and mortally wounded, and 14 severely and slightly wounded. Instead of two long sixes for bow-chasers, and a shifting carronade, she had two 18-pound carronades (according to the American prize-lists; [Footnote: American State Papers, vol. xiv, p. 427.] Capt. Warrington says 32's). Otherwise she was armed as usual. She was, like the rest of her kind, very "tubby," being as broad as the _Peacock_, though 10 feet shorter on deck. Allowing, as usual, 7 per cent, for short weight of the American shot, we get the COMPARATIVE FORCE. Tons. No. Broadside Guns. Weight Metal. Crew. Loss. _Peacock_ 509 11 315 166 2 _Epervier_ 477 9 274 128 23 That is, the relative force being as 12 is to 10, the relative execution done was as 12 is to 1, and the _Epervier_ surrendered before she had lost a fifth of her crew. The case of the _Epervier_ closely resembles that of the _Argus_. In both cases the officers behaved finely; in both cases, too, the victorious foe was heavier, in about the same proportion, while neither the crew of the _Argus_, nor the crew of the _Epervier_ fought with the determined bravery displayed by the combatants in almost every other struggle of the war. But it must be added that the _Epervier_ did worse than the _Argus_, and the _Peacock_ (American) better than the _Pelican_. The gunnery of the _Epervier_ was extraordinarily poor; "the most disgraceful part of the affair was that our ship was cut to pieces and the enemy hardly scratched." [Footnote: "Memoirs of Admiral Codrington," i, 322.] James states that after the first two or three broadsides several carronades became unshipped, and that the others were dismounted by the fire of the _Peacock_; that the men had not been exercised at the guns; and, most important of all, that the crew (which contained "several foreigners," but was chiefly British; as the _Argus_ was chiefly American) was disgracefully bad. The _Peacock_, on the contrary, showed skilful seamanship as well as excellent gunnery. In 45 minutes after the fight was over the fore-yard had been sent down and fished, the fore-sail set up, and every thing in complete order again; [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Warrington, April 29, 1814.] the prize was got in sailing order by dark, though great exertions had to be made to prevent her sinking. Mr. Nicholson, first of the _Peacock_, was put in charge as prize-master. The next day the two vessels were abreast of Amelia Island, when two frigates were discovered in the north, to leeward. Capt. Warrington at once directed the prize to proceed to St. Mary's, while he separated and made sail on a wind to the south, intending to draw the frigates after him, as he was confident that the _Peacock_, a very fast vessel, could outsail them. [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Warrington, May 4, 1814.] The plan succeeded perfectly, the brig reaching Savannah on the first of May, and the ship three days afterward. The _Epervier_ was purchased for the U.S. navy, under the same name and rate. The _Peacock_ sailed again on June 4th, [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Warrington, Oct. 30, 1814.] going first northward to the Grand Banks, then to the Azores; then she stationed herself in the mouth of the Irish Channel, and afterward cruised off Cork, the mouth of the _Shannon_, and the north of Ireland, capturing several very valuable prizes and creating great consternation. She then changed her station, to elude the numerous vessels that had been sent after her, and sailed southward, off Cape Ortegal, Cape Finisterre, and finally among the Barbadoes, reaching New York, Oct. 29th. During this cruise she encountered no war vessel smaller than a frigate; but captured 14 sail of merchant-men, some containing valuable cargoes, and manned by 148 men. On April 29th, H.M.S. schooner _Ballahou_, 6, Lieut. King, while cruising off the American coast was captured by the _Perry_, privateer, a much heavier vessel, after an action of 10 minutes' duration. The general peace prevailing in Europe allowed the British to turn their energies altogether to America; and in no place was this increased vigor so much felt as in Chesapeake Bay where a great number of line-of-battle ships, frigates, sloops, and transports had assembled, in preparation for the assault on Washington and Baltimore. The defence of these waters was confided to Capt. Joshua Barney, [Footnote: He was born at Baltimore, July 7, 1759; James, with habitual accuracy, calls him an Irishman. He makes Decatur, by the way, commit the geographical solecism of being born in "Maryland, Virginia."] with a flotilla of gun-boats. These consisted of three or four sloops and schooners, but mainly of barges, which were often smaller than the ship's boats that were sent against them. These gun-boats were manned by from 20 to 40 men each, and each carried, according to its size, one or two long 24-, 18-, or 12-pounders. They were bad craft at best; and, in addition, it is difficult to believe that they were handled to the fullest advantage. On June 1st Commodore Barney, with the block sloop _Scorpion_ and 14 smaller "gun-boats," chiefly row gallies, passed the mouth of the Patuxent, and chased the British schooner _St. Lawrence_ and seven boats, under Captain Barrie, until they took refuge with the _Dragon_, 74, which in turn chased Barney's flotilla into the Patuxent, where she blockaded it in company with the _Albion_, 74. They were afterward joined by the _Loire_, 38, _Narcissus_, 32, and _Lasseur_, 18, and Commodore Barney moved two miles up St. Leonard's Creek, while the frigates and sloop blockaded its mouth. A deadlock now ensued; the gunboats were afraid to attack the ships, and the ships' boats were just as afraid of the gun-boats. On the 8th, 9th, and 11th skirmishes occurred; on each occasion the British boats came up till they caught sight of Barney's flotilla, and were promptly chased off by the latter, which, however, took good care not to meddle with the larger vessels. Finally, Colonel Wadsworth, of the artillery, with two long 18-pounders, assisted by the marines, under Captain Miller, and a few regulars, offered to cooperate from the shore while Barney assailed the two frigates with the flotilla. On the 26th the joint attack took place most successfully; the _Loire_ and _Narcissus_ were driven off, although not much damaged, and the flotilla rowed out in triumph, with a loss of but 4 killed and 7 wounded. But in spite of this small success, which was mainly due to Colonel Wadsworth, Commodore Barney made no more attempts with his gun-boats. The bravery and skill which the flotilla men showed at Bladensburg prove conclusively that their ill success on the water was due to the craft they were in, and not to any failing of the men. At the same period the French gun-boats were even more unsuccessful, but the Danes certainly did very well with theirs. Barney's flotilla in the Patuxent remained quiet until August 22d, and then was burned when the British advanced on Washington. The history of this advance, as well as of the unsuccessful one on Baltimore, concerns less the American than the British navy, and will be but briefly alluded to here. On August 20th Major-General Ross and Rear-Admiral Cockburn, with about 5,000 soldiers and marines, moved on Washington by land; while a squadron, composed of the _Seahorse_, 38, _Euryalus_, 36, bombs _Devastation_, _Aetna_, and _Meteor_, and rocket-ship _Erebus_, under Captain James Alexander Gordon, moved up the Potomac to attack Fort Washington, near Alexandria; and Sir Peter Parker, in the _Menelaus_, 38, was sent "to create a diversion" above Baltimore. Sir Peter's "diversion" turned out most unfortunately for him: for, having landed to attack 120 Maryland militia, under Colonel Reade, he lost his own life, while fifty of his followers were placed _hors de combat_ and the remainder chased back to the ship by the victors, who had but three wounded. The American army, which was to oppose Ross and Cockburn, consisted of some seven thousand militia, who fled so quickly that only about 1,500 British had time to become engaged. The fight was really between these 1,500 British regulars and the American flotilla men. These consisted of 78 marines, under Captain Miller, and 370 sailors, some of whom served under Captain Barney, who had a battery of two 18's and three 12's, while the others were armed with muskets and pikes, and acted with the marines. Both sailors and marines did nobly, inflicting most of the loss the British suffered, which amounted to 256 men, and in return lost over a hundred of their own men, including the two captains, who were wounded and captured, with the guns. [Footnote: The optimistic Cooper thinks that two regular regiments would have given the Americans this battle--which is open to doubt.] Ross took Washington and burned the public buildings; and the panic-struck Americans foolishly burned the _Columbia_, 44, and _Argus_, 18, which were nearly ready for service. Captain Gordon's attack on Fort Washington was conducted with great skill and success. Fort Washington was abandoned as soon as fired upon, and the city of Alexandria surrendered upon most humiliating conditions. Captain Gordon was now joined by the _Fairy_, 18, Captain Baker, who brought him orders to return from Vice-Admiral Cochrane; and the squadron began to work down the river, which was very difficult to navigate. Commodore Rodgers, with some of the crew of the two 44's, _Guerrière_ and _Java_, tried to bar their progress, but had not sufficient means. On September 1st an attempt was made to destroy the _Devastation_ by fire-ships, but it failed; on the 4th the attempt was repeated by Commodore Rodgers, with a party of some forty men, but they were driven off and attacked by the British boats, under Captain Baker, who in turn was repulsed with the loss of his second lieutenant killed, and some twenty-five men killed or wounded. The squadron also had to pass and silence a battery of light field-pieces on the 5th, where they suffered enough to raise their total loss to seven killed and thirty-five wounded. Gordon's inland expedition was thus concluded most successfully, at a very trivial cost; it was a most venturesome feat, reflecting great honor on the captains and crews engaged in it. Baltimore was threatened actively by sea and land early in September. On the 13th an indecisive conflict took place between the British regulars and American militia, in which the former came off with the honor, and the latter with the profit. The regulars held the field, losing 350 men, including General Ross; the militia retreated in fair order with a loss of but 200. The water attack was also unsuccessful. At 5 A.M. on the 13th the bomb vessels _Meteor_, _Aetna_, _Terror_, _Volcano_, and _Devastation_, the rocket-ship _Erebus_, and the frigates _Severn_, _Euryalus_, _Havannah_, and _Hebrus_ opened on Fort McHenry, some of the other fortifications being occasionally fired at. A furious but harmless cannonade was kept up between the forts and ships until 7 A.M. on the 14th, when the British fleet and army retired. I have related these events out of their natural order because they really had very little to do with our navy, and yet it is necessary to mention them in order to give an idea of the course of events. The British and American accounts of the various gun-boat attacks differ widely; but it is very certain that the gun-boats accomplished little or nothing of importance. On the other hand, their loss amounted to nothing, for many of those that were sunk were afterward raised, and the total tonnage of those destroyed would not much exceed that of the British barges captured by them from time to time or destroyed by the land batteries. The purchased brig _Rattlesnake_, 16, had been cruising in the Atlantic with a good deal of success; but in lat. 40° N., long. 33° W., was chased by a frigate from which Lieutenant Renshaw, the brig's commander, managed to escape only by throwing overboard all his guns except two long nines; and on June 22d he was captured by the _Leander_, 50, Captain Sir George Ralph Collier, K. C. B. The third of the new sloops to get to sea was the _Wasp_, 22, Captain Johnston Blakely, which left Portsmouth on May 1st, with a very fine crew of 173 men, almost exclusively New Englanders; there was said not to have been a single foreign seaman on board. It is, at all events, certain that during the whole war no vessel was ever better manned and commanded than this daring and resolute cruiser. The _Wasp_ slipped unperceived through the blockading frigates, and ran into the mouth of the English Channel, right in the thick of the English cruisers; here she remained several weeks, burning and scuttling many ships. Finally, on June 28th, at 4 A.M., in lat. 48° 36' N., long. 11° 15' W., [Footnote: Letter of Captain Blakely, July 8, 1814.] while in chase of two merchant-men, a sail was made on the weather-beam. This was the British brig-sloop _Reindeer_, 18, Captain William Manners, [Footnote: James, vi, 429.] with a crew of 118, as brave men as ever sailed or fought on the narrow seas. Like the _Peacock_ (British) the _Reindeer_ was only armed with 24-pounders, and Captain Manners must have known well that he was to do battle with a foe heavier than himself; but there was no more gallant seaman in the whole British navy, fertile as it was in men who cared but little for odds of size or strength. As the day broke, the _Reindeer_ made sail for the _Wasp_, then lying in the west-southwest. The sky was overcast with clouds, and the smoothness of the sea was hardly disturbed by the light breeze that blew out of the northeast. Captain Blakely hauled up and stood for his antagonist, as the latter came slowly down with the wind nearly aft, and so light was the weather that the vessels kept almost on even keels. It was not till quarter past one that the _Wasp's_ drum rolled out its loud challenge as it beat to quarters, and a few minutes afterward the ship put about and stood for the foe, thinking to weather him; but at 1.50 the brig also tacked and stood away, each of the cool and skilful captains being bent on keeping the weather-gage. At half past two the _Reindeer_ again tacked, and, taking in her stay-sails, stood for the _Wasp_, who furled her royals; and, seeing that she would be weathered, at 2.50, put about in her turn and ran off, with the wind a little forward the port beam, brailing up the mizzen, while the _Reindeer_ hoisted her flying-jib, to close, and gradually came up on the _Wasp's_ weather-quarter. At 17 minutes past three, when the vessels were not sixty yards apart, the British opened the conflict, firing the shifting 12-pound carronade, loaded with round and grape. To this the Americans could make no return, and it was again loaded and fired, with the utmost deliberation; this was repeated five times, and would have been a trying ordeal to a crew less perfectly disciplined than the _Wasp's_. At 3.26 Captain Blakely, finding his enemy did not get on his beam, put his helm a-lee and luffed up, firing his guns from aft forward as they bore. For ten minutes the ship and the brig lay abreast, not twenty yards apart, while the cannonade was terribly destructive. The concussion of the explosions almost deadened what little way the vessels had on, and the smoke hung over them like a pall. The men worked at the guns with desperate energy, but the odds in weight of metal (3 to 2) were too great against the _Reindeer_, where both sides played their parts so manfully. Captain Manners stood at his post, as resolute as ever, though wounded again and again. A grape-shot passed through both his thighs, bringing him to the deck; but, maimed and bleeding to death, he sprang to his feet, cheering on the seamen. The vessels were now almost touching, and putting his helm aweather, he ran the _Wasp_ aboard on her port [Footnote: Letter of Captain Blakely, July 8, 1814. Cooper starboard: it is a point of little importance; all accounts agree as to the _relative_ positions of the craft.] quarter, while the boarders gathered forward, to try it with the steel. But the Carolina captain had prepared for this with cool confidence; the marines came aft; close under the bulwarks crouched the boarders, grasping in their hands the naked cutlasses, while behind them were drawn up the pikemen. As the vessels came grinding together the men hacked and thrust at one another through the open port-holes, while the black smoke curled up from between the hulls. Then through the smoke appeared the grim faces of the British sea-dogs, and the fighting was bloody enough; for the stubborn English stood well in the hard hand play. But those who escaped the deadly fire of the topmen, escaped only to be riddled through by the long Yankee pikes; so, avenged by their own hands, the foremost of the assailants died, and the others gave back. The attack was foiled, though the _Reindeer's_ marines kept answering well the American fire. Then the English captain, already mortally wounded, but with the indomitable courage that nothing but death could conquer, cheering and rallying his men, himself sprang, sword in hand, into the rigging, to lead them on; and they followed him with a will. At that instant a ball from the _Wasp's_ main-top crashed through his skull, and, still clenching in his right hand the sword he had shown he could wear so worthily, with his face to the foe, he fell back on his own deck dead, while above him yet floated the flag for which he had given his life. No Norse Viking, slain over shield, ever died better. As the British leader fell and his men recoiled, Captain Blakely passed the word to board; with wild hurrahs the boarders swarmed over the hammock nettings, there was a moment's furious struggle, the surviving British were slain or driven below, and the captain's clerk, _the highest officer left_, surrendered the brig, at 3.44, just 27 minutes after the _Reindeer_ had fired the first gun, and just 18 after the _Wasp_ had responded. [Illustration showing the action between the _WASP_ and the _REINDEER_ from 3.17 to 3.45.] Both ships had suffered severely in the short struggle; but, as with the _Shannon_ and _Chesapeake_, the injuries were much less severe aloft than in the hulls. All the spars were in their places. The _Wasp's_ hull had received 6 round, and many grape; a 24-pound shot had passed through the foremast; and of her crew of 173, 11 were killed or mortally wounded, and 15 wounded severely or slightly. The _Reindeer_ was completely cut to pieces in a line with her ports; her upper works, boats, and spare spars being one entire wreck. Of her crew of 118 men, 33 were killed outright or died later, and 34 were wounded, nearly all severely. COMPARATIVE FORCE. Broadside Weight No. Tons. Guns. Metal. Men. Loss _Wasp,_ 509 11 315 173 26 _Reindeer,_ 477 10 210 118 67 It is thus seen that the _Reindeer_ fought at a greater disadvantage than any other of the various British sloops that were captured in single action during the war; and yet she made a better fight than any of them (though the _Frolic_, and the _Frolic_ only, was defended with the same desperate courage); a pretty sure proof that heavy metal is not the only factor to be considered in accounting for the American victories. "It is difficult to say which vessel behaved the best in this short but gallant combat." [Footnote: Cooper, ii, 287.] I doubt if the war produced two better single-ship commanders than Captain Blakely and Captain Manners; and an equal meed of praise attaches to both crews. The British could rightly say that they yielded purely to heavy odds in men and metal; and the Americans, that the difference in execution was fully proportioned to the difference in force. It is difficult to know which to admire most, the wary skill with which each captain manoeuvred before the fight, the perfect training and discipline that their crews showed, the decision and promptitude with which Captain Manners tried to retrieve the day by boarding, and the desperate bravery with which the attempt was made; or the readiness with which Captain Blakely made his preparations, and the cool courage with which the assault was foiled. All people of the English stock, no matter on which side of the Atlantic they live, if they have any pride in the many feats of fierce prowess done by the men of their blood and race, should never forget this fight; although we cannot but feel grieved to find that such men--men of one race and one speech; brothers in blood, as well as in bravery--should ever have had to turn their weapons against one another. The day after the conflict the prize's foremast went by the board, and, as she was much damaged by shot, Captain Blakely burned her, put a portion of his wounded prisoners on board a neutral, and with the remainder proceeded to France, reaching l'Orient on the 8th day of July. On July 4th Sailing-master Percival and 30 volunteers of the New York flotilla [Footnote: Letter of Com. J. Lewis, July 6, 1814.] concealed themselves on board a fishing-smack, and carried by surprise the _Eagle_ tender, which contained a 32-pound howitzer and 14 men, 4 of whom were wounded. On July 12th, while off the west coast of South Africa, the American brig _Syren_ was captured after a chase of 11 hours by the _Medway_, 74, Capt. Brine. The chase was to windward during the whole time, and made every effort to escape, throwing overboard all her boats, anchors, cables, and spare spars. [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Brine to Vice-Admiral Tyler, July 12. 1814.] Her commander, Captain Parker, had died, and she was in charge of Lieut. N. J. Nicholson. By a curious coincidence, on the same day, July 12th, H. M. cutter _Landrail_, 4, [Footnote: James, vi, 436: his statement is wrong as regards the privateer.] of 20 men, Lieut. Lancaster, was captured by the American privateer _Syren_, a schooner mounting 1 long heavy gun, with a crew of 70 men; the _Landrail_ had 7, and the _Syren_ 3 men wounded. On July 14th Gun-boat No. 88, Sailing-master George Clement, captured after a short skirmish the tender of the _Tenedos_ frigate, with her second lieutenant, 2 midshipmen, and 10 seamen. [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Isaac Hull, July 15. 1814.] The _Wasp_ stayed in l'Orient till she was thoroughly refitted, and had filled, in part, the gaps in her crew, from the American privateers in port. On Aug. 27th, Captain Blakely sailed again, making two prizes during the next three days. On Sept. 1st she came up to a convoy of 10 sail under the protection of the _Armada_, 74, all bound for Gibraltar; the swift cruiser hovered round the merchant-men like a hawk, and though chased off again and again by the line-of-battle ship, always returned the instant the pursuit stopped, and finally actually succeeded in cutting off and capturing one ship, laden with iron and brass cannon, muskets, and other military stores of great value. At half past six on the evening of the same day, in lat. 47° 30' N., long. 11° W., while running almost free, four sail, two on the starboard bow, and two on the port, rather more to leeward, were made out. [Footnote: Official letter of Capt. Blakely. Sept. 8, 1814.] Capt. Blakely at once made sail for the most weatherly of the four ships in sight, though well aware that more than one of them might prove to be hostile cruisers, and they were all of unknown force. But the determined Carolinian was not one to be troubled by such considerations. He probably had several men less under his command than in the former action, but had profited by his experience with the _Reindeer_ in one point, having taken aboard her 12-pounder boat carronade, of whose efficacy he had had very practical proof. The chase, the British brig-sloop _Avon_, 18, Captain the Honorable James Arbuthnot, [Footnote: James, vi, 432] was steering almost southwest; the wind, which was blowing fresh from the southeast, being a little abaft the port beam. At 7.00 the _Avon_ began making night signals with the lanterns, but the _Wasp_, disregarding these, came steadily on; at 8.38 the _Avon_ fired a shot from her stern-chaser, [Footnote: James, vi, 432.] and shortly afterward another from one of her lee or starboard guns. At 20 minutes past 9, the _Wasp_ was on the port or weather-quarter of the _Avon_, and the vessels interchanged several hails; one of the American officers then came forward on the forecastle and ordered the brig to heave to, which the latter declined doing, and set her port foretop-mast studding sail. The _Wasp_ then, at 9.29, fired the 12-pound carronade into her, to which the _Avon_ responded with her stern-chaser and the aftermost port guns. Capt. Blakely then put his helm up, for fear his adversary would try to escape, and ran to leeward of her, and then ranged up alongside, having poured a broadside into her quarter. A close and furious engagement began, at such short range that the only one of the _Wasp's_ crew who was wounded, was hit by a wad; four round shot struck her hull, killing two men, and she suffered a good deal in her rigging. The men on board did not know the name of their antagonist; but they could see through the smoke and the gloom of the night, as her black hull surged through the water, that she was a large brig; and aloft, against the sky, the sailors could be discerned, clustering in the tops. [Footnote: Captain Blakely's letter.] In spite of the darkness the _Wasp's_ fire was directed with deadly precision; the _Avon's_ gaff was shot away at almost the first broadside, and most of her main-rigging and spars followed suit. She was hulled again and again, often below water-line; some of her carronades were dismounted, and finally the main-mast went by the board. At 10.00, after 31 minutes of combat, her fire had been completely silenced and Captain Blakely hailed to know if she had struck. No answer being received, and the brig firing a few random shot, the action recommended; but at 10.12 the _Avon_ was again hailed, and this time answered that she had struck. While lowering away a boat to take possession, another sail (H. B. M. brig-sloop _Castilian_, 18, Captain Braimer) was seen astern. The men were again called to quarters, and every thing put in readiness as rapidly as possible; but at 10.36 two more sail were seen (one of which was H. B. M. _Tartarus_, 20 [Footnote: "Niles' Register," vi. 216.]). The braces being cut away, the _Wasp_ was put before the wind until new ones could be rove. The _Castilian_ pursued till she came up close, when she fired her lee guns into, or rather over, the weather-quarter of the _Wasp_, cutting her rigging slightly. Repeated signals of distress having now been made by the _Avon_ (which had lost 10 men killed and 32 wounded), the _Castilian_ tacked and stood for her, and on closing found out she was sinking. Hardly had her crew been taken out when she went down. [Illustration of the action between _WASP_ and _AVON_ from 9.25 to 10.00.] Counting the _Wasp's_ complement as full (though it was probably two or three short), taking James' statement of the crew of the _Avon_ as true, including the boat carronades of both vessels, and considering the _Avon's_ stern-chaser to have been a six-pounder, we get the COMPARATIVE FORCE. No. Weight No. Tons. Guns. Metal. Men. Loss. _Wasp,_ 509 12 327 160 3 _Avon,_ 477 11 280 117 42 It is self-evident that in the case of this action the odds, 14 to 11, are neither enough to account for the loss inflicted being as 14 to 1, nor for the rapidity with which, during a night encounter, the _Avon_ was placed in a sinking condition. "The gallantry of the _Avon's_ officers and crew cannot for a moment be questioned; but the gunnery of the latter appears to have been not one whit better than, to the discredit of the British navy, had frequently before been displayed in combats of this kind. Nor, judging from the specimen given by the _Castilian_, is it likely that she would have performed any better." [Footnote: James, vi, 435.] On the other hand, "Capt. Blakely's conduct on this occasion had all the merit shown in the previous action, with the additional claim of engaging an enemy under circumstances which led him to believe that her consorts were in the immediate vicinity. The steady, officer-like way in which the _Avon_ was destroyed, and the coolness with which he prepared to engage the _Castilian_ within ten minutes after his first antagonist had struck, are the best encomiums on this officer's character and spirit, as well as on the school in which he had been trained." [Footnote: Cooper, ii, 291.] The _Wasp_ now cruised to the southward and westward, taking and scuttling one or two prizes. On Sept. 21st, lat. 33° 12' N., long. 14° 56' W., she captured the brig _Atalanta_, 8, with 19 men, which proved a valuable prize, and was sent in with one of the midshipmen, Mr. Geisinger, aboard, as prize-master, who reached Savannah in safety on Nov. 4th. Meanwhile the _Wasp_ kept on toward the southeast. On Oct. 9th, in lat. 18° 35' N., long. 30° 10' W., she spoke and boarded the Swedish brig _Adonis_, and took out of her Lieut. McKnight and Mr. Lyman, a master's mate, both late of the _Essex_, on their way to England from Brazil. This was the last that was ever heard of the gallant but ill-fated _Wasp_. How she perished none ever knew; all that is certain is that she was never seen again. She was as good a ship, as well manned, and as ably commanded as any vessel in our little navy; and it may be doubted if there was at that time any foreign sloop of war of her size and strength that could have stood against her in fair fight. As I have said, the _Wasp_ was manned almost exclusively by Americans. James says they were mostly Irish; the reason he gives for the assertion being that Capt. Blakely spent the first 16 months of his life in Dublin. This argument is quite on a par with another piece of logic which I cannot resist noticing. The point he wishes to prove is that Americans are cowards. Accordingly, on p. 475: "On her capstan the _Constitution_ now mounted a piece resembling 7 musket barrels, fixed together with iron bands. It was discharged by one lock, and each barrel threw 25 balls. * * * What could have impelled the Americans to invent such extraordinary implements of war but fear, down-right fear?" Then a little further on: "The men were provided with leather boarding-caps, fitted with bands of iron, * * * another strong symptom of fear!" Now, such a piece of writing as this is simply evidence of an unsound mind; it is not so much malicious as idiotic. I only reproduce it to help prove what I have all along insisted on, that any of James' unsupported statements about the Americans, whether respecting the tonnage of the ships or the courage of the crews, are not worth the paper they are written on; on all points connected purely with the British navy, or which can be checked off by official documents or ships' logs, or where there would be no particular object in falsifying, James is an invaluable assistant, from the diligence and painstaking care he shows, and the thoroughness and minuteness with which he goes into details. A fair-minded and interesting English critic, [Footnote: Lord Howard Douglass, "Treatise on Naval Gunnery," p. 416.] whose remarks are generally very just, seems to me to have erred somewhat in commenting on this last sloop action. He says that the _Avon_ was first crippled by dismantling shot from _long guns_. Now, the _Wasp_ had but _one_ long gun on the side engaged, and, moreover, began the action with the shortest and lightest of her carronades. Then he continues that the _Avon_, like the _Peacock_, "was hulled so low that the shot-holes could not be got at, and yielded to this fatal circumstance only." It certainly cannot be said when a brig has been dismasted, has had a third of her crew placed _hors de combat_, and has been rendered an unmanageable hulk, that she yields _only_ because she has received a few shot below the water-line. These shot-holes undoubtedly hastened the result, but both the _Peacock_ and the _Avon_ would have surrendered even if they had remained absolutely water-tight. The _Adams_, 28, had been cut down to a sloop of war at Washington, and then lengthened into a flush-decked, heavy corvette, mounting on each side 13 medium 18's, or columbiads, and 1 long 12, with a crew of 220 men, under the command of Capt. Charles Morris, late first lieut. of the _Constitution_. [Footnote: "Autobiography of Commodore Morris," Annapolis, 1880, p. 172.] She slipped out of the Potomac and past the blockaders on Jan. 18th, and cruised eastward to the African coast and along it from Cape Mount to Cape Palmas, thence to the Canaries and Cape de Verd. She returned very nearly along the Equator, thence going toward the West Indies. The cruise was unlucky, but a few small prizes, laden with palm-oil and ivory, being made. In hazy weather, on March 25th, a large Indiaman (the _Woodbridge_) was captured; but while taking possession the weather cleared up, and Capt. Morris found himself to leeward of 25 sail, two of which, a two-decker and a frigate, were making for him, and it took him till the next day to shake them off. He entered Savannah on May 1st and sailed again on the 8th, standing in to the Gulf Stream, between Makanilla and Florida, to look out for the Jamaica fleet. He found this fleet on the 24th, but the discovery failed to do him much good, as the ships were under the convoy of a 74, two frigates, and three brigs. The _Adams_ hovered on their skirts for a couple of days, but nothing could be done with them, for the merchant-men sailed in the closest possible order and the six war vessels exercised the greatest vigilance. So the corvette passed northward to the Newfoundland Banks, where she met with nothing but fogs and floating ice, and then turned her prow toward Ireland. On July 4th she made out and chased two sail, who escaped into the mouth of the Shannon. After this the _Adams_, heartily tired of fogs and cold, stood to the southward and made a few prizes; then, in lat. 44° N., long. 10° W., on July 15th, she stumbled across the 18-pounder 36-gun frigate _Tigris_, Capt. Henderson. The frigate was to leeward, and a hard chase ensued. It was only by dint of cutting away her anchors and throwing overboard some of her guns that the _Adams_ held her own till sunset, when it fell calm. Capt. Morris and his first lieutenant, Mr. Wadsworth, had been the first and second lieutenants of _Old Ironsides_ in Hull's famous cruise, and they proved that they had not forgotten their early experience, for they got out the boats to tow, and employed their time so well that by sunrise the frigate was two leagues astern. After 18 hours' more chase the _Adams_ dropped her. But in a day or two she ran across a couple more, one of which, an old bluff-bows, was soon thrown out; but the other was very fast, and kept close on the corvette's heels. As before, the frigate was to leeward. The _Adams_ had been built by contract; one side was let to a sub-contractor of economical instincts, and accordingly turned out rather shorter than the other; the result was, the ship sailed a good deal faster on one tack than on the other. In this chase she finally got on her good tack in the night, and so escaped. [Footnote: This statement is somewhat traditional; I have also seen it made about the _John Adams_. But some old officers have told me positively that it occurred to the _Adams_ on this cruise.] Capt. Morris now turned homeward. During his two cruises he had made but 10 prizes (manned by 161 men), none of very great value. His luck grew worse and worse. The continual cold and damp produced scurvy, and soon half of his crew were prostrated by the disease; and the weather kept on foggy as ever. Off the Maine coast a brig-sloop (the _Rifleman_, Capt. Pearce) was discovered and chased, but it escaped in the thick weather. The fog grew heavier, and early on the morning of Aug. 17th the _Adams_ struck land--literally struck it, too, for she grounded on the Isle of Haute, and had to throw over provisions, spare spars, etc., before she could be got off. Then she entered the Penobscot, and sailed 27 miles up it to Hampden. The _Rifleman_ meanwhile conveyed intelligence of her whereabouts to a British fleet, consisting of two line-of-battle ships, three frigates, three sloops, and ten troop transports, under the joint command of Rear-Admiral Griffeth and Lieutenant-General Sherbrooke. [Footnote: James, vi, 479.] This expedition accordingly went into the Penobscot and anchored off Castine. Captain Morris made every preparation he could to defend his ship, but his means were very limited; seventy of his men were dead or disabled by the scurvy; the remainder, many of them also diseased, were mustered out, to the number of 130 officers and seamen (without muskets) and 20 marines. He was joined, however, by 30 regulars, and later by over 300 militia armed with squirrel guns, ducking- and fowling-pieces, etc.,--in all between 500 and 550 men, [Footnote: "Autobiography of Commodore Morris."] only 180 of whom, with 50 muskets among them, could be depended upon. On Sept. 3d the British advanced by land and water, the land-force being under the direction of Lieutenant-Colonel John, and consisting of 600 troops, 80 marines, and 80 seamen. [Footnote: James, vi. 481. Whenever militia are concerned James has not much fear of official documents and lets his imagination run riot; he here says the Americans had 1,400 men, which is as accurate as he generally is in writing about this species of force. His aim being to overestimate the number of the Americans in the various engagements, he always supplies militia _ad libitum_, to make up any possible deficiency.] The flotilla was composed of barges, launches, and rocket-boats, under the command of Captain Barry of the _Dragon_, 74. In all there were over 1,500 men. The seamen of the _Adams_, from the wharf, opened fire on the flotilla, which returned it with rockets and carronades; but the advance was checked. Meanwhile the British land-forces attacked the militia, who acted up to the traditional militia standard, and retreated with the utmost promptitude and celerity, omitting the empty formality of firing. This left Captain Morris surrounded by eight times his number, and there was nothing to do but set fire to the corvette and retreat. The seamen, marines, and regulars behaved well, and no attempt was made to molest them. None of Captain Morris' men were hit; his loss was confined to one sailor and one marine who were too much weakened by scurvy to retreat with the others, who marched to Portland, 200 miles off. The British lost ten men killed or wounded. On Sept. 9th Gunboats No. 160 and 151, commanded by Mr. Thomas M. Pendleton, captured off Sapoleo Bar, Ga., the British privateer _Fortune of War_, armed with two heavy pivot guns, and 35 men. She made a brief resistance, losing two of her men. [Footnote: Letter from Commodore H. E. Campbell, St. Mary's, Sept. 12, 1814.] On Sept. 15th the British 20-gun ship-sloops _Hermes_ and _Carron_, and 18-gun brig-sloops _Sophie_ and _Childers_, and a force of 200 men on shore, [Footnote: James, vi, 527.] attacked Fort Bowyer, on Mobile Point, but were repulsed without being able to do any damage whatever to the Americans. The _Hermes_ was sunk and the assailants lost about 80 men. [Illustration: Captain Samuel C. Reid: a portrait painted by John Wesley Jarvis in 1815. (Courtesy U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] On the 26th of September, while the privateer-schooner _General Armstrong_, of New York, Captain Samuel C. Reid, of one long 24, eight long 9's, and 90 men, was lying at anchor in the road of Fayal, a British squadron, composed of the _Plantagenet_, 74, Captain Robert Floyd, _Rota_, 38, Captain Philip Somerville, and _Carnation_, 18, Captain George Bentham, hove in sight. [Footnote: Letter of Captain S. C. Reid, Oct. 7, 1814; and of John B. Dabney, Consul at Fayal, Oct. 5, 1814.] One or more boats were sent in by the British, to reconnoitre the schooner, as they asserted, or, according to the American accounts, to carry her by a _coup de main_. At any rate, after repeatedly warning them off, the privateer fired into them, and they withdrew. Captain Reid then anchored, with springs on his cables, nearer shore, to await the expected attack, which was not long deferred. At 8 P.M. four boats from the _Plantagenet_ and three from the _Rota_, containing in all 180 men, [Footnote: James, vi, 509: Both American accounts say 12 boats, with 400 men, and give the British loss as 250. According to my usual rule, I take each side's statement of its own force and loss.] under the command of Lieutenant William Matterface, first of the _Rota_, pulled in toward the road, while the _Carnation_ accompanied them to attack the schooner if she got under way. The boats pulled in under cover of a small reef of rocks, where they lay for some time, and about midnight made the attack. The Americans opened with the pivot gun, and immediately afterward with their long 9's, while the boats replied with their carronades, and, pulling spiritedly on amidst a terrific fire of musketry from both sides, laid the schooner aboard on her bow and starboard quarter. The struggle was savage enough, the British hacking at the nettings and trying to clamber up on deck, while the Americans fired their muskets and pistols in the faces of their assailants and thrust the foremost through with their long pikes. The boats on the quarter were driven off; but on the forecastle all three of the American lieutenants were killed or disabled, and the men were giving back when Captain Reid led all the after-division up and drove the British back into their boats. This put an end to the assault. Two boats were sunk, most of the wounded being saved as the shore was so near; two others were captured, and but three of the scattered flotilla returned to the ships. Of the Americans, 2 were killed, including the second lieutenant, Alexander O. Williams, and 7 were wounded, including the first and third lieutenants, Frederick A. Worth and Robert Johnson. Of the British, 34 were killed and 86 were wounded; among the former being the Rota's first and third lieutenants, William Matterface and Charles R. Norman, and among the latter her second lieutenant and first lieutenant of marines, Richard Rawle and Thomas Park. The schooner's long 24 had been knocked off its carriage by a carronade shot, but it was replaced and the deck cleared for another action. Next day the _Carnation_ came in to destroy the privateer, but was driven off by the judicious use the latter made of her "Long Tom." But affairs being now hopeless, the _General Armstrong_ was scuttled and burned, and the Americans retreated to the land. The British squadron was bound for New Orleans, and on account of the delay and loss that it suffered, it was late in arriving, so that this action may be said to have helped in saving the Crescent City. Few regular commanders could have done as well as Captain Reid. On October 6th, while Gun-boat No. 160 was convoying some coasters from Savannah, it was carried by a British tender and nine boats. [Footnote: Letter from Commander H. C. Campbell, Oct. 12, 1814.] The gun-vessel was lying at anchor about eight leagues from St. Mary's, and the boats approached with muffled oars early in the morning. They were not discovered till nearly aboard, but the defence though short was spirited, the British losing about 20 men. Of the gun-boat's 30 men but 16 were fit for action: those, under Sailing-master Thomas Paine, behaved well. Mr. Paine, especially, fought with the greatest gallantry; his thigh was broken by a grape-shot at the very beginning, but he hobbled up on his other leg to resist the boarders, fighting till he was thrust through by a pike and had received two sabre cuts. Any one of his wounds would have been enough to put an ordinary man _hors de combat_. On October 11th, another desperate privateer battle took place. The brigantine _Prince-de-Neufchatel_, Captain Ordronaux, of New York, was a superbly built vessel of 310 tons, mounting 17 guns, and originally possessing a crew of 150 men. [Footnote: "History of American Privateers," by George Coggeshall, p. 241, New York, 1876.] She had made a very successful cruise, having on board goods to the amount of $300,000, but had manned and sent in so many prizes that only 40 of her crew were left on board, while 37 prisoners were confined in the hold. One of her prizes was in company, but had drifted off to such a distance that she was unable to take part in the fight. At mid-day, on the 11th of October, while off Nantucket, the British frigate _Endymion_, 40, Captain Henry Hope, discovered the privateer and made sail in chase. [Footnote: James, vi, p. 527.] At 8.30 P.M., a calm having come on, the frigate despatched 5 boats, containing 111 men, [Footnote: According to Captain Ordronaux; James does not give the number, but says 28 were killed, 37 wounded, and the crew of the launch captured. Ten of the latter were unwounded, and 18 wounded. I do not know if he included these last among his "37 wounded."] under the command of the first lieutenant, Abel Hawkins, to take the brigantine; while the latter triced up the boarding nettings, loaded the guns with grape and bullets, and prepared herself in every way for the coming encounter. She opened fire on the boats as they drew near, but they were soon alongside, and a most desperate engagement ensued. Some of the British actually cut through the nettings and reached the deck, but were killed by the privateersmen; and in a few minutes one boat was sunk, three others drifted off, and the launch, which was under the brigantine's stern, was taken possession of. The slaughter had been frightful, considering the number of the combatants. The victorious privateersmen had lost 7 killed, 15 badly and 9 slightly wounded, leaving but 9 untouched! Of the _Endymion's_ men, James says 28, including the first lieutenant and a midshipman, were killed, and 37, including the second lieutenant and a master's mate, wounded; "besides which the launch was captured and the crew made prisoners." I do not know if this means 37 wounded, _besides_ the wounded in the launch, or not [Footnote: I think James does not include the wounded in the launch, as he says 28 wounded were sent aboard the _Saturn_; this could hardly have included the men who had been captured.]; of the prisoners captured 18 were wounded and 10 unhurt, so the loss was either 28 killed, 55 wounded, and 10 unhurt prisoners; or else 28 killed, 37 wounded, and 10 prisoners; but whether the total was 93 or 75 does not much matter. It was a most desperate conflict, and, remembering how short-handed the brigantine was, it reflected the highest honor on the American captain and his crew. After their repulse before Baltimore the British concentrated their forces for an attack upon New Orleans. Accordingly a great fleet of line-of-battle ships, frigates, and smaller vessels, under Vice-Admiral Cochrane, convoying a still larger number of store-ships and transports, containing the army of General Packenham, appeared off the Chandeleur Islands on Dec. 8th. The American navy in these parts consisted of the ship _Louisiana_ and schooner _Carolina_ in the Mississippi river, and in the shallow bayous a few gun-boats, of course without quarters, low in the water, and perfectly easy of entrance. There were also a few tenders and small boats. The British frigates and sloops anchored off the broad, shallow inlet called Lake Borgne on the 12th; on this inlet there were 5 gun-boats and 2 small tenders, under the command of Lieut. Thomas Catesby Jones. It was impossible for the British to transport their troops across Lake Borgne, as contemplated, until this flotilla was destroyed. Accordingly, on the night of the 12th, 42 launches, armed with 24-, 18-, and 12-pounder carronades, and 3 unarmed gigs, carrying 980 seamen and marines, under the orders of Capt. Lockyer, [Footnote: James, vi, 521.] pushed off from the _Armide_, 38, in three divisions; the first under the command of Capt. Lockyer, the second under Capt. Montresor, and the third under Capt. Roberts. [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Lockyer to Vice-Admiral Cochrane, Dec. 18, 1814.] Lieut. Jones was at anchor with his boats at the Malheureux Islands, when he discovered, on the 13th, the British flotilla advancing toward Port Christian. He at once despatched the _Seahorse_ of one 6-pounder and 14 men, under Sailing-master William Johnston, to destroy the stores at Bay St. Louis. She moored herself under the bank, where she was assisted by two 6-pounders. There the British attacked her with seven of their smaller boats, which were repulsed after sustaining for nearly half an hour a very destructive fire. [Footnote: James, vi, 521.] However, Mr. Johnston had to burn his boat to prevent it from being taken by a larger force. Meanwhile Lieut. Jones got under way with the five gun-vessels, trying to reach Les Petites Coquilles, near a small fort at the mouth of a creek. But as the wind was light and baffling, and the current very strong, the effort was given up, and the vessels came to anchor off Malheureux Island passage at 1 A.M. on the 14th. [Footnote: Official letter of Lieut. Jones, March 12, 1815.] The other tender, the _Alligator_, Sailing-master Sheppard, of one 4-pounder and 8 men, was discovered next morning trying to get to her consorts, and taken with a rush by Capt. Roberts and his division. At daybreak Lieut. Jones saw the British boats about nine miles to the eastward, and moored his 5-gun vessel abreast in the channel, with their boarding nettings triced up, and every thing in readiness; but the force of the current drifted two of them, Nos. 156 and 163, a hundred yards down the pass and out of line, No. 156 being the headmost of all. Their exact force was as follows: No. 156, Lieut. Jones, 41 men and 5 guns (1 long 24 and 4 12-pound carronades); No. 163, Sailing-master Geo. Ulrick, 21 men, 3 guns (1 long 24 and 2 12-pound carronades); No. 162, Lieut. Robert Speddes, 35 men, 5 guns (1 long 24 and 4 light sixes); No. 5, Sailing-master John D. Ferris, 36 men, 5 guns (1 long 24, 4 12-pound carronades); No. 23, Lieut. Isaac McKeever, 39 men and 5 guns (1 long 32 and 4 light sixes). There were thus, in all, 182 men and a broadside of 14 guns, throwing 212 pounds of shot. The British forces amounted, as I have said, to 980 men, and (supposing they had equal numbers of 24's, 18's and 12's,) the flotilla threw seven hundred and fifty-eight pounds of shot. The odds of course were not as much against the Americans as these figures would make them, for they were stationary, had some long, heavy guns and boarding nettings; on the other hand the fact that two of their vessels had drifted out of line was a very serious misfortune. At any rate, the odds were great enough, considering that he had British sailors to deal with, to make it any thing but a cheerful look-out for Lieut. Jones; but nowise daunted by the almost certain prospect of defeat the American officers and seamen prepared very coolly for the fight. In this connection it should be remembered that simply to run the boats on shore would have permitted the men to escape, if they had chosen to do so. [Illustration: The Battle of Lake Borgne: an early-19th-century painting by Thomas Hornbrook. (Courtesy U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] Captain Lockyer acted as coolly as his antagonist. When he had reached a point just out of gun-shot, he brought the boats to a grapnel, to let the sailors eat breakfast and get a little rest after the fatigue of their long row. When his men were rested and in good trim he formed the boats in open order, and they pulled gallantly on against the strong current. At 10.50 the Americans opened fire from their long guns, and in about 15 minutes the cannonade became general on both sides. At 11.50 [Footnote: Lieut. Jones' letter.] Captain Lockyer's barge was laid alongside No. 156, and a very obstinate struggle ensued, "in which the greater part of the officers and crew of the barge were killed or wounded," [Footnote: Captain Lockyer's letter.] including among the latter the gallant captain himself, severely, and his equally gallant first lieutenant, Mr. Pratt, of the _Seahorse_ frigate, mortally. At the same time Lieut. Tatnall (of the _Tonnant_) also laid his barge aboard the gun-boat, only to have it sunk; another shared the same fate; and the assailants were for the moment repulsed. But at this time Lieut. Jones, who had shown as much personal bravery during the assault, as forethought in preparing for it, received a dangerous and disabling wound, while many of his men received the same fate; the boarding nettings, too, had all been cut or shot away. Several more barges at once assailed the boats, the command of which had devolved on a young midshipman, Mr. George Parker; the latter, fighting as bravely as his commander, was like him severely wounded, whereupon the boat was carried at 12.10. Its guns were turned on No. 163, and this, the smallest of the gun-boats, was soon taken; then the British dashed at No. 162 and carried it, after a very gallant defence, in which Lieut. Speddes was badly wounded. No. 5 had her long 24 dismounted by the recoil, and was next carried; finally, No. 23, being left entirely alone, hauled down her flag at 12.30. [Footnote: Minutes of the Court of Inquiry, held May 15, 1851.*] The Americans had lost 6 killed and 35 wounded; the British 17 killed and 77 (many mortally) wounded. The greater part of the loss on both sides occurred in boarding No. 156, and also the next two gun-boats. __________________________________ * Poster's note: the date 1851 above may well have been 1815 in the original; if you have a copy of this book, we would appreciate confirmation. __________________________________ I have in this case, as usual, taken each commander's account of his own force and loss. Lieut. Jones states the British force to have been 1,000, which tallies almost exactly with their own account; but believes that they lost 300 in killed and wounded. Captain Lockyer, on the other hand, gives the Americans 225 men and three additional light guns. But on the main points the two accounts agree perfectly. The victors certainly deserve great credit for the perseverance, gallantry and dash they displayed; but still more belongs to the vanquished for the cool skill and obstinate courage with which they fought, although with the certainty of ultimate defeat before them,--which is always the severest test of bravery. No comment is needed to prove the effectiveness of their resistance. Even James says that the Americans made an obstinate struggle, that Lieut. Jones displayed great personal bravery, and that the British loss was very severe. On the night of Dec. 23d Gen. Jackson beat up the quarters of the British encamped on the bank of the Mississippi. The attack was opened by Capt. Patterson in the schooner _Carolina_, 14; she was manned by 70 men, and mounted on each side six 12-pound carronades and one long 12. Dropping down the stream unobserved, till opposite the bivouac of the troops and so close to the shore that his first command to fire was plainly heard by the foe, Patterson opened a slaughtering cannonade on the flank of the British, and kept it up without suffering any loss in return, as long as the attack lasted. But on the 27th the British had their revenge, attacking the little schooner as she lay at anchor, unable to ascend the current on account of the rapid current and a strong head-wind. The assailants had a battery of 5 guns, throwing hot shot and shell, while the only gun of the schooner's that would reach was the long 12. After half an hour's fighting the schooner was set on fire and blown up; the crew escaped to the shore with the loss of 7 men killed and wounded. The only remaining vessel, exclusive of some small, unarmed row-boats, was the _Louisiana_, 16, carrying on each side eight long 24's. She was of great assistance in the battle of the 28th, throwing during the course of the cannonade over 800 shot, and suffering very little in return. [Footnote: Cooper, ii, p. 320.] Afterward the American seamen and marines played a most gallant part in all the engagements on shore; they made very efficient artillerists. SUMMARY. The following vessels were got ready for sea during this year: [Footnote: Am. State Papers, xiv, p. 828; also Emmons' statistical "History."] Name. Rig. Where Built. Cost. Men. Guns. Tons. Remarks _Wasp_, Ship Newburyport $77,459.60 160 22 509 Built _Frolic_, " Boston 72,094.82 " " " " _Peacock_, " New York 75,644.36 " " " " _Ontario_, " Baltimore 59,343.69 " " " " _Erie_, " " 56,174.36 " " " " _Tom Bowline_, Schooner Portsmouth 13,000.00 90 12 260 Purchased _Lynx_, " Washington 50 6 Built _Epervier_, Brig England 50,000.00 130 18 477 Captured _Flambeau_, " Baltimore 14,000.00 90 14 300 Purchased -+- _Spark_, " " 17,389.00 " " " " | _Firefly_, " " 17,435.00 " " 333 " | _Torch_, Schooner " 13,000.00 60 12 260 " | _Spitfire_, " " 20,000.00 " " 286 " '- _Eagle_, " N.O. " " 270 " -+- _Prometheus_, " Philadelphia 20,000.00 " " 290 " | _Chippeway_, Brig R.I. 52,000.00 90 14 390 " | _Saranac_, " Middleton 26,000.00 " " 360 " '- _Boxer_, " " 26,000.00 " " 370 " _Despatch_, Schooner 23 2 52 The first 5 small vessels that are bracketed were to cruise under Commodore Porter; the next 4 under Commodore Perry; but the news of peace arrived before either squadron put to sea. Some of the vessels under this catalogue were really almost ready for sea at the end of 1813; and some that I have included in the catalogue of 1815 were almost completely fitted at the end of 1814,--but this arrangement is practically the best. LIST OF VESSELS LOST TO THE BRITISH. 1. Destroyed by British Armies. Name. Tons. Guns. _Columbia_, 1,508 52-+- Destroyed to prevent them _Adams_, 760 28 | falling into hands of enemy. _Argus_. 509 22 '- _Carolina_. 230 14 Destroyed by battery. ----- ---- 3,007 116 2. Captured, Etc., By British Navy on Ocean. Name. Tons. Guns. _Essex_. 860 46 Captured by frigate and corvette. _Frolic_. 509 22 " by frigate and schooner. _Rattlesnake_, 258 16 " by frigate. _Syren_, 250 16 " by seventy-four. --- ---- 1,877 100 Total, 4,884 tons. 216 guns There were also a good many gun-boats, which I do not count, because, as already said, they were often not as large as the barges that were sunk and taken in attacking them, as at Craney Island, etc. LIST OF VESSELS TAKEN FROM THE BRITISH. 1. Captured by American Privateers. Name. Tons. Guns. _Ballabou_, 86 4 _Landrail_, 76 4 2. Captured, Etc., By British Navy on Ocean. Name. Tons. Guns. _Epervier_, 477 18 captured by sloop _Peacock_. _Avon_, 477 20 sunk " " _Wasp_. _Reindeer_, 477 19 " " " ". _Pictou_, 300 14 captured by frigate. 3. Sunk in Attacking Fort. Name. Tons. Guns. _Hermes_, 500 22 ----- ----- 2,393 101 Taking into account the losses on the lakes, there was not very much difference in the amount of damage done to each combatant by the other; but both as regards the material results and the moral effects, the balance inclined largely to the Americans. The chief damage done to our navy was by the British land-forces, and consisted mainly in forcing us to burn an unfinished frigate and sloop. On the ocean our three sloops were captured in each case by an overwhelming force, against which no resistance could be made, and the same was true of the captured British schooner. The _Essex_ certainly gained as much honor as her opponents. There were but three single ship actions, in all of which the Americans were so superior in force as to give them a very great advantage; nevertheless, in two of them the victory was won with such perfect impunity and the difference in the loss and damage inflicted was so very great, that I doubt if the result would have been affected if the odds had been reversed. In the other case, that of the _Reindeer_, the defeated party fought at a still greater disadvantage, and yet came out of the conflict with full as much honor as the victor. No man with a particle of generosity in his nature can help feeling the most honest admiration for the unflinching courage and cool skill displayed by Capt. Manners and his crew. It is worthy of notice (remembering the sneers of so many of the British authors at the "wary circumspection" of the Americans) that Capt. Manners, who has left a more honorable name than any other British commander of the war, excepting Capt. Broke, behaved with the greatest caution as long as it would serve his purpose, while he showed the most splendid personal courage afterward. It is this combination of courage and skill that made him so dangerous an antagonist; it showed that the traditional British bravery was not impaired by refusing to adhere to the traditional British tactics of rushing into a fight "bull-headed." Needless exposure to danger denotes not so much pluck as stupidity. Capt. Manners had no intention of giving his adversary any advantage he could prevent. No one can help feeling regret that he was killed; but if he was to fall, what more glorious death could he meet? It must be remembered that while paying all homage to Capt. Manners, Capt. Blakely did equally well. It was a case where the victory between two combatants, equal in courage and skill, was decided by superior weight of metal and number of men. PRIZES MADE. Name of ship. Number of prizes. _President_ 3 _Constitution_ 6 _Adams_ 10 _Frolic_ 2 _Wasp_ 15 _Peacock_ 15 _Hornet_ 1 Small craft 35 --- 87 Chapter VIII 1814 ON THE LAKES _ONTARIO-The contest one of ship-building merely--Extreme caution of the commanders, verging on timidity--Yeo takes Oswego, and blockades Sackett's Harbor--British gun-boats captured--Chauncy blockades Kingston--ERIE--Captain Sinclair's unsuccessful expedition--Daring and successful cutting-out expeditions of the British--CHAMPLAIN--Macdonough's victory._ Ontario. The winter was spent by both parties in preparing more formidable fleets for the ensuing summer. All the American schooners had proved themselves so unfit for service that they were converted into transports, except the _Sylph_, which was brig-rigged and armed like the _Oneida_. Sackett's Harbor possessed but slight fortifications, and the Americans were kept constantly on the alert, through fear lest the British should cross over. Commodore Chauncy and Mr. Eckford were as unremitting in their exertions as ever. In February two 22-gun brigs, the _Jefferson_ and _Jones_, and one large frigate of 50 guns, the _Superior_, were laid; afterward a deserter brought in news of the enormous size of one of the new British frigates, and the _Superior_ was enlarged to permit her carrying 62 guns. The _Jefferson_ was launched on April 7th, the _Jones_ on the 10th; and the _Superior_ on May 2d,--an attempt on the part of the British to blow her up having been foiled a few days before. Another frigate, the _Mohawk_, 42, was at once begun. Neither guns nor men for the first three ships had as yet arrived, but they soon began to come in, as the roads got better and the streams opened. Chauncy and Eckford, besides building ships that were literally laid down in the forest, and seeing that they were armed with heavy guns, which, as well as all their stores, had to be carried overland hundreds of miles through the wilderness, were obliged to settle quarrels that occurred among the men, the most serious being one that arose from a sentinel's accidentally killing a shipwright, whose companions instantly struck work in a body. What was more serious, they had to contend with such constant and virulent sickness that it almost assumed the proportions of a plague. During the winter it was seldom that two thirds of the force were fit for duty, and nearly a sixth of the whole number of men in the port died before navigation opened. [Footnote: Cooper mentions that in five months the _Madison_ buried a fifth of her crew.] Meanwhile Yeo had been nearly as active at Kingston, laying down two frigates and a huge line-of-battle ship, but his shipwrights did not succeed in getting the latter ready much before navigation closed. The _Prince Regent_, 58, and _Princess Charlotte_, 42, were launched on April 15th. I shall anticipate somewhat by giving tabular lists of the comparative forces, after the two British frigates, the two American frigates, and the two American brigs had all been equipped and manned. Commodore Yeo's original six cruisers had been all renamed, some of them re-armed, and both the schooners changed into brigs. The _Wolfe_, _Royal George_, _Melville_, _Moira_, _Beresford_, and _Sydney Smith_, were now named respectively _Montreal_, _Niagara_, _Star_, _Charwell_, _Netly_, and _Magnet_. On the American side there had been but slight changes, beyond the alteration of the _Sylph_ into a brig armed like the _Oneida_. Of the _Superior's_ 62 guns, 4 were very shortly sent on shore again. CHAUNCY'S SQUADRON. Broadside Name. Rig. Tonnage. Crew. Metal. Armament. _Superior_, ship, 1,580 500 1,050lbs. +- 30 long 32's | 2 " 24's - 26 short 42's _Mohawk_, " 1,350 350 554 lbs. -+- 26 long 24's | 2 " 18's '- 14 short 32's _Pike_, " 875 300 360 " -+- 26 long 24's '- 2 " 24's _Madison_, " 593 200 364 " -+- 2 long 12's '- 22 short 32's _Jones_, brig, 500 160 332 " -+- 2 long 12's '- 20 short 32's _Jefferson_, " 500 160 332 " -+- 2 long 12's '- 20 short 32's _Sylph_, " 300 100 180 " -+- 2 long 12's '- 14 short 24's _Oneida_, " 243 100 180 " -+- 2 long 12's '- 14 short 24's __________ _____ _____ __________ ________ 8 vessels, 5,941 1,870 3,352 lbs. 228 guns. This is considerably less than James makes it, as he includes all the schooners, which were abandoned as cruisers, and only used as transports or gun-boats. Similarly Sir James had a large number of gun-boats, which are not included in his cruising force. James thus makes Chauncy's force 2,321 men, and a broadside of 4,188 lbs. YEO'S SQUADRON Broadside Name. Rig. Tonnage. Crew. Metal. Armament. _Prince ship, 1,450 485 872 lbs. -+- 32 long 24's Regent_, | 4 short 68's '- 22 " 32's _Princess " 1,215 315 604 " -+- 26 long 24's Charlotte_, | 2 short 68's '- 14 " 32's _Montreal_, " 637 220 258 " -+- 7 long 24's '- 18 " 18's _Niagara_, " 510 200 332 " -+- 2 long 12's '- 20 short 32's _Charwell_, brig, 279 110 236 " -+- 2 long 12's '-14 short 32's _Star_, " 262 110 236 " -+- 2 long 12's '-14 short 32's _Netly_, " 216 100 180 " -+- 2 long 12's '-14 short 24's _Magnet_, " 187 80 156 " -+- 2 long 12's '-12 short 24's __________ _____ _____ _________ ________ 8 vessels, 4,756 1,620 2,874 lbs. 209 guns. This tallies pretty well with James' statement, which (on p. 488) is 1,517 men, and a broadside of 2,752 lbs. But there are very probably errors as regards the armaments of the small brigs, which were continually changed. At any rate the American fleet was certainly the stronger, about in the proportion of six to five. The disproportion was enough to justify Sir James in his determination not to hazard a battle, although the odds were certainly not such as British commanders had been previously accustomed to pay much regard to. Chauncy would have acted exactly as his opponent did, had he been similarly placed. The odds against the British commodore were too great to be overcome, where the combatants were otherwise on a par, although the refusal to do battle against them would certainly preclude Yeo from advancing any claims to _superiority_ in skill or courage. The _Princess Charlotte_ and _Niagara_ were just about equal to the _Mohawk_ and _Madison_, and so were the _Charwell_ and _Netly_ to the _Oneida_ and _Sylph_; but both the _Star_ and _Magnet_ together could hardly have matched either the _Jones_ or the _Jefferson_, while the main-deck 32's of the _Superior_ gave her a great advantage over the _Prince Regent's_ 24's, where the crews were so equal; and the _Pike_ was certainly too heavy for the _Montreal_. A decided superiority in the effectiveness of both crews and captains could alone have warranted Sir James Lucas Yeo in engaging, and this superiority he certainly did not possess. This year the British architects outstripped ours in the race for supremacy, and Commodore Yeo put out of port with his eight vessels long before the Americans were ready. His first attempt was a successful attack on Oswego. This town is situated some 60 miles distant from Sackett's Harbor, and is the first port on the lake which the stores, sent from the seaboard to Chauncy, reached. Accordingly it was a place of some little importance, but was very much neglected by the American authorities. It was insufficiently garrisoned, and was defended only by an entirely ruined fort of 6 guns, two of them dismounted. Commodore Yeo sailed from Kingston to attack it on the 3d of May, having on board his ships a detachment of 1,080 troops. Oswego was garrisoned by less than 300 men, [Footnote: General order of Gen. Jacob Brown, by R. Jones, Ass. Adj.-General, May 12, 1814.] chiefly belonging to a light artillery regiment, with a score or two of militia; they were under the command of Colonel Mitchell. The recaptured schooner _Growler_ was in port, with 7 guns destined for the Harbor; she was sunk by her commander, but afterward raised and carried off by the foe. On the 5th Yeo appeared off Oswego and sent in Captain Collier and 13 gun-boats to draw the fort's fire; after some firing between them and the four guns mounted in the fort (two long 24's, one long 12, and one long 6), the gun-boats retired. The next day the attack was seriously made. The _Princess Charlotte_, _Montreal_, and _Niagara_ engaged the batteries, while the _Charwell_ and _Star_ scoured the woods with grape to clear them of the militia. [Footnote: Letter of General Gordon Drummond, May 7, 1814.] The debarkation of the troops was superintended by Captain O'Connor, and until it was accomplished the _Montreal_ sustained almost the whole fire of the fort, being set on fire three times, and much cut up in hull, masts, and rigging. [Footnote: Letter of Sir James Lucas Yeo, May 17, 1814.] Under this fire 800 British troops were landed, under Lieutenant-Colonel Fischer, assisted by 200 seamen, armed with long pikes, under Captain Mulcaster. They moved gallantly up the hill, under a heavy fire, and carried the fort by assault; Mitchell then fell back unmolested to the Falls, about 12 miles above the town, where there was a large quantity of stores. But he was not again attacked. The Americans lost 6 men killed, including Lieutenant Blaeny, 38 wounded, and 25 missing, both of these last falling into the enemy's hands. The British lost 22 soldiers, marines, and seamen (including Captain Hollaway) killed, and 73 (including the gallant Captain Mulcaster dangerously, and Captain Popham slightly) wounded, [Footnote: Letter of Lieut.-Col. V. Fischer, May 17, 1814. James says "18 killed and 64 wounded," why I do not know; the official report of Col. Fischer, as quoted, says: "Of the army, 19 killed and 62 wounded; of the navy, 3 killed and 11 wounded."] the total loss being 95--nearly a third of the American force engaged. General Drummond, in his official letter, reports that "the fort being everywhere almost open, the whole of the garrison * * * effected their escape, except about 60 men, half of them wounded." No doubt the fort's being "everywhere almost open" afforded excellent opportunities for retreat; but it was not much of a recommendation of it as a structure intended for defence. The British destroyed the four guns in the battery, and raised the _Growler_ and carried her off, with her valuable cargo of seven long guns. They also carried off a small quantity of ordnance stores and some flour, and burned the barracks; otherwise but little damage was done, and the Americans reoccupied the place at once. It certainly showed great lack of energy on Commodore Yeo's part that he did not strike a really important blow by sending an expedition up to destroy the quantity of stores and ordnance collected at the Falls. But the attack itself was admirably managed. The ships were well placed, and kept up so heavy a fire on the fort as to effectually cover the debarkation of the troops, which was very cleverly accomplished; and the soldiers and seamen behaved with great gallantry and steadiness, their officers leading them, sword in hand, up a long, steep hill, under a destructive fire. It was similar to Chauncy's attacks on York and Fort George, except that in this case the assailants suffered a much severer loss compared to that inflicted on the assailed. Colonel Mitchell managed the defence with skill, doing all he could with his insufficient materials. After returning to Kingston, Yeo sailed with his squadron for Sackett's Harbor, where he appeared on May 19th and began a strict blockade. This was especially troublesome because most of the guns and cables for the two frigates had not yet arrived, and though the lighter pieces and stores could be carried over land, the heavier ones could only go by water, which route was now made dangerous by the presence of the blockading squadron. The very important duty of convoying these great guns was entrusted to Captain Woolsey, an officer of tried merit. He decided to take them by water to Stony Creek, whence they might be carried by land to the Harbor, which was but three miles distant; and on the success of his enterprise depended Chauncy's chances of regaining command of the lake. On the 28th of May, at sunset, Woolsey left Oswego with 19 boats, carrying 21 long 32's, 10 long 24's, three 42-pound carronades, and 10 cables--one of the latter, for the _Superior_, being a huge rope 22 inches in circumference and weighing 9,600 pounds. The boats rowed all through the night, and at sunrise on the 29th 18 of them found themselves off the Big Salmon River, and, as it was unsafe to travel by daylight, Woolsey ran up into Big Sandy Creek, 8 miles from the Harbor. The other boat, containing two long 24's and a cable, got out of line, ran into the British squadron, and was captured. The news she brought induced Sir James Yeo at once to send out an expedition to capture the others. He accordingly despatched Captains Popham and Spilsbury in two gun-boats, one armed with one 68-pound and one 24-pound carronade, and the other with a long 32, accompanied by three cutters and a gig, mounting between them two long 12's and two brass 6's, with a total of 180 men. [Footnote: James, vi. 487; while Cooper says 186, James says the British loss was 18 killed and 50 wounded; Major Appling says "14 were killed, 28 wounded, and 27 marines and 106 sailors captured."] They rowed up to Sandy Creek and lay off its mouth all the night, and began ascending it shortly after daylight on the 30th. Their force, however, was absurdly inadequate for the accomplishment of their object. Captain Woolsey had been reinforced by some Oneida Indians, a company of light artillery, and some militia, so that his only care was, not to repulse, but to capture the British party entire, and even this did not need any exertion. He accordingly despatched Major Appling down the river with 120 riflemen [Footnote: Letter from Major D. Appling, May 30, 1814.] and some Indians to lie in ambush. [Footnote: Letter of Capt. M. T. Woolsey, June 1, 1814. There were about 60 Indians: In all, the American force amounted to 180 men. James adds 30 riflemen, 140 Indians, and "a large body of militia and cavalry,"--none of whom were present.] When going up the creek the British marines, under Lieutenant Cox, were landed on the left bank, and the small-arm men, under Lieutenant Brown, on the right bank; while the two captains rowed up the stream between them, throwing grape into the bushes to disperse the Indians. Major Appling waited until the British were close up, when his riflemen opened with so destructive a volley as to completely demoralize and "stampede" them, and their whole force was captured with hardly any resistance, the American having only one man slightly wounded. The British loss was severe,--18 killed and 50 dangerously wounded, according to Captain Popham's report, as quoted by James; or "14 killed and 28 wounded," according to Major Appling's letter. It was a very clever and successful ambush. On June 6th Yeo raised the blockade of the Harbor, but Chauncy's squadron was not in condition to put out till six weeks later, during which time nothing was done by either fleet, except that two very gallant cutting-out expeditions were successfully attempted by Lieutenant Francis H. Gregory, U.S.N. On June 16th he left the Harbor, accompanied by Sailing-masters Vaughan and Dixon and 22 seamen, in three gigs, to intercept some of the enemy's provision schooners; on the 19th he was discovered by the British gun-boat _Black Snake_, of one 18-pound carronade and 18 men, commanded by Captain H. Landon. Lieutenant Gregory dashed at the gun-boat and carried it without the loss of a man; he was afterward obliged to burn it, but he brought the prisoners, chiefly royal marines, safely into port. On the 1st of July he again started out, with Messrs. Vaughan and Dixon, and two gigs. The plucky little party suffered greatly from hunger, but on the 5th he made a sudden descent on Presque Isle, and burned a 14-gun schooner just ready for launching; he was off before the foe could assemble, and reached the Harbor in safety next day. On July 31st Commodore Chauncy sailed with his fleet; some days previously the larger British vessels had retired to Kingston, where a 100-gun two-decker was building. Chauncy sailed up to the head of the lake, where he intercepted the small brig _Magnet_. The _Sylph_ was sent in to destroy her, but her crew ran her ashore and burned her. The _Jefferson_, _Sylph_, and _Oneida_ were left to watch some other small craft in the Niagara; the _Jones_ was kept cruising between the Harbor and Oswego, and with the four larger vessels Chauncy blockaded Yeo's four large vessels lying in Kingston. The four American vessels were in the aggregate of 4,398 tons, manned by rather more than 1,350 men, and presenting in broadside 77 guns, throwing 2,328 lbs. of shot. The four British vessels measured in all _about_ 3,812 tons, manned by 1,220 men, and presenting in broadside 74 guns, throwing 2,066 lbs. of shot. The former were thus superior by about 15 per cent., and Sir James Yeo very properly declined to fight with the odds against him--although it was a nicer calculation than British commanders had been accustomed to enter into. Major-General Brown had written to Commodore Chauncy on July 13th: "I do not doubt my ability to meet the enemy in the field and to march in any direction over his country, your fleet carrying for me the necessary supplies. We can threaten Forts George and Niagara, and carry Burlington Heights and York, and proceed direct to Kingston and carry that place. For God's sake let me see you: Sir James will not fight." To which Chauncy replied: "I shall afford every assistance in my power to cooperate with the army whenever it can be done without losing sight of the great object for the attainment of which this fleet has been created,--the capture or destruction of the enemy's fleet. But that I consider the primary object. * * * We are intended to seek and fight the enemy's fleet, and I shall not be diverted from my efforts to effectuate it by any sinister attempt to render us subordinate to, or an appendage of, the army." That is, by any "sinister attempt" to make him cooperate intelligently in a really well-concerted scheme of invasion. In further support of these noble and independent sentiments, he writes to the Secretary of the Navy on August 10th [Footnote: See Niles, vii, 12, and other places (under "Chauncy" in index).], "I told (General Brown) that I should not visit the head of the lake unless the enemy's fleet did so. * * * To deprive the enemy of an apology for not meeting me, I have sent ashore four guns from the _Superior_ to reduce her armament in number to an equality with the _Prince Regent_'s, yielding the advantage of their 68-pounders. The _Mohawk_ mounts two guns less than the _Princess Charlotte_, and the _Montreal_ and _Niagara_ are equal to the _Pike_ and _Madison_." He here justifies his refusal to co-operate with General Brown by saying that he was of only equal force with Sir James, and that he has deprived the latter of "an apology" for not meeting him. This last was not at all true. The _Mohawk_ and _Madison_ were just about equal to the _Princess Charlotte_ and _Niagara_: but the _Pike_ was half as strong again as the _Montreal_; and Chauncy could very well afford to "yield the advantage of their 68-pounders," when in return Sir James had to yield the advantage of Chauncy's long 32's and 42-pound carronades. The _Superior_ was a 32-pounder frigate, and, even without her four extra guns, was about a fourth heavier than the _Prince Regent_ with her 24-pounders. Sir James was not acting more warily than Chauncy had acted during June and July, 1813. Then he had a fleet which tonned 1,701, was manned by 680 men, and threw at a broadside 1,099 lbs. of shot; and he declined to go out of port or in any way try to check the operation of Yeo's fleet which tonned 2,091, was manned by 770 men, and threw at a broadside 1,374 lbs. of shot. Chauncy then acted perfectly proper, no doubt, but he could not afford to sneer at Yeo for behaving in the same way. Whatever either commander might write, in reality he well knew that his officers and crews were, man for man, just about on a par with those of his antagonists, and so, after the first brush or two, he was exceedingly careful to see that the odds were not against him. Chauncy, in his petulant answers to Brown's letter, ignored the fact that his superiority of force would prevent his opponent from giving battle, and would, therefore, prevent any thing more important than a blockade occurring. His ideas of the purpose for which his command had been created were erroneous and very hurtful to the American cause. That purpose was not, except incidentally, "the destruction of the enemy's fleet"; and, if it was, he entirely failed to accomplish it. The real purpose was to enable Canada to be successfully invaded, or to assist in repelling an invasion of the United States. These services could only be efficiently performed by acting in union with the land-forces, for his independent action could evidently have little effect. The only important services he had performed had been in attacking Forts George and York, where he _had_ been rendered "subordinate to, and an appendage of, the army." His only chance of accomplishing any thing lay in similar acts of cooperation, and he refused to do these. Had he acted as he ought to have done, and assisted Brown to the utmost, he would certainly have accomplished much more than he did, and might have enabled Brown to assault Kingston, when Yeo's fleet would of course have been captured. The insubordination, petty stickling for his own dignity, and lack of appreciation of the necessity of acting in concert that he showed, were the very faults which proved most fatal to the success of our various land commanders in the early part of the war. Even had Chauncy's assistance availed nothing, he could not have accomplished less than he did. He remained off Kingston blockading Yeo, being once or twice blown off by gales. He sent Lieutenant Gregory, accompanied by Midshipman Hart and six men, in to reconnoitre on August 25th; the lieutenant ran across two barges containing 30 men, and was captured after the midshipman had been killed and the lieutenant and four men wounded. On September 21st he transported General Izard and 3,000 men from Sackett's Harbor to the Genesee; and then again blockaded Kingston until the two-decker was nearly completed, when he promptly retired to the Harbor. The equally cautious Yeo did not come out on the lake till Oct. 15th; he did not indulge in the empty and useless formality of blockading his antagonist, but assisted the British army on the Niagara frontier till navigation closed, about Nov. 21st. A couple of days before, Midshipman McGowan headed an expedition to blow up the two-decker (named the _St. Lawrence_) with a torpedo, but was discovered by two of the enemy's boats, which he captured and brought in; the attempt was abandoned, because the _St. Lawrence_ was found not to be lying in Kingston. For this year the material loss again fell heaviest on the British, amounting to one 14-gun brig burned by her crew, one 10-gun schooner burned on the stocks, three gun-boats, three cutters, and one gig captured; while in return the Americans lost one schooner loaded with seven guns, one boat loaded with two, and a gig captured and four guns destroyed at Oswego. In men the British loss was heavier still relatively to that of the Americans, being in killed, wounded, and prisoners about 300 to 80. But in spite of this loss and damage, which was too trivial to be of any account to either side, the success of the season was with the British, inasmuch as they held command over the lake for more than four months, during which time they could coöperate with their army; while the Americans held it for barely two months and a half. In fact the conduct of the two fleets on Lake Ontario during the latter part of the war was almost farcical. As soon as one, by building, acquired the superiority, the foe at once retired to port, where he waited until _he_ had built another vessel or two, when he came out, and the other went into port in turn. Under such circumstances it was hopeless ever to finish the contest by a stand-up sea-fight, each commander calculating the chances with mathematical exactness. The only hope of destroying the enemy's fleet was by cooperating with the land-forces in a successful attack on his main post, when he would be forced to be either destroyed or to fight--and this cooperation Chauncy refused to give. He seems to have been an excellent organizer, but he did not use (certainly not in the summer of 1813) his materials by any means to the best advantage. He was hardly equal to his opponent, and the latter seems to have been little more than an average officer. Yeo blundered several times, as in the attack on Sackett's Harbor, in not following up his advantage at Oswego, in showing so little resource in the action off the Genesee, etc., and he was not troubled by any excess of daring; but during the period when he was actually cruising against Chauncy on the lake he certainly showed to better advantage than the American did. With an inferior force he won a partial victory over his opponent off Niagara, and then kept him in check for six weeks; while Chauncy, with his superior force, was not only partially defeated once, but, when he did gain a partial victory, failed to take advantage of it. In commenting upon the timid and dilatory tactics of the two commanders on Ontario, however, it must be remembered that the indecisive nature of the results attained had been often paralleled by the numerous similar encounters that took place on the ocean during the wars of the preceding century. In the War of the American Revolution, the English fought some 19 fleet actions with the French, Dutch, and Spaniards; one victory was gained over the French, and one over the Spaniards, while the 17 others were all indecisive, both sides claiming the victory, and neither winning it. Of course, some of them, though indecisive as regards loss and damage, were strategetical victories: thus, Admiral Arbuthnot beat back Admiral Barras off the Chesapeake, in March of 1781; and near the same place in September of the same year the French had their revenge in the victory (one at least in its results) of the Comte de Grasse over Sir Thomas Graves. In the five desperate and bloody combats which De Suffrein waged with Sir Edward Hughes in the East Indies, the laurels were very evenly divided. These five conflicts were not rendered indecisive by any overwariness in manoeuvring, for De Suffrein's attacks were carried out with as much boldness as skill, and his stubborn antagonist was never inclined to baulk him of a fair battle; but the two hardy fighters were so evenly matched that they would pound one another till each was helpless to inflict injury. Very different were the three consecutive battles that took place in the same waters, on the 25th of April, 1758, the 3d of August, 1758, and on the 10th of September, 1759, between Pocock and d'Aché [Footnote: "La Marine Française sous le Regne de Louis XV," par Henri Riviere, Lieutenant de Vaisseau, Chevalier de la Legion d' Honneur. (Paris et Toulon, 1859), pp. 385 and 439.], where, by skilful manoeuvring, the French admiral saved his somewhat inferior force from capture, and the English admiral gained indecisive victories. M. Riviere, after giving a most just and impartial account of the battles, sums up with the following excellent criticism. [Footnote: _Ibid_., p. 425. I pay more attention to the sense than to the letter in my translation.] "It is this battle, won by Hawke, the 20th of November, 1757, and the combats of Pocock and d'Aché, from which date two distinct schools in the naval affairs of the 18th century: one of these was all for promptness and audacity, which were regarded as the indispensable conditions for victory; the other, on the contrary, praised skilful delays and able evolutions, and created success by science united to prudence. * * * But these two schools were true only according to circumstances, not absolutely. When two fleets of equal worth are facing one another, as in the War of the American Revolution, then tactics should come into play, and audacity would often be mere foolhardiness. If it happens, on the other hand, as in the Republic, or during the last years of Louis XV, that an irresolute fleet, without organization, has to contend with a fleet prepared in every way, then, on the part of this last, audacity is wisdom and prudence would be cowardice, for it would give an enemy who distrusts himself time to become more hardy. The only school always true is that one which, freed from all routine, produces men whose genius will unite in one, in knowing how to apply them appropriately, the audacity which will carry off victory, and the prudence which knows how to obtain it in preparing for it." These generalizations are drawn from the results of mighty battles, but they apply just as well to the campaigns carried on on a small scale, or even to single-ship actions. Chauncy, as already said, does not deserve the praise which most American historians, and especially Cooper, have lavished on him as well as on all our other officers of that period. Such indiscriminate eulogy entirely detracts from the worth of a writer's favorable criticisms. Our _average_ commander was, I firmly believe, at that time superior to the average commander of any other nation; but to get at this average we must include Chauncy, Rodgers, and Angus, as well as Hull, Macdonough, Perry, Porter, Bainbridge, Biddle, Lawrence, and Warrington. Sir James Yeo did to the full as well as his opponent, and like him was a good organizer; but he did little enough. His campaigns must be considered as being conducted well or ill according as he is believed to have commanded better men than his opponent, or not. If, as many British writers contend, his crews were an overmatch for the Americans, man for man, even to a slight degree, then Yeo's conduct was very cowardly; if, on the contrary, the officers and men of the two fleets were on a par, then he acted properly and outgeneralled his opponent. It is to be regretted that most of the histories written on the subject, on either side of the Atlantic, should be of the "hurrah" order of literature, with no attempt whatever to get at the truth, but merely to explain away the defeats or immensely exaggerate the victories suffered or gained by their own side. Erie and the Upper Lakes. Hitherto the vessels on these lakes (as well as on Ontario) had been under the command of Commodore Chauncy; but they were now formed into a separate department, under Captain Arthur Sinclair. The Americans had, of course, complete supremacy, and no attempt was seriously made to contest it with them; but they received a couple of stinging, if not very important, defeats. It is rather singular that here the British, who began with a large force, while there was none whatever to oppose it, should have had it by degrees completely annihilated; and should have then, and not till then, when apparently rendered harmless, have turned round and partially revenged themselves by two cutting-out expeditions which were as boldly executed as they were skilfully planned. Captain Sinclair sailed into Lake Huron with the _Niagara_, _Caledonia_, _Ariel_, _Scorpion_, and _Tigress_, and on July 20th burnt the fort and barracks of St. Joseph, which were abandoned by their garrison. On Aug. 4th he arrived off the fort of Machilimacinac (Mackinaw), which was situated on such an eminence that the guns of the vessels could not reach it. Accordingly, the troops under Col. Croghan were landed, covered by the fire of the schooners, very successfully; but when they tried to carry the fort they were driven back with the loss of 70 men. Thence Sinclair sailed to the Nattagawassa Creek, attacked and destroyed a block-house three miles up it, which mounted three light guns, and also a schooner called the _Nancy_; but the commander of the schooner, Lieutenant Worsely, with his crew, escaped up the river. Captain Sinclair then departed for Lake Erie, leaving the _Scorpion_, Lieutenant Turner, and _Tigress_, Sailing-master Champlin, to blockade the Nattagawassa. News was received by the British from a party of Indians that the two American vessels were five leagues apart, and it was at once resolved to attempt their capture. On the first of September, in the evening, four boats started out, one manned by 20 seamen, under Lieutenant Worsely, the three others by 72 soldiers under Lieutenants Bulger, Armstrong, and Raderhurst of the army--in all 92 men and two guns, a 6- and a 3-pounder. A number of Indians accompanied the expedition but took no part in the fighting. At sunset on the 2d the boats arrived at St. Mary's Strait, and spent 24 hours in finding out where the American schooners were. At 6 P.M. on the 3d, the nearest vessel, the _Tigress_, was made out, six miles off, and they pulled for her. It was very dark, and they were not discovered till they had come within fifty yards, when Champlin at once fired his long 24 at them; before it could be reloaded the four boats had dashed up, those of Lieutenants Worsely and Armstrong placing themselves on the starboard, and those of Lieutenants Bulger and Raderhurst on the port side. There was a short, sharp struggle, and the schooner was carried. Of her crew of 28 men, 3 were killed and five, including Mr. Champlin, dangerously wounded. The assailants lost three seamen killed, Lieutenant Bulger, seven soldiers and several seamen wounded. [Footnote: Letter of Lieutenant A. H. Bulger, Sept. 7, 1814. James says only 3 killed and 8 wounded; but Lieutenant Bulger distinctly says in addition, "and several seamen wounded."] "The defence of this vessel," writes Lieut. Bulger, "did credit to her officers, who were all severely wounded." Next day the prisoners were sent on shore; and on the 5th the _Scorpion_ was discovered working up to join her consort, entirely ignorant of what had happened. She anchored about 2 miles from the _Tigress_; and next morning at 6 o'clock the latter slipped her cable and ran down under the jib and fore-sail, the American ensign and pendant still flying. When within 10 yards of the _Scorpion_, the concealed soldiers jumped up, poured a volley into her which killed 2 and wounded 2 men, and the next moment carried her, her surprised crew of 30 men making no resistance. The whole affair reflected great credit on the enterprise and pluck of the British without being discreditable to the Americans. It was like Lieut. Elliot's capture of the _Detroit_ and _Caledonia_. Meanwhile a still more daring cutting-out expedition had taken place at the foot of Lake Erie. The three American schooners, _Ohio_, _Somers_, and _Porcupine_, each with 30 men, under Lieut. Conkling, were anchored just at the outlet of the lake, to cover the flank of the works at Fort Erie. On the night of August 12th, Capt. Dobbs, of the _Charwell_, and Lieut. Radcliffe, of the _Netly_, with 75 seamen and marines from their two vessels, which were lying off Fort Erie, resolved to attempt the capture of the schooners. The seamen carried the captain's gig upon their shoulders from Queenstown to Frenchman's Creek, a distance of 20 miles; thence, by the aid of some militia, 5 batteaux as well as the gig were carried 8 miles across the woods to Lake Erie, and the party (whether with or without the militia I do not know) embarked in them. Between 11 and 12 the boats were discovered a short distance ahead of the _Somers_ and hailed. They answered "provision boats," which deceived the officer on deck, as such boats had been in the habit of passing and repassing continually during the night. Before he discovered his mistake the boats drifted across his hawse, cut his cables, and ran him aboard with a volley of musketry, which wounded two of his men, and before the others could get on deck the schooner was captured. In another moment the British boats were alongside the _Ohio_, Lieut. Conkling's vessel. Here the people had hurried on deck, and there was a moment's sharp struggle, in which the assailants lost Lieut. Radcliffe and one seaman killed and six seamen and marines wounded; but on board the _Ohio_ Lieut. Conkling and Sailing-master M. Cally were shot down, one seaman killed, and four wounded, and Captain Dobbs carried her, sword in hand. The _Porcupine_ was not molested, and made no effort to interfere with the British in their retreat; so they drifted down the rapids with their two prizes and secured them below. The boldness of this enterprise will be appreciated when it is remembered that but 75 British seamen (unless there were some militia along), with no artillery, attacked and captured two out of three fine schooners, armed each with a long 32 or 24, and an aggregate of 90 men; and that this had been done in waters where the gig and five batteaux of the victors were the only British vessels afloat. CHAMPLAIN. This lake, which had hitherto played but an inconspicuous part, was now to become the scene of the greatest naval battle of the war. A British army of 11,000 men under Sir George Prevost undertook the invasion of New York by advancing up the western bank of Lake Champlain. This advance was impracticable unless there was a sufficiently strong British naval force to drive back the American squadron at the same time. Accordingly, the British began to construct a frigate, the _Confiance_, to be added to their already existing force, which consisted of a brig, two sloops, and 12 or 14 gun-boats. The Americans already possessed a heavy corvette, a schooner, a small sloop, and 10 gun-boats or row-galleys; they now began to build a large brig, the _Eagle_, which was launched about the 16th of August. Nine days later, on the 25th, the _Confiance_ was launched. The two squadrons were equally deficient in stores, etc.; the _Confiance_ having locks to her guns, some of which could not be used, while the American schooner _Ticonderoga_ had to fire her guns by means of pistols flashed at the touchholes (like Barclay on Lake Erie). Macdonough and Downie were hurried into action before they had time to prepare themselves thoroughly; but it was a disadvantage common to both, and arose from the nature of the case, which called for immediate action. The British army advanced slowly toward Plattsburg, which was held by General Macomb with less than 2,000 effective American troops. Captain Thomas Macdonough, the American commodore, took the lake a day or two before his antagonist, and came to anchor in Plattsburg harbor. The British fleet, under Captain George Downie, moved from Isle-aux-Noix on Sept. 8th, and on the morning of the 11th sailed into Plattsburg harbor. The American force consisted of the ship _Saratoga_, Captain T. Macdonough, of about 734 tons, [Footnote: In the Naval Archives ("Masters'-Commandant Letters," 1814, 1, No. 134) is a letter from Macdonough in which he states that the _Saratoga_ is intermediate in size between the _Pike_, of 875, and the _Madison_, of 593 tons; this would make her 734. The _Eagle_ was very nearly the size of the _Lawrence_ or _Niagara_, on Lake Erie. The _Ticonderoga_ was originally a small steamer, but Commodore Macdonough had her schooner-rigged, because he found that her machinery got out of order on almost every trip that she took. Her tonnage is only approximately known, but she was of the same size as the _Linnet_.] carrying eight long 24-pounders, six 42-pound and twelve 32-pound carronades; the brig _Eagle_, Captain Robert Henly, of about 500 tons, carrying eight long 18's and twelve 32-pound carronades; schooner _Ticonderoga_, Lieut.-Com. Stephen Cassin, of about 350 tons carrying eight long 12-pounders, four long 18-pounders, and five 32-pound carronades; sloop _Preble_, Lieutenant Charles Budd, of about 80 tons, mounting seven long 9's; the row-galleys _Boxer_, _Centipede_, _Nettle_, _Allen_, _Viper_, and _Burrows_, each of about 70 tons, and mounting one long 24- and one short 18-pounder; and the row-galleys _Wilmer_, _Ludlow_, _Aylwin_, and _Ballard_, each of about 40 tons, and mounting one long 12. James puts down the number of men on board the squadron as 950,--merely a guess, as he gives no authority. Cooper says "about 850 men, including officers, and a small detachment of soldiers to act as marines." Lossing (p. 866, note 1) says 882 in all. Vol. xiv of the "American State Papers" contains on p. 572 the prize-money list presented by the purser, George Beale, Jr. This numbers the men (the dead being represented by their heirs or executors) up to 915, including soldiers and seamen, but many of the numbers are omitted, probably owing to the fact that their owners, though belonging on board; happened to be absent on shore, or in the hospital; so that the actual number of names tallies very closely with that given by Lossing; and accordingly I shall take that. [Footnote: In the Naval Archives are numerous letters from Macdonough, in which he states continually that, as fast as they arrive, he substitutes sailors for the soldiers with which the vessels were originally manned. Men were continually being sent ashore on account of sickness. In the Bureau of Navigation is the log-book of "sloop-of-war _Surprise_, Captain Robert Henly" (_Surprise_ was the name the _Eagle_ originally went by). It mentions from time to time that men were buried and sent ashore to the hospital (five being sent ashore on September 2d); and finally mentions that the places of the absent were partially filled by a draft of 21 soldiers, to act as marines. The notes on the day of battle are very brief.] The total number of men in the galleys (including a number of soldiers, as there were not enough sailors) was 350. The exact proportions in which this force was distributed among the gunboats can not be told, but it may be roughly said to be 41 in each large galley and 26 in each small one. The complement of the _Saratoga_ was 210, of the _Eagle_, 130, of the _Ticonderoga_, 100, and of the _Preble_, 30; but the first three had also a few soldiers distributed between them. The following list is probably pretty accurate as to the aggregate; but there may have been a score or two fewer men on the gun-boats, or more on the larger vessels. MACDONOUGH'S FORCE. Metal, from long Name. Tons. Crew. Broadside. or short guns. _Saratoga_, 734 240 414 lbs. -+- long, 96 '- short, 318 _Eagle_, 500 150 264 " -+- long, 72 '- short, 192 _Ticonderoga_, 350 112 180 " -+- long, 84 '- short, 96 _Preble_, 80 30 36 " long, 36 Six gun-boats, 420 246 252 " -+- long, 144 '- short, 108 Four gun-boats, 160 104 48 " long, 48 In all, 14 vessels of 2,244 tons and 882 men, with 86 guns throwing at a broadside 1,194 lbs. of shot, 480 from long, and 714 from short guns. [Illustration: Commodore Thomas Macdonough: a contemporary portrait by Gilbert Stuart. (Courtesy National Gallery of Art, Mellon Collection)] The force of the British squadron in guns and ships is known accurately, as most of it was captured. The _Confiance_ rated for years in our lists as a frigate of the class of the _Constellation_, _Congress_, and _Macedonian_; she was thus of over 1,200 tons. (Cooper says more, "nearly double the tonnage of the _Saratoga._") She carried on her main-deck thirty long 24's, fifteen in each broadside. She did not have a complete spar-deck; on her poop, which came forward to the mizzen-mast, were two 32-pound (or possibly 42-pound) carronades and on her spacious top-gallant forecastle were four 32--(or 42-) pound carronades, and a long 24 on a pivot. [Footnote: This is her armament as given by Cooper, on the authority of Lieutenant E. A. F. Lavallette. who was in charge of her for three months, and went aboard her ten minutes after the _Linnet_ struck.] She had aboard her a furnace for heating shot; eight or ten of which heated shot were found with the furnace. [Footnote: James stigmatizes the statement of Commodore Macdonough about the furnace as "as gross a falsehood as ever was uttered"; but he gives no authority for the denial, and it appears to have been merely an ebullition of spleen on his part. Every American officer who went aboard the _Confiance_ saw the furnace and the hot shot.] This was, of course, a perfectly legitimate advantage. The _Linnet_, Captain Daniel Pring, was a brig of the same size as the _Ticonderoga_, mounting 16 long 12's. The _Chubb_ and _Finch_, Lieutenants James McGhie and William Hicks, were formerly the American sloops _Growler_ and _Eagle_, of 112 and 110 tons respectively. The former mounted ten 18-pound carronades and one long 6; the latter, six 18-pound carronades, four long 6's, and one short 18. There were twelve gun-boats. [Footnote: Letter of General George Prevost, Sept. 11, 1814. All the American accounts say 13; the British official account had best be taken. James says only ten, but gives no authority; he appears to have been entirely ignorant of all things connected with this action.] Five of these were large, of about 70 tons each; three mounted a long 24 and a 32-pound carronade each; one mounted a long 18 and a 32-pound carronade; one a long 18 and a short 18. Seven were smaller, of about 40 tons each; three of these carried each a long 18, and four carried each a 32-pound carronade. There is greater difficulty in finding out the number of men in the British fleet. American historians are unanimous in stating it at from 1,000 to 1,100; British historians never do any thing but copy James blindly. Midshipman Lea of the _Confiance_, in a letter (already quoted) published in the "London Naval Chronicle," vol. xxxii, p. 292, gives her crew as 300; but more than this amount of dead and prisoners were taken out of her. The number given her by Commander Ward in his "Naval Tactics," is probably nearest right--325. [Footnote: James gives her but 270 men,--without stating his authority.] The _Linnet_ had about 125 men, and the _Chubb_ and _Finch_ about 50 men each. According to Admiral Paulding (given by Lossing, in his "Field Book of the War of 1812," p. 868) their gun-boats averaged 50 men each. This is probably true, as they were manned largely by soldiers, any number of whom could be spared from Sir George Prevost's great army; but it may be best to consider the large ones as having 41, and the small 26 men, which were the complements of the American gun-boats of the same sizes. The following, then, is the force of DOWNIE'S SQUADRON. From what guns, Name. Tonnage. Crew. Broadside. long or short. _Confiance_, 1200 325 480 lbs. -+- long, 384 '- short, 96 _Linnet_, 350 125 96 " long, 96 _Chubb_, 112 50 96 " -+- long, 6 '- short, 90 _Finch_, 110 50 84 " -+- long, 12 '- short, 72 Five gun-boats, 350 205 254 " -+- long, 12 '- short, 72 Seven gun-boats, 280 182 182 " -+- long, 54 '- short, 128 In all, 16 vessels, of about 2,402 tons, with 937 men, [Footnote: About; there were probably more rather than less.] and a total of 92 guns, throwing at a broadside 1,192 lbs., 660 from long and 532 from short pieces. These are widely different from the figures that appear in the pages of most British historians, from Sir Archibald Alison down and up. Thus, in the "History of the British Navy," by C. D. Yonge (already quoted), it is said that on Lake Champlain "our (the British) force was manifestly and vastly inferior, * * * their (the American) broadside outweighing ours in more than the proportion of three to two, while the difference in their tonnage and in the number of their crews was still more in their favor." None of these historians, or quasi-historians, have made the faintest effort to find out the facts for themselves, following James' figures with blind reliance, and accordingly it is only necessary to discuss the latter. This reputable gentleman ends his account ("Naval Occurrences," p. 424) by remarking that Macdonough wrote as he did because "he knew that nothing would stamp a falsehood with currency equal to a pious expression, * * * his falsehoods equalling in number the lines of his letter." These remarks are interesting as showing the unbiassed and truthful character of the author, rather than for any particular weight they will have in influencing any one's judgment on Commodore Macdonough. James gives the engaged force of the British as "8 vessels, of 1,426 tons, with 537 men, and throwing 765 lbs. of shot." To reduce the force down to this, he first excludes the _Finch_, because she "grounded opposite an American battery _before the engagement commenced_," which reads especially well in connection with Capt. Pring's official letter: "Lieut. Hicks, of the _Finch_, had the mortification to strike on a reef of rocks to the eastward of Crab Island _about the middle of the engagement_." [Footnote: The italics are mine. The letter is given in full in the "Naval Chronicle."] What James means cannot be imagined; no stretch of language will convert "about the middle of" into "before." The _Finch_ struck on the reef in consequence of having been disabled and rendered helpless by the fire from the _Ticonderoga_. Adding her force to James' statement (counting her crew only as he gives it), we get 9 vessels, 1,536 tons, 577 men, 849 lbs. of shot. James also excludes five gun-boats, because they ran away almost as soon as the action commenced (vol. vi, p. 501). This assertion is by no means equivalent to the statement in Captain Pring's letter "that the flotilla of gun-boats had abandoned the object assigned to them," and, if it was, it would not warrant his excluding the five gun-boats. Their flight may have been disgraceful, but they formed part of the attacking force nevertheless; almost any general could say that he had won against superior numbers if he refused to count in any of his own men whom he suspected of behaving badly. James gives his 10 gun-boats 294 men and 13 guns (two long 24's, five long 18's, six 32-pound carronades), and makes them average 45 tons; adding on the five he leaves out, we get 14 vessels, of 1,761 tons, with 714 men, throwing at a broadside 1,025 lbs. of shot (591 from long guns, 434 from carronades). But Sir George Prevost, in the letter already quoted, says there were 12 gun-boats, and the American accounts say more. Supposing the two gun-boats James did not include at all to be equal respectively to one of the largest and one of the smallest of the gun-boats as he gives them ("Naval Occurrences," p. 417); that is, one to have had 35 men, a long 24, and a 32-pound carronade, the other, 25 men and a 32-pound carronade, we get for Downie's force 16 vessels, of 1,851 tons, with 774 men, throwing at a broadside 1,113 lbs. of shot (615 from long guns, 498 from carronades). It must be remembered that so far I have merely corrected James by means of the authorities from which he draws his account--the official letters of the British commanders. I have not brought up a single American authority against him, but have only made such alterations as a writer could with nothing whatever but the accounts of Sir George Prevost and Captain Pring before him to compare with James. Thus it is seen that according to James himself Downie really had 774 men to Macdonough's 882, and threw at a broadside 1,113 lbs. of shot to Macdonough's 1,194 lbs. James says ("Naval Occurrences," pp. 410, 413): "Let it be recollected, no musketry was employed on either side," and "The marines were of no use, as the action was fought out of the range of musketry"; the 106 additional men on the part of the Americans were thus not of much consequence, the action being fought at anchor, and there being men enough to manage the guns and perform every other duty. So we need only attend to the broadside force. Here, then, Downie could present at a broadside 615 lbs. of shot from long guns to Macdonough's 480, and 498 lbs. from carronades to Macdonough's 714; or, he threw 135 lbs. of shot more from his long guns, and 216 less from his carronades. This is equivalent to Downie's having seven long 18's and one long 9, and Macdonough's having one 24-pound and six 32-pound carronades. A 32-pound carronade is not equal to a long 18; so that _even by James' own showing Downie's force was slightly the superior_. Thus far, I may repeat, I have corrected James solely by the evidence of his own side; now I shall bring in some American authorities. These do not contradict the British official letters, for they virtually agree with them; but they do go against James' unsupported assertions, and, being made by naval officers of irreproachable reputation, will certainly outweigh them. In the first place, James asserts that on the main-deck of the _Confiance_ but 13 guns were presented in broadside, two 32-pound carronades being thrust through the bridle- and two others through the stern-ports; so he excludes two of her guns from the broadside. Such guns would have been of great use to her at certain stages of the combat, and ought to be included in the force. But besides this the American officers positively say that she had a _broadside_ of 15 guns. Adding these two guns, and making a trifling change in the arrangement of the guns in the row-galleys, we get a broadside of 1,192 lbs., exactly as I have given it above. There is no difficulty in accounting for the difference of tonnage as given by James and by the Americans, for we have considered the same subject in reference to the battle of Lake Erie. James calculates the American tonnage as if for sea-vessels of deep holds, while, as regards the British vessels, he allows for the shallow holds that all the lake craft had; that is, he gives in one the nominal, in the other the real, tonnage. This fully accounts for the discrepancy. It only remains to account for the difference in the number of men. From James we can get 772. In the first place, we can reason by analogy. I have already shown that, as regards the battle of Lake Erie, he is convicted (by English, not by American, evidence) of having underestimated Barclay's force by about 25 per cent. If he did the same thing here, the British force was over 1,000 strong, and I have no doubt that it was. But we have other proofs. On p. 417 of the "Naval Occurrences" he says the complement of the four captured British vessels amounted to 420 men, of whom 54 were killed in action, leaving 366 prisoners, including the wounded. But the report of prisoners, as given by the American authorities, gives 369 officers and seamen unhurt or but slightly wounded, 57 wounded men paroled, and other wounded whose number was unspecified. Supposing this number to have been 82, and adding 54 dead, we would get in all 550 men for the four ships, the number I have adopted in my list. This would make the British wounded 129 instead of 116, as James says: but neither the Americans nor the British seem to have enumerated all their wounded in this fight. Taking into account all these considerations, it will be seen that the figures I have given are probably approximately correct, and, at any rate, indicate pretty closely the _relative_ strength of the two squadrons. The slight differences in tonnage and crews (158 tons and 55 men, in favor of the British) are so trivial that they need not be taken into account, and we will merely consider the broadside force. In absolute weight of metal the two combatants were evenly matched--almost exactly;--but whereas from Downie's broadside of 1,192 lbs. 660 were from long and 532 from short guns, of Macdonough's broadside of 1,194 lbs., but 480 were from long and 714 from short pieces. The forces were thus equal, except that Downie opposed 180 lbs. from long guns to 182 from carronades; as if 10 long 18's were opposed to ten 18-pound carronades. This would make the odds on their face about 10 to 9 against the Americans; in reality they were greater, for the possession of the _Confiance_ was a very great advantage. The action is, as regards metal, the exact reverse of those between Chauncy and Yeo. Take, for example, the fight off Burlington on Sept. 28, 1813. Yeo's broadside was 1,374 lbs. to Chauncy's 1,288; but whereas only 180 of Yeo's was from long guns, of Chauncy's but 536 was from carronades. Chauncy's fleet was thus much the superior. At least we must say this: if Macdonough beat merely an equal force, then Yeo made a most disgraceful and cowardly flight before an inferior foe; but if we contend that Macdonough's force was inferior to that of his antagonist, then we must admit that Yeo's was in like manner inferior to Chauncy's. These rules work both ways. The _Confiance_ was a heavier vessel than the _Pike_, presenting in broadside one long 24- and three 32-pound carronades more than the latter. James (vol. vi, p. 355) says: "The _Pike_ alone was nearly a match for Sir James Yeo's squadron," and Brenton says (vol. ii, 503): "The _General Pike_ was more than a match for the whole British squadron." Neither of these writers means quite as much as he says, for the logical result would be that the _Confiance_ alone was a match for all of Macdonough's force. Still it is safe to say that the _Pike_ gave Chauncy a great advantage, and that the _Confiance_ made Downie's fleet much superior to Macdonough's. Macdonough saw that the British would be forced to make the attack in order to get the control of the waters. On this long, narrow lake the winds usually blow pretty nearly north or south, and the set of the current is of course northward; all the vessels, being flat and shallow, could not beat to windward well, so there was little chance of the British making the attack when there was a southerly wind blowing. So late in the season there was danger of sudden and furious gales, which would make it risky for Downie to wait outside the bay till the wind suited him; and inside the bay the wind was pretty sure to be light and baffling. Young Macdonough (then but 28 years of age) calculated all these chances very coolly and decided to await the attack at anchor in Plattsburg Bay, with the head of his line so far to the north that it could hardly be turned; and then proceeded to make all the other preparations with the same foresight. Not only were his vessels provided with springs, but also with anchors to be used astern in any emergency. The _Saratoga _was further prepared for a change of wind, or for the necessity of winding ship, by having a kedge planted broad off on each of her bows, with a hawser and preventer hawser (hanging in bights under water) leading from each quarter to the kedge on that side. There had not been time to train the men thoroughly at the guns; and to make these produce their full effect the constant supervision of the officers had to be exerted. The British were laboring under this same disadvantage, but neither side felt the want very much, as the smooth water, stationary position of the ships, and fair range, made the fire of both sides very destructive. Plattsburg Bay is deep and opens to the southward; so that a wind which would enable the British to sail up the lake would force them to beat when entering the bay. The east side of the mouth of the bay is formed by Cumberland Head; the entrance is about a mile and a half across, and the other boundary, southwest from the Head, is an extensive shoal, and a small, low island. This is called Crab Island, and on it was a hospital and one six-pounder gun, which was to be manned in case of necessity by the strongest patients. Macdonough had anchored in a north-and-south line a little to the south of the outlet of the Saranac, and out of range of the shore batteries, being two miles from the western shore. The head of his line was so near Cumberland Head that an attempt to turn it would place the opponent under a very heavy fire, while to the south the shoal prevented a flank attack. The _Eagle_ lay to the north, flanked on each side by a couple of gun-boats; then came the _Saratoga_, with three gun-boats between her and the _Ticonderoga_, the next in line; then came three gun-boats and the _Preble_. The four large vessels were at anchor; the galleys being under their sweeps and forming a second line about 40 yards back, some of them keeping their places and some not doing so. By this arrangement his line could not be doubled upon, there was not room to anchor on his broadside out of reach of his carronades, and the enemy was forced to attack him by standing in bows on. The morning of September 11th opened with a light breeze from the northeast. Downie's fleet weighed anchor at daylight, and came down the lake with the wind nearly aft, the booms of the two sloops swinging out to starboard. At half-past seven, [Footnote: The letters of the two commanders conflict a little as to time, both absolutely and relatively. Pring says the action lasted two hours and three quarters, the American accounts, two hours and twenty minutes. Pring says it began at 8.00; Macdonough says a few minutes before nine, etc. I take the mean time.] the people in the ships could see their adversaries' upper sails across the narrow strip of land ending in Cumberland Head, before the British doubled the latter. Captain Downie hove to with his four large vessels when he had fairly opened the Bay, and waited for his galleys to overtake him. Then his four vessels filled on the starboard tack and headed for the American line, going abreast, the _Chubb_ to the north, heading well to windward of the _Eagle_, for whose bows the _Linnet_ was headed, while the _Confiance_ was to be laid athwart the hawse of the _Saratoga_; the _Finch_ was to leeward with the twelve gun-boats, and was to engage the rear of the American line. As the English squadron stood bravely in, young Macdonough, who feared his foes not at all, but his God a great deal, knelt for a moment, with his officers, on the quarter-deck; and then ensued a few minutes of perfect quiet, the men waiting with grim expectancy for the opening of the fight. The Eagle spoke first with her long 18's, but to no effect, for the shot fell short. Then, as the _Linnet_ passed the _Saratoga_, she fired her broadside of long 12's, but her shot also fell short, except one that struck a hen-coop which happened to be aboard the _Saratoga_. There was a game cock inside, and, instead of being frightened at his sudden release, he jumped up on a gun-slide, clapped his wings, and crowed lustily. The men laughed and cheered; and immediately afterward Macdonough himself fired the first shot from one of the long guns. The 24-pound ball struck the _Confiance_ near the hawse-hole and ranged the length of her deck, killing and wounding several men. All the American long guns now opened and were replied to by the British galleys. The _Confiance_ stood steadily on without replying. But she was baffled by shifting winds, and was soon so cut up, having both her port bow-anchors shot away, and suffering much loss, that she was obliged to port her helm and come to while still nearly a quarter of a mile distant from the _Saratoga_. Captain Downie came to anchor in grand style,--securing every thing carefully before he fired a gun, and then opening with a terribly destructive broadside. The _Chubb_ and _Linnet_ stood farther in, and anchored forward the _Eagle's_ beam. Meanwhile the _Finch_ got abreast of the _Ticonderoga_, under her sweeps, supported by the gun-boats. The main fighting was thus to take place between the vans, where the _Eagle_, _Saratoga_, and six or seven gun-boats were engaged with the _Chubb_, _Linnet_, _Confiance_, and two or three gun-boats; while in the rear, the _Ticonderoga_, the _Preble_, and the other American galleys engaged the _Finch_ and the remaining nine or ten English galleys. The battle at the foot of the line was fought on the part of the Americans to prevent their flank being turned, and on the part of the British to effect that object. At first, the fighting was at long range, but gradually the British galleys closed up, firing very well. The American galleys at this end of the line were chiefly the small ones, armed with one 12-pounder apiece, and they by degrees drew back before the heavy fire of their opponents. About an hour after the discharge of the first gun had been fired the _Finch_ closed up toward the _Ticonderoga_, and was completely crippled by a couple of broadsides from the latter. She drifted helplessly down the line and grounded near Crab Island; some of the convalescent patients manned the six-pounder and fired a shot or two at her, when she struck, nearly half of her crew being killed or wounded. About the same time the British gun-boats forced the _Preble_ out of line, whereupon she cut her cable and drifted inshore out of the fight. Two or three of the British gun-boats had already been sufficiently damaged by some of the shot from the _Ticonderoga's_ long guns to make them wary; and the contest at this part of the line narrowed down to one between the American schooner and the remaining British gun-boats, who combined to make a most determined attack upon her. So hastily had the squadron been fitted out that many of the matches for her guns were at the last moment found to be defective. The captain of one of the divisions was a midshipman, but sixteen years old, Hiram Paulding. When he found the matches to be bad he fired the guns of his section by having pistols flashed at them, and continued this through the whole fight. The _Ticonderoga's_ commander, Lieut. Cassin, fought his schooner most nobly. He kept walking the taffrail amidst showers of musketry and grape, coolly watching the movements of the galleys and directing the guns to be loaded with canister and bags of bullets, when the enemy tried to board. The British galleys were handled with determined gallantry, under the command of Lieutenant Bell. Had they driven off the _Ticonderoga_ they would have won the day for their side, and they pushed up till they were not a boat-hook's length distant, to try to carry her by boarding; but every attempt was repulsed and they were forced to draw off, some of them so crippled by the slaughter they had suffered that they could hardly man the oars. Meanwhile the fighting at the head of the line had been even fiercer. The first broadside of the _Confiance_, fired from 16 long 24's, double shotted, coolly sighted, in smooth water, at point-blank range, produced the most terrible effect on the _Saratoga_. Her hull shivered all over with the shock, and when the crash subsided nearly half of her people were seen stretched on deck, for many had been knocked down who were not seriously hurt. Among the slain was her first lieutenant, Peter Gamble; he was kneeling down to sight the bow-gun, when a shot entered the port, split the quoin, and drove a portion of it against his side, killing him without breaking the skin. The survivors carried on the fight with undiminished energy. Macdonough himself worked like a common sailor, in pointing and handling a favorite gun. While bending over to sight it a round shot cut in two the spanker boom, which fell on his head and struck him senseless for two or three minutes; he then leaped to his feet and continued as before, when a shot took off the head of the captain of the gun and drove it in his face with such a force as to knock him to the other side of the deck. But after the first broadside not so much injury was done; the guns of the _Confiance_ had been levelled to point-blank range, and as the quoins were loosened by the successive discharges they were not properly replaced, so that her broadsides kept going higher and higher and doing less and less damage. Very shortly after the beginning of the action her gallant captain was slain. He was standing behind one of the long guns when a shot from the _Saratoga_ struck it and threw it completely off the carriage against his right groin, killing him almost instantly. His skin was not broken; a black mark, about the size of a small plate, was the only visible injury. His watch was found flattened, with its hands pointing to the very second at which he received the fatal blow. As the contest went on the fire gradually decreased in weight, the guns being disabled. The inexperience of both crews partly caused this. The American sailors overloaded their carronades so as to very much destroy the effect of their fire; when the officers became disabled, the men would cram the guns with shot till the last projected from the muzzle. Of course, this lessened the execution, and also gradually crippled the guns. On board the _Confiance_ the confusion was even worse: after the battle the charges of the guns were drawn, and on the side she had fought one was found with a canvas bag containing two round of shot rammed home and wadded without any powder; another with two cartridges and no shot; and a third with a wad below the cartridge. At the extreme head of the line the advantage had been with the British. The _Chubb_ and _Linnet_ had begun a brisk engagement with the _Eagle_ and American gun-boats. In a short time the _Chubb_ had her cable, bowsprit, and main-boom shot away, drifted within the American lines, and was taken possession of by one of the _Saratoga's_ midshipmen. The _Linnet_ paid no attention to the American gunboats, directing her whole fire against the _Eagle_, and the latter was, in addition, exposed to part of the fire of the _Confiance_. After keeping up a heavy fire for a long time her springs were shot away, and she came up into the wind, hanging so that she could not return a shot to the well-directed broadsides of the _Linnet_. Henly accordingly cut his cable, started home his top-sails, ran down, and anchored by the stern between and inshore of the _Confiance_ and _Ticonderoga_, from which position he opened on the _Confiance_. The _Linnet_ now directed her attention to the American gun-boats, which at this end of the line were very well fought, but she soon drove them off, and then sprung her broadside so as to rake the _Saratoga_ on her bows. Macdonough by this time had his hands full, and his fire was slackening; he was bearing the whole brunt of the action, with the frigate on his beam and the brig raking him. Twice his ship had been set on fire by the hot shot of the _Confiance_; one by one his long guns were disabled by shot, and his carronades were either treated the same way or else rendered useless by excessive overcharging. Finally but a single carronade was left in the starboard batteries, and on firing it the naval-bolt broke, the gun flew off the carriage and fell down the main hatch, leaving the Commodore without a single gun to oppose to the few the _Confiance_ still presented. The battle would have been lost had not Macdonough's foresight provided the means of retrieving it. The anchor suspended astern of the _Saratoga_ was let go, and the men hauled in on the hawser that led to the starboard quarter, bringing the ship's stern up over the kedge. The ship now rode by the kedge and by a line that had been bent to a bight in the stream cable, and she was raked badly by the accurate fire of the _Linnet_. By rousing on the line the ship was at length got so far round that the aftermost gun of the port broadside bore on the _Confiance_. The men had been sent forward to keep as much out of harm's way as possible, and now some were at once called back to man the piece, which then opened with effect. The next gun was treated in the same manner; but the ship now hung and would go no farther round. The hawser leading from the port quarter was then got forward under the bows and passed aft to the starboard quarter, and a minute afterward the ship's whole port battery opened with fatal effect. The _Confiance_ meanwhile had also attempted to round. Her springs, like those of the _Linnet_, were on the starboard side, and so of course could not be shot away as the _Eagle's_ were; but, as she had nothing but springs to rely on, her efforts did little beyond forcing her forward, and she hung with her head to the wind. She had lost over half of her crew, [Footnote: Midshipman Lee, in his letter already quoted, says "not five men were left unhurt"; this would of course include bruises, etc., as hurts.] most of her guns on the engaged side were dismounted, and her stout masts had been splintered till they looked like bundles of matches; her sails had been torn to rags, and she was forced to strike, about two hours after she had fired the first broadside. Without pausing a minute the _Saratoga_ again hauled on her starboard hawser till her broadside was sprung to bear on the _Linnet_, and the ship and brig began a brisk fight, which the _Eagle_ from her position could take no part in, while the _Ticonderoga_ was just finishing up the British galleys. The shattered and disabled state of the _Linnet's_ masts, sails, and yards precluded the most distant hope of Capt. Pring's effecting his escape by cutting his cable; but he kept up a most gallant fight with his greatly superior foe, in hopes that some of the gun-boats would come and tow him off, and despatched a lieutenant to the _Confiance_ to ascertain her state. The lieutenant returned with news of Capt. Downie's death, while the British gun-boats had been driven half a mile off; and, after having maintained the fight single-handed for fifteen minutes, until, from the number of shot between wind and water, the water had risen a foot above her lower deck, the plucky little brig hauled down her colors, and the fight ended, a little over two hours and a half after the first gun had been fired. Not one of the larger vessels had a mast that would bear canvas, and the prizes were in a sinking condition. The British galleys drifted to leeward, none with their colors up; but as the _Saratoga's_ boarding-officer passed along the deck of the _Confiance_ he accidentally ran against a lock-string of one of her starboard guns, [Footnote: A sufficient commentary, by the way, on James' assertion that the guns of the _Confiance_ had to be fired by matches, as the gun-locks did not fit!] and it went off. This was apparently understood as a signal by the galleys, and they moved slowly off, pulling but a very few sweeps, and not one of them hoisting an ensign. On both sides the ships had been cut up in the most extraordinary manner; the _Saratoga_ had 55 shot-holes in her hull, and the _Confiance_ 105 in hers, and the _Eagle_ and _Linnet_ had suffered in proportion. The number of killed and wounded can not be exactly stated; it was probably about 200 on the American side, and over 300 on the British. [Footnote: Macdonough returned his loss as follows: Killed. Wounded. _Saratoga_. 28 29 _Eagle_. 13 20 _Ticonderoga_ 6 6 _Preble_. 2 _Boxer_. 3 1 _Centipede_. 1 _Wilmer_. 1 A total of 52 killed and 58 wounded; but the latter head apparently only included those who had to go to the hospital. Probably about 90 additional were more or less slightly wounded. Captain Pring, in his letter of Sept. 12th, says the _Confiance_ had 41 killed and 40 wounded; the _Linnet_, 10 killed and 14 wounded; the _Chubb_, 6 killed and 16 wounded; the _Finch_, 2 wounded: in all, 57 killed and 72 wounded. But he adds "that no opportunity has offered to muster * * * this is the whole as yet ascertained to be killed or wounded." The Americans took out 180 dead and wounded from the _Confiance_, 50 from the _Linnet_, and 40 from the _Chubb_ and _Finch_; in all, 270. James ("Naval Occurrences," p. 412) says the _Confiance_ had 83 wounded. As Captain Pring wrote his letter in Plattsburg Bay the day after the action, he of course could not give the loss aboard the British gun-boats; so James at once assumed that they suffered none. As well as could be found out they had between 50 and 100 killed and wounded. The total British loss was between 300 and 400, as nearly as can be ascertained. For this action, as already shown, James is of no use whatever. Compare his statements, for example, with those of Midshipman Lee, in the "Naval Chronicle." The comparative loss, as a means of testing the competitive prowess of the combatants, is not of much consequence in this case, as the weaker party in point of force conquered.] Captain Macdonough at once returned the British officers their swords. Captain Pring writes: "I have much satisfaction in making you acquainted with the humane treatment the wounded have received from Commodore Macdonough; they were immediately removed to his own hospital on Crab Island, and furnished with every requisite. His generous and polite attention to myself, the officers, and men, will ever hereafter be gratefully remembered." The effects of the victory were immediate and of the highest importance. Sir George Prevost and his army at once fled in great haste and confusion back to Canada, leaving our northern frontier clear for the remainder of the war; while the victory had a very great effect on the negotiations for peace. In this battle the crews on both sides behaved with equal bravery, and left nothing to be desired in this respect; but from their rawness they of course showed far less skill than the crews of most of the American and some of the British ocean cruisers, such as the _Constitution_, _United States_, or _Shannon_, the _Hornet_, _Wasp_, or _Reindeer_, Lieut. Cassin handled the _Ticonderoga_, and Captain Pring the _Linnet_, with the utmost gallantry and skill, and, after Macdonough, they divide the honors of the day. But Macdonough in this battle won a higher fame than any other commander of the war, British or American. He had a decidedly superior force to contend against, the officers and men of the two sides being about on a par in every respect; and it was solely owing to his foresight and resource that we won the victory. He forced the British to engage at a disadvantage by his excellent choice of position; and he prepared beforehand for every possible contingency. His personal prowess had already been shown at the cost of the rovers of Tripoli, and in this action he helped fight the guns as ably as the best sailor. His skill, seamanship, quick eye, readiness of resource, and indomitable pluck, are beyond all praise. Down to the time of the Civil War he is the greatest figure in our naval history. A thoroughly religious man, he was as generous and humane as he was skilful and brave; one of the greatest of our sea-captains, he has left a stainless name behind him. BRITISH LOSS. Name. Tons. Guns. Remarks. Brig, 100 10 Burnt by Lieut. Gregory. _Magnet_, 187 12 " by her crew. _Black Snake_, 30 1 Captured. Gun-boat, 50 2 " " 50 3 " _Confiance_, 1,200 37 " _Linnet_, 350 16 " _Chubb_, 112 11 " _Finch_, 110 11 " _____ ___ 9 vessels 2,189 103 AMERICAN LOSS. Name. Tons. Guns. Remarks. _Growler_, 81 7 Captured. Boat, 50 2 " _Tigress_, 96 1 " _Scorpion_, 86 2 " _Ohio_, 94 1 " _Somers_, 98 2 " ___ __ 6 vessels, 505 15 Chapter IX 1815 CONCLUDING OPERATIONS _President_ captured by Captain Hayes' squadron--Successful cutting-out expeditions of the Americans--Privateer brig _Chasseur_ captures St. Lawrence schooner--_Constitution_ captures_ Cyane_ and _Levant_--Escapes from a British squadron--The _Hornet_ captures the _Penguin_, and escapes from a 74--The _Peacock_ and the _Nautilus_--Summary--Remarks on the war--Tables of comparative loss, etc.--Compared with results of Anglo-French struggle. The treaty of peace between the United States and Great Britain was signed at Ghent, Dec. 24, 1814, and ratified at Washington, Feb. 18, 1815. But during these first two months of 1815, and until the news reached the cruisers on the ocean, the warfare went on with much the same characteristics as before. The blockading squadrons continued standing on and off before the ports containing war-ships with the same unwearying vigilance; but the ice and cold prevented any attempts at harrying the coast except from the few frigates scattered along the shores of the Carolinas and Georgia. There was no longer any formidable British fleet in the Chesapeake or Delaware, while at New Orleans the only available naval force of the Americans consisted of a few small row-boats, with which they harassed the rear of the retreating British. The _Constitution_, Capt. Stewart, was already at sea, having put out from Boston on the 17th of December, while the blockading squadron (composed of the same three frigates she subsequently encountered) was temporarily absent. The _Hornet_, Capt. Biddle, had left the port of New London, running in heavy weather through the blockading squadron, and had gone into New York, where the _President_, Commodore Decatur, and _Peacock_, Capt. Warrington, with the _Tom Bowline_ brig were already assembled, intending to start on a cruise for the East Indies. The blockading squadron off the port consisted of the 56-gun razee _Majestic_, Capt. Hayes, 24-pounder frigate _Endymion_, Capt. Hope, 18-pounder frigate _Pomone_, Capt. Lumly, and 18-pounder frigate _Tenedos_, Capt. Parker. [Footnote: Letter of Rear-Admiral Hotham, Jan 23, 1815.] On the 14th of January a severe snow-storm came on and blew the squadron off the coast. Next day it moderated, and the ships stood off to the northwest to get into the track which they supposed the Americans would take if they attempted to put out in the storm. Singularly enough, at the instant of arriving at the intended point, an hour before daylight on the 15th, Sandy Hook bearing W.N.W. 15 leagues, a ship was made out, on the Majestic's weather-bow, standing S.E. [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Hayes, Jan. 17, 1815.] This ship was the unlucky _President_. On the evening of the 14th she had left her consorts at anchor, and put out to sea in the gale. But by a mistake of the pilots who were to place boats to beacon the passage the frigate struck on the bar, where she beat heavily for an hour and a half, [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Decatur, Jan. 18, 1815.] springing her masts and becoming very much hogged and twisted. [Footnote: Report of Court-martial, Alex. Murray presiding. April 20, 1815.] Owing to the severity of her injuries the _President_ would have put back to port, but was prevented by the westerly gale. [Footnote: Decatur's letter, Jan. 18th.] Accordingly Decatur steered at first along Long Island, then shaped his course to the S.E., and in the dark ran into the British squadron, which, but for his unfortunate accident, he would thus have escaped. At daylight, the _President_, which had hauled up and passed to the northward of her opponents, [Footnote: Decatur's letter. Jan. 18th.] found herself with the _Majestic_ and _Endymion_ astern, the _Pomona_ on the port and the _Tenedos_ on the starboard quarter. [Footnote: James, vi, 529.] The chase now became very interesting. [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Hayes.] During the early part of the day, while the wind was still strong, the _Majestic_ led the _Endymion_ and fired occasionally at the _President_, but without effect. [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Decatur.] The _Pomona_ gained faster than the others, but by Capt. Hayes' orders was signalled to go in chase of the _Tenedos_, whose character the captain could not make out [Footnote: James, vi, 529.]; and this delayed her several hours in the chase. [Footnote: Log of _Pomona_, published at Bermuda, Jan. 29th, and quoted in full in the "Naval Chronicle," xxxiii. 370.] In the afternoon, the wind coming out light and baffling, the _Endymion_ left the _Majestic_ behind, [Footnote: Letter of Captain Hayes.] and, owing to the _President's_ disabled state and the amount of water she made in consequence of the injuries received while on the bar, gained rapidly on her, [Footnote: Letter of Decatur.] although she lightened ship and did everything else that was possible to improve her sailing. [Footnote: Letter of Decatur.] But a shift of wind helped the _Endymion_, [Footnote: Cooper, ii, 466.] and the latter was able at about 2.30, to begin skirmishing with her bow-chasers, answered by the stern-chasers of the _President_. [Footnote: Log of _Pomona_.] At 5.30 the _Endymion_ began close action, [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Hayes.] within half point-blank shot on the _President's_ starboard quarter, [Footnote: James, vi, 530.] where not a gun of the latter could bear. [Footnote: Letter of Decatur.] The _President_ continued in the same course, steering east by north, the wind being northwest, expecting the _Endymion_ soon to come up abeam; but the latter warily kept her position by yawing, so as not to close. [Footnote: Letter of Decatur.] So things continued for half an hour during which the _President_ suffered more than during all the remainder of the combat. [Footnote: Cooper, 470.] At 6.00 the _President_ kept off, heading to the south, and the two adversaries ran abreast, the Americans using the starboard and the British the port batteries. [Footnote: Log of _Pomone_.] Decatur tried to close with his antagonist, but whenever he hauled nearer to the latter she hauled off [Footnote: Report of Court-martial.] and being the swiftest ship could of course evade him; so he was reduced to the necessity of trying to throw her out of the combat [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Decatur.] by dismantling her. He was completely successful in this, and after two hours' fighting the _Endymion's_ sails were all cut from her yards [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Hayes.] and she dropped astern, the last shot being fired from the _President_. [Footnote: Log of _Pomone_.] The _Endymion_ was now completely silent, [Footnote: Log of _Pomone_.] and Commodore Decatur did not board her merely because her consorts were too close astern [Footnote: Report of Court-martial.]; accordingly the _President_ hauled up again to try her chances at running, having even her royal studding-sails set, [Footnote: James, vi, 538.] and exposed her stern to the broadside of the _Endymion_, [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Decatur.] but the latter did not fire a single gun. [Footnote: Log of the _Pomone_.] Three hours afterward, at 11, [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Hayes.] the _Pomone_ caught up with the _President_, and luffing to port gave her the starboard broadside [Footnote: Log of the _Pomone_.]; the _Tenedos_ being two cables' length's distance astern, taking up a raking position. [Footnote: Decatur's letter.] The _Pomone_ poured in another broadside, within musket shot, [Footnote: Log of _Pomone_.] when the _President_ surrendered and was taken possession of by Capt. Parker of the _Tenedos_. [Footnote: James, vi, 531.] A considerable number of the _President's_ people were killed by these two last broadsides. [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Decatur, March 6, 1815; deposition of Chaplain Henry Robinson before Admiralty Court at St. Georges, Bermuda, Jan. 1815.] The _Endymion_ was at this time out of sight astern. [Footnote: Letter of Decatur, Jan. 18th.] She did not come up, according to one account, for an hour and three quarters, [Footnote: Log of _Pomone_.] and according to another, for three hours [Footnote: Letter of Decatur, Mar. 6th.]; and as she was a faster ship than the _President_, this means that she was at least two hours motionless repairing damages. Commodore Decatur delivered his sword to Capt. Hayes of the _Majestic_, who returned it, stating in his letter that both sides had fought with great gallantry. [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Hayes.] The _President_ having been taken by an entire squadron, [Footnote: Admiral Hotham's letter, Jan. 23rd.] the prize-money was divided equally among the ships. [Footnote: Bermuda "Royal Gazette," March 8, 1815.] The _President's_ crew all told consisted of 450 men, [Footnote: Depositions of Lieut. Gallagher and the other officers.] none of whom were British. [Footnote: Deposition of Commodore Decatur.] She had thus a hundred more men than her antagonist and threw about 100 pounds more shot at a broadside; but these advantages were more than counterbalanced by the injuries received on the bar, and by the fact that her powder was so bad that while some of the British shot went through both her sides, such a thing did not once happen to the _Endymion_, [Footnote: Bermuda "Royal Gazette," Jan. 6, 1818.] when fairly hulled. The _President_ lost 24 killed and 55 wounded [Footnote: Decatur's letter.]; the _Endymion_, 11 killed and 14 wounded. [Footnote: Letter of Capt. Hope, Jan. 15, 1815.] Two days afterward, on their way to the Bermudas, a violent easterly gale came on, during which both ships were dismasted, and the _Endymion_ in addition had to throw over all her spar-deck guns.[Footnote: James, vi, 534.] [Illustration: The capture of the _President_: an engraving published in London in 1815 from a painting done under the supervision of an officer in the _Endymion_. From left to right: HMS _Majestic_, USS _President_, HMS _Pomone_, HMS _Endymion_, HMS _Tenedos_. (Courtesy Beverley R. Robinson Collection, U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] As can been seen, almost every sentence of this account is taken (very nearly word for word) from the various official reports, relying especially on the log of the British frigate _Pomone_. I have been thus careful to have every point of the narrative established by unimpeachable reference: first, because there have been quite a number of British historians who have treated the conflict as if it were a victory and not a defeat for the _Endymion_: and in the second place, because I regret to say that I do not think that the facts bear out the assertions, on the part of most American authors, that Commodore Decatur "covered himself with glory" and showed the "utmost heroism." As regards the first point, Captain Hope himself, in his singularly short official letter, does little beyond detail his own loss, and makes no claim to having vanquished his opponent. Almost all the talk about its being a "victory" comes from James; and in recounting this, as well as all the other battles, nearly every subsequent British historian simply gives James' statements over again, occasionally amplifying, but more often altering or omitting, the vituperation. The point at issue is simply this: could a frigate which, according to James himself, went out of action with every sail set, take another frigate which for two hours, according to the log of the _Pomone_, lay motionless and unmanageable on the waters, without a sail? To prove that it could not, of course needs some not over-scrupulous manipulation of the facts. The intention with which James sets about his work can be gathered from the triumphant conclusion he comes to, that Decatur's name has been "sunk quite as low as that of Bainbridge or Porter," which, comparing small things to great, is somewhat like saying that Napoleon's defeat by Wellington and Blucher "sunk" him to the level of Hannibal. For the account of the American crew and loss, James relies on the statements made in the Bermuda papers, of whose subsequent forced retraction he takes no notice, and of course largely overestimates both. On the same authority he states that the _President's_ fire was "silenced," Commodore Decatur stating the exact reverse. The point is fortunately settled by the log of the _Pomone_, which distinctly says that the last shot was fired by the _President_. His last resort is to state that the loss of the _President_ was fourfold (in reality threefold) that of the _Endymion_. Now we have seen that the _President_ lost "a considerable number" of men from the fire of the _Pomone_. Estimating these at only nineteen, we have a loss of sixty caused by the _Endymion_, and as most of this was caused during the first half hour, when the _President_ was not firing, it follows that while the two vessels were both fighting, broadside and broadside, the loss inflicted was about equal; or, the _President_, aiming at her adversary's rigging, succeeded in completely disabling her, and incidentally killed 25 men, while the _Endymion_ did not hurt the _President's_ rigging at all, and, aiming at her hull, where, of course, the slaughter ought to have been far greater than when the fire was directed aloft, only killed about the same number of men. Had there been no other vessels in chase, Commodore Decatur, his adversary having been thus rendered perfectly helpless, could have simply taken any position he chose and compelled the latter to strike, without suffering any material additional loss himself. As in such a case he would neither have endured the unanswered fire of the _Endymion_ on his quarter for the first half hour, nor the subsequent broadsides of the _Pornone_, the _President's_ loss would probably have been no greater than that of the _Constitution_ in taking the _Java_. It is difficult to see how any outsider with an ounce of common-sense and fairmindedness can help awarding the palm to Decatur, as regards the action with the _Endymion_. But I regret to say that I must agree with James that he acted rather tamely, certainly not heroically, in striking to the _Pomone_. There was, of course, not much chance of success in doing battle with two fresh frigates; but then they only mounted eighteen-pounders, and, judging from the slight results of the cannonading from the _Endymion_ and the two first (usually the most fatal) broadsides of the _Pomone_, it would have been rather a long time before they would have caused much damage. Meanwhile the _President_ was pretty nearly as well off as ever as far as fighting and sailing went. A lucky shot might have disabled one of her opponents, and then the other would, in all probability, have undergone the same fate as the _Endymion_. At least it was well worth trying, and though Decatur could not be said to be disgraced, yet it is excusable to wish that Porter or Perry had been in his place. It is not very pleasant to criticise the actions of an American whose name is better known than that of almost any other single-ship captain of his time; but if a man is as much to be praised for doing fairly, or even badly, as for doing excellently, then there is no use in bestowing praise at all. This is perhaps as good a place as any other to notice one or two of James' most common misstatements; they really would not need refutation were it not that they have been reechoed, as usual, by almost every British historian of the war for the last 60 years. In the first place, James puts the number of the _President's_ men at 475; she had 450. An exactly parallel reduction must often be made when he speaks of the force of an American ship. Then he says there were many British among them, which is denied under oath by the American officers; this holds good also for the other American frigates. He says there were but 4 boys; there were nearly 30; and on p. 120 he says the youngest was 14, whereas we incidentally learn from the "Life of Decatur" that several were under 12. A favorite accusation is that the American midshipmen were chiefly masters and mates of merchant-men; but this was hardly ever the case. Many of the midshipmen of the war afterward became celebrated commanders, and most of these (a notable instance being Farragut, the greatest admiral since Nelson) were entirely too young in 1812 to have had vessels under them, and, moreover, came largely from the so-called "best families." Again, in the first two frigate actions of 1812, the proportion of killed to wounded happened to be unusually large on board the American frigates; accordingly James states (p. 146) that the returns of the wounded had been garbled, under-estimated, and made "subservient to the views of the commanders and their government." To support his position that Capt. Hull, who reported 7 killed and 7 wounded, had not given the list of the latter in full, he says that "an equal number of killed and wounded, as given in the American account, hardly ever occurs, except in cases of explosion"; and yet, on p. 519, he gives the loss of the British _Hermes_ as 25 killed and 24 wounded, disregarding the incongruity involved. On p. 169, in noticing the loss of the _United States_, 5 killed and 7 wounded, he says that "the slightly wounded, as in all other American cases, are omitted." This is untrue, and the proportion on the _United States_, 5 to 7, is just about the same as that given by James himself on the _Endymion_, 11 to 14, and _Nautilus_, 6 to 8. In supporting his theory, James brings up all the instances where the American wounded bore a larger proportion to their dead than on board the British ships, but passes over the actions with the _Reindeer_, _Epervier_, _Penguin_, _Endymion_, and _Boxer_, where the reverse was the case. One of James' most common methods of attempting to throw discredit on the much vilified "Yankees" is by quoting newspaper accounts of their wounded. Thus he says (p. 562) of the _Hornet_, that several of her men told some of the _Penguin's_ sailors that she lost 10 men killed, 16 wounded, etc. Utterly false rumors of this kind were as often indulged in by the Americans as the British. After the capture of the _President_ articles occasionally appeared in the papers to the effect that some American sailor had counted "23 dead" on board the _Endymion_, that "more than 50" of her men were wounded, etc. Such statements were as commonly made and with as little foundation by one side as by the other, and it is absurd for a historian to take any notice of them. James does no worse than many of our own writers of the same date; but while their writings have passed into oblivion, his work is still often accepted as a standard. This must be my apology for devoting so much time to it. The severest criticism to which it can possibly be subjected is to compare it with the truth. Whenever dealing with purely American affairs, James' history is as utterly untrustworthy as its contemporary, "Niles' Register," is in matters purely British, while both are invaluable in dealing with things relating strictly to their own nation; they supplement each other. On Jan. 8th General Packenham was defeated and killed by General Jackson at New Orleans, the Louisiana and the seamen of the _Carolina_ having their full share in the glory of the day, and Captain Henly being among the very few American wounded. On the same day Sailing-master Johnson, with 28 men in two boats, cut out the British-armed transport brig _Cyprus_, containing provisions and munitions of war, and manned by ten men. [Footnote: Letter of Sailing-master Johnson, Jan. 9, 1815.] On the 18th the British abandoned the enterprise and retreated to their ships; and Mr. Thomas Shields, a purser, formerly a sea-officer, set off to harass them while embarking. At sunset on the 20th he left with five boats and a gig, manned in all with 53 men, and having under him Sailing-master Daily and Master's Mate Boyd. [Footnote: Letter of Thomas Shields to Com. Patterson, Jan. 25, 1815.] At ten o'clock P.M. a large barge, containing 14 seamen and 40 officers and men of the 14th Light Dragoons, was surprised and carried by boarding after a slight struggle. The prisoners outnumbering their captors, the latter returned to shore, left them in a place of safety, and again started at 2 A.M. on the morning of the 22d. Numerous transports and barges of the enemy could be seen, observing very little order and apparently taking no precautions against attack, which they probably did not apprehend. One of the American boats captured a transport and five men; another, containing Mr. Shields himself and eight men, carried by boarding, after a short resistance, a schooner carrying ten men. The flotilla then re-united and captured in succession, with no resistance, five barges containing 70 men. By this time the alarm had spread and they were attacked by six boats, but these were repelled with some loss. Seven of the prisoners (who were now half as many again as their captors) succeeded in escaping in the smallest prize. Mr. Shields returned with the others, 78 in number. During the entire expedition he had lost but three men, wounded; he had taken 132 prisoners, and destroyed eight craft whose aggregate tonnage about equalled that of the five gun-vessels taken on Lake Borgne. On Jan. 30, 1815, information was received by Captain Dent, commanding at North Edisto, Ga., that a party of British officers and men, in four boats belonging to H.M.S. _Hebrus_, Capt. Palmer, were watering at one of the adjacent islands. [Footnote: Letter of Lawrence Kearney of Jan. 30, 1815 (see in the Archives at Washington, "Captains' Letters," vol. 42, No. 100).] Lieut. Lawrence Kearney, with three barges containing about 75 men, at once proceeded outside to cut them off, when the militia drove them away. The frigate was at anchor out of gunshot, but as soon as she perceived the barges began firing guns as signals. The British on shore left in such a hurry that they deserted their launch, which, containing a 12-pound boat carronade and six swivels, was taken by the Americans. The other boats--two cutters, and a large tender mounting one long nine and carrying 30 men--made for the frigate; but Lieut. Kearney laid the tender aboard and captured her after a sharp brush. The cutters were only saved by the fire of the _Hebrus_, which was very well directed--one of her shot taking off the head of a man close by Lieut. Kearney. The frigate got under way and intercepted Kearney's return, but the Lieutenant then made for South Edisto, whither he carried his prize in triumph. This was one of the most daring exploits of the war, and was achieved at very small cost. On Feb. 14th a similar feat was performed. Lieutenant Kearney had manned the captured launch with 25 men and the 12-pound carronade. News was received of another harrying expedition undertaken by the British, and Captain Dent, with seven boats, put out to attack them, but was unable to cross the reef. Meanwhile Kearney's barge had gotten outside, and attacked the schooner _Brant_, a tender to H. M. S. _Severn_, mounting an 18-pounder, and with a crew of two midshipmen, and twenty-one marines and seamen. A running fight began, the _Brant_ evidently fearing that the other boats might get across the reef and join in the attack; suddenly she ran aground on a sand-bank, which accident totally demoralized her crew. Eight of them escaped in her boat, to the frigate; the remaining fifteen, after firing a few shot, surrendered and were taken possession of. [Footnote: Letter of Captain Dent, Feb. 16th (in "Captains' Letters," vol. 42, No. 130). Most American authors, headed by Cooper, give this exploit a more vivid coloring by increasing the crew of the _Brant_ to forty men, omitting to mention that she was hard and fast aground, and making no allusion to the presence of the five other American boats which undoubtedly caused the _Brant's_ flight in the first place.] I have had occasion from time to time to speak of cutting-out expeditions, successful and otherwise, undertaken by British boats against American privateers; and twice a small British national cutter was captured by an overwhelmingly superior American opponent of this class. We now, for the only time, come across an engagement between a privateer and a regular cruiser of approximately equal force. These privateers came from many different ports and varied greatly in size. Baltimore produced the largest number; but New York, Philadelphia, Boston, and Salem, were not far behind; and Charleston, Bristol, and Plymouth, supplied some that were very famous. Many were merely small pilot-boats with a crew of 20 to 40 men, intended only to harry the West Indian trade. Others were large, powerful craft, unequalled for speed by any vessels of their size, which penetrated to the remotest corners of the ocean, from Man to the Spice Islands. When a privateer started she was overloaded with men, to enable her to man her prizes; a successful cruise would reduce her crew to a fifth of its original size. The favorite rig was that of a schooner, but there were many brigs and brigantines. Each was generally armed with a long 24 or 32 on a pivot, and a number of light guns in broadside, either long 9's or short 18's or 12's. Some had no pivot gun, others had nothing else. The largest of them carried 17 guns (a pivotal 32 and 16 long 12's in broadside) with a crew of 150. Such a vessel ought to have been a match, at her own distance, for a British brig-sloop, but we never hear of any such engagements, and there were several instances where privateers gave up, without firing a shot, to a force superior, it is true, but not enough so to justify the absolute tameness of the surrender. [Footnote: As when the _Epervter_, some little time before her own capture, took without resistance the _Alfred_, of Salem, mounting 16 long nines and having 108 men aboard.] One explanation of this was that they were cruising as private ventures, and their object was purely to capture merchant-men with as little risk as possible to themselves. Another reason was that they formed a kind of sea-militia, and, like their compeers on land, some _could_ fight as well as any regulars, while most would _not_ fight at all, especially if there was need of concerted action between two or three. The American papers of the day are full of "glorious victories" gained by privateers over packets and Indiamen; the British papers are almost as full of instances where the packets and Indiamen "heroically repulsed" the privateers. As neither side ever chronicles a defeat, and as the narration is apt to be decidedly figurative in character, there is very little hope of getting at the truth of such meetings; so I have confined myself to the mention of those cases where privateers, of either side, came into armed collision with regular cruisers. We are then sure to find some authentic account. The privateer brig _Chasseur_, of Baltimore, Captain Thomas Boyle, carried 16 long 12's, and had, when she left port, 115 men aboard. She made 18 prizes on her last voyage, and her crew was thus reduced to less than 80 men; she was then chased by the _Barossa_ frigate, and threw overboard 10 of her long 12's. Afterward eight 9-pound carronades were taken from a prize, to partially supply the places of the lost guns; but as she had no shot of the calibre of these carronades each of the latter was loaded with one 4-pound and one 6-pound ball, giving her a broadside of 76 lbs. On the 26th of February, two leagues from Havana, the _Chasseur_ fell in with the British schooner _St. Lawrence_, Lieut. H. C. Gordon, mounting twelve 12-pound carronades, and one long 9; her broadside was thus 81 lbs., and she had between 60 and 80 men aboard. [Footnote: Letter of Captain Thomas Boyle, of March 2, 1815 (see Niles and Coggeshall); he says the schooner had two more carronades; I have taken the number given by James (p. 539). Captain Boyle says the _St. Lawrence_ had onboard 89 men and several more, including a number of soldiers and marines and gentlemen of the navy, as passengers; James says her crew amounted to 51 "exclusive of some passengers," which I suppose must mean at least nine men. So the forces were pretty equal; the _Chasseur_ may have had 20 men more or 10 men less than her antagonist, and she threw from 5 to 21 lbs. less weight of shot.] The _Chasseur_ mistook the _St. Lawrence_ for a merchant-man and closed with her. The mistake was discovered too late to escape, even had such been Captain Boyle's intention, and a brief but bloody action ensued. At 1.26 P.M., the _St. Lawrence_ fired the first broadside, within pistol shot, to which the _Chasseur_ replied with her great guns and musketry. The brig then tried to close, so as to board; but having too much way on, shot ahead under the lee of the schooner, which put her helm up to wear under the _Chasseur's_ stern. Boyle, however, followed his antagonist's manoeuvre, and the two vessels ran along side by side, the _St. Lawrence_ drawing ahead, while the firing was very heavy. Then Captain Boyle put his helm a starboard and ran his foe aboard, when in the act of boarding, her colors were struck at 1.41 P.M., 15 minutes after the first shot. Of the _Chasseur's_ crew 5 were killed and 8 wounded, including Captain Boyle slightly. Of the _St. Lawrence's_ crew 6 were killed and 17 (according to James 18) wounded. This was a very creditable action. The _St. Lawrence_ had herself been an American privateer, called the _Atlas_, and was of 241 tons, or just 36 less than the _Chasseur_. The latter could thus fairly claim that her victory was gained over a regular cruiser of about her own force. Captain Southcombe of the _Lottery_, Captain Reid of the _General Armstrong_, Captain Ordronaux of the _Neufchatel_, and Captain Boyle of the _Chasseur_, deserve as much credit as any regularly commissioned sea-officers. But it is a mistake to consider these cases as representing the _average_; an ordinary privateer was, naturally enough, no match for a British regular cruiser of equal force. The privateers were of incalculable benefit to us, and inflicted enormous damage on the foe; but in fighting they suffered under the same disadvantages as other irregular forces; they were utterly unreliable. A really brilliant victory would be followed by a most extraordinary defeat. [Illustration: Captain Charles Stewart: a study painted by Thomas Sully in 1817 for use as the model for the bust of Stewart on the Congressional Gold Medal awarded to him for the capture of the _Cyane_ and _Levant_. (Courtesy U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] [Illustration: _Constitution_ vs. _Cyane_ and _Levant_: an engraving published in the U.S. Military Magazine for December 1840 of a painting by Thomas Birch. From left to right: _Levant_, _Constitution_, _Cyane_. (Courtesy Beverley R. Robinson Collection, U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] After the _Constitution_ had escaped from Boston, as I have described, she ran to the Bermudas, cruised in their vicinity a short while, thence to Madeira, to the Bay of Biscay, and finally off Portugal, cruising for some time in sight of the Rock of Lisbon. Captain Stewart then ran off southwest, and on Feb. 20th, Madeira bearing W. S. W. 60 leagues, [Footnote: Letter of Captain Stewart to the Secretary of the Navy, May 20, 1815.] the day being cloudy, with a light easterly breeze, [Footnote: Log of _Constitution_, Feb. 20, 1815.] at 1 P.M. a sail was made two points on the port bow; and at 2 P.M., Captain Stewart, hauling up in chase, discovered another sail. The first of these was the frigate-built ship corvette _Cyane_, Captain Gordon Thomas Falcon, and the second was the ship sloop _Levant_, Captain the Honorable George Douglass. [Footnote: "Naval Chronicle," xxxiii, 466.] Both were standing close hauled on the starboard tack, the sloop about 10 miles to leeward of the corvette. At 4 P.M. the latter began making signals to her consort that the strange sail was an enemy, and then made all sail before the wind to join the sloop. The _Constitution_ bore up in chase, setting her top-mast, top-gallant, and royal studding-sails. In half an hour she carried away her main royal mast, but immediately got another prepared, and at 5 o'clock began firing at the corvette with the two port-bow guns; as the shot fell short the firing soon ceased. At 5.30 the _Cyane_ got within hail of the _Levant_, and the latter's gallant commander expressed to Captain Gordon his intention of engaging the American frigate. The two ships accordingly hauled up their courses and stood on the starboard tack; but immediately afterward their respective captains concluded to try to delay the action till dark, so as to get the advantage of manoeuvring. [Footnote: "Naval Chronicle," xxxiii, 466.] Accordingly they again set all sail and hauled close to the wind to endeavor to weather their opponent; but finding the latter coming down too fast for them to succeed they again stripped to fighting canvas and formed on the starboard tack in head and stern line, the _Levant_ about a cable's length in front of her consort. The American now had them completely under her guns and showed her ensign, to which challenge the British ships replied by setting their colors. At 6.10 the _Constitution_ ranged up to windward of the _Cyane_ and _Levant_, the former on her port quarter, the latter on her port bow, both being distant about 250 yards from her [Footnote: Testimony sworn to by Lieutenant W. B. Shubrick and Lieutenant of Marines Archibald Henderson before Thomas Welsh. Jr., Justice of the Peace, Suffolk St., Boston, July 20, 1815. The depositions were taken in consequence of a report started by some of the British journals that the action began at a distance of 1/4 of a mile. All the American depositions were that all three ships began firing at once, when equidistant from each other about 250 yards, the marines being engaged almost the whole time.]--so close that the American marines were constantly engaged almost from the beginning of the action. The fight began at once, and continued with great spirit for a quarter of an hour, the vessels all firing broadsides. It was now moonlight, and an immense column of smoke formed under the lee of the _Constitution_, shrouding from sight her foes; and, as the fire of the latter had almost ceased, Captain Stewart also ordered his men to stop, so as to find out the positions of the ships. In about three minutes the smoke cleared, disclosing to the Americans the _Levant_ dead to leeward on the port beam, and the _Cyane_ luffing up for their port quarter. Giving a broadside to the sloop, Stewart braced aback his main and mizzen top-sails, with top-gallant sails set, shook all forward, and backed rapidly astern, under cover of the smoke, abreast the corvette, forcing the latter to fill again to avoid being raked. The firing was spirited for a few minutes, when the _Cyane's_ almost died away. The _Levant_ bore up to wear round and assist her consort, but the _Constitution_ filled her top-sails, and, shooting ahead, gave her two stern rakes, when she at once made all sail to get out of the combat. The _Cyane_ was now discovered wearing, when the _Constitution_ herself at once wore and gave her in turn a stern rake, the former luffing to and firing her port broadside into the starboard bow of the frigate. Then, as the latter ranged up on her port quarter, she struck, at 6.50, just forty minutes after the beginning of the action. She was at once taken possession of, and Lieut. Hoffman, second of the _Constitution_, was put in command. Having manned the prize, Captain Stewart, at 8 o'clock, filled away after her consort. The latter, however, had only gone out of the combat to refit. Captain Douglass had no idea of retreat, and no sooner had he rove new braces than he hauled up to the wind, and came very gallantly back to find out his friend's condition. At 8.50 he met the _Constitution_, and, failing to weather her, the frigate and sloop passed each other on opposite tacks, exchanging broadsides. Finding her antagonist too heavy, the _Levant_ then crowded all sail to escape, but was soon overtaken by the _Constitution_, and at about 9.30 the latter opened with her starboard bow-chasers, and soon afterward the British captain hauled down his colors. Mr. Ballard, first of the _Constitution_, was afterward put in command of the prize. By one o'clock the ships were all in order again. The _Constitution_ had been hulled eleven times, more often than in either of her previous actions, but her loss was mainly due to the grape and musketry of the foe in the beginning of the fight. [Footnote: Deposition of her officers as before cited.] The British certainly fired better than usual, especially considering the fact that there was much manoeuvering, and that it was a night action. The Americans lost 3 men killed, 3 mortally, and 9 severely and slightly, wounded. The corvette, out of her crew of 180, had 12 men killed and 26 wounded, several mortally; the sloop, out of 140, had 7 killed and 16 wounded. The _Constitution_ had started on her cruise very full-handed, with over 470 men, but several being absent on a prize, she went into battle with about 450. [Footnote: 410 officers and seamen, and 41 marines, by her muster-roll of Feb. 19th. (The muster-rolls are preserved in the Treasury Department at Washington.)] The prizes had suffered a good deal in their hulls and rigging, and had received some severe wounds in their masts and principal spars. The _Cyane_ carried on her main-deck twenty-two 32-pound carronades, and on her spar-deck two long 12's, and ten 18-pounder carronades. The _Levant_ carried, all on one deck, eighteen 32-pound carronades and two long 9's, together with a shifting 12-pounder. Thus, their broadside weight of metal was 763 pounds, with a total of 320 men, of whom 61 fell, against the _Constitution's_ 704 pounds and 450 men, of whom 15 were lost; or, nominally, the relative force was 100 to 91, and the relative loss 100 to 24. But the British guns were almost exclusively carronades which, as already pointed out in the case of the Essex and in the battle off Plattsburg, are no match for long guns. Moreover, the scantling of the smaller ships was, of course, by no means as stout as that of the frigate, so that the disparity of force was much greater than the figures would indicate, although not enough to account for the difference in loss. Both the British ships were ably handled, their fire was well directed, and the _Levant_ in especial was very gallantly fought. [Illustration of the action between the _Constitution_ and the _Cyane_ and the _Levant_ from 6.05 to 6.40.] As regards the _Constitution_, "her manoeuvring was as brilliant as any recorded in naval annals," and it would have been simply impossible to surpass the consummate skill with which she was handled in the smoke, always keeping her antagonists to leeward, and, while raking both of them, not being once raked herself. The firing was excellent, considering the short time the ships were actually engaged, and the fact that it was at night. Altogether the fight reflected the greatest credit on her, and also on her adversaries. [Footnote: There is no British official account of the action. James states that the entire British force was only 302 men of whom 12 were killed and 29 wounded. This is probably not based on any authority. Captain Stewart received on board 301 prisoners, of whom 42 were wounded, several mortally. Curiously enough James also underestimates the American loss, making it only 12. He also says that many attempts were made by the Americans to induce the captured British to desert, while the _Constitution's_ officers deny this under oath, before Justice Welsh, as already quoted, and state that, on the contrary, many of the prisoners offered to enlist on the frigate, but were all refused permission--as "the loss of the _Chesapeake_ had taught us the danger of having renegades aboard." This denial, by the way, holds good for all the similar statements made by James as regards the _Guerrièrre_, _Macedonian_, etc. He also states that a British court-martial found various counts against the Americans for harsh treatment, but all of these were specifically denied by the American officers, under oath, as already quoted. I have relied chiefly on Captain Stewart's narratives; but partly (as to time, etc.) on the British account in the "Naval Chronicle."] The merits of this action can perhaps be better appreciated by comparing it with a similar one that took place a few years before between a British sloop and corvette on the one side, and a French frigate on the other, and which is given in full by both James and Troude. Although these authors differ somewhat in the account of it, both agree that the Frenchman, the _Nereide_, of 44 guns, on Feb. 14, 1810, fought a long and indecisive battle with the _Rainbow_ of 26 and _Avon_ of 18 guns, the British sloops being fought separately, in succession. The relative force was almost exactly as in the _Constitution's_ fight. Each side claimed that the other fled. But this much is sure: the _Constitution_ engaging the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ together, captured both; while the _Nereide_, engaging the _Rainbow_ and _Avon_ separately, captured neither. The three ships now proceeded to the Cape de Verds, and on March 10th anchored in the harbor of Porto Praya, Island of San Jago. Here a merchant-brig was taken as a cartel, and a hundred of the prisoners were landed to help fit her for sea. The next day the weather was thick and foggy, with fresh breezes. [Footnote: Log of _Constitution_, March 11, 1815.] The first and second lieutenants, with a good part of the people, were aboard the two prizes. At five minutes past twelve, while Mr. Shubrick, the senior remaining lieutenant, was on the quarter-deck, the canvas of a large vessel suddenly loomed up through the haze, her hull being completely hidden by the fog-bank. Her character could not be made out; but she was sailing close-hauled, and evidently making for the roads. Mr. Shubrick at once went down and reported the stranger to Captain Stewart, when that officer coolly remarked that it was probably a British frigate or an Indiaman, and directed the lieutenant to return on deck, call all hands, and get ready to go out and attack her. [Footnote: Cooper, ii, 459.] At that moment the canvas of two other ships was discovered rising out of the fog astern of the vessel first seen. It was now evident that all three were heavy frigates. [Footnote: Letter of Lieutenant Hoffman, April 10, 1815.] In fact, they were the _Newcastle_, 50, Captain Lord George Stewart; _Leander_, 50, Captain Sir Ralph Collier, K.C.B., and _Acasta_, 40, Captain Robert Kerr, standing into Porto Praya, close-hauled on the starboard tack, the wind being light northeast by north. [Footnote: Marshall's "Naval Biography," ii, 535.] Captain Stewart at once saw that his opponents were far too heavy for a fair fight, and, knowing that the neutrality of the port would not be the slightest protection to him, he at once signalled to the prizes to follow, cut his cable, and, in less than ten minutes from the time the first frigate was seen, was standing out of the roads, followed by Hoffmann and Ballard. Certainly a more satisfactory proof of the excellent training of both officers and men could hardly be given than the rapidity, skill, and perfect order with which every thing was done. Any indecision on the part of the officers or bungling on the part of the men would have lost every thing. The prisoners on shore had manned a battery and delivered a furious but ill-directed fire at their retreating conquerors. The frigate, sloop, and corvette, stood out of the harbor in the order indicated, on the port tack, passing close under the east point, and a gunshot to windward of the British squadron, according to the American, or about a league, according to the British, accounts. The Americans made out the force of the strangers correctly, and their own force was equally clearly discerned by the _Acasta_; but both the _Newcastle_ and _Leander_ mistook the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ for frigates, a mistake similar to that once made by Commodore Rodgers. The _Constitution_ now crossed her top-gallant yards and set the foresail, main-sail, spanker, flying jib, and top-gallant sails; and the British ships, tacking, made all sail in pursuit. The _Newcastle_ was on the _Constitution's_ lee quarter and directly ahead of the _Leander_, while the _Acasta_ was on the weather-quarter of the _Newcastle_. All six ships were on the port tack. The _Constitution_ cut adrift the boats towing astern, and her log notes that at 12.50 she found she was sailing about as fast as the ships on her lee quarter, but that the _Acasta_ was luffing into her wake and dropping astern. The log of the _Acasta_ says, "We had gained on the sloops, but the frigate had gained on us." At 1.10 the _Cyane_ had fallen so far astern and to leeward that Captain Stewart signalled to Lieutenant Hoffman to tack, lest he should be cut off if he did not. Accordingly the lieutenant put about and ran off toward the northwest, no notice being taken of him by the enemy beyond an ineffectual broadside from the sternmost frigate. At 2.35 he was out of sight of all the ships and shaped his course for America, which he reached on April 10th. [Footnote: Letter of Lieutenant Hoffman, April 10, 1815.] At 1.45 the _Newcastle_ opened on the _Constitution_ firing by divisions, but the shot all fell short, according to the American statements, about 200 yards, while the British accounts (as given in Marshall's "Naval Biography") make the distance much greater; at any rate the vessels were so near that from the _Constitution_ the officers of the _Newcastle_ could be seen standing on the hammock nettings. But, very strangely, both the 50-gun ships apparently still mistook the _Levant_, though a low, flush-decked sloop like the _Hornet_, for the "_President_, _Congress_, or _Macedonian_," Captain Collier believing that the _Constitution_ had sailed with two other frigates in company. [Footnote: Marshal, ii, 533. ] By three o'clock the _Levant_ had lagged so as to be in the same position from which the _Cyane_ had just been rescued; accordingly Captain Stewart signalled to her to tack, which she did, and immediately afterward all three British ships tacked in pursuit. Before they did so, it must be remembered the _Acasta_ had weathered on the _Constitution_, though left considerably astern, while the _Newcastle_ and _Leander_ had about kept their positions on her lee or starboard quarter; so that if any ship had been detached after the _Levant_ it should have been the _Leander_, which had least chance of overtaking the American frigate. The latter was by no means as heavily armed as either of the two 50's, and but little heavier than the _Acasta_; moreover, she was shorthanded, having manned her two prizes. The _Acasta_, at any rate, had made out the force of the _Levant_, and, even had she been a frigate, it was certainly carrying prudence to an extreme to make more than one ship tack after her. Had the _Newcastle_ and _Acasta_ kept on after the _Constitution_ there was a fair chance of overtaking her, for the _Acasta_ had weathered on her, and the chase could not bear up for fear of being cut off by the _Newcastle_. At any rate the pursuit should not have been given up so early. Marshall says there was a mistake in the signalling. The British captains certainly bungled the affair; even James says (p. 558): "It is the most blundering piece of business recorded in these six volumes." As for Stewart and his men, they deserve the highest credit for the cool judgment and prompt, skilful seamanship they had displayed. The _Constitution_, having shaken off her pursuers, sailed to Maranham, where she landed her prisoners. At Porto Rico she learned of the peace, and forthwith made sail for New York, reaching it about the middle of May. As soon as he saw Captain Stewart's signal, Lieutenant Ballard had tacked, and at once made for the anchorage at Porto Prayo, which he reached, though pursued by all his foes, and anchored within 150 yards of a heavy battery. [Footnote: Letter of Lieutenant Ballard. May 2, 1815.] The wisdom of Captain Stewart's course in not trusting to the neutrality of the port, now became evident. The _Acasta_ opened upon the sloop as soon as the latter had anchored, at 4.30. [Footnote: _Newcastle's_ log, as given by Marshall and James.] The _Newcastle_, as soon as she arrived, also opened, and so did the _Leander_, while the British prisoners on shore fired the guns of the battery. Having borne this combined cannonade for 15 minutes, [Footnote: Ballard's letter.] the colors of the _Levant_ were hauled down. The unskilful firing of the British ships certainly did not redeem the blunders previously made by Sir George Collier, for the three heavy frigates during 15 minutes' broadside practice in smooth water against a stationary and unresisting foe, did her but little damage, and did not kill a man. The chief effect of the fire was to damage the houses of the Portuguese town. [Footnote: James, vi, 551. ] After the capture of the _President_, the _Peacock_, Captain Warrington, the _Hornet_, Captain Biddle, and _Tom Bowline_, brig, still remained in New York harbor. On the 22d of January a strong northwesterly gale began to blow, and the American vessels, according to their custom, at once prepared to take advantage of the heavy weather and run by the blockaders. They passed the bar by daylight, under storm canvas, the British frigates lying to in the southeast being plainly visible. They were ignorant of the fate of the _President_, and proceeded toward Tristan d'Acunha, which was the appointed rendezvous. A few days out the _Hornet_ parted company from the two others; these last reached Tristan d'Acunha about March 18th, but were driven off again by a gale. The _Hornet_ reached the island on the 23d, and at half-past ten in the morning, the wind being fresh S.S.W., when about to anchor off the north point, a sail was made in the southeast, steering west. [Footnote: Letter from Captain Biddle to Commodore Decatur, Mar. 25, 1815.] This was the British brig-sloop _Penguin_, Captain James Dickenson. She was a new vessel, having left port for the first time in September, 1814. While at the Cape of Good Hope she had received from Vice-Admiral Tyler 12 marines from the _Medway_, 74, increasing her complement to 132; and was then despatched on special service against a heavy American privateer, the _Young Wasp_, which had been causing great havoc among the homeward-bound Indiamen. [Illustration: Master Commandant James Biddle: a contemporary portrait by Jacob Eichholz painted after Biddle's promotion to captain (Courtesy U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] [Illustration: _Hornet_ vs. _Penguin_: a lithograph published in Liverpool, circa 1816. (Courtesy Beverley R. Robinson Collection, U.S. Naval Academy Museum)] [Illustration of the action between _PENGUIN_ and _HORNET_ from 1.40 to 2.02.] When the strange sail was first seen Captain Biddle was just letting go his top-sail sheets; he at once sheeted them home, and the stranger being almost instantly shut out by the land, made all sail to the west, and again caught sight of her. Captain Dickenson now, for the first time, saw the American sloop, and at once bore up for her. The position of the two vessels was exactly the reverse of the _Wasp_ and _Frolic_, the Englishman being to windward. The _Hornet_ hove to, to let her antagonist close; then she filled her maintop-sail and continued to yaw, wearing occasionally to prevent herself from being raked. At forty minutes past one the _Penguin_, being within musket-shot, hauled to the wind on the starboard tack, hoisted a St. George's ensign and fired a gun. The _Hornet_ luffed up on the same tack, hoisting American colors, and the action began with heavy broadsides. The vessels ran along thus for 15 minutes, gradually coming closer together, and Captain Dickenson put his helm aweather, to run his adversary aboard. At this moment the brave young officer received a mortal wound, and the command devolved on the first lieutenant, Mr. McDonald, who endeavored very gallantly to carry out his commander's intention, and at 1.56 the _Penguin's_ bowsprit came in between the _Hornet's_ main- and mizzen-rigging on the starboard side. The American seamen had been called away, and were at their posts to repel boarders, but as the British made no attempt to come on, the cutlass men began to clamber into the rigging to go aboard the brig. Captain Biddle very coolly stopped them, "it being evident from the beginning that our fire was greatly superior both in quickness and effect." There was a heavy sea running, and as the _Hornet_ forged ahead, the _Penguin's_ bowsprit carried away her mizzen shrouds, stern davits, and spanker boom; and the brig then hung on her starboard quarter, where only small arms could be used on either side. An English officer now called out something which Biddle understood, whether correctly or not is disputed, to be the word of surrender; accordingly he directed his marines to cease firing, and jumped on the taffrail. At that minute two of the marines on the _Penguin's_ forecastle, not 30 feet distant, fired at him, one of the balls inflicting a rather severe wound in his neck. A discharge of musketry from the _Hornet_ at once killed both the marines, and at that moment the ship drew ahead. As the vessels separated the _Penguin's_ foremast went overboard, the bowsprit breaking short off. The _Hornet_ at once wore, to present a fresh broadside, while the _Penguin's_ disabled condition prevented her following suit, and having lost a third of her men killed and wounded (14 of the former and 28 of the latter), her hull being riddled through and through, her foremast gone, main-mast tottering, and most of the guns on the engaged side dismounted, she struck her colors at two minutes past two, twenty-two minutes after the first gun was fired. Of the _Hornet's_ 150 men, 8 were absent in a prize. By actual measurement she was two feet longer and slightly narrower than her antagonist. Her loss was chiefly caused by musketry, amounting to 1 marine killed, 1 seaman mortally, Lieutenant Conner very severely, and Captain Biddle and seven seamen slightly, wounded. Not a round shot struck the hull, nor was a mast or spar materially injured, but the rigging and sails were a good deal cut, especially about the fore and main top-gallant masts. The _Hornet's_ crew had been suffering much from sickness, and 9 of the men were unable to be at quarters, thus reducing the vessels to an exact equality. Counting in these men, and excluding the 8 absent in a prize, we get as COMPARATIVE FORCE. No. Weight Tonnage. Guns. Metal. Crew. Loss. _Hornet_ 480 10 279 142[1] 11 _Penguin_ 477 10 274 132 42 [Footnote 1: This number of men is probably too great; I have not personally examined the _Hornet's_ muster-roll for that period. Lieutenant Emmons in his "History," gives her 132 men; but perhaps he did not include the nine sick, which would make his statement about the same as mine. In response to my inquiries, I received a very kind letter from the Treasury Department (Fourth Auditor's office), which stated that the muster-roll of the _Hornet_ on this voyage showed "101 officers and crew (marines excepted)." Adding the 20 marines would make but 121 in all. I think there must be some mistake in this, and so have considered the _Hornet's_ crew as consisting originally of 150 men, the same as on her cruises in 1812. The _Penguin_ was in reality slightly larger than the _Hornet_, judging from the comparisons made in Biddle's letter (for the original of which see in the Naval Archives, "Captains' Letters," vol. 42, No. 112). He says that the _Penguin_, though two feet shorter on deck than the _Hornet_, had a greater length of keel, a slightly greater breadth of beam, stouter sides, and higher bulwarks, with swivels on the capstan and tops, and that she fought both her "long 12's" on the same side. I have followed James, however, as regards this; he says her long guns were 6-pounders, and that but one was fought on a side.] Or, the force being practically equal, the _Hornet_ inflicted fourfold the loss and tenfold the damage she suffered. Hardly any action of the war reflected greater credit on the United States marine than this; for the cool, skilful seamanship and excellent gunnery that enabled the Americans to destroy an antagonist of equal force in such an exceedingly short time. The British displayed equal bravery, but were certainly very much behind their antagonists in the other qualities which go to make up a first-rate man-of-warsman. Even James says he "cannot offer the trifling disparity of force in this action as an excuse for the _Penguin's_ capture. The chief cause is * * * the immense disparity between the two vessels in * * * the effectiveness of their crews." [Footnote: After the action but one official account, that of Captain Biddle, was published; none of the letters of the defeated British commanders were published after 1813. As regards this action, every British writer has followed James, who begins his account thus: "Had the vessel in sight to windward been rigged with three masts instead of two, and had she proved to be a British cruiser, Captain Biddle would have marked her down in his log as a 'frigate,' and have made off with all the canvas he could possibly spread. Had the ship overtaken the _Hornet_ and been in reality a trifle superior in force, Captain Biddle, we have no doubt, would have exhausted his eloquence in lauding the blessings of peace before he tried a struggle for the honors of war." After this preface (which should be read in connection with the _Hornet's_ unaccepted challenge to the _Bonne Citoyenne_, a ship "a trifle superior in force") it can be considered certain that James will both extenuate and also set down a good deal in malice. One instance of this has already been given in speaking of the _President's_ capture. Again, he says, "the _Hornet_ received several round shot in her hull," which she did--a month after this action, from the _Cornwallis_, 74; James knew perfectly well that not one of the _Penguin's_ shot hit the _Hornet's_ hull. The quotations I have given are quite enough to prove that nothing he says about the action is worth attending to. The funniest part of his account is where he makes Captain Biddle get drunk, lose his "native cunning," and corroborate his (James') statements. He does not even hint at the authority for this.] The _Penguin_ was so cut up by shot that she had to be destroyed. After the stores, etc., had been taken out of her, she was thoroughly examined (Captain Biddle, from curiosity, taking her measurements in comparison with those of the _Hornet_). Her destruction was hastened on account of a strange sail heaving in sight; but the latter proved to be the _Peacock_, with the _Tom Bowline_ in company. The latter was now turned to account by being sent in to Rio de Janeiro as a cartel with the prisoners. The _Peacock_ and _Hornet_ remained about the island till April 13th, and then, giving up all hopes of seeing the _President_, and rightly supposing she had been captured, started out for the East Indies. On the 27th of the month, in lat. 38°30' S. and long. 33° E.,[Footnote: Letter of Captain Biddle, June 10th, and extracts from her log.] the _Peacock_ signalled a stranger in the S.E., and both sloops crowded sail in chase. The next morning they came down with the wind aft from the northwest, the studding-sails set on both sides. The new 22-gun sloops were not only better war-vessels, but faster ones too, than any other ships of their rate; and the _Peacock_ by afternoon was two leagues ahead of the _Hornet_, At 2 P.M. the former was observed to manifest some hesitation about approaching the stranger, which instead of avoiding had rather hauled up toward them. All on board the _Hornet_ thought her an Indiaman, and "the men began to wonder what they would do with the silks," when, a few minutes before four, the _Peacock_ signalled that it was a line-of-battle ship, which reversed the parts with a vengeance. Warrington's swift ship was soon out of danger, while Biddle hauled close to the wind on the port tack, with the _Cornwallis_, 74, bearing the flag of Admiral Sir George Burleton, K.C.B., [Footnote: James, vi, 564.] in hot pursuit, two leagues on his lee quarter. The 74 gained rapidly on the _Hornet_, although she stopped to pick up a marine who had fallen overboard. Finding he had to deal with a most weatherly craft, as well as a swift sailer, Captain Biddle, at 9 P.M., began to lighten the _Hornet_ of the mass of stores taken from the _Penguin_. The _Cornwallis_ gained still, however, and at 2 A.M. on the 29th was ahead of the _Hornet's_ lee or starboard beam, when the sloop put about and ran off toward the west. Daylight showed the 74 still astern and to leeward, but having gained so much as to be within gunshot, and shortly afterward she opened fire, her shot passing over the Hornet. The latter had recourse anew to the lightening process. She had already hove overboard the sheet-anchor, several heavy spare spars, and a large quantity of shot and ballast; the remaining anchors and cables, more shot, six guns, and the launch now followed suit, and, thus relieved, the _Hornet_ passed temporarily out of danger; but the breeze shifted gradually round to the east, and the liner came looming up till at noon she was within a mile, a shorter range than that at which the _United States_ crippled and cut up the _Macedonian_; and had the _Cornwallis'_ fire been half as well aimed as that of the _States_, it would have been the last of the _Hornet_. But the 74's guns were very unskilfully served, and the shot passed for the most part away over the chase, but three getting home. Captain Biddle and his crew had no hope of ultimate escape, but no one thought of giving up. All the remaining spare spars and boats, all the guns but one, the shot, and in fact every thing that could be got at, below or on deck, was thrown overboard. This increased the way of the _Hornet_, while the _Cornwallis_ lost ground by hauling off to give broadsides, which were as ineffectual as the fire from the chase-guns had been. The _Hornet_ now had gained a little, and managed to hold her own, and shortly afterward the pluck and skill of her crew [Footnote: It is perhaps worth noting that the accounts incidentally mention the fact that almost the entire crew consisted of native Americans, of whom _quite a number had served as impressed seamen on board British war-ships_. James multiplies these threefold and sets them down as British.] were rewarded. The shift in the wind had been very much against them, but now it veered back again so as to bring them to windward; and every minute, as it blew fresher and fresher, their chances increased. By dark the _Cornwallis_ was well astern, and during the night the wind kept freshening, blowing in squalls, which just suited the _Hornet_, and when day broke the liner was hull down astern. Then, on the morning of the 30th, after nearly 48 hours' chase, she abandoned the pursuit. The _Hornet_ was now of course no use as a cruiser, and made sail for New York, which she reached on June 9th. This chase requires almost the same comments as the last chase of the _Constitution_. In both cases the American captains and their crews deserve the very highest praise for plucky, skilful seamanship; but exactly as Stewart's coolness and promptitude might not have saved the _Constitution_ had it not been for the blunders made by his antagonists, so the _Hornet_ would have assuredly been taken, in spite of Biddle's stubbornness and resource, if the _Cornwallis_ had not shown such unskilful gunnery, which was all the more discreditable since she carried an admiral's flag. The _Peacock_ was thus the only one left of the squadron originally prepared for the East Indies; however, she kept on, went round the Cape of Good Hope, and cruised across the Indian Ocean, capturing 4 great Indiamen, very valuable prizes, manned by 291 men. Then she entered the Straits of Sunda, and on the 30th of June, off the fort of Anjier fell in with the East India Company's cruiser _Nautilus_, Lieut. Boyce, a brig of 180 (American measurement over 200) tons, with a crew of 80 men, and 14 guns, 4 long 9's and ten 18-pound carronades. [Footnote: "History of the Indian Navy," by Charles Rathbone Low (late lieutenant of the Indian Navy), London, 1877, p. 285.] Captain Warrington did not know of the peace; one of the boats of the _Nautilus_, however, with her purser, Mr. Bartlett, boarded him. Captain Warrington declares the latter made no mention of the peace, while Mr. Bartlett swears that he did before he was sent below. As the _Peacock_ approached, Lieut. Boyce hailed to ask if she knew peace had been declared. Captain Warrington, according to his letter, regarded this as a ruse to enable the brig to escape under the guns of the fort, and commanded the lieutenant to haul down his colors, which the latter refused to do, and very gallantly prepared for a struggle with a foe of more than twice his strength. According to Captain Warrington, one, or, by the deposition of Mr. Bartlett, [Footnote: As quoted by Low.] two broadsides were then interchanged, and the brig surrendered, having lost 7 men, including her first lieutenant, killed and mortally wounded, and 8 severely or slightly wounded. Two of her guns and the sheet-anchor were disabled, the bends on the starboard side completely shivered from aft to the forechains, the bulwarks from the chess-tree aft much torn, and the rigging cut to pieces. [Footnote: Letter of Lieut. Boyce to Company's Marine Board, as quoted by Low.] The _Peacock_ did not suffer the slightest loss or damage. Regarding the affair purely as a conflict between vessels of nations at war with each other, the criticism made by Lord Howard Douglass on the action between the _President_ and _Little Belt_ applies here perfectly. "If a vessel meet an enemy of even greatly superior force, it is due to the honor of her flag to try the effect of a few rounds; but unless in this gallant attempt she leave marks of her skill upon the larger body, while she, the smaller body, is hit at every discharge, she does but salute her enemy's triumph and discredit her own gunnery." [Footnote: "Naval Gunnery," p. 3.] There could not have been a more satisfactory exhibition of skill than that given by Captain Warrington; but I regret to say that it is difficult to believe he acted with proper humanity. It seems impossible that Mr. Bartlett did not mention that peace had been signed; and when the opposing force was so much less than his own it would have been safe at least to defer the order "haul down your flag" for a short time, while he could have kept the brig within half pistol-shot, until he could have inquired into the truth of the report. Throughout this work I have wherever possible avoided all references to the various accusations and recriminations of some of the captains about "unfairness," "cruelty," etc., as in most cases it is impossible to get at the truth, the accounts flatly contradicting one another. In this case, however, there certainly seems some ground for the rather fervent denunciations of Captain Warrington indulged in by Lieut. Low. But it is well to remember that a very similar affair, with the parties reversed, had taken place but a few months before on the coast of America. This was on Feb. 22d, after the boats of the _Erebus_, 20, and _Primrose_, 18, under Captains Bartholomew and Phillot, had been beaten off with a loss of 30 men (including both captains wounded), in an expedition up St. Mary's River, Ga. The two captains and their vessels then joined Admiral Cockburn at Cumberland Island, and on the 25th of February were informed officially of the existence of peace. Three weeks afterward the American gunboat, No. 168, Mr. Hurlburt, sailed from Tybee Bar, Ga., bearing despatches for the British admiral. [Footnote: Letter from Com. Campbell to Sec. of Navy, Mar. 29, 1815. including one from Sailing-master John H. Hurlburt of Mar. 18, 1815, preserved in the Naval Archives, in vol. 43, No. 125, of "Captains' Letters." See also "Niles' Register," viii, 104, 118, etc.] On the same day in the afternoon she fell in with the _Erebus_, Captain Bartholomew. Peace having been declared, and having been known to exist for over three weeks, no effort was made to avoid the British vessel; but when the gunboat neared the latter she was suddenly hailed and told to heave to. Mr. Hurlburt answered that he had dispatches for Admiral Cockburn, to which Captain Bartholomew responded, with many oaths, that he did not care, he would sink her if she did not send a boat aboard. When Mr. Hurlburt attempted to answer some muskets were discharged at him, and he was told to strike. He refused, and the _Erebus_ immediately opened fire from her great guns; the gunboat had gotten so far round that her pivot-gun would not bear properly, but it was discharged across the bows of the _Erebus_, and then Mr. Hurlburt struck his colors. Although he had lain right under the foe's broadside, he had suffered no loss or damage except a few ropes cut, and some shot-holes in the sails. Afterward Captain Bartholomew apologized, and let the gunboat proceed. This attack was quite as wanton and unprovoked as Warrington's, and Bartholomew's foe was relatively to himself even less powerful; moreover, while the _Peacock's_ crew showed great skill in handling their guns, the crew of the _Erebus_ most emphatically did not. The intent in both cases was equally bad, only the British captain lacked the ability to carry his out. Summary. The concluding operations of the war call for much the same comments as those of the preceding years. The balance of praise certainly inclines toward the Americans. Captain John Hayes' squadron showed great hardihood, perseverance and judgment, which were rewarded by the capture of the _President_; and Decatur's surrender seems decidedly tame. But as regards the action between the _President_ and _Endymion_ (taking into account the fact that the former fought almost under the guns of an overwhelming force, and was therefore obliged to expose herself far more than she otherwise would have), it showed nearly as great superiority on the side of the Americans as the frigate actions of 1812 did--in fact, probably quite as much as in the case of the _Java_. Similarly, while the _Cyane_ and _Levant_ did well, the _Constitution_ did better; and Sir George Collier's ships certainly did not distinguish themselves when in chase of _Old Ironsides_. So with the _Hornet_ in her two encounters; no one can question the pluck with which the _Penguin_ was fought, but her gunnery was as bad as that of the _Cornwallis_ subsequently proved. And though the skirmish between the _Peacock_ and _Nautilus_ is not one to which an American cares to look back, yet, regarding it purely from a fighting stand-point, there is no question which crew was the best trained and most skilful. LIST OF SHIPS BUILT IN 1815. Name. Rate. Where Built. Cost. _Washington_ 74 Portsmouth $235,861.00 _Independence_ 74 Boston 421,810.41 _Franklin_ 74 Philadelphia 438,149.40 _Guerrière_ 44 " 306,158.56 _Java_ 44 Baltimore 232,767.38 _Fulton_ 30 New York 320,000.00 _Torpedo_ " These ships first put to sea in this year. For the first time in her history the United States possessed line-of-battle ships; and for the first time in all history, the steam frigate appeared on the navy list of a nation. The _Fulton_, with her clumsy central wheel, concealed from shot by the double hull, with such thick scantling that none but heavy guns could harm her, and relying for offensive weapons not on a broadside of thirty guns of small calibre, but on two pivotal 100-pounder columbiads, or, perhaps, if necessary, on blows from her hog snout,--the _Fulton_ was the true prototype of the modern steam ironclad, with its few heavy guns and ram. Almost as significant is the presence of the _Torpedo_. I have not chronicled the several efforts made by the Americans to destroy British vessels with torpedoes; some very nearly succeeded, and although they failed it must not be supposed that they did no good. On the contrary, they made the British in many cases very cautious about venturing into good anchorage (especially in Long Island Sound and the Chesapeake), and by the mere terror of their name prevented more than one harrying expedition. The _Fulton_ was not got into condition to be fought until just as the war ended; had it continued a few months, it is more than probable that the deeds of the _Merrimac_ and the havoc wrought by the Confederate torpedoes would have been forestalled by nearly half a century. As it was, neither of these engines of war attracted much attention. For ten or fifteen years the _Fulton_ was the only war-vessel of her kind in existence, and then her name disappears from our lists. The torpedoes had been tried in the Revolutionary War, but their failure prevented much notice from being taken of them, and, besides, at that time there was a strong feeling that it was dishonorable to blow a ship up with a powder-can concealed _under_ the water, though highly laudable to burn her by means of a fire-raft floating _on_ the water--a nice distinction in naval ethics that has since disappeared. [Footnote: James fairly foams at the mouth at the mere mention of torpedoes.] AMERICAN VESSELS DESTROYED, ETC. By Ocean Cruisers. Name. Guns. Tonnage. Remarks. _President_ 52 1,576 captured by squadron. --- ----- 52 guns 1,576 tons. BRITISH VESSELS DESTROYED, ETC. a.--By Privateers. Name. Guns. Tonnage. Remarks. _Chasseur_ 12 240 by privateer _St. Lawrence_. b.--By Ocean Cruisers _Cyane_ 34 659 by _Constitution_. _Levant_ 20 500 retaken. _Penguin_ 19 477 by _Hornet_. --- ----- 85 guns 1,876 tons. 20 500 (subtracting _Levant_). 65 guns, 1,376 tons. In summing up the results of the struggle on the ocean it is to be noticed that very little was attempted, and nothing done, by the American Navy that could _materially_ affect the result of the war. Commodore Rodgers' expedition after the Jamaica Plate fleet failed; both the efforts to get a small squadron into the East Indian waters also miscarried; and otherwise the whole history of the struggle on the ocean is, as regards the Americans, only the record of individual cruises and fights. The material results were not very great, at least in their effect on Great Britain, whose enormous navy did not feel in the slightest degree the loss of a few frigates and sloops. But morally the result was of inestimable benefit to the United States. The victories kept up the spirits of the people, cast down by the defeats on land; practically decided in favor of the Americans the chief question in dispute--Great Britain's right of search and impressment--and gave the navy, and thereby the country, a world-wide reputation. I doubt if ever before a nation gained so much honor by a few single-ship duels. For there can be no question which side came out of the war with the greatest credit. The damage inflicted by each on the other was not very unequal in amount, but the balance was certainly in favor of the United States, as can be seen by the following tables, for the details of which reference can be made to the various years: AMERICAN LOSS. BRITISH LOSS. Caused: Tonnage. Guns. Tonnage.[1] Guns. By Ocean Cruisers 5,984 278 8,451 351 On the Lakes 727 37 4,159 212 By the Army 3,007 116 500 22 By Privateers -- -- 402 20 ------ ---- ------ ---- Total, 9,718 431 13,512 605 [Footnote 1: The tonnage can only be given approximately, as that of the vessels on Lake Champlain is not exactly known, although we know about what the two fleets tonned relatively to one another.] In addition we lost 4 revenue-cutters, mounting 24 guns, and, in the aggregate, of 387 tons, and also, 25 gun-boats, with 71 guns, and, in the aggregate, of nearly 2,000 tons. This would swell our loss to 12,105 tons, and 526 guns; [Footnote: This differs greatly from the figures given by James in his "Naval Occurrences" (App. ccxv). He makes the American loss 14,844 tons, and 660 guns. His list includes, for example, the "_Growler_ and _Hamilton_, upset in carrying sail to avoid Sir James' fleet"; it would be quite reasonable to put down the loss of the _Royal George_ to the credit of the French. Then he mentions the _Julia_ and _Growler_, which were recaptured; the _Asp_, which was also recaptured; the "_New York_, 46, destroyed at Washington," which was _not_ destroyed or harmed in any way, and which, moreover, was a condemned hulk; the "_Boston_, 42 (in reality 32), destroyed at Washington," which had been a condemned hulk for ten years, and had no guns or anything else in her, and was as much a loss to our navy as the fishing up and burning of an old wreck would have been; and 8 gun-boats whose destruction was either mythical, or else which were not national vessels. By deducting all these we reduce James' total by 120 guns, and 2,600 tons; and a few more alterations (such as excluding the swivels in the _President's_ tops, which he counts, etc.), brings his number down to that given above--and also affords a good idea of the value to be attached to his figures and tables. The British loss he gives at but 530 guns and 10,273 tons. He omits the 24-gun ship burnt by Chauncy at York, although including the frigate and corvette burnt by Ross at Washington; if the former is excluded the two latter should be, which would make the balance still more in favor of the Americans. He omits the guns of the _Gloucester_, because they had been taken out of her and placed in battery on the shore, bur he includes those of the _Adams_, which had been served in precisely the same way. He omits all reference to the British 14-gun schooner burnt on Ontario, and to all 3 and 4-gun sloops and schooners captured there, although including the corresponding American vessels. The reason that he so much underestimates the tonnage, especially on the lakes, I have elsewhere discussed. His tables of the relative loss in men are even more erroneous, exaggerating that of the Americans, and greatly underestimating that of the British; but I have not tabulated this on account of the impossibility of getting fair estimates of the killed and wounded in the cutting-out expeditions, and the difficulty of enumerating the prisoners taken in descents, etc. Roughly, about 2,700 Americans and 3,800 British were captured; the comparative loss in killed and wounded stood much more in our favor. I have excluded from the British loss the brigs _Detroit_ and _Caledonia_, and schooner _Nancy_ (aggregating 10 guns and about 500 tons), destroyed on the upper lakes, because I hardly know whether they could be considered national vessels; the schooner _Highflyer_, of 8 guns, 40 men, and 209 tons, taken by Rodgers, because she seems to have been merely a tender; and the _Dominica_, 15, of 77 men, and 270 tons, because her captor, the privateer _Decatur_, though nominally an American, was really a French vessel. Of course both tables are only approximately exact; but at any rate the balance of damage and loss was over 4 to 3 in our favor.] but the loss of the revenue-cutters and gun-boats can fairly be considered to be counterbalanced by the capture or destruction of the various British Royal Packets (all armed with from 2 to 10 guns), tenders, barges, etc., which would be in the aggregate of at least as great tonnage and gun force, and with more numerous crews. But the comparative material loss gives no idea of the comparative honor gained. The British navy, numbering at the onset a thousand cruisers, had accomplished less than the American, which numbered but a dozen. Moreover, most of the loss suffered by the former was in single fight, while this had been but twice the case with the Americans, who had generally been overwhelmed by numbers. The _President_ and _Essex_ were both captured by more than double their force simply because they were disabled before the fight began, otherwise they would certainly have escaped. With the exceptions of the _Chesapeake_ and _Argus_ (both of which were taken fairly, because their antagonists, though of only equal force, were better fighters), the remaining loss of the Americans was due to the small cruisers stumbling from time to time across the path of some one of the innumerable British heavy vessels. Had Congressional forethought been sufficiently great to have allowed a few line-of-battle ships to have been in readiness some time previous to the war, results of weight might have been accomplished. But the only activity ever exhibited by Congress in materially increasing the navy previous to the war, had been in partially carrying out President Jefferson's ideas of having an enormous force of very worthless gun-boats--a scheme whose wisdom was about on a par with some of that statesman's political and military theories. Of the twelve [Footnote: Not counting the last action of the _Constitution_, the _President's_ action, or the capture of the _Essex_, on account of the difficulty of fairly estimating the amount of credit due to each side. In both the first actions, however, the American ships seem to have been rather more ably fought than their antagonists, and, taking into account the overwhelming disadvantages under which the _Essex_ labored, her defence displayed more desperate bravery than did that of any other ship during the war.] single-ship actions, two (those of the _Argus_ and _Chesapeake_) undoubtedly redounded most to the credit of the British, in two (that of the _Wasp_ with the _Reindeer_, and that of the _Enterprise_ with the _Boxer_), the honors were nearly even, and in the other eight the superiority of the Americans was very manifest. In three actions (those with the _Penguin_, _Frolic_, and _Shannon_) the combatants were about equal in strength, the Americans having slightly the advantage; in all the others but two, the victors combined superiority of force with superiority of skill. In but two cases, those of the _Argus_ and _Epervier_, could any lack of courage be imputed to the vanquished. The second year alone showed to the advantage of the British; the various encounters otherwise were as creditable to the Americans at the end as at the beginning of the war. This is worth attending to, because many authors speak as if the successes of the Americans were confined to the first year. It is true that no frigate was taken after the first year, but this was partly because the strictness of the blockade kept the American frigates more in port, while the sloops put out to sea at pleasure, and partly because after that year the British 18-pounder frigates either cruised in couples, or, when single, invariably refused, by order of the Board of Admiralty, an encounter with a 24-pounder; and though much of the American success was unquestionably to be attributed to more men and heavier guns, yet much of it was not. The war itself gives us two instances in which defeat was owing solely, it may be said, to inferiority of force, courage and skill being equal. The _Wasp_ was far heavier than the _Reindeer_, and, there being nothing to choose between them in any thing else, the damage done was about proportionate to this difference. It follows, as a matter of course, that the very much greater disproportion in loss in the cases of the _Avon_, _Epervier_, etc., where the disproportion in force was much less (they mounting 32's instead of 24's, and the victors being all of the same class), is only to be explained by the inferiority in skill on the part of the vanquished. These remarks apply just as much to the _Argus_. The _Reindeer_, with her 24's, would have been almost exactly on a par with her, and yet would have taken her with even greater ease than the _Peacock_ did with her 32's. In other words, the only effect of our superiority in metal, men, and tonnage was to increase somewhat the disparity in loss. Had the _Congress_ and _Constellation_, instead of the _United States_ and _Constitution_, encountered the _Macedonian_ and _Java_, the difference in execution would have been less than it was, but the result would have been unchanged, and would have been precisely such as ensued when the _Wasp_ met the _Frolic_, or the _Hornet_ the _Penguin_. On the other hand, had the _Shannon_ met the _Constitution_ there would have been a repetition of the fight between the _Wasp_ and _Reindeer_; for it is but fair to remember that great as is the honor that Broke deserves, it is no more than that due to Manners. The Republic of the United States owed a great deal to the excellent make and armament of its ships, but it owed still more to the men who were in them. The massive timbers and heavy guns of _Old Ironsides_ would have availed but little had it not been for her able commanders and crews. Of all the excellent single-ship captains, British or American, produced by the war, the palm should be awarded to Hull. [Footnote: See "Naval Tactics," by Commander J. H. Ward, and "Life of Commodore Tatnall," by Charles C. Jones, Jr.] The deed of no other man (excepting Macdonough) equalled his escape from Broke's five ships, or surpassed his half-hour's conflict with the _Guerrière_. After him, almost all the American captains deserve high praise--Decatur, Jones, Blakely, Biddle, Bainbridge, Lawrence, Burrows, Allen, Warrington, Stewart, Porter. It is no small glory to a country to have had such men upholding the honor of its flag. On a par with the best of them are Broke, Manners, and also Byron and Blythe. It must be but a poor-spirited American whose veins do not tingle with pride when he reads of the cruises and fights of the sea-captains, and their grim prowess, which kept the old Yankee flag floating over the waters of the Atlantic for three years, in the teeth of the mightiest naval power the world has ever seen; but it is equally impossible not to admire Broke's chivalric challenge and successful fight, or the heroic death of the captain of the _Reindeer_. Nor can the war ever be fairly understood by any one who does not bear in mind that the combatants were men of the same stock, who far more nearly resembled each other than either resembled any other nation. I honestly believe that the American sailor offered rather better material for a man-of-warsman than the British, because the freer institutions of his country (as compared with the Britain of the drunken Prince Regent and his dotard father--a very different land from the present free England) and the peculiar exigencies of his life tended to make him more intelligent and self-reliant; but the difference, when there was any, was very small, and disappeared entirely when his opponents had been drilled for any length of time by men like Broke or Manners. The advantage consisted in the fact that our _average_ commander was equal to the best, and higher than the average, of the opposing captains; and this held good throughout the various grades of the officers. The American officers knew they had redoubtable foes to contend with, and made every preparation accordingly. Owing their rank to their own exertions, trained by practical experience and with large liberty of action, they made every effort to have their crews in the most perfect state of skill and discipline. In Commodore Tatnall's biography (p. 15) it is mentioned that the blockaded _Constellation_ had her men well trained at the guns and at target practice, though still lying in the river, so as to be at once able to meet a foe when she put out to sea. The British captain, often owing his command to his social standing or to favoritism, hampered by red tape, [Footnote: For instance, James mentions that they were forbidden to use more than so many shot in practice, and that Capt. Broke utterly disregarded this command.] and accustomed by 20 years' almost uninterrupted success to regard the British arms as invincible, was apt to laugh at all manoeuvring, [Footnote: Lord Howard Douglass, "Naval Gunnery," states this in various places.--"Accustomed to contemn all manoeuvring."] and scorned to prepare too carefully for a fight, trusting to the old British "pluck and luck" to carry him through. So, gradually he forgot how to manoeuvre or to prepare. The _Java_ had been at sea six weeks before she was captured, yet during that time the entire exercise of her crew at the guns had been confined to the discharge of six broadsides of blank cartridges (James, vi, 184); the _Constitution_, like the _Java_, had shipped an entirely new and raw crew previous to her first cruise, and was at sea but five weeks before she met the _Guerrière_, and yet her men had been trained to perfection. This is a sufficient comment on the comparative merits of Captain Hull and Captain Lambert. The American prepared himself in every possible way; the Briton tried to cope with courage alone against courage united to skill. His bad gunnery had not been felt in contending with European foes [Footnote: Lord Howard Douglass; he seems to think that in 1812 the British had fallen off absolutely, though not relatively to their European foes.] as unskilful as himself. Says Lord Howard Douglass (p. 3): "We entered with too much confidence into a war with a marine much more expert than any of our European enemies * * * there was inferiority of gunnery as well as of force," etc. Admiral Codrington, commenting on the _Epervier's_ loss, says, as before quoted, that, owing to his being chosen purely for merit, the American captain was an overmatch for the British, unless "he encountered our best officers on equal terms." The best criticism on the war is that given by Capitaine Jurien de la Gravière. [Footnote: "Guerres Maritimes," ii, p. 269, 272, 274 (Paris, 1847).] After speaking of the heavier metal and greater number of men of the American ships, he continues: "And yet only an enormous superiority in the precision and rapidity of their fire can explain the difference in the losses sustained by the combatants.* * * Nor was the skill of their gunners the only cause to which the Americans owed their success. Their ships were faster; the crews, composed of chosen men, manoeuvred with uniformity and precision; their captains had that practical knowledge which is only to be acquired by long experience of the sea; and it is not to be wondered at that the _Constitution_, when chased during three days by a squadron of five English frigates, succeeded in escaping, by surpassing them in manoeuvring, and by availing herself of every ingenious resource and skilful expedient that maritime science could suggest. * * * To a marine exalted by success, but rendered negligent by the very habit of victory, the Congress only opposed the best of vessels and most formidable of armaments. * * *" [Footnote: The praise should be given to the individual captains and _not_ to Congress, however; and none of the American ships had picked crews. During the war the _Shannon_ had the only crew which could with any fairness be termed "picked," for her men had been together seven years, and all of her "boys" must have been well-grown young men, much older than the boys on her antagonist.] It is interesting to compare the results of this inter-Anglian warfare, waged between the Insular and the Continental English, with the results of the contest that the former were at the same time carrying on with their Gallo-Roman neighbors across the channel. For this purpose I shall rely on Troude's "Batailles Navales," which would certainly not give the English more than their due. His account of the comparative force in each case can be supplemented by the corresponding one given in James. Under drawn battles I include all such as were indecisive, in so far that neither combatant was captured; in almost every case each captain claimed that the other ran away. During the year 1812 to 1815 inclusive, there were eight actions between French and English ships of approximately equal force. In three of these the English were victorious. In 1812 the _Victorious_, 74, captured the _Rivoli_, 74. COMPARATIVE FORCE. Broadsides, Metal, lbs. Troude. James. _Victorious_ 1,014 1,060 _Rivoli_ 1,010 1,085 In 1814 the _Tagus_ captured the _Ceres_ and the _Hebrus_ captured the _Etoile_. Broadsides, Metal, lbs. Troude. James. _Tagus_ 444 467 _Ceres_ 428 463 _Hebrus_ 467 467 _Etoile_ 428 463 The _Ceres_, when she surrendered, had but one man wounded, although she had suffered a good deal aloft. The fight between the 74's was murderous to an almost unexampled degree, 125 English and 400 French falling. The _Hebrus_ lost 40 and the _Etoile_ 120 men. Five actions were "drawn." In 1812 the _Swallow_ fought the _Renard_ and _Garland_. The former threw 262, the latter 290 lbs. of shot at a broadside. In 1815 the _Pilot_, throwing 262 lbs., fought a draw with the _Egerie_ throwing 260. In 1814 two frigates of the force of the _Tagus_ fought a draw with two frigates of the force of the _Ceres_; and the _Eurotas_, with 24-pounders failed to capture the _Chlorinde_, which had only 18-pounders. In 1815 the _Amelia_ fought a draw with the _Arethuse_, the ships throwing respectively 549 and 463 lbs., according to the English, or 572 and 410 lbs., according to the French accounts. In spite of being superior in force the English ship lost 141 men, and the French but 105. This was a bloodier fight than even that of the _Chesapeake_ with the _Shannon_; but the gunnery was, nevertheless, much worse than that shown by the two combatants in the famous duel off Boston harbor, one battle lasting four hours and the other 15 minutes. There were a number of other engagements where the British were successful but where it is difficult to compare the forces. Twice a 74 captured or destroyed two frigates, and a razee performed a similar feat. An 18-gun brig, the _Weasel_, fought two 16-gun brigs till one of them blew up. The loss of the two navies at each other's hands during the four years was:-- English Ships. French Ships. 1 16-gun brig 3 line-of-battle ships 1 12-gun brig 11 frigates 1 10-gun cutter 2 26-gun flûtes 2 16-gun brigs 1 10-gun brig many gun-boats, etc. Or one navy lost three vessels, mounting 38 guns, and the other 19 vessels, mounting 830 guns. During the same time the English lost to the Danes one 14-gun brig, and destroyed in return a frigate of 46 guns, a 6-gun schooner, a 4-gun cutter, two galliots and several gun-brigs. In the above lists it is to be noticed how many of the engagements were indecisive, owing chiefly to the poor gunnery of the combatants. The fact that both the _Eurotas_ and the _Amelia_, though more powerfully armed and manned than the _Hebrus_, yet failed to capture the sister ships of the frigate taken by the latter, shows that heavy metal and a numerous crew are not the only elements necessary for success; indeed the _Eurotas_ and _Amelia_ were as superior in force to their antagonists as the _Constitution_ was to the _Java_. But the chief point to be noticed is the overwhelming difference in the damage the two navies caused each other. This difference was, roughly, as five to one against the Danes, and as fifty to one against the French; while it was as four to three in favor of the American. These figures give some idea of the effectiveness of the various navies. At any rate they show that we had found out what the European nations had for many years in vain striven to discover--a way to do more damage than we received in a naval contest with England. Chapter X 1815 THE BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS _The war on land generally disastrous--British send great expedition against New Orleans--Jackson prepares for the defence of the city--Night attack on the British advance guard--Artillery duels--Great battle of January 8, 1815--Slaughtering repulse of the main attack--Rout of the Americans on the right bank of the river--Final retreat of the British--Observations on the character of the troops and commanders engaged._ While our navy had been successful, the war on land had been for us full of humiliation. The United States then formed but a loosely knit confederacy, the sparse population scattered over a great expanse of land. Ever since the Federalist party had gone out of power in 1800, the nation's ability to maintain order at home and enforce respect abroad had steadily dwindled; and the twelve years' nerveless reign of the Doctrinaire Democracy had left us impotent for attack and almost as feeble for defence. Jefferson, though a man whose views and theories had a profound influence upon our national life, was perhaps the most incapable Executive that ever filled the presidential chair; being almost purely a visionary, he was utterly unable to grapple with the slightest actual danger, and, not even excepting his successor, Madison, it would be difficult to imagine a man less fit to guide the state with honor and safety through the stormy times that marked the opening of the present century. Without the prudence to avoid war or the forethought to prepare for it, the Administration drifted helplessly into a conflict in which only the navy prepared by the Federalists twelve years before, and weakened rather than strengthened during the intervening time, saved us from complete and shameful defeat. True to its theories, the House of Virginia made no preparations, and thought the war could be fought by "the nation in arms"; the exponents of this particular idea, the militiamen, a partially armed mob, ran like sheep whenever brought into the field. The regulars were not much better. After two years of warfare, Scott records in his autobiography that there were but two books of tactics (one written in French) in the entire army on the Niagara frontier; and officers and men were on such a dead level of ignorance that he had to spend a month drilling all of the former, divided into squads, in the school of the soldier and school of the company. [Footnote: "Memoirs of Lieutenant-General Scott," written by himself (2 vols., New York, 1864), i, p. 115.] It is small wonder that such troops were utterly unable to meet the English. Until near the end, the generals were as bad as the armies they commanded, and the administration of the War Department continued to be a triumph of imbecility to the very last. [Footnote: Monroe's biographer (see "James Monroe," by Daniel C. Gilman, Boston, 1883, p. 123) thinks he made a good Secretary of War. I think he was as much a failure as his predecessors, and a harsher criticism could not be passed on him. Like the other statesmen of his school, he was mighty in word and weak in action; bold to plan but weak to perform. As an instance, contrast his fiery letters to Jackson with the fact that he never gave him a particle of practical help.] With the exception of the brilliant and successful charge of the Kentucky mounted infantry at the battle of the Thames, the only bright spot in the war in the North was the campaign on the Niagara frontier during the summer of 1814; and even here, the chief battle, that of Lundy's Lane, though reflecting as much honor on the Americans as on the British, was for the former a defeat, and not a victory, as most of our writers seem to suppose. But the war had a dual aspect. It was partly a contest between the two branches of the English race, and partly a last attempt on the part of the Indian tribes to check the advance of the most rapidly growing one of these same two branches; and this last portion of the struggle, though attracting comparatively little attention, was really much the most far-reaching in its effect upon history. The triumph of the British would have distinctly meant the giving a new lease of life to the Indian nationalities, the hemming in, for a time, of the United States, and the stoppage, perhaps for many years, of the march of English civilization across the continent. The English of Britain were doing all they could to put off the day when their race would reach to a worldwide supremacy. There was much fighting along our Western frontier with various Indian tribes; and it was especially fierce in the campaign that a backwoods general of Tennessee, named Andrew Jackson, carried on against the powerful confederacy of the Creeks, a nation that was thrust in like a wedge between the United States proper and their dependency, the newly acquired French province of Louisiana. After several slaughtering fights, the most noted being the battle of the Horse-shoe Bend, the power of the Creeks was broken for ever; and afterward, as there was much question over the proper boundaries of what was then the Latin land of Florida, Jackson marched south, attacked the Spaniards and drove them from Pensacola. Meanwhile the British, having made a successful and ravaging summer campaign through Virginia and Maryland, situated in the heart of the country, organized the most formidable expedition of the war for a winter campaign against the outlying land of Louisiana, whose defender Jackson of necessity became. Thus, in the course of events, it came about that Louisiana was the theatre on which the final and most dramatic act of the war was played. Amid the gloomy, semi-tropical swamps that cover the quaking delta thrust out into the blue waters of the Mexican Gulf by the strong torrent of the mighty Mississippi, stood the fair, French city of New Orleans. Its lot had been strange and varied. Won and lost, once and again, in conflict with the subjects of the Catholic king, there was a strong Spanish tinge in the French blood that coursed so freely through the veins of its citizens; joined by purchase to the great Federal Republic, it yet shared no feeling with the latter, save that of hatred to the common foe. And now an hour of sore need had come upon the city; for against it came the red English, lords of fight by sea and land. A great fleet of war vessels--ships of the line--frigates and sloops--under Admiral Cochrane, was on the way to New Orleans, convoying a still larger fleet of troop ships, with aboard them some ten thousand fighting men, chiefly the fierce and hardy veterans of the Peninsular War, [Footnote: "The British infantry embarked at Bordeaux, some for America, some for England." ("History of the War in the Peninsula," by Major-General Sir W. F. P. Napier, K. C. B. New Edition. New York, 1882, vol. v, p. 200.) For discussion of numbers, see farther on.] who had been trained for seven years in the stern school of the Iron Duke, and who were now led by one of the bravest and ablest of all Wellington's brave and able lieutenants, Sir Edward Packenham. On the 8th of December 1814, the foremost vessels, with among their number the great two-decker _Tonnant_, carrying the admiral's flag, anchored off the Chandeleur Islands [Footnote: See, ante, p. 343.]; and as the current of the Mississippi was too strong to be easily breasted, the English leaders determined to bring their men by boats through the bayous, and disembark them on the bank of the river ten miles below the wealthy city at whose capture they were aiming. There was but one thing to prevent the success of this plan, and that was the presence in the bayous of five American gun-boats, manned by a hundred and eighty men, and commanded by Lieutenant Comdg. Catesby Jones, a very shrewd fighter. So against him was sent Captain Nicholas Lockyer with forty-five barges, and nearly a thousand sailors and marines, men who had grown gray during a quarter of a century of unbroken ocean warfare. The gun-boats were moored in a head-and-stern line, near the Rigolets, with their boarding-nettings triced up, and every thing ready to do desperate battle; but the British rowed up with strong, swift strokes, through a murderous fire of great guns and musketry; the vessels were grappled amid fierce resistance; the boarding-nettings were slashed through and cut away; with furious fighting the decks were gained; and one by one, at push of pike and cutlass stroke the gun-boats were carried in spite of their stubborn defenders; but not till more than one barge had been sunk, while the assailants had lost a hundred men, and the assailed about half as many. There was now nothing to hinder the landing of the troops; and as the scattered transports arrived, the soldiers were disembarked, and ferried through the sluggish water of the bayous on small flat-bottomed craft; and finally, Dec. 23d, the advance guard, two thousand strong, under General Keane, emerged at the mouth of the canal Villeré, and camped on the bank of the river, [Footnote: Letter of Major-General John Keane, Dec. 26, 1814.] but nine miles below New Orleans, which now seemed a certain prize, almost within their grasp. Yet, although a mighty and cruel foe was at their very gates, nothing save fierce defiance reigned in the fiery creole hearts of the Crescent City. For a master-spirit was in their midst. Andrew Jackson, having utterly broken and destroyed the most powerful Indian confederacy that had ever menaced the Southwest, and having driven the haughty Spaniards from Pensacola, was now bending all the energies of his rugged intellect and indomitable will to the one object of defending New Orleans. No man could have been better fitted for the task. He had hereditary wrongs to avenge on the British, and he hated them with an implacable fury that was absolutely devoid of fear. Born and brought up among the lawless characters of the frontier, and knowing well how to deal with them, he was able to establish and preserve the strictest martial law in the city without in the least quelling the spirit of the citizens. To a restless and untiring energy he united sleepless vigilance and genuine military genius. Prompt to attack whenever the chance offered itself, seizing with ready grasp the slightest vantage-ground, and never giving up a foot of earth that he could keep, he yet had the patience to play a defensive game when it so suited him, and with consummate skill he always followed out the scheme of warfare that was best adapted to this wild soldiery. In after-years he did to his country some good and more evil; but no true American can think of his deeds at New Orleans without profound and unmixed thankfulness. He had not reached the city till December 2d, and had therefore but three weeks in which to prepare the defence. The Federal Government, throughout the campaign, did absolutely nothing for the defence of Louisiana; neither provisions nor munitions of war of any sort were sent to it, nor were any measures taken for its aid. [Footnote: "Historical Memoir of the War in West Florida and Louisiana" (by Major A. Lacarriex Latour, translated from the French by H. P. Nugent, Philadelphia, 1816), p. 66.] The inhabitants had been in a state of extreme despondency up to the time that Jackson arrived, for they had no one to direct them, and they were weakened by factional divisions [Footnote: Latour, 53.]; but after his coming there was nothing but the utmost enthusiasm displayed, so great was the confidence he inspired, and so firm his hand in keeping down all opposition. Under his direction earthworks were thrown up to defend all the important positions, the whole population working night and day at them; all the available artillery was mounted, and every ounce of war material that the city contained was seized; martial law was proclaimed; and all general business was suspended, every thing being rendered subordinate to the one grand object of defence. Jackson's forces were small. There were two war vessels in the river. One was the little schooner _Carolina_, manned by regular seamen, largely New Englanders. The other was the newly built ship _Louisiana_, a powerful corvette; she had of course no regular crew, and her officers were straining every nerve to get one from the varied ranks of the maritime population of New Orleans; long-limbed and hard-visaged Yankees, Portuguese and Norwegian seamen from foreign merchantmen, dark-skinned Spaniards from the West Indies, swarthy Frenchmen who had served under the bold privateersman Lafitte,--all alike were taken, and all alike by unflagging exertions were got into shape for battle. [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Daniel G. Patterson, Dec. 20, 1814.] There were two regiments of regulars, numbering together about eight hundred men, raw and not very well disciplined, but who were now drilled with great care and regularity. In addition to this Jackson raised somewhat over a thousand militiamen among the citizens. There were some Americans among them, but they were mostly French Creoles, [Footnote: Latour, 110.] and one band had in its formation something that was curiously pathetic. It was composed of free men of color, [Footnote: Latour, 111.] who had gathered to defend the land which kept the men of their race in slavery; who were to shed their blood for the Flag that symbolized to their kind not freedom but bondage; who were to die bravely as freemen, only that their brethren might live on ignobly as slaves. Surely there was never a stranger instance than this of the irony of fate. But if Jackson had been forced to rely only on these troops New Orleans could not have been saved. His chief hope lay in the volunteers of Tennessee, who, under their Generals, Coffee and Carroll, were pushing their toilsome and weary way toward the city. Every effort was made to hurry their march through the almost impassable roads, and at last, in the very nick of time, on the 23d of December, the day of which the British troops reached the river bank, the vanguard of the Tennesseeans marched into New Orleans. Gaunt of form and grim of face; with their powder-horns slung over their buckskin shirts; carrying their long rifles on their shoulders and their heavy hunting-knives stuck in their belts; with their coon-skin caps and fringed leggings; thus came the grizzly warriors of the backwoods, the heroes of the Horse-Shoe Bend, the victors over Spaniard and Indian, eager to pit themselves against the trained regulars of Britain, and to throw down the gage of battle to the world-renowned infantry of the island English. Accustomed to the most lawless freedom, and to giving free reign to the violence of their passions, defiant of discipline and impatient of the slightest restraint, caring little for God and nothing for man, they were soldiers who, under an ordinary commander, would have been fully as dangerous to themselves and their leaders as to their foes. But Andrew Jackson was of all men the one best fitted to manage such troops. Even their fierce natures quailed before the ungovernable fury of a spirit greater than their own; and their sullen, stubborn wills were bent as last before his unyielding temper and iron hand. Moreover, he was one of themselves; he typified their passions and prejudices, their faults and their virtues; he shared their hardships as if he had been a common private, and, in turn, he always made them partakers of his triumphs. They admired his personal prowess with pistol and rifle, his unswerving loyalty to his friends, and the relentless and unceasing war that he waged alike on the foes of himself and his country. As a result they loved and feared him as few generals have ever been loved or feared; they obeyed him unhesitatingly; they followed his lead without flinching or murmuring, and they ever made good on the field of battle the promise their courage held out to his judgment. It was noon of December 23d when General Keane, with nineteen hundred men, halted and pitched his camp on the east bank of the Mississippi; and in the evening enough additional troops arrived to swell his force to over twenty-three hundred soldiers. [Footnote: James ("Military Occurrences of the Late War," by Wm. James, London, 1818), vol. ii, p. 362, says 2,050 rank and file; the English returns, as already explained, unlike the French and American, never included officers, sergeants, drummers, artillerymen, or engineers, but only "sabres and bayonets" (Napier, iv, 252). At the end of Napier's fourth volume is given the "morning state" of Wellington's forces on April 10, 1814. This shows 56,030 rank and file and 7,431 officers, sergeants, and trumpeters or drummers; or, in other words, to get at the real British force in action, even supposing there are no artillerymen or engineers present, 13 percent, must be added to the given number, which includes only rank and file. Making this addition, Keane had 2,310 men. The Americans greatly overestimated his force, Latour making it 4,980.] Keane's encampment was in a long plain, rather thinly covered with fields and farmhouses, about a mile in breadth, and bounded on one side by the river, on the other by gloomy and impenetrable cypress swamps; and there was no obstacle interposed between the British camp and the city it menaced. At two in the afternoon word was brought to Jackson that the foe had reached the river bank, and without a moment's delay the old backwoods fighter prepared to strike a rough first blow. At once, and as if by magic, the city started from her state of rest into one of fierce excitement and eager preparation. The alarm-guns were fired; in every quarter the war-drums were beaten; while, amid the din and clamor, all the regulars and marines, the best of the creole militia, and the vanguard of the Tennesseeans, under Coffee,--forming a total of a little more than two thousand men, [Footnote: General Jackson, in his official letter, says only 1,500; but Latour. in a detailed statement, makes it 2,024; exclusive of 107 Mississippi dragoons who marched with the column, but being on horseback had to stay behind, and took no part in the action. Keane thought he had been attacked by 5,000 men.]--were assembled in great haste, and the gray of the winter twilight saw them, with Old Hickory at their head, marching steadily along the river bank toward the camp of their foes. Patterson, meanwhile, in the schooner _Carolina_, dropped down with the current to try the effect of a flank attack. Meanwhile the British had spent the afternoon in leisurely arranging their camp, in posting the pickets, and in foraging among the farm-houses. There was no fear of attack, and as the day ended huge campfires were lit, at which the hungry soldiers cooked their suppers undisturbed. One division of the troops had bivouacked on the high levee that kept the waters from flooding the land near by; and about half past seven in the evening their attention was drawn to a large schooner which had dropped noiselessly down, in the gathering dusk, and had come to anchor a short distance offshore, the force of the stream swinging her broadside to the camp. [Footnote: I have taken my account of the night action chiefly from the work of an English soldier who took part in it; Ensign (afterward Chaplain-General) H. R. Gleig's "Narrative of the Campaigns of the British Army at Washington, Baltimore, and New Orleans." (New edition, Philadelphia, 1821, pp. 286-300.) ] The soldiers crowded down to the water's edge, and, as the schooner returned no answer to their hails, a couple of musket-shots were fired at her. As if in answer to this challenge, the men on shore heard plainly the harsh voice of her commander, as he sung out, "Now then, give it to them for the honor of America"; and at once a storm of grape hurtled into their ranks. Wild confusion followed. The only field-pieces with Keane were two light 3-pounders, not able to cope with the _Carolina's_ artillery; the rocket guns were brought up, but were speedily silenced; musketry proved quite as ineffectual; and in a very few minutes the troops were driven helter-skelter off the levee, and were forced to shelter themselves behind it, not without having suffered severe loss. [Footnote: General Keane, in his letter, writes that the British suffered but a single casualty; Gleig, who was present, says (p. 288): "The deadly shower of grape swept down numbers in the camp."] The night was now as black as pitch; the embers of the deserted camp-fires, beaten about and scattered by the schooner's shot, burned with a dull red glow; and at short intervals the darkness was momentarily lit up by the flashes of the _Carolina's_ guns. Crouched behind the levee, the British soldiers lay motionless, listening in painful silence to the pattering of the grape among the huts, and to the moans and shrieks of the wounded who lay beside them. Things continued thus till toward nine o'clock, when a straggling fire from the pickets gave warning of the approach of a more formidable foe. The American land-forces had reached the outer lines of the British camp, and the increasing din of the musketry, with ringing through it the whip-like crack of the Tennesseean rifles, called out the whole British army to the shock of a desperate and uncertain strife. The young moon had by this time struggled through the clouds, and cast on the battle-field a dim, unearthly light that but partly relieved the intense darkness. All order was speedily lost. Each officer, American or British, as fast as he could gather a few soldiers round him, attacked the nearest group of foes; the smoke and gloom would soon end the struggle, when, if unhurt, he would rally what men he could and plunge once more into the fight. The battle soon assumed the character of a multitude of individual combats, dying out almost as soon as they began, because of the difficulty of telling friend from foe, and beginning with ever-increasing fury as soon as they had ended. The clatter of the firearms, the clashing of steel, the rallying cries and loud commands of the officers, the defiant shouts of the men, joined to the yells and groans of those who fell, all combined to produce so terrible a noise and tumult that it maddened the coolest brains. From one side or the other bands of men would penetrate into the heart of the enemy's lines, and would there be captured, or would cut their way out with the prisoners they had taken. There was never a fairer field for the fiercest personal prowess, for in the darkness the firearms were of little service, and the fighting was hand to hand. Many a sword, till then but a glittering toy, was that night crusted with blood. The British soldiers and the American regulars made fierce play with their bayonets, and the Tennesseeans, with their long hunting-knives. Man to man, in the grimmest hate, they fought and died, some by bullet and some by bayonet-thrust or stroke of sword. More than one in his death agony slew the foe at whose hand he himself had received the mortal wound; and their bodies stiffened as they lay, locked in the death grip. Again the clouds came over the moon; a thick fog crept up from the river, wrapping from sight the ghastly havoc of the battlefield; and long before midnight the fighting stopped perforce, for the fog and the smoke and the gloom were such that no one could see a yard away. By degrees each side drew off. [Footnote: Keane writes: "The enemy thought it prudent to retire, and did not again dare to advance. It was now 12 o'clock, and the firing ceased on both sides"; and Jackson: "We should have succeeded... in capturing the enemy, had not a thick fog, which arose about (?) o'clock, occasioned some confusion.... I contented myself with lying on the field that night." Jackson certainly failed to capture the British; but equally certainly damaged them so as to arrest their march till he was in condition to meet and check them. ] In sullen silence Jackson marched his men up the river, while the wearied British returned to their camp. The former had lost over two hundred, [Footnote: 24 killed, 115 wounded, 74 missing.] the latter nearly three hundred [Footnote: 46 killed, 167 wounded, 64 missing. I take the official return for each side, as authority for the respective force and loss.] men; for the darkness and confusion that added to the horror, lessened the slaughter of the battle. Jackson drew back about three miles, where he halted and threw up a long line of breastworks, reaching from the river to the morass; he left a body of mounted riflemen to watch the British. All the English troops reached the field on the day after the fight; but the rough handling that the foremost had received made them cautious about advancing. Moreover, the left division was kept behind the levee all day by the _Carolina_, which opened upon them whenever they tried to get away; nor was it till dark that they made their escape out of range of her cannon. Christmas-day opened drearily enough for the invaders. Although they were well inland, the schooner, by greatly elevating her guns, could sometimes reach them, and she annoyed them all through the day [Footnote: "While sitting at table, a loud shriek was heard.... A shot had taken effect on the body of an unfortunate soldier... who was fairly cut in two at the lower portion of the belly!" (Gleig, p. 306.) ]; and as the Americans had cut the levee in their front, it at one time seemed likely that they would be drowned out. However, matters now took a turn for the better. The river was so low that the cutting of the levee instead of flooding the plain [Footnote: Latour, 113.] merely filled the shrunken bayous, and rendered it easy for the British to bring up their heavy guns; and on the same day their trusted leader, Sir Edward Packenham, arrived to take command in person, and his presence gave new life to the whole army. A battery was thrown up during the two succeeding nights on the brink of the river opposite to where the _Carolina_ lay; and at dawn a heavy cannonade of red-hot shot and shell was opened upon her from eleven guns and a mortar. [Footnote: Gleig, 307. The Americans thought the battery consisted of 5 18- and 12-pounders; Gleig says 9 field-pieces (9--and 6-pounders), 2 howitzers, and a mortar.] She responded briskly, but very soon caught fire and blew up, to the vengeful joy of the troops whose bane she had been for the past few days. Her destruction removed the last obstacle to the immediate advance of the army; but that night her place was partly taken by the mounted riflemen, who rode down to the British lines, shot the sentries, engaged the out-posts, and kept the whole camp in a constant state of alarm. [Footnote: Gleig, 310.] In the morning Sir Edward Packenham put his army in motion, and marched on New Orleans. When he had gone nearly three miles he suddenly, and to his great surprise, stumbled on the American army. Jackson's men had worked like beavers, and his breastworks were already defended by over three thousand fighting men, [Footnote: 3,282 men in all, according to the Adjutant-General's return for Dec. 28, 1814.] and by half a dozen guns, and moreover were flanked by the corvette _Louisiana_, anchored in the stream. No sooner had the heads of the British columns appeared than they were driven back by the fire of the American batteries; the field-pieces, mortars, and rocket guns were then brought up, and a sharp artillery duel took place. The motley crew of the _Louisiana_ handled their long ship guns with particular effect; the British rockets proved of but little service [Footnote: Latour, 121.]; and after a stiff fight, in which they had two field-pieces and a light mortar dismounted, [Footnote: Gleig, 314. The official returns show a loss of 18 Americans and 58 British, the latter suffering much less than Jackson supposed. Lossing, in his "Field Book of the War of 1812," not only greatly overestimates the British loss, but speaks as if this was a serious attack, which it was not. Packenham's army, while marching, unexpectedly came upon the American intrenchment, and recoiled at once, after seeing that his field-pieces were unable to contend with the American artillery.] the British artillerymen fell back on the infantry. Then Packenham drew off his whole army out of cannon shot, and pitched his camp facing the intrenched lines of the Americans. For the next three days the British battalions lay quietly in front of their foe, like wolves who have brought to bay a gray boar, and crouch just out of reach of his tusks, waiting a chance to close in. Packenham, having once tried the strength of Jackson's position, made up his mind to breach his works and silence his guns with a regular battering train. Heavy cannon were brought up from the ships, and a battery was established on the bank to keep in check the _Louisiana_. Then, on the night of the last day of the year, strong parties of workmen were sent forward, who, shielded by the darkness, speedily threw up stout earthworks, and mounted therein fourteen heavy guns, [Footnote: 10 long 18s and 4 24-pound carronades (James, ii, 368). Gleig says (p. 318), "6 batteries, mounting 30 pieces of heavy cannon." This must include the "brigade of field-pieces" of which James speaks. 9 of these, 9--and 6-pounders, and 2 howitzers, had been used in the attack on the _Carolina_; and there were also 2 field-mortars and 2 3-pounders present; and there must have been 1 other field-piece with the army, to make up the 30 of which Gleig speaks.] to face the thirteen [Footnote: viz.: 1 long 32, 3 long 24s, 1 long 18, 3 long 12s, 3 long 6s, a 6-inch howitzer, and a small carronade (Latour, 147); and on the same day Patterson had in his water-battery 1 long 24 and 2 long 12s (see his letter of Jan. 2d), making a total of 16 American guns.] mounted in Jackson's lines, which were but three hundred yards distant. New Year's day dawned very misty. As soon as the haze cleared off the British artillerymen opened with a perfect hail of balls, accompanied by a cloud of rockets and mortar shells. The Americans were taken by surprise, but promptly returned the fire, with equal fury and greater skill. Their guns were admirably handled; some by the cool New England seamen lately forming the crew of the _Carolina_, others by the fierce creole privateersmen of Lafitte, and still others by trained artillerymen of the regular army. They were all old hands, who in their time had done their fair share of fighting, and were not to be flurried by any attack, however unexpected. The British cannoneers plied their guns like fiends, and fast and thick fell their shot; more slowly but with surer aim, their opponents answered them. [Footnote: The British historian, Alison, says ("History of Europe," by Sir Archibald Alison, 9th edition, Edinburgh and London, 1852, vol. xii. p. 141): "It was soon found that the enemy's guns were so superior in weight and number, that nothing was to be expected from that species of attack." As shown above, at this time Jackson had on both sides of the river 16 guns; the British, according to both James and Gleig, between 20 and 30. Jackson's long guns were 1 32, 4 24s, 1 18, 5 12s, and 3 6s, throwing in all 224 pounds; Packenham had 10 long 18s. 2 long 3s, and from 6 to 10 long 9s and 6s, thus throwing between 228 and 258 pounds of shot; while Jackson had but 1 howitzer and 1 carronade to oppose 4 carronades, 2 howitzers, 2 mortars, and a dozen rocket guns; so in both number and weight of guns the British were greatly superior.] The cotton bales used in the American embrasures caught fire, and blew up two powder caissons; while the sugar hogsheads of which the British batteries were partly composed were speedily shattered and splintered in all directions. Though the British champions fought with unflagging courage and untiring energy, and though they had long been versed in war, yet they seemed to lack the judgment to see and correct their faults, and most of their shot went too high. [Footnote: In strong contrast to Alison, Admiral Codrington, an eye-witness, states the true reason of the British failure: ("Memoir of Admiral Sir Edward Codrington," by Lady Bourchier, London, 1873, vol. i, p. 334.) "On the 1st we had our batteries ready, by severe labor, in situation, from which the artillery people were, as a matter of course, to destroy and silence the opposing batteries, and give opportunity for a well-arranged storm. But, instead, not a gun of the enemy appeared to suffer, and our own firing too high was not discovered till" too late. "Such a failure in this boasted arm was not to be expected, and I think it a blot on the artillery escutcheon."] On the other hand, the old sea-dogs and trained regulars who held the field against them, not only fought their guns well and skilfully from the beginning, but all through the action kept coolly correcting their faults and making more sure their aim. Still, the fight was stiff and well contested. Two of the American guns were disabled and 34 of their men were killed or wounded. But one by one the British cannon were silenced or dismounted, and by noon their gunners had all been driven away, with the loss of 78 of their number. The _Louisiana_ herself took no part in this action. Patterson had previously landed some of her guns on the opposite bank of the river, placing them in a small redoubt. To match these the British also threw up some works and placed in them heavy guns, and all through New Year's day a brisk cannonade was kept up across the river between the two water-batteries, but with very little damage to either side. For a week after this failure the army of the invaders lay motionless facing the Americans. In the morning and evening the defiant, rolling challenge of the English drums came throbbing up through the gloomy cypress swamps to where the grim riflemen of Tennessee were lying behind their log breastworks, and both day and night the stillness was at short intervals broken by the sullen boom of the great guns which, under Jackson's orders, kept up a never-ending fire on the leaguering camp of his foes. [Footnote: Gleig, 322.] Nor could the wearied British even sleep undisturbed; all through the hours of darkness the outposts were engaged in a most harassing bush warfare by the backwoodsmen, who shot the sentries, drove in the pickets, and allowed none of those who were on guard a moment's safety or freedom from alarm. [Footnote: Gleig, 323.] But Packenham was all the while steadily preparing for his last and greatest stroke. He had determined to make an assault in force as soon as the expected reinforcements came up; nor, in the light of his past experience in conflict with foes of far greater military repute than those now before him, was this a rash resolve. He had seen the greatest of Napoleon's marshals, each in turn, defeated once and again, and driven in headlong flight over the Pyrenees by the Duke of Wellington; now he had under him the flower of the troops who had won those victories; was it to be supposed for a moment that such soldiers [Footnote: Speaking of Soult's overthrow a few months previous to this battle, Napier says (v, 209): "He was opposed to one of the greatest generals of the world, at the head of unconquerable troops. For what Alexander's Macedonians were at Arbela, Hannibal's Africans at Cannae, Caesar's Romans at Pharsalia, Napoleon's Guards at Austerlitz--such were Wellington's British soldiers at this period.... Six years of uninterrupted success had engrafted on their natural strength and fierceness a confidence that made them invincible."] who, in a dozen battles, had conquered the armies and captured the forts of the mighty French emperor, would shrink at last from a mud wall guarded by rough backwoodsmen? That there would be loss of life in such an assault was certain; but was loss of life to daunt men who had seen the horrible slaughter through which the stormers moved on to victory at Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajos, and San Sebastian? At the battle of Toulouse an English army, of which Packenham's troops then formed part, had driven Soult from a stronger position than was now to be assailed, though he held it with a veteran infantry. Of a surety, the dashing general who had delivered the decisive blow on the stricken field of Salamanca, [Footnote: It was about 5 o'clock when Packenham fell upon Thomieres.... From the chief to the lowest soldier, all [of the French] felt that they were lost, and in an instant Packenham, the most frank and gallant of men, commenced the battle. The British columns formed lines as they marched, and the French gunners, standing up manfully for the honor of their country, sent showers of grape into the advancing masses, while a crowd of light troops poured in a fire of musketry, under cover of which the main body endeavored to display a front. But, bearing onwards through the skirmishers with the might of a giant, Packenham broke the half-formed lines into fragments, and sent the whole in confusion upon the advancing supports... Packenham, bearing onwards with conquering violence,... formed one formidable line two miles in advance of where Packenham had first attacked; and that impetuous officer, with unmitigated strength, still pressed forward, spreading terror and disorder on the enemy's left. (Napier, iv, 57, 58. 59.)] who had taken part in the rout of the ablest generals and steadiest soldiers of Continental Europe, was not the man to flinch from a motley array of volunteers, militia, and raw regulars, led by a grizzled old bush-fighter, whose name had never been heard of outside of his own swamps, and there only as the savage destroyer of some scarcely more savage Indian tribes. Moreover, Packenham was planning a flank attack. Under his orders a canal was being dug from the head of the bayou up which the British had come, across the plain to the Mississippi. This was to permit the passage of a number of ships' boats, on which one division was to be ferried to the opposite bank of the river, where it was to move up, and, by capturing the breastworks and water-battery on the west side, flank Jackson's main position on the east side. [Footnote: "A particular feature in the assault was our cutting a canal into the Mississippi... to convey a force to the right bank, which... might surprise the enemy's batteries on that side. I do not know how far this measure was relied on by the general, but, as he ordered and made his assault at daylight, I imagine he did not place much dependence upon it." (Codrington, i, 335.) ] When this canal was nearly finished the expected reinforcements, two thousand strong, under General Lambert, arrived, and by the evening of the 7th all was ready for the attack, which was to be made at daybreak on the following morning. Packenham had under him nearly 10,000 [Footnote: James (ii, 373) says the British "rank and file" amounted to 8,153 men, including 1,200 seamen and marines. The only other place where he speaks of the latter is in recounting the attack on the right bank, when he says "about 200" were with Thornton, while both the admirals, Cochrane and Codrington, make the number 300; so he probably underestimates their number throughout, and at least 300 can be added, making 1,500 sailors and marines, and a total of 8,453. This number is corroborated by Major McDougal. the officer who received Sir Edward's body in his arms when was killed; he says (as quoted in the "Memoirs of British Generals Distinguished During the Peninsular War," by John William Cole, London. 1856, vol. ii, p. 364) that after the battle and the loss of 2,036 men, "we had still an effective force of 6,400," making a total before the attack of 8,436 rank and file. Calling it 8,450, and adding (see ante, note 10) 13.3 per cent, for the officers, sergeants, and trumpeters, we get about 9,600 men.] fighting men; 1,500 of these, under Colonel Thornton were to cross the river and make the attack on the west bank. Packenham himself was to superintend the main assault, on the east bank, which was to be made by the British right under General Gibbs, while the left moved forward under General Keane, and General Lambert commanded the reserve.[Footnote: Letter of Major-General John Lambert to Earl Bathurst, Jan. 10, 1815.] Jackson's [Footnote: 4,698 on the east bank, according to the official report of Adjutant-General Robert Butler, for the morning of January 8th. The details are as follow: At batteries..................................................... 154 Command of Col. Ross (671 regulars and 742 Louisiana militia)... 1413 Command of General Carroll (Tennesseeans, and somewhat under 500 Kentuckians).................................................... 1562 General Coffee's command (Tennesseeans, and about 250 Louisiana militia)........................................................ 813 Major Hind's dragoons........................................... 230 Col. Slaughter's command........................................ 526 _____ Total, 4,698 These figures tally almost exactly with those given by Major Latour, except that he omits all reference to Col. Slaughter's command, thus reducing the number to about 4,100. Nor can I anywhere find any allusion to Slaughter's command as taking part in the battle; and it is possible that these troops were the 500 Kentuckians ordered across the river by Jackson; in which case his whole force but slightly exceeded 5,000 men. On the west bank there were 546 Louisiana militia--260 of the First regiment, 176 of the Second, and 110 of the Sixth. Jackson had ordered 500 Kentucky troops to be sent to reinforce them; only 400 started, of whom but 180 had arms. Seventy more received arms from the Naval Arsenal; and thus a total of 250 armed men were added to the 546 already on the west bank.] position was held by a total of 5,500 men. [Footnote: Two thousand Kentucky militia had arrived, but in wretched plight; only 500 had arms, though pieces were found for about 250 more; and thus Jackson's army received an addition of 750 very badly disciplined soldiers. "Hardly one third of the Kentucky troops, so long expected, are armed, and the arms they have are not fit for use." (Letter of Gen. Jackson to the Secretary of War, Jan. 3d.) Having kept a constant watch on the British, Jackson had rightly concluded that they would make the main attack on the east bank, and had, accordingly, kept the bulk of his force on that side. His works consisted simply of a mud breastwork, with a ditch in front of it, which stretched in a straight line from the river on his right across the plain, and some distance into the morass that sheltered his left. There was a small, unfinished redoubt in front of the breastworks on the river bank. Thirteen pieces of artillery were mounted on the works. [Footnote: Almost all British writers underestimate their own force and enormously magnify that of the Americans. Alison, for example, quadruples Jackson's _relative_ strength, writing: "About 6,000 combatants were on the British side; a slender force to attack double their number, intrenched to the teeth in works bristling with bayonets and loaded with heavy artillery." Instead of double, he should have said half; the bayonets only "bristled" metaphorically, as less than a quarter of the Americans were armed with them; and the British breaching batteries had a heavier "load" of artillery than did the American lines. Gleig says that "to come nearer the truth" he "will choose a middle course, and suppose their whole force to be about 25,000 men," (p. 325). Gleig, by the way, in speaking of the battle itself, mentions one most startling evolution of the Americans, namely, that "without so much as lifting their faces above the ramparts, they swung their firelocks by one arm over the wall and discharged them" at the British. If any one will try to perform this feat, with a long, heavy rifle held in one hand, and with his head hid behind a wall, so as not to see the object aimed at, he will get a good idea of the likelihood of any man in his senses attempting it.] On the right was posted the Seventh regular infantry, 430 strong; then came 740 Louisiana militia (both French Creoles and men of color, and comprising 30 New Orleans riflemen, who were Americans), and 240 regulars of the Forty-fourth regiment; while the rest of the line was formed by nearly 500 Kentuckians and over 1,600 Tennesseeans, under Carroll and Coffee, with 250 creole militia in the morass on the extreme left, to guard the head of a bayou. In the rear were 230 dragoons, chiefly from Mississippi, and some other troops in reserve; making in all 4,700 men on the east bank. The works on the west bank were farther down stream, and were very much weaker. Commodore Patterson had thrown up a water-battery of nine guns, three long 24's and six long 12's, pointing across the river, and intended to take in flank any foe attacking Jackson. This battery was protected by some strong earthworks, mounting three field-pieces, which were thrown up just below it, and stretched from the river about 200 yards into the plain. The line of defence was extended by a ditch for about a quarter of a mile farther, when it ended, and from there to the morass, half a mile distant, there were no defensive works at all. General Morgan, a very poor militia officer, [Footnote: He committed every possible fault, except showing lack of courage. He placed his works at a very broad instead of a narrow part of the plain, against the advice of Latour, who had Jackson's approval (Latour, 167). He continued his earthworks but a very short distance inland, making them exceedingly strong in front, and absolutely defenceless on account of their flanks being unprotected. He did not mount the lighter guns of the water-battery on his lines, as he ought to have done. Having a force of 800 men, too weak anyhow, he promptly divided it; and, finally, in the fight itself, he stationed a small number of absolutely raw troops in a thin line on the open, with their flank in the air; while a much larger number of older troops were kept to defend a much shorter line, behind a strong breastwork, with their flanks covered.] was in command, with a force of 550 Louisiana militia, some of them poorly armed; and on the night before the engagement he was reinforced by 250 Kentuckians, poorly armed, undisciplined, and worn out with fatigue. [Footnote: Latour, 170.] All through the night of the 7th a strange, murmurous clangor arose from the British camp, and was borne on the moist air to the lines of their slumbering foes. The blows of pickaxe and spade as the ground was thrown up into batteries by gangs of workmen, the rumble of the artillery as it was placed in position, the measured tread of the battalions as they shifted their places or marched off under Thornton,--all these and the thousand other sounds of warlike preparation were softened and blended by the distance into one continuous humming murmur, which struck on the ears of the American sentries with ominous foreboding for the morrow. By midnight Jackson had risen and was getting every thing in readiness to hurl back the blow that he rightly judged was soon to fall on his front. Before the dawn broke his soldiery was all on the alert. The bronzed and brawny seamen were grouped in clusters around the great guns. The creole soldiers came of a race whose habit it has ever been to take all phases of life joyously; but that morning their gayety was tempered by a dark undercurrent of fierce anxiety. They had more at stake than any other men on the field. They were fighting for their homes; they were fighting for their wives and their daughters. They well knew that the men they were to face were very brave in battle and very cruel in victory [Footnote: To prove this, it is only needful to quote from the words of the Duke of Wellington himself; referring, it must be remembered, to their conduct in a friendly, not a hostile country. "It is impossible to describe to you the irregularities and outrages committed by the troops. They are never out of sight of their officers, I might almost say, out of sight of the commanding officers of the regiments that outrages are not committed... There is not an outrage of any description which has not been committed on a people who have uniformly received them as friends." "I really believe that more plunder and outrages have been committed by this army than by any other that ever was in the field." "A detachment seldom marches... that a murder, or a highway robbery, or some act of outrage is not committed by the British soldiers composing it. They have killed eight people since the army returned to Portugal." "They really forget every thing when plunder or wine is within reach."]; they well knew the fell destruction and nameless woe that awaited their city should the English take it at the sword's point. They feared not for themselves; but in the hearts of the bravest and most careless there lurked a dull terror of what that day might bring upon those they loved. [Footnote: That these fears were just can be seen by the following quotations, from the works of a British officer, General Napier, who was an eye-witness of what he describes. It must be remembered that Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajos, and San Sebastian were friendly towns, only the garrisons being hostile. "Now commenced that wild and desperate wickedness which tarnished the lustre of the soldiers' heroism. All, indeed, were not alike, for hundreds risked and many lost their lives in striving to stop the violence; but the madness generally prevailed, and as the worst men were leaders here, all the dreadful passions of human nature were displayed. Shameless rapacity, brutal intemperance, savage lust, cruelty and murder, shrieks and piteous lamentations, groans, shouts, imprecations, the hissing of fires bursting from the houses, the crashing of doors and windows, the reports of muskets used in violence, resounded for two days and nights in the streets of Badajos. On the third, when the city was sacked, when the soldiers were exhausted by their own excesses, the tumult rather subsided than was quelled." (Vol. iii, 377). And again: "This storm seemed to be a signal from hell for the perpetration of villainy which would have shamed the most ferocious barbarians of antiquity. At Rodrigo intoxication and plunder had been the principal object; at Badajos lust and murder were joined to rapine and drunkenness; but at San Sebastian the direst, the most revolting cruelty was added to the catalogue of crimes--one atrocity, of which a girl of seventeen was the victim, staggers the mind by its enormous, incredible, indescribable barbarity... a Portuguese adjutant, who endeavored to prevent some wickedness, was put to death in the market-place, not with sudden violence from a single ruffian, but deliberately, by a number of English soldiers.... and the disorder continued until the flames, following the steps of the plunderer, put an end to his ferocity by destroying the whole town." Packenham himself would have certainly done all in his power to prevent excesses, and has been foully slandered by many early American writers. Alluding to these, Napier remarks, somewhat caustically: "Pre-eminently distinguished for detestion of inhumanity and outrage, he has been, with astounding falsehood, represented as instigating his troops to the most infamous excesses; but from a people holding millions of their fellow-beings in the most horrible slavery, while they prate and vaunt of liberty until all men turn in loathing from the sickening folly, what can be expected?" (Vol. v, p. 31.) Napier possessed to a very eminent degree the virtue of being plain-spoken. Elsewhere (iii, 450), after giving a most admirably fair and just account of the origin of the Anglo-American war, he alludes, with a good deal of justice, to the Americans of 1812, as "a people who (notwithstanding the curse of black slavery which clings to them, adding the most horrible ferocity to the peculiar baseness of their mercantile spirit, and rendering their republican vanity ridiculous) do, in their general government, uphold civil institutions which have startled the crazy despotisms of Europe."] The Tennesseeans were troubled by no such misgivings. In saturnine, confident silence they lolled behind their mud walls, or, leaning on their long rifles, peered out into the gray fog with savage, reckless eyes. So, hour after hour, the two armies stood facing each other in the darkness, waiting for the light of day. At last the sun rose, and as its beams struggled through the morning mist they glinted on the sharp steel bayonets of the English, where their scarlet ranks were drawn up in battle array, but four hundred yards from the American breastworks. There stood the matchless infantry of the island king, in the pride of their strength and the splendor of their martial glory; and as the haze cleared away they moved forward, in stern silence, broken only by the angry, snarling notes of the brazen bugles. At once the American artillery leaped into furious life; and, ready and quick, the more numerous cannon of the invaders responded from their hot, feverish lips. Unshaken amid the tumult of that iron storm the heavy red column moved steadily on toward the left of the American line, where the Tennesseeans were standing in motionless, grim expectancy. Three fourths of the open space was crossed, and the eager soldiers broke into a run. Then a fire of hell smote the British column. From the breastwork in front of them the white smoke curled thick into the air, as rank after rank the wild marksmen of the backwoods rose and fired, aiming low and sure. As stubble is withered by flame, so withered the British column under that deadly fire; and, aghast at the slaughter, the reeling files staggered and gave back. Packenham, fit captain for his valorous host, rode to the front, and the troops, rallying round him, sprang forward with ringing cheers. But once again the pealing rifle-blast beat in their faces; and the life of their dauntless leader went out before its scorching and fiery breath. With him fell the other general who was with the column, and all of the men who were leading it on; and, as a last resource, Keane brought up his stalwart Highlanders; but in vain the stubborn mountaineers rushed on, only to die as their comrades had died before them, with unconquerable courage, facing the foe, to the last. Keane himself was struck down; and the shattered wrecks of the British column, quailing before certain destruction, turned and sought refuge beyond reach of the leaden death that overwhelmed their comrades. Nor did it fare better with the weaker force that was to assail the right of the American line. This was led by the dashing Colonel Rennie, who, when the confusion caused by the main attack was at its height, rushed forward with impetuous bravery along the river bank. With such headlong fury did he make the assault, that the rush of his troops took the outlying redoubt, whose defenders, regulars and artillerymen, fought to the last with their bayonets and clubbed muskets, and were butchered to a man. Without delay Rennie flung his men at the breastworks behind, and, gallantly leading them, sword in hand, he, and all around him, fell, riddled through and through by the balls of the riflemen. Brave though they were, the British soldiers could not stand against the singing, leaden hail, for if they stood it was but to die. So in rout and wild dismay they fled back along the river bank, to the main army. For some time afterward the British artillery kept up its fire, but was gradually silenced; the repulse was entire and complete along the whole line; nor did the cheering news of success brought from the west bank give any hope to the British commanders, stunned by their crushing overthrow. [Footnote: According to their official returns the British loss was 2,036; the American accounts, of course, make it much greater. Latour is the only trustworthy American contemporary historian of this war, and even he at times absurdly exaggerates the British force and loss. Most of the other American "histories" of that period were the most preposterously bombastic works that ever saw print. But as regards this battle, none of them are as bad as even such British historians as Alison; the exact reverse being the case in many other battles, notably Lake Erie. The devices each author adopts to lessen the seeming force of his side are generally of much the same character. For instance, Latour says that 800 of Jackson's men were employed on works at the rear, on guard duty, etc., and deducts them; James, for precisely similar reasons, deducts 853 men: by such means one reduces Jackson's total force to 4,000, and the other gives Packenham but 7,300. Only 2,000 Americans were actually engaged on the east banks.] Meanwhile Colonel Thornton's attack on the opposite side had been successful, but had been delayed beyond the originally intended hour. The sides of the canal by which the boats were to be brought through to the Mississippi caved in, and choked the passage, [Footnote: Codrington, i, 386.] so that only enough got through to take over a half of Thornton's force. With these, seven hundred in number, [Footnote: James says 298 soldiers and about 200 sailors; but Admiral Cochrane in his letter (Jan. 18th) says 600 men, half sailors; and Admiral Codrington also (p. 335) gives this number, 300 being sailors: adding 13 1/3 per cent. for the officers, sergeants, and trumpeters, we get 680 men.] he crossed, but as he did not allow for the current, it carried him down about two miles below the proper landing-place. Meanwhile General Morgan, having under him eight hundred militia [Footnote: 796. (Latour, 164-172.)] whom it was of the utmost importance to have kept together, promptly divided them and sent three hundred of the rawest and most poorly armed down to meet the enemy in the open. The inevitable result was their immediate rout and dispersion; about one hundred got back to Morgan's lines. He then had six hundred men, all militia, to oppose to seven hundred regulars. So he stationed the four hundred best disciplined men to defend the two hundred yards of strong breastworks, mounting three guns, which covered his left; while the two hundred worst disciplined were placed to guard six hundred yards of open ground on his right, with their flank resting in air, and entirely unprotected. [Footnote: Report of Court of Inquiry, Maj.-Gen. Wm. Carroll presiding.] This truly phenomenal arrangement ensured beforehand the certain defeat of his troops, no matter how well they fought; but, as it turned out, they hardly fought at all. Thornton, pushing up the river, first attacked the breastwork in front, but was checked by a hot fire; deploying his men he then sent a strong force to march round and take Morgan on his exposed right flank. [Footnote: Letter of Col. W. Thornton, Jan. 8. 1815.] There, the already demoralized Kentucky militia, extended in thin order across an open space, outnumbered, and taken in flank by regular troops, were stampeded at once, and after firing a single volley they took to their heels. [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Patterson, Jan. 13, 1815.] This exposed the flank of the better disciplined creoles, who were also put to flight; but they kept some order and were soon rallied. [Footnote: Alison outdoes himself in recounting this feat. Having reduced the British force to 340 men, he says they captured the redoubt, "though defended by 22 guns and 1,700 men." Of course, it was physically impossible for the water-battery to take part in the defence; so there were but 3 guns, and by halving the force on one side and trebling it on the other, he makes the relative strength of the Americans just sixfold what it was,--and is faithfully followed by other British writers.] In bitter rage Patterson spiked the guns of his water-battery and marched off with his sailors, unmolested. The American loss had been slight, and that of their opponents not heavy, though among their dangerously wounded was Colonel Thornton. This success, though a brilliant one, and a disgrace to the American arms, had no effect on the battle. Jackson at once sent over reinforcements under the famous French general, Humbert, and preparations were forthwith made to retake the lost position. But it was already abandoned, and the force that had captured it had been recalled by Lambert, when he found that the place could not be held without additional troops.[Footnote: The British Col. Dickson, who had been sent over to inspect, reported that 2,000 men would be needed to hold the battery; so Lambert ordered the British to retire. (Lambert's letter, Jan. 10th.)] The total British loss on both sides of the river amounted to over two thousand men, the vast majority of whom had fallen in the attack on the Tennesseeans, and most of the remainder in the attack made by Colonel Rennie. The Americans had lost but seventy men, of whom but thirteen fell in the main attack. On the east bank, neither the creole militia nor the Forty-fourth regiment had taken any part in the combat. The English had thrown for high stakes and had lost every thing, and they knew it. There was nothing to hope for left. Nearly a fourth of their fighting men had fallen; and among the officers the proportion was far larger. Of their four generals, Packenham was dead, Gibbs dying, Keane disabled, and only Lambert left. Their leader, the ablest officers, and all the flower of their bravest men were lying, stark and dead, on the bloody plain before them; and their bodies were doomed to crumble into mouldering dust on the green fields where they had fought and had fallen. It was useless to make another trial. They had learned to their bitter cost, that no troops, however steady, could advance over open ground against such a fire as came from Jackson's lines. Their artillerymen had three times tried conclusions with the American gunners, and each time they had been forced to acknowledge themselves worsted. They would never have another chance to repeat their flank attack, for Jackson had greatly strengthened and enlarged the works on the west bank, and had seen that they were fully manned and ably commanded. Moreover, no sooner had the assault failed, than the Americans again began their old harassing warfare. The heaviest cannon, both from the breastwork and the water-battery, played on the British camp, both night and day, giving the army no rest, and the mounted riflemen kept up a trifling, but incessant and annoying, skirmishing with their pickets and outposts. The British could not advance, and it was worse than useless for them to stay where they were, for though they, from time to time, were reinforced, yet Jackson's forces augmented faster than theirs, and every day lessened the numerical inequality between the two armies. There was but one thing left to do, and that was to retreat. They had no fear of being attacked in turn. The British soldiers were made of too good stuff to be in the least cowed or cast down even by such a slaughtering defeat as that they had just suffered, and nothing would have given them keener pleasure than to have had a fair chance at their adversaries in the open; but this chance was just what Jackson had no idea of giving them. His own army, though in part as good as an army could be, consisted also in part of untrained militia, while not a quarter of his men had bayonets; and the wary old chief, for all his hardihood, had far too much wit to hazard such a force in fight with a superior number of seasoned veterans, thoroughly equipped, unless on his own ground and in his own manner. So he contented himself with keeping a sharp watch on Lambert; and on the night of January 18th the latter deserted his position, and made a very skilful and rapid retreat, leaving eighty wounded men and fourteen pieces of cannon behind him. [Footnote: Letter of General Jackson, Jan. 19th, and of General Lambert, Jan. 28th.] A few stragglers were captured on land, and, while the troops were embarking, a number of barges, with over a hundred prisoners, were cut out by some American seamen in row-boats; but the bulk of the army reached the transports unmolested. At the same time, a squadron of vessels, which had been unsuccessfully bombarding Fort Saint Philip for a week or two, and had been finally driven off when the fort got a mortar large enough to reach them with, also returned; and the whole fleet set sail for Mobile. The object was to capture Fort Bowyer, which contained less than four hundred men, and, though formidable on its sea-front, [Footnote: "Towards the sea its fortifications are respectable enough; but on the land side it is little better than a block-house. The ramparts being composed of sand not more than three feet in thickness, and faced with plank, are barely cannon-proof; while a sand hill, rising within pistol-shot of the ditch, completely commands it. Within, again, it is as much wanting in accommodation as it is in strength. There are no bomb-proof barracks, nor any hole or arch under which men might find protection from shells; indeed, so deficient is it in common-lodging rooms, that great part of the garrison sleep in tents ... With the reduction of this trifling work all hostilities ended." (Gleig, 357.) General Jackson impliedly censures the garrison for surrendering so quickly; but in such a fort it was absolutely impossible to act otherwise, and not the slightest stain rests upon the fort's defenders.] was incapable of defence when regularly attacked on its land side. The British landed, February 8th, some 1,500 men, broke ground, and made approaches; for four days the work went on amid a continual fire, which killed or wounded 11 Americans and 31 British; by that time the battering guns were in position and the fort capitulated, February 12th, the garrison marching out with the honors of war. Immediately afterward the news of peace arrived and all hostilities terminated. In spite of the last trifling success, the campaign had been to the British both bloody and disastrous. It did not affect the results of the war; and the decisive battle itself was a perfectly useless shedding of blood, for peace had been declared before it was fought. Nevertheless, it was not only glorious but profitable to the United States. Louisiana was saved from being severely ravaged, and New Orleans from possible destruction; and after our humiliating defeats in trying to repel the invasions of Virginia and Maryland, the signal victory of New Orleans was really almost a necessity for the preservation of the national honor. This campaign was the great event of the war, and in it was fought the most important battle as regards numbers that took place during the entire struggle; and the fact that we were victorious, not only saved our self-respect at home, but also gave us prestige abroad which we should otherwise have totally lacked. It could not be said to entirely balance the numerous defeats that we had elsewhere suffered on land--defeats which had so far only been offset by Harrison's victory in 1813 and the campaign in Lower Canada in 1814--but it at any rate went a long way toward making the score even. Jackson is certainly by all odds the most prominent figure that appeared during this war, and stands head and shoulders above any other commander, American or British, that it produced. It will be difficult, in all history, to show a parallel to the feat that he performed. In three weeks' fighting, with a force largely composed of militia, he utterly defeated and drove away an army twice the size of his own, composed of veteran troops, and led by one of the ablest of European generals. During the whole campaign he only erred once, and that was in putting General Morgan, a very incompetent officer, in command of the forces on the west bank. He suited his movements admirably to the various exigencies that arose. The promptness and skill with which he attacked, as soon as he knew of the near approach of the British, undoubtedly saved the city; for their vanguard was so roughly handled that, instead of being able to advance at once, they were forced to delay three days, during which time Jackson entrenched himself in a position from which he was never driven. But after this attack the offensive would have been not only hazardous, but useless, and accordingly Jackson, adopting the mode of warfare which best suited the ground he was on and the troops he had under him, forced the enemy always to fight him where he was strongest, and confined himself strictly to the pure defensive--a system condemned by most European authorities, [Footnote: Thus Napier says (vol. v, p. 25): "Soult fared as most generals will who seek by extensive lines to supply the want of numbers or of hardiness in the troops. Against rude commanders and undisciplined soldiers, lines may avail; seldom against accomplished commanders, never when the assailants are the better soldiers." And again (p. 150), "Offensive operations must be the basis of a good defensive system."] but which has at times succeeded to admiration in America, as witness Fredericksburg, Gettysburg, Kenesaw Mountain, and Franklin. Moreover, it must be remembered that Jackson's success was in no wise owing either to chance or to the errors of his adversary. [Footnote: The reverse has been stated again and again with very great injustice, not only by British, but even by American writers (as e.g., Prof. W. G. Sumner, in his "Andrew Jackson as a Public Man," Boston, 1882). The climax of absurdity is reached by Major McDougal, who says (as quoted by Cole in his "Memoirs of British Generals," ii, p. 364): "Sir Edward Packenham fell, not after an utter and disastrous defeat, but at the very moment when the arms of victory were extended towards him"; and by James, who says (ii, 388): "The premature fall of a British general saved an American city." These assertions are just on a par with those made by American writers, that only the fall of Lawrence prevented the _Chesapeake_ from capturing the _Shannon_. British writers have always attributed the defeat largely to the fact that the 44th regiment, which was to have led the attack with fascines and ladders, did not act well. I doubt if this had any effect on the result. Some few of the men with ladders did reach the ditch, but were shot down at once, and their fate would have been shared by any others who had been with them; the bulk of the column was never able to advance through the fire up to the breastwork, and all the ladders and fascines in Christendom would not have helped it. There will always be innumerable excuses offered for any defeat; but on this occasion the truth is simply that the British regulars found they could not advance in the open against a fire more deadly than they had ever before encountered.] As far as fortune favored either side, it was that of the British [Footnote: E.g.: The unexpected frost made the swamps firm for them to advance through; the river being so low when the levee was cut, the bayous were filled, instead of the British being drowned out; the Carolina was only blown up because the wind happened to fail her; bad weather delayed the advance of arms and reinforcements, etc., etc.]; and Packenham left nothing undone to accomplish his aim, and made no movements that his experience in European war did not justify his making. There is not the slightest reason for supposing that any other British general would have accomplished more or have fared better than he did. [Footnote: "He was the next man to look to after Lord Wellington" (Codrington, i, 339).] Of course Jackson owed much to the nature of the ground on which he fought; but the opportunities it afforded would have been useless in the hands of any general less ready, hardy, and skilful than Old Hickory. A word as to the troops themselves. The British infantry was at that time the best in Europe, the French coming next. Packenham's soldiers had formed part of Wellington's magnificent peninsular army, and they lost nothing of their honor at New Orleans. Their conduct throughout was admirable. Their steadiness in the night battle, their patience through the various hardships they had to undergo, their stubborn courage in action, and the undaunted front they showed in time of disaster (for at the very end they were to the full as ready and eager to fight as at the beginning), all showed that their soldierly qualities were of the highest order. As much cannot be said of the British artillery, which, though very bravely fought was clearly by no means as skilfully handled as was the case with the American guns. The courage of the British officers of all arms is mournfully attested by the sadly large proportion they bore to the total on the lists of the killed and wounded. An even greater meed of praise is due to the American soldiers, for it must not be forgotten that they were raw troops opposed to veterans; and indeed, nothing but Jackson's tireless care in drilling them could have brought them into shape at all. The regulars were just as good as the British, and no better. The Kentucky militia, who had only been 48 hours with the army and were badly armed and totally undisciplined, proved as useless as their brethren of New York and Virginia, at Queenstown Heights and Bladensburg, had previously shown themselves to be. They would not stand in the open at all, and even behind a breastwork had to be mixed with better men. The Louisiana militia, fighting in defence of their homes, and well trained, behaved excellently, and behind breastworks were as formidable as the regulars. The Tennesseeans, good men to start with, and already well trained in actual warfare under Jackson, were in their own way unsurpassable as soldiers. In the open field the British regulars, owing to their greater skill in manoeuvring, and to their having bayonets, with which the Tennesseeans were unprovided, could in all likelihood have beaten them; but in rough or broken ground the skill of the Tennesseeans, both as marksmen and woodsmen, would probably have given them the advantage; while the extreme deadliness of their fire made it far more dangerous to attempt to storm a breastwork guarded by these forest riflemen than it would have been to attack the same work guarded by an equal number of the best regular troops of Europe. The American soldiers deserve great credit for doing so well; but greater credit still belongs to Andrew Jackson, who, with his cool head and quick eye, his stout heart and strong hand, stands out in history as the ablest general the United States produced, from the outbreak of the Revolution down to the beginning of the Great Rebellion. Appendix A TONNAGE OF THE BRITISH AND AMERICAN MEN-OF-WAR IN 1812-15 According to Act of Congress (quoted in "Niles' Register," iv, 64), the way of measuring double-decked or war-vessels was as follows: "Measure from fore-part of main stem to after-part of stern port, above the upper deck; take the breadth thereof at broadest part above the main wales, one half of which breadth shall be accounted the depth. Deduct from the length three fifths of such breadth, multiply the remainder by the breadth and the product by the depth; divide by 95; quotient is tonnage." (_i.e._, if length = x, and breadth = y; (x - 3/5 y) X y X 1/2 y Tonnage = ----------------------- .) 95 Niles states that the British mode, as taken from Steele's "Shipmaster's Assistant," was this: Drop plumb-line over stem of ship and measure distance between such line and the after part of the stern port at the load water-mark; then measure from top of said plumb-line in parallel direction with the water to perpendicular point immediately over the load water-mark of the fore part of main stem; subtract from such admeasurement the above distance; the remainder is ship's extreme length, from which deduct 3 inches for every foot of the load-draught of water for the rake abaft, and also three fifths of the ship's breadth for the rake forward; remainder is length of keel for tonnage. Breadth shall be taken from outside to outside of the plank in broadest part of the ship either above or below the main wales, exclusive of all manner of sheathing or doubling. Depth is to be considered as one half the length. Tonnage will then be the length into the depth into breadth, divided by 94. Tonnage was thus estimated in a purely arbitrary manner, with no regard to actual capacity or displacement; and, moreover, what is of more importance, the British method differed from the American so much that a ship measured in the latter way would be nominally about 15 per cent. larger than if measured by British rules. This is the exact reverse of the statement made by the British naval historian, James. His mistake is pardonable, for great confusion existed on the subject at that time, even the officers not knowing the tonnage of their own ships. When the _President_ was captured, her officers stated that she measured about 1,400 tons; in reality she tonned 1,576, American measure. Still more singular was the testimony of the officers of the _Argus_, who thought her to be of about 350 tons, while she was of 298, by American, or 244, by British measurement. These errors were the more excusable as they occurred also in higher quarters. The earliest notice we have about the three 44-gun frigates of the _Constitution's_ class, is in the letter of Secretary of the Navy, Benjamin Stoddart, on Dec. 24, 1798, [Footnote: "American State Papers," xiv, 57.] where they are expressly said to be of 1,576 tons; and this tonnage is given them in every navy list that mentions it for 40 years afterward; yet Secretary Paul Hamilton in one of his letters incidentally alludes to them as of 1,444 tons. Later, I think about the year 1838, the method of measuring was changed, and their tonnage was put down as 1,607. James takes the American tonnage from Secretary Hamilton's letter as 1,444, and states (vol. vi, p. 5), that this is equivalent to 1,533 tons, English. But in reality, by American measurement, the tonnage was 1,576; so that even according to James' own figures the British way of measurement made the frigate 43 tons smaller than the American way did; actually the difference was nearer 290 tons. James' statements as to the size of our various ships would seem to have been largely mere guesswork, as he sometimes makes them smaller and sometimes larger than they were according to the official navy lists. Thus, the _Constitution_, _President_, and _United States_, each of 1,576, he puts down as of 1,533; the _Wasp_, of 450, as of 434; the _Hornet_, of 480, as of 460; and the _Chesapeake_, of 1,244, as of 1,135 tons. On the other hand the _Enterprise_, of 165 tons, he states to be of 245; the _Argus_ of 298, he considers to be of 316, and the _Peacock_, _Frolic_, etc., of 509 each, as of 539. He thus certainly adopts different standards of measurement, not only for the American as distinguished from the British vessels, but even among the various American vessels themselves. And there are other difficulties to be encountered; not only were there different ways of casting tonnage from given measurements, but also there were different ways of getting what purported to be the same measurement. A ship, that, according to the British method of measurement was of a certain length, would, according to the American method, be about 5 per cent. longer; and so if two vessels were the same size, the American would have the greatest nominal tonnage. For example, James in his "Naval Occurrences" (p. 467) gives the length of the _Cyane's_ main deck as 118 feet 2 inches. This same _Cyane_ was carefully surveyed and measured, under orders from the United States navy department, by Lieut. B. F. Hoffman, and in his published report [Footnote: "American State Papers," xiv, p. 417.] he gives, among the other dimensions: "Length of spar-deck, 124 feet 9 inches," and "length of gun-deck 123 feet 3 inches." With such a difference in the way of taking measurements, as well as of computing tonnage from the measurements when taken, it is not surprising that according to the American method the _Cyane_ should have ranked as of about 659 tons, instead of 539. As James takes no account of any of these differences I hardly know how to treat his statements of comparative tonnage. Thus he makes the _Hornet_ 460 tons, and the _Peacock_ and _Penguin_, which she at different times captured, about 388 each. As it happens both Captain Lawrence and Captain Biddle, who commanded the _Hornet_ in her two successful actions, had their prizes measured. The _Peacock_ sank so rapidly that Lawrence could not get very accurate measurements of her; he states her to be four feet shorter and half a foot broader than the _Hornet_. The British naval historian, Brenton (vol. v, p. 111), also states that they were of about the same tonnage. But we have more satisfactory evidence from Captain Biddle. He stayed by his prize nearly two days, and had her thoroughly examined in every way; and his testimony is, of course, final. He reports that the _Penguin_ was by actual measurement two feet shorter, and somewhat broader than the _Hornet_, and with thicker scantling. She tonned 477, compared to the _Hornet's_ 480--a difference of about one half of one per cent. This testimony is corroborated by that of the naval inspectors who examined the _Epervier_ after she was captured by the _Peacock_. Those two vessels were respectively of 477 and 509 tons, and as such they ranked on the navy lists. The American _Peacock_ and her sister ships were very much longer than the brig sloops of the _Epervier's_ class, but were no broader, the latter being very tubby. All the English sloops were broader in proportion than the American ones were; thus the _Levant_, which was to have mounted the same number of guns as the _Peacock_, had much more beam, and was of greater tonnage, although of rather less length. The _Macedonian_, when captured, ranked on our lists as of 1,325 tons, [Footnote: See the work of Lieutenant Emmons, who had access to all the official records.] the _United States_ as of 1,576; and they thus continued until, as I have said before, the method of measurement was changed, when the former ranked as of 1,341, and the latter as of 1,607 tons. James, however, makes them respectively, 1,081, and 1,533. Now to get the comparative force he ought to have adopted the first set of measurements given, or else have made them 1,081 and 1,286. Out of the twelve single-ship actions of the war, four were fought with 38-gun frigates like the _Macedonian_, and seven with 18-gun brig sloops of the _Epervier's_ class; and as the _Macedonian_ and _Epervier_ were both regularly rated in our navy, we get a very exact idea of our antagonists in those eleven cases. The twelfth was the fight between the _Enterprise_ and the _Boxer_, in which the latter was captured; the _Enterprise_ was apparently a little smaller than her foe, but had two more guns, which she carried in her bridle ports. As my purpose in giving the tonnage is to get it comparatively, and not absolutely, I have given it throughout for both sides as estimated by the American method of that day. The tonnage of the vessels on the lakes has been already noticed. Appendix B PREVIOUS HISTORY OF UNITED STATES NAVY Very few students of naval history will deny that in 1812 the average American ship was superior to the average British ship of the same strength; and that the latter was in turn superior to the average French ship. The explanation given by the victor is in each case the same; the American writer ascribes the success of his nation to "the aptitude of the American character for the sea," and the Briton similarly writes that "the English are inherently better suited for the sea than the French." Race characteristics may have had some little effect between the last pair of combatants (although only a little), and it is _possible_ that they somewhat affected the outcome of the Anglo-American struggle, but they did not form the main cause. This can best be proved by examining the combats of two preceding periods, in which the English, French, and Americans were at war with one another. During the years 1798-1800, the United States carried on a desultory conflict with France, then at war with England. Our navy was just built, and was rated in the most extraordinary manner; the _Chesapeake_, carrying 18-pounders, was called a 44; and the _Constellation_ which carried 24's, a 36, while the _Washington_, rating 24, was really much heavier than the _Boston_, rating 28. On Feb. 9, 1799, after an hour's conflict, the _Constellation_ captured the French frigate _Insurgente_; the Americans lost 3, the French 70 men, killed and wounded. The _Constitution_ carried but 38 guns; 28 long 24's, on the main-deck, and 10 long 12's on the quarter-deck, with a crew of 309 men. According to Troude (iii, 169), _l'lnsurgente_ carried 26 long 12's, 10 long 6's, and 4 36-pound carronades; the Americans report her number of men as nearly four hundred. Thus in actual [Footnote: French shot was really very much heavier than the nominally corresponding English shot, as the following table, taken from Captain T. L. Simmon's work on "Heavy Ordnance" (London, 1837, p. 62) will show: Nominal French Weight Actual Weight of Same Shot in of Shot. English Pounds. 36 lbs. 43 lbs 4 oz. 24 " 28 " 8 3/4" 18 " 21 " 4 1/2" 12 " 14 " 7 " ] (not nominal) weight of shot the _Constitution_ was superior by about 80 pounds, and was inferior in crew by from 50 to 100 men. This would make the vessels apparently nearly equal in force; but of course the long 24's of the Constellation made it impossible that _l'lnsurgente_, armed only with long 12's, should contend with her. As already said, a superiority in number of men makes very little difference, provided each vessel has ample to handle the guns, repair damages, work the sails, etc. Troude goes more into details than any other French historian; but I think his details are generally wrong. In this case he gives the _Constellation_ 12's, instead of the 24's she really carried; and also supplies her with 10 32-pound carronades--of which species of ordnance there was then not one piece in our navy. The first carronades we ever had were those carried by the same frigate on her next voyage. She had completely changed her armament, having 28 long 18's on the main-deck, ten 24-pound carronades on the quarter-deck; and, I believe, 6 long 12's on the forecastle, with a crew of 310 men. Thus armed, she encountered and fought a drawn battle with _la Vengeance_. Troude (vol. iii, pp. 201, and 216) describes the armament of the latter as 26 long 18's, 10 long 8's, and 4 36-pound carronades. On board of her was an American prisoner, James Howe, who swore she had 52 guns, and 400 men (see Cooper, i, 306). The French and American accounts thus radically disagree. The point is settled definitely by the report of the British captain Milne, who, in the _Seine_ frigate, captured _la Vengeance_ in the same year, and then reported her armament as being 28 long 18's, 16 long 12's, and 8 36-pound carronades, with 326 men. As the American and British accounts, written entirely independently of one another, tally almost exactly, it is evident that Troude was very greatly mistaken. He blunders very much over the _Constellation's_ armament. Thus in this action the American frigate fought a draw with an antagonist, nearly as much superior to herself as an American 44 was to a British 38. In November, 1800, the "28-gun frigate," _Boston_, of 530 tons, 200 men, carrying 24 long 9's on the main-deck, and on the spar-deck 8 long 6's (or possibly 12-pound carronades) captured, after two hours action, the French corvette _Berceau_, of 24 guns, long 8's; the _Boston_ was about the same size as her foe, with the same number of men, and superior in metal about as ten to nine. She lost 15, and the _Berceau_ 40 men. Troude (iii, p. 219) gives the _Berceau_ 30 guns, 22 long 8's, and 8 12-pound carronades. If this is true she was in reality of equal force with the _Boston_. But I question if Troude really knew anything about the combatants; he gives the _Boston_ (of the same size and build as the _Cyane_) 48 guns--a number impossible for her to carry. He continually makes the grossest errors; in this same (the third) volume, for example, he arms a British 50-gun-ship with 72 cannon, giving her a broadside fifty per cent. heavier than it should be (p. 141); and, still worse, states the ordinary complement of a British 32-gun frigate to be 384 men, instead of about 220 (p. 417). He is by no means as trustworthy as James, though less rancorous. The United States schooner _Experiment_, of 12 guns, long 6's, and 70 men, captured the French man-of-war three-masted-schooner _La Diane_, of 14 guns (either 4- or 6-pounders), with a crew of 60 men, and 30 passengers; and the _Enterprise_, the sister vessel of the _Experiment_, captured numerous strong privateers. One of them, a much heavier vessel than her captor, made a most obstinate fight. She was the _Flambeau_ brig of fourteen 8-pounders and 100 men, of whom half were killed or wounded. The _Enterprise_ had 3 killed and 7 wounded. Comparing these different actions, it is evident that the Americans were superior to the French in fighting capacity during the years 1799 and 1800. During the same two years there had been numerous single contests between vessels of Britain and France, ending almost invariably in favor of the former, which I mention first in each couple. The 12-pounder frigate _Daedalus_ captured the 12-pounder frigate _Prudente_, of equal force. The British 18-pounder frigate _Sybille_ captured the frigate _Forte_, armed with 52 guns, 30 of them long 24's on the main-deck; she was formidably armed and as heavy as the _Constitution_. The _Sybille_ lost 22 and the _Forte_ 145 men killed and wounded. The 18-pounder frigate _Clyde_, with the loss of 5 men, captured the 12-pounder frigate _Vestale_, which lost 32. The cutter _Courser_, of twelve 4-pounders and 40 men, captured the privateer _Guerrière_, of fourteen 4-pounders and 44 men. The cutter _Viper_, of fourteen 4-pounders and 48 men, captured the privateer _Suret_, of fourteen 4-pounders and 57 men. The 16-gun ship-sloop, _Peterel_, with 89 men, engaged the _Cerf_, 14, _Lejoille_, 6, and _Ligurienne_, 16, with in all 240 men, and captured the _Ligunenne_. The 30-gun corvette _Dart_ captured by surprise the 38-gun frigate _Desirée_. The _Gypsey_, of ten 4-pounders and 82 men, captured the _Quidproquo_, of 8 guns, 4- and 8-pounders, and 98 men. The schooner _Milbrook_ of sixteen 18-pounder carronades and 47 men, fought a draw with the privateer _Bellone_, of 24 long 8's and six 36-pound carronades. Finally, six months after the _Vengeance_ had escaped from the _Constellation_ (or beaten her off, as the French say) she was captured by the British frigate _Seine_, which threw a broadside about 30 pounds more than the American did in her action, and had some 29 men less aboard. So that her commander, Captain Milne, with the same force as Commodore Truxtun, of the _Constellation_, accomplished what the latter failed to do. Reviewing all these actions, it seems pretty clear that, while the Americans were then undoubtedly much superior to the French, they were still, at least slightly, inferior to the British. From 1777 to 1782 the state of things was very different. The single combats were too numerous for me to mention them here; and besides it would be impossible to get at the truth without going to a great deal of trouble--the accounts given by Cooper, Sohomberg, and Troude differing so widely that they can often hardly be recognized as treating of the same events. But it is certain that the British were very much superior to the Americans. Some of the American ships behaved most disgracefully, deserting their consorts and fleeing from much smaller foes. Generally the American ship was captured when opposed by an equal force--although there were some brilliant exceptions to this. With the French things were more equal; their frigates were sunk or captured time and again, but nearly as often they sunk or captured their antagonists. Some of the most gallant fights on record are recounted of French frigates of this period; in 1781 the _Minerve_, 32, resisted the _Courageous_, 74, till she had lost 73 men and had actually inflicted a loss of 17 men on her gigantic antagonist, and the previous year the _Bellepoule_, 32, had performed a similar feat with the _Nonsuch_, 64, while the _Capricieuse_, 32, had fought for five hours before surrendering to the _Prudente_ and _Licorne_, each of force equal to herself. She lost 100 men, inflicting a loss of 55 upon her two antagonists. Such instances make us feel rather ashamed when we compare them with the fight in which the British ship _Glasgow_, 20, beat off an American squadron of 5 ships, including two of equal force to herself, or with the time when the _Ariadne_, 20, and _Ceres_, 14, attacked and captured without resistance the _Alfred_, 20, the latter ship being deserted in the most outrageously cowardly manner by her consort the _Raleigh_, 32. At that period the average American ship was certainly by no means equal to the average French ship of the same force, and the latter in turn was a little, but only a little, inferior to the average British ship of equal strength. Thus in 1782 the British stood first in nautical prowess, separated but by a very narrow interval from the French, while the Americans made a bad third. In 1789 the British still stood first, while the Americans had made a great stride forward, coming close on their heels, and the French had fallen far behind into the third place. In 1812 the relative positions of the British and French were unchanged, but the Americans had taken another very decided step in advance, and stood nearly as far ahead of the British as the latter were ahead of the French. The explanation of these changes is not difficult. In 1782 the American war vessels were in reality privateers; the crews were unpracticed, the officers untrained, and they had none of the traditions and discipline of a regular service. At the same time the French marine was at its highest point; it was commanded by officers of ability and experience, promoted largely for merit, and with crews thoroughly trained, especially in gunnery, by a long course of service on the sea. In courage, and in skill in the management of guns, musketry, etc., they were the full equals of their English antagonists; their slight _average_ inferiority in seamanship may, it is possible, be fairly put down to the difference in race. (It seems certain that, when serving in a neutral vessel, for example, the Englishmen aboard are apt to make better sailors than the Frenchmen.) In 1799 the revolution had deprived the French of all their best officers, had let the character of the marine run down, and the discipline of the service become utterly disorganized; this exposed them to frightful reverses, and these in turn prevented the character of the service from recovering its former tone. Meanwhile the Americans had established for the first time a regular navy, and, as there was excellent material to work with, it at once came up close to the English; constant and arduous service, fine discipline, promotion for merit, and the most unflagging attention to practical seamanship and gunnery had in 1812 raised it far above even the high English standard. During all these three periods the English marine, it must be remembered, did not fall off, but at least kept its position; the French, on the contrary, _did_ fall off, while the American navy advanced by great strides to the first place. Appendix C After my work was in press I for the first time came across Prof. J. Russell Soley's "Naval Campaign of 1812," in the "Proceedings of the United States Naval Institute," for October 20, 1881. It is apparently the precursor of a more extended history. Had I known that such a writer as Professor Soley was engaged on a work of this kind I certainly should not have attempted it myself. In several points our accounts differ. In the action with the _Guerrière_ his diagram differs from mine chiefly in his making the _Constitution_ steer in a more direct line, while I have represented her as shifting her course several times in order to avoid being raked, bringing the wind first on her port and then on her starboard-quarter. My account of the number of the crew of the _Guerrière_ is taken from the _Constitution's_ muster-book (in the Treasury Department at Washington), which contains the names of all the British prisoners received aboard the _Constitution_ after the fight. The various writers used "larboard" and "starboard" with such perfect indifference, in speaking of the closing and the loss of the _Guerrière's_ mizzen-mast, that I hardly knew which account to adopt; it finally seemed to me that the only way to reconcile the conflicting statements was by making the mast act as a rudder, first to keep the ship off the wind until it was dead aft and then to bring her up into it. If this was the case, it deadened her speed, and prevented Dacres from keeping his ship yardarm and yardarm with the foe, though he tried to steady his course with the helm; but, in this view, it rather delayed Hull's raking than helped him. If Professor Soley's account is right, I hardly know what to make of the statement in one of the American accounts that the _Constitution_ "luffed across the enemy's bow," and of Cooper's statement (in _Putnam's Magazine_) that the _Guerrière's_ bowsprit pressed against the _Constitution's_ "lee or port quarter." In the action of the _Wasp_ with the _Frolic_, I have adopted James' statement of the latter's force; Professor Soley follows Captain Jones' letter, which gives the brig three additional guns and 18 pounds more metal in broadside. My reason for following James was that his account of the _Frolic's_ force agrees with the regular armament of her class. Captain Jones gives her _two_ carronades on the topgallant forecastle, which must certainly be a mistake; he makes her chase-guns long 12's, but all the other British brigs carried 6's; he also gives her another gun in broadside, which he calls a 12-pounder, and Lieutenant Biddle (in a letter to his father) a 32-pound carronade. His last gun should perhaps be counted in; I excluded it because the two American officials differed in their account of it, because I did not know through what port it could be fought, and because James asserted that it was dismounted and lashed to the forecastle. The _Wasp_ left port with 138 men; subtracting the pilot and two men who were drowned, makes 135 the number on board during the action. As the battle was fought, I doubt if the loss of the brig's main-yard had much effect on the result; had it been her object to keep on the wind, or had the loss of her after-sails enabled her antagonist to cross her stern (as in the case of the _Argus_ and _Pelican_), the accident could fairly be said to have had a decided effect upon the contest. But as a short time after the fight began the vessels were running nearly free, and as the _Wasp_ herself was greatly injured aloft at the time, and made no effort to cross her foe's stern, it is difficult to see that it made much difference. The brig's head-sails were all right, and, as she was not close-hauled, the cause of her not being kept more under command was probably purely due to the slaughter on her decks. Professor Soley represents the combat of the _States_ and _Macedonian_ as a plain yardarm and yardarm action after the first forty minutes. I have followed the English authorities and make it a running fight throughout. If Professor Soley is right, the enormous disparity in loss was due mainly to the infinitely greater accuracy of the American fire; according to my diagram the chief cause was the incompetency of the _Macedonian's_ commander. In one event the difference was mainly in the gunnery of the crews, in the other, it was mainly in the tactical skill of the captains. The question is merely as to how soon Carden, in his headlong, foolishly rash approach, was enabled to close with Decatur. I have represented the closing as taking place later than Professor Soley has done; very possibly I am wrong. Could my work now be rewritten I think I should adopt his diagram of the action of the _Macedonian_. But in the action with the _Java_ it seems to me that he is mistaken. He has here followed the British accounts; but they are contradicted by the American authorities, and besides have a very improbable look. When the _Constitution_ came round for the second time, on the port tack, James declares the _Java_ passed directly across her stern, almost touching, but that the British crew, overcome by astonishment or awe, did not fire a shot; and that shortly afterward the manoeuvre was repeated. When this incident is said to have occurred the _Java's_ crew had been hard at work fighting the guns for half an hour, and they continued for an hour and a half afterward; it is impossible to believe that they would have foreborne to fire more than one gun when in such a superb position for inflicting damage. Even had the men been struck with temporary lunacy the officers alone would have fired some of the guns. Moreover, if the courses of the vessels were such as indicated on Professor Soley's diagram the _Java_ would herself have been previously exposed to a terrible raking fire, which was not the case. So the alleged manoeuvres have, _per se_, a decidedly apocryphal look; and besides they are flatly contradicted by the American accounts which state distinctly that the _Java_ remained to windward in every portion of the fight. On this same tack Professor Soley represents the _Java_ as forereaching on the _Constitution_; I have reversed this. At this time the _Java_ had been much cut up in her rigging and aloft generally, while the _Constitution_ had set much additional sail, and in consequence the latter forged ahead and wore in the smoke unperceived. When the ships came foul Professor Soley has drawn the _Constitution_ in a position in which she would receive a most destructive stern rake from her antagonist's whole broadside. The positions could not have been as there represented. The _Java's_ bowsprit came foul in the _Constitution's_ mizzen rigging and as the latter forged ahead she pulled the former gradually round till when they separated the ships were in a head and stern line. Commodore Bainbridge, as he particularly says, at once "kept away to avoid being raked," while the loss of the head-sails aboard the _Java_ would cause the latter to come up in the wind, and the two ships would again be running parallel, with the American to leeward. I have already discussed fully the reasons for rejecting in this instance the British report of their own force and loss. This was the last defeat that the British officially reported; the admiralty were smarting with the sting of successive disasters and anxious at all costs to put the best possible face on affairs (as witness Mr. Croker's response to Lord Dundonald's speech in the House). There is every reason for believing that in this case the reports were garbled; exactly as at a later date the official correspondence preceding the terrible disasters at Cabul was tampered with before being put before the public (see McCarthy's "History of our Own Times"). It is difficult to draw a diagram of the action between the _Hornet_ and _Peacock,_ although it was so short, the accounts contradicting one another as to which ship was to windward and which on the "larboard tack;" and I do not know if I have correctly represented the position of the combatants at the close of the engagement. Lieutenant Conner reported the number of men aboard the _Hornet_ fit for duty as 135; Lawrence says she had 8 absent in a prize and 7 too sick to be at quarters. This would make an original complement of 150, and tallies exactly with the number of men left on the _Hornet_ after the action was over, as mentioned by Lawrence in his account of the total number of souls aboard. The log-book of the _Hornet_ just before starting on her cruise, states her entire complement as 158; but 4 of these were sick and left behind. There is still a discrepancy of 4 men, but during the course of the cruise nothing would be more likely than that four men should be gotten rid of, either by sickness, desertion, or dismissal. At any rate the discrepancy is very trivial. In her last cruise, as I have elsewhere said, I have probably overestimated the number of the _Hornet's_ crew; this seems especially likely when it is remembered that toward the close of the war our vessels left port with fewer supernumeraries aboard than earlier in the contest. If such is the case, the _Hornet_ and _Penguin_ were of almost exactly equal force. My own comments upon the causes of our success, upon the various historians of the war, etc., are so similar to those of Professor Soley, that I almost feel as if I had been guilty of plagiarism; yet I never saw his writings till half an hour ago. But in commenting on the actions of 1812, I think the Professor has laid too much stress on the difference in "dash" between the combatants. The _Wasp_ bore down with perfect confidence to engage an equal foe; and the _Hornet_ could not tell till the _Peacock_ opened fire that the latter was inferior in force, and moreover fought in sight of another hostile vessel. In the action with the _Guerrière_ it was Hull and not Dacres who acted boldly, the Englishman delaying the combat and trying to keep it at long range for some time. In this fight it must be remembered that neither foe knew the exact force of the other until the close work began; then, it is true, Dacres fought most bravely. So with the _Macedonian;_ James particularly says that she did not know the force of her foe, and was confident of victory. The _Java,_ however, must have known that she was to engage a superior force. In neither of the first two frigate actions did the Americans have a chance to display any courage in the actual fighting, the victory was won with such ease. But in each case they entered as bravely, although by no means as rashly or foolishly, into the fight as their antagonists did. It must always be remembered that until this time it was by no means proved that 24-pounders were better guns than 18's to put on frigates; exactly as at a little later date it was vigorously contended that 42-pounders were no more effective guns for two-deckers than 32-pounders were. Till 1812 there had been no experience to justify the theory that the 24-pounder was the better gun. So that in the first five actions it cannot be said that the British showed any especial courage in _beginning_ the fight; it was more properly to be called ignorance. After the fight was once begun they certainly acted very bravely, and, in particular, the desperate nature of the _Frolic's_ defence has never been surpassed. But admitting this is a very different thing from admitting that the British fought more bravely than their foes; the combatants were about on a par in this respect. The Americans, it seems to me, were always to the full as ready to engage as their antagonists were; on each side there were few over-cautious men, such as Commodore Rodgers and Sir George Collier, the opposing captains on Lake Ontario, the commander of the _Bonne Citoyenne_, and perhaps Commodore Decatur, but as a rule either side jumped at the chance of a fight. The difference in tactics was one of skill and common sense, not one of timidity. The _United States_ did not "avoid close action" from over-caution, but simply to take advantage of her opponent's rashness. Hull's approach was as bold as it was skilful; had the opponent to leeward been the _Endymion_, instead of the _Guerrière_, her 24-pounders would not have saved her from the fate that overtook the latter. Throughout the war I think that the Americans were as bold in beginning action, and as stubborn in continuing it, as were their foes--although no more so. Neither side can claim any superiority on the average, though each can in individual cases, as regards courage. Foolhardiness does not imply bravery. A prize-fighter who refused to use his guard would be looked upon as exceptionally brainless, not as exceptionally brave; yet such a case is almost exactly parallel to that of the captain of the _Macedonian_. Appendix D In the "Historical Register of the United States" (Edited by T. H. Palmer, Philadelphia, 1814), vol. 1 p. 105 (State Papers), is a letter from Lieut. L. H. Babbitt to Master-commandant Wm. U. Crane, both of the _Nautilus_, dated Sept. 13, 1812, in which he says that of the six men imprisoned by the British on suspicion of being of English birth, four were native-born Americans, and two naturalized citizens. He also gives a list of six men who deserted, and entered on the _Shannon_, of whom two were American born--the birthplaces of the four others not being given. Adding these last, we still have but six men as the number of British aboard the _Nautilus_, It is thus seen that the crack frigate _Shannon_ had American deserters aboard her--although these probably formed a merely trifling faction of her crew, as did the British deserters aboard the crack frigate _Constitution._ On p. 108, is a letter of Dec. 17, 1812, from Geo. S. Wise, purser of the _Wasp_, stating that twelve of that ship's crew had been detained "under the pretence of their being British subjects"; so that nine per cent. of her crew may have been British--or the proportion may have been very much smaller. On p. 117, is a letter of Jan. 14, 1813, from Commodore J. Rodgers, in which he states that he encloses the muster-rolls of H. B. M. ships, _Moselle_ and _Sappho_, taken out of the captured packet _Swallow_; and that these muster-rolls show that in August 1812, one eighth of the crews of the _Moselle_ and _Sappho_, was composed of Americans. These various letters thus support strongly the conclusions reached on a former page as to the proportion of British deserters on American vessels. In "A Biographical Memoir of the late Commodore Joshua Barney, from Autographical Notes and Journals" (Edited by Mary Barney, Boston, 1832), on pages 263, and 315, are descriptions of the flotilla destroyed in the Patuxent. It consisted of one gun-boat, carrying a long 24; one cutter, carrying a long 18, a columbiad 18, and four 9-pound carronades, and thirteen row barges, each carrying a long 18 or 12 in the bow, with a 32-pound or 18-pound carronade in the stern. On p. 256, Barney's force in St. Leonard's creek, is described as consisting of one sloop, two gun-boats, and thirteen barges, with in all somewhat over 500 men; and it is claimed that the flotilla drove away the blockading frigates, entirely unaided; the infantry force on shore rendering no assistance. The work is of some value, as showing that James had more than doubled the size, and almost doubled the strength, of Barney's various gun-boats. It may be mentioned that on p. 108, Commodore Barney describes the Dutch-American frigate _South Carolina_, which carried a crew of 550 men, and was armed with 28 long 42's on the maindeck, and 12 long 12's on the spardeck. She was far heavier than any of our 44-gun frigates of 1812, and an overmatch for anything under the rank of a 74. This gives further emphasis to what I have already stated--that the distinguishing feature of the war of 1812, is _not_ the introduction of the heavy frigate, for heavy frigates had been in use among various nations for thirty years previously, but the fact that for the first time the heavy frigate was used to the best possible advantage. Appendix E In the last edition of James' "Naval History of Great Britain," published in London, in 1886, by Richard Bentley & Son, there is an appendix by Mr. H. T. Powell, devoted to the war of 1812, mainly to my account thereof. Mr. Powell begins by stating with naïf solemnity that "most British readers will be surprised to learn that, notwithstanding the infinite pains taken by William James to render his history a monument of accuracy, and notwithstanding the exposure he brought upon contemporary misstatements, yet to this day the Americans still dispute his facts." It is difficult to discuss seriously any question with a man capable of writing down in good faith such a sentence as the above. James (unlike Brenton and Cooper) knew perfectly well how to be accurate; but if Mr. Powell will read the comments on his accounts which I have appended to the description of almost every battle, he will see that James stands convicted beyond possibility of doubt, not merely of occasional inaccuracies or errors, but of the systematic, malicious, and continuous practice of every known form of wilful misstatement, from the suppression of the truth and the suggestion of the false to the lie direct. To a man of his character the temptation was irresistible; for when he came to our naval war, he had to appear as the champion of the beaten side, and to explain away defeat instead of chronicling victory. The contemporary American writers were quite as boastful and untruthful. No honorable American should at this day endorse their statements; and similarly, no reputable Englishman should permit his name to be associated in any way with James' book without explicitly disclaiming all share in, or sympathy with, its scurrilous mendacity. Mr. Powell's efforts to controvert my statements can be disposed of in short order. He first endeavors to prove that James was right about the tonnage of the ships; but all that he does is to show that his author gave for the English frigates and sloops the correct tonnage by English and French rules. This I never for a moment disputed. What I said was that the _comparative_ tonnage of the various pairs of combatants as given by James was all wrong; and this Mr. Powell does not even discuss. James applied one system correctly to the English vessels; but he applied quite another to the American (especially on the lakes). Mr. Powell actually quotes Admiral Chads as a witness, because he says that his father considered James' account of the _Java's_ fight accurate; if he wishes such testimony, I can produce many relatives of the Perrys, Porters, and Rodgers of 1812, who insist that I have done much less than justice to the American side. He says I passed over silently James' schedule of dimensions of the frigates and sloops. This is a mistake; I showed by the testimony of Captains Biddle and Warrington and Lieutenant Hoffman that his _comparative_ measurements (the absolute measurements being of no consequence) for the American and British sloops are all wrong; and the same holds true of the frigates. Mr. Powell deals with the weight of shot exactly as he does with the tonnage--that is, he seeks to show what the _absolute_ weight of the British shot was; but he does not touch upon the point at issue, the _comparative_ weight of the British and American shot. When he comes to the lake actions, Mr. Powell is driven to conclude that what I aver must be accurate, because he thinks the _Confiance_ was the size of the _General Pike_ (instead of half as large again; she mounted 30 guns in battery on her main deck, as against the _Pike's_ 26, and stood to the latter as the _Constellation_ did to the _Essex_), and because an American writer (very properly) expresses dissatisfaction with Commodore Chauncy! What Mr. Powell thinks this last statement tends to prove would be difficult to say. In the body of my work I go into the minute details of the strength of the combatants in the lake action; I clearly show that James was guilty of gross and wilful falsification of the truth; and no material statement I make can be successfully controverted. So much for Mr. Powell. But a much higher authority, Mr. Frank Chiswell, has recently published some articles which tend to show that my conclusions as to the tonnage of the sea vessels (not as to the lake vessels, which are taken from different sources) are open to question. In the appendix to my first edition I myself showed that it was quite impossible to reconcile all the different statements; that the most that could be done was to take one method and apply it all through, admitting that even in this way it would be impossible to make all the cases square with one another. Mr. Chiswell states that "the American tonnage measurements, properly taken, never could give results for frigates varying largely from the English tonnage." But a statement like this is idle; for the answer to the "never could" is that they _did_. If Mr. Chiswell will turn to James' "Naval Occurrences," he will find the _Chesapeake_ set down as 1,135 tons, and the _Macedonian_ as of 1,081; but in the American Navy lists, which are those I followed, the _Chesapeake_ is put down as of 1,244 tons. A simple application of the rule of three shows that even if I accepted James' figures, I would be obliged to consider the _Macedonian_ as of about 1,185 tons, to make her correspond with the system I had adopted for the American ships. But this is not all. James gives the length of the _Macedonian_ as 154 ft. 6 in. In the Navy Department at Washington are two plans of the _Macedonian_. One is dated 1817, and gives her length as 157 ft. 3 in. This difference in measurement would make a difference of 20 odd tons; so that by the American mode she must certainly have been over 1,200 tons, instead of under 1,100, as by the British rules. The second plan in the Navy Department, much more elaborate than the first, is dated 1829, and gives the length as 164 ft.; it is probably this that Emmons and the United States Navy lists have followed--as I did myself in calling the tonnage of the _Macedonian_ 1,325. Since finding the plan of 1817, however, I think it possible that the other refers to the second vessel of the name, which was built in 1832. If this is true, then the _Macedonian_ (as well as the _Guerrière_ and _Java_) should be put down as about 120 tons less than the measurements given by Emmons and adopted by me; but even if this is so, she must be considered as tonning over 1,200, using the method I have applied to the _Chesapeake_. Therefore, adopting the same system that I apply to the American 38-gun frigates, the British 38-gun frigates were of over 1,200, not under 1,100, tons. As for the _Cyane_, James makes her but 118 ft. and 2 in. long, while the American _Peacock_ he puts at 119 ft. 5 in. But Lieut. Hoffman's official report makes the former 123 ft. 3 in., and the plans in the State Department at Washington make the latter 117 ft. 11 in. in length. I care nothing for the different methods of measuring different vessels; what I wish to get at is the comparative measurement, and this stands as above. The comparative tonnage is thus the very reverse of that indicated by James' figures. Finally, as to the brigs, James makes them some ten feet shorter than the American ship-sloops. In the Washington archives I can find no plan on record of the measurements of the captured _Epervier_; but in the Navy Department, volume 10, of the "Letters of Master Commandants, 1814," under date of May 12th, is the statement of the Surveyor of the Port of Charleston that she measured 467 tons (in another place it is given as 477). James makes her 388; but as he makes the American _Wasp_ 434, whereas she stands on our list as of 450, the application of the same rule as with the frigates gives us, even taking his own figures, 400 as her tonnage, when measured as our ships were. But the measurements of the Surveyor of the Port who examined the _Epervier_ are corroborated by the statements of Captain Biddle, who captured her sister brig, the _Penguin_. Biddle reported that the latter was two feet shorter and a little broader than his own ship, the _Hornet_, which was of 480 tons. This would correspond almost exactly with the Surveyor's estimate. It still seems impossible to reconcile all these conflicting statements; but I am inclined to think that, on the whole, in the sea (not the lake) vessels I have put the British tonnage too high. On the scale I have adopted for the American 44-gun and 38-gun frigates and 18-gun sloops like the Hornet and _Wasp_, the British 38-gun frigates ought to be put down as of a little over 1,200, and the British 18-gun sloops as of between 400 and 450, tons. In other words, of the twelve single-ship actions of the war five, those of the _Chesapeake_ and _Shannon_, _Enterprise_ and _Boxer_, _Wasp_ and _Frolic_, _Hornet_ and _Peacock_, _Hornet_ and _Penguin_, were between vessels of nearly equal size; in six the American was the superior about in the proportion of five to four (rather more in the case of the frigates, rather less in the case of the brigs); and in one, that of the _Argus_ and _Pelican_, the British sloop was the bigger, in a somewhat similar ratio. This correction would be in favor of the British. But in a more important particular I think I have done injustice to the Americans. I should have allowed for the short weight of American metal on the lakes, taking off seven per cent, from the nominal broadsides of Perry and Macdonough; for the American ordnance was of exactly the same quality as that on the ocean vessels, while the British was brought over from England, and must have shown the same superiority that obtained on the sea-going ships. Moreover, I am now inclined to believe that both the _Guerrière_ and the _Java_, which were originally French ships, still carried French 18's on their main-deck, and that, therefore, about 20 pounds should be added to the broadside weight of metal of each. The American accounts stated this to be the case in both instances; but I paid no heed to them until my attention was called to the fact that the English had captured enormous quantities of French cannon and shot and certainly used the captured ordnance on some of their ships. In writing my history I have had to deal with a mass of confused and contradictory testimony, which it has sometimes been quite impossible to reconcile, the difficulty being greatly enhanced by the calculated mendacity of James and some others of the earlier writers, both American and British. Often I have had simply to balance probabilities, and choose between two sets of figures, aware that, whichever I chose, much could be said against the choice. It has, therefore, been quite impossible to avoid errors; but I am confident they have been as much in favor of the British as the Americans; and in all important points my statements are substantially accurate. I do not believe that my final conclusions on the different fights can be disputed. James asserts that the American ships were officered by cunning cowards, and manned to the extent of half their force in point of effectiveness by renegade British. I show that the percentage of non-American seamen aboard the American ships was probably but little greater than the percentage of non-British seamen aboard the British ships; and as for the charges of cowardice, there were but two instances in which it could be fairly urged against a beaten crew--that of the British _Epervier_ and that of the American _Argus_ (for the cases of Sir George Collier, Commodore Rodgers, Chauncy, Yeo, the commander of the _Bonne Citoyenne_, etc., etc., cannot be considered as coming under this head). James states that there was usually a great superiority of force on the side of the Americans; this is true; but I show that it was not nearly as great as he makes it, and that in dealing with the lake flotillas his figures are absolutely false, to the extent of even reversing the relative strength of the combatants on Lake Champlain, where the Americans won, although with an inferior force. In the one noteworthy British victory, that of the _Shannon_, all British authors fail to make any allowance for the vital fact that the _Shannon's_ crew had been drilled for seven years, whereas the _Chesapeake_ had an absolutely new crew, and had been out of port just eight hours; yet such a difference in length of drill is more important than disparity in weight of metal. As a whole, it must be said that both sides showed equal courage and resolution; that the Americans usually possessed the advantage in material force; and that they also showed a decided superiority in fighting skill, notably in marksmanship. INDEX _Abeille_ Aboukir _Acasta_ _Adams_ Adams, Chaplain Adams, Lieutenant Adonis _Aeolus_ _Aetna_ _Africa_ _Alacrity_ _Albion_ _Alert_ _Alexandria_ _Alfred_ Alison, Mr. _Allen_ Allen, Lieutenant William Henry _Alligator_ Almy, Sailing-master Thomas C. Alwyn, John C. _Ambuscade_ _Amelia_ _American_ American Revolution _American State Papers_ Angus, Commander S. Annapolis, Maryland Appling, Major _Arab_ Arbuthnot, Captain James _Arethuse_ _Argo_ _Argus_ _Ariadne_ _Ariel_ _Armada_ _Armide_ Armstrong, Lieutenant Arundel, Sailing-master _Asp_ Aspinwall, Lieutenant _Atalanta_ _Atlas_ Austria _Avenger_ _Avon_ _Aylwin_ Ayscough, Sir George Azores Babbit, Lieutenant L.H. Badajos _Badere Zaffer_ Bainbridge, Master Commandant Baker, Captain _Ballahou_ _Ballard_ Ballard, Captain Baltic Sea Baltimore, Maryland Barbadoes Barclay, Captain R.H. Barney, Captain Joshua Barnwell, Sailing-master _Barossa_ Barras, Admiral Barrie, Sir Robert Barry, Captain Bartholomew, Captain Bartlett, Mr. Bassett, Sailing-master R. Bastard, Captain John Bay of Fundy Bayne, Adjutant General E. _Bayonnaise_ Beale, George, Jr. Bell, Lieutenant _Bellepoule_ _Bellone_ _Belvidera_ Bentham, Captain George _Berceau_ _Beresford_ Beresford, Captain John Poer Bermuda Biddle, Captain Biddle, Lieutenant Bignall, Lieutenant G. Bingham, Captain Black Rock _Black Snake_ Bladensburg, Maryland Blake, Mr. Blakely, Captain Johnston Bland, Francis blockading Blucher, Mr. Blyth, Captain Samuel Boerstler, Colonel _Bonne Citoyenne_ _Boston_ Boston, Massachusetts _Boxer_ Boyce, Lieutenant Boyd, General Boyd, Master's Mate Boyle, Captain Thomas Brailesford, Midshipman Braimer, Captain _Brant_ Breckenbridge, Lieutenant Brenton, Edward P. Brine, Captain Brock, General Broke, Admiral Philip Vere Brooks, Lieutenant Broom, Lieutenant James Brown, Captain Thomas Brown, General Brown, Lieutenant Bruce, Lieutenant Buchan, Lieutenant Edward Budd, Lieutenant Charles Budd, Lieutenant George Buffalo, New York Bulger, Lieutenant Bulloch, Captain James D. Bunker Hill, Burleton, Admiral Sir George Burlington, Vermont _Burrows_ Burrows, Lieutenant William Bush, Lieutenant William S. Byng, Captain Henry D. Byron, Captain Richard Cabul, Mr. Calder, Sir Robert _Caledonia_ Call, William Campbell, Lieutenant Campbell, Master's Mate J. Camperdown Canada Cape of Good Hope Cape Race _Capricieuse_ Carden, Captain John Surnam _Carnation_ _Carolina_ Carroll, General _Carron_ Carter, Sailing-master Cassin, Captain _Castilian_ Cathcart, Captain _Centipe_ _Ceres_ _Cerf_ Chads, Lieutenant Henry D. _Chameleon_ Champlin, Sailing-master Stephen Chandeleur Islands Chandler, General Charleston, South Carolina _Charwell_ Chauncy, Commodore Chauncy, Lieutenant Wolcott _Chausseur_ _Cherub_ _Chesapeake_ Chesapeake Bay Chicago, Illinois _Childers_ _Chippeway_ Chippeway Chiswell, Frank _Chlorinde_ Chrystler's Farm _Chubb_ Civil War Claxton, Lieutenant Clement, Sailing-master George _Cleopatra_ _Clyde_ Cochrane, Admiral Sir Alexander Cockburn, Rear Admiral Codrington, Lord Edward Coffee, General Collier, Sir George Collier, Sir Ralph _Columbia_ _Comus_ _Confiance_ _Congress_ Congress Conklin, Lieutenant A.H.M. Conkling, Lieutenant Conner, Lieutenant Connor, Lieutenant D. _Conquest_ _Constellation_ _Constitution_ _Contest_ Cooper, J. Fenimore Copenhagen Cornick, Lieutenant H.D. _Cornwallis_ Coshnahan, Midshipman Coswell, Lieutenant J.G. _Courageous_ _Courier-National_ _Courser_ Cox, W.S. Cox, Lieutenant Crab Island Crane, Lieutenant Crane, Master Commandant William V Craney Island Crawford, Minister Creerie, Lieutenant John Croghan, Colonel Croker, Mr. Cuba Cumberland Island Cummings, Midshipman J.C. _Curlew_ Curry, Lieutenant Rodger C. _Cyane_ _Cyprus_ Dacres, Captain James R. _Daedalus_ Daily, Sailing-master _Dant_ Davies, Lieutenant David Dearborn, General Decatur, Stephen Deforest, Midshipman de Grasse, Comte de la Gravière, Admiral Jurien Delaware Bay Denmark Dent, Captain De Ruyter _Desiree_ _Despatch_ De Suffrein _Detroit_ Detroit, Michigan _Devastation_ _Diadem_ Dickenson, Captain James _Dictator_ _Didon_ Dixon, Sailing-master Dobbs, Captain Doggerbank _Dolphin_ _Dover_ Douglass, Captain George Douglass, Lord Howard Downie, Captain George. Downes, Lieutenant Downs, Lieutenant _Dragon_ _Drummond_ Drummond, General Dudley, Midshipman Dundonald, Lord Durham, Admiral _Eagle_ _Earl of Moira_ Earle, Commodore East Indies Eckford, Henry Edwards, Lieutenant _Egyptienne_ Elliott, Lieutenant Ellis, Captain Emmons, Lieutenant George E. _Endymion_ English Channel _Enterprise_ _Epervier_ Epworth, Captain _Erebus_ _Erie_ _Espiegle_ _Essex_ _Essex Junior_ _Etoile_ _Eurotas_ _Euryalus_ _Eurydice_ Evans, Amos A. Everard, Captain Thomas _Experiment_ _Fair American_ _Fairy_ Falcon, Captain Gordon Thomas Falkiner, Lieutenant False Duck Island Farragut, Admiral David Glasgow Ferris, Sailing-master John D. _Finch_ Finch, Lieutenant Bolton Finnis, Captain _Firefly_ Fischer, Lieutenant Colonel _Flambeau_ _Florida_ Florida Floyd, Captain Robett Forrest, Lieutenant Fort Bowyer Fort Erie Fort George Fort McHenry Fort Mackinaw Fort Meigs Fort St. Philip Fort Stephenson Fort Washington _Forte_ _Fortune of War_ Forty Mile Creek 14th Light Dragoons France _Franklin_ _Fredrickscoarn_ Frenchtown French Revolution _Frolic_ _Fulton_ Funk, John Messer _Funon_ Gaines, General _Galatea_ Gamble, Lieutenant Peter _Gamo_ Garden, Captain S.J. _Garland_ Garland, Lieutenant _General Armstrong_ _General Pike_ Georgia _Georgiana_ Ghent Gibbs, General _Glasgow_ _Gloire_ _Gloucester_ Gordon, Captain James A. Gordon, Lieutenant H.C. _Governor Tompkins_ Grand Banks Graves, Sir Thomas Greene, Captain Pill Barnaby _Greenwich_ Gregory, Lieutenant Francis A. Griffeth, Rear Admiral _Growler_ Guérin, Leon _Guerres Maritimes_ _Guerrière_ _Guemere_ Gunboat #5 Gunboat #23 Gunboat #156 Gunboat #162 Gunboat #163 Gunboat #168 _Gypsy_ _Hamilton_ Hamilton, Secretary Paul Hampton, General Wade Hampton Roads Hanahett, Captain Hardy, Captain Hardy, Sir Thomas Harrison, General Hart, Midshipman _Havannah_ Hawkins, Captain Richard Hayes, Captain John Head, Captain Michael _Hebrus_ _Hector_ Henderson, Captain Henly, Captain J.D. Henly, Captain Robert _Hermes_ Hicks, Lieutenant William _Highflyer_ Hilyar, Captain James Hinn, Mr. Hislop, Lieutenant General _History of the British Navy_ _History of the U.S. Navy_ Hoffman, Lieutenant B.F. Holdup, Lieutenant Hollaway, Captain Holmes, Captain Honduras Hood, Sir Samuel Hope, Captain Henry Hope, Lieutenant David _Hornet_ Horseshoe Bend Howe, James Hughes, Sit Edward Hull, General Isaac Humbert, General Humble, James Hunt, William H. _Hunter_ Hurlburt, Mr. Hutchinson, Lieutenant William _Icarus_ impressment _Indefatigable_ _Independence_ Indian Ocean Indians Inglis, Lieutenant George Ingram, Lieutenant William _Insurgente_ Irvine, Lieutenant Isle-au-noix Italy Izard, General Jackson, General Andrew Jamaica Plate James, William _Jasseur_ _Java_ _Jefferson_ Jefferson, Thomas _John Adams_ John, Lieutenant Colonel Johnson, Lieutenant Robert Johnson, Sailing-master Johnston, Sailing-master _Jones_ Jones, Captain Jacob Jones, Lieutenant Thomas Catesby _Julia_ _Junon_ Keane, General Kearney. Captain Palmer Kent, Lieutenant Bartholomew Kentucky Kerr, Captain Robert King, Captain King, Lieutenant Kingston Klaeson, Captain LaColle Mill _La Diane_ _Lady Gore_ _Lady Murray_ _Lady of the Lake_ _Lady Prevost_ Lafitte Lake Borgne Lake Champlain Lake Erie Lake Huron Lake Ontario Lamb, Midshipman Lambert, Captain Lambert, General Landon, Captain H. _Landrail_ Lang, Jack Laugharne, T.L.O. _Lawrence_ Lawrence, Captain _Leander_ _Lejoille_ _Leopard_ Les Petites Coquilles _Levant_ _Linnet_ _Little Belt_ Lockyer, Captain _Loire_ _London Naval Chronicle_ Long Island Sound Losack, Captain Woodley _Lottery_ _Louisiana_ Low. Lieutenant _Ludlow_ Ludlow, Lieutenant A. Lumly, Captain Lundy's Lane _Lynx_ McCall, Lieutenant Edward McClintock, Midshipman McClure, General McCreery, Lieutenant David McDonald, Lieutenant Macdonough, Commodore _Macedonia_ McGhie, Lieutenant James McGowan, Midshipman McKay, Charles McKeever, Lieutenant Isaac McKnight, Lieutenant Decatur Macomb, General McPherson, Lieutenant _Madison_ Madison, James _Magnet_ Maine Maitland, Captain _Majestic_ _Manly_ Manners, Captain William Maples, Captain John F Marblehead, Massachusetts _Mars_ Marshall, Lieutenant John _Martin_ _Mary_ Maryland Matterface, Lieutenant William _Meduse_ _Medway_ _Melville_ _Menelaus_ Mensing, Commander Adolf _Merrimac_ _Meteor_ Mexico _Milan_ _Milbrook_ Miller, Captain Mills, Colonel Milne, Captain Mindham, William _Minerva_ _Minerve_ Mississippi River Mitchell, Colonel Mix, Sailing-master Mobile Point _Mohawk_ Moltke Monk, Sailing-master James _Montagu_ _Montgomery_ _Montreal_ Montresor, Captain Morgan, General Morgan, Major Morris, Captain Charles _Moselle_ Muir, Captain Mulcaster, Captain William Howe, Murray, Colonel J. _Nancy_ Nantucket Napoleon _Narcissus_ _Nautilus_ _Naval Chronicle_ _Naval Gunnery_ _Naval History of Great Britain_ _Naval History of the United States_ _Naval Occurrences_ Navy Department _Nayaden_ Nazer, Lieutenant Kelly Neale, Lieutenant Nelson, Lord _Nereide_ _Nereyda_ _Netly_ _Nettle_ _Neufchatel_ New Hampshire New Jersey New Orleans _New York_ New York Newark _Newcastle_ Newfoundland _Niagara_ Niagara Nicholson, Lieutenant N.J. _Nile's Register_ _Nocton_ _Nonsuch_ Norman, Lieutenant Charles R. North Point _Norwich_ _Nymphe_ O'Brien, Mr. O'Connor, Captain Odenheimer, Lieutenant Ogdensburg _Ohio_ Oliver, Captain R.D. _Oneida_ _Ontario_ Ordronaux, Captain _Orpheus_ Osgood, Lieutenant Oswego Packenham, General Edward Packet, Lieutenant John H. Paine, Sailing-master Thomas _Palunure_ Palmer, Captain Parker, Captain Parker, George Parker, Lieutenant Parker, Sir Peter _Pasley_ Patterson, Captain Patuxent River Paulding, Admiral Paulding, Midshipman Hiram _Peacock_ _Peacock_ (British) Peake, William Pechell, Captain _Pelican_ Pendleton, Thomas M. _Penguin_ _Perry_ Perry, Captain Oliver H. _Pert_ _Peterel_ Pettigrew, Lieutenant Pettipauge _Philadelphia_ Phillot, Captain _Phoebe_ _Phoenix_ _Pictou_ _Piedmontaise_ Pigot, Captain _Pike_ Pike, Brigadier General _Pilot_ _Pique_ _Plantagenet_ Plattsburg _Poictiers_ Polkinghorne, Lieutenant James _Pomona_ _Pomone_ Popham, Captain _Porcupine_ Porter, Captain David Porto Praya Porto Rico Portsmouth, New Hampshire Portugal Potomac River Powell, H.T. Pratt, Lieutenant _Preble_ _President_ Presque Isle Prevost, Sir George, _Primrose_ _Prince Regent_ _Princess Charlotte_ Pring, Captain Daniel privateers Proctor, Colonel _Prometheus_ _Prosperous_ _Prudente_ _Psyche_ Quasi-War (1799-1800) _Queen Charlotte_ Queenstown _Quidproquo_ _Racer_ Radchffe, Lieutenant Raderhurst, Lieutenant _Rainbow_ _Raleigh_ _Ramillies_ _Rattlesnake_ Rattray, Captain James _Raven_ Rawle, Lieutenant Richard Read, George Campbell Reade, Colonel Ready, Lieutenant Henry Red House Reid, Captain Samuel C. _Reindeer_ Rennie, Colonel Renshaw, Lieutenant Commander, _Resolution_ Riall, General _Rifleman_ Ripley, Mr. _Rivoli_ Roach, Lieutenant Isaac Roberts, Captain Robinson, Batty Rodgers, Commodore John, Rodney Rolette, Lieutenant Ross, General _Rota_ Rouvier, Charles _Royal George_ Russia Sackett's Harbor _St. Lawrence_ St. Lawrence Salamanca Samwell, Midshipman _San Domingo_ _San Florenzo_ San Salvador San Sebastian Sanders, Captain Sandy Creek Sandy Hook, New Jersey _Sappho_ _Saranac_ _Saratoga_ Saunders, Lieutenant Sawyer, Vice Admiral _Schooner_ Scott, Colonel Scott, General Scott, Robert _Scorpion_ _Scourge_ _Sea Horse_ _Seine_ _Seneca_ _Seringapatam_ _Severn_ _Shannon_ Sheafe, Major General _Shelburne_ Sherbroke, Lieutenant General Sherriff, Captain Shields, Thomas Shubrick, Lieutenant J.T. Sigourney, Mr. _Simco_ Simmons, Captain T.F. Sisson, Sailing-master Sinclair, Captain Arthur Smith, Lieutenant Sydney Smith, Midshipman Sohomberg, Solcy, J. Russell, _Somers,_ Somerville, Captain Philip Sorel River _Soult_ _South Carolina_ _Southampton_ Southcombe, Captain Spain _Spark_ _Speedy_ Spilsbury, Captain, _Spitfire_ Speddes, Lieutenant Robert Squaw Island _Star_ _Statira_ Stephens, John Stewart, Captain George Stoddart, Benjamin Stokes, Lieutenant Thomas Stone, Major-General Stuart, Lord _Superb_ _Superior_ _Suret_ _Surveyor_ _Swallow_ _Sybille_ _Sydney Smith_ Sykes, Lieutenant _Sylph_ _Syren_ _Tagus_ Tarbell, Captain _Tartarus_ Tattnall. Lieutenant Taylor, Captain John Taylor, Major-General Tecumseh _Tenedos_ Tennessee _Terror_ _Thalia_ Thames River _Thorn_ Thornton, Colone _Ticonderoga_ _Tigress_ _Tigris_ _Tom Bowline_ _Tompkins_ tonnage, _Tonnant_ _Torch_ Toronto (see York) _Torpedo_ Toulouse Townsend, Captain Lord James Towson, Captain N. Trafalgar Trant. Sailing-master Travis. William S. _Trent_ Tripoli _Trippe_ Tromp Troude Truxtun, Commodore Tucker, Captain Thomas Tudor Tucker, General Turkey Turner, Lieutenant Daniel Tyler, Vice Admiral Ulrick, Sailing-master George _United States_ Upton. Captain Valparaiso Van Horne, Colonel Van Rensselaer. General Vashon. Captain Vaughan, Sailing-master _Vengeance_ Vermont _Vestale_ _Victorious_ _Victory_ Villeneuve. M. Vincent. General _Viper_ _Virgin_ Virginia _Vixen_ _Volcano_ Wadsworth, Colonel Wales. Captain War Department Ward, Commander J.H. Wareham Warren, Admiral Sir John. Warrington, Master Commandant Lewis. _Washington_ Washington, D.C. _Wasp_ Waters, Midshipman Kervin Watson, Lieutenant Watt, Lieutenant Watts, George _Weasel_ Wellington, Duke of Wells, Lieutenant Henry West Indies Westphal, Lieutenant Philip Whinyates, Captain Thomas Wilkes, Commodore Wilkinson, General _William_ Williams, Lieutenant Alexander D. _Wilmer_ Wilmer, Lieutenant Winchester Winder, General Wintle, Lieutenant Wise, George S. _Wolfe_ Wood, Lieutenant Peter V. _Woodbridge_ Woolsey, Captain M.T. Worsely, Lieutenant Worth, Lieutenant Frederick A. Wragg, Midshipman Wright, Lieutenant Yarnall, Lieutenant Yeo, Sir James Lucas York (Toronto) York Bay _Young Wasp_ 
25911	----	* * * * * +-----------------------------------------------------------+ | Transcriber's Note: | | | | Inconsistent hyphenation in the original document has | | been preserved. | | | | Some footnotes have two anchors in the text, the second | | of these has 'a' appended to distinguish it from the | | first, i.e. [1] and [1a]. | | | | Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. For | | a complete list, please see the end of this document. | | | +-----------------------------------------------------------+ * * * * * [Illustration: The Impressment of an American Seaman] SEA POWER IN ITS RELATIONS TO THE WAR OF 1812 BY CAPTAIN A.T. MAHAN, D.C.L., LL.D. United States Navy AUTHOR OF "THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER UPON HISTORY, 1660-1783," "THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER UPON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND EMPIRE," "THE INTEREST OF AMERICA IN SEA POWER," ETC. IN TWO VOLUMES VOL. I LONDON SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON & COMPANY LIMITED PREFACE The present work concludes the series of "The Influence of Sea Power upon History," as originally framed in the conception of the author. In the previous volumes he has had the inspiring consciousness of regarding his subject as a positive and commanding element in the history of the world. In the War of 1812, also, the effect is real and dread enough; but to his own country, to the United States, as a matter of national experience, the lesson is rather that of the influence of a negative quantity upon national history. The phrase scarcely lends itself to use as a title; but it represents the truth which the author has endeavored to set forth, though recognizing clearly that the victories on Lake Erie and Lake Champlain do illustrate, in a distinguished manner, his principal thesis, the controlling influence upon events of naval power, even when transferred to an inland body of fresh water. The lesson there, however, was the same as in the larger fields of war heretofore treated. Not by rambling operations, or naval duels, are wars decided, but by force massed, and handled in skilful combination. It matters not that the particular force be small. The art of war is the same throughout; and may be illustrated as really, though less conspicuously, by a flotilla as by an armada; by a corporal's guard, or the three units of the Horatii, as by a host of a hundred thousand. The interest of the War of 1812, to Americans, has commonly been felt to lie in the brilliant evidence of high professional tone and efficiency reached by their navy, as shown by the single-ship actions, and by the two decisive victories achieved by little squadrons upon the lakes. Without in the least overlooking the permanent value of such examples and such traditions, to the nation, and to the military service which they illustrate, it nevertheless appears to the writer that the effect may be even harmful to the people at large, if it be permitted to conceal the deeply mortifying condition to which the country was reduced by parsimony in preparation, or to obscure the lessons thence to be drawn for practical application now. It is perhaps useless to quarrel with the tendency of mankind to turn its eyes from disagreeable subjects, and to dwell complacently upon those which minister to self-content. We mostly read the newspapers in which we find our views reflected, and dispense ourselves easily with the less pleasing occupation of seeing them roughly disputed; but a writer on a subject of national importance may not thus exempt himself from the unpleasant features of his task. The author has thought it also essential to precede his work by a somewhat full exposition of the train of causes, which through a long series of years led to the war. It may seem at first far-fetched to go back to 1651 for the origins of the War of 1812; but without such preliminary consideration it is impossible to understand, or to make due allowance for, the course of Great Britain. It will be found, however, that the treatment of the earlier period is brief, and only sufficient for a clear comprehension of the five years of intense international strain preceding the final rupture; years the full narrative of which is indispensable to appreciating the grounds and development of the quarrel,--to realize what they fought each other for. That much of Great Britain's action was unjustifiable, and at times even monstrous, regarded in itself alone, must be admitted; but we shall ill comprehend the necessity of preparation for war, if we neglect to note the pressure of emergency, of deadly peril, upon a state, or if we fail to recognize that traditional habits of thought constitute with nations, as with individuals, a compulsive moral force which an opponent can control only by the display of adequate physical power. Such to the British people was the conviction of their right and need to compel the service of their native seamen, wherever found on the high seas. The conclusion of the writer is, that at a very early stage of the French Revolutionary Wars the United States should have obeyed Washington's warnings to prepare for war, and to build a navy; and that, thus prepared, instead of placing reliance upon a system of commercial restrictions, war should have been declared not later than 1807, when the news of Jena, and of Great Britain's refusal to relinquish her practice of impressing from American ships, became known almost coincidently. But this conclusion is perfectly compatible with a recognition of the desperate character of the strife that Great Britain was waging; that she could not disengage herself from it, Napoleon being what he was; and that the methods which she pursued did cause the Emperor's downfall, and her own deliverance, although they were invasions of just rights, to which the United States should not have submitted. If war is always avoidable, consistently with due resistance to evil, then war is always unjustifiable; but if it is possible that two nations, or two political entities, like the North and South in the American Civil War, find the question between them one which neither can yield without sacrificing conscientious conviction, or national welfare, or the interests of posterity, of which each generation in its day is the trustee, then war is not justifiable only; it is imperative. In these days of glorified arbitration it cannot be affirmed too distinctly that bodies of men--nations--have convictions binding on their consciences, as well as interests which are vital in character; and that nations, no more than individuals, may surrender conscience to another's keeping. Still less may they rightfully pre-engage so to do. Nor is this conclusion invalidated by a triumph of the unjust in war. Subjugation to wrong is not acquiescence in wrong. A beaten nation is not necessarily a disgraced nation; but the nation or man is disgraced who shirks an obligation to defend right. From 1803 to 1814 Great Britain was at war with Napoleon, without intermission; until 1805 single handed, thenceforth till 1812 mostly without other allies than the incoherent and disorganized mass of the Spanish insurgents. After Austerlitz, as Pitt said, the map of Europe became useless to indicate distribution of political power. Thenceforth it showed a continent politically consolidated, organized and driven by Napoleon's sole energy, with one aim, to crush Great Britain; and the Continent of Europe then meant the civilized world, politically and militarily. How desperate the strife, the author in a previous work has striven fully to explain, and does not intend here to repeat. In it Great Britain laid her hand to any weapon she could find, to save national life and independence. To justify all her measures at the bar of conventional law, narrowly construed, is impossible. Had she attempted to square herself to it she would have been overwhelmed; as the United States, had it adhered rigidly to its Constitution, must have foregone the purchase of the territories beyond the Mississippi. The measures which overthrew Napoleon grievously injured the United States; by international law grievously wronged her also. Should she have acquiesced? If not, war was inevitable. Great Britain could not be expected to submit to destruction for another's benefit. The author has been indebted to the Officers of the Public Records Office in London, to those of the Canadian Archives, and to the Bureau of Historical Research of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, for kind and essential assistance in consulting papers. He owes also an expression of personal obligation to the Marquis of Londonderry for permission to use some of the Castlereagh correspondence, bearing on the peace negotiations, which was not included in the extensive published Memoirs and Correspondence of Lord Castlereagh; and to Mr. Charles W. Stewart, the Librarian of the United States Navy Department, for inexhaustible patience in searching for, or verifying, data and references, needed to make the work complete on the naval side. A.T. MAHAN. SEPTEMBER, 1905. CONTENTS ANTECEDENTS OF THE WAR CHAPTER I COLONIAL CONDITIONS Page Remote origin of the causes of the War of 1812 1 Two principal causes: impressment and the carrying trade 2 Claim of Great Britain as to impressment 3 Counter-claim of the United States 4 Lack of unanimity among the American people 5 Prevailing British ideas as to sea power and its relations to carrying trade and impressment 9 The Navigation Acts 10 Distinction between "Commerce" and "Navigation" 11 History and development of the Navigation Acts, and of the national opinions relating to them 13 Unanimity of conviction in Great Britain 22 Supposed benefit to the British carrying trade from loss of the American colonies 23 British _entrepôt_ legislation 24 Relation of the _entrepôt_ idea to the Orders in Council of 1807 27 Colonial monopoly a practice common to all European maritime states 27 Effect of the Independence of the United States upon traditional commercial prepossessions 29 Consequent policy of Great Britain 29 Commercial development of the British transatlantic colonies during the colonial period 31 Interrelation of the continental and West India colonies of Great Britain 35 Bearing of this upon the Navigation Acts 36 Rivalry of American-built ships with British navigation during the colonial period 37 Resultant commercial rivalry after Independence 40 Consequent disagreements, derived from colonial restrictions, and leading to war 41 CHAPTER II FROM INDEPENDENCE TO JAY'S TREATY Rupture of the colonial relation 42 Transitional character of the period 1774-1794, to the United States 43 Epochal significance of Jay's Treaty 43 The question of British navigation, as affected by the loss of the colonies 45 British commercial expectations from the political weakness of the United States, 1783-1789 46 System advocated by Lord Sheffield 47 Based upon considerations of navigation and naval power 49 Navigation Acts essentially military in purpose 51 Jefferson's views upon this question 52 Imperial value of the British Navigation Act before American Independence 53 Influence of the inter-colonial trade at the same period 55 Essential rivalry between it and British trade in general 55 Common interest of continental America and of Great Britain in the West Indies 56 Pitt's Bill, of March, 1783 58 Controversy provoked by it in Great Britain 60 British jealousy of American navigation 63 Desire to exclude American navigation from British colonial trade 65 Lord Sheffield's pamphlet 65 Reply of the West India planters 66 Lapse of Pitt's bill 67 Navigation Acts applied in full rigor to intercourse between the United States and West Indies 68 This policy continues till Jay's Treaty 69 Not a wrong to the United States, though an injury 70 Naval impotence of the United States 71 Dependence on Portugal against Barbary pirates 72 Profit of Great Britain from this impotence 74 Apparent success of Sheffield's trade policy, 1783-1789 75 Increase of British navigation 75 American counteractive legislation after the adoption of the Constitution 76 Report of the committee of the British Privy Council on this subject, 1790 77 Aggressive spirit of the Navigation Acts 79 Change of conditions through American navigation laws 80 Recommendations of the British committee 81 Effects of the French Revolution 85 Collapse of French colonial system 85 Failure of Sheffield's policy, in supplying the West Indies from Canada 86 Great Britain's war necessities require aid of American shipping 86 Her resolve to deprive France of the same aid 88 Consequent lawless measures towards American ships and commerce 88 Jay's mission.--Impressment not mentioned in his instructions 88 CHAPTER III FROM JAY'S TREATY TO THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL, 1794-1807 Arbitrary war measures of Great Britain, 1793 89 Rule of 1756 90 Peculiar relation of the United States to this Rule 92 Jay's arrival in London 93 Characteristics of his negotiations 94 Great Britain concedes direct trade with West Indies 95 Rejection of this article by the Senate, on account of accompanying conditions 96 Concession nevertheless continued by British order 97 Reasons for this tolerance 97 Conditions of trade from Jay's mission to the Peace of 1801 97 No concession of the principle of the Rule of 1756 98 Renewal of war between Great Britain and France, 1803 99 Prosperity of American commerce 100 Question raised of "direct trade" 100 Decision in British Admiralty Court adverse to United States, 1805 101 United States subjected again to colonial regulation 103 Remonstrance and negotiation of Monroe, American Minister in London 104 Death of Pitt. Change of ministry in Great Britain. Position of Charles James Fox 105 Fox's attempt at compromise 108 The blockade of May 16, 1806 108 Its lawfulness contested by the United States 110 Its importance in history 112 Retaliatory commercial action by the United States 113 Pinkney sent to England as colleague to Monroe 113 Colonial trade, and impressment of seamen from American vessels, the leading subjects mentioned in their instructions 114 Historical summary of the impressment question 114 Opening of negotiations by Monroe and Pinkney 128 Death of Fox 131 Course of the negotiations 131 Provisional treaty, signed December 31, 1806 133 Rejected by United States Government 133 Monroe and Pinkney directed to reopen negotiations 133 Change of ministry in Great Britain. Canning becomes Foreign Secretary 134 The British Government refuses further negotiation 135 Monroe leaves England, Pinkney remaining as minister 135 "Free Trade and Sailors' Rights" 135 Consistency of Jefferson's Administration on the subject of impressment 137 It neglects to prepare for war 138 CHAPTER IV FROM THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL TO WAR Reservation of the British Government in signing the treaty of December 31, 1806 141 The Berlin Decree 142 Ambiguity of its wording 143 The question of "private property," so called, embarked in commercial venture at sea. Discussion 144 Wide political scope of the Berlin Decree 148 Twofold importance of the United States in international policy 149 Consequent aims of France and Great Britain 149 British Order in Council of January 7, 1807 150 Attitude of the United States Government 152 Military purpose of the Berlin Decree and the Continental System 153 The "Chesapeake" affair 155 Conference concerning it between Canning and Monroe 156 Action of President Jefferson 160 Use made of it by Canning 161 Correspondence concerning the "Chesapeake" affair 161 Rose appointed envoy to Washington to negotiate a settlement 165 Failure of his mission 167 Persistent British refusal to punish the offending officer 169 Significance of the "Chesapeake" affair in the relations of the two nations 168 Its analogy to impressment 170 Enforcement of the Berlin Decree by Napoleon 172 Its essential character 174 The Decree and the Continental System are supported by the course of the American Government 175 Pinkney's conviction of Great Britain's peril 177 The British Orders in Council, November, 1807 177 Their effect upon the United States 178 Just resentment in America 178 Action of the Administration and Congress 181 The Embargo Act of December, 1807 182 Explanations concerning it to Great Britain 183 Its intentions, real and alleged 185 Its failure, as an alternative to war 186 Jefferson's aversion to the carrying trade 187 Growing ill-feeling between the United States and Great Britain 190 Relief to Great Britain from the effects of the Continental System, by the Spanish revolt against Napoleon 191 Depression of United States industries under the Embargo 192 Difficulty of enforcement 194 Evasions and smuggling 195 The Embargo beneficial to Canada and Nova Scotia 198 Effects in Great Britain 199 Relief to British navigation through the Embargo 200 Effect of the Embargo upon American revenue 202 Numbers of American vessels remain abroad, submitting to the Orders in Council, and accepting British licenses and British convoy 203 Napoleon's Bayonne Decree against them; April 17, 1808 203 Illustrations of the working of Napoleon's Decrees and of the Orders in Council 204 Vigorous enforcement of the Embargo in 1808 206 Popular irritation and opposition 207 Act for its further enforcement, January 9, 1809 208 Evidences of overt resistance to it 209 Act for partial repeal, introduced February 8 210 Conflicting opinions as to the Embargo, in and out of Congress 211 The Non-Intercourse Act, March 1, 1809 214 Its effect upon commercial restrictions 215 Canning's advances, in consequence of Non-Intercourse Act 215 Instructions sent to Erskine, British Minister at Washington 216 Erskine's misleading communication of them, April 18, 1809 218 Consequent renewal of trade with Great Britain 219 Erskine disavowed. Non-Intercourse resumed, August 9, 1809 219 Orders in Council of November, 1807, revoked; and substitute issued, April 26, 1809 220 Consequent partial revival of American commerce 220 Francis J. Jackson appointed as Erskine's successor 221 His correspondence with the American Secretary of State 222 Further communication with him refused 225 Criticism of the American side of this correspondence 226 Wellesley succeeds Canning as British Foreign Secretary 229 Jackson's dismissal communicated to Wellesley by Pinkney 229 Wellesley delays action 230 British view of the diplomatic situation 231 Failure of the Non-Intercourse Act 232 Difficulty of finding a substitute 233 Act of May 1, 1810.--Its provisions 234 Napoleon's Rambouillet Decree, March 23, 1810 235 Act of May 1, 1810, communicated to France and Great Britain 236 Napoleon's action. Champagny's letter, August 5, 1810 237 Madison accepts it as revoking the French Decrees 238 The arguments for and against this interpretation 239 Great Britain refuses to accept it 242 Statement of her position in the matter 243 Wellesley's procrastinations 245 Pinkney states to him the American view, at length, December 10, 1810 245 Wellesley's reply 246 Inconsistent action of the French Government 247 Non-Intercourse with Great Britain revived by statute, March 2, 1811 249 The American Minister withdraws from London, February 28, 1811 251 Non-Intercourse with Great Britain remains in vigor to, and during, the war 252 Augustus J. Foster appointed British Minister to the United States, February, 1811 252 His instructions 253 His correspondence with the Secretary of State 254 Settlement of the "Chesapeake" affair 255 The collision between the "President" and the "Little Belt" 256 Special session of Congress summoned 259 The President's Message to Congress, November 5, 1811 259 Increase of the army voted 259 Debate on the navy 260 Congress refuses to increase the navy, January 27, 1812 263 Embargo of ninety days preparatory to war, April 4 263 The evasions of this measure 264 Increasing evidence of the duplicity of Napoleon's action 266 Report of the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, March 10, 1812 269 Consequent British declaration 270 Use of these papers by Barlow, American Minister to France 271 The spurious French Decree of April 28, 1811, communicated to Barlow 272 Communicated to the British Government 273 Considerations influencing the British Government 274 The Orders in Council revoked 276 Madison sends a war message to Congress, June 1, 1812 279 Declaration of war, June 18, 1812 279 Conditions of the army, navy, and treasury 279 CHAPTER V THE THEATRE OF OPERATIONS Limitations on American action through deficient sea power 283 Warfare against commerce considered 284 Its financial and political effects 285 Its military bearing 285 Distinction between military and commercial blockade 286 Commercial blockade identical in essence with commerce-destroying by cruisers 287 Recognition of this by Napoleon 287 Commerce destruction by blockade the weapon of the stronger navy; by cruisers, of the weaker 288 Inefficiency of the American Government shown in the want of naval preparation 289 Conditions in the army even worse 290 Jefferson's sanguine expectations 291 Propriety of the invasion of Canada discussed 292 The United States, weak on the seaboard, relatively strong towards Canada 295 Function of the seaboard in the war; defensive 296 Offensive opportunity essential to any scheme of defence 298 Application of this principle; in general, and to 1812 298 Conditions on the Canada frontier, favoring the offensive by the United States 300 Importance of the Great Lakes to military operations 301 Over-confidence of Americans 303 Corresponding apprehension of British officers 304 Decisive points on the line between the countries 305 Importance of the Indians as an element in the situation 306 Proper offensive policy of the United States 307 Natural advantages favoring the United States 309 The land frontier the proper scene of American offensive action 310 Seaboard conditions, for offence and defence 311 CHAPTER VI EARLY CRUISES AND ENGAGEMENTS. HULL'S OPERATIONS AND SURRENDER Composition of Commodore Rodgers' squadron at outbreak of war 314 Indecisions of the Navy Department 315 Question between small squadrons and single cruisers for commerce-destroying 315 Opinions of prominent officers 316 British convoy system for protecting trade 319 The Navy Department formulates a plan of operations 320 Discussion of its merits 321 Rodgers sails without receiving Department's plan 322 Encounter with the "Belvidera" 323 The cruise unproductive, offensively 324 But not therefore unsuccessful, defensively 325 Its effect upon the movements of British vessels 326 The sailing of the "Constitution" 328 Chased by a British squadron 329 Cruise of the "Constitution" under Hull 329 Engagement with the "Guerrière" 330 Hull and Rodgers meet in Boston 335 Misfortune on land 336 Wretched condition of the American army 336 Appointment of Henry Dearborn and William Hull as generals. Hull to command in the Northwest 337 Isaac Brock, the British general commanding in Upper Canada 337 His well-considered scheme of operation 338 Incompetency of the American War Department 339 Hull takes command at Dayton 340 Advances to Detroit 341 Crosses to Canada 341 Brock causes seizure of Michilimackinac 341 Hull's delays in Canada, before Malden 343 The danger of his position 343 The British attack his communications 345 Hull recrosses to Detroit 345 Brock's difficulties 346 Moves against Hull, and reaches Malden 346 Crosses to Detroit, and advances 346 Hull surrenders 347 Criticism of his conduct 348 Extenuating circumstances 349 Ultimate responsibility lies upon the Governments which had been in power for ten years 350 CHAPTER VII OPERATIONS ON THE NORTHERN FRONTIER AFTER HULL'S SURRENDER. EUROPEAN EVENTS BEARING ON THE WAR Brock returns to Niagara from Detroit 351 Prevost, Governor-General of Canada, arranges with Dearborn a suspension of hostilities 352 Suspension disapproved by the American Government. Hostilities resumed 353 Brock's advantage by control of the water 353 Two of his vessels on Lake Erie taken from him by Lieutenant Elliott, U.S. Navy 354 Brock's estimate of this loss 356 American attack upon Queenston 357 Repulsed, but Brock killed 357 Abortive American attack on the Upper Niagara 358 Inactivity of Dearborn on the northern New York frontier 359 Military inefficiency throughout the United States 360 Improvement only in the naval situation on the lakes 361 Captain Chauncey appointed to command on Lakes Erie and Ontario 361 His activity and efficiency 362 Disadvantages of his naval base, Sackett's Harbor 363 Chauncey's early operations, November, 1812 364 Fleet lays up for the winter 366 Effect of his first operations 366 General Harrison succeeds to Hull's command 367 Colonel Procter commands the British forces opposed 367 His instructions from Prevost and Brock 367 Harrison's plan of operations 368 The American disaster at Frenchtown 370 Effect upon Harrison's plans 371 The army remains on the defensive, awaiting naval control of Lake Erie 371 Chauncey visits Lake Erie 374 Disadvantages of Black Rock as a naval station 374 Chauncey selects Presqu'Isle (Erie) instead 375 Orders vessels built there 375 Advantages and drawbacks of Erie as a naval base 375 Commander Perry ordered to the lakes 376 Assigned by Chauncey to command on Lake Erie 376 Naval conditions on Lakes Erie and Ontario, at close of 1812 377 Contemporary European conditions 378 Napoleon's expedition against Russia 379 Commercial embarrassments of Great Britain 379 Necessity of American supplies to the British armies in Spain 381 Preoccupation of the British Navy with conditions in Europe and the East 382 Consequent embarrassment from the American war 383 Need of the American market 384 Danger to British West India trade from an American war 384 Burden thrown upon the British Admiralty 385 British anxiety to avoid war 385 CHAPTER VIII OCEAN WARFARE AGAINST COMMERCE--PRIVATEERING--BRITISH LICENSES--NAVAL ACTIONS: "WASP" AND "FROLIC," "UNITED STATES" AND "MACEDONIAN" Consolidation of British transatlantic naval commands 387 Sir John Borlase Warren commander-in-chief 387 British merchant ships forbidden to sail without convoy 388 Continued hope for restoration of peace 389 Warren instructed to make propositions 390 Reply of the American Government 391 Cessation of impressment demanded. Negotiation fails 391 Warren's appreciation of the dangers to British commerce 392 Extemporized character of the early American privateering 394 Its activities therefore mainly within Warren's station 394 Cruise of the privateer "Rossie," Captain Barney 395 Privateering not a merely speculative undertaking 396 Conditions necessary to its success 397 Illustrated by the privateer "America" 398 Comparative immunity of American shipping and commerce at the beginning of hostilities 399 Causes for this 400 Controversial correspondence between Warren and the Admiralty 401 Policy of the Admiralty. Its effects 404 American ships of war and privateers gradually compelled to cruise in distant seas 406 American commerce excluded from the ocean 406 Sailing of the squadrons of Rodgers and Decatur 407 Their separation 408 Cruise of Rodgers' squadron 409 British licenses to American merchant vessels 410 Action between the "Wasp" and "Frolic" 412 Cruise of the "Argus," of Decatur's division 415 Action between the "United States" and "Macedonian" 416 The "United States" returns with her prize 422 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. VOLUME ONE. THE IMPRESSMENT OF AN AMERICAN SEAMAN _Frontispiece_ From a drawing by Stanley M. Arthurs. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS Page 6 From the painting by Marchant, after Sully, in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. JOHN JAY Page 88 From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in Bedford (Jay) House, Katonah, N.Y. JAMES MONROE Page 104 From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in the possession of Hon. T. Jefferson Coolidge. THOMAS JEFFERSON Page 120 From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Me. JAMES MADISON Page 223 From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Me. THE CHASE OF THE _Belvidera_ Page 322 From a drawing by Carlton T. Chapman. THE FORECASTLE OF THE _Constitution_ DURING THE CHASE Page 328 From a drawing by Henry Reuterdahl. CAPTAIN ISAAC HULL Page 330 From the engraving by D. Edwin, after the painting by Gilbert Stuart. THE BURNING OF THE _Guerrière_ Page 334 From a drawing by Henry Reuterdahl. CAPTAIN STEPHEN DECATUR Page 420 From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. MAPS AND BATTLE PLANS. VOLUME ONE. Theatre of Land and Coast Warfare Page 283 The Atlantic Ocean, showing the positions of the Ocean Actions of the War of 1812 and the Movements of the Squadrons in July and August, 1812 Page 326 Plan of the Engagement between the _Constitution_ and _Guerrière_ Page 332 Map of Lake Frontier to illustrate Campaigns of 1812-1814 Page 370 The Cruises of the Three American Squadrons in the Autumn of 1812 Page 408 Plan of the Engagement between the _United States_ and _Macedonian_ Page 418 Sea Power in its Relations to the War of 1812 ANTECEDENTS OF THE WAR CHAPTER I COLONIAL CONDITIONS The head waters of the stream of events which led to the War of 1812, between the United States and Great Britain, must be sought far back in the history of Europe, in the principles governing commercial, colonial, and naval policy, accepted almost universally prior to the French Revolution. It is true that, before that tremendous epoch was reached, a far-reaching contribution to the approaching change in men's ideas on most matters touching mercantile intercourse, and the true relations of man to man, of nation to nation, had been made by the publication, in 1776, of Adam Smith's "Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations;" but, as is the case with most marked advances in the realm of thought, the light thus kindled, though finding reflection here and there among a few broader intellects, was unable to penetrate at once the dense surface of prejudice and conservatism with which the received maxims of generations had incrusted the general mind. Against such obstruction even the most popular of statesmen--as the younger Pitt soon after this became--cannot prevail at once; and, before time permitted the British people at large to reach that wider comprehension of issues, whereby alone radical change is made possible, there set in an era of reaction consequent upon the French Revolution, the excesses of which involved in one universal discredit all the more liberal ideas that were leavening the leaders of mankind. The two principal immediate causes of the War of 1812 were the impressment of seamen from American merchant ships, upon the high seas, to serve in the British Navy, and the interference with the carrying trade of the United States by the naval power of Great Britain. For a long time this interference was confined by the British Ministry to methods which they thought themselves able to defend--as they did the practice of impressment--upon the ground of rights, prescriptive and established, natural or belligerent; although the American Government contended that in several specific measures no such right existed,--that the action was illegal as well as oppressive. As the war with Napoleon increased in intensity, however, the exigencies of the struggle induced the British cabinet to formulate and enforce against neutrals a restriction of trade which it confessed to be without sanction in law, and justified only upon the plea of necessary retaliation, imposed by the unwarrantable course of the French Emperor. These later proceedings, known historically as the Orders in Council,[1] by their enormity dwarfed all previous causes of complaint, and with the question of impressment constituted the vital and irreconcilable body of dissent which dragged the two states into armed collision. Undoubtedly, other matters of difficulty arose from time to time, and were productive of dispute; but either they were of comparatively trivial importance, easily settled by ordinary diplomatic methods, or there was not at bottom any vital difference as to principle, but only as to the method of adjustment. For instance, in the flagrant and unpardonable outrage of taking men by force from the United States frigate "Chesapeake," the British Government, although permitted by the American to spin out discussion over a period of four years, did not pretend to sustain the act itself; the act, that is, of searching a neutral ship of war. Whatever the motive of the Ministry in postponing redress, their pretexts turned upon points of detail, accessory to the main transaction, or upon the subsequent course of the United States Government, which showed conscious weakness by taking hasty, pettish half-measures; instead of abstaining from immediate action, and instructing its minister to present an ultimatum, if satisfaction were shirked. In the two causes of the war which have been specified, the difference was fundamental. Whichever was right, the question at stake was in each case one of principle, and of necessity. Great Britain never claimed to impress American seamen; but she did assert that her native-born subjects could never change their allegiance, that she had an inalienable right to their service, and to seize them wherever found, except within foreign territory. From an admitted premise, that the open sea is common to all nations, she deduced a common jurisdiction, in virtue of which she arrested her vagrant seamen. This argument of right was reinforced by a paramount necessity. In a life and death struggle with an implacable enemy, Great Britain with difficulty could keep her fleet manned at all; even with indifferent material. The deterioration in quality of her ships' companies was notorious; and it was notorious also that numerous British seamen sought employment in American merchant ships, hoping there to find refuge from the protracted confinement of a now dreary maritime war. Resort to impressment was not merely the act of a high-handed Government, but the demand of both parties in the state, coerced by the sentiment of the people, whose will is ultimately irresistible. No ministry could hope to retain power if it surrendered the claim to take seamen found under a neutral flag. This fact was thoroughly established in a long discussion with United States plenipotentiaries, five years before the war broke out. On the other hand, the United States maintained that on the sea common the only jurisdiction over a ship was that of its own nation. She could not admit that American vessels there should be searched, for other purposes than those conceded to the belligerent by international law; that is, in order to determine the nature of the voyage, to ascertain whether, by destination, by cargo, or by persons carried, the obligations of neutrality were being infringed. If there was reasonable cause for suspicion, the vessel, by accepted law and precedent, might be sent to a port of the belligerent, where the question was adjudicated by legal process; but the actual captor could not decide it on the spot. On the contrary, he was bound, to the utmost possible, to preserve from molestation everything on board the seized vessel; in order that, if cleared, the owner might undergo no damage beyond the detention. So deliberate a course was not suited to the summary methods of impressment, nor to the urgent needs of the British Navy. The boarding officer, who had no authority to take away a bale of goods, decided then and there whether a man was subject to impressment, and carried him off at once, if he so willed. It is to the credit of the American Government under Jefferson, that, though weak in its methods of seeking redress, it went straight back of the individual sufferer, and rested its case unswervingly on the broad principle.[2] That impressment, thus practised, swept in American seamen, was an incident only, although it grievously aggravated the injury. Whatever the native allegiance of individuals on board any vessel on the open ocean, their rights were not to be regulated by the municipal law of the belligerent, but by that of the nation to which the ship belonged, of whose territory she was constructively a part, and whose flag therefore was dishonored, if acquiescence were yielded to an infringement of personal liberty, except as conceded by obligations of treaty, or by the general law of nations. Within British waters, the United States suffered no wrong by the impressment of British subjects--the enforcement of local municipal law--on board American vessels; and although it was suggested that such visits should not be made, and that an arriving crew should be considered to have the nationality of their ship, this concession, if granted, would have been a friendly limitation by Great Britain of her own municipal jurisdiction. It therefore could not be urged upon the British Government by a nation which took its stand resolutely upon the supremacy of its own municipal rights, on board its merchant shipping on the high seas. It is to be noted, furthermore, that the voice of the people in the United States, the pressure of influence upon the Government, was not as unanimous as that exerted upon the British Ministry. The feeling of the country was divided; and, while none denied the grievous wrong done when an American was impressed, a class, strong at least in intellectual power, limited its demands to precautions against such mistakes and to redress when they occurred. The British claim to search, with the object of impressing British subjects, was considered by these men to be valid. Thus Gouverneur Morris, who on a semi-official visit to London in 1790 had had occasion to remonstrate upon the impressment of Americans in British ports, and who, as a pamphleteer, had taken strong ground against the measures of the British Government injurious to American commerce, wrote as follows in 1808 about the practice of seizing British subjects in American ships: "That we, the people of America, should engage in ruinous warfare to support a rash opinion, that foreign sailors in our merchant ships are to be protected against the power of their sovereign, is downright madness." "Why not," he wrote again in 1813, while the war was raging, "waiving flippant debate, lay down the broad principle of national right, on which Great Britain takes her native seamen from our merchant ships? Let those who deny the right pay, suffer, and fight, to compel an abandonment of the claim. Men of sound mind will see, and men of sound principle will acknowledge, its existence." In his opinion, there was but one consistent course to be pursued by those who favored the war with Great Britain, which was to insist that she should, without compensation, surrender her claim. "If that ground be taken," he wrote, "the war [on our part] will be confessedly, as it is now impliedly, unjust."[3] Morris was a man honorably distinguished in our troubled national history--a member of the Congress of the Revolution and of the Constitutional Convention, a trained lawyer, a practised financier, and an experienced diplomatist; one who throughout his public life stood high in the estimation of Washington, with whom he was in constant official and personal correspondence. It is to be added that those to whom he wrote were evidently in sympathy with his opinions. [Illustration: GOUVERNEUR MORRIS From the painting by Marchant, after Sully, in Independence Hall, Philadelphia.] So again Representative Gaston, of North Carolina, a member of the same political party as Morris, speaking from his seat in the House in February, 1814,[4] maintained the British doctrine of inalienable allegiance. "Naturalization granted in another country has no effect whatever to destroy the original primary allegiance." Even Administration speakers did not deny this, but they maintained that the native allegiance could be enforced only within its territorial limits, not on the high seas. While perfectly firm and explicit as to the defence of American seamen,--even to the point of war, if needful,--Gaston spoke of the British practice as a right. "If you cannot by substitute obtain an abandonment of the right, or practice, to search our vessels, regulate it so as to prevent its abuse; waiving for the present, not relinquishing, your objections to it." He expressed sympathy, too, for the desperate straits in which Great Britain found herself. "At a time when her floating bulwarks were her whole safeguard against slavery, she could not view without alarm and resentment the warriors who should have manned those bulwarks pursuing a more gainful occupation in American vessels. Our merchant ships were crowded with British seamen, most of them deserters from their ships of war, and all furnished with fraudulent protections to prove them Americans. To us they were not necessary." On the contrary, "they ate the bread and bid down the wages of native seamen, whom it was our first duty to foster and encourage." This competition with native seamen was one of the pleas likewise of the New England opposition, too much of which was obstinately and reprehensibly factious. "Many thousands of British seamen," said Governor Strong of Massachusetts, in addressing the Legislature, May 28, 1813, "deserted that service for a more safe and lucrative employment in ours." Had they not, "the high price for that species of labor would soon have induced a sufficient number of Americans to become seamen. It appears, therefore, that British seamen have been patronized at the expense of our own; and should Great Britain now consent to relinquish the _right of taking her own subjects_, it would be no advantage to our native seamen; it would only tend to reduce their wages by increasing the numbers of that class of men."[5] Gaston further said, that North Carolina, though not a commercial state, had many native seamen; but, "at the moment war was declared, though inquiry was made, I could not hear of a single native seaman detained by British impressment." It is desirable, especially in these days, when everything is to be arbitrated, that men should recognize both sides of this question, and realize how impossible it was for either party to acquiesce in any other authority than their own deciding between them. "As I never had a doubt," said Morris, "so I thought it a duty to express my conviction that British ministers would not, _dared not_, submit to mediation a question of essential right."[6] "The way to peace is open and clear," he said the following year. "Let the right of search and impressment be acknowledged as maxims of public law."[7] These expressions, uttered in the freedom of private correspondence, show a profound comprehension of the constraint under which the British Government and people both lay. It was impossible, at such a moment of extreme national peril, to depart from political convictions engendered by the uniform success of a policy followed consistently for a hundred and fifty years. For Great Britain, the time had long since passed into a dim distance, when the national appreciation of the sea to her welfare was that of mere defence, as voiced by Shakespeare: England, hedged in with the main, That water-walled bulwark, still secure And confident from foreign purposes.[8] This little world, This precious stone set in the silver sea, Which serves it in the office of a wall, Or as a moat defensive to a house Against the envy of less happier lands.[9] By the middle of the seventeenth century, the perception of Great Britain's essential need to predominate upon the sea had dawned upon men's minds, and thence had passed from a vague national consciousness to a clearly defined national line of action, adopted first through a recognition of existing conditions of inferiority, but after these had ceased pursued without any change of spirit, and with no important changes of detail. This policy was formulated in a series of measures, comprehensively known as the Navigation Acts, the first of which was passed in 1651, during Cromwell's Protectorate. In 1660, immediately after the Restoration, it was reaffirmed in most essential features, and thenceforward continued to and beyond the times of which we are writing. In form a policy of sweeping protection, for the development of a particular British industry,--the carrying trade,--it was soon recognized that, in substance, its success had laid the foundations of a naval strength equally indispensable to the country. Upon this ground it was approved even by Adam Smith, although in direct opposition to the general spirit of his then novel doctrine. While exposing its fallacies as a commercial measure, he said it exemplified one of two cases in which protective legislation was to be justified. "The defence of Great Britain, for example, depends very much upon the number of its sailors and shipping. The Act of Navigation therefore very properly endeavors to give the sailors and shipping of Great Britain the monopoly of the trade of their own country.... It is not impossible that some of the regulations of this famous Act may have proceeded from national animosity. They are as wise, however, as though they had all been dictated by the most deliberate wisdom.... The Act is not favorable to foreign commerce, nor to the opulence which can arise from that; but defence is of much more importance than opulence. The Act of Navigation is perhaps the wisest of all the commercial regulations of England."[10] It became a dominant prepossession of British statesmen, even among Smith's converts, in the conduct of foreign relations, that the military power of the state lay in the vast resources of native seamen, employed in its merchant ships. Even the wealth returned to the country, by the monopoly of the imperial markets, and by the nearly exclusive possession of the carrying trade, which was insured to British commerce by the elaborate regulations of the Act, was thought of less moment. "Every commercial consideration has been repeatedly urged," wrote John Adams, the first United States Minister to Great Britain, "but to no effect; seamen, the Navy, and power to strike an awful blow to an enemy at the first outbreak of war, are the ideas which prevail."[11] This object, and this process, are familiar to us in these later days under the term "mobilization;" the military value of which, if rapidly effected, is well understood. In this light, and in the light of the preceding experience of a hundred and fifty years, we must regard the course of the British Ministry through that period, extremely critical to both nations, which began when our War of Independence ended, and issued in the War of 1812. We in this day are continually told to look back to our fathers of the Revolutionary period, to follow their precepts, to confine ourselves to the lines of their policy. Let us then either justify the British ministries of Pitt and his successors, in their obstinate adherence to the traditions they had received, or let us admit that even ancestral piety may be carried too far, and that venerable maxims must be brought to the test of existing conditions. The general movement of maritime intercourse between countries is commonly considered under two principal heads: Commerce and Navigation. The first applies to the interchange of commodities, however effected; the second, to their transportation from port to port. A nation may have a large commerce, of export and import, carried in foreign vessels, and possess little shipping of its own. This is at present the condition of the United States; and once, in far gone days, it was in great measure that of England. In such case there is a defect of navigation, consequent upon which there will be a deficiency of native seamen; of seamen attached to the country and its interests, by ties of birth or habit. For maritime war such a state will have but small resources of adaptable naval force; a condition dangerous in proportion to its dependence upon control of the sea. Therefore the attention of British statesmen, during the period in which the Navigation Act flourished, fastened more and more upon the necessity of maintaining the navigation of the kingdom, as distinguished from its commerce. Subsidiary to the movement of commerce, there is a third factor, relatively stationary, the consideration of which is probably less familiar now than it was to the contemporaries of the Navigation Act, to whom it was known under the name _entrepôt_. This term was applied to those commercial centres--in this connection maritime centres--where goods accumulate on their way to market; where they are handled, stored, or transshipped. All these processes involve expenditure, which inures to the profit of the port, and of the nation; the effect being the exact equivalent of the local gains of a railroad centre of the present day. It was a dominant object with statesmen of the earlier period to draw such accumulations of traffic to their own ports, or nations; to force trade, by ingenious legislation, or even by direct coercion, to bring its materials to their own shores, and there to yield to them the advantages of the _entrepôt_. Thus the preamble to one of the series of Navigation Acts states, as a direct object, the "making this Kingdom a staple[12] [emporium], not only of the commodities of our plantations, but also of the commodities of other countries, and places, for the supply of the plantations."[13] An instructive example of such indirect effort was the institution of free ports; ports which, by exemption from heavy customary tolls, or by the admission of foreign ships or goods, not permitted entrance to other national harbors, invited the merchant to collect in them, from surrounding regions, the constituents of his cargoes. On the other hand, the Colonial System, which began to assume importance at the time of the Navigation Act, afforded abundant opportunity for the compulsion of trade. Colonies being part of the mother country, and yet transoceanic with reference to her, maritime commerce between them and foreign communities could by direct legislation be obliged first to seek the parent state, which thus was made the distributing centre for both their exports and imports. For nearly three centuries before the decisive measures taken by the Parliament of the Commonwealth, the development and increase of English shipping, by regulation of English trade, had been recognized as a desirable object by many English rulers. The impulse had taken shape in various enactments, giving to English vessels privileges, exclusive or qualified, in the import or export carriage of the kingdom; and it will readily be understood that the matter appeared of even more pressing importance, when the Navy depended upon the merchant service for ships, as well as for men; when the war fleets of the nation were composed of impressed ships, as well as manned by impressed sailors. These various laws had been tentative in character. Both firmness of purpose and continuity of effort were lacking to them; due doubtless to the comparative weakness of the nation in the scale of European states up to the seventeenth century. During the reigns of the first two Stuarts, this weakness was emphasized by internal dissensions; but the appreciation of the necessity for some radical remedy to the decay of English naval power remained and increased. To this conviction the ship-money of Charles the First bears its testimony; but it was left to Cromwell and his associates to formulate the legislation, upon which, for two centuries to come, the kingdom was thought to depend, alike for the growth of its merchant shipping and for the maintenance of the navy. All that preceded has interest chiefly as showing the origin and growth of an enduring national conviction, with which the United States came into collision immediately after achieving independence. The ninth of October, 1651, is the date of the passing of the Act, the general terms of which set for two hundred years the standard for British legislation concerning the shipping industry. The title of the measure, "Goods from foreign ports, by whom to be imported," indicated at once that the object in view was the carrying trade; navigation, rather than commerce. Commerce was to be manipulated and forced into English bottoms as an indispensable agency for reaching British consumers. At this time less than half a century had elapsed since the first English colonists had settled in Massachusetts and Virginia. The British plantation system was still in its beginnings, alike in America, Asia, and Africa. When the then recent Civil War ended, in the overthrow of the royal power, it had been "observed with concern that the merchants of England had for several years usually freighted Dutch ships for fetching home their merchandise, because the freights were lower than in English ships. Dutch ships, therefore, were used for importing our own American products, while English ships lay rotting in harbor."[14] "Notwithstanding the regulations made for confining that branch of navigation to the mother country, it is said that in the West India Islands there used, at this time, out of forty ships to be thirty-eight ships Dutch bottoms."[15] English mariners also, for want of employment, went into the Dutch service. In this way seamen for the navy disappeared, just as, at a later day, they did into the merchant shipping of the United States. The one great maritime rival of England, Holland, had thus engrossed, not only the carrying trade of Europe at large, most of which, from port to port, was done by her seamen, but that of England as well. Even of the English coasting trade much was done by Dutch ships. Under this competition, the English merchant marine was dwindling, and had become so inadequate that, when the exclusion of foreigners was enforced by the Act, the cry at once arose in the land that the English shipping was not sufficient for the work thus thrust upon it. "Although our own people have not shipping enough to import from all parts what they want, they are needlessly debarred from receiving new supplies of merchandise from other nations, who alone can, and until now did, import it."[16] The effect of this decadence of shipping upon the resources of men for the navy is apparent. The existence of strained relations between England and Holland facilitated the adoption of the first Navigation Act, which, as things were, struck the Dutch only; they being the one great carrying community in Europe. Although both the letter and the purpose of the new law included in its prohibitions all foreign countries, the commercial interests of other states were too slight, and their commercial spirit too dull, to take note of the future effect upon themselves; whether absolutely, or in relation to the maritime power of Great Britain, the cornerstone of which was then laid. This first Act directed that no merchandise from Asia, Africa, or America, including therein English "plantations," as the colonies were then styled,[17] should be imported into England in other than English-built ships, belonging to English subjects, and of which "the master and mariners are also, for the most part of them, of the people of this commonwealth." This at once reserved a large part of the external trade to English ships; and also, by the regulation of the latter, constituted them a nursery for English seamen. To the general tenor of this clause, confining importation wholly to English vessels, an exception was made for Europe only; importations from any part of which was permitted to "such foreign ships and vessels as do truly and properly belong to the people of that country or place of which the said goods are the growth, production, or manufacture."[18] Foreign merchantmen might therefore import into England the products of their own country; but both they and English vessels must ship such cargoes in the country of origin, not at any intermediate port. The purpose of these provisos, especially of the second, was to deprive Holland of the profit of the middleman, or the _entrepôt_, which she had enjoyed hitherto by importing to herself from various regions, warehousing the goods, and then re-exporting. The expense of these processes, pocketed by Dutch handlers, and the exaction of any dues levied by the Dutch Treasury, reappeared in increased cost to foreign consumers. This appreciation of the value of the _entrepôt_ underlay much of the subsequent colonial regulation of England, and actuated the famous Orders in Council of 1807, which were a principal factor in causing the War of 1812. A second effect of these restrictions, which in later times was deemed even more important than the pecuniary gain, was to compel English ships to go long voyages, to the home countries of the cargoes they sought, instead of getting them near by in Dutch depots. This gave a corresponding development to the carrying trade--the navigation--of the Commonwealth; securing greater employment for ships and seamen, increasing both their numbers and experience, and contributing thereby to the resources of the navy in men. "A considerable carrying trade would be lost to us, and would remain with the merchants of Holland, of Hamburg, and other maritime towns, if our merchants were permitted to furnish themselves by short voyages to those neighboring ports, and were not compelled to take upon themselves the burden of bringing these articles from the countries where they were produced."[19] The Act of 1660, officially known as that of 12 Charles II., modified the provisos governing the European trade. The exclusion of goods of European origin from all transportation to England, save in ships of their own nation, was to some extent removed. This surrender was censured by some, explicitly, because it again enabled the Dutch to collect foreign articles and send them to England, thereby "permitting competition with this country in the longer part of the voyage;" to the injury, therefore, of British navigation. The remission, though real, was less than appeared; for the prohibitions of the Commonwealth were still applied to a large number of specified articles, the produce chiefly of Russia and Turkey, which could be imported only in their national ships, or those of England. As those countries had substantially no long voyage shipping, trade with them was to all practical purposes confined to English vessels.[20] The concession to foreign vessels, such as it was, was further qualified by heavier duties, called aliens' duties, upon their cargoes; and by the requirement that three-fourths of their crew, entering English ports, should be of the same nationality as the ship. The object of this regulation was to prevent the foreign state from increasing its tonnage, by employing seamen other than its own. This went beyond mere protection of English vessels, and was a direct attack, though by English municipal law, upon the growth of foreign shipping. This purpose indeed was authoritatively announced from the bench, construing the Act in the decision of a specific case. "Parliament had wisely foreseen that, if they restrained the importation or exportation of European goods, unless in our own ships, and manned with our own seamen, other states would do the same; and this, in its consequences, would amount to a prohibition of all such goods, which would be extremely detrimental to trade, and in the end defeat the very design of the Act. It was seen, however, that many countries in Europe, as France, Spain, and Italy, could more easily buy ships than build them; that, on the other hand, countries like Russia, and others in the North, had timber and materials enough for building ships, but wanted sailors. It was from a consideration of this inaptness in most countries to accomplish a complete navigation, that the Parliament prohibited the importation of most European goods, unless in ships owned and navigated by English, or in ships of the _build of_ and manned by sailors of that country of which the goods were the growth. The consequence would be that foreigners could not make use of ships they bought, though English subjects might. This would force them to have recourse to our shipping, and the general intent of the Act, to secure the carrying trade to the English, would be answered as far as it possibly could." It was therefore ruled that the tenor of the Act forbade foreigners to import to England in ships not of their own building; and, adds the reporter, "This exposition of the Act of Navigation is certainly the true one."[21] Having thus narrowed foreign competition to the utmost extent possible to municipal statutes, Parliament made the carrying industry even more exclusively than before a preserve for native seamen. The Commonwealth's requirement, that "the most" of the crew should be English, was changed to a definite prescription that the master and three-fourths of the mariners should be so. Under such enactments, with frequent modification of detail, but no essential change of method, British shipping and seamen continued to be "protected" against foreign competition down to and beyond the War of 1812. In this long interval there is no change of conception, nor any relaxation of national conviction. The whole history affords a remarkable instance of persistent policy, pursued consecutively for five or six generations. No better evidence could be given of its hold upon the minds of the people, or of the serious nature of the obstacle encountered by any other state that came into collision with it; as the United States during the Napoleonic period did, in matters of trade and carriage, but especially in the closely related question of Impressment. Whether the Navigation Act, during its period of vigor, was successful in developing the British mercantile marine and supporting the British Navy has been variously argued. The subsequent growth of British navigation is admitted; but whether this was the consequence of the measure itself has been disputed. It appears to the writer that those who doubt its effect in this respect allow their convictions of the strength of economical forces to blind them to the power of unremitting legislative action. To divert national activities from natural channels into artificial may be inexpedient and wasteful; and it may be reasonable to claim that ends so achieved are not really successes, but failures. Nevertheless, although natural causes, till then latent, may have conspired to further the development which the Navigation Act was intended to promote, and although, since its abolition, the same causes may have sufficed to sustain the imposing national carrying trade built up during its continuance, it is difficult to doubt the great direct influence of the Act itself; having in view the extent of the results, as well as the corroborative success of modern states in building up and maintaining other distinctly artificial industries, sometimes to the injury of the natural industries of other peoples, which the Navigation Act also in its day was meant to effect. The condition of British navigation in 1651 has been stated. The experience of the remaining years of the Protectorate appears to have confirmed national opinion as to the general policy of the Act, and to have suggested the modifications of the Restoration. To trace the full sequence of development, in legislation or in shipping, is not here permissible; the present need being simply to give an account, and an explanation, of the strength of a national prepossession, which in its manifestation was a chief cause of the events that are the theme of this book. A few scattered details, taken casually, seem strikingly to sustain the claims of the advocates of the system, bearing always in mind the depression of the British shipping industry before the passage of the law. In 1728 there arrived in London from all parts beyond sea 2052 ships, of which only 213 were under foreign flags; less than one in nine. In Liverpool, in 1765, of 1533 entered and cleared, but 135 were foreign; in Bristol, the same year, of 701 but 91 foreign. Of the entire import of that year only 28 per cent, in money value, came from Europe; the carriage of the remaining 72 per cent was confined to British ships. It may, of course, be maintained that this restriction of shipping operated to the disadvantage of the commerce of the kingdom; that there was direct pecuniary loss. This would not be denied, for the object of the Act was less national gain than the upbuilding of shipping as a resource for the navy. Nevertheless, at this same period, in 1764, of 810 ships entering the great North German commercial centre, Hamburg, 267--over one-third--were British; the Dutch but 146, the Hamburgers themselves 157. A curious and suggestive comparison is afforded by the same port in 1769. From the extensive, populous, and fruitful country of France, the _entrepôt_ of the richest West Indian colony, Santo Domingo, there entered Hamburg 203 ships, of which not one was French; whereas from Great Britain there came a slightly larger total, 216, of which 178 were British. Such figures seem to substantiate the general contemporary opinion of the efficacy of the Navigation Act, and to support the particular claim of a British writer of the day, that the naval weakness of Holland and France was due to the lack of similar measures. "The Dutch have indeed pursued a different policy, but they have thereby fallen to a state of weakness, which is now the object of pity, or of contempt. It was owing to the want of sailors, and not to the fault of their officers, that the ten ships of the line, which during their late impudent quarrel with Britain had been stipulated to join the French fleet, never sailed."[22] "The French Navy, which at all times depended chiefly upon the West India trade for a supply of seamen, must have been laid up, if the war (of American Independence) had continued another year."[23] Whatever the accuracy of these statements,[24]--and they are those of a well-informed man,--they represented a general conviction, not in Great Britain only but in Europe, of the results of the Navigation legislation. A French writer speaks of it as the source of England's greatness,[25] and sums up his admiration in words which recognize the respective shares of natural advantages and sagacious supervision in the grand outcome. "Called to commerce by her situation, it became the spirit of her government and the lever of her ambition. In other monarchies, it is private individuals who carry on commerce; but in that happy constitution it is the state, or the nation in its entirety." In Great Britain itself there was substantial unanimity. This colored all its after policy towards its lately rebellious and now independent children, who as carriers had revived the once dreaded rivalry of the Dutch. To quote one writer, intimately acquainted with the whole theory and practice of the Navigation Acts, they "tend to the establishment of a monopoly; but our ancestors ... considered the defence of this island from foreign invasion as the first law in the national policy. Judging that the dominion of the land could not be preserved without possessing that of the sea, they made every effort to procure to the nation a maritime power of its own. They wished that the merchants should own as many ships, and employ as many mariners as possible. To induce, and sometimes to force, them to this application of their capital, restrictions and prohibitions were devised. The interests of commerce were often sacrificed to this object." Yet he claims that in the end commerce also profited, for "the increase in the number of ships became a spur to seek out employment for them." In 1792, British registered shipping amounted to 1,365,000 tons, employing 80,000 seamen. Of these, by common practice, two-thirds--say 50,000--were available for war, during which it was the rule to relax the Act so far as to require only one-fourth of the crew to be British. "That the increase in our shipping is to be ascribed to our navigation system appears in the application of it to the trade of the United States. When those countries were part of our plantations, a great portion of our produce was transported to Great Britain and our West India Islands in American bottoms; they had a share in the freight of sugars from those islands to Great Britain; they built annually more than one hundred ships, which were employed in the carrying trade of Great Britain; but since the Independence of those states, since their ships have been excluded from our plantations, and that trade is wholly confined to British ships, we have gained that share of our carrying trade from which they are now excluded."[26] In corroboration of the same tendency, it was also noted during the war with the colonies, that "the shipyards of Britain in every port were full of employment, so that new yards were set up in places never before so used."[27] That is, the war, stopping the intrusion of American colonists into the British carrying trade, just as the Navigation Act prohibited that of foreign nations, created a demand for British ships to fill the vacancy; a result perfectly in keeping with the whole object of the navigation system. But when hostilities with France began again in 1793, and lasted with slight intermission for twenty years, the drain of the navy for seamen so limited the development of the British navigation as to afford an opening for competition, of which American maritime aptitude took an advantage, threatening British supremacy and arousing corresponding jealousy. Besides the increase of national shipping, the idea of _entrepôt_ received recognition in both the earlier and later developments of the system. Numerous specified articles, produced in English colonies, could be carried nowhere but to England, Ireland, or another colony, where they must be landed before going farther. Because regularly listed, such articles were technically styled "enumerated;" "enumerated commodities being such as must first be landed in England before being taken to foreign parts."[28] From this privilege Ireland was soon after excepted; enumerated goods for that country having first to be landed in England.[29] Among such enumerated articles, tobacco and rice held prominent places and illustrate the system. Of the former, in the first half of the eighteenth century, it was estimated that on an average seventy-two million pounds were sent yearly to England, of which fifty-four million were re-exported; an export duty of sixpence per pound being then levied, besides the cost of handling. Rice, made an enumerated article in 1705, exemplifies aptly the ideas which influenced the multifold manipulation of the nation's commerce in those days. The restriction was removed in 1731, so far as to permit this product to be sent direct from South Carolina and Georgia to any part of Europe south of Cape Finisterre; but only in British ships navigated according to the Act. In this there is a partial remission of the _entrepôt_ exaction, while the nursing of the carrying trade is carefully guarded. The latter was throughout the superior interest, inseparably connected in men's minds with the support of the navy. At a later date, West India sugar received the same indulgence as rice; it being found that the French were gaining the general European market, by permitting French vessels to carry the products of their islands direct to foreign continental ports. Rice and sugar for northern Europe, however, still had to be landed in England before proceeding. The colonial trade in general was made entirely subservient to the support and development of English shipping, and to the enrichment of England, as the half-way storehouse. Into England foreign goods could be imported in some measure by foreign vessels, though under marked restrictions and disabilities; but into the colonies it was early forbidden to import any goods, whatever their origin, except in English-built ships, commanded and manned in accordance with the Act. Further, even in such ships they must be imported from England itself, not direct; not from the country of origin. The motive for this statute of 1663[30] is avowed in the preamble: to be with a view of maintaining a greater correspondence and kindness between them and the mother country, keeping the former in a firmer dependence upon the latter, and to make this kingdom the staple both of the commodities of the plantations, and of other countries in order to supply them. Further, it was alleged that it was the usage of nations to keep their plantation trade to themselves.[31] In compensation for this subjection of their trade to the policy of the mother country, the supplying of the latter with West India products was reserved to the colonists. Thus, goods for the colonies, as well as those from the colonies, from or to a foreign country,--from or to France, for example,--must first be landed in England before proceeding to the ultimate destination. Yet even this cherished provision, enforced against the foreigner, was made to subserve the carrying trade--the leading object; for, upon re-exportation to the colonies, there was allowed a drawback of duties paid upon admission to England, and permanent upon residents there. The effect of this was to make the articles cheaper in the colonies than in England itself, and so to induce increased consumption. It was therefore to the profit of the carrier; and the more acceptable, because the shipping required to bring home colonial goods was much in excess of that required for outward cargoes, to the consequent lowering of outward freights. "A regard to the profits of freights," writes a contemporary familiar with the subject, "as much as the augmentation of seamen, dictated this policy."[32] From the conditions, it did not directly increase the number of seamen; but by helping the shipping merchant it supported the carrying industry as a whole. Upon the legislative union of Scotland with England, in 1707, this _entrepôt_ privilege, with all other reserved advantages of English trade and commerce, was extended to the northern kingdom, and was a prominent consideration in inducing the Scotch people to accept a political change otherwise distasteful, because a seeming sacrifice of independence. Before this time they had had their own navigation system, modelled on the English; the Acts of the two parliaments embodying certain relations of reciprocity. Thenceforward, the Navigation Act is to be styled more properly a British, than an English, measure; but its benefits, now common to all Great Britain, were denied still to Ireland. It will be realized that the habit of receiving exclusive favors at the expense of a particular set of people--the colonist and the foreigner--readily passed in a few generations into an unquestioning conviction of the propriety, and of the necessity, of such measures. It should be easy now for those living under a high protective tariff to understand that, having built up upon protection a principal national industry,--the carrying trade,--involving in its ramifications the prosperity of a large proportion of the wealth-producers of the country, English statesmen would fear to touch the fabric in any important part; and that their dread would be intensified by the conviction, universally held, that to remove any of these artificial supports would be to imperil at the same time the Royal Navy, the sudden expansion of which, from a peace to a war footing, depended upon impressment from the protected merchant ships. It will be seen also that with such precedents of _entrepôt_, for the nourishing of British commerce, it was natural to turn to the same methods,--although in a form monstrously exaggerated,--when Napoleon by his decrees sought to starve British commerce to death. In conception and purpose, the Orders in Council of 1807 were simply a development of the _entrepôt_ system. Their motto, "No trade save through England,"--the watchword of the ministry of Canning, Castlereagh, and Perceval, 1807-12,--was merely the revival towards the United States, as an independent nation, of the methods observed towards her when an assemblage of colonies, forty years before; the object in both cases being the welfare of Great Britain, involved in the monopoly of an important external commerce, the material of which, being stored first in her ports, paid duty to her at the expense of continental consumers. Nor was there in the thought of the age, external to Great Britain, any corrective of the impressions which dominated her commercial policy. "Commercial monopoly," wrote Montesquieu, "is the leading principle of colonial intercourse;" and an accomplished West Indian, quoting this phrase about 1790, says: "The principles by which the nations of Europe were influenced were precisely the same: (1) to secure to themselves respectively the most important productions of their colonies, and (2) to retain to themselves exclusively the advantage of supplying the colonies with European goods and manufactures."[33] "I see," wrote John Adams from France, in 1784, "that the French merchants regard their colonies as English merchants considered us twenty years ago." The rigor of the French colonial trade system had been relaxed during the War of American Independence, as was frequently done by all states during hostilities; but when Louis XVI., in 1784, sought to continue this, though in an extremely qualified concession, allowing American vessels of under sixty tons a limited trade between the West Indies and their own country, the merchants of Marseilles, Bordeaux, Rochelle, Nantes, St. Malo, all sent in excited remonstrances, which found support in the provincial parliaments of Bordeaux and Brittany.[34] A further indication of the economical convictions of the French people, and of the impression made upon Europe generally by the success of the British Navigation Act, is to be seen in the fact that in 1794, under the Republic, the National Convention issued a decree identical in spirit, and almost identical in terms, with the English Act of 1651. In the latter year, said the report of the Committee to the Convention, "one-half the navigation of England was carried on by foreigners. She has imperceptibly retaken her rights. Towards the year 1700 foreigners possessed no more than the fifth part of this navigation; in 1725 only a little more than the ninth; in 1750 a little more than a twelfth; and in 1791 they possessed only the fourteenth part of it."[35] It is perhaps unnecessary to add that the colonial system of Spain was as rigid as that of Great Britain, though far less capably administered. So universal was the opinion of the day as to the relation of colonies to navigation, that a contemporary American, familiar with the general controversy, wrote: "Though speculative politicians have entertained doubts in regard to favorable effects from colonial possessions, taking into view the expenses of their improvement, defence, and government, no question has been made but that the monopoly of their trade greatly increases the commerce of the nations to which they are appurtenant."[36] Very soon after the adoption of the Constitution, the Congress of the United States, for the development of the carrying trade, enacted provisions analogous to the Navigation Act, so far as applicable to a nation having no colonies, but with large shipping and coasting interests to be favored. To such accepted views, and to such traditional practice, the independence of the thirteen British colonies upon the American continent came not only as a new political fact, but as a portentous breach in the established order of things. As such, it was regarded with uneasy jealousy by both France and Spain; but to Great Britain it was doubly ominous. Not only had she lost a reserved market, singly the most valuable she possessed, but she had released, however unwillingly, a formidable and recognized rival for the carrying trade, the palladium of her naval strength. The market she was not without hopes of regaining, by a compulsion which, though less direct, would be in effect as real as that enforced by colonial regulation; but the capacity of the Americans as carriers rested upon natural conditions not so easy to overcome. The difficulty of the problem was increased by the fact that the governments of the world generally were awaking to the disproportionate advantages Great Britain had been reaping from them for more than a century, during which they had listlessly acquiesced in her aggressive absorption of the carriage of the seas. America could count upon their sympathies, and possible co-operation, in her rivalry with the British carrier. "It is manifest," wrote Coxe in 1794, "that a prodigious and almost universal revolution in the views of nations has taken place with regard to the carrying trade." When John Adams spoke of the United States retaliating upon Great Britain, by enacting a similar measure of its own, the minister of Portugal, then a country of greater weight than now, replied: "Not a nation in Europe would suffer a Navigation Act to be made by any other at this day. That of England was made in times of ignorance, when few nations cultivated commerce, and no country but she understood or cared anything about it, but now all courts are attentive to it;"[37] so much so, indeed, that it has been said this was the age of commercial treaties. It was the age also of commercial regulation, often mistaken and injurious, which found its ideals largely in the Navigation Act of Great Britain, and in the resultant extraordinary processes of minute and comprehensive interference, with every species of commerce, and every article of export or import; for, while the general principles of the Navigation Act were few and simple enough, in application they entailed a watchful and constant balancing of advantages by the Board of Trade, and a consequent manipulation of the course of commerce,--a perfectly idealized and sublimated protection. The days of its glory, however, were passing fast. Great Britain was now in the position of one who has been first to exploit a great invention, upon which he has an exclusive patent. Others were now entering the field, and she must prepare for competition, in which she most of all feared those of her own blood, the children of her loins; for the signs of the menacing conditions following the War of Independence had been apparent some time before the revolt of the colonies gained for them liberty of action, heretofore checked in favor of the mother country. In these conditions, and in the national sentiment concerning them, are to be found the origin of a course of action which led to the War of 1812. Under the Navigation Act, and throughout the colonial period, the transatlantic colonies of Great Britain had grown steadily; developing a commercial individuality of their own, depending in each upon local conditions. The variety of these, with the consequent variety of occupations and products, and the distance separating all from the mother country, had contributed to develop among them a certain degree of mutual dependence, and consequent exchange; the outcome of which was a commercial system interior to the group as a whole, and distinct from the relations to Great Britain borne by them individually and collectively. There was a large and important intercolonial commerce,[38] consistent with the letter of the Navigation Act, as well as a trade with Great Britain; and although each of these exerted an influence upon the other, it was indirect and circuitous. The two were largely separate in fact, as well as in idea; and the interchange between the various colonies was more than double that with the mother country. It drew in British as well as American seamen, and was considered thus to entail the disadvantage that, unless America were the scene of war, the crews there were out of reach of impressment; that measure being too crude and unsystematic to reach effectively so distant a source of supply. Curiously enough, also, by an act passed in the reign of Queen Anne, seamen born in the American colonies were exempted from impressment.[39] "During the late Civil War (of American Independence) it has been found difficult sufficiently to man our fleet, from the seamen insisting that, since they had been born in America, they could not be pressed to serve in the British navy."[40] In these conditions, and especially in the difficulty of distinguishing the place of birth by the language spoken, is seen the foreshadowing of the troubles attending the practice of Impressment, after the United States had become a separate nation. The British American colonies were divided by geographical conditions into two primary groups: those of the West India Islands, and those of the Continent. The common use of the latter term, in the thought and speech of the day, is indicated by the comprehensive adjective "Continental," familiarly applied to the Congress, troops, currency, and other attributes of sovereignty, assumed by the revolted colonies after their declaration of independence. Each group had special commercial characteristics--in itself, and relatively to Great Britain. The islands, whatever their minor differences of detail, or their mutual jealousies, or even their remoteness from one another,--Jamaica being a thousand miles from her eastern sisters,--were essentially a homogeneous body. Similarity of latitude and climate induced similarity of social and economical conditions; notably in the dependence on slave labor, upon which the industrial fabric rested. Their products, among which sugar and coffee were the most important, were such as Europe did not yield; it was therefore to their advantage to expend labor upon these wholly, and to depend upon external sources for supplies of all kinds, including food. Their exports, being directed by the Navigation Act almost entirely upon Great Britain, were, in connection with Virginia tobacco, the most lucrative of the "enumerated" articles which rendered tribute to the _entrepôt_ monopoly of the mother country. It was in this respect particularly, as furnishing imports to be handled and re-exported, that the islands were valuable to the home merchants. To the welfare of the body politic they contributed by their support of the carrying trade; for the cargoes, being bulky, required much tonnage, and the entire traffic was confined to British ships, manned three-fourths by British seamen. As a market also the islands were of consequence; all their supplies coming, by law, either from or through Great Britain, or from the continental colonies. Intercourse with foreign states was prohibited, and that with foreign colonies allowed only under rare and disabling conditions. But although the West Indies thus maintained a large part of the mother country's export trade, the smallness of their population, and the simple necessities of the slaves, who formed the great majority of the inhabitants, rendered them as British customers much inferior to the continental colonies; and this disparity was continually increasing, for the continent was growing rapidly in numbers, wealth, and requirements. In the five years 1744-48, the exports from Great Britain to the two quarters were nearly equal; but a decade later the continent took double the amount that the islands demanded. The figures quoted for the period 1754-58 are: to the West Indies, £3,765,000; to North America, £7,410,000.[41] In the five years ending 1774 the West Indies received £6,748,095; the thirteen continental colonies, £13,660,180.[42] Imports from the continent also supported the carrying trade of Great Britain, but not to an extent proportionate to those from the islands; for many of the continental colonies were themselves large carriers. The imports to them, being manufactured articles, less bulky than the exports of the islands, also required less tonnage. The most marked single difference between the West India communities and those of the continent was that the latter, being distributed on a nearly north and south line, with consequent great divergences of climate and products, were essentially not homogeneous. What one had, another had not. Such differences involve of course divergence of interests, with consequent contentions and jealousies, the influence of which was felt most painfully prior to the better Union of 1789, and never can wholly cease to act; but, on the other hand, it tends also to promote exchange of offices, where need and facility of transport combine to make such exchange beneficial to both. That the intercourse between the continental colonies required a tonnage equal to that employed between them and the West Indies,--testified by the return of 1770 before quoted,[43]--shows the existence of conditions destined inevitably to draw them together. The recognition of such mutual dependence, when once attained, furthers the practice of mutual concession for the purpose of combined action. Consequently, in the protracted struggle between the centripetal and centrifugal forces in North America, the former prevailed, though not till after long and painful wavering. While thus differing greatly among themselves in the nature of their productions, and in their consequent wants, the continental colonists as a whole had one common characteristic. Recent occupants of a new, unimproved, and generally fertile country, they turned necessarily to the cultivation of the soil as the most remunerative form of activity, while for manufactured articles they depended mainly upon external supplies, the furnishing of which Great Britain reserved to herself. For these reasons they afforded the great market which they were to her, and which by dint of habit and of interest they long continued to be. But, while thus generally agricultural by force of circumstances, the particular outward destinations of their surplus products varied. Those of the southern colonies, from Maryland to Georgia, were classed as "enumerated," and, with the exception of the rice of South Carolina and Georgia, partially indulged as before mentioned, must be directed upon Great Britain. Tobacco, cotton, indigo, pitch, tar, turpentine, and spars of all kinds for ships, were specifically named, and constituted much the larger part of the exports of those colonies. These were carried also chiefly by British vessels, and not by colonial. The case was otherwise in the middle colonies, Pennsylvania, New York, New Jersey, and in Connecticut and Rhode Island of the eastern group. They were exporters of provisions,--of grain, flour, and meat, the latter both as live stock and salted; of horses also. As the policy of the day protected the British farmer, these articles were not required to be sent to Great Britain; on the contrary, grain was not allowed admission except in times of scarcity, determined by the price of wheat in the London market. The West Indies, therefore, were the market of the middle colonies; the shortness of the voyage, and the comparatively good weather, after a little southing had been gained, giving a decisive advantage over European dealers in the transportation of live animals. Flour also, because it kept badly in the tropics, required constant carriage of new supplies from sources near at hand. Along with provisions the continental vessels took materials for building and cooperage, both essential to the industry of the islands,--to the housing of the inhabitants, and to the transport of their sugar, rum, and molasses. In short, so great was the dependence of the islands upon this trade, that a well-informed planter of the time quotes with approval the remark of "a very competent judge," that, "if the continent had been wholly in foreign hands, and England wholly precluded from intercourse with it, it is very doubtful whether we should now have possessed a single acre in the West Indies."[44] Now this traffic, while open to all British shipping, was very largely in the hands of the colonists, who built ships decidedly cheaper than could be done in England, and could distribute their tonnage in vessels too small to brave the Atlantic safely, but, from their numbers and size, fitted to scatter to the numerous small ports of distribution, which the badness of internal communications rendered advantageous for purposes of supply. A committee of the Privy Council of Great Britain, constituted soon after the independence of the United States to investigate the conditions of West India trade, reported that immediately before the revolt the carriage between the islands and the continent had occupied 1610 voyages, in vessels aggregating 115,634 tons, navigated by 9718 men. These transported what was then considered "the vast" American cargo, of £500,000 outward and £400,000 inward. But the ominous feature from the point of view of the Navigation Act was that this was carried almost wholly in American bottoms.[45] In short, not to speak of an extensive practice of smuggling, facilitated by a coast line too long and indented to be effectually watched,--mention of which abounds in contemporary annals,[46]--a very valuable part of the British carrying trade was in the hands of the middle colonists, whose activity, however, did not stop even there; for, not only did they deal with foreign West Indies,[47] but the cheapness of their vessels, owing to the abundance of the materials, permitted them to be used also to advantage in a direct trade with southern Europe, their native products being for the most part "not enumerated." As early as 1731, Pennsylvania employed eight thousand tons of shipping, while the New England colonies at the same time owned forty thousand tons, distributed in six hundred vessels, manned by six thousand seamen. The New Englanders, like their countrymen farther south, were mostly farmers; but the more rugged soil and severer climate gave them little or no surplus for export. For gain by traffic, for material for exchange, they therefore turned to the sea, and became the great carriers of America, as well as its great fishers. An English authority, writing of the years immediately preceding the War of Independence, states that most of the seamen sailing out of the southern ports were British; from the middle colonies, half British and half American; but in the New England shipping he admits three-fourths were natives.[48] This tendency of British seamen to take employment in colonial ships is worthy of note, as foreshadowing the impressment difficulties of a later day. These, like most of the disagreements which led to the War of 1812, had their origin in ante-revolutionary conditions. For example, Commodore Palliser, an officer of mark, commanding the Newfoundland station in 1767, reported to the Admiralty the "cruel custom," long practised by commanders of fishing ships, of leaving many men on the desert coast of Newfoundland, when the season was over, whereby "these men were obliged to sell themselves to the colonists, or piratically run off with vessels, which they carry to the continent of America. By these practices the Newfoundland fishery, supposed to be one of the most valuable nurseries for seamen,[49] has long been an annual drain."[50] In the two years, 1764-65, he estimates that 2,500 seamen thus went to the colonies; in the next two years, 400. The difference was probably due to the former period being immediately after a war, the effects of which it reflected. The general conditions of 1731 remained thirty years later, simply having become magnified as the colonies grew in wealth and population. In 1770 twenty-two thousand tons of shipping were annually built by the continental colonists. They even built ships for Great Britain; and this indulgence, for so it was considered, was viewed jealously by a class of well-informed men, intelligent, but fully imbued with the ideas of the Navigation Act, convinced that the carrying trade was the corner-stone of the British Navy, and realizing that where ships were cheaply built they could be cheaply sailed, even if they paid higher wages. It is true, and should be sedulously remembered, especially now in the United States, that the strength of a merchant shipping lies in its men even more than in its ships; and therefore that the policy of a country which wishes a merchant marine should be to allow its ships to be purchased where they most cheaply can, in order that the owner may be able to spend more on his crew, and the nation consequently to keep more seamen under its flag. But in 1770 the relative conditions placed Great Britain under serious disadvantages towards America in the matter of ship-building; for the heavy drafts upon her native oak had caused the price to rise materially, and even the forests of continental Europe felt the strain, while the colonies had scarcely begun to touch their resources. In 1775, more than one-third of the foreign trade of Great Britain was carried in American-built ships; the respective tonnage being, British-built, 605,545; American, 373,618.[51] British merchants and ship-owners knew also that the colonial carriers were not ardent adherents of the Navigation Act, but conducted their operations in conformity with it only when compelled.[52] They traded with the foreigner as readily as with the British subject; and, what was quite unpardonable in the ideas of that time, after selling a cargo in a West Indian port, instead of reloading there, they would take the hard cash of the island to a French neighbor, buying of him molasses to be made into rum at home. In this commercial shrewdness the danger was not so much in the local loss, or in the single transaction, for in the commercial supremacy of England the money was pretty sure to find its way back to the old country. The sting was that the sharp commercial instinct, roving from port to port, with a keen scent for freight and for bargains, maintained a close rivalry for the carrying trade, which was doubly severe from the natural advantages of the shipping and the natural aptitudes of the ship-owners. Already the economical attention of the New Englanders to the details of their shipping business had been noted, and had earned for them the name of the Dutchmen of North America; an epithet than which there was then none more ominous to British ears, and especially where with the carrying trade was associated the twin idea of a nursery of seamen for the British Navy. A fair appreciation of the facts and relations, summarized in the preceding pages from an infinitude of details, is necessary to a correct view of the origin and course of the misunderstandings and disagreements which finally led to the War of 1812. In 1783, the restoration of peace and the acknowledgment of the independence of the former colonies removed from commerce the restrictions incident to hostilities, and replaced in full action, essentially unchanged, the natural conditions which had guided the course of trade in colonial days. The old country, retaining all the prepossessions associated with the now venerable and venerated Navigation Act, saw herself confronted with the revival of a commercial system, a commercial independence, of which she had before been jealous, and which could no longer be controlled by political dependence. It was to be feared that supplying the British West Indies would increase American shipping, and that British seamen would more and more escape into it, with consequent loss to British navigation, both in tonnage and men, and discouragement to British maritime industries. Hence, by the ideas of the time, was to be apprehended weakness for war, unless some effective check could be devised. What would have been the issue of these anxieties, and of the measures to which they gave rise, had not the French Revolution intervened to aggravate the distresses of Great Britain, and to constrain her to violent methods, is bootless to discuss. It remains true that, both before and during the conflict with the French Republic and Empire, the general character of her actions, to which the United States took exception, was determined by the conditions and ideas that have been stated, and can be understood only through reference to them. No sooner had peace been signed, in 1783, than disagreements sprang up again from the old roots of colonial systems and ideals. To these essentially was due the detailed sequence of events which, influenced by such traditions of opinion and policy as have been indicated, brought on the War of 1812, which has not inaptly been styled the second War of Independence. Madison, who was contemporary with the entire controversy, and officially connected with it from 1801 to the end of the war, first as Secretary of State, and later as President, justly summed up his experience of the whole in these words: "To have shrunk from resistance, under such circumstances, would have acknowledged that, on the element which forms three-fourths of the globe which we inhabit, and where all independent nations have equal and common rights, the American People were not an independent people, but colonists and vassals. With such an alternative war was chosen."[53] The second war was closely related to the first in fact, though separated by a generation in time. FOOTNOTES: [1] Order in Council was a general term applied to all orders touching affairs, internal as well as external, issued by the King in Council. The particular orders here in question, by their extraordinary character and wide application, came to have a kind of sole title to the expression in the diplomatic correspondence between the two countries. [2] Instructions of Madison, Secretary of State, to Monroe, Minister to Great Britain, January 5, 1804. Article I. American State Papers, vol. iii. p. 82. [3] Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris, vol. ii. pp. 508, 546. [4] Annals of Congress. Thirteenth Congress, vol. ii. pp. 1563; 1555-1558. [5] Niles' Register, vol. iv. p. 234. Author's italics. [6] Diary and Letters, vol. ii. p. 553. [7] Ibid., p. 560. Those unfamiliar with the subject should be cautioned that the expression "right of search" is confined here, not quite accurately, to searching for British subjects liable to impressment. This right the United States denied. The "right of search" to determine the nationality of the vessel, and the character of the voyage, was admitted to belligerents then, as it is now, by all neutrals. [8] King John, Act II. Scene 1. [9] King Richard II., Act II. Scene 1. [10] Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. Edited by J.E. Thorold Rogers. Oxford, 1880, pp. 35-38. In a subsequent passage (p. 178), Smith seems disposed somewhat to qualify the positive assertion here quoted, on the ground that the Navigation Act had not had time to exert much effect, at the period when some of the most decisive successes over the Dutch were won. It is to be observed, however, that a vigorous military government, such as Cromwell's was, can assert itself in the fleet as well as in the army, creating an effective organization out of scanty materials, especially when at war with a commercial state of weak military constitution, like Holland. It was the story of Rome and Carthage repeated. Louis XIV. for a while accomplished the same. But under the laxity of a liberal popular government, which England increasingly enjoyed after the Restoration, naval power could be based securely only upon a strong, available, and permanent maritime element in the civil body politic; that is, on a mercantile marine. As regards the working of the Navigation Act to this end, whatever may be argued as to the economical expediency of protecting a particular industry, there is no possible doubt that such an industry can be built up, to huge proportions, by sagacious protection consistently enforced. The whole history of protection demonstrates this, and the Navigation Act did in its day. It created the British carrying trade, and in it provided for the Royal Navy an abundant and accessible reserve of raw material, capable of being rapidly manufactured into naval seamen in an hour of emergency. [11] Works of John Adams, vol. viii. pp. 389-390. [12] This primary meaning of the word "staple" seems to have disappeared from common use, in which it is now applied to the commercial articles, the concentration of which at a particular port made that port a "staple." [13] Bryan Edwards, West Indies, vol. ii. p. 448. [14] Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, vol. ii. p. 443. [15] Reeves, History of the Law of Navigation, Dublin, 1792, p. 37. [16] Macpherson, vol. ii. p. 444. [17] Reeves, writing in 1792, says that there seemed then no distinction of meaning between "plantation" and "colony." Plantation was the earlier term; "'colony' did not come much into use till the reign of Charles II., and it seems to have denoted the political relation." (p. 109.) By derivation both words express the idea of cultivating new ground, or establishing a new settlement; but "plantation" seems to associate itself more with the industrial beginnings, and "colony" with the formal regulative purpose of the parent state. [18] The Navigation Acts of 1651, 1660, 1662, and 1663, as well as other subsequent measures of the same character, can be found, conveniently for American readers, in MacDonald's Select Charters Illustrative of American History. Macmillan, New York. 1899. [19] Reeves, History of the Law of Navigation, p. 162. [20] For instance, in 1769, eighteen hundred and forty vessels passed the Sound in the British trade. Of these only thirty-five were Russian. Considerably more than half of the trade of St. Petersburg with Europe at large was done in British ships. Macpherson, vol. iii. p. 493. [21] Opinion of Chief Baron Parker, quoted by Reeves, pp. 187-189. [22] Chalmers, Opinions on Interesting Subjects of Public Law and Commercial Policy Arising from American Independence, p. 32. [23] Ibid., p. 55. [24] A French naval historian supports them, speaking of the year 1781: "The considerable armaments made since 1778 had exhausted the resources of personnel. To remedy the difficulty the complements were filled up with coast-guard militia, with marine troops until then employed only to form the guards of the ships, and finally with what were called 'novices volontaires,' who were landsmen recruited by bounties. It may be imagined what crews were formed with such elements."--Troude, Batailles Navales, vol. ii. p. 202. [25] Raynal, Histoire Philosophique des deux Indes, vol. vii. p. 287 (Edition 1820). Raynal's reputation is that of a plagiarist, but his best work is attributed to far greater names of his time. He died in 1796. [26] Reeves, pp. 430-434. [27] Macpherson, vol. iv. p. 10. [28] Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, vol. i. p. 485-486. [29] Bryan Edwards, West Indies, vol. ii. p. 450. [30] Officially, Statute of 15 Charles II. [31] Reeves, p. 50. [32] Chalmers, Opinions on Interesting Subjects, p. 28. [33] Bryan Edwards, West Indies, vol. ii. p. 443-444 (3d Edition). [34] Works of John Adams, vol. viii. p. 228. [35] Compare with Sheffield, Observations on the Commerce of the American States (Edition February, 1784), p. 137, note; from which, indeed, these figures seem to have been taken, or from some common source. [36] Coxe's View of the United States of America, Philadelphia, 1794, p. 330. [37] Works of John Adams, vol. viii. p. 341. Adams says again, himself: "It is more and more manifest every day that there is, and will continue, a general scramble for navigation. Carrying trade, ship-building, fisheries, are the cry of every nation."--Vol. viii. p. 342. [38] From an official statement, made public in 1784, it appears that in the year 1770 the total trade, inward and outward, of the colonies on the American Continent, amounted to 750,546 tons. Of this 32 per cent was coastwise, to other members of the group; 30 with the West Indies; 27 with Great Britain and Ireland; and 11 with Southern Europe. Bermuda and the Bahamas, inconsiderable as to trade, were returned among continental colonies by the Custom House.--Sheffield, Commerce of the American States, Table VII. [39] Chalmers, Opinions, p. 73. [40] Ibid., p. 18. [41] Macpherson, vol. iii. p. 317. [42] Report of Committee of Privy Council, Jan. 28, 1791, pp. 21-23. [43] Ante, p. 31 (note). [44] Bryan Edwards, West Indies, vol. ii. p. 486. [45] Chalmers, Opinions, p. 133. [46] See, for instance, the Colden Papers, Proceedings N.Y. Historical Society, 1877. There is in these much curious economical information of other kinds. [47] A comparison of the figures just quoted, as to the British West Indies, with Sheffield's Table VII., indicates that the trade of the Continent with the foreign islands about equalled that with the British. The trade with the French West Indies, "open or clandestine, was considerable, and wholly in American vessels."--Macpherson, vol. iii. p. 584. [48] Sheffield, Commerce of the American States, p. 108. [49] That is, for the navy. [50] Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, vol. iii. p. 472. [51] Macpherson, vol. iv. p. 11. The great West India cargo of 1772, an especial preserve of the Navigation Act, was carried to England in 679 ships, of which one-third were built in America. [52] "The contraband trade carried on by plantation ships in defiance of the Act of Navigation was a subject of repeated complaint." "The laws of Navigation were nowhere disobeyed and contemned so openly as in New England. The people of Massachusetts Bay were from the first disposed to act as if independent of the mother country."--Reeves, pp. 54, 58. The particular quotations apply to the early days of the measure, 1662-3; but the complaint continued to the end. In 1764-5, "one of the great grievances in the American trade was, that great quantities of foreign molasses and syrups were clandestinely run on shore in the British Colonies."--p. 79. [53] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. p. 82. CHAPTER II FROM INDEPENDENCE TO JAY'S TREATY, 1794 The colonial connection between Great Britain and the thirteen communities which became the original States of the American Union was brought to a formal conclusion in 1776, by their Declaration of Independence. Substantially, however, it had already terminated in 1774. This year was marked by the passage of the Boston Port Bill, with its accessory measures, by the British Parliament, and likewise by the renewal, in the several colonies, of the retaliatory non-importation agreements of 1765. The fundamental theory of the eighteenth century concerning the relations between a mother country and her colonies, that of reciprocal exclusive benefit, had thus in practice yielded to one of mutual injury; to coercion and deprivation on the one side, and to passive resistance on the other. On September 5 the representatives of twelve colonies assembled in Philadelphia; Georgia alone sending no delegates, but pledging herself in anticipation to accept the decisions taken by the others. One of the first acts of this Congress of the Continental Colonies was to indorse the resolutions by which Massachusetts had placed herself in an attitude of contingent rebellion against the Crown, and to pledge their support to her in case of a resort to arms. These several steps were decisive and irrevocable, except by an unqualified abandonment, by one party or the other, of the principles which underlay and dictated them. The die was cast. To use words attributed to George the Third, "the colonies must now either submit or triumph." The period which here began, viewed in the aggregate of the national life of the United States, was one of wavering transition and uncertain issue in matters political and commercial. Its ending, in these two particulars, is marked by two conspicuous events: the adoption of the Constitution and the Commercial Treaty with Great Britain. The formation of the Federal Government, 1788-90, gave to the Union a political stability it had hitherto lacked, removing elements of weakness and dissensions, and of consequent impotence in foreign relations; the manifestation of which since the acknowledgment of independence had justified alike the hopes of enemies and the forebodings of friends. Settled conditions being thus established at home, with institutions competent to regulate a national commerce, internal and external, as well as to bring the people as a whole into fixed relations with foreign communities, there was laid the foundations of a swelling prosperity to which the several parts of the country jointly contributed. The effects of these changes were soon shown in a growing readiness on the part of other nations to enter into formal compacts with us. Of this, the treaty negotiated by John Jay with Great Britain, in 1794, is the most noteworthy instance; partly because it terminated one long series of bickerings with our most dangerous neighbor, chiefly because the commercial power of the state with which it was contracted had reached a greater eminence, and exercised wider international effect, than any the modern world had then seen. Whatever the merits of the treaty otherwise, therefore, the willingness of Great Britain to enter into it at all gave it an epochal significance. Since independence, commercial intercourse between the two peoples had rested on the strong compelling force of natural conditions and reciprocal convenience, the true foundation, doubtless, of all useful relations; but its regulation had been by municipal ordinance of either state, changeable at will, not by mutual agreement binding on both for a prescribed period. Since the separation, this condition had seemed preferable to Great Britain, which, as late as 1790, had evaded overtures towards a commercial arrangement.[54] Her consenting now to modify her position was an implicit admission that in trade, as in political existence, the former mother country recognized at last the independence of her offspring. The latter, however, was again to learn that independence, to be actual, must rest on something stronger than words, and surer than the acquiescence of others. This was to be the lesson of the years between 1794 and 1815, administered to us not only by the preponderant navy of Great Britain, but by the petty piratical fleets of the Barbary powers. From the Boston Port Bill to Jay's Treaty was therefore a period of transition from entire colonial dependence, under complete regulation of all commercial intercourse by the mother country, to that of national commercial power, self-regulative and efficient, through the adoption of the Constitution. Upon this followed international influence, the growing importance of which Great Britain finally recognized by formal concessions, hitherto refused or evaded. During these years the policy of her government was undergoing a process of adjustment, conditioned on the one hand by the still vigorous traditional prejudices associated with the administration of dependencies, and on the other by the radical change in political relations between her remaining colonies in America and the new states which had broken from the colonial bond. This change was the more embarrassing, because the natural connection of specific mutual usefulness remained, although the tie of a common allegiance had been loosed. The old order was yielding to the new, but the process was signalized by the usual slowness of men to accept events in their full significance. Hitherto, all the western hemisphere had been under a colonial system of complete monopoly by mother countries, and had been generally excluded from direct communication with Europe, except the respective parent states. In the comprehensive provisions of the British Navigation Act, America was associated with Asia and Africa. Now had arisen there an independent state, in political standing identical with those of Europe, yet having towards colonial America geographical and commercial relations very different from theirs. Consequently there was novelty and difficulty in the question, What intercourse with the remaining British dominions, and especially with the American colonies, should be permitted to the new nation? Notwithstanding the breach lately made, it continued a controlling aim with the British people, and of the government as determined by popular pressure, to restore the supremacy of British trade, by the subjection of America, independent as well as colonial, to the welfare of British commerce. Notably this was to be so as regards the one dominant interest called Navigation, under which term was comprised everything relating to shipping,--ship-building, seafaring men, and the carrying trade. Independence had deprived Great Britain of the right she formerly had to manipulate the course of the export and import trade of the now United States. It remained to try whether there did not exist, nevertheless, the ability effectually to control it to the advantage of British navigation, as above defined. "Our remaining colonies on the Continent, and the West India Islands," it was argued, "with the favorable state of English manufactures, may still give us almost exclusively the trade of America;" provided these circumstances were suitably utilized, and their advantages rigorously enforced, where power to do so still remained, as it did in the West Indies. Although by far the stronger and more flourishing part of her colonial dominions had been wrested from Great Britain, there yet remained to her upon the continent, in Canada and the adjacent provinces, a domain great in area, and in the West India Islands another of great productiveness. Whatever wisdom had been learned as regards the political treatment of colonies, the views as to the nature of their economical utility to the mother country, and their consequent commercial regulation, had undergone no enlargement, but rather had been intensified in narrowness and rigor by the loss of so valuable a part of the whole. No counteractive effect to this prepossession was to be found in contemporary opinion in Europe. The French Revolution itself, subversive as it was of received views in many respects, was at the first characterized rather by an exaggeration of the traditional exclusive policy of the eighteenth century relating to colonies, shipping, and commerce. In America, the unsettled commercial and financial conditions which succeeded the peace, the divergence of interests between the several new states, the feebleness of the confederate government, its incompetency to deal assuredly with external questions, and lack of all power to regulate commerce, inspired a conviction in Great Britain that the continent could not offer strong, continued resistance to commercial aggression, carried on under the peaceful form of municipal regulation. It was generally thought that the new states could never unite, but instead would drift farther apart. The belief was perfectly reasonable; a gift of prophecy only could have foretold the happy result, of which many of the most prominent Americans for some time despaired. "It will not be an easy matter," wrote Lord Sheffield,[55] "to bring the American States to act as a nation; they are not to be feared as such by us. It must be a long time before they can engage, or will concur, in any material expense.... We might as reasonably dread the effects of combinations among the German as among the American states, and deprecate the resolves of the Diet, as those of Congress." "No treaty can be made that will be binding on the whole of them." "A decided cast has been given to public opinion here," wrote John Adams from London, in November, 1785, "by two presumptions. One is, that the American states are not, and cannot, be united."[56] Two years later Washington wrote: "The situation of the General Government, if it can be called a government, is shaken to its foundation, and liable to be overturned at every blast. In a word, it is at an end.... The primary cause of all our disorders lies in the different state governments, and in the tenacity of that power which underlies the whole of their systems. Independent sovereignty is so ardently contended for." "At present, under our existing form of confederation, it would be idle to think of making commercial regulations on our part. One state passes a prohibitory law respecting one article; another state opens wide the avenue for its admission. One assembly makes a system, another assembly unmakes it."[57] Under such conditions it was natural that a majority of Englishmen should see power and profit for Great Britain in availing herself of the weakness of her late colonists, to enforce upon them a commercial dependence as useful as the political dependence which had passed away. Were this realized, she would enjoy the emoluments of the land without the expense of its protection. This gospel was preached at once to willing ears, and found acceptance; not by the strength of its arguments, for these, though plausible, were clearly inferior in weight to the facts copiously adduced by those familiar with conditions, but through the prejudices which the then generation had received from the three or four preceding it. The policy being adopted, the instrument at hand for enforcing it was the relation of colonies to mother countries, as then universally maintained by the governments of the day. The United States, like other independent nations, was to be excluded wholly from carrying trade with the British colonies, and as far as possible from sending them supplies. It was urged that Canada, and the adjacent British dominions, encouraged by this reservation of the West India market for their produce, would prove adequate to furnishing the provisions and lumber previously derived from the old continental colonies. The prosperity once enjoyed by the latter would be transferred, and there would be reconstituted the system of commercial intercourse, interior to the empire, which previously had commanded general admiration. The new states, acting commercially as separated communities, could oppose no successful rivalry to this combination, and would revert to isolated commercial dependence; tributary to the financial supremacy of Great Britain, as they recently had been to her political power. In debt to her for money, and drawing from her manufactures, returns for both would compel their exports to her ports chiefly, whence distribution would be, as of old, in the hands of British middlemen and navigators. Just escaped from the fetters of the carrying trade and _entrepôt_ regulations, the twin monopolies in which consisted the value of a colonial empire, it was proposed to reduce them again under bondage by means for which the West India Islands furnished the leverage; for "the trade carried on by Great Britain with the countries now become the United States was, and still is, so connected with the trade carried on to the remaining British colonies in America, and the British islands in the West Indies, that it is impossible to form a true judgment of the past and present of the first, without taking a comprehensive view of all, as they are connected with, and influence, each other."[58] Before the peace of 1783, the writings of Adam Smith had gravely shaken belief in the mercantile system of extraordinary trade regulation and protection as conducive to national prosperity. Though undermined, however, it had not been overthrown; and even to doubters there remained the exception, which Smith himself admitted, of the necessity to protect navigation as a nursery for the navy, and consequently as a fundamental means of national defence. Existence takes precedence of prosperity; the life is more than the meat. Commercial regulation, though unfitted to increase wealth, could be justified as a means to promote ship-building; to retain ship-builders in the country; to husband the raw materials of their work; to force the transport of merchandise in British-built ships and by British seamen; and thus to induce capital to invest, and men to embark their lives, in maritime trade, to the multiplication of ships and seamen, the chief dependence of the nation in war. "Keeping ships for freight," said Sheffield, "is not the most profitable branch of trade. It is necessary, for the sake of our marine, to force or encourage it by exclusive advantages." "Comparatively with the number of our people and the extent of our country, we are doomed almost always to wage unequal war; and as a means of raising seamen it cannot be too often repeated that it is not possible to be too jealous on the head of navigation." He proceeds then at once to draw the distinction between the protection of navigation and that of commerce generally. "This jealousy should not be confounded with that towards neighboring countries as to trade and manufactures; nor is the latter jealousy in many instances reasonable or well founded. Competition is useful, forcing our manufacturers to act fairly, and to work reasonably." Sheffield was the most conspicuous, and probably the most influential, of the controversialists on this side of the question at this period; the interest of the public is shown by his pamphlet passing through six editions in a twelvemonth. He was, however, far from singular in this view. Chalmers, a writer of much research, said likewise: "In these considerations of nautical force and public safety we discover the fundamental principle of Acts of Navigation, which, though established in opposition to domestic and foreign clamors, have produced so great an augmentation of our native shipping and sailors, and which therefore should not be sacrificed to any projects of private gain,"--that is, of commercial advantage. "There are intelligent persons who suggest that the imposing of alien duties on alien ships, rather than on alien merchandise, would augment our naval strength."[59] Colonies therefore were esteemed desirable to this end chiefly. To use the expression of a French officer,[60] they were the fruitful nursery of seamen. French writers of that day considered their West India islands the chief nautical support of the state. But in order to secure this, it was necessary to exercise complete control of their trade inward and outward; of the supplies they needed as well as of the products they raised, and especially to confine the carriage of both to national shipping. "The only use and advantage of the (remaining) American colonies[61] or West India islands to Great Britain," says Sheffield, "are the monopoly of their consumption and the carriage of their produce. It is the advantage to our navigation which in any degree countervails the enormous expense of protecting our islands. Rather than give up their carrying trade it would be better to give up themselves." The _entrepôt_ system herein found additional justification, for not only did it foster navigation by the homeward voyage, confined to British ships, and extort toll in transit, but the re-exportation made a double voyage which was more than doubly fruitful in seamen; for from the nearness of the British Islands to the European continent, which held the great body of consumers, this second carriage could be done, and actually was done, by numerous small vessels, able to bear a short voyage but not to brave an Atlantic passage. Economically, trade by many small vessels is more expensive than by a few large, because for a given aggregate tonnage it requires many more men; but this economical loss was thought to be more than compensated by the political gain in multiplying seamen. It was estimated in 1795 that there was a difference of from thirty-five to forty men in carrying the same quantity of goods in one large or ten small vessels. This illustrates aptly the theory of the Navigation Act, which sought wealth indeed, but, as then understood, subordinated that consideration distinctly to the superior need of increasing the resources of the country in ships and seamen. Moreover, the men engaged in these short voyages were more immediately at hand for impressment in war, owing to the narrow range of their expeditions and their frequent returns to home ports. In 1783, therefore, the Navigation Act had become in general acceptance a measure not merely commercial, but military. It was defended chiefly as essential to the naval power of Great Britain, which rested upon the sure foundation of maritime resources thus laid. Nor need this view excite derision to-day, for it compelled then the adhesion of an American who of all in his time was most adverse to the general commercial policy of Great Britain. In a report on the subject made to Congress in 1793, by Jefferson, as Secretary of State, he said: "Our navigation involves still higher considerations than our commerce. As a branch of industry it is valuable, but as a resource of defence essential. It will admit neither neglect nor forbearance. The position and circumstances of the United States leave them nothing to fear on their land-board; ... but on their seaboard they are open to injury, and they have there too a commerce (coasting) which must be protected. This can only be done by possessing a respectable body of citizen-seamen, and of artists and establishments in readiness for ship-building."[62] The limitations of Jefferson's views appear here clearly, in the implicit relegation of defence, not to a regular and trained navy, but to the occasional unskilled efforts of a distinctly civil force; but no stronger recognition of the necessities of Great Britain could be desired, for her nearness to the great military states of the world deprived her land-board of the security which the remoteness of the United States assured. With such stress laid upon the vital importance of merchant seamen to national safety, it is but a step in thought to perceive how inevitable was the jealousy and indignation felt in Great Britain, when she found her fleets, both commercial and naval, starving for want of seamen, who had sought refuge from war in the American merchant service, and over whom the American Government, actually weak and but yesterday vassal, sought to extend its protection from impressment. Up to the War of American Independence, the singular geographical situation of Great Britain, inducing her to maritime enterprise and exempting her from territorial warfare, with the financial and commercial pre-eminence she had then maintained for three-fourths of a century, gave her peculiar advantages for enforcing a policy which until that time had thriven conspicuously, if somewhat illusively, in its commercial results, and had substantially attained its especial object of maritime preponderance. Other peoples had to submit to the compulsion exerted by her overweening superiority. The obligation upon foreign shipping to be three-fourths manned by their own citizens, for instance, rested only upon a British law, and applied only in a British port; but the accumulations of British capital, with the consequent facility for mercantile operations and ability to extend credits, the development of British manufactures, the extent of the British carrying trade, the enforced storage of colonial products in British territory, with the correlative obligation that foreign goods for her numerous and increasing colonists must first be brought to her shores and thence transshipped,--all these circumstances made the British islands a centre for export and import, towards which foreign shipping was unavoidably drawn and so brought under the operation of the law. The nation had so far out-distanced competition that her supremacy was unassailable, and remained unimpaired for a century longer. To it had contributed powerfully the economical distribution of her empire, greatly diversified in particulars, yet symmetrical in the capacity of one part to supply what the other lacked. There was in the whole a certain self-sufficingness, resembling that claimed in this age for the United States, with its compact territory but wide extremes of boundary, climates, and activities. This condition, while it lasted, in large degree justified the Navigation Act, which may be summarily characterized as a great protective measure, applied to the peculiar conditions of a particular maritime empire, insuring reciprocal and exclusive benefit to the several parts. It was uncompromisingly logical in its action, not hesitating at rigid prohibition of outside competition. Protection, in its best moral sense, may be defined as the regulation of all the business of the nation, considered as an interrelated whole, by the Government, for the best interests of the entire community, likewise regarded as a whole. This the Navigation Act did for over a century after its enactment; and it may be plausibly argued that, as a war resort at least, it afterwards measurably strengthened the hands of Great Britain during the wars of the French Revolution. No men suffered more than did the West India planters from its unrelieved enforcement after 1783; yet in their vehement remonstrance they said: "The policy of the Act is justly popular. Its regulations, until the loss of America, under the various relaxations which Parliament has applied to particular events and exigencies as they arose, have guided the course of trade without oppressing it; for the markets which those regulations left open to the consumption of the produce of the colonies were sufficient to take off the whole, and no foreign country could have supplied the essential part of their wants materially cheaper than the colonies of the mother country could supply one another." Thus things were, or were thought to be, up to the time when the revolt of the continental colonies made a breach in the wall of reciprocal benefit by which the whole had been believed to be enclosed. The products of the colonies sustained the commercial prosperity of the mother country, ministering to her export trade, and supplying a reserve of consumers for her monopoly of manufactures, which they were forbidden to establish for themselves, or to receive from foreigners. She on her part excluded from the markets of the empire foreign articles which her colonies produced, constituting for them a monopoly of the imperial home market, as well in Great Britain as in the sister colonies. The carriage of the whole was confined to British navigation, the maintenance of which by this means raised the British Navy to the mastery of the seas, enabling it to afford to the entire system a protection, of which convincing and brilliant evidence had been afforded during the then recent Seven Years' War. As a matter of political combination and adjustment, for peace or for war, the general result appeared to most men of that day to be consummate in conception and in development, and therefore by all means to be perpetuated. In that light men of to-day must realize it, if they would adequately understand the influence exercised by this prepossession upon the course of events which for the United States issued in the War of 1812. In this picture, so satisfactory as a whole, there had been certain shadows menacing to the future. Already, in the colonial period, these had been recognized by some in Great Britain as predictive of increasing practical independence on the part of the continental colonies, with results injurious to the empire at large, and to the particular welfare of the mother kingdom. In the last analysis, this danger arose from the fact that, unlike the tropical West Indies, these children were for the most part too like their parent in political and economical character, and in permanent natural surroundings. There was, indeed, a temporary variation of activities between the new communities, where the superabundance of soil kept handicrafts in abeyance, and the old country, where agriculture was already failing to produce food sufficient for the population, and men were being forced into manufactures and their export as a means of livelihood. There was also a difference in their respective products which ministered to beneficial exchange. Nevertheless, in their tendencies and in their disposition, Great Britain and the United States at bottom were then not complementary, but rivals. The true complement of both was the West Indies; and for these the advantage of proximity, always great, and especially so with regard to the special exigencies of the islands, lay with the United States. Hence it came to pass that the trade with the West Indies, which then had almost a monopoly of sugar and coffee production for the world, became the most prominent single factor in the commercial contentions between the two countries, and in the arbitrary commercial ordinances of Great Britain, which step by step led the two nations into war. The precedent struggle was over a market; artificial regulation and superior naval power seeking to withstand the natural course of things, and long successfully retarding it. The suspension of intercourse during the War of Independence had brought the economical relations into stronger relief, and accomplished independence threatened the speedy realization of their tendencies. There were two principal dangers dreaded by Great Britain. The West India plantation industry had depended upon the continental colonies for food supplies, and to a considerable extent also financially; because these alone were the consumers of one important product--rum. Again, ship-building and the carrying trade of the empire had passed largely into the hands of the continental colonists, keeping on that side of the Atlantic, it was asserted, a great number of British-born seamen. While vessels from America visited many parts of the world, the custom-house returns showed that of the total inward and outward tonnage of the thirteen colonies, over sixty per cent had been either coastwise or with the West Indies; and this left out of account the considerable number engaged in smuggling. Of the remainder, barely twenty-five per cent went to Great Britain or Ireland. In short, there had been building upon the western side of the ocean, under the colonial connection, a rival maritime system, having its own products, its own special markets, and its own carrying trade. The latter also, being done by very small vessels, adapted to the short transit, had created for itself, or absorbed from elsewhere, a separate and proportionately large maritime population, rivalling that of the home country, while yet remaining out of easy reach of impressment and remote from immediate interest in European wars. One chief object of the Navigation Act was thus thwarted; and indeed, as might be anticipated from quotations already made, it was upon this that British watchfulness more particularly centred. As far as possible all interchange was to be internal to the empire, a kind of coasting trade, which would naturally, as well as by statute, fall to British shipping. Protective regulation therefore should develop in the several parts those productions which other parts needed,--the material of commerce; but where this could not be done, and supplies must be sought outside, they should go and come in British vessels, navigated according to the Act. "Our country," wrote Sheffield, in concluding his work, "does not entirely depend upon the monopoly of the commerce of the thirteen American states, and it is by no means necessary to sacrifice any part of our carrying trade for imaginary advantages never to be attained."[63] A further injury was done by the cheapness with which the Americans built and sold ships, owing to their abundance of timber. They built them not only to order, but as it were for a market. Although acceptable to the mercantile interest, and even indirectly beneficial by sparing the resources for building ships of war, this was an invasion of the manufacturing industry of the kingdom, in a particular peculiarly conducive to naval power. The returns of the British underwriters for twenty-seven shipping ports of Great Britain and Ireland, during a series of years immediately preceding the American revolt, no ship being counted twice, showed the British-built vessels entered to be 3,908, and the American 2,311.[64] The tonnage of the latter was more than one-third of the total. The intercourse between the American continent and the West Indies, not included in this reckoning, was almost wholly in American bottoms. The proportion of American-built shipping in the total of the empire is hence apparent, as well as the growth of the ship-building industry. This of course was accompanied by a tendency of mechanics, as well as seamen, to remove to a situation so favorable for employment. But the maintenance of home facilities for building ships was as essential to the development of naval power as was the fostering of a class of seamen. In this respect, therefore, the ship-building of America was detrimental to the objects of the Navigation Act; and the evil threatened to increase, because of a discernible approaching shortness of suitable timber in the overtaxed forests of Europe. Such being the apparent tendency of things, owing to circumstances relatively permanent in character, the habit of mind traditional with British merchants and statesmen, formed by the accepted colonial and mercantile systems, impelled them at once to prohibitory measures of counteraction, as soon as the colonies, naturally rival, had become by independence a foreign nation. For a moment, indeed, it appeared that broader views might prevail, based upon a sounder understanding of actual conditions and of the principles of international commerce. The second William Pitt was Chancellor of the Exchequer at the time the provisional articles of peace with the United States were signed, in November, 1782; and in March, 1783, he introduced into the House of Commons a bill for regulating temporarily the intercourse between the two nations, so far as dependent upon the action of Great Britain, until it should be possible to establish a mutual arrangement by treaty. This measure reflected not only a general attitude of good will towards America, characteristic of both father and son, but also the impression which had been made upon the younger man by the writings of Adam Smith. Professing as its objects "to establish intercourse on the most enlarged principles of reciprocal benefit," and "to evince the disposition of Great Britain to be on terms of most perfect amity with the United States of America," the bill admitted the ships and vessels of the United States, with the merchandise on board, into all the ports of Great Britain in the same manner as the vessels of other independent states; that is, manned three-fourths by American seamen. This preserved the main restrictions of the Navigation Act, protective of British navigation; but the merchandise, even if brought in American ships, was relieved of all alien duties. These, however, wherever still existing for other nations, were light, and this remission slight;[65] a more substantial concession was a rebate upon all exports from Great Britain to the United States, equal to that allowed upon goods exported to the colonies. As regarded intercourse with the West Indies, there was to be made in favor of the thirteen states a special and large remission in the rigor of the Act; one affecting both commerce and navigation. To British colonies, by long-standing proscription, no ships except British had been admitted to export or import. By the proposed measure, the United States, alone among the nations of the world, were to be allowed to import freely any goods whatsoever, of their own growth, produce, or manufacture, in their own ships; on the same terms exactly as British vessels, if these should engage in the traffic between the American continent and the islands. Similarly, freedom to export colonial produce was granted to American bottoms from the West Indies to the United States. Both exports and imports, thus to be authorized, were to be "liable to the same duties and charges only as the same merchandise would be subject to, if it were the property of British native-born subjects, and imported in British ships, navigated by British seamen."[66] In short, while the primary purpose doubtless was the benefit of the islands, the effect of the measure, as regarded the West India trade, was to restore the citizens of the now independent states to the privileges they had enjoyed as colonists. The carrying trade between the islands and the continent was conceded to them, and past experience gave ground to believe it would be by them absorbed. It was over this concession that the storm of controversy arose and raged, until the outbreak of the French Revolution, by the conservative reaction it provoked in other governments, arrested for the time any change of principle in regard to colonial administration, whatever modifications might from time to time be induced by momentary exigencies of policy. The question immediately argued was probably on all hands less one of principle than of expediency. Superior as commercial prosperity and the preservation of peace were to most other motives in the interest of Pitt's mind, he doubtless would have admitted, along with his most earnest opponents, that the fostering of the national carrying trade, as a nursery to the navy and so contributory to national defence, took precedence of purely commercial legislation. With all good-will to America, his prime object necessarily was the welfare of Great Britain; but this he, contrary to the mass of public opinion, conceived to lie in the restoration of the old intercourse between the two peoples, modified as little as possible by the new condition of independence. He trusted that the habit of receiving everything from England, the superiority of British manufactures, a common tongue, and commercial correspondences only temporarily interrupted by the war, would tend to keep the new states customers of Great Britain chiefly, as they had been before; and what they bought they must pay for by sending their own products in return. This constraint of routine and convenience received additional force from the scarcity of capital in America, and its abundance in Great Britain, relatively to the rest of Europe. The wealthiest nation could hold the Americans by their need of accommodations which others could not extend. In so far there probably was a general substantial agreement in Great Britain. The Americans had been consumers to over double the amount of the West Indies before the war, and it was desirable to retain their custom. Nor was the anticipation of success deceived. Nine years later, despite the rejection of Pitt's measure, an experienced American complained "that we draw so large a proportion of our manufactures from one nation. The other European nations have had the eight years of the war (of Independence) exclusively, and the nine years of peace in fair competition, and do not yet supply us with manufactures equivalent to half of the stated value of the shoes made by ourselves."[67] In the first year of the government under the Constitution, from August, 1789, to September 30, 1790, after seven years of independence, out of a total of not quite $20,000,000 imports to the United States, over $15,000,000 were from the dominions of Great Britain;[68] and nearly half the exports went to the same destination, either as raw material for manufactures, or as to the distributing centre for Europe. The commercial dependence is evident; it had rather increased than diminished since the Peace. As regards American navigation, the showing was somewhat better; but even here 217,000 tons British had entered United States ports, against a total of only 355,000 American. As of the latter only 50,000 had sailed from Great Britain, it is clear that the empire had retained its hold upon its carrying trade, throughout the years intervening between the Peace and the adoption of the Constitution. As regards the commercial relations between the two nations, these results corresponded in the main with the expectations of those who frustrated Pitt's measure. He had conceived, however, that it was wise for Great Britain not only to preserve a connection so profitable, but also to develop it; to multiply the advantage by steps which would promote the prosperity and consequent purchasing power of the communities involved. This was the object of his proposed concession. During the then recent war, no part of the British dominions--save besieged Gibraltar--had suffered so severely as the West Indies. Though other causes concurred, this was due chiefly to the cessation of communications with the revolted colonies, entailing failure of supplies indispensable to their industries. Despite certain alleviations incidental to the war, such as the capture of American vessels bound to foreign islands, and the demand for tropical products by the British armies and fleets, there had been great misery among the population, as well as financial loss. The restoration of commercial intercourse would benefit the continent as well as the islands; but the latter more. The prosperity of both would redound to the welfare of Great Britain; for the one, though now politically independent, was chained to her commercial system by imperative circumstances, while of the trade of the other she would have complete monopoly, except for this tolerance of a strictly local traffic with the adjoining continent. As for British navigation, the supreme interest, Pitt believed that it would receive more enlargement from the increase of productiveness in the islands, and of consequent demand for British manufactures, than it would suffer loss by American navigation. More commerce, more ships. Then, as at the present day, the interests of Great Britain and of the United States, in their relations to a matter of common external concern, were not opposed, but complementary; for the prosperity of the islands through America would make for the prosperity of Great Britain through the islands. This, however, was just the point disputed; and, in default of the experience which the coming years were to furnish, fears not wholly unreasonable, from the particular point of view of sea power, as then understood, were aroused by the known facts of American shipping enterprise, both as ship-builders and carriers, even under colonial trammels. John Adams, who was minister to Great Britain from 1785 to 1788, had frequent cause to note the deep and general apprehension there entertained of the United States as a rival maritime state. The question of admission to the colonial trade, as it presented itself to most men of the day, was one of defence and of offence, and was complicated by several considerations. As a matter of fact, there was no denying the existence of that transatlantic commercial system, in which the former colonies had been so conspicuous a factor, the sole source of certain supplies to an important market, reflecting therein exactly Great Britain's own position relatively to the consumers of the European continent. The prospect of reviving what had always been an _imperium in imperio_, but now uncontrolled by the previous conditions of political subjection, seemed ominous; and besides, there was cherished the hope, ill-founded and delusive though it was, that the integrity of the empire as a self-sufficing whole, broken by recent revolt, might be restored by strong measures, coercive towards the commerce of the United States, and protective towards Canada and the other remaining continental colonies. It was believed by some that the agriculture, shipping, and fisheries of Canada, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland, despite the obstacles placed by nature, could be so fostered as to supply the needs of the West Indies, and to develop also a population of consumers bound to take off British manufactures, as the lost colonists used to do. This may be styled the constructive idea, in Sheffield's series of propositions, looking to the maintenance of the British carrying trade at the expense of that of the United States. This expectation proved erroneous. Up to and through the War of 1812, the British provinces, so far from having a surplus for export, had often to depend upon the United States for much of the supplies which Sheffield expected them to send to the West Indies. The proposition was strongly supported also by a wish to aid the American loyalists, who, to the number of many thousands, had fled from the old colonies to take refuge in the less hospitable North. These men, deprived of their former resources, and having a new start in life to make, desired that the West India market should be reserved for them, to build up their local industries. Their influence was exerted in opposition to the planters, and the mother country justly felt itself bound to their relief by strong obligation. Conjoined to this was doubtless the less worthy desire to punish the successful rebellion, as well as to hinder the growth of a competitor. "If I had not been here and resided here some time," wrote John Adams, in 1785, "I should not have believed, nor could have conceived, such an union of all Parliamentary factions against us, which is a demonstration of the unpopularity of our cause."[69] "Their direct object is not so much the increase of their own wealth, ships, or sailors, as the diminution of ours. A jealousy of our naval power is the true motive, the real passion which actuates them. They consider the United States as their rival, and the most dangerous rival they have in the world. I can see clearly they are less afraid of the augmentation of French ships and sailors than American. They think they foresee that if the United States had the same fisheries, carrying trade, and same market for ready-built ships, they had ten years ago, they would be in so respectable a position, and in so happy circumstances, that British seamen, manufacturers, and merchants too, would hurry over to them."[70] These statements, drawn from Adams's association with many men, reflect so exactly the line of argument in the best known of the many controversial pamphlets published about that time,--Lord Sheffield's "Observations on the Commerce of the American States,"--as to prove that it represented correctly a preponderant popular feeling, not only adverse to the restoration of the colonial privileges contemplated by Pitt, but distinctly inimical to the new nation; a feeling born of past defeat and of present apprehension. Inextricably associated with this feeling was the conviction that the navigation supported by the sugar islands, being a monopoly always under the control of the mother country, and ministering to the _entrepôt_ on which so much other shipping depended, was the one sure support of the general carrying trade of the nation. "Considering the bulk of West India commodities," Sheffield had written, "and the universality and extent of the consumption of sugar, a consumption still in its infancy even in Europe, and still more in America, it is not improbable that in a few ages the nation which may be in possession of the most extensive and best cultivated sugar islands, _subject to a proper policy_,[71] will take the lead at sea." Men of all schools concurred in this general view, which is explanatory of much of the course pursued by the British Government, alike in military enterprise, commercial regulation, and political belligerent measures, during the approaching twenty years of war with France. It underlay Pitt's subsequent much derided, but far from unwise, care to get the whole West India region under British control, by conquering its sugar islands. It underlay also the other measures, either instituted or countenanced by him, or inherited from his general war policy, which led through ever increasing exasperation to the war with the United States. The question, however, remained, "What is the proper policy conducive to the end which all desire?" Those who thought with Pitt in 1783 urged that to increase the facilities of the islands, by abundant supplies from the nearest and best source, in America, would so multiply the material of commerce as most to promote the necessary navigation. The West India planters pressed this view with forcible logic. "Navigation and naval power are not the parents of commerce, but its happy fruits. If mutual wants did not furnish the subject of intercourse between distant countries, there would soon be an end of navigation. The carrying trade is of great importance, but it is of greater still to have trade to carry." To this the reply substantially was that if the trade were thrown open to Americans, by allowing them to carry in their own vessels, the impetus so given to their navigation, with the cheapness of their ships, owing to the cheapness of materials, would make them carriers to the whole world, breaking up the monopoly of British merchants, and supplanting the employment of British ships. A few statesmen, more far seeing and deeper reasoning,--notably Edmund Burke,--came to Pitt's support, and the West India proprietors, largely resident in England, by their knowledge of details contributed much to elucidate the facts; but their efforts were unavailing. Their argument ran thus: "Only the American continent can furnish at reasonable rates the animals required for the agriculture of the islands, the food for the slaves, the lumber for buildings and for packing produce. Only the continent will take the rum which Europe refuses, and with which the planter pays his running expenses. Owing to irreversible currents of trade, neither British nor island shipping can carry this traffic at a profit to themselves, except by ruinously overcharging the planter. Americans only can do it. Concede the exchange by this means, and the development of sugar and coffee raising, owing to their bulk as freight, will enlarge British shipping to Europe by an amount much beyond that lost in the local transport. Of the European carriage you will retain a monopoly, as you will of the produce, which goes into your storehouses alone; whence you reap the advantage of brokerage and incidental handling, at the expense of the continental consumer, while your home navigation is enlarged by its export. Refuse this privilege, and your islands sink under French and Spanish competition. French Santo Domingo, especially, exceeds by far all your possessions, both in the extent of soil and quality of product." Very shortly they were able also to say that the French allowed ships to be bought from Americans; and, although in their treaty with the United States they had refused free intercourse to American vessels, a royal ordinance of 1784 permitted it to vessels of under sixty tons' burden. Within a month of the introduction of Pitt's bill the ministry to which he then belonged fell. The one which followed refrained from dealing at all with the subject, except by recourse to an expedient not uncommon with party leaders, dealing with a new question of admitted intricacy. They passed a bill leaving the whole matter to the Crown for executive action. Accordingly, in July, 1783, a proclamation was issued permitting intercourse between the islands and the American continent, in a long list of specified articles, but only by British ships, owned and navigated as required by the Navigation Act. American vessels were excluded by omission, and while most necessaries for food, agriculture, and commerce were admitted, one staple article, salt fish, urgently requested by the planters, was forbidden. This was partly to encourage the Newfoundland fisheries and those of Great Britain, and partly to injure American. Both objects were in the line of the Navigation Act, to foster home navigation and impede that of foreigners; fisheries being considered a prime support of each. A generation before, the elder Pitt had inveighed against the Peace of Paris, in 1763, on account of the concession of the cod fisheries. "You leave to France," he said, "the opportunity of reviving her navy." Before the separation, the near and great market of the West India negro population had consumed one-third of the American catch of fish. So profitable a condition could no longer be continued. Salt provisions also, butter, and cheese, were not allowed, being reserved for Irish producers.[72] The next December the enabling bill was renewed and the proclamation re-issued. At this moment Pitt returned to office. A few months later, in the spring of 1784, Parliament was dissolved, and the ensuing elections carried him into power at the head of a great majority. He made no immediate attempt to resume legislation favoring the American trade with the West Indies. The disposition of the majority of Englishmen in the matter had been plainly shown, and other more urgent commercial reforms engaged his attention. Soon after the receipt of the news in America, some of the states passed retaliatory measures, on their own account, or authorized the Continental Congress so to act for them. The bad feeling already caused by the non-fulfilment, on both sides, of certain stipulations of the treaty of peace was particularly exasperated by this proclamation; for anticipation, aroused by Pitt's proposed measure, had been nursed into confident expectation during the four months' interval, in which intercourse had been openly or tacitly allowed. It was at this period that Nelson first came conspicuously into public notice, by checking the connivance of the West Indian governors in the infractions of the Navigation Laws; the Act authorizing commanders of Kings' ships to seize offending vessels, and bring them before the Court of Admiralty.[73] It is said also that his experience had much to do with shaping subsequent legislation upon the same prohibitory lines. In America disappointment was bitter. Little concern was felt in England. Concerted action by several states was thought most unlikely, and a more perfect union impossible. While Massachusetts, for example, in 1785 forbade import or export in any vessel belonging in whole or in part to British subjects, the state then next to her in maritime importance, Pennsylvania, in 1786 repealed laws imposing extra charges on British ships, and admitted all nations on equal terms with her sister states. "The ministry in England," wrote Adams, "build all their hopes and schemes upon the supposition of such divisions in America as will forever prevent a combination of the States, either in prohibition or in retaliatory duties."[74] Effective retaliation consequently was not feared, and as for results otherwise, it was doubtless thought best to await the test of experience. Proclamation, annually authorized and re-issued, remained therefore the mode of regulating commerce between the British dominions and the United States up to the date of Jay's treaty. Once only, in 1788, Parliament interfered so far as to pass a law, confining the trade with the West Indies to British-built ships and to certain enumerated articles, in the strict spirit of the Navigation system. Otherwise, intercourse with the United States was throughout this period subject at any moment to be modified or annulled by the single will of the Executive; whereas that with other nations, fixed by statute,--the Navigation Act,--could be altered only by the legislature.[75] Of this British commercial policy, following immediately upon the recognition of independence, Americans had not the slightest reason to complain. They had insisted upon being independent, and it would be babyish to fret about the consequences, when unpalatable. It was unpleasant to find that Great Britain, satisfied that the carrying trade was the first of her interests, upon which depended her naval supremacy, rigorously excluded Americans from branches of that trade before permitted to them; but in so doing she was simply seeking her own advantage by means of her own laws, as a nation does, for instance, when it imposes heavy protective duties. It is quite as legitimate to protect the carrying trade as any other form of industry; and the Navigation Act was no new device, for the special annoyance of Americans. It is very possible that the action of Great Britain at this time was so stupid, that, to use words of Jefferson's, the only way to prophesy what she would do was to ascertain what she ought to do, and infer the contrary. The rule, he said, never failed. This particular stupidity, if such it were,--and there was at least partial ground for the charge,--was simply another case of a most common form of human dulness of perception, preoccupation with a fixed idea. But were the policy wise or foolish, as regards herself, towards the Americans it was not a wrong, but an injury; and, consequently, what the newly independent people had to do was not to complain, but to strike back with retaliatory commercial measures. Jefferson, no friend generally to coercive action, wrote concerning this particular situation, "It is not to the moderation or justice of others we are to trust for fair and equal access to market with our productions, or for our due share in the transportation of them; but to our own means of independence, and the firm will to use them."[76] Equally, when Great Britain, under the emergencies of the French Revolution, resorted to measures that overpassed her rights, either municipal or international, and infringed our own, the resort should have been to the remedy with which nations defend their rights, as distinct from their interest. The American people, then poor, and habituated to colonial dependence, failed to create for themselves in due time the power necessary to self-assertion; nor did they as a nation realize, what men like John Adams and Gouverneur Morris saw and preached, that in the complicated tangle of warring interests which constitutes every contemporary situation, the influence of any single factor depends, not merely upon its own value, but upon that value taken in connection with other conditions. A pound is but a pound; but when the balance is nearly equal, a pound may turn a scale. Because America could not possibly put afloat the hundred--or two hundred--ships-of-the-line which Great Britain had in commission, therefore, many argued, as many do to-day, it was vain to have any navy. "I believe," wrote Morris in 1794,[77] and few men better understood financial conditions, "that we could now maintain twelve ships-of-the-line, perhaps twenty, with a due proportion of frigates and smaller vessels. And I am tolerably certain that, while the United States of America pursue a just and liberal conduct, _with twenty sail-of-the-line at sea_, no nation on earth will dare to insult them. I believe also, that, not to mention individual losses, five years of war would involve more national expense than the support of a navy for twenty years. One thing I am thoroughly convinced of, that, if we do not render ourselves respectable, we shall continue to be insulted." A singular, and too much disregarded, instance of the insults to which the United States was exposed, by the absence of naval strength, is found in the action of the Barbary Powers towards our commerce, which scarcely dared to enter the Mediterranean. It is less known that this condition of things was eminently satisfactory to British politicians of the old-fashioned school, and as closely linked as was the Navigation system itself to the ancient rivalry with Holland. "Our ships," wrote the Dutch statesman De Witt, who died in 1672, "should be well guarded by convoy against the Barbary pirates. Yet it would by no means be proper to free that sea of those pirates, because we should hereby be put upon the same footing with East-landers, [_i.e._, Baltic nations, Denmark, Sweden, etc.] English, Spaniards, and Italians; wherefore it is best to leave that thorn in the sides of those nations, whereby they will be distressed in that trade, while we by convoy engross all the European traffic and navigation."[78] This cynical philosophy was echoed in 1784 by the cultured English statesman, Lord Sheffield, the intimate friend of the historian Gibbon, and editor of his memoirs. "If the great maritime powers know their interests," he wrote, "they will not encourage the Americans to be carriers. That the Barbary States are an advantage to the maritime powers is obvious. If they were suppressed, the little states of Italy, etc., would have much more of the carrying trade. The Armed Neutrality would be as hurtful to the great maritime powers as the Barbary States are useful."[79] It may be a novel thought to many Americans, that at that time American commerce in the Mediterranean depended largely for protection upon Portuguese cruisers; its own country extending none. When peace was unexpectedly made between Portugal and Algiers in 1793, through the interposition of a British consular officer, a wail of dismay went up to heaven from American shipmen. "The conduct of the British in this business," wrote the American consul at Lisbon, "leaves no room to doubt or mistake their object, which was evidently aimed at us, and that they will leave nothing unattempted to effect our ruin." It proved, indeed, that the British consul's action was not that of his Government, but taken on his own initiative; but the incident not only recalls the ideas of the time, long since forgotten, but in its indications, both of British commercial security and American exposure, illustrates the theory of the Navigation Act as to the reciprocal influence of the naval and merchant services. There was then nothing, in the economical conditions of the United States, to forbid a navy stronger than the Portuguese; yet the consul, in his pitiful appeal to the Portuguese Court, had to write: "My countrymen have been led into their present embarrassment by confiding in the friendship, power, and protection of her Most Faithful Majesty," ... which "lulled our citizens into a fatal security."[80] Our lamentable dependence upon others, for the respect we should have extorted ourselves, is shown in the instructions issued to Jay, on his mission to England in 1794. "It may be represented to the British Ministry, how productive of perfect conciliation it might be to the people of the United States, if Great Britain would use her influence with the Dey of Algiers for the liberation of the American citizens in captivity, and for a peace upon reasonable terms. It has been communicated from abroad, to be the fixed policy of Great Britain to check our trade in grain to the Mediterranean. This is too doubtful to be assumed, but fit for inquiry."[81] The Dey had declared war in 1785, this being with the Barbary rulers the customary method of opening piratical action. "If the Dey makes peace with every one," said one of his captains to Nelson, "what is he to do with his ships?" The experience of the succeeding fifteen years was to give ample demonstration of the truth of Morris's prophecy; but what is interesting now to observe is, that he, who certainly did not imagine twenty ships to be equal to a hundred, accurately estimated the deterrent force of such a body, prepared to act upon an enemy's communications,--or interests,--at a great distance from the strategic centre of operations. A valuable military lesson of the War of 1812 is just this: that a comparatively small force--a few frigates and sloops--placed as the United States Navy was, can exercise an influence utterly disproportionate to its own strength. Instances of Great Britain's extremity, subsequent to Morris's prediction, are easily cited. In 1796, her fleet was forced to abandon the Mediterranean. In 1799, a year after the Nile, Nelson had to implore a small Portuguese division not to relinquish the blockade of Malta, which he could not otherwise maintain. Under such conditions, apprehension of even a slight additional burden of hostility imposes restraint. Had Morris's navy existed in 1800, we probably should have had no War of 1812; that is, if Jefferson's passion for peace, and abhorrence of navies, could have been left out of the account. War, as Napoleon said, is a business of positions. The commercial importance of the United States, and the position of its navy relatively to the major interests of Great Britain, would together have produced an effect, to which, under the political emergency of the time, the mere commercial retaliation then attempted was quite inadequate. This distressed the enemy, but did not reduce him; and it bitterly alienated a large part of our own community, so that we went into the war a discordant, almost a disunited, nation. During the years of American impotence under the early confederation, the trade regulations of the British Government, framed on the lines advocated by Lord Sheffield, met with a measure of success which was perhaps more apparent than real; due attention being scarcely paid to the actual loss entailed upon British planters by the heightened cost of supplies, and the consequent effect upon British commerce and navigation. "Under the present limited intercourse with America," wrote the planter, Edwards, "the West Indies are subject to three sets of devouring monopolies: 1, the British ship-owners; 2, their agents in American ports; 3, their agents in the ports of the islands; all of whom exact an unnatural profit of the planters."[82] Chalmers, looking only to the navigation of the kingdom, which these culprits represented, admits that in the principal supplies Great Britain cannot compete with America; but, "whatever may be the difference in price to the West Indians, this is but a small equivalent which they ought to pay to the British consumer, for enjoying the exclusive supply of sugar, rum, and other West India products."[83] A few figures show conclusively that under all disadvantages the islands increased in actual prosperity, although they fell behind their French competitors, favored by a more liberal policy. In the quiet year 1770, before the revolt of the continent, the British West Indies shipped to the home country produce amounting to £3,279,204;[84] in 1787 this had risen to £4,839,145,[85] a gain of over 30 per cent. Between the same years, exports to the United States, limited after the peace to British ships, had fallen from £481,407 to £196,461. American produce, confined to British bottoms for admission to British colonies, had gone largely to the French islands, with which before the Revolution they could have only surreptitious intercourse. The result was that the British planter had to pay much more for his plantation supplies than did the French, who were furnished by American vessels, built and run much cheaper than British.[86] He was rigidly forbidden also to seek stores in the French islands. Such circuitous intercourse with America, by depriving British ships of the long voyage to the continent, would place the French islands in the obnoxious relation of _entrepôt_ to their neighbors, which Holland had once occupied towards England. In all legislation minute care was taken to prevent such injury to navigation. Direct trade with British dominions was the fetich of British policy; circuitous trade its abomination. Despite drawbacks, a distinct advance was observable also in British navigation; in the development of the British-American colonies, continental and island; and in the intercolonial intercourse and shipping. Immediately after the institution of the new government, the United States enacted laws protective of her own navigation; notably by an alien duty laid upon all foreign tonnage. To consider the probable effects of this legislation, and of the new American institutions, upon British commerce and navigation, a committee of the Privy Council was appointed, to which we owe a digested and authoritative summary of the change of conditions effected by the British measures, between 1783 and 1790. From its report, based upon averages of several years, it appears that in the direct trade between Great Britain and the United States, in which American ships stood on equal terms with British, there had been little variation in value of imports or exports, with the single exception of tobacco and rice. These two articles, which formerly had to pass through Great Britain as an _entrepôt_, now went direct to their destination. The American shipping--navigation--employed in the trade with Great Britain herself, was only one-third of the British; the respective tonnage being 26,564 and 52,595. As this was nearly the proportion of American to British built ships in the colonial period, American shipping before the adoption of the Constitution had not gained at all, under the most favorable treatment conceded to it in British dominions. The Report, indeed, estimated that it had lost by nearly 20 per cent.[87] In the colonial trade, on the other hand, very marked British gains could be reported. The commercially backward communities of Canada, etc., forbidden now to admit American ships, or to import many articles from the United States, and given special privileges in the West Indies, had more than doubled their imports from the mother country; the amount rising from £379,411 to £829,088. These sums are not to be regarded in their own triviality, but as harbingers of a development, which it was hoped would fill the void in the British imperial system caused by the loss of the former colonies. The West Indies showed a more gradual increase, though still satisfactory; their exports since 1774 had risen 20 per cent. It was, however, in navigation, avowedly the chief aim of the protective legislation, that the intercolonial results were most encouraging. Through the exclusion of American competition, British tonnage to Canada and the neighboring colonies had enlarged fourfold, from 11,219 to 46,106. The national tonnage engaged between the West Indies and the mother country had grown from 80,482 to 133,736; 60 per cent. More encouraging still, from the ideal point of view of a restored system of mutual support, embracing both sides of the Atlantic, the tonnage employed between Canada and the West Indies had risen from 996 only in 1774, to 14,513 in 1789. In brief, after a careful and systematic examination of the whole field, the committee considered that British navigation had gained 111,638 tons by excluding Americans from branches of trade they had once shared, and still eagerly desired. The effects of the system were most conspicuous in the trade between the West Indies and the United States. The tonnage here employed had fallen from 107,739, before the war, to 62,738. The reflections of the Committee upon this particular are so characteristic of national convictions as to be worth quoting.[88] "This decrease is rather less than half what it was before the war;[89] but before the war five-eighths belonged to merchants, permanent inhabitants of the countries now under the dominion of the United States, and three-eighths to British merchants residing occasionally in the said countries. At that time, very few vessels belonging to British merchants, resident in the British European dominions, or in the British Islands in the West Indies, had a share in this trade. The vessels employed in this trade can now only belong to British subjects _residing_ in the present British dominions. Many vessels now go from the ports of Great Britain, carrying British manufactures to the United States, there load with lumber and provisions for the British Islands in the West Indies, and return with the produce of these islands to Great Britain. The whole of this branch of freight may also be considered as a new acquisition, and was obtained by your Majesty's Order in Council before mentioned,[90] which has operated to the increase of British Navigation, compared to that of the United States in a double ratio; _but it has taken from the navigation of the United States more than it has added to that of Great Britain_." The last sentence emphasizes the fact, which John Adams had noted, that the object of the Navigation system was scarcely more defensive than offensive, in the military sense of the word. The Act carried provisions meant distinctly to impede the development of foreign shipping, as far as possible to do so by municipal regulation. The prohibition of entrance to a port of Great Britain by a foreign trader, unless three-fourths manned by citizens of the country whose flag she bore, was distinctly offensive in intent. But for this, other states might increase their tonnage by employing seamen not their own, which Great Britain could not do without weakening the reserves available for her navy, and imperative to her defence. Rivalry was thus engendered, and became bitter and apprehensive in proportion to the national interests involved; but at no time had such considerations persuaded the country to depart from its purpose. "The foreign war which those measures first brought upon us, and the odium which they have never ceased to cause, to the present day (1792) among neighboring nations, have not induced the legislature to give up any one of its principles."[91] In the case of the United States, the exasperation aroused was very great. It perpetuated the national animosity surviving from the War of Independence, and provoked retaliation. Before the formation of the better Union this was too desultory and divided to have much effect, and the artificial system of which Sheffield was the chief public champion had the appearance of success which has been described; but as soon as the thirteen states could wield their power as one whole, under a system at once consistent and permanent, American navigation began to make rapid headway. In 1790 there entered American ports from abroad 355,000 tons of American shipping and 251,000 foreign, of which 217,000 were British.[92] After one year of the discriminating tonnage dues laid by the national Congress, the American tonnage entering home ports from Great Britain had risen, from the 26,564 average of the three years, 1787 to 1789, ascertained by the British committee, to 43,580.[93] In 1801 there entered 799,304 tons of native shipping,[94] and but 138,000 foreign.[95] The amount of British among the latter is not stated; but in the year 1800 there cleared from Great Britain, under her own flag, for the United States, but 14,381 tons.[96] This reversal of the conditions in 1787-89, before quoted,[97] was the result of a gradual progress, noticeable immediately after the American imposition of tonnage duties, and increasing up to 1793, when it was accelerated by the war between Great Britain and France. It is carefully to be remembered that the British committee, representing strictly the prepossessions of the body by which it was constituted, looked primarily to the development of national carrying trade. "As the security of the British dominions principally depends on the greatness of your Majesty's naval power, it has ever been the policy of the British Government to watch with a jealous eye every attempt that has been made by foreign nations to the detriment of its navigation; and even in cases where the interests of commerce and those of navigation could not be wholly reconciled, the Government of Great Britain has always given the preference to the interests of navigation; and it has never yet submitted to the imposition of any tonnage duties by foreign nations on British ships trading to their ports, without proceeding immediately to retaliation."[98] It had, however, submitted to several such measures, retaliatory for the exclusion from the West India trade, enacted by the separate states in the years 1783 to 1789; as well as to other legislation, taxing British shipping by name much above that of other foreigners. This quiescence was due to confidence, that the advantages possessed by Great Britain would enable her to overcome all handicaps. It was therefore with satisfaction that, after six years of commercial antagonism, the committee was able, not only to report the growth of British shipping, already quoted, but to show by the first official statement of entries issued by the American Government,[99] for the first year of its own existence, that for every five American tons entering American ports from over sea, there entered also three British; and that of the whole foreign tonnage there were six British to one of all other nations together. Upon the whole, therefore, while regretting the evidence in the American statement which showed increasing activity by American shipping over that ascertained by themselves for the previous years,--to be accounted for, as was believed, by transient circumstances,--the committee, after consultation with the leading merchants in the American trade, thought better to postpone retaliation for the new tonnage duties, which contained no invidious distinction in favor of other foreign shipping against British. The system of trade regulation so far pursued had given good results, and its continuance was recommended; though bitterly antagonizing Americans, and maintaining ill-will between the two countries. Upon one point, especially desired by the United States, the committee was particularly firm. It considered that its Government might judiciously make one proposition--and one only--for a commercial treaty; namely, that there should be entire equality of treatment, as to duties and tonnage, towards the ships of both nations in the home ports of each other. "But if Congress should propose (as they certainly will) that this principle of equality should be extended to the ports of our Colonies and Islands, and that the ships of the United States should there be treated as British ships, it should be answered that this demand cannot be admitted even as a subject of negotiation.... This branch of freight is of the same nature with the freight from one American state to another" (that is, trade internal to the empire is essentially a coasting trade). "Congress has made regulations to confine the freight, employed between the different states, to the ships of the United States, and Great Britain does not object to this restriction."[100] "The great advantages which have resulted from excluding American ships appear in the accounts given in this report; many of the merchants and planters of the West Indies, who formerly resisted this advice, now acknowledge the wisdom of it."[101] The committee recognized that exclusion from the carrying trade of the British West Indies was in some degree compensated to the American carrier, by the permission given by the Government of France for vessels not exceeding sixty tons to trade with her colonies, actually much greater producers, and therefore larger customers. Santo Domingo in particular, in the period following the American war, had enjoyed a heyday of prosperity, far eclipsing that of all the British islands together. This was due partly to natural advantages, and partly to social conditions,--the planters being generally resident, which the British were not; but cheaper supplies through free intercourse with the American continent also counted for much. From the French West Indies there entered the United States in 1790, 101,417 tons of shipping, of which only 3,925 were French.[102] From the British Islands there came 90,375, but of these all but 4,057 were British.[103] Returning, the exports from the United States to the two were respectively, $3,284,656 and $2,077,757.[104] The flattering testimony borne by these figures to the meagreness of French navigation, in the particular quarter, needed doubtless to be qualified by reference to their home trade from the West Indies, borne in French ships. This amounted in 1788 to 296,435 tons from Santo Domingo alone;[105] whereas the British trade from all their islands employed but 133,736.[106] This, however, was the sole great carrying trade of France; to the United States she sent from her home ports less than 13,000 tons. It was the opinion of the British committee that the privilege conceded to American shipping in the French islands was so contrary to established colonial policy as to be of doubtful continuance. Still, in concluding its report with a summary of American commercial conditions, which it deemed were in a declining way, it took occasion to utter a warning, based upon these relations of America with the foreign colonies. In case of a commercial treaty, "Should it be proposed to treat on maritime regulations, any article allowing the ships of the United States to protect the property of the enemies of Great Britain in time of war" (that is, the flag to cover the goods), "should on no account be admitted. It would be more dangerous to concede this privilege to the United States than to any other foreign country. From their situation, the ships of these states would be able to cover the whole trade of France and Spain with their islands and colonies, in America and the West Indies, whenever Great Britain shall be engaged with either of those Powers; and the navy of Great Britain would, in such case, be deprived of the means of distressing the enemy, by destroying his commerce and thereby diminishing his resources." It is well to note in these words the contemporary recognition of the importance of the position of the United States; of the value of the colonial trade; of the bearing of commerce destruction on war, by "diminishing the resources" of an enemy; and of the opportunity of the United States, "from their situation," to cover the carriage of colonial produce to Europe; for upon these several points turned much of the troubles, which by their accumulation caused mutual exasperation, and established an antagonism that inevitably lent itself to the war spirit when occasion arose. The specific warning of the committee was doubtless elicited by the terms of the then recent British commercial treaty with France, in 1786, by which the two nations had agreed that, in case of war to which one was a party, the vessels of the other might freely carry all kinds of goods, the property of any person or nation, except contraband. Such a concession could be made safely to France,--was in fact perfectly one-sided in favoring Great Britain; but to America it would open unprecedented opportunity. To the state of things so far described came the French Revolution; already begun, indeed, when the committee sat, but the course of which could not yet be foreseen. Its coincidence with the formation of the new government of the United States is well to be remembered; for the two events, by their tendencies, worked together to promote the antagonism between the United States and Great Britain, which was already latent in the navigation system of the one and the maritime aptitudes of the other. Washington, the first American President, was inaugurated in March, 1789; in May, the States General of France met. In February, 1793, the French Republic declared war against Great Britain, and in March Washington entered on his second term. In the intervening four years the British Government had persisted in maintaining the exclusion of American carrying trade from her colonial ports. During the same period the great French colony Santo Domingo had undergone a social convulsion, which ended in the wreck of its entire industrial system by the disappearance of slavery, and with it of all white government. The huge sugar and coffee product of the island vanished as a commercial factor, and with it the greater part of the colonial carriage of supplies, which had indemnified American shippers and agriculturists for their exclusion from British ports. Of 167,399 American tonnage entering American ports from the West Indies in 1790, 101,417 had been from French islands. The removal of so formidable a competitor as Santo Domingo of course inured to the advantage of the British sugar and coffee planter, who was thus more able to bear the burden laid upon him to maintain the navigation of the empire, by paying a heavy percentage on his supplies. This, however, was not the only change in conditions affecting commerce and navigation. By 1793 it had become evident that Canada, Nova Scotia, and their neighbors, could not fill the place in an imperial system which it had been hoped they would take, as producers of lumber and food stuffs. This increased the relative importance of the West India Islands to the empire, just when the rise in price of sugar and coffee made it more desirable to develop their production. Should war come, the same reason would make it expedient to extend by conquest British productive territory in the Caribbean, and at the same time to cut off the supplies of such enemy's possessions as could not be subdued; thus crippling them, and removing their competition by force, as that of Santo Domingo had been by industrial ruin. These considerations tended further to fasten the interest of Great Britain upon this whole region, as particularly conducive to her navigation system. That cheapening supplies would stimulate production, to meet the favorable market and growing demands of the world, had been shown by the object-lesson of the French colonies; though as yet the example had not been followed. At this time also Great Britain had to recognize her growing dependence upon the sea, because her home territory had ceased to be self-sufficing. Her agriculture was becoming inadequate to feeding her people, in whose livelihood manufactures and commerce were playing an increasing part. Both these, as well as food from abroad, required the command of the sea, in war as in peace, to import raw materials and export finished products; and control of the sea required increase of naval resources, proportioned to the growing commercial movement. According to the ideas of the age, the colonial monopoly was the surest means to this. It was therefore urgent to resort to measures which should develop the colonies; and the question was inevitable whether reserving to British navigation the trade by which they were supplied was not more than compensated by the diminished production, with its effect in lessening the cargoes employing shipping for the homeward voyage. Thus things were when war broke out. The two objects, or motives, which have been indicated, came then at once into play. The conquest of the French West Indies, a perfectly legitimate move, was speedily undertaken; and meanwhile orders passing the bounds of recognized international law were issued, to suppress, by capture, their intercourse with the United States, alike in import and export. The blow of course fell upon American shipping, by which this traffic was almost wholly maintained. This was the beginning of a long series of arbitrary measures, dictated by a policy uniform in principle, though often modified by dictates of momentary expediency. It lasted for years in its various manifestations, the narration of which belongs to subsequent chapters. Complementary to this was the effort to develop production in British colonies, by extending to them the neutral carriage denied to their enemies. This was effected by allowing direct trade between them and the United States to American vessels of not over seventy tons; a limit substantially the same as that before imposed by France, and designed to prevent their surreptitiously conveying the cargoes to Europe, to the injury of British monopoly of the continental supply, effected by the _entrepôt_ system, and doubly valuable since the failure of French products. This concession to American navigation, despite the previous opposition, had become possible to Pitt, partly because its advisability had been demonstrated and the opportunity recognized; partly, also, because the immense increase of the active navy, caused by the war, created a demand for seamen, which by impressment told heavily upon the merchant navigation of the kingdom, fostered for this very purpose. To meet this emergency, it was clearly politic to devolve the supply of the British West Indies upon neutral carriers, who would enjoy an immunity from capture denied to merchant ships of a belligerent, as well as relieve British navigation of a function which it had never adequately fulfilled. The measure was in strict accord with the usual practice of remitting in war the requirement of the Navigation Act, that three-fourths of all crews should be British subjects; by which means a large number of native seamen became at once released to the navy. To throw open a reserved trade to foreign ships, and a reserved employment to foreign seamen, are evidently only different applications of the one principle, viz.: to draw upon foreign aid, in a crisis to which the national navigation was unequal. Correlative to these measures, defensive in character, was the determination that the enemy should be deprived of these benefits; that, so far as international law could be stretched, neutral ships should not help him as they were encouraged to help the British. The welfare of the empire also demanded that native seamen should not be allowed to escape their liability to impressment, by serving in neutral vessels. The lawless measures taken to insure these two objects were the causes avowed by the United States in 1812 for declaring war. The impressment of American seamen, however, although numerous instances had already occurred, had not yet made upon the national consciousness an impression at all proportionate to the magnitude of the wrong; and the instructions given to Jay,[107] as special envoy in 1794, while covering many points at issue, does not mention this, which eventually overtopped all others. FOOTNOTES: [54] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. p. 121. [55] Commerce of the American States (Edition February, 1784), pp. 198-199. [56] Works of John Adams, vol. viii. p. 290. [57] Washington's Correspondence, 1787, edited by W.C. Ford, vol. viii. pp. 159, 160, 254. [58] Report of the Committee of the Privy Council, Jan. 28, 1791, p. 20. [59] Chalmers, Opinions, p. 32. [60] Jurien de la Gravière, Guerres Maritimes, Paris, 1847, vol. ii. p. 238. [61] Canada, Newfoundland, Bermuda, etc. [62] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. p. 303. [63] p. 288. [64] Coxe, View of the United States, p. 346. [65] Reeves, p. 381. Nevertheless, foreign nations frequently complained of this as a distinction against them (Report of the Committee of the Privy Council, Jan. 28, 1791, p. 10). [66] Bryan Edwards, West Indies, vol. ii. p. 494 (note). [67] Coxe's View, p. 318. [68] American State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. i. p. 301. Jefferson added, "These imports consist mostly of articles on which industry has been exhausted,"--_i.e._, completed manufactures. The State Papers, Commerce and Navigation, give the tabulated imports and exports for many succeeding years. [69] Works of John Adams, vol. viii. p. 333. [70] Works of John Adams, vol. viii. p. 291. [71] My italics. [72] Chalmers, Opinions, p. 65. [73] Reeves, pp. 47, 57. [74] Works of John Adams, vol. viii. p. 281. [75] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. p. 307. [76] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. p. 304. [77] Morris to Randolph (Secretary of State), May 31, 1794. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. p. 409. The italics are Morris's. [78] Quoted from De Witt's Interest of Holland, in Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, vol. ii. p. 472. [79] Observations on the Commerce of the American States, 1783, p. 115. Concerning this pamphlet, Gibbon wrote, "The Navigation Act, the palladium of Britain, was defended, perhaps saved, by his pen." [80] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. pp. 296-299. [81] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. p. 474. [82] West Indies, vol. ii. page 522, note. [83] Opinions, p. 89. [84] Macpherson, vol. iii. p. 506. [85] Ibid., vol. iv. p. 158. [86] Bryan Edwards, himself a planter of the time, says (vol. ii. p. 522) that staves and lumber had risen 37 per cent in the British islands, which he attributes to the extortions of the navigation monopoly, "under the present limited intercourse with America." Coxe (View, etc., p. 134) gives lists of comparative prices, in 1790, June to November, in the neighboring islands of Santo Domingo and Jamaica, which show forcibly the burdens under which the latter labored. [87] Chalmers, in one of his works quoted by Macpherson (vol. iii. p. 559), estimates the annual entries of American-built ships to British ports, 1771-74, to be 34,587 tons. From this figure the falling off was marked. [88] Report of the Committee of the Privy Council, Jan. 28, 1791, p. 39. [89] This awkward expression means that the amount of decrease was rather less than half the before-the-war total. [90] June 18, 1784, substantially the re-issue of that of Dec. 26, 1783, which Reeves (p. 288) considers the standard exemplar. [91] Reeves, p. 431. [92] American State Papers, Commerce and Navigation, vol. x. p. 389. [93] Ibid., Foreign Relations, vol. i. p. 301. [94] Ibid., Commerce and Navigation, vol. x. p. 528. [95] Ibid., p. 584. [96] Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, vol. iv. p. 535. [97] Ante, pp. 77, 78. [98] Report of the Committee, p. 85. [99] Ibid., p. 52. [100] Report, p. 96. [101] Ibid., p. 94. [102] American State Papers, Commerce and Navigation, vol. x. p. 47. [103] Ibid., p. 45. [104] Ibid., p. 24. [105] Coxe, p. 171. [106] Committee's estimate; Report, p. 43. [107] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. p. 472. [Illustration: JOHN JAY From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in Bedford (Jay) House, Katonah, N.Y.] CHAPTER III FROM JAY'S TREATY TO THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL 1794-1807 While there were many matters in dispute between the two countries, the particular occasion of Jay's mission to London in 1794 was the measures injurious to the commerce of the United States, taken by the British Government on the outbreak of war with France, in 1793. Neutrals are certain to suffer, directly and indirectly, from every war, and especially in maritime wars; for then the great common of all nations is involved, under conditions and regulations which by general consent legalize interference, suspension, and arrest of neutral voyages, when conflicting with acknowledged belligerent rights, or under reasonable suspicion of such conflict. It was held in the United States that in the treatment of American ships Great Britain had transcended international law, and abused belligerent privilege, by forced construction in two particulars. First, in June, 1793, she sent into her own ports American vessels bound to France with provisions, on the ground that under existing circumstance these were contraband of war. She did indeed buy the cargoes, and pay the freight, thus reducing the loss to the shipper; but he was deprived of the surplus profit arising from extraordinary demand in France, and it was claimed besides that the procedure was illegal. Secondly, in November of the same year, the British Government directed the seizure of "all ships laden with goods the produce of any colony belonging to France, or carrying provisions or other supplies for the use of any such colony." Neutrals were thus forbidden either to go to, or to sail from, any French colony for purposes of commercial intercourse. For the injuries suffered under these measures Jay was to seek compensation. The first order raised only a question of contraband, of frequent recurrence in all hostilities. It did not affect the issues which led to the War of 1812, and therefore need not here be further considered. But the second turned purely on the question of the intercourse of neutrals with the colonies of belligerents, and rested upon those received opinions concerning the relations of colonies to mother countries, which have been related in the previous chapters. The British Government founded the justification of its action upon a precedent established by its own Admiralty courts, which, though not strictly new, was recent, dating back only to the Seven Years' War, 1756-63, whence it had received the name of the Rule of 1756. At that time, in the world of European civilization, all the principal maritime communities were either mother countries or colonies. A colonial system was the appendage of every maritime state; and among all there obtained the invariable rule, the formulation of which by Montesquieu has been already quoted, that "commercial monopoly is the leading principle of colonial intercourse," from which foreign states were rigorously excluded. Dealing with such a recognized international relation, at a period when colonial production had reached unprecedented proportions, the British courts had laid down the principle that a trade which a nation in time of peace forbade to foreigners could not be extended to them, if neutrals, in time of war, at the will and for the convenience of the belligerent; because by such employment they were "in effect incorporated in the enemy's navigation, having adopted his commerce and character, and identified themselves with his interests and purposes."[108] During the next great maritime war, that of American Independence, the United States were involved as belligerents, and the only maritime neutrals were Holland and the Baltic States. These drew together in a league known historically as the Armed Neutrality of 1780, in opposition to certain British interpretations of the rights of neutrals and belligerents; but in their formulated demands that of open trade with the colonies of belligerents does not appear, although there is found one closely cognate to it,--an asserted right to coasting trade, from port to port, of a country at war. The Rule of 1756 therefore remained, in 1793, a definition of international maritime law laid down by British courts, but not elsewhere accepted; and it rested upon a logical deduction from a system of colonial administration universal at that period. The logical deduction may be stated thus. The mother country, for its own benefit, reserves to itself both the inward and outward trade; the products of the colony, and the supplying of it with necessaries. The carriage of these commodities is also confined to its own ships. Colonial commerce and navigation are thus each a national monopoly. To open to neutrals the navigation, the carriage of products and supplies, in time of war, is a war measure simply, designed to preserve a benefit endangered by the other belligerent. As a war measure, it tends to support the financial and naval strength of the nation employing it; and therefore, to an opponent whose naval power is capable of destroying that element of strength, the stepping in of a neutral to cover it is clearly an injury. The neutral so doing commits an unfriendly act, partial between the two combatants; because it aids the one in a proceeding, the origin and object of which are purely belligerent. When the United States in 1776 entered the family of nations, she came without colonies, but in the war attendant upon her liberation she had no rights as a neutral. In the interval of peace, between 1783 and 1793, she had endeavored, as has been seen, to establish between herself and the Caribbean region those conditions of open navigation which were indicated as natural by the geographical relations of the two and their several products. This had been refused by Great Britain; but France had conceded it on a restricted scale, plainly contrived, by the limitation of sixty tons on the size of vessels engaged, to counteract any attempt at direct carriage from the islands to Europe, which was not permitted. Under these circumstances the United States was brought into collision with the Rule of 1756, for the first time, by the Order in Council of November 6, 1793. A people without colonies, and with a rapidly growing navigation, could have no sympathy with a system, coextensive with Europe, which monopolized the carriage of colonial products. The immediate attitude assumed was one of antagonism; and the wrong as felt was the greater, because the direct intercourse between the United States and the then great French colonies was not incidental to war, but had been established in peace. In principle, the Rule rested for its validity upon an exception made in war, for the purposes of war. The British Government in fact had overlooked that the Rule had originated in European conditions; and, if applicable at all to the new transatlantic state, it could only be if conditions were the same, or equivalent. Till now, by universal usage, trade from colonies had been only to the mother country; the appearance of an American state with no colonies introduced two factors hitherto non-existent. Here was a people not identified with a general system of colonial exclusiveness; and also, from their geographical situation, it was possible for a European government to permit them to trade with its colonies, without serious trespass on the privileges reserved to the mother country. The monopoly of the latter consisted not only in the commerce and carrying trade of the colony, but in the _entrepôt_; that is, in the receipt and storage of the colonial produce, and its distribution to less favored European communities,--the profit, in short, of the middleman, or broker. France had recognized, though but partially, this difference of conditions, and in somewhat grudging manner had opened her West Indian ports to American vessels, for intercourse with their own country. This trade, being permitted in peace, did not come under the British Rule; therefore by its own principle the seizures under it were unlawful. Accordingly, on January 8, 1794, the order was revoked, and the application limited to vessels bound from the West Indies direct to Europe. This further Order in Council preserved the principle of the Rule of 1756, but it removed the cause of a great number of the seizures which had afflicted American shipping. There were nevertheless, among these, some cases of vessels bound direct to France from French colonies, laden with colonial produce; one of which was the first presented to Jay on his arrival in London. In writing to the Secretary of State he says, "It unfortunately happens that this is not among the strongest of the cases;" and in a return made three years later to Congress, of losses recovered under the treaty, this vessel's name does not appear. In the opinion of counsel, submitted to Jay, it was unlikely that the case would be reversed on appeal, because it unequivocally fell under the Rule.[109] It is therefore to be inferred that this principle, the operation of which was revived so disastrously in 1805, was not surrendered by the British Government in 1794. In fact, in the discussions between Mr. Jay and the British Minister of Foreign Affairs, there seems to have been on both sides a disposition to avoid pronouncements upon points of abstract right. It remained the constant policy of British negotiators, throughout this thorny period, to seek modes of temporary arrangement, which should obviate immediate causes of complaint; leaving principles untouched, to be asserted, if desirable, at a more favorable moment. This was quite contrary to the wishes of the United States Government, which repeatedly intimated to Jay that in the case of the Rule of 1756 it desired to settle the question of principle, which it denied. To this it had attached several other topics touching maritime neutral rights, such as the flag covering the cargo, and matters of contraband.[110] Jay apparently satisfied himself, by his interviews and observation of public feeling in England, that at the moment it was vain for a country without a navy to expect from Great Britain any surrender of right, as interpreted by her jurists; that the most to be accomplished was the adoption of measures which should as far as possible extend the immediate scope of American commerce, and remove its present injuries, presenting withal a probability of future further concessions. In his letter transmitting the treaty, he wrote: "That Britain, at this period, and involved in war, should not admit principles which would impeach the propriety of her conduct in seizing provisions bound to France, and enemy's property on board neutral vessels, does not appear to me extraordinary. The articles, as they now stand, secure compensation for seizures, and leave us at liberty to decide whether they were made in such cases as to be warranted by the _existing_ law of nations."[111] The italics are Jay's, and the expression is obscure; but it seems to imply that, while either nation, in their respective claims for damages, would be bound by the decision of the commissioners provided for their settlement by the treaty, it would preserve the right to its own opinion as to whether the decision was in accordance with admitted law, binding in the future. In short, acceptance of the Rule of 1756 would not be affected by the findings upon the claims. If adverse to Great Britain, she could still assert the Rule in times to come, if expedient; if against the United States, she likewise, while submitting, reserved the right of protest, with or without arms, against its renewed enforcement. "As to the principles we contend for," continued Jay, "you will find them saved in the conclusion of the twelfth article, from which it will appear that we still adhere to them." This conclusion specifies that after the termination of a certain period, during which Great Britain would open to American vessels the carrying trade between her West India Islands and the United States, there should be further negotiation, looking to the extension of mutual intercourse; "and the said parties will then endeavor to agree whether, in any, and what, cases neutral vessels shall protect enemy's property; and in what cases provisions and other articles, not generally contraband, may become such. But in the meantime, their conduct towards each other in these respects shall be regulated by the articles hereinafter inserted on those subjects."[112] The treaty therefore was a temporary arrangement, to meet temporary difficulties, and involved no surrender of principle on either side. Although the Rule of 1756 is not mentioned, it evidently shared the same fate as the other American propositions looking to the settlement of principles; the more so that subsequent articles admitted, not only the undoubted rule that the neutral flag did not cover enemy's goods, but also the vehemently disputed claim that naval stores and provisions were, or might be, contraband of war. Further evidence of the understanding of Great Britain in this matter is afforded by a letter of the law adviser of the Crown, transmitted in 1801 by the Secretary for Foreign Affairs to Mr. King, then United States Minister. "The direct trade between the mother country and its colonies has not during this present war been recognized as legal, either by his Majesty's Government or by his tribunals."[113] It is to be inferred that the Administration and the Senate, while possibly thinking Jay too yielding as a negotiator, reached the conclusion that his estimate of British feeling, formed upon the spot, was correct as to the degree of concession then to be obtained. At all events, the treaty, which provided for mixed commissions to adjudicate upon the numerous seizures made under the British orders, and, under certain conditions, admitted American vessels to branches of British trade previously closed to them, was ratified with the exception of the twelfth article. This conferred on Americans the privilege, long and urgently desired, of direct trade between their own country and the British West Indies on the same terms as British ships, though in vessels of limited size. Greatly desired as this permission had been, it came coupled with the condition, not only that cargoes from the islands should be landed in the United States alone, but also, while the concession lasted, American vessels should not carry "molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton" from the United States to any part of the world. By strict construction, this would prevent re-exporting the produce of French or other foreign colonies; a traffic, the extent of which during this war may be conceived by the returns for a single year, 1796, when United States shipping carried to Europe thirty-five million pounds of sugar and sixty-two million pounds of coffee, products of the Caribbean region. This article was rejected by the Senate, and the treaty ratified without it; but the coveted privilege was continued by British executive order, the regulations in the matter being suspended on account of the war, and the trade opened to American as well as British ships. Ostensibly a favor, not resting on the obligations of treaty, but on the precarious ground of the Government's will, its continuance was assured under the circumstances of the time by its practical utility to Great Britain; for the trade of that country, and its vital importance in the prevailing wars, were developing at a rate which outstripped its own tonnage. The numbers of native seamen were likewise inadequate, through the heavy demands of the Navy for men. The concurrence of neutrals was imperative. Under the conditions it was no slight advantage to have the islands supplied and the American market retained, by the services of American vessels, leaving to British the monopoly of direct carrying between the colonies and Europe. Although vexations to neutrals incident to a state of war continued subsequent to this treaty, they turned upon points of construction and practice rather than upon principle. Negotiation was continuous; and in September, 1800, towards the close of Adams's administration, Mr. John Marshall, then Secretary of State, summed up existing complaints of commercial injury under three heads,--definitions of contraband, methods of blockade, and the unjust decisions of Vice-Admiralty Courts; coupled with the absence of penalty to cruisers making unwarranted captures, which emboldened them to seize on any ground, because certain to escape punishment. But no formal pronouncement further injurious to United States commerce was made by the British Government during this war, which ended in October, 1801, to be renewed eighteen months later. On the contrary, the progress of events in the West Indies, by its favorable effect upon British commerce, assisted Pitt in taking the more liberal measures to which by conviction he was always inclined. The destruction of Haiti as a French colony, and to a great degree as a producer of sugar and coffee, by eliminating one principal source of the world's supply, raised values throughout the remaining Caribbean; while the capture of almost all the French and Dutch possessions threw their commerce and navigation into the hands of Great Britain. In this swelling prosperity the British planter, the British carrier, and the British merchant at home all shared, and so bore without apparent grudging the issuance of an Order, in January, 1798, which extended to European neutrals the concession, made in 1795 to the United States, of carrying West Indian produce direct from the islands to their own country, or to Great Britain; not, however, to a hostile port, or to any other neutral territory than their own. Although this Order in no way altered the existing status of the United States, it was embraced in a list of British measures affecting commerce,[114] transmitted to Congress in 1808. From the American standpoint this was accurate; for the extension to neutrals to carry to their own country, and to no other, continued the exclusion of the United States from a direct traffic between the belligerent colonies and Europe, which she had steadily asserted to be her right, but which the Rule of 1756 denied. The utmost the United States had obtained was the restitution of privileges enjoyed by them as colonists of Great Britain, in trading with the British West Indies; and this under circumstances of delay and bargain which showed clearly that the temporary convenience of Great Britain was alone consulted. No admission had been made on the point of right, as maintained by America. On the contrary, the Order of 1798 was at pains to state as its motive no change of principle, but "consideration of the present state of the commerce of Great Britain, as well as of that of neutral countries," which makes it "expedient."[115] Up to the preliminaries of peace in 1801, nothing occurred to change that state of commerce which made expedient the Order of January, 1798. It was renewed in terms when war again began between France and Great Britain, in May, 1803. In consideration of present conditions, the direct trade was permitted to neutral vessels between an enemy's colony and their own country. The United States remained, as before, excluded from direct carriage between the West Indies and Europe; but the general course of the British Administration of the moment gave hopes of a line of conduct more conformable to American standards of neutral rights. Particularly, in reply to a remonstrance of the United States, a blockade of the whole coast of Martinique and Guadaloupe, proclaimed by a British admiral, was countermanded; instructions being sent him that the measure could apply only to particular ports, actually invested by sufficient force, and that neutrals attempting to enter should not be captured unless they had been previously warned.[116] Although no concession of principle as to colonial trade had been made, the United States acquiesced in, though she did not accept, the conditions of its enforcement. These were well understood by the mercantile community, and were such as admitted of great advantage, both to the merchant and to the carrying trade. In 1808, Mr. Monroe, justifying his negotiations of 1806, wrote that, even under new serious differences which had then arisen, "The United States were in a prosperous and happy condition, compared with that of other nations. As a neutral Power, they were almost the exclusive carriers of the commerce of the whole world; and in commerce they flourished beyond example, notwithstanding the losses they occasionally suffered."[117] Under such circumstances matters ran along smoothly for nearly two years. In May, 1804, occurred a change of administration in England, bringing Pitt again into power. As late as November 8 of this year, Jefferson in his annual message said, "With the nations of Europe, in general, our friendship and intercourse are undisturbed; and, from the governments of the belligerent powers, especially, we continue to receive those friendly manifestations which are justly due to an honest neutrality." Monroe in London wrote at the same time, "Our commerce was never so much favored in time of war."[118] These words testify to general quietude and prosperity under existing conditions, but are not to be understood as affirming absence of subjects of difference. On the contrary, Monroe had been already some time in London, charged to obtain from Great Britain extensive concessions of principle and practice, which Jefferson, with happy optimism, expected a nation engaged in a life and death struggle would yield in virtue of reams of argument, maintaining views novel to it, advanced by a country enjoying the plenitude of peace, but without organized power to enforce its demands. About this time, but as yet unknown to the President, the question had been suddenly raised by the British Government as to what constituted a direct trade; and American vessels carrying West Indian products from the United States to Europe were seized under a construction of "direct," which was affirmed by the court before whom the cases came for adjudication. As Jefferson's expressions had reflected the contentment of the American community, profiting, as neutrals often profit, by the misfortunes of belligerents, so these measures of Pitt proceeded from the discontents of planters, shippers, and merchants. These had come to see in the prosperity of American shipping, and the gains of American merchants, the measure of their own losses by a trade which, though of long standing, they now claimed was one of direct carriage, because by continuous voyage, between the hostile colonies and the continent of Europe. The losses of planter and merchant, however, were but one aspect of the question, and not the most important in British eyes. The products of hostile origin carried by Americans to neutral or hostile countries in Europe did by competition reduce seriously the profit upon British colonial articles of the same kind, to the injury of the finances of the kingdom; and the American carriers, the American ships, not only supplanted so much British tonnage, but were enabled to do so by British seamen, who found in them a quiet refuge--relatively, though not wholly, secure--from the impressment which everywhere pursued the British merchant ship. It was a fundamental conviction of all British statesmen, and of the general British public, that the welfare of the navy, the one defence of the empire, depended upon maintaining the carrying trade, with the right of impressment from it; and Pitt, upon his return to office, had noted "with considerable concern, the increasing acrimony which appears to pervade the representations made to you [the British Minister at Washington] by the American Secretary of State on the subject of the impressment of seamen from on board American ships."[119] The issue of direct trade was decided adversely to the contention of the United States, in the test case of the ship "Essex," in May, 1805, by the first living authority in England on maritime international law, Sir William Scott. Resting upon the Rule of 1756, he held that direct trade from belligerent colonies to Europe was forbidden to neutrals, except under the conditions of the relaxing Orders of 1798 and 1803; but the privilege to carry to their own country having been by these extended, it was conceded, in accordance with precedent, that products thus imported, if they had complied with the legal requirements for admission _to use_ in the importing country, thenceforth had its nationality. They became neutral in character, and could be exported like native produce to any place open to commerce, belligerent or neutral. United States shippers, therefore, were at liberty to send even to France French colonial products which had been thus Americanized. The effect of this procedure upon the articles in question was to raise their price at the place of final arrival, by all the expense incident to a broken transit; by the cost of landing, storing, paying duties, and reshipping, together with that of the delay consequent upon entering an American port to undergo these processes. With the value thus enhanced upon reaching the continent of Europe, the British planter, carrier, and merchant might hope that British West India produce could compete; although various changes of conditions in the West Indies, and Bonaparte's efforts at the exclusion of British products from the continent, had greatly reduced their market there from the fair proportions of the former war. In the cases brought before Sir William Scott, however, it was found that the duties paid for admission to the United States were almost wholly released, by drawback, on re-exportation; so that the articles were brought to the continental consumer relieved of this principal element of cost. He therefore ruled that they had not complied with the conditions of an actual importation; that the articles had not lost their belligerent character; and that the carriage to Europe was by direct voyage, not interrupted by an importation. The vessels were therefore condemned. The immediate point thus decided was one of construction, and in particular detail hitherto unsettled. The law adviser of the Crown had stated in 1801, as an accepted precedent, "that landing the goods and paying the duties in the neutral country breaks the continuity of the voyage;"[120] but the circumstance of drawback, which belonged to the municipal prerogative of the independent neutral state, had not then been considered. The foundation on which all rested was the principle of 1756. The underlying motive for the new action taken--the protection of a British traffic--linked the War of 1812 with the conditions of colonial dependence of the United States, which was a matter of recent memory to men of both countries still in the vigor of life. The American found again exerted over his national commerce a control indistinguishable in practice from that of colonial days; from what port his ships should sail, whither they might go, what cargoes they might carry, under what rules be governed in their own ports, were dictated to him as absolutely, if not in as extensive detail, as before the War of Independence. The British Government placed itself in the old attitude of a sovereign authority, regulating the commerce of a dependency with an avowed view to the interest of the mother country. This motive was identical with that of colonial administration; the particular form taken being dictated, of course, then as before, by the exigencies of the moment,--by a "consideration of the present state of the commerce of this country." Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, who were appointed jointly to negotiate a settlement of the trouble, wrote that "the British commissioners did not hesitate to state that their wish was to place their own merchants on an equal footing in the great markets of the continent with those of the United States, by burthening the intercourse of the latter with severe restrictions."[121] The wish was allowable; but the method, the regulation of American commercial movement by British force, resting for justification upon a strained interpretation of a contested belligerent right, was naturally and accurately felt to be a re-imposition of colonial fetters upon a people who had achieved their independence. The motive remained; and the method, the regulation of American trade by British orders, was identical in substance, although other in form, with that of the celebrated Orders in Council of 1807 and 1809. Mr. Monroe, who was minister to England when this interesting period began, had gone to Spain on a special mission in October, 1804, shortly after his announcement, before quoted, that "American commerce was never so much favored in time of war." "On no principle or pretext, so far, has more than one of our vessels been condemned." Upon his return in July, 1805, he found in full progress the seizures, the legality of which had been affirmed by Sir William Scott. A prolonged correspondence with the then British Government followed, but no change of policy could be obtained. In January, 1806, Pitt died; and the ministry which succeeded was composed largely of men recently opposed to him in general principles of action. In particular, Mr. Fox, between whom and Pitt there had been an antagonism nearly lifelong, became Secretary for Foreign Affairs. His good dispositions towards America were well known, and dated from the War of Independence. To him Monroe wrote that under the recent measures "about one hundred and twenty vessels had been seized, several condemned, all taken from their course, detained, and otherwise subjected to heavy losses and damages."[122] The injury was not confined to the immediate sufferers, but reacted necessarily on the general commercial system of the United States. [Illustration: JAMES MONROE From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in the possession of Hon. T. Jefferson Coolidge.] In his first conversations with Monroe, Fox appeared to coincide with the American view, both as to the impropriety of the seizures and the general right of the United States to the trade in dispute, under their own interpretation of it; namely, that questions of duties and drawbacks, and the handling of the cargoes in American ports, were matters of national regulation, upon which a foreign state had no claim to pronounce. The American envoy was sanguine of a favorable issue; but the British Secretary had to undergo the experience, which long exclusion from office made novel to him, that in the complications of political life a broad personal conviction has often to yield to the narrow logic of particular conditions. It is clear that the measures would not have been instituted, had he been in control; but, as it was, the American representative demanded not only their discontinuance, but a money indemnity. The necessity of reparation for wrong, if admitted, stood in the way of admitting as a wrong a proceeding authorized by the last Government, and pronounced legal by the tribunals. To this obstacle was added the weight of a strong outdoor public feeling, and of opposition in the Cabinet, by no means in accord upon Fox's general views. Consequently, to Monroe's demands for a concession of principle, and for pecuniary compensation, Fox at last replied with a proposition, consonant with the usual practical tone of English statesmanship, never more notable than at this period, that a compromise should be effected; modifying causes of complaint, without touching on principles. "Can we not agree to suspend our rights, and leave you in a satisfactory manner the enjoyment of the trade? In that case, nothing would be said about the principle, and there would be no claim to indemnity."[123] The United States Government, throughout the controversy which began here and lasted till the war, clung with singular tenacity to the establishment of principles. To this doubtless contributed much the personality of Madison, then Secretary of State; a man of the pen, clear-headed, logical, incisive, and delighting like all men in the exercise of conscious powers. The discussion of principles, the exposure of an adversary's weakness or inconsistencies, the weighty marshalling of uncounted words, were to him the breath of life; and with happy disregard of the need to back phrases with deeds, there now opened before him a career of argumentation, of logical deduction and exposition, constituting a condition of political and personal enjoyment which only the deskman can fully appreciate. It was not, however, an era in which the pen was mightier than the sword; and in the smooth gliding of the current Niagara was forgotten. Like Jefferson, he was wholly oblivious of the relevancy of Pompey's retort to a contention between two nations, each convinced of its own right: "Will you never have done with citing laws and privileges to men who wear swords?" To neither President nor Secretary does it seem to have occurred that the provision of force might lend weight to argument; a consideration to which Monroe, intellectually much their inferior, was duly sensible. "Nothing will be obtained without some kind of pressure, such a one as excites an apprehension that it will be increased in case of necessity; and to produce that effect it will be proper to put our country in a better state of defence, by invigorating the militia system and increasing the naval force." "Victorious at sea, Great Britain finds herself compelled to concentrate her force so much in this quarter, that she would not only be unable to annoy us essentially in case of war, but even to protect her commerce and possessions elsewhere, which would be exposed to our attacks."[124] Most true when written, in 1805; the time had passed in 1813. "Harassed as they are already with war, and the menaces of a powerful adversary, a state of hostility with us would probably go far to throw this country into confusion. It is an event which the ministry would find it difficult to resist, and therefore cannot, I presume, be willing to encounter."[1] But he added, "There is here an opinion, which many do not hesitate to avow, that the United States are, by the nature of their Government, incapable of any great, vigorous, or persevering exertion."[125] This impression, for which it must sorrowfully be confessed there was much seeming ground in contemporary events, and the idiosyncrasies of Jefferson and Madison, in their full dependence upon commercial coercion to reduce Great Britain to concede their most extreme demands, contributed largely to maintain the successive British ministries in that unconciliatory and disdainful attitude towards the United States, which made inevitable a war that a higher bearing might have averted. Monroe had been instructed that, if driven to it, he might waive the practical right to sail direct from a belligerent colony to the mother country, being careful to use no expression that would imply yielding of the abstract principle. But the general insistence of his Government upon obtaining from Great Britain acknowledgment of right was so strong that he could not accept Fox's suggestion. The British Minister, forced along the lines of his predecessors by the logic of the situation, then took higher ground. "He proceeded to insist that," to break the continuity of the voyage, "our vessels which should be engaged in that commerce must enter our ports, their cargoes be landed, and the duties paid."[126] This was the full extent of Pitt's requirements, as of the rulings of the British Admiralty Court; and made the regulation of transactions in an American port depend upon the decisions of British authorities. Monroe unhesitatingly rejected the condition, and their interview ended, leaving the subject where it had been. The British Cabinet then took matters into its own hands, and without further communication with Monroe adopted a practical solution, which removed the particular contention from the field of controversy by abandoning the existing measures, but without any expression as to the question of right or principle, which by this tacit omission was reserved. Unfortunately for the wishes of both parties, this recourse to opportunism, for such it was, however ameliorative of immediate friction, resulted in a further series of quarrels; for the new step of the British Government was considered by the American to controvert international principles as much cherished by it as the right to the colonial trade. Monroe's interview was on April 25. On May 17 he received a letter from Fox, dated May 16, notifying him that, in consequence of certain new and extraordinary means resorted to by the enemy for distressing British commerce, a retaliatory commercial blockade was ordered of the coast of the continent, from the river Elbe to Brest. This blockade, however, was to be absolute, against all commerce, only between the Seine and Ostend. Outside of those limits, on the coast of France west of the Seine, and those of France, Holland, and Germany east of Ostend, the rights of capture attaching to blockades would be forborne in favor of neutral vessels, bound in, which had not been laden at a port hostile to Great Britain; or which, going out, were not destined to such hostile port.[127] No discrimination was made against the character of the cargo, except as forbidden by generally recognized laws of war. This omission tacitly allowed the colonial trade by way of American ports, just as the measure as a whole tacitly waived all questions of principle upon which that difference had turned. After this, a case coming before a British court would require from it no concession affecting its previous rulings. By these the vessel still would stand condemned; but she was relieved from the application of them by the new Order, in which the Government had relinquished its asserted right. The direct voyage from the colony to the mother country was from a hostile port, and therefore remained prohibited; but the proceedings in the United States ports, as affecting the question of direct voyage, though held by the Court to be properly liable to interpretation by itself on international grounds, if brought before it, was removed from its purview by the act of its own Government, granting immunity. The first impressions made upon Monroe by this step were favorable, as it evidently relieved the immediate embarrassments under which American commerce was laboring. There would at least be no more seizures upon the plea of direct voyages. While refraining from expressing to Fox any approbation of the Order of May 16, he wrote home in this general sense of congratulation; and upon his letters, communicated to Congress in 1808, was founded a claim by the British Minister at Washington in 1811, that the blockade thus instituted was not at the time regarded by him "as founded on other than just and legitimate principles." "I have not heard that it was considered in a contrary light when notified as such to you by Mr. Secretary Fox, nor until it suited the views of France to endeavor to have it considered otherwise."[128] Monroe, who was then Secretary of State, replied that with Fox "an official formal complaint was not likely to be resorted to, because friendly communications were invited and preferred. The want of such a document is no proof that the measure was approved by me, or no complaint made."[129] The general tenor of his home letters, however, was that of satisfaction; and it is natural to men dealing with questions of immediate difficulty to hail relief, without too close scrutiny into its ultimate consequences. It may be added that ministers abroad, in close contact with the difficulties and perplexities of the government to which they are accredited, recognize these more fully than do their superiors at home, and are more susceptible to the advantages of practical remedies over the maintenance of abstract principle. The legitimacy of the blockade of May 16, 1806, was afterwards sharply contested by the United States. There was no difference between the two governments as to the general principle that a blockade, to be lawful, must be supported by the presence of an adequate force, making it dangerous for a vessel trying to enter or leave the port. "Great Britain," wrote Madison, "has already in a formal communication admitted the principle for which we contend." The difficulty turned on a point of definition, as to what situation, and what size, of a blockading division constituted adequacy. The United States authorities based themselves resolutely on the position that the blockaders must be close to the ports named for closure, and denied that a coast-line in its entirety could thus be shut off from commerce, without specifying the particular harbors before which ships would be stationed. Intent, as neutrals naturally are, upon narrowing belligerent rights, usually adverse to their own, they placed the strictest construction on the words "port" and "force." This is perhaps best shown by quoting the definition proposed by American negotiators to the British Government over a year later,--July 24, 1807. "In order to determine what characterizes a blockade, that denomination is given only to a _port_, where there is, by the disposition of the Power which blockades it _with ships stationary_, an evident danger in entering."[130] Madison, in 1801, discussing vexations to Americans bound into the Mediterranean, by a Spanish alleged blockade of Gibraltar, had anticipated and rejected the British action of 1806. "Like blockades might be proclaimed by any particular nation, enabled by its naval superiority to distribute its ships at the mouth of that or any similar sea, _or across channels or arms of the sea_, so as to make it dangerous for the commerce of other nations to pass to its destination. These monstrous consequences condemn the principle from which they flow."[131] The blockade of May 16 offered a particularly apt illustration of the point at issue. From the entrance of the English Channel to the Straits of Dover, the whole of both shore-lines was belligerent. On one side all was British; on the other all French. Evidently a line of ships disposed from Ushant to the Lizard, the nearest point on the English coast, would constitute a very real danger to a vessel seeking to approach any French port on the Channel. Fifteen vessels would occupy such a line, with intervals of only six miles, and in combination with a much smaller body at the Straits of Dover would assuredly bring all the French coast between them within the limits of any definition of danger. That these particular dispositions were adopted does not appear; but that very much larger numbers were continually moving in the Channel, back and forth in every direction, is certain. As to the remainder of the coast declared under restriction, from the Straits to the Elbe,--about four hundred miles,--with the great entrances to Antwerp, Rotterdam, Amsterdam, the Ems, the Weser, and the Elbe, there can be no doubt that it was within the power of Great Britain to establish the blockade within the requirements of international law. Whether she did so was a question of fact, on which both sides were equally positive. The British to the last asserted that an adequate force had been assigned, "and actually maintained,"[132] while the blockade lasted. The incident derived its historical significance chiefly from subsequent events. It does not appear at the first to have engaged the special attention of the United States Government, the general position of which, as to blockades, was already sufficiently defined. The particular instance was only one among several, and interest was then diverted to two other leading points,--impressment and the colonial trade. Peculiar importance began to attach to it only in the following November, when Napoleon issued his Berlin decree. Upon this ensued the exaggerated oppressions of neutral commerce by both antagonists; and the question arose as to the responsibility for beginning the series of measures, of which the Berlin and Milan Decrees on one side, and the British Orders in Council of 1807 and 1809 on the other, were the most conspicuous features. Napoleon contended that the whole sprang from the extravagant pretensions of Great Britain, particularly in the Order of May 16, which he, in common with the United States, characterized as illegal. The British Government affirmed that it was strictly within belligerent rights, and was executed by an adequate force; that consequently it gave no ground for the course of the French Emperor. American statesmen, while disclaiming with formal gravity any purpose to decide with which of the two wrong-doers the ill first began,[133] had no scruples about reiterating constantly that the Order of May 16 contravened international right; and in so far, although wholly within the limits of diplomatic propriety, they supported Napoleon's assertion. Thus it came to pass that the United States was more and more felt, not only in Europe, but by dissentients at home, to side with France; and as the universal contest grew more embittered, this feeling became emphasized. While these discussions were in progress between Monroe and Fox, the United States Government had taken a definite step to bring the dispute to an issue by commercial restriction. The remonstrances from the mercantile community, against the seizures under the new ruling as to direct trade, were too numerous, emphatic, and withal reasonable, to be disregarded. Congress therefore, before its adjournment on April 23, 1806, passed a law shutting the American market, after the following November 15, against certain articles of British manufacture, unless equitable arrangements between the two countries should previously be reached. This recourse was in line with the popular action of the period preceding the War of Independence, and foreshadowed the general policy upon which the Administration was soon to enter on a larger scale. The measure was initiated before news was received of Pitt's death, and the accession of a more friendly ministry; but, having been already recommended in committee, it was not thought expedient to recede in consequence of the change. At the same time, the Administration determined to constitute an extraordinary mission, for the purpose of "treating with the British Government concerning the maritime wrongs which have been committed, and the regulation of commercial navigation between the parties." For this object Mr. William Pinkney, of Maryland, was nominated as colleague to Monroe, and arrived in England on June 24. The points to be adjusted by the new commissioners were numerous, but among them two were made pre-eminent,--the question of colonial trade, already explained, and that of impressment of seamen from American vessels. These were named by the Secretary of State as the motive of the recent Act prohibiting certain importations. The envoys were explicitly instructed that no stipulation requiring the repeal of that Act was to be made, unless an effectual remedy for these two evils was provided. The question of impressment, wrote Madison, "derives urgency from the licentiousness with which it is still pursued, and from the growing impatience of this country under it."[134] When Pinkney arrived, the matter of the colonial trade had already been settled indirectly by the Order of May 16, and it was soon to disappear from prominence, merged in the extreme measures of which that blockade was the precursor; but impressment remained an unhealed sore to the end. To understand the real gravity of this dispute, it is essential to consider candidly the situation of both parties, and also the influence exerted upon either by long-standing tradition. The British Government did not advance a crude claim to impress American seamen. What it did assert, and was enforcing, was a right to exercise over individuals on board foreign merchantmen, upon the high seas, the authority which it possessed on board British ships there, and over all ships in British ports. The United States took the ground that no such jurisdiction existed, unless over persons engaged in the military service of an enemy; and that only when a vessel entered the ports or territorial waters of Great Britain were those on board subject to arrest by her officers. There, as in every state, they came under the law of the land. The British argument in favor of this alleged right may be stated in the words of Canning, who became Foreign Secretary a year later. Writing to Monroe, September 23, 1807, he starts from the premise, then regarded by many even in America as sound, that allegiance by birth is inalienable,--not to be renounced at the will of the individual; consequently, "when mariners, subjects of his Majesty, are employed in the private service of foreigners, they enter into engagements inconsistent with the duty of subjects. In such cases, the species of redress which the practice of all times has admitted and sanctioned is that of taking those subjects at sea out of the service of such foreign individuals, and recalling them to the discharge of that paramount duty, which they owe to their sovereign and to their country. That the exercise of this right involves some of the dearest interests of Great Britain, your Government is ready to acknowledge.... It is needless to repeat that these rights existed in their fullest force for ages previous to the establishment of the United States of America as an independent government; and it would be difficult to contend that the recognition of that independence can have operated any change in this respect."[135] Had this been merely a piece of clever argumentation, it would have crumbled rapidly under an appreciation of the American case; but it represented actually a conviction inherited by all the British people, and not that of Canning only. Whether the foundation of the alleged right was solidly laid in reason or not, it rested on alleged prescription, indorsed by a popular acceptance and suffrage which no ministry could afford to disregard, at a time when the manning of the Royal Navy was becoming a matter of notorious and increasing difficulty. If Americans saw with indignation that many of their fellow-citizens were by the practice forced from their own ships to serve in British vessels of war, it was equally well known, in America as in Great Britain, that in the merchant vessels of the United States were many British seamen, sorely needed by their country. Public opinion in the United States was by no means united in support of the position then taken by Jefferson and Madison, as well as by their predecessors in office, proper and matter-of-course as that seems to-day. Many held, and asserted even with vehemence, that the British right existed, and that an indisputable wrong was committed by giving the absentees shelter under the American flag. The claim advanced by the United States Government, and the only one possible to it under the circumstances, was that when outside of territorial limits a ship's flag and papers must be held to determine the nation, to which alone belonged jurisdiction over every person on board, unless demonstrably in the military service of a belligerent. As a matter involving extensive practical consequences, this contention, like that concerning the colonial trade, had its origin from the entrance into the family of European nations of a new-comer, foreign to the European community of states and their common traditions; indisposed, consequently, to accept by mere force of custom rules and practices unquestioned by them, but traversing its own interests. As Canning argued, the change of political relation, by which the colonies became independent, could not affect rights of Great Britain which did not derive from the colonial connection; but it did introduce an opposing right,--that of the American citizen to be free from British control when not in British territory. This the United States possessed in common with all foreign nations; but in her case it could not, as in theirs, be easily reconciled with the claim of Great Britain. When every one whose native tongue was English was also by birth the subject of Great Britain, the visitation of a foreign neutral, in order to take from her any British seamen, involved no great difficulty of discrimination, nor--granting the theory of inalienable allegiance--any injustice to the person taken. It was quite different when a large maritime English-speaking population, quite comparable in numbers to that remaining British, had become independent. The exercise of the British right, if right it was, became liable to grievous wrong, not only to the individuals affected, but to the nation responsible for their protection; and the injury was greater, both in procedure and result, because the officials intrusted with the enforcement of the British claim were personally interested in the decisions they rendered. No one who understands the affection of a naval officer for an able seaman, especially if his ship be short-handed, will need to have explained how difficult it became for him to distinguish between an Englishman and an American, when much wanted. In short, there was on each side a practical grievance; but the character of the remedy to be applied involved a question of principle, the effect of which would be unequal between the disputants, increasing the burden of the one while it diminished that of the other, according as the one or the other solution was adopted. Except for the fact that the British Government had at its disposal overwhelming physical force, its case would have shared that of all other prescriptive rights when they come into collision with present actualities, demanding their modification. It might be never so true that long-standing precedent made legal the impressment of British seamen from neutral vessels on the open sea; but it remained that in practice many American seamen were seized, and forced into involuntary servitude, the duration of which, under the customs of the British Navy, was terminable certainly only by desertion or death. The very difficulty of distinguishing between the natives of the two countries, "owing to similarity of language, habits, and manners,"[136] alleged in 1797 by the British Foreign Secretary, Lord Grenville, to Rufus King, the American Minister, did but emphasize the incompatibility of the British claim with the security of the American citizen. The Consul-General of Great Britain at New York during most of this stormy period, Thomas Barclay, a loyalist during the War of Independence, affirms from time to time, with evident sincerity of conviction, the wishes of the British Government and naval officers not to impress American seamen; but his published correspondence contains none the less several specific instances, in which he assures British admirals and captains that impressed men serving on board their ships are beyond doubt native Americans, and his editor remarks that "only a few of his many appeals on behalf of Americans unlawfully seized are here printed."[137] This, too, in the immediate neighborhood of the United States, where evidence was most readily at hand. The condition was intolerable, and in principle it mattered nothing whether one man or many thus suffered. That the thing was possible, even for a single most humble and unknown native of the United States, condemned the system, and called imperiously for remedy. The only effectual remedy, however, was the abandonment of the practice altogether, whether or not the theoretic ground for such abandonment was that advanced by the United States. Long before 1806, experience had demonstrated, what had been abundantly clear to foresight, that a naval lieutenant or captain could not safely be intrusted with a function so delicate as deciding the nationality of a likely English-speaking topman, whom, if British, he had the power to impress. The United States did not refuse to recognize, distinctly if not fully, the embarrassment under which Great Britain labored by losing the services of her seamen at a moment of such national exigency; and it was prepared to offer many concessions in municipal regulations, in order to exclude British subjects from American vessels. Various propositions were advanced looking to the return of deserters and to the prevention of enlistments; coupled always with a renunciation of the British claim to take persons from under the American flag. There had been much negotiation by individual ministers of the United States in the ordinary course of their duties; beginning as far back as 1787, when John Adams had to remonstrate vigorously with the Cabinet "against this practice, which has been too common, of impressing American citizens, and especially with the aggravating circumstances of going on board American vessels, which ought to be protected by the flag of their sovereign."[138] Again, in 1790, on hostilities threatening with Spain, a number of American seamen were impressed in British ports. The arrests, being within British waters, were not an infringement of American jurisdiction, and the only question then raised was that of proving nationality. Gouverneur Morris, who afterwards so violently advocated the British claim to impress their own subjects in American vessels on the seas,[139] was at this time in London on a special semi-official errand, committed to him by President Washington. There being then no American resident minister, he took upon himself to mention to the Foreign Secretary "the conduct of their pressgangs, who had taken many American seamen, and had entered American vessels with as little ceremony as those belonging to Britain;" adding, with a caustic humor characteristic of him, "I believe, my Lord, this is the only instance in which we are not treated as aliens." He suggested certificates of citizenship, to be issued by the Admiralty Courts of the United States. This was approved by the Secretary and by Pitt; the latter, however, remarking that the plan was "very liable to abuse, notwithstanding every precaution."[140] Various expedients for attaching to the individual documentary evidence of birth were from time to time tried; but the heedless and inconsequent character and habits of the sailor of that day, and the facility with which the papers, once issued, could be transferred or bought, made any such resource futile. The United States was thus driven to the position enunciated in 1792 by Jefferson, then Secretary of State: "The simplest rule will be that the vessel being American shall be evidence that the seamen on board of her are such."[141] If this demand comprehended, as it apparently did, cases of arrest in British harbors, it was clearly extravagant, resembling the idea proceeding from the same source that the Gulf Stream should mark the neutral line of United States waters; but for the open sea it formulated the doctrine on which the country finally and firmly took its stand. [Illustration: THOMAS JEFFERSON From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Me.] The history of the practice of impressment, and of the consequent negotiations, from the time of Jefferson's first proposition down to the mission of Monroe and Pinkney, had shown conclusively that no other basis of settlement than that of the flag vouching for the crew could adequately meet and remove the evil of which the United States complained; an evil which was not only an injury to the individuals affected, but a dishonor to the nation which should continue to submit. The subject early engaged the care of Rufus King, who became Minister to Great Britain in 1796. In 1797, Lord Grenville and he had a correspondence,[142] which served merely to develop the difficulties on both sides, and things drifted from bad to worse. Not only was there the oppression of the individual, but the safety of ships was endangered by the ruthless manner in which they were robbed of their crews; an evil from which British merchant vessels often suffered.[143] On October 7, 1799, King again presented Grenville a paper,[144] summarizing forcibly both the abuses undergone by Americans, and the inconsistency of the British principle of inalienable allegiance with other British practices, which not only conferred citizenship upon aliens serving for a certain time in their merchant ships, but even attributed it compulsorily to seamen settled or married in the land.[145] No satisfactory action followed upon this remonstrance. In March, 1801, Grenville having resigned with Pitt, King brought the question before their successors, referring to the letter of October, 1799, as "a full explanation, requiring no further development on the present occasion."[146] At the same time, by authority from his Government, he made a definite proposal, "that neither party shall upon the high seas impress seamen out of the vessels of the other." The instructions for this action were given under the presidency of John Adams, John Marshall being then Secretary of State. On the high seas the vessels of the country were not under British jurisdiction for any purpose. The only concession of international law was that the ship itself could be arrested, if found by a belligerent cruiser under circumstances apparently in violation of belligerent rights, be brought within belligerent jurisdiction, and the facts there determined by due process of law. But in the practice of impressment the whole procedure, from arrest to trial and sentence, was transferred to the open sea; therefore to allow it extended thither a British jurisdiction, which possessed none of the guarantees for the sifting of evidence, the application of law, or the impartiality of the judge, which may be presumed in regular tribunals. Yet, while holding clearly the absolute justice of the American contention, demonstrated both by the faulty character of the method and the outrageous injustice in results, let us not be blind to the actuality of the loss Great Britain was undergoing, nor to her estimate of the compensation offered for the relinquishment of the practice. The New England States, which furnished a large proportion of the maritime population, affirmed continually by their constituted authorities that very few of their seamen were known to be impressed. Governor Strong of Massachusetts, in a message to the Legislature, said, "The number of our native seamen impressed by British ships has been grossly exaggerated, and the number of British seamen employed by us has at all times been far greater than those of all nations who have been impressed from our vessels. If we are contending for the support of a claim to exempt British seamen from their allegiance to their own country, is it not time to inquire whether our claim is just?"[147] It seems singular now that the fewness of the citizens hopelessly consigned to indefinite involuntary servitude should have materially affected opinion as to the degree of the outrage; but, after making allowance for the spirit of faction then prevalent, it can be readily understood that such conditions, being believed by the British, must color their judgment as to the real extent of the injustice by which they profited. At New York, in 1805, Consul-General Barclay,[148] who had then been resident for six years, in replying to a letter from the Mayor, said, "It is a fact, too notorious to have escaped your knowledge, that many of his Majesty's subjects are furnished with American protection, to which they have no title." This being brought to Madison's attention produced a complaint to the British Minister. In justifying his statements, Barclay wrote there were "innumerable instances where British subjects within a month after their arrival in these states obtain certificates of citizenship." "The documents I have already furnished you prove the indiscriminate use of those certificates."[149] Representative Gaston of North Carolina, whose utterances on another aspect of the question have been before quoted,[150] said in this relation, "In the battle, I think of the President and the Little Belt, a neighbor of mine, now an industrious farmer, noticed in the number of the slain one of his own name. He exclaimed, 'There goes one of my protections.' On being asked for an explanation, he remarked that in his wild days, when he followed the sea, it was an ordinary mode of procuring a little spending money to get a protection from a notary for a dollar, and sell it to the first foreigner whom it at all fitted for fifteen or twenty." But, while believing that the number of impressed Americans "had been exaggerated infinitely beyond the truth," Gaston added, with the clear perceptions of patriotism, "Be they more or less, the right to the protection of their country is sacred and must be regarded."[151] The logic was unimpeachable which, to every argument based upon numbers, replied that the question was not of few or many, but of a system, under which American seamen--one or more--were continually liable to be seized by an irresponsible authority, without protection or hearing of law, and sent to the uttermost part of the earth, beyond power of legal redress, or of even making known their situation. Yet it can be understood that the British Government, painfully conscious of the deterioration of its fighting force by the absence of its subjects, and convinced of its right, concerning which no hesitation was ever by it expressed, should have resolved to maintain it, distrustful of offers to exclude British seamen from the American merchant service, the efficacy of which must have been more than doubtful to all familiar with shipping procedures in maritime ports. The protections issued to seamen as American citizens fell under the suspicion which in later days not infrequently attached to naturalization papers; and, if questioned by some of our own people, it is not to be wondered that they seemed more than doubtful to a contrary interest. In presenting the proposition, "that neither party should impress from the ships of the other," King had characterized it as a temporary measure, "until more comprehensive and precise regulations can be devised to secure the respective rights of the two countries." Nevertheless, the United States would doubtless have been content to rest in this, duly carried out, and even to waive concession of the principle, should it be thus voided in practice. As King from the first foresaw,[152] acceptance by the British Cabinet would depend upon the new head of the Admiralty, Lord St. Vincent, a veteran admiral, whose reputation, and experience of over fifty years, would outweigh the opinions of his colleagues. In reply to a private letter from one of St. Vincent's political friends, sent at King's request, the admiral wrote: "Mr. King is probably not aware of the abuses which are committed by American Consuls in France, Spain, and Portugal, from the generality of whom every Englishman, knowing him to be such, may be made an American for a dollar. I have known more than one American master carry off soldiers, in their regimentals, arms, and accoutrements, from the garrison at Gibraltar; and there cannot be a doubt but the American trade is navigated by a majority of British subjects; and a very considerable one too." However inspired by prejudice, these words in their way echo Gaston's statements just quoted; while Madison in 1806 admitted that the number of British seamen in American merchant ships was "considerable, though probably less than supposed." Entertaining these impressions, the concurrence of St. Vincent seemed doubtful; and in fact, through the period of nominal peace which soon ensued, and continued to May, 1803, the matter dragged. When the renewal of the war was seen to be inevitable, King again urged a settlement, and the Foreign Secretary promised to sign any agreement which the admiral would approve. After conference, King thought he had gained this desired consent, for a term of five years, to the American proposition. He drew up articles embodying it, together with the necessary equivalents to be stipulated by the United States; but, before these could be submitted, he received a letter from St. Vincent, saying that he was of the opinion that the narrow seas should be expressly excepted from the operation of the clause, "as they had been immemorially considered to be within the dominions of Great Britain." Since this would give the consent of the United States to the extension of British jurisdiction far beyond the customary three miles from the shore, conceded by international law, King properly would not accept the solution, tempting as was the opportunity to secure immunity for Americans in other quarters from the renewed outrages that could be foreseen. He soon after returned to the United States, where his decision was of course approved; for though the Gulf Stream appeared to Jefferson the natural limit for the neutral jurisdiction of America, the claim of Great Britain to the narrow seas was evidently a grave encroachment upon the rights of others. In later years Lord Castlereagh, in an interview with the American chargé d'affaires, Jonathan Russell, assured him that Mr. King had misapprehended St. Vincent's meaning; reading, from a mass of records then before him, a letter of the admiral to Sir William Scott, Judge of the High Court of Admiralty, "asking for counsel and advice, and confessing his own perplexity and total incompetency to discover any practical project for the safe discontinuance of the practice." "You see," proceeded Lord Castlereagh, "that the confidence of Mr. King on this point was entirely unfounded."[153] Wherever the misunderstanding lay, matters had not advanced in the least towards a solution when Monroe reached England, in 1803, as King's successor. Up to that time, no tabular statement seems to have been prepared, showing the total number of seamen impressed from American vessels during the first war, 1793-1801; nor does the present writer think it material to ascertain, from the fragmentary data at hand, the exact extent of an injury to which the question of more or less was secondary. The official agent of the American Government, for the protection of seamen, upon quitting his post in London in 1802, wrote that he had transferred to his successor "A list of 597 seamen, where answers have been returned to me, stating that, having no documents to prove their citizenship, the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty could not consent to their discharge." Only seven cases then remained without replies, which shows at the least a decent attention to the formalities of intercourse; and King, in his letter of October 7, 1799, had acknowledged that the Secretary to the Admiralty had "given great attention to the numerous applications, and that a disposition has existed to comply with our demands, when the same could be done consistently with the maxims and practice adopted and adhered to by Great Britain." The Admiralty, however, maintained that "the admission of the principle, that a man declaring himself to belong to a foreign state should, upon that assertion merely, and without direct or very strong circumstantial proof, be suffered to leave the service, would be productive of the most dangerous consequences to his Majesty's Navy." The agent himself had written to the Secretary of the Admiralty, "I freely confess that I believe many of them are British subjects; but I presume that all of them were impressed from American vessels, and by far the greater proportion are American citizens, who, from various causes, have been deprived of their certificates, and who, from their peculiar situation, have been unable to obtain proofs from America."[154] When Mr. Monroe arrived in England in 1803, after the conclusion of the Louisiana purchase from France, war had just re-begun. Instructions were sent him, in an elaborate series of articles framed by Madison, for negotiating a convention to regulate those matters of difference which experience had shown were sure to arise between the two countries in the progress of the hostilities. Among them, impressment was given the first place; but up to 1806, when Pinkney was sent as his associate, nothing had been effected, nor does urgency seem to have been felt. So long as in practice things ran smoothly, divergences of opinion were easily tolerable. Soon after the receipt of the instructions, in March, 1804,[155] the comparatively friendly administration of Addington gave way to that of Pitt; and upon this had followed Monroe's nine-months absence in Spain. Before departure, however, he had written, "The negotiation has not failed in its great objects, ... nor was there ever less cause of complaint furnished by impressment."[156] The outburst of seizure upon the plea of a constructively direct trade, already mentioned, had followed, and, with the retaliatory non-importation law of the United States, made the situation acute and menacing. Further cause for exasperation was indicated in a report from the Secretary of State, March 5, 1806, giving, in reply to a resolution of the House, a tabulated statement, by name, of 913 persons, who "appear to have been impressed from American vessels;" to which was added that "the aggregate number of impressments into the British service since the commencement of the present war in Europe (May, 1803) is found to be 2,273."[157] Confronted by this situation of wrongs endured, by commerce and by seamen, the mission of Monroe and Pinkney was to negotiate a comprehensive treaty of "amity, commerce, and navigation," the first attempted between the two countries since Jay's in 1794. When Pinkney landed, Fox was already in the grip of the sickness from which he died in the following September. This circumstance introduced an element of delay, aggravated by the inevitable hesitations of the new ministry, solicitous on the one hand to accommodate, but yet more anxious not to incense British opinion. The Prime Minister, in room of Mr. Fox, received the envoys on August 5, and, when the American demand was explained to him, defined at once the delicacy of the question of impressment. "On the subject of the impressment of our seamen, he suggested doubts of the practicability of devising the means of discrimination between the seamen of the two countries, within (as we understood him) their respective jurisdictions; and he spoke of the importance to the safety of Great Britain, in the present state of the power of her enemy, of preserving in their utmost strength the right and capacity of Government to avail itself in war of the services of its seamen. These observations were connected with frequent professions of an earnest wish that some liberal and equitable plan should be adopted, for _reconciling the exercise_ of this essential right with the just claims of the United States, and for removing from it all cause of complaint and irritation."[158] In consequence of Mr. Fox's continued illness two negotiators, one of whom, Lord Holland, was a near relative of his, were appointed to confer with the American envoys, and to frame an agreement, if attainable. The first formal meeting was on August 27, the second on September 1.[159] As the satisfactory arrangement of the impressment difficulty was a _sine quâ non_ to the ratification of any treaty, and to the repeal of the Non-Importation Act, this American requirement was necessarily at once submitted. The reply was significant, particularly because made by men apparently chosen for their general attitude towards the United States, by a ministry certainly desirous to conciliate, and to retain the full British advantage from the United States market, if compatible with the preservation of an interest deemed greater still. "It was soon apparent that they felt the strongest repugnance to a formal renunciation, or the abandonment, of their claim to take from our vessels on the high seas such seamen as should appear to be their own subjects, and they pressed upon us with much zeal a provision" for documentary protection to individuals; "but that, subject to such protections, the ships of war of Great Britain should continue to visit and impress on the main ocean as heretofore." In the preliminary discussions the British negotiators presented the aspect of the case as it appeared to them and to their public. They "observed that they supposed the object of our plan to be to prevent the impressment at sea of American seamen, and not to withdraw British seamen from the naval service of their country in times of great national peril, for the purpose of employing them ourselves; that the first of these purposes would be effectually accomplished by a system which should introduce and establish a clear and conclusive distinction between the seamen of the two countries, which on all occasions would be implicitly respected; that if they should consent to make our commercial navy a floating asylum for all the British seamen who, tempted by higher wages, should quit their service for ours, the effect of such a concession upon their maritime strength, on which Great Britain depended, not only for her prosperity but for her safety, might be fatal; that on the most alarming emergency they might be deprived, to an extent impossible to calculate, of their only means of security; that our vessels might become receptacles for deserters to any amount, and when once at sea might set at defiance the just claims of the service to which such deserters belonged; that, even within the United States, it could not be expected that any plan for recovering British deserters could be efficacious; and that, moreover, the plan we proposed was inadequate in its range and object, inasmuch as it was merely prospective, confined wholly to deserters, and in no respect provided for the case of the vast body of British seamen _now_ employed in our trade to every part of the world." To these representations, which had a strong basis in fact and reason, if once the British principle was conceded, the American negotiators replied in detail as best they could. In such detail, the weight of argument and of probability appears to the writer to rest with the British case; but there is no adequate reply to the final American assertion, which sums up the whole controversy, "that impressment upon the high seas by those to whom that service is necessarily confided must under any conceivable guards be frequently abused;" such abuse being the imprisonment without trial of American citizens, as "a pressed man," for an indefinite period. Lord Cochrane, a British naval officer of rare distinction, stated in the House of Commons a few years later that "the duration of the term of service in his Majesty's Navy is absolutely without limitation."[160] The American envoys were prevented by their instructions from conceding this point, and from signing a treaty without some satisfactory arrangement. Meantime, impressed by the conciliatoriness of the British representatives, and doubtless in measure by the evident seriousness of the difficulty experienced by the British Government, they wrote home advising that the date for the Non-Importation Act going into operation, now close at hand, should be postponed; and, in accordance with a recommendation from the President, the measure was suspended by Congress, with a provision for further prolongation in the discretion of the Executive. On September 13 Fox died, an event which introduced further delays, esteemed not unreasonable by Monroe and Pinkney. Their next letter home, however, November 11,[161] while reporting the resumption of the negotiation, announced also its failure by a deadlock on this principal subject of impressment: "We have said everything that we could in support of our claim, that the flag should protect the crew, which we have contended was founded in unquestionable right.... This right was denied by the British commissioners, who asserted that of their Government to seize its subjects on board neutral vessels on the high seas, and also urged that the relinquishment of it at this time would go far to the overthrow of their naval power, on which the safety of the state essentially depended." In support of the abstract right was quoted the report from a law officer of the Crown, which "justified the pretension by stating that the King had a right, by his prerogative, to require the services of all his seafaring subjects against the enemy, and to seize them by force wherever found, not being within the territorial limits of another Power; that as the high seas were extra-territorial, the merchant vessels of other Powers navigating on them were not admitted to possess such a jurisdiction as to protect British subjects from the exercise of the King's prerogative over them." This was a final and absolute rejection of Madison's doctrine, that merchant vessels on the high seas were under the jurisdiction only of their own country. Asserted right was arrayed directly and unequivocally against asserted right. Negotiation on that subject was closed, and to diplomacy was left no further resort, save arms, or submission to continued injury and insult. The British commissioners did indeed submit a project,[162] in place of that of the United States, rejected by their Government. By this it was provided that thereafter the captain of a cruiser who should impress an American citizen should be liable to heavy penalties, to be enacted by law; but as the preamble to this proposition read, "Whereas it is not lawful for a belligerent to impress or carry off, from on board a neutral, seafaring persons _who are not the subjects of the belligerent_," there was admitted implicitly the right to impress those who were such subjects, the precise point at issue. The Americans therefore pronounced it wholly inadmissible, and repeated that no project could be adopted "which did not allow our ships to protect their crews." The provision made indispensable by the United States having thus failed of adoption, the question arose whether the negotiation should cease. The British expressed an earnest desire that it should not, and as a means thereto communicated the most positive assurances from their Government that "instructions have been given, and will be repeated and enforced, for the observance of the greatest caution in the impressing of British seamen; that the strictest care shall be taken to preserve the citizens of the United States from molestation or injury; and that prompt redress shall be afforded upon any representation of injury."[163] To this assurance the American commissioners attached more value as a safeguard for the future than past experience warranted; but in London they were able to feel, more accurately than an official in Washington, the extent and complexity of the British problem, both in actual fact and in public feeling. They knew, too, the anxious wish of the President for an accommodation on other matters; so they decided to proceed with their discussions, having first explicitly stated that they were acting on their own judgment.[164] Consequently, whatever instrument might result from their joint labors would be liable to rejection at home, because of the failure of the impressment demand. The discussions thus renewed terminated in a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, signed by the four negotiators, December 31, 1806. Into the details of this instrument it is unnecessary to go, as it never became operative. Jefferson persisted in refusing approval to any formal convention which did not provide the required stipulation against impressment. He was dissatisfied also with particular details connected with the other arrangements. All these matters were set forth at great length in a letter[165] of May 20, 1807, from Mr. Madison to the American commissioners; in which they were instructed to reopen negotiations on the basis of the treaty submitted, endeavoring to effect the changes specified. The danger to Great Britain from American commercial restriction was fully expounded, as an argument to compel compliance with the demands; the whole concluding with the characteristic remark that, "as long as negotiation can be honorably protracted, it is a resource to be preferred, under existing circumstances, to the peremptory alternative of improper concessions or inevitable collisions." In other words, the United States Government did not mean to fight, and that was all Great Britain needed to know. That she would suffer from the closure of the American market was indisputable; but, being assured of transatlantic peace, there were other circumstances of high import, political as well as commercial, which rendered yielding more inexpedient to her than a commercial war. At the end of March, 1807, within three months of the signature at London, the British Ministry fell, and the disciples of Pitt returned to power. Mr. Canning became Foreign Secretary. Circumstances were then changing rapidly on the continent of Europe, and by the time Madison's letter reached England a very serious event had modified also the relations of the United States to Great Britain. This was the attack upon the United States frigate "Chesapeake" by a British ship of war, upon the high seas, and the removal of four of her crew, claimed as deserters from the British Navy. Unofficial information of this transaction reached England July 25, just one day after Monroe and Pinkney had addressed to Canning a letter communicating their instructions to reopen negotiations, and stating the changes deemed desirable in the treaty submitted. The intervention of the "Chesapeake" affair, to a contingent adjustment of which all other matters had been postponed, delayed to October 22 the reply of the British Minister.[166] In this, after a preamble of "distinct protest against a practice, altogether unusual in the political transactions of states, by which the American Government assumes to itself the privilege of revising and altering agreements concluded and signed on its behalf by its agents duly authorized for that purpose," Canning thus announced the decision of the Cabinet: "The proposal of the President of the United States for proceeding to negotiate anew, upon the basis of a treaty already solemnly concluded and signed, is a proposal wholly inadmissible. And his Majesty has therefore no option, under the present circumstances of this transaction, but to acquiesce in the refusal of the President of the United States to ratify the treaty signed on December 31, 1806." The settlement of the "Chesapeake" business having already been transferred to Washington, by the appointment of a special British envoy, this rejection of further consideration of the treaty closed all matters pending between the two governments, except those appertaining to the usual duties of a legation, and Monroe's mission ended. A fortnight later he sailed for the United States. His place as regularly accredited Minister to the British Court was taken by Pinkney, through whom were conducted the subsequent important discussions, which arose from the marked extension given immediately afterwards by France and Great Britain to their several policies for the forcible restriction of neutral trade. Those who have followed the course of the successive events traced in this chapter, and marked their accelerating momentum, will be prepared for the more extreme and startling occurrences which soon after ensued as a matter of inevitable development. They will be able also to understand how naturally the phrase, "Free Trade and Sailors' Rights," grew out of these various transactions, as the expression of the demands and grievances which finally drove the United States into hostilities; and will comprehend in what sense these terms were used, and what the wrongs against which they severally protested. "Free Trade" had no relation of opposition to a system of protection to home industries, an idea hardly as yet formulated to consciousness, except by a few advanced economists. It meant the trade of a nation carried on according to its own free will, relieved from fetters forcibly imposed by a foreign yoke, in which, under the circumstances of the time, the resurrection of colonial bondage was fairly to be discerned. "Sailors' Rights" expressed not only the right of the American seaman to personal liberty of action,--in theory not contested, but in practice continually violated by the British,--but the right of all seamen under the American flag to its protection in the voluntary engagements which they were then fulfilling. It voiced the sufferings of the individual; the personal side of an injury, the reverse of which was the disgrace of the nation responsible for his security. It was afterwards charged against the administrations of Jefferson and Madison, under which these events ran their course to their culmination in war, that impressment was not a cause of the break between the two countries, but was adduced subsequently to swell the array of injuries, in which the later Orders in Council were the real determinative factor. The drift of this argument was, that the Repeal of the Orders, made almost simultaneously with the American Declaration of War, and known in the United States two months later, should have terminated hostilities. The British Government, in an elaborate vindication of its general course, published in January, 1813, stated that, "in a manifesto, accompanying their declaration of hostilities, in addition to the former complaints against the Orders in Council, a long list of grievances was brought forward; but none of them such as were ever before alleged by the American Government to be grounds for war." In America itself similar allegations were made by the party in opposition. The Maryland House of Delegates, in January, 1814, adopted a memorial, in which it was said that "The claim of impressment, which has been so much exaggerated, but which was never deemed of itself a substantive cause of war, has been heretofore considered susceptible of satisfactory arrangement in the judgment of both the commissioners, who were selected by the President then in office to conduct the negotiation with the English ministry in the year 1806."[167] The words of the commissioners in their official letters of November 11, 1806,[168] and April 22, 1807,[169] certainly sustain this statement as to their opinion, which was again deliberately affirmed by Monroe in a justificatory review of their course, addressed to Madison in February, 1808,[170] after his return. Gaston, speaking in the House in February, 1814, said: "Sir, the question of seamen was not a cause of this war. More than five years had passed over since an arrangement on this question, perfectly satisfactory to our ministers, [Monroe and Pinkney] had been made with Great Britain; but it pleased not the President, and was rejected. Yet, during the whole period that afterwards elapsed until the declaration of war, no second effort was made to adjust this cause of controversy."[171] Gaston here is slightly in error as to fact, for the attack upon the "Chesapeake" was made by the Government the occasion for again demanding an abandonment of the practice of impressment from American merchant ships; but, accepting the statements otherwise, nothing more could be required of the Administration, so far as words went, than its insistence upon this relinquishment as a _sine quâ non_ to any treaty. Its instructions to its ministers in 1806 had placed this demand first, not only in order, but in importance, coupling with it as indispensable only one other condition, the freedom of trade; the later and more extreme infringements of which were constituted by the Orders in Council of 1807. After protracted discussion, the American requirement as to impressment had been refused by Great Britain, deliberately, distinctly, and in the most positive manner; nor does it seem possible to concur with the opinion of our envoys that the stipulations offered by her representatives, while not sacrificing the British principle, did substantially and in practice secure the American demands. These could be satisfactorily covered only by the terms laid down by the Administration. Thereafter, any renewal of the subject must come from the other side; it was inconsistent with self-respect for the United States again to ask it, unless with arms in her hands. To make further advances in words would have been, not to negotiate, but to entreat. This, in substance, was the reply of the Government to its accusers at home, and it is irrefutable. It is less easy--rather, it is impossible--to justify the Administration for refraining from adequate deeds, when the impotence of words had been fully and finally proved. In part, this was due to miscalculation, in itself difficult to pardon, from the somewhat sordid grounds and estimates of national feeling upon which it proceeded. The two successive presidents, and the party behind them, were satisfied that Great Britain, though standing avowedly and evidently upon grounds considered by her essential to national honor and national safety, could be compelled to yield by the menace of commercial embarrassment. That there was lacking in them the elevated instinct, which could recognize that they were in collision with something greater than a question of pecuniary profits, is in itself a condemnation; and their statesmanship was at fault in not appreciating that the enslaved conditions of the European continent had justly aroused in Great Britain an exaltation of spirit, which was prepared to undergo every extreme, in resistance to a like subjection, till exhaustion itself should cause her weapons to drop from her hands. The resentment of the United States Government for the injuries done its people was righteous and proper. It was open to it to bear them under adequate protest, sympathizing with the evident embarrassments of the old cradle of the race; or, on the other hand, to do as she was doing, strain every nerve to compel the cessation of outrage. The Administration preferred to persist in its military and naval economies, putting forth but one-half of its power, by measures of mere commercial restriction. These impoverished its own people, and divided national sentiment, but proved incapable within reasonable time to reduce the resolution of the opponent. That that finally gave way when war was clearly imminent proves, not that commercial restriction alone was sufficient, but that coupled with military readiness it would have attained its end more surely, and sooner; consequently with less of national suffering, and no national ignominy. Entire conviction of the justice and urgency of the American contentions, especially in the matter of impressment, and only to a less degree in that of the regulation of trade by foreign force, as impeaching national independence, is not enough to induce admiration for the course of American statesmanship at this time. The acuteness and technical accuracy of Madison's voluminous arguments make but more impressive the narrowness of outlook, which saw only the American point of view, and recognized only the force of legal precedent, at a time when the foundations of the civilized world were heaving. American interests doubtless were his sole concern; but what was practicable and necessary to support those interests depended upon a wide consideration and just appreciation of external conditions. That laws are silent amid the clash of arms, seems in his apprehension transformed to the conviction that at no time are they more noisy and compulsive. Upon this political obtuseness there fell a kind of poetical retribution, which gradually worked the Administration round to the position of substantially supporting Napoleon, when putting forth all his power to oppress the liberties of Spain, and of embarrassing Great Britain at the time when a people in insurrection against perfidy and outrage found in her their sole support. During these eventful five years, the history of which we are yet to trace, the bearing of successive British ministries towards the United States was usually uncompromising, often arrogant, sometimes insolent, hard even now to read with composure; but in the imminent danger of their country, during a period of complicated emergencies, they held, with cool heads, and with steady hands on the helm, a course taken in full understanding of world conditions, and with a substantially just forecast of the future. Among their presuppositions, in the period next to be treated, was that America might argue and threaten, but would not fight. There was here no miscalculation, for she did not fight till too late, and she fought wholly unprepared. FOOTNOTES: [108] Wheaton's International Law, p. 753. [109] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. p. 476. [110] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. pp. 472-474. [111] Ibid., p. 503. [112] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. p. 522. [113] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. ii. p. 491. [114] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 263. [115] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 265. [116] Ibid., p. 266. [117] Ibid., p. 175. [118] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 98. [119] History of the United States, by Henry Adams, vol. ii. p. 423. [120] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. ii. p. 491. [121] Ibid., vol. iii. p. 145. [122] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 114. [123] Monroe to Madison, April 28, 1806. American State Papers, vol. iii. p. 117. [124] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 111. [125] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 109, 107. [126] Ibid., p. 118. [127] For the text of this measure, see American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 267. [128] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 443. [129] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 446. [130] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 195. Author's italics. [131] Ibid., p. 371. [132] See, particularly, Foster to Monroe, July 3, 1811. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 436. [133] Ibid., pp. 428, 439. [134] The Instructions to Monroe and Pinkney are found in American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 120. [135] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 200, 201. [136] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. ii. p. 148. [137] Correspondence of Thomas Barclay, edited by George L. Rives, New York, 1894. For instances, see Index, Impressment. [138] Works of John Adams, vol. viii. p. 456. [139] Ante, p. 6. [140] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i. pp. 123-124. [141] Jefferson's Works, Letter to T. Pinckney, Minister to Great Britain, June 11, 1792. [142] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. ii. pp. 145-150. [143] See, for example, Naval Chronicle, vol. xxvi. pp. 215-221, 306-309. [144] Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, vol. iii. p. 115. [145] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. ii. p. 150. [146] Ibid., p. 493. [147] Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 343. [148] Correspondence, p. 210. [149] Correspondence, p. 219. [150] Ante, p. 7. [151] Niles' Register, vol. v. Supplement, p. 105. [152] King to Thomas Erskine. Life of King, vol. iii. p. 401. [153] Russell to the Secretary of State, Sept. 17, 1812. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 593. [154] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. ii. pp. 427, 473. [155] Ibid., vol. iii. p. 90. [156] Ibid., p. 98. [157] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. ii. pp. 776-798. [158] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 131. Author's italics. [159] For the American report of these interviews, see Ibid., pp. 133-135. [160] Cobbett's Parliamentary Debates, vol. xxvi. p. 1103. [161] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 137-140. [162] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 140. [163] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 140. [164] Ibid., p. 139. [165] Ibid., pp. 166-173. [166] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 198. [167] Niles' Register, vol. v. p. 377. [168] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 139. [169] Ibid., p. 161. [170] Ibid., p. 173. [171] Niles' Register, vol. v. Supplement, p. 102. CHAPTER IV FROM THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL TO WAR 1807-1812 When the treaty of December 31, 1806, was about to be signed, the British negotiators delivered to the Americans a paper, of the general character of which they had been forewarned, but which in precise terms then first came before them. Its origin was due to a pronouncement of the French Emperor, historically known as the Decree of Berlin, which was dated November 21, while the negotiations were in progress, but had become fully known only when they had reached a very advanced stage. The pretensions and policy set forth in the Decree were considered by the British Government to violate the rights of neutrals, with a specific and far-reaching purpose of thereby injuring Great Britain. It was claimed that acquiescence in such violations by the neutral, or submission to them, would be a concurrence in the hostile object of the enemy; in which case Great Britain might feel compelled to adopt measures retaliatory against France, through the same medium of neutral navigation. In such steps she might be fettered, should the present treaty take effect. In final ratification, therefore, the British Government would be guided by the action of the United States upon the Berlin Decree. Unless the Emperor abandoned his policy, or "the United States by its conduct or assurances will have given security to his Majesty that it will not submit to such innovations on the established system of maritime law, ... his Majesty will not consider himself bound by the present signature of his commissioners to ratify the treaty, or precluded from adopting such measures as may seem necessary for counteracting the designs of his enemy."[172] The American representatives transmitted this paper to Washington, with the simple observation that "we do not consider ourselves a party to it, or as having given it in any the slightest degree our sanction."[173] The Berlin Decree was remarkable not only in scope and spirit, but in form. "It had excited in us apprehensions," wrote Madison to the United States minister in Paris, "which were repressed only by the inarticulate import of its articles, and the presumption that it would be executed in a sense not inconsistent with the respect due to the treaty between France and the United States." It bore, in fact, the impress of its author's mind, which, however replete with knowledge concerning conventional international law, defined in accordance with the momentary and often hasty impulses of his own will, and consequently often also with the obscurity attendant upon ill-digested ideas. The preamble recited various practices of Great Britain as subversive of international right; most of which were not so, but in accordance with long-standing usage and general prescription. The methods of blockade instituted by her were more exceptionable, and were given prominence, with evident reference to the Order of May 16, declaring the blockade of a long coast-line. It being evident, so ran the Emperor's reasoning, that the object of this abuse of blockade was to interrupt neutral commerce in favor of British, it followed that "whoever deals on the Continent in English merchandise favors that design, and becomes an accomplice." He therefore decreed, as a measure of just retaliation, "that the British Islands were thenceforward in a state of blockade; that all correspondence and commerce with them was prohibited; that trade in English merchandise was forbidden; and that all merchandise belonging to England, or" (even if neutral property) "proceeding from its manufactories and colonies, is lawful prize." No vessel coming directly from British dominions should be received in any port to which the Decree was applicable. The scope of its intended application was shown in the concluding command, that it should be communicated "to the Kings of Spain, of Naples, of Holland, of Etruria, and to our allies, whose subjects, like ours, are the victims of the injustice and barbarism of the English maritime laws."[174] The phrasing of the edict was ambiguous, as Madison indicated. Notably, while neutral vessels having on board merchandise neutral in property, but British in origin, were to be seized when voluntarily entering a French port, it was not clear whether they were for the same reason to be arrested when found on the high seas; and there was equal failure to specify whether the proclaimed blockade authorized the capture of neutrals merely because bound to the British Isles, as was lawful if destined to a seaport effectively blockaded. Again, some of the proposed measures, such as refusal of admission to vessels or merchandise coming to French ports from British, were matters of purely local concern and municipal regulation; whereas the seizure of neutral property, because of English manufacture, was at least of doubtful right, if exercised within municipal limits, and certainly unlawful, if effected on the high seas. Whether such application was intended could not certainly be inferred from the text. The genius of the measure, as a whole, its inspiring motive and purpose, was revealed in the closing words of the preamble: "This decree shall be considered as the fundamental law of the Empire, until England has acknowledged that the rights of war are the same an land and on sea; that it [war] cannot be extended to any private property whatever; nor to persons who are not military; and until the right of blockade be restrained to fortified places, actually invested by competent forces." These words struck directly at measures of war resting upon long-standing usage, in which the strength of a maritime state such as Great Britain was vitally implicated. The claim for private property possesses particular interest; for it involves a play upon words to the confusion of ideas, which from that time to this has vitiated the arguments upon which have been based a prominent feature of American policy. Private property at a standstill is one thing. It is the unproductive money in a stocking, hid in a closet. Property belonging to private individuals, but embarked in that process of transportation and exchange which we call commerce, is like money in circulation. It is the life-blood of national prosperity, upon which war depends; and as such is national in its employment, and only in ownership private. To stop such circulation is to sap national prosperity; and to sap prosperity, upon which war depends for its energy, is a measure as truly military as is killing the men whose arms maintain war in the field. Prohibition of commerce is enforced at will where an enemy's army holds a territory; if permitted, it is because it inures to the benefit of the conqueror, or at least from its restricted scope does not injure him. It will not be doubted that, should a prohibition on shore be disregarded, the offending property would be seized in punishment. The sea is the great scene of commerce. The property transported back and forth, circulating from state to state in exchanges, is one of the greatest factors in national wealth. The maritime nations have been, and are, the wealthy nations. To prohibit such commerce to an enemy is, and historically has been, a tremendous blow to his fighting power; never more conspicuously so than in the Napoleonic wars. But prohibition is a vain show, in war as it is in civil government, if not enforced by penalties; and the natural penalty against offending property is fine, extending even to confiscation in extreme cases. The seizure of enemy's merchant ships and goods, for violating the prohibition against their engaging in commerce, is what is commonly called the seizure of private property. Under the methods of the last two centuries, it has been in administration a process as regular, legally, as is libelling a ship for an action in damages; nor does it differ from it in principle. The point at issue really is not, "Is the property private?" but, "Is the method conducive to the purposes of war?" Property strictly private, on board ship, but not in process of commercial exchange, is for this reason never touched; and to do so is considered as disgraceful as a common theft. Napoleon, as a ruler, was always poverty-stricken. For that reason he levied heavy contributions on conquered states, which it is needless to say were paid by private taxpayers; and for the same reason, by calling French ships and French goods "private property," he would compel for them the freedom of the sea, which the maritime preponderance of Great Britain denied them. He needed the revenue that commerce would bring in. So as to blockades. In denying the right to capture under a nominal blockade, unsupported by an effective force, he took the ground which the common-sense of nations had long before embodied in the common consent called international law. But he went farther. Blockade is very inconvenient to the blockaded, which was the rôle played by France. Along with the claim for "private property," he formulated the proposition that the right of blockade is restrained to fortified places; to which was afterwards added the corollary that the place must be invested by land as well as by sea. It is to be noticed that here also American policy showed a disposition to go astray, by denying the legitimacy of a purely commercial blockade; a tendency natural enough at that passing moment, when, as a weak nation, it was desired to restrict the rights of belligerents, but which in its results on the subsequent history of the country would have been ruinous. John Marshall, one of the greatest names in American jurisprudence, when Secretary of State in 1800, wrote to the minister in London: On principle it might well be questioned whether this rule [of blockade] can be applied to a place not completely invested, by land as well as by sea. If we examine the reasoning on which is founded the right to intercept and confiscate supplies designed for a blockaded town, it will be difficult to resist the conviction that its extension to towns invested by sea only is an unjustifiable encroachment on the rights of neutrals. But it is not of this departure from principle (a departure which has received some sanction from practice) that we mean to complain.[175] In 1810, the then Secretary of State enclosed to the American minister in London the letter from which this extract is taken, among other proofs of the positions maintained by the United States on the subject of blockade. The particular claim cited was not directly indorsed; but as its mention was unnecessary to the matter immediately in hand, we may safely regard its retention as indicative of the ideal of the Secretary, and of the President, Mr. Madison. In consequence, we find the minister, William Pinkney, in his letter of January 14, 1811, adducing Marshall's view to the British Foreign Secretary: It is by no means clear that it may not fairly be contended, on principle and early usage, that a maritime blockade is incomplete, with regard to States at peace,[176] unless the place which it would affect is invested by land, as well as by sea. The United States, however, have called for the recognition of no such rule. They appear to have contented themselves, etc.[177] The error into which both these eminent statesmen fell is military in character, and proceeds from the same source as the agitation in favor of exempting so-called private property from capture. Both spring from the failure to recognize a function of the sea, vital to the maintenance of war by states which depend upon maritime commerce. To forbid the free use of the seas to enemy's merchant ships and material of commerce, differs in no wise in principle from shutting his ports to neutral vessels, as well as to his own, by blockade. Both are aimed at the enemy's sources of supply, at his communications; and the penalty inflicted by the laws of war in both cases is the same,--forfeiture of the offending property. With clear recognition of this military principle involved, and of the importance of sustaining it by Great Britain, British high officials repeatedly declared that the Berlin Decree was to be regarded, not chiefly in its methods, but in its object, or principle, which was to deprive Great Britain of her principal weapon. This purpose stood avowed in the words, "this decree shall be considered the fundamental law of the Empire until England has acknowledged," etc. British statesmen correctly paraphrased this, "has renounced the established foundations, admitted by all civilized nations, of her maritime rights and interests, upon which depend the most valuable rights and interests of the nation."[178] The British authorities understood that, by relinquishing these rights, they would abandon in great measure the control of the sea, so far as useful to war. The United States have received their lesson in history. If the principle contended for by their representatives, Marshall and Pinkney, had been established as international law before 1861, there could have been no blockade of the Southern coast in the Civil War. The cotton of the Confederacy, innocent "private property," could have gone freely; the returns from it would have entered unimpeded; commerce, the source of national wealth, would have flourished in full vigor; supplies, except contraband, would have flowed unmolested; and all this at the price merely of killing some hundred thousands more men, with proportionate expenditure of money, in the effort to maintain the Union, which would probably have failed, to the immeasurable loss of both sections. The British Government took some time to analyze the "inarticulate import" of the Berlin Decree. Hence, in the paper presented to Monroe and Pinkney, stress was laid upon the methods only, ignoring the object of compelling Great Britain to surrender her maritime rights. In the methods, however, instinct divined the true character of the plotted evil. There was to be formed, under military pressure, a vast political combination of states pledged to exclude British commerce from the markets of the Continent; a design which in execution received the name of the Continental System. The Decree being issued after the battle of Jena, upon the eve of the evident complete subjugation of Prussia, following that of Austria the year before, there was room to fear that the predominance of Napoleon on the Continent would compel in Europe universal compliance with these measures of exclusion. It so proved, in fact, in the course of 1807, leading to a commercial warfare of extraordinary rigor, the effects of which upon Europe have been discussed by the author in a previous work.[179] Its influence upon the United States is now to be considered; for it was a prominent factor in the causes of the War of 1812. Although in a military sense weak to debility, and politically not welded as yet into a nation, strong in a common spirit and accepted traditions, the United States was already in two respects a force to be considered. She possessed an extensive shipping, second in tonnage only to that of the British Islands, to which it was a dangerous rival in maintaining the commercial intercourse of Europe; while her population and purchasing power were so increased as to constitute her a very valuable market, manufacturing for which was chiefly in the hands of Great Britain. It became, therefore, an object with Napoleon, in prosecution of the design of the Berlin Decree, to draw the United States into co-operation with the European continental system, by shutting her ports to Great Britain; while the latter, confronted by this double danger, sought to impose upon neutral navigation--almost wholly American--such curtailment as should punish the Emperor and his tributaries for their measures of exclusion, and also neutralize the effect of these by forcing the British Islands into the chain of communication by which Europe in general was supplied. To retaliate the Berlin Decree upon the enemy, and by the same means to nourish the trade of Great Britain, was the avowed twofold object. The shipping of the United States found itself between hammer and anvil, crushed by these opposing policies. Napoleon banned it from continental harbors, if coming from England or freighted with English goods; Great Britain forbade it going to a continental port, unless it had first touched at one of hers; and both inflicted penalties of confiscation, when able to lay hands on a vessel which had violated their respective commands. The lack of precision in the terms of the Berlin Decree exposed it from the first to much latitude of interpretation; and the Emperor remaining absent from France for eight months after its promulgation, preoccupied with an arduous warfare in Eastern Europe, the construction of the edict by the authorities in Paris made little alteration in existing conditions. Nevertheless, the impulse to retaliate prevailed; and the British ministry with which Monroe and Pinkney had negotiated, though comparatively liberal in political complexion, would not wait for more precise knowledge. The occasion was seized with a precipitancy which lent color to Napoleon's assertion, that the leading aim was to favor their own trade by depressing that of others. This had already been acknowledged as the motive for interrupting American traffic in West India produce. Now again, one week only after stating to Monroe and Pinkney that they "could not believe that the enemy will ever seriously attempt to enforce such a system," and without waiting to ascertain whether neutral nations, the United States in particular, would, "contrary to all expectations, acquiesce in such usurpations,"[180] the Government on January 7, 1807, with no information as to the practical effect given to the Decree in operation, issued an Order in Council, which struck Americans directly and chiefly. Neutrals were forbidden to sail from one port to another, both of which were so far under the control of France or her allies that British vessels might not freely trade thereat. This was aimed immediately at trade along the coast of Europe, but it included, of course, the voyages from a hostile colony to a hostile European port already interdicted by British rulings, of which the new Order was simply an extension. It fell with particular severity on Americans, accustomed to go from port to port, not carrying on local coasting, but seeking markets for their outward cargoes, or making up a homeward lading. It is true that the Cabinet by which the Order was issued did not intend to forbid this particular procedure; but the wording naturally implied such prohibition, and was so construed by Madison,[181] who communicated his understanding to the British minister at Washington. Before this letter could reach London, the ministry changed, and the new Government refrained from correcting the misapprehension. For this it was taken to task in Parliament, by Lords Holland and Grenville.[182] Monroe had once written to the British Foreign Secretary that "it cannot well be conceived how it should be lawful to carry on commerce from one port to another of the parent country, and not from its colonies to the mother country."[183] This well meant argument, in favor of opening the colonial trade, gave to the new step of the British Cabinet a somewhat gratuitous indorsement of logical consistency. A consciousness of this may have underlain the remarkable terms in which this grievous restriction was imparted to the United States Government, as evincing the singular indulgence of Great Britain. Her minister in Washington, in conveying the Order to the State Department, wrote: "His Majesty, with that forbearance and moderation which have at all times distinguished his conduct, has determined for the present to confine himself to exercising his decided naval superiority in such a manner only as is authorized by the acknowledged principles of the laws of nations, and has issued an Order for preventing all commerce from port to port of his enemies; comprehending in this Order not only the ports of France, but those of other nations, as, either in alliance with France, or subject to her dominion, have, by measures of active offence or by the exclusion of British ships, taken part in the present war."[184] These words characterized the measure as strictly retaliatory. They implied that the extra-legal action of the enemy would warrant extra-legal action by Great Britain, but asserted expressly that the present step was sanctioned by existing law,--"in such a manner only as is authorized by the acknowledged principles of the law of nations." The prohibition of coasting trade could be brought under the law of nations only by invoking the Rule of 1756, forbidding neutrals to undertake for a state at war employment denied to them in peace. Of this, coasting was a precise instance; but to call the Rule an acknowledged principle of the law of nations was an assumption peculiarly calculated to irritate Madison, who had expended reams in refutation. He penned two careful replies, logical, incisive, and showing the profound knowledge of the subject which distinguished him; but in a time of political convulsion he contended in vain against men who wore swords and thought their country's existence imperilled. The United States authorities argued by text and precedent. To the end they persisted in shutting their eyes to the important fact, recognized intuitively by Great Britain, that the Berlin Decree was no isolated measure, to be discussed on its separate merits, but an incident in an unprecedented political combination, already sufficiently defined in tendency, which overturned the traditional system of Europe. It destroyed the checks inherent in the balance of power, concentrating the whole in the hands of Napoleon, to whom there remained on the Continent only one valid counterweight, the Emperor of Russia, whom he soon after contrived to lead into his scheme of policy. The balance of power was thus reduced to the opposing scales of Great Britain and France, and for five years so remained. The Continental System, embracing all the rest of Europe, was arrayed against Great Britain, and might well look to destroy her, if it could command the support of the United States. Founded upon armed power, it proposed by continuous exertion of the same means to undermine the bases of British prosperity, and so to subvert the British Empire. The enterprise was distinctly military, and could be met only by measures of a similar character, to which existing international law was unequal. The corner-stone was the military power of Napoleon, which, by nullifying the independence of the continental states, compelled them to adopt the methods of the Berlin Decree contrary to their will, and contrary to the wishes, the interests, and the bare well-being of their populations. "You will see," wrote an observant American representative abroad, "that Napoleon stalks at a gigantic stride among the pygmy monarchs of Europe, and bends them to his policy. It is even an equal chance if Russia, after all her blustering, does not accede to his demands without striking a blow."[185] To meet the danger Great Britain opposed a maritime dominion, equally exclusive, equally founded on force, and exercised in equally arbitrary fashion over the populations of the sea. At the end of March, 1807, the British Cabinet with which Monroe and Pinkney had negotiated went out of office. Their successors came in prepared for extreme action in consequence of the Berlin Decree; but their hand was for the moment stayed, because its enforcement remained in abeyance, owing to the Emperor's continued absence in the field. Towards the claims of the United States their attitude was likely to be uncompromising; and the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Canning, to whom fell the expression of the Government's views and purposes, possessed an adroitness in fastening upon minor weaknesses in a case, and postponing to such the consideration of the important point at issue, which, coupled with a peremptoriness of tone often bordering on insolence, effected nothing towards conciliating a people believed to be both unready and unwilling to fight. The American envoys, at their first interview, in April, met him with the proposition of their Government to reopen negotiations on the basis of the treaty of December 31. Learning from them that the treaty would not be ratified without a satisfactory arrangement concerning impressment, Canning asked what relations would then obtain between the two nations. The reply was that the United States Government wished them placed informally on the most friendly footing; that is, that an understanding should be reached as to practical action to be expected on either side, without concessions of principle.[186] As final instructions from Washington were yet to come, it was agreed that the matter should be postponed. When they arrived, on July 16, the envoys drew up a letter, submitting the various changes desired; but conveying also the fixed determination of the President "to decline any arrangement, formal or informal, which does not comprise a provision against impressments from American vessels on the high seas, and which would, notwithstanding, be a bar to legislative measures by Congress for controlling that species of aggression."[187] This letter was dated July 24, but by the time it could be delivered news arrived which threw into the background all matters of negotiation and illustrated with what respect British naval officers regarded "the instructions, repeated and enforced, for the observance of the greatest caution in impressing British seamen."[188] It is probable, indeed, that the change of ministry, and the well-understood tone of the new-comers, had modified the influence of these restraining orders; and Canning evidently felt that such an inference was natural, for Monroe reported his noticeable desire "to satisfy me that no new orders had been issued by the present ministry to the commandant of the British squadron at Halifax," who was primarily responsible for the lamentable occurrence which here traversed the course of negotiation. It had been believed, and doubtless correctly, that some deserters from British ships of war had found their way into the naval service of the United States. In June, 1807, the American frigate "Chesapeake," bearing the broad pendant of Commodore James Barron, had been fitting for sea in Hampton Roads. At this time two French ships of war were lying off Annapolis, a hundred miles up Chesapeake Bay; and, to prevent their getting to sea, a small British squadron had been assembled at Lynnhaven Bay, just within Cape Henry, a dozen miles below the "Chesapeake's" anchorage. They were thus, as Jefferson said, enjoying the hospitality of the United States. On June 22 the American frigate got under way for sea, and as she stood down, one of the British, the "Leopard" of fifty guns, also made sail, going out ahead of her. Shortly after noon the "Chesapeake" passed the Capes. When about ten miles outside, a little after three o'clock, the "Leopard" approached, and hailed that she had a despatch for Commodore Barron. This was brought on board by a lieutenant, and proved to be a letter from the captain of the "Leopard," enclosing an order from Vice-Admiral Berkeley, in charge of the Halifax station, "requiring and directing the captains and commanders of his Majesty's vessels under my command, in case of meeting the American frigate, the 'Chesapeake,' at sea, without the limits of the United States, to show her captain this order, and to require to search his ship for deserters from certain British ships," specified by name. Upon Barron's refusal, the "Leopard" fired into the "Chesapeake," killed or wounded twenty-one men, and reduced her to submission. The order for search was then enforced. Four of the American crew, considered to be British deserters, were taken away. Of these, one was hanged; one died; and the other two, after prolonged disputation, were returned five years later to the deck of the "Chesapeake," in formal reparation. Word of this transaction reached the British Government before it did Monroe, who was still sole American minister for all matters except the special mission. Canning at once wrote him a letter of regret, and spontaneously promised "prompt and effectual reparation," if upon receipt of full information British officers should prove culpable. Four days later, July 29, Monroe and Canning met in pursuance of a previous appointment, the object of which had been to discuss complaints against the conduct of British ships of war on the coast of the United States. The "Chesapeake" business naturally now overshadowed all others. Monroe maintained that, on principle, a ship of war could not be entered to search for deserters, or for any purpose, without violating the sovereignty of her nation. Canning was very guarded; no admission of principle could then be obtained from him; but he gave Monroe to understand that, in whatever light the action of the British officer should be viewed by his Government, the point whether the men seized were British subjects or American citizens would be of consideration, in the question of restoring them, now that they were in British hands. Monroe, in accordance with the position of his Government on the subject of impressment, replied that the determining consideration was not the nationality of the men, but of the ship, the flag of which had been insulted. The conference ended with an understanding that Monroe would send in a note embodying his position and claims. This he did the same day;[189] but his statements were grounded upon newspaper accounts, as the British Government had not yet published Berkeley's official report. He would not await the positive information that must soon be given out, but applied strong language to acts not yet precisely ascertained; and he mingled with the "Chesapeake" affair other very real, but different and minor, subjects of complaint, seemingly with a view to cumulative effect. He thus made the mistake of encumbering with extraneous or needless details a subject which required separate, undivided, and lucid insistence; while Canning found an opportunity, particularly congenial to his temperament, to escape under a cloud of dignified words from the simple admission of wrong, and promise of reparation, which otherwise he would have had to face. He could assume a tone of haughty rebuke, where only that of apology should have been left open. His reply ran thus: I have the honor to acknowledge your official note of the 29th ultimo, which I have lost no time in laying before the King. As _the statement_ of the transaction to which this note refers is not brought forward either by the authority of the Government of the United States, _or with any precise knowledge of the facts on which it is founded_, it might have been sufficient for me to express to you his Majesty's readiness to take the whole of the circumstances of the case, _when fully disclosed_, into his consideration, and to make reparation for any _alleged injury_ to the sovereignty of the United States, whenever it should be _clearly shown_ that such injury has been _actually sustained_, and that such reparation is _really due_. Of the existence of such a disposition on the part of the British Government, you, Sir, cannot be ignorant; I have already assured you of it, though in an unofficial form, by the letter which I addressed you on the first receipt of the intelligence of this unfortunate transaction; and I may, perhaps, be permitted to express my surprise, after such an assurance, at the tone of that representation which I have just had the honor to receive from you. But the earnest desire of his Majesty to evince, in the most satisfactory manner, the principles of justice and moderation by which he is uniformly actuated, has not permitted him to hesitate in commanding me to assure you, that his Majesty neither does, nor has at any time maintained the pretension of a right to search ships of war, in the national service of any State, for deserters. _If_, therefore, _the statement in your note should prove to be correct_, and to contain all the circumstances of the case, upon which the complaint is intended to be made, and it shall appear that the action of his Majesty's officers rested on no other grounds than the simple and unqualified assertion of the pretension above referred to, his Majesty has no difficulty in disavowing the act, and will have no difficulty in manifesting his displeasure at the conduct of his officers. With respect to the other causes of complaint, (whatever they may be,) which are hinted at in your note, I perfectly agree with you, in the sentiment which you express, as to the propriety of not involving them in a question, which of itself is of sufficient importance to claim a separate and most serious consideration. _I have only to lament that the same sentiment did not induce you to abstain from alluding to these subjects_, on an occasion which you were yourself of opinion was not favorable for pursuing the discussion of them.[190] I have the honor to be, with great consideration, your most obedient, humble servant GEORGE CANNING. JAMES MONROE, ESQ. &C. While the right of the occasion was wholly with the American nation, the honors of the discussion, the weight of the first broadside, rested so far with the British Secretary; the more so that Monroe, by his manner of adducing his "other causes of complaint," admitted their irrelevancy and yet characterized them irritatingly to his correspondent. "I might state other examples of great indignity and outrage, many of which are of recent date, to which the United States have been exposed off their own coast, and even within several of their harbors, from the British squadron; but it is improper to mingle them with the present more serious causes of complaint." This invited Canning's retort,--You do mingle them, in the same sentence in which you admit the impropriety. And why, he shrewdly insinuated, precipitate action ahead of knowledge, when the facts must soon be known? The unspoken reason is evident. Because a government, which by its own fault is weak, will try with big words to atone to the public opinion of its people for that which it cannot, or will not, effect in deeds. Bluster, whether measured or intemperate in terms, is bluster still, as long as it means only talk, not act. Monroe comforted himself that, though Canning's note was "harsh," he had obtained the "concession of the point desired."[191] he had in fact obtained less than would probably have resulted from a policy of which the premises were assured, and the demands rigorously limited to the particular offence. Canning's note set the key for the subsequent British correspondence, and dictated the methods by which he persistently evaded an amends spontaneously promised under the first emotions produced by an odious aggression. He continued to offer it; but under conditions impossible of acceptance, and as discreditable to the party at fault as they were humiliating to the one offended. In themselves, the first notes exchanged between Monroe and Canning are trivial, a revelation chiefly of individual characteristics. Their interest lies in the exemplification of the general course of the American administration, imposed by its years of temporizing, of money-getting, and of military parsimony. President Jefferson in America met the occasion precisely as did Monroe in London, with the same result of a sharp correspondence, abounding in strong language, but affording Canning further opportunity to confuse issues and escape from reparations, which, however just and wise, were distasteful. It was a Pyrrhic victory for the British minister, destroying the last chance of conciliating American acquiescence in a line of action forced upon Great Britain by Napoleon; but as a mere question of dialectics he had scored a success. When the news of the "Chesapeake" outrage was received in Washington, Jefferson issued a proclamation, dated July 2, 1807, suited chiefly for home consumption, as the phrase goes. He began with a recitation of the various wrongs and irritations, undeniable and extreme, which his long-suffering Administration had endured from British cruisers, and to which Monroe alluded in his note to Canning. Upon this followed an account of the "Chesapeake" incident, thus inextricably entangled with other circumstances differing from it in essential feature. Then, taking occasion by a transaction which, however reprehensible, was wholly external to the territory of the United States,--unless construed to extend to the Gulf Stream, according to one of Jefferson's day-dreams,--action was based upon the necessity of providing for the internal peace of the nation and the safety of its citizens, and consequently of refusing admission to British ships of war, as inconsistent with these objects. Therefore, "all armed vessels, bearing commissions under the Government of Great Britain, now within the harbors of the United States, are required immediately and without any delay to depart from the same; and entrance of all the said harbors and waters is interdicted to the said armed vessels, and to all others bearing commissions under the authority of the British Government." Vessels carrying despatches were excepted. This procedure had the appearance of energy which momentarily satisfies a public demand that something shall be done. It also afforded Canning the peg on which to hang a grievance, and dexterously to prolong discussion until the matter became stale in public interest. By the irrelevancy of the punishment to the crime, and by the intrusion of secondary matters into the complaint, the "Chesapeake" issue, essentially clear, sharp, and impressive, became hopelessly confused with other considerations. Upon the proclamation followed a despatch from Madison to Monroe, July 6, which opened with the just words, "This enormity is not a subject for discussion," and then proceeded to discuss at length. Demand was to be made, most properly, for a formal disavowal, and for the restoration of the seamen to the ship. This could have been formulated in six lines, and had it stood alone could scarcely have been refused; but to it was attached indissolubly an extraneous requirement. "As a security for the future, an entire abolition of impressment from vessels[192] under the flag of the United States, if not already arranged, is also to make an _indispensable part of the satisfaction_."[193] This made accommodation hopeless. Practically, it was an ultimatum; for recent notorious discussion had demonstrated that this the British Government would not yield, and as it differed essentially from the point at issue in the "Chesapeake" affair, there was no reason to expect a change of attitude in consequence of that. Great as was the wrong to a merchant vessel, it has not the status of a ship of war, which carries even into foreign ports a territorial immunity resembling that of an ambassador, representing peculiarly the sovereignty of its nation. Further, the men taken from the "Chesapeake" were not seized as liable to impressment, but arrested as deserters; the case was distinct. Finally, Great Britain's power to maintain her position on impressment had certainly not waned under the "Chesapeake" humiliation, and was not likely to succumb to peremptory language from Madison. No such demand should have been advanced, in such connection, by a self-respecting government, unless prepared to fight instantly upon refusal. The despatch indeed contains cautions and expressions indicating a sense of treading on dangerous ground; an apprehension of exciting hostile action, though no thought of taking it. The exclusion of armed vessels was justified "by the vexations and dangers to our peace, experienced from these visits." The reason, if correct, was adequate as a matter of policy under normal conditions; but it became inconsistent with self-respect when the national flag was insulted in the attack on the "Chesapeake." Entire composure, and forbearance from demonstrations bearing a trace of temper, alone comport with such a situation. To distinguish against British ships of war at such a moment, by refusing them only, and for the first time, admission into American harbors, was either a humiliating confession of impotence to maintain order within the national borders, or it justified Canning's contention that it was in retaliation for the "Leopard's" action. His further plea, that it must therefore be taken into the account in determining the reparation due, was pettifogging, reducing a question of insult and amends to one of debit and credit bookkeeping; but the American claim that the step was necessary to internal quiet was puerile, and its precipitancy carried the appearance of petulance. Monroe received Madison's despatch August 30, and on September 3 had an interview with Canning. In it he specified the redress indicated by Madison. With this was coupled an intimation that a special mission to the United States ought to be constituted, to impart to the act of reparation "a solemnity which the extraordinary nature of the aggression particularly required." This assertion of the extraordinary nature of the occasion separated the incident from the impressment grievance, with which Madison sought to join it; but what is more instructively noticeable is the contrast between this extreme formality, represented as requisite, and the wholly informal, and as it proved unreal, withdrawal by Napoleon of his Decrees, which the Administration of Madison at a later day maintained to be sufficient for the satisfaction of Great Britain. In this interview[194] Canning made full use of the advantages given him by his adversaries' method of presentation and action. "He said that by the President's proclamation, and the seizure and detention of some men who had landed on the coast to procure water, the Government seemed to have taken redress into its own hands." To Monroe's statement that "the suppression of the practice of impressment from merchant vessels had been made indispensable by the late aggression, for reasons which were sufficiently known to him," he retorted, "that the late aggression was an act different in all respects to the former practice; and ought not to be connected with it, as it showed a disposition to make a particular incident, in which Great Britain was in the wrong, instrumental to an accommodation in a case in which his Government held a different doctrine." The remark went to the root of the matter. This was what the Administration was trying to do. As Madison afterwards put it to Rose, the President was desirous "of converting a particular incident into an occasion for removing another and more extensive source of danger to the harmony of the two countries." This plausible rendering was not likely to recommend to a resolute nation such a method of obtaining surrender of a claimed right. The exclusion proclamation Monroe represented to be "a mere measure of police indispensable for the preservation of order within the United States." Canning declined to be shaken from his stand that it was an exhibition of partiality against Great Britain, the vessels of which alone were excluded, because of an outrage committed by one of them outside of American waters. The time at which the proclamation issued, and the incorporation in it of the "Chesapeake" incident, made this view at least colorable. This interview also was followed by an exchange of notes. Monroe's of September 7, 1807, developed the American case and demand as already given. That of Canning, September 23, stated as follows the dilemma raised by the President's proclamation: Either it was an act of partiality between England and France, the warships of the latter being still admitted, or it was an act of retaliation for the "Chesapeake" outrage, and so of the nature of redress, self-obtained, it is true, but to be taken into account in estimating the reparation which the British Government "acknowledged to have been originally due."[195] To the request for explanation Monroe replied lamely, with a statement which can scarcely be taken as other than admitting the punitive character of the proclamation. "There certainly existed no desire of giving a preference;" but,--"_Before, this aggression_ it is well known that His Britannic Majesty's ships of war lay within the waters of the Chesapeake, and enjoyed all the advantages of the most favored nation; it cannot therefore be doubted that my Government will be ready _to restore them to the same situation as soon as it can be done consistently with the honor and rights of the United States_."[196] In closing his letter of September 23, Canning asked Monroe whether he could not, consistently with his instructions, separate the question of impressment from that of the "Chesapeake." If not, as it was the fixed intention of his Government not to treat the two as connected, the negotiation would be transferred to Washington, and a special envoy sent. "But in order to avoid the inconvenience which has arisen from the mixed nature of your instructions, he will not be empowered to entertain, as connected with this subject, any proposition respecting the search of merchant vessels."[197] Monroe replied that his "instructions were explicit to consider the whole of this class of injuries as an entire subject."[198] To his inquiry as to the nature of the special mission, in particulars, Canning replied that it would be limited in the first instance to the question of the "Chesapeake." Whether it would have any further scope, he could not say.[199] Mr. George Henry Rose was nominated for this mission, and sailed from England in November. Before his departure, the British Government took a further step, which in view of the existing circumstances, and of all that had preceded, emphasized beyond the possibility of withdrawal the firmness of its decision not to surrender the claim to impress British subjects from foreign merchant vessels. On October 16, 1807, a Royal Proclamation was issued, recalling all seafaring persons who had entered foreign services, whether naval or merchant, directing them to withdraw at once from such service and return home, or else to ship on board any accessible British ship of war. Commanders of naval vessels were ordered to seize all such persons whenever found by them on board foreign merchantmen. In the case of British-born subjects, known to be serving on board foreign men-of-war,--which was the case of the "Chesapeake,"--the repetition of the outrage was implicitly forbidden, by prescribing the procedure to be observed. Requisition for the discharge of such persons was to be made on the foreign captain, and, in case of refusal, the particulars of the case were to be transmitted to the British minister to the nation concerned, or to the British home authorities; "in order that the necessary steps may be taken for obtaining redress ... for the injury done to us by the unwarranted detention of our natural-born subjects in the service of a foreign state." The proclamation closed by denying the efficacy of letters of naturalization to discharge native British from their allegiance of birth. Rose's mission proved abortive. Like Monroe's, his instructions were positive to connect with his negotiation a matter which, if not so irrelevant as impressment, was at least of a character that a politic foreign minister might well have disregarded, in favor of the advantage to be gained by that most conciliatory of actions, a full and cordial apology. Rose was directed not to open his business until the President had withdrawn the proclamation excluding British ships of war. Having here no more option than Monroe as to impressment, the negotiation became iron-bound. The United States Government went to the utmost limit of concession to conclude the matter. Receding from its first attitude, it agreed to sever the question of impressment from that of the "Chesapeake;" but, with regard to the recalling of the President's proclamation, it demanded that Rose should show his cards, should state what was the nature and extent of the reparation he was empowered to offer, and whether it was conditioned or unconditioned. If this first outcome were such as to meet the just expectations of the Administration, revocation of the proclamation should bear the same date as the British act of reparation. Certainly, more could not be offered. The Government could not play a blind game, yielding point after point in reliance upon the unknown contents of Rose's budget. This, however, was what it was required to do, according to the British envoy's reading of his orders, and the matter terminated in a fruitless exchange of argumentation.[200] In April, 1808, Rose quitted the country, and redress for the "Chesapeake" injury remained in abeyance for three years longer. Interest in it had waned under more engrossing events which had already taken place, and it was relegated by both Governments to the background of diplomacy. Admiral Berkeley had been recalled, as a mark of his Majesty's disapproval. He arrived in England in the beginning of 1808, some six months after the outrage, accompanied by the "Leopard." Her captain was not again given a ship; but before the end of the year the chief offender, the admiral, had been assigned to the important command at Lisbon. To Pinkney's observation upon this dissatisfying proceeding, Canning replied that it was impossible for the Admiralty to resist his claim to be employed (no other objection existing against him) after such a lapse of time since his return from Halifax, without bringing him to a court-martial.[201] In the final settlement, further punishment of Berkeley was persistently refused. Although standing completely apart from the continuous stream of connected events which constituted contemporaneous history,--perhaps because of that very separateness,--the "Chesapeake" affair marks conspicuously the turning-point in the relations of the two countries. In point of time, its aptness as a sign-post is notable; for it occurred just at the moment when the British ministry, under the general exigencies of the situation, and the particular menace of the Tilsit compacts between Napoleon and the Czar, were meditating the new and extraordinary maritime system by which alone they might hope to counteract the Continental system that now threatened to become truly coextensive with Europe. But to the writer the significance of the "Chesapeake" business is more negative than positive; it suggests rather what might have been under different treatment by the Portland ministry. The danger to Great Britain was imminent and stupendous, and her measures of counteraction needed to correspond. These were confessedly illegal in the form they took, and were justified by their authors only on the ground of retaliation. Towards neutrals, among whom the United States were by far the chief, they were most oppressive. Yet for over four years not only did the American Government endure them, but its mercantile community conformed to the policy of Great Britain, found profit in so doing, and deprecated resort to war. At a later day Jefferson asserted bitterly that under British influence one fourth of the nation had compelled the other three fourths to abandon the embargo. Whether this be quite a fair statement may be doubted; but there was in it so much of truth as to suggest the possibility, if not of acquiescence in the Orders in Council, at least of such abstention from active resentment as would have been practically equivalent. The acquiescence, if possible even the co-operation, of America was at this time momentous to Great Britain as well as to Napoleon. To complete his scheme for ruining his enemy, by closing against her commerce all the ports of Europe, the Emperor needed to deprive her also of access to the markets of the United States; while the grave loss to which Great Britain was exposed in the one quarter made it especially necessary to retain the large and increasing body of consumers across the Atlantic. In the United States there was a division of public opinion and feeling, which offered a fair chance of inclining national action in one direction or the other. Although the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation of December 31, 1806, had been rejected by the Administration, and disapproved by the stricter followers of Jefferson and Madison, it was regarded with favor in many quarters. Its negotiators had represented the two leading parties which divided the nation. Monroe was a republican, traditionally allied to Jefferson; Pinkney was a federalist. Although in it the principles of the United States had not been successfully asserted, as regarded either impressment or the transport of colonial produce, the terms of compromise had commanded their signatures, because they held that in effect the national objects were obtained; that impressment would practically cease, and the carrying trade, under the restrictions they had accepted, would not only nourish, but be as remunerative as before. Monroe, who had a large personal following in his state and party, maintained this view in strong and measured language after his return home; and it found supporters in both political camps, as well as upon the floor of the two houses of Congress. Then, and afterwards, it was made a reproach to the Administration that it had refused a working arrangement which was satisfactory in its substantial results and left the principles of the country untouched for future assertion. Whatever may be thought, from an American standpoint, of the justice or dignity of this position, it showed grave divergences of sentiment, from which it is the skill of an opposing diplomatist to draw profit. It is impossible to estimate the effect upon the subsequent course of America, if the British ministry, with a certain big-heartedness, had seized the opportunity of the "Chesapeake" affair; if they had disclaimed the act of their officers with frankness and cordiality, offering ungrudging regret, and reparation proportionate to the shame inflicted upon a community too weak in military power to avenge its wrongs. As it was, at a moment when the hostilities she had provoked would have been most embarrassing, Great Britain escaped only by the unreadiness of the American Government. Left unatoned, the attack on the "Chesapeake" remained in American consciousness where Jefferson and Madison had sought to place it,--an example of the outrages of impressment. The incidental violence, which aroused attention and wrath, differed in nothing but circumstance from the procedure when an unresisting merchant vessel was deprived of men. In both cases there was the forcible exaction of a disputed claim. Canning, indeed, was at pains to explain that originally the British right extended to vessels of every kind; but "for nearly a century the Crown had forborne to instruct the commanders of its ships of war to search foreign ships of war for deserters, ... because to attack a national ship of war is an act of hostility. The very essence of the charge against Admiral Berkeley, as you represent it, is the having taken upon himself to commit an act of hostility without the previous authority of his Government." Under this construction, the incident only served to emphasize the fundamental opposition of principle, and to exasperate the war party in the United States. To deprive a foreign merchant vessel of men was not considered a hostile act; and the difference in the case of ships of war was only because the Crown chose so to construe. The argument was, that to retain seamen of British birth, when recalled by proclamation, was itself hostile, because every such seaman disobeying this call was a deserter. It was to be presumed that a foreign Power would not countenance their detention, and on this presumption no search of its commissioned ships was ordered. "But with respect to merchant vessels there is no such presumption."[202] While the "Chesapeake" affair was still in its earlier stages of discussion, the passage of events in Europe was leading rapidly to the formulation of the extreme British measures of retaliation for the Berlin Decree. On June 14 Napoleon defeated the Russians at the battle of Friedland; and on June 22, the day the "Leopard" attacked the "Chesapeake," an armistice was signed between the contending parties. Upon this followed the Conventions of Tilsit, July 8, 1807, by which the Czar undertook to support the Continental system, and to close his ports to Great Britain. The deadly purpose of the commercial warfare thus reinforced was apparent; and upon the Emperor's return to Paris, soon afterwards, the Berlin Decree received an execution more consonant to its wording than was the construction hitherto given it by French officials. In May, an American ship, the "Horizon," bound from England to Peru, had been wrecked upon the coast of France. Her cargo consisted in part of goods of British origin. Up to that time, no decisions contrary to American neutral rights had been based upon the Decree by French courts; but final action in the case of the "Horizon" was not taken till some time after the Emperor's return. Meanwhile, on August 9, General Armstrong, the American minister, had asked that Spain, which had formally adopted the Berlin Decree as governing its own course, should be informed of the rulings of the French authorities; "for a letter from the _chargé des affaires_ of the United States at Madrid shows that the fate of sundry American vessels, captured by Spanish cruisers, will depend, not on the construction which might be given to the Spanish decree by Spanish tribunals, but on the practice which shall have been established in France."[203] This letter was referred in due course--August 21--to the Minister of Marine, and a reply promised when his answer should be received. Under Napoleon's eye, doubts not entertained in his absence seem to have occurred to the ministers concerned, and on September 24 Armstrong learned that the Emperor had been consulted, and had said that, as he had expressed no exceptions to the operation of his Decree, French armed vessels were authorized to seize goods of English origin on board neutral vessels. This decision, having the force of law, was communicated to the tribunals, and under it so much of the "Horizon's" cargo as answered to this description was condemned. The rest was liberated.[204] When this decision became known, it was evident that within the range of Napoleon's power there would henceforth be no refuge for British manufactures, or the produce of British colonies; that neutral ownership or jurisdiction would be no protection against force. Even the pity commonly extended to the shipwrecked failed, if his property had been bought in England. Recognition of the increased danger was shown in the doubling and trebling of insurance. The geographical sweep intended to be given to the edict was manifested by the action of state after state whither arms had extended Napoleon's influence; or, as Armstrong phrased it, "having settled the business of belligerents, with the exception of England, very much to his own liking, he was now on the point of settling that of neutrals in the same way." In July, Denmark and Portugal, as yet at peace, had been notified that they must choose between France and England, and had been compelled to exclude English commerce. August 29, a French division entered Leghorn, belonging to the nominally independent Kingdom of Etruria, took possession of the harbor and forts, ordered the surrender of all British goods in the hands of the inhabitants, and laid a general embargo upon the shipping, among which were many Americans. In Lower Italy, the Papal States and Naples underwent the same restrictions. Prussia yielded under obvious constraint, and Austria acceded from motives of policy, distinguishable in form only from direct compulsion. Russia, as already said, had joined immediately after decisive defeat in the field. The co-operation of the United States, the second maritime nation in the world, was vital to the general plan. Could it be secured? Already, at an audience given to the diplomatic corps on August 2, the Danish minister had taken Armstrong aside and asked him whether any application had been made to him with regard to the projected _union of all commercial states against Great Britain_. Being answered in the negative, he said, "You are much favored, but it will not last."[205] Armstrong characterized this incident as not important; but in truth the words italicized defined exactly the menacing scheme already matured in the Emperor's mind, for the execution of which, as events already showed, and continued to prove, he relied upon the force of arms. To this the United States was not accessible; but to coerce or cajole her by other means became a prominent feature of French policy, which was powerfully abetted by the tone of Great Britain speaking through Canning. To appreciate duly the impending measures of the British ministry, attention should fasten upon the single decisive fact that this vast combination was not the free act of the parties concerned, but a submission imposed by an external military power, which at the moment, and for five succeeding years, they were unable to resist. It is one thing to deny the right of any number of independent communities to join in a Customs Union; it is another to maintain the obligations upon third parties of such a convention, when extorted by external compulsion. Either action may be resisted, but means not permissible in the one case may be justified in the other. In the European situation the subjected states, by reason of their subjection, disappeared as factors in diplomatic consideration. There remained only their master Napoleon, with his momentary lieutenant the Czar, and opposed to them Great Britain. "It is obvious," said the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Champagny, to Armstrong, "that his Majesty _cannot permit_ to his allies a commerce which he denies to himself. This would be at once to defeat his system and oppress his subjects."[206] A few days later he wrote formally, "His Majesty considered himself bound to _order_ reprisals on American vessels _not only in his territory, but likewise in the countries which are under his influence_,--Holland, Spain, Italy, Naples."[207] The Emperor by strength of arms oppressed to their grievous injury those who could not escape him; what should be the course of those whom he could not reach, to whom was left the choice between actual resistance and virtual co-operation? The two really independent states were Great Britain and the United States. In the universal convulsion of civilization, the case of the several nations recalls the law of Solon, that in civil tumults the man who took neither side should be disfranchised. The United States chose neutrality, and expected that it would be permitted her. She chose to overlook the interposition of Napoleon, and to regard the exclusion laws, forced by him upon other states, as instances of municipal regulation, incontestable when freely exercised. Not only would she not go behind the superficial form, but on technical grounds of international law she denied the right of another to do so. Great Britain had no choice. She was compelled to resistance; the question was as to methods. Direct military action was impossible. The weapon used against her was commercial prohibition, which meant eventual ruin, unless adequately parried by her own action. From Europe no help was to be expected. If the United States also decided so far to support Napoleon as to prosecute her trade subject to his measures, accepting as legal regulations extorted by him from other European countries, the trade of Europe would be transferred from Great Britain to America, and the revenues of France would expand in every way, while those of Great Britain shrank,--a result militarily fatal. In this the British Government would not acquiesce. It chose instead war with the United States, under the forms of peace. That the tendency of the course pursued by the United States was to destroy British commerce, and that this tendency was successfully counteracted by the means framed by the British Government,--the Orders in Council,--admits of little doubt. When the American policy had worked out to its logical conclusion, in open trade with France, and complete interdict of importation from Great Britain, Joel Barlow, American Minister to France in 1811-12, and an intimate of Jefferson and Madison, wrote thus to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs: "In adopting the late arrangements with France the United States could not contemplate the deprivation of revenue. They really expected to draw from this country and from the rest of continental Europe the same species of manufactures, and to as great an amount as they were accustomed to do from England. They calculated with the more confidence on such a result as they saw how intimately it was combined with the great and essential interests of the Imperial Government. They perceived that _it would promote in an unexpected degree the Continental system_, which the Emperor has so much at heart.... The Emperor now commands nearly all the ports of continental Europe. The whole interior of the Continent must be supplied with American products. These must pass through French territory, French commercial houses, canals, and wagons. They must pay" toll to France in various ways, "and thus render these territories as tributary to France as if they were part of her own dominions."[208] But Napoleon replied that his system, as it stood, had greatly crippled British commerce, and that if he should admit American shipping freely to the Continent, trade could not be carried on, because the English under the Orders in Council would take it all, going or coming.[209] "The peril of the moment is truly supposed to be great beyond all former example," wrote Pinkney, now American minister in London, when communicating to his Government the further Orders in Council adopted by Great Britain, in response to the attempted "union of all the commercial states" against her. As defined by Canning to Pinkney,[210] "the principle upon which the whole of this measure has been framed is that of refusing to the enemy those advantages of commerce which he has forbidden to this country. The simplest method of enforcing this system of retaliation would have been to follow the example of the enemy, by prohibiting altogether all commercial intercourse between him and other states." America then would not be allowed to trade with the countries under his Decrees. It was considered, however, more indulgent to neutrals--to the second parties in commercial intercourse with the enemy--to allow this intercourse subject to duties in transit to be paid in Great Britain. This would raise the cost to the continental consumer and pay revenue to Great Britain. The Orders in Council of November 11, 1807, therefore forbade all entrance to ports of the countries which had embraced the Continental system. It was not pretended that they would be blockaded effectively. "All ports from which the British flag is excluded shall from henceforth be subject to the same restrictions, in point of trade and navigation, with the exceptions hereinafter mentioned, _as if the same were actually blockaded_ in the most strict and rigorous manner by his Majesty's naval forces." The exception was merely that a vessel calling first at a British port would be allowed to proceed to one of those prohibited, after paying certain duties upon her cargo and obtaining a fresh clearance. This measure was instituted by the Executive, in pursuance of the custom of regulating trade with America by Orders in Council, prevalent since 1783; but it received legislative sanction by an Act of Parliament, March 28, 1808, which fixed the duties to be paid on the foreign goods thus passing through British custom-houses. Cotton, for instance, was to pay nine pence a pound, an amount intended to be prohibitory; tobacco, three halfpence. These were the two leading exports of United States domestic produce. In the United States this Act of Parliament was resented more violently, if possible, than the Order in Council itself. In the colonial period there had been less jealousy of the royal authority than of that of Parliament, and the feeling reappears in the discussion of the present measures. "This," said a Virginia senator,[211] "is the Act regulating our commerce, of which I complain. An export duty, which could not be laid in Charleston because forbidden by our Constitution, is laid in London, or in British ports." It was literally, and in no metaphorical sense, the reimposition of colonial regulation, to increase the revenues of Great Britain by reconstituting her the _entrepôt_ of commerce between America and Europe. "The Orders in Council," wrote John Quincy Adams in a public letter, "if submitted to, would have degraded us to the condition of colonists."[212] This just appreciation preponderated over other feelings throughout the middle and southern states. Adams, a senator from Massachusetts, had separated himself in action and opinion from the mass of the people in New England, where, although the Orders were condemned, hatred of Napoleon and his methods overbore the sense of injury received from Great Britain. The indignation of the supporters of the Administration was intensified by the apparent purpose of the British Government to keep back information of the measure. Rose had sailed the day after its adoption, Monroe two days later, but neither brought any official intimation of its issuance, although that was announced in the papers of the day. "The Orders in Council," wrote Adams, "were not merely without official authenticity. Rumors had been for several weeks in circulation, derived from English prints and from private correspondence, that such Orders were to issue,[213] and no inconsiderable pains were taken to discredit the facts. Suspicions were lulled by declarations equivalent as nearly as possible to positive denial, and these opiates were continued for weeks after the embargo was laid, until Mr. Erskine received orders to make official communication of the Orders themselves, in proper form, to our Government."[214] This remissness, culpable as it certainly was in a matter of such importance, was freely attributed to the most sinister motives. "These Orders in Council were designedly concealed from Mr. Rose, although they had long been deliberated upon, and almost matured, before he left London. They were the besom which was intended to sweep, and would have swept, our commerce from the ocean. Great Britain in the most insidious manner had issued orders for the entire destruction of our commerce."[215] The wrath was becoming, but in this particular the inference was exaggerated. The Orders, modelled on the general plan of blockades, provided for the warning of a vessel which had sailed before receiving notification; and not till after a first notice by a British cruiser was she liable to capture. Mention of such cases occurs in the journals of the day.[216] Some captains persisted, and, if successful in reaching a port under Napoleon's control, found themselves arrested under a new Decree,--that of Milan,--for having submitted to a visit they could not resist. Such were sequestered, subject to the decision of the United States to take active measures against Great Britain. "Arrived at New York, March 23, [1808], ship 'Eliza,' Captain Skiddy, 29 days from Bordeaux. All American vessels in France which had been boarded by British cruisers were under seizure. The opinion was, they would so remain till it was known whether the United States had adjusted its difficulties with Great Britain, in which case they would be immediately condemned. A letter from the Minister of Marine was published that the Decree of Milan must be executed severely, strictly, and literally."[217] Independent of a perpetual need to raise money, by methods more consonant to the Middle Ages than to the current period, Napoleon thus secured hostages for the action of the United States in its present dilemma. The Orders in Council of November 11, having been announced in English papers of the 10th, 11th, and 12th, appeared in the Washington "National Intelligencer" of December 18.[218] The general facts were therefore known to the Executive and to the Legislature; and, though not officially adduced, could not but affect consideration, when the President, on December 18, 1807, sent a message to Congress recommending "an inhibition of the departure of our vessels from the ports of the United States." With his customary exaggerated expression of attendance upon instructions from Congress, he made no further definition of wishes which were completely understood by the party leaders. "The wisdom of Congress will also see the necessity of making every preparation for whatever events may grow out of the present crisis." Accompanying the message, as documents justificatory of the action to be taken, were four official papers. One was the formal communication to the French Council of Prizes of Napoleon's decision that goods of English origin were lawful prize on board neutral vessels; the second was the British proclamation directing the impressment of British seamen found on board neutral ships. These two were made public. Secrecy was imposed concerning the others, which were a letter of September 24, from Armstrong to the French Minister of Exterior Relations, and the reply, dated October 7. In this the minister, M. Champagny, affirmed the Emperor's decision, and added a sentence which, while susceptible of double meaning, certainly covertly suggested that the United States should join in supporting the Berlin Decree. "The decree of blockade has now been issued eleven months. The principal Powers of Europe, far from protesting against its provisions, have adopted them. They have perceived that its execution must be complete to render it more effectual, and it has seemed easy to reconcile these measures with the observance of treaties, especially at a time when the infractions by England of the rights of _all maritime_ Powers render their interests common, and tend to _unite them in support of the same cause_."[219] This doubtless might be construed as applicable only to the European Powers; but as a foremost contention of Madison and Armstrong had been that the Berlin Decree contravened the treaty between France and the United States, the sentence lent itself readily to the interpretation, placed upon it by the Federalists, that the United States was invited to enforce in her own waters the continental system of exclusion, and so to help bring England to reason. This the United States immediately proceeded to do. Though the motive differed somewhat, the action was precisely that suggested. On the same day that Jefferson's message was received, the Senate passed an Embargo Bill. This was sent at once to the House, returned with amendments, amendments concurred in, and bill passed and approved December 22. This rapidity of action--Sunday intervened--shows a purpose already decided in general principle; while the enactment of three supplementary measures, before the adjournment of Congress in April, indicates a precipitancy incompatible with proper weighing of details, and an avoidance of discussion, commendable only on the ground that no otherwise than by the promptest interception could American ships or merchandise be successfully jailed in port. The bill provided for the instant stoppage of all vessels in the ports of the United States, whether cleared or not cleared, if bound to any foreign port. Exception was made only in favor of foreign ships, which of course could not be held. They might depart with cargo already on board, or in ballast. Vessels cleared coastwise were to be deterred from turning foreign by bonds exacted in double the value of ship and cargo. American export and foreign navigation were thus completely stopped; and as the Non-Importation Act at last went into operation on December 14,[220] there was practical exclusion of all British vessels, for none could be expected to enter a port where she could neither land her cargo nor depart. In communicating the embargo to Pinkney, for the information of the British Government,[221] Madison was careful to explain, as he had to the British minister at Washington, that it was a measure of precaution only; not to be considered as hostile in character. This was scarcely candid; coercion of Great Britain, to compel the withdrawal of her various maritime measures objectionable to the United States, was at least a silent partner in the scheme, as formulated to the consciousness of Jefferson and his followers.[222] The motive transpired, as such motives necessarily do; but, even had it not, the operation of the Act, under the conditions of the European war, was so plainly partial between the two belligerents, as to amount virtually to co-operation with Napoleon by the preponderance of injury done to Great Britain. It deprived her of cotton for raw material; of tobacco, which, imported in payment for British manufactures, formed a large element in her commerce with the Continent; of wheat and flour, which to some extent contributed to the support of her people, though in a much less degree than many supposed. It closed to her the American market at the moment that Napoleon and Alexander were actively closing the European; and it shut off from the West Indies American supplies known to be of the greatest importance, and fondly, but mistakenly, believed to be indispensable. All this was well enough, if national policy required. Great Britain then was scarcely in a position to object seriously to retaliation by a nation thinking itself injured; but to define such a measure as not hostile was an insult to her common-sense. It was certainly hostile in nature, it was believed to be hostile in motive, and it intensified feelings already none too friendly. In France, although included in the embargo, and although her action was one of the reasons alleged for its institution, Napoleon expressed approval. It was injurious to England, and added little to the pressure upon France exerted by the Orders in Council through the British control of the ocean. Senator Smith of Maryland, a large shipping merchant, bore testimony to this. "It has been truly said by an eminent merchant of Salem, that not more than one vessel in eight that sailed for Europe within a short time before the embargo reached its destination. My own experience has taught me the truth of this; and as further proof I have in my hand a list of fifteen vessels which sailed for Europe between September 1 and December 23, 1807. Three arrived; two were captured by French and Spaniards; one was seized in Hamburg; and nine carried into England. But for the embargo, ships that would have sailed would have fared as ill, or worse. Not one in twenty would have arrived." Granting the truth of this anticipation, Great Britain might have claimed that, so far as evident danger was concerned, her blockades over long coast-lines were effective. The question speedily arose,--If the object of embargo be precaution only, to save our vessels from condemnation under the sweeping edicts of France and Great Britain, and seamen from impressment on American decks, why object to exporting native produce in foreign bottoms, and to commerce across the Canada frontier? If, by keeping our vessels at home, we are to lose the profits upon sixty million dollars' worth of colonial produce which they have heretofore been carrying, with advantage to the national revenue, why also forbid the export of the forty to fifty million dollars' worth of domestic produce which foreign ship-owners would gladly take and safely carry? for such foreigners would be chiefly British, and would sail under British convoy, subject to small proportionate risk.[223] Why, also, to save seamen from impressment, deprive them of their living, and force them in search of occupation to fly our ports to British, where lower wages and more exposure to the pressgang await them? On the ground of precaution, there was no reply to these questions; unless, perhaps, that with open export of domestic produce the popular suffering would be too unequally distributed, falling almost wholly on New England shipping industries. Logically, however, if the precaution were necessary, the suffering must be accepted; its incidence was a detail only. The embargo was distinctly a hostile measure; and more and more, as people talked, in and out of Congress, was admitted to be simply an alternative for open war. As such it failed. It entailed most of the miseries of war, without any of its compensations. It could not arouse the popular enthusiasm which elevates, nor command the popular support that strengthens. Hated and despised, it bred elusion, sneaking and demoralizing, and so debased public sentiment with reference to national objects, and individual self-sacrifice to national ends, that the conduct of the many who now evaded it was reproduced, during the War of 1812, in dealings with the enemy which even now may make an American's head hang for shame. Born of the Jeffersonian horror of war, its evil communication corrupted morals among those whose standards were conventional only; for public opinion failed to condemn breaches of embargo, and by a natural declension equally failed soon after to condemn aid to the enemy in an unpopular war. Was it wonderful that an Administration which bade the seamen and the ship-owners of the day to starve, that a foreign state might be injured, and at the same time refused to build national ships to protect them, fell into contempt? that men, so far as they might, simply refused to obey, and wholly departed from respect? "I have believed, and still do believe," wrote Mr. Adams, "that our internal resources are competent to establish and maintain a naval force, if not fully adequate to the protection and defence of our commerce, at least sufficient to induce a retreat from these hostilities, and to deter from the renewal of them by either of the harrying parties;" in short, to compel peace, the first object of military preparation. "I believed that a system to that effect might be formed, ultimately far more economical, and certainly more energetic than a three years' embargo. I did submit such a proposition to the Senate, and similar attempts had been made in the House of Representatives, but equally discountenanced."[224] This was precisely the effect of Jefferson's teaching, which then dominated his party, and controlled both houses. At this critical moment he wrote, "Believing, myself, that gunboats are the only water defence which can be useful to us, and protect us from the ruinous folly of a navy, I am pleased with everything which promises to improve them."[225] Not thus was a nation to be united, nor foreign governments impressed. The panacea recommended was to abandon the sea; to yield practical submission to the Orders in Council, which forbade American ships to visit the Continent, and to the Decrees of Napoleon, which forbade them entrance to any dominion of Great Britain. By a curious mental process this was actually believed to be resistance. The American nation was to take as its model the farmer who lives on his own produce, sternly independent of his neighbor; whose sons delved, and wife span, all that the family needed. This programme, half sentiment, half philosophy, and not at all practical, or practicable, was the groundwork of Jefferson's thought. To it co-operated a dislike approaching detestation for the carrying trade; the very opposite, certainly, of the other ideal. American shipping was then handling sixty million dollars' worth of foreign produce, and rolling up the wealth which for some reason follows the trader more largely than the agriculturist, who observed with ill-concealed envy. "I trust," wrote Jefferson, "that the good sense of our country will see that its greatest prosperity depends on a due balance between agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, and not on this protuberant navigation, which has kept us in hot water from the commencement of our government. This drawback system enriches a few individuals, but lessens the stock of native productions, by withdrawing all the hands [seamen] thus employed. It is essentially necessary for us to have shipping and seamen enough to carry our surplus products to market, but beyond that I do not think we are bound to give it encouragement by drawbacks or other premiums." This meant that it was unjust to the rest of the community to allow the merchant to land his cargo, and send it abroad, without paying as much duty as if actually consumed in the country. "This exuberant commerce brings us into collision with other Powers in every sea, and will force us into every war with European Powers." "It is now engaging us in war."[226] Whether for merchant ships or navies the sea was odious to Jefferson's conception of things. As a convenient medium for sending to market surplus cotton and tobacco, it might be tolerated; but for that ample use of it which had made the greatness of Holland and England, he had only aversion. This prepossession characterized the whole body of men, who willingly stripped the seaman and his employers of all their living, after refusing to provide them with an armed protection to which the resources of the state were equal. Up to the outbreak of the war not a ship was added to the navy. With this feeling, Great Britain, whose very being was maritime, not unnaturally became the object of a dislike so profound as unconsciously to affect action. Napoleon decreed, and embargoed, and sequestered, with little effect upon national sentiment outside of New England. "Certainly all the difficulties and the troubles of the Government during our time proceeded from England," wrote Jefferson soon after quitting office,[227] to Dearborn, his Secretary of War. "At least all others were trifling in comparison." Yet not to speak of the Berlin Decree, by which ships were captured for the mere offence of sailing for England,[228] Bonaparte, by the Bayonne Decree, April 17, 1808, nearly a year before Jefferson left office, pronounced the confiscation of all American vessels entering ports under his control, on the ground that under the existing embargo they could not lawfully have left their own country; a matter which was none of his business. Within a year were condemned one hundred and thirty-four ships and cargoes, worth $10,000,000.[229] That Jefferson consciously leaned to France from any regard to Napoleon is incredible; the character and procedures of the French Emperor were repugnant to his deepest convictions; but that there was a still stronger bias against the English form of government, and the pursuit of the sea for which England especially stood, is equally clear. Opposition to England was to him a kind of mission. His best wish for her had been that she might be republicanized by a successful French invasion.[230] "I came into office," he wrote to a political disciple, "under circumstances calculated to generate peculiar acrimony. I found all the offices in the possession of a political sect, who wished to transform it ultimately into the shape of their darling model, the English government; and in the meantime to familiarize the public mind to the change, by administering it on English principles, and in English forms. The elective interposition of the people had blown all their designs, and they found themselves and their fortresses of power and profit put in a moment in the hand of other trustees."[231] These words, written in the third of the fifteen embargo months, reveal an acrimony not wholly one-sided. It was perceived by the parties hardest hit by this essentially Jeffersonian scheme; by the people of New England and of Great Britain. In the old country it intensified bitterness. In the following summer, at a dinner given to representatives of the Spanish revolt against Napoleon, the toast to the President of the United States was received with hisses,[232] "and the marks of disapprobation continued till a new subject drew off the attention of the company." The embargo was not so much a definite cause of complaint, for at worst it was merely a retaliatory measure like the Orders in Council. Enmity was recognized, alike in the council boards and in the social gatherings of the two peoples; the spirit that leads to war was aroused. Nor could this hostile demonstration proceed from sympathy with the Spanish insurgents; for, except so far as might be inferred from the previous general course of the American Administration, there was no reason to believe that they would regard unfavorably the Spanish struggle for liberty. Yet they soon did, and could not but do so. It is a coincidence too singular to go unnoticed, that the first strong measure of the American Government against Great Britain--Embargo--was followed by Napoleon's reverses in Spain, which, by opening much of that country and of her colonies to trade, at once in large measure relieved Great Britain from the pressure of the Continental system and the embargo; while the second, the last resort of nations, War, was declared shortly before the great Russian catastrophe, which, by rapidly contracting the sphere of the Emperor's control, both widened the area of British commerce and deprived the United States of a diversion of British effort, upon which calculation had rightly been based. It was impossible for the American Government not to wish well to Napoleon, when for it so much depended upon his success; and to wish him well was of course to wish ill to his opponents, even if fighting for freedom. Congress adjourned April 25, having completed embargo legislation, as far as could then be seen necessary. On May 2 occurred the rising in Madrid, consequent upon Napoleon's removal of the Spanish Royal Family; and on July 21 followed the surrender of Dupont's corps at Baylen. Already, on July 4, the British Government had stopped all hostilities against Spain, and withdrawn the blockade of all Spanish ports, except such as might still be in French control. On August 30, by the Convention of Cintra, Portugal was evacuated by the French, and from that time forward the Peninsula kingdoms, though scourged by war, were in alliance with Great Britain; their ports and those of their colonies open to her trade. This of itself was a severe blow to the embargo, which for coercive success depended upon the co-operation of the Continental system. It was further thwarted and weakened by extensive popular repudiation in the United States. The political conviction of the expediency, or probable efficacy, of the measure was largely sectional; and it is no serious imputation upon the honesty of its supporters to say that they mustered most strongly where interests were least immediately affected. Tobacco and cotton suffered less in keeping than flour and salt fish; and the deterioration of these was by no means so instant as the stoppage of a ship's sailing or loading. The farmer ideal is realizable on a farm; but it was not so for the men whose sole occupation was transporting that which the agriculturist did not need to markets now closed by law. Wherever employment depended upon commerce, distress was immediate. The seamen, improvident by habit, first felt the blow. "I cannot conceive," said Representative [afterwards Justice] Story, "why gentlemen should wish to paralyze the strength of the nation by keeping back our naval force, and particularly now, when many of our native seamen (and I am sorry to say from my own knowledge I speak it) are starving in our ports."[233] The Commandant of the New York Navy Yard undertook to employ, for rations only, not wages, three hundred of those adrift in the streets; the corporation of the city undertaking to pay for the food issued.[234] They moved off, as they could get opportunity, towards the British Provinces; and thus many got into the British service, by enlistment or impressment. "Had your frigate arrived here instead of the Chesapeake," wrote the British Consul General at New York, as early as February 15, 1808, "I have no doubt two or three hundred able British seamen would have entered on board her for his Majesty's service; and even now, was your station removed to this city, I feel confident, _provided the embargo continues_, you would more than complete your complement."[235] Six months later, "Is it not notorious that not a seaport in the United States can produce seamen enough to man three merchant ships?"[236] In moving the estimates for one hundred and thirty thousand seamen a year later (February, 1809), the Secretary of the Admiralty observed that Parliament would learn with satisfaction that the number of seamen now serving in the navy covered, if it did not exceed, the number here voted.[237] It had not been so once. Sir William Parker, an active frigate captain during ten years of this period, wrote in 1805, "I dread the discharge of our crew; for I do not think the miserable wretches with which the ships lately fitted out were manned are equal to fight their ships in the manner they are expected to do."[238] The high wages, which the profits of the American merchant service enabled it to pay, outbade all competition by the British navy. "Dollars for shillings," as the expression ran. The embargo stopped all this, and equivalent conditions did not return before the war. The American Minister to France in 1811 wrote: "We complain with justice of the English practice of pressing our seamen into their service. But the fact is, and there is no harm in saying it, there are at present more American seamen who seek that service than are forced into it."[239] After the seamen followed the associated employments; those whose daily labor was expended in occupations connected with transportation, or who produced objects which men could not eat, or with which they could dispense. Before the end of the year testimony came from every quarter of the increase of suffering among the deserving poor; and not they only, but those somewhat above them as gainers of a comfortable living. They were for the most part helpless, except as helped by their richer neighbors. Work for them there was not, and they could not rebel. Not so with the seafarers, or the dwellers upon the frontiers. On the great scale, of course, a sure enforcement of the embargo was possible; the bulk of the shipping, especially the bigger, was corralled and idle. In the port of New York, February 17, 1808, lay 161 ships, 121 brigs, and 98 smaller sea-going vessels; in all 380 unoccupied, of which only 11 were foreign. In the much smaller port of Savannah, at this early period there were 50. In Philadelphia, a year later, 293, mostly of large tonnage for the period. "What is that huge forest of dry trees that spreads itself before the town?" asked a Boston journal. "You behold the masts of ships thrown out of employment by the embargo."[240] "Our dismantled, ark-roofed vessels are indeed decaying in safety at our wharves, forming a suitable monument to the memory of our departed commerce. But where are your seamen? Gone, sir! Driven into foreign exile in search of subsistence."[241] Yet not all; for illicit employment, for evading the Acts, enough remained to disconcert the Government, alike by their numbers and the boldness of their movements. "This Embargo law," wrote Jefferson to Gallatin, August 11, 1808, "is certainly the most embarrassing we ever had to execute. I did not expect a crop of so sudden and rank growth of fraud, and open opposition by force, could have grown up within the United States."[242] Apostle of pure democracy as he was, he had forgotten to reckon with the people, and had mistaken the convictions of himself and a coterie for national sentiment. From all parts of the country men began silently and covertly to undermine the working of the system. Passamaquoddy Bay on the borders of New Brunswick, and St. Mary's on the confines of Florida, remote from ordinary commerce, became suddenly crowded with vessels.[243] Coasters, not from recalcitrant New England only, but from the Chesapeake and Southern waters, found it impossible to reach their ports of destination. Furious gales of wind drove them from their course; spars smitten with decay went overboard; butts of planking started, causing dangerous leaks. Safety could be found only by bearing up for some friendly foreign port, in Nova Scotia or the West Indies, where cargoes of flour and fish had to be sold for needed repairs, to enable the homeward voyage to be made. Not infrequently the vessel's name had been washed off the stern by the violence of the waves, and the captain could remember neither it nor his own. The New York and Vermont frontiers became the scene of widespread illegal trade, the shameful effects of which upon the patriotism of the inhabitants were conspicuous in the following war. A gentleman returning from Canada in January, 1809, reported that he had counted seven hundred sleighs, going and returning between Montreal and Vermont.[244] This on one line only. A letter received in New York stated that, during the embargo year, 1808, thirty thousand barrels of potash had been brought into Quebec.[245] "While our gunboats and cutters are watching the harbors and sounds of the Atlantic," said a senator from his place, "a strange inversion of business ensues, and by a retrograde motion of all the interior machinery of the country, potash and lumber are launched upon the lakes, and Ontario and Champlain feel the bustle of illicit traffic.... Violators of the laws are making fortunes, while the conscientious observers of them are suffering sad privations."[246] Not the conscientious only, but the unlucky. Unlike New York, North Carolina had not a friendly foreign boundary nigh to her naval stores. Under these circumstances the blow glanced from the British dominions. At the first announcement of the embargo, prices of provisions and lumber rose heavily in the West Indies; but reaction set in, as the leaks in the dam became manifest and copious. The British Government fostered the rebellious evasions of American citizens by a proclamation, issued April 11, directing commanders of cruisers not to interrupt any neutral vessel laden with provisions or lumber, going to the West Indies; no matter to whom the property belonged, nor whether the vessel had any clearance, or papers of any kind. A principal method of eluding the embargo, Gallatin informed Jefferson, was by loading secretly and going off without clearing. "Evasions are chiefly effected by vessels going coastwise."[247] The two methods were not incompatible. Besides the sea-going vessels already mentioned as lying in New York alone, there were there over four hundred coasters. It was impossible to watch so many. The ridiculous gunboats, identified with this Administration, derisively nicknamed "Jeffs"[248] by the unbelieving, were called into service to arrest the evil; but neither their numbers nor their qualities fitted them to cope with the ubiquity and speed of their nimble opponents. "The larger part of our gunboats," wrote Commodore Shaw[249] from New Orleans, "are well known to be dull sailers." "For enforcing the embargo," said Secretary Gallatin, "gunboats are better calculated as a stationary force, and for the purpose of stopping vessels in certain places, than for pursuit."[250] A double bond was a mockery, when in West Indian ports the cargo was worth from four to eight times what it was at the place of loading. These were the palmier days of the embargo breakers; the ease and frequency with which they escaped soon brought prices down. Randolph, in the House, asserted that in the first four months of embargo one hundred thousand barrels of flour had been shipped from Baltimore alone; and the West India planters, besides opening new sources of supply, devoted part of their ground to raising food. They thus turned farmer, after the Jefferson ideal, supporting themselves off their own grounds; an economical error, for sugar was their better crop, but unavoidable in the circumstances. With all this, the difficulty in the way of exportation so cheapened articles in the United States as to maintain a considerable disproportion in prices there and abroad, which kept alive the spirit of speculation, and maintained the opportunity of large profits,[251] at the same time that it distressed the American grower. Upon the whole, after making allowance for the boasts which succeeded the first fright in the West Indies, the indications seem to be that they escaped much better than had been expected, either by themselves or by the American Government. Just before adjourning, Congress had passed a supplementary measure, which, besides drawing restrictions tighter, authorized the President to license vessels to go abroad in ballast, in order to bring home property belonging to American citizens. These dispersed in various directions, and in very large numbers.[252] Many doubtless remained away; but those which returned brought constant confirmation of the numerous American shipping in the various ports of the West Indies, and the general abundance of American produce. A letter from Havana, September 12, said: "We have nearly one hundred American vessels in port. Three weeks ago there were but four or five. If the property, for which these vessels were ostensibly despatched, had been really here, why have they been so long delayed? The truth is, the property is not here. A host of people have been let loose, who could not possibly have had any other motive than procuring freight and passengers from merchants of this country, or from the French, who are supposed to be going off with their property [in consequence of the Spanish outbreak]. The vast number of evasions and smugglers which the embargo has created is surprising. For some days after the last influx of American vessels, the quays and custom-house were every morning covered with all kinds of provisions, which had been landed during the preceding night."[253] To Quebec and Halifax the embargo was a positive boon, from the diversion upon them of smuggling enterprise, by the lakes and by land, or by coasters too small to make the direct voyage to the West Indies. In consequence of the embargo, these towns became an _entrepôt_ of commerce, such as the Orders in Council were designed to make the British Islands. There was, of course, a return trade, through them, of British manufactures smuggled into the United States. These imports seem to have exceeded the exports by the same route. A New Bedford town meeting, in August, affirmed that gold was already at a premium, from the facility with which it was transported through the country, and across the frontier, in payment of purchases.[254] At the end of the summer one hundred and fifty vessels were despatched from Quebec with full cargoes, and it may be believed they had not arrived empty. "From a Canada price current now before us, it will be seen that since the embargo was laid the single port of Quebec has done more foreign business than the whole United States. In less than eleven months there cleared thence three hundred and thirty-four vessels."[255] An American merchant visiting Halifax wrote home: "Our embargo is an excellent thing for this place. Every inhabitant of Nova Scotia is exceedingly desirous of its continuance, as it will be the making of their fortunes."[256] Independent of the _entrepôt_ profit, the British provinces themselves produced several of the articles which figured largely among the exports of the middle and eastern states; not to the extent imagined by Sheffield, sufficient to supply the West Indies, but, in the artificial scarcity caused by the embargo, the enhanced prices redounded directly to their advantage. Sir George Prevost, governor of Nova Scotia, summed up the experience of the year by saying that "the embargo has totally failed. New sources have been resorted to with success to supply deficiencies produced by so sudden an interruption of commerce, and the vast increase of export and import of this province proves that the embargo is a measure well adapted to promote the true interests of his Majesty's American colonies."[257] Upon the British Islands themselves the injury was more appreciable and conspicuous. It was, moreover, in the direction expected by Jefferson and his supporters. The supply of cotton nearly ceased. Mr. Baring, March 6, 1809, said in the House of Commons that raw material had become so scarce and so high, that in many places it could not be procured. "In Manchester during the greatest part of the past year, only nine cotton mills were in full employment; about thirty-one at half work, and forty-four without any at all."[258] Flaxseed, essential to the Irish linen manufactures, and of which three fourths came from America, had risen from £2-½ to £23 the quarter.[259] The exports for the year 1808 had fallen fifteen per cent; the imports the same amount, involving a total diminution in trade of £14,000,000. An increase of distress was manifested in the poor rates. In Manchester they had risen from £24,000 to £49,000. On the other hand, the harvest for the year, contrary to first anticipation, had been very good; and, in part compensation for intercourse with the United States, there was the opening of Spain, Portugal, and their extensive colonies, the effect of which was scarcely yet fully felt. There was, besides, the relief of American competition in the carrying trade. This was a singularly noteworthy effect of the embargo; for this industry was particularly adverse to United States navigation, and particularly benefited by the locking up of American shipping. On April 28, 1808, there was not in Liverpool a vessel from Boston or New York.[260] The year before, four hundred and eighty-nine had entered, paying a tonnage duty of £36,960.[261] In Bristol at the same time there were only ten Americans. In consequence of the loss of so much tonnage, "those who have anything to do with vessels for freight or charter are absolutely insolent in their demands. For a ship of 330 tons from this to St. Petersburg and back £3,300 have been paid; £2,000 for a ship of 199 tons to Lisbon and back."[262] At the end of August, in Liverpool, the value of British shipping had increased rapidly, and vessels which had long been laid up found profitable employment at enormous freights.[263] Thus, while the effect of the embargo doubtless was to raise prices of American goods in England, it stopped American competition with the British carrying trade, especially in West India produce. This occurred also at the time when the revolt of Spain opened to British navigation the colonies from which Americans hitherto had been the chief carriers. The same event had further relieved British shipping by the almost total destruction of French privateering, thenceforth banished from its former ports of support in the Caribbean. From all these causes, the appreciation quoted from a London letter of September 5 seems probably accurate. "The continuance of the embargo is not as yet felt in any degree adequate to make a deep impression on the public mind.... Except with those directly interested [merchants in the American trade], the dispute with the United States seems almost forgotten, or remembered only to draw forth ironical gratitude, that the kind embargo leaves the golden harvest to be reaped by British enterprise alone."[264] Upon the whole, through silent popular resistance, and the concurrence of the Spanish revolution, the United States by cutting its own throat underwent more distress than it inflicted upon the enemy. Besides the widespread individual suffering,[265] already mentioned, the national revenue, dependent almost wholly on customs, shrank with the imports. Despite the relief afforded by cargoes bound home when the embargo passed, and the permits issued to bring in American property abroad, the income from this source sank from over $16,000,000 to $8,400,000.[266] "However dissimilar in some respects," wrote Gallatin in a public report, "it is not believed that in their effect upon national wealth and public revenue war and embargo would be materially different. In case of war, some part of that revenue will remain; but if embargo and suspension of commerce continue, that which arises from commerce will entirely disappear."[267] Jefferson nevertheless clung to the system, even to the end of his life, with a conviction that defied demonstration. The fundamental error of conception, of course, was in considering embargo an efficient alternative for war. The difference between the two measures, regarded coercively, was that embargo inflicted upon his own people all the loss that war could, yet spared the opponent that which war might do to him. For the United States, war would have meant, and when it came did mean, embargo, and little more. To Great Britain it would have meant all that the American embargo could do, plus the additional effort, expense, and actual loss, attendant upon the increased exposure of her maritime commerce, and its protection against active and numerous foes, singularly well fitted for annoyance by their qualities and situation. War and embargo, combined, with Napoleon in the plenitude of his power, as he was in 1808, would sorely have tried the enemy; even when it came, amid the Emperor's falling fortunes, the strain was severe. But Jefferson's lack of appreciation for maritime matters, his dislike to the navy, and the weakness to which he had systematically reduced it, prevented his realizing the advantages of war over embargo, as a measure of coercion. To this contributed also his conviction of the exposure of Canada to offensive operations, which was just, though fatally vitiated by an unfounded confidence in untrained troops, or militia summoned from their farms. Neither was there among his advisers any to correct his views; rather they had imbibed their own from him, and their utterances in debate betray radical misapprehension of military considerations. Among the incidents attendant upon the embargo was the continuance abroad of a number of American vessels, which were there at the passage of the Act. They remained, willing exiles, to share the constant employment and large freights which the sudden withdrawal of their compatriots had opened to British navigation. They were doubtless joined by many of those which received permission to sail in quest of American property. One flagrant instance of such abuse of privilege turned up at Leghorn, with a load of tropical produce;[268] and the comments above quoted from an Havana letter doubtless depended upon that current acquaintance with facts which men in the midst of affairs pick up. It was against this class of traders specifically that Napoleon launched the Bayonne Decree, April 17, 1808. Being abroad contrary to the law of the United States, he argued, was a clear indication that they were not American, but British in disguise. This they were not; but they were carrying on trade under the Orders in Council, and often under British convoy.[269] The fact was noteworthy, as bearing upon the contention of the United States Government soon after, that the Non-Intercourse Law was adequate security for the action of American merchant vessels; a grotesque absurdity, in view of the embargo experiences. That it is not consonant with national self-esteem to accept foreign assistance to carry out national laws is undeniable; but it is a step further to expect another nation to accept, as assured, the efficiency of an authority notoriously and continually violated by its own subjects. Under the general conditions named, the year 1808 wore on to its close. Both the British Orders in Council and the Decrees of the French Emperor continued in force and received execution;[270] but so far as the United States was concerned their effect was much limited, the embargo retaining at home the greater part of the nation's shipping. The vessels which had remained abroad, and still more those which escaped by violation of the law, or abuse of the permission to sail unloaded to bring back American property, for the most part purchased immunity by acquiescence in the British Orders. They accepted British licenses, and British convoy also, where expedient. It was stated in Congress that, of those which went to sea under permission, comparatively few were interrupted by British cruisers.[271] Napoleon's condemnations went on apace, and in the matter of loss,--waiving questions of principle,--were at this moment a more serious grievance than the British Orders. Nor could it be said that the grounds upon which he based his action were less arbitrary or unjust. The Orders in Council condemned a vessel for sailing for an enemy's port, because constructively blockaded--a matter as to which at least choice was free; the Milan Decree condemned because visited by a British cruiser, to avoid which a merchant ship was powerless. The American brig "Vengeance" sailed from Norfolk before the embargo was laid, for Bilboa, then a port in alliance with France. On the passage the British frigate "Iris" boarded her, and indorsed on her papers that, in accordance with the orders of November 11, she must not proceed. That night the "Vengeance" gave the cruiser the slip, and pursued her course. She was captured off Bilboa by a French vessel, sent in as a prize, and condemned because of the frigate's visit.[272] This case is notable because of the pure application of a single principle, not obscured by other incidental circumstances, as often happens. The brig "George", equally bound to Bilboa, after visitation by a British vessel had been to Falmouth, and there received a British license to go to her destination. She was condemned for three offenses: the visit, the entrance to Falmouth, and the license.[272a] These cases were far from isolated, and quite as flagrant as anything done by Great Britain; but, while not overlooked, nor unresented, by the supporters of the embargo, there was not evident in the debates of Congress any such depth of feeling as was aroused by the British measures. As was said by Mr. Bayard, an Opposition Senator, "It may be from the habit of enduring, but we do not feel an aggression from France with the same quickness and sensibility that we do from England."[273] Throughout the year 1808, the embargo was maintained by the Administration with as much vigor as was possible to the nature of the administrator, profoundly interested in the success of a favorite measure. Congress had supplemented the brief original Act by a prohibition of all intercourse with foreign territories by land, as well as by sea. This was levelled at the Florida and Canada frontiers. Authority had been given also for the absolute detention of all vessels bound coastwise, if with cargoes exciting suspicion of intention to evade the laws. Part of the small navy was sent to cruise off the coast, and the gunboats were distributed among the maritime districts, to intercept and to enforce submission. Steps were taken to build vessels on Lakes Ontario and Champlain; for, in the undeveloped condition of the road systems, these sheets of water were principal means of transportation, after snow left the ground. To the embargo the Navy owed the brig "Oneida", the most formidable vessel on Ontario when war came. All this restrictive service was of course extremely unpopular with the inhabitants; or at least with that active, assertive element, which is foremost in pushing local advantages, and directs popular sentiment. Nor did feeling in all cases refrain from action. April 19, the President had to issue a proclamation against combinations to defy the law in the country about Champlain. The collector at Passamaquoddy wrote that, with upwards of a hundred vessels in port, he was powerless; and the mob threatened to burn his house.[274] A Kennebec paper doubted whether civil society could hang together much longer. There were few places in the region where it was safe for civil officers to execute the laws.[274a] Troops and revenue vessels were despatched to the chief centres of disturbance; but, while occasional rencounters occurred, attended at times with bloodshed, and some captures of smuggled goods were effected, the weak arm of the Government was practically powerless against universal connivance in the disaffected districts. Smuggling still continued to a large extent, and was very profitable; while the determination of the smugglers assumed the character commonly styled desperate. Such conditions, with a falling revenue, and an Opposition strong in sectional support, confronted the supporters of the Administration when Congress again met in November. Confident that embargo was an efficient coercive weapon, if relentlessly wielded, the President wished more searching enactments, and power for more extensive and vigorous enforcement. This Congress proceeded to grant. Additional revenue cutters were authorized; and after long debate was passed an Act for the Enforcement of the Embargo, approved January 9, 1809.[275] The details of this law were derived from a letter[276] addressed to a Committee of Congress by Gallatin, the Secretary of the Treasury, upon whom the administration of the embargo system chiefly fell. The two principal difficulties so far encountered were the evasions of vessels bound coastwise, and departure without clearance. "The infractions thus practised threaten to prostrate the law and the Government itself." Even to take cargo on board should not be permitted, without authorization from the collector of the district. "The great number of vessels now laden and in a state of readiness to depart shows the necessity of this provision." It was therefore enacted that no vessel, coasting or registered, should load, without first having obtained permission from the custom-house, and given bond, in six times the value of the cargo, that she would not depart without a clearance, nor after clearing go to any foreign port, or transfer her lading to any other vessel. The loading was to be under the inspection of revenue officers. Ships already loaded, when notice of the Act was received, must unload or give bonds. Further to insure compliance, vessels bound coastwise must, within two months after sailing, deposit with the collector at the port of clearance a certificate from the collector at the port of destination, that they had arrived there. If going to New Orleans from the Atlantic coast, four months were allowed for this formality. Failing this, proof of total loss at sea would alone relieve the bond. "Neither capture, distress, nor any other accident, shall be pleaded or given in evidence." Collectors were empowered to take into custody specie and goods, whether on vessels or land vehicles, when there was reason to believe them intended for exportation; and authority was given to employ the army and navy, and the militia, for carrying out this and the other embargo legislation. A further provision of thirty armed vessels, to stop trade, was made by this Congress; which otherwise, like its predecessors and successors, was perfectly faithful to the party tradition not to protect trade, or seek peace, by providing a navy. All this was sitting on the safety valve. However unflattering to national self-esteem it might be to see national legislation universally disregarded, the leakage of steam by evasion had made the tension bearable. The Act also opened to a number of subaltern executive officers, of uncertain discretion, an opportunity for arbitrary and capricious action, to which the people of the United States were unaccustomed. Already a justice of a circuit court had decided in opposition to instructions issued by the President himself. The new legislation was followed by an explosion of popular wrath and street demonstrations. These were most marked in the Eastern states, where the opposition party and the shipping interest were strongest. Feeling was the more bitter, because the revolt of Spain, and the deliverance of Portugal, had exempted those nations and their extensive colonies from the operation of the British Orders in Council, had paralyzed in many of their ports the edicts of Napoleon, and so had extended widely the field safe for neutral commerce. It was evident also that, while the peninsula everywhere was the scene of war, it could not feed itself; nor could supplies for the population, or for the British armies there, come from England, often narrowly pressed herself for grain. Cadiz was open on August 26; all neutrals admitted, and the British blockade raised. Through that portal and Lisbon might flow a golden tide for American farmers and shipmen. The town meetings of New England again displayed the power for prompt political agitation which so impressed the imagination of Jefferson. The Governor of Connecticut refused, on constitutional grounds, to comply with the President's request to detail officers of militia, to whom collectors could apply when needing assistance to enforce the laws. The attitude of the Eastern people generally was that of mutiny; and it became evident that it could only be repressed by violence, and with danger to the Union. Congress was not prepared to run this risk. On February 8, less than a month after the Enforcement Act became law, its principal supporter in the Senate[277] introduced a resolution for the partial repeal of the Embargo Act. "This is not of my choice," he said, "nor is the step one by which I could wish that my responsibility should be tested. It is the offspring of conciliation, and of great concession on my part. On one point we are agreed,--resistance to foreign aggressions. The points of difficulty to be adjusted,--and compromised,--relate to the extent of that resistance and the mode of its application. In my judgment, if public sentiment could be brought to support them, wisdom would dictate the combined measures of embargo, non-intercourse, and war. Sir, when the love of peace degenerates into fear of war, it becomes of all passions the most despicable." It was not the first time the word "War" had been spoken, but the occasion made it doubly significant and ominous; for it was the requiem of the measure upon which the dominant party had staked all to avoid war, and the elections had already declared that power should remain in the same hands for at least two years to come. Within four weeks Madison was to succeed his leader, Jefferson; with a Congressional majority, reduced indeed, but still adequate. The debate over the new measure, known as the Non-Intercourse Act, was prolonged and heated, abounding in recriminations, ranging over the whole gamut of foreign injuries and domestic misdoings, whether by Government policy or rebellious action; but clearer and clearer the demand for war was heard, through and above the din. "When the late intelligence from the northeast reached us," said an emotional follower of the Administration,[278] "it bore a character most distressful to every man who valued the integrity of the Government. Choosing not to enforce the law with the bayonet, I thought proper to acknowledge to the House that I was ready to abandon the embargo.... The excitement in the East renders it necessary that we should enforce it by the bayonet, or repeal. I will repeal, and could weep over it more than over a lost child." There was, he said, nothing now but war. "The very men who now set your laws at defiance," cried another, "will be against you if you go to war;" but he added, "I will never let go the embargo, unless on the very same day on which we let it go, we draw the sword."[279] Josiah Quincy, an extremist on the other side, gave a definition of the position of Massachusetts, which from his ability, and his known previous course on national questions, is particularly valuable. In the light of the past, and of what was then future, it may be considered to embody the most accurate summary of the views prevailing in New England, from the time of the "Chesapeake" affair to the war. He "wished a negotiation to be opened, unshackled with the impedimenta which now exist. As long as they remained, people in the part of the country whence he came would not deem an unsuccessful attempt at negotiation cause for war. If they were removed, and an earnest attempt at negotiation made, unimpeded by these restrictions, and should not meet with success, they would join heartily in a war. They would not, however, go to war to contest the right of Great Britain to search American vessels for British seamen; for it was the general opinion with them that, if American seamen were encouraged, there would be no need for the employment of foreign seamen."[280] Quincy therefore condemned the retaliatory temper of the Administration, as shown in the "Chesapeake" incident by the proclamation excluding British ships of war, and in the embargo as a reply to the Orders in Council. The oppression of American trade, culminating in the Orders, was a just cause of war; but war was not expedient before a further attempt at negotiation, favored by a withdrawal of all retaliatory acts. He was willing to concede the exercise of British authority on board American merchantmen on the high seas. In the main these were the coincident opinions of Monroe, although a Virginian and identified with the opposite party. At this time he wrote to Jefferson privately, urging a special mission, for which he offered his services. "Our affairs are evidently at a pause, and the next step to be taken, without an unexpected change, seems likely to be the commencement of war with both France and Great Britain, unless some expedient consistent with the honor of the Government and Country is adopted to prevent it." To Jefferson's rejection of the proposition he replied: "I have not the hope you seem still to entertain that our differences with either Power will be accommodated under existing arrangements. The embargo was not likely to accomplish the desired effect, if it did not produce it under the first impression.... Without evidence of firm and strong union at home, nothing favorable to us can be expected abroad, and from the symptoms in the Eastern states there is much cause to fear that tranquillity cannot be secured at present by adherence only to the measures which have heretofore been pursued."[281] Monroe had already[282] expressed the opinion--not to Jefferson, who had refused to ratify, but to a common intimate--that had the treaty of December 31, 1806, signed by himself and Pinkney, been accepted by the Administration, none of the subsequent troubles with France and Great Britain would have ensued; that not till the failure of accommodation with Great Britain became known abroad was there placed upon the Berlin Decree that stricter interpretation which elicited the Orders in Council, whence in due sequence the embargo, the Eastern commotions, and the present alarming outlook. In principle, Quincy and Monroe differed on the impressment question, but in practical adjustment there was no serious divergence. In other points they stood substantially together. Under the combined influences indicated by the expressions quoted, Congress receded rapidly from the extreme measures of domestic regulation embodied in the various Embargo Acts and culminating in that of January 9. The substitute adopted was pronouncedly of the character of foreign policy, and assumed distinctly and unequivocally the hostile form of retaliation upon the two countries under the decrees of which American commerce was suffering. It foreshadowed the general line of action followed by the approaching new Administration, with whose views and purposes it doubtless coincided. Passed in the House on February 27, 1809, it was to go into effect May 20, after which date the ports of the United States were forbidden to the ships of war of both France and Great Britain, except in cases of distress, or of vessels bearing despatches. Merchant vessels of the two countries were similarly excluded, with a provision for seizure, if entering. Importation from any part of the dominions of those states was prohibited, as also that of any merchandise therein produced. Under these conditions, and with these exceptions, the embargo was to stand repealed from March 15 following; but American and other merchant vessels, sailing after the Act went into operation, were to be under bonds not to proceed to any port of Great Britain or France, nor during absence to engage in any trade, direct or indirect, with such port. From the general character of these interdictions, stopping both navigation and commerce between the United States and the countries proscribed, this measure was commonly called the Non-Intercourse Act. Its stormy passage through the House was marked by a number of amendments and proposed substitutes, noticeable principally as indicative of the growth of warlike temper among Southern members. There were embodied with the bill the administrative and police clauses necessary for its enforcement. Finally, as a weapon of negotiation in the hands of the Government, there was a provision, corresponding to one in the original Embargo Act, that in case either France or Great Britain should so modify its measures as to cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States, the President was authorized to proclaim the fact, after which trade with that country might be renewed. In this shape the bill was returned to the Senate, which concurred February 28. Next day it became law, by the President's signature. The Enforcement Act and the Non-Intercourse Act, taken together and in their rapid sequence, symbolize the death struggle between Jefferson's ideal of peaceful commercial restriction, unmitigated and protracted, in the power of which he had absolute faith, and the views of those to whom it was simply a means of diplomatic pressure, temporary, and antecedent to war. Napoleon himself was not more ruthless than Jefferson in his desired application of commercial prohibition. Not so his party, in its entirety. The leading provisions of the Non-Intercourse Act, by partially opening the door and so facilitating abundant evasion, traversed Jefferson's plan. It was antecedently notorious that their effect, as regarded Great Britain, would be to renew trade with her by means of intermediary ports. Yet that they were features in the policy of the men about to become prominent under the coming Administration was known to Canning some time before the resolution was introduced by Giles; before the Enforcement Act even could reach England. Though hastened by the outburst in New England, the policy of the Non-Intercourse Act was conceived before the collapse of Jefferson's own measure was seen to be imminent. On January 18 and 22 Canning, in informal conversations with Pinkney, had expressed his satisfaction at proceedings in Congress, recently become known, looking to the exclusion of French ships equally with British, and to the extension of non-importation legislation to France as well as Great Britain.[283] He thought that such measures might open the way to a withdrawal of the Orders in Council, by enabling the British Government to entertain the overture, made by Pinkney August 23, under instructions, that the President would suspend the embargo, if the British Government would repeal its orders. This he conceived could not be done, consistently with self-respect, so long as there was inequality of treatment. In these anticipations he was encouraged by representations concerning the attitude of Madison and some intended members of his Cabinet, made to him by Erskine, the British Minister in Washington, who throughout seems to have cherished an ardent desire to reconcile differences which interfered with his just appreciation even of written words,--much more of spoken. In the interview of the 22d Pinkney confined himself to saying everything "which I thought consistent with candor and discretion to confirm him in his dispositions." He suggested that the whole matter ought to be settled at Washington, and "that it would be well (in case a special mission did not meet their approbation) that the necessary powers should be sent to Mr. Erskine."[284] He added, "I offered my intervention for the purpose of guarding them against deficiencies in these powers."[285] The remark is noteworthy, for it shows Pinkney's sense that Erskine's mere letter of credence as Minister Resident, not supplemented by full powers for the special transaction, was inadequate to a binding settlement of such important matters. In the sequel the American Administration did not demand of Erskine the production either of special powers or of the text of his instructions; a routine formality which would have forestalled the mortifying error into which it was betrayed by precipitancy, and which became the occasion of a breach with Erskine's successor. The day after his interview with Pinkney, Canning sent Erskine instructions,[286] the starting-point of which was that the Orders in Council must be maintained, unless their object could be otherwise accomplished. Assuming, as an indispensable preliminary to any negotiation, that equality of treatment between British and French ships and merchandise would have been established, he said he understood further from Erskine's reports of conversations that the leading men in the new Administration would be prepared to agree to three conditions: 1. That, contemporaneously with the withdrawal of the Orders of January 7 and November 11, there would be a removal of the restrictions upon British ships and merchandise, leaving in force those against French. 2. The claim, to carry on with enemies' colonies a trade not permitted in peace, would be abandoned for this war. 3. Great Britain should be at liberty to secure the operation of the Non-Intercourse measures, still in effect against France, by the action of the British Navy, which should be authorized to capture American vessels seeking to enter ports forbidden them by the Non-Intercourse Act. Canning justly remarked that otherwise Non-Intercourse would be nugatory; there would be nothing to prevent Americans from clearing for England or Spain and going to Holland or France. This was perfectly true. Not only had a year's experience of the embargo so demonstrated, but a twelvemonth later[287] Gallatin had to admit that "the summary of destinations of these exports, being grounded on clearances, cannot be relied on under existing circumstances. Thus, all the vessels actually destined for the dominions of Great Britain, which left the United States between April 19 and June 10, 1809, cleared for other ports; principally, it is believed, for Sweden." Nevertheless, the proposition that a foreign state should enforce national laws, because the United States herself could not, was saved from being an insult only by the belief, extracted by Canning from Erskine's report of conversations, that Madison, or his associates, had committed themselves to such an arrangement. He added that Pinkney "recently (but for the first time)" had expressed an opinion to the same effect. The British Government would consent to withdraw the Orders in Council on the conditions cited; and for the purpose of obtaining a distinct and official recognition of them, Canning authorized Erskine to read his letter _in extenso_ to the American Government. Had this been done, as the three concessions were a _sine quâ non_, the misunderstanding on which the despatch was based would have been at once exposed; and while its assumptions and tone could scarcely have failed to give offence, there would have been saved the successive emotions of satisfaction and disappointment which swept over the United States, leaving bitterness worse than before. Instead of communicating Canning's letter, Erskine, after ascertaining that the conditions would not be accepted, sent in a paraphrase of his own, dated April 18,[288] in which he made no mention of the three stipulations, but announced that, in consequence of the impartial attitude resulting from the Non-Intercourse Act, his Majesty would send a special envoy to conclude a treaty on all points of the relations between the two countries, and meanwhile would be willing to withdraw the Orders of January 7 and November 11, so far as affecting the United States, in the persuasion that the President would issue the proclamation restoring intercourse. This advance was welcomed, the assurance of revocation given, and the next day Erskine wrote that he was "authorized to declare that the Orders will have been withdrawn as respects the United States on the 10th day of June next." The same day, by apparent preconcertment, in accordance with Canning's requirement that the two acts should be coincident, Madison issued his proclamation, announcing the fact of the future withdrawal, and that trade between the United States and Great Britain might be renewed on June 10. Erskine's proceeding was disavowed instantly by the British Government, and himself recalled. A series of unpleasant explanations followed between him and the members of the American Government,[289] astonished by the interpretation placed upon their words, as shown in Canning's despatch. Canning also had to admit that he had strained Erskine's words, in reaching his conclusions as to the willingness of Madison and his advisers to allow the enforcement of the Non-Intercourse Act by British cruisers;[290] while Pinkney entirely disclaimed intending any such opinion as Canning imagined him to have expressed.[291] The British Secretary was further irritated by the tone of the American replies to Erskine's notes; but he "forbore to trouble"[292] Pinkney with any comment upon them. That would be made through Erskine's successor; an unhappy decision, as it proved. No explanation of the disavowal was given; but the instructions sent were read to Pinkney by Canning, and a letter followed saying that Erskine's action had been in direct contradiction to them. Things thus returned to the momentarily interrupted condition of American Non-Intercourse and British Orders in Council; the British Government issuing a temporary order for the protection of American vessels which might have started for the ports of Holland in reliance upon Erskine's assurances. From America there had been numerous clearances for England; and it may be believed that there would have been many more if the transient nature of the opportunity had been foreseen. August 9, Madison issued another proclamation, annulling the former. While Erskine was conducting his side negotiation, the British Government had largely modified the scope of the restrictions laid upon neutral trade. In consequence of the various events which had altered its relations with European states and their dependencies, the Orders of November, 1807, were revoked; and for them was substituted a new one, dated April 26, 1809,[293] similar in principle but much curtailed in extent. Only the coasts of France itself, of Holland to its boundary, the River Ems, and those of Italy falling under Napoleon's own dominion, from Orbitello to Pesaro, were thenceforth to be subject to "the same restrictions as if actually blockaded." Further, no permission was given, as in the former Orders, to communicate with the forbidden ports by first entering one of Great Britain, paying a transit duty, and obtaining a permit to proceed. In terms, prohibition was now unqualified; and although it was known that licenses for intercourse with interdicted harbors were freely issued, the overt offence of prescribing British channels to neutral navigation was avoided. Within the area of restriction, "No trade save through England" was thus converted, in form, to no trade at all. This narrowing of the constructive blockade system, combined with the relaxations effected by the Non-Intercourse Act, and with the food requirements of the Spanish peninsula, did much to revive American commerce; which, however, did not again before the war regain the fair proportions of the years preceding the embargo. The discrepancy was most marked in the re-exportation of foreign tropical produce, sugar and coffee, a trade dependent wholly upon war conditions, and affecting chiefly the shipping interest engaged in carrying it. For this falling off there were several causes. After 1809 the Continental system was more than ever remorselessly enforced, and it was to the Continent almost wholly that Americans had carried these articles. The Spanish colonies were now open to British as well as American customers; and the last of the French West Indies having passed into British possession, trade with them was denied to foreigners by the Navigation Act. In 1807 the value of the colonial produce re-exported from the United States was $59,643,558; in 1811, $16,022,790. The exports of domestic productions in the same years were: 1807, $48,699,592; in 1811, $45,294,043. In connection with these figures, as significant of political conditions, it is interesting to note that of the latter sum $18,266,466 went to Spain and Portugal, chiefly to supply demands created by war. So with tropical produce; out of the total of $16,022,790, $5,772,572 went to the Peninsula, and an equal amount to the Baltic, that having become the centre of accumulation, from which subsequent distribution was made to the Continent in elusion of the Continental System. The increasing poverty of the Continent, also, under Napoleon's merciless suppression of foreign commerce, greatly lessened the purchasing power of the inhabitants. The great colonial trade had wasted under the combined action of British Orders and French Decrees, supplemented by changes in political relations. The remote extremities of the Baltic lands and the Spanish peninsula now alone sustained its drooping life. Coincident with Erskine's recall had been the appointment of his successor, Mr. Francis J. Jackson, who took with him not only the usual credentials, but also full powers for concluding a treaty or convention.[294] He departed for his post under the impulse of the emotions and comments excited by the manner and terms in which Erskine's advances had been met, with which Canning had forborne to trouble Pinkney. Upon his arrival in Washington, disappointment was expressed that he had no authority to give any explanations of the reasons why his Government had disavowed arrangements, entered into by Erskine, concerning not only the withdrawal of the Orders in Council,--as touching the United States,--but also the reparation for the "Chesapeake" business. This Erskine had offered and concluded, coincidently with the revocation of the Orders, though not in connection with it; but in both instances his action was disapproved by his Government. After two verbal conferences, held within a week of Jackson's arrival, the Secretary of State, Mr. Robert Smith, notified him on October 9 that it was thought expedient, for the present occasion, that further communication on this matter should be in writing. There followed an exchange of letters, which in such circumstances passed necessarily under the eyes of President Madison, who for the eight preceding years had held Smith's present office. This correspondence[295] presents an interesting exhibition of diplomatic fencing; but beyond the discussion, pro and con, of the matters in original and continuous dispute between the two countries, the issue turned upon the question whether the United States had received the explanation due to it,--in right and courtesy,--of the reasons for disavowing Erskine's agreements. Smith maintained it had not. Jackson rejoined that sufficient explanation had been given by the terms of Canning's letter of May 27 to Pinkney, announcing that Erskine had been recalled because he had acted in direct contradiction to his instructions; an allegation sustained by reading to the American minister the instructions themselves. In advancing this argument, Jackson stated also that Canning's three conditions had been made known by Erskine to the American Government, which, in declining to admit them, had suggested substitutes finally accepted by Erskine; so that the United States understood that the arrangement was reached on another basis than that laid down by Canning. This assertion he drew from the expressions of Erskine in a letter to Canning, after the disavowal. Smith replied that Erskine, while not showing the despatch, had stated the three stipulations; that they had been rejected; and that the subsequent arrangement had been understood to be with a minister fully competent to recede from his first demand and to accept other conditions. Distinctly he affirmed, that the United States Government did not know, at any time during the discussion preceding the agreement, that Erskine's powers were limited by the conditions in the text of his instructions, afterwards published. That he had no others, "is now for the first time made known to this Government," by Jackson's declaration. [Illustration: JAMES MADISON From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Me.] Jackson had come prepared to maintain, not only the British contention, but the note set by Canning for British diplomatic correspondence. He was conscious too of opposing material force to argument, and had but recently been amid the scenes at Copenhagen, which had illustrated Nelson's maxim that a fleet of ships of the line were the best negotiators in Europe. The position has its advantages, but also its dangers, when the field of warfare is that of words, not deeds; and in Madison, who superintended the American case, he was unequally matched with an adversary whose natural dialectical ability had been tempered and sharpened in many campaigns. There is noticeable, too, on the American side, a labored effort at acuteness of discrimination, an adroitness to exaggerate shades of difference practically imperceptible, and an aptitude to give and take offence, not so evident under the preceding Administration. These suggest irresistibly the absence, over Madison the President, of a moderating hand, which had been held over Madison the Secretary of State. It may be due also to the fact that both the President and his Cabinet were somewhat less indisposed to war than his predecessor had been. In his answer to Smith Jackson reiterated, what Smith had admitted, that Erskine had made known the three conditions. He added, "No stronger illustration of the deviation from them which occurred can be given than by a reference to the terms of the agreement." As an incidental comment, supporting the contention that Erskine's departure from his sole authority was so decisive as to be a sufficient explanation for the disavowal of his procedure, the words were admissible; so much so as to invite the suspicion that the opponent, who had complained of the want of such explanation, felt the touch of the foil, and somewhat lost temper. Whatever impression of an insinuation the phrase may have conveyed should have been wholly removed by the further expression, in close sequence, "You are already acquainted with the instruction given; and _I have had_[296] the honor of informing you it was the only one." Smith's knowledge that Erskine's powers were limited to the one document is here attributed explicitly to Jackson. The Secretary (or President) saw fit not to recognize this, but took occasion to administer a severe rebuke, which doubtless the general tone of Jackson's letter tended to provoke. "I abstain, sir, from making any particular animadversions on several irrelevant and improper allusions in your letter.... But it would be improper to conclude the few observations to which I purposely limit myself, without adverting to your repetition of a language implying a knowledge, on the part of this Government, that the instructions of your predecessor did not authorize the arrangement formed by him. After the explicit and peremptory asseveration that this Government had no such knowledge, and that with such a knowledge no such arrangement would have been entered into, the view which you have again presented of the subject makes it my duty to apprise you that such insinuations are inadmissible in the intercourse of a foreign minister with a Government that understands what it owes to itself." Whatever may be thought of the construction placed upon Jackson's words by his opponent, this thrust should have made him look to his footing; but arrogance and temper carried the day, and laid him open to the fatal return which he received. By drawing attention to the qualifying phrase, he could have shown that he had been misunderstood, but he practically accepted the interpretation; for, instead of repelling it, he replied: "In my correspondence with you I have carefully avoided drawing conclusions that did not necessarily follow from the premises advanced by me, and least of all should I think of uttering an insinuation where I was unable to substantiate a fact. To facts, such as I have become acquainted with them, I have scrupulously adhered, and in so doing I must continue, whenever the good faith of his Majesty's Government is called in question," etc. To this outburst the reply was: "You have used language which cannot but be understood as reiterating, and even aggravating, the same gross insinuation. It only remains, in order to preclude opportunities which are thus abused, to inform you that no further communications will be received from you, and that the necessity for this determination will, without delay, be made known to your Government." Jackson thereupon quitted Washington for New York, leaving a _chargé d'affaires_ for transacting current business. Before leaving the city, however, Jackson, through the channel of the _chargé_, made a statement to the Secretary of State. In this he alleged that the facts which he considered it his duty to state, and to the assertion of which, as facts, exception was taken, and his dismissal attributed, were two. One was, that the three conditions had been submitted by Mr. Erskine to the Secretary of State. This the Secretary had admitted. "The other, namely: that that instruction is the only one, in which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine, for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, is known to Mr. Jackson by the instructions which he has himself received." This he had said in his second letter; if somewhat obscurely, still not so much so but that careful reading, and indisposition to take offence, could have detected his meaning, and afforded him the opportunity to be as explicit as in this final paper. If Madison, who is understood to have given special supervision to this correspondence,[297] meant the severe rebuke conveyed by his reply as a feint, to lead the British minister incautiously to expose himself to a punishment which his general bearing and that of his Government deserved, he assuredly succeeded; yet it may be questioned who really came best out of the encounter. Jackson had blundered in words; the American Administration had needlessly intensified international bitterness. Prepossession in reading, and proneness to angry misconception, must be inferred in the conduct of the American side of this discussion; for another notable and even graver instance occurs in the despatch[298] communicating Jackson's dismissal to Pinkney, beyond whose notice it probably was not allowed to go. Canning, in his third rejected condition, had written: Great Britain, for the purpose of securing _the operation of_ the embargo, and _of_ the bonâ fide intention of America to prevent her citizens from trading with France, and the Powers adopting and acting under the French decrees, is to be considered as being at liberty to capture all such American vessels as shall be found attempting to trade with the ports of such Powers;[299] and he explained that, unless such permission was granted, "the raising of the embargo nominally as to Great Britain, would raise it, in fact, with respect to all the world," owing to the evident inability of the United States to enforce its orders beyond its own ports. In the passage quoted, both the explanatory comment and the syntax show that the object of this proposed concession was to secure _the operation_, the effectual working, of the _bonâ fide_ intention expressly conceded to the American Government. The repetition of the preposition "of," before _bonâ fide_, secures this meaning beyond peradventure. Nevertheless Smith, in labored arraignment of the whole British course, wrote to Pinkney as follows: In urging this concession, Mr. Canning has taken a ground forbidden by those principles of decorum which regulate and mark the proceedings of Governments towards each other. In his despatch the condition is stated to be for the purpose of _securing the bonâ fide intention_ of America, to prevent her citizens from trading with France and certain other Powers; in other words to secure a pledge to that effect against the _malâ fide_ intention of the United States. And this despatch too was authorized to be communicated _in extenso_ to the Government, of which such language was used.[300] Being addressed only to Pinkney, a man altogether too careful and shrewd not to detect the mistake, no occasion arose for this grave misstatement doing harm, or receiving correction. But, conjoined with the failure to note that Jackson in his second letter had attributed to his own communication the American Government's knowledge that Erskine had no alternative instructions, the conclusion is irresistible that the President acted, perhaps unconsciously, under impulses foreign to the deliberate care which should precede and accompany so momentous an act as the refusal to communicate with an accredited foreign minister. It will be remembered that this action was taken on grounds avowedly independent of the reasonableness or justice of the British demands. It rested purely on the conduct of the minister himself. This incident powerfully furthered the alienation of the two nations, for the British Government not only refused to disapprove Jackson's conduct, but for nearly two years neglected to send a successor, thus establishing strained diplomatic relations. Before finally leaving this unlucky business, it is due to a complete appreciation to mention that, in its very outset, at the beginning of Erskine's well-meant but blundering attempt, the United States Government had overpassed the limits of diplomatic civility. Canning was a master of insolence; he could go to the utmost verge of insult and innuendo, without absolutely crossing the line which separates them from formal observance of propriety; but it cannot be said that the American correspondence in this instance was equally adroit. In replying to Erskine's formal offer of reparation for the "Chesapeake" affair, certain points essential to safeguarding the position of the United States were carefully and properly pointed out; then the reparation, as tended, was accepted. There the matter might have dropped; acceptance is acceptance; or, if necessary, failure of full satisfaction on the part of the United States might have been candidly stated, as due to itself. But the Secretary[301] proceeded to words--and mere words--reflecting on the British Sovereign and Government. "I have it in express charge from the President to state, that, while he forbears to insist upon the further punishment of the offending officer, he is not the less sensible of the justice and utility of such an example, nor the less persuaded that it would best comport with what is due from his Britannic Majesty to his own honor." To the writer nothing quite as bad as this occurs in Jackson's letters, objectionable as they were in tone. With the opinion he agrees; the further employment of Berkeley was indecent, nor was he a man for whom it could be claimed that he was indispensable; but it is one thing to hold an opinion, and another to utter it to the person concerned. Had Madison meant war, he might have spoken as he did, and fought; but to accept, and then to speak words barren of everything but useless insult, is intolerable. Jackson very probably believed that the American Government was lying when it said it did not know the facts as to Erskine's instructions.[302] It would be quite in character that he should; but he did not say so. There was put into his mouth a construction of his words which he heedlessly accepted. Jackson's dismissal was notified to the British Government through Pinkney, on January 2, 1810.[303] Some time before, a disagreement within the British Cabinet had led to a duel between Castlereagh and Canning, in which the latter was severely wounded. He did not return to the Foreign Office, but was succeeded by the Marquis Wellesley, brother of the future Duke of Wellington. After presenting the view of the correspondence taken by his Government, Pinkney seems to betray a slight uneasiness as to the accuracy of the interpretation placed on Jackson's words. "I willingly leave your Lordship to judge whether Mr. Jackson's correspondence will bear any other construction than that it in fact received; and whether, supposing it to have been erroneously construed, his letter of the 4th of November should not have corrected the mistake, instead of confirming and establishing it." Wellesley, with a certain indolent nonchalance, characteristic of his correspondence with Pinkney, delayed to answer for two months, and then gave a reply as indifferent in manner as it was brief in terms. Jackson had written, "There appears to have prevailed, throughout the whole of this transaction [Erskine's], a fundamental mistake, which would suggest that his Majesty had proposed to propitiate the Government of the United States, to consent to the renewal of commercial intercourse; ... as if, in any arrangement, his Majesty would condescend to barter objects of national policy and dignity for permission to trade with another country." The phrase was Canning's, and summarized precisely the jealous attitude towards its own prestige characteristic of the British policy of the day. It also defined exactly the theory upon which the foreign policy of the United States had been directed for eight years by the party still in power. Madison and Jefferson had both placed just this construction upon Erskine's tender. "The British Cabinet must have changed its course under a full conviction that an adjustment with this country had become essential."[304] "Gallatin had a conversation with Turreau at his residence near Baltimore. He professes to be confident that his Government will consider England broken down, by the examples she has given in repealing her Orders."[305] "By our unyielding adherence to principle Great Britain has been forced into revocation."[306] Canning and his associates intuitively divined this inference, which after all was obvious enough. The feeling increased their discontent with Erskine, who had placed his country in the false light of receding under commercial pressure from America, and probably enough prepossessed them with the conviction that the American Government could not but have realized that Erskine was acting beyond his powers. Wellesley, after his manner,--which was not Canning's,--asserted equally the superiority of the British Government to concession for the sake of such advantage. His Majesty regretted the Jackson episode, the more so that no opportunity had been given for him to interpose, which "was the usual course in such cases." Mr. Jackson had written positive assurances that it was not his purpose to give offence; to which the reply was apt, that in such matters it is not enough to intend, but to succeed in avoiding offence.[307] "His Majesty has not marked, with any expression of his displeasure, the conduct of Mr. Jackson, who does not appear, on this occasion, to have committed any intentional offence against the Government of the United States." A _chargé_ would be appointed to carry on the ordinary intercourse, but no intention was expressed of sending another minister. Persistence in this neglect soon became a further ground of bad feeling. By its own limitations the Non-Intercourse Act was to expire at the end of the approaching spring session of the new Congress, but it was renewed by that body to the end of the winter session. During the recess the Jackson episode occurred, and was the first subject to engage attention on reassembling, November 27, 1809. After prolonged discussion in the lower house,[308] a joint resolution was passed approving the action of the Executive, and pledging to him the support of the nation. Despite a lucid exposition by Josiah Quincy, that the offence particularly attributed to the British minister was disproved by a reasonable attention to the construction of his sentences, the majority persisted in sustaining the party chief. That disposed of, the question of commercial restriction was again taken up. It was conceded on all sides that Non-Intercourse had failed, and precisely in the manner predicted. On the south, Amelia Island,--at the mouth of the St. Mary's River, just outside the Florida boundary,--and on the north Halifax, and Canada in general, had become ports of deposit for American products, whence they were conveyed in British ships to Great Britain and her dependencies, to which the Act forbade American vessels to go. The effect was to give the carrying of American products to British shipping, in precise conformity with the astute provisions of the Navigation Acts. British markets were reached by a broken voyage, the long leg of which, from Amelia and Halifax to Europe and elsewhere, was taken by British navigation. It was stated that there were at a given moment one hundred British vessels at Amelia,[309] the shores of which were encumbered with American goods awaiting such transportation. The freight from the American ports to Amelia averaged a cent a pound, from Amelia to England eight cents;[310] the latter amount going to British pockets, the former to Americans who were debarred from full transatlantic freight by the prohibitions of the Non-Intercourse Act. The absence of competition necessarily raised the prices obtainable by the British shipper, and this, together with the additional cost of transshipment and delays, attendant upon a broken voyage, fell upon the American agriculturist, whose goods commanded just so much less at their place of origin. The measure was even ingeniously malaprop, considered from the point of view of its purpose towards Great Britain, whether retaliatory or coercive. Upon France its effect was trivial, in any aspect. There was no French navigation, and the Orders in Council left little chance for American vessels to reach French ports. All agreed that the Non-Intercourse Act must go; the difficulty was to find a substitute which should not confessedly abandon the whole system of commercial restrictions, idealized by the party in power, but from which it was being driven foot by foot. A first measure proposed was to institute a Navigation Act, borrowed in broad outline from that of Great Britain, but in operation applied only to that nation and France, in retaliation for their injurious edicts.[311] Open intercourse with the whole world should be restored; but British and French merchant ships, as well as vessels of war, should be excluded from American harbors. British and French products could be imported only in vessels owned wholly by American citizens; and after April 15, 1810, could be introduced only by direct voyage from the place of origin. This was designed to prevent the continuance of trade by way of Amelia or Halifax. It was pointed out in debate, however, that French shipping practically did not exist, and that in the days of open trade, before the embargo, only about eight thousand tons of British shipping yearly entered American ports, whereas from three hundred thousand to four hundred thousand American tons visited Great Britain.[312] Should she, by a strict retaliation, resent this clumsy attempt at injuring her, the weight of the blow would fall on Americans. American ships would be excluded from British ports; the carrying trade to Amelia and Halifax would be resumed, to the detriment of American vessels by a competition which otherwise would not exist, and British manufactures would be introduced by smuggling, to the grievous loss of the revenue, as had been notoriously and abundantly the case under the Non-Intercourse Act. In truth, a purely commercial war with Great Britain was as injurious as a military war, and more hopeless. The bill consequently failed in the Senate, though passed by the House. In its stead was adopted an Act which repealed that of Non-Intercourse, but prescribed that in case either Great Britain or France, before March 3, 1811, should so revoke or modify its edicts as that they should cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States, the President should declare the fact by proclamation; and if the other nation should not, within three months from the date of such proclamation, in like manner so modify or revoke its edicts, there should revive against it those sections of the Non-Intercourse Act which excluded its vessels from American ports, and forbade to American vessels importation from its ports, or of its goods from any part of the world whatsoever. The determination of the fact of revocation by either state was left to the sole judgment of the President, by whose approval the Act became law May 1, 1810.[313] As Great Britain and France, by the Orders in Council and the Berlin and Milan Decrees, were then engaged in a commercial warfare, in which the object of each was to exhaust its rival, the effect of this Act was to tender the co-operation of the United States to whichever of them should embrace the offer. In terms, it was strictly impartial between the two. In fact, forasmuch as France could not prevent American intercourse with Great Britain, whereas Great Britain, in furtherance of her purposes, could and did prevent American trade with France, the latter had much more to gain; and particularly, if she should so word her revocation as to save her face, by not appearing the first to recede,--to show weakening,--as Great Britain had been made for the moment to seem by Erskine's arrangement. Should this ingenious diplomacy prove satisfactory to the President, yet fail so to convince Great Britain as to draw from her the recall of the Orders in Council, the United States, by the simple operation of the law itself, would become a party to the Emperor's Continental system, in its specific aim of reducing his opponent's strength. At this very moment Napoleon was putting into effect against the United States one of those perverse and shameless interpretations of international relations, or actions, by which he not infrequently contrived to fill his pockets. The Non-Intercourse Act, passed March 3, 1809, had decreed forfeiture of any French or British ship, or goods, which should enter American waters after May 20, of the same year. The measure was duly communicated to the French Government, and no remonstrance had been made against a municipal regulation, which gave ample antecedent warning. There the matter rested until March 23, 1810, when the Emperor, on the ground of the Act, imposing these confiscations and forbidding American vessels to visit France, signed a retroactive decree that all vessels under the flag of the United States, which, since May 20, 1809, had entered ports of his empire, colonies, or of the countries occupied by his arms, should be seized and sold. Commissioners were sent to Holland to enforce there this edict, known as the Decree of Rambouillet, which was not actually published till May 14.[314] It took effect upon vessels which, during a twelvemonth previous, unwarned, had gone to France, or the other countries indicated. Immediately before it was signed, the American minister, Armstrong, had written to Champagny, Duke of Cadore, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, "Your Excellency knows that there are not less than one hundred American ships within his Majesty's possession, or that of his allies;" and he added that, from several sources of information, he felt warranted in believing that not a single French vessel had violated the Non-Intercourse law, and therefore none could have been seized.[315] The law of May 1 was duly communicated to the two states concerned, by the United States ministers there resident. Great Britain was informed that not only the Orders in Council, but the blockade of May, 1806,[316] were included among the edicts affecting American commerce, the repeal of which was expected, as injurious to that commerce. France was told that this demand would be made upon her rival;[317] but that it was also the purpose of the President not to give the law effect favorable to herself, by publishing a proclamation, if the late seizures of the property of citizens of the United States had been followed by absolute confiscation, and restoration were finally refused.[318] This referred not to the Rambouillet Decree, as yet unknown in America, but to the previous seizures upon various pretexts, mentioned above by Armstrong. Ultimately this purpose was not adhered to; but the Emperor was attentive to the President's intimation that "by putting in force, agreeably to the terms of this statute, the non-intercourse against Great Britain, the very species of resistance would be made which France has constantly been representing as most efficacious."[319] Thus, the co-operation of America to the Continental System was no longer asked, but offered. The Emperor did not wait even for information by the usual official channels. By some unexplained delay, Armstrong's first knowledge was through a copy of the Gazette of the United States containing the Act, which he at once transmitted to Champagny, who replied August 5, 1810.[320] His Majesty wished that the acts of the United States Government could be more promptly communicated; not till very lately had he heard of the Non-Intercourse,--a statement which Armstrong promptly denied, referring Champagny to the archives of his own department.[321] In view of the Act of May 1, the Emperor's decision was announced in a paragraph of the same letter, in the following words: In this new state of things I am authorized to declare to you, Sir, that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan are revoked, and that after the first of November they will cease to have effect; it being understood that, in consequence of this declaration, the English shall revoke their Orders in Council, and renounce the new principles of blockade, which they have wished to establish; or that the United States, conformably to the Act which you have just communicated, shall cause their rights to be respected by the English. Definition is proverbially difficult; and over this superficially simple definition of circumstances and conditions, under which the Decrees of Berlin and Milan stood revoked, arose a discussion concerning construction and meaning which resembled the wrangling of scholars over a corrupt text in an obscure classical author. Clear-headed men became hopelessly involved, as they wrestled with each others' interpretations; and the most got no farther than sticking to their first opinions, probably reached in the majority of cases by sheer prepossession. The American ministers to France and Great Britain both accepted the words as a distinct, indisputable, revocation; and Madison followed suit. These hasty conclusions are not very surprising; for there was personal triumph, dear to diplomatists as to other men, in seeing the repeal of the Decrees, or of the Orders, result from their efforts. It has been seen how much this factor entered into the feelings of Madison and Jefferson in the Erskine business, and to Armstrong the present turn was especially grateful, as he was about quitting his mission after several years buffeting against wind and tide. His sun seemed after all about to set in glory. He wrote to Pinkney, "I have the honor to inform you that his Majesty, the Emperor and King, has been pleased to revoke his Decrees of Berlin and Milan."[322] Pinkney, to whom the recall of the British Orders offered the like laurels, was equally emphatic in his communication to Wellesley; adding, "I take for granted that the revocation of the British Orders in Council of January and November, 1807, April, 1809, and all other orders dependent upon, or analogous, or in execution of them, will follow of course."[323] The British Government demurred to the interpretation; but Madison accepted it, and on November 2 proclaimed it as a fact. In consequence, by the terms of the Act, non-intercourse would revive against Great Britain on February 2, 1811. When Congress met, distrust on one side and assertion on the other gave rise to prolonged and acute discussion. Napoleon had surprised people so often, that no wonder need be felt at those who thought his words might bear a double meaning. The late President, who did not lack sagacity, had once written to his successor, "Bonaparte's policy is so crooked that it eludes conjecture. I fear his first object now is to dry up the sources of British prosperity, by excluding her manufactures from the Continent. He may fear that opening the ports of Europe to our vessels will open them to an inundation of British wares."[324] This was exactly Bonaparte's dilemma, and suggested the point of view from which his every action ought to be scrutinized. Then there was the recent deception with Erskine, which, if it increased the doubts of some concerning the soundness of Madison's judgment, made it the more incumbent on others to show that on this occasion at least he had not been precipitate. Certainly, as regards the competency of the foreign official in either case, there was no comparison. A simple Minister Resident should produce particular powers or definite instructions, to guarantee his authority for concluding so important a modification of national policy as was accepted from Erskine; but by common usage the Minister of Foreign Affairs, at a national capital, is understood to speak for the Chief Executive. The statement of Champagny, at Paris, that he was "authorized" to make a specific declaration, could be accepted as the voice of Napoleon himself. The only question was, what did the voice signify? In truth, explicit as Champagny's words sound, Napoleon's memoranda,[325] on which they were based, show a deliberate purpose to avoid a formal revocation, for reasons analogous to those suggested by Jefferson. Throughout he used "_rapporter_" instead of "_révoquer_." In the particular connection, the words are nearly synonymous; yet to the latter attaches a natural fitness and emphasis, the avoidance of which betrays the bias, perhaps unconscious, towards seeking escape from self-committal on the matter in hand. His phrases are more definite. July 31 he wrote, "After much reflection upon American affairs, I have decided that to withdraw (_rapporter_) my decrees of Berlin and Milan would conduce to nothing (_n'aurait aucun effet_); that it is better you should address a note to Mr. Armstrong, in which you will acquaint him that you have placed before me the details contained in the American gazette, ... and since he assures us it may be regarded as official, he may depend (_compter_) that my decrees of Berlin and Milan will not receive execution (_n'auront aucun effet_) dating from November 1; and that he should consider them as withdrawn (_rapportés_) in consequence of the Act of the American Congress; provided," etc. "This," he concludes, "seems to me more suitable than a decree, which would cause disturbance and would not fulfil my aim. This method seems to me more conformable to my dignity and to the serious character of the business." The Decrees, as touching the United States alone, were to be quietly withdrawn from action, but not formally revoked. They were to be dormant, yet potential. As convenience might dictate, it would be open to say that they were revoked [in effect], or not revoked [in form]. The one might, and did, satisfy the United States; the other might not, and did not, content Great Britain, against whom exclusion from the continent remained in force. The two English-speaking peoples were set by the ears. August 2 the Emperor made a draft of the note to be sent to Armstrong. This Champagny copied almost verbatim in the declaration quoted; substituting, however, "_révoquer_" for "_rapporter_." It would be intolerable to attempt to drag readers through the mazes of analysis, and of comparison with other papers, by which the parties to the discussion, ignorant of the above memoranda, sought to establish their respective views. One thing, however, should have been patent to all,--that, with a man so subtle and adroit as Napoleon, any step in apparent reversal of a decided and cherished policy should have been complete and unequivocal, both in form and in terms. The Berlin Decree was put forth with the utmost formality with which majesty and power could invest it; the asserted revocation, if apparently explicit, was simply a paragraph in ordinary diplomatic correspondence, stating that revocation had taken place. If so, where was it? An act which undoes another, particularly if an injury, must correspond fully in form to that which it claims to undo. A private insult may receive private apology; but no private expression can atone for public insult or public wrong. In the appreciation of Mr. Madison, in 1807, so grave an outrage as that of the "Chesapeake" called for a special envoy, to give adequate dignity to the proffered reparation. Yet his followers now would have form to be indifferent to substantial effect. Champagny's letter, it is true, was published in the official paper; but, besides being in form merely a diplomatic letter, it bore the signature of Champagny, whereas the decree bore that of Napoleon. The Decree of Rambouillet, then less than six months old, was clothed with the like sanction. Even Pinkney, usually so clear-headed, and in utterance incisive, suffered himself here to be misled. Does England find inadequate the "manner" of the French Revocation? he asked. "It is precisely that in which the orders of its own Government, establishing, modifying, or removing blockades, are usually proclaimed." But the Decree of Berlin was no mere proclamation of a blockade. It had been proclaimed, in the Emperor's own name, a fundamental law of the Empire, until England had abandoned certain lines of action. This was policy against policy, to which the blockade was incidental as a method. English blockades were announced and withdrawn under identical forms of circular letter; but when an Order in Council, as that of November, 1807, was modified, as in April, 1809, it was done by an Order in Council, not by a diplomatic letter. In short, Champagny's utterance was the declaration of a fact; but where was the fact itself? Great Britain therefore refused to recognize the letter as a revocation, and could not be persuaded that it was by the opinion of the American authorities. Nor was the form alone inadequate; the terms were ambiguous, and lent themselves to a construction which would deprive her of all benefit from the alleged revocation. She had to look to her own battle, which reached its utmost intensity in this year 1810. Except the helpless Spanish and Portuguese insurgents, she had not an open friend in Europe; while Napoleon, freed from all opponents by the overthrow of Austria in 1809, had organized against Great Britain and her feeble allies the most gigantic display of force made in the peninsula since his own personal departure thence, nearly two years before. The United States had plain sailing; so far as the letter went, the Decrees were revoked, conditional on her executing the law of May 1. But Great Britain must renounce the "new" principles of blockade. What were these principles, pronounced new by the Decree? They were, that unfortified ports, commercial harbors, might be blockaded, as the United States a half century later strangled the Southern Confederacy. Such blockades were lawful then and long before. To yield this position would be to abandon rights upon which depended the political value of Great Britain's maritime supremacy; yet unless she did so the Berlin Decree remained in force against her. The Decree was universal in application, not limited to the United States commerce, towards which Champagny's letter undertook to relax it; and British commerce would remain excluded from neutral continental ports unless Great Britain not only withdrew the Orders in Council, but relinquished prescriptive rights upon which, in war, depended her position in the world. In declining to repeal, Great Britain referred to her past record in proof of consistency. In the first communication of the Orders in Council, February 23, 1808,[326] Erskine had written, "I am commanded by his Majesty especially to represent to the Government of the United States the earnest desire of his Majesty to see the commerce _of the world_ restored once more to that freedom which is necessary for its prosperity, and his readiness to abandon the system which has been forced upon him, _whenever the enemy shall retract the principles_ which have rendered it necessary." The British envoy in these sentences reproduced _verbatim_ the instructions he had received,[327] and the words italicized bar expressly the subsequent contention of the United States, that revocation by one party as to one nation, irrespective of the rest _of the world_, and that in practice only, not in principle, entitled the nation so favored to revocation by the other party. They exclude therefore, by all the formality of written words at a momentous instant, the singular assertion of the American Government, in 1811, that Great Britain had pledged herself to proceed "_pari passu_"[328] with France in the revocation of their respective acts. As far as can be ascertained, the origin of this confident assumption is to be found in letters of February 18 and 19, 1808,[329] from Madison, then Secretary of State, to Armstrong and Pinkney. In these he says that Erskine, in communicating the Orders,[330] expressed his Majesty's regrets, and "assurances that his Majesty would readily follow the example, in case the Berlin Decree should be rescinded, or would proceed _pari passu_ with France in relaxing the rigor of their measures." By whichever of the colloquists the expression was used, the contrast between this report of an interview and the official letter quoted sufficiently shows the snare latent in conversations, and the superior necessity of relying upon written communications, to which informal talk only smooths the way. On the very day of Madison's writing to Armstrong, February 18, the Advocate General, who may be presumed to have understood the purposes of the Government, was repudiating such a construction in the House of Commons. "Even let it be granted that there had been a public assurance to America that she alone was to be excepted from the influence of the Berlin Decree, would that have been a sufficient ground for us not to look further to our own interest? What! Because France chooses to exempt America from her injurious decrees, are we to consent to their continuance?"[331] Where such a contradiction exists, to assert a pledge from a Government, and that two years after Erskine's singular performance of 1809, which led to his recall, is a curious example of the capacity of the American Administration, under Madison's guidance, for putting words into an opponent's mouth. In the present juncture, Wellesley replied[332] to Pinkney's claim for the revocation of the Orders in Council by quoting, and repeating, the assurance of Erskine's letter of February 23, 1808, given above. Yet, unless the Orders in Council were repealed, Napoleon's concessions would not go far to relieve the United States. The vessels he would admit would be but the gleanings, after British cruisers had reaped the ocean field. Pinkney, therefore, had to be importunate in presenting the demands of his Government. Wellesley persisted in his method of procrastination. At last, on December 4, he wrote briefly to say that after careful inquiry he could find no authentic intelligence of the repeal, nor of the restoration of the commerce of neutral nations to its previous conditions. He invited, however, a fresh statement from Pinkney, who then, in a letter dated December 10,[333] argued the case at length, under the three heads of the manner, or form, the terms, and the practical effect of the alleged repeal. Having completed the argument, he took incidental occasion to present the views of the United States concerning the whole system of the Orders in Council; animadverting severely, and emphasizing with liberal italics. The Orders went far beyond any intelligible standard of _retaliation_; but it soon appeared that neutrals might be permitted to traffic, if they would submit with a dependence _truly colonial_ to carry on their trade through British ports, to pay such duties as the British Government might impose, and such charges as British agents might make. The modification of April 26, 1809, was one of appearance only. True, neutrals were no longer compelled to enter British ports; their prohibition from interdicted ports was nominally absolute; but it was known that by coming to Great Britain they could obtain a license to enter them, so that the effect was the same; and by forged papers this license system was so extended "that the commerce of _England_ could advantageously find its way to those ports."[334] Wellesley delayed reply till December 29.[335] He regretted the intrusion of these closing remarks, which might tend to interfere with a conciliatory spirit, but without further comment on them addressed himself to the main question. His Government did not find the "notification" of the repeal of the French Decrees such as would justify it in recalling the Orders in Council. The United States having demanded the formal revocation of the blockade of May, 1806, as well as of the Orders in Council, he "must conclude, combining your requisition with that of the French Minister, that America demands the revocation of that order of blockade, as a practical instance of our renunciation of those principles of blockade which are condemned by the French Government." This inference seems overstrained; but certainly much greater substantial concession was required of Great Britain than of France. Wellesley intimated that this concert of action was partial--not neutral--between the two belligerents. "I trust that the justice of the American Government will not consider that France, by the repeal of her obnoxious decrees, _under such a condition_,[336] has placed the question in that state which can warrant America in enforcing the Non-Intercourse Act against Great Britain, and not against France." He reminded Pinkney of the situation in which the commerce of neutral nations had been placed by many recent acts of the French Government; and said that its system of violence and injustice required some precautions of defence on the part of Great Britain. In conclusion, his Majesty stood ready to repeal, when the French Decrees should be repealed without conditions injurious to the maritime rights and honor of the United Kingdom. Unhappily for Pinkney's argument on the actuality of Napoleon's repeal, on the very day of his own writing, December 10, the American _chargé_[337] in Paris, Jonathan Russell, was sending Champagny a remonstrance[338] upon the seizure of an American vessel at Bordeaux, under the decrees of Berlin and Milan, on December 1,--a month after their asserted repeal. That the Director of Customs at a principal seaport should understand them to be in force, nearly four months after the publication of Champagny's letter in the "Moniteur," would certainly seem to imply some defect in customary form;[339] and the ensuing measures of the Government would indicate also something misleading in the terms. Russell told Champagny that, since November 1, the alleged day of repeal, this was the first case to which the Berlin and Milan Decrees could apply; and lo! to it they were applied. Yet, "to execute the Act of Congress against the English requires the previous revocation of the decrees." It was, indeed, ingeniously argued in Congress, by an able advocate of the Administration, that all the law required was the revocation in terms of the Decrees; their subsequent enforcement in act was immaterial.[340] Such a solution, however, would scarcely content the American people. The French Government now took a step which clearly showed that the Decrees were still in force, technically, however honest its purpose to hold to the revocation, if the United States complied with the conditions. Instructions to the Council of Prizes,[341] from the proper minister, directed that the vessel, and any others falling under the same category of entry after November 1, should "remain suspended" until after February 2, the period at which the United States should have fulfilled its obligation. Then they should be restored. The general trend of argument, pro and con, with the subsequent events, probably shook the confidence of the Administration, and of its supporters in Congress, in the certainty of the revocation, which the President had authenticated by his proclamation. Were the fact unimpeachable, the law was clear; non-intercourse with Great Britain would go into effect February 2, without further action. But the doubts started were so plausible that it was certain any condemnation or enforcement under the law would be carried up to the highest court, to test whether the fact of revocation, upon which the operativeness of the statute turned, was legally established. Even should the court decline to review the act of the Executive, and accept the proclamation as sufficient evidence for its own decision, such feeble indorsement would be mortifying. A supplementary Act was therefore framed, doing away with the original, and then reviving it, as a new measure, against Great Britain alone. In presenting this, the member charged with its introduction said: "The Committee thought proper that in this case the legislature should step forward and decide; that it was not consistent with the responsibility they owed the community to turn over to judicial tribunals the decision of the question, whether the Non-Intercourse was in force or not."[342] The matter was thus taken from the purview of the courts, and decided by a party vote. After an exhausting discussion, this bill passed at 4 A.M., February 28, 1811. It was approved by the President, March 2. For the settlement of American litigation this course was adequate; not so for the vindication of international procedure. The United States at this time had abundant justification for war with both France and Great Britain, and it was within the righteous decision of her own policy whether she should declare against either or both; but it is a serious impeachment of a Government's capacity and manfulness when, with such questions as Impressment, the Orders in Council, Napoleon's Decrees, and his arbitrary sequestrations, war comes not from a bold grappling with difficulties, but from a series of huckstering attempts to buy off one antagonist or the other, with the result of being fairly overreached. The outcome, summarily stated, had been that a finesse of the French Government had attached the United States to Napoleon's Continental System. She was henceforth, in effect, allied with the leading feature of French policy hostile to Great Britain. It was perfectly competent and proper for her so to attach herself, if she saw fit. The Orders in Council were a national wrong to her, justifying retaliation and war; still more so was Impressment. But it is humiliating to see one's country finally committed to such a step through being outwitted in a paltry bargain, and the justification of her course rested, not upon a firm assertion of right, but upon the refusal of another nation to accept a manifestly unequal proposition. The course of Great Britain was high-handed, unjust, and not always straightforward; but it was candor itself alongside of Napoleon's. There remained but one step to complete the formal breach; and that, if the writer's analysis has been correct, resulted as directly as did the final Non-Intercourse Act from action erroneously taken by Mr. Madison's Administration. Jackson's place, vacated in November, 1809, by the refusal to communicate further with him, remained still unfilled. This delay was thought deliberate by the United States Government, which on May 22 wrote to Pinkney that it seemed to manifest indifference to the character of the diplomatic intercourse between the two countries, arising from dissatisfaction at the step necessarily taken with regard to Mr. Jackson. Should this inference from Wellesley's inaction prove correct, Pinkney was directed to return to the United States, leaving the office with a _chargé d'affaires_, for whom a blank appointment was sent. He was, however, to exercise his own judgment as to the time and manner. In consequence of his interview with Wellesley, and in reply to a formal note of inquiry, he received a private letter, July 22, 1810, saying it was difficult to enter upon the subject in an official form, but that it was the Secretary's intention immediately to recommend a successor to Jackson. Still the matter dragged, and at the end of the year no appointment had been made. In other ways, too, there was unexplained delay. In April Pinkney had received powers to resume the frustrated negotiations committed first to him and Monroe. Wellesley had welcomed the advance, and had accepted an order of discussion which gave priority to satisfaction for the "Chesapeake" affair. After that an arrangement for the revocation of the Orders in Council should be attempted. On June 13 Pinkney wrote home that a verbal agreement conformable to his instructions had been reached concerning the "Chesapeake," and that he was daily expecting a written overture embodying the terms. August 14 this had not been received,--to his great surprise, for Wellesley's manner had shown every disposition to accommodate. Upon this situation supervened Cadore's declaration of the revocation of the French Decrees, Pinkney's acceptance of the fact as indisputable, and his urgency to obtain from the British Government a corresponding measure in the repeal of the Orders. Through all ran the same procrastination, issuing in entire inaction. Pinkney's correspondence shows a man diplomatically self-controlled and patient, though keenly sensible to the indignity of unwarrantable delays. The rough speaking of his mind concerning the Orders in Council, in his letter of December 10, suggests no loss of temper, but a deliberate letting himself go. There appeared to him now no necessity for further endurance. To Wellesley's rejoinder of December 29 he sent an answer on January 14, 1811, "written," he said, "under the pressure of indisposition, and the influence of more indignation than could well be suppressed."[343] The questions at issue were again trenchantly discussed, but therewith he brought to an end his functions as minister of the United States. Under the same date, but by separate letter, he wrote that as no steps had been taken to replace Jackson by an envoy of equal rank, his instructions imposed on him the duty of informing his lordship that the Government of the United States could not continue to be represented in England by a minister plenipotentiary. Owing to the insanity of the King, and the delays incident to the institution of a regency, his audience of leave was delayed to February 28; and it is a noticeable coincidence that the day of this formal diplomatic act was also that upon which the Non-Intercourse Bill against Great Britain passed the House of Representatives. In the course of the spring Pinkney embarked in the frigate "Essex" for the United States. He had no successor until after the War of 1812, and the Non-Intercourse Act remained in vigor to the day of hostilities. On February 15, a month after Pinkney's notification of his intended departure, Wellesley wrote him that the Prince Regent, whose authority as such dated only from February 5, had appointed Mr. Augustus J. Foster minister at Washington. The delay had been caused in the first instance, "as I stated to you repeatedly," by the wish to make an appointment satisfactory to the United States, and afterwards by the state of his Majesty's Government; the regal function having been in abeyance until the King's incapacity was remedied by the institution of the Regent. Wellesley suggested the possibility of Pinkney reconsidering his decision, the ground for which was thus removed; but the minister demurred. He replied that he inferred, from Wellesley's letter, that the British Government by this appointment signified its intention of conceding the demands of the United States; that the Orders in Council and blockade of May, 1806, would be annulled; without this a beneficial effect was not to be expected. Wellesley replied that no change of system was intended unless France revoked her Decrees. The effect of this correspondence, therefore, was simply to place Pinkney's departure upon the same ground as the new Non-Intercourse Act against Great Britain. Mr. Augustus John Foster was still a very young man, just thirty-one. He had but recently returned from the position of minister to Sweden, the duties of which he had discharged[344] during a year very critical for the fortunes of that country, and in the event for Napoleon and Europe. Upon his new mission Wellesley gave him a long letter of instructions,[345] in which he dealt elaborately with the whole course of events connected with the Orders in Council and Bonaparte's Decree, especially as connected with America. In this occurs a concise and lucid summary of the British policy, which is worth quoting. "From this view of the origin of the Orders in Council, you will perceive that the object of our system was not to crush the trade of the continent, but to counteract an attempt to crush British trade; that we have endeavored to permit the continent to receive as large a portion of commerce as might be practicable through Great Britain, and that all our subsequent regulations, and every modification of the system, by new orders, or modes of granting or withholding licenses, have been calculated for _the purpose of encouraging the trade of neutrals through Great Britain_,[346] whenever such encouragement might appear advantageous to the general interests of commerce and consistent with the public safety of the nation,--the preservation of which is the primary object of all national councils, and the paramount duty of the Executive power." In brief, the plea was that Bonaparte by armed constraint had forced the continent into a league to destroy Great Britain through her trade; that there was cause to fear these measures would succeed, if not counteracted; that retaliation by similar measures was therefore demanded by the safety of the state; and that the method adopted was retaliation, so modified as to produce the least possible evil to others concerned. It was admitted and deplored that prohibition of direct trade with the ports of the league injuriously affected the United States. That this was illegal, judged by the law of nations, was also admitted; but it was justified by the natural right of retaliation. Wellesley scouted the view, pertinaciously urged by the American Government, that the exclusion of British commerce from neutral continental ports by the Continental System was a mere municipal regulation, which the United States could not resist. Municipal regulation was merely the cloak, beneath which France concealed her military coercion of states helpless against her policy. "The pretext of municipal right, under which the violence of the enemy is now exercised against neutral commerce in every part of the continent, will not be admitted by Great Britain; nor can we ever deem the repeal of the French Decrees to be effectual, until neutral commerce shall be restored to the conditions in which it stood, previously to the commencement of the French system of commercial warfare, as promulgated in the Decrees." Foster's mission was to urge these arguments, and to induce the repeal of the Non-Intercourse law against Great Britain, as partial between the two belligerents; who, if offenders against accepted law, were in that offenders equally. The United States was urged not thus to join Napoleon's league against Great Britain, from which indeed, if so supported, the direst distress must arise. It is needless to pursue the correspondence which ensued with Monroe, now Secretary of State. By Madison's proclamation, and the passage of the Non-Intercourse Act of March 2, 1811, the American Government was irretrievably committed to the contention that France had so revoked her Decrees as to constitute an obligation upon Great Britain and upon the United States. To admit mistake, even to one's self, in so important a step, probably passes diplomatic candor, and especially after the blunder in Erskine's case. Yet, even admitting the adequacy of Champagny's letter, the Decrees were not revoked; seizures were still made under them. In November, 1811, Monroe had to write to Barlow, now American minister to France, "It is not sufficient that it should appear that the French Decrees are repealed, in the _final decision_ of a cause brought _before a French tribunal_. An active prohibitory policy should be adopted _to prevent seizures_ on the principle."[347] This was in the midst of his correspondence with Foster. The two disputants threshed over and over again the particulars of the controversy, but nothing new was adduced by either.[348] Conditions were hopeless, and war assured, even when Foster arrived in Washington, in June, 1811. One thing, however, was finally settled. In behalf of his Government, in reparation for the "Chesapeake" affair, Foster repeated the previous disavowal of Berkeley's action, and his consequent recall; and offered to restore to the ship herself the survivors of the men taken from her. Pecuniary provision for those who had suffered in the action, or for their families, was also tendered. The propositions were accepted, while denying the adequacy of Berkeley's removal from one command to another. The men were brought to Boston harbor, and there formally given up to the "Chesapeake." Tardy and insufficient as was this atonement, it was further delayed, at the very moment of tendering, by an incident which may be said to have derived directly from the original injury. In June, 1810, a squadron of frigates and sloops had been constituted under Commodore John Rodgers, to patrol the coast from the Capes of the Chesapeake northward to the eastern limit of the United States. Its orders, generally, were to defend from molestation by a foreign armed ship all vessels of the United States within the marine league, seaward, to which neutral jurisdiction was conceded by international law. Force was to be used, if necessary, and, if the offender were a privateer, or piratical, she was to be sent in. So weak and unready was the nominal naval force of the United States, that piracy near her very shores was apprehended; and concern was expressed in Congress regarding vessels from Santo Domingo, thus converted into a kind of local Barbary power. To these general instructions the Secretary of the Navy attached a special reminder. Recalling the "Chesapeake" affair, as a merely exaggerated instance of the contumely everywhere heaped upon the American flag by both belligerents, he wrote: "What has been perpetrated may be again attempted. It is therefore our duty to be prepared and determined at every hazard to vindicate the injured honor of our navy, and revive the drooping spirit of the nation. It is expected that, while you conduct the force under your command consistently with the principles of a strict and upright neutrality, you are to maintain and support at every risk and cost the dignity of our flag; and that, offering yourself no unjust aggression, you are to submit to none, not even a menace or threat from a force not materially your superior." Under such reminiscences and such words, the ships' guns were like to go off of themselves. It requires small imagination to picture the feelings of naval officers in the years after the "Chesapeake's" dishonor. In transmitting the orders to his captains, Rodgers added, "Every man, woman, and child, in our country, will be active in consigning our names to disgrace, and even the very vessels composing our little navy to the ravages of the worms, or the detestable transmigration to merchantmen, should we not fulfil their expectations. I should consider the firing of a shot by a vessel of war, of either nation, and particularly England, at one of our public vessels, whilst the colors of her nation are flying on board of her, as a menace of the grossest order, and in amount an insult which it would be disgraceful not to resent by the return of two shot at least; while should the shot strike, it ought to be considered an act of hostility meriting chastisement to the utmost extent of all your force."[349] The Secretary indorsed approval upon the copy of this order forwarded to him. Rodgers' apprehension for the fate of the navy reflected accurately the hostile views of leaders in the dominant political party. Demoralized by the gunboat system, and disorganized and browbeaten by the loud-mouthed disfavor of representative Congressmen, the extinction of the service was not unnaturally expected. Bainbridge, a captain of standing and merit, applied at this time for a furlough to make a commercial voyage to China, owing to straitened means. "I have hitherto refused such offers, on the presumption that my country would require my services. That presumption is removed, and even doubts entertained of the permanency of our naval establishment."[350] The following year, 1811, Rodgers' squadron and orders were continued. The British admirals of adjacent stations, acting doubtless under orders from home, enjoined great caution upon their ships of war in approaching the American coast.[351] While set not to relax the Orders in Council, the ministry did not wish war by gratuitous offence. Cruising, however, continued, though charged with possibilities of explosion. Under these circumstances Rodgers' ship, the "President" frigate, and a British sloop of war, the "Little Belt," sighted each other on May 16, 1811, fifty miles east of Cape Henry. Independent of the general disposition of ships of war in troublous times to overhaul and ascertain the business of any doubtful sail, Rodgers' orders prescribed the capture of vessels of certain character, even outside the three-mile limit; and, the "Little Belt" making sail from him, he pursued. About 8 P.M., it being then full dark, the character and force of the chase were still uncertain, and the vessels within range. The two accounts of what followed differ diametrically; but the British official version[352] is less exhaustive in matter and manner than the American, which rests upon the sworn testimony of numerous competent witnesses before a formal Court of Inquiry.[353] By this it was found proved that the "Little Belt" fired the first gun, which by Rodgers' statement cut away a backstay and went into the mainmast. The batteries of both ships opened, and an engagement followed, lasting twelve or fifteen minutes, during which the "Little Belt," hopelessly inferior in force, was badly cut up, losing nine killed and twenty-three wounded. Deplorable as was this result, and whatever unreconciled doubts may be entertained by others than Americans as to the blame, there can be no question that the affair was an accident, unpremeditated. It was clearly in evidence that Rodgers had cautioned his officers against any firing prior to orders. There was nothing of the deliberate purpose characterizing the "Chesapeake" affair; yet Mr. Foster, with the chariness which from first to last marked the British handling of that business, withheld the reparation authorized by his instructions until he had received a copy of the proceedings of the court. On July 24, 1811, the President summoned Congress to meet November 4, a month before the usual time, in consequence of the state of foreign affairs. His message spoke of ominous indications; of the inflexible hostility evidenced by Great Britain in trampling upon rights which no independent nation can relinquish; and recommended legislation for increasing the military force. As regarded the navy, his words were indefinite and vague, beyond suggesting the expediency of purchasing materials for ship-building. The debates and action of Congress reflected the tone of the Executive. War was anticipated as a matter of course, and mentioned freely in speeches. That the regular army should be enlarged, and dispositions made for more effective use of the militia, was granted; the only dispute being about the amount of development. In this the legislature exceeded the President's wishes, which were understood, though not expressed in the message. Previous Congresses had authorized an army of ten thousand, of which not more than five thousand were then in the ranks. It was voted to complete this; to add twenty-five thousand more regulars, and to provide for fifty thousand volunteers. Doubts, based upon past experience, and which proved well founded, were expressed as to the possibility of raising so many regular troops, pledged for five years to submit to the restrictions of military life. It was urged that, in the economical conditions of the country, the class did not exist from which such a force could be recruited. This consideration did not apply to the navy. Seamen could be had abundantly from the merchant shipping, the activities of which must necessarily be much curtailed by war with a great naval power. Nevertheless, the dominance of Jefferson, though in this particular already shaken, remained upon the mass of his party. The new Secretary of the Navy was from South Carolina, not reckoned among the commercial states; but, however influenced, he ventured to intimate doubts as to the gunboat system. Of one thing there was no doubt. On a gunboat a gun cost twelve thousand dollars a year; the same on a frigate cost but four thousand.[354] In the House of Representatives, the strongest support to the development of the navy as a permanent force came from the Secretary's state, backed by Henry Clay from Kentucky, and by the commercial states; the leading representative of which, Josiah Quincy, expressed, however, a certain diffidence, because in the embittered politics of the day the mere fact of Federalist support tended rather to damage the cause. So much of the President's message as related to the navy--three lines, wholly non-committal--was referred to a special committee. The report[355] was made by Langdon Cheves of South Carolina, whose clear and cogent exposition of the capabilities of the country and the possibility of providing a force efficient against Great Britain, under her existing embarrassments, was supported powerfully and perspicuously by William Lowndes of the same state. The text for their remarks was supplied by a sentence in the committee's report: "The important engine of national strength and national security, which is formed by a naval force, has hitherto been treated with a neglect highly impolitic, or supported by a spirit so languid, as, while it has preserved the existence of the establishment, has had the effect of loading it with the imputations of wasteful expense, and comparative inefficiency.... Such a course is impolitic under any circumstances." This was the condemnation of the party's past. Clay found his delight in dealing with some of the oratory, which on the present occasion still sustained--and for the moment successfully sustained--the prepossessions of Jefferson. Carthage, Rome, Venice, Genoa, were republics with free institutions and great navies; Carthage, Rome, Venice, and Genoa had lost their liberties, and their national existence. Clearly navies, besides being very costly, were fatal to constitutional freedom. Not in reply to such _non sequitur_, but quickened by an insight which was to receive earlier vindication than he could have anticipated, Quincy prophesied that, amid the diverse and contrary interests of the several states, which the lack of a common object of affection left still imperfectly unified in sentiment, a glorious navy, identified with the whole country because of its external action, yet local to no part, would supply a common centre for the enthusiasm not yet inspired by the central government, too closely associated for years back with a particular school of extreme political thought, narrowly territorial and clannish in its origin and manifestation. Within a twelvemonth, the "Constitution," most happily apt of all names ever given to a ship, became the embodiment of this verified prediction. The report of the committee was modest in its scope. "To the defence of your ports and harbors, and the protection of your coasting trade, should be confined the present objects and operations of any navy which the United States can, or ought, to have." To this office it was estimated that twelve ships of the line and twenty frigates would suffice. Cheves and Lowndes were satisfied that such a fleet was within the resources of the country; and to insure the fifteen thousand seamen necessary to man it, they would be willing to limit the number of privateers,--a most wholesome and necessary provision. By a careful historical examination of Great Britain's past and present exigencies, it was shown that such a force would most probably keep clear the approaches to all American ports, the most critical zone for shipping, whether inward or outward bound; because, to counteract it, the enemy would have to employ numbers so largely superior that they could not be spared from her European conflict. The argument was sound; but unhappily Cheves, Lowndes, Clay, and Quincy did not represent the spirit of the men who for ten years had ruled the country and evolved the gunboat system. These, in their day of power, not yet fully past, had neither maintained the fleet nor accumulated material, and there was no seasoned timber to build with. The Administration which expired in 1801 had left timber for six 74-gun ships, of which now remained only enough for four. The rest had been wasted in gunboats, or otherwise. The committee therefore limited its recommendations to building the frigates, for which it was believed materials could be procured. Even in this reduced form it proved impossible to overcome the opposition to a navy as economically expensive and politically dangerous. The question was amply debated; but as, on the one hand, little doubt was felt about the rapid conquest of Canada by militia and volunteers, so, on the other, the same disposition to trust to extemporized irregular forces encouraged reliance simply upon privateering. Private enterprise in such a cause undoubtedly has from time to time attained marked results; but in general effect the method is a wasteful expenditure of national resources, and, historically, saps the strength of the regular navy. In the manning of inefficient privateers--and the majority were inefficient and ineffective--were thrown away resources of seamen which, in an adequate naval force, organized and directed as it would have been by the admirable officers of that period, could have accomplished vastly more in the annoyance of British trade,--the one offensive naval undertaking left open to the nation. Even with the assistance of the Federalists the provision for the frigates could not be carried, though the majority was narrow--62 to 59. The same fate befell the proposition to provide a dockyard. All that could be had was an appropriation of six hundred thousand dollars, distributed over three successive years, for buying timber. These votes were taken January 27, 1812, in full expectation of war, and only five months before it was declared. Early in April, Congress, in secret session, passed an Act of Embargo for ninety days, which became law on the fourth by the President's signature. The motive was twofold: to retain at home the ships and seamen of the nation, in anticipation of war, to keep them from falling into the hands of the enemy; and also to prevent the carriage of supplies indispensably necessary to the British armies in Spain. Both objects were defeated by the action of Quincy, in conjunction with Senator Lloyd of Massachusetts and Representative Emott of New York. Learning that the President intended to recommend the embargo, these gentlemen, as stated by Quincy on the floor of the House, despatched at once to Philadelphia, New York, and Boston, expresses which left Washington March 31, the day before Madison's letter was dated. Four or five days' respite was thus secured, and the whole mercantile community set zealously to work to counteract the effects of the measure. "Niles' Register," published in Baltimore, said: "Drays were working night and day, from Tuesday night, March 31, and continued their toil till Sunday morning, incessantly. In this hurly-burly to palsy the arm of the Government all parties united. On Sunday perhaps not twenty seamen, able to do duty, could be found in all Baltimore." A New York paper is quoted as saying, "The property could not have been moved off with greater expedition had the city been enveloped in flames." From that port forty-eight vessels cleared; from Baltimore thirty-one; Philadelphia and Alexandria in like proportions. It was estimated that not less than two hundred thousand barrels of flour, besides grain in other shapes, and provisions of all kinds, to a total value of fifteen million dollars, were rushed out of the country in those five days, when labor-saving appliances were nearly unknown.[356] Jonathan Russell, who was now _chargé d'affaires_ at London, having been transferred from Paris upon the arrival of Armstrong's successor, Joel Barlow, wrote home, "The great shipments of provisions, which were hurried from America in expectation of the embargo, have given the Peninsula a supply for about two months; and at the expiration of that period the harvest in that region will furnish a stock for about three months more.... The avidity discovered by our countrymen to escape from the embargo, and the disregard of its policy, have encouraged this Government to hope that supplies will still continue to be received from the United States. The ship 'Lady Madison,' which left Liverpool in March, has returned thither with a cargo taken in off Sandy Hook without entering an American port. There are several vessels now about leaving this country with the intention not only of procuring a cargo in the same way, but of getting rid, illicitly, of one they carry out."[357] It was, indeed, a conspicuous instance of mercantile avidity, wholly disregardful of patriotic considerations, such as is to be found in all times and in all countries; strictly analogous to the constant smuggling between France and Great Britain at this very time. Its significance in the present case, however, is as marking the widespread lack of a national patriotism, as distinct from purely local advantage and personal interests, which unhappily characterized Americans at this period. Of this Great Britain stood ready to avail herself, by extending to the United States the system of licenses, by which, combined with the Orders in Council, she was combating with a large degree of success Napoleon's Continental System. She hoped, and the sequel showed not unreasonably, that even during open hostilities she could in the same manner thwart the United States in its efforts to keep its own produce from her markets. Less than a fortnight after the American Declaration of War was received, Russell, who had not yet left England, wrote to the Secretary of State that the Board of Trade had given notice that licenses would be granted for American vessels to carry provisions from the United States to Cadiz and Lisbon, for the term of eight months; and that a policy had been issued at Lloyds to a New York firm, insuring flour from that port to the peninsula, warranted free from British capture, and from capture or detention by the Government of the United States.[358] The British armies were thus nourished and dependent, both in Spain and in Canada. The supplying of the latter scarcely fell short of treason, and decisively affected the maintenance of the war in that quarter. It is difficult to demonstrate a moral distinction between what was done there, disregardful of national success, in shameful support of the enemy, and the supplying of the peninsula; but an intuitive sympathy extends to the latter a tolerance which the motives of the individual agents probably do not deserve, and for which calm reason cannot give a perfectly satisfactory account. But it was the misfortune of American policy, as shaped by the Administration, that it was committed to support Napoleon in his iniquitous attack upon the liberties of Spain; that it saw in his success the probable fulfilment of its designs upon the Floridas;[359] and that its chosen ground for proceeding against Great Britain, rather than France, was her refusal to conform her action to a statement of the Emperor's, the illusory and deceptive character of which became continually more apparent. To declare war because of the Orders in Council was a simple, straightforward, and wholly justifiable course; but the flying months made more and more evident, to the Government and its agents abroad, that it was vain to expect revocation on the ground of Napoleon's recall of his edicts, for they were not recalled. Having entered upon this course, however, it seemed impossible to recede, or to acknowledge a mistake, the pinch of which was nevertheless felt. Writing to Russell, whose service in Paris, from October, 1810, to October, 1811, and transfer thence to London, made him unusually familiar, on both sides of the Channel, with the controversy over Champagny's letter of August 5, 1810, Madison speaks "of the delicacy of our situation, having in view, on the one hand, the importance of obtaining from the French Government confirmation of the repeal of the Decrees, and on the other that of not weakening the ground on which the British repeal was urged."[360] That is, it would be awkward to have the British ministry find out that we were pressing France for a confirmation of that very revocation which we were confidently asserting to them to be indisputable, and to require in good faith the withdrawal of their Orders. Respecting action taken under the so-called repeal, Russell had written on March 15, 1811, over three months after it was said to take effect, "By forbearing to condemn, or to acquit, distinctly and loyally, [the vessels seized since November 1], this Government encourages us to persevere in our non-importation against England, and England to persist in her orders against us. This state of things appears calculated to produce mutual complaint and irritation, and cannot probably be long continued without leading to a more serious contest, ... which is perhaps an essential object of this country's policy."[361] July 15, he expressed regret to the Duke of Bassano, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, that the proceedings concerning captured American vessels "had been so partial, and confined to cases which from their peculiar circumstances proved nothing conclusively in relation to the revocation of the French Edicts."[362] Russell might have found some light as to the causes of these delays, could he have seen a note addressed by the Emperor to the Administration of Commerce, April 29. In this, renewing the reasoning of the Bayonne Decree, he argued that every American vessel which touched at an English port was liable to confiscation in the United States; consequently, could be seized by an American cruiser on the open sea; therefore, was equally open to seizure there by a French cruiser--the demand advanced by Canning[363] which gave such just offence; and if by a French cruiser at sea, likewise in a French port by the French Government. She was in fact no longer American, not even a denationalized American, but an English vessel. Under this supposition, Napoleon luminously inferred, "It could be said: The Decrees of Berlin and Milan are recalled as to the United States, but, as every ship which has stopped in England, or is destined thither, is a ship unacknowledged (_sans aveu_), which American laws punish and confiscate, she may be confiscated in France." The Emperor concluded that should this theory not be capable of substantiation, the matter might for the present be left obscure.[364] On September 13 the ships in question had not been liberated. Coincidently with his note to Bassano, Russell wrote to Monroe, "It is my conviction that the great object of their policy is to entangle us in a war with England. They therefore abstain from doing any act which would furnish clear and unequivocal testimony of the revocation of their decrees, lest it should induce the extinction of the British Orders, and thereby appease our irritation against their enemy. Hence, of all the captured vessels since November 1, the three which were liberated were precisely those which had not violated the Decrees."[365] Yet, such were the exigencies of the debate with England, those three cases were transmitted by him at the same time to the American _chargé_ in London as evidence of the revocation.[366] To the French Minister he wrote again, August 8, "After the declarations of M. de Champagny and yourself, I cannot permit myself to doubt the revocation; ... but I may be allowed to lament that no fact has yet come to my knowledge of a character unequivocally and incontrovertibly to confirm that revocation." "That none of the captured vessels have been condemned, instead of proving the extinction of the edicts, appears rather to be evidence, at best, of a commutation of the penalty from prompt confiscation to perpetual detention."[367] The matter was further complicated by an announcement of Napoleon to the Chamber of Commerce, in April of the same year, that the Berlin and Milan Decrees were the fundamental law of the Empire concerning neutral commerce, and that American ships would be repelled from French ports, unless the United States conformed to those decrees, by excluding British ships and merchandise.[368] Under such conditions, argument with a sceptical British ministry was attended with difficulties. The position to which the Government had become reduced, by endeavoring to play off France and Great Britain against each other, in order to avoid a war with either, was as perplexing as humiliating. "Great anxiety,"[369] to which little sympathy can be extended, was felt in Washington as to the evidence for the actuality of the repeals. The situation was finally cleared up by a clever move of the British Cabinet, forcing Napoleon's hand at a moment when the Orders in Council could with difficulty be maintained longer against popular discontent. On March 10, 1812, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, in a report to the Senate, reiterated the demands of the Decrees, and asserted again that, until those demands were conceded by England, the Decrees must be enforced against Powers which permitted their flags to be denationalized. The position thus reaffirmed was emphasized by a requirement for a large increase of the army for this object. "It is necessary that all the disposable forces of France be available for sending everywhere where the English flag, and other flags, denationalized or convoyed by English ships of war, may seek to enter."[370] No exceptions in favor of the United States being stated, the British ministry construed the omission as conclusive proof of the unqualified continuance of the Decrees;[371] and the occasion was taken to issue an Order in Council, defining the Government's position, both in the past and for the future. Quoting the French minister's Report, as removing all doubts of Napoleon's persistence in the maintenance of a system, "as inconsistent with neutral rights and independence as it was hostile to the maritime rights and commercial interests of Great Britain," the Prince Regent declared that, "if at any time thereafter the Berlin and Milan Decrees should be absolutely and unconditionally repealed, by some authentic act of the French Government, publicly promulgated, then the Orders in Council of January, 1807, and April, 1809, shall without any further order be, and the same are hereby declared from thenceforth to be, wholly and absolutely revoked."[372] No exception could be taken to the phrasing or form of this Order. The wording was precise and explicit; the time fixed was definite,--the date of the French Repeal; the manner of revocation was the same as that of promulgation, an Order in Council observant of all usual formalities. In substance, this well-timed State Paper challenged Champagny's letter of August 5, 1810, and the American Non-Importation Act based upon it. Both these asserted the revocation of the French Decrees. The British Cabinet, seizing a happy opportunity, asked of the world the production of the revocation, or else the justification of its own course. The demand went far to silence the growing discontents at home, and to embarrass the American Government in the grounds upon which it had chosen to base its action. It was well calculated also to disconcert the Emperor, for, unless he did something more definite, dissension would increase in the United States, where, as Barlow wrote, "It is well known to the world, for our public documents are full of it, that great doubts exist, even among our best informed merchants, and in the halls of Congress itself, whether the Berlin and Milan Decrees are to this day repealed, or even modified, in regard to the United States." The sentence is taken from a letter[373] which he addressed to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, May 1, 1812, when he had received the recent British Order. He pointed out how astutely this step was calculated to undo the effect of Champagny's letter, and to weaken the American Administration at the critical moment when it was known to be preparing for war. He urged that the French Government should now make and publish an authentic Act, declaring the Berlin and Milan Decrees, as relative to the United States, to have ceased in November, 1810. "Such an act is absolutely necessary to the American Government; and, though solicited as an accommodation, it may be demanded as a right. If it was the duty of France to cease to apply those Decrees to the United States, it is equally her duty to promulgate it to the world in as formal a manner as we have promulgated our law for the exclusion of British merchandise. She ought to declare and publish the non-application of these Decrees in the same forms in which she enacted the Decrees. The President has instructed me to propose and press this object." At last the demand was made which should have been enforced eighteen months before. After sending the letter, Barlow had "a pretty sharp conversation" with Bassano, in which he perceived a singular reluctance to answer his letter. At last the Duke placed before him a Decree, drawn up in due and customary form, dated a year before,--April 28, 1811,--declaring that "the Decrees of Berlin and Milan are definitively, and to date from the first day of November last, [1810], considered as not having existed in regard to American vessels."[374] This Decree, Bassano said, had been communicated to Russell, and also sent to Serrurier, the French minister at Washington, with orders to convey it to the American Government. Both Russell and Serrurier denied ever having received the paper.[375] Barlow made no comment upon the strange manner in which this document was produced to him, and confined himself to inquiring if it had been published. The reply could only be, No; a singular admission with regard to a formal paper a year old, and of such importance to all concerned. He then asked that a copy might be sent him. Upon receipt, he at once hastened it to Russell in London, by the sloop of war "Wasp," then lying in a French port. He wrote, "You will doubtless render an essential service to both Great Britain and the United States by communicating it without loss of time to the Foreign Secretary. If by this the cause of war should be removed, there is an obvious reason for keeping the secret, if possible, so long as that the "Wasp" may not bring the news to this country in any other manner but in your despatch. This Government, as you must long have perceived, wishes not to see that effect produced; and I should not probably have obtained the letter and documents from the Minister, if the Prince Regent's Declaration had not convinced this Government that the war was now become inevitable."[376] Russell transmitted the Decree to the British Foreign Secretary May 20, 1812. The Government was at the moment in confusion, through the assassination, May 11, of Mr. Perceval, the Prime Minister; who, though not esteemed of the first order of statesmanship by his contemporaries and colleagues, had been found in recent negotiations the only available man about whom a cabinet could unite. A period of suspense followed, in which the difficulty of forming a new government, owing to personal antagonisms, was complicated by radical differences as to public policy, especially in the cardinal point of pursuing or relinquishing the war in the peninsula. Not till near the middle of June was an arrangement reached. The same ministry, substantially, remained in power, with Lord Liverpool as premier; Castlereagh continuing as Foreign Secretary. This retained in office the party identified with the Orders in Council, and favoring armed support to the Spanish revolt. The delay in settling the government afforded an excuse for postponing action upon the newly discovered French Decree. It permitted also time for reflection. Just before Perceval's death, Russell had noted a firm determination to maintain the Orders in Council, conditioned only by the late Declaration of April 21; but at the same time there was evident apprehension of the consequences of war with the United States.[377] This, he carefully explained, was due to no apprehension of American military power. Even Lord Grenville, one of the chief leaders of the Opposition, was satisfied that the United States could not conquer Canada. "We are, indeed, most miserably underrated in Europe." "It is not believed here, notwithstanding the spirited report of the Committee on Foreign Relations, that we shall resort to any definitive measures. We have indeed a reputation in Europe for saying so much and doing so little that we shall not be believed in earnest until we act in a manner not to be mistaken." "I am persuaded this Government has presumed much on our weakness and divisions, and that it continues to believe that we have not energy and union enough to make effective war. Nor is this confined to the ministry, but extends to the leaders of the Opposition." "Mr. Perceval is well known to calculate with confidence that even in case of war we shall be obliged to resort to a license trade for a supply of British manufactures." "He considers us incapable even of bearing the privations of a state of hostility with England, and much more incapable of becoming a formidable enemy." On March 3 Perceval in a debate in the House had indicated the most positive intentions of maintaining the Orders, and asserted that, in consequence of Napoleon's Decrees, Great Britain was no longer restrained by the law of nations in the extent or form of retaliation to which she may resort upon the enemy. "I cannot perceive the slightest indication of apprehension of a rupture with the United States, or any measure of preparation to meet such an event. Such is the conviction of our total inability to make war that the five or six thousand troops now in Canada are considered to be amply sufficient to protect that province against our mightiest efforts."[378] A revolution of sentiment was to be noted even in the minds of former advocates. Castlereagh, at a levee on March 12, said to Russell that the movements in the United States appeared to him to be nothing but party evolutions. There was, however, another side to the question which occasioned more concern to the British ministry. "It is the increasing want of our intercourse," wrote Russell May 9, "rather than the apprehension of our arms which leads to a conciliatory spirit" which he had recently noticed. "They will endeavor to avoid the calamity of war with the United States by every means which can save their pride and their consistency. The scarcity of bread in this country, the distress of the manufacturing towns, and the absolute dependency of the allied troops in the Peninsula on our supplies, form a check on their conduct which they can scarcely have the hardihood to disregard."[379] Two days after these words were written, the murder of Perceval added political anarchy to the embarrassments of the Government. The crisis then impending was indeed momentous. War between France and Russia was certain. Upon its outcome depended the fall of the Continental System, or its prevalence over all Europe in an extent and with a rigor never yet reached. "Some of the Powers of Europe," said the Emperor, "have not fulfilled their promise with respect to the Continental System. I must force them to it." In carrying this message to the Senate, the Minister of Foreign Affairs said: "In whatever port of Europe a British ship can enter there must be a French garrison to prevent it;"[380] an interesting commentary upon the neutral regulations to which the United States professed that neither she nor Great Britain had any claim to object, because municipal. Great Britain had already touched ruin too nearly to think lightly of the conditions. By her Orders in Council she had so retorted Napoleon's Decrees as to induce him, in order still further to enforce them, into the Peninsular War, and now into that with Russia. To uphold the latter, her busy negotiators, profiting by his high-handedness, had obtained for the Czar peace with Sweden and Turkey. More completely to sustain him, it was essential to support in fullest effect the powerful diversion which retained three hundred thousand French troops in Spain. To do this, the assistance of American food supplies was imperative. If peace with the United States could be maintained, the triumph of British diplomacy would be unqualified. The announcement of the alleged Decree of April 28, 1811, came therefore most opportunely to save their pride and self-consistency. On June 23 Castlereagh transmitted to Russell an Order in Council published that day, revoking as to the United States the celebrated Orders of January 7, 1807, and April 26, 1809. "I am to request you," ran his letter, "that you will acquaint your Government that the Prince Regent's ministers have taken _the earliest opportunity, after the resumption of the Government_, to advise his Royal Highness to the adoption of a measure grounded upon the document communicated by you to this office on the 20th ultimo;"[381] that is upon the Decree of April 28. No one affected to believe that this had been framed at the date it bore. "There was something so very much like fraud on the face of it," wrote Russell, "that in several conversations which I have since had with Lord Castlereagh, particularly at a dinner at the Lord Mayor's, when I was placed next his lordship, I have taken care not to commit the honor of my Government by attempting its vindication. When his lordship called it a strange proceeding, a new specimen of French diplomacy, a trick unworthy of a civilized government, I have merely replied that the motives or good faith of the Government which issued it, or the real time when it was issued, were of little importance as to the effect which it ought to have here; that it was sufficient that it contained a most precise and formal declaration that the Berlin and Milan Decrees were revoked, in relation to America, from November 1, 1810."[382] This was true; but the contention of the British Government had been that the system of the Decrees was one whole; that its effect upon America could not be dissociated from that upon continental neutral states, where it was enforced under the guise of municipal regulations; and that it must be revoked as a whole, in order to impose the repeal of the Orders in Council. This position had been reaffirmed in the recent Order of April 21. Opinion will therefore differ as to the ministry's success in escaping, under the cover of the new Decree, from the dilemma in which they were placed by the irresistible agitation against the Orders in Council spreading through the nation, and the necessity of avoiding war with the United States, if possible, because of the affairs of the Peninsula. They made the best of it by alleging, as it were, the spirit of the Order of April 21; the disposition "to take such measures as may tend to re-establish the intercourse between neutral and belligerent nations upon its accustomed principles." For this reason, while avowing explicitly that the tenor of the Decree did not meet the requirements of the late Order, the Orders in Council were revoked from August 1 next following; and vessels captured after May 20, the date of Russell's communicating the Decree, would be released. The ministry thus receded gracefully under compulsion; and for their own people at least saved their face. Superficially the British diplomatic triumph for the moment seemed complete. They had withdrawn their head from the noose just as it began to tighten; and they had done so not on any ground of stringent requirement, but with expressions of desire to go even farther than their just claims, in order to promote conciliation. Russell naturally felt a moment of bitter discomfiture. "In yielding, the ministers appear to have been extremely perplexed in seeking for a subterfuge for their credit. All their feelings and all their prejudices revolted at the idea of publicly bending to the Opposition, or truckling to the United States, and they were compelled to seize on the French Decree of April 28, 1811, as the only means of saving themselves from the degradation of acknowledging that they were vanquished. Without this decree they would have been obliged to yield, and I almost regret that it existed to furnish a salvo, miserable as it is, for their pride. Our victory, however, is still complete, and I trust that those who have refused to support our Government in the contest will at least be willing to allow it the honors of a triumph."[383] Russell wrote under the mistaken impression that the repeal of the Orders had come in time to save war; in which event the yielding of the British ministry, identified as it was with the Orders in Council, might be construed as a triumph for the system of peaceable coercion, by commercial restrictions, which formed the whole policy of Jefferson and Madison. The triumph claimed by him must be qualified, however, by the reflection that it was obtained at the expense of becoming the dupe of a French deception, on its face so obvious as to deprive mistake of the excuse of plausibility. The eagerness of the Government, and of its representatives abroad, for a diplomatic triumph, had precipitated them into a step for which, on the grounds taken, no justification existed; and they had since then been dragged at the wheels of Napoleon's chariot, in a constant dust of mystification, until he had finally achieved the end of his scheming and landed them in a war for which they were utterly unprepared, and which it had been the chief object of commercial reprisals to avoid. Thus considered, the triumph was barren. On June 1, 1812, President Madison sent to Congress a message,[384] reciting the long list of international wrongs endured at the hands of Great Britain, and recommending to the deliberations of Congress the question of peace or war. On June 4 the House of Representatives, by a vote of seventy-nine yeas to forty-nine nays, declared that a state of war existed between the United States and Great Britain. The bill then went to the Senate, where it was discussed, amended, and passed on June 17, by nineteen yeas to thirteen nays. The next day the House concurred in the Senate's amendments, and the bill thus passed received the President's signature immediately. The war thus began, formally, on June 18, 1812, five days before the repeal of the British Orders in Council. While the Declaration of War was still under debate, the Secretary of War, Eustis, on June 8 reported to the Senate that of the ten thousand men authorized as a peace establishment, there were in service six thousand seven hundred and forty-four. He was unable to state what number had been enlisted of the twenty-five thousand regulars provided by the legislation of the current session; a singular exhibition of the efficiency of the Department. He had no hesitation, however, in expressing an unofficial opinion that there were five thousand of these recruits. It is scarce necessary to surmise what the condition of the army was likely to be, with James Wilkinson as the senior general officer of consecutive service, and with Dearborn, a man of sixty, and in civil life ever since the War of Independence, as the first major-general appointed under the new legislation. The navy had a noble and competent body of officers, in the prime of life, a large proportion of whom had seen instructive service in the Barbary conflict; but, as has been seen, Congress had no faith in a navy, and refused it any increase. In this distrust the Administration shared. Mr. Monroe, indeed, probably through his residence abroad, had attained a juster view of the influence of a navy on foreign relations. He has already been quoted in this connection,[385] but in a letter to a friend, two years before 1812, he developed his opinions with some precision. "I gave my opinion that our naval force ought to be increased. In advising this, I urged that the naval force of the United States ought not to be regulated by reference to the navies of the Great Powers, but to the strength of the squadrons which they usually stationed in time of war on our coasts, at the mouths of great rivers, and in our harbors. I thought that such a force, incorporated permanently with our system, would give weight at all times to our negotiations, and by means thereof prevent wars and save money."[386] Monroe at this time was not in the Administration. Such a policy was diametrically opposed to that of Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin; and when war came, ships had not been provided. Under the circumstances the disposition of the Government was to put the ships they had under a glass case. "At the commencement of the war," wrote Monroe to Jefferson, "I was decidedly of your opinion, that the best disposition which could be made of our little navy would be to keep it in a body in a safe port, from which it might sally, only on some important occasion, to render essential service. Its safety, in itself, appeared an important object; as, while safe, it formed a check on the enemy in all operations along our coast, and increased proportionately his expense, in the force to be kept up, as well to annoy our commerce as to protect his own. The reasoning against this, in which all naval officers have agreed, is that, if stationed together in a port,--New York, for example,--the British would immediately block up this, by a force rather superior, and then harass our coast and commerce, without restraint, and with any force, however small. In that case a single frigate might, by cruising along the coast, and menacing continually different parts, keep in motion great bodies of militia; that, while our frigates are at sea, the expectation that they may be met together will compel the British to keep in a body, whenever they institute a blockade or cruise, a force equal at least to our own whole force; that they, [the American vessels] being the best sailors, hazard little by cruising separately, or together occasionally, as they might bring on an action, or avoid one, as they saw fit; that in that measure they would annoy the enemy's commerce wherever they went, excite alarm in the West Indies and elsewhere, and even give protection to our own trade by drawing the enemy's squadron from our own coast.... The reasoning in favor of each plan is so nearly equal that it is hard to say which is best."[387] It is to be hoped that the sequel will show which was best, although little can be hoped when means, military and naval, have been allowed to waste as they had under the essentially unmilitary Administrations since 1801. On November 25, 1811, seven months before the war began, the Secretary of the Treasury, Gallatin, communicated to the Senate a report on the State of the Finances,[388] in which he showed that since 1801, by economies which totally crippled the war power of the nation, the public debt had been diminished from $80,000,000 to $34,000,000,--a saving of $46,000,000, which lessened the annual interest on the debt by $2,000,000. A good financial showing, doubtless; but, had there been on hand the troops and the ships, which the saved money represented, the War of 1812 might have had an issue more satisfactory to national retrospect. Gallatin also showed, in this paper, that by the restrictive system, enforced against Great Britain in consequence of the Administration's decision that Napoleon's revocation of his Decrees was real, the revenue had dropped from $12,000,000 to $6,000,000; leaving the nation with a probable deficiency of $2,000,000, on the estimate of a year of peace for 1812. FOOTNOTES: [172] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 152. [173] Ibid., p. 147. [174] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 290. [175] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. ii. p. 488. [176] That is, as restrictive of neutral shipping. [177] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 410. [178] Wellesley, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Pinkney, Dec. 29, 1810; also, Feb. 11, 1811. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 409, 412. See also Sir Wm. Scott, in the Court of Admiralty, Ibid., p. 421. [179] Influence of Sea Power upon the French Revolution and Empire, chaps. xvii., xviii. [180] Declaration of the King's reservations, Dec. 31, 1806. American State Papers, vol. iii. p. 152. [181] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 159. [182] Cobbett's Parliamentary Debates, vol. x. p. 1274. [183] Aug. 12, 1805. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 104. [184] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 158. [185] Jonathan Russell to the Secretary of State, Nov. 15, 1811. U.S. State Department MSS. [186] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 154, 160. [187] Ibid., p. 166. [188] The British Commissioners to Monroe and Pinkney, Nov. 8, 1806. Ibid., p. 140. [189] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 187. [190] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 188. Author's italics. [191] Monroe to Madison, Aug. 4, 1807. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 186. [192] That is, all vessels, including merchantmen. [193] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 183-185. Author's italics. [194] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 191-193. [195] American State Papers, vol. iii. pp. 199, 200. [196] American State Papers, vol. iii. p. 202. Author's italics. [197] Ibid., Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 201. [198] Ibid., p. 202. [199] Ibid., p. 203. [200] The principal part of the correspondence between Rose and Madison will be found in American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 213-220. Rose's instructions from Canning were first published by Mr. Henry Adams, History of the United States, vol. iv. pp. 178-182. They were of a character that completely justify the caution of the American Government in refusing to go further without knowing their contents, concerning which, indeed, Madison wrote that a glimpse had been obtained in the informal interviews, which showed their inadmissibility. Madison to Pinkney, Feb. 19, 1808, U.S. State Department MSS. [201] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 300. [202] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 200. [203] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 243. [204] Ibid., pp. 244-245. [205] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 243. [206] Armstrong to Smith, U.S. Secretary of State, Jan. 28, 1810. Ibid., p. 380. Author's italics. [207] American State Papers, vol. iii. p. 380. Author's italics. [208] Barlow to Bassano, Nov. 10, 1811. U.S. State Department MSS. Author's italics. [209] Barlow to Monroe, Dec. 19, 1811. U.S. State Department MSS. [210] Feb. 22, 1808. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 206. [211] Giles, Annals of Congress, 1808-09, pp. 123-125. [212] N.Y. Evening Post, May 12, 1808. [213] Jefferson, under date of Nov. 15, 1807, alludes to such a report. (Jefferson's Works, vol. v. p. 211.) Already, indeed, on Aug. 19, 1807, an Order in Council, addressed to vessels bearing the neutral flags of Mecklenburg, Oldenburg, Papenburg, or Kniphausen, had been issued, which, though brief, imposed precisely the same restrictions as the later celebrated ones here under discussion. (Annual Register, 1807, State Papers, p. 730; Naval Chronicle, vol. xviii. p. 151.) The fact is interesting, as indicative of the date of formulating a project, for the execution of which the "Horizon" decision probably afforded the occasion. [214] Erskine's communication was dated Feb. 23, 1808. (American State Papers, vol. iii. p. 209.) Pinkney, however, had forwarded a copy of the Orders on November 17. (Ibid., p. 203.) Canning's letter, of which Erskine's was a transcript, was dated Dec. 1, 1807. (British Foreign Office Archives.) [215] Senator Giles of Virginia. Annals of Congress, 1808-09, p. 218. [216] The following are instances: Philadelphia, February 23. The ship "Venus," King, hence to the Isle of France, has returned to port. January 17, Lat. 25° N., Long. 34° W., fell in with an English merchant fleet of thirty-six sail, under convoy of four ships of war. Was boarded by the sloop of war "Wanderer," which endorsed on all her papers, forbidding to enter any port belonging to France or her allies, they all being declared in a state of blockade. Captain King therefore put back. (N.Y. Evening Post, Feb. 24, 1808.) Salem, Mass., February 23. Arrived bark "Active," Richardson. Sailed hence for Malaga, December 12. January 2, Lat. 37° N., Long. 17° W., boarded by a British cruiser, and papers endorsed against entering any but a British port. The voyage being thus frustrated, Captain Richardson returned. Marblehead, February 29. Schooner "Minerva" returned, having been captured under the Orders in Council, released, and come home. Ship "George," from Amsterdam, arrived at New York, March 6, via Yarmouth. Was taken by an English cruiser into Yarmouth and there cleared. (Evening Post, March 6.) [217] N.Y. Evening Post, March 24, 1808. [218] Letter of John Quincy Adams to Harrison Gray Otis. [219] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 245. Author's italics. [220] Correspondence of Thomas Barclay, p. 272. [221] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 206. [222] "We expected, too, some effect from coercion of interest." (Jefferson to Armstrong, March 5, 1809. Works, vol. v. p. 433.) "The embargo is the last card we have to play short of war." (Jefferson to Madison, March 11, 1808. Ibid., p. 258.) "The coercive experiment we have made." (Monroe to John Taylor. Works, vol. v. p. 89.) "I place immense value on the experiment being fully made how far an Embargo may be an _effectual weapon_ in future, as well as on this occasion." (Jefferson. Works, vol. v. p. 289.) "Bonaparte ought to be particularly satisfied with us, by whose unyielding adherence to principle England has been forced into the revocation of her Orders." (Jefferson to Madison, April 27, 1809. Works, vol. v. p. 442.) This revocation was not actual, but a mistake of the British minister at Washington. "I have always understood that there were two objects contemplated by the Embargo Laws. The first, precautionary; the second, coercive, operating upon the aggressive belligerents, by addressing strong appeals to the interests of both." (Giles of Virginia, in Senate, Nov. 24, 1808.) "The embargo is not designed to affect our own citizens, but to make an impression in Europe." (Williams of South Carolina, in House of Representatives, April 14, 1808.) [223] The writer, in a previous work (Sea Power in the French Revolution), believes himself to have shown that the losses by capture of British traders did not exceed two and one half per cent. [224] Letter to Otis. [225] To Thomas Paine, concerning an improved gunboat devised by him. Sept. 6, 1807. (Jefferson's Works, vol. v. p. 189.) [226] Jefferson's Works, vol. v. pp. 417, 426. [227] June 14, 1809. Works, vol. v. p. 455. [228] An American ship putting into England, leaky, reported that on Dec. 18, 1807, she had been boarded by a French privateer, which allowed her to proceed because bound to Holland. The French captain said he had captured four Americans, all sent into Passage, in Spain; and that his orders were to bring in all Americans bound to English ports. (N.Y. Evening Post, March 1, 1808.) This was under the Berlin Decree, as that of Milan issued only December 17. The Berlin Decree proclaimed the British Islands under blockade, but Napoleon for a time reserved decision as to the mere act of sailing for them being an infringement. Mr. James Stephen, in Parliament, stated that in 1807 several ships, not less than twenty-one, he thought, were taken for the mere fact of sailing between America and England; in consequence, insurance on American vessels rose 50 per cent, from 2-½ to 3-¾. (Parliamentary Debates, vol. xiii. p. xxxix. App.) In the Evening Post of March 3, 1808, will be found, quoted from a French journal, cases of four vessels carried into France, apparently only because bound to England. [229] Henry Adams's History of the United States, vol. v. p. 242. [230] "Nothing can establish firmly the republican principles of our government but an establishment of them in England. France will be the apostle for this." (Jefferson's Works, vol. iv. p. 192.) "The subjugation of England would be a general calamity. Happily it is impossible. Should invasion end in her being only republicanized, I know not on what principles a true republican of our country could lament it." (Ibid., p. 217; Feb. 23, 1798.) [231] Jefferson to Richard M. Johnson, March 10, 1808. Works, vol. v. p. 257. [232] London Times of August 6, quoted in N.Y. Evening Post of Oct. 10, 1808. [233] Annals of Congress, 1808-09, p. 1032. [234] Captains' Letters, U.S. Navy Department MSS. Jan. 11, 1808. [235] Thomas Barclay's Correspondence, p. 274. Author's italics. [236] N.Y. Evening Post, Sept. 1, 1808. [237] Cobbett's Parliamentary Debates, vol. xii. p. 326. [238] Life of Sir William Parker, vol. i. p. 304. [239] Barlow to Bassano, Nov. 10, 1811. U.S. State Department MSS. [240] N.Y. Evening Post, Feb. 18, June 30, 1808; Feb. 24, 1809. [241] Senator White of Delaware. Annals of Congress, 1808-09, p. 52. [242] Works, vol. v. p. 336. [243] "Trinidad, July 1, 1808. We have just received 15,000 barrels of flour from Passamaquoddy, and not a week passes but some drops in from Philadelphia, Norfolk, etc. Cargo of 1,000 barrels would not now command more than twelve dollars; a year ago, eighteen." (N.Y. Evening Post, July 25.) [244] N.Y. Evening Post, Jan. 17, 1809. [245] Ibid., February 6. [246] Mitchill of N.Y. Annals of Congress, 1808-09, pp. 86, 92. [247] Jefferson's Works, vol. v. pp. 298, 318. [248] N.Y. Evening Post, Aug. 31, 1808. [249] Feb. 17, 1812. Captains' Letters, U.S. Navy Department MSS. [250] American State Papers, Finance, vol. ii. p. 306. [251] With flour varying at short intervals from $30 to $18, and $12, a barrel, it is evident that speculation must be rife, and also that only general statements can be made as to conditions over any length of time. [252] Orchard Cook, of Massachusetts, said in the House of Representatives that 590 vessels sailed thus by permission. Annals of Congress, 1808-09, p. 1250. [253] N.Y. Evening Post, Oct. 3, 1808. [254] Ibid., Sept. 2, 1808. [255] N.Y. Evening Post, Feb. 28, 1809. [256] Ibid., Sept. 21, 1808. [257] Ibid., Dec. 8, 1808. [258] Cobbett's Parliamentary Debates, vol. xii. p. 1194. [259] Lord Grenville in House of Lords. Ibid., p. 780. [260] N.Y. Evening Post, June 28, 1808. [261] Ibid., April 8. [262] Ibid., June 28. [263] Ibid., October 27. The same effect, though on a much smaller scale, was seen in France. Deprived, through the joint operation of the embargo and the Orders in Council, of colonial produce brought by Americans, a number of vessels were fitted out, and armed as letters of marque, to carry on this trade. These adventures were very successful, though they by no means filled the void caused by the absence of American carriers. See Evening Post of Dec. 29, 1808, and March 22 and 28, 1809. One of these, acting on her commission as a letter of marque, captured an American brig, returning from India, which was carried into Cayenne and there condemned under the Milan Decree. Ibid., Dec. 6, 1808. [264] N.Y. Evening Post, Nov. 23, 1808. [265] For some instances see: Annals of Congress, 1808-09, p. 428; N.Y. Evening Post, Feb. 5, 8, 12; May 13; Aug. 26; Sept. 27, 1808. Gallatin, in a report dated Dec. 10, 1808, said, "At no time has there been so much specie, so much redundant unemployed capital in the country;" scarcely a token of prosperity in so new a country. (American State Papers, Finance, vol. ii. p. 309.) [266] American State Papers, Finance, vol. ii. pp. 307, 373, 442. The second figure is an average of the two years, 1808, 1809, within which fell the fifteen months of embargo. [267] Ibid., p. 309 (Dec. 10, 1808). [268] "The schooner 'John,' Clayton, from La Guayra, with two hundred thousand pounds of coffee, has been seized at Leghorn, and it was expected would be condemned under the Bayonne Decree. The 'John' sailed from Baltimore for La Guayra, by permission, under the fourth supplementary Embargo Act. By some means or other she found her way to Leghorn, where it was vainly hoped she might safely dispose of her cargo." (N.Y. Evening Post, Dec. 20, 1808.) "The frigate 'Chesapeake,' Captain Decatur, cruising in support of the embargo, captured off Block Island the brig 'Mount Vernon' and the ship 'John' loaded with provisions. Of these the former, at least, is expressly stated to have cleared 'in ballast,' by permission." (Ibid., Aug. 15, 1808.) [269] Two or three quotations are sufficient to illustrate a condition notorious at the time. "Jamaica. Nine Americans came with the June fleet, (from England) with full cargoes. At first it was thought these vessels would not be allowed to take cargoes, (because contrary to Navigation Act); but a little reflection taught the Government better. Rum is the surplus crop of Jamaica, and to keep on hand that which they do not want is too much our way (_i.e._ embargo). The British admiral granted these vessels convoy without hesitation, which saved them from five to seven and one half percent in insurance." (N.Y. Evening Post, Aug. 2, 1808.) "Gibraltar. A large number of American vessels are in these seas, sailing under license from Great Britain, to and from ports of Spain, without interruption. Our informant sailed in company with eight or ten, laden with wine and fruit for England." (Ibid., June 30.) Senator Hillhouse, of Connecticut: "Many of our vessels which were out when the embargo was laid have remained out. They have been navigating under the American flag, and have been constantly employed, at vast profit." (Annals of Congress, 1808, p. 172.) [270] "At Gibraltar, between January 1 and April 15, eight vessels were sent in for breach of the Orders, of which seven were condemned." (N.Y. Evening Post, May 25, 1808.) "Baltimore, Sept. 30. 1808. Arrived brig. 'Sophia' from Rotterdam, July 28, _via_ Harwich, England. Boarded by British brig 'Phosphorus', and ordered to England. After arrival, cargo (of gin) gauged, and a duty exacted of eight pence sterling per gallon. Allowed to proceed, with a license, after paying duty. In company with the 'Sophia', and sent in with her, were three vessels bound for New York, with similar cargoes." (Ibid., Oct. 3.) "American ship 'Othello,' from New York for Nantes, with assorted cargo. Ship, with thirty hogsheads of sugar condemned on ground of violating blockade;" _i.e._ Orders in Council. (Naval Chronicle, vol. xx. p. 62.) Besides the 'Othello' there are two other cases, turning on the Orders, by compliance or evasion. From France came numerous letters announcing condemnations of vessels, because boarded by British cruisers. (N.Y. Evening Post, Sept. 10, Oct. 5, Oct. 27, Dec. 6, Dec. 10, 1808; March 17, 1809.) Proceedings were sometimes even more peremptory. More than one American vessel, though neutral, was burned or sunk at sea, as amenable under Napoleon's decrees. (Ibid., Nov. 3 and Nov. 5, Dec. 10, 1808.) See also affidavits in the case of the "Brutus", burned, and of the "Bristol Packet", scuttled. (Ibid., April 5 and April 7, 1808.) [271] Hillhouse in the Senate (Annals of Congress, 1808, p. 172), and Cook, of Massachusetts, in the House. "Of about five hundred and ninety which sailed, only eight or ten have been captured." (Ibid., 1808-09, p. 1250.) Yet many went to Guadaloupe and other forbidden French islands. At Saint Pierre, Martinique, in the middle of September, were nearly ninety American vessels. "Flour, which had been up to fifty dollars per barrel, fell to thirty dollars, in consequence of the number of arrivals from America." (N.Y. Evening Post, Sept. 20, 1808.) This shows how the permission to sail "in ballast" was abused. [272] N.Y. Evening Post, Sept. 7, 1808. [273] Annals of Congress, 1808-09, p. 406. [274] N.Y. Evening Post, May 4 and 13, 1808. [275] For the text of the Act see Annals of Congress, 1808-09, pp. 1798-1803. [276] Ibid., p. 233. [277] Giles of Virginia. Annals of Congress, 1808-09, pp. 353-381. [278] Williams of South Carolina. Annals of Congress, 1808-09, p. 1236. [279] Nelson of Maryland. Annals of Congress, 1808-09, p. 1258. [280] Annals of Congress, 1808-09, pp. 1438-1439. [281] Monroe to Jefferson, Jan. 18 and Feb. 2, 1809. Monroe's Works, vol. v. pp. 91, 93-95. [282] To John Taylor, January 9. Ibid., p. 89. [283] Pinkney, in connection with these, speaks of the "expected" Act of Congress. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 299. [284] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 299. [285] This sentence was omitted in the papers when submitted to Congress. [286] State Papers, p. 300. [287] February 7, 1810. American State Papers, Commerce and Navigation, vol. i. p. 812. [288] The correspondence between Erskine and the Secretary of State on this occasion is in American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 295-297. [289] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 304-308. [290] Ibid., p. 303. [291] Ibid. [292] Ibid., p. 301. [293] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 241. [294] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 318. [295] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 308-319. [296] Author's italics. [297] See Madison's Works, vol. ii. p. 499. [298] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. 319-322. [299] The italics in this quotation (American State Papers, vol. iii. p. 300) are introduced by the author, to draw attention to the words decisive to be noted. [300] The italics are Smith's. They serve exactly, however, to illustrate just wherein consists the perverseness of omission (the words "operation of"), and the misstatement of this remarkable passage. [301] Secretary Smith subsequently stated that this sentence was added by express interposition of the President. (Smith's Address to the American people.) [302] Canning in his instructions to Jackson (No. 1, July 1, 1809, Foreign Office MSS.) wrote: "The United States cannot have _believed_ that such an arrangement as Mr. Erskine consented to accept was conformable to his instructions. _If_ Mr. Erskine availed himself of the liberty allowed to him of communicating those instructions in the affair of the Orders in Council, they must have _known_ that it was not so." My italics. [303] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 352. [304] Writings of James Madison. Published by Order of Congress, 1865. Vol. ii. p. 439. [305] Ibid., p. 440. Turreau was the French minister. [306] Works of Jefferson, vol. v. pp. 442-445. [307] "When Lord Wellesley's answer speaks of the offence imputed to Jackson, it does not say he gave no such cause of offence, but simply relied on his repeated asseverations that he did not mean to offend." Pinkney to Madison, Aug. 13, 1810. Wheaton's Life of Pinkney, p. 446. [308] Annals of Congress, 1809-10. [309] Ibid., January 8, 1810, pp. 1164, 1234. [310] Ibid., p. 1234. [311] Annals of Congress, 1809-10, pp. 754, 755. [312] Ibid., pp. 606, 607. [313] Annals of Congress, 1810, p. 2582. [314] For Armstrong's letter and the text of the Decree, see American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 384. [315] Armstrong to Champagny, March 10, 1810. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 382. [316] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 362. [317] Ibid., p. 385. [318] Ibid. [319] The Secretary of State to Armstrong, June 5, 1810. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 385. [320] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 386. [321] Ibid., p. 387. [322] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 364. [323] Ibid., p. 365. [324] Jefferson to Madison, April 27, 1809. Works, vol. v. p. 442. [325] Correspondance de Napoléon. Napoleon to Champagny, July 31, and August 2, 1810, vol. xx. p. 644, and vol. xxi. p. 1. [326] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 209. Author's italics. [327] Canning to Erskine, Dec. 1, 1807, transmitting the Orders in Council of November 11. British Foreign Office MSS. [328] Monroe to Foster, Oct. 1, 1811. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 445. See also, more particularly, ibid., pp. 440, 441. [329] U.S. State Department MSS., and State Papers, vol. iii. p. 250. [330] That is, verbally, before his formal letter of February 23. [331] Cobbett's Parliamentary Debates, vol. x. p. 669. A search through the correspondence of Canning and Erskine, as well as through the debates of Parliament upon the Orders in Council, January-April, 1808, reveals nothing confirmatory of the _pari passu_ claim, put forth in Madison's letters quoted, and afterwards used by Monroe in his arguments with Foster. But in Canning's instructions to Jackson, July 1, 1809 (No. 3), appears a sentence which may throw some light on the apparent misunderstanding. "As to the willingness or ability of neutral nations to resist the Decrees of France, his Majesty has always professed ... _a disposition to relax or modify his measures of retaliation and self-defence in proportion as those of neutral, nations_ should come in aid of them and take their place." This would be action _pari passu_ with a neutral; and if the same were expressed to Erskine, it is far from incredible, in view of his remarkable action of 1809, that he may have extended it verbally without authority to cover an act of France. My italics. [332] Wellesley to Pinkney, Aug. 31, 1810. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 366. [333] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 376. [334] The American flag was used in this way to cover British shipping. For instances see American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 342. [335] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 408. [336] Author's italics. [337] Armstrong had sailed for the United States two months before. [338] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 391. [339] Russell on November 17 wrote that he had reason to believe that the revocation of the Decrees had not been notified to the ministers charged with the execution of them. On December 4 he said that, as the ordinary practice in seizing a vessel was to hold her sequestered till the papers were examined in Paris, this might explain why the local Custom-House was not notified of the repeal. Russell to the Secretary of State, U.S. State Department MSS. [340] Langdon Cheves of South Carolina. Annals of Congress, 1810-11, pp. 885-887. [341] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 393. [342] Annals of Congress, 1810-11, p. 990. [343] Pinkney to the Secretary of State, Jan. 17, 1811. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 408. [344] Foster had succeeded as _chargé d'affaires_ in May, 1809, by the departure of Merry, formerly minister to the United States. He was afterwards appointed minister; but in June, 1810, under pressure from Bonaparte, Sweden requested him to leave the country. [345] Pearce, Life and Correspondence of the Marquis Wellesley, vol. iii. p. 193. [346] Author's italics. [347] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 514. Author's italics. [348] Ibid., p. 435. [349] Rodgers to Secretary of the Navy, Aug. 4, 1810. Captains' Letters. [350] Bainbridge to the Secretary of the Navy, May 3, 1810. Captains' Letters. The case was not singular. [351] Orders of Admiral Sawyer to the Captain of the "Little Belt." American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 475. [352] American State Papers, vol. iii. p. 473. In the absence of the British admiral, the senior officer at Halifax assembled a board of captains which collected what his letter styles the depositions of the "Little Belt's" officers. Depositions would imply that the witnesses were sworn, but it is not so said in the report of the Board, where they simply "state." In the case of honorable gentlemen history may give equal credit in either case; but the indication would be that inquiry was less particular. The Board reports no question by itself; the "statements" are in the first person, apparently in reply to the request "tell all you know," and are uninterrupted by comment. [353] The proceedings of this court are printed in American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. pp. 477-497. [354] Annals of Congress, 1811-12, p. 890. [355] Dec. 17, 1811. American State Papers, Naval Affairs, vol. i. p. 247. [356] Niles' Register, vol. ii. pp. 101-104. [357] Russell to Monroe, May 30, 1812. U.S. State Department MSS. [358] Russell to Monroe, August 15 and 21, 1812. U.S. State Department MSS. [359] See Jefferson's Works, vol. v. pp. 335, 337, 338, 339, 419, 442-445. [360] Madison to Russell, Nov. 15, 1811. U.S. State Department MSS. [361] Russell to Robert Smith, March 15, 1811. U.S. State Department MSS. [362] Russell to the Secretary of State, July 15, 1811. Ibid. [363] Ante, p. 217. [364] Note dictée en conseil d'Administration du Commerce, April 29, 1811. Correspondance de Napoléon, vol. xxii. p. 144. [365] Russell to Monroe, July 13, 1811. U.S. State Department MSS. [366] Russell to J.S. Smith, July 14, 1811. American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 447. [367] Russell to Bassano, Aug. 8, 1811. U.S. State Department MSS. [368] Russell to Robert Smith, April, 1811. Ibid. [369] Monroe to Russell, June 8, 1811. Ibid. [370] Reports of the Ministers of Foreign Relations and of War, March 10, 1812. Moniteur, March 16. [371] Russell to Monroe, April 19, 1812. U.S. State Department MSS. [372] The copy of this Order in Council which the author is here using is in the Naval Chronicle, vol. xxvii. p. 466. [373] This letter, which is given in a very mutilated form in the American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 602, has been published in full by the Bureau of Historical Research, Carnegie Institution, Washington. Report on the Diplomatic Archives of the Department of State, 1904, p. 64. [374] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 603. [375] Barlow's interview with Bassano, and the letters exchanged, will be found in American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 602-603. Russell's denial is on p. 614. Serrurier's is mentioned in a Report made to the House by Monroe, Secretary of State, ibid., p. 609. [376] Barlow to Russell, May 10, 1812. U.S. State Department MSS. [377] Russell to Monroe, May 9, 1812. Ibid. [378] The passages cited above are from Russell's correspondence with the State Department, under the dates of January 10, February 3 and 19, March 4 and 20, 1812. U.S. State Department MSS. [379] Russell to Monroe, May 9, 1812. U.S. State Department MSS. [380] Barlow to Monroe, March 15, 1812. Ibid. Published by Bureau of Historical Research, Carnegie Institution, 1904, p. 63. [381] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 433. Author's italics. [382] Russell to Monroe, June 30, 1812. U.S. State Department MSS. [383] Russell to Monroe, June 30, 1812. U.S. State Department MSS. [384] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 405. [385] Ante, p. 106. [386] To John Taylor, Sept. 10, 1810. Works of James Monroe, vol. vi. p. 128. [387] Monroe to Jefferson, Monroe's Works, vol. v. p. 268. [388] Annals of Congress, 1811-12, p. 2046. [Illustration: THEATRE OF LAND AND COAST WARFARE] CHAPTER V THE THEATRE OF OPERATIONS War being now immediately at hand, it is advisable, for the better appreciation of the course of events, the more accurate estimate of their historical and military value, to consider the relative conditions of the two opponents, the probable seats of warlike operations, and the methods which it was open to either to pursue. Invasion of the British Islands, or of any transmarine possession of Great Britain--save Canada--was denied to the United States by the immeasurable inferiority of her navy. To cross the sea in force was impossible, even for short distances. For this reason, land operations were limited to the North American Continent. This fact, conjoined with the strong traditional desire, received from the old French wars and cherished in the War of Independence, to incorporate the Canadian colonies with the Union, determined an aggressive policy by the United States on the northern frontier. This was indeed the only distinctively offensive operation available to her upon the land; consequently it was imposed by reasons of both political and military expediency. On the other hand, the sea was open to American armed ships, though under certain very obvious restrictions; that is to say, subject to the primary difficulty of evading blockades of the coast, and of escaping subsequent capture by the very great number of British cruisers, which watched all seas where British commerce went and came, and most of the ports whence hostile ships might issue to prey upon it. The principal trammel which now rests upon the movements of vessels destined to cripple an enemy's commerce--the necessity to renew the motive power, coal, at frequent brief intervals--did not then exist. The wind, upon which motion depended, might at particular moments favor one of two antagonists relatively to the other; but in the long run it was substantially the same for all. In this respect all were on an equal footing; and the supply, if fickle at times, was practically inexhaustible. Barring accidents, vessels were able to keep the sea as long as their provisions and water lasted. This period may be reckoned as generally three months, while by watchful administration it might at times be protracted to six. It is desirable to explain here what was, and is, the particular specific utility of operations directed toward the destruction of an enemy's commerce; what its bearing upon the issues of war; and how, also, it affects the relative interests of antagonists, unequally paired in the matter of sea power. Without attempting to determine precisely the relative importance of internal and external commerce, which varies with each country, and admitting that the length of transportation entails a distinct element of increased cost upon the articles transported, it is nevertheless safe to say that, to nations having free access to the sea, the export and import trade is a very large factor in national prosperity and comfort. At the very least, it increases by so much the aggregate of commercial transactions, while the ease and copiousness of water carriage go far to compensate for the increase of distance. Furthermore, the public revenue of maritime states is largely derived from duties on imports. Hence arises, therefore, a large source of wealth, of money; and money--ready money or substantial credit--is proverbially the sinews of war, as the War of 1812 was amply to demonstrate. Inconvertible assets, as business men know, are a very inefficacious form of wealth in tight times; and war is always a tight time for a country, a time in which its positive wealth, in the shape of every kind of produce, is of little use, unless by freedom of exchange it can be converted into cash for governmental expenses. To this sea-commerce greatly contributes, and the extreme embarrassment under which the United States as a nation labored in 1814 was mainly due to commercial exclusion from the sea. To attack the commerce of the enemy is therefore to cripple him, in the measure of success achieved, in the particular factor which is vital to the maintenance of war. Moreover, in the complicated conditions of mercantile activity no one branch can be seriously injured without involving others. This may be called the financial and political effect of "commerce destroying," as the modern phrase runs. In military effect, it is strictly analogous to the impairing of an enemy's communications, of the line of supplies connecting an army with its base of operations, upon the maintenance of which the life of the army depends. Money, credit, is the life of war; lessen it, and vigor flags; destroy it, and resistance dies. No resource then remains except to "make war support war;" that is, to make the vanquished pay the bills for the maintenance of the army which has crushed him, or which is proceeding to crush whatever opposition is left alive. This, by the extraction of private money, and of supplies for the use of his troops, from the country in which he was fighting, was the method of Napoleon, than whom no man held more delicate views concerning the gross impropriety of capturing private property at sea, whither his power did not extend. Yet this, in effect, is simply another method of forcing the enemy to surrender a large part of his means, so weakening him, while transferring it to the victor for the better propagation of hostilities. The exaction of a pecuniary indemnity from the worsted party at the conclusion of a war, as is frequently done, differs from the seizure of property in transit afloat only in method, and as peace differs from war. In either case, money or money's worth is exacted; but when peace supervenes, the method of collection is left to the Government of the country, in pursuance of its powers of taxation, to distribute the burden among the people; whereas in war, the primary object being immediate injury to the enemy's fighting power, it is not only legitimate in principle, but particularly effective, to seek the disorganization of his financial system by a crushing attack upon one of its important factors, because effort thus is concentrated on a readily accessible, fundamental element of his general prosperity. That the loss falls directly on individuals, or a class, instead of upon the whole community, is but an incident of war, just as some men are killed and others not. Indirectly, but none the less surely, the whole community, and, what is more important, the organized government, are crippled; offensive powers impaired. But while this is the absolute tendency of war against commerce, common to all cases, the relative value varies greatly with the countries having recourse to it. It is a species of hostilities easily extemporized by a great maritime nation; it therefore favors one whose policy is not to maintain a large naval establishment. It opens a field for a sea militia force, requiring little antecedent military training. Again, it is a logical military reply to commercial blockade, which is the most systematic, regularized, and extensive form of commerce-destruction known to war. Commercial blockade is not to be confounded with the military measure of confining a body of hostile ships of war to their harbor, by stationing before it a competent force. It is directed against merchant vessels, and is not a military operation in the narrowest sense, in that it does not necessarily involve fighting, nor propose the capture of the blockaded harbor. It is not usually directed against military ports, unless these happen to be also centres of commerce. Its object, which was the paramount function of the United States Navy during the Civil War, dealing probably the most decisive blow inflicted upon the Confederacy, is the destruction of commerce by closing the ports of egress and ingress. Incidental to that, all ships, neutrals included, attempting to enter or depart, after public notification through customary channels, are captured and confiscated as remorselessly as could be done by the most greedy privateer. Thus constituted, the operation receives far wider scope than commerce-destruction on the high seas; for this is confined to merchantmen of belligerents, while commercial blockade, by universal consent, subjects to capture neutrals who attempt to infringe it, because, by attempting to defeat the efforts of one belligerent, they make themselves parties to the war. In fact, commercial blockade, though most effective as a military measure in broad results, is so distinctly commerce-destructive in essence, that those who censure the one form must logically proceed to denounce the other. This, as has been seen,[389] Napoleon did; alleging in his Berlin Decree, in 1806, that war cannot be extended to any private property whatever, and that the right of blockade is restricted to _fortified_ places, actually invested by competent forces. This he had the face to assert, at the very moment when he was compelling every vanquished state to extract, from the private means of its subjects, coin running up to hundreds of millions to replenish his military chest for further extension of hostilities. Had this dictum been accepted international law in 1861, the United States could not have closed the ports of the Confederacy, the commerce of which would have proceeded unmolested; and hostile measures being consequently directed against men's persons instead of their trade, victory, if accomplished at all, would have cost three lives for every two actually lost. It is apparent, immediately on statement, that against commerce-destruction by blockade, the recourse of the weaker maritime belligerent is commerce-destruction by cruisers on the high sea. Granting equal efficiency in the use of either measure, it is further plain that the latter is intrinsically far less efficacious. To cut off access to a city is much more certainly accomplished by holding the gates than by scouring the country in search of persons seeking to enter. Still, one can but do what one can. In 1861 to 1865, the Southern Confederacy, unable to shake off the death grip fastened on its throat, attempted counteraction by means of the "Alabama," "Sumter," and their less famous consorts, with what disastrous influence upon the navigation--the shipping--of the Union it is needless to insist. But while the shipping of the opposite belligerent was in this way not only crippled, but indirectly was swept from the seas, the Confederate cruisers, not being able to establish a blockade, could not prevent neutral vessels from carrying on the commerce of the Union. This consequently suffered no serious interruption; whereas the produce of the South, its inconvertible wealth--cotton chiefly--was practically useless to sustain the financial system and credit of the people. So, in 1812 and the two years following, the United States flooded the seas with privateers, producing an effect upon British commerce which, though inconclusive singly, doubtless co-operated powerfully with other motives to dispose the enemy to liberal terms of peace. It was the reply, and the only possible reply, to the commercial blockade, the grinding efficacy of which it will be a principal object of these pages to depict. The issue to us has been accurately characterized by Mr. Henry Adams, in the single word "Exhaustion."[390] Both parties to the War of 1812 being conspicuously maritime in disposition and occupation, while separated by three thousand miles of ocean, the sea and its navigable approaches became necessarily the most extensive scene of operations. There being between them great inequality of organized naval strength and of pecuniary resources, they inevitably resorted, according to their respective force, to one or the other form of maritime hostilities against commerce which have been indicated. To this procedure combats on the high seas were merely incidental. Tradition, professional pride, and the combative spirit inherent in both peoples, compelled fighting when armed vessels of nearly equal strength met; but such contests, though wholly laudable from the naval standpoint, which under ordinary circumstances cannot afford to encourage retreat from an equal foe, were indecisive of general results, however meritorious in particular execution. They had no effect upon the issue, except so far as they inspired moral enthusiasm and confidence. Still more, in the sequel they have had a distinctly injurious effect upon national opinion in the United States. In the brilliant exhibition of enterprise, professional skill, and usual success, by its naval officers and seamen, the country has forgotten the precedent neglect of several administrations to constitute the navy as strong in proportion to the means of the country as it was excellent through the spirit and acquirements of its officers. Sight also has been lost of the actual conditions of repression, confinement, and isolation, enforced upon the maritime frontier during the greater part of the war, with the misery and mortification thence ensuing. It has been widely inferred that the maritime conditions in general were highly flattering to national pride, and that a future emergency could be confronted with the same supposed facility, and as little preparation, as the odds of 1812 are believed to have been encountered and overcome. This mental impression, this picture, is false throughout, alike in its grouping of incidents, in its disregard of proportion, and in its ignoring of facts. The truth of this assertion will appear in due course of this narrative, and it will be seen that, although relieved by many brilliant incidents, indicative of the real spirit and capacity of the nation, the record upon the whole is one of gloom, disaster, and governmental incompetence, resulting from lack of national preparation, due to the obstinate and blind prepossessions of the Government, and, in part, of the people. This was so even upon the water, despite the great names--for great they were in measure of their opportunities--of Decatur, Hull, Perry, Macdonough, Morris, and a dozen others. On shore things were far worse; for while upon the water the country had as leaders men still in the young prime of life, who were both seamen and officers,--none of those just named were then over forty,--the army at the beginning had only elderly men, who, if they ever had been soldiers in any truer sense than young fighting men,--soldiers by training and understanding,--had long since disacquired whatever knowledge and habit of the profession they had gained in the War of Independence, then more than thirty years past. "As far as American movements are concerned," said one of Wellington's trusted officers, sent to report upon the subject of Canadian defence, "the campaign of 1812 is almost beneath criticism."[391] Instructed American opinion must sorrowfully admit the truth of the comment. That of 1813 was not much better, although some younger men--Brown, Scott, Gaines, Macomb, Ripley--were beginning to show their mettle, and there had by then been placed at the head of the War Department a secretary who at least possessed a reasoned understanding of the principles of warfare. With every material military advantage, save the vital one of adequate preparation, it was found too late to prepare when war was already at hand; and after the old inefficients had been given a chance to demonstrate their incapacity, it was too late to utilize the young men. Jefferson, with curious insanity of optimism, had once written, "We begin to broach the idea that we consider the whole Gulf Stream as of our waters, within which hostilities and cruising are to be frowned on for the present, and prohibited as soon as either consent or force will permit;"[392] while at the same time, under an unbroken succession of maritime humiliations, he of purpose neglected all naval preparation save that of two hundred gunboats, which could not venture out of sight of land without putting their guns in the hold. With like blindness to the conditions to which his administration had reduced the nation, he now wrote: "The acquisition of Canada this year [1812], as far as the neighborhood of Quebec, will be a mere matter of marching."[393] This would scarcely have been a misappreciation, had his care for the army and that of his successor given the country in 1812 an effective force of fifteen thousand regulars. Great Britain had but forty-five hundred in all Canada,[394] from Quebec to St. Joseph's, near Mackinac; and the American resources in militia were to hers as ten to one. But Jefferson and Madison, with their Secretary of the Treasury, had reduced the national debt between 1801 and 1812 from $80,000,000 to $45,000,000, concerning which a Virginia Senator remarked: "This difference has never been felt by society. It has produced no effect upon the common intercourse among men. For my part, I should never have known of the reduction but for the annual Treasury Report."[395] Something was learned about it, however, in the first year of the war, and the interest upon the savings was received at Detroit, on the Niagara frontier, in the Chesapeake and the Delaware. The War of 1812 was very unpopular in certain sections of the United States and with certain parts of the community. By these, particular fault was found with the invasion of Canada. "You have declared war, it was said, for two principal alleged reasons: one, the general policy of the British Government, formulated in the successive Orders in Council, to the unjustifiable injury and violation of American commerce; the other, the impressment of seamen from American merchant ships. What have Canada and the Canadians to do with either? If war you must, carry on your war upon the ocean, the scene of your avowed wrongs, and the seat of your adversary's prosperity, and do not embroil these innocent regions and people in the common ruin which, without adequate cause, you are bringing upon your own countrymen, and upon the only nation that now upholds the freedom of mankind against that oppressor of our race, that incarnation of all despotism--Napoleon." So, not without some alloy of self-interest, the question presented itself to New England, and so New England presented it to the Government and the Southern part of the Union; partly as a matter of honest conviction, partly as an incident of the factiousness inherent in all political opposition, which makes a point wherever it can. Logically, there may at first appear some reason in these arguments. We are bound to believe so, for we cannot entirely impeach the candor of our ancestors, who doubtless advanced them with some degree of conviction. The answer, of course, is, that when two nations go to war, all the citizens of one become internationally the enemies of the other. This is the accepted principle of International Law, a residuum of the concentrated wisdom of many generations of international legists. When war takes the place of peace, it annihilates all natural and conventional rights, all treaties and compacts, except those which appertain to the state of war itself. The warfare of modern civilization assures many rights to an enemy, by custom, by precedent, by compact; many treaties bear express stipulations that, should war arise between the parties, such and such methods of warfare are barred; but all these are merely guaranteed exceptions to the general rule that every individual of each nation is the enemy of those of the opposing belligerent. Canada and the Canadians, being British subjects, became therefore, however involuntarily, the enemies of the United States, when the latter decided that the injuries received from Great Britain compelled recourse to the sword. Moreover, war, once determined, must be waged on the principles of war; and whatever greed of annexation may have entered into the motives of the Administration of the day, there can be no question that politically and militarily, as a war measure, the invasion of Canada was not only justifiable but imperative. "In case of war," wrote the United States Secretary of State, Monroe, a very few days[396] before the declaration, "it might be necessary to invade Canada; not as an object of the war, but as a means to bring it to a satisfactory conclusion." War now is never waged for the sake of mere fighting, simply to see who is the better at killing people. The warfare of civilized nations is for the purpose of accomplishing an object, obtaining a concession of alleged right from an enemy who has proved implacable to argument. He is to be made to yield to force what he has refused to reason; and to do that, hold is laid upon what is his, either by taking actual possession, or by preventing his utilizing what he still may retain. An attachment is issued, so to say, or an injunction laid, according to circumstances; as men in law do to enforce payment of a debt, or abatement of an injury. If, in the attempt to do this, the other nation resists, as it probably will, then fighting ensues; but that fighting is only an incident of war. War, in substance, though not perhaps in form, began when the one nation resorted to force, quite irrespective of the resistance of the other. Canada, conquered by the United States, would therefore have been a piece of British property attached; either in compensation for claims, or as an asset in the bargaining which precedes a treaty of peace. Its retention even, as a permanent possession, would have been justified by the law of war, if the military situation supported that course. This is a political consideration; militarily, the reasons were even stronger. To Americans the War of 1812 has worn the appearance of a maritime contest. This is both natural and just; for, as a matter of fact, not only were the maritime operations more pleasing to retrospect, but they also were as a whole, and on both sides, far more efficient, far more virile, than those on land. Under the relative conditions of the parties, however, it ought to have been a land war, because of the vastly superior advantages on shore possessed by the party declaring war; and such it would have been, doubtless, but for the amazing incompetency of most of the army leaders on both sides, after the fall of the British general, Brock, almost at the opening of hostilities. This incompetency, on the part of the United States, is directly attributable to the policy of Jefferson and Madison; for had proper attention and development been given to the army between 1801 and 1812, it could scarcely have failed that some indication of men's fitness or unfitness would have preceded and obviated the lamentable experience of the first two years, when every opportunity was favorable, only to be thrown away from lack of leadership. That even the defects of preparation, extreme and culpable as these were, could have been overcome, is evidenced by the history of the Lakes. The Governor General, Prevost, reported to the home government in July and August, 1812, that the British still had the naval superiority on Erie and Ontario;[397] but this condition was reversed by the energy and capacity of the American commanders, Chauncey, Perry, and Macdonough, utilizing the undeniable superiority in available resources--mechanics and transportation--which their territory had over the Canadian, not for naval warfare only, but for land as well. The general considerations that have been advanced are sufficient to indicate what should have been the general plan of the war on the part of the United States. Every war must be aggressive, or, to use the technical term, offensive, in military character; for unless you injure the enemy, if you confine yourself, as some of the grumblers of that day would have it, to simple defence against his efforts, obviously he has no inducement to yield your contention. Incidentally, however, vital interests must be defended, otherwise the power of offence falls with them. Every war, therefore, has both a defensive and an offensive side, and in an effective plan of campaign each must receive due attention. Now, in 1812, so far as general natural conditions went, the United States was relatively weak on the sea frontier, and strong on the side of Canada. The seaboard might, indeed, in the preceding ten years, have been given a development of force, by the creation of an adequate navy, which would have prevented war, by the obvious danger to British interests involved in hostilities. But this had not been done; and Jefferson, by his gunboat policy, building some two hundred of those vessels, worthless unless under cover of the land, proclaimed by act as by voice his adherence to a bare defensive. The sea frontier, therefore, became mainly a line of defence, the utility of which primarily was, or should have been, to maintain communication with the outside world; to support commerce, which in turn should sustain the financial potency that determines the issues of war. The truth of this observation is shown by one single fact, which will receive recurrent mention from time to time in the narrative. Owing partly to the necessities of the British Government, and partly as a matter of favor extended to the New England States, on account of their antagonism to the war, the commercial blockade of the coast was for a long time--until April 25, 1814--limited to the part between Narragansett Bay and the boundary of Florida, then a Spanish colony. During this period, which Madison angrily called one of "invidious discrimination between different parts of the United States," New England was left open to neutral commerce, which the British, to supply their own wants, further encouraged by a system of licenses, exempting from capture the vessels engaged, even though American. Owing largely to this, though partly to the local development of manufactures caused by the previous policy of restriction upon foreign trade, which had diverted New England from maritime commerce to manufactures, that section became the distributing centre of the Union. In consequence, the remainder of the country was practically drained of specie, which set to the northward and eastward, the surplusage above strictly local needs finding its way to Canada, to ease the very severe necessities of the British military authorities there; for Great Britain, maintaining her own armies in the Spanish peninsula, and supporting in part the alliance against Napoleon on the Continent, could spare no coin to Canada. It could not go far south, because the coasting trade was destroyed by the enemy's fleets, and the South could not send forward its produce by land to obtain money in return. The deposits in Massachusetts banks increased from $2,671,619, in 1810, to $8,875,589, in 1814; while in the same years the specie held was respectively $1,561,034 and $6,393,718.[398] It was a day of small things, relatively to present gigantic commercial enterprises; but an accumulation of cash in one quarter, coinciding with penury in another, proves defect in circulation consequent upon embarrassed communications. That flour in Boston sold for $12.00 the barrel, while at Baltimore and Richmond it stood at $6.50 and $4.50, tells the same tale of congestion and deficiency, due to interruption of water communication; the whole proving that, under the conditions of 1812, as the United States Government had allowed them to become, through failure to foster a navy by which alone coast defence in the true sense can be effected, the coast frontier was essentially the weak point. There Great Britain could put forth her enormous naval strength with the most sensible and widespread injury to American national power, as represented in the financial stability which constitutes the sinews of war. Men enough could be had; there were one hundred thousand registered seamen belonging to the country; but in the preceding ten years the frigate force had decreased from thirteen of that nominal rate to nine, while the only additions to the service, except gunboats, were two sloops of war, two brigs, and four schooners. The construction of ships of the line, for six of which provision had been made under the administration which expired in 1801, was abandoned immediately by its successor. There was no navy for defence. Small vessels, under which denomination most frigates should be included, have their appropriate uses in a naval establishment, but in themselves are inadequate to the defence of a coast-line, in the true sense of the word "defence." It is one of the first elements of intelligent warfare that true defence consists in imposing upon the enemy a wholesome fear of yourself. "The best protection against the enemy's fire," said Farragut, "is a rapid fire from our own guns." "No scheme of defence," said Napoleon, "can be considered efficient that does not provide the means of attacking the enemy at an opportune moment. In the defence of a river, for instance," he continues, "you must not only be able to withstand its passage by the enemy, but must keep in your own hands means of crossing, so as to attack him, when occasion either offers, or can be contrived." In short, you must command either a bridge or a ford, and have a disposable force ready to utilize it by attack. The fact of such preparation fetters every movement of the enemy. At its very outbreak the War of 1812 gave an illustration of the working of this principle. Tiny as was the United States Navy, the opening of hostilities found it concentrated in a body of several frigates, with one or two sloops of war, which put to sea together. The energies of Great Britain being then concentrated upon the navy of Napoleon, her available force at Halifax and Bermuda was small, and the frigates, of which it was almost wholly composed, were compelled to keep together; for, if they attempted to scatter, in order to watch several commercial ports, they were exposed to capture singly by this relatively numerous body of American cruisers. The narrow escape of the frigate "Constitution" from the British squadron at this moment, on her way from the Chesapeake to New York, which port she was unable to gain, exemplifies precisely the risk of dispersion that the British frigates did not dare to face while their enemy was believed to be at hand in concentrated force. They being compelled thus to remain together, the ports were left open; and the American merchant ships, of which a great number were then abroad, returned with comparative impunity, though certainly not entirely without losses. This actual experience illustrates exactly the principle of coast defence by the power having relatively the weaker navy. It cannot, indeed, drive away a body numerically much stronger; but, if itself respectable in force, it can compel the enemy to keep united. Thereby is minimized the injury caused to a coast-line by the dispersion of the enemy's force along it in security, such as was subsequently acquired by the British in 1813-14, and by the United States Navy during the Civil War. The enemy's fears defend the coast, and protect the nation, by securing the principal benefit of the coast-line--coastwise and maritime trade, and the revenue thence proceeding. In order, however, to maintain this imposing attitude, the defending state must hold ready a concentrated force, of such size that the enemy cannot safely divide his own--a force, for instance, such as that estimated by Gouverneur Morris, twenty years before 1812.[399] The defendant fleet, further, must be able to put to sea at a moment inconvenient to the enemy; must have the bridge or ford Napoleon required for his army. Such the United States had in her seaports, which with moderate protection could keep an enemy at a distance, and from which escape was possible under conditions exceedingly dangerous for the detached hostile divisions; but although possessing these bridge heads leading to the scene of ocean war, no force to issue from them existed. In those eleven precious years during which Great Britain by American official returns had captured 917 American ships,[400] a large proportion of them in defiance of International Law, as was claimed, and had impressed from American vessels 6,257 seamen,[401] asserted to be mostly American citizens, the United States had built two sloops of 18 guns, and two brigs of 16; and out of twelve frigates had permitted three to rot at their moorings. To build ships of the line had not even been attempted. Consequently, except when weather drove them off, puny divisions of British ships gripped each commercial port by the throat with perfect safety; and those weather occasions, which constitute the opportunity of the defendant sea power, could not be improved by military action. Such in general was the condition of the sea frontier, thrown inevitably upon the defensive. With the passing comment that, had it been defended as suggested, Great Britain would never have forced the war, let us now consider conditions on the Canadian line, where circumstances eminently favored the offensive by the United States; for this war should not be regarded simply as a land war or a naval war, nor yet as a war of offence and again one of defence, but as being continuously and at all times both offensive and defensive, both land and sea, in reciprocal influence. Disregarding as militarily unimportant the artificial boundary dividing Canada from New York, Vermont, and the eastern parts of the Union, the frontier separating the land positions of the two belligerents was the Great Lakes and the river St. Lawrence. This presented certain characteristic and unusual features. That it was a water line was a condition not uncommon; but it was exceptionally marked by those broad expanses which constitute inland seas of great size and depth, navigable by vessels of the largest sea-going dimensions. This water system, being continuous and in continual progress, is best conceived by applying to the whole, from Lake Superior to the ocean, the name of the great river, the St. Lawrence, which on the one hand unites it to the sea, and on the other divides the inner waters from the outer by a barrier of rapids, impassable to ships that otherwise could navigate freely both lakes and ocean. The importance of the lakes to military operations must always be great, but it was much enhanced in 1812 by the undeveloped condition of land communications. With the roads in the state they then were, the movement of men, and still more of supplies, was vastly more rapid by water than by land. Except in winter, when iron-bound snow covered the ground, the routes of Upper Canada were well-nigh impassable; in spring and in autumn rains, wholly so to heavy vehicles. The mail from Montreal to York,--now Toronto,--three hundred miles, took a month in transit.[402] In October, 1814, when the war was virtually over, the British General at Niagara lamented to the Commander-in-Chief that, owing to the refusal of the navy to carry troops, an important detachment was left "to struggle through the dreadful roads from Kingston to York."[403] "Should reinforcements and provisions not arrive, the naval commander would," in his opinion, "have much to answer for."[404] The Commander-in-Chief himself wrote: "The command of the lakes enables the enemy to perform in two days what it takes the troops from Kingston sixteen to twenty days of severe marching. Their men arrive fresh; ours fatigued, and with exhausted equipment. The distance from Kingston to the Niagara frontier exceeds two hundred and fifty miles, and part of the way is impracticable for supplies."[405] On the United States side, road conditions were similar but much less disadvantageous. The water route by Ontario was greatly preferred as a means of transportation, and in parts and at certain seasons was indispensable. Stores for Sackett's Harbor, for instance, had in early summer to be brought to Oswego, and thence coasted along to their destination, in security or in peril, according to the momentary predominance of one party or the other on the lake. In like manner, it was more convenient to move between the Niagara frontier and the east end of the lake by water; but in case of necessity, men could march. An English traveller in 1818 says: "I accomplished the journey from Albany to Buffalo in October in six days with ease and comfort, whereas in May it took ten of great difficulty and distress."[406] In the farther West the American armies, though much impeded, advanced securely through Ohio and Indiana to the shores of Lake Erie, and there maintained themselves in supplies sent over-country; whereas the British at the western end of the lake, opposite Detroit, depended wholly upon the water, although no hostile force threatened the land line between them and Ontario. The battle of Lake Erie, so disastrous to their cause, was forced upon them purely by failure of food, owing to the appearance of Perry's squadron. From Lake Superior to the head of the first rapid of the St. Lawrence, therefore, the control of the water was the decisive factor in the general military situation. Both on the upper lakes, where water communication from Sault Sainte Marie to Niagara was unbroken, and on Ontario, separated from the others by the falls of Niagara, the British had at the outset a slight superiority, but not beyond the power of the United States to overtake and outpass. Throughout the rapids, to Montreal, military conditions resembled those which confront a general charged with the passage of any great river. If undertaken at all, such an enterprise requires the deceiving of the opponent as to the place and time when the attempt will be made, the careful provision of means and disposition of men for instant execution, and finally the prompt and decisive seizure of opportunity, to transfer and secure on the opposite shore a small body, capable of maintaining itself until the bulk of the army can cross to its support. Nothing of the sort was attempted here, or needed to be undertaken in this war. Naval superiority determined the ability to cross above the rapids, and there was no occasion to consider the question of crossing between them. Immediately below the last lay Montreal, accessible to sea-going vessels from the ocean. To that point, therefore, the sea power of Great Britain reached, and there it ended. The United States Government was conscious of its great potential superiority over Canada, in men and in available resources. So evident, indeed, was the disparity, that the prevalent feeling was not one of reasonable self-reliance, but of vainglorious self-confidence; of dependence upon mere bulk and weight to crush an opponent, quite irrespective of preparation or skill, and disregardful of the factor of military efficiency. Jefferson's words have already been quoted. Calhoun, then a youthful member of Congress, and a foremost advocate of the war, said in March, 1812: "So far from being unprepared, Sir, I believe that in four weeks from the time a declaration of war is heard, on our frontier, the whole of Upper Canada"--halfway down the St. Lawrence--"and a part of Lower Canada will be in our power." This tone was general in Congress; Henry Clay spoke to the same effect. Granting due preparation, such might indeed readily have been the result of a well-designed, active, offensive campaign. Little hope of any other result was held by the British local officials, and what little they had was based upon the known want of military efficiency in the United States. Brock, by far the ablest among them, in February declared his "full conviction that unless Detroit and Michilimackinac be both in our possession at the commencement of hostilities, not only Amherstburg"--on the Detroit River, a little below Detroit--"but most probably the whole country, must be evacuated as far as Kingston."[407] This place is at the foot of Ontario, close to the entrance to the St. Lawrence. Having a good and defensible harbor, it had been selected for the naval station of the lake. If successful in holding it, there would be a base of operations for attempting recovery of the water, and ultimately of the upper country. Failing there, of course the British must fall back upon the sea, touch with which they would regain at Montreal, resting there upon the navy of their nation; just as Wellington, by the same dependence, had maintained himself at Lisbon unshaken by the whole power of Napoleon. There was, however, no certainty that the Lisbon of Canada would be found at Montreal. Though secure on the water side, there were there no lines of Torres Vedras; and it was well within the fears of the governors of Canada that under energetic attack their forces would not be able to make a stand short of Quebec, against the overwhelming numbers which might be brought against them. In December, 1807, Governor General Craig, a soldier of tried experience and reputation, had written: "Defective as it is, Quebec is the only post that can be considered tenable for a moment. If the Americans should turn their attention to Lower Canada, which is most probable, I have no hopes that the forces here can accomplish more than to check them for a short time. They will eventually be compelled to take refuge in Quebec, and operations must terminate in a siege."[408] Consequent upon this report of a most competent officer, much had been done to strengthen the works; but pressed by the drain of the Peninsular War, heaviest in the years 1809 to 1812, when France elsewhere was at peace, little in the way of troops had been sent. As late as November 16, 1812, the Secretary for War, in London, notified Governor General Prevost that as yet he could give no hopes of reinforcements.[409] Napoleon had begun his retreat from Moscow three weeks before, but the full effects of the impending disaster were not yet forecast. Another three weeks, and the Secretary wrote that a moderate detachment would be sent to Bermuda, to await there the opening of the St. Lawrence in the spring.[410] But already the United States had lost Mackinac and Detroit, and Canada had gained time to breathe. Brock's remark, expanded as has here been done, defines the decisive military points upon the long frontier from Lake Superior to Montreal. Mackinac, Detroit, Kingston, Montreal--these four places, together with adequate development of naval strength on the lakes--constituted the essential elements of the military situation at the opening of hostilities. Why? Mackinac and Detroit because, being situated upon extremely narrow parts of the vital chain of water communication, their possession controlled decisively all transit. Held in force, they commanded the one great and feasible access to the northwestern country. Upon them turned, therefore, the movement of what was then its chief industry, the fur trade; but more important still, the tenure of those points so affected the interests of the Indians of that region as to throw them necessarily on the side of the party in possession. It is difficult for us to realize how heavily this consideration weighed at that day with both nations, but especially with the British; because, besides being locally the weaker, they knew that under existing conditions in Europe--Napoleon still in the height of his power, never yet vanquished, and about to undertake the invasion of Russia--they had nothing to hope from the mother country. Yet the leaders, largely professional soldiers, faced the situation with soldierly instinct. "If we could destroy the American posts at Detroit and Michilimackinac," wrote Lieutenant-Governor Gore of Upper Canada, to Craig, in 1808, "many Indians would declare for us;" and he agrees with Craig that, "if not for us, they will surely be against us."[411] It was Gore's successor, Brock, that wrested from the Americans at once the two places named, with the effect upon the Indians which had been anticipated. The dependence of these upon this water-line communication was greatly increased by various punitive expeditions by the United States troops in the Northwest, under General Harrison, in the autumn and winter of 1812-13. To secure further the safety of the whites in the outer settlements, the villages and corn of the hostile natives were laid waste for a considerable surrounding distance.[412] They were thus forced to remove, and to seek shelter in the Northwest. This increase of population in that quarter, relatively to a store of food never too abundant, made it the more urgent for them to remain friends of those with whom it rested to permit the water traffic, by which supplies could come forward and the exchange of commodities go on. The fall of Michilimackinac, therefore, determined their side, to which the existing British naval command of the upper lakes also contributed; and these causes were alleged by Hull in justification of his surrender at Detroit, which completed and secured the enemy's grip throughout the Northwestern frontier. This accession of strength to the British was not without very serious drawbacks. Shortly before the battle of Lake Erie the British commissaries were feeding fourteen thousand Indians--men, women, and children. What proportion of these were warriors it is hard to say, and harder still how many could be counted on to take the field when wanted; but it is probable that the exhaustion of supplies due to this cause more than compensated for any service received from them in war. When Barclay sailed to fight Perry, there remained in store but one day's flour, and the crews of his ships had been for some days on half allowance of many articles. The opinion of competent soldiers on the spot, such as Craig and Brock, in full possession of all the contemporary facts, may be accepted explicitly as confirming the inferences which in any event might have been drawn from the natural features of the situation. Upon Mackinac and Detroit depended the control and quiet of the Northwestern country, because they commanded vital points on its line of communication. Upon Kingston and Montreal, by their position and intrinsic advantages, rested the communication of all Canada, along and above the St. Lawrence, with the sea power of Great Britain, whence alone could be drawn the constant support without which ultimate defeat should have been inevitable. Naval power, sustained upon the Great Lakes, controlled the great line of communication between the East and West, and also conferred upon the party possessing it the strategic advantage of interior lines; that is, of shorter distances, both in length and time, to move from point to point of the lake shores, close to which lay the scenes of operations. It followed that Detroit and Michilimackinac, being at the beginning in the possession of the United States, should have been fortified, garrisoned, provisioned, in readiness for siege, and placed in close communication with home, as soon as war was seen to be imminent, which it was in December, 1811, at latest. Having in that quarter everything to lose, and comparatively little to gain, the country was thrown on the defensive. On the east the possession of Montreal or Kingston would cut off all Canada above from support by the sea, which would be equivalent to insuring its fall. "I shall continue to exert myself to the utmost to overcome every difficulty," wrote Brock, who gave such emphatic proof of energetic and sagacious exertion in his subsequent course. "Should, however, the communication between Montreal and Kingston be cut off, the fate of the troops in this part of the province will be decided."[413] "The Montreal frontier," said the officer selected by the Duke of Wellington to report on the defences of Canada, "is the most important, and at present [1826] confessedly most vulnerable and accessible part of Canada."[414] There, then, was the direction for offensive operations by the United States; preferably against Montreal, for, if successful, a much larger region would be isolated and reduced. Montreal gone, Kingston could receive no help from without; and, even if capable of temporary resistance, its surrender would be but a question of time. Coincidently with this military advance, naval development for the control of the lakes should have proceeded, as a discreet precaution; although, after the fall of Kingston and Montreal, there could have been little use of an inland navy, for the British local resources would then have been inadequate to maintain an opposing force. Considered apart from the question of military readiness, in which the United States was so lamentably deficient, the natural advantages in her possession for the invasion of Canada were very great. The Hudson River, Lake George, and Lake Champlain furnished a line of water communication, for men and supplies, from the very heart of the resources of the country, centring about New York. This was not indeed continuous; but it was consecutive, and well developed. Almost the whole of it lay within United States territory; and when the boundary line on Champlain was reached, Montreal was but forty miles distant. Towards Kingston, also, there was a similar line, by way of the Mohawk River and Lake Oneida to Oswego, whence a short voyage on Ontario reached the American naval station at Sackett's Harbor, thirty miles from Kingston. As had been pointed out six months before the war began, by General Armstrong, who became the United States Secretary of War in January, 1813, when the most favorable conditions for initiative had already been lost, these two lines were identical as far as Albany. "This should be the place of rendezvous; because, besides other recommendations, it is here that all the roads leading from the central portion of the United States to the Canadas diverge--a circumstance which, while it keeps up your enemy's doubts as to your real point of attack, cannot fail to keep his means of defence in a state of division."[415] The perplexity of an army, thus uncertain upon which extreme of a line one hundred and fifty miles long a blow will fall, is most distressing; and trebly so when, as in this case, the means of communication from end to end are both scanty and slow. "The conquest of Lower Canada," Sir James Craig had written, "must still be effected by way of Lake Champlain;" but while this was true, and dictated to the officer charged with the defence the necessity of keeping the greater part of his force in that quarter, it would be impossible wholly to neglect the exposure of the upper section. This requirement was reflected in the disposition of the British forces when war began; two thirds being below Montreal, chiefly at Quebec, the remainder dispersed through Upper Canada. To add to these advantages of the United States, trivial as was the naval force of either party on Champlain, the preponderance at this moment, and throughout the first year, was in her hands. She was also better situated to enlarge her squadrons on all the lakes, because nearer the heart of her power. Circumstances thus had determined that, in general plan, the seaboard represented the defensive scene of campaign for the United States, while the land frontier should be that of offensive action. It will be seen, with particular reference to the latter, that the character of the front of operations prescribed the offensive in great and concentrated force toward the St. Lawrence, with preparations and demonstrations framed to keep the enemy doubtful to the last possible moment as to where the blow should fall; while on the western frontier, from Michilimackinac to Niagara, the defensive should have been maintained, qualifying this term, however, by the already quoted maxim of Napoleon, that no offensive disposition is complete which does not keep in view, and provide for, offensive action, if opportunity offer. Such readiness, if it leads to no more, at least compels the opponent to retain near by a degree of force that weakens by so much his resistance in the other quarter, against which the real offensive campaign is directed. Similarly, the seaboard, defensive in general relation to the national plan as a whole, must have its own particular sphere of offensive action, without which its defensive function is enfeebled, if not paralyzed. Having failed to create before the war a competent navy, capable of seizing opportunity, when offered, to act against hostile divisions throughout the world, it was not possible afterwards to retrieve this mistake. Under the circumstances existing in 1812, the previous decade having been allowed by the country to pass in absolute naval indifference, offensive measures were necessarily confined to the injury of the enemy's commerce. Had a proper force existed, abundant opportunity for more military action was sure to occur. The characteristics of parts of the American coast prevented close blockade, especially in winter; and the same violent winds which forced an enemy's ships off, facilitated egress under circumstances favoring evasion. Escape to the illimitable ocean then depended at worst upon speed. This was the case at Boston, which Commodore Bainbridge before the war predicted could not be effectually blockaded; also at Narragansett, recommended for the same reason by Commodore John Rodgers; and in measure at New York, though there the more difficult and shoaler bar involved danger and delay to the passage of heavy frigates. In this respect the British encountered conditions contrary to those they had know before the French Atlantic ports, where the wind which drove the blockaders off prevented the blockaded from leaving. Once out and away, a squadron of respectable force would be at liberty to seek and strike one of the minor divisions of the enemy, imposing caution as to how he dispersed his ships in face of such a chance. To the south, both the Delaware and Chesapeake could be sealed almost hermetically by a navy so superior as was that of Great Britain; for the sheltered anchorage within enabled a fleet to lie with perfect safety across the path of all vessels attempting to go out or in. South of this again, Wilmington, Charleston, and Savannah, though useful commercial harbors, had not the facilities, natural or acquired, for sustaining a military navy. They were not maritime centres; the commerce of the South, even of Baltimore with its famous schooners, being in peace carried on chiefly by shipping which belonged elsewhere--New England or foreign. The necessities of a number of armed ships could not there be supplied; and furthermore, the comparatively moderate weather made the coast at once more easy and less dangerous for an enemy to approach. These ports, therefore, were entered only occasionally, and then by the smaller American cruisers. For these reasons the northern portion of the coast, with its rugged shores and tempestuous weather, was the base of such offensive operations as the diminutive numbers of the United States Navy permitted. To it the national ships sought to return, for they could enter with greater security, and had better prospects of getting out again when they wished. In the Delaware, the Chesapeake, and on the Southern coast, the efforts of the United States were limited to action strictly, and even narrowly, defensive in scope. Occasionally, a very small enemy's cruiser might be attacked; but for the most part people were content merely to resist aggression, if attempted. The harrying of the Chesapeake, and to a less extent of the Delaware, are familiar stories; the total destruction of the coasting trade and the consequent widespread distress are less known, or less remembered. What is not at all appreciated is the deterrent effect upon the perfect liberty enjoyed by the enemy to do as they pleased, which would have been exercised by a respectable fighting navy; by a force in the Northern ports, equal to the offensive, and ready for it, at the time that Great Britain was so grievously preoccupied by the numerous fleet which Napoleon had succeeded in equipping, from Antwerp round to Venice. Of course, after his abdication in 1814, and the release of the British navy and army, there was nothing for the country to do, in the then military strength of the two nations, save to make peace on the best terms attainable. Having allowed to pass away, unresented and unimproved, years of insult, injury, and opportunity, during which the gigantic power of Napoleon would have been a substantial, if inert, support to its own efforts at redress, it was the mishap of the United States Government to take up arms at the very moment when the great burden which her enemy had been bearing for years was about to fall from his shoulders forever. FOOTNOTES: [389] Ante, p. 144. [390] Adams, History of the United States, vol. viii. chap. viii. [391] Sir J. Carmichael Smyth, Précis of Wars in Canada, p. 116. [392] To Monroe, May 4, 1806. Jefferson's Writings, Collected and Edited by P.L. Ford, vol. viii. p. 450. [393] Ibid., vol. vi. p. 75. [394] Kingsford's History of Canada, vol. viii. p. 183. The author is indebted to Major General Sir F. Maurice, and Major G. Le M. Gretton, of the British Army, for extracts from the official records, from which it appears that, excluding provincial corps, not to be accounted regulars, the British troops in Canada numbered in January, 1812, 3,952; in July, 5,004. [395] Giles, Annals of Congress, 1811-12, p. 51. [396] June 13, 1812. Works of James Monroe, vol. v. p. 207. [397] Prevost to Liverpool, July 15, 1812. Canadian Archives, Q. 118. [398] Niles' Register, vol. vii. p. 195. [399] Ante, p. 71. [400] American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 584. [401] Niles' Register, vol. ii. p. 119. "Official Returns in the Department of State" are alleged as authority for the statement. Monroe to Foster, May 30, 1812, mentions "a list in this office of several thousand American seamen who have been impressed into the British service." American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. iii. p. 454. [402] Kingsford's History of Canada, vol. viii. p. 111. [403] Drummond to Prevost, Oct. 20, 1814. Report on Canadian Archives, 1896, Upper Canada, p. 9. [404] Ibid., Oct. 15. [405] Prevost to Bathurst, Aug. 14, 1814. Report on Canadian Archives, 1896, Lower Canada, p. 36. [406] Travels, J.M. Duncan, vol. ii. p. 27. [407] Life of Sir Isaac Brock, p. 127. [408] Report on Canadian Archives, 1893, Lower Canada, p. 1. [409] Ibid., p. 75. [410] Ibid. [411] Report on Canadian Archives, 1893, Lower Canada, p. 3. [412] Brackenridge, War of 1812, pp. 57, 63, 65, 66. [413] Life of Brock, p. 193. [414] Smyth, Précis of the Wars in Canada, p. 167. [415] Armstrong to Eustis, Jan. 2, 1812. Armstrong's Notices of the War of 1812, vol. i, p. 238. CHAPTER VI EARLY CRUISES AND ENGAGEMENTS: THE "CONSTITUTION" AND "GUERRIÈRE." HULL'S OPERATIONS AND SURRENDER War was declared on June 18. On the 21st there was lying in the lower harbor of New York a division of five United States vessels under the command of Commodore John Rodgers. It consisted of three frigates, the "President" and "United States," rated of 44 guns, the "Congress" of 38, the ship-rigged sloop of war "Hornet" of 18, and the brig "Argus" of 16. This division, as it stood, was composed of two squadrons; that of Rodgers himself, and that of Commodore Stephen Decatur, the latter having assigned to him immediately the "United States," the "Congress," and the "Argus." There belonged also to Rodgers' particular squadron the "Essex," a frigate rated at 32 guns. Captain David Porter, one of the most distinguished names in American naval annals, commanded her then, and until her capture by a much superior force, nearly two years later; but at this moment she was undergoing repairs, a circumstance which prevented her from accompanying the other vessels, and materially affected her subsequent history. It may be mentioned, as an indication of naval policy, that although Rodgers and Decatur each had more than one vessel under his control, neither was given the further privilege and distinction, frequent in such cases, of having a captain to command the particular ship on which he himself sailed. This, when done, introduces a very substantial change in the position of the officer affected. He is removed from being only first among several equals, and is advanced to a superiority of grade, in which he stands alone, with consequent enhancement of authority. Rodgers was captain of the "President" as well as commodore of the small body of vessels assigned to him; Decatur held the same relation to the frigate "United States," and to her consorts. Though apparently trivial, the circumstance is not insignificant; for it indicates clearly that, so far as the Navy Department then had any mind, it had not yet made it up as to whether it would send out its vessels as single cruisers, or combine them into divisions, for the one operation open to the United States Navy, namely, the destruction of the enemy's commerce. With divisions permanently constituted as such, propriety and effective action would have required the additional dignity for the officer in general charge, and they themselves doubtless would have asked for it; but for ships temporarily associated, and liable at any moment to be scattered, not only was the simple seniority of naval rank sufficient, but more would have been inexpedient. The commodores, now such only by courtesy and temporary circumstance, would suffer no derogation if deprived of ships other than their own; whereas the more extensive function, similarly curtailed, would become a mere empty show, a humiliation which no office, civil or military, can undergo without harm. This indecision of the Department reflected the varying opinions of the higher officers of the service, which in turn but reproduced different schools of thought throughout all navies. Historically, as a military operation, for the injury of an enemy's commerce and the protection of one's own, it may be considered fairly demonstrated that vessels grouped do more effective work than the same number scattered. This is, of course, but to repeat the general military teaching of operations of all kinds. It is not the keeping of the several vessels side by side that constitutes the virtue of this disposition; it is the placing them under a single head, thereby insuring co-operation, however widely dispersed by their common chief under the emergency of successive moments. Like a fan that opens and shuts, vessels thus organically bound together possess the power of wide sweep, which insures exertion over a great field of ocean, and at the same time that of mutual support, because dependent upon and controlled from a common centre. Such is concentration, reasonably understood; not huddled together like a drove of cattle, but distributed with a regard to a common purpose, and linked together by the effectual energy of a single will. There is, however, in the human mind an inveterate tendency to dispersion of effort, due apparently to the wish to do at once as many things as may be; a disposition also to take as many chances as possible in an apparent lottery, with the more hope that some one of them will come up successful. Not an aggregate big result, and one only, whether hit or miss, but a division of resources and powers which shall insure possible compensation in one direction for what is not gained, or may even be lost, in another. The Navy Department, when hostilities were imminent, addressed inquiries to several prominent officers as to the best means of employing the very small total force available. The question involved the direction of effort, as well as the method; but as regards the former of these, the general routes followed by British commerce, and the modes of protecting it, were so far understood as to leave not much room for differences of opinion. Rodgers may have been unconsciously swayed by the natural bias of an officer whose seniority would insure him a division, if the single-cruiser policy did not prevail. Of the replies given, however, his certainly was the one most consonant with sound military views.[416] Send a small squadron, of two or three frigates and a sloop, to cruise on the coast of the British Islands, and send the light cruisers to the West Indies; for, though he did not express it, in the gentle breezes and smooth seas of the tropics small cruisers have a much better chance to avoid capture by big ships than in the heavy gales of the North Atlantic. This much may be termed the distinctly offensive part of Rodgers' project. For the defensive, employ the remainder of the frigates, singly or in squadron, to guard our own seaboard; either directly, by remaining off the coast, or by taking position in the track of the trade between Great Britain and the St. Lawrence. Irrespective of direct captures there made, this course would contribute to protect the access to home ports, by drawing away the enemy's ships of war to cover their own threatened commerce. Alike in the size of his foreign squadron, and in the touch of uncertainty as to our own coasts, "singly or in squadron," Rodgers reflected the embarrassment of a man whose means are utterly inadequate to the work he wishes to do. One does not need to be a soldier or a seaman to comprehend the difficulty of making ends meet when there is not enough to go round. Decatur and Bainbridge, whose written opinions are preserved, held views greatly modified from those of Rodgers, or even distinctly opposed to them. "The plan which appears to me best calculated for our little navy to annoy the trade of Great Britain," wrote Decatur,[417] "would be to send them out distant from our own coast, singly, or not more than two frigates in company, without specific instructions; relying upon the enterprise of their officers. Two frigates cruising together would not be so easily traced by an enemy as a greater number; their movements would be infinitely more rapid; they would be sufficiently strong in most instances to attack a convoy, and the probability is they would not meet with a superior cruising force. If, however, they should meet a superior, and cannot avoid it, we would not have to regret the whole of our marine crushed at one blow." Bainbridge is yet more absolute. "I am anxious to see us all dispersed about various seas. If we are kept together in squadron, or lying in port, the whole are scarcely of more advantage than one ship. I wish all our public vessels here [Boston] were dispersed in various ports, for I apprehend it will draw speedily a numerous force of the enemy to blockade or attack."[418] At the moment of writing this, Rodgers' squadron was in Boston, having returned from a cruise, and the "Constitution" also, immediately after her engagement with the "Guerrière." It will be observed that, in spirit even more than in letter, Rodgers' leading conception is that of co-operation, combined action. First, he would have a Department general plan, embracing in a comprehensive scheme the entire navy and the ocean at large, in the British seas, West Indies, and North Atlantic; each contributing, by its particular action and impression, to forward the work of the others, and so of the whole. Secondly, he intimates, not obscurely, though cautiously, in each separate field the concerted action of several ships is better than their disconnected efforts. Decatur and Bainbridge, on the contrary, implicitly, and indeed explicitly, favor individual movement. They would reject even combination by the Department--"no specific instructions, rely upon the enterprise of the officers." Nor will they have a local supervision or control in any particular; two frigates at the most are to act together, singly even is preferable, and they shall roam the seas at will. There can be little doubt as to which scheme is sounder in general principle. All military experience concurs in the general rule of co-operative action; and this means concentration, under the liberal definition before given--unity of purpose and subordination to a central control. General rules, however, must be intelligently applied to particular circumstances; and it will be found by considering the special circumstances of British commerce, under the war conditions of 1812, that Rodgers' plan was particularly suited to injure it. It is doubtless true that if merchant vessels were so dispersed over the globe, that rarely more than one would be visible at a time, one ship of war could take that one as well as a half-dozen could. But this was not the condition. British merchant ships were not permitted so to act. They were compelled to gather at certain centres, and thence, when enough had assembled, were despatched in large convoys, guarded by ships of war, in force proportioned to that disposable at the moment by the local admiral, and to the anticipated danger. Consequently, while isolated merchant ships were to be met, they were but the crumbs that fell from the table, except in the near vicinity of the British Islands themselves. Such were the conditions while Great Britain had been at war with France alone; but the declaration of the United States led at once to increased stringency. All licenses to cross the Atlantic without convoy were at once revoked, and every colonial and naval commander lay under heavy responsibility to enforce the law of convoy. Insurance was forfeited by breach of its requirements; and in case of parting convoy, capture would at least hazard, if not invalidate, the policy. Under all this compulsion, concentrated merchant fleets and heavy guards became as far as possible the rule of action. With such conditions it was at once more difficult for a single ship of war to find, and when found to deal effectually with, a body of vessels which on the one hand was large, and yet occupied but a small space relatively to the great expanse of ocean over which the pursuer might roam fruitlessly, missing continually the one moving spot he sought. For such a purpose a well-handled squadron, scattering within signal-distance from each other, or to meet at a rendezvous, was more likely to find, and, having found, could by concerted action best overcome the guard and destroy the fleet. On June 22, 1812, the Navy Department issued orders for Rodgers,[419] which are interesting as showing its ideas of operations. The two squadrons then assembled under him were to go to sea, and there separate. He himself, with the frigates "President," "Essex," and "John Adams," sloop "Hornet," and the small brig "Nautilus," was to go to the Capes of the Chesapeake, and thence cruise eastwardly, off and on. Decatur's two frigates, with the "Argus," would cruise southwardly from New York. It was expected that the two would meet from time to time; and, should combined action be advisable, Rodgers had authority to unite them under his broad pendant for that purpose. The object of this movement was to protect the commerce of the country, which at this time was expected to be returning in great numbers from the Spanish peninsula; whither had been hurried every available ship, and every barrel of flour in store, as soon as the news of the approaching embargo of April 4 became public. "The great bulk of our returning commerce," wrote the secretary, "will make for the ports between the Chesapeake and our eastern extremities; and, in the protection to be afforded, such ports claim particular attention." The obvious comment on this disposition is that protection to the incoming ships would be most completely afforded, not by the local presence of either of these squadrons, but by the absence of the enemy. This absence was best insured by beating him, if met; and in the then size of the British Halifax fleet it was possible that a detachment sent from it might be successfully engaged by the joint division, though not by either squadron singly. The other adequate alternative was to force the enemy to keep concentrated, and so to cover as small a part as might be of the homeward path of the scattered American trade. This also was best effected by uniting our own ships. Without exaggerating the danger to the American squadrons, needlessly exposed in detail by the Department's plan, the object in view would have been attained as surely, and at less risk, by keeping all the vessels together, even though they were retained between Boston Bay and the Capes of the Chesapeake for the local defence of commerce. In short, as was to be expected from the antecedents of the Government, the scheme was purely and narrowly defensive; there was not in it a trace of any comprehension of the principle that offence is the surest defence. The opening words of its letter defined the full measure of its understanding. "It has been judged expedient so to employ our public armed vessels, as to afford to our returning commerce all possible protection." It may be added, that to station on the very spot where the merchant vessels were flocking in return, divisions inferior to that which could be concentrated against them, was very bad strategy; drawing the enemy by a double motive to the place whence his absence was particularly desirable. The better way was to influence British naval action by a distinct offensive step; by a movement of the combined divisions sufficiently obvious to inspire caution, but yet too vague to admit of precision of direction or definite pursuit. In accordance with the general ideas formulated in his letter, before quoted, Rodgers had already fixed upon a plan, which, if successful, would inflict a startling blow to British commerce and prestige, and at the same time would compel the enemy to concentrate, thus diminishing his menace to American shipping. It was known to him that a large convoy had sailed from Jamaica for England about May 20. The invariable course of such bodies was first to the north-northeast, parallel in a general sense to the Gulf Stream and American coast, until they had cleared the northeast trades and the belt of light and variable winds above them. Upon approaching forty degrees north latitude, they met in full force the rude west winds, as the Spanish navigators styled them, and before them bore away to the English Channel. That a month after their starting Rodgers should still have hoped to overtake them, gives a lively impression of the lumbering slowness of trade movement under convoy; but he counted also upon the far swifter joint speed of his few and well-found ships. To the effective fulfilment of his double object, defensive and offensive, however, he required more ships than his own squadron, and he held his course dependent upon Decatur joining him.[420] [Illustration: THE CHASE OF THE _Belvidera_ From a drawing by Carlton T. Chapman.] On June 21 Decatur did join, and later in the same day arrived a Department order of June 18 with the Declaration of War. Within an hour the division of five ships was under way for sea. In consequence of this instant movement Rodgers did not receive the subsequent order of the Department, June 22, the purport of which has been explained and discussed. Standing off southeasterly from Sandy Hook, at 3 A.M. of June 23 was spoken an American brig, which four days before had seen the convoy steering east in latitude 36°, longitude 67°, or about three hundred miles from where the squadron then was. Canvas was crowded in pursuit, but three hours later was sighted in the northeast a large sail heading toward the squadron. The course of all the vessels was changed for her; but she, proving to be British,--the "Belvidera," rated 32, and smaller than any one of the American frigates,--speedily turned and took flight. Pursuit was continued all that day and until half an hour before midnight, the "President" leading as the fastest ship; but the British vessel, fighting for her life, and with the friendly port of Halifax under her lee, could resort to measures impossible to one whose plan of distant cruising required complete equipment, and full stores of provisions and water. Boats and spare spars and anchors were thrown overboard, and fourteen tons of drinking water pumped out. Thus lightened, after being within range of the "President's" guns for a couple of hours, the "Belvidera" drew gradually away, and succeeded in escaping, having received and inflicted considerable damage. In explanation of such a result between two antagonists of very unequal size, it must be remembered that a chasing ship of those days could not fire straight ahead; while in turning her side to bring the guns to bear, as the "President" several times did, she lost ground. The chased ship, on the other hand, from the form of the stern, could use four guns without deviating from her course. After some little delay in repairing, the squadron resumed pursuit of the convoy. On June 29, and again on July 9, vessels were spoken which reported encountering it; the latter the evening before. Traces of its course also were thought to be found in quantities of cocoanut shell and orange peel, passed on one occasion; but, though the chase was continued to within twenty hours' sail of the English Channel, the convoy itself was never seen. To this disappointing result atmospheric conditions very largely contributed. From June 29, on the western edge of the Great Banks, until July 13, when the pursuit was abandoned, the weather was so thick that "at least six days out of seven" nothing was visible over five miles away, and for long periods the vessels could not even see one another at a distance of two hundred yards. The same surrounding lasted to the neighborhood of Madeira, for which the course was next shaped. After passing that island on June 21 return was made toward the United States by way of the Azores, which were sighted, and thence again to the Banks of Newfoundland and Cape Sable, reaching Boston August 31, after an absence of seventy days. Although Rodgers's plan had completely failed in what may properly be called its purpose of offence, and he could report the capture of "only seven merchant vessels, and those not valuable," he congratulated himself with justice upon success on the defensive side.[421] The full effect was produced, which he had anticipated from the mere fact of a strong American division being at large, but seen so near its own shores that nothing certain could be inferred as to its movements or intentions. The "Belvidera," having lost sight of it at midnight, could, upon her arrival in Halifax, give only the general information that it was at sea; and Captain Byron, who commanded her, thought with reason that the "President's" action warranted the conclusion that the anticipated hostilities had been begun. He therefore seized and brought in two or three American merchantmen; but the British admiral, Sawyer, thinking there might possibly be some mistake, like that of the meeting between the "President" and "Little Belt" a year before, directed their release. A very few days later, definite intelligence of the declaration of war by the United States was received at Halifax. At that period, the American seas from the equator to Labrador were for administrative purposes divided by the British Admiralty into four commands: two in the West Indies, centring respectively at Jamaica and Barbados; one at Newfoundland; while the fourth, with its two chief naval bases of Halifax and Bermuda, lay over against the United States, and embraced the Atlantic coast-line in its field of operations. Admiral Sawyer now promptly despatched a squadron, consisting of one small ship of the line and three frigates, the "Shannon", 38, "Belvidera", 36, and "Æolus", 32, which sailed July 5. Four days later, off Nantucket, it was joined by the "Guerrière", 38, and July 14 arrived off Sandy Hook. There Captain Broke, of the "Shannon", who by seniority of rank commanded the whole force, "received the first intelligence of Rodgers' squadron having put to sea."[422] As an American division of some character had been known to be out since the "Belvidera" met it, and as Rodgers on this particular day was within two days' sail of the English Channel, the entire ignorance of the enemy as to his whereabouts could not be more emphatically stated. The components of the British force were such that no two of them could justifiably venture to encounter his united command. Consequently, to remain together was imposed as a military necessity, and it so continued for some weeks. In fact, the first separation, that of the "Guerrière", though apparently necessary and safe, was followed immediately by a disaster. Rodgers was therefore justified in his claim concerning his cruise. "It is truly unpleasant to be obliged to make a communication thus barren of benefit to our country. The only consolation I, individually, feel on the occasion is derived from knowing that our being at sea obliged the enemy to concentrate a considerable portion of his most active force, and thereby prevented his capturing an incalculable amount of American property that would otherwise have fallen a sacrifice." "My calculations were," he wrote on another occasion, "even if I did not succeed in destroying the convoy, that leaving the coast as we did would tend to distract the enemy, oblige him to concentrate a considerable portion of his active navy, and at the same time prevent his single cruisers from lying before any of our principal ports, from their not knowing to which, or at what moment, we might return."[423] This was not only a perfectly sound military conception, gaining additional credit from the contrasted views of Decatur and Bainbridge, but it was applied successfully at the most critical moment of all wars, namely, when commerce is flocking home for safety, and under conditions particularly hazardous to the United States, owing to the unusually large number of vessels then out. "We have been so completely occupied in looking out for Commodore Rodgers' squadron," wrote an officer of the "Guerrière", "that we have taken very few prizes."[424] President Madison in his annual message[425] said: "Our trade, with little exception, has reached our ports, having been much favored in it by the course pursued by a squadron of our frigates under the command of Commodore Rodgers." [Illustration: THE ATLANTIC OCEAN, SHOWING THE POSITIONS OF THE OCEAN ACTIONS OF THE WAR OF 1812 AND THE MOVEMENTS OF THE SQUADRONS IN JULY AND AUGUST, 1812] Nor was it only the offensive action of the enemy against the United States' ports and commerce that was thus hampered. Unwonted defensive measures were forced upon him. Uncertainty as to Rodgers' position and intentions led Captain Broke, on July 29, to join a homeward-bound Jamaica fleet, under convoy of the frigate "Thalia", some two or three hundred miles to the southward and eastward of Halifax, and to accompany it with his division five hundred miles on its voyage. The place of this meeting shows that it was pre-arranged, and its distance from the American coast, five hundred miles away from New York, together with the length of the journey through which the additional guard was thought necessary, emphasize the effect of Rodgers' unknown situation upon the enemy's movements. The protection of their own trade carried this British division a thousand miles away from the coast it was to threaten. It is in such study of reciprocal action between enemies that the lessons of war are learned, and its principles established, in a manner to which the study of combats between single ships, however brilliant, affords no equivalent. The convoy that Broke thus accompanied has been curiously confused with the one of which Rodgers believed himself in pursuit;[426] and the British naval historian James chuckles obviously over the blunder of the Yankee commodore, who returned to Boston "just six days after the 'Thalia', having brought home her charge in safety, had anchored in the Downs." Rodgers may have been wholly misinformed as to there being any Jamaica convoy on the way when he started; but as on July 29 he had passed Madeira on his way home, it is obvious that the convoy which Broke then joined south of Halifax could not be the one the American squadron believed itself to be pursuing across the Atlantic a month earlier. Broke accompanied the merchant ships to the limits of the Halifax station. Then, on August 6, receiving intelligence of Rodgers having been seen on their homeward path, he directed the ship of the line, "Africa", to go with them as far as 45° W., and for them thence to follow latitude 52° N., instead of the usual more southerly route.[427] After completing this duty the "Africa" was to return to Halifax, whither the "Guerrière", which needed repairs, was ordered at once. The remainder of the squadron returned off New York, where it was again reported on September 10. The movement of the convoy, and the "Guerrière's" need of refit, were linked events that brought about the first single-ship action of the war; to account for which fully the antecedent movements of her opponent must also be traced. At the time Rodgers sailed, the United States frigate "Constitution", 44, was lying at Annapolis, enlisting a crew. Fearing to be blockaded in Chesapeake Bay, a position almost hopeless, her captain, Hull, hurried to sea on July 12. July 17, the ship being then off Egg Harbor, New Jersey, some ten or fifteen miles from shore, bound to New York, Broke's vessels, which had then arrived from Halifax for the first time in the war, were sighted from the masthead, to the northward and inshore of the "Constitution". Captain Hull at first believed that this might be the squadron of Rodgers, of whose actual movements he had no knowledge, waiting for him to join in order to carry out commands of the Department. Two hours later, another sail was discovered to the northeast, off shore. The perils of an isolated ship, in the presence of a superior force of possible enemies, imposed caution, so Hull steered warily toward the single unknown. Attempting to exchange signals, he soon found that he neither could understand nor be understood. To persist on his course might surround him with foes, and accordingly, about 11 P.M., the ship was headed to the southeast and so continued during the night. [Illustration: THE FORECASTLE OF THE _Constitution_ DURING THE CHASE From a drawing by Henry Reuterdahl.] The next morning left no doubt as to the character of the strangers, among whom was the "Guerrière"; and there ensued a chase which, lasting from daylight of July 18th to near noon of the 20th, has become historical in the United States Navy, from the attendant difficulties and the imminent peril of the favorite ship endangered. Much of the pursuit being in calm, and on soundings, resort was had to towing by boats, and to dragging the ship ahead by means of light anchors dropped on the bottom. In a contest of this kind, the ability of a squadron to concentrate numbers on one or two ships, which can first approach and cripple the enemy, thus holding him till their consorts come up, gives an evident advantage over the single opponent. On the other hand, the towing boats of the pursuer, being toward the stern guns of the pursued, are the first objects on either side to come under fire, and are vulnerable to a much greater degree than the ships themselves. Under such conditions, accurate appreciation of advantages, and unremitting use of small opportunities, are apt to prove decisive. It was by such diligent and skilful exertion that the "Constitution" effected her escape from a position which for a time seemed desperate; but it should not escape attention that thus early in the war, before Great Britain had been able to re-enforce her American fleet, one of our frigates was unable to enter our principal seaport. "Finding the ship so far to the southward and eastward," reported Hull, "and the enemy's squadron stationed off New York, which would make it impossible to get in there, I determined to make for Boston, to receive your further orders." On July 28 he writes from Boston that there were as yet no British cruisers in the Bay, nor off the New England coast; that great numbers of merchant vessels were daily arriving from Europe; and that he was warning them off the southern ports, advising that they should enter Boston. He reasoned that the enemy would now disperse, and probably send two frigates off the port. In this he under-estimated the deterrent effect of Rodgers' invisible command, but the apprehension hastened his own departure, and on August 2 he sailed again with the first fair wind. Running along the Maine coast to the Bay of Fundy, he thence went off Halifax; and meeting nothing there, in a three or four days' stay, moved to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, to intercept the trade of Canada and Nova Scotia. Here in the neighborhood of Cape Race some important captures were made, and on August 15 an American brig retaken, which gave information that Broke's squadron was not far away. This was probably a fairly correct report, as its returning course should have carried it near by a very few days before. Hull therefore determined to go to the southward, passing close to Bermuda, to cruise on the southern coast of the United States. In pursuance of this decision the "Constitution" had run some three hundred miles, when at 2 P.M. of August 19, being then nearly midway of the route over which Broke three weeks before had accompanied the convoy, a sail was sighted to the eastward, standing west. This proved to be the "Guerrière," on her return to Halifax, whither she was moving very leisurely, having traversed only two hundred miles in twelve days. As the "Constitution," standing south-southwest for her destination, was crossing the "Guerrière's" bows, her course was changed, in order to learn the character of the stranger. By half-past three she was recognized to be a large frigate, under easy sail on the starboard tack; which, the wind being northwesterly, gives her heading from west-southwest to southwest. The "Constitution" was to windward. At 3.45 the "Guerrière," without changing her course, backed her maintopsail, the effect of which was to lessen her forward movement, leaving just way enough to keep command with her helm (G 1). To be thus nearly motionless assured the steadiest platform for aiming the guns, during the period most critical for the "Constitution," when, to get near, she must steer nearly head on, toward her opponent. The disadvantage of this approach is that the enemy's shot, if they hit, pass from end to end of the ship, a distance, in those days, nearly fourfold that of from side to side; and besides, the line from bow to stern was that on which the guns and the men who work them were ranged. The risks of grave injury were therefore greatly increased by exposure to this, which by soldiers is called enfilading, but at sea a raking fire; and to avoid such mischance was one of the principal concerns of a captain in a naval duel. [Illustration: CAPTAIN ISAAC HULL From the engraving by D. Edwin, after the painting by Gilbert Stuart.] Seeing his enemy thus challenge him to come on, Hull, who had been carrying sail in order to close, now reduced his canvas to topsails, and put two reefs into them, bringing by the wind for that object (C 1). All other usual preparations were made at the same time; the "Constitution" during them lying side to wind, out of gunshot, practically motionless, like her antagonist. When all was ready, the ship kept away again, heading toward the starboard quarter of the British vessel; that is, she was on her right-hand side, steering toward her stern (C 2). As this, if continued, would permit her to pass close under the stern, and rake, Captain Dacres waited until he thought her within gunshot, when he fired the guns on the right-hand side of the vessel--the starboard broadside--and immediately wore ship; that is, turned the "Guerrière" round, making a half circle, and bringing her other side toward the "Constitution," to fire the other, or port, battery (G 2). It will be seen that, as both ships were moving in the same general direction, away from the wind, the American coming straight on, while the British retired by a succession of semicircles, each time this manoeuvre was repeated the ships would be nearer together. This was what both captains purposed, but neither proposed to be raked in the operation. Hence, although the "Constitution" did not wear, she "yawed" several times; that is, turned her head from side to side, so that a shot striking would not have full raking effect, but angling across the decks would do proportionately less damage. Such methods were common to all actions between single ships. These proceedings had lasted about three quarters of an hour, when Dacres, considering he now could safely afford to let his enemy close, settled his ship on a course nearly before the wind, having it a little on her left side (G 3). The American frigate was thus behind her, receiving the shot of her stern guns, to which the bow fire of those days could make little effective reply. To relieve this disadvantage, by shortening its duration, a big additional sail--the main topgallantsail--was set upon the "Constitution," which, gathering fresh speed, drew up on the left-hand side of the "Guerrière," within pistol-shot, at 6 P.M., when the battle proper fairly began (3). For the moment manoeuvring ceased, and a square set-to at the guns followed, the ships running side by side. In twenty minutes the "Guerrière's" mizzen-mast[428] was shot away, falling overboard on the starboard side; while at nearly the same moment, so Hull reported, her main-yard went in the slings.[429] This double accident reduced her speed; but in addition the mast with all its hamper, dragging in the water on one side, both slowed the vessel and acted as a rudder to turn her head to starboard,--from the "Constitution." The sail-power of the latter being unimpaired would have quickly carried her so far ahead that her guns would no longer bear, if she continued the same course. Hull, therefore, as soon as he saw the spars of his antagonist go overboard, put the helm to port, in order to "oblige him to do the same, or suffer himself to be raked by our getting across his bows."[430] The fall of the "Guerrière's" mast effected what was desired by Hull, who continues: "On our helm being put to port the ship came to, and gave us an opportunity of pouring in upon his larboard bow several broadsides." The disabled state of the British frigate, and the promptness of the American captain, thus enabled the latter to take a raking position upon the port (larboard) bow of the enemy; that is, ahead, but on the left side (4). [Illustration: PLAN OF THE ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THE CONSTITUTION AND GUERRIÈRE] The "Constitution" ranged on very slowly across the "Guerrière's" bows, from left to right; her sails shaking in the wind, because the yards could not be braced, the braces having been shot away. From this commanding position she gave two raking broadsides, to which her opponent could reply only feebly from a few forward guns; then, the vessels being close together, and the British forging slowly ahead, threatening to cross the American's stern, the helm of the latter was put up. As the "Constitution" turned away, the bowsprit of the "Guerrière" lunged over her quarter-deck, and became entangled by her port mizzen-rigging; the result being that the two fell into the same line, the "Guerrière" astern and fastened to her antagonist as described. (5) In her crippled condition for manoeuvring, it was possible that the British captain might seek to retrieve the fortunes of the day by boarding, for which the present situation seemed to offer some opportunity; and from the reports of the respective officers it is clear that the same thought occurred to both parties, prompting in each the movement to repel boarders rather than to board. A number of men clustered on either side at the point of contact, and here, by musketry fire, occurred some of the severest losses. The first lieutenant and sailing-master of the "Constitution" fell wounded, and the senior officer of marines dead, shot through the head. All these were specially concerned where boarding was at issue. This period was brief; for at 6.30 the fore and main-masts of the British frigate gave way together, carrying with them all the head booms, and she lay a helpless hulk in the trough of a heavy sea, rolling the muzzles of her guns under. A sturdy attempt to get her under control with the spritsail[431] was made; but this resource, a bare possibility to a dismasted ship in a fleet action, with friends around, was only the assertion of a sound never-give-up tradition, against hopeless odds, in a naval duel with a full-sparred antagonist. The "Constitution" hauled off for half an hour to repair damages, and upon returning received the "Guerrière's" surrender. It was then dark, and the night was passed in transferring the prisoners. When day broke, the prize was found so shattered that it would be impossible to bring her into port. She was consequently set on fire at 3 P.M., and soon after blew up. [Illustration: THE BURNING OF THE _Guerrière_ From a drawing by Henry Reuterdahl.] In this fight the American frigate was much superior in force to her antagonist. The customary, and upon the whole justest, mode of estimating relative power, was by aggregate weight of shot discharged in one broadside; and when, as in this case, the range is so close that every gun comes into play, it is perhaps a useless refinement to insist on qualifying considerations. The broadside of the "Constitution" weighed 736 pounds, that of the "Guerrière" 570. The difference therefore in favor of the American vessel was thirty per cent, and the disparity in numbers of the crews was even greater. It is not possible, therefore, to insist upon any singular credit, in the mere fact that under such odds victory falls to the heavier vessel. What can be said, after a careful comparison of the several reports, is that the American ship was fought warily and boldly, that her gunnery was excellent, that the instant advantage taken of the enemy's mizzen-mast falling showed high seamanlike qualities, both in promptness and accuracy of execution; in short, that, considering the capacity of the American captain as evidenced by his action, and the odds in his favor, nothing could be more misplaced than Captain Dacres' vaunt before the Court: "I am so well aware that the success of my opponent was owing to fortune, that it is my earnest wish to be once more opposed to the 'Constitution,' with the same officers and crew under my command, in a frigate of similar force to the 'Guerrière.'"[432] In view of the difference of broadside weight, this amounts to saying that the capacity and courage of the captain and ship's company of the "Guerrière," being over thirty per cent greater than those of the "Constitution," would more than compensate for the latter's bare thirty per cent superiority of force. It may safely be said that one will look in vain through the accounts of the transaction for any ground for such assumption. A ready acquiescence in this opinion was elicited, indeed, from two witnesses, the master and a master's mate, based upon a supposed superiority of fire, which the latter estimated to be in point of rapidity as four broadsides to every three of the "Constitution."[433] But rapidity is not the only element of superiority; and Dacres' satisfaction on this score, repeatedly expressed, might have been tempered by one of the facts he alleged in defence of his surrender--that "on the larboard side of the 'Guerrière' there were about thirty shot which had taken effect about five sheets of copper down,"--far below the water-line. Captain Hull with the "Constitution" reached Boston August 30, just four weeks after his departure; and the following day Commodore Rodgers with his squadron entered the harbor. It was a meeting between disappointment and exultation; for so profound was the impression prevailing in the United States, and not least in New England, concerning the irreversible superiority of Great Britain on the sea, that no word less strong than "exultation" can do justice to the feeling aroused by Hull's victory. Sight was lost of the disparity of force, and the pride of the country fixed, not upon those points which the attentive seaman can recognize as giving warrant for confidence, but upon the supposed demonstration of superiority in equal combat. Consolation was needed; for since Rodgers' sailing much had occurred to dishearten and little to encourage. The nation had cherished few expectations from its tiny, navy; but concerning its arms on land the advocates of war had entertained the unreasoning confidence of those who expect to reap without taking the trouble to sow. In the first year of President Jefferson's administration, 1801, the "peace establishment" of the regular army, in pursuance of the policy of the President and party in power, was reduced to three thousand men. In 1808, under the excitement of the outrage upon the "Chesapeake" and of the Orders in Council, an "additional military force" was authorized, raising the total to ten thousand. The latter measure seems for some time to have been considered temporary in character; for in a return to Congress in January, 1810, the numbers actually in service are reported separately, as 2,765 and 4,189; total, 6,954, exclusive of staff officers. General Scott, who was one of the captains appointed under the Act of 1808, has recorded that the condition of both soldiers and officers was in great part most inefficient.[434] Speaking of the later commissions, he said, "Such were the results of Mr. Jefferson's low estimate of, or rather contempt for, the military character, the consequence of the old hostility between him and the principal officers who achieved our independence."[435] In January, 1812, when war had in effect been determined upon in the party councils, a bill was passed raising the army to thirty-five thousand; but in the economical and social condition of the period the service was under a popular disfavor, to which the attitude of recent administrations doubtless contributed greatly, and recruiting went on very slowly. There was substantially no military tradition in the country. Thirty years of peace had seen the disappearance of the officers whom the War of Independence had left in their prime; and the Government fell into that most facile of mistakes, the choice of old men, because when youths they had worn an epaulette, without regarding the experience they had had under it, or since it was laid aside. Among the men thus selected were Henry Dearborn, for senior major general, to command the northern division of the country, from Niagara to Boston Bay and New York; and William Hull, a brigadier, for the Northwestern frontier, centring round Detroit. The latter, who was uncle to Captain Hull of the "Constitution," seems to have been chosen because already civil Governor of Michigan Territory. President Madison thus reversed the practice of Great Britain, which commonly was to choose a military man for civil governor of exposed provinces. Hull accepted with reluctance, and under pressure. He set out for his new duties, expecting that he would receive in his distant and perilous charge that measure of support which results from active operations at some other point of the enemy's line, presumably at Niagara. In this he was disappointed. Dearborn was now sixty-one, Hull fifty-nine. Both had served with credit during the War of Independence, but in subordinate positions; and Dearborn had been Secretary of War throughout Jefferson's two terms. Opposed to these was the Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, Isaac Brock, a major-general in the British army. A soldier from boyhood, he had commanded a regiment in active campaign at twenty-eight. He was now forty-two, and for the last ten years had served in North America; first with his regiment, and later as a general officer in command of the troops. In October, 1811, he was appointed to the civil government of the province. He was thoroughly familiar with the political and military conditions surrounding him, and his mind had long been actively engaged in considering probable contingencies, in case war, threatening since 1807, should become actual. In formulated purpose and resolve, he was perfectly prepared for immediate action, as is shown by his letters, foreshadowing his course, to his superior, Sir George Prevost, Governor General of Canada. He predicted that the pressure of the Indians upon the western frontier of the United States would compel that country to keep there a considerable force, the presence of which would naturally tend to more than mere defensive measures. With the numerical inferiority of the British, the co-operation of the Indians was essential. To preserve Upper Canada, therefore, Michilimackinac and Detroit must be reduced. Otherwise the savages could not be convinced that Great Britain would not sacrifice them at a peace, as they believed her to have done in 1794, by Jay's Treaty. In this he agreed with Hull, who faced the situation far more efficiently than his superiors, and at the same moment was writing officially, "The British cannot hold Upper Canada without the assistance of the Indians, and that they cannot obtain if we have an adequate force at Detroit."[436] Brock deemed it vital that Amherstburg, nearly opposite Detroit, should be held in force; both to resist the first hostile attack, and as a base whence to proceed to offensive operations. He apprehended, and correctly, as the event proved, that Niagara would be chosen by the Americans as the line for their main body to penetrate with a view to conquest. This was his defensive frontier; the western, the offensive wing of his campaign. These leading ideas dictated his preparations, imperfect from paucity of means, but sufficient to meet the limping, flaccid measures of the United States authorities. To this well-considered view the War Department of the United States opposed no ordered plan of any kind, no mind prepared with even the common precautions of every-day life. This unreadiness, plainly manifested by its actions, was the more culpable because the unfortunate Hull, in his letter of March 6, 1812, just quoted, a month before his unwilling acceptance of his general's commission, had laid clearly before it the leading features of the military and political situation, recognized by him during his four years of office as Governor of the Territory. In this cogent paper, amid numerous illuminative details, he laid unmistakable emphasis on the decisive influence of Detroit upon the whole Northwest, especially in determining the attitude of the Indians. He dwelt also upon the critical weakness of the communications on which the tenure of it depended, and upon the necessity of naval superiority to secure them. This expression of his opinion was in the hands of the Government over three months before the declaration of war. As early as January, however, Secretary Eustis had been warned by Armstrong, who subsequently succeeded him in the War Department, that Detroit, otherwise advantageous in position, "would be positively bad, unless your naval means have an ascendency on Lake Erie."[437] Unfortunately for himself and for the country, Hull, upon visiting the capital in the spring, did not adhere firmly to his views as to the necessity for a lake navy. After the capitulation, President Madison wrote to his friend, John Nicholas, "The failure of our calculations with respect to the expedition under Hull needs no comment. The worst of it was that we were misled by a reliance, authorized by himself, on its [the expedition] securing to us the command of the lakes."[438] General Peter B. Porter, of the New York militia, a member also of the House of Representatives, who served well on the Niagara frontier, and was in no wise implicated by Hull's surrender, testified before the Court Martial, "I was twice at the President's with General Hull, when the subject of a navy was talked over. At first it was agreed to have one; but afterwards it was agreed to abandon it, doubtless as inexpedient."[439] The indications from Hull's earlier correspondence are that for the time he was influenced by the war spirit, and developed a hopefulness of achievement which affected his former and better judgment. On May 25, three weeks before the declaration of war, Hull took command of the militia assembled at Dayton, Ohio. On June 10, he was at Urbana, where a regiment of regular infantry joined. June 30, he reached the Maumee River, and thence reported that his force was over two thousand, rank and file.[440] He had not yet received official intelligence of war having been actually declared, but all indications, including his own mission itself, pointed to it as imminent. Nevertheless, he here loaded a schooner with military stores, and sent her down the river for Detroit, knowing that, twenty miles before reaching there, she must pass near the British Fort Malden, on the Detroit River covering Amherstburg; and this while the British had local naval superiority. In taking this risk, the very imprudence of which testifies the importance of water transportation to Detroit, Hull directed his aids to forward his baggage by the same conveyance; and with it, contrary to his intention, were despatched also his official papers. The vessel, being promptly seized by the boats of the British armed brig "Hunter," was taken into Malden, whence Colonel St. George, commanding the district, sent the captured correspondence to Brock. "Till I received these letters," remarked the latter, "I had no idea General Hull was advancing with so large a force."[441] When Brock thus wrote, July 20, he was at Fort George, on the shore of Ontario, near Niagara River, watching the frontier where he expected the main attack. He had already struck his first blow. Immediately upon being assured of the declaration of war, on June 28, he had despatched a letter to St. Joseph's, directing all preparations to be made for proceeding against Mackinac; the final determination as to offensive or defensive action being very properly left to the officer there in command. The latter, thus aware of his superior's wishes, started July 16, with some six hundred men,--of whom four hundred were Indians,--under convoy of the armed brig "Caledonia," belonging to the Northwestern Fur Company. The next day he appeared before the American post, where the existence of war was yet unknown. The garrison numbered fifty-seven, including three officers; being about one third the force reported necessary for the peace establishment by Mr. Jefferson's Secretary of War, in 1801. The place was immediately surrendered. Under all the conditions stated there is an entertaining ingenuousness in the reference made to this disaster by President Madison: "We have but just learned that the important post of Michilimackinac has fallen into the hands of the enemy, but from what cause remains to be known."[442] Brock received this news at Toronto, July 29; but not till August 3 did it reach Hull, by the arrival of the paroled prisoners. He was then on the Canada side, at Sandwich, opposite Detroit; having crossed with from fourteen to sixteen hundred men on July 12. This step was taken on the strength of a discretionary order from the Secretary of War, that if "the force under your command be equal to the enterprise, consistent with the safety of your own post, you will take possession of Malden, and extend your conquests as circumstances may justify." It must be added, however, in justice to the Administration, that the same letter, received July 9, three days before the crossing, contained the warning, "It is also proper to inform you that an adequate force cannot soon be relied on for the reduction of the enemy's posts below you."[443] This bears on the question of Hull's expectation of support by diversion on the Niagara frontier, and shows that he had fair notice on that score. That over-confidence still possessed him seems apparent from a letter to the secretary dated July 7, in which he said, "In your letter of June 18, you direct me to adopt measures for the security of the country, and to await further orders. I regret that I have not larger latitude."[444] Now he received it, and his invasion of Canada was the result. It is vain to deny his liberty of action, under such instructions, but it is equally vain to deny the responsibility of a superior who thus authorizes action, and not obscurely intimates a wish, under general military conditions perfectly well known, such as existed with reference to Hull's communications. Hull's attempt to justify his movement on the ground of pressure from subordinates, moral effect upon his troops, is admissible only if his decision were consistently followed by the one course that gave a chance of success. As a military enterprise the attempt was hopeless, unless by a rapid advance upon Malden he could carry the works by instant storm. In that event the enemy's army and navy, losing their local base of operations, would have to seek one new and distant, one hundred and fifty miles to the eastward, at Long Point; whence attempts against the American positions could be only by water, with transportation inadequate to carrying large bodies of men. The American general thus might feel secure against attacks on his communications with Ohio, the critical condition of which constituted the great danger of the situation, whether at Detroit or Sandwich. Hull himself, ten days after crossing, wrote, "It is in the power of this army to take Malden by storm, but it would be attended, in my opinion, with too great a sacrifice under the present circumstances."[445] Instead of prompt action, two days were allowed to pass. Then, July 14, a council of war decided that immediate attack was inexpedient, and delay advisable. This conclusion, if correct, condemned the invasion, and should have been reached before it was attempted. The military situation was this: Hull's line of supplies and re-enforcements was reasonably secure from hostile interference between southern Ohio and the Maumee; at which river proper fortification would permit the establishment of an advanced depot. Thence to Detroit was seventy-two miles, through much of which the road passed near the lake shore. It was consequently liable to attack from the water, so long as that was controlled by the enemy; while by its greater distance from the centre of American population in the West, it was also more exposed to Indian hostilities than the portion behind the Maumee. Under these circumstances, Detroit itself was in danger of an interruption of supplies and re-enforcements, amounting possibly to isolation. It was open to the enemy to land in its rear, secure of his own communications by water, and with a fair chance, in case of failure, to retire by the way he came; for retreat could be made safely in very small vessels or boats, so long as Malden was held in force. The reduction of Malden might therefore secure Detroit, by depriving the enemy of a base suitable for using his lake power against its communications. Unless this was accomplished, any advance beyond Detroit with the force then at hand merely weakened that place, by just the amount of men and means expended, and was increasingly hazardous when it entailed crossing water. A sudden blow may snatch safety under such conditions; but to attempt the slow and graduated movements of a siege, with uncertain communications supporting it, is to court disaster. The holding of Detroit being imperative, efforts external to it should have been chiefly exerted on its rear, and upon its front only to prevent the easy passage of the enemy. In short, when Detroit was reached, barring the chance of a _coup de main_ upon Malden, Hull's position needed to be made more solid, not more extensive. As it was, the army remained at Sandwich, making abortive movements toward the river Canard, which covered the approach to Malden, and pushing small foraging parties up the valley of the Thames. The greatest industry was used, Hull reported, in making preparations to besiege, but it was not till August 7, nearly four weeks after crossing, that the siege guns were ready; and then the artillery officers reported that it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to take them to Malden by land, and by water still more so, because the ship of war "Queen Charlotte," carrying eighteen 24-pounders, lay off the mouth of the Canard, commanding the stream. The first impression produced by the advance into Canada had been propitious to Hull. He himself in his defence admitted that the enemy's force had diminished, great part of their militia had left them, and many of their Indians.[446] This information of the American camp corresponded with the facts. Lieut. Colonel St. George, commanding Fort Malden, reported the demoralized condition of his militia. Three days after Hull crossed he had left but four hundred and seventy-one, in such a state as to be absolutely inefficient.[447] Colonel Procter, who soon afterwards relieved him, could on July 18 muster only two hundred and seventy Indians by the utmost exertion, and by the 26th these had rather decreased.[448] Professing to see no immediate danger, he still asked for five hundred more regulars. At no time before Hull recrossed did he have two hundred and fifty.[449] Under Hull's delay these favorable conditions disappeared. British re-enforcements, small but veteran, arrived; the local militia recovered; and the Indians, with the facile changefulness of savages, passed from an outwardly friendly bearing over to what began to seem the winning side. Colonel Procter then initiated the policy of threatening Hull's communications from the lake side. A body of Indians sent across by him on August 4 defeated an American detachment marching to protect a convoy from the Maumee. This incident, coming upon accumulating adverse indications, and coinciding with the bad news received from Mackinac, aroused Hull to the essential danger of his situation. August 8 he recrossed to Detroit. August 9 another vigorous effort was made by the enemy to destroy a detachment sent out to establish communications with the rear. Although the British were defeated, the Americans were unable to proceed, and returned to the town without supplies. In the first of these affairs some more of Hull's correspondence was captured, which revealed his apprehensions, and the general moral condition of his command, to an opponent capable of appreciating their military significance. Brock had remained near Niagara, detained partly by the political necessity of meeting the provincial legislature, partly to watch over what he considered the more exposed portion of his military charge; for a disaster to it, being nearer the source of British power, would have upon the fortunes of the West an effect even more vital than a reverse there would exert upon the East. Being soon satisfied that the preparations of the United States threatened no immediate action, and finding that Hull's troops were foraging to a considerable distance east of Sandwich, along the Thames, he had decided to send against them a small body of local troops with a number of Indians, while he himself gathered some militia and went direct by water to Malden. To his dismay, the Indians declined to assist, alleging their intention to remain neutral; upon which the militia also refused, saying they were afraid to leave their homes unguarded, till it was certain which side the savages would take. On July 25 Brock wrote that his plans were thus ruined; but July 29 it became known that Mackinac had fallen, and on that day the militia about York [Toronto], where he then was, volunteered for service in any part of the province. August 8 he embarked with three hundred of them, and a few regulars, at Long Point, on the north shore of Lake Erie; whence he coasted to Malden, arriving on the 13th. Meanwhile batteries had been erected opposite Detroit, which opened on the evening of August 15, the fort replying; but slight harm was done on either side. Next day Brock crossed the greater part of his force, landing three miles below Detroit. His little column of assault consisted of 330 regulars, 400 militia, and 600 Indians, the latter in the woods covering the left flank.[450] The effective Americans present were by that morning's report 1,060;[451] while their field artillery, additional to that mounted in the works, was much superior to that of the enemy, was advantageously posted, and loaded with grape. Moreover, they had the fort, on which to retire. Brock's movements were audacious. Some said nothing could be more desperate; "but I answer, that the state of Upper Canada admitted of nothing but desperate remedies."[452] The British general had served under Nelson at Copenhagen, and quoted him here. He knew also, through the captured correspondence, that his opponent was a prey to a desperation very different in temper from his own, and had lost the confidence of his men. He had hoped, by the threatening position assumed between the town and its home base, to force Hull to come out and attack; but learning now that the garrison was weakened by a detachment of three hundred and fifty, despatched two days before under Colonel McArthur to open intercourse with the Maumee by a circuitous road, avoiding the lake shore, he decided to assault at once. When the British column had approached within a mile, Hull withdrew within the works all his force, including the artillery, and immediately afterward capitulated. The detachment under McArthur, with another from the state of Ohio on its way to join the army, were embraced in the terms; Brock estimating the whole number surrendered at not less than twenty-five hundred. A more important capture, under the conditions, was an American brig, the "Adams," not yet armed, but capable of use as a ship of war, for which purpose she had already been transferred from the War Department to the Navy. In his defence before the Court Martial, which in March, 1814, tried him for his conduct of the campaign, Hull addressed himself to three particulars, which he considered to be the principal features in the voluminous charges and specifications drawn against him. These were, "the delay at Sandwich, the retreat from Canada, and the surrender at Detroit."[453] Concerning these, as a matter of military criticism, it may be said with much certainty that if conditions imposed the delay at Sandwich, they condemned the advance to it, and would have warranted an earlier retreat. The capitulation he justified on the ground that resistance could not change the result, though it might protract the issue. Because ultimate surrender could not be averted, he characterized life lost in postponing it as blood shed uselessly. The conclusion does not follow from the premise; nor could any military code accept the maxim that a position is to be yielded as soon as it appears that it cannot be held indefinitely. Delay, so long as sustained, not only keeps open the chapter of accidents for the particular post, but supports related operations throughout the remainder of the field of war. Tenacious endurance, if it effected no more, would at least have held Brock away from Niagara, whither he hastened within a week after the capitulation, taking with him a force which now could be well spared from the westward. No one military charge can be considered as disconnected; therefore no commander has a right to abandon defence while it is possible to maintain it, unless he also knows that it cannot affect results elsewhere; and this practically can never be certain. The burden of anxieties, of dangers and difficulties, actual and possible, weighing upon Brock, were full as great as those upon Hull, for on his shoulders rested both Niagara and Malden. His own resolution and promptitude triumphed because of the combined inefficiency of Hull and Dearborn. He scarcely could have avoided disaster at one end or the other of the line, had either opponent been thoroughly competent. There was yet another reason which weighed forcibly with Hull, and probably put all purely military considerations out of court. This was the dread of Indian outrage and massacre. The general trend of the testimony, and Hull's own defence, go to show a mind overpowered by the agony of this imagination. After receiving word of the desertion of two companies, he said, "I now became impatient to put the place under the protection of the British; I knew that there were thousands of savages around us." These thousands were not at hand. Not till after September 1 did as many as a hundred arrive from the north--from Mackinac.[454] In short, unless what Cass styled the philanthropic reason can be accepted,--and in the opinion of the present writer it cannot,--Hull wrote the condemnation of his action in his own defence. "I shall now state what force the enemy brought, or might bring, against me. I say, gentlemen, _might bring_, because it was that consideration which induced the surrender, and not the force which was actually landed on the American shore on the morning of the 16th. It is possible I might have met and repelled that force; and if I had no further to look than the event of a contest at that time, I should have trusted to the issue of a battle.... The force brought against me I am very confident was not less than one thousand whites, and as many savage warriors."[455] The reproach of this mortifying incident cannot be lifted from off Hull's memory; but for this very reason, in weighing the circumstances, it is far less than justice to forget his years, verging on old age, his long dissociation from military life, his personal courage frequently shown during the War of Independence, nor the fact that, though a soldier on occasion, he probably never had the opportunity to form correct soldierly standards. To the credit account should also be carried the timely and really capable presentation of the conditions of the field of operations already quoted, submitted by him to the Government, which should not have needed such demonstration. The mortification of the country fastened on his name; but had the measures urged by him been taken, had his expedition received due support by energetic operations elsewhere, events need not have reached the crisis to which he proved unequal. The true authors of the national disaster and its accompanying humiliation are to be sought in the national administrations and legislatures of the preceding ten or twelve years, upon whom rests the responsibility for the miserably unprepared condition in which the country was plunged into war. Madison, too tardily repentant, wrote, "The command of the Lakes by a superior force on the water ought to have been a fundamental part in the national policy from the moment the peace [of 1783] took place. What is now doing for the command proves what may be done."[456] FOOTNOTES: [416] Captains' Letters, June 3, 1812. Navy Department MSS. [417] Ibid., June 8, 1812. [418] Captains' Letters, Sept. 2, 1812. Navy Department MSS. [419] Navy Department MSS. [420] Captains' Letters, J. Rodgers, Sept. 1, 1812. Navy Department MSS. [421] Letter of Sept. 1, 1812. Navy Department MSS. [422] James, Naval History (edition 1824), vol. v. p. 283. [423] Captains' Letters, Sept. 14, 1812. Navy Department MSS. [424] Naval Chronicle (British), vol. xxviii. p. 426. [425] Nov. 4, 1812. [426] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxviii. p. 159; James, vol. v. p. 274. [427] Sir J.B. Warren to Admiralty, Aug 24, 1812. Canadian Archives MSS. M. 389. 1, p. 147. [428] Of the three masts of a "ship," the mizzen-mast is the one nearest the stern. [429] The middle, where the yard is hung. [430] Hull's report, Aug. 28, 1812. Captains' Letters, Navy Department MSS. [431] The spritsail was set on a yard which in ships of that day crossed the bowsprit at its outer end, much as other yards crossed the three upright lower masts. Under some circumstances ships would forge slowly ahead under its impulse. It was a survival from days which knew not jibs. [432] Dacres' Defence before the Court Martial. Naval Chronicle, vol. xxviii. p. 422. [433] "Guerrière" Court Martial. MS. British Records Office. [434] Memoirs of Gen. Winfield Scott, vol. i p. 31. [435] Ibid., p. 35. [436] Hull to the War Department, March 6, 1812. Report of Hull's Trial, taken by Lieut. Col. Forbes, 42d U.S. Infantry. Hull's Defence, p. 31. [437] Armstrong's Notices of the War of 1812, vol. i. p. 237. [438] The Writings of Madison (ed. 1865), vol. ii. p. 563. See also his letter to Dearborn, Oct. 7, 1812. Ibid., p. 547. [439] Hull's Trial, p. 127. Porter was a witness for the defence. [440] Hull's Trial, Appendix, p. 4. [441] Life of Brock, p. 192. [442] Writings of James Madison (Lippincott, 1865), vol. ii. p. 543. [443] Eustis to Hull, June 24, 1812. From MS. copy in the Records of the War Department. This letter was acknowledged by Hull, July 9. [444] Hull's Trial, Appendix, p. 9. [445] Hull to Eustis, July 22, 1812. Hull's Trial, Appendix, p. 10. [446] Hull's Trial, Defence, p. 45. [447] Canadian Archives MSS. C. 676, p. 177. [448] Ibid., p. 242. [449] Hull's Trial. Evidence of Lieutenant Gooding, p. 101, and of Sergeant Forbush, p. 147 (prisoners in Malden). [450] Life of Brock, p. 250. [451] Letter of Colonel Cass to U.S. Secretary of War, Sept. 10, 1812. Hull's Trial, Appendix, p. 27. [452] Life of Brock, p. 267. [453] Hull's Trial. Defence, p. 20. [454] Hull's Trial. Testimony of Captain Eastman, p. 100, and of Dalliby, Ordnance Officer, p. 84. [455] Ibid. Hull's Defence, pp. 59-60. [456] Madison to Dearborn, Oct. 7, 1812. Writings, vol. ii, p. 547. CHAPTER VII OPERATIONS ON THE NORTHERN FRONTIER AFTER HULL'S SURRENDER. EUROPEAN EVENTS BEARING ON THE WAR By August 25, nine days after the capitulation of Detroit, Brock was again writing from Fort George, by Niagara. About the time of his departure for Malden, Prevost had received from Foster, late British minister to Washington, and now in Nova Scotia, letters foreshadowing the repeal of the Orders in Council. In consequence he had sent his adjutant-general, Colonel Baynes, to Dearborn to negotiate a suspension of hostilities. Like all intelligent flags of truce, Baynes kept his eyes wide open to indications in the enemy's lines. The militia, he reported, were not uniformed; they were distinguished from other people of the country only by a cockade. The regulars were mostly recruits. The war was unpopular, the great majority impatient to return to their homes; a condition Brock observed also in the Canadians. They avowed a fixed determination not to pass the frontier. Recruiting for the regular service went on very slowly, though pay and bounty were liberal. Dearborn appeared over sixty, strong and healthy, but did not seem to possess the energy of mind or activity of body requisite to his post. In short, from the actual state of the American forces assembled on Lake Champlain, Baynes did not think there was any intention of invasion. From its total want of discipline and order, the militia could not be considered formidable when opposed to well-disciplined British regulars.[457] Of this prognostic the war was to furnish sufficient saddening proof. The militia contained excellent material for soldiers, but soldiers they were not. Dearborn declined to enter into a formal armistice, as beyond his powers; but he consented to a cessation of hostilities pending a reference to Washington, agreeing to direct all commanders of posts within his district to abstain from offensive operations till further orders. This suspension of arms included the Niagara line, from action upon which Hull had expected to receive support. In his defence Hull claimed that this arrangement, in which his army was not included, had freed a number of troops to proceed against him; but the comparison of dates shows that every man present at Detroit in the British force had gone forward before the agreement could be known. The letter engaging to remain on the defensive only was signed by Dearborn at Greenbush, near Albany, August 8. The same day Brock was three hundred and fifty miles to the westward, embarking at Long Point for Malden; and among his papers occurs the statement that the strong American force on the Niagara frontier compelled him to take to Detroit only one half of the militia that volunteered.[458] His military judgment and vigor, unaided, had enabled him to abandon one line, and that the most important, concentrate all available men at another point, effect there a decisive success, and return betimes to his natural centre of operations. He owed nothing to outside military diplomacy. On the contrary, he deeply deplored the measure which now tied his hands at a moment when the Americans, though restrained from fighting, were not prevented from bringing up re-enforcements to the positions confronting him. Dearborn's action was not approved by the Administration, and the armistice was ended September 4, by notification. Meantime, to strengthen the British Niagara frontier, all the men and ordnance that could now be spared from Amherstburg had been brought back by Brock to Fort Erie, which was on the lake of that name, at the upper end of the Niagara River. Although still far from secure, owing to the much greater local material resources of the United States, and the preoccupation of Great Britain with the Peninsular War, which prevented her succoring Canada, Brock's general position was immensely improved since the beginning of hostilities. His successes in the West, besides rallying the Indians by thousands to his support, had for the time so assured that frontier as to enable him to concentrate his efforts on the East; while the existing British naval superiority on both lakes, Erie and Ontario, covered his flanks, and facilitated transportation--communications--from Kingston to Niagara, and thence to Malden, Detroit, Mackinac, and the Great West. To illustrate the sweep of this influence, it may be mentioned here--for there will be no occasion to repeat--that an expedition from Mackinac at a later period captured the isolated United States post at Prairie du Chien, on the Mississippi, on the western border of what is now the state of Wisconsin. Already, at the most critical period, the use of the water had enabled Brock, by simultaneous movements, to send cannon from Fort George by way of Fort Erie to Fort Malden; while at the same time replacing those thus despatched by others brought from Toronto and Kingston. In short, control of the lakes conferred upon him the recognized advantage of a central position--the Niagara peninsula--having rapid communication by interior lines with the flanks, or extremities; to Malden and Detroit in one direction, to Toronto and Kingston in the other. It was just here, also, that the first mischance befell him; and it cannot but be a subject of professional pride to a naval officer to trace the prompt and sustained action of his professional ancestors, who reversed conditions, not merely by a single brilliant blow, upon which popular reminiscence fastens, but by efficient initiative and sustained sagacious exertion through a long period of time. On September 3, Captain Isaac Chauncey had been ordered from the New York navy yard to command on Lakes Erie and Ontario. Upon the latter there was already serving Lieutenant Melancthon T. Woolsey, in command of a respectable vessel, the brig "Oneida," of eighteen 24-pounder carronades. On Erie there was as yet no naval organization nor vessel. Chauncey consequently, on September 7, ordered thither Lieutenant Jesse D. Elliott to select a site for equipping vessels, and to contract for two to be built of three hundred tons each. Elliott, who arrived at Buffalo on the 14th, was still engaged in this preliminary work, and was fitting some purchased schooners behind Squaw Island, three miles below, when, on October 8, there arrived from Malden, and anchored off Fort Erie, two British armed brigs, the "Detroit"--lately the American "Adams," surrendered with Hull--and the "Caledonia," which co-operated so decisively in the fall of Mackinac. The same day he learned the near approach of a body of ninety seamen, despatched by Chauncey from New York on September 22.[459] He sent to hasten them, and they arrived at noon. The afternoon was spent in preparations, weapons having to be obtained from the army, which also supplied a contingent of fifty soldiers. The seamen needed refreshment, having come on foot five hundred miles, but Elliott would not trifle with opportunity. At 1 A.M. of October 9 he shoved off with a hundred men in two boats, and at 3 was alongside the brigs. From Buffalo to Fort Erie is about two miles; but this distance was materially increased by the strong downward current toward the falls, and by the necessity of pulling far up stream in order to approach the vessels from ahead, which lessened the chance of premature discovery, and materially shortened the interval between being seen and getting alongside. The enemy, taken by surprise, were quickly overpowered, and in ten minutes both prizes were under sail for the American shore. The "Caledonia" was beached at Black Rock, where was Elliott's temporary navy yard, just above Squaw Island; but the wind did not enable the "Detroit," in which he himself was, to stem the downward drift of the river. After being swept some time, she had to anchor under the fire of batteries at four hundred yards range, to which reply was made till the powder on board was expended. Then, the berth proving too hot, the cable was cut, sail again made, and the brig run ashore on Squaw Island within range of both British and American guns. Here Elliott abandoned her, she having already several large shot through her hull, with rigging and sails cut to pieces, and she was boarded in turn by a body of the enemy. Under the conditions, however, neither side could remain to get her off, and she was finally set on fire by the Americans.[460] Besides the vessel herself, her cargo of ordnance was lost to the British. American seamen afterward recovered from the wreck by night four 12-pounders, and a quantity of shot, which were used with effect. The conduct of this affair was of a character frequent in the naval annals of that day. Elliott's quick discernment of the opportunity to reverse the naval conditions which constituted so much of the British advantage, and the promptness of his action, are qualities more noticeable than the mere courage displayed. "A strong inducement," he wrote, "was that with these two vessels, and those I have purchased, I should be able to meet the remainder of the British force on the Upper Lakes." The mishap of the "Detroit" partly disappointed this expectation, and the British aggregate remained still superior; but the units lost their perfect freedom of movement, the facility of transportation was greatly diminished, and the American success held in it the germ of future development to the superiority which Perry achieved a year later. None realized the extent of the calamity more keenly than Brock. "This event is particularly unfortunate," he wrote to the Governor General, "and may reduce us to incalculable distress. The enemy is making every exertion to gain a naval superiority on both lakes; which, if they accomplish, I do not see how we can retain the country. More vessels are fitting for war on the other side of Squaw Island, which I should have attempted to destroy but for your Excellency's repeated instructions to forbear. Now such a force is collected for their protection as will render every operation against them very hazardous."[461] To his subordinate, Procter, at Detroit, he exposed the other side of the calamity.[462] "This will reduce us to great distress. You will have the goodness to state the expedients you possess to enable us to replace, as far as possible, the heavy loss we have sustained in the 'Detroit'.... A quantity of provisions was ready to be shipped; but as I am sending you the flank companies of the Newfoundland Regiment by the 'Lady Prevost,' she cannot take the provisions." Trivial details these may seem; but in war, as in other matters, trivialities sometimes decide great issues, as the touching of a button may blow up a reef. The battle of Lake Erie, as before said, was precipitated by need of food. Brock did not survive to witness the consequences which he apprehended, and which, had he lived, he possibly might have done something to avert. The increasing strength he had observed gathering about Elliott's collection of purchased vessels corresponded to a gradual accumulation of American land force along the Niagara line; the divisions of which above and below the Falls were under two commanders, between whom co-operation was doubtful. General Van Rensselaer of the New York militia, who had the lower division, determined upon an effort to seize the heights of Queenston, at the head of navigation from Lake Ontario. The attempt was made on October 13, before daybreak. Brock, whose headquarters were at Fort George, was quickly on the ground; so quickly, that he narrowly escaped capture by the advance guard of Americans as they reached the summit. Collecting a few men, he endeavored to regain the position before the enemy could establish himself in force, and in the charge was instantly killed at the head of his troops. In historical value, the death of Brock was the one notable incident of the day, which otherwise was unproductive of results beyond an additional mortification to the United States. The Americans gradually accumulated on the height to the number of some six hundred, and, had they been properly re-enforced, could probably have held their ground, affording an opening for further advance. It was found impossible to induce the raw, unseasoned men on the other side to cross to their support, and after many fruitless appeals the American general was compelled to witness the shameful sight of a gallant division driven down the cliffs to the river, and there obliged to surrender, because their comrades refused to go betimes to their relief. Van Rensselaer retired from service, and was succeeded by General Smyth, who now held command of the whole line, thirty miles, from Buffalo to Fort Niagara, opposite Fort George, where the river enters Lake Ontario. A crossing in force, in the upper part of the river, opposite Black Rock, was planned by him for November 28. In preparation for it an attack was to be made shortly before daylight by two advance parties, proceeding separately. One was to carry the batteries and spike the guns near the point selected for landing; the other, to destroy abridge five miles below, by which re-enforcements might arrive to the enemy. To the first of these was attached a party of seventy seamen, who carried out their instructions, spiking and dismounting the guns. The fighting was unusually severe, eight out of the twelve naval officers concerned being wounded, two mortally, and half of the seamen either killed or wounded. Although the bridge was not destroyed, favorable conditions for the crossing of the main body had been established; but, upon viewing the numbers at his disposal, Smyth called a council of war, and after advising with it decided not to proceed. This was certainly a case of useless bloodshed. General Porter of the New York militia, who served with distinguished gallantry on the Niagara frontier to the end of the war, was present in this business, and criticised Smyth's conduct so severely as to cause a duel between them. "If bravery be a virtue," wrote Porter, "if the gratitude of a country be due to those who gallantly and desperately assert its rights, the government will make ample and honorable provision for the heirs of the brave tars who fell on this occasion, as well as for those that survive."[463] Another abortive movement toward crossing was made a few days later, and with it land operations on the Niagara frontier ended for the year 1812. Smyth was soon afterward dropped from the rolls of the army. In the eastern part of Dearborn's military division, where he commanded in person, toward Albany and Champlain, less was attempted than at Detroit or Niagara. To accomplish less would be impossible; but as nothing was seriously undertaken, nothing also disastrously failed. The Commander-in-Chief gave sufficient disproof of military capacity by gravely proposing to "operate with effect at the same moment against Niagara, Kingston, and Montreal."[464] Such divergence of effort and dissemination of means, scanty at the best, upon points one hundred and fifty to two hundred miles apart, contravened all sound principle; to remedy which no compensating vigor was discoverable in his conduct. In all these quarters, as at Detroit, the enemy were perceptibly stronger in the autumn than when the war began; and the feebleness of American action had destroyed the principal basis upon which expectation of success had rested--the disaffection of the inhabitants of Canada and their readiness to side with the invaders. That this disposition existed to a formidable extent was well known. It constituted a large element in the anxieties of the British generals, especially of Brock; for in his district there were more American settlers than in Lower Canada.[465] On the Niagara peninsula, especially, climatic conditions, favorable to farming, had induced a large immigration. But local disloyalty is a poor reed for an assailant to rest upon, and to sustain it in vigorous action commonly requires the presence of a force which will render its assistance needless. Whatever inclination to rebel there might have been was effectually quelled by the energy of Brock, the weakness of Hull, and the impotence of Dearborn and his subordinates. In the general situation the one change favorable to the United States was in a quarter the importance of which the Administration had been slow to recognize, and probably scarcely appreciated even now. The anticipated military laurels had vanished like a dream, and the disinclination of the American people to military life in general, and to this war in particular, had shown itself in enlistments for the army, which, the President wrote, "fall short of the most moderate calculation." The attempt to supplement "regulars" by "volunteers," who, unlike the militia, should be under the General Government instead of that of the States--a favorite resource always with the Legislature of the United States--was "extremely unproductive;" while the militia in service were not under obligation to leave their state, and might, if they chose, abandon their fellow-countrymen outside its limits to slaughter and capture, as they did at Niagara, without incurring military punishment. The governors of the New England States, being opposed to the war, refused to go a step beyond protecting their own territory from hostilities, which they declared were forced upon them by the Administration rather than by the British. For this attitude there was a semblance of excuse in the utter military inefficiency to which the policy of Jefferson and Madison had reduced the national government. It was powerless to give the several states the protection to which it was pledged by the Constitution. The citizens of New York had to fortify and defend their own harbor. The reproaches of New England on this score were seconded somewhat later by the outcries of Maryland; and if Virginia was silent under suffering, it was not because she lacked cause for complaint. It is to be remembered that in the matter of military and naval unpreparedness the great culprits were Virginians. South of Virginia the nature of the shore line minimized the local harrying, from which the northern part of the community suffered. Nevertheless, there also the coasting trade was nearly destroyed, and even the internal navigation seriously harassed. Only on the Great Lakes had the case of the United States improved, when winter put an end to most operations on the northern frontier. As in the Civil War a half century later, so in 1812, the power of the water over the issues of the land not only was not comprehended by the average official, but was incomprehensible to him. Armstrong in January, and Hull in March, had insisted upon a condition that should have been obvious; but not till September 3, when Hull's disaster had driven home Hull's reasoning, did Captain Chauncey receive orders "to assume command of the naval force on lakes Erie and Ontario, and to use every exertion to obtain control of them this fall." All preparations had still to be made, and were thrown, most wisely, on the man who was to do the work. He was "to use all the means which he might judge essential to accomplish the wishes of the government."[466] It is only just to give these quotations, which indicate how entirely everything to be done was left to the energy and discretion of the officer in charge, who had to plan and build up, almost from the foundation, the naval force on both lakes. Champlain, apparently by an oversight, was not included in his charge. Near the end of the war he was directed to convene a court-martial on some occurrences there, and then replied that it had never been placed under his command.[467] Chauncey, who was just turned forty, entered on his duties with a will. Having been for four years in charge of the navy yard at New York, he was intimately acquainted with the resources of the principal depot from which he must draw his supplies. On September 26, after three weeks of busy collecting and shipping, he started for his station by the very occasional steamboat of those days, which required from eighteen to twenty hours for the trip to Albany. On the eve of departure, he wrote the Government that he had despatched "one hundred and forty ship-carpenters, seven hundred seamen and marines, more than one hundred pieces of cannon, the greater part of large caliber, with muskets, shot, carriages, etc. The carriages have nearly all been made, and the shot cast, in that time. Nay, I may say that nearly every article that has been sent forward has been made."[468] The words convey forcibly the lack of preparation which characterized the general state of the country; and they suggest also the difference in energy and efficiency between a man of forty, in continuous practice of his profession, and generals of sixty, whose knowledge of their business derived over a disuse of more than thirty years, and from experience limited to positions necessarily very subordinate. From the meagreness of steamer traffic, all this provision of men and material had to go by sail vessel to Albany; and Chauncey wrote that his personal delay in New York was no injury, but a benefit, for as it was he should arrive well before the needed equipment. On October 6 he reached Sackett's Harbor, "in company with his Excellency the Governor of New York, through the worst roads I ever saw, especially near this place, in consequence of which I have ordered the stores intended for this place to Oswego, from which place they will come by water." Elliott had reported from Buffalo that "the roads are good, except for thirteen miles, which is intolerably bad; so bad that ordnance cannot be brought in wagons; it must come when snow is on the ground, and then in sleds." All expectation of contesting Lake Erie was therefore abandoned for that year, and effort concentrated on Ontario. There the misfortune of the American position was that the only harbor on their side of the lake, Sackett's, close to the entrance of the St. Lawrence, was remote from the highways of United States internal traffic. The roads described by Chauncey cut it off from communications by land, except in winter and the height of summer; while the historic water route by the Mohawk River, Lake Oneida, and the outlet of the latter through the Oswego River, debouched upon Ontario at a point utterly insecure against weather or hostilities. It was necessary, therefore, to accept Sackett's Harbor as the only possible navy yard and station, under the disadvantage that the maintenance of it--and through it, of the naval command of Ontario--depended upon this water transport of forty miles of open lake from the Oswego River. The danger, when superiority of force lapsed, as at times it did, was lessened by the existence of several creeks or small rivers, within which coasting craft could take refuge and find protection from attack under the muskets of the soldiery. Sackett's Harbor itself, though of small area, was a safe port, and under proper precautions defensible; but in neither point of view was it comparable with Kingston. While in New York, Chauncey's preparations had not been limited to what could be done there. By communication with Elliott and Woolsey, he had informed himself well as to conditions, and had initiated the purchase and equipment of lake craft, chiefly schooners of from forty to eighty tons, which were fitted to carry one or two heavy guns; the weight of battery being determined partly by their capacity to bear it, and partly by the guns on hand. Elliott's report concerning Lake Erie led to his being diverted, at his own suggestion, to the mouth of the Genesee and to Oswego, to equip four schooners lying there; for arming which cannon before destined to Buffalo were likewise turned aside to those points. When Chauncey reached Sackett's, he found there also five schooners belonging mainly to the St. Lawrence trade, which had been bought under his directions by Woolsey. There was thus already a very fair beginning of a naval force; the only remaining apprehension being that, "from the badness of the roads and the lowness of the water in the Mohawk, the guns and stores will not arrive in time for us to do anything decisive against the enemy this fall."[469] Should they arrive soon enough, he hoped to seek the British in their own waters by November. Besides these extemporized expedients, two ships of twenty-four guns were under construction at Sackett's, and two brigs of twenty, with three gunboats, were ordered on Lake Erie--all to be ready for service in the spring, their batteries to be sent on when the snow made it feasible. After some disappointing detention, the waters of the inlet and outlet of Lake Oneida rose sufficiently to enable guns to reach Oswego, whence they were safely conveyed to Sackett's. On November 2 the report of a hostile cruiser in the neighborhood, and fears of her interfering with parts of the armaments still in transit, led Chauncey to go out with the "Oneida," the only vessel yet ready, to cut off the return of the stranger to Kingston. On this occasion he saw three of the enemy's squadron, which, though superior in force, took no notice of him. This slackness to improve an evident opportunity may reasonably be ascribed to the fact that as yet the British vessels on the lakes were not in charge of officers of the Royal Navy, but of a force purely provincial and irregular. Returning to Sackett's, Chauncey again sailed, on the evening of November 6, with the "Oneida" and six armed schooners. On the 8th he fell in with a single British vessel, the "Royal George," of twenty-one guns, which retreated that night into Kingston. The Americans followed some distance into the harbor on the 9th, and engaged both the ship and the works; but the breeze blowing straight in, and becoming heavy, made it imprudent longer to expose the squadron to the loss of spars, under the fire of shore guns, when retreat had to be effected against the wind. Beating out, a British armed schooner was sighted coming in from the westward; but after some exchange of shots, she also, though closely pressed, escaped by her better local knowledge, and gained the protection of the port. The squadron returned to Sackett's, taking with it two lake vessels as prizes, and having destroyed a third--all three possible resources for the enemy.[470] Nothing decisive resulted from this outing, but it fairly opened the campaign for the control of the lakes, and served to temper officers and men for the kind of task before them. It gave also some experience as to the strength of the works at Kingston, which exceeded Chauncey's anticipations, and seems afterward to have exerted influence upon his views of the situation; but at present he announced his intention, if supported by a military force, to attack the enemy's vessels at their anchorage. Although several shot had been seen to strike, Chauncey himself entertained no doubt that all their damages could readily be repaired, and that they would put out again, if only to join their force to that already in Toronto. Still, on November 13, he reported his certainty that he controlled the water, an assurance renewed on the 17th; adding that he had taken on board military stores, with which he would sail on the first fair wind for Niagara River, and that he was prepared to effect transportation to any part of the lake, regardless of the enemy, but not of the weather. The last reservation was timely, for, sailing two days later, the vessels were driven back, one schooner being dismasted. As navigation on Erie opened usually much later than that upon Ontario, there was reasonable certainty that stores could reach the upper lake before they were needed in the spring, and the attempt was postponed till then. Meantime, however, four of the schooners were kept cruising off Kingston, to prevent intercourse between it and the other ports.[471] On December 1 Chauncey wrote that it was no longer safe to navigate the lake, and that he would soon lay up the vessels. He ascertained subsequently that the recent action of the squadron had compelled troops for Toronto to march by land, from Kingston, and had prevented the transport of needed supplies to Fort George, thus justifying his conviction of control established over the water communications. A few days before he had had the satisfaction of announcing the launch, on November 26, of the "Madison," a new ship of the corvette type, of 590 tons, one third larger than the ocean cruisers "Wasp" and "Hornet," of the same class, and with proportionately heavy armament; she carrying twenty-four 32-pounder carronades, and they sixteen to eighteen of the like weight. "She was built," added Chauncey, "in the short time of forty-five days; and nine weeks ago the timber that she is composed of was growing in the forest."[472] It seems scarcely necessary to point the moral, which he naturally did not draw for the edification of his superiors in the Administration, that a like energy displayed on Lake Erie, when war was contemplated, would have placed Hull's enterprise on the same level of security that was obtained for his successor by Perry's victory a year later, and at much less cost. With the laying up of the fleet on the lakes operations on the northern frontier closed, except in the far West, where General Harrison succeeded to the command after Hull's capitulation. The loss of Detroit had thrown the American front of operations back upon the Maumee; nor would that, perhaps, have been tenable, had conditions in Upper Canada permitted Brock to remain with the most of his force through August and September. As it was, just apprehension for the Niagara line compelled his return thither; and the same considerations that decided the place of the Commander-in-Chief, dictated also that of the mass of his troops. The command at Detroit and Malden was left to Colonel Procter, whose position was defensively secured by naval means; the ship "Queen Charlotte" and brig "Hunter" maintaining local control of the water. He was, however, forbidden to attempt operations distinctively offensive. "It must be explicitly understood," wrote Brock to him, "that you are not to resort to offensive warfare for the purposes of conquest. Your operations are to be confined to measures of defence and security."[473] Among these, however, Brock included, by direct mention, undertakings intended to destroy betimes threatening gatherings of men or of stores; but such action was merely to secure the British positions, on the principle, already noted, that offence is the best defence. How far these restrictions represent Brock's own wishes, or reflect simply the known views of Sir George Prevost, the Governor General, is difficult to say. Brock's last letter to Procter, written within a week of his death, directed that the enemy should be kept in a state of constant ferment. It seems probable, however, that Procter's force was not such as to warrant movement with a view to permanent occupation beyond Detroit, the more so as the roads were usually very bad; but any effort on the part of the Americans to establish posts on the Maumee, or along the lake, must be promptly checked, if possible, lest these should form bases whence to march in force upon Detroit or Malden, when winter had hardened the face of the ground.[474] The purpose of the Americans being to recover Detroit, and then to renew Hull's invasion, their immediate aim was to establish their line as far to the front as it could for the moment be successfully maintained. The Maumee was such a line, and the one naturally indicated as the advanced base of supplies upon which any forward movement by land must rest. The obstacle to its tenure, when summer was past and autumn rains had begun, was a great swamp, known locally as the Black Swamp, some forty miles wide, stretching from the Sandusky River on the east to the Indiana line on the west, and therefore impeding the direct approach from the south to the Maumee. Through this Hull had forced his way in June, building a road as he went; but by the time troops had assembled in the autumn progress here proved wholly impossible. On account of the difficulties of transportation, Harrison divided his force into three columns, the supplies of each of which in a new country could be more readily sustained than those of the whole body, if united; in fact, the exigencies of supply in the case of large armies, even in well-settled countries, enforce "dissemination in order to live," as Napoleon expressed it. It is of the essence of such dissemination that the several divisions shall be near enough to support each other if there be danger of attack; but in the case of Harrison, although his dispositions have been severely censured on this score, south of the Maumee no such danger existed to a degree which could not be safely disregarded. The centre column, therefore, was to advance over the road opened by Hull; the right by the east of the Sandusky River to its mouth on Lake Erie, east of the swamp, whence it could move to the Maumee; while the left, and the one most exposed, from its nearness to the Indian country, was to proceed by the Auglaize River, a tributary of the Maumee navigable for boats of light draught, to Fort Defiance, at the junction of the two streams. Had this plan been carried out, the army would have held a line from Fort Defiance to the Rapids of the Maumee, a distance of about forty miles, on which fortified depots could be established prior to further operations; and there would have been to it three chains of supply, corresponding to the roads used by the divisions in their march. Fort Defiance, with a work at the Rapids, afterward built and called Fort Meigs, would sustain the line proper; while a subsidiary post, subsequently known as Fort Stephenson, on the Lower Sandusky, was essential to the defence of that road as it approached the lake, and thence westward, where it skirted the lake shore, and was in measure open to raids from the water. The western line of supplies, being liable to attack from the neighboring Indians, was further strengthened by works adequate to repel savages. Fort Defiance on the left was occupied by October 22, and toward the middle of December some fifteen hundred men had assembled on the right, on the Sandusky, Upper and Lower; but the centre column could not get through, and the attempt to push on supplies by that route seems to have been persisted in beyond the limits of reasonable perseverance. Under these conditions, Harrison established his headquarters at Upper Sandusky about December 20, sending word to General Winchester, commanding at Defiance, to descend the Maumee to the Rapids, and there to prepare sleds for a dash against Malden across the lake, when frozen. This was the substitution, under the constraint of circumstances, of a sudden blow in place of regulated advance; for it abandoned, momentarily at least, the plan of establishing a permanent line. Winchester moved as directed, reaching the Rapids January 10, 1813, and fixing himself in position with thirteen hundred men on the north bank, opposite Hull's road. Early in the month the swamp froze over, and quantities of supplies were hurried forward. The total disposable force now under Harrison's command is given as sixty-three hundred. Preparations and concentration had progressed thus far, when an impulsive outburst of sympathy evoked a singularly inconsiderate and rash movement on the part of the division on the Maumee, the commander of which seems to have been rather under the influence of his troops than in control of them. Word was brought to the camp that the American settlement of Frenchtown, beyond the River Raisin, thirty miles away toward Detroit, and now within British control, was threatened with burning by Indians. A council of war decided that relief should be attempted, and six hundred and sixty men started on the morning of January 17. They dispossessed the enemy and established themselves in the town, though with severe losses. Learning their success, Winchester himself went to the place on the 19th, followed closely by a re-enforcement of two-hundred and fifty. More than half his command was now thirty miles away from the position assigned it, without other base of retreat or support than the remnant left at the Rapids. In this situation a superior force of British and Indians under Procter crossed the lake on the ice and attacked the party thus rashly advanced to Frenchtown, which was compelled to surrender by 8 A.M. of January 22. [Illustration: MAP OF LAKE FRONTIER TO ILLUSTRATE CAMPAIGNS OF 1812-1814] Winchester had notified Harrison of his proposed action, but not in such time as to permit it to be countermanded. Receiving the news on the morning of January 19, Harrison at once recognized the hazardous nature of the step, and ordered forward troops from Upper and Lower Sandusky; proceeding himself to the latter place, and thence to the Rapids, which he reached early on the 20th, ahead of the re-enforcements. There was nothing to do but await developments until the men from Sandusky arrived. At noon of the 22d he received intelligence of the surrender, and saw that, through the imprudence of his subordinate, his project of crossing the ice to attack the enemy had been crushed by Procter, who had practically annihilated one of his principal divisions, beating it in detail. The loss of so large a part of the force upon which he had counted, and the spread of sickness among the remainder, arrested Harrison's projects of offensive action. The Maumee even was abandoned for a few days, the army falling back to Portage River, toward the Sandusky. It soon, however, returned to the Rapids, and there Fort Meigs was built, which in the sequel proved sufficient to hold the position against Procter's attack. The army of the Northwest from that time remained purely on the defensive until the following September, when Perry's victory, assuring the control of the lake, enabled it to march secure of its communications. Whatever chance of success may attend such a dash as that against Malden, planned by Harrison in December, or open to Hull in August, the undertaking is essentially outside the ordinary rules of warfare, and to be justified only by the special circumstances of the case, together with the possibility of securing the results obtained. Frenchtown, as a particular enterprise, illustrates in some measure the case of Malden. It was victoriously possessed, but under conditions which made its tenure more than doubtful, and the loss of the expeditionary corps more than probable. Furthermore, if held, it conferred no advantage. The position was less defensible than the Maumee, more exposed because nearer the enemy, more difficult to maintain because the communications were thirty miles longer, and, finally, it controlled nothing. The name of occupation, applied to it, was a mere misnomer, disguising a sham. Malden, on the contrary, if effectually held, would confer a great benefit; for in the hands of an enemy it menaced the communications of Detroit, and if coupled with command of the water, as was the case, it controlled them, as Hull found to his ruin. To gain it, therefore, justified a good deal of risk; yet if seized, unless control of the water were also soon established, it would, as compared with Detroit, entail upon the Americans the additional disadvantage that Frenchtown incurred over the Maumee,--an increase of exposure, because of longer and more exposed lines of communication. Though Malden was valuable to the British as a local base, with all the benefits of nearness, it was not the only one they possessed on the lakes. The loss of it, therefore, so long as they possessed decided superiority in armed shipping, though a great inconvenience, would not be a positive disability. With the small tonnage they had on the lake, however, it would have become extremely difficult, if not impossible, to transport and maintain a force sufficient seriously to interrupt the road from the Maumee, upon which Detroit depended. In short, in all ordinary warfare, and in most that is extraordinary and seems outside the rules, one principle is sure to enforce itself with startling emphasis, if momentarily lost to sight or forgotten, and that is the need of secured communications. A military body, land or sea, may abandon its communications for a brief period, strictly limited, expecting soon to restore them at the same or some other point, just as a caravan can start across the desert with food and water which will last until another base is reached. There is no surrender of certainty in such a case; but a body of troops thrown into a position where it has no security of receiving supplies, incurs a risk that needs justification, and can receive it only from special circumstances. No position within striking distance of the lake shore was permanently secure unless supported by naval power; because all that is implied by the term "communications"--facility for transporting troops, supplies, and ammunition, rapidity of movement from point to point, central position and interior lines--all depended upon the control of the water, from Mackinac to the rapids of the St. Lawrence. This truth, announced before the war by Hull and Armstrong, as well as by Harrison somewhat later, and sufficiently obvious to any thoughtful man, was recognized in act by Harrison and the Government after the Frenchtown disaster. The general was not responsible for the blunder of his subordinate, nor am I able to see that his general plans for a land campaign, considered independent of the water, lacked either insight, judgment, or energy. He unquestionably made very rash calculations, and indulged in wildly sanguine assurances of success; but this was probably inevitable in the atmosphere in which he had to work. The obstacles to be overcome were so enormous, the people and the Government, militarily, so ignorant and incapable, that it was scarcely possible to move efficiently without adopting, or seeming to adopt, the popular spirit and conviction. Facts had now asserted themselves through the unpleasant medium of experience, and henceforth it was tacitly accepted that nothing could be done except to stand on the defensive, until the navy of Lake Erie, as yet unbuilt, could exert its power. Until that day came, even the defensive positions taken were rudely shaken by Procter, a far from efficient officer, but possessed still of the power of the lakes, and following, though over-feebly, the spirit of Brock's instructions, to attack the enemy's posts and keep things in a ferment. With the Frenchtown affair hostilities on the Canada frontier ceased until the following April; but the winter months were not therefore passed in inactivity. Chauncey, after laying up his ships at Sackett's Harbor, and representing to the Government the danger to them and to the navy yard, now that frost had extended over the waters the solidity of the ground, enabling the enemy to cross at will, departed to visit his hitherto neglected command on Lake Erie. He had already seen cause to be dissatisfied with Elliott's choice of a navy yard, known usually by the name Black Rock, a quarter of a mile above Squaw Island. The hostile shores were here so close together that even musketry could be exchanged; and Elliott, when reporting his decision, said "the river is so narrow that the soldiers are shooting at each other across." There was the further difficulty that, to reach the open lake, the vessels would have to go three miles against a current that ran four knots an hour, and much of the way within point-blank range of the enemy. Nevertheless, after examining all situations on Lake Erie, Elliott had reported that none other would answer the purpose; "those that have shelters have not sufficient water, and those with water cannot be defended from the enemy and the violence of the weather."[475] Here he had collected materials and gathered six tiny vessels; the largest a brig of ninety tons, the others schooners of from forty to eighty. These he began to equip and alter about the middle of October, upon the arrival of the carpenters sent by Chauncey; but the British kept up such a fire of shot and shell that the carpenters quitted their work and returned to New York, leaving the vessels with their decks and sides torn up.[476] They were still in this condition when Chauncey came, toward the end of December; and although then hauled into a creek behind Squaw Island, out of range, there were no workmen to complete them. He passed on to Presqu'Isle, now Erie, on the Pennsylvania shore, and found it in every way eligible as a port, except that there were but four or five feet of water on the bar. Vessels of war within could reach the lake only by being lightened of their guns and stores, a condition impracticable in the presence of a hostile squadron; but the local advantages were much superior to those at Black Rock, and while it could be hoped that a lucky opportunity might insure the absence of the enemy's vessels, the enemy's guns on the Niagara shore were fixtures, unless the American army took possession of them. Between these various considerations Chauncey decided to shift the naval base from Black Rock to Erie; and he there assembled the materials for the two brigs, of three hundred tons each, which formed the backbone of Perry's squadron nine months later.[477] For supplies Erie depended upon Philadelphia and Pittsburg, there being from the latter place water communication by the Alleghany River, and its tributary the French River, to within fifteen miles, whence the transportation was by good road. Except timber, which grew upon the spot, the materials--iron, cordage, provisions, and guns--came mainly by this route from Pennsylvania; a number of guns, however, being sent from Washington. By these arrangements the resources of New York, relieved of Lake Erie, were concentrated upon Lakes Ontario and Champlain. Chauncey further provided for the defence of Black Rock by its own resources against sudden attack; the army, except a local force of three hundred men, having gone into winter quarters ten miles back from the Niagara. He then returned to Sackett's Harbor January 19, where he found preparations for protection even less satisfactory than upon Lake Erie,[478] although the stake was far greater; for it may safely be said that the fall of either Kingston or Sackett's would have decided the fate of Lake Ontario and of Upper Canada, at once and definitively. It had now become evident that, in order to decide superiority on the water, there was to be between these neighboring and hostile stations the race of ship-building, which became and continued the most marked feature of the war on this lake. Chauncey felt the increasing necessity thus entailed for his presence on the scene. He was proportionately relieved by receiving at this time an application from Commander Oliver H. Perry to serve under him on the lakes, and immediately, on January 21, applied for his orders, stating that he could "be employed to great advantage, particularly on Lake Erie, where I shall not be able to go so early as I expected, owing to the increasing force of the enemy on this lake." This marks the official beginning of Perry's entrance upon the duty in which he won a distinction that his less fortunate superior failed to achieve. At this time, however, Chauncey hoped to attain such superiority by the opening of spring, and to receive such support from the army, as to capture Kingston by a joint operation, the plan for which he submitted to the Department. That accomplished, he would be able to transfer to Lake Erie the force of men needed to destroy the enemy's fleet there.[479] This expectation was not fulfilled, and Perry remained in practically independent command upon the upper lakes. The season of 1812 may be said, therefore, to have closed with the American squadron upon Lake Ontario concentrated in Sackett's Harbor, where also two new and relatively powerful ships were building. Upon Lake Erie the force was divided between Black Rock, where Elliott's flotilla lay, and Erie, where the two brigs were laid down, and four other gunboats building. The concentration of these two bodies could be effected only by first taking possession of the British side of the Niagara River. This done, and the Black Rock vessels thus released, there still remained the bar at Erie to pass. The British force on Ontario was likewise divided, between Toronto and Kingston, the vessels afloat being at the latter. Neither place, however, was under such fetters as Black Rock, and the two divisions might very possibly be assembled despite the hostile fleet. On the upper lake their navy was at Amherstburg, where also was building a ship, inferior in force, despite her rig, to either of the brigs ordered by Chauncey at Erie. The difficulties of obtaining supplies, mechanics, and seamen, in that then remote region, imposed great hindrances upon the general British preparations. There nevertheless remained in their hands, at the opening of the campaign, the great advantages over the Americans--first, of the separation of the latter's divisions, enforced by the British holding the bank of the Niagara; and secondly, of the almost insuperable difficulty of crossing the Erie bar unarmed, if the enemy's fleet kept in position near it. That the British failed to sustain these original advantages condemns their management, and is far more a matter of military criticism than the relative power of the two squadrons in the battle of September 10. The principal business of each commander was to be stronger than the enemy when they met. That the American accomplished this, despite serious obstacles, first by concentrating his force, and second by crossing the bar unimpeded, so that when he encountered his opponent he was in decisively superior force, is as distinctly to his credit as it would have been distinctly to his discredit had the odds been reversed by any fault of his. Perry by diligent efficiency overcame his difficulties, combined his divisions, gained the lake, and, by commanding it, so cut off his enemy's supplies that he compelled him to come out, and fight, and be destroyed. To compare the force of the two may be a matter of curious interest; but for the purpose of making comparisons of desert between them it is a mere waste of ink, important only to those who conceive the chief end of war to be fighting, and not victory. * * * * * The disaster at Frenchtown, with the consequent abandonment of all project of forward movement by the Army of the Northwest, may be regarded as the definite termination of the land campaign of 1812. Before resuming the account of the ocean operations of the same period, it is expedient here to give a summary of European conditions at the same time, for these markedly affected the policy of the British Government towards the United States, even after war had been formally declared. The British Orders in Council of 1807, modified in 1809 in scope, though not in principle, had been for a long while the grievance chiefly insisted upon by the United States. Against them mainly was directed, by Jefferson and Madison, the system of commercial restrictions which it was believed would compel their repeal. Consequently, when the British Government had abolished the obnoxious Orders, on June 23, 1812, with reservations probably admissible by the United States, it was unwilling to believe that war could still not be avoided; nor that, even if begun in ignorance of the repeal, it could not be stopped without further concession. Till near the end of the year 1812 its measures were governed by this expectation, powerfully re-enforced by momentous considerations of European events, the effect of which upon the United States requires that they be stated. In June, 1812, European politics were reaching a crisis, the issue of which could not then be forecast. War had begun between Napoleon and Russia; and on June 24 the Emperor, crossing the Niemen, invaded the dominion of the Czar. Great Britain, already nine years at war with France, had just succeeded in detaching Russia from her enemy, and ranging her on her own side. The accession of Sweden to this alliance conferred complete control of the Baltic, thus releasing a huge British fleet hitherto maintained there, and opening an important trade, debarred to Great Britain in great measure for four years past. But on the other hand, Napoleon still, as during all this recent period, controlled the Continent from the Pyrenees to the Vistula, carrying its hosts forward against Russia, and closing its ports to British commerce to the depressing injury of British finance. A young Canadian, then in England, in close contact with London business life, wrote to his home at this period: "There is a general stagnation of commerce, all entrance to Europe being completely shut up. There was never a time known to compare with the present, nearly all foreign traders becoming bankrupt, or reduced to one tenth of their former trade. Merchants, who once kept ten or fifteen clerks, have now but two or three; thousands of half-starved discharged clerks are skulking about the streets. Customhouse duties are reduced upwards of one half. Of such dread power are Bonaparte's decrees, which have of late been enforced in the strictest manner all over the Continent, that it has almost ruined the commerce of England."[480] A month before the United States declared war the perplexities of the British Government were depicted by the same writer, in terms which palpably and graphically reflect the contemporary talk of the counting-house and the dinner-table: "If the Orders in Council are repealed, the trade of the United States will flourish beyond all former periods. They will then have the whole commerce of the Continent in their hands, and the British, though blockading with powerful armaments the hostile ports of Europe, will behold fleets of American merchantmen enter in safety the harbors of the enemy, and carry on a brisk and lucrative trade, whilst Englishmen, who command the ocean and are sole masters of the deep, must quietly suffer two thirds of their shipping to be dismantled and lie useless in little rivers or before empty warehouses. Their seamen, to earn a little salt junk and flinty biscuits, must spread themselves like vagabonds over the face of the earth, and enter the service of any nation. If, on the contrary, the Government continue to enforce the Orders, trade will still remain in its present deplorable state; an American war will follow, and poor Canada will bear the brunt." Cannot one see the fine old fellows of the period shaking their heads over their wine, and hear the words which the lively young provincial takes down almost from their lips? They portray truly, however, the anxious dilemma in which the Government was living, and explain concisely the conflicting considerations which brought on the war with the United States. From this embarrassing situation the current year brought a double relief. The chance of American competition was removed by the declaration of war, and exclusion from the Continent by Napoleon's reverses. While matters were thus in northern and central Europe, in the far southwest the Spanish peninsula had for the same four dreary years been the scene of desolating strife, in which from the beginning Great Britain had taken a most active part, supporting the insurgent people with armies and money against the French legions. The weakening effect of this conflict upon the Emperor, and the tremendous additional strain upon his resources now occasioned by the break with Russia, were well understood, and hopes rose high; but heavy in the other scale were his unbroken record of success, and the fact that the War in the Peninsula, the sustenance of which was now doubly imperative in order to maintain the fatal dissemination of his forces between the two extremities of Europe, depended upon intercourse with the United States. The corn of America fed the British and their allies in the Peninsula, and so abundantly, that flour was cheaper in Lisbon than in Liverpool. In 1811, 802 American vessels entered the Tagus to 860 British; and from all the rest of the outside world there came only 75. The Peninsula itself, Spain and Portugal together, sent but 452.[481] The merchants of Baltimore, petitioning against the Non-Intercourse Act, said that $100,000,000 were owing by British merchants to Americans, which could only be repaid by importations from England; and that this debt was chiefly for shipments to Spain and Portugal.[482] The yearly export thither, mainly for the armies, was 700,000 barrels of flour, besides grain in other forms.[483] The maintenance of this supply would be endangered by war. Upon the continuance of peace depended also the enjoyment of the relatively tranquil conditions which Great Britain, after years of vexation, had succeeded at last in establishing in the western basin of the Atlantic, and especially in the Caribbean Sea. In 1808 the revolt of the Spanish people turned the Spanish West Indies once more to her side; and in 1809 and 1810 the conquest of the last of the French islands gave her control of the whole region, depriving French privateers of every base for local operations against British commerce. In 1812, by returns to September 1, the Royal Navy had at sea one hundred and twenty ships of the line and one hundred and forty-five frigates, besides four hundred and twenty-one other cruisers, sixteen of which were larger and the rest smaller than the frigate class--a total of six hundred and eighty-six.[484] Of these there were on the North American and West India stations only three of the line, fifteen frigates, and sixty-one smaller--a total of seventy-nine.[485] The huge remainder of over six hundred ships of war were detained elsewhere by the exigencies of the contest, the naval range of which stretched from the Levant to the shores of Denmark and Norway, then one kingdom under Napoleon's control; and in the far Eastern seas extended to the Straits of Sunda, and beyond. From Antwerp to Venice, in various ports, when the Empire fell, Napoleon had over a hundred ships of the line and half a hundred frigates. To hold these in check was in itself a heavy task for the British sea power, even though most of the colonial ports which might serve as bases for their external action had been wrested from France. A hostile America would open to the French navy a number of harbors which it now needed; and at the will of the Emperor the United States might receive a division of ships of a class she lacked entirely, but could both officer and man. One of Napoleon's great wants was seamen, and it was perfectly understood by intelligent naval officers, and by appreciative statesmen like John Adams and Gouverneur Morris, that a fleet of ships of the line, based upon American resources, would constitute for Great Britain a more difficult problem than a vastly larger number in Europe. The probability was contemplated by both the British Commander-in-Chief and the Admiralty, and was doubtless a chief reason for the comparatively large number of ships of the line--eleven--assigned on the outbreak of hostilities to a station where otherwise there was no similar force to encounter.[486] To bring the French ships and this coast-line together was a combination correct in conception, and not impracticable. It was spoken of at the time--rumored as a design; and had not the attention and the means of the Emperor been otherwise preoccupied, probably would have been attempted, and not impossibly effected. To avert such a conjuncture by the restoration of peace was necessarily an object of British policy. More than that, however, was at stake. The Orders in Council had served their turn. In conjunction with Napoleon's Continental System, by the misery inflicted upon all the countries under his control, they had brought about the desperation of Russia and the resistance of the Czar, who at first had engaged in the Emperor's policy. Russia and France were at war, and it was imperative at once to redouble the pressure in the Peninsula, and to recuperate the financial strength of Great Britain, by opening every possible avenue of supply and of market to British trade, in order to bring the whole national power, economical and military, to bear effectively upon what promised to be a death struggle. The repeal of the Orders, with the consequent admission of American merchant ships to every hostile port, except such, few as might be effectively blockaded in accordance with the accepted principles of International Law, was the price offered for the preservation of peace, and for readmission to the American market, closed to British manufacturers and merchants by the Non-Importation Acts. This extension of British commerce, now loudly demanded by the British people, was an object to be accomplished by the same means that should prevent the American people from constituting themselves virtually the allies of Napoleon by going to war. Should this dreaded alternative, however, come to pass, not only would British trade again miss the market, the loss of which had already caused widespread suffering, but, in common with it, British navigation, British shipping, the chief handmaid of commerce, would be exposed in a remote quarter, most difficult to guard, to the privateering activity of a people whose aptitude for such occupation had been demonstrated in the fight for independence and the old French wars. Half a century before, in the years 1756-58, there had been fitted out in the single port of New York, for war against the French, forty-eight privateers, carrying six hundred and ninety-five guns and manned by over five thousand men.[487] The conditions enumerated constituted the principal important military possibilities of the sea frontier of the United States, regarded as an element in the general international situation when the year 1812 opened. Its importance to France was simply that of an additional weight thrown into the scale against Great Britain. France, being excluded from the sea, could not be aided or injured by the United States directly, but only indirectly, through their common enemy; and the same was substantially true of the Continent at large. But to Great Britain a hostile seaboard in America meant the possibility of all that has been stated; and therefore, slowly and unwillingly, but surely, the apprehension of war with its added burden forced the Government to a concession which years of intermittent commercial restrictions by the United States, and of Opposition denunciation at home, had not been able to extort. The sudden death of Spencer Perceval, the prime minister identified with the Orders in Council, possibly facilitated the issue, but it had become inevitable by sheer pressure of circumstances as they developed. It came to pass, by a conjuncture most fortunate for Great Britain, and most unfavorable to the United States, that the moment of war, vainly sought to be avoided by both parties, coincided with the first rude jar to Napoleon's empire and its speedy final collapse; leaving the Union, weakened by internal dissension, exposed single-handed to the full force of the British power. At the beginning, however, and till toward the end of 1812, it seemed possible that for an indefinite period the efforts of the Americans would receive the support derived from the inevitable preoccupation of their enemy with European affairs; nor did many doubt Napoleon's success against Russia, or that it would be followed by Great Britain's abandoning the European struggle as hopeless. For such maritime and political contingencies the British Admiralty had to prepare, when the near prospect of war with America threatened to add to the extensive responsibilities entailed by the long strife with Napoleon. Its measures reflected the double purpose of the Government: to secure peace, if possible, yet not to surrender policies considered imperative. On May 9, 1812, identical instructions were issued to each of the admirals commanding the four transatlantic stations,--Newfoundland, Halifax, Jamaica, and Barbados,--warning them of the imminent probability of hostilities, in the event of which, by aggressive action or formal declaration on the part of the United States, they were authorized to resort at once to all customary procedures of war; "to attack, take or sink, burn or destroy, all ships or vessels belonging to the United States or to the citizens thereof." At the same time, however, special stress was laid upon the urgent wish of the Government to avoid occasions which might induce a collision. "You are to direct the commanders of his Majesty's ships to exercise, except in the events hereinbefore specified, all possible forbearance toward the United States, and to contribute, as far as may depend upon them, to that good understanding which it is his Royal Highness's[488] most earnest wish to maintain."[489] The spirit of these orders, together with caution not to be attacked unawares, accounts for the absence of British ships of war from the neighborhood of the American coast noted by Rodgers' cruising squadron in the spring of 1812. Decatur, indeed, was informed by a British naval agent that the admiral at Bermuda did not permit more than two vessels to cruise at a time, and these were instructed not to approach the American coast.[490] The temper of the controlling element in the Administration, and the disposition of American naval officers since the "Chesapeake" affair, were but too likely to afford causes of misunderstanding in case of a meeting. FOOTNOTES: [457] Baynes to Prevost. Canadian Archives, C. 377, pp. 27-37. [458] Life of Brock, p. 258. Brock first heard of the suspension August 23, at Fort Erie, on his return toward Niagara. Life, p. 274. See also a letter from Brock to the American General Van Rensselaer, in the Defence of General Dearborn, by H.A.S. Dearborn, p. 8. [459] Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy, Sept. 26, 1812. Captains' Letters, Navy Department MSS. [460] Elliott's report of this affair will be found in the Captains' Letters, Navy Department MSS., forwarded by Chauncey Oct. 16, 1812. [461] Life of Brock, p. 315. [462] Ibid., p. 316. [463] Porter's Address to the Public. Niles' Register, vol. iii. p. 284. [464] See Eustis's Letter to Dearborn, Aug. 15, 1812. Hall's Memoirs of the Northwestern Campaign, p. 87. [465] Life of Brock, pp. 106, 130, 181. [466] Chauncey to Secretary, Sept. 26, 1812. Captains' Letters, Navy Department MSS. [467] Chauncey to Secretary, Feb. 24, 1815. Ibid. [468] The details of Chauncey's actions are appended to his letter of Sept. 26, 1812. [469] Chauncey to Secretary of the Nary, Oct. 8, 12, 21, 1812. Captains' Letters. [470] Chauncey to Secretary, October 27, November 4, 6, 13. Captains' Letters. Those for November 6 and 13 can be found in Niles, vol. iii, pp. 205, 206. [471] Chauncey to Secretary, November 17. Captains' Letters. [472] Chauncey to Secretary, Nov. 26, 1812. Ibid. [473] Life of Brock, p. 293. [474] In the Canadian Archives frequent mention is made of expeditions by Procter's forces about the American lines, as of the British shipping on the Lake front during the autumn of 1812. [475] Elliott to Chauncey, Sept. 14, 1812. Captains' Letters, Navy Department. [476] Chauncey to the Secretary, Oct. 22, 1812. Captains' Letters, Navy Department. [477] Chauncey to the Secretary, Dec. 25, 1812; Jan. 1 and 8, and Feb. 16, 1813. Captains' Letters. [478] See Chauncey's letters of Dec. 1, 1812, and Jan. 20, 1813. Captains' Letters. [479] Chauncey to the Secretary, Jan. 21, Feb. 22, 1813. Captains' Letters. [480] Ridout, "Ten Years in Upper Canada," pp. 52, 58, 115. [481] Niles' Register, vol ii. p. 42. [482] Ibid., p. 119. [483] Ibid., p. 303. [484] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxviii. p. 248. [485] Quoted from Steele's List (British) by Niles' Register, vol. ii. p. 356. [486] Croker to Warren, Nov. 18, 1812, and March 20, 1813. British Admiralty MSS. Out-Letters. [487] Niles' Register, vol. iii. p. 111. Quoted from a publication of 1759. [488] The Prince Regent. George III. was incapacitated at this time. [489] Admiralty Out-Letters, British Records Office. [490] Rodgers to the Secretary, April 29, 1812. Decatur, June 16, 1812. Captains' Letters. CHAPTER VIII OCEAN WARFARE AGAINST COMMERCE--PRIVATEERING--BRITISH LICENSES--NAVAL ACTIONS: "WASP" AND "FROLIC"; "UNITED STATES" AND "MACEDONIAN" In anticipation of war the British Admiralty took the military measure of consolidating their transatlantic stations, with the exception of Newfoundland. The Jamaica, Leeward Islands, and Halifax squadrons, while retaining their present local organizations, were subordinated to a single chief; for which position was designated Admiral Sir John Borlase Warren, an officer of good fighting record, but from his previous career esteemed less a seaman than a gallant man. This was apparently his first extensive command, although he was now approaching sixty; but it was foreseen that the British minister might have left Washington in consequence of a rupture of relations, and that there might thus devolve upon the naval commander-in-chief certain diplomatic overtures, which the Government had determined to make before definitely accepting war as an irreversible issue. Warren, a man of courtly manners, had some slight diplomatic antecedents, having represented Great Britain at St. Petersburg on one occasion. There were also other negotiations anticipated, dependent upon political conditions within the Union; where bitter oppositions of opinion, sectional in character, were known to exist concerning the course of the Administration in resorting to hostilities. Warren was instructed on these several points. It was not until July 25, 1812, that a despatch vessel from Halifax brought word to England of the attack upon the "Belvidera" by Rodgers' squadron on June 24. By the same mail Admiral Sawyer wrote that he had sent a flag of truce to New York to ask an explanation, and besides had directed all his cruisers to assemble at Halifax.[491] The Government recognized the gravity of the news, but expressed the opinion that there was no evidence that war had been decided upon, and that the action of the American commodore had been in conformity with previous orders not to permit foreign cruisers within the waters of the United States. Some color was lent to this view by the circumstance that the "Belvidera" was reported to have been off Sandy Hook, though not in sight of land.[492] In short, the British Cabinet officially assumed that facts were as they wished them to continue; the course best adapted to insure the maintenance of peace, if perchance not yet broken. On July 29, however, definite information was received that the United States Government had declared that war existed between the two countries. On the 31st the Cabinet took its first measures in consequence.[493] One order was issued forbidding British merchant vessels to sail without convoy for any part of North America or the West Indies; while another laid an embargo on all American merchant ships in British ports, and directed the capture of any met at sea, unless sailing under British licenses, as many then did to Continental ports. No other hostile steps, such as general reprisals or commercial blockade, were at this time authorized; it was decided to await the effect in the United States of the repeal of the obnoxious Orders in Council. This having taken place only on June 23, intelligence of its reception and results could not well reach England before the middle of September. When Parliament was prorogued on July 30, the speech from the throne expressed a willingness still "to hope that the accustomed relations of peace and amity between the two countries may yet be restored." It is a coincidence, accidental, yet noteworthy for its significance, that the date of the first hostile action against the United States, July 31, was also that of the official promulgation of treaties of peace between Great Britain, Russia, and Sweden.[494] Accompanied as these were with clauses embodying what was virtually a defensive alliance of the three Powers against Napoleon, they marked that turn of the tide in European affairs which overthrew one of the most important factors in the political and military anticipations of the United States Administration. "Can it be doubted," wrote Madison on September 6, "that if, under the pressure added by our war to that previously felt by Great Britain, her Government declines an accommodation, it will be owing to calculations drawn from our internal divisions?"[495] Of the approaching change, however, no sign yet appeared. The reverses of the French were still in the far future. Not until September 14 did they enter Moscow, and news of this event was received in the United States only at the end of November. A contemporary weekly, under date of December 5, remarked: "Peace before this time has been dictated by Bonaparte, as ought to have been calculated upon by the dealers (_sic_) at St. Petersburg, before they, influenced by the British, prevailed upon Alexander to embark in the War.... All Europe, the British Islands excepted, will soon be at the feet of Bonaparte."[496] This expectation, generally shared during the summer of 1812, is an element in the American situation not to be overlooked. As late as December 4, Henry Clay, addressing the House of Representatives, of which he then was Speaker, said: "The British trade shut out from the Baltic--excluded from the Continent of Europe--possibly expelled the Black Sea--perishing in South America; its illicit avenue to the United States, through Canada, closed--was this the period for throwing open our own market by abandoning our restrictive system? Perhaps at this moment the fate of the north of Europe is decided, and the French Emperor may be dictating the law from Moscow."[497] The following night Napoleon finally abandoned his routed army and started on his return to Paris. War having been foreseen, the British Government took its first step without hesitation. On August 6 the Foreign Office issued Warren's secret instructions, which were substantially the repetition of those already addressed on July 8 to its representative in Washington. It being probable that before they could be received he would have departed in consequence of the rupture, Warren was to submit the proposition contained in them, that the United States Government, in view of the revocation of the Orders in Council, so long demanded by it, should recall the hostile measures taken. In case of acceptance, he was authorized to stop at once all hostilities within his command, and to give assurance of similar action by his Government in every part of the world. If this advance proved fruitless, as it did, no orders instituting a state of war were needed, for it already existed; but for that contingency Warren received further instructions as to the course he was to pursue, in case "a desire should manifest itself in any considerable portion of the American Union, more especially in those States bordering upon his Majesty's North American dominions, to return to their relations of peace and amity with this country." The admiral was to encourage such dispositions, and should they take shape in formal act, making overtures to him for a cessation of hostilities for that part of the country, he was directed to grant it, and to enter into negotiations for commercial intercourse between the section thus acting and the British dominions. In short, if the General Government proved irreconcilable, Great Britain was to profit by any sentiment of disunion found to exist.[498] Warren sailed from Portsmouth August 14, arriving in Halifax September 26. On the 30th, he despatched to the United States Government the proposal for the cessation of hostilities. Monroe, the Secretary of State, replied on October 27. The President, he said, was at all times anxious to restore peace, and at the very moment of declaring war had instructed the _chargé_ in London to make propositions to that effect to the British Ministry. An indispensable condition, however, was the abandonment of the practice of impressment from American vessels. The President recognized the embarrassment under which Great Britain lay, because of her felt necessity to control the services of her native seamen, and was willing to undertake that hereafter they should be wholly excluded from the naval and merchant ships of the United States. This should be done under regulations to be negotiated between the two countries, in order to obviate the injury alleged by Great Britain; but, meanwhile, impressing from under the American flag must be discontinued during any armistice arranged. "It cannot be presumed, while the parties are engaged in a negotiation to adjust amicably this important difference, that the United States would admit the right, or acquiesce in the practice of the opposite party, or that Great Britain would be unwilling to restrain her cruisers from a practice which would have the strongest tendency to defeat the negotiation." The Orders in Council having been revoked, impressment remained the only outstanding question upon which the United States was absolute in its demand. That conceded, upon the terms indicated, all other differences might be referred to negotiation. Upon this point Warren had no powers, for his Government was determined not to yield. The maritime war therefore went on unabated; but it may be mentioned here that the President's undertaking to exclude British-born seamen from American ships took effect in an Act of Congress, approved by him March 3, 1813. He had thenceforth in hand a pledge which he considered a full guarantee against whatever Great Britain feared to lose by ceasing to take seamen from under the American flag. It was not so regarded in England, and no formal agreement on this interesting subject was ever reached. The conditions existing upon his arrival, and the occurrences of the past three months, as then first fully known to Warren, deeply impressed him with the largeness of his task in protecting the commerce of Great Britain. He found himself at once in the midst of its most evident perils, which in the beginning were concentrated about Halifax, owing to special circumstances. Although long seemingly imminent, hostilities when they actually came had found the mercantile community of the United States, for the most part, unbelieving and unprepared. The cry of "Wolf!" had been raised so often that they did not credit its coming, even when at the doors. This was especially the case in New England, where the popular feeling against war increased the indisposition to think it near. On May 14, Captain Bainbridge, commanding the Boston navy yard, wrote: "I am sorry to say that the people here do not believe we are going to war, and are too much disposed to treat our national councils with contempt, and to consider their preparations as electioneering."[499] The presidential election was due in the following November. A Baltimore newspaper of the day, criticising the universal rush to evade the embargo of April 4, instituted in order to keep both seamen and property at home in avoidance of capture, added that in justice it must be said that most people believed that the embargo, as on former occasions, did not mean war.[500] Under the general sense of unpreparedness, it seemed to many inconceivable that the Administration would venture to expose the coasts to British reprisals. John Randolph, repeating in the House of Representatives in secret session a conversation between the Committee on Foreign Relations and the Secretary of State, said: "He was asked whether any essential changes would be made in the sixty days (of the proposed embargo) in the defence of our maritime frontier and seaports. He replied, pretty considerable preparations would be made. He said New York was in a pretty respectable state, but not such as to resist a formidable fleet; but that it was not to be expected that that kind of war would be carried on." The obvious reply was, "We must expect what commonly happens in wars." "As to the prepared state of the country, the President, in case of a declaration, would not feel bound to take more than his share of the responsibility. The unprepared state of the country was the only reason why ulterior measures should be deferred."[501] Randolph's recollections of this interview were challenged by members of the Committee in other points, but not in these. The Administration had then been in office three years, and the causes of war had been accumulating for at least seven; but so notorious was the unreadiness that a great part of the community even now saw only bluster. For these reasons the first rush to privateering, although feverishly energetic, was of a somewhat extemporized character. In consequence of the attempt to elude the embargo, by a precipitate and extensive export movement, a very large part of the merchant ships and seamen were now abroad. Hence, in the haste to seize upon enemy's shipping, anything that could be sent to sea at quick notice was utilized. Vessels thus equipped were rarely best fitted for a distant voyage, in which dependence must rest upon their own resources, and upon crews both numerous and capable. They were therefore necessarily directed upon commercial highways near at hand, which, though not intrinsically richest, nor followed by the cargoes that would pay best in the United States, could nevertheless adequately reward enterprise. In the near vicinity of Halifax the routes from the British West Indies to New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and the St. Lawrence, met and crossed the equally important lines of travel from the British Islands to the same points. This circumstance contributed to the importance of that place as a naval and commercial centre, and also focussed about it by far the larger part of the effort and excitement of the first privateering outburst from the United States. As Rodgers' bold sortie, and disappearance into the unknown with a strong squadron had forced concentration upon the principal British vessels, the cruisers remaining for dispersion in search of privateers were numerically inadequate to suppress the many and scattered Americans. Before Warren's arrival the prizes reported in the United States were one hundred and ninety, and they probably exceeded two hundred. An analysis of the somewhat imperfect data which accompany these returns indicates that about three fourths were seized in the Bay of Fundy and in the off-lying waters from thence round to Newfoundland. Of the remainder, half, probably, were taken in the West Indies; and the rest out in the deep sea, beyond the Gulf Stream, upon the first part of the track followed by the sugar and coffee traders from the West Indies to England.[502] There had not yet been time to hear of prizes taken in Europe, to which comparatively few privateers as yet went. One of the most intelligent and enterprising of the early privateers was Commodore Joshua Barney, a veteran of the American Navy of the Revolution. He commissioned a Baltimore schooner, the "Rossie," at the outbreak of the war; partly, apparently, in order to show a good example of patriotic energy, but doubtless also through the promptings of a love of adventure, not extinguished by advancing years. The double motive kept him an active, useful, and distinguished public servant throughout the war. His cruise on this occasion, as far as can be gathered from the reports,[503] conformed in direction to the quarters in which the enemy's merchant ships might most surely be expected. Sailing from the Chesapeake July 15, he seems to have stood at once outside the Gulf Stream for the eastern edge of the Banks of Newfoundland. In the ensuing two weeks he was twice chased by an enemy's frigate, and not till July 31 did he take his first prize. From that day, to and including August 9, he captured ten other vessels--eleven in all. Unfortunately, the precise locality of each seizure is not given, but it is inferable from the general tenor of the accounts that they were made between the eastern edge of the Great Banks and the immediate neighborhood of Halifax; in the locality, in fact, to which Hull during those same ten days was directing the "Constitution," partly in pursuit of prizes, equally in search of the enemy's ships of war, which were naturally to be sought at those centres of movement where their national traders accumulated. On August 30 the "Rossie," having run down the Nova Scotia coast and passed by George's Bank and Nantucket, went into Newport, Rhode Island. It is noticeable that before and after those ten days of success, although she saw no English vessels, except ships of war cruising on the outer approaches of their commerce, she was continually meeting and speaking American vessels returning home. These facts illustrate the considerations governing privateering, and refute the plausible opinion often advanced, that it was a mere matter of gambling adventure. Thus Mr. Gallatin, the Secretary of the Treasury, in a communication to Congress, said: "The occupation of privateers is precisely of the same species as the lottery, with respect to hazard and to the chance of rich prizes."[504] Gallatin approached the subject from the standpoint of the financier and with the abstract ideas of the political economist. His temporary successor, the Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Jones, had been a merchant in active business life, and he viewed privateering as a practical business undertaking. "The analogy between privateering and lotteries does not appear to me to be so strict as the Secretary seems to consider it. The adventure of a privateer is of the nature of a commercial project or speculation, conducted by commercial men upon principles of mercantile calculation and profit. The vessel and her equipment is a matter of great expense, which is expected to be remunerated by the probable chances of profit, after calculating the outfit, insurance, etc., as in a regular mercantile voyage."[505] Mr. Jones would doubtless have admitted what Gallatin alleged, that the business was liable to be overdone, as is the case with all promising occupations; and that many would engage in it without adequate understanding or forethought. The elements of risk which enter into privateering are doubtless very great, and to some extent baffle calculation. In this it only shares the lot common to all warlike enterprise, in which, as the ablest masters of the art repeatedly affirm, something must be allowed for chance. But it does not follow that a reasonable measure of success may not fairly be expected, where sagacious appreciation of well-known facts controls the direction of effort, and preparation is proportioned to the difficulties to be encountered. Heedlessness of conditions, or recklessness of dangers, defeat effort everywhere, as well as in privateering; nor is even the chapter of unforeseen accident confined to military affairs. In 1812 the courses followed by the enemy's trade were well understood, as were also the characteristics of their ships of war, in sailing, distribution, and management.[506] Regard being had to these conditions, the pecuniary venture, which privateering essentially is, was sure of fair returns--barring accidents--if the vessels were thoroughly well found, with superior speed and nautical qualities, and if directed upon the centres of ocean travel, such as the approaches to the English Channel, or, as before noted, to where great highways cross, inducing an accumulation of vessels from several quarters. So pursued, privateering can be made pecuniarily successful, as was shown by the increasing number and value of prizes as the war went on. It has also a distinct effect as a minor offensive operation, harassing and weakening the enemy; but its merits are more contestable when regarded as by itself alone decisive of great issues. Despite the efficiency and numbers of American privateers, it was not British commerce, but American, that was destroyed by the war. From Newport the "Rossie" took a turn through another lucrative field of privateering enterprise, the Caribbean Sea. Passing by Bermuda, which brought her in the track of vessels from the West Indies to Halifax, she entered the Caribbean at its northeastern corner, by the Anegada Passage, near St. Thomas, thence ran along the south shore of Porto Rico, coming out by the Mona Passage, between Porto Rico and Santo Domingo, and so home by the Gulf Stream. In this second voyage she made but two prizes; and it is noted in her log book that she here met the privateer schooner "Rapid" from Charleston, fifty-two days out, without taking anything. The cause of these small results does not certainly appear; but it may be presumed that with the height of the hurricane season at hand, most of the West India traders had already sailed for Europe. Despite all drawbacks, when the "Rossie" returned to Baltimore toward the end of October, she had captured or destroyed property roughly reckoned at a million and a half, which is probably an exaggerated estimate. Two hundred and seventeen prisoners had been taken. While the "Rossie" was on her way to the West Indies, there sailed from Salem a large privateer called the "America," the equipment and operations of which illustrated precisely the business conception which attached to these enterprises in the minds of competent business men. This ship-rigged vessel of four hundred and seventy-three tons, built of course for a merchantman, was about eight years old when the war broke out, and had just returned from a voyage. Seeing that ordinary commerce was likely to be a very precarious undertaking, her owners spent the months of July and August in preparing her deliberately for her new occupation. Her upper deck was removed, and sides filled in solid. She was given larger yards and loftier spars than before; the greatly increased number of men carried by a privateer, for fighting and for manning prizes, enabling canvas to be handled with greater rapidity and certainty. She received a battery of very respectable force for those days, so that she could repel the smaller classes of ships of war, which formed a large proportion of the enemy's cruisers. Thus fitted to fight or run, and having very superior speed, she was often chased, but never caught. During the two and a half years of war she made four cruises of four months each; taking in all forty-one prizes, twenty-seven of which reached port and realized $1,100,000, after deducting expenses and government charges. As half of this went to the ship's company, the owners netted $550,000 for sixteen months' active use of the ship. Her invariable cruising ground was from the English Channel south, to the latitude of the Canary Islands.[507] The United States having declared war, the Americans enjoyed the advantage of the first blow at the enemy's trade. The reduced numbers of vessels on the British transatlantic stations, and the perplexity induced by Rodgers' movement, combined to restrict the injury to American shipping. A number of prizes were made, doubtless; but as nearly as can be ascertained not over seventy American merchant ships were taken in the first three months of the war. Of these, thirty-eight are reported as brought under the jurisdiction of the Vice-Admiralty Court at Halifax, and twenty-four as captured on the Jamaica station. News of the war not being received by the British squadrons in Europe until early in August, only one capture there appears before October 1, except from the Mediterranean. There Captain Usher on September 6 wrote from Gibraltar that all the Americans on their way down the Sea--that is, out of the Straits--had been taken.[508] In like manner, though with somewhat better fortune, thirty or forty American ships from the Baltic were driven to take refuge in the neutral Swedish port of Gottenburg, and remained war-bound.[509] That the British cruisers were not inactive in protecting the threatened shores and waters of Nova Scotia and the St. Lawrence is proved by the seizure of twenty-four American privateers, between July 1 and August 25;[510] a result to which the inadequate equipment of these vessels probably contributed. But American shipping, upon the whole, at first escaped pretty well in the matter of actual capture. It was not in this way, but by the almost total suppression of commerce, both coasting and foreign, both neutral and American, that the maritime pressure of war was brought home to the United States. This also did not happen until a comparatively late period. No commercial blockade was instituted by the enemy before February, 1813. Up to that time neutrals, not carrying contraband, had free admission to all American ports; and the British for their own purposes encouraged a licensed trade, wholly illegitimate as far as United States ships were concerned, but in which American citizens and American vessels were largely engaged, though frequently under flags of other nations. A significant indication of the nature of this traffic is found in the export returns of the year ending September 30, 1813. The total value of home produce exported was $25,008,152, chiefly flour, grain, and other provisions. Of this, $20,536,328 went to Spain and Portugal with their colonies; $15,500,000 to the Peninsula itself.[511] It was not till October, 1813, when the British armies entered France, that this demand fell. At the same time Halifax and Canada were being supplied with flour from New England; and the common saying that the British forces in Canada could not keep the field but for supplies sent from the United States was strictly true, and has been attested by British commissaries. An American in Halifax in November, 1812, wrote home that within a fortnight twenty thousand barrels of flour had arrived in vessels under Spanish and Swedish flags, chiefly from Boston. This sort of unfaithfulness to a national cause is incidental to most wars, but rarely amounts to as grievous a military evil as in 1812 and 1813, when both the Peninsula and Canada were substantially at our mercy in this respect. With the fall of Napoleon, and the opening of Continental resources, such control departed from American hands. In the succeeding twelvemonth there was sent to the Peninsula less than $5,000,000 worth. Warren's impressions of the serious nature of the opening conflict caused a correspondence between him and the Admiralty somewhat controversial in tone. Ten days after his arrival he represented the reduced state of the squadron: "The war assumes a new, as well as more active and inveterate aspect than heretofore." Alarming reports were being received as to the number of ships of twenty-two to thirty-two guns fitting out in American ports, and he mentions as significant that the commission of a privateer officer, taken in a recaptured vessel, bore the number 318. At Halifax he was in an atmosphere of rumors and excitement, fed by frequent communication with eastern ports, as well as by continual experience of captures about the neighboring shores; the enemies' crews even landing at times. When he went to Bermuda two months later, so many privateers were met on the line of traffic between the West Indies and the St. Lawrence as to convince him of the number and destructiveness of these vessels, and "of the impossibility of our trade navigating these seas unless a very extensive squadron is employed to scour the vicinity." He was crippled for attempting this by the size of the American frigates, which forbade his dispersing his cruisers. The capture of the "Guerrière" had now been followed by that of the "Macedonian;" and in view of the results, and of Rodgers being again out, he felt compelled to constitute squadrons of two frigates and a sloop. Under these conditions, and with so many convoys to furnish, "it is impracticable to cut off the enemy's resources, or to repress the disorder and pillage which actually exist to a very alarming degree, both on the coast of British America and in the West Indies, as will be seen by the copies of letters enclosed," from colonial and naval officials. He goes on to speak, in terms not carefully weighed, of swarms of privateers and letters-of-marque, their numbers now amounting to six hundred; the crews of which had landed in many points of his Majesty's dominions, and even taken vessels from their anchors in British ports.[512] The Admiralty, while evidently seeing exaggeration in this language, bear witness in their reply to the harassment caused by the American squadrons and private armed ships. They remind the admiral that there are two principal ways of protecting the trade: one by furnishing it with convoys, the other by preventing egress from the enemy's ports, through adequate force placed before them. To disperse vessels over the open sea, along the tracks of commerce, though necessary, is but a subsidiary measure. His true course is to concentrate a strong division before each chief American port, and they intimate dissatisfaction that this apparently had not yet been done. As a matter of fact, up to the spring of 1813, American ships of war had little difficulty in getting to sea. Rodgers had sailed again with his own squadron and Decatur's on October 8, the two separating on the 11th, though this was unknown to the British; and Bainbridge followed with the "Constitution" and "Hornet" on the 26th. Once away, power to arrest their depredations was almost wholly lost, through ignorance of their intentions. With regard to commerce, they were on the offensive, the British on the defensive, with the perplexity attaching to the latter rôle. Under the circumstances, the Admiralty betrays some impatience with Warren's clamor for small vessels to be scattered in defence of the trade and coasts. They remind him that he has under his flag eleven sail of the line, thirty-four frigates, thirty-eight sloops, besides other vessels, making a total of ninety-seven; and yet first Rodgers, and then Bainbridge, had got away. True, Boston cannot be effectively blockaded from November to March, but these two squadrons had sailed in October. Even "in the month of December, though it was not possible perhaps to have maintained a permanent watch on that port, yet having, as you state in your letter of November 5, precise information that Commodore Bainbridge was to sail at a given time, their Lordships regret that it was not deemed practicable to proceed off that port at a reasonable and safe distance from the land, and to have taken the chance at least of intercepting the enemy." "The necessity for sending heavy convoys arises from the facility and safety with which the American navy has hitherto found it possible to put to sea. The uncertainty in which you have left their Lordships, in regard to the movements of the enemy and the disposition of your own force, has obliged them to employ six or seven sail of the line and as many frigates and sloops, independent of your command, in guarding against the possible attempts of the enemy. Captain Prowse, with two sail of the line, two frigates, and a sloop, has been sent to St. Helena. Rear-Admiral Beauclerk, with two of the line, two frigates, and two sloops, is stationed in the neighborhood of Madeira and the Azores, lest Commodore Bainbridge should have come into that quarter to take the place of Commodore Rodgers, who was retiring from it about the time you state Commodore Bainbridge was expected to sail. Commodore Owen, who had preceded Admiral Beauclerk in this station, with a ship of the line and three other vessels, is not yet returned from the cruise on which the appearance of the enemy near the Azores had obliged their Lordships to send this force; while the 'Colossus' and the 'Elephant' [ships of the line], with the 'Rhin' and the 'Armide,' are but just returned from similar services. Thus it is obvious that, large as the force under your orders was, and is, it is not all that has been opposed to the Americans, and that these services became necessary only because the chief weight of the enemy's force has been employed at a distance from your station."[513] The final words here quoted characterize exactly the conditions of the first eight or ten months of the war, until the spring of 1813. They also define the purpose of the British Government to close the coast of the United States in such manner as to minimize the evils of widely dispersed commerce-destroying, by confining the American vessels as far as possible within their harbors. The American squadrons and heavy frigates, which menaced not commerce only but scattered ships of war as well, were to be rigorously shut up by an overwhelming division before each port in which they harbored; and the Admiralty intimated its wish that a ship of the line should always form one of such division. This course of policy, initiated when the winter of 1812-13 was over, was thenceforth maintained with ever increasing rigor; especially after the general peace in Europe, in May, 1814, had released the entire British navy. It had two principal results. The American frigates were, in the main, successfully excluded from the ocean. Their three successful battles were all fought before January 1, 1813. Commodore John Rodgers, indeed, by observing his own precept of clinging to the eastern ports of Newport and Boston, did succeed after this in making two cruises with the "President;" but entering New York with her on the last of these, in February, 1814, she was obliged, in endeavoring to get to sea when transferred to Decatur, to do so under circumstances so difficult as to cause her to ground, and by consequent loss of speed to be overtaken and captured by the blockading squadron. Captain Stewart reported the "Constitution" nearly ready for sea, at Boston, September 26, 1813. Three months after, he wrote the weather had not yet enabled him to escape. On December 30, however, she sailed; but returning on April 4, the blockaders drove her into Salem, whence she could not reach Boston until April 17, 1814, and there remained until the 17th of the following December. Her last successful battle, under his command, was on February 20, 1815, more than two years after she captured the "Java." When the war ended the only United States vessels on the ocean were the "Constitution," three sloops--the "Wasp," "Hornet," and "Peacock "--and the brig "Tom Bowline." The smaller vessels of the navy, and the privateers, owing to their much lighter draft, got out more readily; but neither singly nor collectively did they constitute a serious menace to convoys, nor to the scattered cruisers of the enemy. These, therefore, were perfectly free to pursue their operations without fear of surprise. On the other hand, because of this concentration along the shores of the United States, the vessels that did escape went prepared more and more for long absences and distant operations. On the sea "the weight of the enemy's force," to use again the words of the Admiralty, "was employed at a distance from the North American station." Whereas, at the first, most captures by Americans were made near the United States, after the spring of 1813 there is an increasing indication of their being most successfully sought abroad; and during the last nine months of the war, when peace prevailed throughout the world except between the United States and Great Britain, when the Chesapeake was British waters, when Washington was being burned and Baltimore threatened, when the American invasion of Canada had given place to the British invasion of New York, when New Orleans and Mobile were both being attacked,--it was the coasts of Europe, and the narrow seas over which England had claimed immemorial sovereignty, that witnessed the most audacious and successful ventures of American cruisers. The prizes taken in these quarters were to those on the hither side of the Atlantic as two to one. To this contributed also the commercial blockade, after its extension over the entire seaboard of the United States, in April, 1814. The practically absolute exclusion of American commerce from the ocean is testified by the exports of 1814, which amounted to not quite $7,000,000;[514] whereas in 1807, the last full year of unrestricted trade, they had been $108,000,000.[515] Deprived of all their usual employments, shipping and seamen were driven to privateering to earn any returns at all. From these special circumstances, the period from June, 1812, when the war began, to the end of April, 1813, when the departure of winter conditions permitted the renewal of local activity on sea and land, had a character of its own, favoring the United States on the ocean, which did not recur. Some specific account of particular transactions during these months will serve to illustrate the general conditions mentioned. When Warren reached Halifax, there were still in Boston the "Constitution" and the ships that had returned with Rodgers on August 31. From these the Navy Department now constituted three squadrons. The "Hornet," Captain James Lawrence, detached from Rodgers' command, was attached to the "Constitution," in which Captain William Bainbridge had succeeded Hull. Bainbridge's squadron was to be composed of these two vessels and the smaller 32-gun frigate "Essex," Captain David Porter, then lying in the Delaware. Rodgers retained his own ship, the "President," with the frigate "Congress;" while to Decatur was continued the "United States" and the brig "Argus." These detachments were to act separately under their several commodores; but as Decatur's preparations were only a few days behind those of Rodgers, the latter decided to wait for him, and on October 8 the two sailed in company, for mutual support until outside the lines of enemies, in case of meeting with a force superior to either singly. In announcing his departure, Rodgers wrote the Department that he expected the British would be distributed in divisions, off the ports of the coast, and that if reliable information reached him of any such exposed detachment, it would be his duty to seek it. "I feel a confidence that, with prudent policy, we shall, barring unforeseen accidents, not only annoy their commerce, but embarrass and perplex the commanders of their public ships, equally to the advantage of our commerce and the disadvantage of theirs." Warren and the Admiralty alike have borne witness to the accuracy of this judgment. Rodgers was less happy in another forecast, in which he reflected that of his countrymen generally. As regards the reported size of British re-enforcements to America, "I do not feel confidence in them, as I cannot convince myself that their resources, situated as England is at present, are equal to the maintenance of such a force on this side of the Atlantic; and at any rate, if such an one do appear, it will be only with a view to bullying us into such a peace as may suit their interests."[516] The Commodore's words reflected often an animosity, personal as well as national, aroused by the liberal abuse bestowed on him by British writers. [Illustration: THE CRUISES OF THE THREE AMERICAN SQUADRONS IN THE AUTUMN OF 1812] On October 11 Decatur's division parted company, the "President" and "Congress" continuing together and steering to the eastward. On the 15th the two ships captured a British packet, the "Swallow," from Jamaica to Falmouth, having $150,000 to $200,000 specie on board; and on the 31st, in longitude 32° west, latitude 33° north, two hundred and forty miles south of the Azores, a Pacific whaler on her homeward voyage was taken. These two incidents indicate the general direction of the course held, which was continued to longitude 22° west, latitude 17° north, the neighborhood of the Cape Verde group. This confirms the information of the British Admiralty that Rodgers was cruising between the Azores and Madeira; and it will be seen that Bainbridge, as they feared, followed in Rodgers' wake, though with a different ulterior destination. The ground indeed was well chosen to intercept homeward trade from the East Indies and South America. Returning, the two frigates ran west in latitude 17°, with the trade wind, as far as longitude 50°, whence they steered north, passing one hundred and twenty miles east of Bermuda. In his report to the Navy Department Rodgers said that he had sailed almost eleven thousand miles, making the circuit of nearly the whole western Atlantic. In this extensive sweep he had seen only five enemy's merchant vessels, two of which were captured. The last four weeks, practically the entire month of December, had been spent upon the line between Halifax and Bermuda, without meeting a single enemy's ship. From this he concluded that "their trade is at present infinitely more limited than people imagine."[517] In fact, however, the experience indicated that the British officials were rigorously enforcing the Convoy Law, according to the "positive directions," and warnings of penalties, issued by the Government. A convoy is doubtless a much larger object than a single ship; but vessels thus concentrated in place and in time are more apt to pass wholly unseen than the same number sailing independently, and so scattered over wide expanses of sea. Shortly before his return Rodgers arrested and sent in an American vessel, from Baltimore to Lisbon, with flour, sailing under a protection from the British admiral at Halifax. This was a frequent incident with United States cruisers, national or private, at this time; Decatur, for example, the day after leaving Rodgers, reported meeting an American ship having on board a number of licenses from the British Government to American citizens, granting them protection in transporting grain to Spain and Portugal. The license was issued by a British consular officer, and ran thus:[518] "To the commanders of His Majesty's ships of war, or of private armed ships belonging to subjects of His Majesty. "Whereas, from the consideration of the great importance of continuing a regular supply of flour and other dried provisions, to the allied armies in Spain and Portugal, it has been deemed expedient by His Majesty's Government that, notwithstanding the hostilities now existing between Great Britain and the United States, every degree of encouragement and protection should be given to American vessels laden with flour and other dry provisions, and _bonâ fide_ bound to Spain or Portugal, and whereas, in furtherance of the views of His Majesty's Government, Herbert Sawyer, Esq., Vice Admiral and commander-in-chief on the Halifax station, has addressed to me a letter under the date of the 5th of August, 1812 (a copy whereof is hereunto annexed) wherein I am instructed to furnish a copy of his letter certified under my consular seal to every American vessel so laden and bound, destined to serve as a perfect safeguard and protection of such vessel in the prosecution of her voyage: Now, therefore, in obedience to these instructions, I have granted to the American ship ----, ----, Master," etc. To this was appended the following letter of instructions from Admiral Sawyer: "Whereas Mr. Andrew Allen, His Majesty's Consul at Boston, has recommended to me Mr. Robert Elwell, a merchant of that place, and well inclined toward the British Interest, who is desirous of sending provisions to Spain and Portugal for the use of the allied armies in the Peninsula, and whereas I think it fit and necessary that encouragement and protection should be afforded him in so doing, "These are therefore to require and direct all captains and commanders of His Majesty's ships and vessels of war which may fall in with any American or other vessel bearing a neutral flag, laden with flour, bread, corn, and pease, or any other species of dry provisions, bound from America to Spain or Portugal, and having this protection on board, to suffer her to proceed without unnecessary obstruction or detention in her voyage, provided she shall appear to be steering a due course for those countries, and it being understood this is only to be in force for one voyage and within six months from the date hereof. "Given under my hand and seal on board His Majesty's Ship 'Centurion,' at Halifax this fourth day of August, one thousand eight hundred and twelve. "(Sig.) H. SAWYER, Vice Admiral." This practice soon became perfectly known to the American Government, copies being found not only on board vessels stopped for carrying them, but in seaports. Nevertheless, it went on, apparently tolerated, or at least winked at; although, to say the least, the seamen thus employed in sustaining the enemies' armies were needed by the state.[519] When the commercial blockade of the Chesapeake was enforced in February, 1813, and Admiral Warren announced that licenses would no longer enable vessels to pass, flour in Baltimore fell two dollars a barrel. The blockade being then limited to the Chesapeake and Delaware, the immediate effect was to transfer this lucrative traffic further north, favoring that portion of the country which was considered, in the common parlance of the British official of that day, "well inclined towards British interests." On October 13, two days after Rodgers and Decatur parted at sea, the United States sloop of war "Wasp," Captain Jacob Jones, left the Capes of the Delaware on a cruise, steering to the eastward. On the 16th, in a heavy gale of wind, she lost her jib-boom. At half-past eleven in the night of the 17th, being then in latitude 37° north, longitude 65° west, between four and five hundred miles east of the Chesapeake, in the track of vessels bound to Europe from the Gulf of Mexico, half a dozen large sail were seen passing. These were part of a convoy which had left the Bay of Honduras September 12, on their way to England, under guard of the British brig of war "Frolic," Captain Whinyates. Jones, unable in the dark to distinguish their force, took a position some miles to windward, whence he could still see and follow their motions. In the morning each saw the other, and Whinyates, properly concerned for his charges chiefly, directed them to proceed under all sail on their easterly course, while he allowed the "Frolic" to drop astern, at the same time hoisting Spanish colors to deceive the stranger; a ruse prompted by his having a few days before passed a Spanish fleet convoyed by a brig resembling his own. It still blowing strong from the westward, with a heavy sea, Captain Jones, being to windward, and so having the choice of attacking, first put his ship under close-reefed topsails, and then stood down for the "Frolic," which hauled to the wind on the port tack--that is, with the wind on the left side--to await the enemy. The British brig was under the disadvantage of having lost her main-yard in the same gale that cost the American her jib-boom; she was therefore unable to set any square sail on the rearmost of her two masts. The sail called the boom mainsail in part remedied this, so far as enabling the brig to keep side to wind; but, being a low sail, it did not steady her as well as a square topsail would have done in the heavy sea running, a condition which makes accurate aim more difficult. The action did not begin until the "Wasp" was within sixty yards of the "Frolic." Then the latter opened fire, which the American quickly returned; the two running side by side and gradually closing. The British crew fired much the more rapidly, a circumstance which their captain described as "superior fire;" in this reproducing the illusion under which Captain Dacres labored during the first part of his fight with the "Constitution." "The superior fire of our guns gave every reason to expect a speedy termination in our favor," wrote Whinyates in his official report. Dacres before his Court Martial asked of two witnesses, "Did you understand it was not my intention to board whilst the masts stood, in consequence of our superior fire and their great number of men?" That superior here meant quicker is established by the reply of one of these witnesses: "Our fire was a great deal quicker than the enemy's." Superiority of fire, however, consists not only in rapidity, but in hitting; and while with very big ships it may be possible to realize Nelson's maxim, that by getting close missing becomes impossible, it is not the same with smaller vessels in turbulent motion. It was thought on board the "Wasp" that the enemy fired thrice to her twice, but the direction of their shot was seen in its effects; the American losing within ten minutes her maintopmast with its yard, the mizzen-topgallant-mast, and spanker gaff. Within twenty minutes most of the running rigging was also shot away, so as to leave the ship largely unmanageable; but she had only five killed and five wounded. In other words, the enemy's shot flew high; and, while it did the damage mentioned, it inflicted no vital injury. The "Wasp," on the contrary, as evidently fired low; for the loss of the boom mainsail was the only serious harm received by the "Frolic's" motive power during the engagement, and when her masts fell, immediately after it, they went close to the deck. Her loss in men, fifteen killed and forty-three wounded, tells the same story of aiming low. The "Frolic" having gone into action without a main-yard, the loss of the boom mainsail left her unmanageable and decided the action. The "Wasp," though still under control, was but little better off; for she was unable to handle her head yards, the maintopmast having fallen across the head braces. There is little reason therefore to credit a contemporary statement of her wearing twice before boarding. Neither captain mentions further manoeuvring, and Jones' words, "We gradually lessened the space till we laid her on board," probably express the exact sequence. As they thus closed, the "Wasp's" greater remaining sail and a movement of her helm would effect what followed: the British vessel's bowsprit coming between the main and the mizzen rigging of her opponent, who thus grappled her in a position favorable for raking. A broadside or two, preparatory for boarding, followed, and ended the battle; for when the Americans leaped on board there was no resistance. In view of the vigorous previous contest, this shows a ship's company decisively beaten.[520] Under the conditions of wind and weather, this engagement may fairly be described as an artillery duel between two vessels of substantially equal force. James' contention of inferior numbers in the "Frolic" is true in the letter; but the greater rapidity of her firing shows it irrelevant to the issue. The want of the mainyard, which means the lack of the maintopsail, was a more substantial disadvantage. So long as the boom mainsail held, however, it was fairly offset by the fall of the "Wasp's" maintopmast and its consequences. Both vessels carried sixteen 32-pounder carronades, which gave a broadside of two hundred and fifty-six pounds. The "Wasp" had, besides, two 12-pounder long guns. The British naval historian James states that the "Frolic" had in addition to her main battery only two long sixes; but Captain Jones gives her six 12-pounders, claiming that she was therefore superior to the "Wasp" by four 12-pounders. As we are not excusing a defeat, it may be sufficient to say that the fight was as nearly equal as it is given to such affairs to be. The action lasted forty-three minutes; the "Frolic" hauling down her colors shortly after noon. Almost immediately afterward the British seventy-four "Poietiers" came in sight, and in the disabled condition of the two combatants overhauled them easily. Two hours later she took possession of both "Wasp" and "Frolic," and carried them into Bermuda. The "Wasp" was added to the British navy under the name of "Loup Cervier" (Lynx). When Rodgers and Decatur separated, on October 11, the former steered rather easterly, while the latter diverged to the southward as well as east, accompanied by the "Argus." These two did not remain long together. It is perhaps worth noticing by the way, that Rodgers adhered to his idea of co-operation between ships, keeping his two in company throughout; whereas Decatur, when in control, illustrated in practice his preference for separate action. The brig proceeded to Cape St. Roque, the easternmost point of Brazil, and thence along the north coast of South America, as far as Surinam. From there she passed to the eastward of the West India Islands and so toward home; remaining out as long as her stores justified, cruising in the waters between Halifax, Bermuda, and the Continent. These courses, as those of the other divisions, are given as part of the maritime action, conducive to understanding the general character of effort put forth by national and other cruisers. Of these four ships that sailed together, the "Argus" alone encountered any considerable force of the enemy; falling in with a squadron of six British vessels, two of them of the line, soon after parting with the "United States." She escaped by her better sailing. Her entire absence from the country was ninety-six days. Decatur with the "United States" kept away to the southeast until October 25. At daybreak of that day the frigate was in latitude 29° north, longitude 29° 30' west, steering southwest on the port tack, with the wind at south-southeast. Soon after daylight there was sighted a large sail bearing about south-southwest; or, as seamen say, two points on the weather bow. She was already heading as nearly as the wind permitted in the direction of the stranger; but the latter, which proved to be the British frigate "Macedonian," Captain John S. Carden, having the wind free, changed her course for the "United States," taking care withal to preserve the windward position, cherished by the seamen of that day. In this respect conditions differed from those of the "Constitution" and "Guerrière," for there the American was to windward. Contrary also to the case of the "Wasp" and "Frolic," the interest of the approaching contest turns largely on the manoeuvres of the antagonists; for, the "United States" being fully fifty per cent stronger than the "Macedonian" in artillery power, it was only by utilizing the advantage of her windward position, by judicious choice of the method of attack, that the British ship could hope for success. She had in her favor also a decided superiority of speed; and, being just from England after a period of refit, was in excellent sailing trim. When first visible to each other from the mastheads, the vessels were some twelve miles apart. They continued to approach until 8.30, when the "United States," being then about three miles distant, wore--turned round--standing on the other tack. Her colors, previously concealed by her sails, were by this manoeuvre shown to the British frigate, which was thus also placed in the position of steering for the quarter of her opponent; the latter heading nearer the wind, and inclining gradually to cross the "Macedonian's" bows (1). When this occurred, a conversation was going on between Captain Carden, his first lieutenant, and the master;[521] the latter being the officer who usually worked the ship in battle, under directions from the captain. These officers had been in company with the "United States" the year before in Chesapeake Bay; and, whether they now recognized her or not, they knew the weight of battery carried by the heavy American frigates. The question under discussion by them, before the "United States" wore, was whether it was best to steer direct upon the approaching enemy, or to keep farther away for a time, in order to maintain the windward position. By the first lieutenant's testimony before the Court, this was in his opinion the decisive moment, victory or defeat hinging upon the resolution taken. He favored attempting to cross the enemy's bows, which was possible if the "United States" should continue to stand as she at the moment was--on the port tack; but in any event to close with the least delay possible. The master appears to have preferred to close by going under the enemy's stern, and hauling up to leeward; but Captain Carden, impressed both with the advantage of the weather gage and the danger of approaching exposed to a raking fire, thought better to haul nearer the wind, on the tack he was already on, the starboard, but without bracing the yards, which were not sharp. His aim was to pass the "United States" at a distance, wear--turn round from the wind, toward her--when clear of her broadside, and so come up from astern without being raked. The interested reader may compare this method with that pursued by Hull, who steered down by zigzag courses. The Court Martial censured Carden's decision, which was clearly wrong, for the power of heavy guns over lighter, of the American 24's over the British 18's, was greatest at a distance; therefore, to close rapidly, taking the chances of being raked--if not avoidable by yawing--was the smaller risk. Moreover, wearing behind the "United States," and then pursuing, gave her the opportunity which she used, to fire and keep away again, prolonging still farther the period of slow approach which Carden first chose. [Illustration: PLAN OF THE ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND MACEDONIAN] The "United States" wearing, while this conversation was in progress, precipitated Carden's action. He interpreted the manoeuvre as indicating a wish to get to windward, which the "Macedonian's" then course, far off the wind, would favor. He therefore hurriedly gave the order to haul up (2), cutting adrift the topmast studdingsail; a circumstance which to seamen will explain exactly the relative situations. That he had rightly interpreted Decatur's purpose seems probable, for in fifteen or twenty minutes the "United States" again wore (_a_), resuming her original course, by the wind on the port tack, the "Macedonian" continuing on the starboard; the two now running on lines nearly parallel, in opposite directions (_b b_). As they passed, at the distance of almost a mile, the American frigate discharged her main-deck battery, her spar-deck carronades not ranging so far. The British ship did not reply, but shortly afterward wore (_c_), and, heading now in the same general direction as the "United States," steered to come up on her port side. She thus reached a position not directly behind her antagonist, but well to the left, apparently about half a mile away. So situated, if steering the same course, each ship could train its batteries on the opponent; but the increased advantage at a distance was with the heavier guns, and when the "Macedonian," to get near, headed more toward the "United States," most of hers ceased to bear, while those of her enemy continued their fire. A detailed description of the "United States's" manoeuvres by her own officers has not been transmitted; but in the searching investigation made by Carden's Court Martial we have them probably well preserved. The master of the British ship stated that when the "Macedonian" wore in chase, the "United States" first kept off before the wind, and then almost immediately came back to it as before (_c_), bringing it abeam, and immediately began firing. By thus increasing her lateral distance from the line of the enemy's approach, she was able more certainly to train her guns on him. After about fifteen minutes of this, the "Macedonian" suffering severely, her foresail was set to close (_e_), upon which the "United States," hauling out the spanker and letting fly the jib-sheet, came up to the wind and backed her mizzen-topsail, in order not to move too fast from the advantageous position she had, yet to keep way enough to command the ship (_e_). Under these unhappy conditions the "Macedonian" reached within half musket-shot, which was scarcely the ideal close action of the day; but by that time she had lost her mizzen-topmast, mainyard, and maintopsail, most of her standing rigging was shot away, the lower masts badly wounded, and almost all her carronade battery, the principal reliance for close action, was disabled. She had also many killed and wounded; while the only visible damage on board the "United States" was the loss of the mizzen-topgallant-mast, a circumstance of absolutely no moment at the time. In short, although she continued to fight manfully for a half-hour more, the "Macedonian," when she got alongside the "United States," was already beaten beyond hope. At the end of the half-hour her fore and main topmasts fell, upon which the "United States" filled her mizzen-topsail and shot ahead, crossing the bows of the "Macedonian,"[522] and thus ending the fight. Surprise was felt on board the British vessel that a raking broadside was not at this moment poured in, and it was even believed by some that the American was now abandoning the contest. She was so, in the sense that the contest was over; a ship with all her spars standing, "in perfect condition," to use the expression of the enemy's first lieutenant, would be little less than brutal to use her power upon one reduced to lower masts, unless submission was refused. Upon her return an hour later, the "Macedonian's" mizzenmast had gone overboard, and her colors were hauled down as the "United States" drew near. [Illustration: CAPTAIN STEPHEN DECATUR From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, in Independence Hall, Philadelphia.] This action was fought by the "United States" with singular wariness, not to say caution. Her change to the starboard tack, when still some three miles distant, seems to indicate a desire to get the weather gage, as the "Macedonian" was then steering free. It was so interpreted on board the British vessel; but as Carden also at once hauled up, it became apparent that he would not yield the advantage of the wind which he had, and which it was in his choice to keep, for the "United States" was a lumbering sailer. Decatur, unable to obtain the position for attacking, at once wore again, and thenceforth played the game of the defensive with a skill which his enemy's mistake seconded. By the movements of his ship the "Macedonian's" closing was protracted, and she was kept at the distance and bearing most favorable to the American guns. But when her foresail was set, the "United States," by luffing rapidly to the wind--flowing the jib-sheet and hauling out the spanker to hasten this movement--and at the same time backing the mizzen-topsail to steady her motions and position, was constituted a moving platform of guns, disposed in the very best manner to annihilate an opponent obliged to approach at a pretty broad angle. This account, summarized from the sworn testimony before the British court, is not irreconcilable with Decatur's remark, that the enemy being to windward engaged at his own distance, to the greatness of which was to be ascribed the unusual length of the action. Imbued with the traditions of their navy, the actions of the "United States" puzzled the British extremely. Her first wearing was interpreted as running away, and her shooting ahead when the "Macedonian's" topmasts fell, crossing her bows without pouring a murderous broadside into a beaten ship, coupled with the previous impression of wariness, led them to think that the American was using the bad luck by which alone they could have been beaten, in order to get away. Three cheers were given, as though victorious in repelling an attack. They had expected, so the testimony ran, to have her in an hour.[523] Judged by this evidence, the handling of the "United States" was thoroughly skilful. Though he probably knew himself superior in force, Decatur's object necessarily should be to take his opponent at the least possible injury to his own ship. She was "on a cruise"; hence haste was no object, while serious damage might cripple her further operations. The result was, by his official statement, that "the damage sustained was not such as to render return to port necessary; and I should have continued her cruise, had I not deemed it important that we should see our prize in."[524] In general principle, the great French Admiral Tourville correctly said that the best victories are those which cost least in blood, timber, and iron; but, in the particular instance before us, Decatur's conduct may rest its absolute professional justification on the testimony of the master of the British ship and two of her three lieutenants. To the question whether closing more rapidly by the "Macedonian" would have changed the result, the first lieutenant replied he thought there was a chance of success. The others differed from him in this, but agreed that their position would have been more favorable, and the enemy have suffered more.[525] Carden himself had no hesitation as to the need of getting near, but only as to the method. To avoid this was therefore not only fitting, but the bounden duty of the American captain. His business was not merely to make a brilliant display of courage and efficiency, but to do the utmost injury to the opponent at the least harm to his ship and men. It was the more notable to find this trait in Decatur; for not, only had he shown headlong valor before, but when offered the new American "Guerrière" a year later, he declined, saying that she was overmatched by a seventy-four, while no frigate could lie alongside of her. "There was no reputation to be made in this."[526] The "United States" and her prize, after repairing damages sufficiently for a winter arrival upon the American coast, started thither; the "United States" reaching New London December 4, the "Macedonian," from weather conditions, putting into Newport. Both soon afterward went to New York by Long Island Sound. It is somewhat remarkable that no one of Warren's rapidly increasing fleet should have been sighted by either. There was as yet no commercial blockade, and this, coupled with the numbers of American vessels protected by licenses, and the fewness of the American ships of war, may have indisposed the admiral and his officers to watch very closely an inhospitable shore, at a season unpropitious to active operations. Besides, as appears from letters already quoted, the commander-in-chief's personal predilection was more for the defensive than the offensive; to protect British trade by cruisers patrolling its routes, rather than by preventing egress from the hostile ports. FOOTNOTES: [491] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxviii. p. 73. [492] Ibid. [493] Ibid., pp. 138, 139. [494] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxviii. p. 139. [495] Writings of Madison (ed. 1865), vol. ii. p. 545. [496] Niles' Register, vol. iii. p. 220. [497] Annals of Congress, 1812-13, p. 301. [498] Castlereagh to the Admiralty, Aug. 6 and 12, 1812. British Record Office MSS. Warren's Letter to the United States Government and Monroe's reply are in American State Papers, vol. iii. pp. 595, 596. [499] Captains' Letters. Navy Department MSS. [500] Niles' Register, vol. ii. p. 101. [501] Annals of Congress, 1811-12, p. 1593. [502] These data are summarized from Niles' Register, which throughout the war collected, and periodically published, lists of prizes. [503] A synopsis of the "Rossie's" log is given in Niles' Register, vol. iii p. 158. [504] Gallatin, Dec. 8, 1812. American State Papers, Finance, vol. ii. p. 594. [505] Jones, July 21, 1813. American State Papers, Finance, vol. ii. p. 645. [506] In the memoir of Commodore Barney (p. 252), published by his daughter, it is said that, successful though the "Rossie's" cruise was in its issue, he was dissatisfied with the course laid down for him by his owners, who did not understand the usual tracks of British commerce. [507] Account of the Private Armed Ship "America," by B.B. Crowninshield. Essex Institute Historical Collections, vol. xxxvii. [508] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxviii. p. 431. [509] Niles' Register, vol. iii. p. 320. [510] Naval Chronicle, vol. xxviii. p. 257. [511] American State Papers, Commerce and Navigation, vol. i. p. 992. [512] Warren to Croker, Dec. 28 and 29, 1812. Records Office MSS. [513] Croker to Warren, Jan. 9, Feb. 10, and March 20, 1813. Records Office MSS. [514] American State Papers. Commerce and Navigation, vol. i. p. 1021. [515] American State Papers. Commerce and Navigation, vol. i. p. 718. [516] Captains' Letters. Navy Department, Oct. 3, 1812. [517] Captains' Letters, Navy Department, Dee. 31, 1812, and Jan. 2, 1813. [518] From the file of Captains' Letters, Jan. 1, 1813. Found in the American licensed brig "Julia," captured by United States frigate "Chesapeake," Captain Samuel Evans. The vessel was condemned in the United States Courts. [519] Besides the obvious impropriety, the practice was expressly forbidden by law. It was reprobated in strong terms by Justice Joseph Story, of Massachusetts, of the Supreme Court of the United States, affirming the condemnation of the "Julia." His judgment is given in full in Niles' Register, vol. iv. pp. 393-397. [520] Captain Jones' Report of this action can be found in Niles' Register, vol. iii. p. 217; that of Captain Whinyates in Naval Chronicle, vol. xxix. p. 76. [521] Macedonian Court Martial. British Records Office MSS. [522] James states that this was in order to fill fresh cartridges, which is likely enough; but it is most improbable that the movement was deferred till the last cartridge ready was exhausted--that the battery could not have been fired when crossing the bows. [523] "Macedonian" Court Martial. [524] Decatur's Report. Niles' Register, vol. iii. p. 253. [525] "Macedonian" Court Martial. [526] Captains' Letters, April 9, 1814. 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